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Collecting East and West by Susan Bracken PDF
Collecting East and West by Susan Bracken PDF
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
vi
Table of Contents
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure 1: Map of the ancient Near East and eastern Mediterranean. (source and
Trustees of the British Museum).
Figure 2: Bronze bowl from Nimrud (source and Trustees of the British
Museum).
Figure 3: Relief from the palace of Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud (source and
Trustees of the British Museum.
Figure 4: Relief from the palace of Ashurbanipal, Nineveh (source and Trustees
of the British Museum).
Figure 5: Relief from the palace of Sargon II, Khorsabad. Muse du Louvre/RNA
(source and RMN-Grand Palais [Muse du Louvre] / Art Resource,
NY/Herv Lewandowski).
Figure 6: M.F. Dien after Boilly, Comte de Choiseul-Gouffier, lithograph (source:
private collection).
Figure 7: L.F.S. Dupr, LAcropole, vue de la maison du consul de France, M.
Fauvel, lithograph (source: private collection).
Figure 8: A draped seven-foot high headless female figure, drawing (source: Paris,
BNF, Prints and Drawings, GB 15 C Petit Fol).
Figure 9: Choiseul marble (source: Paris, Muse du Louvre, dpartment des
Antiquits grecques, trusques et romaines).
Figure 10: Cernuschi's photographic portrait, 1876 (source: Archivio Museo del
Risorgimento, Milan).
Figure 11: Title-page of the Cernuschi sale catalogue, 25-26 May 1900, Galerie
Georges Petit, Paris (source: Silvia Davoli).
Figure 12: View of the principal gallery, 1897 (source: LIllustration, 1897).
Figure 13: Kinrande Ewer, red and gold on porcelain, China, sixteenth century,
M.C. 3221 (source, photographic credit and Muse Cernuschi / RogerViollet).
Figure 14 a & b: Two medallions representing Leonardo da Vinci and Aristotle on
the faade of the Cernuschi Museum (source: Silvia Davoli).
Figure 15: Mexican artist, Mass of St. Gregory, 1539, Auch, Muse des Jacobins
(source: photo Auch, Muse des Jacobins).
Figure 16: Mexican artist, Mitre with Monogram of the Holy Names of Jesus and
Mary, before 1566, Milan, Museo del Duomo (source: Kunsthistorisches
Institut in Florenz Max-Planck-Institut; Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di
Milano).
Figure 17: Milan Mitre with Monogram of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary,
photograph taken in 1924-1925 (source: scan from Mario Salmi: Il tesoro del
Duomo di Milano II. Dedalo 2 [1924-1925], 370 Veneranda Fabbrica del
Duomo di Milano).
viii
List of Illustrations
Figure 18: Mexican artist, Mitre with Monogram of the Holy Names of Jesus and
Mary (verso), before 1586, Firenze, Museo degli Argenti (source:
Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz Max-Planck-Institut; reproduced with
the permission of the Ministero per i Beni e le Attivit Culturali).
Figure 19: Mexican artist, detail of the Crucified Christ, from Mitre with
Monogram of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary, before 1566, Milano, Museo
del Duomo (source: Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz Max-PlanckInstitut; Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano.
Figure 20: Mexican artist, detail of a hand, from St. Ambrose, before 1668, Loreto,
Archivio Storico della Santa Casa (source: Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz
Max-Planck-Institut; image reproduced with the permission of the
Delegazione Pontificia per il Santuario della Santa Casa di Loreto. Tutti i diritti
riservati alla Delegazione Pontificia per il Santuario della Santa Casa di Loreto
sulle opere di sua competenza).
Figure 21: The seventh wall of the Tribuna from La Galleria nel sec XVIII La
Tribuna, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi 4583F. (source: authors
photograph with permission from the Soprintendenza Speciale per il
Patrimonio Storico, Artistico ed Etnoantropologico e per il Polo Museale della
citt di Firenze).
Figure 22 A Silver Mountain of the Resurrection and Adoration, second half of the
sixteenth century, from the workshop of Concz Welcz (1532-1555) (source:
Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna).
Figure 23: A Chinese rhinoceros horn cup with Florentine mounts, late sixteenth
century, inv. Bg IV n.7m, Museo degli Argenti, Florence (source:
Soprintendenza Speciale per il Patrimonio Storico, Artistico ed
Etnoantropologico e per il Polo Museale della citt di Firenze).
Figure 24: A small Aztec idol in jade, Museo degli Argenti (source:
Soprintendenza Speciale per il Patrimonio Storico, Artistico ed
Etnoantropologico e per il Polo Museale della citt di Firenze).
Figure 25: Buontalenti drawing of mask on console, Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe
degli Uffizi 2360A (source: authors photograph with permission from the
Soprintendenza Speciale per il Patrimonio Storico, Artistico ed
Etnoantropologico e per il Polo Museale della citt di Firenze).
Figure 26: Jrgen Ovens. Hedwig Eleonora of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf, Queen
of Sweden, before 1654, Nationalmuseum, NMGrh 1222 (source:
Nationalmuseum, Stockholm).
Figure 27: David Klcker Ehrenstrahl, Melon, 1678, Private Collection at
Ericsberg Palace (source: photo by Marianne Setterblad, photo editing by Jran
Ramhllen).
Figure 28: David Klcker Ehrenstrahl, Polar Bear, 1668, Nationalmuseum,
NMDrh 566 (source: Nationalmuseum, Stockholm).
Figure 29: David Klcker Ehrenstrahl, Jacob Momma Reenstierna, 1671, NMGrh
2351 (source: Nationalmuseum, Stockholm).
Figure 30: Lacquered Chest, Momoyama period, c.1600, Japan, The Swedish
Royal Collections (source: Kungl. Husgerdskammaren).
Figure 31: Frau Olga-Julia Wegener standing next to Tiger by Torrent, attributed
ix
ABBREVIATIONS
ALB
AMR
AN.
ARSI
ASF
ASM
ASP
ASR
A-V&A
BNF
British Library,
Add. MSS
C.H.A.N.
CLFP, FGA
GM
LBPD, BM
M.C.
MMTSC, BMCA
NMDrh
NMGrh
OP, BMCA
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We as the editors of this volume would like to thank first of all the
contributors to our fourth volume of collected essays for their articles and
for their collaboration during the editing process. These essays are based
on conference papers given at the Collecting East & West conference held
in Florence in June 2009. As always speakers and organisers have
benefitted from the participation of the audience; thank you for your
feedback and for attending our seminars and conferences. Our particular
thanks go to Arthur MacGregor for his Introduction to this volume.
The conference was held at The British Institute of Florence and at
Florence University of the Arts, whose administrative support during the
conference was important for the success of this conference. We also owe
thanks to IHR administrative staff who have supported our seminars and
conferences in the most helpful manner. Particular thanks go to the
directors of the Bargello, of the Stibbert Museum, and of Villa I Tatti for
access and hospitality, and to the English Church of St Marks for hosting
the pre-conference reception.
We would like to thank Sara King for her valuable help with the
formatting of the bibliography.
We are very grateful to Georg Laue at Kunstkammer Georg Laue for
kindly putting the cover image at our disposal.
Finally, we wish to thank Amanda Millar and Soucin Yipsou at
Cambridge Scholars Publishing for yet another beautiful volume in this
series.
FOREWORD
Lord Emsworth sat and smoked and sipped and smoked again, at peace
with all the world. His mind was nearly as blank as it is possible for the
human mind to be.
The hand which had not the task of holding the cigar was at rest in his
trouser pocket. The fingers of it fumbled idly with a small hard object.
Gradually it filtered into his lordships mind that this small object was
not familiar. It was something newsomething that was neither his keys,
his pencil, nor his small change.
He yielded to a growing curiosity, and drew it out.
He examined it.
It was a little something, rather like a fossilized beetle. It touched no
chord in him. He looked at it with an amiable distaste.
Now, how in the world did that get there? he said. [...]
He handed the thing to his secretary. Rupert Baxters eyes lit up with a
sudden enthusiasm. He gasped.
Magnificent! he cried Superb!
It is a scarab, Lord Emsworth, and, unless I am mistakenand I think
I may claim to be something of an experta Cheops of the Fourth
Dynasty. A wonderful addition to your museum. [...]
Extremely kind of Mr. Peters! he [Lord Emsworth] said. Really,
there is something almost oriental in the lavish generosity of our American
cousins.
P.G. Wodehouse, Something Fresh (1915), republished by Mayflower:
London, 1961, 42-3.
xvi
Foreword
xvii
INTRODUCTION
ARTHUR MACGREGOR
The appeal of the exotic has proved an enduring factor in what now
amounts to half a millennium of collecting history in Western Europe,
notwithstanding the continually evolving concepts of what might be
comprehended under such a heading. Interests waxed and waned, as
extraordinarily rare and precious diplomatic gifts gave way to regularised
imports on an industrial scale, as attitudes to remote peoples were
modified in an increasingly assertive European population by considerations
of commercial exploitation and conquest, and as developing strategies for
comprehending and classifying the natural world gave rise to a sense that
there was nothing in Creation that could not be similarly categorised and
understood. In parallel with these developments, considerations of
connoisseurship came to replace (or at least to overlay) earlier concepts
that equated ownership with power and dominion, resulting in further
fluctuations in estimation of the rich and strange. Extreme age, virtuosity
of workmanship, historical association or even quasi-magical properties
could none the less all be trumped on occasion by the power of the exotic.
At first, comparatively few individuals had their understanding of the
world illuminated by personal experience abroad, or indeed by encounters
with foreigners at home: most gained their knowledge from the travel
writings of others, but physical encounters in the cabinet of curiositiesor
indeed in the menagerie or the botanical gardenprovided the majority
with an introduction to the possibilities of the world beyond their own
threshold. Even today, the primary role played by physical collections in
providing the populace at large with some experience of the world beyond
their immediate horizons tends to remain underestimated by historians
wedded to the primacy of the written word:1 the perspectives offered by
1 In a thoughtful essay in which the concepts of presentation versus representation
are compared and contrasted, Peter Mason (1994a, 1) proposes that the primary
status of [museum] objects as partaking of reality raised them above the secondary
status of representations, which were always one degree removed from reality.
xx
Introduction
the essays in this volume provide a powerful corrective to this narrow view
of history, with their presentation of multiple alternative perspectives.
The means by which exotica reached the collectors cabinets of Europe
were many and they varied according to the means of the owner and
prevailing relations with the country of origin. The agencies responsible
for their introduction were equally miscellaneous: diplomatic gifts
accounted for many of the earliest of them, with ambassadors relaying to
the court perhaps rich textiles to be incorporated into clothing and
furnishings, horses to enrich the bloodline of the royal stables and items of
precious metal, ivory or hardstone which gradually emerged from the
protective obscurity of the treasury to take their place on view in the
cabinet. We are reminded below that specimens from the natural world
could be no less prized than exotic man-made objects: Lisa Skoghs
highlighting of the extreme rarity value attributed at Hedwig Eleonoras
court to melons, grown against the climatic odds in the Swedish court,
briefly prized for their all-too-transient singularity, and recorded for
posterity by the court paintersreminds us that beyond the artificially
constructed interest group considered here there was perhaps an even
greater community for whom the natural world was of primary interest.
Voyages of exploration continued to enrich the cabinets of Europe over
many centuries, from the period of early contacts by the Portuguese and
Spanish in the Americas, and the Portuguese again in West Africa and in
the Indian Ocean in the early 1500s. Furthermore, East and West is
merely shorthand for a more universal compass: Lisa Skogh again reminds
us of early interest in the far north, particularly amongst the Scandinavians
who naturally looked in that direction, while the great eighteenth- and
early nineteenth-century voyages under heroic figures such as Cook,
Bougainville and Humboldt brought a fitting climax to the Age of
Exploration and produced undreamed-of rarities from the deep south.
Dynastic relationships within Europe also had an impact on the distribution
of material gained in the course of colonial expansion, as when Portugal
fell under Habsburg rule in 1580, providing the means for dispersal of
material throughout the Holy Roman Empire and beyond to princely
cousins in Munich and Florence. And, of course, internal warfare resulted
in further redistribution in more peremptory fashion, as when the imperial
collection in Prague was comprehensively pillaged by Swedish troops in
1648 during the Thirty Years War, or when Napoleon Bonaparte set about
creating a new Rome in Paris by dint of relocating there the most desirable
masterpieces from every state and city that fell to his armies.
Missionary activity proved equally fruitful for the collector, from the
early foothold gained by the Jesuits in China and Japan, to the Lutheran
xxi
xxii
Introduction
types is now taken for granted.5 Natural historians were undoubtedly at the
forefront in developing this movement, but for those with other interests
the possibilities took longer to dawn. A series of interesting developments
instituted in the electoral galleries at Dresden and in the imperial
collection at Vienna in the second half of the eighteenth century resulted in
the first tentative attempts to classify works of art by schools: by
presenting collections aimed at instruction rather than casual
satisfaction, the curators attempted not to overthrow earlier forms of
appreciation but to systematise them, so that contemplation and comparison
[...] will make of [the visitor] a connoisseur of art.6 This declared
ambition serves to remind us that systematics and connoisseurship, far
from being mutually incompatible, can indeed be mutually reinforcing,
although the former is especially reliant on firm documentation: what
prevented the wider application of these principles before the nineteenth
century to the appreciation of Chinese ceramics, ethnographic material
from around the world or the interpretation of flints was not so much a
failure to appreciate the potential rewards of such an approach as the
absence of secure data on crucial matters such as provenance. Only with
the emergence of appropriate techniques of collection and notation in the
field could the museum display begin to aspire to the function of a gauge
by which to measure changing stages of civilisation: Giambattista Vicos
phrase,7 perhaps over-optimistic in its expectations by todays standards,
none the less crystallises the goal of the collections long journey from
exoticism to understanding.
Uncharted Territories
The seeming lack of abilityor lack of ambitionon the part of early
collectors to distinguish very closely between the products of one culture
(or even one continent) and another is well known: the fact that the single
term Indian could be applied in the sixteenth and seventeenth century to
items from anywhere from Japan to South Africa to South America
eloquently epitomises this indifference or inability. Clearly progress was
made with the passage of time: by the eighteenth century the promiscuous
use of such a term would already have seemed bizarre and by the time the
rudiments of the discipline of ethnography were being constructed in the
5 See, for example, MacGregor 2007, chapter IV for an overview of the evolution
of this role from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century.
6 Meijers 1995; summarised in MacGregor 2007, 114-8.
7 See chapter three of the present volume, 55.
xxiii
8 Ayers 1985, 262. Note also a Celadon bowl with enamelled mounts bearing the
arms of Count Philip of Katzenelnbogen which is to be dated before 1453,
demonstrating the lengthy tradition lying behind this practice: see no. 4.3 in
Jackson and Jaffer 2004, 47.
9 See, for example, Pierson 2007.
xxiv
Introduction
market was able to provide on that occasion.10 Portugal and Spain also
contributedalbeit unwillinglyto this flood of material as the cargoes of
captured ships were regularly auctioned off to the highest bidder: that of
the Santa Catarina, for example, sold to buyers from all over Europe in
1604, is said to have included another 100,000 pieces of Chinese
porcelain. Some aristocratic collections, such as that at Wardour Castle
(Wiltshire), were sufficiently extensive to merit display in a separate room
by the opening years of the seventeenth century. Perhaps the most
influential example of its day was provided by the Countess of Arundels
pranketing room, established at Tart Hall on the fringes of St Jamess in
the 1630s, all four walls of which were densely populated with porcelain,
combined in places with glass and brassware; sadly, it would not survive
the Civil War.11 Collectors of more modest stature might show off their
possessions by standing them on shelves or cabinets or by mounting them
above the fireplace.
By the turn of the eighteenth century, the example set by Queen Mary
at Hampton Court and Kensington Palace provided a new lead for
fashionable English households in which porcelain came increasingly to
perform a more general decorative function.12 Significantly, Marys earlier
residences at The Hague and at Honsselarsdijk had both included dedicated
porcelain rooms, providing models for the innovations she popularised in
England. Displays were by no means limited to such specialised chambers,
however, and porcelain began to proliferate throughout the public rooms
of the household: the heavy mouldings of cornices and overdoors of the
period lent themselves to display spaces, while the plaster mouldings over
mantelpieces and on walls now characteristically sprouted brackets and
consoles to maximise the display area. Sets or garnitures of five or seven
matched vessels were sold with this fashion specifically in mind, while
more miscellaneous pots were piled up wherever they could find a space: a
satirical complaint published in the Spectator in 1712, purporting to come
from a city gentleman, has him grumbling that his wife has planted every
corner with such Heaps of China that I am obliged to move about my own
house with the greatest Caution and Circumspection.13 Specially designed
10 Impey 1986, 38.
11 Claxton 2010.
12 Anna Somers Cocks, who provides a vivid survey of this movement (1989),
notes that in the best houses Delftware was the only European product to compete
in this form of display with oriental porcelain, and even then it was mostly limited
to the houses of those with royal connections or with diplomatic links with The
Hague. The lesser gentry followed suit with English delftware.
13 Quoted in Somers Cocks 1989, 200-1.
xxv
china cabinets began to make their appearance in the 1750s, but within a
couple of generations the craze had run its course and women (who had
indeed played the leading role in forming ceramic collections in the late
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries) began to consign their china instead
to the site of the latest feminine crazethe dairy.
Constance Bienaim provides below a valuable French perspective on
these early European contacts, in which a more marked influence can be
detected amongst French artists, even by the late seventeenth century, in
response to the stylistic exuberance of the Empire of Extravagance. For
them, she suggests, Chinese exoticism provided sufficient reward in its
own terms, and without generating a need to comprehend or to define it in
terms of the society or even the country which produced ita warning
against the assumption that progress need necessarily be defined in terms
of present-day anthropological understanding: the interests of the art
lovers, as she calls them, were by no means always identical with those
of the scholars.
The range of Chinese material reaching collectors meanwhile expanded
to include ivories, textiles, writing equipment, seals and other exotica. A
temporary falling-off in enthusiasm for things Chinese can be detected in
the second half of the eighteenth century with the ending of direct trade by
the East India Company, although again Bienaim draws a distinction
between the general trend and a continuing engagement on the part of the
more scholarly community.14 After this period, it was principally
intermittent military activity that stirred interest and promoted opportunity
within the collectors world, boosted by the sacking of the Summer Palace
during the Second Opium War and maintained thereafter by the material
recovered by numerous Western intelligence-gathering missions to
western China in particular. There was still much to be learned, however:
Silvia Davoli describes below how Enrico Cernuschis eyes were opened
to the range and beauty of Chinese bronzes only when he travelled there
himself in 1872 and how he attempted to apply a system to its stylistic
development. Wider familiarity with Chinese graphic art came even later,
so that the background to the acquisition by the British Museum of its first
major collection of Chinese paintings brought from China itself in 1910,
as described in Michelle Ying-Ling Huangs chapter, remained one of
confusion and uncertainty over authenticity and quality. That acquisition
was itself to galvanise the first generation of specialists in Chinese
drawing and painting (notably in the person of Laurence Binyon) to reach
14 It is of interest that Henri-Lonard Bertin, of whom Bienaim writes, continued
to gain particular benefit in the second half of the eighteenth century from contacts
within the Jesuit community (140) then established at the Chinese court.
xxvi
Introduction
xxvii
xxviii
Introduction
Africa
The Mediterranean littoral of the African continent, being comparatively
accessible (however indirectly) to Europeans, had functioned as an almost
continuous source of rarities throughout the history of collecting, primarily
in the form of Egyptian antiquities supplied through the port of
Alexandria: few Europeans penetrated south of Cairo up to the end of the
seventeenth century and it was only with the headlong penetration of
Napoleons commissioners as far south as Nubia that the interior was to
19 Lisa Skogh mentions (129) a number of possible survivors from the gifts
exchanged on this occasion, now in Stockholm.
20 Karl 2011.
21 For the presence in the electoral collections at Dresden of Near-Eastern pieces
in the Rstkammer, see below, 133.
xxix
some degree opened up. Further west, such contact as there was with the
Moorish population resulted in exchanges of material more contemporary
in origin and more ethnographic in character (though Barbary horses
remained their most coveted export). The sub-Saharan region had already
contributed copiously to the riches of the Roman empire, mostly in the
form of slaves and raw materials traded through the emporia on the
Mediterranean coast, and the continuing flow of materials such as ivory
during the medieval and Renaissance periods demonstrates that longdistance trade continued to some degree.
To the south it was the advances made by the Portuguese into the Gulf
of Guinea in the middle decades of the fifteenth century that opened direct
contact; by 1486 they had reached the Cape of Good Hope. It is perhaps
not surprising that, in particular, the highly competent ivory carvings
produced by craftsmen in and around Benin, Sierra Leone and the Congo
should have found immediate favour with collectors, but what is striking is
the rapidity with which the preferences of the European market were
transmitted to and readily absorbed by those who had worked hitherto in
an undiluted traditional style. Amongst the very earliest known imports,
these tastes are already evident in ivories of what is now termed the AfroPortuguese school, the name acknowledging the twin streams of influence
which these items exhibit. Oliphants, salt-cellars, spoons and other pieces
display an easy mix of forms and styles, with iconographical programmes
that combine, for example, representations of African fauna together with
shields of arms alluding to their ultimate ownersthe arms of Castile,
Aragon and Portugal in the case of an oliphant presented to Ferdinand and
Isabella on the occasion of the marriage of their daughter to Manuel I of
Portugal,22 and elsewhere the arms of the Medici indicate an ultimate
destination in the Florentine collections. Just as prints and drawings might
serve as guides to European tastes for Japanese craftsmen producing
export wares, so European imagery was transmitted to the West African
ivory carvers by the early years of the sixteenth century.23 With the
exception of highly admired textiles, mats and baskets, other materials
from this area were less favoured in Europe (highly stylised idols
perhaps least of all), although smaller numbers of musical instruments and
weapons featured in a number of early Kunstkammern long before a
consciously ethnographic interest developed in the nineteenth century.24
22 Vogel 1988, 13.
23 For an account of an ivory trumpet from Sierra Leone, carved with the image of
an Indian elephantevidently one presented to Pope Leo X in 1512 and related
here to a drawing by Raphael or his school; see Bassani 1998.
24 See the chapter Collections and Collectors: Works of Art and Artefacts from
xxx
Introduction
The Americas
From the moment of the arrival in Europe of Hernn Cortss first cargo of
curiosities in 1519, rarities from the Americas were amongst those most
prized by European collectorsnot only those in intrinsically precious
materials but also weapons, clothing and ornaments. Within a generation
there are signs that these materials, which initially represented the ultimate
in exotica, had already begun to be viewed in more rational comparative
terms by privileged collectors like the Medici, who can be found in midcentury, arranging clubs and feather cloaks, for example, with the weapons
and clothing of European and other cultures. By the turn of the century it
was no longer necessary to belong to the most privileged ranks of church
and state in order to share in this bounty: one could simply call in at
establishments like Lisbons Shop of the Indies and walk away with
wonderful things.
Although it has only recently been recognised that Corts himself
played a part in manipulating native production of ornaments and other
goods specifically for export to Europe,25 it has long been known that the
craftsmen who produced the feather cloaks, shields and other items that
were amongst the items from Central and South America most soughtafter by European collectors during the early contact period, quickly
modified their output in a manner recalling the experience of the AfroPortuguese ivory industry mentioned above: soon the glorious garments
that had been integral to the enactment of indigenous ritual were displaced
by pictures executed in a mosaic of featherwork featuring European
heraldry and iconographyparticularly that of the Crucifixion, the Virgin,
and the whole panoply of saints of the Christian church introduced by the
Spaniards. Bishops mitres of featherwork became equally sought-after in
the higher echelons of the Catholic hierarchy. In her chapter below,
Corinna Gallori aptly demonstrates the multiple layers of symbolism
embodied in the Churchs pre-emption of this art-form, whose products
Black Africa in European Collections from the Age of Discovery to the End of the
Eighteenth Century, in Bassani 2000, xxi-xxxvii.
25 Russo 2011, 238-40.
xxxi
show every sign of having been used devotionally or worn during the
administration of the sacrament before some of them, at least, were
secularised again to become collectors pieces. The New World itself was
frequently represented pictorially by feather-clad figures, so that possession
of featherwork in itself implied a degree of dominion (and indeed the fact
that its distribution was initially so closely controlled by the Spanish
carried further implications of privileged access); and perhaps most potently
of all, in the replacement of their original iconography with specifically
Christian themes, the feather mosaics formed visual testaments of the
Spiritual Conquest by the Church of Central and South America. All of
these formed powerful stimuli to the interest in featherwork during the
1500s, but by the end of the seventeenth century most of these resonances
had been lost and with them much of the rarity value of the feather
mosaics.26
Further north early exploration and settlement of the Americas
followed a different course, with the British and French contending for
influence and dominion from the Carolinas to Quebec. Between 1534 and
1542 Jacques Cartier penetrated and mapped much of the St Lawrence
seaway, taking care on his return to present the cabinet du roi with items
of clothing. In England museums from that of the Tradescants onwards
similarly registered something of the character of the indigenous Americans
with weapons, clothing, ornaments, model canoes, etc. The role of the
Hudsons Bay Company in enriching the Repository of the Royal
Society with natural history specimens would later be acknowledged, but
the bulk of the man-made curiosities reaching European museums from
North America remained primarily of an ethnographic character and as
such began to be appropriately valued only in the nineteenth century.
The Pacific
The south Pacific area remained little explored until the later eighteenth
century, at which time it was the discoveries made in the field of natural
history that attracted major interest amongst collectors. Considerable
amounts of man-made material arrived in Europe almost as by-products of
the great voyages of exploration: those from Captain Cooks three voyages
in particular have been documented by Adrienne Kaeppler, who draws a
26 One imagines that the beginnings of this long slide to the status of a mere
popular craft can be traced to the founding of the first school of the arts in Mexico
by the Franciscan Pedro de Gante in the 1520s.
xxxii
Introduction
xxxiii
was perhaps the only competitor in the field (though much more restricted
in its popularity), but similarly the real discovery of the Middle East would
again have to await a receptive nineteenth-century audience. A limited
range of African materialessentially little more than ivory carvings
made a great deal of impact in the absence of any developed sense of
appreciation, and virtually the whole of the output of the Americaswith
the exception of gold and precious stonesagain seems to have
experienced a period of initial interest in terms of its curiosity to be
followed by a long lull before the emergence of an educated community of
ethnologists able to appreciate it in its own terms.
Deep Time
The concept of the exotic is further extended in several contributions to
the present volume to include material whose origins are remote in
chronological rather than geographical terms. Although it has become
customary to view items of this kind under the separate rubric of
antiquities, their inclusion here seems appropriate since early collectors, at
least, had no more understanding of deep time than of remote space. Even
when they came to be recorded in cultural terms in museum catalogues, a
lengthy period ensued in which archaeological objects continued to
function in a less structured way within displays: at the British Museum,
for instance, it was only with the arrival of the first tranche of Sir William
Hamiltons collection of vases from Magna Graecia in 1772 that the
possibility even existed of displaying an extensive body of such material
in a manner that would allow it to be compared and analysed in its own
terms, rather than appearing as incidental punctuation marks within a more
heterogeneous body of exhibits.30
We are familiar with a number of alternative roles played by
antiquities in revealing aspects of past collecting activities, but the paper
presented here by Allison Karmel Thomason is astonishing in the evidence
it presents from the Assyrian empire of the early first millennium BC. Her
reading of Akkadian tablets presents a picture not only of hoarding by
Assyrian rulers but of their taking to themselves responsibility for the
naming of animals, plants and other specimens encountered in the course
30 Hamilton himself had already begun to interrogate the collection, formed while
he was ambassador in Naples, in just such a way: he was amongst the first of his
generation of antiquaries to suggest that the vases were to be associated with the
Greek colonists in that area and not with the Etruscans, as previously held. See, for
example, the essay by Ian Jenkins, Contemporary minds: Sir William Hamiltons
affair with antiquity, in Jenkins and Sloan 1996, 40-64.
xxxiv
Introduction
xxxv
architectural monuments from Greece and Asia Minor drawn or cast either
in their actual state or to restore them to their original integrity, ChoiseulGouffier is said to have cited the moral necessity not to alter the integrity
of the monument or to deprive the people of their right to keep their
heritage, but in timeagain like Elginhis attentions turned to the
removal of original monuments. Even some of the same justifications were
produced for his subsequent actionsthat the monuments were at risk if
left alone, that the local populace would actively destroy them, and so on.
So it was that between 1787 and 1791 seventeen ship-loads comprising
marbles as well as casts found their way to Marseilles (where they would
promptly be impounded until the end of the Revolution) while others
remained in Constantinople until the restoration of the French monarchy
brought about the appropriate conditions for the building of the longdreamed-of mansion (completed in 1812) that would house them in Paris.
The descriptions leave little doubt as to its magnificence: the faades are
reminiscent of some monuments in Athens and Palmyra; its interior is
decorated with the best taste, and will properly house many objects
acquired and conserved with great difficulties. It would indeed have
become one of the monuments of its own age, but the dispersal of the
collection after Choiseul-Gouffiers death leaves us with the possibility of
no more than a verbal reconstructionachieved in admirable form in
Michels essayand the monuments scattered again into several museums.
But the essays presented here must be left to speak for themselves:
each produces original ideas and fresh evidence to be added to the stream
of new knowledge on the history of collections, a subject that now forms
an established landmark in the field of cultural studies. When the
formation of cabinets first became fashionable, East and West were little
more than ciphers for the exotica sought after by those intent on
establishing for their collections a sense of universal comprehensiveness.
If the boundaries were so imprecisely defined that a single term
Indianmight comprehend virtually all the exotica collected, it scarcely
compromised the already hazy world view offered by these earliest
museums. None the less, it was here too (in addition to research
undertaken in the field) that understanding gradually emerged, resulting in
the progressive redeployment of some exhibits to explore broad themes
such as strife and dominion, technological and artistic skill, or economic
potential; ultimately, by the nineteenth century the independent characters
and interrelationships of the donor societies themselves became legitimate
subjects for investigation, giving rise to entirely new areas of curatorial
expertise and establishing something of the diversity of character and
expertise that continues to characterise the museums of our own day.
CHAPTER ABSTRACTS
Chapter 1
Allison Karmel Thomason
There have been a great number and variety of analyses of the European
tradition of collecting objects as defined by Pearce (1998), and discussed
by many other scholars too numerous to name, including the organisers of
this conference and their working group, and the contributors to the
Journal of the History of Collections. Many of these studies have explored
the collecting of exoticafrom the cabinets of the Italian world to the
Wunderkammern of the Northern European lite. However, rarely have
traditions involving the collecting of exotica been examined for
civilisations that preceeded the Classical era or for non-Western cultures.
This chapter explores the collecting of exotica in ancient
Mesopotamia (modern Iraq) during the early first millennium BC. In
particular, it will examine the ways in which the kings of the Assyrian
empire collected numerous objects, both inanimate and living, from the
worlds that they had conquered, namely Syria and Egypt to their west, and
imported other exotica from even further afield, such as Arabia and the
Indian sub-continent to their east. The examination of these ancient
Mesopotamian collecting practices will identify an early form of
Occidentalism in which the West (in this case Syria, geographic
Palestine, and Egypt) emerge for the Assyrian kings as places replete with
exotic products, flora and fauna. The ability of the kings of Assyria to
introduce and quite literally name things for the first time to native
Assyrians played a crucial role in the construction of their royal identities
as benevolent acquirers and ideal creators.
Chapter 2
Patrick Michel
Following in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor, the marquis of
Nointel, Marie-Gabriel-Florent-Auguste, count of Choiseul-Gouffier
(1752-1817), author of the Picturesque Voyage to Greece, spent the nine
years of his tenure as ambassador to the Ottoman Court, in intense
archaeological activity near the Ottoman port, collecting material for the
history he hoped to write. His collecting took various different but
complementary forms: the designs and reliefs of monuments, the creation
xxxviii
Chapter Abstracts
of casts and the bringing together of original works and marbles, primarily
antique inscriptions. In this variety of composition lay the originality of
the collection.
This collection of archaeological remains quickly gained significance,
thanks to the research of three French vice-consuls, Gasparry in Athens,
Kauffer in Constantinople and Amoreux in Smyrna, to whom must be
added Cousinry, consul in Salonika and the painters Louis-Franois
Cassas and above all, Louis-Franois Sbastien Fauvel. We are thus
discussing primarily a collection united through this documentary
perspective. In this essay, I thus propose to analyse the motives of ChoiseulGouffier, considering the different elements of the collection and in
particular, the destination for his exceptional collection and the vast
archaeological enterprise, which resulted in one of the panels of the
Parthenon frieze arriving in the French National collections.
Chapter 3
Silvia Davoli
Enrico Cernuschi founded the Cernuschi museum at the end of the
nineteenth century. Its collection had been formed by Cernuschi during his
trip to Asia in 1871, accompanied by the art critic Theodore Duret.
Cernuschi did not leave to posterity any written evidence about his
museum. This silence, combined with the interpretative complexity that
arises from his dual nationality and cultural background (Italian and
French), and the many renovations undergone by the museum, has limited
our understanding of the museums original features. Even more
mysterious is the initial presence of a Renaissance art collection inside the
htel-museum, which was dispersed after Cernuschis death. The purpose
of this article is to investigate the process by which Enrico Cernuschis
collections were formed in light of his educational and philosophical
background in Italy, and thereby to present possible new explanations for
his museums design.
Chapter 4
Corinna Tania Gallori
In ancient Mexico feathers were considered precious. They had a relevant
material value for the indigenous populations and were used by wealthy or
powerful individuals as accessories, headdress or ornaments complementing
their fashionable attire, to decorate high-ranking soldiers shields, or to
embellish statues of the gods. After the Conquest and Fall of the Aztec
empire, Mexican objects made of or decorated with feathers quickly
attracted the attention of Spanish Conquistadores and missionary friars
xxxix
xl
Chapter Abstracts
Chapter 6
Lisa Skogh
This essay will focus on different types of exotica originating from the
South, East and North in the collections of Hedwig Eleonora. She was
born a princess of the northern German Duchy of Schleswig-HolsteinGottorf. After her marriage in 1654 to the Swedish king, she quickly
became the head of the royal family during her early and long widowhood;
she also became the culturally, economically and politically most powerful
woman in Sweden. Her family background as part of the scholarly and
culturally sophisticated court in Gottorf has been left largely underresearched. However, through the careful study of her collections in
Sweden and of her concern for the Gottorf collecting traditions, we may
draw conclusions regarding an inherited pattern of collecting traditions
based on the comparisons with her fathers Kunstkammer. The possessions
of Duke Friedrich III (1597-1659), the pretiosa collections of her mother
Maria Elisabeth of Saxony (1610-1684) and the work of the courtier and
scholar Adam Olearius (1603-1671) continued to influence the young
queen of Sweden.
Adam Oleariuss lifelong service for her father included exploratory
trips to Muscovy and Persia. Olearius, famous through his many
publications, was also appointed keeper of the Kunstkammer and in 1666
he published Gottorfische Kunst-Cammer with a special focus on the
collections of naturalia and exotica (the intended second volume on the
artificialia remained unpublished). Through the unusual dedicatio in her
personal copy of the book, Hedwig Eleonoras concern for the preservation
and knowledge of the Kunstkammer as well as her knowledgeable focus
on collecting is documented. Objects traced in the Swedish State
collections not only confirm her ownership and connoisseurship of
artefacts from the regions of Muscovy and Persia, but also her interest in
areas such as present-day Indonesia and Turkey as well as China and
Japan, and in rarities from the north of the Swedish realm.
Chapter 7
Constance Bienam
The presence of objects known to be Chinese in the nineteenth-century
sales catalogues is not surprising if we consider French taste for China in
the eighteenth century. The increasing number of merchant ships from
China docking at Lorient had permitted to those who liked Lachine
objects to amass collections in which porcelains and lacquers competed
for exoticism. Was this wild passion for chinoiserie the sole impetus for
the existence of such important collections? Is it right to consider the
xli
CHAPTER ONE
OCCIDENTALISM IN ANCIENT ASSYRIA
ALLISON KARMEL THOMASON
Ancient Mesopotamia
Research on Mesopotamia, roughly the equivalent of modern Iraq, and on
its royal collections takes us back to a most ancient world.1 This complex
urban civilisation began with the advent of large cities in the valleys of the
southern Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. The cities of Mesopotamia were
politically and economically centred around temples and their theocracies
by about 3200 BC. By 2900, the Mesopotamians had developed city-states
governed by local ruling dynasties, and eventually, by about 1800 BC,
these dynasties founded militarily expansive and bureaucratically
centralised empires, such as the Neo-Assyrian empire of 900-600 BC.2 The
Neo-Assyrian empire is the period of time for which historians and
archaeologists have the most information in the form of cuneiform tablets
and well-preserved palaces with their contents fairly intact. The NeoAssyrians held sway over much of the known world in their time, and their
empire eventually stretched from Egypt, through the Levant and eastern
Anatolia, to Iran. The communication networks and provincial organisation
of this Mesopotamian empire laid the foundations for the later Persian and
Classical empires that followed. Other contributions to Western civilisation
offered by the Mesopotamians included scientific ideas such as mathematics,
1 This has long been the focus of my work; see Thomason 2005. I would
especially like to thank Andrea Gldy, Susan Bracken, and Adriana Turpin for
their close reading of this manuscript and constructive suggestions, as well as my
colleagues who attended the Collecting East and West conference in Florence in
2009 for their insights and comments.
2 For a concise summary of the history of Mesopotamia and the wider ancient
Near East, see van de Mieroop 2007.
Chapter One
to contact with the Near East in the eighth century BC.6 As Walter Burkert
has suggested, most ancient cultures were in fact highly receptive to ideas
from outside their own known worlds, and exhibited a willingness to
learn from what is other, what is strange and foreign.7
6 Magness 2001, 92 and Prayon 2001, 335. Magness goes further to suggest that
the Near Eastern immigrants themselves settled in Etruria and hybridised into the
lite of the local society, thus it is not just ideas and goods that travelled and
became appropriated, but people as well, who brought their ideas and objects with
them.
7 Originally published in Burkert 1992, 129, and quoted in Magness 2001, 98.
8 See Rathje 2007.
Chapter One
They stood marvelling at the forest, gazing at the lofty cedars, gazing at
the forests entrance []. They saw the Mountain of Cedar, seat of gods
and goddesses thrones. On the face of the mountain the cedar proffered its
abundance, its shade was sweet and full of delight.9
Figure 1: Collon, D., Ancient Near Eastern Art 1995 (map Trustees of the
British Museum London.), frontispiece.
Turning back to the first millennium BC, there are several aspects and
objects of the lands to the west of Mesopotamia that continued to fascinate
the kings so much that they chose to collect as much as they could from
their western neighbours near and distant. The best documented subculture of the Mesopotamian heartland is that of the Neo-Assyrian Empire,
which conquered much of the ancient Near East beginning around 900
BC, from south-western Iran to Egypt, before succumbing to a coalition of
enemies in 612. It became a tradition for the Neo-Assyrian kings to found
new capital cities filled with grand palaces, gardens, temples and
ziggurats. In the ninth century, King Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BC)
founded his new capital at Nimrud and then successfully expanded and
conquered parts of Syria and Phoenicia. Other kings added to the territory
under Assyrian control, with varying degrees of success, until the final
king of the empire, Ashurbanipal (668-627 BC), conquered Egypt from his
capital city of Nineveh in the mid-seventh century BC. This expansion
both contributed to and supported the Assyrian kings contention that, like
Sargon of Akkad 1500 years earlier, they were the rulers of the four
quarters of the world.
The Assyrian kings displayed their military and acquisitional feats in
the form of narratives carved in low relief on stone slabs inserted into their
mud brick palace walls. The kings also affirmed their ability to maintain
and expand the land in year-by-year historical accounts written in
cuneiform and found next to the reliefs in the palaces, as well as on clay
and stone tablets deposited within the buildings. The narrative images and
texts focus on the military battles, and it is no surprise that in them, the
Assyrian kings never lose. Yet, we must use these royal public relations
with caution, understanding that while they may not be trusted as
accurate accounts of what really happened, they are still useful as
fascinating artefacts that reveal the construction of royal identities and
ideologies of power.11
The collection of objects from the west played a great part in this
creation of royal identity. Bronze objects from Phoenicia were found in
both Etruscan tombs and the Assyrian palaces. In fact, there were several
such bowls excavated from Nimrud, an important capital of the empire, as
well as some bowls that were probably produced in Syria (Fig. 2).
However, the most abundant evidence for this collecting activity comes in
11 Since the 1980s, there have been many discussions in the scholarly literature on
Assyria of the propagandistic or ideological purpose of the relief narratives. The
most important contributions are from Liverani 1979, Reade 1979, Marcus 1987,
Winter 1981, and Russell 1991. Also, see most recently a discussion of Assyrian
imperial identity by Bedford 2009.
Chapter One
Figure 2: Bowl, ninth century BC, diameter: 21.7cm, copper alloy, Nimrud, British
Museum (photo Trustees of the British Museum).
Figure 3: Relief, ninth century BC, height: 2.63m, width: 2.49m, gypsum, Nimrud,
British Museum (photo Trustees of the British Museum).
And by West, I do mean its entirety, as it is quite evident from images and
texts that the Assyrian kings also sought to imitate the animate botanical
and zoological specimens of Phoenicia and Syria. The kings re-created in
the parks and gardens of the Assyrian heartland one particular component
of the west, a mountain in Syria called Mount Amanus. For example, in
the ninth century BC, Ashurnasirpal claimed that he hunted lions and
received monkeys as tribute while on campaign in Syria, formed herds
of them, and displayed them in cages to all the people of the land (Fig.
3).14 Only 150 years later, Sennacherib (704-681 BC) proclaimed in his
royal inscriptions that a park, the likeness of Mount Amanus, in which all
the aromatic plants of Hatti [the Assyrian name for Syria] and fruit trees of
14 Grayson 1991, 226.
Chapter One
the mountains were planted, I set out for my subjects.15 The mountains
west of Assyria became a virtual clearinghouse for exotic flora and fauna
one that required emulation in the heartland.
Figure 4: Relief, seventh century BC, height: 2.08m, width: 1.30m, gypsum,
Nineveh, British Museum (photo Trustees of the British Museum).
Some scholars have suggested that even the architectural landscape of the
west was imported to Assyria. The Assyrian kings discuss in their royal
inscriptions the erecting of structures that they call bit-hilanis. The bithilani is a part Akkadian, part Syrian loan word meaning literally house
of hilani. A hilani was a building constructed in royal quarters at cities in
Syria during the late second and early first millennium BC. It probably
consisted of a small, detached building with a pillared portico, perhaps
raised on a platform.16 Sargon II (721-705 BC), who built a capital city at
Khorsabad in the time between Nimrud and Nineveh, discussed erecting
such a building near his palace and within his royal garden modelled after
15 Frahm 1997, 83.
16 There is a long-standing debate in the scholarly literature over the form and
function of the Syrian hilani, and of the Assyrian bit-hilani. For the most recent
discussion, see Foster 2004, 214 and references therein.
Mt. Amanus. There are also depictions in the reliefs from his and his
successors palaces of small, porticoed buildings on little hillocks (Fig. 4).
I have argued that these images represent western-style buildings
placed deliberately in western landscape settings replete with wild animals
and conifer treesand thus show us a glimpse of what the Assyrian kings
royal parks modelled after Mt. Amanus in Syria might have looked like.17
It is striking to see such complete and thoroughly integrated conceptions
of western landscapes, in which images and texts represent a truly
Occidentalist vision. In this Occidentalist imagining, the West and its
abundance of exotic and luxurious objects were constructed as a
beneficially acquired entity, one that ultimately was ordered by the royal
centre into Assyrianised territory. These living simulacra of the lands to
their west served in the construction of royal identity in that the
Mesopotamian kings were proclaiming that they had created the empire
in microcosm in the heartland.18
While certainly not considered divine in their polytheistic religion,
Mesopotamian kings were considered the most important humans on
earth, and were responsible for the maintenance of the gods earthly realm.
With the Assyrian kings, we do not have an attempt to claim divinity, for
any such attempts were soundly rebuked in Mesopotamian literature, but
to be as much of a creator as was possible for any mortal on earth; to be
the next best thing to the godsand certainly more powerful than any
other humans.19 Most importantly, the kings clearly wished to display their
acquisitional and creational abilities, both to the gods and to their home
audience, in the form of the objects themselves, and representations of
their collection in texts and images.
10
Chapter One
11
Figure 5: Relief, eighth century BC, height: 3.08m, width: 4.09m, gypsum,
Khorsabad, Muse du Louvre (photo RMN-Grand Palais, Muse du Louvre, Art
Resource, NY/Herv Lewandowski).
Egypt
While Syria and Lebanon along with their desirable finished products and
living landscapes certainly fascinated the kings of Assyria enough to
12
Chapter One
13
And Beyond
Finally, there is the occasional mention in the Neo-Assyrian royal
inscriptions of the kings encounters with exotic fauna that in some ways
defied familiar naming. Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727 BC) claims to have
received as tribute live sheep, whose wool is dyed red-purple, [and]
flying birds of the sky whose wings are dyed blue-purple from a coalition
of Syrian, Phoenician and Arab rulers.27 And slightly later, we learn from
a fragmentary inscription from Nineveh that as Esarhaddon was
campaigning near the Brook of Egypt (presumably the Sinai, Syrian or
Eastern Desert of Egypt), he trampled over four leagues distance, a
journey of two days, through terrain full of two headed snakes [whose
venom] is deadly and I crossed over four leagues distance, a journey of
two days through terrain full of flying green [dragonflies].28 We have no
illustrations of these animals, but they were noteworthy enough to have
garnered mention in the royal inscriptions and clearly demonstrate a royal
Assyrian interest in curiosities encountered at the limits of the world that
they had explored. This royal desire to forge new paths and discover
things never seen before (or at least to claim such innovation) is reiterated
in a common textual motif that the kings incorporated into their annals;
they describe the opening of difficult paths while campaigning abroad.29
As one example, Sennacherib claims that while trekking through distant
areas, the mountains of Lebanon disclosed to him in the darkness stones
that the kings, my fathers, had never before laid eyes on.30 Claiming to
be the first to know and see such wonders, and indeed becoming the first
to record their discovery, demonstrates to some extent an Assyrian
taxonomic urgea desire to name and order the worldwhich pre-dates
by millennia Linnaeus or the Medici map room in the Palazzo Vecchio.31
27 Tadmor 1994, 69 and Leichty 2011, 48. The animals noteworthy colours were
most likely created by humans who physically dyed the wool and feathers. Dyed
wool is mentioned in the royal inscriptions, but never dyed sheep before this reign.
However, it is also possible that at least the birds might have had naturally
coloured feathers. The text therefore could have been referring to exotic birds that
normally inhabit the tropical forests of Africa but were somehow acquired by these
western kings through tribute and trade.
28 Leichty 2011, 88. There is a risk, here, however, of ascribing desert-like
properties singularly to the west, as Esarhaddons inscriptions also describe the
distant eastern Iranian plateau in similar terms (i.e. Leichty 2011, 20). The two
areas therefore represent in a more generic sense the limits of the known world.
29 Liverani 1979 terms this activity heroic priority.
30 Luckenbill 1927, 168.
31 See Zucchi 2011 and Turpin in this volume.
14
Chapter One
Conclusion
What, therefore, might a scholar of collecting and display during the
Italian Renaissance, French Baroque, or Victorian Britain gain from this
early material? First and foremost, they may recognise that collecting and
display have been royal and courtly prerogatives, essential to the creation
of lite identity, since the advent of dynastic kingship. I have focused in
this contribution on the period for which we have the most information
32 Foster 2002 and Ata 2010, 82-3.
33 For further discussion of esoteric knowledge and exotica in the ancient Near
East see Feldman 2007 and Ata 2010.
34 For further discussion of the audience and display of Neo-Assyrian royal
rhetoric see Thomason 2005.
35 For example see Kinnier Wilson, 1972.
15
CHAPTER TWO
DIPLOMACY AND COLLECTING:
THE CHOISEUL-GOUFFIER COLLECTION
AND ITS HISTORY
PATRICK MICHEL
In the history of collecting the remains of Greek art, count ChoiseulGouffiers collection is by no means the first or foremost. Against the
troubled political background marked by a rapprochement between Turkey
and Great Britain and the growing antagonism between the latter and
France, diplomat collectors, Lord Elgin, Hamilton and Choiseul-Gouffier
among others, tried to take advantage of their position as ambassadors to
amass prestigious collections to an extent that might well be called
pillaging. An echo of this can be found in Chateaubriands account of
his fellow tourists behaviour in his Itinraire de Paris Jrusalem
(1811).1 Interference by the diplomatic corps at archaeological sites
became an important political issue at a time when the question of the
existence of museums and their legitimacy was on the agenda in France
and England. The main purpose of this essay is to measure the relationship
between the work of Choiseul Gouffier and the degree of knowledge of
I would like to thank Marie Cambefort for her translation of this essay for the
conference.
1 Chateaubriand 1968, 144 and 147, confessed to picking up (and perhaps breaking
off) fragments of the foremost monuments of the ancient world, comparing his
own brand of cultural vandalism favourably to that of Choiseul-Gouffier and
Elgin: Je pris, en descendant de la citadelle, un morceau de marbre du Parthnon;
javais aussi recueilli un fragment de la pierre du tombeau dAgamemnon; et
depuis jai toujours drob quelque chose aux monuments sur lesquels jai pass.
Ce ne sont pas daussi beaux souvenirs de mes voyages que ceux quont emports
M. de Choiseul et lord Elgin; mais ils me suffisent.
18
Chapter Two
Greek art in France towards the end of the Ancien Rgime and to show
how far the building of his collection contributed to a renewed
understanding in Western Europe of Greek art, at a particular moment
when the ancient sites of Greece and Asia Minor captured the attention of
travellers and collectors. Yet it is important to remember that if ChoiseulGouffier contributed to the enrichment of the national collections and to
feeding the debate between the defenders of Greek versus Roman art, by
dint of allowing the display of some of the most important works of Greek
art at the Paris Museum, this happened against his wishes and is the result
of the dispersal of his collections after his death.
Such an exhibition could of course not remain without consequences for
our perception of Greek art, even though the effect was without doubt less
evident than with the Elgin marbles at the British Museum. Presumably the
entry of a series of noteworthy inscriptions into the national collections was
more to the advantage of scholars than to the aesthetes seeking beautiful art
or to the general public. Conversely, the rivalry among Western tourists in
their rush to appropriate ancient Greek remains, the prices paid by them for
such findings, and the media interest in the dispersal of the ChoiseulGouffier collections in 1818 contributed to the grip on the public
consciousness, initially on the part of foreign observers, later in Greece after
independence, of the historical value of the Greek heritage. This is certainly
the long-term effect with which Choiseul-Gouffier and his Hellenistic
dream need to be, at least partially, credited. Very probably systematic
collecting by Choiseul-Gouffier and his agents in Greece and Asia Minor
offered a role model that would influence the policies of future
archaeological missions that were sent by the French government from 1829
onwards and that enriched the national collections of antiquities.
19
the pleasure of covering that illustrious region with books by Homer and
Herodotus in hand.3 In 1784, he was appointed French ambassador to the
Sultan in Constantinople.4 Between these two sojourns, he started to gather
the material to write a book, Voyage pittoresque de la Grce. The first
volume was published in 1782 and became a model that brought enormous
fame to its author. Encouraged by its reception, Choiseul-Gouffier took
advantage of his position as ambassador to organise a scientific expedition
which included the painters Louis-Sebastien Fauvel and Louis-FrancoisSebastien Cassas, the philologist Ansse de Villoison, the astronomer
Tondu, the Hellenist Jean-Baptiste le Chevallier, the geographer Barbier
du Bocage and the poet Jacques Delille.
When Choiseul-Gouffier started writing his book, he could not claim
that it was the first of its kind, let alone that it opened up new fields of
investigation. A few years before, the Frenchman Le Roys Les Ruines des
plus Beaux Monuments de la Grce (1758, second edition 1770) and the
Englishmen Stuart and Revetts Antiquities of Athens (1762), had notably
increased the contemporary knowledge of Greek monuments. Like these
authors, Choiseul-Gouffier indissolubly linked Greece to antique ruins.5
What is more, he also linked it to inscriptions, its epigraphic monuments.
There again, by collecting these scattered fragments of history, ChoiseulGouffier imitated two famous pioneers whose achievements have been
remarkably described by Henri Omont;6 those of Charles Marie Franois
Olier, marquis de Nointel (1670-1674) and of Abb Michel Fourmont
(1729-1730).7
3 Choiseul-Gouffier, 1782, I, i, Discours prliminaire.
4 Choiseul Gouffier was chosen for this post for his familiarity with this country
and its people but also and principally for the fact that he was in favour of the
traditional alliance with the Sublime Porte against Britain; see Grell 1995a, II, 24450. The political issues of this ambassadorial mission have been remarkably well
analysed by Grell 1995b, XXVII, 223-35.
5 Sonnini, 1997, 10.
6 Omont, 1902.
7 Sent by Louis XIV on an ambassadorial mission to Constantinople in 1670, the
marquis de Nointel was accompanied by the young orientalist Antoine Galland and
the painter J. Carrey who were entrusted with documenting the Parthenon frieze.
Nointel also profited from this sojourn by putting together a collection of
antiquities, notably of inscriptions that were visited and described by Jacob Spon
in his Voyage dItalie, de Dalmatie, de Grce et du Levant fait dans les annes
1675 et 1676. Some of these inscriptions are now in the Louvre. Michel Fourmont,
(1690-1746), member of the Acadmie des Inscriptions, was part of a group sent
by Louis XV to the Orient. He travelled to Constantinople and all over Greece to
collect manuscripts and inscriptions.
20
Chapter Two
21
A New Approach
Contrary to Pingaud, who claimed that Choiseul was looking for
exquisite pieces of art rather than the fragmentary history of a
civilisation,8 we think that he adopted an innovative method. Indeed, the
comtes attitude differed from traditional aristocratic patterns. He
preferred scholarly research to aesthetics, thus resembling the comte de
Caylus.9 Although he deeply admired antique literature and Greek myths,
Choiseul-Gouffier adopted what could be defined as a scientific stance. At
first, he was an enthusiastic youth,10 travelling in an area poetically
described, and consecrated by History. Then his infatuation was
transformed into an objective, reasoned and critical position: ChoiseulGouffier turned into a scholar. During his first trip and most of all during
his lengthy stay as ambassador, he constantly compared ancient sources
(Homer, Herodotus, Pausanias, and Thucydides) to reality. However, the
preliminary discourse of his Voyage pittoresque did not include any
methodology; political considerations were predominant and ChoiseulGouffier appeared as a very active philhellene. Nonetheless his book
detailed his ambitions:
I have seen all the places in person, I have seen all the monuments of
which the drawings will be engraved; the only claim of this book is to
present the actual state of the Country with the utmost accuracy [].
Lovers of Antiquity will be thankful for the pains I took over proving that
their worship of this beautiful country was no superstitious cult. They
might also thank me for hiring enlightened artists in order to investigate
11
these precious ruins and draw the true principles of the arts from there.
8 Pingaud 1887, 41 presents questionable arguments and dated views; this book is
the earliest monograph devoted to Choiseul-Gouffier.
9 Anne Claude Philippe de Thubires de Grimoard de Pestels de Lvy, comte de
Caylus, author of Recueil dantiquits gyptiennes, trusques, grecques, romaines
et gauloises (Paris, 1752-1768).
10 Choiseul-Gouffier 1782, II, 1.
11 Ibid., I, 1-2: Jai vu par moi-mme tous les lieux, jai vu tous les monuments
dont les dessins vont tre gravs; la seule prtention de cet ouvrage est de
reprsenter avec la plus grande exactitude ltat actuel du Pays []. Ceux qui
chrissent lantiquit, me sauront au moins gr des efforts que jai faits pour
prouver que le culte quils rendent ces belles contres, nest pas un culte
superstitieux. Peut-tre aussi mauront-ils lobligation davoir engag des artistes
plus clairs se transporter sur les lieux, pour interroger ces ruines prcieuses & y
puiser les vrais principes des arts.
22
Chapter Two
12 Dubois 1818, ii later discussed the history of the Choiseul Gouffier collection in
the preface to the sales catalogue after the comtes death.
13 Among the abundant literature on Fauvel we would like to cite the groundbreaking article by Legrand 1897, XXX, 41-67, 185-201, 385-404 and XXXI,
1897, 94-103 and 185-223. More recently: Beschi1983, IV, 3-12 and idem 1984, I,
319-23, II, 450-1 and 2001, 72-120; Zambon 2007, 62-83; idem 2009 and also
2010, 139-56.
14 See Pinon 2007, 41-5.
23
Since he had a disagreement with the latter during the Revolution, the
comte wrote an Explanation on Mr. de Choiseul-Gouffiers complaint in
1805 in order to clear up the circumstances during which the artist had
worked for him:
Upon my instructions and at my expense, as one might expect, he travelled
all over that province; he drew the ruins of Balbec. Thanks to the measures
I had taken for his escort and the Pashas protection, he went to Palmyra
where he remained longer than anyone else. After spending a few months
in Egypt, he came back to me with a great wealth of sketches,
measurements and interesting material.17
24
Chapter Two
Casts
The constitution of a reference-collection of casts represented one of the
most interesting aspects of Choiseuls collection. What the Royal
Academy had (partly) achieved with ancient Roman sculpture a century
earlier, comte Choiseul-Gouffier sought to do with ancient Greece: a cast
collection offered as examples to artists, in particular monumental casts of
ancient Greek temples. Choiseuls aim echoed contemporary views, for
example those of Leon Dufourny, Legrand and Molinos as Werner
Szambien has demonstrated.19 Sculptors had been using casts for a long
time when the practice started to be picked up by architects as well. The
aim was to provide indisputable documentation [] to draw as close to
scientific truth as possible.20 In some cases, Choiseul-Gouffier justified
casts by the moral necessity not to alter the integrity of the monument or
to deprive the people of their right to keep their heritage.21 In reality, he
was not always so scrupulous.
The project grew to an unprecedented scale from the time ChoiseulGouffier was appointed French ambassador to Constantinople. A letter
dated May 1786 first mentioned casts after originals. Choiseul-Gouffier
sent Fauvel to Athens with the intention of making casts from sculptures
in the Temple of Minerva.22 However, Fauvel declared to the Temporary
Art Commission in 1794 that he was in charge of supervising the
engravings for his book as well as plaster casts of antique monuments
which I had suggested to him.23 Fauvel may indeed have been the
originator of such a project. It was carried out in February 1787: 26 boxes
were shipped to France.24 The casts included the friezes and metopes from
the temple of Minerva, bas-reliefs from the temple of Theseus and from
the temple of Victory. At the same period, Fauvel announced to ChoiseulGouffier the forthcoming shipping of the Caryatid, a cast of one of the
best-known sculptures of the Erechtheion.25
19 Szambien 1988, 23-4.
20 Ibid., 24.
21 Dubois 1818, ii: At his own great expense, he had also sculptures cast that
could be precious models for the study of art, transportation of which might have
provoked extreme damage or violence.
22 Letter from Gaspary to the Minister, Athens, 29 May 1786, quoted by Rayet
1884, 55. On Fauvels intervention, see Beschi 1982 and 1984, I, 319-23.
23 Paris, Nat. Archives, F.17, 1047, File 7, quoted by Szambien 1988, 55.
24 Letter from Gaspary, 1 February 1787, quoted by Rayet 1884, 38.
25 BnF, NAF, 7558, fol. 1 r and v, undated letter and fol. 4 v, letter from Athens,
20 February 1787.
25
Collecting Originals
Like his predecessors and contemporary antiquaries, Choiseul-Gouffier
took an interest in all types of objects giving concrete evidence of the past,
or what Caylus called proofs of history,26 mainly inscriptions. For
Choiseul-Gouffier, scholarly tradition was more important than artistic
pleasure as he gave priority to research and to collecting epigraphic
monuments. He officially belonged to the scholarly tradition when he
became a member of the Academy of Inscriptions and Literature in 1779.
That made him rank among the contemporary Hellenistic scholars. Indeed,
Choiseul-Gouffier preferred inscriptions to any other archaeological
document or source, as he explained in the first part of the second volume
of his Voyage Pittoresque, published as late as 1809:
Though medals are precious monuments, equally useful to history and
geography, how much more precious the marbles, which the Ancients
entrusted with their laws, decrees and homage to citizens benefiting their
homeland. Inscriptions take us back to the periods they were meant to
perpetuate. We are pleased to see that we somehow fulfilled the wish of the
Ancients: conserving these inscriptions means repaying the obligation they
handed down to beneficiary generations; it means repaying the ample
inheritance of centuries of glory, which will provide us with models for
27
ever.
26
Chapter Two
27
pieces or engraved stones they can find. Also scrutinise Athens and its
surroundings and do write notes for me that I will use in my book.29
28
Chapter Two
was out of use, it had been overturned. After unearthing and lifting it up at
the end of the day, some guards spent a snowy night there as they feared
we wanted to steal their treasure. They were cleaning and emptying it.35
In August 1788, from the isle of Santorini, where he was carrying out
excavations, Fauvel talked about shipping nineteen marble pieces which
could be damaged if left on the seaside. They would arouse curiosity if
they stayed in six-foot long boxes for too long. The marble boxes not
labelled as Inscriptions could be destroyed by malevolent people.36 It
seems that those inscriptions were to be shipped to Marseilles. From a list
attached to that letter, we know the exact content of the shipment: eight
inscriptions, an altar, a bust, pieces of marble and columns. Fauvel also
informed Choiseul of recent discoveries made during the same excavation:
I found bits and pieces, a superbly draped seven-foot high headless female
figure [Fig. 8], very slightly damaged. It stood in the earth and bore
beautiful inscriptions from different centuries. I also found parts of figures,
some beautiful marble blocks to be put to good use or to be restored; a full
Doric column bearing a well-conserved nine-foot high inscription []. I
have conducted excavations in the vineyard and I found there many bizarre
bronze and earthenware objects: a life-size child figure, its head well
conserved.37
29
Figure 8: A draped seven-foot high headless female figure, drawing, Paris, BNF,
Prints and Drawings, GB 15 C Petit Fol. (photo: BNF)
30
Chapter Two
31
32
Chapter Two
artists who invented the rules and the models of good taste.46 These
perfect character portraits must have been commissioned (or they were
intended for rehabilitation); no definite answer as to their veracity can be
provided. One may well ask whether the image of Choiseul-Gouffier,
owner of a highly-coveted collection and a controversial character who
was ready to do anything to get hold of Greek art treasures is correct.
Before choosing a side, it is necessary to bear in mind the historical and
archaeological stakes, i.e. the conflict between the French and the English
over the Parthenon sculptures.47 One also should remember that if France
up to the end of the Ancien Rgime had been a traditional ally of the
Sublime Porte, between 1799 and 1806 the Porte was at war with Russia
and France and benefited from British protection. The sultan was not in a
position to refuse anything to the English, while the Greeks under the
Turkish yoke were quite powerless and unable to preserve their cultural
heritage.
When considering Choiseul-Gouffiers acquisitions, it seems that the
bulk of his collection was obtained in 1787-88. Indeed, between March
1787 and May 1791, no less than seventeen shiploads arrived in
Marseilles, where the objects were to be stored in big warehouses until the
end of the Revolution.48
33
Paris, Choiseuls goods were also confiscated and the Temporary Art
Commission investigated the possibility of seizing the legendary
collection, the location of which could not be determined at the time.
Anyone who might have had pertinent information was interrogated. The
proceedings highlighted the enmity of the comtes former collaborators, in
particular the animosity between Cassas and Foucherot.
The bulk of the collection had been stored in two warehouses in
Marseilles since 1787. Anticipating orders from Paris, Marseilles
temporary administrators confiscated Choiseul-Gouffiers antiquities as
early as 1792. On 27 February 1793 (An II), a precise descriptive
inventory of the collection served to allocate the items between the Paris
museum and the one in Marseilles.50 Indeed, following the confiscation
of migrs goods by a decree dated 10 October 1792, these objects were
removed from Choiseul-Gouffiers property sale and placed in the
Museum of the Republic. One of the highlights of the Choiseul
collection, the slab of the Ergastines, then called Panathenean frieze,
was thus sent to the Paris Museum, probably in April 1798 according to
Jean Marcad and Christiane Pinatel.51 Another part of the collection
which had remained in Smyrna disappeared in 1797: twenty-five boxes
filled with precious pieces of marble may have been burnt (or
embezzled?) during the blaze that destroyed part of the city.52
In 1802 Choiseul-Gouffier came back to France and had his name
crossed off the migr list. He then endeavoured to regain the objects and
material he had collected before the Revolution in order to continue
writing his Voyage Pittoresque. The architect Legrand was in charge of
gathering the seized marbles and casts, which he managed in part, by July
1802. However, Fate struck Choiseul-Gouffier again. In the spring of
1802, the corvette Arabe was transporting twenty-six boxes full of marbles
when it was inspected by an English frigate commanded by Lord
Nelson. Dubois related the well-known story and its outcome:
when he became aware of the name of the man owning that scientific load,
the noble Lord did not hesitate at all; after his officers generously refused
to confiscate the boxes, he sent the antiquities to Malta. He was only too
pleased to give them back to Choiseul when that illustrious sailors
50 The 77-page long document was entitled: Inventaire descriptif des Marbres et
Inscriptions de lEmigr Choiseul-Gouffier. One copy is preserved at the National
museums archives (Z 4 1798), the other one is held at the Nat. Arch. (T 153/160).
On the latter version, marginalia locate each object listed.
51 Marcade and Pinatel, 1984, I, 338.
52 Emeric-David, 253.
34
Chapter Two
glorious deathwhich occurred a short while after during the Trafalgar
battlemade it easier for some less-refined travellers (Lord Elgin) to
appropriate them.53
35
36
Chapter Two
37
38
Chapter Two
owners up to now. Would it not be possible to renew that worthy
distinction, not devoid of precedents in France? May the Choiseul marbles,
associated with Nointels, always remind our grateful memories of those
illustrious travellers names. Similar careers brought them to the same
places and they both used their intelligence and fate for the common good,
75
which they turned into the heritage of Literature and the Arts.
39
Thus it was important that the Government selects the greatest number of
objects and antiquities M. le Comte de Choiseul-Gouffier had acquired
during his trips. He was in favour of selection and detailed his own as
well as the official position: The Academy will ask the Government to
acquire only the items directly connected to the study of the Fine Arts: it
will be up to another Academy to ask the same favour for everything in
the collection that can encourage erudition and scholarship.79
The sale took place in the Choiseul-Gouffier mansion. It started on 17
August 1818 and went on until after 22 August. Curiously enough, the sale
was seldom mentioned in the newspapers.80 Whereas the French
government hesitated about what to do, its main rival, i.e. the British
Museum curators and trustees, wanted the most prestigious pieces such as
the Parthenon metope81 and the Choiseul marble.82 The Louvre eventually
won the war to keep the Greek monuments in France. It managed to get
all the inscribed monuments from M. le Comte de Choiseul-Gouffiers
Cabinet, except for four or five uninteresting items as far as art or
palaeography are concerned.83 After a lively bidding competition with the
British Museum, the Louvre managed to keep the masterpiece of the
collection: the Parthenon metope. The newspaper Moniteur Universel
hailed the event on 22 August 1818:
The sale of M. de Choiseul-Gouffiers cabinet, which started a few days
ago, has continued today. Important objects such as the Phidias metope and
the so-called Choiseul marble were yet to be sold. It was greatly feared that
the English, who already have fifteen Phidias metopes in their possession,
78 Quatremre de Quincy 1836, x, declared himself not to be shocked by the
removal of the Parthenon marbles, which he saw in London in June 1818. In the
case of Greece, he considered that the objects had to be removed for their own
safety, in contrast to the situation in Italy, where he considered the removal of
antiquities as looting.
79 Nat. arch., F. 21/571; letter dated 29 June 1818.
80 However, I have not conducted extensive research on that point. It would be
interesting to study the reports in English newspapers in that respect.
81 Inv. Ma 736; Hamiaux 1992, 135, n. 127. It is the tenth metope on the south
side of the Parthenon.
82 Ibid., 140, n. 132, Inv. Ma 831.
83 Nat. Arch., F. 21/ 571; letter from Dacier to the comte de Forbin, 26 August
1818.
40
Chapter Two
might want to buy the sixteenth regardless of its price, thus taking it away
from France. To those who feared this, we can now say that the
Government had allocated funds to a specially created commission, which
acquired the Metope for FF26,500. The Choiseul marble has also been
acquired for FF6,000. Thus, thanks to the care of an art protecting
84
Government, these two precious items will remain in France.
These two major pieces joined the confiscated slab of the Ergastines and
the fragment of the Parthenon frieze,85 also in the Louvre.
The Choiseul-Gouffier collection was certainly dispersed yet its
initiators true claim to glory was to allow one of the Parthenon metopes to
enter the national collections. In spite of himself, the former ambassador
made his predecessor Nointels dream come true, i.e. to see Greek art
treasures in His Majestys cabinets or galleries.86
CHAPTER THREE
COMPARING EAST AND WEST:
ENRICO CERNUSCHIS COLLECTIONS
OF ART RECONSIDERED
SILVIA DAVOLI
42
Chapter Three
43
44
Chapter Three
auction and through private sales after Cernuschis death.12 The only
exceptions were the collection of Peruvian pottery bequeathed by
Cernuschi in 1874 to the Socit dtudes Amricaines in Nancy and the
collection of 600 specimens of marbres antiques de couleur bequeathed
to the cole des Beaux-arts in 1890.13
The Collection
Theodore Durets travel journal Voyage en Asie, published in 1874, is
considered the most reliable account of the museums formation and
contents.14 However, this journal leaves much unexplained, and it is often
very difficult to match Durets descriptions with the collection put
together by Cernuschi. The difference in interests between the two
travelling companions becomes clearer if we look at their art collections
and preferences. During the trip, Thodore Duret collected only a few
Japanese engravings and he was unappreciative of Chinese culture and
arts.15 On the contrary, like other famous Parisian art critics, he saw
Japanese art and its aesthetic values as a template for the renovation of
French art, and in particular for his Impressionist friends.16
Unlike Duret, however, Cernuschi was chiefly attracted by Chinese
antiquities. These, he discovered while travelling, were more ancient than
Nationales, Fond Et/LIX 909.
12 Sales Catalogue by Galerie Georges Petit 1900.
13 For the Peruvian pottery bequeathed by Cernuschi to the Socit dtudes
Amricaines in Nancy, see Renauld 1880, 219; for the marble specimens
bequeathed to the cole des Beaux-arts, see: AJ-52-447.
14 Duret 1874.
15 In 1900, Duret bequeathed his collection of Japanese prints to the Bibliothque
Nationale, but it is difficult to determine which of these prints and printed books
were actually purchased in Japan, and which from the Parisian art market; see
Marquet 1997. Duret was also a collector of Impressionist art: as is attested by the
sales catalogue Hotel Drouot, 1928.
16 Duretalong with the first champions of the Japonisme movement such as
Burty, Astruc, Champfleury, Zola etc.considered Japan a paradise lost, an
uncorrupted place where the relationship between man and nature had been
preserved unaltered for many centuries, in opposition to the repugnant artificiality
and dehumanisation prompted by Western capitalism. Therefore, some aesthetic
principles embodied by Japanese art such as asymmetry, as well as the lack of
distinction between decorative and liberal arts etc. appeared particularly attractive
to Duret and to support his ideas for a renewal of the French art system; see Duret
1885 and Bouillon 1990. Among the painters influenced by Durets ideas were
Manet and Whistler.
45
Cernuschis Motives
A careful investigation of Enrico Cernuschis cultural background allows
us to reconstruct the motives underpinning his activity as collector.
Cernuschis interest in archaeology dated back to his travels to North
17 En Chine je vis des bronzes tellement plus beaux que je compris que tous ceux
que javais achets jusqualors au Japon navaient ct pas beaucoup de valeur,
Cernuschi (Le Moniteur Universel, Dec. 1886) in Maucuer 1998, 32.
18 In 1875, in the attempt to complete his own collection of ceramics, Cernuschi
acquired the collection of Japanese ceramics gathered by Ferdinando Meazza, a
silkworm breeder from Milan.
19 Felice Beato (1832-1909), was an ItaloBritish photographer.
20 Particularly towards the end of his life, Cernuschi was an intimate friend of
some of the most famous collectors of Impressionist art in France, including the
editor Charpentier, Charles Ephrussi, Charles Deudon and Cahen DAnvers,
among others. It appears to be the case that Renoir and Manet painted portraits of
Cernuschis Japanese dog Tama, but these works are usually understood to have
been commissioned by Duret in order to help his Impressionist friends. Moreover,
if Durets initiative can be substantiated for Manets portrait (today in the
collection of by Mr. and Mrs. Paul Mellon), some doubts persist as to Renoirs
(today in the Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute, Williamstown,
Massachusetts); on this matter, see Duret, 1924, 61.
46
Chapter Three
47
48
Chapter Three
49
The Display
The works of art in Cernuschis htel particulier were exhibited in an
architectural context, boasting a large number of symbols. The ground
floor, for example, is decorated with Greek crosses, while Indian swastikas
were originally printed on the wallpaper of the first floor. The
topographical names of the cities Cernuschi had visited during his travels
are listed in several stucco scrolls along the wall of the Great Buddha
36 Mazzoleni 1870, 14. Original text: [] e della necessit degli studi intorno
alla China e le diverse popolazioni dellAsia, studi che innavertiti dal Vico
lasciarono incompleta lopera sua sulle origini e sui fattori delle varie civilt.
37 Ferrari 1871, 3.
38 See letter dated Paris, 1873 from Giuseppe Ferrari to Cesare Correnti (18151888), the Italian Minister of Education in 1867 and 1869, in Amr Milano,
Archivio Correnti, cart. 11.
50
Chapter Three
51
43 The history of the purchase of the giant Buddha statue and its removal is
described in Duret, 1873, 21-2. For a detailed description of the episode see Inaga
1998, 79.
44 Henry-Adrien Prvost de Longprier (1816-1882), was a numismatist and
archaeologist. See Caubet 2010; http://www.inha.fr/spip.php?article3167. It is
interesting to note that in 1872 Giuseppe Ferrari consulted Longprier on
Cavaleris behalf concerning the provenance and authenticity of certain mediaeval
items belonging to the Cavaleri collection.
45 Congrs International des Orientalistes 1874, I, 97-110.
52
Chapter Three
Figure 11: First page of the Sommaire Partiel du Memoire n 52, Travaux de
peinture, 1874dcembre 1875, Archive Muse Cernuschi, Paris (photo: Silvia
Davoli).
53
Figure 12: View of the Great Gallery at the Muse Cernuschi, Paris (photo: from
LIllustration 17 April 1897).
54
Chapter Three
Figure 13: Kinrande Ewer, China, sixteenth century, Paris, Muse Cernuschi
(photo and Muse Cernuschi/Roger-Viollet).
is worth noting that, as part of this effort to provide historical bases for the
study of Japanese art and culture, Cernuschi translated for his friend
Philippe Burty the Relatione della venuta degli Ambasciatori Giaponesi a
Roma sino alla partita di Lisbona, Guido Gualtieri (1586).49
55
56
Chapter Three
part of their structure. He then argued that ornaments were the first visual
vocabulary used by humans as a means of organising space.54 He
compared ornaments and artistic beauty with mathematics and music,
arguing for the universality of an artistic language. Cattaneos theoretical
considerations had a more practical and operative effect. Museums of
decorative art, in his view, were responsible for gathering artworks
representing all of the worlds ancient civilisations; not only from the
perspective of a history of civilisation, but also for a more concrete
twofold purpose: to spread a universal sense of beauty among future
generations of artists, architects and artisans, as well as the general public;
and to improve the contemporary processes of manufacturing art.55
57
56 Franzini 1987.
57 BNF, Mss, cte, fols. 169-170: lettre Eugne Mntz, Paris, 11 novembre
1890.
58 Livre 1880, vol.II, planche n. 34; Bapst 1880-1881, 4-6; Jacquemart 1876, 35
and 38; Mntz 1885, 153.
59 Lacambre 1998, 123-34.
58
Chapter Three
The Museum
From 1880 onwards, however, Cernuschi appears to have given up the
idea of a comparative study of East and West, as after this time we find
little reference to the Cavaleri collection. Articles written after Cernuschis
death describe the appearance of the Renaissance treasures of the rez-dechausse on Avenue Velasquez as altogether unexpected. It is quite likely
that Cernuschi decided during these years that the Cavaleri collection
should be removed after his death, and his museum devoted entirely to the
Asian arts. What might have prompted such a decision? One consideration
may have been that the Cavaleri collection was heterogeneous in terms of
both quality and quantity: it contained a little of everything, without
covering any single artistic technique, period or geographical area in
depth. Furthermore, Cernuschi discovered after purchasing the Cavaleri
collection that it contained a few fakes, especially in the antiquities
section. Such inconsistencies in school and style, as well as quality, were
unacceptable to Cernuschi, who wished to found a public museum.
In 1880, Cernuschi was appointed a member of the Conseil Suprieur
des Beaux Arts as personalit distingue in the field of the arts. The
CSBA was an institutional body, a kind of laboratory of laws for the
Beaux-Arts republican administration, but without legislative powers. It
dealt with a wide range of issues, including the long-standing problems of
the creation of a Muse des Arts Dcoratifs in Paris, and the construction
of a Caisse des Muses.60 In 1882 the Union des Beaux Arts Appliqus
lIndustrie became the Union Centrale des Arts Dcoratifs, with the
outgoing Arts Minister Antonin Proust as its President.61 Proust was
appointed to provide impetus for the creation of the Muse des Arts
Dcoratifs.62 In the same year, Cernuschi announced his intention to
bequeath his museum of Asian art to the Ville de Paris, in the presence of
Antonin Proust and Philip Cunliffe-Owen, director of the South
Kensington museum and member of the comit de patronage of the
Union.63
Finally Cernuschis closer contact with the supporters of the Arts and
Crafts movement prevailed and showed altogether a shift from the
60 On the Conseil Suprieur des Beaux-Arts and its functions, see Genet Delacroix
1993, 45-65.
61 Antonin Proust (1832-1905) was a French journalist and politician, and
appointed minister of the fine arts in Gambetta's cabinet (1881-1882).
62 However, the Muse des Arts Dcoratifs did not come into being until 1905.
63 Sir Francis Philip Cunliffe-Owen (1828-1894) was Director of the South
Kensington Museum in London between 1873 and 1893.
59
CHAPTER FOUR
COLLECTING FEATHERS:
A JOURNEY FROM MEXICO INTO ITALIAN
COLLECTIONS (16TH-17TH CENTURY)*
CORINNA TANIA GALLORI
* This essay stems from the research conducted during my collaboration with the
project Imgenes en vuelo. Europa, Mexiko und die Globalisierung der Bilder
in der Frhen Neuzeit of Prof. Dr. Gerhard Wolfs directorate, Kunsthistorisches
Institut in Florenz Max-Planck-Institut. The present results are part of a broader
study that is still on-going. My thanks go to Prof. Gerhard Wolf, Elisabetta
Scirocco, Laura Aldovini and Sarah Wilkins for reading and editing my text.
1 Collo and Crovetto 1991, 29.
2 On Tupinambas capes see Buono 2007; Buono 2009.
3 Collo and Crovetto 1991, 630.
4 Honour 1975, 10.
62
Chapter Four
63
papagalli et altri uccelli a nui incogniti, et assai altre varie cose di pietre
rimesse molto minute, che in vero dimostra in quelle parti esser persone
dingegno.12 In 1522, the Venetian ambassador Gasparo Contarini (14831542), later to become cardinal, also admired the gifts of the Americans
and praised them at the Senate of his native city. Contarini specifically
mentioned featherwork, comparing it to embroiderya visual and technical
connection that is also emphasised in many other sourcesand noting the
feathers natural cangiantismo, or shifts in hue.13 In the 1520s, Christian
images made with feathers started to appear in Mexico, and in the 1540s
they quickly multiplied. Such images were soon sent to Europe as well.
In what follows, I shall present an overview of Christian feather
paintings, or feather mosaics, collected in Italy during the sixteenth and
early seventeenth centuries; a topic addressed in many writings on specific
collections and/or collections of Americana.14 My aim is to underscore the
specificity of the Christian feather paintings in European collections. In
order to show how such works of art were handled and experienced, I will
present the results of my archival research on featherwork collecting,
which has focused mostly on Rome and Florence. I will then address the
cultural and aesthetic motivations that lay behind the appreciation for
featherwork in the sixteenth century and also the conservation problems
they raised.
Surprisingly little information exists about the collecting of featherwork
in Italy. Intellectuals and authors of books on New Spain or America often
mentioned feather-images they saw in private collections, but only
because they were a curiosity of those lands; therefore they did not record
exactly how they were obtained, or where and how they were displayed. In
Italy, Mexican featherworks, either pre-Columbian or Christian, were
obtained through two channels: missionaries and Spain.15 The former sent
them as gifts from the Indies to high-ranking church officials, such as
12 Berchet 1892, 100, n. XIX; Benzoni 2004, 11; Markey 2008, I, 53-4.
13 Berchet 1892, 129, n. XLI: lavorano poi lavori di penne ducelli miracolosi.
certamente io non ho veduto in queste parti ricami, n altro lavoro, tanto sottile
come sono alcuni di quelli di penna; li quali hanno unaltra vaghezza perch
paiono di diversi colori, secondo ch hanno il lume, come che vediamo farsi nel
collo di un colombo. Cangiantismo is a phenomenon that is most often linked to
textiles: thanks to its weaving, a fabric seems to undergo a change in colour
according to its orientation to the light. Such an effect was often imitated in
painted textiles, especially during the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries. On the
term vaghezza see Russo 2002, 236.
14 For example on collecting featherwork in Italy see Heikamp 1972, 11-2, 15-8;
Heikamp 1976.
15 As stressed by Benzoni 2004, 147.
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65
19 [All] [c. 1541], [3]: Egli non haueuano caratteri ne sapeuano dipingere, ma
haueuano grande memoria, & faceuano belle figure con pe(n)ne de diuersi animali
& etiam di pietra. Al presente meglio dipingeno di uoi, & fanno diuerse figure de
santi con q(ue)lle pe(n)ne, delle quali ne ho uedute due, quale questi padri che son
passati di qua portano a Roma al beatissimo padre Papa Paulo, & son piu belle che
se fusseno di oro, ouer arge(n)to. Mandano etiam questi indiani tre casse piene di
pietre preciose con alcune di queste figure, & etiam con due bellitissime [sic]
spalere al Papa; the first to associate this letter to the Auch Mass was Russo 1997,
97 note 74.
20 For this interpretation and other meanings of the Auch Mass see Mongne 1994;
Cummins 2002, 116; Wolf 2007.
21 Battaglia 1961-2004, VII, 1019-23.
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Figure 15: Mexican amanteca, Mass of St. Gregory, 1539, Auch, Muse des
Jacobins (photo: Muse des Jacobins).
67
Rome, nor on its location in the papal collection. The mitres recorded
history begins only after the Milanese-born pope gave it to his nephew, the
cardinal Carlo Borromeo (1538-1584), archbishop of Milan and future
saint. We do not know where Carlo kept his mitre, or if he actually used it,
as a book published in 1739 claims.23 According to the Capitolo
inventories, after his death the mitre was kept in a wardrobe in the Duomo
sacristy, where it stood as a memorial of the sainted archbishop from 1597
until the creation of the Cathedral museum in the twentieth century. 24 We
do not know if in the intervening centuries it was sometimes shown to
visitors and/or to the faithful, as we have no mention of it apart fromthose
in inventories and books on the Duomo. Until the creation of the Cathedral
museum, the mitre was always kept close to other memorabilia associated
with San Carlo and in the nineteenth century it was put in a case for
better protection (Fig. 17). Interestingly, Carlo Borromeo seems to have
set a trend for Milans archbishops: his cousin Federico Borromeo (15641631, archbishop from 1596) was interested in acquiring the feather
triptych with the Deposition from the Cross and the coat of arms of Queen
Anna from the late Pompeo Leonis collection;25 Federicos own
successor, Cesare Monti (1593-1650, archbishop from 1632), also probably
owned a feather image.26
Thanks to a 1572 inventory we know that Pope Pius V (15661572)
had several feather-images: a Virgin between St. Peter and St. Paul, a St.
John the Baptist con sua Cortinella dormesino rosso con il ferro et anelli
dargento and a mitre con li misterij della Passione, probably a
Monogram of the Holy Names similar to the one in Milan.27 The Virgin
Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol an Amerindian anchor axe claiming it came from the
collection of his late uncle Pope Pius IV (Yaya 2008, 178).
23 Frigerio 1739, 91.
24 Milano, Archivio del Capitolo Metropolitano, fondo Sagrestia Meridionale,
cart. 3 (ex 150), fasc. 8, Inventario di tutte le [] cose appartenenti alla
Ven(erand)a Sacristia Meridionale [1597], fol. 28v.
25 Aimi 1991, 16, but for a more precise reconstruction see Di Dio 2006, 141,
143-4; ead. 2009, 4, 6, 11 note 68.
26 Milano, Archivio Storico Diocesano, Mensa ArcivescovileQuadreria, fols.
101v-102r: Un quadrettino con lImagine di nostra Signora in piede, et Angioli
allintorno fatti in piuma con cornice dhebano et vetro avanti; see Bona
Castellotti 1994, 30; Basso 1994, 108 n. 132.
27 ASR, Not. A. Martini, prot. 1223 A.S., Inventariu(m) originale Reru(m) et
bonor(um) in Cubiculis se. Re. Pii Papae V.ti et alijs locis palatii ap.ci hic intro
n(omin)atis nec non in saluarobba eiusdem se.re. Pii V.ti repertorum, fols. 213v
(Virgin with St. Peter and St. Paul), 192r (John the Baptist), 198v (mitre). The
Saint John was in the cubicolo nuovo close to one of the popes chapels. A quick
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and the mitre were then in the possession of Pope Gregory XIII (15721586).28 Pope Sixtus V (1585-1590) was also said to own a feather St.
Francis.29
Figure 16: Mexican amanteca, Mitre with Monogram of the Holy Names of Jesus and
Mary, before 1566, Milan, Museo del Duomo (photo: Kunsthistorisches Institut in
Florenz Max Plank Institute Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano).
mention of the feather-mosaics is in Lanciani 1902-1912, IV, 42, 43; Mossetti
1985, 303.
28 ASR, Not. A. Martini, prot. 1223 A.S., Inventariu(m) reru(m) et bonor(um)
[] in guardaroba S.D.N. D(omi)ni Gregorij diuina prouid(enti)a Papa XIIJ
existentiu(m) pro maiori parte ex alio Inuentario in actis meis ex(iste)nte extractis,
fols. 234v (mitre), 244r (Virgin).
29 Acosta 1591, 185v; Acosta 1596, 90v; Aldrovandi 1599-1603, I, 565; Callegari
1924-1925, 501; Anders 1970, 9; Castell Yturbide 1993, 147; Estrada de Gerlero
1994, 78; Russo 2009, 155-6, 159.
69
Figure 17: Milan Mitre as in 1924-25 (scan: author Veneranda Fabbrica del
Duomo di Milano).
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Figure 18: Mexican amanteca, Mitre with Monogram of the Holy Names of Jesus
and Mary (verso), before 1586, Firenze, Museo degli Argenti (photo:
Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz).
71
72
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73
74
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feather mitre. It is thus likely that Ferdinando himself sent his mitre to
Pisa, around 1595, as a gift for the rebuilding of the institution. Such a gift
was not unusual, for other scientific collections also included featherwork:
we know that Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522-1605), in his Bologna collection,
had a feather Saint Jerome that he had received from Cardinal Gabriele
Paleotti.46
The final pieces of featherwork in Ferdinandos collection are two
Madonnas. The first, a Virgin col figlio in collo, is recorded in the
inventory of 8 January 1588, and it might be the same Madonna con
Nostro Signore in collo fatto di piume di pi colori, con ornamento
debano that in 1638 was hanging Nel secondordine dalla porta a man
ritta in the stanzino gi di Madama Serenissima in front of the
Gallerias main door.47 In 1655 a Madonna con Gies in braccio, due
angioli sopra la testa con la corona; con cornici debano con fogliami
dargento con foglia simile per attaccarlo was hanging in the Villa di
Poggio Imperiale with another feather mosaic showing St. Aloysius
Gonzaga.48 The second featherwork with the image of the Madonna was
sent to Ferdinando by the Spanish ambassador, as recorded in a letter
written to Duke Alfonso II dEste on 24 September 1588.49 Unfortunately,
this is the total amount of the information available today.
75
76
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77
Figure 19: Mexican amanteca, detail of the Crucified Christ, from Mitre with
Monogram of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary, before 1566, Milan, Museo del
Duomo (photo: Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz Max Plank Institut
Veneranda Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano).
There could also have been further reasons for appreciating featherwork.
The iconography of the feather-mosaics was often copied from European
prints. For example, in the Florence mitre, we can perceive derivations
from Raphaels Deposition from the Cross, and Michelangelos Piet.60
Such visual quotes and the transposition of known masterpieces into a
different artistic medium could have added additional interest for the
Italian collectors. Also, it is worth noting an interesting circulation of ideas
between America and Europe. In Thomas Mores Utopia (1516) the
islands priests are dressed in multi-coloured feather robes, a choice
clearly inspired by New World discoveries.61 The use of feathers was
60 Gallori 2009, 398-402; ead. 2011, 71, 74, 82-7; ead., forthcoming.
61 More 1517, book II, IV, De religionibus utopiensium, 154: Candidis in templo
uestibus amicitur populus, sacerdos uersicolores induitur, & opere & forma
mirabiles, materia non perinde preciosa. neque enim auro intextae, aut raris
coagmentatae lapidibus, sed diuersis auium plumis, tam scite, tantoq(ue) artificio
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traditional in Mexico and the feathers had a sacred connotation, hence the
creation of Christian vestments decorated with feathers was a logical
application of the local technique. However, it should be emphasised that the
earliest archbishops of Mexico were avid readers of Mores books, and it is
under their rule that feather mitres started to appear. Also the iconography of
some of these mitres is interesting if compared with Mores description.
Utopias priests feather-robes were said to hide arcana [] mysteria and
interestingly the scenes of the Passion now called Arma Christi were often
referred to as mysteria passionis, at least in Latin and Italian. According to
the inventories, the mitres showing the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary were
actually depicting li misterij della Passione.62 Is this a coincidence?
Certainly More was not alluding to Christian mysteries in Utopia, but his
phrasing could have inspired the Mexican artists in choosing their mitres
iconography. Moreover in Europe, the knowledge of Utopia could have
been another filter through which to understand and interpret featherwork.
The interest of the collectors in iridescence and minute craftsmanship,
however, had some consequences for the display of featherwork. For
instance, they both point to a situation where these objects could be easily
taken down and touched. The collectors might have liked to surprise their
guests by showing off their featherwork, and the guests could have tried to
touch the mosaics, in order to verify if the images were really made with
feathers, as Pope Sixtus supposedly did. Such a situation does not bode
well for featherwork conservation. Feathers are extremely difficult to
preserve. Insects, dust, light, pH levels, temperature, humidity, and surface
abrasion, can damage feathers, render them dull or break them.63 The
fragility of feathers is a disadvantage considering the temptation to touch
these objects and to expose them to light in order to enjoy the colour
changes. Eventually, the featherwork becomes ruined, as shown in a
particularly dramatic fashion in the four seventeenth century mosaics
housed in the Santa Casa, Loreto (Fig. 20).
laboratae sunt, ut operis precium nullius aestimatio materiae fuerit aequatura. Ad
hoc in illis uolucrum pennis plumisque, & certis earu(m) ordinibus, quibus in
sacerdotis ueste discriminantur, arcana quaedam dicunt contineri mysteria, quorum
interpretatione cognita (quae per sacrificos diligenter traditur) diuinorum in se
beneficiorum, suaeq(ue) uicissim pietatis in deum, ac mutui quoque inter se officij
admoneantur. I want to thank Dr. Maria Teresa Binaghi Olivari for drawing this
passage to my attention; I do not think this has ever been noticed by scholars of
American featherwork.
62 See this essays footnote 27. In Spanish inventories the description was quite
different: see Cummins 2010, 34-5 note 11.
63 Pearlstein 2006.
79
Figure 20: Mexican amanteca, detail of a hand, from St. Ambrose, before 1668,
Loreto, Tesoro della Santa Casa (photo: Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz).
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Conclusions
Since the present article is part of a larger project that is still a work in
progress, I hope to have given nonetheless a clear picture of the state of
my research and of the difficulties incurred while dealing with such a
fragile category of works of art. Therefore, I would like to conclude by
sketching out possible avenues and the future direction of my
investigation.
First of all, it is necessary to continue the study of single local Italian
contexts and of the itineraries of feather paintings. The collections of
Bologna and those once owned by the Medici have been so thoroughly
studied, 66 that it seems more profitable to start focusing on other cities and
to try to reconstruct a network for the collecting of featherwork. After all,
the missing mitre of Ferdinando was finally found in Pisa! As the centre of
the Catholic Church, Rome was an important show case for New World
objects and also the first stop in the travels of many featherworks through
the Italian peninsula. It was in the eternal city, for example, that Venanzio
Filippo Piersanti (1688-1761) acquired his two feather paintings, now
housed in his birthplace (and family home), Matelicas Museo Piersanti.67
Milan was part of the Spanish empire, and its archbishops and Manfredo
Settala owned featherworks. What about other local collectors?68 It would
be interesting to study the role of Livorno, a porto franco whence feather
mosaics were shipped at least since 1572.69 Also the mosaics Lorenzo
65 Zelia Nuttall (1892, 460; 1895, 335) was told by the custodian in charge that it
[the mitre] dated from the seventeenth century and had belonged to a cardinal or
pope of the Medici family, identified by her with Alessandro di Ottaviano de
Medici (1535-1605). Guido Valeriano Callegari (1924-1925, 509) is the first to
report the Clement hypothesis.
66 On Bolognese collections see, for example, Laurencich-Minelli 1992.
67 Interestingly, in the museum catalogue the feather-paintings are listed as being
made of fabric. See Antonelli 1998, 109 nn. 299-300.
68 Some were interested in featherworking: Silvio Leydi informs me that on 29
may 1598 the inventory of Francesco dAdda records a Madonna piccola di
piume (Milan, Biblioteca Trivulziana, Archivio DAdda, 85).
69 For the 1572 shipment see Heikamp 1972, 11; Toorians 1994, 63, 64; Markey
81
2008, I, 122-3.
70 ASF, Magalotti, 200, fol. 379.
71 On these works of art see now Carmignani 2009a and Carmignani 2009b.
CHAPTER FIVE
THE DISPLAY OF EXOTICA
IN THE UFFIZI TRIBUNA
ADRIANA TURPIN
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85
the items listed in the inventories have been traced and are now housed in
various museums in Florence.9 More, no doubt, could be done to trace
additional works of art originally displayed in the Tribuna; however, that
is not the aim of this essay, nor is this the place to consider many of the
important interpretations of the iconography and function of the
architectural space. Rather, it concentrates on one aspect: the analysis of
the arrangement and choice of the works of art in the Tribuna, arguing that
these reflect Francesco Is poitical aims in the creation of this new, more
public display of his collection.10 Furthermore it will be argued that both
the arrangement and display can be placed in the context of contemporary
discussions on aesthetics and wonder at the end of the sixteenth century,
which further underpin the message of harmony and order.
Significant to this discussion is the presence and absence of works of
art from the other worlds to the east and west, the exotica which formed
such an important part of many sixteenth-century collections. Some of the
collections of works of art from the East and West were to be found in the
Tribuna, but only very few. Most other works were placed in the rooms to
either side of the Tribuna, also part of the Uffizi display of the Medici
collections. Still others were left in the Guardaroba in Palazzo Vecchio or
displayed in the family and guest apartments. Because naturalia and
objects of curiosity formed an important part of the well-known kunst and
wunderkammern of northern collectors, in particular those connected to
the Habsburg dynasty, it is important to note their absence from the
display in the Tribuna. Those items of exotica that were displayed in the
Tribuna reflected a different purposelike the other works of art on
display, they were chosen for their materials or their ingenious
workmanship. The manner in which they were arranged also raises the
question as to whether there was an underlying choreography to the
display of the works of art, and how this related to the significance and
purpose of the Tribuna.
underway on Francescos death, but was changed and the elements re-used by
Ferdinando.
9 When the Grand Duchy of Tuscany was given to the Lorraine family, they
further dispersed the collections, dividing them between different museums
according to materials and history. Thus sculptures went to the Museo del
Bargello, antiquities to the Museo Archeologico, unmounted works to the Museo
di Minerologia and mounted works of art to the Museo degli Argenti.
10 See Olmi 1985, 10.
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87
88
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275-89 for one possible reconstruction, which allowed for the presence of two
unpainted panels in the position at which Francesco placed his desk.
24 Feinberg 2002.
25 Frey 1923-30, II 886-87 quoted in Bolzoni 2001, 246.
26 Published 1550 and 1559. See Bolzoni 270-81. The associations between
Camillos ideas as expressed in lIdea del Teatro and the representation of the
Medici collections arguably extended to other displays, for example the Sala delle
Carte geografiche. As Fiorani argues, there is a long association between
geographical order and the theatre of the world as a heuristic system; see Fiorani
2005, 89-92.
27 The Casino of San Marco was where Francesco originally placed his
workshops. Near the Piazza di San Marco, the workshops were also next door to
the botanical gardens and menagerie. It is open to question whether any works of
art from the collection in the Casino of San Marco were displayed originally in the
Studiolo.
89
28 ASF GM 136; see Massinelli and Tuena 1992, 230-2 for a transcript of the
inventory taken in 1587.
29 On Don Antonios death in 1603, the works of art were bequeathed to Grand
Duke Ferdinando and thus were retained by the Medici family.
30 Heikamp 1997, 335.
31 Heikamp 1963, 245, quoting ASF GM 114, fol.158r, where payments are made
for painting a frieze around the cupola as the room seems to be called in the
accounts of 1586; pittori e macinatore a dipigniere il fregio attorno alla cupola pi
sorte uccielli, pesci, acqua, piante, sassi, niche e pi cose; macinar colori e altro
per detta.
32 ASF GM 113, fol. 161v gives payments to Master Dionigi di Matteo,
woodworker for these;see Heikamp 1963, 245.
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91
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Since humankind has a great desire to enjoy the sight of the works produce
by such noble and sublime intellects, the Grand Duke has permitted to the
supervisors of these objects to accommodate those who want to see them.
Thus one can view them as carefully as one pleases. In the Gallery one
sees these figures more comfortably than in public squares [].
Already the emperors and the Roman nobles had this same
praiseworthy and honourable idea. In order to escape the accusation of
greed and jealousy for keeping the wonderful art works of painting and
sculpture within their private houses, they placed them in public places for
the benefit of others.45
This accords with and supports the view that the Tribuna was intended to
display the power, prestige and history of the Medici family. However, the
use of the specific term asks for an explanation: generally it has been
assumed that the usage comes from its shape, as the tribune was the term
used for the semi-circular or semi-octagonal shape at the end of a
basilica.46 It was a shape that also had specific Florentine associations:
Brunelleschis dome for Santa Maria dei Fiori, the Cathedral of Florence
as well as the tribuna of Sta Maria Annunziata.47 These are important
references and may very well reflect the status of the room as a treasure
chamber. However, the classical meaning of the term tribune should also
be considered: as the platform from which the representatives of the
people could speak in the Senate. Thus, when Bocchi concludes his
account with the statement, Marcus Agrippa was so passionate in this
respect that he delivered a very committed speech demanding that all
paintings and sculptures be exhibited in public, we are led to the tribuna
of the ancient Romans.48 Thus the term Tribuna can also be seen as
referring to or connected with a concept with which Francesco was very
familiar, namely that of the collection as theatre. Camillos theatre of
memory, arguably a source of inspiration for Vincenzo Borghinis concept
of Francescos Studiolo, remained part of the Medicean discourse of the
45 Ibid.
46 The idea of the space and the name was that the room (which originally had a
single entrance) had the character of a chapel and formed a sort of Holy of Holies
within the palace.[www.RoyalCollectionsWebsite/Zoffany/Tribuna, consulted 20
June 2012].
47 Buontalenti also used it later for the design of the Capella dei Principi, the new
funerary chapel for the Medici at San Lorenzo.
48 Since Agrippa (64/63BC12BC) was famous for having commissioned the
original [i.e.not the present Hadrianic] Pantheon, there may have been a specific
reference intended, not just to his patronage but to the role of the Pantheon as a
place to display statues of the gods and thus in some ways a forerunner of the
gallery of classical statuary.
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the placement of the works of art on the walls and shelves, their
disposition was complex and rich.
Figure 21: Drawing by Benedetto de Greyss for the seventh wall of the Tribuna
Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi (photo: author with authorisation).
and a painting of the Tribuna, still in the family collection. See Heikamp 334-5.
95
The overall concept was similar to that already used by Francesco and his
father: shelves, small drawers under the shelves, chests and cupboards.
The additional use of recessed arches to display objects was an innovation,
perhaps taken from the display of antique sculptures in niches as for
example at the Belvedere in Rome. The inventory begins with the
description of the mensole, which were below the shelves or palchetti.55
Bocchi clearly described objects as being placed underneath each corbel
of the lower shelf which might suggest some form of open display.
However, as Masinelli proposed and as has been confirmed by recent
research, the mensole were most probably the drawers illustrated in the
drawings by de Greyss prepared for Giovanni Bianchi.56 In this lower
section were displayed the majority of the non-European works of art or
what might be considered curiosities; primarily the small daggers
described as Germani or dommaschino but occasionally other small
items such as a small nugget of gold venute dellIndie(141) or small
hanging cup in mother of pearl (229).57 Other items that may have been
non-European include a small nicchia of mother-of-pearl with a large
hanging pearl, found in the twelfth mensole (206) and some of the ebony
objects, which included knife handles as well as small boxes.
The order is not according to material or type, as in the Scrittoio of
Calliope, nor an extensive display of skillfully wrought, beautiful works of
art as in the Casino of San Marco, but consists of small sculpture and
small paintings framed in ebony (some of these were miniature portraits),
and in each at least one of the swords and daggers described by Bocchi. In
this lower display there is a variety and rhythm of order as described in the
inventory: in the second drawer, for example, two bronze sculptures were
followed by a small dagger with a tortoiseshell handle and its decorated
sheath, followed by three small paintings, a small hardstone shell and a
55 Gaeta Bertel 1997, 3-22. In the inventory the objects are often called vasetto,
quadrettino or testa dun puttino antica which suggests that the items were
small. The measurements of 2/5 of a braccio [a Florentine braccio was the
equivalent of c.18 inches or 5/8 of a braccio would confirm this. However some of
the paintings were 3/4 x 3/5, which is somewhat larger.
56 Massinelli 1997, 65. In the inventory for the Calliope study, the small drawers
were called cassette. There is still some room for confusion as in the de Greyss
illustrations, paintings are hung below the main shelves so if there were any small
objects hanging under the shelves, they have disappeared. I am grateful to Lucia
Aquino for confirming that in her opinion, the mensole were definitely drawers and
to Valentina Conticelli for discussing this with me before the Tribuna conference
at the Kunsthistorisches Institut, Florence (2012).
57 This cup is discussed by Scalini 1997, 118.
96
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97
door, very near the end of the procession of objects, was a mountain in
mother-of-pearl (457). One of the most elaborate pieces, a serpentine
dragon supporting a crystal salt surmounted by a small silver figure
holding the reins of the dragon in his hand (no 369), would seem to have
been displayed on one side of the fourth arch while on the other side,
almost equidistant was a dolphin in chalcedony (376). What seems to be
clearer is that the striking close combination of tower and mountain was to
be found on both sides of the central cabinet.
Figure 22 A Silver Mountain of the Resurrection and Adoration, second half of the
sixteenth century, from the workshop of Concz Welcz (1532-1555). Originally in the
collection of Ferdinand II of Tyrol at Ambras this suggests the type of object described
in the inventory of the Tribuna (photo: Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna).
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The works of art that could be called exotic, either because of their
material or provenance, were extremely rare.62 On these upper shelves,
there were some ten clearly identifiable non-European objects: among
them were, for example, a vase in tortoiseshell mounted in silver from the
Indies (270), an earthenware vase dellIndie (274), a rhinoceros horn
cup (Fig. 23) (308), a bowl in tortoiseshell (339), two balls of transparent
tortoiseshell (356), a small box in engraved tortoiseshell ( 389). Also to be
found were small balls of mother of pearl. One of the grandest items
would appear to have been an elaborately mounted ostrich egg (380) with
mounts by del Marchionni, described in the inventory as a German.63
Some of the exotica were found in the wooden turrets: for example a
mother-of-pearl snail decorated in silver (316), while others were
displayed in the arches. In the fifth arch, two small bowls are described as
being in mother-of-pearl (408),64 while a small jade Aztec sculpture has
been indentified with one described as a bust of an idol of chalcedony
draped in a cape placed in the sixth arch of the Tribuna (Fig. 24).
Figure 23: A Chinese rhinoceros horn cup with Florentine mounts, late sixteenth
century, inv. Bg IV n.7m, Museo degli Argenti, Florence (photo: Soprintendenza
Speciale per il Patrimonio Storico, Artistico ed Etnoantropologico e per il Polo
Museale della citt di Firenze).
62 Not all the descriptions of the works of art are clear as to whether they are
European or not. In the list of exotica (see Appendix) items of naturalia that could
come from non-European countries have been included.
63 Gaeta Bertel 1998, 32.
64 Morena 2010, 140-3.
99
The exotic works of art acted in conjunction with the European works of
art, providing a form of counterpoint within the display of sculptures
alongside the small hardstone. Thus bronze and marble sculptures were
grouped often in threes or in fours but then interspersed with either an object
in hardstone, worked ivory or silver, very occasionally, an object in
tortoiseshell or mother-of-pearl; most dramatic were the silver mountains
that appeared on every shelf. Only at one point, on the long shelf between
the sixth tower and seventh towers, was to be found a grouping of naturalia
and exotica. Here, next to the silver mountain, was displayed in turn, a small
branch of coral (338), then the small tortoiseshell box from the Indies (339)
followed by four bronzes. Two items beyond the coral branch, on the other
side of the silver mountain, was listed a sculpture of a small Cupid in coral
(335), suggesting that colour too played a role in the display.
Figure 24: A small Aztec idol in jade, Museo degli Argenti, Florence (photo: see
Figure 23).
On either side of the door into the Tribuna was a large cupboard, each of
which was filled with the great works of art in hardstone produced during
Francescos reign, works in rock crystal, jasper, agate, chalcedony and
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even topaz in various forms. Among the items listed, two were in mother
of pearl: one is not given a provenance while one is specifically mentioned
as decorated allindiana.65 One further example of an exotic work was a
mounted coconut (499). However, it is worth noting that none of the
mounted shells still surviving today were displayed in the Tribuna but, as
far as can be traced, were in the Casino of San Marco.66 The contents of
the cupboards primarily served to display the marvellously worked objects
that Francesco so admired, and which were valued as supreme examples of
art and nature. It was these objects that, although hidden from view, were
described by Bocchi and Raffaello Borghini in terms of their marvellous
workmanship.
Hanging above the shelves was a selection of paintings, presumably
selected to show the status of Florentine art. The series began with
Raphaels portrait of Pope Leo and the two cardinals above the door, then
eight paintings by Andrea del Sarto, seven by Raphael including one of the
Madonna with Christ, St. John, St. Anne and other saints; Leonardos St
John the Baptist, Giorgiones Saint John, three by Pontormo including a
Woman Seated with a Book in her Hand and The Conversion of St Paul.
Very few contemporary artists work appeared in the hangingonly those
by Ligozzi and Federigho Fiammingho (probably Federico Sustris). The
choice of the most famous artists who had worked in Florence from the
previous generation appears to have been in marked contrast to the
employment of contemporary artists in Francescos study.67
To complete the display, Francesco ordered a large octagonal central
cabinet, designed by Buontalenti, described as a studiolo in Bocchi and
the Tempietto in the bills, to be placed in the centre of the room.68 The
cabinet was particularly commented on by Bocchi in 1591, who described
65 Gaeta Bertel 1997, 52: Item 608 is described as una tazza a uso di calice di
diaspora venuta dellIndie, lavorata scanalata stretti, guarnita dargento dorato
allindiana, segnata(sic) in fondo n 11, n. 1.
66 For example, the shell cups, nos. BgV, no2; the double nautilus pitcher, bgV,
n23, two Chinese shells mounted in Paris, nos. BgV 20 and 25 were all transferred
from the Casino of San Marco in 1618 at the death of Don Antonio; Gregori and
Heikamp 1997, 119-22.
67 It is interesting to note that the same selection of artists appeared in
Ferdinandos collections in the Villa Medici as can be seen from the inventory
transcribed in Cecchi and Gasparri 2009, IV, 434-41. I would like to thank Susan
Bracken for this information.
68 Bocchi 1591, 54. Heikamp 1963, 246. Heikamp cites bills to various workmen
on the cabinet from 1584-1594: ASF GM 112 and 113. Buontalentis drawing for
the base of the first cabinet survives and the second cabinet as completed was
drawn by Giuseppe Bianchi in the 1750s.
101
the dome of precious stones, tiles of lapis lazuli, jasper and agate, above
which was a small lantern surmounted by a globe of chrysolite. The doors
to the cabinet were inlaid in wood and semi-precious stones inside which
there were compartments for most beautiful medals of gold, silver and
bronze and ancient gems, and cameos of rare workmanship, made of agate,
sapphire, amethyst, and all the other precious stones which can be carved
in convex or concave form.69
The contents of the Tribuna would therefore seem specifically to
emphasise the highly-prized classical sculptures, which were to be
compared with the works of art and paintings by the greatest Florentine
artists. The intention was to arouse admiration from the viewer, who
should marvel at mans skills. In particular Bocchi states that the purpose
was to show that Art and nature in a certain way compete in creating the
most precious beauty and the most sublime piece of craftsmanship.70 The
choice of works on display thus combined art and nature either through the
materials in which they were made or through their subject matter.71 The
works of art from the East and the West were equally present as examples
of the very greatest value and workmanship brought here from the
Indies.72 Neither nature nor works from beyond Europe were presented in
their raw forms but as works of art enhanced by the skill of man.73 The
Tribuna was not the place for the Aztec featherworks or natural curiosities,
even though they caused admiration for their workmanship or rarity.74 Nor
was it the place for the highly-prized collections of porcelains, including
the extensive collection of Chinese porcelains that traditionally formed an
important part of the Medici collections from the time of Lorenzo il
Magnifico.75 The almost entire absence from the Tribuna of this type of
69 Bocchi 1591, 54; Frangenberg and Williams 2006, 68.
70 Ibid., 70.
71 Among the statuettes were many satyrs or fauns, animals and dolphins, the
inclusion of which argues that nature in antiquity was also represented in the
display. Thus in the fourth arch, the sculptures included a baboon, a crab and a
dolphin.
72 Frangenberg and Williams 2006, 28. Bocchi here was in fact referring to a bed
in the Casino of San Marco.
73 It is worth noting, moreover, that even though there were mounted natural
objects displayed in the Tribuna, there was no comparison in number to the
quantity found in the Casino of San Marco. Among surviving objects that have
been indentified as being in the Casino are the engraved double nautilus shell or
nautilus salt cellar today in the Museo degli Argenti, illustrated in Massinelli and
Tuena 1992, 129 and 130.
74 See among others the essay by Gallori in this volume.
75 Spallanzani 1994, 43, 55-8. Spallanzani has shown the difficulties of
102
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103
80 Francesco had been sent to the court of Philip II of Spain where he lived with
his brother Ferdinando until he was seven and he later married the daughter of the
Austrian emperor, Joanna of Austria.
81 Heikamp 1983, 505-6 and Gldy 2009b, 52.
82 See Keating and Markey 2011, 285 for further discussion of the significance of
New World objects to the Medici rulers.
83 ASF, GM 28, fol. 42r: Una maschera venuta dellIndia composta di turchine
sopra il legno; Turpin 2006, 70; Keating and Markey 2011, 299.
84 Turpin, 2006, 82-4; Keating and Markey 2011, 289-91.
85 ASF, GM 65, fol. 248r. Due maschera di Legno coperte di turchine poste dare
in conto dabiti et alter cose da mascherare in questo. ASF, GM 65, fol. 327v,
Habiti e Altre Cose Da Mascherate: Due Mascherdi legno coperte di turchine
post dare di conti di robe piu sorte. Earlier the feather capes were also included as
habiti da mascherate. ASF, GM 7, fol. 26v; Turpin 2006, 74.
86 See Nagler 1964, 42 who cites the third intermedio of the performance of I
Fabii, 1569 designed by Baldassare Lanci for the celebration for the christening of
Francescos eldest daughter; Buontalenti designed the costumes for this
production. The subject of the Intermedio was the Clouds and Winds: the North
Winds were masked as old men, the West winds as young men; the South winds
had wrinkled, chubby faces while the East winds had white masks. Although the
use of masks was not uncommon in Renaissance theatre, this was one of the few
scenes in operas between 1550-1600 in which the entire group on stage was
masked.
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to the way in which the masks were categorised within the Guardaroba or
whether the masks were in fact ever used is impossible to tell. A later
reference in the 1595 inventory taken for Grand Duke Ferdinando is to a
Mask in mosaic allIndiana broken which may mean that the mask had
indeed been actually been used in some way. It is tempting to believe that
it might have been worn at some point; however, Keating and Markey also
point out that Philip II ordered certain Aztec and Mexican works to be
destroyed, so the mask might have been purposely damaged.87 If not used
directly in performances, the masks may have been seen as a physical
reality of drawings and engravings of Indians in their headdresses, most
famously by Cornelis Bos.88 In the Tribuna, masks appear on the consoles
87 ASF, GM 190, fol. 125v; quoted in Keating and Markey 2011, 291 and 299.
88 See Ducos 1969, 57-64, where he discusses the transference of iconography
from New World headdresses to the ancient world, arguing for examples that the
105
106
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every single feature is manifestly inspired and beyond praise.90
The arousal of wonder from art that surpassed nature through its ingenuity
or through its use of the unexpected was an important part of the
discussions determining aesthetic values that had taken place throughout
the sixteenth century. The tradition and importance of wonder as a concept
in European thought has been extensively discussed.91 Of particular
interest for the analysis of the display in the Tribuna is the literary
criticism of the marvellous. Based on Aristotle in the Metaphysics and
Poetics and in particular following the discovery of Aristotles Poetics in
the 1540s, sixteenth-century humanists were concerned to explain the
various ways in which Aristotle defined expression, much concerned with
the question of imitation.92 The element of wonder is required in
Tragedy Aristotle argued, because the unexpected makes men marvel
even if the events have an explanation or purpose. In poetry wonder was
even more important and effective since, the irrational, on which the
wonderful depends for its chief effects, has wider scope in epic poetry,
because there the person acting is not seen.93 As James Mirollo suggests,
sixteenth-century writers developed Aristotles concept of the marvellous
through the poets skill with language, so that surprise came through the
introduction of the unexpected.94 Aristotles argument that wonder was a
literary device to create surprise is of particular importance in relation to
the ordering of the objects on the shelves and arguably underpins the
display of the Tribuna; the marvellously wrought works of art and the
turrets were placed on the shelves to punctuate the display of statues,
90 Vasari-Milanesi 1881, VII, 179: Nel partimento non ha usato ordini di
prospettive che scortino, n v veduta ferma; ma ito accomodando pi il
partimento alle figure, che le figure al partimento, bastanto condurre gli ignudi
evestiti con perfezione di disegno, che no si pu n fare s fatto mai opera, ed
appena con fatica s pu imitare il fatto. Questa opera stata et veramente la
lucerna dellarte nostra, che ha fatto tanto giovamente e lume allarte della pittura,
che ha bastato a illuminare il monde, per tante centinaia danni in tenebre stato. E,
nel vero, non curi pi chi pittore di vedere novit ed invenzioni ed attitudini,
abbigliamenti addosso a figure, modi nuovi daria, e terribilit di cose varimente
dipinte; perch tutta quella perfezione che si pu dare a cosa che in tal magisterio
si faccia, a questa ha dato.
91 Platt 1999 in particular the essays by Mirollo 1999, 24-44 and Summers, 45-75.
For an account of the European tradition of wonder, see Daston and Park 1998.
92 Mirollo 1999, 29-30; Frangenberg and Williams 2006.
93 Aristotle, Poetics, part 24, 1460b. For an English translation see AristotleButcher 1850-1910.
94 Mirollo 1999, 32-3.
107
providing the pause and effect that Aristotle described as essential for poetry
to be effective. Buontalentis turrets seem to have provided the strongest
accent, with lesser effects created by repeated mountains of silver ore, the
occasional small, decorative object, a few carefully-placed mounted
objectsand occasionally a work from the other worlds. Probably
hidden from view, but also part of the display and able to be admired, the
small damascened swords were carefully placed between groups of small
scultures and statuettes. Thus, as Raffaello Borghini wrote in Il Riposo in
1584, the connection between order and display should cause amazement
or wonder. In particular he specified the exotic as part of the mechanism
by which wonder can be caused.
But of great wonder to see is a study in five distinct categories, where there
are in good order [] small statues, of bronze and wax; and [] objects of
hardstone of many sorts, vases of porcelain and rock-crystal, sea shells of
various types, pyramids of precious stones, jewels, medals, masks,
petrified fruits and animals and many new and rare objects from the Indies
and from Turkey, which amaze.95
108
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discussion on painters, Bocchi singled out Andrea del Sarto as the primary
Florentine artist, for his realism and it is worth noting the number of
paintings by del Sarto and Raphael on display in the Tribuna, compared to
the works by contemporary painters. Borghini equally castigated works
that had too much invention and praised del Sarto for his advance over
the drawing, the grace, the colour, the lifelikeness and the threedimensionality of all the other painters who had painted up to that time.
And, in truth, one would never be able to praise it enough.97 Later he
continued, That marvellous Last Supper in San Salvi is his work, which
is not only the most beautiful thing that he did, but the most beautiful that
could be done. This is facile of manner, observant of design and has all the
parts that belong to a good painting.98 Here Borghini links the marvellous
to lifelikeness and good design, thus bringing it closer to Aristotles
original emphasis on realism as the foundation of poetry, which had been
so hotly debated in the middle of the century.99 The choice of the great
Florentine artists of the early sixteenth century to display in the Tribuna
reflected this new aesthetic and the return to order and balance in the arts.
As Michaelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, playwright and poet,
wrote in 1600, wonder could be achieved through order and decorum.
From the machines, therefore comes maraviglia, which is the principal
means of understanding [] from the noble and graceful tale comes the
moral and those human and divine customs which through the expression
of proper decorum, purge the minds of the spectators, leading them toward
justice and even true love. These last also result from the excellence of the
words themselves, which are the images of thoughts, and form the
exquisite and varied music, which is perfectly adapted to the characters and
to the concepts.100
109
110
Chapter Five
111
112
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role as architect of the Tribuna, brought together the worlds of theatre and
art.111 The type of exotica that was present in the Tribuna, reinforces the
concept that wonder was the result of combining art and nature through
the skill of man and the materials of nature. However, as Bocchi and
Borghini made clear, such skill had to be set within the context of balance,
order and harmony.
Platt has suggested that, although wonder was an absolutely central
concept in the sixteenth century, it was a concept full of inconsistency
and variety.112 In the case of the display of the Tribuna, it is not so much
inconsistency that is found, but rather an extraordinary unity that emerges
from contemporary discussions on wonder. Indeed the perceptible shift
between the marvellous as expressed through the ingenuity of man to the
marvellous as found in order and harmony may reflect the shifts in the
appreciation of wonder in Aristotles writings. Just as Galileo Galilei saw
Ariostos poem as a return to the order and wonder of the great figures of
Antiquity, so Bocchi and Borghini sought to analyse the greatness of the
most famous artists of Florence. In turn, the message of the harmony and
order brought to Florence through the rule of the Medici princes was
reinforced by the display of works of art in the Tribuna. The concept of
wonder achieved by the marvellous works to be seen in this room of
treasures was thus not only achieved through the skilled workmanship of
the objects but also through the ingenuity of the display.113
111 Carter 1985, 73-5 discusses Jacopo Corsi and his connections with Bardi and
the new developments in performance in the 1590s in much the same terms.
112 Platt 1999, 15.
113 An additional aspect to investigate might be how far this shift of emphasis
reflects the different points of view of Francesco and Ferdinando themselves, since
the Tribuna was created at the point of transition between the two grand dukes.
113
APPENDIX
OBJECTS OF NATURE OR EXOTICA (EXCLUDING HARDSTONES AND
SCULPTURES) TAKEN FROM THE INVENTORY OF THE TRIBUNA 1589
[extracted from Gaeta Bertel 1997]
The following are items listed in the inventory that relate to natural works of art
that could have a non-European provenance such as mother-of-pearl or
tortoiseshell, including some amber items which might be classed as exotic; items
as listed as coming from the Indies; damascened metalwork; items that have
subsequently identified in the museum collections of Florence as being nonEuropean.
Sotto il palchetto miniato
13 Una nicchia intera di madreperla attaccata con catenuzze dargento con suo
guarnimento dargento dorato con n. 26 chiocciolini di vare sorte appiccate dentro
a detta nicchia, n.1
Segue nella medesima mensola
23
Un coltello grande alla turchesca di Germani o domaschino con suo
manica di cristallo ghiera dargento dorato, guaina di sagri verde con
puntale e 3 di argento dorato traforate con catena dargento, palmi 2 0/3,
n.1
32
Un coltello Germani o dommaschino con manica di tartarugha, borchia
dosso bianco, guaina di sagri nero con puntale e 2 ghiere dargento
lavorato dorate alla turchesca con sua catena dargento appiccata, n.1
38
Un(a) mezza nicchia di madreperla entrovi n. 14 chioccioline al naturale,
anima dargento dorato, n.1
Alla terza mensola
46
Un coltello dommaschino o Germani, manica davorio, guaina di sagri
con ghiera e puntale dargento dorato e catena dargento n.1
Segue alla quarta mensola
54
Un coltello di Germani o dommaschino, manica davorio, a biscia,
manica dargento dorato e catena dargento dun fantoccio, con guaina
de legno giallo, con catena dargento, n.1
Alla quinta mensola
62
Un coltello Germani o dommaschino con manica dosso commesso
doro e rubinetti e turchine con guaina di sagri nero con puntale e
(g)hiera e puntale dargento dorato e catenuzzo dargento, n.1
Alla sesta mensola
74
Un coltellino di Germani o dommaschino, manica di diaspro verde
114
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guarnito doro con n.8 rubini con guaina di sagri con 2 ghiere e un
puntale doro con n.21 rubino, attaccato con catenuzza dargento, n.1
115
116
Chapter Five
UPPER SHELVES
Su palchetti miniati doro che son retti dale retroscritte mensole cominciando da
man ritta dentro alla porta
232
Una scatola aovato de legname vernicata e miniata con figure alla
indiano con suo coperchio, n.1
239
Una gabbia dambra gialla, n.1
Primo arco che posa su detto palchetto
253
Una tazza dambra gialla o cosa simile, n.4
Segue su pachetti after the seconda guglietta
270
Un vaso di scorza di tartarugha guarnita dargento venuta dellIndie, cio
copperchio, piede e beccuccio dargento, n.1
274
Un vaso di terra rossa dipinta dellIndie a uso di navicella serrate di
sopra con suo beccuccio e nel mezzo un giglio chef fa peverino, n. 1
Alla terza guglietta
308
Un vasetto di corno di rencerota, alto braccia 0/3, con beccuccio,
cerchietti e bottone doro smaltato con suo coperchio, n.1
Alla quinta guglietta
316
Una chiocciola di madreperla intagliata che posa su un nicchio dargento
dorato, serve per piede, quale posa sopra una basa dargento dorata, n.1
328
Una chiocciola stiacciata guarnita con dalfini e filetti dargento dorato,
posa su una basa dargento dorato, n.1
Alla sesta guglietta
338
Una branchetta di corallo scarnatino con lanima di corallo rosso posa su
un peduccio di legno, n.1
339
Una scodella con suo coperchio dosso di tartarugha trasparente e
miniato doro macinato, n.1
356
Dua scodelle di tartarugha trasparente che fanno palla, n.2
Segue alla settima guglietta
369
Un dragho di chiocciola, collo, e alie, e piede, e coda dargento dorato,
sul dorso del quale si posa una saliera di cristallo di monte, guarnita
dargento dorato con coperchio e una figurina dargento con vesta doro
smaltato, che tiene a freno detto dragho e tutto posa su un monte
dargento intrecciato di fuora di filo dargento dorato, n.1
Al quarto arco
380
Un vaso di un mezzo huovo di struzzolo intagliato di figure e grottesche,
di mano del Marchionni tedescho, con guarnitione dargento dorato con
termini e un granchio sotto che serve per pi, n.1
117
Allottava guglietta
389
Una cassettina di madreperla intagliata guarnita con 4 balaustri di corallo
e filettata dargento dorato, piccola, n.1
Al quinto arco
408
Due tazzoline tonde di madreperla con manichi, cerchietti e piedi
dargento dorato, n.2
Al sesto arco
446
Una testa con busto duno idolo, di calcidonio, vestita con panno in capo,
peduccio di simile, n.1
Alla dodicesima guglietta
460
Una scatola di legno aovata con suo coperchio, miniato doro e rossa
allindiana, n.1
IN THE CUPBOARDS
E larmadio primo da man desstra segue lInventario nel primo palchetto di
sopra
497
Due vasi a scodella di mezzi houvi di struzzolo, guarniti con manichi,
piedi e cerchietti dargento, n.1
498
Dua corni de bada, bassi, a uso di monticelli con punte, n.2
499
Un vaso detto un coccho dIndia guarnito intorno dergento con piedi e
coperchio dargento, n.1
Al secondo palchetto
504
Una scodella dottone lavorata allazzimina con suo coperchio simile, n.1
505
Una chiocciola di madreperla con anima dargento dorato grande, n.1
A(l)quarto palchetto
539
Una tazzetta di corniola Bianca liscia senza piede, segnata nel fondo n.33,
n.1
Secondo armadio da man sinistra [] al secondo palchetto
608
Una tazza a uso di labica di diaspro venuta dallIndie lavorata scanalata
stretti guarnita dargento dorato allIndiana segnata in fondo n.11, n.1
CHAPTER SIX
SOUTH, EAST AND NORTH:
THE SWEDISH ROYAL COLLECTIONS
AND DOWAGER QUEEN HEDWIG ELEONORA
(1636-1715)
LISA SKOGH
In 1654 Hedwig Eleonora (1636-1715), princess of Schleswig-HolsteinGottorf, married Carl X Gustav of Pfalz-Zweibrcken (16221660), king
of Sweden (Fig. 26). The marriage contract included the clausula that, if
she were to be widowed, Hedwig Eleonora would inherit large estates and
gain a substantial income.1 Thus, when her husband died in 1660, the
dowager queen became one of the richest people in the realm and
remained in administrative and financial control of her estates, since she
never remarried. From now on Hedwig Eleonoras interests focused on her
only son, on the monarchy and on boundless cultural activities, including
patronage of art and architecture and the creation of her collections. The
enormous wealth of goods that she amassed came in part from her own
acquisitions and commissions of contemporary works of art and in part
from her predecessors collections in Sweden and in Gottorf. These
collections were displayed in the old castles (at Gripsholm and in the
Royal Palace in Stockholm); in the palaces that she commissioned
(Drottningholm and Strmsholm); and those that she acquired (Ulriksdal
and Carlberg). Hedwig Eleonoras cultural leadership had great impact on
the royal art collection, much of which survives to this day and on the
royal residences in seventeenth-century Sweden and upon the visual
identity of the monarchy in Sweden (which from 1680 to 1718 was an
absolute monarchy).
1 Brunius & Asker 2011.
120
Chapter Six
The large collections of works of art and of rarities that Hedwig Eleonora
amassed can be identified through accounts, inventories and letters in the
National Archives and the Royal Palace Archives, as well as through the
objects themselves, still in the Royal Collections and in the
Nationalmuseum. Her collections included, among other things, several
portrait galleries and substantial amounts of ivories, hardstone vessels,
medals, porcelain and silver. The collections were large and consisted also
of rarities and pretiosa from far and near. This article looks at examples in
Hedwig Eleonoras collections that originated from areas to the East,
South and North of the Swedish realm, as well as within it. It also attempts
to trace collecting traditions originally established at Hedwig Eleonoras
natal court of Gottorf and transferred by her to Sweden.
121
2 How these two paintings by Klcker Ehrenstrahl came into the Bonde familys
collections at Ericsberg is unknown. It is likely that they came from the royal
collections as a mark of the familys high standing at court. The inscriptions on the
paintings refer to the respective places of cultivationthe Royal Palace in
Stockholm and Carlberg Palace.
3 This weight was used in Sweden during most of the seventeenth century. One
Lipund was made up of 20 Sklpund. The 18 Sklpund of one of the melons
corresponds to just over 8 kilos and one Lipund is a little more than that. Hence,
both these melons were unusually large and heavy.
4 In 1675 Danckerts was commissioned to portray King Charles II with the first
pineapple ever (allegedly) cultivated in England. He also created another series of
pineapple portraits of a more technical and scientific aspect.
122
Chapter Six
The French gardener Andr Mollet (d. before 1665), who had also worked
at the Swedish court, described the art of cultivating melons in great detail
in his treatise Art und Weise die Edle Frucht Melohnen zu zeugen
(Hamburg, 1659).5 Mollet praised the melon as a noble fruit and rarity;
therefore he advised the learned on how to cultivate it properly. For
example, Mollet shared his theories on how such large melons as those
from Carlberg and Stockholm had reached their extraordinary weight.6
The fascination with rare fruits and vegetables and the art of improving
nature, as made evident in princely gardens, was a continuation of the
artificial collectibles displayed within a palace; flora (and fauna) also
represented knowledge about distant and local cultures. The ephemeral
display of such rare goods was regarded as similar to more durable works
of art, for example paintings, textiles or pretiosa.7
5 Mollet 1659. It is not known if Hedwig Eleonora owned a copy of this treatise. It
is such a rare publication that it might have been published solely for the duke of
Braunschweig und Lneburg, as seems to be confirmed by its current location at
the Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbttel.
6 Andr Mollets son, Jean Mollet, was employed at the Swedish court from
c.1660 until his death in 1708.
7 de Jong 2001.
123
124
Chapter Six
poor animal was described as Vulpis et Canis progenies and like the other
crossbreeds was limping and hunchbacked.
14 Transcription of the description made by Meytens on the painting Denna kalf
r uti Gefle Socken, Hille fallen A:o 1710 uti Martii mnad, efter Leben afmlad.
Lefde allenast en timme. M. Meytens pinx. [in translation: This calf is from Gefle
County Hill fallen Anno 1710 in the month of March, painted alive. It lived but
one hour. M. Meytens. pinxit.]
125
The flora and fauna of Lapland in the very north of the Swedish realm,
excited great fascination at the time and had its effect on Hedwig
Eleonoras collections. For example, a painting commissioned from
Klcker Ehrenstrahl depicted a reindeer with a Laplander in a sled. The
man is, however, believed to be Abraham Momma Reenstierna (16231690), of German descent, who had moved to Sweden to develop copper
mines and trade routes (Fig. 29). As a mercantile entrepreneur he travelled
north to Lapland to seek his fortune. He argued that Lapland represented a
quarter of the realms territorial space and thus would become a most
important source of revenue and offer financial security for the Crown.15
The picture of Momma Reenstierna was displayed in Hedwig Eleonoras
apartment at Drottningholm and it illustrated the the monarchys wish to
explore the north of the realm.
Figure 29: David Klcker Ehrenstrahl, Jacob Momma Reenstierna, 1671, NMGrh
2351, Nationalmuseum, Stockholm (photo: Nationalmuseum).
This interest in Lapland, in the indigenous people (the Sami) and their
animals had its impact on the library as can be seen in many inventories of
Hedwig Eleonoras collections. Amongst those books was a German
version of the book Lapponia by the Uppsala professor Johannes Schefferus
(1621-1679).16 This was the first major publication on Lapland and was
15 Awebro 1995-7, XXIX, 716-9.
16 This book was first published in Latin in 1673 in Franfurt am Main; translations
into English, French and German were to follow.
126
Chapter Six
127
Figure 30: Lacquered Chest, Momoyama period, c.1600, Japan, The Swedish
Royal Collections (photo: The Swedish Royal Collections).
The chests exceptional status within the royal collections was obvious
and Hedwig Eleonora commissioned a carved and gilded wooden stand for
it from her court sculptor Burchardt Precht (1651-1738) to enhance the
valuable and curious chest. This happened not only because the chest came
25 See Vahlne, 1986, and the diary of Anthonis Goeteeris 1616, 26-8.
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from a distant land but, as importantly, because its entrance to the royal
collection could be traced back to Gustavus Adolphus. As can be seen in
many of Hedwig Eleonoras inventories, royal provenance, especially the
continuous line of possession through to such heroic kings as Gustavus
Adolphus or Gustav I Vasa, was emphasised in her practices of collecting
and display. Moreover, Hedwig Eleonora ordered the chest to be moved to
Gripsholm and displayed it as part of the furnishings of her formal state
bedchamber.26
A very large silk carpet was listed in the Crowns 1697 inventory.27
The carpet is of Persian origin and today usually referred to as the
Hunting carpet due to its decorative pattern. It has been suggested that it
might somehow have come with Hedwig Eleonora from the ducal court in
Gottorf; it may even have been part of her dowry in 1654 or have been
sent as a gift in celebration of the birth of Hedwig Eleonoras son, Carl
(XI), in 1655.28 The carpet, which was produced in Kashan during the
third quarter of the sixteenth century, probably arrived in Gottorf through
the travels of the Holstein courtier and scholar Adam Olearius (15991671). It is very rare as one of only three seventeenth-century silk carpets
from Persia that are still preserved in Western Europe, although many
such carpets must have existed in princely households according to the
inventories.29 How it was used and displayed during Hedwig Eleonoras
time is unknown, but it was recorded in her inventories as early as 1656.
Hedwig Eleonora had several other Persian and Ottoman rarities in her
collections, such as a group of shields, so-called kalkans.
These kalkans were made of fig withies covered in polychrome silk
thread and had metal centres with gilt clasps, some of which are inlaid
with turquoise; other shields are entirely made of gilt metal. The Royal
Armoury in Stockholm has identified these shields as part of the war booty
taken by Swedish troops in Prague in 1648 and it is believed that some of
these shields were originally a gift from ShahAbbas to Emperor Rudolf
26 Vahlne 1986. 26-8.
27 The so-called Hunting Carpet (measurements 585x285 mm) Inv. no: HGK,
Textilsamlingen 1, 467, The Royal Collections.
28 Granlund 1998, 30-1.
29 Ibid., 27-32, cat. n. 3. The other two silk carpets referred to here are in the
Museum fr Angewandte Kunst (MAK) in Vienna and in the Museum of Fine
Arts, Boston. Examples of such carpets listed in inventories but which do not
survive include the large silk carpet given to Henry VIII by an Italian merchant
(Starkey 1998, no. 9190).: Charles I owned 3 silk carpets one of which measured
20 feet x 7 foot 6 inches (Millar 1972, 11, no. 50); Cardinal Mazarin owned 14 silk
carpets and Louis XIV 72 silk carpets (Sherrill 1995, 17). I wish to thank Susan
Bracken for these details.
129
II.30 These shields are mentioned for the first time in the Swedish royal
collections in 1652 as part of Queen Christinas possessions and then
again in 1692 as Hedwig Eleonoras donation to the Royal Armoury.31 The
provenance of the kalkans is difficult to analyse; three, however, are
probably of Persian craftsmanship,32 while another group could be
Ottoman.33 Hedwig Eleonora also donated a shield made of a naturally
shaped tortoiseshell, backed with wood, paper, and black lacquer
decorated in gold and lined with red silk and Four shields of black Horn
or Leather painted with gilding, which Her Majesty the dowager-queen of
the realm gave to the Armoury.34 These are identified as leather tooled
shields most probably made in Japan for the European market during the
mid-seventeenth century.35
The above-mentioned Persian and Ottoman shields were first recorded
in the 1696 inventory of the Royal Armoury amongst other gifts that had
been made by Hedwig Eleonora. A rather special shield was made of a
natural turtleshell engraved with gold.36 Another set of four shields, of
black horn or Leather painted with gilding which her Majesty the Dowager
Queen of the Realm has given to the Royal Armoury.37 Also recorded are
several daggers, the so-called kerises from Java and a weapon from the
African continent.38 The kerises are traditional in their asymmetrical, wavy
design with blades made of several layers of steel; one is decorated with
pamor, a traditional Javanese decorative pattern, on the blade and its
handle is made of ebony.39
The royal collections contained a couple of miniature pagoda
sculptures of Chinese origin.40 The oldest pagoda sculpture belonged to
30 Cederstrm 1924.
31 Nestor 2006, 57-65. This article includes many anecdotes as to how this war
booty came into the collection.
32 The Royal Armoury (Inv.n. LRK 10607, 7032, 7033).
33 The Royal Armoury (Inv. n. LRK 7084, 7118, 10608). This attribution is
however not conclusive, since Persian craftsmen were employed in many
countries, for example at the Ottoman court. For discussions on Ottoman designs I
am very grateful to Nurhan Atasoy.
34 The Royal Armoury, Copy of Inventory 1696.
35 The Royal Armoury (Inv.n. LRK 24162).
36 The Royal Armoury, Copy of Inventory 1696.
37 Ibid.
38 These kerises, daggers, the African knife as well as the tortoiseshell shield have
formed part of the collections of the Museum of Ethnography, Stockholm since the
early twentieth century.
39 The Royal Armoury, copy of 1696.
40 Gyllensvrd 1972, 187.
130
Chapter Six
131
48 Some of the small-scale figures are of the most interesting character, such as the
seated Geisha in typical Kakiemon Aritaware produced during the Genroku period
(1673-1704) and other standing Geisha figurines along with an auspicious Hotei
God sitting on his bag, were all part of Hedwig Eleonoras collection. Gyllensvrd
1972, 173-8.
49 Nationalmuseum (Inv. no. NMDrh 9). Bielke was field marshall on the Imperial
side, fighting against the Turks in 1687. As booty this dromedary and his attendant
were taken along with some thoroughbreds of unspecified origins. The inscription
on the painting states: Hic Turca et Camelas ab Ill. et Exc. Com. et R. Senatore
Dn Nicolao Bielcke in Hungoria captu.
50 Wittrock 1923, 244.
51 Rapp 1951,122.
52 According to documentation discovered by Rapp this painting was made in
Klcker Ehrenstrahls workshop by his student David von Krafft in 1696, see Rapp
1951, 127. There were also other pictures of turtles executed by Klcker
Ehrenstrahl, and according to Rapp, signed by the artist.
132
Chapter Six
133
57 Olearius 1666.
58 Royal Armoury (Inv. n. LRK 24173).
59 Royal Armoury (Inv. n. LRK 24177 & 24178).
60 See for example Mordhorst 2009. See also Brancaforte 2003 & Drees 1997.
61 A complete discussion of the collection of rarities (exotica & artificialia) will be
included in a separate chapter of the forthcoming publication of my doctoral
dissertation, Materials Worlds. Queen Hedwig Eleonora of Sweden (1636-1715) Collector and Patron (2013) by the Swedish Royal Academy of Sciences, Kungl.
Vetenskapsakademien.
62 Brancaforte 2003.
134
Chapter Six
Secretary to the 1683 Swedish mission to Persia.63 This mission was one
of several sent out as a result of the Crowns interests in the exploration of
new trade routes. While on Russian territory, the Swedish mission stayed
in Novgorod where special attention was given to the many Orthodox
monasteries with which gifts were exchanged. It may have been on this
visit that a finely carved Byzantine ivory casket was given to a monastery
within the Novgorod Kremlin on behalf of the Swedish court. The casket
was decorated with a gilt brass crowned monogram, HERS [Hedwig
Eleonora Regina Sueciae] which illustrates the dowager queens
affiliation with the mission to Persia and with her strong interest in leaving
a sign of her own virtual presence.64
As Brancaforte has recently shown, Kaempfer used Oleariuss published
travel accounts during his own mission on behalf of the Swedish Crown.65
This indicates not only how important Oleariuss work was for the
Western European understanding of Persia and Russia, but also how
helpful Oleariuss travels must have been to the Swedish 1683 delegation
in every respect and how vital the exploration of trade routes for the
Swedish Crown.66 In 1697 Hedwig Eleonora sent another delegation to
Persia, this time led by the Swedish envoy, the Brazilian Dutch-born
Ludwig Fabritius; unfortunately, this expedition was as unsuccessful in
developing new fruitful trading operations as the early attempts of
Kaempfer.
Terminology
In Hedwig Eleonoras account books the clerks often specified acquisitions
of rarities.67 Many other terms were also used when describing objects
of special value or provenance such as for example Indianische.68 As
was common in the period, such labels were often used inconsistently.
However, Hedwig Eleonoras records of rarities most often referred to
precious and valuable ephemera such as vegetables and fruits.69 Her
63 Brancaforte 2007, 83.
64 See Brancafortes dissertation of 2003 and subsequent publications.
65 Brancaforte 2007.
66 Ibid., 84.
67 All the account books (1654-1715) are kept in the Royal Archive (National
Archives or Riksarkivet) and stored in the Royal Palace (Slottsarkivet), Stockholm.
68 For example, see Royal Palace Archive (Slottsarkivet), Ulriksdal, DI:4.
69 For example, see in the accounts of Ulriksdal Palace, where Hedwig Eleonoras
garderners delivered; Hnnes Kongl. Mttz Cammar i Stockholm thskillige
rariteter af hret, Royal Palace Archives, fol. 306, Ulriksdal 1687. In the same
135
volume it is also stated that rarities were brought from Carlberg Castle to the Royal
Palace in Stockholm, Jmwll upbrachte rariteter af hret i Hnnes Kongl. Mayttz
Cammar i Stockholm; see lists of the rarities on fol. 313 (melons, artichokes,
cauliflowers etc.).
70 For ephemeral sculptures at the Swedish court, such as sugar sculptures, see
Silfverstolpe (forthcoming) 2013. See also Marchands lunch time lecture (The
Warburg Institute, London, spring 2010), on the materials of ephemeral sculpture
in Renaissance Italy, in which he especially highlighted Michelangelos snow
sculptures in Florence.
71 See, for example, Keating & Markey 2011, 1-18, Bujok 2009, 17-32.
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Chapter Six
booty.72 Thus the clerks often made no real distinction between local
rarities and those originating from distant cultures; in Hedwig Eleonoras
collections it was the rarity as such that was singled out and praised,
whether it came from the South, North or the Far East.
***
In conclusion, Hedwig Eleonoras collections demonstrate her aim to
display the monarchy amongst various types of rarities and precious goods
from far and near, of permanent as well as ephemeral qualities. This essay
has described the special attention given by Hedwig Eleonora as dowager
queen of Sweden to collectibles from the east and the north in particular,
but also from more southern areas of Europe, as for the example
cultivating and displaying rare vegetables and fruits. Her interest in
collectibles from the Far East might fall in the more general but expected
princely collecting tradition. At the time Far Eastern ceramics were still
much sought after in Scandinavia and considered very precious. Hedwig
Eleonoras interest in the Gothic origin of the Swedish people, as well as
in unknown lands, which included Persia and Russia, but also the exotic
lands of Lapland, were all interests similar to those of her father, Friedrich
III, duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf, and the expeditions promoted and
carried out by Olearius. Some of Hedwig Eleonoras rare and precious
collectibles were comparable to those amassed by Adam Olearius and
described in his publication on the Gottorffische Kunstkammer but also to
those which would have been included in the publication on pretiosa that
was never realised. Oleariuss ideas on collecting formed a central source
of inspiration to Hedwig Eleonoras attempts as a collector of objects from
far and near alongside her inherited interest from her native court, at
Schlo Gottorf, one of the most sophisticated courts in Northern Europe in
the mid-seventeenth century.
72 Skogh 2011.
CHAPTER SEVEN
BERTINS CHINESE COLLECTION:
FROM CURIOSITY TO KNOWLEDGE
CONSTANCE BIENAIME
138
Chapter Seven
in vast quantities for over a century aboard the French East India
Companys ships. It is necessary, however, to distinguish between two
types of collectors: the art loverswhose priorities were of an aesthetic
natureand the scholars, who were first and foremost seeking to improve
their rather vague knowledge of the Far East through the observation and
study of Chinese pieces.
139
to 1791. Nonetheless, Bertin is little known to art historians. The bestknown link to the art world, is his collaboration in the execution of a series
of engravings entitled Batailles de lempereur de Chine made by Cochin
from 1767 to 1774.3 However, Bertin deserves a place of honour when it
comes to writing the history of taste for China in the eighteenth-century.
There we might ask which paths Bertin, the Chinese followed in
order to form his cabinet? What were the objects and paintings that made
up his collections and how much did they differ from the Chinese curios
that had been so appreciated by a non-specialist public only a few years
earlier? How do we define their influence on his contemporaries? And
finally, is it possible to discern, through the case study of Bertins collection,
the expression of a clear break with the previous practice of exotic
collecting, i.e. a clear shift from the straightforward search for curiosities
to the more complex endeavour of scholarship?
Bertins Collection
The minister did not start in earnest to collect objects and paintings from
China until 1765. Around this time he made it possible for two young
Chinese men, who had recently been ordained as priests, to travel back to
their country, using ships of the French East India Company; the Company
which came under the authority of Bertins ministry.4 His interest in China
had nonetheless started some years before that date. Several of the issues
that he had to work on during his career introduced him to the Chinese
craftsmanship, like silk manufacturing.5 Another technique was that of
hard-paste porcelain making, which in France had to await the discovery
of kaolin in 1768, although it was already in production at Meissen. Bertin
3 Qianlong, the fourth emperor of the Qing Dynasty, which ruled over China
between 1735 and 1796, had decided to send a series of drawings representing the
views of battle against Eleuthes, to commemorate his victory. Engravings were to
be made in France, adapted from the originals. Bertin had given the Marquis de
Marigny the responsibility of picking out engravers. The directorship of the project
was given to Charles-Nicolas Cochin.
4 The two Chinese were Aloys Kao and Etienne Yang. They were sent to France
for training by the Jesuit order. Bertin took them under his wing: he believed that
the two young men could help furthering knowledge about science and the arts of
China in France.
5 In 1754, Bertin was appointed Intendant to Lyon. To participate in the
movement to protect and promote the breeding of silkworms, he wanted to attract
silkworm breeders in Lyon in order to strengthen the Lyon silk industry. Bertin,
passionate about silk factory, wanted at the same time to settle at his estate of
Bourdeilles (in Prigord) a silk factory as a kind of model manufacture.
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was therefore aware, throughout his career, just how profitable Chinese
artisan knowledge might be to France. The origin of his collections was
directly linked with his desire to discover these techniques.
In 1787, Luc-Vincent Thiry published his Guide des amateurs et des
trangers voyageurs Paris, in which he gave an account of the Chinese
collections in Bertins cabinet: he emphasised the fact that Bertin was able
to amass his collections thanks to his contacts with the Jesuits from
Beijing which went on for over twenty years. In his account, Thiry talks
about the objects usually contained in collections, such as stones,
garments, lacquers, porcelain, earthenware and Chinese ink stones, but he
also talks about a large collection of musical instruments and mentions a
collection of Chinese coins.6 However, what really made this collection so
original were the paintings and precious albums of prints. Indeed, this
collection went far beyond a mere display of works of the Jesuit painters
living at the court of the emperor. The albums and paintings in question
were genuine Chinese works of high quality. Some of them were very
ancient, while the others had been commissioned by Chinese emperors
themselves. These albums survive practically undamaged to this day and
are kept at the French National Library, mostly in the Department of
Oriental Manuscripts. As for the works of art from Bertins collections
which were made by missionaries, they are kept in the Department of
Engravings. The following treasures were once part of Bertins cabinet:
x
The Trait sur le calendrier et sur la musique, collection des petites
danses de la cour des Han object of study for Amiot, Bertins most regular
correspondent.7
x
The Motifs illustrs des objets rituels de la cour impriale, en dix-huit
chapitres: a xylographic edition printed by the imperial printing press in 1760.8
The album is made up of 16 volumes contained in four silk-covered cases with
a two-part bone clasp. The richly illustrated edition contains explanatory notes
on each presented artefact: ritual bronze vases, astronomical devices,
costumes, musical instruments, weapons etc.
6 On remarque entrautres dans son cabinet 1 La collection la plus complte qui
existe en Europe, des instruments de musique usits la Chine, tant aujourdhui
que dans les temps les plus reculs [], 2 Les pierres les plus estimes des
Chinois, telles que la pierre de lard [], 3 Des habits & ornements de Mandarins
[], des vernis prcieux, dont la plupart viennent du palais de lEmpereur de
Chine [], des porcelaines de la manufacture impriale, des poteries trs fines
[], des tableaux de divers genres [] leurs monnoies, tant anciennes que
modernes. Luc-Vincent 1786-1787, 134-6.
7 National Library of France, Department of Oriental Manuscripts, Chinois, 3211.
8 Ibid. 2289-2304.
141
x
The Catalogue imprial entirement illustr de la collection de
numismatique et dantiquit du palais Xiqing realised around 1755.9 This
xylographic, high-quality edition, composed of 40 unbound volumes, is
decorated with full-page illustrations and contains notes on over a thousand
objects, most of them bronze antiquities. The notes comprise the copies of the
engravings etched on the objects, their size and some historical background
referring to the objects. This work was part of a series of albums dedicated to
the inventory of paintings, calligraphies, Chinese ink stones and other objects
belonging to the imperial court.
x
The Tableau commmoratif de la noble Dame Lai accueillant le
palanquin imprial, an 11ft 5in long (3.42 meters) polychromatic silk
painting.10 The painting depicts the imperial cortge as the Emperor Kangxi
entered Beijing on his sixtieth birthday in 1713; it commemorates the exact
moment of the emperors cortge halting in order to pay their respects to the
mother of Laidu, a former minister at the court.
x
The Recueil de pains denre de la famille Cheng dating from 1606.11 One
can easily imagine this Anthology lying on Bertins desk surrounded by a few
Chinese ink stones, since in China an ink stone was considered to be one of the
four most distinguished treasures of a scholar.
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reason that we can eventually find following objects listed in the sales
catalogues of Bertins collection (1815 and 1828): a large porcelain vase
sent by the emperor as tangible proof of the great age of Chinese
production of glazed porcelain and four little cups with their saucers
coming directly from the emperors cabinet.12
The minister put together his collection with considerable care and this
went hand in hand with, as might be expected, special attention given to
the organisation of his cabinet. Several manuscripts revealed rather
ambitious projects for his collections which, in 1787, were still being kept
in Paris, rue Neuve des Capucines. One of the manuscripts, now at the
library of lInstitut National dHistoire de lArt, refers to an astonishing
idea (which Bertin obviously never realised) to have a Chinese house
built on terrain converted into terraces in the gardens of his estate in
Chatou.13 Furthermore, this manuscript reveals that he wanted the house to
have a Chinese-type roof embellished with some dragons. He also
imported mother-of-pearl windows from China for galleries that he
planned to have built around a square garden. Bertin was so anxious to
observe Chinese rules in matters of taste and architecture that he insisted
that his correspondent have the plans approved by a Chinese architect.
The second manuscript, which was discovered in the library of the
French Institute, was written by Amiot in 1790.14 It refers to the collectors
wishes regarding the disposition of his Chinese cabinet in Chatou. Bertin
was attached to the idea of constructing the most authentic cabinet
possible because he wanted a genuine setting for his collections, arranged
according to Chinese habits and practices. So, once again, it was Amiots
task to give him the necessary advice. Father Amiot recommended, among
other things, shortening the cabinet room by setting up a partition wall of
wooden planks on each side and by placing a roof between the two
partitions. The centre of the room thus divided was to be occupied by a
ting; the eastern part of the room was to be devoted to Bertins personal
cabinet or chou-fang; and in the western part, a small tso-fang or
laboratory was to be built. All the openings were to be embellished by
bamboo curtains that Amiot had sent him. As for the back of the room, he
12 Notice des articles curieux composant le cabinet chinois de feu M. Bertin [],
Paris: impr.de Crapelet, 1815 and Catalogue de peintures chinoises et persanes
[] de bronze, laques et porcelaines de la Chine, de lettres autographes,
manuscrits [] livres modernes, de tableaux [] portrait de La Fontaine par
Lebrun []. Paris: Moreau, 1828.
13 Bertin moved permanently to Chatou in 1781.
14 Library of the French Institute, Correspondance des RR. PP. Jsuites
missionnaires en Chine avec H.-L.-J.-B. Bertin, ms.1517, fol. 139.
143
144
Chapter Seven
17 Helman 1784.
18 National Library of France, Department Prints and Photographs.
19 National Library of France, Departments of Oriental Manuscripts.
145
146
Chapter Seven
ministers since the late seventeenth century. However, the projects and the
ambitions of their owners were far from those of someone like Bertin who,
as a result of his extensive knowledge and insatiable curiosity,
demonstrated that he wanted to pass on his knowledge to scholars and to
art lovers. That was how the minister, a man of inquiring and stubborn
mind, managed to awaken great interest regarding his own research in
different circles: among the Jesuit missionaries in China, among the
learned people of the Chinese court and even in the emperor himself, as
well as in France among scholars, the entire Royal court and numerous
artists. He thus moved away from the traditional image of the solitary
scholar secluded in his study, as well as from the widespread image of an
admirer succumbing to a short-lived interest in Chinese art.
We may therefore assume that the China of Bertins cabinet turned its
back on its province of rococo image, as defined by the Goncourt
brothers in regard to the works of Franois Boucher. Bertins cabinet was
a showcase of the art of the imperial court in the seventeenth and
eighteenth-century but its spirit was no longer limited only to aesthetic
qualities and as such it was not just a case of attraction to the exoticism of
the other. From then on, the customs and productions of the other
could be described in accordance with new aspirations of several
collectors more interested in observations than in fantasy. As for the works
of exotic art, they could now progressively leave the field of sheer
curiosity and enter, step by step, the long process by which our scientific
knowledge about the Orient was built.
CHAPTER EIGHT
THE OLGA-JULIA WEGENER AND ARTHUR
MORRISON COLLECTIONS OF CHINESE
PAINTINGS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM
MICHELLE YING-LING HUANG
In the first decade of the twentieth century, public museums in Europe and
America were enthusiastic about acquiring works of Japanese and Chinese
art directly from their countries of origin and as a result sent curators to
Japan and China to conduct research into East Asian art. This phenomenon
was concurrent with the mania for Chinese antiquities that developed in
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when the governments of
Britain, Russia, France, Germany, America and other countries sent numerous
archaeological expeditions to the provinces of Sinkiang (Xinjiang) and Kansu
(Gansu) in western China to excavate cultural relics of Buddhist art.1
To maintain its leading role as collector of world cultures, the British
Museum expanded its collections of Oriental art with specimens of high
quality and rarity. Following the acquisition of an early Chinese
handscroll, Admonitions of the Court Instructress (Nushi zhen tu), in
2
1903, a large number of seventh- to tenth-century Buddhist paintings,
I acknowledge with gratitude the generous support of the Wilhelmina BarnsGraham Charitable Trust for my research of this paper.
1 For information about the dispersion of Chinese antiquities and Dunhuang relics,
see Chen 2001, 63-90, 107-14; The International Dunhuang Project (IDP),
http://idp.bl.uk/.
2 The Admonitions scroll was acquired from the Indian Army cavalry officer,
Captain Clarence A. K. Johnson, at 25. It was formerly attributed to Gu Kaizhi of
the Eastern Jin dynasty (AD 317-420), but is now generally considered to be a Tang
dynasty (AD 618-907) copy of the original. For the British Museums acquisition of
the scroll, see Captain C. Johnson to Sir Sidney Colvin, 7 January and 21 March
1903, LBPD, BM; MMTSC, BMCA, vol. 51, 1804. Also see Huang 2010a.
148
Chapter Eight
manuscripts, textiles and other objects were removed from Cave 17 at the
Caves of the Thousand Buddhas (Qianfodong) near Dunhuang by Sir
3
Marc Aurel Stein in 1906-8 during his second Central-Asian expedition.
These archaeological proceeds recovered from western China were of
exceptional importance and became primary sources for the study of
Buddhist art and the civilisation of early China.
The Assistant Keeper of Prints and Drawings at the British Museum,
Laurence Binyon, who was assigned to supervise work on the Stein
collection, was anxious to maintain the Museums eminence in its
collection of Oriental painting. It was competition among Western
museums that encouraged Sir Sidney Colvin, Keeper of Prints and
Drawings, and Binyon to propose the purchase of the Olga-Julia Wegener
collection of Chinese paintings in 1910, and to accept a gift of the Arthur
Morrison collection of Japanese and Chinese paintings in 1913, thus
enhancing Britains national collection in its rivalry with Germany and
France. Increased knowledge and new acquisitions resulted in the
establishment of a Sub-department of Oriental Prints and Drawings at the
British Museum in 1913, with Binyon in charge.
While the Stein collection of Buddhist art has been extensively studied
by modern scholars, little has hitherto been written about the Olga-Julia
4
Wegener and Arthur Morrison collections. To remedy this omission, this
paper aims to reconstruct historical details of the acquisition of the two
collections and to examine the historical and aesthetic value of their
Chinese paintings. I will illuminate Binyons role in instituting the
independent section of Oriental prints and drawings at the British
Museum. I will also map out his social network with collectors and artists
in Britain, Germany and America.
149
Ernst von Boerschmann, who met Frau Wegener at the Embassy in Peking
(Beijing) between March and May 1908, Olga-Julia had a strong
personality and felt confident about her taste in Chinese art. At a time
when Chinese art was still under-valued in the West, Olga-Julia Wegener
was one of the pioneering German collectors of Chinese paintings,
ceramics, bronzes, wood carvings, belt buckles and other objects. While
her husband was on an expedition to Kiangsi (Jiangxi) in January 1907,
Olga-Julia Wegener went to Peking for a short stay. Then, between
January 1908 and April 1909, she planned her next visit to China. The
acquisitions she made in this period formed the major part of her Chinese
5
collection. In 1912, she returned to China and in Peking, the centre of art
trading, she made daily visits to art dealers and collectors. Although OlgaJulia Wegeners understanding of Chinese art did not reflect any formal
training, she became a recognised authority on Chinese art amongst her
circle of art lovers.6 Nonetheless, the purchase of the Wegener collection
was declined by the Berlin Museums because of its high price and
questionable quality. Moreover, according to the General Director of the
Berlin Museums, Wilhelm von Bode, the German Emperor had little
liking for the Chinese race and its art and did not appreciate the heavily
over-painted quality and high price of the Wegener collection.7 The
German collector of Chinese art, Ernst Arthur Voretzsch, also suggested
that some Chinese paintings in the collection were imitations.8
In contrast, the Wegener collection was much appreciated and valued
by collectors, connoisseurs and artists in Britain. On 19 July 1909, OlgaJulia Wegener made her first visit to the Print Room of the British
Museum, and on 30 October, showed Binyon her collection of Chinese
paintings.9 The next day, the German painter Gtz von Seckendorff wrote
to Colvin, encouraging the British Museum to secure the Wegener
collection:
Chapter Eight
150
Figure 31: Frau Olga-Julia Wegener standing next to Tiger by Torrent, attributed to
Muqi (active thirteenth century), in the exhibition of her collection of Chinese
painting at the Royal Academy of the Arts in Berlin between 9 December 1908 and
10 January 1909 (photo: reproduced from Georg Wegener, Madeleine: Ein Strauss
aus unserm Garten. Olga-Julia, zum 21. Mrz 1910, unserem zehnten
Hochzeitstag [1910]).
151
paintings being bought at a reduced price. Colvin stressed that [n]o such
12
collection was ever brought to Europe before. He believed that the
Wegener collection of Chinese paintings included a certain number of
important works and a representative variety of both subjects and styles.
To secure the purchase of the Wegener collection, Binyon went to some
efforts to raise funds by private subscription. On 9 November 1909, he
enlisted the help of his friend, the artist William Rothenstein:
We have no money, but desperately want to get it & are trying to get
subscribers. If you know of anybody that would be likely & able to help,
we should be so grateful if you could tell them [] the collection is a
really important one [] Frau Wegener made a thorough study of our
collection before going out, so did not buy haphazard.
I want to impress people with the fact that here is a chance for
England to show herself the foremost to appreciate an art that is going to
be more & more valued. Freer of Detroit is now in China: so you may be
sure prices will go up fast.13
152
Chapter Eight
funds from the Trustees of the British Museum and other private
contributors to secure the Wegener collection.
In the winter of 1909, Binyon only had a week to raise 4,000,
although he had already done much better than Colvin who seems unable
15
to get money. To attract more contributors, special guests, including
artists, art critics and collectors, were invited to a private view of the
Wegener collection in December 1909.16 The Dutch-born British painter
Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema found the paintings of birds, flowers, animals,
figures all equally valuable and of a high standard, while the writercollector Arthur Morrison praised the collection as an extraordinarily fine
and valuable lot which included so many of the first importance and
17
scarcity. Other leading figures in the art world, including Roger Fry,
Charles Ricketts and Bernard Berenson, also enthusiastically advocated its
purchase.18
Although Binyons American and German friends, including Freer
and Voretzsch, did not much appreciate the historical value and artistic
quality of the Wegener collection, Colvin continued to press for a grant of
2,000 from the Reserve Fund, detailing his reasons in his report to the
Trustees:
Chinese painting, in comparison with Japanese, is now only beginning to
attract in the West the attention it deserves. Prices, very high already, are
sure to rise [...] With reference to Frau Wegeners price, 7,500, a
collection of this kind is very difficult to value, since its best pieces are
of a kind which hardly ever occur in the market. According to the best
advice which Mr. Colvin is able to obtain, some four or five of its most
rare and ancient pieces would be likely to sell in Japan, Paris or America
for quite 3,500, possibly much more.19
153
154
Chapter Eight
Chinese paintings were not of the period claimed for them. About 20% of
the pictures were produced in the Ming (1368-1644) dynasty and 60% in
24
the Qing (1644-1911) dynasty. Whilst a mania for Chinese painting
prevailed in Europe around 1910, works of art in both Asian and Western
markets were not always genuine, some being copies produced by painters
in the Qing dynasty. An essay on The Popularity of Chinese Painting in
The Kokka: An Illustrated Monthly Journal of the Fine and Applied Arts of
Japan and Other Eastern Countries stated.
We have to-day too many cunning dealers in old curios who try their
best to sell counterfeit articles at [exorbitant] prices, and many unlucky
patrons of art fall victims to their malicious artifices.25
Olga-Julia Wegener was one of the unlucky patrons who fell into the trap
of cunning dealers in Peking. Her collection contained counterfeits
bearing the signatures and seals of famous artists and emperors. For
instance, Dog Barking in Snow outside House Gate includes a signature of
the Northern Song (AD 960-1127) master Fan Kuan and an imperial
collection stamp of the Xuanhe reign (1119-25). However, the stiff,
awkward trees, the clear division of ink tone in branches and mountain
layers, as well as the emphasis on foreground details, raise doubts about its
authenticity. Wegeners painting is very probably a fake produced by an
anonymous artist in the late Qing dynasty.
V. W. F. Collier also pointed out the inaccurate attribution of Wegeners
Pekingese Dogs:
[M]odern Chinese artists and picture dealers are the most inveterate
imitators, counterfeiters and forgers in the world. The western collector
usually falls an easy prey to their deceptions, which can only be guarded
against by the closest of specialized study. Some years ago Frau Olga [Julia] Wegener collected several pictures of the famous local breed of
dogs in Peking. The Wegener collection was exhibited in Germany, and
a small, but very inaccurate catalogue issued. The collection was
acquired in part by the British Museum, and, [...] too much reliance has
24 The attributions and dating of Chinese paintings in the Wegener collection have
subsequently been revised by curators at the British Museum. The records of
relevant paintings shown in the Museums online database are therefore not
identical with the information given by Wegener and Binyon in 1910.
25 The Kokka 1911, 4-5. This was a prestigious Japanese-English monthly journal
on East Asian art, mainly Japanese and Chinese paintings and sculptures from
temples and private collections. The woodcut colour plates, reproduced from the
classical works of Chinese and Japanese paintings, in the journal were collectibles.
155
been placed upon the statements of the collector regarding the authorship
and dates of the pictures [] No authentic painting of Pekingese dogs
older than the eighteenth century is known to exist outside the palace in
Peking. The Wegener pictures, ascribed to Shen Chen Lin and said to
date from 1700, are obvious counterfeits of recent date.26
156
Chapter Eight
Figure 32: Claimed to be by Zhao Chang, Geese, late Qing dynasty, hanging scroll,
ink and colours on silk (photo Trustees of the British Museum).
It is remarkable that a hanging scroll of Peach Tree Bough (Fig. 33) which
represents longevity bore the seal of the late Empress Dowager Cixi. Its
auspicious meaning, style and composition were reminiscent of the
Peonies, a gift presented by Frau Wegener to the Victoria & Albert
Museum in July 1909. Both paintings were probably executed by Miao
Jiahui, one of Cixis female painters in service in the Good Fortune and
Prosperity Hall (Fuchang dian) of the Forbidden City, and had been given
157
Figure 33: Cixi [probably by Miao Jiahui], Peach Tree Bough, Qing dynasty,
hanging scroll, ink and colours on silk (photo Trustees of the British Museum).
Chapter Eight
158
159
160
Chapter Eight
Its historical completeness makes it especially desirable for a Museum,
where the student expects to find characteristic examples of all the various
schools [] it fills up a number of deplorable gaps in the existing Museum
collection. It is strong where that collection is weak, and enriches it with
examples of eminent masters hitherto unrepresented.36
36 Binyon to the Trustees, 1 March 1913, Book of Presents, BMCA, vol. 34, P No.
D447.
37 According to the Register of 1 May 1913, 621 items were catalogued with
individual registration numbers, of which thirty-three works were categorised
under Chinese painting. However, the Amida and Two Adoring Beings which was
formerly attributed to Zhang Suigong of the Song dynasty is now re-authenticated
as a fourteenth-century Japanese painting entitled Amida sanson raigo zu. As a set
of album leaves was labelled with only one registration number, the total number
of pieces of Chinese and Japanese paintings would be more than 621. See
MMTSC, BMCA, 8 March, 12 April and 24 May 1913, vol. 56, 3064, 3075, 3099;
Register of Purchases and Presentations, Oriental Prints & Drawings, the British
Museum, London, vol. 1. For the value of Japanese paintings in the Morrison
collection, see The Times 1913, 8.
38 Arthur Morrisons name first appeared in the Visitor Book at Print Room on 3
and 22 December 1897, with other frequent visits made in subsequent years. See
Visitor Book at Print Room, the British Museum, vol. 12.
161
162
Chapter Eight
Figure 34: Painted in the style of Wu Wei, Lady Lao Yu with a Phoenix, Ming
dynasty, hanging scroll,ink and colours on silk (photo Trustees of the British
Museum.
the style of Wu Wei, Binyon also found a splendid example for illustrating
the largeness and nobility of Sung taste, but the more loose and free
brushwork was used in early Ming paintings.42 Other fine paintings of
animals and landscapes in the Morrison collection, including Rabbits and
Plum Blossom inscribed and sealed with the name of Shen Quan, a long
hanging scroll of Mountain Landscape claimed to be by Wen Zhengming,
image can be retrieved.
42 Ibid.
163
Conclusion
This historical study of the Wegener and Morrison collections in the
British Museum shows that Western museums and collectors expended
much effort in collecting early Chinese paintings in the early twentieth
century. Although the authorship, dates and artistic quality of some
Chinese paintings in the two collections were debatable, controversy
concerning attribution in itself reflected different levels of knowledge
among the people involved. At the time, Binyon was not able to judge the
authorship and dating of every Chinese scroll, but he was more concerned
about its subject matter, aesthetic ideas and philosophical connotations.
Because Colvin and Binyon had not travelled to China before 1913, their
lack of first-hand experience of local collectors and art dealers explains
why they relied heavily on the statements of Wegener and Morrison. In the
early twentieth century, Chinese painting was regularly seen through
Japanese spectacles in the West, thus it became common practice for
British curators to seek the advice of Western and Japanese scholars,
artists and restorers about the acquisition, exhibition, publication and
conservation of both Japanese and Chinese prints and paintings.
To showcase pride in its new acquisitions, between June 1910 and
April 1912, 237 works, including 109 Chinese paintings and 128 Japanese
pictures, were shown together in the Exhibition of Chinese and Japanese
Paintings, AD Fourth to Nineteenth Century in the Prints and Drawings
Gallery. Analysis of the Exhibition Guide of 1910 shows that about 42%
of the exhibits came from the recently acquired Wegener collection.
Binyon was particularly attracted by the simple design, profound mood
and universal character of the painting of Geese. He praised, [i]t is simply
life itself, aggrandized by no artifice, and yet it impresses us as something
43
august, as no longer a fact but an idea. In the exhibition review, Geese
was said to be painted as seriously as Rembrandt painted the portrait of a
44
man and as noble in design as the finest Greek sculpture. Colour was
subordinated to form and space, while the simple composition emphasised
43 Ibid., 13. Binyon mentioned in other writings about his admiration for Chinese
artists innate reverence for life, even for the life of the two geese; see Binyon
1935, 670.
44 The Times 1910c, 8.
164
Chapter Eight
the solitude and natural habitat of the geese. Its tranquil beauty of
execution, high quality of design, and the profound feeling for the interior
life of things, raised the work to the level of a great religious picture.
Nevertheless, not everyone could understand an animal in its historical and
philosophical context. Binyon told his wife Cicely about his frustration in
the Exhibition:
A lady, it seems, asked the policeman in the gallery how he liked the
pictures. He shook his head, & said they were not for the likes of him.
Pressed, he allowed that of course some arent so funny as other[s]. But
as to the Geese, they made such a fuss about, he had looked at it for
hours & it was just geese: he couldnt see why they should make so
much of it.45
165
48 For instance, Eagle by Ying Bao and Quails and Millet attributed to Lu Ji from
the Wegener collection, as well as Wu Weis Lady Lao Yu with a Phoenix from the
Morrison collection were shown in the 2008 exhibition at the British Museum.
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AUTHORS BIOGRAPHIES
Arthur MacGregor
Arthur MacGregor, formerly a curator at the Ashmolean Museum, edits
the Journal of the History of Collections and is a general editor of The
Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo. His books include (as editor and
contributor) The Origins of Museums (1985), The Late Kings Goods
(1989), Sir Hans Sloane (1994), Enlightening the British (2003), Sir John
Evans (2008) and (as sole author) Curiosity and Enlightenment (2007) and
Animal Encounters (2012).
Allison Karmel Thomason
Allison Karmel Thomason is Professory of Ancient History at Southern
Illinois University Edwardsville, USA. She received her PhD from the
Department of Art History and Archaeology at Columbia University
(1999). She has held a fellowship at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. The
author of numerous articles about material culture in Mesopotamia, Dr.
Thomason published Luxury and Legitimation: Royal Collecting in Ancient
Mesopotamia (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate) in 2005. She is currently working
on a book manuscript about dress and identity in ancient Mesopotamia.
Patrick Michel
Patrick Michel, professor of the history of modern art at the university
Lille 3, Charles de Gaulle, is a member of the research centre IRHIS and a
renowned specialist in the history of the art market and of the collections
of the seventeenth and eighteenth century.
His publications include Mazarin, prince des collectionneurs (Paris:
RMN, 1999), Le Commerce du tableau Paris dans la seconde moiti du
XVIIIe sicle (Villeneuve dAscq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion,
2007) and Peinture et plaisir. Les gots picturaux des collectionneurs
parisiens au XVIIIe sicle (Rennes: PUR, 2001), for which he received the
Eugne Carrire prize from the Acadmie franaise in 2011. He has codirected, with Isabelle de Conihout, the book Mazarin, les Lettres et les arts
(Paris: Bibliothque Mazarine et d. Monelle Hayot, 2006). He is currently
preparing a study of the painter Nicolas-Bernard Lpici (1735-1784).
Patrick Michel is a member of the Scientific Council of the chteau de
Versailles and of the National Commission for Historical Monuments (4th
section).
202
Authors Biographies
Silvia Davoli
Silvia Davoli graduated at the University of Milan with a BA on the
Parisian Bankers as collectors of art during the nineteenth century;
subsequently she obtained an MA in the History of Art and a PhD at the
Sorbonne with a thesis on the History of Collecting with a special focus on
Henry Cernuschi (1821-1896) and his art collections. Currently, she is
collaborating with Jeremy Warren, Collections and Academic Director at
the Wallace Collection in London, on the constitution of a database of
eighteenth- and nineteenth-century art collectors and dealers (decorative
arts). Silvia Davoli is now the Paul Mellon Centre Research Curator at
Strawberry Hill House.
In 2010 she was awarded a short scholarship by the Francis Haskell
Memorial Fund/Burlington Magazine Foundation for her research project
entitled Both de Tauzias Italian Renaissance Collection (Wallace
Collection).
Corinna T. Gallori
Corinna Tania Gallori holds a Ph.D. in Art History (2008) from Milan
Universit degli Studi (Italy). From 2009 to September 2011 she was a
short-term post-doctoral fellow at the Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz/
Max-Planck-Institut under the directorship of Alessandro Nova and then a
researcher/collaborator on the project Imgenes en vuelo. Europa,
Mexiko und die Globalisierung der Bilder in der Frhen Neuzeit under the
directorship of Gerhard Wolf,.
Corinnas field of research focuses on Christian iconography and
includes studies of the Mass of St. Gregory in Italy (15th to 16th century)
and an analysis of the illustrations of the Dominican St. Peter Martyr and
of St. Albert the Great in the 15th century. For the KHI project she studied
Mexican featherworks inspired by Christian religious topics, in an attempt
to identify the iconographic sources of Mexican feather artworks (as
featured at the 2011 exhibition El vuelo de las imgenes in Mexico City)
and to assess their presence and success within private Italian art
collections during the High Renaissance and Baroque.
Corinna is the author of several publications including Una mostra
d'arte lignea e qualche novit sui rilievi Stroganoff. Rassegna di studi e di
notizie, 31-4, 2007/08 (2008): 121-52; Il trittico del Dizesanmuseum di
Vienna. Arte lombarda, 158-9 (2010): 24-38; and the forthcoming
monography Il monogramma dei Nomi di Ges e Maria: storia di
uniconografia tra scrittura e immagine.
203
Adriana Turpin
Adriana Turpin studied History at Oxford and then Art History at the
Courtauld Institute. She is the Academic Director of the MA course on the
History and Business of Art and Collecting, run by the Institut dtudes
Suprieures des Arts in Paris in partnership with the Wallace Collection
and the Sir John Soanes Museum. Before that she was a Deputy Director,
Sothebys and Senior Tutor at Sothebys Institute. She is a founder
member of the Working Group Collecting & Display at the Institute of
Historical Research and co-editor of their publications.
Adriana has written on a variety of topics related to collecting and to
the history of furniture. Among these was A Table for Queen Mary
Apollo, January 2000; Filling the Void: Beckfords Collecting of
Furniture and the Art Market in the late 18th century; an essay in the
exhibition catalogue, edited by D. Ostergard, An Eye for the Magnificent
in 2001 and The New World Collections of Duke Cosimo I de Medici
and their Role in the Creation of a Kunst- and Wunderkammer in the
Palazzo Vecchio in 2006.
Lisa Skogh
Lisa Skogh is based at Stockholm University, where she is conducting
research on Dowager Queen Hedwig Eleonoras art collections. She has
worked as a researcher at the Swedish Nationalmuseum at Stockholm,
where she led a project to publish their collection of the decorative arts.
Lisa has also collaborated as research assistant at the Department of
Medieval Art & The Cloisters at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New
York and is affiliated with the Centre for Editing Lives and Letters
(CELL), University of London and with the Zentralinstitut fr
Kunstgeschichte, Munich (on a DAAD fellowship).
She has published extensively on the Swedish royal collections of the
seventeenth century and in particular on Hedwig Eleonora. Her doctoral
dissertation Material Worlds. Queen Hedwig Eleonora of Sweden (16361715) - Collector and Patron will be published (2013) by the Swedish
Royal Academy of Sciences (Kungl. Vetenskapsakademien).
Constance Bienaim
Constance Bienaim studied under the direction of Patrick Michel,
Professor of History of Modern Art at the University of Lille 3 (France),
Chinese collections in Paris during the eighteenth century. In particular
she studied collections assembled by scholars, interested in China and the
Chinese people. Her research has focused on Michel-Ferdinand and Louis
Joseph dAlbert dAilly, ducs de Chaulnes and on the minister Henri-
204
Authors Biographies
Lonard Bertin.
Since 2008 she has been responsible for the promotion of mdiation
scientifique et valorisation du patrimoine at the University of Lille 3.
Michelle Ying Ling Huang
Michelle Huang is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Visual
Studies, Lingnan University. She studied Art History at The University of
St. Andrews with her doctoral thesis entitled The Reception of Chinese
Painting in Britain circa 1880-1920, with special reference to Laurence
Binyon (1869-1943), while her research interests include the transmission
and trans-cultural influences of East Asian art in the West, the collecting
and display of Chinese pictorial art in Europe and North America, the
historiography of Chinese painting, Chinese aesthetics and Western
modernism.
Michelles recent publications appeared in Beyond Boundaries: East
& West Cross-Cultural Encounters (Cambridge Scholars Publishing,
2011) and The Burlington Magazine 155 (July 2013). She has been a
Visiting Scholar at The University of the Arts London and The Victoria &
Albert.
INDEX
206
Camillo, Giulio 88, 92
Cappello, Bianca 72
Carlberg castle 119, 121, 122, 130
Cassas, Louis-Franois xxxviii, 19,
22, 23, 33, 36
Cattaneo, Carlo 46, 47. 48, 55, 56,
59
Cernuschi, Enrico vii, xxv, xxxviii,
41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48,
49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57,
58, 59
Charles V Habsburg (king of Spain
and Holy Roman emperor) 62,
80
Chateaubriand, Franois Ren de 17
Chatou (estate of Bertin) 142
Chaulnes, Marie-Louis-Joseph
dAlbert d'Ailly (duc de) 143
Chen, Hongshou 158
China vii, xvi, xx, xxiii, xxiv, xxv,
xxvi, xl, xli, 41, 43, 45, 48, 49,
51, 55, 130, 137, 138, 139, 141,
142, 143, 146, 147, 148, 149,
151, 153, 159, 160, 163
Chinese painting(s) ix, xxv, xli, 140,
141, 143, 145, 147, 148, 149,
150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155,
158, 159, 160, 161, 163, 164,
165
Chinese porcelain xxv, xxii xxiv,
xxvi, xxviii, xxxii, 45, 101, 130,
142, 160
Christina Vasa, queen of Sweden
129
Cixi, Empress Dowager ix, 156
Clrambault, chevalier de 35
Cochin, Charles Nicolas 139
Collier, V. W. F. 154
Colvin, Sidney xli, 148, 149, 150,
151, 151, 152, 161, 163
Constantinople xxv, xxxviii, 19, 23,
24, 26, 32, 34
Contarini, Gasparo 63
Cook, James, captain xx, xxxi, xxxii
Corner, Francesco 62, 65
Corts, Hernn xxx, 62
Index
Cousinry , sprit-Marie, consul at
Salonika, xxxviii, 26
Cretico, Giovanni Mattia 61
curiosities xix, xxi, xxx, xxxi, xxxii,
xxxiii, xli, 10, 13, 18, 28, 63, 75,
85, 95, 101, 105, 135, 137, 139,
145, 146
curiosities, cabinet(s) of xix, xxi,
xxx, xxxii, 10, 13, 95, 101, 135,
139
DEste, Alfonso II 74
Dacier, Bon-Joseph 38
dagger(s) 95, 105, 129
Dallington, Robert 73
de Acosta, Jos 76
De Greyss, Benedetto 95
De Pontes, Ana 72
De Cavalieri, Tommaso 71, 75
deep time xxxviii
Del Sarto, Andrea 100, 108
Delatour, Louis-Franois 143
Delille, Jacques 19
Della Rovere, Francesco Maria II 64
diplomatic gifts xix, xx, xxiii, xxvii,
48, 141
domaschino/damascene(d) 107, 113,
114, 115
Dresden xxii, 133
Drottningholm 119, 121, 123, 125,
130, 131
Dubois , Lo-Jean-Joseph 22, 31,
33, 35, 36, 27, 38
Dufourny, Lon 24, 36
Dutch East India Company (VOC)
xxi, xxiii
East India Company xxiii, xxv,
xxvii
Egypt xvi, xxxviii, 1, 5, 11, 12, 13,
23, 51
Egyptian antiquities xv, xxvi, 12,
13, 37, 50, 51
Ehrenstrahl, David Klcker viii,
121, 123, 125, 131
Elgin, Thomas-Bruce, lord xxxiv,
xxxv, 17, 18, 31, 34
207
208
Indian/indianische xx, xxii, xxvii,
xxxv, xxxvii, 49, 100, 103, 104,
105, 116, 117, 134, 135, 164
inscription(s), royal 3, 7, 8, 9, 13
International Congress of
Orientalists 43, 51
Islamic world xxvii, xxviii
ivory xx, xxix, xxx, xxxiii, 6, 99,
105, 134
Iznik ware xxviii, xxxii
Japan vii, xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxvi,
xl, 41, 42, 43, 45, 48, 51, 53, 55,
127, 129, 130, 135, 147, 151,
152, 153, 154, 159, 160
Japanese xxvi, xxix, xxxii, xli, 44,
45, 51, 54, 64, 130, 147, 148,
151, 152, 159, 160, 161, 163,
164
Jesuit(s) xvi, xx, 71, 75, 76, 138,
140, 141, 146
jewellery 2
Kaempfer, Engelbert xxvi, 133, 134
kalkans 128, 129
Kauffer, Franois xxxviii, 26
Kenyon, Sir Frederick 158, 159
kerises 129, 133
Kerson 34
Khorsabad vii, 8, 10
Kircher, Athanasius 75
Kohitsu, Rynin 160
Krafft, David von 131
Kmmel, Otto 158
kunstkammer xxix, xxxix, xl, 85,
126, 132, 133, 135, 136
LIdea del Teatro 38
La Pellegrina 105, 109
lacquerware viii. Xvi, xxvi, xxxii,
xl, 127, 129, 130, 137
Lapland 125, 126, 136
Le Chevallier, Jean-Baptiste 19
Le Riche, Josse-Franois 144
Legrand, Jacques-Guillaume 22, 24,
33, 35
Leng, Mei 158
Leoni, Pompeo 64, 67
Liebhaberin 132
Index
Ligozzi, Jacopo 89, 100
Linneaus, Carl 13
lions 7, 10, 130
Loffredo, Diana 76
London xvi, xxii, xxvii, xxxiv, 57,
167
British Museum vii, ix, xxv,
xxxii, xxxiii, xli, 18, 37, 39,
147, 148, 149, 151, 152,
153, 154, 155, 158, 159,
160, 163, 164, 165, 167
Louis XV Bourbon, king of France
138
Louis XVI Bourbon, king of France
138
Louis XVIII Bourbon, king of
France 34
Magalotti, Lorenzo 75, 79, 81
Malta 33
Marbre Choiseul (Choiseul Marble)
vii, 28, 39, 40
marchands-merciers (goods
merchants) 137
Marseille xxxv, 28, 32, 33, 34
Martinez, Franois-Nicolas 144
mascherata 103
material culture xxvii, xxxii, 22
Medici family xxix, xxx, xxxiv,
xxxix, 13, 71, 73, 75, 80, 84, 85,
86, 89, 91, 92, 93, 101, 102,
103, 105, 109, 111, 112
Antonio 72, 89
Clement VII (Giulio de Medici)
90
Cosimo I, grand duke of
Tuscany 71, 83, 86, 87, 103
Ferdinando I, grand duke of
Tuscany 71, 72, 73, 74,
80, 83, 84, 104, 109
Francesco I, grand duke of
Tuscany xxxix, 71, 72, 83,
84, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91,
92, 95, 99, 100, 102, 103,
105, 111
Lorenzo il Magnifico 101
209
135, 155
Paleotti, Gabriele 74
Palmyra xxxv, 23, 36
Panzi, Giuseppe 144
Paris vii, xvi, xx, xxxv, 17, 18, 28,
33, 35, 41, 43, 44, 45, 57, 58,
140, 142, 152
Htel Marbeuf 35
Muse du Louvre vii, 34, 37, 39,
40, 51
Paul III (Alessandro Farnese) 65
Paul IV (Giovanni Pietro Carafa) 66
philosophy of history 47, 48
Phoenicia(n) 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 10, 12, 13,
15
Piersanti, Filippo 80
Pietro Martire dAnghiera 62, 65
Pigafetta, Antonio 61
Pius IV (Giovanni Angelo Medici)
66
Pius V (Michele Ghislieri) 67
Pliny the Elder 87
Precht, Burchardt 127
pretiosa xl, 120, 122, 131, 135, 136
Qianlong 144
Quatremre de Quincy, Antoine
Chrysostome 38
Raphael 77, 100, 108
Reenstierna Abraham Momma viii,
125, 126
relief(s) vii, xxxvii, 5, 6, 9, 10, 22,
24, 26, 27, 34, 35
Renaissance xxvii, xxix, xxxviii, 10,
14, 43, 48, 50, 57, 58, 81, 109
Ricketts, Charles 152
Rome xx, 23, 63, 67, 69, 71, 72, 73,
80, 95, 111
Rothenstein, William 151
Royal Armoury, Stockholm 128,
129, 133
Salonika xxxviii, 26
Santorini 28, 37
Sargon II, king of Assyria 8, 10
Sargon of Akkad 3, 5
Schefferus, Johannes 125
Second Opium War xxi, xxv
210
Sennacherib, king of Assyria 7, 10,
13
Settala, Manfredo 72, 80
Shen, Quan 162
silver mountain viii, 96, 99, 107,
126
Sixtus V (Felice Peretti) 68, 76, 78
Smyrna xxxviii, 26, 33
soldiers xxi, xxxviii
South Africa xxii, 160
South America xxii, xxx, xxxi, 443
Stein, Marc Aurel xli, 148, 164
Stockholm viii, 119, 121, 122, 128
Strmsholm 119
Strozzi, Roberto 71
Syria xxxvii, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13,
15
Tasso, Torquato 93
techne 57, 59
The Spectator xxiv
Thiry, Luc-Vincent 140, 143
tombs 2, 5
Tondu, Achille (astronomer) 19
Tradescant family xxxi
trees 7, 9, 154
Trkenbeute xxi
Uguccioni, Giovanni Battista 72
Ulriksdal 119, 130, 131, 135
Vasari, Giorgio 83, 86, 87, 90, 105,
109
Index
Vatican 91
Belvedere courtyard 91, 95
Vespucci, Amerigo 61
Vico, Giovanni Battista xxii, 47, 48,
49, 55, 57, 59
Victoria & Albert Museum 156
Vienna viii, xxii, xxviii, 62
Villa Il Riposo 107
Vitruvius xxxiv, 91, 111
von Bode Wilhelm 149
von Seckendorff, Gtz 149
Voretzsch, Ernst Arthur 149, 152
voyages of exploration xx, xxxi
Waley, Arthur 159
Wang, Hui 163
Wegener, Georg ix, 148
Wegener, Olga-Julia viii, xli, 147,
148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153,
154, 155, 156, 158, 161, 163,
165
Wen, Zhengming 162
William V, duke of Bavaria 96
wood, cedar 3, 4
Wu, Wei ix, 162
wunderkammern xxxvii, 10, 85
Ximnez, Francisco 75
Xu, Mei 158
Xu, Tingkun 158
Zhao, Chang ix, 155
Zhao, Lingrang 161
Zhao, Mengfu 155