OUTLANDISH AUTHORS: INNOCENZO FEDE AND MUSICAL PATRONAGE

AT THE STUART COURT IN LONDON AND IN EXILE

by

Nicholas Ezra Field

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
(Music: Musicology)
in the University of Michigan
2013

Doctoral Committee:

Associate Professor Stefano Mengozzi, Co-Chair

Associate Professor Mark Clague, Co-Chair
Professor Linda K. Gregerson
Associate Professor George Hoffmann
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In writing this dissertation I have benefited from the assistance, encouragement,

and guidance of many people. I am deeply grateful to my thesis advisors and committee

co-chairs, Professor Stefano Mengozzi and Professor Mark Clague for their unwavering

support as this project unfolded. I would also like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to my

dissertation committee members, Professor Linda Gregerson and Professor George

Hoffmannthank you both for your interest, insights, and support.

Additional and special thanks are due to my family: my parents Larry and

Tamara, my wife Yunju and her parents, my brother Sean, and especially my beloved

children Lydian and Evan.

ii
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS................................................................................................ ii

LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................ v

ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... vi

CHAPTER ONE: Introduction ........................................................................................... 1

Extant Sources for the Stuart Court Culture ................................................................... 5
Stuart Musical Artifacts .................................................................................................. 9
Historical Context ......................................................................................................... 20
The Restoration............................................................................................................. 29
Stuart Catholicism and the Catholic Chapel ................................................................. 41
The Exile of James II .................................................................................................... 43
CHAPTER TWO: Stuart Musical Patronage.................................................................... 48
The Restoration............................................................................................................. 53
The Organization of Music at the Stuart Court in London ........................................... 60
The Chapel Royal ......................................................................................................... 63
Music of The Catholic Chapel ...................................................................................... 69
French Musical Culture Under Louis XIV ................................................................... 76
The French Adoption of Cantata................................................................................... 89
Stuart Musical Patronage in Exile................................................................................. 94
Mary of Modena as Musical Patron.............................................................................. 95
Innocenzo Fede and the Musicians of the Exiled Court ............................................. 104
Interaction between the French and Stuart Courts...................................................... 108
Marys Patronage of Cantata ...................................................................................... 115
Conclusions................................................................................................................. 120
CHAPTER THREE: The Arias and Cantatas of Innocenzo Fede .................................. 123
Surviving Fede Cantata Repertoire............................................................................. 133
Poetic Texts set by Fede ............................................................................................. 141
Texts from Ariberto e Flavio ...................................................................................... 149
Music of the Recitative ............................................................................................... 155
Music of the Aria ........................................................................................................ 165
The Arias of Numeri amorosi ..................................................................................... 172
General observations................................................................................................... 181
Conclusions................................................................................................................. 185

iii
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER THREE ............................................................................. 186

CHAPTER FOUR: The Sonatas of Innocenzo Fede ...................................................... 197

Sonata #1G minor Sonata per Il Flauto solo ....................................................... 210
Sonata #4D minor Sonata di Camera .................................................................. 222
Sonata #5C major Seguita a 3 flauti.................................................................... 230
General Observations.................................................................................................. 237
Conclusions................................................................................................................. 238
CHAPTER FIVE: Conclusions ...................................................................................... 240

BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................................................................................... 246

iv
 LIST OF FIGURES

2.1 Purcell, Sonata no. 1 in G minor 67

3.1 Titles and Lengths of Fedes cantatas and arias 124
3.2 Scarlatti, Lascia piu di tormentarmi 128
3.3 Campra, Svre Sagasse 130
3.4 Fede, Cantatas with Movements 137
3.5 Fede, Independent Arias 140
3.6 Texts by Rinaldo Cialli set by Fede 151
3.7 Text of Ha torto, bella bocca 154
3.8 Text of Ardo, sospiro e peno 157
3.9 Fede, Ardo, sospiro e peno, mm. 119 158
3.10 Text of Ma poscia che con lei 159
3.11 Fede, Ma poscia che, mm. 17 160
3.12 Fede, Presso un fiume tranquillo, mm. 13 161
3.13 Fede, Rispose damor piena, mm. 13 162
3.14 Fede, Dunque con lieto core, mm. 13 162
3.15 Fede, S s con voglie accese, mm. 13 163
3.16 Fede, Onde in s dolci tempre, mm. 13 164
3.17 Fede, Per vooi lumi adorati, mm. 129 167
3.18 Fede, Seci potesse loro, mm. 116 169
3.19 Fede, Su dunuque voglio bere, mm. 121 171
3.20 Fede, Quante son queste arene, mm. 140 174
3.21 Fede, Quante la terra ha foglie, mm. 110 175
3.22 Fede, Quante laria augelletti, mm. 132 177
3.23 Fede, Facciam concordi amanti, mm. 136 179
4.1 Couperin, La Steinquerque, mvmt. 1, mm. 134 204
4.2 Couperin, La Steinquerque, mvmt. 3, mm. 114 206
4.3 List of Fede Sonatas 209
4.4 Fede, Sonata no. 1 in G minor, mvt. 1 212
4.5 Fede, Sonata no. 1 in G minor, mvt. 2 214
4.6 Fede, Sonata no. 1 in G minor, mvt. 3 216
4.7 Fede, Sonata no. 1 in G minor, mvt. 4 220
4.8 Fede, Sonata no. 4 in D minor, mvt. 1 224
4.9 Fede, Sonata no. 4 in D minor, mvt. 2 227
4.10 Fede, Sonata no. 4 in D minor, mvt. 3 228
4.11 Fede, Sonata no. 4 in D minor, mvt. 4 229
4.12 Fede, Sonata no. 5 in C major, mvt. 1 232
4.13 Fede, Sonata no. 4 in D minor, mvt. 2 234
4.14 Fede, Sonata no. 4 in D minor, mvt. 3 236

v
 ABSTRACT

This dissertation analyzes musical patronage at the courts of Charles II (r. 16601685)

and James II (r. 16851688) and argues that the 1688 exile of the Stuart court to Saint-

Germain-en-Laye, near Paris, was a key catalyst for the introduction of foreign musical

styles in France in the post-Lully era. It focuses on the music of Stuart court composer

Innocenzo Fede (ca.1660ca.1732) who presided over the substantially Italian musical

culture at the exiled court. In the wake of the pioneering work of Edward Corp in the

early 1990s scholars have recognized the exiled Stuart court as an important center for

the cultivation Italian music in France. This study, however, is the first to engage Fedes

secular chamber music analytically, and includes an examination of his cantatas,

independent arias, and sonatas. It also identifies Queen Mary of Modena (16581718),

the Italian wife of James II, as the primary patron of music and art at the exiled Stuart

court. This analysis of Fedes music not only illuminates his obscure oeuvre, but also

provides a new perspective on the activities of Mary of Modena as a musical patron,

highlighting her potentially surprising support of secular music. This dissertation argues

that a politically and religiously motivated English receptivity to foreign styles stimulated

the French adoption of Italian forms, and suggests that Fedes contribution to the

transmission of Italian cantata in France was more significant than previously recognized.

vi
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

In 1688 the birth of a male heir to the Catholic king and queen of England, James

II and Mary of Modena, stimulated among their Protestant subjects a storm of anti-

Catholic hysteria. Fearing that a new order of papist oppression was imminent, seven

members of the English parliament invited William of Orange, Prince of the Netherlands,

to mount an invasion in order to replace James II as king of England. By November, the

Stuart court was shattered by the desertion of the kings army in the face of the advancing

Dutch force.

Early in December Queen Mary and her infant son crossed the English Channel

seeking refuge with King Louis XIV of France, followed closely by King James, fleeing

in disguise and desperate to avoid the fate of his father who had been executed by his

subjects nearly forty years earlier. The king reached the safety of Paris during the first

week of 1689, where he joined his wife, a handful of servants, and his host and protector

Louis XIV.

Exiled in 1689, James II and his son James III were for nearly a halfcentury

recognized by many throughout the continent as the rightful sovereigns of the United

Kingdom (de lege if not de facto), despite the fact that the Stuarts were never to succeed

1
in their efforts to reclaim the English throne.1 During the two decades surrounding the

turn of the eighteenth century, the French King Louis XIV supported the Jacobites (as the

supporters of James II were known), housing them in his palace at Saint-Germain-en-

Laye and granting them generous financial support. There the Stuarts established their

court in exile and pursued a very royal existence, if not the lifestyle to which they had

been accustomed in their homeland. More importantly for this study, the Stuart court in

exile, guided by the Italian Queen Mary of Modena and the Italian music director

Innocenzo Fede, featured a musical culture that overwhelmingly favored Italian genres.

That this musical culture sprang into being just outside of Paris and well within the social

milieu of French royal society at nearly the precise moment that Parisian composers

conceived an explosion of interest in the Italian styles championed by the Stuart court

seems unlikely to have been strictly coincidence. Can the musical tastes and patterns of

artistic patronage advanced by the exiled Stuarts help to explain the surge in proItalian

musical activity among French composers during the 1690s?

Ironically, since until recently scholars of English music have focused on musical

culture at the court in London almost to the exclusion of the exiled Stuart court in France,

the scholar who first identified the musicological significance of the exiled Stuart court

was not a musicologist at all, but the British historian Edward Corp.2 Corp is the author

1
For a comprehensive and illuminating account of the unsuccessful Stuart
attempts at re-ascension under James II, see Peter Earle, The Life and Times of James II
(London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1972). A very thorough account of the circumstances
and activities of the court through the reign of James III is found in Edward Corp, A
Court in Exile: The Stuarts in France, 16891718, with contributions by Edward Greeg,
Howard Erskine-Hill, Geoffrey Scott (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
2
See Edward T. Corp, The Exiled Court of James II and James III: A Centre of
Italian Music in France, 16891712, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 120
(1995): 216231. See also Edward T. Corp, Music at the Stuart Court at Urbino, 1717

2
of numerous articles and books about cultural life at the Jacobite court, including the

topics of religion, politics, etiquette, society, poetry, and visual art.3 Vital for this study,

Corp has surveyed the performance and patronage of music at the exiled court from the

arrival at Saint-Germain-en-Laye of Queen Mary of Modena in December 1688 through

the later years the court spent in exile in Italy at Urbino. His research is summarized in

the eighth chapter of his 2004 book A Court in Exile entitled The court as a centre of

Italian music.4 Here Corp makes the bold suggestion that the powerfully proItalian

musical culture at the English court in exile significantly influenced French musical

culture, helping to drive the explosion of interest in Italian musical trends that occurred in

Paris beginning in the 1690s.

The final decade of the seventeenth century saw a sudden spike of interest in the

Italian style among French composers. The death of Lully in 1687 had produced a

vacuum in the French musical world that was quickly and energetically filled by

Italianate music as composers began to experiment with the newly imported genres of

sonata and cantata. In the first years of the 1690s, Franois Couperin and Elizabeth

Jacquet de la Guerre began to compose trio and solo sonatas in overt imitation of Corelli,

and the following decade witnessed the first French efforts at cantata, led by composers

such as Jean-Baptiste Morin, Nicholas Bernier, and Andr Campra. These composers did

not merely adopt the Italian genres wholesale, but saw themselves attempting to

18, Music and Letters 81 (Aug., 2000): 351363. See also Edward T. Corp, A Court in
Exile.
3
Corp, The Exiled Court of James II and James III, 216231. Also Edward T.
Corp, The Musical Manuscripts of Copiste Z: David Nairne, Franois Couperin, and
the Stuart Court at Saint-Germain-en-Laye, Revue de musicology 84e (1998): 3762,
and Music at the Stuart Court at Urbino, 171718, Music and Letters 81 (Aug., 2000):
351363.
4
Edward T. Corp, A Court in Exile.

3
ameliorate them by applying the influence of a more mildtempered French musical

idiom.5

But the specific paths that led new Italian musical influences into the heart of

French aristocratic society have remained difficult to trace. Was this a natural migration

made inevitable by geographical proximity, or the result of intentional sponsorship by

specific patrons? Given the importance of perceived national style to French musical

patrons and critics of the early modern period, and the controversy that composers of

Italianate music generated in France at the turn of the eighteenth century,6 the history of

the introduction of that music to French aristocratic society is worthy of scholarly

interest. It therefore seems surprising that scholars have only recently recognized that,

just as the death of Lully caused a creative vacuum in Parisian musical life, the French

aristocracy found itself playing host to its recently exiled family of royal cousins from

across the water: the house and court of King James II of England.

In this dissertation, I seek to understand the complex and fluid ways in which the

5
William Newman, The Sonata in the Baroque Era, revised edition (Chapel Hill:
The University of North Carolina Press, 1966); Guido Olivieri, The Fiery Genius: The
Contribution of Neapolitan Virtuosi to the Spread of the String Sonata (16841736)
(Ph.D. diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 2002); Adrian Rose, Elisabeth-
Claude Jacquet de la Guerre and the Secular Cantate Franoise, Early Music 13 (Nov.,
1985): 529541; Michele Cabrini, Expressive polarity: the aesthetics of Tempete and
Sommeil in The French Baroque Cantata (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2005);
David Tunley, The Eighteenth-Century French Cantata, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1997); David Tunley, The French Cantata in Performance,
Eighteenth-Century Studies 8 (Autumn, 1974): 4755; Peter Walls, Sonade, que me
veux tu?: Reconstructing French identity in the wake of Corellis op. 5, Early Music 32
(February, 2004): 2747; Don Fader, Philippe II d'Orlans's chanteurs italiens, the
Italian cantata and the gouts-runis under Louis XIV, Early Music 35(2) (2007): 237
250.
6
Lecerf disparaged Charpentier, Collasse, Campra and Destouches as imitators
of the Italian manner who had been reduced to the use of bizarre effects. Quoted in
James R. Anthony, French Baroque Music from Beaujoeulx to Rameau (New York:
W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1974),108.

4
intervention of an English court and an Italian queen helped to create a musical climate

receptive to Italian influences, disrupting a musical culture that, since the time of Lully,

had promoted the selfconscious fashioning of an idea of exclusive "Frenchness"

pertaining to music. I also attempt to address the theories offered by Edward Corp.

Moreover, I build on Corps work by adding a musicological dimension; I provide an

analysis of patterns of Stuart musical patronage and critically engage the secular chamber

music of Innocenzo Fede, the Stuart court composer in exile.

Extant Sources for the Stuart Court Culture

The Stuart papers were those court documents taken by (or sent to) James III

(the Old Chevalier or the Old Pretender) when his court moved from Saint-Germain-

en-Laye to Avignon in 1716 and Rome in 1719. After the death of the last Stuart claimant

(Cardinal York) in 1807, they passed into the possession of several executors and

inheritors, and it was not until the 1820s that the British government began to purchase,

in two large and several smaller partial collections, the extant Stuart documents. Despite

several efforts in the nineteenth century, this archive had never been completely, or even

substantially published, although several historians, including Agnes Strickland,

Campana de Cavelli, and Martin Haile,7 did make extensive use of them by providing

contextualized printings of many of the more important letters, and limited printings were

made of important parts of this archive for a private club in London (see below).

Strickland was able to do unprecedented research into the life of Mary of Modena

during the spring and summer of 1844, and in doing so brought to light a wealth of

7
Martin Haile, Queen Mary of Modena: Her Life and Letters (London: J. M. Dent
& Company, 1905). Martin Haile was the pen name of Marie Hall.

5
previously unknown Jacobite correspondence manuscripts. Thanks to the patronage of

several highly placed French governmental officials, she was able to gain access to what

were, at the time, the Secret [and unedited] Archives of the French Realm.8 Strickland

demonstrates Marys control over the management of the domestic affairs and

arrangements for the Jacobite courtiers. It becomes clear, from examples such as Marys

subtle demand at her husbands deathbed that Louis XIV recognize her son as heir to the

throne of England, that she more than anyone caused the Jacobite movement to endure

long after it was clear that James II would never regain his crown.

The core of the manuscript collection examined by Strickland are letters of Mary

of Modena, the majority of which are correspondence between the queen and the sisters

of the convent of Chaillot, of which Mary was patron. Many letters concern the activities

of the Queen on behalf of the convent of the Visitation of Saint Mary at Chaillot, which

had been founded in 1652 by Queen Henrietta Maria of England, mother of James II.

This convent, which had originally been populated by expatriate English nuns, became

the center of Marys devotional life. The letters that she exchanged with her cloistered

friends at Chaillot document Marys most intimate thoughts as well as her never-ending

political maneuvers and personal opinions about parenthood and social and religious

propriety.

This cache of letters and papers that Strickland discovered in 1844 was edited by

Falconer Madan, the Bodleys librarian, for an 1889 private printing for the members of

the Roxburghe Club under the title Stuart Papers Relating Chiefly to Mary of Modena

8
See the introduction Agnes Strickland, Mary of Modena, in Lives of the
Queens of England from the Norman Conquest, vol. 9 (Boston: Taggard and Thompson,
1864), v.

6
and the Exiled Court of King James II.9 The Roxburghe Club, which has been described

as the parent of all the book clubs, was an exclusive and elite society of selfdescribed

bibliomaniacs that was founded in 1813 and flourished throughout the nineteenth and

early twentieth centuries.10 This society was responsible in the late nineteenth and early

twentieth centuries for the private printing of several manuscripts of interest to Jacobite

scholars, including a 1925 edition by Godfrey Davis of The Papers of Devotion of James

II, which are the somewhat haphazard spiritual memoirs of that pious monarch.11 In

editing the Chaillot correspondence of Mary of Modena, Madan confined himself almost

exclusively to the task of printing the letters, and rather than providing commentary on

the historical significance of the documents, he referred his readers to the previously

published works of Agnes Strickland as the best possible companion to his edition.12

The collection examined by Strickland and edited by Madan is printed from

official copies of originals with facsimiles.13 In his editorial introduction, Madan notes

that this collection is highly unusual among Stuart papers, in that its focus in not on

9
Falconer Madan, Stuart Papers Relating Chiefly to Mary of Modena and the
Exiled Court of King James II (London: Published for the Roxburghe Club by J.D.
Nichols & Sons, 1889).
10
The Roxeburghe Club intended itself to be rigorously exclusive, initially
limiting its membership to thirty-one persons. The society maintained a notably insightful
economic policy of always printing fewer copies than the number of its members, in
order to ensure the highest possible demand for its publications. This author is very
grateful that one copy now resides in the special collections library at the University of
Michigan. For a very thorough (and possibly the only extant) description of the origins
and development of the outstanding organization, see John Hill Burton, The Book Hunter
(Bristol, United Kingdom: Thoemmes Press, first printing 1882, reprinted 1997): 265
283.
11
Godfrey Davies, editor, Papers of devotion of James II, being a reproduction of
the ms. In the handwriting of James the Second now in the possession of Mr. Davies.
(Oxford: Printed for presentation to the members of the Roxburghe club, 1925).
12
Davies, Papers of devotion, from the introduction.
13
Falconer Madan, Stuart Papers, from the title page.

7
political or military events, but rather on what might be called the domestic features of

the life at St.Germains.14 Nearly all of this collection is in French, and the documents

serve to reflect the activities of Queen Mary during the time of her exile. The letters are

arranged in roughly chronological order, or by category of correspondence, and are listed

and crosslisted in a table of contents and an index that is surprisingly thorough given the

date of this printing. Many letters are between Mary and the Mothers Superior at Chaillot

and other convents that she supported, but others are to and from her daughter, Princess

Louise. Some are not letters at all, but memoirs and assorted papers related to earlier

Stuart figures including Henrietta Maria, Charles II, and James II, as well as younger

generations of Stuarts, up to Princess Charlotte, grand-daughter of James II.

Another principal source on the Jacobite court is the work of the Marchesa

Campana di Cavelli, collected in Les Dernier Stuarts Saint-Germain-en-Laye.15 This is

a collection of documents in English, French, German, Italian, and Latin, and is neither a

complete history nor biography, but an assemblage of documents with footnotes. It

consists of two enormous volumes, and a third was intended but never finished because

the authors husband, who had been the financier of the project, was prematurely struck

down with bankruptcy.16

14
Madan, from the prefatory note, ix.
15
Emilia (Rowles) Marchesa Campana Di Cavelli, Les Dernier Stuarts Saint-
Germain-en-Laye, documents indits et authentiques puiss aux archives publiques et
prives, par la marquise Campana de Cavelli (Paris: Didier & Company, 1871).
16
Carola Oman, Mary of Modena (Bungay, Suffolk: Hodder & Stoughton, 1962),
from the introduction.

8
Stuart Musical Artifacts

Financial realities and moral concerns may have prevented the exiled Stuarts from

staging splendid musical performances or otherwise engaging in ostentatious displays of

cultural grandeur, but it nonetheless generated a significant amount of musical material in

the form of a large library of musical manuscripts.17 This collection, apart from its

function as a source for musical performance and study, served to provide the court with

what Margaret Murata has called a proprietary interest in music, and allowed the

Stuarts to claim cultural sophistication through the possession of a outstanding musical

library rather than a brilliant performative culture.18 Since the Stuarts lacked the

conventional courtly resources of money and manpower, they strove to establish a

reserve of cultural currency in the form of a repository of musical manuscripts that could

be perceived as valuable regardless of whether it was actually in use.

The largest part of this manuscript collection, which is predominantly devoted to

secular vocal music, forms seven volumes under the call number H. 659 in the

Bibliothque National in Paris, consisting of the repertoire used by Fede in his capacity

of music director at Saint-Germain-en-Laye. The copies were bound near the turn of the

eighteenth century, and have been described by Jean Lionnet.19 The pieces are mostly

vocal, arranged alphabetically by incipit, with sonatas punctuating the ends of letter

groups. The manuscripts contain the works of twenty-one Italian composers including
17
Edward Corp, A Court in Exile, 369.
18
Margret Murata, Roman Cantata Scores as Traces of Musical Culture and
Signs of its Place in Society, Atti del XIV congresso della societ internazionale di
musicologia (Torino: Edizioni di Torino, 1990): 278279. Murata describes this hoarding
of fine but unusable manuscripts as musica da biblioteca, as opposed to actual musical
performance, or musica da camera.
19
See Jean Lionnet Innocenzo Fede et la musique la cour des Jacobites Saint-
Germain-en-Laye Revue de la Bibliothque Nationale, 46 (Winter 1992, a special
number devoted to Les Jacobites): 1418.

9
Alessandro Scarlatti and Bernardo Pasquini, the presence of whose works has been

identified by Margaret Murata as an indicator that these manuscripts were compiled in

the last two decades of the seventeenth century.20 The other known Stuart manuscripts of

secular Italian vocal music are found in London21 and Berkeley22 and contribute to a

collection of impressive size. The care taken in creating the majority23 of these

meticulously copied and decorated manuscripts shows that they were intended not just for

performance, but also for preservation. In the absence of financial wealth, these scores

were musical riches hoarded by the court to signal its cultural sophistication.

We see from the preface written by Jean-Baptiste Morin to his 1709

divertissement La chasse du cerf that contemporary scores were used as templates to be

copied for players as needed: At first I thought to have the parts of the divertissement

printed separately for the convenience of the performers, but that would have resulted in

many little booklets subject to being easily misplaced; I have therefore preferred to give

you the full score, from which you may extract whatever parts you need.24

20
Murata has offered sets of characteristics for the chronological identification of
Roman manuscripts. See Murata, Roman Cantata Scores as Traces of Musical Culture,
276.
21
British Library, London: Add. MSS 31476, 31480, 31502; Bodleian Library,
Oxford: Mus. Sch. E. 4003.
22
University of California at Berkeley, MS 118.
23
Not all of the copies in the British Library manuscripts are equally beautiful.
Innocenzo Fedes aria Vieni o caro (Add. Ms. 31502) is hastily copied at the end of a
collection of pre-existent fascicles. For a description of common types of miscellanies
and anthologies of Roman manuscripts, see Murata, Roman Cantata Scores, 273.
24
Jean-Baptiste Morin, quoted by Pietri, Don J., translated by David Mason
Greene, in the liner notes for Morin, La chasse du cerf, directed by Jean-Franois Paillard
(New York: The Musical Heritage Society, MHS 1137, 1971). Recorded by Erato, long
playing record.

10
 Many of the musical manuscripts associated with the exiled English court are

copies made in the workshop of Antr Danican Philidor, lain (ca. 16521730).25

Philidor was from a large musical family that served the French royal family for several

generations in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.26 Skilled in a variety of wind and

percussion instruments, Philidor played in the band of the royal musketeers (both in

ceremony and on campaign), in Lullys orchestra for ballet and opera, and from 1690 in

the Petits Violons. Philidor was a composer of occasional and theatrical pieces

throughout his career, but his greatest contribution to history was in his capacity as the

kings music librarian, a post that he held from 1681 if not earlier. His workshop included

a number of assistant copyists, but Philidor copied many volumes personally. After the

fall of the ancien rgime the Philidor manuscript collection was gradually dispersed; in

the early 19th century an inventory by Nicolas Roze included 59 volumes held at the

Bibiotheque National, only about half of which remain known.27 Volumes from the

Philidor workshop are in various academic libraries and private collections, but the two

most substantial collections are in the Bibliotheque Nationale and in the Bibliotheque

Municipale of Versailles.

25
Edward T. Corp, The Musical Manuscripts of Copiste Z, 37.
26
General biographical information for Andre Philidor is found in Benoit,
Marcelle, Versailles et les musicians du roi, 16611733: tude institutionnelle et sociale
(Paris: Editions A. et J. Picard, 1971): 3435. Also see Lionel Sawkins The Manuscripts
of the Philidor Atelier in Sothebeys Catalogue of The Highly Important Toulouse-
Philidor Collection of Manuscript and Printed Music and other Valuable Manuscripts
and Printed Books (London: Sotheby Parke Bernet & Company, 1978), from the
foreword.
27
E.H. Fellowes, The Philidor Manuscripts: Paris, Versailles, Tenbury, Music
& Letters 12 (Apr., 1931):117.

11
 Another large collection existed at St. Michaels College, Tenbury, until it was

sold in London at Sothebys auction house as Lots 198 on June 26, 1978.28 This

collection has been called the Toulouse-Philidor collection since it was compiled for

the Comte de Toulouse, a son of Louis XIV by Madame de Montespan. The Toulouse

manuscripts came into the possession of King Louis Philippe in the nineteenth century,

where they were stamped Bibliotheque du roi and were sold by auction in Paris after

his abdication in 1848.29 They soon passed into the hands of Sir Fredrick Ouseley,

professor of Music in Oxford University and founder of St. Michaels College at

Tenbury, who deposited them in the library of his new school. This collection remained

obscure until described by E.H. Fellows in 1931.30

The largest collection consists of the seven volumes H. 659 in the Bibliothque

National in Paris, which Jean Lionnet has described as being almost without any doubt,

witnesses to the the activity of Fede in France,31 and are believed to have been copied c.

170510. The pieces are mostly vocal, arranged alphabetically by incipit, with sonatas

punctuating the ends of letter groups. According to Lionnet, the volumes consist of music

used by Fede in his capacity of music director at the exiled court at Saint-Germain-en-

Laye, and were probably copied circa 17051710.32 The manuscripts contain the works

of twenty-one Italian composers including, Alessandro Scarlatti, Corelli, Stradella, and

others whose fame flourished at the end of the seventeenth century, as well as works by

28
See Sothebeys Catalogue of The Highly Important ToulousePhilidor
Collection of Manuscript and Printed Music and other Valuable Manuscripts and Printed
Books (London: Sotheby Parke Bernet & Company, 1978), 175.
29
Fellowes, 128.
30
Fellowes, 116129.
31
presque sans aucun doute, tmoins de lactivit de Fede en France. Lionnet,
InnocenzoFede et la musique la cour de Jacobites, 15.
32
Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique la cour des Jacobites, 1418.

12
Fede, Finger, and Paisible, musicians known to have been employed at the Stuart court.

Lionnet notes that it is almost impossible to imagine the creation of a manuscript

collection featuring works by the almost-unknown Fede juxtaposed with those by such

recognized masters as Corelli, Scarlatti, and Carissimi, unless Fede or someone very

close to him were overseeing the production.33 Lionnet also points to the presence of

British-themed cantata Lamento dela Regina di Scozzi, which takes as its subject the

death scene of Mary Queen of Scots, which further suggests that the collection belonged

to the exiled English court.34

Another manuscript volume survives in the Versailles Municipal Library (MS

MUS 161), which Jean Lionnet has shown to be part of the repertoire of the exiled

court.35 The manuscript contains sixteen musical works in all: ten pieces identified by

their titles as sonatas (each feauturing between four and six movements), and six pieces

otherwise labeled. There are two sonatas by Innocenzo Fede and two sonatas by James

Paisible. There are also two suites of dance movements by Gottfried Finger and one by

Jeremiah Clarke.

A collection of part-books for trio sonatas (parts for violin I, violin II, basso, and

basso continuo) resides at the University of Chicago (Manuscript MS 959).36 Each book

is signed on the inside cover as the property of William Bree of Allesley, who was a

clergyman at the parish in Allesley (a village near Coventry, England) and apparently

33
Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique, 1418.
34
Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique, 16.
35
Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique, 16.
36
See the University of Chicago library catalogue information for this manuscript:
http://www1.lib.uchicago.edu/cgibin/nand/search/stc?browse=%3A%3ACONFIG%3A%
3Abmss&key=000000000959&limit=0. The codex manuscript listing is as follows:
Corellli, Arcangelo [sic], 16531713, et al. Trio sonatas. 4 vols. [scores.] Date: 1710
1712. Place of Origin: Music (Great Britain).

13
owned the collection during its English sojourn in the early nineteenth century. In the

second violin book the same hand has, in English, erroneously identified the works as

quartets for two violins, a violincello, and double bass, perhaps indicating that this

commentator failed to recognize trio sonata texture, or perhaps the very concept of basso

continuo. All four volumes contain the following dedication on the inside (verso) of the

hardboard, leatherbound front cover: Sonate a tre, doi violini, e violone o Arciliuto/ col

Basso per lorgano/ Consecrate All Sacra Real Maesta Di Christina Alessandra/ Regina

di Suezia, Oc./ Da Arcangelo Corelli Da Gusignano, detto il Bolognese/ Opera Prima.

This inscription is the dedication originally published with Corellis opus one in 1681.

The collection contains a variety of Italian works, interspersed with English

composers including John Blow, Anthony Poole, Henry Purcell, and Gottfried Finger, all

of whom were associated with the Jacobite court.37 Further evidence that the collection

was the provenance of the Jacobites is the fact that, in a work otherwise written in Italian,

the copyist has written performance instructions on page 48 in all parts in English,

reading Conclude [with the] first Straine. Furthermore, the paper seems likely to be of

English manufacture, and therefore the manuscript was probably begun at the Whitehall

court before being taken into exile.38 Corp also notes that, like Fede, all the Italian

composers represented in the manuscript worked in Rome except Vitali, who worked in

37
Several unattributed pieces in this collection have been identified by Robert
Thompson, see Edward Corp, Copiste Z, 57. Robert Shay and Robert Thompson,
Purcell Manuscripts: The Principal Musical Sources (New York: Cambridge University
Press, 2000), 118121. I wish to thank both Professors Shay and Thompson for their
correspondence regarding the provenance of this manuscript.
38
For a thorough discussion of seventeenth-century paper making industry see
Shay and Thompson, Purcell Manuscripts, 820; Corp, Copiste Z, 57.

14
Modena.39 It is notable that this collection includes entire opus collections by Corelli (opp

1&3) Bassani, Finger, and Kruger as well as scattered individual sonatas, showing a

musical culture that was concerned with intact sonata collections of specific composers,

rather than simply the most popular works of the genre.

The majority of composers whose works are found in Jacobite manuscript

collections were Italians who never set foot in the court at Saint-Germain-en-Laye.

Nearly all of them had professional connections with Rome or Modena, which suggests

that the presence of their work in the Stuart collections is attributable to the influence of

the Roman Innocenzo Fede and the Modenese Queen Mary. Only composers whose

works are found in Jacobite manuscript collections and were directly patronized by James

II and his family will be considered Jacobite composers. This group includes the

composers who worked at the Stuart court in London but did not follow the king into

exile: John Blow, Anthony Poole, Henry Purcell, Gottfried Finger, and Jeremiah Clarke.

These composers are responsible for a substantial portion of the Stuart repertoire, and

their contributions help to mark the Jacobite music collection as distinctly English.

John Blow, known primarily for his stage work, was a prolific composer of vocal

music. He became organist at Westminster abby in 1668, and remained in that post until

he was replaced by his pupil, Henry Purcell, in 1680.40 In 1674 he was appointed master

of the children of the Chapel royal and composer in the kings Private Musick, and he

was renewed in this post on the ascension of James II in 1685. From 16871693 he was

choirmaster at St. Pauls Cathedral. Clarkes name was spelled variously by his

39
Corp, Copiste Z, 57.
40
Jeffery Pulver, A Biographical Dictionary of Old English Music (New York: E.
P. Dutton & Company, 1927), 61.

15
contemporaries (Clark, Clarke, or Clerk) so it is very likely that Jeremiah Clarke is

the author of this suite attributed to Signor Clerke. This theory is strengthened by its

juxtaposition in the manuscript with other Stuart court composers (Finger, Paisible, and

Fede). Clarke is known to have written two suites for harpsichord and one for woodwind

ensemble around 1700 (one of which includes the famous Prince of Denmarks March)

which are found in the British Library.41 Like Blow, Clarke wrote very few pieces of

instrumental chamber music, so it is notable that this is the genre taken into exile by the

Jacobites.

A Stuart manuscript at the Municipal Library of Versailles42 is in the hand of

Philidor, just as are the six volumes in the Bibliothque nationale. Whereas the

Bibliothque nationale collection is predominantly composed of cantatas and arias, the

pieces contained in the Versailles manuscript are exclusively instrumental works. The

instrumental pieces in this volume were probably played at informal musical settings and

used by Fede for the instruction of the two Stuart princes.43 The manuscript contains

sixteen musical works in all: ten pieces identified by their titles as sonatas (each with

between four and six movements), and six pieces otherwise labeled. Of those titled

sonata, two are credited Del Sig. Paisible and the rest are unattributed. Of the works

not listed as sonatas, three are suites of between five to seven dance movements, but are

not labeled with titles. One is titled Sinfonie, is unattributed, and consists of five

movements programmaticly related to one Sieur Gautier,

41
Add. MSS 31465, 395657, 30839.
42
Vers. MS Mus. 161.
43
Jean Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique, 16.

16
 One of the most intriguing of these anonymously composed pieces is a five

movement suite (ff. 5865) related by title to one Sieur Gautier, the identification of

whom could be a tantalizing clue to the identity of the composer. Writing in 1992, Jean

Lionnet speculated that the composer of this piece may be Pierre Gautier of Marseille,

author of a volume of Symphonies published in Paris in 1706.44 Given the fact,

however, that the name Gautier appears in the context of the enigmatic movement titles

in this suite, Sieur Gautier is most likely the subject, rather than the author of this piece.

Another possible subject of the music is Richard Gautier, the son of a senior

household servant at Saint-Germain-en-Laye. He was a soldier in the 1715 invasion of

Scotland under James III and lost an eye in that campaign.45 Yet another possible

candidate is Francis Gaultier, a brother-in-law of Madame de Labadie, nurse to the young

James Francis Edward (future claimant to the title James III), who escorted the first group

of Jacobite refugees to their embarkation at Gravesend on 9 December 1688.46 The man

bearing the name of Gaultier whose association with the Stuart court is most well

documented, and likey to be the Sieur Gautier referred to in this piece, is the Abb

Gaultier who had been the third curate at the parish church of Saint-Germain-en-Laye,

and who, having travelled to London in 1710, acted as a French agent until at least 1713,

conspiring with the Earl of Oxford and the Duke of Berwick for the restoration of King

44
Jean Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique, 16. Lionnet notes that there was
a Charles Gautier among the young musicians of the Royal Chapel in London in 1687.
45
See Edward Corp, Copiste Z, 47. Corp identifies Richard Gaultier as the
possible subject of an eighteenthcentury bookplate labeled Gautier Mousqutaire du
Roy found in a privatelyheld score of Lullys Thse.
46
The first group of fugitives, which was escorted by Ralph Sheldon as well as
Francis Gaultier, consisted of Lord and Lady Powis, Donna Vittoria with her father and
brother, Lord and Lady OBrien (Clare), and Sir William Waldegrave, a physician who
would feature prominently as a court musician in exile. See Oman, Mary of Modena, 132.

17
James III.47 His unsuccessful efforts were predominantly concerned with attempts to

persuade Queen Anne (Jamess half-sister) to declare James successor to the throne,

rather than allow it to pass to the German Hanover dynasty. Gaultier certainly did not

return to Saint-Germain-en-Laye until 1714 at the earliest, by which time James III had

been forced to remove himself to Lorraine due to the new political realities placed on

Louis XIV by the treaty of Utrecht. If this music does indeed refer to the Abb, it was

most likely written some time before 1710, when Abb Gaultier was present and known

among the society at Saint-Germain-en-Laye.

The opening sinfonia entitled Sinfonie du Sieur Gautier in g minor begins in

triple meter with Lullian faux-imitation at the fourth bar, resolving into homophony by

the sixth. Regal dotted rhythms are present in all but eight of the fifty-three measures of

this piece, and the melody consists almost entirely of conjunct sequences. The composer

alternates between repeatedly placing a dotted half-note on the first beat, and placing it

on the second beat, invoking a dialogue between chaconne and loure dance references.

While no tempo marking is given, the piece resembles the initial slow section of a French

Overture in its use of large-value notes, minor mode, imitative opening, and sequential

melodic structure. The second movement is a gigue in six-four time, marked gay. It is

constructed in a ternary structure, with the first A section itself in binary form. The

double-bar dividing the large A section from the B section is emphasized by a complete

rewriting of all keys and cleffs: the A section is in g major, with two f-sharps written in

the key signature, while the B section is in the parallel minor key with the expected two

flats in the signature. The time signature becomes three-two, resulting in an absence of

47
From the memoires of the Duke of Berwick, quoted in Martin Haile, Queen
Mary of Modena, 416.

18
dotted-quarter and eighth notes, and a preference for dottedhalf and quarter notes. The

presence of three segno marks in this piece is not self-explanatory, but may indicate a

need for performers to skip forward or backward in the part when it became necessary to

end or extend a dance.

Two are untitled dance suites attributed Del. S. God. Finger (ff. 5357) or Del

S. G. Finger (ff. 6671). One dance suite of seven movements is titled Plainte and is

attributed Del. S. Clerke (ff. 4652).48 One piece seemingly similar to a sonata da

chiesa is entitled Sinfonia a 3 flauti and attributed Del Sig. D. Ignatio Pulici (f. 34).

There are two pieces attributed Del Sig. Inn Fede both of which are four-movement

sonatas. One seems to bear the title Overture, but this title probably refers only to the

French overture form of the first movement (f. 29). The other piece is labeled Sonata di

Camera (f. 80), which is unusual in that none of the other sonatas in the collection bear

this secular designation.

Perhaps the specific labeling of the Fede Sonata di Camera is intended to

distinguish this from some church sonatas by the same composer that are, for some

reason, not in this collection. This possibility is hinted at by the fact that this book

remains half-empty, or rather half-full of expensive blank pages. It would seem that the

copyist intended to include more music in this volume, and we are left to wonder why

this never happened.

48
As Jean Lionnet has suggested, this attribution most likely refers to Jeremiah
Clarke. See Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique, 16.

19
Historical Context

The royal house of Stuart has its roots in fourteenth-century Scottish history, but

may be said to have stepped onto center stage of British history in 1603 when James VI

of Scotland assumed the English throne to become James I. The overthrow and execution

of his son Charles I in 1649 interrupted Stuart rule until the Restoration of 1660 placed

the crown on the head of Charles II, grandson of James I and son of Charles I. Upon the

death of Charles II in 1685 his younger brother became James II, but was driven from the

country in an event that has come widely to be known as the Glorious Revolution.

Twice deposed, the only family of British monarchs to suffer judicial regicide, the

Stuarts have frequently been depicted by historians as insensitive oppressors cast off by a

British populace too proud to submit to absolutism or popery. These two terms have

been central to historical assessments of the Stuart kings, providing justification for the

two most prominent events of the Stuart dynasty: the English Civil War (16421660) and

the so-called Glorious Revolution (1688). The Civil War has frequently been seen as a

refusal of freedom-loving Britons to yield to a continental-style absolute monarchy, while

the revolution of 1688 is seen as the moment when the absolutist question, this time in

the face of a Catholic tyrant, was settled once and for all.

The movements of the Stuarts during the first exile (16491660) have attracted

significant historical study, and even histories that focus primarily on the Commonwealth

must almost necessarily offer some scrutiny to the exiled royal family since the

interregnum was terminated by their eventual return and restoration.49 Considerably less

49
Eva Scott, The King in Exile: The Wanderings of Charles II from June 1646 to
July 165, (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co.), 1905; Eva Scott, The Travels of the King:
Charles II in Germany and Flanders 16541660, (London: Archibald Constable and

20
attention has been given to the Stuarts during the second exile, likely because that exile

did not end in restoration.

Royal courts in London had begun to construct an image of their capital as a

center of international musical activity well before the ascension of the Stuart dynasty. As

early as 1597 Thomas Morley observed the enthusiasm for Italian madrigals among his

countrymen, sparked in large part by the 1588 publication of Nicholas Yonges Musica

Transalpina, remarking that the English highly esteem whatsoever cometh from beyond

the seas (and specially from Italy) be it never so simple, condemning that which is done

at home though it be never so excellent.50

English royal policy from at least the time of Henry VII (r. 14851509) favored

foreign artists, musicians, and musical styles in an effort to enliven the court culture with

the latest cultural currents from abroad. Elizabeth I (r. 15581603) employed four times

the number of foreign musicians as English, introducing such family names as Bassano,

Lupo, Lanier, and Ferrabosco that dominated London as musical dynasties through the

reign of James I. James I paid Italians double what he paid domestic musicians.51 In the

Co.), 1907; Neil Reynolds, The Stuart Court and Courtiers in Exile, 16441654, Phd.
Dissertation (Trinity Hall: Cambridge, 1996).
50
Thomas Morely, A Plaine and Easie Introduction to Practicall Musicke, edited
by R. Alec Harman. (London: printed by Peter Short, 1597. Reprinted in London by J.M.
Dent & Sons Ltd., 1952), 293. Harman notes here that the English fascination for foreign
music unfortunately persisted for several centuries. For analysis of the English
madrigal in relationship to the Italian madrigal, see Joseph Kerman, The Elizabethan
Madrigal, a Comparative Study (Ph. D. diss., Princeton University, 1950); Joseph
Kerman Elizabethan anthologies of Italian Madrigals, Journal of the American
Musicological Society, 4 (1951): 122138. The indebtedness of English madrigal
composers was part of a larger scheme of Italian influence upon English music in the
sixteenth century, see Arthur William Byler, Italian Currents in the Popular Music of
England in the Sixteenth Century (Ph. D. diss., The University of Chicago, 1952).
51
It is telling that in terms of material remains, so many of the surviving art
objects which are held up as great works from the courts of Henry VII and Henry VIII are

21
years leading up to the English Civil War (164251), native English composers and

publishers could make their works more attractive by claiming to present Italianate

music: Walter Porters Madrigales and Ayres (1632) and William Childs First Set of

Psalms (1639) were both presented as being after the Italian way, and were advertised

as such by John Playford in his 1653 publication, A Catalogue of all the Music Books that

have been printed in England.52

During the English Civil War (16411651) and the years of Puritan rule (1649

1660), music was suppressed as an asset to liturgical worship but continued to flourish in

private as a cultural activity. While the Puritans were generally suspicious of the arts

(Cromwell closed the theaters and liquidated or destroyed much of the royal picture and

statuary collection)53 they not entirely intolerant of music; Oxford scholar and diarist

Anthony Wood recalled that Oliver Cromwell loved a good voice and instrumental

musick well.54 The Puritans did object to music itself, but kept musical function under

strict control: [the Puritans] used to love and encourage instrumental musick; but did not

foreign itemsthe image of the Tudor line was to be one that could take its place not just
in the succession of English kings, but equally among the great European dynasties. In
this sense, the unprecedented extent of the foreign arrivals at court during the early Tudor
period is indicative of a concerted policy which certainly extended into the musical
domain. Theodor Dumitrescu, The Early Tudor Court and International Musical
Relations (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2007), 29; Christopher Hogwood,
Music at Court (London: The Folio Society Limited, 1977), 41.
52
The Italinate style was also cultivated before the Civil War by the chapel
organist George Jefferys. See Robert Thompson, George Jeffreys and the Stile Nuovo
in English Sacred Music: A New Date for his Autograph Manuscript Score, British
Library Add. MS 10338, Music & Letters 70 (Aug., 1989): 317341.
53
Stephen Orgel, The Illusion of Power: Political Theater in the English
Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 41.
54
Anthony Wood, The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, abridged from Andrew
Clarkes edition (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 90.

22
care for vocall, because that was used in church by the prelaticall partie.55 The Calvinist

Puritans believed that God was offended by ostentatious musical displays during worship

and even saw divine judgment in the misfortunes of parish musiciansPuritan diarist

Nehemiah Wallington described an event at Lincolnshire where a newly-installed organ

was destroyed when a violent storm came in at one window and blew [the organ] to

another window and brake both organ and window down.56

Vocal music, though driven out of the church, was still sufficiently tolerated

during the interregnum for William Davenant to be allowed to produce four operatic

entertainments between 1656 and 1659.57 On 21 February1660, at the very eve of the

restoration, Samuel Pepys visited a coffee house with Mathew Locke and Henry Purcell:

Here we had variety of brave Italian; and Spanish songs, and a canon for eight voices,

which Mr. Lock had lately made on these words: Domine salvum fac Regem.58

55
Wood, The Life and Times, 90. [F]ew of the leading Puritans objected to music
as a thing in itself though they were surprisingly ready to nose out anything they
considered to be an abuse of musicits use for any purpose on the Sabbath, in church
choirs, in theatres. Henry Raynor, Music in England (London: Robert Hale, 1980), 89.
56
Nehemiah Wallington, quoted in Paul S. Seaver, Wallingtons World: A Puritan
Artisan in Seventeenth-Century London (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 61.
57
These were The First Days Entertainment at Rutland House (1656), The Siege
of Rhodes (1656,), The Cruelty of the Spaniards in Peru (1658), and Sir Francis Drake
(1659). The music for these works was composed by a team of musicians that included
Mathew Locke, Henry Lawes, Henry Cooke, Charles Coleman, and George Hudson. See
Raynor, 9091; Roy Sherwood, The Court of Oliver Cromwell (Totowa, New Jersey:
Rowman and Littlefield, 1977), 145146; Andrew R. Walking, chapter I, part V,
Courtly entertainments in the Commonwealth and early Restoration, in Court Culture,
and Politics in Restoration England: Charles II, James II, and the Performance of
Baroque Monarchy (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University, 1997): 8098; James A. Winn,
Heroic Song: A Proposal for a Revised History of English Theatre and Opera, 1656
1711, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 30 (199697): 113137.
58
Samuel Pepys, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, Esq., F.R.S., Edited by Lord
Braybrooke (Teddington: The Echo Library, 2006), 12.

23
 Music was continually cultivated within private English society during the

interregnum, as is attested to by the regular publication during this time of musical lesson

books, consort collections, and anthologies, at least seventeen of which were printed by

John Playford alone during the eleven years of the puritan commonwealth.59 As the

official suppression of sacred music and the discouragement of public theatrical

performances virtually eliminated musical performances in church and theater, London

musicians turned to private homes and business places as the new centers of musical

activity.60 Driven by necessity, newly unemployed instrumentalists were commonly seen

in the streets and taverns offering to play for tips.61

In a dangerous climate where the prohibition on public musical entertainment

could be enforced with violent severity, many English families cultivated music in the

safety of their own homes, resulting in the proliferation of amateur musical activity and

the increased participation of womenRoger North later recalled:

59
A list of these publications is found in Percy Alfred Scholes, The Puritans and
Music in England and New England: A Contribution to the Cultural History of Two
Nations (Oxford: Clarendon Press, reprinted 1969), 130131.
60
Stage plays were officially prohibited by Parliament on 2 September, 1642, see
Journals of the House of Commons, 2 (16401643): 747; [T]he forbidding the use of
the liturgy, and the restraints on the stage, amounted in effect, to a proscription of music
from the metropolis, and drove the professors of it to seek protection where they were
most likely to find it. Sir John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice
of Music, 2 vols. (London: 1776, reprinted New York: Dover Publications, 1963), 697;
Andrew R. Walking, Court Culture, and Politics in Restoration England: Charles II,
James II, and the Performance of Baroque Monarchy (Ph.D. diss., Cornell University,
1997); Martin Butler, Theatre and Criticism, 16321642 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1984); Percy Scholes, The Puritans and Music in England and New
England (Oxford, 1934; reprinted 1969); Peter Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers: The
Violin at the English Court 15401690 (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1993; reprinted 2002),
265267; Thomas Healy and Jonathan Sawday, eds., Literature and the English Civil
War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Jean E. Howard, The Stage and
Social Struggle in Early Modern England (London: Routledge, 1994).
61
Scholes, 276.

24
 when most other good arts languished Musick held up her head, not at
Court nor (in the cant of those times) profane Theaters, but in private
society, for many chose rather to fidle at home, than to goe out, and be
knockt on the head abroad; and the enterteinement was very much courted
and made use of, not onely in country but citty familys, in which many of
the Ladys were good consortiers; and in this state was Musick dayly
improving more or less till the time of (in all other respects but Musick)
the happy Restauration.62

Norths observation reveals not only that the practice of music continued to flourish, but

also that the need for safety in violent times emphasized a more private musical culture.

Furthermore, Norths description of those many who chose rather to fidle at home

illuminates an important point about contemporary house-music culture in Englandthe

rising prominence of instrumental music, and specifically the violin, in the mainstream of

English musical life.

As a relative newcomer from Italy,63 the violin stimulated an English musical

culture that had already an easy familiarity with the practice of instrumental music. From

the sixteenth century through the English Civil War, most instrumental music in London

was written for small ensembles, or consorts, of woodwinds or viols.64 Despite the

similarity in name, the viol was structurally distinct from the violin insofar as it had frets

and was tuned in perfect fourths but with a major third between the middle two strings; in

62
Roger North, Roger North on Music, transcribed and edited by John Wilson
(London: Novello and Company LTD, 1959), 294.
63
Very few violins were made in England until after 1660; Restoration violin
makers included Urquhart, Pamphilon, Rayman, and Barak Norman. See Francis W.
Galpin, Old English Instruments of Music, fourth edition revised by Thurston Dart
(London: Methuen & Co Ltd, 1965), 70. For the most thorough history of the violin in
England, see Peter Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers, 266269.
64
Warwick Edwards, "Consort," In Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/0
6322 (accessed August 22, 2012).

25
these respects it may be best thought of as a bowed guitar.65 Henry Peacham attested to

the common usage of viols among amateur musicians in his 1622 etiquette manual The

Compleat Gentleman: I desire no more in you then to sing your part sure, and at the first

sight, withall, to play the same upon your Violl.66 Contemporary Englishmen who

aspired to the cultural standards set by Peacham would therefore have been expected not

only to sing accurately at sight, but also to cultivate instrumental skill and sight reading

ability. Roger North claimed with pride that from the early seventeenth century the

leading musicians at the newly established Stuart court gained the nation the credit of

excelling the Italians in all but the vocall.67 Christopher Simpson later went so far in his

1678 Compendium of Practical Music to designate the English the finest instrumental

musicians in the world[y]ou need not seek outlandish [foreign] authors, especially for

instrumental musick; no nation (in my opinion) being equal to the English in that way.68

During the 1650s the violin remained a novel instrument that was beginning to

find a central place in English chamber music, drawing the interest of amateur

musicians.69 In his 1660 An Introduction to the Skill of Musick, music publisher John

65
Howard Mayer Brown, Notes on the Viol in the 20th Century, Early Music 6
(Jan., 1978): 4755; Julie Anne Sadie, Bowed Continuo Instruments in French Baroque
Chamber Music, Proceedings of the royal Musical Association 105 (19781979): 37
49.
66
Henry Peacham, The Compleat Gentleman (First Printing London, 1622;
Reprinted London: Clarendon Press, 1906), 100.
67
The musicians North refers to here are Alfonso Ferabosco, Giovanni Coperario,
Thomas Lupo, Richard Mico, and Michael East. He also identifies Italy as the source of
instrumental fantasias that were imitated by the English until in vocal, the Itallians,
and in the instrumentall music, the English exelled. See Roger North, Memoirs of Music,
edited by Edward F. Rimbault (London: George Bell, 1846), 73; 8385.
68
Christopher Simpson, A Compendium of Practical Musick (London: Henry
Brome, 1678. Reprinted by Travis & Emery Music Bookshop, 2009), 117118.
69
John Playford, An Introduction to the Skill of Musick (London: W. Godbid,
1660, republished in London: Travis & Emery, 2008), 109. The vehicle for the

26
Playford described the violin as an instrument much practiced of late, indicating that it

had not been long in vogue. The scholar and diarist Anthony Wood described efforts to

master the new instrument among amateur musicians at Oxford in the 1650s, including

the resistance expressed by viol players who esteemed a Violin to be an instrument only

belonging to a common fiddler, and could not endure that it should come among them,

for feare of making their meetings to be vaine and fidling.70 Wood undertook to learn to

play the violin in 1651, at first tuning the instrument in fourths like the more familiar viol

until in 1653 Charles Griffith, a music professor at Oxford, helped him learn to play on

the openfifth Italian tuning.71 During the next several years Wood and his friends

engaged in regular musical meetings, including a public frolick at a lodging house in

Farringdon that featured two violins and a form of continuo accompaniment.72 Such

chamber music performances reflect a sociopolitical climate that limited musical

activity to the private sphere, and where vocal music was considered potentially

dangerous. The sudden popularity of the violin during this decade reflects a demand for a

novel infusion within a culture already accomplished in instrumental chamber music.

The experience of the violin in England was transformed in 1656 with the arrival

of Thomas Baltzar, a German violinist recently employed in Sweden at the court Queen

dissemination of the violin and its court repertoire into the wider musical community
was, of course, the Civil War. Holman, Fiddlers, 265.
70
Anthony Wood quoted in Francis W. Galpin, Old English Instruments of Music,
fourth edition revised by Thurston Dart (London: Methuen & Co Ltd, 1965), 70.
71
Wood, 6263. During the Commonwealth, Oxford flourished as a center of
English musical activity, but after the restoration the repertoire of the Music School
once again became dependent on the court. See Holman, Fiddlers, 267275.
72
Wood, 68, 72. The Farringdon concert included Anthony Wood, violin; William
Bull, violin; Edmund Gregorie, bass viol; John Trap, citerne; and George Mason, playing
another wyer instrument.

27
Christina.73 He introduced a level of virtuosity that had been previously unknown in

England, and was perhaps the first violinist in that country to earn diabolical associations

through his shocking technical brilliance.74 Upon hearing a performance by Baltzar on

the fourth of March 1656, John Evelyn wrote that he had heard that incomparable

Lubicer [Lbecker], and uncharacteristically mentioned no other events for the entry of

that date.75

The most significant factor contributing to the disruption of English musical

traditions during the interregnum was the near absence of music at courtthe

Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell paradoxically combined a Calvinist ideal of moral

simplicity with a political reality based on monarchical court model.76 As observed by

Roy Sherwood in his 1977 study of the Protectorate court, whereas a royal court of the

seventeenth century was very much a social and cultural institution, that of the

Protectorate was not. The Protectoral court tended to reflect current society rather than set

patterns for attitudes, manners and customs for society, or at least sections of it, to imitate

73
Baltzars few extant compositions include seventeen pieces in John Playfords
Division Violin (1684) including variations on John Come Kiss Me Now; also two
divisions and three suites in manuscript (Ob, USNYp; GBOb). See Peter Holman,
"Baltzar, Thomas," In Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/0
1921 (accessed March 22, 2011). Also see Peter Holman, Thomas Baltzar (?1631
1663), the Incomparable Lubicer on the Violin, Chelys, xiii (1984): 338.
74
Roger North, Memoirs, 99.
75
By the term Lubicer Evelyn made reference to Lbeck, the Northern German
city of Baltzars birth. John Evelyn, The Diary of John Evelyn, edited by Guy de la
Bdoyre (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2004), 100.
76
[B]eing desirous to permeate an atmosphere of stability and normalcy, it was
incumbent upon the protectoral regime to surround the new ruler with all the trappings of
monarchy including, of course a court. Roy Sherwood, The Court of Oliver Cromwell
(Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman and Littlefield, 1977), 155.

28
as royal courts did.77 In other words, the court of the Protector differed from other

contemporary courts by its strict adherence to the Calvinist ideal of simplicity and the

consequent rejection of the use of musical and artistic spectacle that many contemporary

courts used to emphasize the power of central authority. While Cromwell did maintain a

court, his musical establishment was extremely sparse and only employed a total of ten

musicians, including two lads [students] brought up to music.78 The interregnum was,

in effect, a break from the traditional court use of music as an element of public image;

English music at this time was more of a private, domestic affair. The protectorate was a

period of discontinuity, and that meant that after 1660 there was a chance for new

meanings to appear, even as applied to older patterns of practice.

The Restoration

The Restoration marked an end to the Puritan prohibition on liturgical music,

allowing London churchgoers the first chance to encounter the music of choir and organ

in nearly a generation. Samuel Pepys reported on July 8, 1660 that he did not remember

ever having heard liturgical music before: [to] White Hall chapel, where . . . I heard very

good musique, the first time that ever I remember to have heard the organs and singing-

77
Sherwood, 155.
78
Cromwells musical court comprised John Hingston (Master of the music);
Richard Hudson; Thomas Mallard; John Rodgers; David Mell; William Howes; William
Gregory; Thomas Blagrave and Two lads brought up to music. See the list of known
members of the protectoral court in Sherwood, 170. Upon comparing Cromwells court
with Stuart courts, Sherwood notes the first and strongest impression gained is of the
difference in size and complexity between the protectoral court and the royal courts
which preceded and succeeded it. Numerous household posts, such as court painters,
were simply not maintained by the Cromwellian regime. Sherwood, 149151.

29
men in surplices in my life. 79 Pepys had been no more than eight years old at the start of

the Civil War.

During the warfare that resulted in the execution of their father, Charles I, James

and Charles Stuart grew up in exile on the continent, spending much of their time near

the French court in Paris.80 Charles was introduced to the French court at Fontainbleu in

1646, and was favorably received and given the highest honors, although he could speak

no French at the time.81 He was not at a complete disadvantage, however, since he was

with his mother Henrietta Maria, for whom the journey to France was as much a

homecoming as it was an exile. She was welcomed not only as a queen, but as a daughter

of France.82 During the winter of 164647, the French court embraced the Stuarts and

entertained them continually with balls, concerts, masques, and plays follow[ing] one

another in quick succession.83 Charles quickly became popular at the court and, young

as he was, struck up several romances with young female courtiers, while his mother tried

in vain to arrange an advantageous marriage for him. In 1648, as renewed fighting broke

out in England, Charles tried to return home but was forced instead to spend the winter

on 1648-49 at the Hague in Holland, where he was joined by his brother James who had

managed to escape a confinement by parliamentary forces.84 Here again, Charles found

himself a popular figure among many young courtiers in a merry atmosphere of dances

79
Samuel Pepys, Diary, 16.
80
Details of the Stuarts in exile during this period are found in Eva Scott, The
King in Exile: The Wanderings of Charles II from June 1646 to July 1654 (New York:
E. P. Dutton and Co., 1905), and Eva Scott, The Travels of the King: Charles II in
Germany and Flanders 1654-1660 (London: Archibald Constable and Co., 1907).
81
Scott, The King in Exile, 25.
82
Scott, The King in Exile, 18.
83
Scott, Exile, 25.
84
Scott, Exile, 70.

30
and other courtly entertainments. That winter Charles had several romantic affairs, the

most productive with Lucy Walter, who bore him an illegitimate son who would grow up

to become the Duke of Monmouth.85

On 4 February 1649 word arrived that Charles I had been excecuted and that

Charles II was now riegning king of England, Ireland, and Scotland. His subsequent

efforts to reclaim his realms by force, however, were disastrously unsuccessful. Charles

and James remained on the continent for ten more years. Having arrived at the French

court at the age of sixteen, Charles remained largely immersed in the culture of French-

speaking nobilitywhere music and dance were essential elements of polite social

intercourseuntil he was thirty years old. Small wonder, therefore, that he would retain a

fondess for the dance-oriented music that flourished in those French circles even after his

return to London in 1660. It was, after all, the music that he had grown up with, and to

him symbolized the sophistication and power the French court.

Apart from the kings predilection for French music, diverse styles were advanced

by an influx of foreign musicians to London. Michael Tilmouth writes that [t]he

preference shown for foreign rather than English music, and the attractive economic

prospects of the vigorous new concert-life in London acted like magnets in drawing to the

city musicians from all over Europe.86 Thomas Baltzar, the German violinist

uncontested as the finest in London and the leader of the newly-formed Twenty-four

Violins, was soon joined by others of his countrymen seeking employment in the English

musical scenethe contemporary musician and historian Roger North observed, [h]ere

came over many Germans, chiefly violists as Scheiffare, Voglesang, and of other names

85
Ibid., 70.
86
Michael Tilmouth, Nicola Matteis, The Musical Quarterly 46 (Jan., 1960): 22.

31
to fright one. These introduced many solos for the viol and violin, being rough and unairy

devisions, but for the active part they were coveted.87 The fact that the newly arrived

German composers found their music in demand despite it being perceptibly rough and

unairy testifies to the appetite that London audiences had for foreign music and foreign

performers.

Italian opera, and indeed opera of any sort, met resistance in London throughout

the later seventeenth century largely on the grounds that fully sung dialogue detracted

from dramatic verisimilitude:

Other Nations bestow the name of opera only on such plays whereof every
word is sung. But experience hath taught us that our English genius will
not relish that perpetual singing. I dare not accuse the language for being
over charged with consonants, which may take off the beauties of the
recitative part, tho in several other countries I have seen their operas still
Crowded every time, tho long and almost all recitative. It is true that their
trios, choruss, lively songs and recits with accompaniments of
instruments, symphonys, machines, and excellent dances make the rest be
born with, and the one sets off the other: but our English gentlemen, when
their ear is satisfyd, are desirous to have their mind pleasd, and music
and dancing industriously intermixd with comedy or tragedy: I have often
observed that the Audience is no less attentive to some extraordinary
scenes of passion or mirth, than to what they call Beaux Endroits, or the
most ravishing part of the musical performance. But had those scenes, tho
never so well wrought up, been sung, they would have lost most of their
beauty. All this however doth not lessen the power of music, for its
charms command our attention when used in their place, and the
admirable consorts we have in Charles street, and York buildings, are an
undeniable proof of it. But this shows that what is unnatural, as are plays
altogether sung, will soon make one uneasy, which comedy or tragedy can
never do unless they be bad.88

87
Roger North, quoted in Jonathan Keates, Purcell, a Biography (Boston:
Northeastern University Press, 1995), 88.
88
An extended account of music at the Feast of Cecilias Day, Opera, history of
music in The Gentlemans Journal: or, the Monthly Miscellany. (January, 1691/2, pp. 4
6. Microfilmed at the British Museum, London, 1956), 4

32
English audiences recognized that opera, according to the modern definition as fully sung

dramatic theater, was essential to mainstream continental musical theater, but

nevertheless found it to be distracting and unrealistic. London had its own very successful

tradition of musical drama that differed from continental opera primarily in the use of

spoken dialogue, rather than recitative, between musical numbers.

Seventeenth-century Restoration theatre functioned as an adjunct branch of court

music; four London theatres hosted performances by two rival companiesthe Kings

Company (named after Charles II) and the Dukes Company (named for the Kings

brother, the Duke of York and future James II).89 The theatres served as places for ladies

and gentlemen of the court to socialize and display themselves, and the theaters

orchestras were often drawn from members of the Kings Violins.90 If London audiences

preferred spoken to fully sung dialogue, they freely used the term opera to describe

plays that featured elaborate staging, dance, and machinery.91 These operas did not

89
The four theatres were Lincolns Inn Fields (opened 28 June 1661), Bridges
Street (opened 7 May 1662), Drury Lane (opened 26 March, 1674), and Dorset Garden
(opened 9 November, 1671). See Michael Burden, Where did Purcell keep his theatre
band, Early Music 27 (Aug., 2009): 430.
90
Curtis A. Price, Music in the Restoration Theatre (Ann Arbor: UMI Research
Press, 1979), 58. Curtis A. Price, Restoration Stage Fiddlers and Their Music, Early
Music 7 (Jul., 1979): 315322.
91
The term usually means little more than a dramatic work of any genre in whose
performance music and scenery figure prominently. Robert D. Hume, The Politics of
Opera in Late Seventeenth-Century London, Cambridge Opera Journal 10 (Mar.
1998):1543; 16; John Harley, Music and Musicians in Restoration London, The
Musical Quarterly 40 (Oct., 1954): 513515; Amanda Eubanks Winkler, Gender and
Genre: Musical Conventions on the English Stage, 16601705 (Ph. D. diss., University
of Michigan, 2000); Amanda Eubanks Winkler, O Let us Howle Some Heavy Note,
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006); Emmett L. Avery, ed. The London Stage,
16601800 [Part II], (Carbondale, IL. Southern Illinois University Press, 1960);
Alexandre Beljame, Men of Letters and the English Public in the Eighteenth Century
16601744, Dryden, Addison, Pope, trans. E. O. Lorimer (London: Kegan Paul, Trench,
Trubner and Co., 1948).

33
need to be fully sung, but generally included musical entertainment surrounding a

dramatic structure. Some scholars, including Curtis Price and Andrew Walking, have

claimed that the dramatic content of these productions is often founded on transparently

allegorical royalist propaganda.92 Robert Hume, however has rejected the view that

Restoration opera should be read for subtle and covert political allegory, arguing that the

political point of these operas, whether explicit or indirect, is a lot likelier to be flagrantly

obvious than it is to be subtle and hidden.93

Italian musicians had been active in England since the early Restoration: a group

of seven Italians, formerly employed in Sweden by the now abdicated Queen Christina,

arrived in the early 1660s.94 These newcomers joined Angelo Notari, an Italian musician

first employed at the Stuart court in the 1620s, graciously reinstated in his old age by the

returning Charles II. Giulio Gentileschi became a part of this group briefly in 1660 when

he was recruited as part of his ill-fated effort to establish an Italian opera in London.95

92
Curtis A. Price, Political Allegory in Late-Seventeenth-Century English
Opera, Music and Theatre: Essays in Honour of Winton Dean, ed. Nigel Fortune
(Cambridge, 1987): 129, and Andrew R. Walking, Court Culture, and Politics, 8098.
93
Hume, Politics of Opera, 43. Hume opposes the view that Restoration opera
should be read for subtle and covert political allegory: The political point of these
operas, whether explicit or indirect, is a lot likelier to be flagrantly obvious than it is to be
subtle and hidden. Advocates for a closer reading include Curtis A. Price, Political
Allegory in Late-Seventeenth-Century English Opera, Music and Theatre: Essays in
Honour of Winton Dean, ed. Nigel Fortune (Cambridge, 1987): 129, and Andrew R.
Walking, Court Culture, and Politics, 8098.
94
These were Vincenzo Albrici (who left for Dresden in 1668 for lack of
payment), his brother Bartolomeo Albrici and sister Leonora Albrici, Hilario Suarez (a
castrato), Pietro Reggio, Girolamo Zenti, and Andrea Testa. See Margaret Mabbett,
Italian Musicians in Restoration England (166090), Music & Letters 67 (Jul., 1986):
237247.
95
J. A. Westrup, Foreign Musicians in Stuart England, The Musical Quarterly
27 (Jan., 1941): 7089. Despite some early interest in establishing an Italian opera in
London, Charles II was never enthusiastic about Italian vocal music and preferred to hear
singing in English. See North, Memoires, 104.

34
Other Italian musicians at court include the Kings harpsichordist Girolamo Zenti and his

assistant and successor Andrea Testa; Francesco Galli; Matteo Battaglia, a violinist who

became master of Italian musicians in 1669; Giovanni Sebenico, organist and leader of

music at the royal chapel at Somerset house from 1668;96 Francesco Corbetta who was

guitar teacher to the King and the Duke of York (from 16611671); and Giovanni

Battista Draghi (Baptist) who arrived around 1667 and was master of the Italian

musicians by 1673.

The year 1673 was a watershed year for Italian music in London not so much

because of the appointment of Draghi as leader of the courts orchestral forces, but

because of the sensation caused by violinist Nicola Matteis, and most importantly

because of the arrival James Duke of Yorks new bride, the glamorous young Mary of

Modena (Maria dEste 16581718) and her entouragesoon to become a powerful force

for Italian culture at the London court.

Mary was a devout Catholic, and considered her personal mission not only to

encourage a similar devotion in her husband, but to bring the subjects of Britain back into

the Papal fold.97 Indeed, the re-conversion of the English was the only goal before Marys

eyes when she finally agreed to the marriage with James. Hoping to enter a convent, she

initially rejected marriage despite a stream of English and French ambassadors,

Cardinals, even letters from King Louis XIV urging her to accept the match. It was only a

personal letter from Pope Clement X that finally convinced her that the marriage proposal

was Gods way of calling her to a higher level of service:

96
Sebenico shared his leadership position with Mathew Locke. Keates, 89. North
reports that Sabinico came to London from Italy with Mary of Modena, and that he did
not approve of Matthew Lockes playing style. See North, Memoires, 95.
97
Haile, Queen Mary of Modena, 2025.

35
 Since the design of the Duke of York to contract alliance with your
Nobility reached our ears, We return thanks to the Father of Mercies who,
knowing our solicitude for His Glory, is preparing for us, in the Kingdom
of England an ample harvest of joy. Considering, in effect, the influence
of your virtues, We easily conceived a firm hope that an end might
come to the persecution still smouldering in that kingdom and that the
orthodox faith, reinstated by you in a place of honour might recover
the splendour and security of former days, and effect which no exterior
power could accomplish and which might become due to the victory of
your piety, the inheritance of your eminently religious family. You can
therefore easily understand, dear daughter in Christ, the anxiety which
filled Us when We were informed of your repugnance for marriage. For
although we understood that it arose from a desire, most laudable in itself,
to embrace religious discipline, reflecting that in the present occasion it
opposes itself to the progress of religion, we were nevertheless sincerely
grieved. We therefore, fulfilling the duties of Our charge, earnestly
exhort you by these presents to place before your eyes the great profit
which may accrue to the Catholic faith in the abovenamed kingdom
through your marriage, and that inflamed with zeal for the good which
may result, you may open to yourself a vaster field of merit than that of
the virginal cloister.98

The Popes letter had its desired effect; Mary immediately submitted and the marriage

was performed in Modena on September 30, 1673 with the English ambassador, the Earl

of Peterborough standing in for the Duke.

Having married James by proxy in Modena on 30 September 1673, Mary already

held the title of Duchess of York when she arrived in England on 23 November 1673.

Since she was only fifteen years old and desperately sad about leaving her childhood

home and family, her mother (Laura Martinozzi the Duchess and regent of Modena) and

her brother Prince Rinaldo had agreed to escort her to London.99 Mary and the Ducal

court progressed formally from Dover to London as curious crowds lined the streets for a

glimpse of these foreign nobles; Mary was acclaimed for her sylph-like beauty, especially

98
Papal letter of Clement X written September 19, 1673. Quoted in and translated
by Martin Haile, Queen Mary of Modena, 21. Emphasis added.
99
Walking, 139140.

36
in London by Charles who had once been in love with her cousin Hortense Mancini.100

The number of Italian servants that she was allowed to bring to London was limited by

fears that a large influx might arouse anti-Catholic sentiments, but she nevertheless

arrived with a small entourage.101

As the Duchess of York, Mary maintained a court separate from that of her

husband, a court that featured both high-ranking Italian ladies in waiting and English

noble women.102 Her most prominent Italian courtiers were Madame Molza, Madame

Montecuculi and her daughter Anna Montecuculi, and Madame Turenie. 103 All of these

ladies followed Mary into exile and continued to serve her until her death. Mary and her

courtiers formed a substantial Italian faction at court, advocating the merits of Italian

music as Mary surrounded herself with Italian music which constantly divert[ed] her.104

The sister of Francesco II of Modena, the greatest musical patron in one of the

most musical cities in Northern Italy, Mary of Modena was particularly situated to

connect her husband to the religious, cultural and artistic currents of her homeland.

Modena had been a noteworthy center of sacred music since at least the 15th century, and

became the center of Este family court music when Duc Cesare dEste (Marys great-

100
Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England, vol 9, 5153.
101
Strickland, vol. 9, 44.
102
As Duchess of York, Mary maintained a court that was more orderly and better
paid even than the court at Whitehall. Her English courtiers listed by Gregorio Leti,
historiographer to Charles II, are Penelope Obrien the countess of Peterborough,
Susannah Armine, and the Countess of RoscommonLadies of the Bedchamber;
Frances Walsingham, Catherine Fraser, Anne Killigrewe, Anne Kingsmill, Catherine
Walters, and Catherine SedleyChamber Maids; Ladies Dawson, Bromla, Wentworth,
Boucher, and TurnerBedchamber Women; Lady HarrisonMother of Maids; and
Lady JonesChamber Keeper. See Strickland, vol. 9, 119120.
103
Strickland, vol. 9, 44.
104
From a letter by Ambassator Terriesi to the secretary of state, 1687. Quoted in
Haile, 167.

37
great grandfather) moved the family seat there from Ferrara.105 Under the patronage of

the Estes, music in Modena developed a high reputation, rivaling that of nearby Bologna.

It was during the reign of Marys brother Francesco II, however, that musical culture at

Modena reached its zenith. Mary was a cultural ambassador from one of the most

sophisticated musical centers in Northern Italy, and a significant number of composers

whose works are found in the Stuart music collections flourished in Modena or nearby

Bologna.

The 1773 arrival of Mary and her Italian courtiers nearly coincided with an

explosion of popular interest in Italian music caused in large part by the performances of

violinist Nicola Matteis, who had appeared in London around 1670 and struggled briefly

for recognition before achieving fame around 1672.106 North wrote, this poor Man as a

gratefull legacy to the English Nation left with them a generall favour for the Itallian

Manner of Harmony, and after him the French was wholly layd aside.107 On November

19, 1674, John Evelyn wrote:

I heard that stupendious violin Signor Nicholao (with other rare

musicians) whom certainly never mortal man exceeded on that instrument:
he had a stroak so sweete, and made it speake like the voice of a man; and
when he pleased like a consort of severall instruments: he did wonders
upon a note: was an excellent composer also: Here was also that rare
Lutinist Dr. Wallgrave: but nothing approachd the violin in Nicholaos
hand: he seemd to be spiritatod and played such ravishing things on a
ground as astonishd us all.108

105
Janet Southorn, Power and Display in the Seventeenth Century: the Arts and Their
Patrons in Modena and Ferrara (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Elvidio Surian
and Alessandra Chiarelli, Modena, Grove Music Online ed. L. Macy (Accessed 2, May 2013).
106
See North, Memoires, 122; Michael Tilmouth, Nicola Matteis, The Musical
Quarterly vol. 46, no. 1 (Jan., 1960), 23.
107
North, Essay of Musicall Ayre, B.M. Add. 32536, quoted in Tilmouth,
Matteis, 22.
108
Evelyn, Diary, 202.

38
North described Matteis influence on musical taste in London by declaring that

[n]othing in towne had a Relish without a spice of Italy.109

The unprecedented virtuosity of Matteis exhilarated London audiences and caused

an explosion of interest in Italian violin music. His astonishing bowing technique allowed

Matteis to reach a level of expressivity that had previously only been associated with the

human voiceevery stroke of his was a mouthful.110 He soon taught eager English

violin students to hold the bow without touching the hair, which before him was not

done in England: but from the first hint, it was immediately taken up by the best hands in

a few years and became the universall practise.111 By 1676 he published a book of

pieces for violin and bass (Arie Diverse per il Violino), but North remarked that his

published works do not reflect the genius of his performance: [n]o person can have an

idea of [his skill] who was not witness of his playing in person.112

Aside from his status as an Italian virtuoso, Matteis as a composer acknowledged

his willingness to adopt musical styles that were foreign to his ownin the preface to

Arie Diverse he writes, Having lived myself for some years under the northern sky, I

have tried to adopt the musical tastes of the people of this country, although not to so

great an extent as to separate myself too much from the Italian school.113 He announces

here, evidently as a selling point of his publications, his intentional blending of English

and Italian styles. Indeed, even the decision to call these pieces airs is something of a

concession to English sensibilities, since they are really suites of contrasting movements

109
Roger North, quoted in Westrup, 86.
110
North, Memoires, 122.
111
North, quoted in Tilmouth, Matteis, 26.
112
North, Memoires, 126.
113
Quoted and translated from the Italian in Tilmouth, Matteis, 24.

39
and could just as properly have been called sonatas.114 Matteis sought to present himself

as the image of musical eclecticismNorth wrote that Matteis played only his own

compositions and pretended to compose in the style of all nations.115

As the fascination with Italian arts continued in London, musicians who could

claim Italian training were highly prized. John Evelyn wrote of a musical evening on

December 2, 1674, [h]eard Signor Francisco [probably Francesco Galli] on the

harpsichord, esteemed one of the most excellent masters in Europe on that instrument:

Then came Nicholao [Matteis] with his violin and struck all mute, but Mrs. Knight, who

sung incomparably and doubtlesse has the greatest reach of any English woman. She had

lately ben roming in Italy and was much improvd in that quality.116 A few years later he

described Mr. Abel, newly returned from Italy and indeede I have never heard a more

excellent voice, one would have sworne it was a womans it was so high and so well and

skillfully managed.117 Those who did not make the trip to Italy still demanded Italian

music teachers. Evelyn enrolled his daughter in 1682 as a student of Batholomeo Albrici

as one of the best masters available.118

In addition to Italian native and Italiantrained musicians, private clubs were

formed among the upper classes to advance the dissemination of foreign music in

LondonNorth describes polite societies that procured foreign consorts [instrumental

music], including the works of Cazzati and Vitali from Italy, Beckler from Sweden,

114
See Keates, 94. A rich discussion on the definition of the sonata as a genre is
presented in Newman, 1732.
115
North, Memoires, 126.
116
Evelyn, Diary, 202203.
117
Evelyn, Diary, 27 January 1682, 251.
118
Evelyn, Diary, 5 February1682, 251. My daughter Mary now first began to
learne Musick of Signor Bartholomeo and Dauncing of Monsieur Issac, both reputed the
best masters.

40
Sheiffar and Voglefank from Germany, and Porter and Farinell from France.119 These

societies were concerned with the propagation and performance of foreign music,

including the works of some composers (such as Voglefank and Sheiffar) who had visited

or resided in London. North observed that the foreign music that they introduced found

here good encouragement.120

By the turn of the decade, a musical mlange was taking place in London, as

musicians of various ethnic groups began to experiment with each others native styles.

On September 23, 1680, Evelyn reported, came to my house some German strangers,

and Signor Pietro a famous musician, who had ben long in Sweden in Queene Christinas

court: he sung admirally to a guitar and has a perfect good tenor and base etc: and had set

to Italian composure many of Abraham Cowleys pieces which shewed extreamely

well.121 Here Evelyn, an eminent English polymath, gives his approval to a performance

among Germans by an Italian musician from Sweden of an Italianized musical setting of

poems by an Englishman. 122

Stuart Catholicism and the Catholic Chapel

As early as the winter of 1650, James had secretly attended Catholic services in

Brussels, expressing admiration for the ceremonies and the music.123 He entered the

119
North, Memoires, 105106.
120
North, Memoires, 106.
121
Evelyn, Diary, 239.
122
Evelyn is a creditable judge of musical taste and competence, having arrivd
to some formal knowledge of the art sine 1639, during which time he toured Europe
extensively and made a serious study of the lute with Monsieur Mercure in Paris during
1647. See Evelyn, 27, 35, 65.
123
His incognito Mass attendance is described in a letter from Dr. Stewart to
Secretary Nicholas, December 8, 1650. Quoted in Allan Fea, James II and his Wives
(London: Methuen and Company, 1908), 22.

41
Catholic communion soon after 1668 when his first wife, Catholic convert Anne Hyde

(16381671), entreated him to study church history.124 He was soon convinced that the

Church of England had been created for no higher moral purpose than the divorce of

Henry VIII from Catherine of Aragon.125 James felt that the Catholic Church was the true

church, outside of which religious and political stability could never be achieved:

[N]obody ought to wonder that there are such alterations made in the
Church of England as established by Law, every day, since those who
come after the first reformers, have as much authority to reform again as
those who began, nay much more, for if some few members of the Church
of England when united to the Catholic and Apostolic Church took upon
them to fall off and separate themselves from the body of the Universal
Church: how can those of the present Church of England, as they call
themselves, find fault with such of their body, or others, who would
reform upon them? Till they began the schism all was quiet as to religion
in our unfortunate country, but since all the world sees what disorders it
has caused and how our islands have been overrun with diversities of sects
in the Church and with ruin and rebellion in the State, when people set ill
out at first and mistake their way, it is no wonder if they go still more and
more astray.126

James understood the political ramifications of a public conversion, and continued to

attend Anglican services with his brother the King until the shock of his wifes death on

31 March 1671 caused him abandon the charade.127

124
The Marquis de Dangeau, a French courtier, recorded that Jamess conversion
was originally inspired before the Restoration by mother Agnes of the Grand Carmelites.
Dangeau, Memoirs of the Court of France, translated by John Davenport (London: Henry
Colburn, 1825), 151.
125
John Callow, James II: the Triumph and the Tragedy (Surrey: The National
Archives, 2003), 2833.
126
From a manuscript written in the 1690s for the religious education of his son.
Trinity College, Dublin, MS 3529, f.23. Cited and reproduced in Callow, James II: The
Triumph and the Tragedy, 3233.
127
Anne Hydes last agonized words were to her husband: Duke, death is terrible,
death is very terrible. Recorded in a letter from Dr. William Denton to Sir Ralph Verney
quoted in Fea, James II and his Wives, 62.

42
 Political opposition to Jamess religion led to the Test Act of 1673, which

required all public office holders to renounce Catholicism, forcing James to resign all his

offices including that of Lord High Admiral. Suddenly unemployed and recently

widowed, James (then Duke of York) withdrew into private life and took the 15-year-old

Italian Maria dEste as his new wife. Mary of Modena entered London as Duchess of

York in December 1673, where she would be for fifteen years a highly visible and

powerful member of the court.

As a strong advocate of Catholicism, Mary apparently could hardly have been a

better match for James. Each of the pair took great comfort in the strong Catholic faith of

the other, and Mary soon wrote to relatives that she was happy with James because he is

so firm and steady in our holy religion.128 For his part, James grew more and more

fascinated with his young bride and with her fierce Italian brand of Catholicism.129 Over

the course of fifteen years at her side in England, and for the rest of his life in exile,

James looked to Mary as an inspiration of the Italian-Catholic religious ideal that he

hoped to instill in the culture of his court and kingdom.

The Exile of James II

In 1688 the birth of a male heir to James II and Queen Mary stimulated a storm of

anti-Catholic hysteria, already inflamed by the unguarded promotions of Catholic

military officers and courtiers. Fearing that a new order of papist oppression was

imminent, seven members of parliament invited William of Orange, Prince of the

128
Mary of Modena is quoted in Peter Earle, The Life and Times of James II
(London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, Ltd., 1972), 105.
129
John Callow says of Mary, her faith bordered on bigotry. See Callow, James
II, 35.

43
Netherlands, to replace his father-in-law James II as king of Great Britain.130 By

November, the Stuart court was shattered by the desertion of the Kings army in the face

of the advancing Dutch force.

Early in December the Queen Mary and the Prince of Wales sought refuge with

King Louis XIV of France,131 followed closely by King James who was desperate to

avoid the fate of his father.132 During a harrowing flight the king was robbed, arrested,

and brought back to London before finally escaping for good.133 The king finally reached

130
The seven parlimentarians were Lords Devonshire, Danby, Shrewsbury,
Lumley, Compton (Bishop of London), Admiral Russell, and Henry Sidney. See Martin
Haile, Queen Mary of Modena, 191. Historian Pierre Goubert wrote of the Glorious
Revolution: It is permitted to add that the fears of the Anglicans may not have been
entirely unfounded. Pierre Goubert, Louis XIV and Twenty Million Frenchmen,
translated by Ann Carter (New York: Vintage Books, 1970), 162. See political, social,
and cultural analysis of the revolution of 1688 in Patrick Dillon, The Last Revolution:
1688 and the Creation of the Modern World (London: Jonathan Cape, 2006).
131
Madame de Svign breathlessly relates in a letter of 24 December 1688 the
harrowing details of the rescue, only four days earlier, of the English Queen and her
infant son by the French courtier M. de Lauzun. See Madame de Svign, Selected
Letters, translated by Leonard Tancock (London: Penguin Books, 1982), 283284. The
story is also related in the diary of the Marquis de Dangeau, in an entry from 23
December 1688. See Dangeau, Memoirs of the Court of France, vol. I, 135138. James II
later made M. de Lauzun a Knight of the Garter in recognition of his services. Dangeau,
25 February 1689, vol. I, 157.
132
Charles II had been executed by his subjects in 1649. The royalist version of
events was eminently expressed in an anonymously published work (actually by Dr. John
Gauden), Eikon Basilike: The Portraiture of His Sacred Majesty in His Solitudes and
Sufferings (London: first edition published by William Dugard, 1649. Republished
Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966); a Whig version is presented by Lord Thomas
Babington Macaulay, The History of England (New York: Penguin Books Ltd. 1983);
Also see C. Veronica Wedgewood, The Kings Peace (London: Collins, 1955.
Republished by the Folio Society, 2001); eadem, The Kings War (London: Collins,
1958. Republished by the Folio Society, 2001); eadem, The Trial of Charles I (London:
Collins, 1964. Republished by the Folio Society, 2001).
133
Arrested after taking ship for France, James was detained in Whitehall Palace
on 16 December 1688. The ease of his escape six days later has led contemporaries and
historians to speculate that it was facilitated by William of Orange: in a letter dated 10
January 1689, Svign wrote, As for the flight of the King, it seems that that was what
the Prince of Orange really wanted.He was very closely guarded at the front of the

44
the safety of Paris during the first week of 1689, where he joined his wife, a handful of

servants, and his host and protector, Louis XIV.134 Early in 1689, Williamss success

became officialon 4 January James wrote to his subjects that he wanted to return to call

a Free Parliament, but his offer was rejected. Instead parliament proclaimed William the

lawful king, causing most of the English bishopseven those who had previously

opposed Jamesto forsake their livelihood by resigning in protest rather than swear

allegiance to William.135

During January 1689, the royal family settled into the palace at Saint-Germain-en-

Laye, an estate some twenty miles West of Paris where Louis XIV had been born and

which had housed French kings since its construction by Charles V in the fourteenth

century. At first, since few English courtiers had yet assembled to serve the overthrown

king, the palace was staffed by French servants and the social needs of the king and

queen were met by French courtiers from Versailles, with whom the English couple

house, but all the back doors were left open. The Prince was unwilling to cause his father-
in-laws death. Svign, 290. Historian Mary Hopkirk described the situation this way:
William would have found the King a very embarrassing captive; and hoping fervently
that he would escape, did everything possible to enable him to go to Franceeven
issuing a blank passport for some unnamed person who wished to leave England. Mary
Hopkirk, The Queen Over the Water (London: John Murray Publishers, 1953), 164. Also
see Oman, 142144.
134
This was the second time that James had sought refuge with Louis XIV; after
the defeat of the royalists in the English Civil War, he had fled to France where he
embarked on a spectacular military career under Marshall Turenne, and later served in the
Spanish army under Cond. See James Stuart, The Memoirs of James II: His Campaigns
as Duke of York, 16521660, translated and edited by A. Lytton Sells (London: Chatto &
Windus, 1962). In his diary entries for 512 January 1689, Dangeau provideds a
contemporary account of the arrival of James II in France and the installation of the
Stuarts court at Saint-Germain-en-Laye. See Dangeau, vol. I, 141148.
135
According to Dangeau, William had a similar problem with the English
soldiery: He cannot avail himself of any of the troops which were in the service of the
King of England, as neither privates nor officers would take the new oath. See Dangeau,
entry of 17 March 1689, vol. I,160.

45
exchanged visits according to the complex demands of contemporary etiquette.136 Within

a few short weeks however, British royalists began to stream into France, ready to take

up James cause against the new foreign King137 and the Whig138 parliamentarians.

Even while suffering the indignity of exile, the Stuarts maintained a flourishing

court that cultivated etiquette, music, culture, and the arts, as well as the claim that they

were still the legitimate rulers of Britain. Provided with a generous allowance and the

sumptuous halls and grounds of the palace at Saint-Germain-en-Laye, the Stuarts were in

a position to support sacred music for the chapel, regular court balls, outdoor ceremonial

music, daily music for the royal table, and court concerts and music for special royal

occasions.139 In short, they continued to act in a manner befitting heads of state by

136
Upon installing the newly arrived English king at St-Germain-en-Laye, Louis
XIV assured him of his sovereign position in the hierarchy of protocol, saying, This is
your home; when I come here you will do the honours to me, and I will do so to you
when you come to Versailles. Indeed, no time was lostthe entire French court visited
the Stuarts in their new arrangements the following day. See Svign, letter of 10 January
1689, 291292; Dangeau, vol. I, 142145. French and English court formality differed
substantially, see Dangeau, vol. I, 2728, 147150; Also see Strickland, vol. 9, 228.
Details are found in Edwin and Marion Sharpe Grew, The English Court in Exile
(London: Mills & Boon, Limited, 1911), 4498.
137
William of Oranges main claim to the British throne was through his wife
Mary, the daughter of James II. James and Mary of Modena both maintained warm
correspondence with William and Mary, and absolutely refused to entertain reports that
he was preparing a hostile invasion against them. See Strickland, vol. 9, 65. Also see
Maureen Waller, Ungrateful Daughters: The Stuart Princesses Who Stole Their Fathers
Crown (New York: St. Martins Griffin Publishing, 2004).
138
The term Whig originally meant a Scottish covenanting fanatic, and the term
Tory an Irish Catholic outlaw. They came to refer to political royalism versus
parliamentarianism during the Jacobite Struggles. See Oman, 39.
139
The notion of a gloomy and continually disappointed Stuart court in exile was
generated by the writings of John Macky, a Williamite agent and propagandist and has
been perpetuated by Whig historians. See John Callow, King in Exile (Gloucestershire:
Sutton Publishing, 2004), especially chapter six, The Shadow Court, pp. 205240
(Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing, 2004); Also see Edward Corp, A Court in Exile;
Edwin and Marion Sharpe Grew, especially chapter thirteen, The Household at Saint
Germain, pp. 264265; Peter Earle, chapter eight The King Over the Water, in The

46
surrounding themselves with pomp, ceremony and high culture. The Revolution of 1688

displaced not only a king, but also much of his attendant court culture. The exile of the

Stuarts effectively transferred musical ideas that had been nurtured in London to a French

landscape where they were largely foreign. In the chapters that follow, I analyze the

impact of these Stuart musical practices of both patronage and musical influence on

Parisian musical culture at the end of the seventeenth century.

Life and Times of James II, pp. 200217; Eveline Cruickshanks and Edward Corp,
editors, The Stuart Court in Exile and the Jacobites (London: The Hambledon Press,
1995); Sir Charles Petrie, The Stuart Pretenders: a History of the Jacobite Movement,
16881807 (New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1933).

47
 CHAPTER TWO

STUART MUSICAL PATRONAGE

In 1666 Charles II took offence when John Banister, leader of the Kings

Select Band of musicians, objected to the King referring to his royal orchestra as

his Italian music,140 and suggested that the ensemble should be recognized as

English. The King was so incensed by this request that Banister, who had also

been accused of financial impropriety, lost his position, and was replaced by a

director from Catalonia. But why would the King of England be angered by the

request to acknowledge that his own personal ensemble was English? Did

Banister speak for others among the musicians in wanting to claim an English

identity? The episode invites us to explain the complex ways in which Stuart

patronage of music perceived in London as foreign became crucial to the

cultural identity of the royal court. More importantly, it provides a window into a

moment in time unique in British musical history: the restoration not only of a

monarchical dynasty, but of a court musical culture that had been effectively

suspended for nearly two decades.

140
Wood describes the king asking for his Italian music, while Pepys describes
him referring to the same ensemble as the French music. See Pepys, 58. Also see Peter
Holman and David Lasocki, Banister. GroveMusicOnline. OxfordMusicOnline,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/42
774pg2 (accessed November 3, 2010).

48
 Upon returning from exile in 1660 to reclaim the English throne following

the interregnum, Charles II saw not only a need but also an unprecedented

opportunity to rebuild Stuart culture from the ground up; as musicians stepped

forward to re-seed the fallow musical ground at the London court, Charles was in

a position to recruit whichever of these musicians he wanted with the offer of his

favor and support. The choices he made would generate the cultural, social and

intellectual identity that he wanted to project, and would come to represent the

Stuart court at home and abroad, for better or for worse.

The post-Restoration Stuart Kings, Charles II and James II, understood music to be

a tool well suited to the creation of an imagined collective identity.141 They used their

control of court musical culture to project an image of welcoming cosmopolitanism; they

embraced foreign musicians and admired the blending of styles from abroad. Furthermore,

I argue that as both rulers adopted Catholicism, Charles II privately and James II

publically, their self-fashioning as patrons of continental music implied a culturally coded

move away from Anglicanism.142 The Stuart preference for French or Italian music is an

example of how musical patronage allowed the court to signal an English tradition

paradoxically based on imported music, while also using a promotion of French and then

141
A discussion of music as a reflection of group identity is found in Philip V.
Bohlman, The Music of European Nationalism: Cultural Identity and Modern History
(Santa Barbara: ABC Clio, 2004), especially in chapter three National Music, 81116.
For the English court and early nationalism, see Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads
to Modernity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992). Greenfeld argues that modern
nationalism arose in sixteenthcentury England, over a century before its development
elsewhere. See especially chapter one, Gods Firstborn: England, pp. 2788; also see
Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism, revised edition (New York: Verso, 1991).
142
Strickland, vols. 8 and 9; Peter Earle, The Life and Times of James II; Mary
Hopkirk, The Queen over the Water; Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay, The History of
England.

49
especially Italian musicians as a subtle way of associating and connecting themselves with

Catholic culture flourishing on the continent.

Receptivity to outside musical influence was foundational to the image of English

musical sophistication. Henry Peacham emphasized this principle in his 1622 artistic

guidebook The Compleat Gentleman by criticizing the French and Italians who are very

sparing in the commendation of strangers, in regard of that conceit they hold of

themselves. Peacham also praised the adoption of Italian techniques by English

musicians, citing the organist Peter Philips as one of the greatest Masters of musicke in

Europehe affecteth altogether the Italian veine.143 Thus for Peacham the appreciation

and adoption of foreign styles was one of the great virtues of English musical character.

Similarly, the reluctance that he perceived among the French and Italians to embrace

foreign music was for him a sign of cultural chauvinism, backward in comparison with the

progressive open-mindedness of the English.

The tendency to admire the musical excellence of foreigners was not uniquely

English, but was part of the way English men and women imagined their cultural

relationship to the continent; they were consumers of a musical production that they felt

able to expropriate and brandish as a badge of sophistication.144 In early-modern Europe,

artistic patronage was widely recognized as a requirement of political power, and

competition arose between rival courts to acquire the work of the most sought after and

143
Henry Peacham, The Compleat Gentleman, 100.
144
From 16601710 nearly all notable English composers were centered in
London, and a very large percentage were foreigners; the question of nationality [in
England] is more complex than in any other region. See William S. Newman, Sonata in
the Baroque Era, 301.

50
progressive musicians available, usually but not always Italians.145 But its embrace of the

superiority of foreign music made the Stuart court sharply distinct from the musical

patriotism of the contemporary court of Louis XIV, which held French arts and sciences,

including music, to be the finest in the world and looked upon the parallel efforts of other

nations with a certain suspicious contempt.146 As J. A. Westrup has pointed out,

seventeenth-century rulers commonly pursued cultural reputations by soliciting the most

up-to-date musicians from whatever countries produced them.147 Musical patrons in

London sought the finest musical culture available and were willing to import it if

necessary.

In the decades that followed the Restoration several factors contributed to an

English receptivity to outside musical influences: first, the social and political conditions

of the interregnum stimulated the development of new musical culture in response to

official suppression of musical activity in some of its most traditionally productive

145
[T]he principal European music-lovers, who often formed a select, aristocratic
and cultivated public, were very receptive toeverything that came from ItalyItaly,
however, merely exported her musical output as it was, like highlypriced merchandise.
See Patrick Barbier, The World of the Castrati, translated by Margaret Crosland (London:
Souvenir Press, Ltd., 1996), 174; J. A. Westrup, Foreign Musicians, 7778. Also see
Hogwood, 811. Mazarin at the French court and Queen Christina in Sweden had both
tried to build cultural capital through the patronage of Italian music in the 1640s and
1650s respectively. See Margret Murata, Roman Cantata Scores, 275.
146
Peter Burke offers a study of the controlled use of French artistic media,
including statues, portraits, medals, prints, sermons, speeches, poems, plays, ballets, and
opera in the construction of Louis XIVs official royal image. See Peter Burke, The
Fabrication of Louis XIV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 1617; Hogwood
argues that the French under Louis XIV believed that they had achieved a unity of
sensibility and civilization which had escaped the rest of Europe. See Hogwood, 55.
147
J. A. Westrup, 70. Westrup claims that [n]o prince of the 17th century was so
short-sighted as to put patriotism before artistic excellence. Louis XIV was arguably the
exception to this rule.

51
contexts, such as the church, court, and theater.148 Second, the restoration of the Stuart

dynasty brought to power a royal family that for nearly two decades had lived in exile

where it had experienced continental musical customs directly.149 The returning Stuarts

and royalists created musical establishments at court in imitation of French and Italian

models.150 Third, a growing Catholic presence at the courts of Charles II and James II led

to a Catholic royal chapel alongside the Anglican Chapel Royal, and the development of a

parallel musical establishment dominated by Italian Catholic music.151 But the overarching

motive for the cosmopolitan musical culture in London was a court seeking to enhance its

cultural legitimacy by brandishing demand for foreign music as a sign of its own

sophistication. The resulting musical activity brought various styles into juxtaposition,

allowing composers to experiment with outside influences without regard for loyal

adherence to a single school or tradition.

148
The Puritan Commonwealth government did not generally prohibit music in
society, and in fact passed no specific legislation against it. See Percy Alfred Scholes, The
Puritans and Music, 130. Nevertheless, contemporary writers make it clear that music in
church was not tolerated. See Anthony Wood, The Life and Times, 90.
149
[Charles II] was the first English monarch since Henry VIII to have
experienced the culture of Continental courts at first hand; he and the courtiers who had
shared his years of exile knew that much of the music that his court musicians tried to
offer him was hopelessly oldfashioned in European terms. See Peter Holman, Henry
Purcell (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 3.
150
This includes most notably the organization of the Twentyfour Violins, and the
undertaking of court opera. See Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers, 305388.
151
See Peter Leech, Catherine of Braganza and the Catholic Chapel Early Music
29 (Nov. 2001): 570587; Peter Leech, Music and musicians in the Catholic chapel of
James II at Whitehall, 16861688, Early Music 39 (2001): 379400.

52
The Restoration

At the time of the Restoration in 1660,152 the Stuart court returned to London

having participated in continental musical culture. During the interregnum Charles II and

his brother James had lived either in France itself, 153 or as Roger North observed, where

the French musick was in request.154 Charles II promptly resurrected what was a time-

honored tradition among English monarchs: the cultivation and elevation of foreign music

as an announcement of the cultural sophistication and enlightenment of the English

court.155 But the potential political meaning of this choice had now shifted, because this

was a court returning from exile in France, bringing a knowledge of foreign musical

currents acquired abroad and insisting, as late as the 1666 demotion of John Bannister,

that a foreign musical identity should represent English music. The use of foreign music

and musicians had now taken on new meaning in the context of the Restoration.
152
Curtis Price points out that the term Restoration was used by writers of the
time to apply equally to the restoration of the theatre and to the restoration of the House
of Stuart. Curtis A. Price, Music in the Restoration Theatre (Ann Arbor: UMI Reasearch
Press, 1979), xiii.
153
After his initial flight from England he took refuge at the French court from
1652 to 1654, in time to witness the famous episode of the young Louis XIV dancing with
Lully in the Ballet de la nuit on 23 February 1653. See Holman, Four and Twenty
Fiddlers, 289.
154
Quoted in Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers, 289. During his exile, Charles II
lived in several parts of France, as well as The Hague, Bruges, and Brussels.
http://www.luminarium.org/encyclopedia/charles2.htm. For further information on the
exile of the Stuarts during the Civil War, see Neil Reynolds, The Stuart court and
courtiers in exile, 16441654 (Ph. D. diss., Trinity Hall, Cambridge, 1996); Eva Scott,
Eva. The King in Exile; Eva Scott, The Travels of the King.
155
The preference for Continental music was only a part of a great shift in taste,
for in many other areas as well the Restoration upper class turned toward the Continent as
a guide. H. James Jensen, English Restoration Attitudes toward Music, The Musical
Quarterly 55 (April, 1969): 206214; 206. Jensen uses dialogue from Restoration theatre
(specifically the plays of Thomas Shadwell) to show a consistent bias in favor of
continental music and arts among English aristocratic characters. [Shadwells] wellbred
characters are intolerant of English songs and dances, and his lowbred characters dote on
them. Jensen, 208.

53
 Within the first months of his restoration on 29 May 1660, Charles II overhauled

the music of the court and royal chapel, introducing a company of twenty-four violins in

overt imitation of the Vingt-quatre violons of the French court.156 This ensemble was

assembled in time to perform at the coronation ceremony on April 23, 1661, witnessed by

Samuel Pepys: I took a great deal of pleasure to go up and down, and look upon the

ladies, and to hear the musique of all sorts, but above all, the Twenty-four Violins.157

The restoration of Charles II also meant an end to the prohibition on Anglican

church music that had existed during the Puritan Interregnum. Just as Londons churches

and cathedrals began for the first time in nearly two decades to resound once more with

choir and organ, however, the royal preference for the French style began to displace

traditional English liturgical practice. John Evelyn described a chapel service that he

witnessed on December 21, 1662:

One of his majesties chaplains preached after which, instead of the antient
grave and solemn wind musique accompanying the organ was introduced
a consort of twenty-four violins between every pause after the French
fantastical light way, better suiting a tavern or playhouse than a church:
this was the first time of change, and now we heard no more the cornet,
which gave life to the organ, that instrument quite left off in which the
English were so skillful.158

Whether or not he was alone in his disapproval of the substitution of fantastical violins

for the antient grave and solemn wind musique, Evelyn was surely not the only member

of the congregation to notice such a significant deviation from musical traditions in the

Anglican liturgy. The fact that this substitution took place in the royal chapel under the

156
Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers 284288. Also Simon McVeigh, The
violinists of the Baroque and Classical periods, The Cambridge Companion to the Violin,
ed. Robin Stowell (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 48.
157
Pepys,71.
158
Evelyn, 132.

54
direction of one of his majesties chaplains, and presumably before the King himself,

strongly suggests that the change occurred with the Kings approval if not by his direct

command.

Charles II took a personal interest in fashioning a musical image of continental

orientation, causing embarrassment on one occasion when during the performance of

some incidental theater music, the King did put a great affront upon Singletons159

musique, he bidding them stop and made the French musique play, which my Lord

[Admiral Sir Edward Montagu, Pepyss friend and patron] says, do much outdo all

ours.160 The Kings promotion of ideas of Frenchness in the instrumental music at his

court spurred great enthusiasm for dance music in the style of Jean-Baptiste Lully, an

Italian Frenchiyed.161 North reports that early in the Restoration such music came to

predominate in London, whereas old music held on in the country, and that the violin

replaced the treble viol everywhere in Englandall the compositions of the town

[London] were strained to imitate Baptists vein.162 As the musical court in London

strained to imitate French style in 1660s, Anthony Wood observed that the learned,

labored, and serious had become unfashionable in restoration England: to be earnest or

zealous in any one thing [is frowned upon]. But all forsooth, must be gentile and neatno

paines taken: Bantring.163 This light and unpretentious musical banter reflected the

159
John Singleton was leader, together with Matthew Locke, of the Twenty-four
Violins from Midsummer 1660. See Holman, Fiddlers, 284.
160
Pepys, 58.
161
North, Memoirs, 102. Born in northern Italy, Lully arrived in France in 1646 and
became a naturalized French citizen in 1661. For information on Lullys Italian roots, see
Jrome de la Gorce, Lullys Tuscan Family in Lully Studies, ed. John Hajdu Heyer
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 114.
162
North, Memoirs, 102105.
163
Wood, 216.

55
deliberately uncomplicated ballet music idiomatically constructed by Lully during the

time that the future Charles II and his brother had been living in exile in close proximity to

the French court in Paris.

Although musical culture in London had become substantially cosmopolitan even

by the early the 1660s, Charles II showed his personal preference for the French style

through his patronage of individual musicians: he sponsored a trip to France for John

Bannister, who became leader of the Twenty-four violins after Baltzar had succumbed to

alcoholism, in order that he could undergo a formal training in French music.164 Similarly

Charles II displayed his favor of French musicianship when he unexpectedly replaced

Bannister, despite his French musical education, with Louis Grabu in 1666.165

The King must have anticipated that his actions would cause aggravation, at least

for Bannister if not other English musicians, and so it did: Samuel Pepys recorded on

February 20, 1666 that the kings viallin [violin], Bannister, is mad that the king hath a

Frenchman come to be chief of some part of the kings musique. Moreover, Louis Grabu

did not have a musical reputation positive enough to seem to warrant such a sudden and

important promotion, nor did he gain one subsequently:166 on October 1, 1667, Samuel

Pepys reported:

164
See North, Memoirs, 110. Also see Wood, 136.
165
Pepys, 351.
166
Peter Holman called Grabu perhaps the most derided figure in English musical
history. See Holman, Fiddlers, 296. Holman refers to the opinions of musicologists such
as Robert Moore, who called Grabu a pallid Frenchman . . . whose talent for setting
English verse to music left almost everything to be desired and Edward J. Dent, who
called him a caricature of Lully, and called his opera Albion and Albanius a monument
of stupidity the failure of which was due more to Grabu than to anyone else. See
Robert Moore, Henry Purcell and the Restoration Theatre (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1961), 39; Edward J. Dent, Foundations of English Opera: A Study of

56
 I did hear the musick with which the King is presented this night by
Monsieur Grebus [Grabu], the Master of his Musick: both instrumental (I
think twenty-four violins) and vocall: an English song upon Peace. But,
God forgive me! I never was so little pleased with a concert of music in
my life. The manner of setting words and repeating them out of order, and
that with a number of voices, makes me sick, the whole design of vocall
musick; being lost by it. Here was a great press of people; but I did not see
many pleased with it, only the instrumental musick he had brought by
practice to play very just.167

Charless personal enthusiasm for the French musical style, which is seen in his decision

to send select English musicians such as Bannister to France for musical training, gained

political significance with his sponsorship of Louis Grabu; Charles favored Grabu for his

French nationality in spite of an unflattering musical reputation and an apparent inability

to connect positively with London audiences. This is significant in that it represents an

effort by the sovereign to display good taste and judgment through musical patronage,

while in fact providing music that did not always seem pleasing to his subjects.

By the end of the first decade of the restoration, newly arrived foreign musicians

held prominent positions at the court of Charles II. The German string player Dietrich

Stoeffken [known in London as Mr. Steffkins], who had been a bass viol player at court

before the civil war was reappointed upon the Restoration. Ferdinand de Florence had

been among the French musicians since 1663. Another French musician who came to

London was Lullys famous and unfortunate competitor, Robert Cambert, who

transplanted himself in London after losing his patent for the production of French opera

in 1672. He worked at the English court (before his death in 1677) with moderate success,

Musical Drama in England During the Seventeenth Century (New York: Da Capo Press,
1965), 165166.
167
Pepys, 429.

57
achieving a position of leadership among the instrumentalists, and possibly as a

composer.168 Cambert played his hand in London just as the reign of French music was

joined by a new fascination with the music of Italy.

Charles II attempted soon after the Restoration to establish Italian Opera in

London by granting a patent in 1660 to Giulio Gentileschi for building a theatre and

managing an Italian opera company.169 In 1664 the patent fell to Thomas Killigrew who

planned to construct his own theater for Italian opera:

Four operas it shall have in the year, to act sex [sic] weeks at a time;
where we shall have the best scenes and machines, the best musique, and
every thing as magnificent as in Christendome; and to that end hath sent
for voices and painters and other persons from Italy.170

Although Gentileschi and Killigrew failed to find success with the project, their efforts

attracted the Albrici family, as well as Hilario Suarez, Pietro Reggio, Pietro Cefalo,

Matteo Battaglia, Giovanni Sebenico.171 These Italian-oriented musicians became central

to musical life in London despite the failure of Italian opera to achieve popularity there

until the first decade of the eighteenth century.172

168
Westrup, 76. Hawkins credited Cambert with introducing the violin family to
London and the subsequent interest in Italian sonatas. See Newman, The Sonata in the
Baroque Era, 302.
169
State Papers, public record office, London, 29/19, no. 16 (22 October 1660:
Register, no. 38; Ashbee, 8z; 140; see Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 16601661,
319), cited in Andrew R. Walking, 8688. Also see Westrup, 77; Mabbett, 237.
170
Mabbett, 237; Pepys reports that as late as 1667 Killigrew was still determined
to have Italian operas performed in England and that Batista Draghi had composed one in
Italian that was intended to be soon performed. See Pepys, Feb. 12, 1667; Walking, 86
88.
171
The immigration contract for these musicians is provided in Mabbett, 238.
172
Curtis A. Price, Music in the Restoration Theatre, 112117. Also see Curtis A.
Price, The Critical Decade for English Music Drama, 17001710, Harvard Library
Bulletin 26 (1978), 38.

58
 Patronage of Italians in Stuart London extended beyond musiciansin 1674, one

year after the arrival of Mary of Modena, Italian painter Benedetto Gennari of Bologna

came to London from Paris, where he had been working for King Louis XIV and his

brother the Duc dOrleans.173 Gennari was known for classically themed portraits and

religious works, and through Marys enthusiastic patronage he soon developed a near

monopoly on Catholic devotional images at court.174 The devotional paintings that Mary

commissioned from Gennari include portraits of St. Xavier and St. Francis de Sales for her

oratory at St. James.175 Gennari arrived in London with his travelling companion,

Francesco Riva, who also found employment with Mary as her Keeper of the Royal

Wardrobe. 176 Both Gennari and Riva followed the Stuarts into exile.

Gennaris main competitor in London during the 1680s was another Italian,

Antonio Verrio. Unlike Gennari, Verrio specialized not in portraiture but decorative

painting. Charles II employed him to paint the interiors at Windsor Palace, and in 1685

made him Keeper of the Great Garden at St. James.177 James II took great pride in

Verrios work, which he felt set the standard against which other decorative painters

were to be judged.178

173
See Oman, Mary of Modena, 43.
174
Andrew Barclay, Mary Beatrice of Modena: The Second Blessd of Woman
Kind? in Queenship in Britain, 16601837: Royal Patronage, Court Culture, and
Dynastic Politics, ed. Clarissa Cambell Orr (New York: Manchester University Press,
2002), 85.
175
Oman, 43. Francis de Sales Introduction la vie devote was venerated by both
James and Mary, who had it published in English by the royal printer shortly after their
ascension to the throne. See Barclay, 8283.
176
Martin Haile, Queen Mary of Modena, 121.
177
Barclay, 84.
178
Oman, 84.

59
The Organization of Music at the Stuart Court in London

Royal music after the Restoration came to be divided into three general

departments. The royal drum and trumpet corps supported military, ceremonial, and

political functions and is not especially important to this study. Instrumental forces,

including the Private Musick, the Twenty-four Violins, and other instrumental groups,

served to provide secular music for the kings dining, dancing, and general entertainment.

The Chapel Royal was a body of musicians organized to meet the religious needs of the

royal family.

During the early years of the Restoration, the instrumental forces comprised

several groups tailored to specific purposes. A small group of elite players known as the

Private Musick performed within the inner sanctum of the court, serving the royal

family in the privacy of their apartments.179 For the first several years of the Restoration,

Private Musick included an ensemble called the Broken Consort, made up of mixed

(broken) instruments for the performance of fantasias or fancy-music under the

direction of violinist Thomas Baltzar. The Broken Consort fell out of use with the death of

its leader in 1663.180

Most royal instrumentalists performed in string or wind ensembles that served

public functions at Whitehall palace.181 The largest of these, the Twenty-four Violins,

was established by 1661 as a string orchestra of two-dozen members but soon absorbed or

replaced the other court ensembles. By the mid 1660s, the Twenty-four only performed

179
The Private Music formed the equivalent of what had been known before the
civil war as the Lutes and Voices. See Holman, Purcell, 2.
180
Holman, Four and Twenty Fiddlers, 275276.
181
Holman, Purcell, 2.

60
as a single group at coronations or state occasions of similar importance and served

mainly as a pool from which ensembles of any size and instrumentation could be drawn to

fit a particular performance need.182

The primary employment of instrumental musicians at court was to provide

entertainment at royal meals, which were often held in public.183 Andrew Newport

described a royal dinner that he witnessed on 5 July 1660:

[T]he King sat under a state at the upper end of the hall in the middle of the
table, the Duke of York at the end on the right hand, and [the]Duke of
Glocester on the left; a degree lower (divided with a rail) , were four tables,
two on each side of the hall for the Lords, and a degree lower than that, six
tables, three on each side for the Commons, the Kings own music on one
side of the hall in a little gallery, and opposite to them 24 viols and violins
in another184

The presence of two identifiably separate groups of instrumentaliststhe Kings own

music on one side of the hall and the 24 viols and violins on the otherreflects an

occasion of sufficient grandeur to require all the instrumental forces of the court, both

public and private.

Court instrumentalists were also called upon to provide music for dancing, the

practice of which was perhaps the most highly prized social grace of Restoration

society.185 The entire royal family, including the duke and duchess of York (the future

king and queen James II and his first wife Anne Hyde) took dancing lessons from the best

182
Holman, Fiddlers, 284288, and Purcell, 23.
183
Charles II was the first English monarch since Henry VIII to dine regularly in
public (though he probably got the idea from Louis XIV rather than from his ancestor).
See Holman, Fiddlers, 306307.
184
Andrew Newport to Sir Richard Leveson, letter of 5 July, 1660. Historical
Manuscripts Commission, Fifth Report, i. 154. Quoted in Holman, Fiddlers, 306.
185
Holman, Fiddlers, 307.

61
French masters available, including Sebastian La Pierre, and Jerome Gohory.186 Samuel

Pepys reported seeing the young Mary Stuart (daughter of James Stuart and Anne Hyde)

perform at a dance in 1669:

I did see the young Duchess, a little child in hanging sleeves, dance most
finely, so as almost to ravish me, her airs were so goodtaught by a
Frenchman that did heretofore teach the King and all the Kings children,
and the Queen-Mother herself, who doth still dance well.187

As Pepyss report demonstrates, three generations of the English royal familythe Kings

mother Henrietta Maria (who was French), the King himself, and the Kings children

publically presented themselves as dancers in the French tradition and of French training.

Instrumental musicians of the court traveled with members of the royal family

when they moved throughout the kingdoms; in a letter of 19 September 1687, Terriesi

described Queen Mary of Modena as she went to take the waters at Bath:

Her Majesty is taking them very conscientiously, and has the company of
other ladies, who bathe with her, the music of the Italians, which
constantly diverts her, and the sight of all the people who crowd around to
pay their court, or to witness a hitherto unseen spectacle.188

The future James II also travelled with musicians and evidently valued them highly

when a sudden storm sank his ship, the Gloucester, on a voyage from Windsor to Scotland

in 1682 the Duke ordered that a drowning violin player be hauled aboard his over-

crowded lifeboat over the objection of other passengers.189 This fact is significant

considering that about a hundred and thirty men, including Lords Roxburgh and OBrien,

186
Holman, Fiddlers, 307.
187
Pepys, ix. 507; Holman, Fiddlers, 307.
188
Martin Haile, Queen Mary of Modena, 167.
189
Strickland, vol. 9, 112.

62
lost their lives in the shipwreck, and that the lifeboats were intended only for use by

persons of quality.190

The Chapel Royal

Sacred music formed a large part of the musical repertoire composed and

performed for the royal court, and was often referred to as music of the Chapel Royal.

Chapel Royal is a potentially confusing term since it was used to refer to the musicians

employed by the royal family for use in religious services, rather than to any specific

chapel. Ian Spink writes, Strictly speaking, the Chapel Royal was not a building, but a

body of men and boys whose job was originally to sing the daily service wherever the

king happened to be.191 As the personal musical establishment belonging to the sovereign

of England and titular head of the Anglican Church, the Chapel Royal is often assumed to

be the musical forces of the royal Anglican services. During the seventeenth century,

however, a succession of Catholic Queens of England required a parallel Catholic chapel

at court, which became of central importance during the reign of the openly Catholic

James II. Since the Anglican chapel was not abolished but was preserved under the Act of

Toleration, the situation developed where two Chapels Royal, one Anglican and on

Catholic, operated simultaneously.

The Anglican Chapel was the official royal church, but by the middle 1670s, James

II had stopped attending Anglican services and began openly attending Catholic mass.

Mary of Modena happily wrote to her brother Francesco II on Good Friday 1675 that her

husband refused to attend Anglican services with his brother and that nothing else is
190
See Correspondence of Henry Hyde, vol. I., p. 73, quoted in Fea, 102.
191
Ian Spink, Restoration Cathedral Music, 16601714 (Oxford, Clarendon Press,
1995), 101.

63
talked of in the whole town.192 By 1687 the Kings continual absence at the Anglican

chapel had deprived the Anglican musicians of much incentive to attend to their dutiesa

letter from Aylesbury to Nicholas Staggins on 21 October 1687 suggests that the players

did not always consider their presence necessary:

Whereas you have neglected to give order to the violins to attend at the
Chapel at Whitehall where Her Royal Highness the Princess Anne of
Denmark is present, these are therefore to give notice to them that they
give their attendance there upon Sunday next, and so to continue to do so
as formerly they did.193

These players must understandably have assumed that, since it was their job to perform for

the King and there was no chance his attending Anglican services, there was no need for

them to attend them either. Nevertheless, the Anglican Church remained the official

Church of England and its musical importance remained central to the vast majority of

Londoners, if not to their King. Furthermore, the Anglican Chapel Royal not only

employed some of the most notable musical figures of the day, but also witnessed bold

musical experimentation as foreign musical styles were blended into the English tradition.

Foremost among composers interested in this musical blending was Henry Purcell.

By the 1680s Henry Purcell was the most famous composer at the Anglican

chapel. Because the Test Act of 1873 denied the right of Catholics to hold civil office,

Italian Catholics were effectively prevented from serving alongside musicians in the

Anglican chapel.194 Nevertheless, Purcell developed a strong interest in Italian music

192
Oman, Mary of Modena, 50. James public avowal of the Anglican Church was
against his brothers wishes.
193
Aylesbury to Nicholas Staggins, 21 October 1687, Quoted in Keates, Purcell,
143.
194
See An Act for preventing Dangers which may happen from Popish
Recusants, Statutes of the Realm: volume 5: 162880 (1819), pp. 78285. Date

64
during the 1670s.195 Purcell was recognized by his contemporaries and by posterity as the

finest English composer of his age. In 1698, John Evelyn wrote:

I dined at Mr. Pepys, where I heard that rare voice, Mr. Pate, who was
lately come from Italy, reputed the most excellent singer ever England
had: he sang indeede many rare Italian recitatives etc. and severall
compositions of the last Mr. Pursal, esteemed the best composer of any
Englishman hitherto.

The juxtaposition of Purcells music with rare Italian recitatives on the program of a

great Italian singer seems to be a point of pride for Evelyn; Purcells ability to compete

with the Italians on their own terms was a measure of his success. Indeed, the inclusion of

Purcells music in the performance that Evelyn described, that of an Italian-trained singer

performing mostly Italian music, suggests that Purcells music was deemed compatible

with the Italian in terms of style and sensibility.

In his publication in 1683 of a set of trio sonatas in the Italian style,196 Purcell went

so far as to recommend Italian music to English artists. He wrote:

[The Author] has faithfully endeavord a just imitation of the most famd
Italian masters; principally to bring the seriousness and gravity of that sort
of musick into vogue, and reputation among our countrymen, whose
humor, tis time now should begin to loathe the levity, and balladry of our
neighbors.197 He is not ashamed to own his unskillfulness in the Italian

accessed: 28 August 2012. http://www.british

history.ac.uk/report.asp?compid=47451
195
Holman, Purcell, from the introduction, ix.
196
This was the first nationally composed collection of trios in the newest Italian
vein. See Keates, 94. Newman writes that Purcells sonatas are based on unknown Italian
models, but also bear the influence of such English traditions as the In Nomine with the
cantus firmus in the bassPurcells Anglicanisms are at least as much responsible as his
Italianisms for the high quality and appeal of his sonatas. Newman also points out that
Corellis Op. 1 was published in 1681, not in 1683 as was once widely believed, and
therefore may have had an influence on some of Purcells sonatas. See Newman, 308310.
197
See Keates, 96. Keates has read the levity and balladry of our neighbors as a
reference to the French, but I believe that the terms levity and balladry are more
plausibly associated with the lyrical, melodic, and rhythmic traditions of the neighboring
Gaelic cultures in Wales, Scotland, and Ireland.

65
 language; however he thinks he may warrantably affirm, that he is not
mistaken in the power of the Italian notes, or elegance of their
compositions, which he would recommend to the English artists.198

Just which famd Italian masters Purcell sought to emulate is still unclear, but he is

known to have studied pieces once thought to be by Colista but actually composed by

Carlo Ambrogio Lonati, who later visited London during the reign of James II.199 Purcells

sonata publications circulated to a wider audience than his consort music, because they

had the advantage of being printed.200 Purcell adopts the Italian trio-sonata idiom, using a

structure of short contrasting movements, a texture of two solo instruments plus continuo,

and a contrapuntal language rich with suspensions, and imitation:

198
Henry Purcell, from the Introduction to the reader of his 1683 publication of a
collection of 12 sonatas. Found in Purcell, Sonatas, edited by W. Gillies Whittaker (Paris:
Editions de Loiseau Lyre, 1936). Originally published as Sonnatas of III parts (London:
engraved by Thomas Crosse, published by John Playford and John Carr, 1683).
199
In addition to the twelve sonatas in III parts published in 1697, ten sonatas
in IV parts by Purcell were published posthumously in 1697. An autograph copy (dated
1680) in the British Library of eight of the 1697 sonatas suggests that all of Purcells
sonatas were produced during the same time period. See Keates, 9397.
200
Holman, Purcell, 92.

66
Figure 2.1: Sonata no. 1 in G minor by Henry Purcell201

In addition to highly chromatic counterpoint, Purcell achieves surprising syncopations by

use of weak beat suspensions in the bass line.

201
Facsimile reprinted from the Pepys Library (London: Paradine, 1975).
Also see W. Gillies Whittaker, ed., Purcell Sonatas (Paris: The Lyrebird Press,
1936), 14.

67
 The success achieved by Purcells Italianate sonatas soon inspired other English

composers to experiment with the genre as he had suggestedan advertisement of 23

November 1685 in the London Gazette announces several sonatas, composed after the

Italian way, for one and two bass viols with a thorough-basse for sale to be printed for

subscribers by Mr. August Keenell (Khnel) who would perform them next and every

Thursday at the dancing school at Walbrook.202

Purcells ability to blend foreign styles in his own compositions was observed by

Pierre Motteux in an article for The Gentlemens Journal announcing the upcoming

production of Purcells The Fairy Queen:

Now I speak of Music I must tell you that we shall have speedily a new
opera, wherein something very surprising is promised us; Mr. Purcel who
joyns to the delicacy and beauty of the Italian way, the graces and
gayety of the French, composes the music, as he hath done for the
Prophetess, and the last opera called King Arthur, which hath been plaid
several times the last month.203

Purcell himself recognized that his native musical culture was infused with foreign

influence, and he considered it a sign of improvement:

Musick is yet but in its Nonage, a forward Child, which gives hope of
what it may be hereafter in England, when the Masters of it shall find
more encouragement. Tis now learning Italian, which is its best Master,
and studying a little of the French Air, to give it somewhat more of Gayety
and Fashion. Thus being farther from the Sun, we are of later Growth than
our Neighbour Countries, and must be content to shake off our Barbarity

202
From the London Gazette, November 23, 1685. Quoted in Michael Tilmouth, A
Calendar of References to Music in Newspapers Published in London and the Provinces
(16601719) (Cambridge: Royal Music Association, 1961), 7.
203
Pierre Antoine Motteux in The Gentlemans Journal: or, the Monthly
Miscellany (January, 1691/2): 46. Microfilmed at the British Museum, London, 1956, 4.
Emphasis added. Cited in Katheryn Lowerre, Music and Musicians on the London Stage,
16951705 (Burlington: Ashgate, 2009), 89.

68
 by degrees. The present Age seems already disposd to be refind, and to
distinguish betweixt wild Fancy, and a just, numerous Composition.204

The Anglican Chapel remained less influenced by foreign musicians, and was perhaps the

most English of all the musical organs of state. Not surprisingly, it was largely

musicians from the Catholic chapel that travelled with the Stuarts into exile, making that

institution more relevant to this study.

Music of The Catholic Chapel

The servants of foreign queens had augmented the presence of foreign musicians

in England since the beginning of the Stuart dynasty.205 Anne of Denmark, Henrietta

Maria of France, Catharine of Braganza, and Mary of Modena all arrived in England with

servants including an entourage of musicians representing their native countries. The

musicians of Catharine of Braganza and Mary of Modena found situations of peculiar

importance because they were called upon to comprise the musical establishment of the

Catholic chapel at court, which was allowed by special dispensation to exist in a country

where Catholicism was otherwise all but outlawed.

As Duchess of York, Mary of Modena was allowed her own chapel, but would

have nothing to rival Catherines establishment until after her coronation in 1685an

entry from Codebos Journal in 1673 records the splendor of Queen Catherines chapel

music:

[At Whitehall] Queen Catherine, Infanta of Portugal, attends to her

devotions, spending the greater part of the day in prayer....The singing at

204
Henry Purcell, in the dedicatory epistle from the opera The Prophetess, or
Dioclesian. Quoted in Curtis Alexander Price, Henry Purcell and the London Stage (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 264.
205
Westrup, 70.

69
 mass and vespers in her chapel is better than in Italy.The Duchess of
York has her chapel at St. James, but it is a private one.206

Catherines chapel, led by Giovanni Sebenico and Giovanni Battista Draghi, was the best

center of Italian music in London before the creation of Mary of Modenas chapel under

the direction of Innocenzo Fede.207 There was some friction between Queen Catherine and

the Duchess of York over the use of the Catholic chapel at St. James, which had belonged

to the Queen Mother Henrietta Maria; Catherine was unwilling to make room for Mary,

and Charles II was reluctant to test anti-Catholic sentiments by building another chapel.208

The matter was effectively settled upon Charless death in 1685, when Catherine became

the Dowager Queen and removed herself and her Catholic service to the Chapel at

Somerset House.209

In 1686, as James II oversaw the expansion of the Catholic chapel at Whitehall,210

he recruited a new group of musicians to provide service music after the Roman fashion,

and selected as his new music director the composer Innocenzo Fede, an organist and

tenor who had served as maestro di cappella at S Giacomo degli Spagnuoli in Rome.211

206
Letter quoted in Haile, 42.
207
See Barclay, 84.
208
See Strickland, vol. 9, 55.
209
Charles II privately converted to Catholicism on his deathbed. See
Dangeau, 22.
210
The Catholic chapel, destroyed by fire in 1698, was designed by Sir Christopher
Wren. For architectural details see Simon Thurley, Whitehall Palace, An Architectural
History of the Royal Apartments, 12401690 (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1999),
133136. Also see Andrew Freeman, Organs built for the Royal Palace of Whitehall,
The Musical Times 52 (Aug. 1, 1911): 521523.
211
Fede was an assistant at San Giacomo degli Spagnuoli from 1679 before
becoming maestro di cappella in July 1684. Fedes two castrati uncles (Giuseppe and
Francesco Maria), and organist greatuncle (Giovanni Battista) were all wellestablished
musicians in Rome. See Jean Lionnet, Fede, Innocenzo, Grove Music Online ed. L.
Macy (Accessed 29, November 2013). Also see Edward Corp, Fede, Innocenzo (1661?
1732), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004

70
Arriving in 1686, Fede assumed command of a well-funded group of singers and

instrumentalists.212 Fede also collaborated with the musicians of Catherine of Braganzas

Catholic chapel even though it remained nominally separate.213

As an Italian maestro di cappella, Fede was a jewel in the Stuarts musical crown;

in addition to his personal musicianship he brought connections to other Roman

composers, especially Arcangelo Corelli, who had worked with Fede in Rome at the court

of the exiled Queen Christina of Sweden.214 Fedes father Antonio Maria was a singer who

worked at S. Luigi dei Francesi in Rome, where Corelli also worked, and he is also known

to have performed with Corelli.215 The importance of Fedes appointment to the London

court could not have escaped notice by Corelli, who led two performances in praise of the

Stuart monarchs: in 1687 Bernardo Pasquinis cantata Accademia per musica at the

academy of Christina of Sweden, and two years later at the Roman seminary Pasquinis Il

colosso della costanza, for which Corelli composed the sinfonias.216 Corelli also shared

with Fede the patronage of the dEste family of Modena; although Corelli declined to be

[http://www.oxforddnb.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/view/article/46465, accessed 1 Feb

2013].
212
Keates asserts that it was surely through [Mary of Modenas] influence that
Fede was appointed music director. See Keates, Purcell, 140.
213
Corp, A Court in Exile, 202.
214
Barclay calls Corelli the greatest indirect influence on the music at James
court. See Barclay, 84.
215
Corelli and the famous singer Antonio Fede both took part in a musical event
at the Pamphili sponsored by Cardinal Flavio Chigi in February 1687. See Peter Allsop,
Arcangelo Corelli: The New Orpheus of Our Times (New York: Oxford University Press,
1999), 3334.
216
S. E. Plank, Monmouth in Italy: LAmbitione Debellata, The Musical Times
132 (June 1991), 280. Also see Allsop, The New Orpheus, 4142.

71
recruited to the service of the Modenese court, in 1689 he dedicated his Sonate a tr, op. 3

to Francesco II dEste. 217

As James II became increasingly open about his Catholicism, his Catholic chapel

moved to the forefront of the musical life at his court. John Evelyn was scandalized by

what he saw as a flaunting of the Popish faith at Whitehall:

I was to heare the Musique of the Italians in the new chapel, now first of
all opend at Whit-Hall publiquely for the Popish servicewith a world of
mysterious ceremony the musique playing and singing and so I came away
not believing I should ever have lived to see such things in the King of
Englands palace.218

It is significant that Evelyn refers to the music of the English kings chapel as music of

the Italians, identifying the performance as inherently foreign.

During the reign of James II, references to the Chapel Royal are more likely to

refer to the Catholic chapels either at St. James Palace or at Somerset house, where the

Queen Dowager worshiped, rather than to the Anglican chapel. A London newspaper in

1688 identifies Innocenzo Fede only as Master of the Chapel Royal, rather than master

of the Catholic chapel.

Mr. Abel, the celebrated Musician, and one of the Royal Band, entertained
the publick, and demonstrated his loyalty on the evening of 18th June
1688, by the performance of an aquatic concert. The barge prepared for
this purpose was richly decorated, and illuminated by numerous torches.
The musick was composed expressly for the occasion by Signior Fede,
Master of the Chapel Royal, and the performers, vocal and instrumental,
amounted to one hundred and thirty, selected as the greatest proficients in

217
Allsop, New Orpheus, 40. Two years earlier, Francesco II dEste of Modena
commissioned Giovanni Battista Vitali to commemorate the suppression by James II of an
uprising led by his nephew in an oratorio LAmbitione Debellata overo la Caduta di
Monmouth. The libretto by Giovanni Andrea Canal was printed in Modena 1686 and is in
the Biblioteca del Civico Museo at Bologna, see S. E. Plank, 280.
218
Evelyn, Diary, 5 January 1687, 303304.

72
 the science. All ambitious, says the author of Public Occurrences,
hereby to express their loyalty and hearty joy for Her Majestys safe
deliverance, and birth of the Prince of Wales. The first performance took
place facing Whitehall, and the second opposite Somerset House where
the Queen Dowager then resided.219

Two non-Italian foreign musicians held important posts at the Catholic chapel,

both of whom are notable as pioneering woodwind musicians. James Paisible (born

Jacques) was a French flautist, oboist, and bass violinist who moved to London in 1673

and began to work at the court of Charles II; he was one of a small group of French

professionals who introduced the baroque flute to England.220 On the ascension of James

II in 1685 he was appointed to the Kings Musick, and to the Royal Catholic Chapel the

following year.221 Because he was a Catholic, he chose to follow the Stuarts into exile

rather than face unemployment at the court of William and Mary. In 1693 he abandoned

the exiled court and returned to London where he flourished in the theatrical scene along

with Gottfried Finger. That he left the court for the theaters of London may reflect an

absence of stage music being performed at St. Germain, or that he or his wife Mary Davis

(an amateur singer at court) simply preferred the cosmopolitan environment of London.

Gottfried Finger (ca. 16601730) was a Moravian composer who settled in

London ca. 1685, was known to have been in London in the spring of 1687, and served in

219
Reported in Public Occurrences, quoted in Van der Straeten, E. The Romance of
the Fiddle (London: Rebman Limited, 1911), 124.
220
The term flute had referred to the transverse flute, but applied to the recorder
in London from 1673 to c. 1720, when the term reverted to its earlier meaning. See Jeremy
Montagu, et al., "Flute," Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online, Oxford University
Press, accessed December 30, 2013,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/40
569.
221
Newman does not mention Paisible, or any composers of French nationality in
his list of foreign composers of sonata in Restoration London. See Newman, Sonata in the
Baroque Era, 302.

73
the Royal Catholic Chapel from July 1687. He was a prolific composer of free or church

sonatas, all composed in London and the first twelve (opus I, 1688) of which were

dedicated to James II.222 He did not follow the king into exile, choosing instead to focus

his career on the developing London theatrical scene. The large number of his works

distributed in three separate manuscript collections attest to the popularity of his music

among the Jacobites. In the dedication to his Opus I trio sonatas, Finger declares that they

were composed for and played in the services at the royal Catholic chapel,223 proving that

sonatas were an accepted and regular part of worship at the Stuart court. Finger is credited

with technical innovations in woodwind performance:

While the company is at table, the hautboys and trumpets play

successively. Mr. Showers hath taught the latter of late years to sound with
all the softness imaginable, they plaid us some flat tunes, made by Mr.
Finger, with a general applause, it being a thing formerly thought
impossible upon an instrument designd for a sharp key.224

Finger did not follow the Stuarts into exile but left London around 1701 after losing a

musical contest, exclaiming that he thought he was to compose music for men, and not

for boys.225

The Restoration Stuart court sought to display a continentally oriented cultural

sophistication through the enthusiastic patronage of foreign music. In so doing, the

Stuarts at once signaled adherence to English traditionsince claiming musical

222
[T]hese reveal the standardized church plan and a fluent but conventional and
undistinguished use of the current Italian idiom, see Newman, The Sonata in the Baroque
Era, 311.
223
Holman, Purcell, p.92
224
Motteux, The Gentlemans Journal: or, the Monthly Miscellany.
(January, 1691/2: 46. Microfilmed at the British Museum, London, 1956, 4.
225
This sort of contest, arranged by patrons who would award a financial prize to
the winner, flourished in the 1690s and would continue through the end of the eighteenth
century. See North, Memoirs, p. 119.

74
worldliness through the sponsorship of perceived foreign music was a characteristic of

royal courts in Londonwhile associating themselves with Catholic courts on the

continent. The earlier Interregnum caused a cultural upheaval that forced changes in

musical behavior and stimulated a reinvention of musical spaces and genres, resulting

especially in a demand in London for Italian chamber music. The returning Stuart court

signaled the modernization of its musical forces by advocating the importation of

fashionable styles. As foreign musicians arrived in Restoration London, they and their

English counterparts exchanged musical ideas and experimented with hybrid results.

Composers at the Stuart court sought broad horizons rather than loyal adherence to

school or tradition.

What then can we conclude from the dismissal in 1666 of John Banister as the

musical leader at court? Was it really due to the King of Englands refusal to

acknowledge that his own personal ensemble was English? In fact, the event reflects the

Kings insistence on controlling the image of his court: Charles II was staking the claim

that Frenchness or Italianness actually signaled Englishness in the context of his royal

musical patronage. In so doing, he was engaged in a tradition inherited from earlier

English monarchs that would be strengthened under James II: control of court musical

culture as a signal of enlightened cosmopolitanism. As far as the King was likely

concerned, the Englishness of the music, insofar as it was the music of his own choosing,

was not in question and therefore not to be questioned.

Finally, as Catholicism became first a suspected and then a primary element at the

London court, Stuart patronage of musical styles perceived as foreign and associated with

Catholic cultures brought about a shifting resonance; what had been offered as a sign of

75
musical sophistication came to signal a retreat from Anglicanism. A dichotomy came to

exist between the Anglican and the Catholic chapels, both of which offered a musical

face of the English court; while Anglicans such as Purcell utilized and even advocated

Italian influences, the Catholic chapel constituted an actual center of Italian music in the

heart of London. After the ascension of the openly Catholic James II, and the arrival of

his Italian Master of Music, Innocenzo Fede, royal favor clearly falls upon the Catholic

Chapel, almost to the exclusion of the Anglican. This is a moment of very overt tension,

where it is clear the English king is signaling his loyalty to Catholicism through his

musical choices. The pattern of patronizing Italian music is not new, and the music itself

had even been endorsed by Purcell, but the shift in the religious landscape imposes new

cultural meanings. After 1685, the now religiously-freighted message offered by Stuart

musical patronage was being asked to perform a politically impossible task in a country

that voiced a shrill anti-Catholicism.

As James II was swept out of his country in December 1688 in a wave of anti-

Catholic hysteria, it was only natural that the musicians who chose to follow him into

exile included those most closely associated with the Catholic chapel and with Catholic

culturethe very people whom James II had risked so much to patronize. These

musicians, accustomed to the eager embrace of the London musical culture, would

abruptly find themselves juxtaposed with the xenophobic musical conservatism of the

French court under Louis XIV.

French Musical Culture Under Louis XIV

Like the Stuarts in London, King Louis XIV patronized the arts, and used his

support of music as a political tool to project an image of sophistication at his court. The

76
French king, however, differed sharply from his English counterparts, and indeed from

many other continental monarchs, by attempting to champion a French musical flavor.

The fiery emotions and liberal ornaments of contemporary Italian music, for example,

were labeled as distasteful at the French court, when compared to the more orderly and

dignified bon got of the style exemplified by Louis XIVs favored composers.226 The

French king advocated a music that, like the society he ruled, was closely governed by

traditions and laws and thus reinforced his own position and privilege. The music of his

court was bound not only by the fiercely-guarded ideals concerning an uncomplicated

elegance in harmony, affect, and style, but also by legal specifications concerning who

was entitled to compose, perform, or sponsor various kinds of music. Political favor was

given only to music that functioned within the confines of the government-controlled

system, and thereby contributed to the maintenance of that system.

Late seventeenth-century French music critics frequently discussed musical taste

and trends in terms of its perceived national origin. Musical styles were seen as

reflections of the tendencies and character of national groups, and were considered

naturally distinct just as were the peoples themselves. The early-modern French

monarchy encouraged a perception of dichotomy between French and Italian music by its

program of cultural management that simultaneously proclaimed its own sophisticated

226
Susan McClary has offered a political interpretation of French resistance to the
Italian style: the individualcentered explosivity of the Italian compositional
procedurescould only have revealed the oppressiveness of Louis absolutist regime of
enforced Platonic harmony. See the afterword to Jacques Attali, Noise: The Political
Economy of Music, trans., Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1985), 155.

77
majesty227 while building a strong sense of national-identity within a cohesive state.228 In

this climate, contemporary French musical critics sought to identify a distinctly French

music, and endeavored vigorously to defend it against perceived incursions by the forms

and genres associated with their Italian neighbors.229

The regime of Louis XIV required the music it sponsored to adhere to a political

ideal.230 In this case, that ideal was the glorification of the king as the embodiment of the

state. Music and art supported by the court was intended for a purpose: the cultivation

and protection of a public image of absolute power. Just as Louis was a supporter of the

arts, he expected the arts to support him in turn.

The king and his advisors continually cultivated an image of unassailable royal

power, synonymous with regal virtue and the divine right to rule, not only through music,

but through various media: visual arts, orations, and performing arts.231 There is perhaps

227
Robert M. Isherwood has explored the political function of art in earlymodern
France. See Music in the Service of the King: France in the Seventeenth Century. (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1973).
228
See Rose A Pruiksma, Danse Par le Roi: Constructions of French Identity in
the Court Ballets of Louis XIV (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1999). Also see
Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 1617, and Louis Marin, Portrait of the King,
trans. Martha M. Houle (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988).
229
Anthony, French Baroque Music, 101110.
230
It should not be inferred, however, that the absolute monarchy of the
seventeenth century was politically or culturally identical to twentiethcentury
totalitarianism. For an examination of the differences between these forms of autocratic
government, see Orest Ranum, Forming National States, chapter 62 in The Columbia
History of the World, ed. John A. Garraty and Peter Gay (New York: Harper & Row,
1972), 727; Nicholas Henshall, The Myth of Absolutism: Change and Continuity in Early
Modern European Monarchy (London: Longman, 1992); John Miller, The Potential for
Absolutism in Later Stuart England, History, 69 (1984); Andrew Walking has criticized
the term absolute monarchy as misleading, and emphasizes the performative aspects of
what he instead calls baroque monarchy. See Walking, 3469.
231
Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV, 1617. For a discussion of performative
constructions of royal authority in early modern monarchies, see Stephen Orgel, The

78
no greater example of artwork expressing royal power than the palace and grounds of

Versailles. From the 1660s Louis XIV adorned his once humble hunting estate with a

vast array of palaces, gardens, fountains232 and many other artistic media conscripted to

glorify the king.233 At Versailles and elsewhere, the arts were harnessed and pressed into

the service of the crown. In this way King Louis was able to radiate an image of cultural

superiority, just as the arts he supported wove for him an image of political and moral

superiority.234 The contemporary social theorist Montesquieu wrote, The magnificence

and splendour which surround kings form part of their power.235 Historian Peter Burke

has pointed out: the royal image should be seen as a collective production. Painters,

sculptors and engravers made their contribution to it. So did the kings tailors, his

wigmaker and his dancing master. So did the poets and choreographers of the court

Illusion of Power: Political Theater in the English Renaissance (Berkeley: University of

California Press, 1975), 42.
232
The art historian Nathan Whitman has written about the fountains of Versailles,
pointing out that the image of an omnipotent ruler is created not only by the breathtaking
beauty and mythological subject matter of the sculptures in these fountains, but also by
the mastery of the sophisticated hydroengineering required to make them work. He
describes the Fountain of Latona, in which the enemies of the mother of Apollo are seen
being transformed into frogs, as an almost threatening affirmation of the principle of
divineright monarchy. Nathan T. Whitman, Myth and Politics: Versailles and the
Fountain of Latona, in Louis XIV and the Craft of Kingship, ed. John C. Rule
(Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1969), 286301.
233
Nathan Whitman writes of the power and significance of the imagery at
Versailles, describing the estate as an overwhelming embodiment of the centralized
power of the emerging nationstate, a symbol whose formal impact was to be felt from
St. Petersburg to Washington. Whitman, Myth and Politics, 287.
234
Louis XIV sponsored an enormous number of artworks depicting himself; more
than three hundred statues and portraits survive, as well as nearly seven hundred
engravings. Other commissioned artworks were of enormous scale, such as the equestrian
statue of the Place Louis-le-Grand, inside of which twenty men once sat for lunch. Burke,
Fabrication, 16.
235
Montesquieu, quoted in Burke, Fabrication, 5.

79
ballets, and the masters of ceremonies who supervised the coronation, the royal entries

and other public rituals.236

This strict employment of the arts for royal image control was official state policy

directly overseen by chief administrator Jean-Baptist Colbert. Colbert had served under

Cardinal Mazarin and was well aware of the power of the arts to contribute to the power

of the king. He understood that all the arts, letters, and sciences must come together, as

in the time of Augustus, to glorify [the kings] person and his reign, and all naturally, in

perfect order and obedience.237 This was accomplished by bringing artists, architects,

and musicians into national academies under the auspices of the crown.238 Colbert so well

understood the potential of the arts as a political tool that he requested Jean Chaplain, a

member of the Acadmie Franaise, to submit a report concerning the establishment of

the king as the dominant patron of the arts, and how this in turn could increase the kings

splendor.239 Needless to say, chroniclers and historians had their part to play as well,

something that Colbert also well understood. Letters from Paul Pellison-Fontanier to

236
Burke, 45.
237
Goubert, Louis the XIV,81.
238
Goubert, 81.
239
In his response written 18 November, 1662, Chapelain described many well
established ways to build and maintain royal glory: Il y a bien, Monsieur, dautres
moyens louables de respandre et de maintenir la gloire de Sa Majest, desquels mesme
les anciens nous ont laiss dillustres exemples qui arrestent encore avec respect les yeux
des peuples, comme sont les pyramides, les colonnes, les statues questres, les colosses,
les arcs triomphaux, les bustes de marbre et de bronze, les bassestailles, tous monumens
historiques auxquells on pourroit ajouter nos riches fabriques de tapisseries, nos
peintures fresque et nos estampes au burin, qui, pour estre de moindre dure que les
autres, ne laissent pas de se conserver longtemps. Mais ces sortes douvrages
appartennant dautres arts que celuy des Muses, sur lequel vous avs sonhait mes
sentimens, je me contenteray de vous en avoir fait souvenir, afin que vous jugis sils
peuvent entre en part de vos autres sublimes ides. See Jean Chaplain, Lettres, vol. 2,
ed. Tamizey de Larroque (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1883), 277.

80
Colbert concerning the style of a proposed royal history show the level of consciousness

that was a part of every aspect of this image production:

The King must be praised everywhere but, so to speak, without praise, by

a narrative of all that he has been seen to do, say, and think. It must appear
disinterested but be lively, piquant, and sustained, avoiding in its
expressions all the veers toward the panegyric. In order to be better
believed, it should not give him the magnificent epithets and eulogies he
deserves; they must be torn from the mouth of the reader by the things
themselves. Neither Plutarch nor Quintius Curtius praised Alexander in
any other way, and he was well praised. It would no doubt be hoped that
His Majesty approve and accept this design, which can almost not be well
executed without him. But he must not seem to have accepted, known
about, or ordered it.240

This is perhaps one of the most striking justifications of the co-option of artistic media

for the control of a public image for Louis XIV.

As a patron of music, Louis sought to establish a classical form that would

represent an unassailable dignity that he hoped would distinguish his musical court. The

seminal figure in the creation of a French musical idiom in the seventeenth century was

Jean-Baptiste Lully (16321687). Born Giovanni Battista Lulli in Florence, Italy, he

moved to Paris in 1646 to serve as a teacher of Italian to King Louis XIVs cousin. An

accomplished musician and dancer, he was appointed compositeur de la musique

instrumentale by the king in 1653, and became a naturalized French citizen in 1661, the

same year that he was made surintendant de la musique de la chambre du Roi. From

240
Louis Marin, Portrait of the King, 40. Marins work focuses on the use of
visual imagery and narrative to construct and legitimate royal power, but he does not
discuss tragdie lyrique. Marins ideas are extended and applied to an examination of the
role of opera by Downing Thomas in Aesthetics of Opera in the Ancien Rgime, 1647
1785 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). Of particular relevance is the
second chapter, The Opera King, pp. 53100.

81
1672 Lully became head of the Acadmie Royale de Musique, 241 and for the rest of his

career was primarily concerned with the development of French opera. 242 Concerning

Lullys importance and position in the royal court, Robert Isherwood has written:

With Louis aid and encouragement, [Lully] became the absolute ruler of
the musical world; he got rich from the profits of the Acadmie, and he
rose to the lofty rank of secrtaire du roi. Louis treated the composer like
a crown officiala role which fitted him admirably. His compositions
served the monarchy by presenting attractive explanations of the kings
motives for waging war and by representing the king as he wished to
appear to his subjectsa peaceful, amorous, benevolent, indestructible
hero. For having portrayed the kings virtues and chronicled his military
adventures, Lully merits the title of musical historiographer. He
projected the aura of pride and grandeur of the royal absolutism through
the massive choruses, majestic trumpet fanfares, solemn processions, and
spectacular scenery of his operas. Finally, Lully gave his royal patron a
music drama that was distinctively French, and he made music a part of
the general policy of national self-sufficiency. Under the aegis of the Sun
King and the direction of the Florentine (Lully), music was established as
an institution of the state.243

Lully created a musical style based on gestures instead of dissonance and harmonic

modulations in order to outpace Italian culture.244 He created an operatic style that was

not clearly divided into aria and recitative, as Italian opera was, but used a melodic

241
The performances of tragdies lyriques that were open to the paying public
took place in the Palais Royal, one of many palaces around Paris that could house
theatrical productions. It was typical for a tragdie lyrique to have a premir at court
before being performed for the general public, although some were given premiers at the
Palais Royal. For a thorough description of the Palais Royal, as well as a discussion of
performance venues for tragdie lyrique, see Barbara Coeyman, Walking through
Lullys opera theatre in the Palais Royal, in Lully Studies, ed. John Hajdu Heyer
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 216242.
242
The Marquis de Dangeau noted in his diary, in every town where
violin players are engaged for the opera concerts, they are obliged to grant Lully a
pension. This is done at Rouen and elsewhere. Dangeau, Memoirs of the Court of
France, translated by John Davenport (London: Henry Colburn, 1825), vol. I, 21.
243
Robert Isherwood Music in the Service of the King, 247.
244
David Tunley, Francois Couperin and the Perfection of Music (Burlington,
VT: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004), 6.

82
declamation that featured elements of both.245 This Lullian style, established in the

middle of the seventeenth century, became the archetype of French musical classicism.

Lully is best known for establishing the French operatic genre tragdie en

musique, today more commonly known as tragdie lyrique.246 Influenced by the well-

established conventions of French spoken tragedy, tragdie lyrique is presented in five

acts, each containing a divertissement involving ballet, choruses, and stage spectacle.247

The five acts, in the works of Lully, were preceded by a prologue designed to praise the

king lavishly. Unlike spoken tragedy, the tragdie lyrique was not constrained by

theatrical unities of time and place; it was not unusual for successive acts to be set in

completely different locations. Tragdie lyrique was also unlike spoken tragedy in that

the plot invariably involved the supernatural, the magical, and the marvelous. The

unnaturalness of sung dialogue found its excuse in plots centered upon divinities and

magicians, and among elaborate and impressive stage machines. Only high characters

such as gods, kings and heroes have a place in these plots. The stories always involve a

love conflict, sometimes with several couples involved.

The political aspects of the plots and characters in the tragdie lyrique are clear

and have been well documented.

245
In contrast to the obvious distinction between recitative and aria in Italian
opera, there is no clearly perceptible difference between the two forms in French
traghedy in music. One passes imperceptibly from one to the other, and the smallerscale
air, which is developed from the air de cour, never contains the type of lyrical expansion
of which the Italians were so fond. Catherin Cessac, Marc-Antoine Charpentier, trans.
E. Thomas Glasow (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1995), 345.
246
The term tragdie lyrique became prevalent in the eighteenthcentury.
See Lorenzo Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth Cenury, trans. David Bryant
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 239.
247
The following general description of tragdie en musique comes from
Graham Sadler, Tragdie en Musique, Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy
[accessed 16 August 2013] <http://grovemusic.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu>

83
 The tragdie en musique was a veiled allegory of life at court. Louis XIV
is overtly praised only in the prologues (where, however, he is never
explicitly named), yet nearly every hero can be understood as a symbol for
the king. In dedicating Perse to Louis XIV, Lully referred to the hero as
the image of Your Majesty.248

Lully and Quinault were not the first to use the musical stage as a platform for panegyric.

Indeed, court operas all over Europe praised the ruling class, monarchs, princes, and

aristocrats, from the start. The prologue to Jacopo Peris 1600 production LEuridice, to a

libretto by Ottavio Rinuccini, the oldest opera to survive in full, is a panegyric to Maria

de Medici which was written for performance at her wedding to none other than a

French king, Henry IV.249 Throughout its history, opera was the genre through which

aristocratic patrons displayed their own magnificence.250 In France, even before the

development of tragdie lyrique, opera praised the king; Italian opera with laudatory

prologues to praise the French king had been performed in Paris as early as 1645.251

Tragdie lyrique, however, operating directly under the auspices of the monarch, elevated

248
Lois Rosow, Lully, Jean-Baptiste, The New Grove Dictionary of
Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 1992), 84.
249
Downing Thomas, Aesthetics of Opera in the Ancien Rgime, 1647
1785 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 74.
250
Lorenzo Bianconi has written about the inherent benefits reaped by a
noble patron of opera. He describes court opera as a demonstration of the
munificence of the sovereign and the unrivalled skill of the artists in his service;
costs are high (and are seen to be high), but the result is admiration, stupefied
envy and consensus of opinion. See Lorenzo Bianconi, Music in the Seventeenth
Century, 163.
251
Several Italian operas and semi-operas had been imported to France by
the Cardinal-Regent Mazarin during the 1640s and 1650s. In general, these did
not appeal to French taste, and met with little success. Bianconi, 238. See also
Margaret Murata, Why the First Opera Given in Paris Wasnt Roman,
Cambridge Opera Journal 7 (July 1995): 87105; and Neil Zaslaw, The First
Opera in Paris: a Study in the Politics of Art, in JeanBaptiste Lully and the
Music of the French Baroque: Essays in Honor of James R. Anthony, ed. J. H.
Heyer et alii (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 123.

84
the art of royal flattery to new heights. By way of example, the text of the first scene of

the prologue of Lully and Quinaults 1687 production Isis illustrates the idealistic praise

for the king inherent in the nature of the operatic imagery. Set in the palace of the

goddess Fame, the text alternates between declamations of the goddess and responses of

her chorus of followers:

Chorus: Publions en tous lieux

Du plus grand des hros la valeur triomphante
Que la terre et les cieux retentissent
De bruit de sa gloire clatante.

Fame: Cest luy dont les Dieux ont fait choix

Pour combler le bonheur de lEmpire Franois
En vain pour le troubler, tout sunit, tout conspire
Cest en vain que lEnvie a ligue tant de roys.
Heureux lempire qui suit ses lois

Chorus: Heureux lempire qui suit ses lois!

Fame: Il faut que partout on ladmire

Parlons de ses vertus, racontons ses exploits
A peine y pourrons nous suffire
Avec toutes nos voix.

Chorus: Heureux lEmpire quis suit ses lois!

Il faut le dire cent-et-cent fois.
Heureux lempire quis suit ses lois!

Translation:

Chorus: Let us proclaim everywhere

The triumphant valor of the greatest of heroes
Let the earth and sky ring with the sound of his brilliant glory.

Fame: It is he whom the gods have chosen

To complete the happiness of the French Empire.
In vain do they all unite and conspire to upset him.
In vain has Envy brought together so many kings.
Happy is the empire that obeys his laws!

Chorus: Happy is the empire that obeys his laws!

85
 Fame: He must be admired everywhere.252
Let us speak of his virtues, let us recount his exploits.
We can barely do him justice even with all our voices together.

Chorus: Happy is the empire that obeys his laws!

This should be said hundreds of times.
Happy is the empire that obeys his laws! 253

The entire prologue is based on current events in 1677; this section refers to the coalition

(so many kings brought together by Envy) that had so far unsuccessfully opposed the

French invasion of Holland.254 The contribution of this text to the image of the king as

absolute ruler is obvious: the gods themselves recommend obeying the laws of this, the

greatest of kings.

Tragdie lyrique, operating directly under the auspices of the monarch who

funded and involved himself in the creation of the entire genre, elevated the art of royal

flattery to new heights. Most importantly, it was a genre built upon musical traditions that

were held to embody French sensibilities and presented by the French court as

evidence of its independence from, and superiority to, Italian opera and music. In this

respect, the French courts approach to musical patronage was diametrically opposite

from that of the English: the Stuart court in London claimed sophistication through

association with the latest Italian trends, while the French court made the same claim

252
It is notable that this line seems to be taken directly from the above-
quoted advice from Paul Pellison-Fontanier to Colbert about constructing the
kings image.
253
Text by Jean-Phillipe Quinault, published in JeanBaptiste Lully, Isis,
ed. Thodore de Lajarte (New York: Broude Bros. Ltd., 1971), 421. Translation
is mine.
254
For a history of the Dutch wars (16721679), see Goubert, Louis XIV,
128149.

86
through its ability to hold to its own musical fashions in the face of the prevalence and

popularity of Italian music.

After the death of Lully in 1687, however, and only a few years after the

introduction of the Stuart court to the environs of Paris new trends developed among

French composers that were centered on Italian genres and the potential for their

improvement by tempering them with French musical sensibilities. This cultivation of

French-Italian hybrid genres began in the 1690s and became so pervasive in the first

decade of the eighteenth century that by 1716 Francois Couperin was able to write, in

reference to Italian sonatas: the French willingly devour anything new, a consequence of

their belief that they have more sense than other nations.255 Couperins declaration that it

was by then a point of French pride to be exceptionally appreciative of new influences

represents a drastic shift from attitudes that had prevailed just a few years earlier. It is

also remarkably similar to the idea of self-styled sophistication through overt receptivity

to foreign influences that so characterized the English court, now in exile just a few miles

from Paris. I argue that contact with the musical perspectives of the Stuart court in exile

was an important factor in the changing attitudes toward foreign music in Parisian

musical circles.

The notion among French composers that music could be improved through a

judicious blending of the French and Italian styles, which began tentatively in the early

1690s but gained momentum over the next several decades, has come to be known as les

255
Les Franois dvorent volontiers Les nouveauts, aux dpens du vrai
quils croyent saisir mieux que les autres nations. Franois Couperin, LArt de
toucher le clavecin, edited by Margery Halford, (Van Nuys, CA: Alfred
Publishing Co. Inc., 1995, originally published Paris: 1716), 4647. Translation is
mine.

87
gots-runis, or reconciled tastes, a term retrospectively coined by Franois Couperin

in a publication by that name in 1724. Some French music lovers abhorred the growing

Italian influence; the early eighteenth-century music critic Le Cerf de la Viville argued

that the controlled elegance of the Lullian musical tradition reflected a refinement of

French culture, and was best suited to the restrained manners required by polite

society.256 Le Cerf pointed to Italian music as the embodiment of uninhibited passions,

which violated and exceeded the standards of social decency.257

Le Cerf was not alone in his critical defense of French musical virtue. Saint-

Evremond proclaimed the superiority of French singers to those of every other nation in

Europe.258 Music historian Titon du Tillet emphasized the distance between French and

Italian musical identities in his 1727 biographical dictionary Description du Parnasse

Franoise, claiming that the Italian born Lully had rejected Italian influence, calling him

the father of our beautiful French music, which he carried to its perfection, abandoning

completely any taste for Italian music.259 In an effort to reinforce the primacy and purity

256
Jean Laurent Le Cerf de la Viville, Comparaison de la Musique Italienne et de
la Musique Franais (Geneva: Minkoff, 1972). Reprinted from the Brussells edition,
17051706. A discussion and list of Le Cerfs characteristic distinctions is found in
James R. Anthony, 108.
257
On French objections to perceived excesses in the Italian style, see Georgia
Cowart, The Origins of Modern Musical Criticism: French and Italian Music, 16001750
(Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1981), and Don Fader, The Honnte homme as Music
Critic: Taste, Rhetoric, and Politesse in the 17th-Century French Reception of Italian
Music, The Journal of Musicology 20, (Winter 2003): 344.
258
Westrup describes SaintEvremonds view as merely Gallic chauvinism. J.
A. Westrup, Musicians in Stuart England, 77.
259
Titon du Tillet, quoted in Anthony, 145.

88
of the French Lullian style, the blending of other national styles was discouraged by

some as distasteful.260

While certain French critics objected to Italian musical influence, others, such as

Franois Raguenet, admired and welcomed what they saw as sophisticated Italian taste.261

French composers also developed an affinity for Italian musical styles and genres in the

final decade of the seventeenth century. In the wake of Lullys death in 1687, Franois

Couperin and Elizabeth Jacquet de la Guerre composed trio and solo sonatas in overt

imitation of Corelli.262 The 1690s also witnessed the emergence of the first French

cantatas, by composers Morin and Campra, whose efforts were a conscious attempt to

blend French and Italian musical styles.263

The French Adoption of Cantata

At the turn of the eighteenth century, the Italian cantata seized the attention of a

generation of French composers. This was not so much a gradual evolution of a French

genre into something similar to Italians cantata but a near wholesale adoption by French

composers of the foreign genre. 1706 was the first great year for the publication of

French cantatas. That year saw the publication of collections by Jean-Baptiste Morin,

260
Lecerf disparaged Charpentier, Collasse, Campra and Destouches as imitators
of the Italian manner who had been reduced to the use of bizarre effects. Quoted in
James R. Anthony, 108.
261
Franois Raguenet, A Comparison Between French and Italian Music, an
essay first published in 1702, modern edition in The Musical Quarterly 32 (July 1946):
411436.
262
Anthony, French Baroque, 311. Anthony accepts that Couperin composed his
first sonata en trio as early as 1692
263
Morin and Campra both wrote about combining French and Italian styles
twenty years before Couperin discussed it in Apotheose de Lully. See Tunley, The
Perfection of Music, 47; David Tunley, The Eighteenth-Century French Cantata (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1997).

89
Jean-Baptiste Stuck, and Nicolas Bernier.264 There is, however, no reason to doubt that

the works of these French cantata composers had circulated in manuscript form for

several years. Jean-Baptiste Morin, in his preface to his first volume of cantatas in 1706,

declares that he had decided to publish his work in part because he felt the need to correct

the errors that had crept into the circulating manuscripts and to establish once and for all

his compositional intent. This strongly implies that the manuscripts in question had been

around long enough for repeated copying, thereby allowing errors to creep in. It is then

fair to assume that the earliest French cantatas originated at or very near the turn of the

eighteenth century.

Jean-Baptiste Morin was among the first French composers to experiment with

the Italian genre of cantata. More importantly, his contemporaries uniformly recognized

him as the progenitor of the movement.265 Morin was part of a circle of musicians and

composers around the future regent of France, the Duke Philippe II d'Orleans that

included Campra, Bernier, and Stuck. This group was characterized by a desire to

embrace the Italian cantata while re-imagining the genre according to the Lullian

traditions of the French musical idiom.

Such blending produced a hybrid musical offspring containing features of both

national parents and was ultimately championed by Franois Couperin in his 1724

publication Les Gouts Reunis. Couperins proposal, that the national styles of Italy and

France could be joined to the detriment of neither, is one of the most important aspects of

264
Don Fader, "Philippe II d'Orleans's 'chanteurs italiens,' the Italian
cantata and the gouts-runis under Louis XIV," Early Music 35 (May 2007): 237;
David Tunley, ed., The Eighteenth-Century French Cantata: A Seventeen-Volume
Facsimile Set of the Most Widely Cultivated and Performed Music in Early
Eighteenth-Century France, (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990), vii.
265
Tunley, Eighteenth-Century French Cantata, xxvii.

90
Franois Couperins musical legacy.266 In the introduction to Les Gouts Reunis,

Couperin argues for the legitimacy of his project on the grounds that it renders French

that which had been foreign:

In France, the Italian and French styles have for a long time shared the
republic of music. For my part I have always esteemed works that seemed
to merit admiration without regard for either author or country of origin;
and the first Italian sonatas which appeared in Paris more than 30 years
ago, and which encouraged me to compose some myself, to my mind
wronged neither the works of M. de Lully nor those of my ancestors, who
will always be more admirable than imitable. 267

Where did the inspiration for Les Gout Reunis come from? James R. Anthony

accepted Serr de Rieuxs assertion that the musicians who inhabited the social circle of

Nicolas Matthieu, priest of Saint-Andr-des-Arts (including Charpentier, Delalande,

Nicaise, and Ouvrardall of whom, but Delalande, had studied in Italy) were

collectively responsible for promoting the works of Rossi, Cavalli, Carissimi, Stradella,

and other Italian composers.268 In accepting the claim, made by a French music historian

concerned with demonstrating the control of French musicians over their own musical

history, Anthony reinforced a line of thinking that has subsequently been followed by

generations of musicologists: that the introduction of Italian music to France was the

exclusive result of transalpine enterprises of avant-garde French composers.

266
Edward Higginbottom writes, In a period of acute partisanship, he rose above
the national prejudices which made a love of the works of Lully preclude a love of those
of Corelli, and he actively sought to unite the distinctive qualities of each style in his own
music. See Francois Couperin, LApotheose de Corelli, ed., Edward Higginbottom
(London: Musica Rara, 1976), from the editorial introduction.
267
Francois Couperin, in LApotheose de Corelli, ed. Edward Higginbottom, from
the 1724 preface of Les Gouts-Reunis.
268
Anthony, 142.

91
 More recent studies have demonstrated that patrons at the highest levels of French

aristocratic culture supported the importation of new musical ideas from Italy. Donald

Fader has convincingly argued that the satellite courts that surrounded some of the

powerful courtiers under Louis XIV (including the Dauphin and Philippe II, Duc

DOrleans), were miniature intellectual societiesartistic cultures constructed by the

subversive sponsorship of Italian and Italianate musical activity. 269 In his article The

Cabale du Dauphin, Campra, and Italian Comedy,270 Fader offers a thorough and

thought-provoking investigation of the phenomenon of interest in Italian music among

composers and patrons of French music at the turn of the eighteenth century. He

describes the existence of a cabal surrounding the son and heir of Louis XIV that used

its efforts to fill the void left by the kings increasing detachment from the musical

activities at court to advocate and promote Italian-influenced composers such as Campra.

Fader argues that the activities of these subordinate patrons played a significant role in

the French fad for Italian music and comedy of the late 1690s, and demonstrate the

influence of courtly politics in the musical life of the era.271

Fader identifies the period before 1695 as the time of greatest burgeoning

interest in Italian music among the patrons and composers of the cabal, asserting that they

influenced the musical culture of this era though their cultivation of aspects of French

artistic life that had been rejected by Louis XIV: the Comdie-Italienne and the Opra in

269
Donald Fader, Musical Thought and Patronage of the Italian style at the Court
of Philippe II, Duc DOrlans (16741723) (Ph. D. diss., Stanford University, 2000).
270
Donald Fader, The Cabale Du Dauphin, Campra, and Italian Comedy: The
Courtly Politics of French Musical Patronage around 1700, Music and Letters 86.3
(2005): 380413.
271
Ibid., 380, from the abstract.

92
general, and Andr Campra and Italian music in particular.272 Fader identifies Franois

Couperin as a leading French experimenter in Italian music, and attributes Couperins

Italian inclinations to his training with Charpentier sometime before 1698.273

The Stuart court was itself a satellite court of the sort the Fader describes, and in a

sense more important than any other as it was ostensibly a sovereign entity, representing

a foreign head of state. Furthermore, the Stuart court had direct connections to some of

the leading French composers in Paris and VersaillesDelalandes parents were the

caretakers of the estate at Saint-Germain-en-Laye274 so it is almost inconceivable that he

did not make connections to the Stuarts who inhabited that estate from the time he was

thirty-two years old. Francois Couperin and Delalande worked together first at St.

Gervais some time before 1686, when Couperin worked as substitute organist for the post

officially held by Delalande.275 Couperin worked more closely with Delalande at the

Royal Chapel at Versailles after being personally appointed to the post by the king.276

David Tunley asserts that Delalande and Couperin cannot have failed to have been

involved in a musical rapport between Versailles and St. Germain.277

Couperin wrote three pieces with titles that refer to the Stuart court: the trio sonata

La Steinquerque, refers to the Battle of 1692 where the Duke of Berwick and Duc

DOrleans defeated William of Orange and was claimed by Couperin to be the first

French-composed trio sonata; La Milordine, a short character piece for harpsichord that

272
Ibid., 382.
273
Ibid.
274
David Tunley, Francois Couperin and the Perfection of Music, (Burlington,
VT: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2004), 42.
275
Tunley, Perfection of Music, 2.
276
Tunley, Perfection of Music, 2.
277
Tunley, Perfection of Music, 42.

93
served as a musical tribute to the Dutchess of Berwick, and Les Plaisirs de Saint-

Germain-en-Laye, whose title confirms beyond any doubt Couperins involvement with

the Stuart court.278

Stuart Musical Patronage in Exile

The Stuart kings were heirs to long traditions of expropriating continental music

as a signal of sophisticated receptivity to the finest music available as well as the practice

of the English court holding up its admiration of foreign music as emblematic of its own

musical modernity. The exile of the Stuart court to France in 1688 thrust these systems of

musical patronage into a new cultural light, as a court accustomed to appropriating the

power of foreign music to augment its own artistic prestige suddenly found itself a

foreign presence in a foreign land. How did the musical self-presentation of the Stuart

court respond to its new position as cultural outsiders in France?

I argue that the realities of exile affected the musical culture at the Stuart court in

three major ways, all of which pushed the court towards nearly exclusive patronage of

Italian music: first, the traditions of musical patronage at the French court were

dramatically different from those of the English court: royal patronage at the French court

aimed to establish a national style to be brandished as superior to the Italian style that

elsewhere dominated the European musical landscape. In this environment, the Stuart

court could not signal its cultural independence by patronizing French musicthat was

the domain of Louis XIV, who promoted the style of Lully as the standard of taste that

characterized his court. The Stuarts therefore found that the patronage of Italian music

paradoxically provided the best way to maintain a strong English identity in France, since

278
Tunley, Perfection of Music, 42.

94
to embrace a Lullian style would have been to be submerged in a culture virtually

personified by their host, Louis XIV. Second, Mary of Modena gained in power and

influence, reflecting a pronounced shift in the intersection of gendered power and cultural

patronage at the Stuart courtan English court now headed by an Italian Queen who, as

we will see, sought financial and political support from the Papacy and had every reason

to emphasize her Italian connections and Catholic identity. Third, Innocenzo Fede came

to the fore as the sole music director of the displaced court. As an Italian music director

working for an Italian Queen at a court that used the patronage of Italian music to

construct its cultural identity, Fede was suddenly in a much more powerful position than

he had been in London. Furthermore, in the absence of an Anglican chapel, Fede had a

confessional monopoly on religious music in exile. Hence it was a mix of religious,

gendered, and aesthetic factors that pushed the Stuarts towards presenting Italian styles in

a French context.

Mary of Modena as Musical Patron

Even before she had become Queen of England, indeed, from the moment of her

1673 arrival in London as the Duchess of York, there were some who hoped to discredit

her and the entire Stuart court by claiming that Mary of Modena was the real power

behind the throne. Much of the anti-Catholic rhetoric that led to the ouster of James II

involved rumors that Mary was a Catholic fanatic who controlled her husband and was

subverting the kingdom by means of an illegitimate prince.279 Atto Melani, as Tuscan

envoy to Paris, expressed a commonly held view when he reported home that the English
279
Marys household servants Isabella Wentworth, Mrs. Dawson, and the
Countess of Arran all remained firm that Mary had been virtuous and that her son was
legitimate. See Strickland, vol. 9, 222.

95
exiles had come to their fate because Mary had ruined James by her excessive control

over him and by her inflexible piety.280

Historians have largely been divided on the degree of Marys influence over her

husbands political policies; Bishop Gilbert Burnet, Lord Thomas Maculauy, and John

Callow are representative of those who perpetuate the image of Mary as a fanatic blindly

driving James II to his destruction.281 Others, such as Agnes Strickland, Martin Haile,

Mary Hopkirk, and Carola Oman, have tried to rehabilitate Marys image by denying

that she played any significant part in the politics of her age.282

While in his homeland, James II knew the intricacies of English government, was

older, and had more experience than Marythere was little need for him to consult her

on matters of state.283 She was not, however, incapableas early as 1675 Marshal

Montecuccoli, agent to London from Modena wrote of her position at court:

[Mary] speaks the language like a native of the countryThe Duke her
husband loves her tenderly, and does nothing without informing her. The
king recognizes her great spirit, and esteems it highlyThere can be no
doubt that she will be able to take a great part in affairs when she so
chooses.284

As it happened, the choice would be made of necessity; during the wars and depression

that followed the exile it fell to her to govern the Stuart court.

280
Oman, 151. Atto Melani was a noted singer and composer. His work is
included in Jacobite manuscript collections.
281
Gilbert Burnet, A History of his own Times (New York: Ulan Press,
2012); Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay, The History of England, (New York:
Penguin Books Ltd. 1983); John Callow, James II, 35.
282
Andrew Barclay, 78. It is perhaps significant that many of Marys detractors
have been male historians, while her defenders have for the most part been female.
283
Barclay, 79.
284
Montecuccoli quoted in Haile, 54. Marys linguistic ability was noteworthy
she was observed to speak alternately in fluent Italian, Latin, French and English
without mixing them or making the slightest mistake. See Strickland, , vol. 10, 61.

96
 Queen Mary held considerably more authority after the exile than she had before.

In London, Marys position was in some ways ornamental; like Fede, she had served as a

part of her husbands Italian cultural collection. As a foreigner, she remained outside of

the established circles of political power. In France, Mary was a natural leader. Not only

did she speak French beautifully and conduct herself with a grace that earned the

approval of the French court, she was already known and admired by many of the French

courtiers whom she had met while travelling to London in 1673. On that visit she had

made a very positive impression, especially on Louis XIV, who treated her as an

adopted daughter, and manipulated protocol to allow her to enjoy honors and avoid

embarrassment.285 He also gave her gifts, and was thought by some to have fallen in love

with her.286 When she returned to the French court as a exile, the king and courtiers found

her no less charmingafter she had been presented at his court, Louis XIV remarked,

see what a queen ought to be.287

Mary assumed a leadership role early in the exile by addressing the financial

needs of the court at war. By early March 1689, just over two months after losing his

kingdom, James left France for Ireland in an ill-fated attempt to lead a Catholic army

against William of Orange.288 Mary raised what money she could for the war effort by

285
Strickland, vol. 9, 240; Walking, 130131.
286
Antonia Fraser, Love and Louis XIV: The Women in the Life of the Sun
King (New York: Doubleday, 2006), 139; 223227.
287
Madame de Svign quoted in Strickland, vol. 10, 130. The Duc de St.
Simon in his memoirs appraised Marys character in glowing terms. See Duc de
Saint-Simon, Louis de Rouvroy, Mmoirs, vol. 15 (Paris: Editions Ramsay,1977),
4647.
288
Louis XIV, having provided arms, ships, and men for the invasion, said
to James II, I wish, Sir, I may never see you again; should fortune, however
decree otherwise, you will again find me, such as you have done. Dangeau, vol.
I, 157158.

97
selling her properties in Italy.289 Mary sold some of her personal jewels, adding the

revenue to her husbands war chest.290 It was a solution that she would turn to repeatedly

in time of need.

With James away fighting in Ireland, Queen Mary was left in charge of

establishing the court in exile on what were hoped to be temporary foundations. The first

task was accepting and arranging the services of servants and courtiers as they continued

to arrive to join the exiled court. On their arrival in France, the Stuarts had only a dozen

employeesthe rest of the staff was French servants provided by Louis XIVas more

and more English loyalists arrived, however, the Stuarts soon had over one hundred

English servants at court.291

As it became clear that the war in Ireland was going badly, Mary faced the task of

holding the court together in the face of growing certainty that there would be no

immediate Jacobite Restoration. Furthermore, it was of critical importance for Mary to

solidify continued support from Louis XIV whatever the outcome of the Irish campaign.

Her success in this endeavor won the praise of Lord Melfort, who wrote to the King in

Ireland:

I confess I never saw any one understand affairs better than the Queen,
and she has really gained so much esteem from [Louis XIV] here and his
ministers, that I am truly of the opinion, that if it had not been for her, the
wicked reports spread here had made your affairs go entirely wrong at the
court.292

As the court filled with servants, courtiers, and war veterans, Mary faced the problem of

arranging salaries and support for these new dependants; her solution was the gradual

289
Oman, 125.
290
Strickland, vol. 9, 234.
291
Oman, 166.
292
Lord Melfort quoted in Haile, 271272.

98
liquidation of the Crown Jewels as well as her own personal jewelry.293 This source of

funding allowed the Stuarts to maintain the officers and duties necessary for the structure

of their court.294

After the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, James returned to Saint-Germain-en-Laye

and began a gradual withdrawal into a life of religious penance and austerity.295 He

became deeply attached to the spiritual retreat at the monastery of La Trappe, known for

a penitential regime considered strict even by the standards of Benedictine discipline.296

In 1698 he wrote down a prayer in which he thanked God for the loss of his throne:

[I] do give thee most humble and hearty thanks, that thou were pleased to
have taken from me my three Kingdoms, by which means thou did awake
me out of lethargy of sin, in which I had continued, I should have been
forever lost, and out of thy goodness were pleased to banish me into a
foreign country, where I learnt to know what was the duties, of
Christianity, and endeavoured to perform them, after I had been some time
in this Kingdom [France], and at La Trappe, to inspire me with such a
portion of thy grace, as to endeavor to live as became a good Catholic, and
as thou knowest have endeavoured to perform it ever since my having
been at that holy place, though not with that perfection as became me, and

293
Strickland, vol. 9, 252
294
By 1690 the primary court appointments at St. Germain were established: the
Duke of Powis as Lord Chamberlain; the Earl of Dumbarton as Lord of the Bedchamber;
Robert Strickland and Colonel Porter as ViceChamberlains; Sir John Sparrow as Board
of the Green Cloth; Fergus Grahm as Privy Treasurer; Colonel Skelton (later J. Stafford)
as Comptroller, Sir William Waldegrave as Physicianinordinary. See Haile, 274.
295
The Battle of the Boyne, at which James IIs forces were crushed by those of
William of Orange commanded by Marshall Meinhard Schomberg, is analyzed in great
detail by Michael McNally in Battle of the Boyne 1690: The Irish Campaign for the
English Crown (New York: Osprey Publishing, 2005). Also see Haile, 307308. Jacobite
attempts to regain the throne for the Stuarts would continue until 1745, when James IIs
grandson, Bonnie Prince Charlie led a failed invasion of Scotland. See Michael
Barthorp and G. A. Embleton, The Jacobite Rebellions, 16891745 (London: Reed
International Books, Ltd., 1982).
296
Oman, 172. A contemporary description of La Trappe is offered by Louis de
Rouvroy, duc de Saint-Simon, Memoirs of Louis XIV and the Regency, trans. Bayle St.
John (Paris: Walter Dunne Publisher, 1901), vol. 1, 59.

99
 now most humbly beg of thy divine goodness, to give me the grace to
perform it.297

Mary formed a similar spiritual attachment with the convent of Chaillot, but also

assumed a position of responsibility at that institution even as she continued to manage

affairs at the court at Saint-Germain-en-Layein 1690 she agreed to serve as the

convents official patroness (protectrice), writing that since God had not granted her the

happiness of being a nun, he might grant her the power of being able to procure the good

of the whole institute.298 As a gift to the sisters of Chaillot, Mary commissioned

devotional paintings by Gennari; she also commissioned paintings by Gennari and de

Largillire for Louis XIV, for Catherine of Braganza who had returned to Portugal, and

for her own chapel at Saint-Germain-en-Laye.299

Mary had more worldly concerns as the Stuart court in exile took shape in the

early 1690s. One result of her husbands new piety was that he was now faithful to her

and would remain so for the rest of his life.300 The court also had become filled with

dependents and it was not clear how the Stuarts could support them all. This financial

responsibility would materially dampen efforts to retake the British throne; in 1694 the

Abb Rendaudot observed that the Stuarts could not afford to maintain their agents in

297
Trinity College, Dublin, MS 3529, ff. 6263. Cited and reproduced in Callow,
Triumph and Tragedy, 9899
298
Hale, 273274. Marys correspondence with the leading nuns at Chaillot
accounts for the largest body of her extant letters. See Falconer Madan, Stuart Papers
Relating Chiefly to Mary of Modena.
299
[I]t was Mary of Modena rather than Jameswho had never taken a
particular interest in commissioning art of any kindwho took the lead in
ordering new devotional canvases. Callow, King in Exile, 238. For more about
painting and portraiture of the exiled court see Edward Corp, chapter seven, The
Portraits of the Stuarts and their Courtiers in A Court in Exile, 180201; Also see
Edward Corp, The King Over the Water: Portraits of the Stuarts in Exile after
1689 (Edinburgh: Trustees of the National Galleries of Scotland, 2001).
300
Henceforward, Jamess virtue was to be equal to her own. Haile, 229.

100
London: they have no longer the means of sending to England, to those who have the

wish to render them service. While the Stuarts struggled to pay their spies, they were

themselves beset by agents working for William of Orangethe court at St. Germain was

so notoriously riddled with espionage that it was necessary for the Jacobites to write all

political correspondence in cipher.301 The situation was so well known that in 1693

Ambassador Rizzini wrote, Their British Majesties lie under the fatality of having had in

their service the greatest number of open or secret traitors, unknown persons, or reputed

unworthy of their favor.302

Considerable financial help came from the French court: Louis XIV allowed the

Stuarts fifty thousand francs per month for household expenses.303 At first this amount

seemed almost excessive, but it would prove insufficient as the Stuart court grew.

Apart from French help, the Stuarts hoped that the Catholic powers of Europe

would provide financial, military, and political assistance.304 Mary wrote to the newly

elected Pope Alexander VIII for help in 1689:

Your Holiness can give [James II] this help in two ways. The first is a sum
of money to supply his pressing needs [the other] is to obtain peace
among the Catholic princes, which would make it impossible for the
usurper to retain the Kings dominions, for not only would the Most

301
Principal Jacobite figures went by various code names, e.g. Mary of Modena
was Mr. Wisely, or Mrs. Whitely, or Artleys spouse, etc. See Strickland, vol. 9, 242. For
information on Jacobite espionage and counterespionage, see Hugh Douglas, Jacobite
Spy Wars: Moles, Rogues and Treachery (Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing Limited,
1999); Eveline Cruickshanks, ed., Ideology and Conspiracy: Aspects of Jacobitism,
18891759 (Edinburgh: 1982); Mary Hopkirk, chapter 10, Cloak and Dagger in The
Queen Over the Water, 222241; John Callow, King in Exile, 228;
302
Rizzini to the Duke of Modena, letter of 11 February 1693, quoted in Haile,
272.
303
James II had requested from Louis XIV only half that amount. See Dangeau,
vol. I, 146; Strickland, vol. 9, 222.
304
Oman, 155.

101
 Christian King have his hands set free, but the other princeswould give
[James] their aid.305

Contrary to Marys expectations, the Catholic powers of Europe would not put aside their

differences in the interest of the beleaguered Stuartsby aligning themselves with Louis

XIV, the Stuarts had placed themselves against the Hapsburg Emperor and all those who

opposed the power of France.306 Years later Mary still held out hopes for a Papal

intervention:

[N]o order has arrived from Rome regarding our poor Jacobites; on the
contrary the Pope [Innocent XII] is very ill, and I think he will die without
having given any, so we resolved yesterday to sell a few jewels to pay the
pensions for September, and then we shall do the same each month unless
help comes from elsewhere, of which I see no likelihood.307

Political opposition to French interests even prevented Mary from receiving

assistance from her family in Modena; her brother Francesco II left money and properties

to her in his will but his successor, Marys uncle Rinaldo, refused to honor this because

of his political alliance with the Holy Roman Emperor against France.308 Rinaldo, like the

Pope, would not take action that could be seen to bolster a Stuart claim to succession at

Modena.309

Mary also looked for income from an unlikely sourcethe British parliament. By

rights she could still claim payment of her dowry annuity that had been promised to her

305
Letter from the Vatican Archives, quoted in Haile, 259.
306
Hopkirk, 220; 230.
307
Letter of 29 August 1700 from Mary of Modena at St. -Germain-en-Laye to the
Mre Dpose of Chaillot Convent, quoted in Haile, 344.
308
When Louis XIV learned that Francesco II had died, he put the French court
into mourning in honor of Queen Marys grief: This evening there was neither a drawing
room nor a play: the death of the duke of Modena has suspended all diversions, on the
Queen of Englands account. Dangeau, 27 September 1694, vol, I, 269. Also see Oman,
184; Callow, King in Exile, 225.
309
Oman, 184; Hopkirk, 220.

102
for life under the terms of her marriage contract. William of Orange, however, had no

intention of allowing his government to send financial support to his enemies;

ambassador Rizzini wrote to the Duke of Modena that there was no chance of his sister

receiving funds from England: Orange has declared that he will not give money which

he suspects will be used against him.310 This position may have been understandable,

but it was clearly illegal and Mathew Prior, secretary to the British embassy in Paris, was

forced to write home for advice on how he was to respond when challenged on the

subject:

Do we intend, my dear master, to give her fifty thousand pounds

per annum, or not? If we do not, I (or rather my Lord Jersey)
should now be furnished with some chicaning answers when we
are pressed on that point, for it was fairly promisedthat is
certain.311

In the end, William of Orange produced the solution that seemed best to him: he

saw that the money was provided by the British parliament, but kept it from his

enemies by putting it in his own pocket.312

310
Letter from Rizzini to Duke of Modena, 25, January 1699. Quoted in Haile,
337.
311
Letter from Mathew Prior to Lord Halifax, quoted in Strickland, vol. 9, 279.
Also see Oman, 187188.
312
Haile, 337. The British government refused to deliver dowry payments to Mary
of Modena until 1714, when she was given 11, 750 of the 47,000 pounds she was owed.
See Strickland, vol. 10, 139; Dangeau, 25 June 1714, vol. II, 325326. In 1702 some of
the women of Marys court received payments from the British Parliament: King
William has lately ordered the payment of the dower of those widows who are attached to
the person of the Queen of England at Saint Germain; the parliament has forced him to
this measure. The duchess of Tyrconnel, who has dower of 18,000 francs, has already
received it. Dangeau, 20 March 1702, vol. II, 47.

103
Innocenzo Fede and the Musicians of the Exiled Court

Musicians from the several musical departments of the Whitehall court

followed the king into exile: They included several members of the kings

Catholic chapel, the entire establishment of the Queens chapel and some of the

ceremonial musicians.313 That the entire ensemble of the Queens chapel chose

to follow the court into exile suggests that Mary of Modena was a figure of great

influence among the court musicians. The Anglican Chapel Royal, unsurprisingly

because of its institutional connection to English Protestantism, contributed not a

single musician to the exiled court.314 The queen took it upon herself to rally the

loyal musicians (the majority of whom had served in her personal chapel in

London) and to organize the court musical programs while her husband was

fighting in Ireland.

After the Battle of the Boyne it was clear that there would be no

immediate Stuart Restoration. James retired to France all but resolved to live out

his life as a pious martyr. He returned to Saint-Germain-en-Laye in the summer of

1689, and made permanent arrangements for his royal household in exile. A

complete list of all the musicians employed at Saint-Germain-en-Laye is difficult

to construct, due to the partial nature of the pay records and other lists, as well as

the tendency of the court to recruit musicians at need without records of

permanent employment. Still, a number of musicians, including Fede, Gian-

Battista Casale, Johann Abel, and Jacques Paisible were assigned permanent

313
Corp, A Court in Exile, 203.
314
Corp, A Court in Exile, 203.

104
salaries.315 In addition, several members of the court are known to have been

amateur musicians who contributed significantly to the concerts at court. These

include Sir William Waldegrave, John Caryll (the kings physician, former

ambassador to Rome, and secretary of state), and David Nairne, the under-

secretary of state.316

James Paisible resided at St. Germain until 1693, when he returned to

London to pursue a career in chamber performance and musical theater.317 His

reasons for leaving the exiled court are unknown, but given the glamour

traditionally assigned by the Stuart court to foreign musicians, his status must

have shifted upon arriving in his native landas a Frenchman in London he

symbolized imported sophistication; he could hardly represent the same thing in

France. To signal a progressive patronage of music from abroad, the Stuart court

in France had more reason than ever to emphasize its taste in Italian music and

give primacy of place to the Italian music director, Innocenzo Fede.

In London Fede had been Master of Music at the Catholic Chapel, in

which capacity he oversaw music for royal Catholic worship, but he was excluded

from the Anglican services that were led by such luminaries as Henry Purcell and

John Blow. His position was therefore considerably augmented when the court

took up residence at Saint-Germain-en-Laye, because he suddenly became sole

Master of Music for the entire court. Performative aspects of Fedes musical

administration are impossible to reconstruct; contemporary accounts do not record

315
Corp, The Exiled Court, 221.
316
Corp, The Exiled Court, 221222.
317
Born Jacques Paisible in France c. 1656, his wife Mary Moll Davis
was an amateur singer at court, and a former mistress of Charles II.

105
specific musical events at Saint-Germain-en-Laye, only that there were recitals at

court and accompaniment to religious services.318 Instead, evidence for Fedes

musical activities is embodied in surviving musical manuscripts, including seven

volumes now in the Bibliothque Nationale in Paris. These were compiled as

Fedes musical library and therefore offer a perspective on the repertoire at Saint-

Germain-en-Laye.319 For the most part, these volumes contain works by leading

Italian (predominantly Roman) composers, but also pieces by Stuart composers

who had worked in the Catholic chapelJames Paisible, Gottfried Finger, and

Fede himself. The arias, cantatas, sonatas by Fede that are found in these

volumes, as well as in manuscripts now in Versailles and Berkeley, California, are

to be treated later in chapters three and four.

Fedes duties not only included directing all the musical activities, but also

instructing the royal children in both music and Italian.320 Given that there were

many noble children at the chateau in the early years of the exile, it seems

probable that it fell to Fede to educate many of them as well. 321 Fede was a

devoted servant of the Stuart family, and remained at Saint-Germain-en-Laye

318
Edward T. Corp, The Exiled Court, 216231; Callow, King in Exile,
232.
319
See the endnote by Jean Lionnet in Graham Dixon, Purcells Italianate
Circle, The Purcell Companion, ed. Michael Burden (Boston: Faber and Faber,
1995), 3851; Corp, A Court in Exile, 206209.
320
Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique, 1418. The upbringing of the
young prince James was formally entrusted to the guardianship of James Earl of
Perth, whose correspondence is published by William Jerdan, ed., Letters from
James Earl of Perth (London: Nichols and Son, for the Camden Society, 1845).
321
James and Mary also provided for the education of the children in exile
by sending them to the English Colleges at St. Omer and Rome. George
Collingwood and Christopher Piggot, two of the boys of the Queens chapel were
educated in Latin at her expense. See Callow, King in Exile, 223.

106
until 1719, when the death of Mary of Modena brought an end to the Stuart

inhabitation of that chteau (although Jacobite supporters continued on there until

the French revolution).322

Even more important to the Stuarts Italian musical collection than the

manuscript library was their Italian court music director, Innocenzo Fede. Just as

collecting and supporting Italian music at court bolstered their claim to cultural

relevancy, the Stuarts could point to Fede as evidence of musical sophistication.

Fede functioned at court not only as a cultural feather in the royal cap, but also as

the catalyst to bring the music of the manuscript collection to life through

performance under his direction. By his presence and participation he transformed

the Stuart music collection from an intangible hoard into a present and usable

asset. Furthermore, Fedes background as a Roman chapel musician lent him

valuable association with the musical heart of Roman Catholicism. His mere

presence at the Stuart court emphasized the confessional identity so important to

both Mary and James.

Fede was not only a director of music, but also the court composer and

was expected to contribute his own works to the court manuscript collections. An

important distinction must therefore be drawn between Italian music that was

collected abroad for inclusion in the Stuart musical archives, and musical pieces

composed at the court by its resident Italian composer; copies of known works by

famous composers added a certain inherent worth to the collection immediately

322
Edwin and Marion Sharpe Grew, The English Court in Exile (London:
Mills & Boon, Limited, 1911).

107
upon their acquisition, whereas Fedes pieces would not automatically accrue any

value outside of their context of having been locally composed by a trained Italian

musician. Fede therefore had to compose his pieces with the expectation that they

would be immediately evaluated through practice and performance. It would not

have benefitted him or his reputation to compose pieces that were beyond the

abilities of the courtiers to perform, since only through positive reception would

his works be assured a place in the court repertoire.

Interaction between the French and Stuart Courts

When the exile began, Louis XIV was most fond of his palace at Marly,

which then rivaled Versailles and was very close to Saint-Germain-en-Laye.323

The Stuarts had to observe the rigorous formality of French court culture, where

as reigning monarchs they were given the highest level of honor beginning with

the earliest visits in December 1688.324 As the de jure king and queen of England,

James and Mary were always given the best places at French royal ceremonies.325

In January 1689, Louis tried to entertain the Stuarts by taking them to see

Racines Esther as well as Ballet, where Mary was always seated between the two

kings.326

In 1691, the English court visited Versailles, Marli, and Fontainebleau

regularly, but rarely went to Paris except to visit churches.327 That summer Louis

XIV entertained his English guests relentlessly at Marli and Versailles, where
323
Oman, 153.
324
Strickland, vol. 9, 223.
325
Oman, 183.
326
Strickland, vol. 9, 228.
327
Strickland, vol. 9, 242.

108
musical performances were given nightly.328 The marriage of the duke du Maine

and mademoiselle de Charolais on 19 March, 1692, to which Louis XIV invited

James II as well as all the princes and princesses of the blood, offered music,

cards before dinner for the enjoyment of the guests.329

By 1697 Louis XIV, having been reduced to insolvency by nine years of

the War of the League of Augsburg,330 acquiesced to the treaty of Ryswick in

which he recognized William III but refused to expel the Stuarts.331 Nevertheless,

Louis continued to treat James and Mary as though they had retained their titles in

that they continued to receive sovereign honors at his court.332 Records from the

Sainte-Chapelle give details of the honors accorded to the Stuarts during their

visit for the feast of St. Louis on 25 August 1699:

Monsieur the Treasurer assembled the [Society of Jesus] in the

sacristy immediately after the procession, since the king and the
queen of England had informed him they would be leaving Saint-
Germain-en-Laye before two oclock to arrive at the Sainte-
Chapelle at around four oclock.that the tapissier would be
instructed to bring a carpet to be laid between the high altar and the
door to the choir; that at the foot of the high altar a prie-dieu
covered in crimson velvet embellished all around with gold fringe
would be set in placewith two armchairs of the same pattern for
the king and queen and several stools to be behind the ladies in

328
Dangeau describes admirable musical performances as commonplace at
Versailles. See Dangeau, 13 January 1715, vol. II, 341. Oman, 167.
329
Dangeau, vol. I, 228.
330
The War of the League of Augsburg (also known as the War of the
Grand Alliance, or the Second Coalition, 16891697) saw the kingdom of France
standing alone against the Holy Roman Empire, Sweden, Spain, England, and the
United Netherlands. The disastrous effects of this war on the economy of France
are analyzed in Goubert, Louis XIV and Twenty Million Frenchmen, especially in
Chapter Eleven, The Second Coalition (16891697), 193222. Also see Frances
Mossiker, Madame de Svign, A Life and Letters (New York: Columbia
University Press, 1983), 433.
331
Strickland, vol. 9, 242.
332
Strickland, vol. 9, 242.

109
 their retinue; that the little organ in the middle of the choir would
be moved toward the left-side stalls of Messieurs the Canons
where the musical ensemble will be placed; that since Saint
Louiss crown of thorns is displayed on the altar from the
procession until the end of vespers, the true cross given to kings
for worship would [also] be displayed there.333

Additionally, the presence of the Stuarts required that Mar-Antoine

Charpentier, newly installed as music master at the Sainte-Chapelle, prepare a

musical program in their honor:

Monsieur the Treasurer told the [society of Jesus] that the king of
England had sent one of his chaplains to inform him that he and
the queen had vowed to visit the Sainte-Chapelle on the Feast of
Saint Louis between four and five oclock to attend Salut [evening
service] there, whereupon it was announced that the vespers bells
be rung at one-thirty for [vespers] to begin at two oclock sharp.
Inasmuch as there is [normally] no Salut on that day, the music
master [should] be alerted to prepare a motet and a few other
prayers with a Domine Salvum fac Regem set to music.334

The Stuart children were treated with sovereign dignity, whatever the terms of the

treaty of Ryswick; the pomp surrounding the movements of the young prince

James was observed with surprise by a visiting English noble in 1700:

Last Thursday was a great day here. The Prince of Wales, as they
call him, went in state to Nostre Dame and was received by the
Archbishop of Paris with the same honours as if the French king
had been himself there.all the English that are here ran to see
him I must confess I am surprised to see things of this nature so
often335

333
Archives nationales de France, Registres de la Sainte-Chapelle, LL 609, fol.
66v67. Quoted in Catherine Cessac, Marc-Antoine Charpentier, trans. E. Thomas
Glasow (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1995), 371.
334
Archives nationales de France, Registres de la Sainte-Chapelle, LL 609, fol. 66.
Quoted in Cessac, 371.
335
The Earl of Manchester to the Earl of Jersey, letter of 22 May 1700. Quoted in
Haile, 342.

110
 Like his host Louis XIV, James II became increasingly devout in his later

years, and less interested in participating in the secular aspects of life. In his

personal Papers of Devotion he describes music for dance and theater as

dangerous, and not very proper for such as have a mind to live well.336

Nevertheless, Queen Mary related that he continued to enjoy watching the

dancing at the French court even late at night when he was ill:

The king had some fever a week ago, which did not prevent him
hunting at Marly, where he went the day before yesterday, and
stayed until one oclock in the morning watching the young people
and the old ones dance. I take very little pleasure in that, and when
it is over I feel very tired.337

Nevertheless, music and dance were central to courtly entertainment at both the

French and the English court; James and Mary were both present at a masked ball

given by the French court at Marli on 4 January 1700, where prominent courtiers

participated in choreography with professional dancers from the Opera.338

A sudden stroke on Friday, 4 march 1701, caused James II to fall forward

into a faint while kneeling at mass at St. Germain;339 he received the highest

336
Godfrey Davies, ed. The Papers of Devotion of James II (London, 1925). The
date of this writing is uncertain, as the Papers of Devotion were posthumously assembled
from loose-leaf musings that James II wrote over several decades.
337
Mary of Modena to Mre Dpose of Chaillot, February 1699, quoted in Haile,
337.
338
Dangeau described the event in a diary entry for 4 January, 1700, vol. I,
409410.
339
Upon hearing that James II had been stricken, Louis XIV sent a
physician who reported that the King of Englands disorder appeared to him very
serious, and that one side of his body was entirely paralyzed, Dangeau, 11 March
1701, vol. II, 8.

111
honors until the very end, as Louis XIV sent him to take the waters at Bourbon

and ordered that he and Mary be received everywhere as ruling sovereigns.340

After the death of James II in 1702, Louis XIV recognized James III as the

legitimate British monarch and continued to give him the honors which had been

due his father;341 Mary was thereafter always seated between the two kings, but

one was now her son rather than her husband.342 Louis XIV continued regularly to

visit St. Germain in state, and even more frequently in private with Mme de

Maintenon; he always invited the Stuart court to ftes whenever they occurred at

Marly, Versailles, and Trianon, giving Stuart courtiers high honors and giving

Mary precedence over every lady at the French court.343

From the beginning of his reign James III enjoyed the arts and

entertainments available at the French court, some of which he had never

encountered before; the French courtier Dangeau recorded This evening there

340
Dangeau recorded: The King has appointed the marquis dUrf to accompany
the King of England in the journey he is about to take to Bourbon; he has it in charge, to
see that the honours, due to his dignity of King, be paid him in all the towns he passes
through. He also noted that Louis XIV gives the King of England a hundred thousand
livres amonth during his journey; it is believed he will not return till the month of June;
moreover, [Louis] maintains a hundred and twenty horses for his equipage, and furnishes
him every accommodation for his journey. Dangeau, 21 March and 4 April 170, vol. II,
10. Also see Oman, 190.
341
As James II lay dying in mid-September 1701, Louis XIV approached
his bedside and swore to James and Mary that he would recognize their son as
James III, king of Ireland, Scotland, and England. Dangeau presents a narrative of
this conversation and the surrounding events in diary entries of 329 September
1701, vol. II, 2229.
342
Strickland, volume 10, 37. The protocol of a visit by Queen Mary and James III
to the French court on the occasion of a fireworks display is described by Dangeau in a
diary entry for 12 August, 1704, vol. II, 9596.
343
Strickland, volume 10, 4142. Dangeau reported that Louis always had Mary
seated at his right hand even in the carriage, though this is not usually the etiquette in
France. Dangeau, 10 August 1707, vol. II, 146.

112
was a play; the King of England was highly diverted. He had not only never seen,

but had never even read one.344 Three days later he wrote, the King of England,

who was much diverted here; he is a very handsome prince, and makes himself

much beloved.345 The younger Stuarts were keenly interested in the music and

dance of the French court; the young James III and his sister the princess Louise

Marie danced the first minuet at a ball at Marly in Februarly 1704.346 At this as at

all other occasions, Louis XIV refused to sit while James III was dancing.347

The French courtiers found princess Louise Marie particularly charming at

court musical events; at the age of fourteen she debuted at a ball on 8 January

1705, where she danced very well with the young Duc de Berri, winning the

greatest applause, which has given rise to the report that there is a project of

marriage between them.348 On 23 July of the same year she and the Duc de Berri,

together with her brother the King and several young French and English ladies,

gathered at Trianon for merriment that included dancing to vocal music.349 Louise

was passionately fond of music and attended the opera frequently enough that she

gained a reputation for singing along with the performances and afterwards

344
Dangeau, 12 October 1703, vol. II, 8182.
345
Dangeau, 15 October 1703, vol. II, 82.
346
Oman, 392; Strickland, volume 10, 37; St. Simon. Vol. iv, 395396.
347
[Louis XIV] always stood while the King of England was dancing, an honour
which he would have hesitated to confer on more fortunate monarchs. Louis would
dispense with some formalities when the younger Stuarts would visit his court without
their mother: When the Queen of England does not come, [Louis] does not go to meet
them. Dangeau, 23 February 1705, vol. II, 100101. Oman, 392; Strickland, volume 10,
37; St. Simon. Vol. iv, 395396.
348
Haile, 391392.
349
Dangeau, 23 July 1705, vol. II, 107.

113
singing the airs that she particularly enjoyed.350 Louise also enjoyed country-

dances and would keep a violinist at hand for this purpose when other young

nobles gathered at St. Germain.351

Mary was proud of Louises cultured tasteshe wrote, [Louise] was

passionately fond of music, songs, and poetry, and took the delight in those

amusements which was natural to her time in life, although she was far from

being carried away by pleasures of that kind.352 Mary evidently agreed with

Castiglione that passion for music is best suited to young people, becoming less

appropriate in proportion to the age and enthusiasm of the practitioner.353 Marys

approval of music may have been qualified by its context, but she was completely

in favor of musical worshipin 1713 she walked from Chaillot convent to the

convent at Longchamps to hear the famously skilled choir; she was so delighted

in the beautiful singing that she and her ladies stayed for vesper services, and

were so late getting back to Chaillot that they were locked out.354 Mary was also

350
Oman, 173; the Duchess de Lauzun described Louisa at the opera as
transported. Strickland, volume 10, 98.
351
Strickland, volume 10, 64.
352
From a letter from Mary of Modena to Chaillot convent c. 1712, cited in
Strickland, volume 10, 98.
353
Castiglione advised generally that things that are praiseworthy in themselves
often become very inappropriate when practiced out of season, and that music
specifically was better pursued by the young than the old. See Baldassare Castiglione,
The Book of the Courtier (Mineola, New York: Dover Publications, 2003), 64; 87. Also
see Donald Fader, The Honnte homme as Music Critic, 811.
354
Strickland, vol. 10, 123. For an early history of the convent at Longchamp, see
Sean L. Field, Isabelle of France: Capetian Sanctity and Franciscan identity in the
Thirteenth Century (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2006).

114
reconciled to her daughters enjoyment of opera when Louise told her that some

of the operatic choruses reminded her of the music she heard in church.355

Marys Patronage of Cantata

Secular vocal music, in the form of cantatas and arias, held an important

place at the Stuart court in exilea fact made clear by the preponderance of

Italian vocal pieces within the surviving manuscript repertoire. Why did a British

court, especially one with an obvious political need to emphasize a native

legitimacy, adopt this Italian vocal genre for so much of its own musical culture?

While we have seen in chapter one that a significant and traditional motive for

Stuart musical patronage was the courts need to express capability and

sophistication through musical expropriation, there are other cultural factors that

account for the prevalence of Italian cantata at the exiled court than its value as a

marker of respectability.

The most obvious reason for the prolific cultivation of Italian music at the

exiled court was the powerful influence of the Italian queen, Mary of Modena. At

the time of exile the power center of Stuart patronage shifted dramatically as

James was overwhelmed by his political overthrow and failed military campaign.

Mary became the primary figure of Stuart cultural authority. In addition while

patronage of the French style of Lullian airs and dances had helped to generate an

image of sophistication for the Stuarts in London, it could hardly gain them any

credit in France. More importantly, it might have made the Stuarts seem to be

355
The Princess may have observed a similarity between opera and motet, rather
than, as Strickland supposed, between opera and chant. See Strickland, vol. 10, 99.

115
competing with Louis XIV at his own game and in his own realm, which would

not have been at all desirable. Italian music was therefore more valuable even

than it had been in London for the purposes of the Stuarts paradigm of

constructing an image of itself through musical patronage. Furthermore,

Innocenzo Fede had been one of many royal composers in London, while in exile

he became the sole music director and primary composer. With an Italian maestro

di capella working for an Italian patroness in an environment that all but

precluded the patronage of French music, it not surprising that Italian musical

styles and genres formed the bulk of the repertoire of the Stuart court in exile.

Furthermore, the circumstances of the court in exile, together with Marys

personal sense of dignity and propriety, made cantata the genre of Italian music

best suited to the courts needs and resources. Opera was unquestionably the most

popular and most impressive genre of Italian music, the obvious choice for a court

trying to generate an image of musical worthiness. Indeed, the Stuarts in exile

were living at the palace of Saint-Germain-en-Laye, which housed the theater

where several of Lullys operas had been premired. It would seem that they were

almost uniquely situated to enjoy the production of Italian opera and the cultural

glory associated with it. This course was prohibited, however, by three factors:

first, the expense associated with operatic performance was beyond the means of

the court. Second, French patent laws at the time made it very difficult to gain

permission to perform an opera, essentially reserving operatic performance rights

to the heirs of Lully. Third and most importantly, the public and voyeuristic

aspect of operatic performance were contrary to Marys personal and religious

116
sense of morality. Cantata on the other hand, could be performed at practically no

expense, required no legal permission, and was an avenue for the poetry, passion,

and musical forms of opera to be performed for the courtiers behind closed doors

where there could be no hint of social impropriety.

The Stuart court in exile was markedly different in terms of character,

society, and political hierarchy than it had been in Londonsince James had all

but abdicated his leadership role, it had fallen to Mary of Modena to preside over

a musical culture affordable under the strained circumstances of exile, as well as

acceptable to her modesty and deeply religious principles. Cantata was a small-

scale musical form capable of reflecting the powerful passions of opera, but

remained intimately private. In the face of financial uncertainty, cantata was

affordable. Given the limited human resources available in exile, cantata was

practical and performable. These attractions were particularly suited to Marys

taste, needs, and sense of propriety.

The Stuarts sought to enhance the prestige of their court as a recognizable

center of progressive culture by eagerly consuming the musical exports of Italy

like highly-prized merchandise.356 The exile of 1688 by no means ended this

trend of artistic patronage. Now that James II had been ignominiously thrust from

his palace and country, he had every political need to reclaim his authority by

projecting an image of royal majesty. The Stuarts needed to generate a court

culture befitting their continued claim to state sovereignty; the cultivation of

Italian music, especially the genres of aria and cantata that were so widely

356
Patrick Barbier, The World of the Castrati, 174.

117
respected throughout Europe, offered a means for the Stuarts to surround

themselves with high culture while simultaneously supporting that culture through

patronage.

The remarkable flourishing of Italian secular vocal music at the exiled

Stuart court is primarily attributable to the central importance of Queen Mary of

Modena. Her correspondence makes clear that throughout the courts time in

France, James became increasingly withdrawn from the government of courtly

affairsMary was the real source of social leadership and cohesion, as well as

political authority and financial revenue.357 While in London she had been an

ornament to James and a symbol of his championing of Italian culture and Roman

Catholicism. Her nationality and confessional alignment had been symbolic not

only for James and his pro-Roman faction, but also for his fervently anti-Catholic

enemies. To them, she represented something that was unacceptable in an English

court and ultimately became a rallying point for the political opposition. By

contrast, after the loyal remnants of the Stuart court regrouped in France, she

became the stalwart leader of the exiled courtiers, the idol of her shattered

husband, and perhaps most importantly, the respected friend and ally of their

French hosts. As the arbiter elegantiae of the Stuart court, her musical

preferences were adopted as the common standard. It can hardly be surprising that

her personal tastes were focused on the music of her native Italy, which she had

loved since her childhood. Having left Modena as a teenager, never to return,

357
Much of Marys correspondence during the exile is collected in
Falconer Madan, Stuart Papers Relating Chiefly to Mary of Modena and the
Exiled Court of King James II (London: Published for the Roxburghe Club by
J.D. Nichols & Sons, 1889).

118
Mary naturally favored the musical arts that she had loved and learned as a girl, if

only to maintain a psychological connection with her family and homeland.

In addition to its practical economic and social appeal, Italian vocal

chamber music was very well suited to the strongly religious and moral views of

the court, especially those of the queen. French operatic libretti devoted to the

dramatic exploration of romantic longing and sexual passion would have offended

the sensibilities to those who professed an adherence to the ideals of piety and

chastity; even Louis XIV had stopped attending the theater as his religious

devotion increased during the 1680s. But the subject matter itself was not the real

point of objection to Marys sense of moral decorum. Rather, it was the public

nature of operatic performance: actors and actresses displaying themselves as they

portrayed characters in the throes of the most intimate passions, the voyeuristic

gaze of the audience, and the scandalous behavior associated with the theater

which included well-known sexual liaisons between actresses and prominent

members of the nobility. To be sure, the subject matter of Italian cantata was

every bit as concerned with romance and sexuality as was French opera, and in

fact was given to considerably freer poetic expression of the torments of love and

pleasures of sex, but it was not designed to be displayed before a general

audience. The private nature of cantata performance358 precluded any danger of

358
Norbert Dubowy has called the seventeenthcentury cantata the most
intimate and private genre one could imagine at that time. See Dubowy, Al
tavolino medesimo del Compositor della Musica: Notes on Text and Context in
Alessandro Scarlattis cantate da camera, Aspects of the Secular Cantata in Late
Baroque Italy, ed., Michael Talbot (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company,
2009), 116.

119
public indecency, and the dramatic dialogues produced less of any immodest

behavior that might have offended the devout Queen.

The small-scale nature of cantata production, beyond making it an

acceptably private expression of sensuality, had a more obvious appeal to Marys

needs: the economic and social conditions of the exiled court made this genre an

especially appropriate choice for musical performance. There was a continually

severe shortage of funds at St. Germain, as well as a limited supply of skilled

instrumentalists. Italian cantata, requiring only one or two vocalists and continuo,

was a genre perfectly suited for a musically sophisticated court with such limited

means. Moreover, cantata allowed the courtiers themselves to perform as singers

or continuo instrumentalists; otherwise underemployed courtiers in exile could

participate in the generation of a sophisticated musical culture at virtually no

expense to the Queen. Many of the courtiers were capable singers or had some

form of instrumental training, and cantata performance allowed them to

participate directly in a musical culture necessary for maintaining the dignity of

the exiled court.

Conclusions

The Stuart court in exile found itself forced to address conditions that made its

customary way of presenting itself obsolete. Accustomed to a mode of self-fashioning

that relied on the sponsorship of foreign music to signal its own sophistication, the

Stuarts in exile were suddenly foreigners themselves, surrounded by a French musical

culture that they had been accustomed to appropriate in London. In this new

environment, the patronage choices available to exiled English court were limited by the

120
French courts cultural claim to the Lullian musical tradition; since the Stuarts could not

hope to achieve musical distinction in that medium, the patronage of Italian music

became the most productive means of signaling an independent and relevant musical

culture.

Patronage of Italian music at Saint-Germain-en-Laye had different resonance than

in London because, James II having renounced his interest in managing the worldly

affairs of the court, Mary of Modena was now in charge of raising money, managing

daily affairs, and overseeing the patronage of music and other arts. Similarly, the musical

establishment of the court, which in London had been organized into several fairly

distinct forces such as the Anglican and Catholic chapels and the Kings Private Music,

in exile was under the exclusive control of Innocenzo Fede. The Stuart court, accustomed

to demonstrating cultural virtue through conspicuous appreciation of Italian and other

foreign musical traditions, was now living in France and led by an Italian patroness with

an Italian musical director.

This Stuart approach towards patronage contrasted sharply with that of the French

court, which sought cultural legitimacy not through the sponsorship of foreign music, but

through the construction of an image of French music as culturally superior. State

sponsorship and academic oversight gave official sanction to the dance-oriented style

championed by Lully; legal guidelines minimized competition to the Lullian style and

helped to establish it an almost sacrosanct national treasure. Foreign music, especially

Italian music, was a potential threat to the primacy of French musical culture and

received no favor at the royal court. The death of Lully in 1687, which immediately

preceded the arrival of the English exiles, was a watershed moment for the French

121
musical tradition that provided an opportunity for French musicians to explore new ways

of shaping the French musical identity.

I argue that the Stuart courts self-constructive tradition of patronizing foreign

music provided a model of hybridity that was appropriated by French composers. The

final decade of the seventeenth century saw a sudden spike of interest in the Italian style

among French composers, at the same time that cosmopolitan and pro-Italian musical

fashions arrived from across the channel by the displaced Stuart court. In the wake of the

death of Lully in 1687, French composers began to experiment with the newly imported

genres of sonata and cantata. The political, cultural, and economic realities at the

cosmopolitan court at St. -Germain served to mingle musical cultures and demonstrate to

visiting French musicians that such blending was desirable. While the Stuart library of

Italian musical manuscripts was an important resource for Parisian musicians, the most

important Stuart contribution to France was the English enthusiasm for musical hybridity.

Couperin and other French composers drew from the English court an understanding that

receptivity to foreign influence in music could signal a worldly sophistication rather than

simply a betrayal of the native tradition

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 CHAPTER THREE

THE ARIAS AND CANTATAS OF INNOCENZO FEDE

Among the musical genres that Innocenzo Fede (c.1660c.1732) chose to engage,

cantata provides the richest field of his remaining compositional artifacts. Fedes efforts

in the area of secular vocal music form the bulk of his surviving compositional output

and as such are a manifestation of his highest musical priority; they help to define the

composer himself, since they reveal his idiomatic tendencies and compositional

characteristics. In short, Fede put more of himself into his cantatas and arias than into any

other genre. Perhaps even more importantly, Fedes extant cantatas and arias grant to

posterity a privileged view into the cultural lives of the exiled Stuarts by giving implicit

information about the context of their performance, the expectations and proclivities of

the courtly audience, and available musical forces. In addition, poetry that Fede chose to

set as musical text provides a wealth of information about the standards of literary artistry

at the Stuart court; the subject matter alone speaks tellingly of the intellectual and cultural

mores of the Stuart audience, and most especially about the courts primary patron, Mary

of Modena. Somewhat surprisingly, in light of the image often presented of her as an

inflexible religious reactionary preoccupied with the salvation of the world through

Catholic conversion, the poems of Fedes cantata repertoire reveal Mary to have been the

sponsor of music that celebrated of the carnal and emotional passions central to

mankinds earthly experience.

123
 Cantatas and arias make up by far the largest part of Fedes extant chamber

musichis surviving vocal pieces outnumber his instrumental sonatas by a rate of three

to one. If we count each of the separate arias within his cantatas as distinct musical

compositions, the ratio grows even larger. This is ironic, as Fede has primarily been

known, when he has been known at all, as a composer of flute sonatas, a set of which

were published in Amsterdam by Etienne Roger in 1703. And though his sonata

repertoire is not large, consisting of only five short pieces of music, it is at least

marginally known among performers today insofar as a modern edition of his Suite in C

major has been published for recorder.359 Fedes cantatas and arias remain largely

unknown, despite being considerably more substantial in terms of scope and complexity,

as well as in number. His comparatively prolific output in this area is proof enough that

Fede thought of himself primarily as an aria composer. And since no evidence has yet

come to light that he composed any operas, the body of his extant secular vocal music

must be considered a contribution to the chamber cantata genre significant enough to

demand scholarly attention.

Figure 3.1: Titles and Lengths of Fedes Cantatas and Arias

Cantatas:
1. Ardo, sospiro (soprano solo; 48 bars)
2. Se ci potesse loro (soprano solo; 44 bars)
3. Amor fiori un d (soprano solo; 59 bars)
4. Bellonde tranquille (bass solo; 119 bars)
5. La mia vita (duet for two sopranos; 130 bars)
6. Numeri amorosi (soprano solo, final aria is a tenor and soprano duet; 130 bars)

359
Edition by Pierre Boragno (Paris: Delrieu, 2004). For a review of this edition,
see Anthony Rowland Jones, Advocating Innocenzo in Recorder Magazine 29 (Winter
2008):116117. A detailed examination of Fedes instrumental sonatas is found in
chapter four of this dissertation.

124
Arias:
1. Bellezze voi siete tiranne (soprano solo; 57 bars)
2. Morir poi che volete (soprano solo; 16 bars)
3. Langue geme sospira (soprano solo; 106 bars)
4. Vieni o Caro (soprano solo; 26 bars)
5. Annodami, abbracciami (bass solo; 28 bars)
6. A torto bella bocca (duet for soprano & soprano; 95 bars)
7. Sei pur dolce o libert (duet for soprano & soprano; 37 bars)
8. Mio contento (duet for soprano & soprano; 17 bars)
9. Ardo sospiro e peno (duet for soprano & bass; 51 bars)

Fede was able comfortably to claim expertise in the field of cantata writing since

he was a trained tenor himself and came from a family that could boast of several notably

successful singing careers in Romehis father Antonio Maria was evidently a talented

amateur, and his two castrato uncles (Giuseppe and Francesco Maria) became

professional singers after moving to Rome in the 1650s to study with composer and

music director Antonio Maria Abbatini. Giuseppe Fede in particular was hailed as an

opera star and one of the finest sopranos in Rome.360 Furthermore, Innocenzo Fede had

worked as an organist, singer, and music director in Rome for at least seven years and

held the position of maestro di cappella at San Giacomo degli Spagnuoli from 1684 to

1686. Steeped as he was in the culture of Roman vocal music, Fede is likely to have been

deeply familiar with cantata as a genre. Given his personal background and considering

that he directed a substantial amount of compositional energy towards this musical

medium, Fedes potential influence upon French composers of Italian aria and cantata is

undoubtedly greater than any other musical type. Whether or not he may be fairly

360
Jean Lionnet, "Fede, Innocenzo," Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online
(Oxford University Press, accessed January 24, 2013),
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/musi
c/09400.

125
considered its progenitor, Fede was present during the explosion of interest in Italian

cantata that swept the Parisian musical scene at the turn of the eighteenth century.

In the early 1700s, as the court of the aging Louis XIV began to wane as the

cultural center of French society, a tide of interest in Italian musical styles was rising in

Paris. Italian music was promoted in publications of arias by the Ballard Publishing

Company in the middle 1690s and in performances at the court of the Phillipe II Duc

dOrleans (16741723) at the Palais Royale, as well as those presented by the abb

Nicolas Mathieu (died 1706) at the presbytery of St Andr-des-Arts. 361 Cantata as a

genre swept furiously into Paris with the publication in 1706 of French cantata

collections by Jean-Baptiste Morin (16771745), Nicolas Bernier (16641734), and Jean-

Baptiste Stuck (also known as Battistin, 16801755). These compositions made use of

French poetry and paid homage to the Lullian musical virtues of restraint, elegance, and

grace, but were otherwise overt attempts by French composers to adopt the musical style

of their Italian counterpartsthey were multi-partite compositions for voice and continuo

comprising recitative and aria structured by motive, sequence, and imitation. Even the

poetic subject matter, most often the heartbreak of abandonment and unrequited love, was

borrowed directly from Italian tradition. Coincidentally or otherwise, the flourishing of

the French cantata began only a few years after Fede arrived in the Parisian area, and

lasted roughly until his final departure for Italy in 1719.362 What role could Fede have

361
The form known as the cantate franoise attracted almost every French
composer during the first half of the 18th century. Colin Timms, et al, Cantata, Grove
Music Online. Oxford Music Online (Oxford University Press, accessed January 24,
2013),
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/0
4748pg3.
362
Tunley, EighteenthCentury French Cantata, 145167

126
played in this surge of interest among French composers in the genre over which he

himself had the highest degree of mastery?

In the preface to his first book of cantatas (1706), Jean-Baptiste Morin stated that

his aim was to retain the sweetness of the French melodic style, accompanying it with

rhythms and harmony characteristic of the Italian cantata.363 David Tunley has observed

that, despite Morins stated intentions, none of his works (or those by [other French

composers]) can match the ingenuity found in, say, the cantatas of Scarlatti that were

written about the same time.364 The intense chromaticism and the centrality of

dissonance Alessandro Scarlattis aria Lascia pi di tormentarmi, (figure 3.2) is an

example of the kind of harmonic adventurism that French cantata composers avoided:

363
Tunley, EighteenthCentury French Cantata, vii.
364
Tunley, EighteenthCentury French Cantata, viii

127
Figure 3.2: Scarlatti, Lascia piu di tormentarmi365

365
Carolyn Gianturco, ed., The Italian Cantata in the Seventeenth Century,
Volume 15 Cantatas by Alessandro Scarlatti, 16601725, selected and introduced by
Malcolm Boyd (New York: Garland Publishing, 1986), from the general introduction.

128
129
 By contrast, the air Svre Sagesse from the 1708 cantata Hb by French

composer Andre Campra features a graciously tuneful melody, avoiding jarring intervals

in a clear preference for pleasingly consonant harmony:

Figure 3.3: Campra, Svre Sagesse366

366
David Tunley, ed., Eighteenth-Century French Cantata, vol. 2 (New York:
Garland, 1990), 810.

130
 What might be the reason one must ask for the apparent lack of interest in the

harmonic and rhythmic ingenuity of Italian music on the part of French composers

around 1700? Were they unable or unwilling to pursue those stylistic options? More

likely, as I wish to suggest, they had different musical goals and based their efforts on

models of Italian cantata representative of the more moderate or conservative authors of

the genresomeone like Innocenzo Fede.

If Tunley is correct that French cantata composers were not following the

musically audacious example of Scarlatti, it is worth considering that they were instead

observing the more temperate model set by Innocenzo Fede. As we will see in the

analysis below, Fedes musical style was elegantly conservative compared with some of

Scarlattis more daring harmonies and was not at all incompatible with what French

musical critics considered tasteful. Don Fader observes that French cantata composers

tended to create in the Roman style and were probably influenced by the model of

Giovanni Bononcini, whose music was well known in Paris and was held by the French

to be acceptably gracieux, unlike so many Italians composers.367 While Bononcinis

367
Fader, Philippe II dOrlanss chanteurs italiens, 242; Francois Raguenet,
Dfense du Parallle des Italiens et des Francois (Paris, 1705), pp. 4344. Lawrence E.
Bennett and Lowell Lindgren, "Bononcini," Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online
(Oxford University Press, accessed January 24, 2013),
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/4
0140pg2.

131
music was undoubtedly influential both in Rome and in Paris,368 he was trained in

Bologna and did not move to Rome until 1691, his twenty-first year. By contrast, Fede

was a Roman native and lived within the heart of that citys musical circles for a quarter

of a centuryfrom his birth around 1660 until his departure for England in 1686. Fedes

inherent knowledge of the Roman cantata was surely not lost on his Parisian

contemporaries; his proximity to French composers interested in adopting Roman

musical styles invites investigation. Fedes music might very well have provided a model

for adoption for French cantata composers.

Fader acknowledges that the Stuart court was important from around 1703 for its

importation of cantatas in the modern style of Alessandro Scarlatti.369 At the same

time, he downplays Fedes potential as a figure of influence among the newly cantata

smitten French composers, writing that Innocenzo Fede himself reflected mid17th

century currents rather than the new style of Bononcini.370 But if French composers

were failing or refusing to write in the style of Scarlatti, as pointed out by Tunley, and

considered it stylistically virtuous to emulate a conservatively gracious approach to

cantata writing, as related by Raguenet,371 then not only Bononcini's temperate

modernism, but also Innocenzo Fede's older and less harmonically aggressive style, far

from seeming boring to French contemporaries, may have seemed to them very appealing

indeed.

368
Lawrence E. Bennett and Lowell Lindgren, "Bononcini," Grove Music Online,
Oxford Music Online, (Oxford University Press, accessed March 14, 2013),
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/4
0140pg2.
369
Fader, Philippe II dOrlanss chanteurs italiens, 237.
370
Fader, Philippe II dOrlanss chanteurs italiens,247
371
Franois Raguenet, Dfense du Parallle des Italiens et des Franois (Paris,
1705): 4344. Fader, Philippe II dOrlanss chanteurs italiens, 242.

132
Surviving Fede Cantata Repertoire

Historian Edward Corp and musicologist Jean Lionnet list only three cantatas by

Fede: Ardo sospiro e peno; Presso un fiume tranquillo [titled Numeri amorosi], and Se ci

potesse loro.372 They consider the remaining secular vocal works by Fede to be

individual arias. I hold that six of Fedes vocal pieces, including Amor fiori un d cogliea

for solo soprano or tenor, Bellonde tranquille for solo bass voice, and La mia vita (a duet

for soprano or tenor voices), feature such clearly contrasting movements that they are

best considered cantatas, while the remaining nine pieces do not comprise distinct

sections and are therefore single arias. While this disagreement may be analytically

significant, it remains no more than a matter of interpretation, as the identity of a

cantata remains somewhat subjective. Given the nebulous nature of a musical term so

central to this discussion, it seems appropriate to take a moment to examine and define

the term cantata in order to clarify some of my interpretive decisions.

Apart from general agreement that it is a sectional chamber piece for one or more

accompanied voices, no singular paradigm of characteristics exists to define the

seventeenthcentury Italian cantata. Carolyn Gianturco has observed that musicologists

continue to disagree over whether a seventeenthcentury Italian cantata must necessarily

have contained recitative or contrasting sections. 373 The editors of each of the sixteen

volumes of the Garland Italian Cantata series faced the task of deciding what the term

cantata meant to the individual composers in the study. Gianturco claims that

Alessandro Stradella (16391682) expected a cantata to contain both recitative and aria,

372
Jean Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la Musique, 1418; Edward Corp, The
Exiled Court, 216231.
373
Carolyn Gianturco, editor, The Italian Cantata in the Seventeenth Century,
Volumes 116 (New York: Garland Publishing, 1986), from the general introduction.

133
pointing out, the cantata came into existence only after the creation of a reciting style in

music. She also cites a letter he wrote on 11 June 1678 to his patron Paolo Michiel,

asking for clarification on whether he should compose ariette o cantate da camera,

indicating that for [Stradella] the cantata was not simply an aria for one or more

soloists.374 Stephen Bonta saw a similar delineation in the vocal pieces of Giovanni

Legrenzi (16261690): [w]hat sets Legrenzis cantatas apart from his other vocal secular

workscanzonette, ariette, and canzoniis their use of recitative to establish some sort

of narrative.375 Ellen Rosand shows that for Barbara Strozzi (16191677), cantata

seems to have designated a lengthy, varied work containing several sections and a

mixture of vocal styles: recitative, arioso, and aria, responding to the textual distinctions

between open narration and formal lyricism.376 These examples demonstrate that some

seventeenthcentury composers believed that a vocal piece must offer contrasting styles

of aria and recitative to be considered a cantata.

But Rosand also observes, it would be a mistake to scrutinize Strozzis music too

closely for rigid definitions, pointing out that during [Strozzis] lifetime the term

cantata was just beginning to assume its full generic identity as a succession of

movements alternating between recitative and aria style.377 It would similarly be a

mistake to assume that every seventeenthcentury cantata must contain an example of

374
Carolyn Gianturco, Alessandro Stradella The Italian Cantata in the
Seventeenth Century, Gianturco, ed., from the introduction to the ninth volume.
375
Stephan Bonta, Giovanni Legrenzi, The Italian Cantata in the Seventeenth
Century, Gianturco, ed., from the introduction to the sixth volume.
376
Ellen Rosand, Barbara Strozzi, The Italian Cantata in the Seventeenth
Century, Carolyn Gianturco, ed., from the introduction to the fifth volume.
377
Ibid.

134
recitative texture. It was not until the end of that century that the alternation between

recitative and aria within a cantata became an established expectation.378

Since the early eighteen century, lexicographers and musicologists have offered a

widely inclusive interpretation of this most popular and variable of baroque genres

generally accepting that a cantata must feature contrasting sections, but not universally

suggesting that it must contain examples of both recitative and aria. As early as 1703,

cantata was defined by Brossard in his Dictionnaire de musique as a large

composition, the words of which are in Italian; varied by recitatives, arias in different

tempos; usually for a solo voice with a basso continuo, frequently with two violins or

several instruments.379 But in the same work, Broussard defines the term recitative,

describing the term as often found in the cantatas of Italians.380 The fact that it was

oftenbut not alwayspresent indicates that Broussard did not consider it to be an

indispensable element of the genre. Writing in 1973, Gloria Rose observed that a

seventeenth-century cantata may include any number of arias or recitatives, provided that

the piece offered sectional contrast: Clearly, by the seventh decade of the 17th century,

the cantata was understood to mean a more or less extended composition, built of

contrasting sections. The recitatives and arias in any one cantata might vary in number

and in arrangement; but they were now quite separate components within the whole

378
Arnold Denis, Cantata, The New Oxford Companion to Music, ed., Denis
Arnold (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 307
379
Sbastian de Brossard, Dictionnaire de Musique (Paris: Christophe Ballard,
1703), 15.
380
Brossard, Dictionnaire, 110.

135
work.381 Claude Palisca agreed that the genre was defined by it contrasting sections

rather than the presence of recitative:

By cantata we mean a piece for one or two voices, occasionally three,

composed of several discrete sections exploiting diverse styles, usually
accompanied by no instruments other than the basso continuo group. In
the most common type, portions of an extended poem are sung in
recitative, while other portions are set in a flowing line that can best be
termed aria style. Sometimes there is a sequence of several such aria
movements without recitative intervening.382

An even more inclusive definition is found in the second edition of The New Grove

Dictionary: at its most typical [a cantata] consists (notably in Italy in the later 17th

century) of a succession of contrasting sections which by the early 18th century became

independent movements.383

A reasonable definition of a cantata, therefore, is a chamber piece for voice and

accompaniment that is divided into sections offering contrast in terms of tempo, meter,

texture, affect, or dramatic narration. A vocal piece not composed of contrasting sections

is better described as an aria than a cantata. According to this model, I consider that

Innocenzo Fede wrote the following cantatas:384

381
Gloria Rose, The Italian Cantata of the Baroque Period, Gattungen Der
Musik in Einzeldarstellungen (Munich: Francke Verlag, 1973), 670.
382
Claude V. Palisca, Italian Cantata, oratorio, and Opera in Mid-century,
Baroque Music (Third edition, Englewood Cliff, NJ: 1991), 114115. The Oxford
Dictionary of Music concurs with Palisca, stating that some cantatas contained recit
but others were a series of arias. See "Cantata," The Oxford Dictionary of Music, 2nd
ed. rev., Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed February 5, 2013,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/opr/t237/e1
772.
383
Sandra Mangsen, Sonata, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and
Musicians, ed., Stanley Sadie and John Tyrell (London: Macmillan, 2001), 67188.
384
The following table of Fedes cantatas, as well as the list of his independent
aria found below, lists first those pieces for soprano solo, then solos for other voice
ranges, then duets for two sopranos, finally duets for other or mixed voice ranges.

136
Figure 3.4: Fede Cantatas with Movements

1. Ardo, sospiro (soprano solo)

Recit: Ardo, sospiro
Aria: Per voi lumi adorati

2. Se ci potesse loro (soprano solo)

Aria: Seci potesse loro
Recit: Ma poscia che con lei
Aria: Su dunque voglio bere

3. Amor fiori un d cogliea (soprano solo)

Aria: Amor fiori un cogliea
Aria: Lacrimando e quasi in forse
Aria: Deh, dissella, o figlio vago

4. Bell on de tranquille (bass solo)

Aria: Bellonde tranquille
Aria: Voi zeffiri erranti
Aria: O Filli adorata

5. La mia vita (duet for two sopranos)

Aria: La mia vita
Aria: Mai non cangiero Desio
Recit: Onde in s dolce temper
Aria: Fin che spirto havr in sen

6. Numeri amorosi (soprano solo, final aria is a tenor and soprano duet)
Recit: Presso un Fiume tranquillo
Aria: Quante son queste arene
Recit: Ripose dAmor
Aria: Quante la Terra ha Foglie
Recit: Dunque con lieto
Aria: Quanti ha lAria Augelletti
Recit: S s con voglie accese
Aria: Facciam concordi amanti

While some might consider La mia vita, Amor fiori un d cogliea, and Bellonde

tranquille to be extended multi-partite arias, I argue that they are better classified as

cantatas because of their structure of contrasting sections. The four movements that make

up La mia vita, for example, are not only set apart by double bar lines, but are also

137
distinct in meter, motive, tempo, texture, and musical character. The first movement, La

mia vita, prominently features an energetic skipping dance rhythm and frequent points

of imitation, while the final movement, Fin che spirto havr in sen, cultivates a more

sensual homophony between the two vocal lines. The two inner movements, Mai non

cangier Desio and Onde in s dolce temper are both in common time unlike the

triplemeter outer movements. Mai non cangier Desio is a ten-bar arietta over a free

ostinato, while Onde in s dolce temper is a fourbar arioso. I contend that the contrast

between the essential musical characteristics of these four movements provides sectional

diversity sufficient to justify the cantata designation.

Similarly, I maintain that Amor fiori un d cogliea, while interpretable as a multi

partite aria, is better approached as a cantata comprising three arias. The first and third of

these (Amor fiori un d cogliea and Deh dissella o Figlio vago) begin with identical

musical material, although they do not share text. This characteristic, combined with the

fact that the final note of the Amor fiori un d cogliea is the first note of Lacrimando e

quasi in forse, provides the effect of a musical recapitulation after the second aria. It so

strongly implies an ABA form that, if the text were identical, the listener would

momentarily assume the piece to be a single aria in da capo form. My view that it is

better analyzed as a cantata comprising three arias is based primarily on the observation

that the three movements are dramatically distinct; the text of Amor fiori un d cogliea

is presented in a narrators voice while Lacrimando e quasi in forse and Deh,

dissella o figlio vago represent dialogue spoken by different charactersVenus and

Cupid, respectively. Furthermore, the middle aria (Lacrimando e quasi in forse) has its

own separate time signature (triple meter against the duple meter of the other two arias)

138
and tempo marking (adagio). While first and third arias are musically (though not

textually) similar in their beginnings, from measure 8 onward Deh dissella o Figlio

vago is composed of completely new material and even concludes in its own key (G

minor). While traits such as these might well be viewed as elements of a contrasting B

section within a single aria, the dramatic distinction between the sections of dialogue

warrants an interpretation of this piece as a cantata.

For similar reasons, I also consider Bellonde tranquille to be a cantata

comprising three arias rather than a single aria with three sections. At first glance, the

absence of double bar lines, titles, or tempo markings as well as the elision of the end of

the first aria with the beginning of the second (as was also the case with Amor fiori un d

cogliea) suggest a single aria. And while the piece is clearly sectional in construction, the

key relationships of the three sections (D minor, A minor, D minor) could suggest a

single aria in ABA form, but of course this key relationship also makes sense for three

sequential but separate arias. I argue that it is best analyzed as a cantata with three

separate arias primarily because each aria is composed of two stanzas of poetry and each

expresses a dramatically distinct sentiment within the context of the cantata as a whole.

Furthermore, the second movement is not only in a contrasting key but also a contrasting

meter (it is in cut time while the other two are in triple meter), and while the first and

third arias share a tonal center, they are distinct in terms of motivic construction and

melodic character. Both the second and third arias (Zeffiri erranti and O fili adorata)

also begin with ritornello introductions and motto openings, a trait that serves to

emphasize their distinct structural identity.

139
 In addition to the six cantatas listed above, there are nine more extant pieces of

secular vocal music by Innocenzo Fede:

Figure 3.5: Fede Independent Arias

1. Bellezze voi siete tiranne (soprano solo)

2. Morir poi che volete (soprano solo)
3. Langue, geme, sospira (soprano solo)
4. Vieni o caro (soprano solo)
5. Annodami abbracciami (bass solo)
6. A torto bella bocca (duet for soprano & soprano)
7. Sei pur dolce o Libert (duet for soprano & soprano)
8. Mio contento (Duet for Soprano & Soprano)
9. Ardo, sospiro e peno (Duet for Soprano & Bass)

I classify these compositions as independent arias, since they do not seem to

exhibit sufficient sectional contrast to warrant the label of cantata. While these

independent arias may have been written for performance per se, it remains possible

that they may also have been originally comprised within some other larger work. The

second stanza of the poetry set in the aria Annodami abbracciami, for example, makes

reference to missing dramatic information about which the poet assumes knowledge on

the part of the listener: Stringimi pur al seno, e rieda quel sereno, choggi da noi spar

(Entangle me, embrace me, my beloved, stay close to me and return to that happiness

that today we lost). The passage referring to the happiness that today we lost seems

curiously enigmatic unless it was originally contained within a larger narrative context.

That these independent arias may be extracts from as yet unknown cantatas or even

operatic works written by Innocenzo Fede presents an intriguing possibility.

140
Poetic Texts set by Fede

The cantata is first and foremost a poetic genre. It is essentially a poem enhanced

by music. Any discussion of cantata as a musical form must be predicated on the

understanding that it is the poet who is responsible for creating the dramatic narration,

scenic imagery, emotional affect, and metrical presentation. The main structural and

dramatic decisions are therefore made before the musical composer ever becomes

involved.385 The composers task is to accentuate as much as possible a close reading of

the poem through judicious application of melody, harmony, and to some extent,

phrasing. In this sense, the cantatas of Innocenzo Fede, just as those of any other

composer, must be understood to be musically enhanced poems and Fede should be seen

as the cocreator, rather than the sole progenitor. Regrettably, the poet or poets who

created the texts that Fede was to set to music remain unidentified except in the case of

three arias that will be discussed below.

The poetic texts set by Fede generally observe the conventions of poetry written

for cantata setting, and make use of several kinds of versification: sections of poetry

designed to be set as arias are often written in rhyming, metered stanzas of six, seven, or

eight syllable lines. Lines of ten, eleven, and even five syllables are also frequently used

in aria poetry. Poetry written to be set a recitative is nearly always appears in versi sciolti,

a form of free verse that generally contains only lines of either seven or eleven syllables.

These sections of poetry provide the setting, describe the circumstances, or introduce the

context of an aria.

385
See Carolyn Gianturco, The Italian Seventeenth-Century Cantata: A textual
Approach, The Well Enchanting Skill, Music, Poetry, and Drama in the Culture of the
Renaissance, ed., John Caldwell, Edward Olleson, and Susan Wollenberg (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1990), 4151.

141
 Fedes cantatas contain seven examples of recitative, one in Ardo sospiro, one in

Se ci potesse loro, one in La mia vita, and four in Numeri amorosi. All occur in cantatas

for soprano(s), and all are settings of versi sciolti designed to express dramatic conditions

under which the associated arias are to be understood. They may form the words of a

narrator, as do the four brief recitative sections in Numeri amorosi, or provide an

interjected reflection, as does the six-line recitative in Se ci potesse loro, in which the

first-person protagonist reflects on the implications of mortality. In Ardo sospiro, the

recitative poetry reflects the terrible passions of unrequited love, while in La mia vita it

expresses the joy of blissful union. In all cases, since none of Fedes cantatas are

concluded by recitative, the poetic text of the recitative sections sets up the dramatic

conditions that will be exploited by the subsequent aria.

That few examples of recitative among Fedes works survive does not necessarily

mean that he did not compose more; while it is possible that the musical taste at the

Stuart court inclined more towards aria, it must be remembered that the extant manuscript

copy is above all an aria collectionrecitative sections that Fede originally paired with

arias may have been later omitted by a copyist to create uniformity. This would not be

surprising given the growing demand for arias in the late seventeenth century that

generated manuscript collections of arias, from both operas and cantatas, stripped of their

dramatic context and accompanying recitative.386 In any case, the decision of a copyist

386
Rose, 675. The substitution of opera arias for cantatas is well documented in
the musical sources. A certain number of pieces from operas had always been sung as
chamber music: the Lamento dArianna was a favorite piece, and arias from various other
operas are found in cantata manuscripts of the 17th century. But from the 1670s an
increasing number of manuscripts were compiled of operatic arias, alone or together with
cantatas. And by the middle of the 18th century, operatic arias had usurped the position of
cantatas.

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not to include recitative would reflect a performative culture at the Stuart court that

prioritized aria performance over dramatic context. Conjecturally, as arias became

standard within court repertoire, demand for the songs themselves may have come to

outweigh the need for contextual recitative, prompting copyists to exclude the latter from

their manuscripts.

Poetic stanzas designed to be set as arias use predominately ottonari, eight-

syllable lines, or seven-syllable settenari. In some instances (such as Ardo sospiro,

Langue, geme, sospira, and Mio contento) Fedes lyrical stanzas include occasional

hendecasyllabic (eleven-syllable) or decasyllabic (ten-syllable) lines interspersed in texts

that consist otherwise of ottonari or senari (composed of lines made up of eight or six

syllables).387 Most arias make use of senari, and settenari. The senari verses are

generally eight lines long, while the ottonari and the settenari are eight or six lines in

length. Regardless of meter, all of the eight-line verses display rhyme schemes that imply

a division into two stanzas of four lines each.

Love, either flourishing in joyful satisfaction or languishing in tormented

deprivation, is central to the drama of many of Fedes arias. This is typical of the genre as

a whole, since it is also true of the majority of seventeenth-century Italian cantatas. Not

all of Fedes arias, however, are about love and of those that are, not all approach the

subject in the same way. The multi-movement structure of cantatas allows a larger range

of dramatic content than is generally available to independent arias, and some of Fedes

cantatas (such as Numeri amorosi) contain both arias expressing misery and those

387
Claude V. Palisca, Italian Cantata, Oratorio, and Opera in Mid-century,
Baroque Music (Third edition, Englewood Cliff, NJ: 1991), 115. Palisca describes versi
sciolti, as predominately for narrative passages; ottonario for both narrative and reflective
passages; and senario for lyrical stanzas.

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declaring joy. Still, the cantatas tend to conform to a narrative unity that allows them to

be categorized according to dramatic type. I have grouped Fedes arias into four

categories: type-1 lovers monologues expressing sadness or distress; type-2 lovers

monologues expressing happiness or satisfaction; type-3 lovers dialogues; and type-4

arias that express a philosophical viewpoint, not unlike the contemporary maxim arias

of Lully and his followers.

The sorrowful lovers lament, or type one, is the most common dramatic type

among Fedes arias and includes three arias (A torto, bella bocca, Ardo sospiro e

peno, and Moriro poi che volete), and two cantatas (Ardo, sospiro and Bellonde

tranquille). The aria Ardo, sospiro and the cantata of the same name, as well as the aria

Moriro poi che volete express the bittersweet sentiment of suffering or dying from a

surfeit of passion. A torto, bella bocca protests cruel treatment of a faithful heart, while

the three arias in the cantata Bellonde tranquille plead in vain for the affection of a

distant lover.

Several of Fedes love arias present the happier side of amatory relationships

making up type-2. The three arias Vieni o caro, Langue geme sospira, and

Annodami, abbracciami all express either romantic satisfaction or the expectation of it.

Vieni o caro would seem to be a demand for Cupid to inspire a lover to action, while

Langue geme sospira speaks metaphorically about the ecstasy of a reunited couple after

a painful separation.

Poems with more than one speaking character allow the possibility of presenting

love arias in dialogue. Mio contento, while not the only duet by Fede, is the only

independent aria to contain a duet written in the form of a dialogue. In all others the two

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vocal lines accompany each other sharing the same text; they do not represent separate

characters engaged in dramatic interaction. In Mio contento the two characters, each

represented in one of the vocal lines, share four of the five lines of text. This first line,

however, is tailored to the characters as they address each other in terms of endearment

one sings mio contento, mio bel nume [my happiness, my beautiful god], while the

other sings mio tesoro, mio ristoro [my darling, my nourishment]. The cantatas La mia

vita and numeri amorosi also make use of this approach. In the title aria of the cantata La

mia vita, the two speakers share identical text except in the first line, where each

character offers slightly different wording and addresses the other by name: La mia vita

la mia speme mio Tirsi [you will always be my heart and my hope, my Clori] and Il

mio cor la mia speme mia Clori [you will always by my life, my hope, my Tirsi]. The

text of the second aria in that cantata Mai pensier non cangier, contains more disparity

in dialogue between the two speakersthe first of the three lines is pronounced Mai

pensier non cangiero by Tirsi and Mai non cangier desio by Clori. While the

characters share the text of the second line, the third and final line is again individually

tailored as Tirsi sings tu lidol mio [you my idol] and Clori sings tu sarai la mia dea

[you will be my goddess].

The cantata Numeri amorosi approaches the type-3 love dialogue in a different

way; the two characters (Eurillo and Filena) sing arias to each other. Each aria is

preceded by a short recitative in which a narrator describes who is speaking to whom.

The omniscient narrator relates that Eurillo is addressing Filena beside a tranquil river.

Eurillo then describes his heartache in the aria Quante son questa arene [as many as

these grains of sand]. The narrator then reveals that Filena is smitten as well, and she

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replies with Quante la terra ha foglie [as many as the leaves on the ground]. The

narrator describes Eurillos delight at finding his love returned, and he responds to Filena

with hortatory enthusiasm, singing Quanti ha laria augelletti [as many as the birds in

the sky]. The narrator appears in a final recitative to announce that the happy couple will

now sing together, and their voices join in the only duet aria in the cantata, Facciam,

concordi amanti [let us make, as harmonious lovers].

One of Fedes cantatas and one independent aria are concerned with the subject of

love, but use it to present a philosophical point rather than express the lovers experience.

Bellezze, voi siete tiranne [beauties, you are tyrants] is a direct admonishment to

beautiful women that their charms can be dangerously destructive. Referring to them as

tiranne di cori [tyrants of hearts), the speaker says col crine legate, col sguardo ferite

[you ensare with your hair, you hurt with your glance]. No specific wounded lover is

identified in this text, and while loves agony is central to the meaning of this poem, the

primary goal is to suggest something about the human condition rather than to depict any

particular love story.

The cantata Amor fiori un d cogliea is similarly designed to expose an abstract

point about love without presenting a specific romance. In this case, a humorous story

about Cupid being traumatized by the comparatively mild pain of a bee sting is used to

emphasize the potentially devastating agony of heartbreak. In the first aria, Amor fiori

un d cogliea, a narrator describes Cupid picking flowers and being stung on the finger.

In Lacrimando e quasi in forse, Cupid, shocked and believing himself slain, runs to his

mother and announces that he is dying. Venus, in the concluding aria Deh dissella o

figlio vago, wryly answers that Cupids pain is nothing compared with the torment that

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his own arrows inflict. This final aria has the effect of a punch line, revealing at the last

minute that the cantata has been about love all along. There are, however, no lovers

among the characters in this drama; instead the poem makes its point rather wistfully by

offering Love a taste of its own medicine.

One of Fedes cantatas and one independent aria make up type-4they are not

about love at all, but instead present idealized moral lessons or philosophical platitudes.

Se ci potesse loro [if gold had the power], a cantata comprising two arias separated by

a six-line recitative, expresses the wish that wealth could delay death and concludes that

modest hedonism is the best solution to mortality. In the title aria, the speaker muses that

if gold could extend life he would gather it all up and take it with him when he died. The

recitative Ma poscia che, [but since it is the case] acknowledges the inevitability of

death and derogates the value of lifelong toil. The final aria, Su dunque voglio bere [so

then I want to drink], offers the Epicurean conclusion that momentary pleasure is all we

can hope for. Recommending himself to the solace of wine, women, and song, the

speaker makes plans: voglio ebbro di contento, sfogarmi a mio talento. [drunk with

happiness, to give free reign to all my instincts]. While love is perhaps implied as an

element of the sensual solution to the problem of mortality, the unmistakable point of this

poem is that one should gather rosebuds while one may.

The aria Sei pur dolce o libert, set by Fede as a duet for two sopranos or

tenors, is a single four-line stanza of ottonari (eight-syllable) text. The point of the poem

is that liberty is precious. No speaker is identified and no dialogue or narrative is implied.

The directly stated message is threefold: liberty is sweet, no one is sorry to have it, those

who lack it long for it. There is nothing inherently romantic about this declaration; it

147
primarily suggests a philosophical or possibly political meaning. Another interpretation is

possible, however, if this hedonistic liberty is taken as a reference to romantic libertyan

availability to new suitors. Such a reading presents the poetry in a markedly more sensual

light. The poet gives no indication about which sort of liberty we are to imagine, but the

decision to address vocatively the concept of liberty has the effect of apotheosis: sei pur

dolce, o libert [you are truly sweet, O Liberty]. This phrasing transforms liberty from a

preferred condition into an abstract ideal.

It is worth questioning whether the texts of Fedes cantatas and arias are somehow

reflective of the prevailing moral standards at the Stuart court: of the six cantatas and

nine independent arias by Innocenzo Fede, only two are unambiguously about something

other than romantic love. Of those, one advocates sensual indulgence in earthly pleasures,

and the other enshrines the value of personal freedom. These are hardly the topics one

would expect at the court of fiercely religious absolute monarchists, as James and Mary

are often alleged to have been. The text of Su dunque voglio bere in particular,

celebrating earthly pleasures rather than looking ahead to devotions eternal reward,

seems incompatible with the notion of the Stuarts as constrained by rigid Catholic

observance. These cantata texts point instead to a culture deeply appreciative of the

pleasures and passions of human life. Nothing about any of these poems can be construed

to promote immorality or challenge the teachings of the Catholic Church; if they seem

unexpectedly profane it is only because they do not actively promote, or even mention,

Church teaching. That fact can hardly be surprising given that these cantatas were never

intended for performance in sacred space. This is music composed for the dining hall, the

drawing room, or the bedchamber. It appeals to the human experience of this world, it is

148
not concerned with the next. To find it strange that the texts are not more morally

instructive, especially on the grounds that Mary of Modena as a patroness would not have

allowed such frivolity, would be to denigrate her to the role of a onedimensional zealot.

Marys patronage of the composer of cantatas and arias implies that she approved

of their lyrical content, or at least did not object enough to suppress them. Furthermore,

the musical poetry that Mary sponsored argues against the stereotypical image of her as

an inflexibly religious caricature. These poems offer a celebration of human relationships

replete with all their earthly imperfection. None of them reject the spiritual realm; they

are simply more concerned with the temporal. In fact these texts give us insight into a

rarely seen side of Maryshe was both a devout Catholic, and a living human being. She

was capable of appreciating the sensual value of human experience even as she hoped for

a better world to come. Her artistic patronage reveals her not as an inflexible religious

ideologue, but as a woman of flesh and blood who understood that there is a time for

every purpose under heaven.

Texts from Ariberto e Flavio

Curiously, given the importance of the literary aspect of this genre, the identity of

Fedes cantata poets remains unknown in an astonishingly large number of cases. Three

of his arias, however, have an identifiable author: Annodami, abbracciami, Bellezze

voi siete tiranne, and A torto bella bocca use texts borrowed from arias in Carlo

Ambrogio Lonatis opera Ariberto e Flavio, regi de Longobardo and are therefore

identifiable as the work of librettist Rinaldo Cialli. The texts of Fedes arias by these

titles are identical, with one exception discussed below, to those of the operatic arias.

Fedes musical settings, however, are original. Ariberto e Flavio premiered at the Teatro

149
san Salvatore in Venice on 26 December 1684.388 Lonati is believed to have travelled to

London early in 1687, shortly after Fede himself arrived in December 1686.389 There can

be little doubt that the two recently arrived Italian expatriate composers encountered one

anotherquite possibly before or after mass in the catholic Chapel Royal, where Fede

was music director. Lonati must have shown Fede the libretto of his recent opera, and

Fede thereafter composed his own settings of at least three of the aria texts. Based on this

conjecture, it is reasonable to conclude that these three Fede arias were composed in the

late 1680s, during or soon after Lonatis trip to London, and it seems almost certain that

they could not have been composed any earlier.

Since sources for Italian poetry were not as abundant in London as in his native

Rome, Fede must have considered as a windfall every potential cantata text that came his

way.390 Furthermore, not all of such Italian poetry as may have been available to Fede in

London would have been suitable for setting to music; poems for arias were designed as

such in the late seventeenth centurymusical texts were valuable not for their virtues as

purely poetic forms, but for what Norbert Dubowy has called functionality in the service

of music, that allows the application of word painting or specific musical figures.391

Fede therefore probably borrowed Rinaldo Ciallis poems not only because of their

388
Arias from this opera are in the Biblioteca Estense in Modena, listed as Galvani
SSal 40; Bonlini 220; Gropo 223; Alm 3089. See Eleanor Selfridge-Field, A New
Chronology of Venetian Opera and Related Genres, 16601760 (Palo Alto: Stanford
University Press, reprinted 2007), 166.
389
Norbert Dubowy, "Lonati, Carlo Ambrogio," In Grove Music Online. Oxford
Music Online, http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/
subscriber/article/grove/music/16900 (accessed August 11, 2010).
390
The borrowing of text, or indeed even of entire musical excerpts, was not
unusual of among composers of arias and cantatas. See Norbert Dubowy, Al tavolino
medesimo del Compositor della Musica,129.
391
Norbert Dubowy, Al tavolino medesimo del Compositor della Musica,
121122.

150
fortuitous arrival with Lonati in 1686, but also because of the scarcity in London of

textual material designed by a poet educated in the formulaic needs of aria composers.

Figure 3.6: Texts by Rinaldo Cialli set by Fede

Innocenzo Fede, Bellezze voi siete tiranne de cori392

Text by Rinaldo Cialli

Bellezze voi siete Beauties, you are

tiranne de cori the tyrants of hearts

Col crine legate, you ensnare with your hair

col sguardo ferite you hurt with your glance
e troppo spietate and too harshly
vibrate glardori you move the passions.

Innocenzo Fede, A torto, bella bocca

Text by Rinaldo Cialli

A torto, bella bocca, Beautiful lips, you wrongly

mi chiami infido cor call me unfaithful
amante pi costante since there is no more faithful lover
se il ciel di me non ha. than I under heaven.

Perch mia fe condanni Why do you put my faith

in braccio al rio dolor? in the arms of pain?

Innocenzo Fede, Annodami, abbracciami

Text by Rinaldo Cialli

Annodami, abbracciami, Entangle me, embrace me,

caro mio ben s s my beloved, yes yes.

Stringimi pur al seno Stay close to me

e ried a quel sereno and return to that happiness
choggi da noi spar that today we lost.

392
This aria was edited by Jean Lionnet and recorded in a transcription for tenor
on the album Kings Over the Water: In the Steps of the Exiled Stuarts (London:
Janiculum Recordings, JAN D205, 2001).

151
 All three texts use as a dramatic subject the archetypical unrequited lovers

monologue that provides the basis for the majority of seventeenthcentury cantata

texts.393 All three are also monologues addressed to a beloved other; Annodami

abbracciami and A torto bella bocca both speak directly to an estranged lover, while

Bellezze voi siete tiranne addresses beautiful women as a class, rather than a specific

individual.

Each of the texts is of approximately the same length: Bellezze voi siete tiranne

and A torto bella bocca contain six lines, while Annodami, abbracciami has only

five. All three are composed of two semi-stanzas. Despite the similarity in length of the

texts, the lengths of the musical settings are substantially disparate: Annodami is

twenty-eight measures long, Bellezze voi siete tiranne is twice that length with fifty-

seven measures. A torto bella bocca, at ninety-five measures, is over three times the

musical length of Annodami, abbracciami. The length of Fedes musical settings was

evidently not constrained by the length of the poetic text.

Clearly, however, there was a relationship between poetic form and choices for

musical setting. Bellezze voi siete tiranne alone is set in senario (six syllable lines),

while the other two poems are composed in sevensyllable settenario verse. Only

Bellezze voi tiranne contains a rhyme between the final syllables of the two semi

strophes, a feature that often signals an ABA setting,394 and indeed this is the only one of

the three arias that is clearly in da capo form. A torto bella bocca is set in a modified

393
Norbert Dubowy, Al tavolino medesimo del Compositor della Musica, 119.
394
Ibid., 130. Dubowy argues here that the musical forms of seventeenth-century
arias and cantatas were not arbitrary, but guided by the form of the text, e.g. rhyme
between ends of two semistrophes signals an ABA setting, or choice of meter causes
recitative vs. aria setting.

152
ABA form with a textual recapitulation of the first semistanza but without a musical da

capothe returning text is set to newlycomposed music. The piece therefore contains

two musical settings of the same borrowed poetic stanza, indicating that Fede found this

stanza particularly fruitful for musical expression. Annodami abbracciami is in a semi

rondo form (ABAC), but the absence of a final refrain suggests other possible readings,

such as a da capo aria with an elaborate coda. Annodami abbracciami is also the only

aria of the three set to duple meter (common time), rather than more frequently

encountered triple meter.

Some of the musical choices made by Fede in setting these texts provide a point

of contrast to the original context used by Lonati in Ariberto e Flavio. These choices

show that Fedes musical goals were different, if not entirely divorced from the original

dramatic context of the opera:

Bellezze voi siete tiranne de cori appears in act I, scene VI of Ariberto e Flavio

and is sung by the character Aroaldo who is onstage in dialogue with Rotario.395 Since

the lyrics of this aria clearly suggest a male perspective, it seems striking that Fede chose

to set the vocal line in soprano clef unless he envisioned performance by a castrato, a

scarce resource at the exiled Stuart court. Could he have intended the piece to be

performed by a woman? It seems more likely that he intended the part for a tenor singing

an octave lower than written. Indeed, A torto, bella bocca, another of Rinaldo Ciallis

poems set by Fede, is written in soprano clef but designated a 2 soprani, o tenori. This

is a clear indication that the presence of soprano clef in Fedes music does not necessarily

indicate a soprano performer; tenors were expected to read soprano clef at need.

395
Libretto, Biblioteca Estense Universitaria, Modena, 1516.

153
 Annodami, abbracciami provides a much stronger example of gender ambiguity

in Fedes vocal writing. In its original contextin act II, scene VII of Ariberto e

Flaviothis aria is sung by the female character Teodorata. But since Fede recomposed

the text for a voice in bass clef, there can be little doubt that he envisioned performance

by a man. This is not only a striking departure from the dramatic context of Lonatis

opera, but it also creates an intriguing element of sexual ambiguity by assigning the

words caro mio to a bass voice; the effect is that of a man addressing a love song to

another man.

A torto, bella bocca is an aria for solo soprano that appears in the finale of act I of

Ariberto e Flavio, sung by the male character Ferone. In resetting this text, Fede stepped

away from Lonatis dramatic context by writing the aria as a duet for two sopranos. In

this case Fede altered more than the musical approach, for this is also the only aria of the

three in which Fedes lyrics differ slightly from the original Cialli text:

Figure 3.7: Text of A torto, bella bocca

Text of Ariberto e Flavio Text of Fede Aria

A torto, o bella bocca A torto, bella bocca

mi chiami traditor mi chiami infido cor

(O beautiful lips, you wrongly (Beautiful lips, you wrongly

call me a traitor) call me an unfaithful heart)

Apart from the vocative syllable O, the main difference is Fedes use of the phrase

infido cor to replace the term traditor. Since this change affects neither the rhyme

scheme nor the poetic meter, Fedes only reason for the change must have had to do with

the meaning of the text. Most likely, the term traitor was too sensitive a word at the

Stuart court, which was notoriously riddled with spies and enemy agentsforces that

154
brought about the overthrow of the Stuart dynasty and for decades prevented its return to

power. Fede might have felt that the word traditor would strike harshly upon the ears

of the Stuart courtiers, among whom suspicions of treason were commonplace. This

would have been especially true in an independent aria and not part of a longer work

where such wording might have been rendered harmless by an encapsulating dramatic

context.

Music of the Recitative

Recitative is essentially a musical representation of the spoken word characterized

by a syllabic texture, a lack of melodic regularity, and a musical phrasing subject to the

metrical demands of poetic line.396 The recitative found in Fedes cantatas reveals a

strong tendency toward ariosoOnde in si dolce, for example is so lyrical that it can

hardly be described as syllabic. Ma poscia che and Ardo sospiro are both strongly

driven by motivic and sequential construction, suggesting a level of melodic regularity

unusual in late seventeenthcentury Italian recitative. In the context of their dramatic

settings however, Fedes tendency toward melodically driven recitative becomes

understandable; the protagonists singing Onde in s dolce, Ma poscia che, and Ardo

sospiro all express great emotional passion. In each case, the incorporation of strongly

melodic elements is required by the dramatic action.

There are three dramatic types among the seven surviving examples of Fedes

recitative: soliloquy, dialogue, and narrative. The recitative soliloquy, according to

396
Margaret Murata, Operas for the Papal Court, 16311668 (Ann Arbor: UMI
Research Press, 1981), 101; Nicholas Temperley, "Recitative," The Oxford Companion to
Music. Oxford Music Online. Oxford University Press, accessed February 19, 2013,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/opr/t114/e553
1.

155
musicologist Margaret Murata, makes use of the freedom and flexibility of recitative to

present the conflicting and changing inner arguments of a character.397 This is precisely

the case with Ardo sospiro and Ma poscia che. In both arias the speaker expresses

deep discomfort as well as uncertainty and an unfulfillable longing, be it for romantic

satisfaction or an escape from mortality.

Onde in s dolce is unique among Fedes recitative settings in two ways. First, it

is a duet of two characters engaged in dialogue, and as such is the only example of

recitative by Fede for multiple voices singing simultaneously. Second, both vocal lines

are highly florid and feature melismatic passages far outside of the expected parameters

of syllabic recitative. This latter aspect is such a prominent feature that this section could

properly be considered an arioso movement rather than recitative, but for the purposes of

this study it is best categorized as an exceptionally florid recitative.

The four recitative movements that make up the cantata Numeri amorosi, Presso

un fiume tranquillo, Rispose damor piena, Dunque con lieto core, and S s con

voglie accese, are unlike the other examples of Fedes recitative because they take the

form of narration introducing and facilitating the characters dialogue. Since these do not

represent the firstperson expression of intensely emotional sentiment, their musical

setting is much more reflective of normal speech patterns than any of the other examples.

At eighteen measures, Ardo, sospiro e peno is the longest example of a

recitative setting by Fede.

397
Margaret Murata, Operas for the Papal Court,161162. Murata emphasizes
the distinction between the word arioso as an adjective describing a type of musical
style, and the same word used as a noun, meaning a bit of music [] that is melodic and
regular, but not a complete closed piece.

156
Figure 3.8: Text of Ardo, sospiro e peno.

Ardo, sospiro e peno

e tra catene involto
dun adorato volto
fra tormenti mi struggo e vengo meno

Ai rai di due pupille.

damorose faville
l anima mia si pasce
e finisce e lardor more, e rinasce

I burn, I sigh, and I suffer, wrapped in chains because of a beloved face, in torments I
languish and swoon because of two loving eyes. My soul both feeds and perishes on
sparks of love, and my ardor is extinguished and rekindled again.398

The recitative is set in common time, as expected, exploring a range from e1g2

and leading to a cadence on E minor in dominant preparation for the following aria in A

minor. The syllabic tends strongly towards melodic arioso, including sequential motives

and phrase relationships revealing the composers Roman roots.399

398
Thanks to Professor Stefano Mengozzi for his invaluable assistance with
translating all texts from Italian to English.
399
Francesco Luisi, Rossi, The Italian Cantata in the Seventeenth Century,
Carolyn Gianturco, ed., from the introduction to the first volume. Rossis membership in
the Roman School is apparent both in the treatment of recitatives and in the articulation
of arias: the former often tend toward arioso and thus encourage a purely musical interest
suggested by the expressivity of the text.

157
Figure 3.9: Fede, Ardo, sospiro e peno, mm. 119

Fede makes use of rhythmic regularity and melodically balanced phrasing in this

piece, creating a highly arioso style of recitative. In the second and third measures, the

voice expresses a dotted rhythmic figure in a sequential rising pattern. In measures 56 a

rhythmic pattern is introduced that becomes a motivic building block, even being quoted

exactly in measure 1415. The bass moves very slowly in large note values, allowing the

vocal declamation to be easily heard and understood. The sustained bass also establishes

A minor as a tonal center by holding an unchanging A minor chord for the first four bars

of the piece, and in ultimately moving away towards E minor provides the expectation of

return to A minor which will be fulfilled by the following aria. The voice initially

delineates A minor by first entering on the dominant (E), then establishing the minor

mode by an upwards leap of a minor sixth to Cnatural, before falling by step in the

second measure through a dotted rhythmic figure to the leading tone (G sharp). In

measure 3 the dotted figure is elaborated into a sequential motive that falls by step to end

158
the fourbar phrase on a1, having clearly established the tonic home. The effect is

accentuated with word painting on the downbeat of the tenth barthe words e vengo

meno (and I swoon) are set to a repeated threenote descending pattern with a

chromatically-lowered B-flat not only painting the swoon of the text, but also

strengthening the centrality of A minor through appoggiatura and repetition. A

preparation for an expected return to this center is made, again through word painting in

final three bars of the recitative when the vocal line descends from e2 to e1, falling

through a series of suspensions on the words more, moreending in an E minor cadence

in measure 19.

Ma poscia che con lei, a recitative separating the two arias in the cantata Se ci

potessa loro, consists of six poetic lines reflecting on the injustice of mortality. It

follows an aria lamenting the inability of material wealth to affect longevity, and

introduces an aria that expresses the Epicurean conclusion that momentary pleasure is all

we can hope for:

Figure 3.10: Text of Ma poscia che con lei

Ma poscia che con lei

non si pu pattuire
ed forza muorire,
che val far tanti omei
ed in cure in affanni
che vale spender glanni?

But, since I cannot bargain with her, and death cannot be avoided, what is the point of
toiling so much, and wasting the years in labor?

The text is a single stanza featuring the rhyme scheme ABBACC. The absence of

hendecasyllabic lines creates what is in effect a settenari meter, while remaining within

the bounds of versi sciolti recitative.

159
Figure 3.11: Fede, Ma poscia che, mm. 17

This recitative, unlike those in other Fede cantatas, is not marked as recitative in the

score, and not set apart from the previous aria by a double bar line. Nevertheless, it

follows what is clearly the conclusion of the previous aria. The bass line abruptly moves

in large note values while the vocal line, which is strictly syllabic in texture, takes on a

speechlike patter of eighth and sixteenth notes characteristic of recitative. The musical

setting extends for only seven measures in common time, exploring a range from g1g2

and leading to a cadence on A minor, the minor dominant of the following aria in D

minor. The texture is strictly syllabic, but like that of Ardo, sospiro is melodically

structured by sequential arioso motives and phrases. The harmonic setting leads to a

cadence on A minor, the minor dominant of the following aria in D minor.

Numeri amorosi is the only Fede cantata containing multiple recitative sections;

each recitative is paired with, and provides a narrative introduction for, the aria that it

precedes. All four recitative movements are three bars in length, and represent the solo

soprano voice of a narrator.

The first movement, Presso un fiume tranquillo, serves to situate the action in a

pastoral setting, as well as identify the two dramatic characters, Eurillo and Fillena:

160
Figure 3.12: Fede, Presso un fiume tranquillo, mm. 13.

Presso un fiume tranquillo

disse a Filena Eurillo

NARRATOR: Near a tranquil river Eurillo says to Filena:

A rhythmic motive characterized by a quarter note followed by two eights occurs in each

of the three measures; from the very beginning it is implied by the first quarter rest in the

vocal line, and in bar 3 it is embellished as the second motivic eighth note becomes two

sixteenths. This rhythmic motive drives a melodically structured semiarch form that

rises steadily until the penultimate pitch in the second beat of measure 3. The bass line

moves considerably less quickly than the voice, consisting of large note values and

provides a harmonic platform as well as punctuation. In measure two the bass line

evokes an augmented and dotted version of the vocal lines rhythmic motive.

The third movement, Rispose dAmor piena, in contrast, forms a descending

line that structurally completes the arch begun in the previous recitative. The rhythmic

motive appears again in beats 3 and 4 of the second bar, but this time in diminution. This

reflects the evolving dramatic mood as hopeful characters reveal their feeling to each

other; the painful hesitation expressed in quarter and eighth notes in the earlier movement

become breathlessly exited eighths and sixteenths as the scene becomes romantically

charged.

161
Figure 3.13: Fede, Rispose dAmor piena, mm. 13.

Rispose damor piena

ad Eurillo Filena

NARRATOR: Then Filena, full of love, responds to Eurilla:

As in Presso un fiume tranquillo, the rapidly moving voice is paired with a

comparatively slow bass line that provides a harmonic framework, moving from the tonic

of G minor into the dominant key of D minor in preparation for a return on the downbeat

of the following aria. Here is an example of Fede joining the end of a recitative section to

the beginning of the successive aria; there is no harmonic resolution of the first section

until the next begins.

The fifth movement, Dunque con lieto core, reflects a dramatic attainment of a

desired goal. Now that the characters are sure of each others love, the recitative is

musically content; it is no longer directional in its melody, instead hovering near the

opening pitch (g1). The insistent rhythmic motive appears no more except as a cadential

clich approaching the final bar. Instead, the lyrics are set in a run of successive eighth

notes to evoke the emotional quickening of the happy couple.

Figure 3.14: Fede, Dunque con lieto core, mm. 13.

Dunque (con lieto core

soggiunse indi il pastore):

NARRATOR: Then, with a happy heart, the shepherd said:

162
Fede enhances the buoyant mood of the scene by setting this recitative in the relative

major (Bflat major) of the surrounding arias rather than the dominant key that we have

come to expect. The slightly ascending voice line further reflects the optimistic text.

The seventh movement, S, s, con voglie accese, returns, somewhat curiously,

to a darker mode, moving from C minor to G minor in preparation for the final C minor

aria.

Figure 3.15: Fede, S s con voglie accese, mm. 13.400

S, s (con voglie accese

la ninfa allor riprese):

NARRATOR: The nymph, with her instincts awakened, joined in:

400
This recitative seems to contain two copyists mistakes: first, the second
measure the vocal part is too short by a sixteenth note. Given the motivic tendency in the
preceding recitatives to follow a pattern of longshortshort, it would seem likely that the
sixth note of the second measure of this recitative should be an eighth note and not a
sixteenth (the reading I have adopted here). Second, there is a written Anatural that
seems to be unnecessarythe preceding two notes are also Anaturals, and so there is no
reason for an accidental to be placed here unless the preceding notes were intended to be
Aflats (which seems unlikely as it would result in a diminished fifth against the bass).
Both the unnecessary accidental and the presumably incorrect note value occur on the
same note, so it seems that the copyist simply made an error at that point.

163
 In addition to recitative style, Fede has written at least one short piece of music

that can neither be classified as recitative nor aria; a section of the duet cantata La mia

vita contains a very short arioso passage, Onde in s dolci tempre, that forms the

penultimate movement:

Figure 3.16: Fede, Onde in s dolci tempre

Onde in s dolci tempre Onde in s dolci tempre

BOTH: Thus in such sweet passions.

Only four bars long, this section is an extremely florid, contrapuntal, and melismatic duet

over a slow but not sustained bass accompaniment. The emphatic suspensions exceed the

traditional boundaries of recitative; this musical section is deliberately composed as an

arioso recitativo, in contrast to a straight recitativo style. Nevertheless, the literary

function and dramatic context of this section make it very similar to recitative in terms of

its musical function; there is no text repetition, and the piece is clearly designed as an

arioso interlude providing a dramatic connection between the two adjacent arias.

164
Music of the Aria

It is clear from the prevalence of vocal chamber pieces among the surviving

repertoire manuscripts that arias were important to the musical culture at the Stuart court;

including those that appear in manuscripts as independent songs as well as those found

within a cantata, there are twentyfive surviving arias by Innocenzo Fede. The fact that

independent arias, as opposed to those arias that form a movement of a cantata, make up

more than half of Fedes surviving vocal chamber compositions reflects the increasing

acceptance in the later decades of the seventeenth century of the aria as a free standing

composition. Manuscript collections from the 1670s and later are often heavily populated

by arias either extracted from operas, or composed as independent vocal pieces;401 This

phenomenon tracks the tendency in contemporary Italian opera towards the triumph of

the aria, in which song numbers became valued beyond recitative and outside of their

original dramatic context.402

All of Fedes arias are scored for one or two voices and basso continuo. Fede

avoided the inclusion of obbligato instruments such as violins, flutes, or trumpets

despite the growing presence of these instruments in Italian cantatas during the final

decades of the seventeenth century.403 The absence of this practice in Fedes work is

401
See Gloria Rose, The substitution of opera arias for cantatas is well
documented in the musical sources. A certain number of pieces from operas had always
been sung as chamber music: the Lamento dArianna was a favorite piece, and arias from
various other operas are found in cantata manuscripts of the 17th century. But from the
1670s an increasing number of manuscripts were compiled of opera arias, alone or
together with cantatas. And by the middle of the 18th century, opera arias had usurped the
position of cantatas, in The Italian Cantata of the Baroque Period, 675.
402
Margaret Murata, The Recitative Soliloquy, Journal of the American
Musicological Society 32 (1979): 4573 (45).
403
Rose, 671. For the sake of comparison, about ten percent of Alessandro
Scarlattis cantatas included parts for obbligato instruments. See Cecilia Kathry Van de
Kamp Freund, A. Scarlattis Duet Cantatas and Solo Cantatas with Obbligato

165
notable because it was especially favored among French composers who were his

contemporaries, and who adopted the genre at the turn of the eighteenth century. Fedes

sonatas for violin and flute reveal his willingness to compose for these instruments.

Fedes cantatas do not contain obbligato instrumental ritornellos, as the

manuscript collections contain only the bass parts, but several examples of short continuo

ritornellos are present. This does not preclude the possibility that Fede composed or

intended more substantial instrumental ritornellos; late seventeenthcentury aria

collections, like those that contain Fedes work, in many cases either omitted or

shortened ritornellos that have been found intact in other manuscript sources.404 Ardo,

sospiro e peno contains a single aria (Per voi lumi adorati, in ABA1 form) that begins

with two measures of quarter notes in the bass line (see example 3). Walking bass

quarter notes continue throughout the piece and serve to fill later pauses between vocal

statements. These are not identically quoted but their motivic similarities are sufficient to

provide a ritornello function:

Instruments (Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University, 1979), 1; Norbert Dubowy,

Al tavolino medesimo del Compositor della Musica, 113.
404
Jack Westrup, Aria, in Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/
subscriber/article/grove/music/16900, (accessed May 14, 2010). Most 17thcentury
opera arias have continuo accompaniment to the vocal line and ritornellos for three to
five parts between the strophes. In this respect they differ from those of printed
songbooks, which mainly have no ritornello at all, a prescription for one (e.g. the riprese
di ciaccona of Crivellatis Cantate diverse) or a ritornello for continuo only. This
difference is probably more apparent than real, since many manuscript collections of
opera arias from late in the century give only the bass part or leave out altogether the
ritornellos found in the full scores.

166
Figure 3.17: Fede, Per voi lumi adorati, mm. 129.

This A minor aria, which follows the recitative Ardo, sospiro, discussed above, is in

common time and is a da capo aria, but the returning A section (mm.1829), which is

completely written out, features a rhythmic displacement in that it begins with anacrusis

to the third beat rather than to the downbeat, as it did in its first instancethe musical

material remains the same apart from everything being offset by half a bar. There is also

a short coda consisting of repetition of the final line of the A section forming a tag

ending. Curiously, the final bar of the bass line is left blank although the vocal line is

167
intact.405 The texture is almost exclusively syllabic, and the range exceeds an octave, and

rises to a2, a perfect fifth above the expected limit of the full voice, or Voce di petto.406

There is a short (two bar) continuo introduction, but it does not introduce the melody of

the vocal line, and does not form a motto opening. The bass line is exclusively in quarter

notes, and is an example of walking bass throughout the aria.

The seven-line text of this aria is largely in settenario verse in two stanzas. The

presence of two five-syllable lines is odd and may reflect a corruption of the text, perhaps

through the error of a copyist. Similarly, the ambiguous rhyme schemein which the

first stanza does not appear to have any rhyme except that its final syllable anticipates the

ultimate ending of the second stanzafurther suggests corruption and the possible

absence of an original line. It is also likely that the final line of the second stanza contains

some error, since the word fera seems out of place here and renders the meaning unclear.

As a possible solution to this textual problem, fera can be read as a poetic abbreviation

of fiera, meaning a public display, rendering love is made manifest as a likely

translation. The text speaks of both romantic suffering and fulfillment, and taken together

with the text of the preceding recitative it seems to appeal to the inherently mixed

feelings of an active love affair, rather than unfulfilled longing. There is no text

repetition in the B section, and the repletion of son dolce, son care in the A sections

does not confuse the grammar or the meaning unnecessarily.

405
That this copyists omission was not corrected suggests that this copy was
never used for performance. I propose that the following notes might be supplied in the
bass line to fill the blank measure: F (quarter note on beat one)G (quarter note on beat
two)A (half note on beats three and four).
406
The vocal range of the soprano is discussed in Pietro Francesco Tosi,
Observations on the Florid Song, trans. by Mr. Galliard (Originally printed at Bologna,
1723. Translation published in London: J. Wilcox, 1743. Reprinted New York: Johnson
Reprint Corporation, 1968), 2224.

168
 The cantata Seci potesse loro begins with a vocal statement on the first beat and

so contains no initial ritornello statement. There is, however, a threebeat cadential

motive that reoccurs to punctuate each of the poetic lines where the vocal line has a

short rest:

Figure 3.18: Fede, Seci potesse loro, mm. 116

The eightline text is comprised of two settenario stanzas, the first using an ABBA

rhyme scheme, and the second CCCC. The text expresses a futile hope against the

inevitability of death. The musical setting reflects this wishful ambivalence by alternating

between F major and D. The form of this aria is curious; the opening section (mm. 15) is

immediately repeated (mm.610). The first new material occurs in mm. 1113. A

variation of the opening melody reappears in measure14, but with new lyrics, some of the

notes in diminution, and a completely new accompaniment. The singlemeasure coda in

169
measure 16 is similar to the cadential figure that concludes the first iteration of the

melody, but this time the figure is inverted, although it serves the same function of

closing the phrase in D minor. I analyze the aria with the form designation of AABA1.

Several of Fedes arias make use of motto or devise openings, in which an

instrumental ritornello precedes the initial vocal entrance and then returns to create

musical space between the first and second vocal statements. Voi zeffiri erranti, begins

with a motto openinga windlike ritornello of a rising scale in eighthnotes appears

before and after the first vocal statement, but does not reoccur until the last measure of

the piece, where it appears in semiinverted form to provide cadential closure. O Filli

adorata, also makes use of a similar opening gesturethe piece begins with two

statements of the ritornello surrounding the first vocal entry, but the ritornello does not

appear again; instead new material is presented during the twomeasure break in the

vocal line before the Bsection. Su dunque voglio bere is an example of a Fede motto aria

that makes significant use of ritornello. It begins with a devise opening a two

measure ritornello followed by the first vocal statement, followed again by the ritornello:

170
Figure 3.19: Su dunque voglio bere, mm. 121

In this case, the continuo anticipates the vocal line exactly; the initial vocal entry is

identical to the first eight notes of the opening bass line. The two opening vocal

statements contain an entire line of text (su dunque voglio bere). Nor is the musical

interruption terribly abrupt since it is melodically balanced (comprising exactly four

beats) and harmonically complete (it begins on the fifth note of the scale and resolves on

the tonic). After the first two vocal statements, each of which may be considered the

pronouncement of an antecedent element of a larger period, the consequent phrase is

presented twice in succession (mm.711). This creates a very pleasing melodic symmetry

171
for the ariathe opening phrase begins twice, and concludes twice. After the conclusion

of the second consequent phrase (m. 10), the ritornello reappears briefly to contrive a

cadence in a new key area, that of the relative (F) major (m. 11). The cadence in a foreign

key area at this point eliminates the possibility that this aria will be in da capo form, but a

new (B) section does begin at this point (m. 1215) with new textual and melodic

material. While initially in the new key of F major, the first phrase of this new section

concludes in the home key (D minor) by m. 15 before being repeated exactly in mm. 16

19. The final vocal cadence in m. 19, followed by two measures of ritornello coda in the

continuo in which the shape of the cadential figure is inverted when compared to its

appearance at the beginning of the piece.

The Arias of Numeri amorosi

The first aria in Fedes longest cantata, Numeri amorosi, uses a motto, or

devise, opening. Continuo ritornello (3 bars long) anticipates the vocal entry at the

octave, the only difference in that the bass gesture ends with a falling octave (c1C)

whereas the vocal line falls only a forth (c1G), landing on the dominant. The ritornello

returns exactly between vocal statements, and the second vocal entry is identical to the

first. The initial vocal entry quante son queste arene is an entire phrase, rather than a

nonsensical particle, which would have appealed to French poetic sensibilities.407 After

the first two vocal entries, the voice takes new melodic material (m. 10), but the bass

repeats the ritornello exactly one more time (mm. 911), making three complete continuo

statements of the ritornello to begin the aria. The new material lacks motivic or sequential
407
Tunley, French Cantata, intro, viii Where textual repetition is concerned in the
French air it is more likely to be the repetition of complete lines, resulting in a musical
style in which balanced phrases, like those of the dance, take precedence.

172
figures, but uses suspensions in the vocal line (mm 1213). The first strong cadence

occurs on the relative major (E-flat Major) in m. 14. The next section offers eighth notes

in the vocal line for the first time in m. 16 (both parts having used only quarters and

halves until this point), and modulates to the minor dominant (G minor) beginning with

an Fsharp in the vocal line M. 20. The only use of motive sequence in this aria appears

during a melisma in mm. 2123, which features a rising sequential line of a dotted

quarter and three eighth notes in mm. 2122. The sequence is a conjunct line rising a

fourth repeated once a step higher. It does not any great virtuoso display or difficulty.

The section ends in measure m. 26 on a minor dominant chord (g minor) followed by a

break in the vocal line of one measure and one beat during which the continuo makes no

reference to the initial ritornello but introduces a Bnatural on the downbeat of m. 27

returning to the tonic key (C minor) for the vocal entrance in the following measure (m.

28).

173
Figure 3.20: Fede, Quante son queste arene, mm. 140

The final section (mm. 2740) features again the sequential melisma from mm. 2122,

this time presented in the tonic (mm. 3133). The text of this section is a repetition of the

final line of the poetic stanza, but again it is a repeat of a complete line rather than a

nonsensical fragment. The final vocal cadence occurs in C minor in m. 36, and is

followed by a four measures continuo coda in which no reference is made to the opening

ritornello.

The second air of this cantata, Quante la terra ha foglie, is perhaps better

considered an arioso than a proper aria on the grounds that 1) at ten measures it is very

174
brief, containing only two statements of an antecedentconsequent phrases (quantetante;

quantetante), and 2) Short though it is, it is throughcomposed, and intensely

sequentialeach quante statement (each lasts only one bar) develops from a motive

comprising an eighth note and two sixteenths; each tante statement (considerably

longer, each contains text repetitionthe first one partial the second one complete), is

constructed as a sensuously falling sequential figure. Still, this is not a recitative in a

strict sense either, since the melody is joined rhythmically to the bass and there is a

regular pulse.

Figure 3.21: Fede, Quante la terra ha foglie, mm. 110

The first cadence in this aria is in D minor, functionally the minor dominant of the

concluding G minor chord in measure 10. As the air progresses from beginning to end, it

moves harmonically from the dominant through the relative major (Bflat major, m. 7),

finally coming to rest (for the first time) at the tonic (G minor) in the final bar.

In the first measure, the voice introduces a rhythmic motive consisting of an

eighth followed by two sixteenthnotes. At the end of the first measure, the same motive

is expanded to an eighth note and two sixteenth notes followed by a quarter note, forming

the basis of a falling sequence in three steps: the first begins on the last beat of the first

measure, the second on the second beat of the next measure, and the third is presented in

175
ornamented augmentation beginning on the third beat of the second measure. The

ornamentation serves to elongate the figure and create added dissonance through a

suspension that occurs as the augmented falling pattern is stretched above the moving

bass line (m. 3). This gradually lengthening elaboration of a melodically descending

motive, combined with the descending and circular harmonic progression, makes an

effective musical depiction of the poetic imagery of falling leaves.

The third aria, Quanti ha laria, is in triple meter, but the time signature is 3/8

rather than 3/4 as it was in Quante son queste arene, which may indicate a faster tempo

reflecting the happier mood at this point in the poetry. There is no introduction, and no

ritornello as such, but the repetitive bass line suggests an ostinato. This repeated bass

figure, what we might best call free ostinato is the only structural element to give this

short piece form, since cadences are scarce. The aria opens with an opening vocal

statement over two repetitions of the bass figure, clearly delineating an opening section

(mm. 111). Although there is no discernable cadence point here, new material in the

bass and voice in mm. 1223 introduces a new key area (Bflat major), and can clearly

be identified as a B section:

176
Figure 3.22: Quante laria augelletti, mm. 132

The end of this second section occurs through the use of a feigned or double cadence

figure that is typical of Fede; a perfect authentic cadence in the key of Bflat major (m.

21) seems solidly to conclude a section in that key area, but instead of coming to a resting

point, both the melody and bass line continue to carry onward for another two measures,

reaching another cadence just three bars later (m.24)this time in the tonic key (G

minor). Besides the final cadence in the ultimate measure, these are the only two

cadences in the piece. The vocal line comes to an end with the cadence in m. 24, but the

bass line continues with the repeated bass figure that formed the initial ostinato of the

aria, this time serving as a coda and providing a sufficient reference to the opening

material that this piece might be considered to have an ABA structure, although clearly a

very unusual example of that form.

The most strikingly obvious distinction of the final aria, Facciam, concordi

amanti, is that it is written for two voices, when the rest of the cantata was for solo

177
soprano. Moreover, it is written for soprano and tenor, when all preceding arias, for both

the male (Eurilo) and female (Filena) characters, had been written for soprano:

178
Figure 3.23: Fede, Facciam concordi amanti, mm. 136

179
As the grand finale of the cantata, this aria is longer and more chromatic. The duet texture

provides opportunities for imitation (mm. 12; 89) and the exchange of melodic

material between the voices (the tenor material in mm. 1520 is taken by the soprano in

mm. 2126). The aria is through-composed, but divided roughly into three sections. The

piece begins with no ritornello introduction but with an immediate point of imitation

between the soprano entering at the tonic on the second half of beat two followed by the

tenor entering at the dominant on the second half of beat four. Fede again chooses to

move harmonically further afield immediately rather than lingering to establish the home

key; a half cadence occurs on the downbeat of m. 4, but the first phrase concludes

ambiguously on the final beat of measure seven on the subdominant chord (F major). The

second section begins in measure 8 with another point of imitation, this time led by the

180
tenor voice. This section leads to the parallel major key (Eflat major), which is achieved

by the cadence in measure 14. The third and longest section of the aria begins, again with

tenorled imitation, in measure 15. This section emphasizes a secondary dominant (five

of the relative major) in cadences on Bflat major in mm. 19 and 25. The latter of these

becomes another example of a double cadence as the Bflat cadence on the downbeat of

m. 25 is immediately followed by a cadence in the relative major (Eflat) in m. 26. A

Corellian cadential echo effect is presented in the final bars of the piece as the

concluding part of the final phrase (mm. 3133) is repeated to bring closure to the aria

(mm. 3336). There is considerably more text repetition in this aria than in the others of

this cantata, as the phrase let there be a thousand kisses is repeated over and over (an

illustration of the text) during the second half of the piece. As usual, the texture is mostly

syllabic with brief melismas in both voices consisting of a rising sixteenthnote figure on

the word guerre.

General observations

Fedes arias are not typically very long. Only two exceed sixty bars: Langue,

geme, sospira contains one hundred six bars, and A torto, bella bocca has nintyfive.

Three are very short indeedAmor fiori un d cogliea, Mai pensier non cangier,

and Quante la terra ha foglieeach comprise only ten bars. There are twice as many

fourteenbetween fifteen and forty bars than there are between forty and sixty bars in

length. Each of the ten-bar arias, the shortest written by Fede, are contained within

cantatas while the two longest arias are both independent compositions. It is not always

the case, however, that arias contained in Fedes cantatas are short or that his independent

arias are long: The final aria in the cantata Bellonde tranquille, O Filli adorata, has

181
fifty-nine bars, while the title aria of the cantata La mia vita contains fifty-six bars, and

the same cantatas closing aria, Fin che spirto, comprises sixty bars. Conversely,

several of Fedes independent arias are quite short: Mio contento has only seventeen

bars, and Morir poich volete only sixteen. On the whole, however, Fedes

independent arias, at an average of forty-eight bars, tend to be substantially longer than

his cantata arias, which have an average length of thirty-one bars.

The vast majority of Fedes arias are in a minor mode; only five (or twenty

percent) are in a major key: Lacrimando e quasi in forse and La mia vita la mia

speme in B-flat major; Bellezze voi siete tiranne de cori and Ardo, sospiro (the

independent aria) in G major; and Langue, geme, sospira in D major. These major key

arias, however, are all of greater than average length; Fede composes in the major modes

comparatively rarely but he tends to use them for his more substantial pieces. Six of

Fedes arias are in D minor and an equal number are in G minor, making these two keys

the commonest among Fedes works. A minor is closely in second place with five arias,

and C minor, with three arias, is the least common minor key. Generally speaking, Fede

tends to make use of the major mode when setting text that describes satisfied love (as in

La mia vita, la mia speme and Langue, geme, sospira), declaims a philosophical

maxim (as in Bellezze voi siete tiranne de cori and Ardo, sospiro), or presents a

humorous situation (as in Lacrimando e quasi in forse).

Fede uses duple meter in fourteen of his arias, with all but one of these marked in

common time and one exception marked in cut time. Of the eleven arias in triple meter,

eight make use of a three-four time signature, and one each of three, three-eight, and

three-two respectively. Tempo markings are rarely indicated in the manuscripts of Fedes

182
music; the most common tempo notation is adagio, often written in cadential areas

presumably to indicate a relaxation of tempo.

Fedes arias tend to avoid the use of standard forms; twelve are through

composed. Eight of his arias make use of some type of ternary structure, none of them

bear the inscribed instruction da capo, although several of them, such as Bellezze voi

siete tiranne de cori are in fact da capo arias featuring a writtenout literal return of the

opening section. Others, such as Annodami, abbracciami, are da capo arias with a

writtenout return of the opening section that includes some variation and a coda. Apart

from the throughcomposed arias and those in some version of ternary form, there are

four of other types: Fedes longest aria, Langue, geme, sospira, is a strophic aria

composed of two musically identical verses that are each repeated. Sei pur dolce, o

libert is a binary aria with two repeated straines. Su dunque voglio begins with a

motto opening that leads to a cadence in F major followed by a contrasting section that

resolves into D minor and is repeated, giving the piece a form of ABB. La mia vita

contains a repetition of the opening section and a single occurrence of a contrasting

conclusion, resulting in a form of AAB. Fede prefers through-composed arias to those

based on formal architecture; even those that can be described as ternary are widely

varied among themselves. It is clear that Fede did not feel obliged to conform to a

paradigmatic approach to aria writing, leaving instead a repertoire characterized overall

by structural unpredictability.

Most of Fedes arias do not have any ritornello introduction, and in those eleven

arias that do, such an introduction is usually very shortPer voi lumi adorati, for

example, has a two-bar walking bass introduction. The ritornello introduction of

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Langue, geme, sospira, at eleven bars, is unusually long for a Fede aria. In six arias the

introductory material in the continuo anticipates the melody of the first vocal entry, and

eight arias make use of a motto opening in which a short re-appearance of the opening

ritornello is interposed between two identical vocal statements.

Fede is very restrained in his use of chromaticism. For the most part his arias are

strictly diatonic and make use only of those accidentals that are common to the key area,

such as leading tones when in a minor mode. His melodies are frequently constructed of

repeated and elaborated rhythmic motives, but a significant number do not appear to

make any significant use of this technique; Fedes motivic development rarely results in

sequential melodies, but approximately half of his arias do feature at least some elements

of melodic sequence. Fede uses imitation, either between the two voices in duet arias or

between the continuo and vocal line in solo arias, in at least ten of his arias; in Facciam

concordi amanti, measures thirty-one and thirty-two (figure 5.23), the continuo

participates in three-voice contrapuntal with both of the vocal lines. Fedes vocal writing

is mostly syllabic with occasional examples of melismatic writing that nearly always

form conjunct sequential passages (see figure 5.23, m. 10). His use of vocal range never

exceeds the interval of a thirteenth, and the majority of his arias explore a range between

a ninth and a twelfth. Fede rarely makes use of continuo ostinato: in the second aria of the

cantata Bellonde tranquille, Voi zeffiri erranti, a onemeasure continuo ritornello

forms an introduction, but briefly becomes an ostinato when it is repeated under a vocal

motto opening. In Quante ha laria, Fede uses a repeated bass figure that forms a free

ostinato that serves to give structure to this short aria. The aria opens with an opening

vocal statement over two repetitions of the bass figure. The bass figure appears once in

184
variation, but when the vocal line comes to an end in measure 24, but the bass line

repeats the initial ostinato as a coda. Vieni caro is Fedes only surviving ground bass

aria, in that the entire bass line consists of a repeated onebar ostinato. This ostinato is

unvaried except that it shifts upwards by a fourth during the arias B section, returning to

its original key when the A section of this ternary aria returns.

Conclusions

Fedes family background positioned him well for a career in the service of the

Stuarts, particularly in exile. With Mary as the de facto head of the court, and in cultural

and financial circumstances that virtually precluded large-scale stage productions or

musical works requiring large and expensive forces, Italian cantata became one of the

primary means of secular musical expression at the Stuart court. Fede had extensive

personal experience and ability in the genre and as sole music director was central to the

flourishing of this musical style at St. Germainenlaye. Forming the bulk of his

surviving work, his cantata output forms Fedes greatest musical legacy.

Mary of Modena played an important role as the primary patron of this musical

culture, and that the poetic texts of Fedes cantatas offer an unusual perspective on the

humanist side of her character. I argue that her sponsorship of these musical settings of

amorous and secular texts suggests that her personality was more complex and nuanced

than has been generally recognized. I would like to suggest that Fedes cantatas are

worthy of attention and, seem likely to have inspired French composers to develop the

genre within their own national idiom.

185
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER THREE

CANTATA AND ARIA LYRICS

CANTATA #1: Ardo, sospiro

Paris, BnF, H. 659
Soprano clef
Two movements: recit; aria
Range: e1a2

Ardo, sospiro 1. Recit: Ardo, sospiro

Ardo, sospiro e peno

e tra catene involto
dun adorato volto
fra tormenti mi struggo e vengo meno
Ai rai di due pupille.
damorose faville
l anima mia si pasce
e finisce e lardor more, e rinasce

I burn, I sigh, and I suffer, wrapped in chains because of a beloved face, in torments I
languish and swoon because of two loving eyes. My soul both feeds and perishes on
sparks of love, and my ardor is extinguished and rekindled again.

Ardo, sospiro 2. Aria: Per voi lumi adorati

Per voi lumi adorati

son dolci son care
le pene al mio cor

Nello splendor divino

di voi beglocchi amanti
riluce il mio destino
ha la sua fera amor

Because of you, beloved eyes, the suffering of my heart is sweet and dear.
My fate is reflected in the divine splendor of your loving eyes, and love finds its primal
passion.

186
Cantata #2 Se ci potesse loro
Paris, BnF, H. 659 (6)
Soprano clef
Three movements: aria; recitative; aria
Range: c1a2

Se ci potesse loro 1. Aria: Se ci potesse loro

Se ci potesse loro
la vita prolongare,
io vorrei per campare
accumular tesoro
accio quando per sorte
venisse a me la morte
loro da me pigliasse
e quella se nandasse.

If gold could make our lives longer I would accumulate money, so that when destiny calls
me to die, it would take the money from me and depart.

Se ci potesse loro 2. Recit: Ma poscia che

Ma poscia che con lei

non si pu pattuire
ed forza muorire,
che val far tanti omei
ed in cure in affanni
che vale spender glanni?

But, since I cannot bargain with her, and death cannot be avoided, what is the point of
toiling so much, and wasting the years in labor?

Se ci potesse loro 3. Aria: Su dunque voglio

Su, dunque, voglio bere,

voglio fra liete schiere
far vita spensierata
e con bellezza amata
voglio ebbro di contento
sfogarmi a mio talento.

So then I want to drink, and have a carefree life among happy friends, and with my
beloved beauty I wish, drunk with happiness, to give free reign to all my instincts.

187
Cantata #3. Innocenzo Fede, Amor fiori un d cogliea
Berkeley, University Library, MS 118
Soprano clef
Three movements: aria; aria; aria
Range: d1g2

Amor fiori und cogliea 1. Aria: Amor fiori un d cogliea

Amor fiori un d cogliea

n savvide che nascosa
tra le foglie duna rosa
piccol ape si giacea
onde a caso fu in un dito
con dolor grave ferito

Cupid one day was picking flowers, he didnt realize that hidden between the petals of
the rose was a small bee, and e was accidentally stung on the finger very painfully.

Amor fiori und cogliea 2. Aria: Lacrimando e quasi in forse

Lacrimando e quasi in forse

di sua vita a Vener corse
ed in mesto e flebil suono
ohim disse madre mia
ohm perso e morto sono
che mha fatto piaga ria
serpentello dali armato
che qua viene Ape chiamato.

Crying, almost in danger of dying, he ran to Venus and in a sad feeble voice said, Alas
my mother, Im lost and dead because of an evil wound given by a little snake armed
with wings, which now here is called a bee.

Amor fiori und cogliea 3. Aria: Deh, dissella, o figlio vago

Deh, dissella, o figlio vago,

se dun ape il picciol ago
t cagion di tal dolore,
qual dolor e qual martoro
credi tu provar coloro
a cui tu trafiggi il core.

Alas, my dear son, if the little sting of a bee is the cause of so much pain, how much
pain and suffering do you think those whose hearts you pierce with your arrows will
experience?

188
Cantata #4. Innocenzo Fede, Bellonde tranquille
Paris, BnF, H. 659
Bass cantata
Three movements: aria; aria; aria
Range: A e1

Bellonde tranquille 1. Bellonde tranquille

Bellonde tranquille
chin calma posate
deh uer la mia Fille
correte volate
fermate al suo pi

Ai gemiti vostri
chi sa che non mostri
piet di mia fe

Beautiful and tranquil waves in placid calm, run to Phyllis and stop at her feet. Hearing
your laments, may she have pity for my love.

Bellonde tranquille 2. Voi zeffiri erranti

Voi zeffiri erranti

su lubriche arene
ridite i miei pianti
narrate le pene

spietate del cor

del cor che lontano
per fato inhumano
da Filli si muor

You errant winds, carry word of my laments over the sea, bring the news of the desperate
pains of my heart, which, far away from Phyllis because of an inhuman fate, is dying.

Bellonde tranquille 3. O Filli adorata

O Filli adorata,
ascolta i tormenti
dunalma agitata

Nellonde, nei venti

sasconde il mio fin.
Vedrai se ben miri

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chin pianti e sospiri
mi scioglie il destin

Beloved Phyllis, take heed of the torments of a restless soul. My demise is hidden in the
winds and the waves. You will see, if you look closely, that my fate is melting me to
cries and sighs.

Cantata #5. Innocenzo Fede, La mia vita

Berkeley, University Library, MS 118
Duet cantata, two soprano clefs
Four movements: aria; aria; arioso; aria
First voice range: e1g2
Second voice range: d1f2

La Mia Vita 1. Aria: La mia vita la mia speme

Voice 1: Voice 2:
La mia vita la mia speme mio Tirsi Il mio cor la mia speme mia Clori
sarai sempre tu sarai sempre tu
amer bacier le catene amer bacier le catene
che mi strinsero in s dolce servitu che mi cinsero in s cara servit

Tirsi (Voice 1): You will always be my heart and my hope, my Clori.
Clori (Voice 2): You will always by my life, my hope, my Tirsi.
BOTH: I will love and kiss the chains that bound me in such sweet slavery.

La Mia Vita 2. Aria: Mai pensier non cangier

Mai pensier non cangier Mai non cangier desio

fin che spirto in seno havr fin che spirto in sen havr
tu lidol mio tu sarai la mia dea

Tirsi: My feelings will never change, as long as I have life in my heart you will be my
idol
Clori: My desire will never change, as long as I have life in my heart you will be my
goddess.

La Mia Vita 3. Recit: Onde in s dolci tempre

Onde in s dolci tempre Onde in s dolci tempre

BOTH: Thus in such sweet passions.

190
La Mia Vita 4. Aria: Fin che spirto

Fin che spirto havr in sen Fin che spirto havr in sen
tamer sempre tamer sempre

BOTH: As long as I have life in my heart I will love you forever.

Canata #6 Numeri Amorosi

Berkeley, University Library, MS 118
Duet cantata, soprano and tenor clefs
Eight movements: recit; aria; recit; aria; recit; aria; recit; aria
Soprano clef range: c1g2
Tenor clef range: Cf1

Numeri Amorosi 1. Recit: Presso un fiume tranquillo

Presso un fiume tranquillo

disse a Filena Eurillo

NARRATOR: Near a tranquil river Eurillo says to Filena:

Numeri Amorosi 2. Aria: Quante son queste arene

Quante son queste arene,

tante son le mie pene:
e quante son quellonde,
tante ho per te nel cor piaghe profonde 1

EURILLO: As many as these grains of sand are my heartaches, and the deep wounds in
my heart are as many as the waves in the water.

Numeri Amorosi 3. Recit: Rispose d amor piena

Rispose damor piena

ad Eurillo Filena

NARRATOR: Then Filena, full of love, responds to Eurilla:

Numeri Amorosi 4. Aria [arioso] Quante la terra ha foglie

Quante la terra ha foglie,

tante son le mie doglie:

191
e quante il cielo ha stelle
tante ho per te nel cor vive fiammelle

FILENA: My pains on earth are a many as the leaves on the ground, the flames in my
heart are as many as the stars in the sky.

Numeri Amorosi 5. Recit: Dunque con lieto core

Dunque (con lieto core

soggiunse indi il pastore):

NARRATOR: Then, with a happy heart, the shepherd said:

Numeri Amorosi 6. Aria: Quanti ha laria

Quanti ha laria augelletti

sieno i nostri diletti
e quante hai tu bellezze
tante in noi versi amor care dolcezze

EURILLO: Let our delights be as many as birds in the sky, and let love pour on us sweet
delights that are as many as your beauties.

Numeri Amorosi 7. Recit: S s con voglie accese

S s (con voglie accese

la ninfa allor riprese) :

NARRATOR: The nymph, with her instincts awakened, joined in:

Numeri Amorosi 8. Aria: Facciam, concordi amanti

(Duet for Soprano and Tenor)

Facciam, concordi amanti,

pari le gioie ai pianti:
alle guerre le paci,
se fur mille i martir sien mille i baci.

EURILLO & FILENA: Let us make, as harmonious lovers, the joys as numerous as the
tears, the agreements as frequent as the strugglesif the pains are one thousand, let also
the kisses be one thousand.

Independent aria #1. Bellezze voi siete tiranne de cori

Paris, BnF, H. 659

192
Soprano clef
Range: d1- f2

Bellezze voi siete

tiranne de cori

Col crine legate,

col sguardo ferite
e troppo spietate
vibrate glardori

Beauties, you are the tyrants of hearts

You ensnare with your hair, you hurt with your glance, you move the passions too
harshly.

Independent aria #2. Morir poich volete

Paris, BnF, H. 659 (4)
Soprano clef
Range: e1a2

Morir, poich volete,

luci belle, io morir
Almen voi che muccidete
che contento io spirer

Since you want me to, pretty eyes, I will die.

Since it is you who are killing me, I will die happily.

Independent aria #3. Langue, geme, sospira

Paris, BnF, H. 659 (4)
Soprano clef
Range: d1a2

Langue, geme, sospira e si lagna

colomba che chiama
lerrante compagna.
Ma quando si vede
che in braccio le riede
quel ben che tant ama
cangia i gemiti in baci e piu non brama

193
Cosi lungi dal tuo bel sembiante
non troua mai pace
questanima amante.
Ma quando poi mira
del sol che sospira
la splendita face
per dolcezza si strugge, adora e tace.

The dove that calls for his wandering she-dove, pines, suffers, languishes, and laments.
But when that dove sees that the one he loves so much returns to his arms, he turns the
wailing into kisses and does not pine for her anymore, for his desire is sated.

Likewise, away from the beautiful presence, my soul in love does not find peace. But
when my soul can finally admire the splendid countenance of the only person that it
loves, overcome by sweetness it melts away speechless, in adoration.

Independent aria #4. Vieni, o caro

London, BL MS Add. 31502, H-H vol. 11, 513-Reel 22
Soprano clef
Range: f#1f2

Vieni, o caro, non tardar

con la vind[.] saetta,
di tue furie il passo affretta
questo seno a sprigionar

Come, my dear, do not hesitate with your [] arrow,

Rush quickly to fill up [my lovers?] heart with your fury.

Independent aria #5. Annodami, abbracciami

Paris, BnF, H. 659
Bass clef
Range: Ad1

Annodami, abbracciami,
caro mio ben si si

Stringimi pur al seno

e rieda quel sereno
choggi da noi spari

Entangle me, embrace me, my beloved,

194
Stay close to me and return to that happiness that today we lost.

Independent aria #6. A torto, bella bocca

Paris, BnF, H. 659 (3)
Duet, two soprano clefs
Voice one range: e1f#2
Voice two range: d#1e2

A torto, bella bocca,

mi chiami infido cor
amante pi costante
se il ciel di me non ha

Perch mia fe condanni

in braccio al rio dolor

Beautiful lips, you wrongly call me unfaithful, since there is no more faithful lover than I
under the sun. Why do you put my faith in the arms of pain?

Independent aria #7. Sei pur dolce, o libert

Paris, BnF H. 659 (6)
Duet, two soprano clefs
Voice one range: f#1s2
Voice two range: df2

Sei pur dolce, o libert

Ma di te la gran dolcezza
chi la prova non la sprezza,
la sospira chi non lha

Freedom, you truly are sweet, but your great sweetness is such that those who experience
it do not disparage it, and those who do not, pine for it.

Independent aria #8. Mio contento

Paris, BnF, H.659 & Berkeley, University Library, MS 118
Duet, two soprano clefs
Voice one range: e1g2
Voice two range: d#1e2

Mio contento, mio bel nume

195
(Mio tesoro mio ristoro)
Per te o cara(o) gode lalma il tuo seren
a te vivo per te moro
per te spira lalma in sen

My happiness, my love, (my blessed one, my nourishment), for you my dear,my soul
enjoys the happiness that you cause. I long for you, I die for you, my soul dies for you in
my heart.

Independent aria #9. Ardo, sospiro

Paris, BnF, H. 659
Duet, soprano and bass clefs
Soprano range: d1g2
Bass range: Gd1

Ardo, sospiro e peno

Gelo languisco avvampo
fra tormentosi ardori
Ma chi penar non vuol non sinnamori

I burn, I sigh, frozen languishing in pain, flushed with torments of passion

But whoever doesnt want pain should not fall in love.

196
 CHAPTER FOUR

THE SONATAS OF INNOCENZO FEDE

French composers began consciously to imitate the Italian genres of sonata and

cantata in the late seventeenth century. That the first attempts by French composers to

adopt these Italian genres, in the early 1690s for sonata and around 1700 for cantata,

occurred in such obvious proximity in both time and space to the Italiandominated

musical court of the Stuarts at Saint-Germain-en-laye offers the possibility that more than

a coincidence lies at its root.

Historian Edward Corp originally advanced the theory that the Stuart court, exiled

in the greater Parisian environment from 1689, provided French composers a first-hand

view of Italian musical trends both through its treasury of Italian manuscripts and regular

performances of these works. Recent writings by musicologists David Ponsford, David

Tunley, Jane Clark, and Don Fader have acknowledged Corps claim regarding the

significance of the Stuart court in exileinsofar as it was the home of an important

musical library.408 Corp has suggested that the Stuart collection was probably assembled

408
David Ponsford, Organ Music in the Reign of Louis XIV (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2011), 120; David Tunley, Franois Couperin and The
Perfection of Music (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing, 2004), 4142; Jane Clark,
Aspects of the social and cultural background, in Jane Clark and Derek Connon, The
mirror of human life: Reflections on Franois Couperins Pices de Clavecin (Redcroft:
Kings Music, 2002), 1011; Don Fader, Philippe II dOrlanss chanteurs italiens, the
Italian cantata and the goutsrunis under Louis XIV, Early Music 35 (May 2007): 237

197
from musical manuscripts sent from Rome to Innocenzo Fede in Paris by his uncles in the

Papal choir, or copied by Lord Melfort and David Nairne during a visit to Rome in

1691.409

The argument advanced by Corp is that the Stuart manuscript collection provided

examples of Italian sonatas and cantatas to French composers who might not have had the

opportunity to travel for such study to Italy, but who wished to experiment with these

specifically Italian genres. Corp claims that St. -Germain court music was both known

to and performed by the French musicians working at Versailles under the direction of

Michel-Richard Delalande,410 and he cites a report in the Mercure galant from 7

October 1707 that Delalande and his daughters organized a special concert of Italian

music for Louis XIV as evidence that the Stuart manuscripts were used in performance

by musicians at the French court, although it is not clear that the Italian music performed

was from Fedes collection.411 Corp has never claimed that Innocenzo Fede himself, or

his personal compositions, constituted a model for imitation by these French composers,

but rather that Fede provided the model through his collection of manuscripts and

248; Mary Cyr, ed., Elisabeth-Claude Jacquet de La Guerre, The Collected Works, vol. 2
(New York: The Broude Trust, 2008), xvivii.
409
Edward T. Corp, The Exiled Court, 225.
410
Edward T. Corp, The Exiled Court, 226. Corp cites a report in the Mercure
galant from 7 October 1707 that Delalande and his daughters organized a special
concert of Italian music for Louis XIV as evidence that the Stuart manuscripts were used
in performance by musicians at the French court, but it is not clear that the Italian music
performed was from Fedes collection.
411
Mercure galant, 7 October 1707, reproduced in Notes et rfrenes pour servir
une histoire de MichelRichard Delalande, ed. Norbert Dufourcq (Paris, 1957), 163,
cited in Corp, A Centre of Italian Music, 226. Corp acknowledges the uncertainty of
the repertoire actually performed: We are not told what the music was, but given that
James III actually left Fontainebleau the same day, it may well be that Delalande was
performing some of the Stuart court music, recently copied by Philidor and thus available
at the French court.

198
through the performances of that Italian repertoire that it was his responsibility to

direct.412 Corp has further suggested that Couperin actually lived at St. Germain and

worked there periodically for years.413

My interest in this matter, however, has to do not only with the extent to which

the Stuart court in exile influenced the music of their Parisian neighbors, but to what

extent Innocenzo Fede himself may have been a pedagogical force for the advancement

of Italian styles in Paris while residing at Saint-Germain-en-Laye from 16891719.

Taking for granted that the manuscript collection of Italian music at the Stuart court was

a treasure trove for French composers who sought to master the forms of sonata and

cantata at the turn of the eighteenth century, what musical influence did Fede himself

exert? Did his personal compositions serve as models for French composers? I argue that

there is no compelling reason to exclude Fede as the most likely model for French

composers during their initial experimentation with Italian styles, and that his proximity,

his background, his courtly position, and above all his musical style make him as likely a

candidate as not for emulation by French composers of both sonata and cantata during the

last decade of the seventeenth century and the first decade of the eighteenth.

There are several factors that support the idea that French composers might have

found Fede himself, and his compositions, a model of Italian music. First, there was

vigorous and continuous contact between the French court and the English court, and thus

French courtiers, including the Duc DOrleans and others known for their advocacy of

412
See Edward Corp, The Musical Manuscripts of Copiste Z, 47.
413
Edward Corp, Franois Couperin and the Stuart court at Saint-Germain-en-
Laye, 16911712: a new interpretation, Early Music 28 (Aug., 2000): 445453.

199
Italian musical styles, would have actually been required to be regularly in the presence

of the Stuarts and subject to the musical entertainments at the exiled English court.

Second, Fedes own national identity would have given him a privileged status in

any aesthetic discussions of Italian music; he was an actual Italian. He therefore had an

inherent cultural authority that could never be held by a French or English composer no

matter how well trained in Italianate music. This is not to suggest that his nationality

entitled him to automatic emulation, but that his perceived authenticity and insight as an

authority on Italian music would carry additional weight and influence.

Third, Fede was the only Italian near Paris who held the position of maestro di

cappella, or Surintendant de la Musique du roi dAngleterre.414 In a social world where

title was of the utmost importance and where courtiers would routinely argue about who

got to sit on what kind of stool in each others presence, holding the position of a high

ranking officer at court gave Fede a kind of prestige that was unavailable to other

composers, be they French or Italian. Furthermore, as music director Fede had the power

to present his own compositions during the musical programs at the Stuart court, and it

seems scarcely credible that he would not choose to do so when French musicians and

musical patrons were in attendance.

Fourth, Fede had an advantage over all other Italian composers in France in that

he was present and active in the musical scene near Paris. The music of other Italian

composers, such as Giovanni Battista Bononcini (16701747)who has been advanced

by Don Fader as the most likely model for imitation by French composers of Italian

414
Fedes French courtly title is from a reference in the local parish register
preserved at the Hotel de Ville at Saint-Germain-en-Laye, published in Charles E. Lart,
Jacobite Extracts of Births, Marriages and Deaths, 16891720, 2 vols. (London, 1910
12), cited in Corp, a Centre of Italian Music, 217.

200
cantata415 was known and studied by contemporary musicians in Paris, but Fedes was

the more likely to serve as a model for imitation, since only Fede was in a position

personally to demonstrate, explain, direct, and advocate for his own music. In that respect

he held an enormous advantage over other Italian composers whose music was known in

France either in manuscript or published form.

It is clear that the Stuart court in the 1690s was not the only cultural force

advocating Italian music in Paris. Marc-Anoine Charpentier had studied in Italy (ca.

1666ca. 1770) and subsequently met with great success as a composer of arguably

Italianate style in Paris, producing sacred music at the royal chapel, as well as the opera,

and acquiring the patronage of such prominent nobles as the Duchess De Guise and the

future regent the Duc dOrleans, whose own court at the Palais Royale is often cited as

the catalyst for the explosion of interest in Italian music that took place at this time

among French composers.416

Indeed, musicologist Catherine Cessac has claimed that Marc-Antoine

Charpentier may actually be the original pioneer of the Italian sonata in France, since he

may have composed his sonate for two flutes, two violins, bass viol, five-string bass

violin, harpsichord and theorbo around 1685.417 The scoring for this piece is essentially

for two melodic voices and continuo band, but since it is not actually written for continuo

it would hardly seem to be essentially Italian even if entitled sonate. Charpentiers

415
Giovanni Battista Bononcini has been suggested as the most likely model for
imitation by French composers. See Don Fader, Philippe II dOrlanss chanteurs
italiens, 242245.
416
Don Fader, Philippe II dOrlanss chanteurs italiens. 237248. David
Tunley, Franois Couperin and The Perfection of Music, 42
417
Catherin Cessac, Marc-Antoine Charpentier, 333334. The dating of the piece
is based on a similarity of the paper with that of a copy known to be from 1685, so it may
be more conjecture than certainty since the music could have been entered at a later date.

201
piece is further distinct from contemporary Italian models in that it comprises nine

movements, including dances (as in a sonata da camera), an opening grave movement

(as in a sonata da chiesa), and a notably unusal second movementa solo recitative for

unaccompanied viol. Given the unorthodoxy of the orchestration together with the

eclectic assortment of form types, this piece should perhaps be regarded not so much as

an example of a French-composed Italian sonata, but as a fore-runner of the blending of

styles that Franois Couperin would later call les gouts runis.418

It is Franois Couperin who is generally credited with being the first Frenchman

to compose an Italianate sonata, and indeed, such is his own claim:

The first sonata in [Les Nations] was also the first that I composed, and
the first composed in France . . . Charmed by the sonatas of Signor Corelli
. . . I ventured to compose a sonata myself which I had played in the same
place where I had heard Corellis . . . I pretended that a relative of mine . .
. had sent me a sonata by a new Italian composer. I arranged the leters of
my name so as to form an Italian name which I gave instead. The sonata
was received with much acclaim . . . . I wrote others and my Italianized
name brought me, wearing this mask, great applause.419

Couperin here is describing his composition between 1692 and 1695 of six sonatasLe

Steinquerque, La Pucelle, La Visionnaire, LAstre, La Superbe, and La Sultane420and

418
Cessac, Charpentier, 334.
419
Couperin makes this claim in the introduction to his 1706 publication Les
Nations, see Franois Couperin, Oeuvres Compltes de Franois Couperin, edited by
Maurice Cauchie, vol. 9 (Paris: ditions de LOiseau Lyre, 1933), preface pp. 78. Also
see Franois Couperin, Musique de Chambre vol. 3: Les nations, ed. Kenneth Gilber and
Davitt Moroney (Monaco: LOiseauLyre, 1987), 6. Couperin reiterates the claim in his
1724 publication Les Gouts Runis, referring to the first Italian sonatas which
appeared in Paris more than 30 years ago. Franois Couperin, Oeuvres Compltes de
Franois Couperin, edited by Maurice Cauchie, vol. 8 (Paris: ditions de LOiseau Lyre,
1933), preface pp. 56.
420
David Fuller, et al., "Couperin," Grove Music Online, Oxford Music Online,
Oxford University Press, accessed May 7, 2013,

202
how he passed them off to the public as genuine Italian compositions under an Italian

pseudonym.421

Couperins approach to sonata composition during the early 1690s was defined in

part by his exclusive use of the trio-sonata medium: the use of two treble voices and

continuo. In this he can be seen to have been following the lead of Arcangelo Corelli

(16531713), whose first four staggeringly successful publications were all for written in

trio sonata texture and who did not publish any sonatas for solo instrument and continuo

until his opus 5 in 1700. Fede, on the other had, wrote only for solo treble voice and

continuo except for his Sonata no. 5 in C major which is written for three treble voices

with no continuo accompaniment at all.

Couperin, like many late seventeenth-century European composers, may have

been inspired by the model of Corelli. His compositional style, however, is not nearly as

imitative or contrapuntally oriented as his Italian counterpart. His trio sonata texture is

often characterized by a homophonic relationship between the two treble voices which

generally move in parallel imperfect consonance, as can be seen in the first movement of

La Steinquerque, one of his earliest sonatas:

http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/subscriber/article/grove/music/4
0182pg4.
421
Anthony, 322.

203
Figure 4.1: Couperin, La Steinquerque, mvmt. 1, mm. 134.

204
Most of the imitative interest in this example occurs in the relationship between the upper

voices and the continuo. The treble parts behave effectively as a single instrument; with

the exception of two very slight diversions (mm. 7 and 25), and two instances when the

voices separate in order to approach cadancial points in contrary motion (mm. 29 and 33),

they are always in rhythmic unison and nearly always melodically parallel.

In other instances, however, Couperin shows a strong Italian influence; the third

movement of La Steinquerque is characterized by suspentions and staggered motivic

entrances between all three voices, much more remeniscient of the contrapuntally

oriented Corellian model:

205
Figure 4.2: Couperin, La Steinquerque, mvmt. 3, mm. 114.

206
The independence of the voices in this example is made clear immediately; using a

motive comprising a dotted quarter note followed by two descending sixteenths and

another quarter note, Couperin creates a texture of imitative stretto by introducing

staggered statements of the motive among all three voices in the first measure. The

independence of the voices, as well as their contrapuntal relationship, continues

throughout this movement and permeates the texture of the following movement

(Legerement) as well, providing a contrapuntal center to a sonata largely dominated by

the predominance of homophony in the outer movements.

Couperin himself identified Corelli as his model, and there seems no reason to

doubt him. At least there is no compelling reason to he was specifically imitating

Innocenzo Fede. After all, Couperin was at that time writing not solo, but trio sonatas,

and if any sonatas of this type were ever written by Fede, none survive. All we have of

sonatas from Fede are for solo instrument and continuo ( 2), and one piece for three

treble voices without continuo, a scoring which is quite remarkable in itself. There were

other French composers besides Couperin forming the first wave of sonata composition

in Paris during the 1690s. Sbastien de Brossard, Jean-Fry Rebel, and Elisabeth-Claude

Jacquet de la Guerre also composed sonatas in or around 1695, each of whom composed

not only trio but solo sonatas.422 While their connections to the court at Saint Germain-

422
Around 1695 Sbastien de Brossard made copies of Corellis op. 3 trio sonatas
(published in Rome in 1689), as well as of sonatas by Couperin and Elisabeth Jacquet de
La Guerre, in addition to composing sonatas himself. He wrote, at that time, all the
composers in Paris, especially the organists, had, you might say, a passion for composing
sonatas in the Italian style. See La Collection Sebastien de Brossard, 16551730:
catalogue dit et Prsent par Yolande de Brossard (Paris, Bibliothque nationale de
France, 1994), 507512. Cited in Sbastien de Brossard: Musique Instrumentale, edited
by Catherin Cessac (Versailles: ditions du Centre de Musique Baroque de Versaulles,

207
en-Laye remain even less certain than Couperins, the possibility that their solo sonatas

may have been at least partly inspired by those of Innocenzo Fede should not be

dismissed. It may be that Fede wrote his solo sonatas after 1700, when Corellis Opus V

generated a firestorm of interest in the solo violin sonata in Paris and indeed all of

Europe.423 It could also mean that Fede, quite independently of Corelli, preferred to write

for solo flute or violin for some practical reason; perhaps there was only one

instrumentalist upon whom he could rely, or perhaps a single instrumentalist at court

requested solo sonatas for his instrument. Still, we should bear in mind that even if the

primary model of Italian Sonata composition in Paris was not so much Fede as it was

Corelli, Fede would remain an attractive advisor to other musicians, since Fedes father

Antonio Maria had been a colleague of Corelli at San Luigi dei Francesi in Rome, and

Innocenzo Fede himself had worked with Corelli in Rome at the court of the exiled

Queen Christiana of Sweden.424 Fedes connection to Corelli through his fathers position

would have been especially powerful in Paris, since it was by his appointment to that

prominent and influential church job 1675 that Corelli became best known to the French

faction at Rome.425 In other words, Fede could claim professional connections with the

man regarded in Paris as the greatest contemporary master of the Italian sonata. Even if

he was not himself a prolific author of trio sonatas, Fede would have had the honor of his

association with Corelli and would have been respected for his firsthand familiarity with

2005), 515; Mary Cyr, editor, Elisabeth-Claude Jacquet de La Guerre, The Collected
Works, vol. 2 (New York: The Broude Trust, 2008), xvivii.
423
Peter Walls, Sonade, que me veux tu?: Reconstructing French identity in the
wake of Corellis op. 5, Early Music 32 (February, 2004): 2747.
424
See Peter Allsop, Arcangelo Corelli: The New Orpheus of Our Times (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1999), 3334, and Andrew Barclay, 8485.
425
Jean Lionnet, Une mode Franaise Rome au XVIIe sicle, Revue de
Musicologie 77 (1991): 279290; Allsop, Arcangelo Corelli: The New Orpheus, 27.

208
Corellis performative style and his membership in Corellis Roman musical circles.

Even should Fede not be considered a primary model of Italian sonata composition for

French composers, his status as a Roman composer who had been a colleague of Corellis

must have made him notable if only by association, at a time when Corellis sonatas were

so much in demand.

Fedes sonatas were probably played at informal musical settings and used by

Fede for the musical instruction of the two Stuart princes.426 In composing these pieces,

Fede seem consciously to have avoided virtuoso ostentation, suggesting a context that is

at least partially instructional in intent. His sonatas are probably designed for students of

flute and violin, as well as proficient amateurs attracted to recreational performance, as a

social pastime or game of skill, rather than the merits of virtuoso display.

Fede wrote the following sonatas:

Figure 4.3: List of Fede sonatas

1. Sonata in G minor per il flauto solo427

Grave
Allegro
AdagioAllegro

2. Sonata in D minor per il flauto428

Unmarked
Grave/Allemanda
Adagio
Allegro

3. Sonata in F minor429 (F MinorH. 659 vol. 5)

Unmarked
Allegro/Allemanda
Gigue/allegro

426
Jean Lionnet, Innocenzo Fede et la musique,1516.
427
Paris, Bibliothque nationale de France (hereafter BnF), ms. H. 659.
428
BnF, ms. H. 659.
429
BnF, ms. H. 659.

209
4. Sonata in D minor di Camera430
Unmarked
Rondeau
Sarabande
Menuet

5. Sonata in C major Seguita a 3 flauti431

Overture
Sarabande
Gavotte

Sonata #1G minor Sonata per Il Flauto solo432

This is a free sonata, in so far as the movements are identified by tempo markings

in Italian rather than by dance forms. This indicates that the piece was suitable for

performance in a sacred context, and the term sonata da chiesa could validly be applied

here, although the term is not used in the manuscript. This sonata uses an Italian treble

clef, designating as G the second line of the staff. Which may suggest a non-French

musical context, or imply that the sonata was part of a repertoire intended for non-French

musicians.

The first movement, in duple meter marked in common time, contains twenty

seven measures forming five large phrases. The piece opens with melodic movement

from the dominant (D) to the tonic (G) leading through a four and one half measure

phrase to a cadence on the third beat of measure five in the relative major (Bflat).

Motivic material is primarily formed by dotted quarter notes in the first measure and

upperneighbor note sixteenth note figures in measures three and four, which also

430
Bibliothque municipale de Versailles ms. 161.
431
Found in both BnF ms. H. 659 and Bibliothque municipale de Versailles
(hereafter BM de Versailles), ms. 161.
432
BnF ms. H. 659

210
harmonically delineate a circle progression. This initial phrase is followed by a two

measure cadential phraseextention designed to introduce an arrival in the home key (G

minor). This is accomplished by a motion to the dominant on the down beat of measure

seven and a falling melodic line leading to the tonic on the downbeat of measure eight

accompanied by contrary motion of upward-leaping eighth notes in the bass.

211
Figure 4.4: Fede, Sonata No. 1 in G minor, mvt. 1

212
 Bars 815 contain a reprise of the initial phrase this time moving to a cadence on

the subdominant (on the third beat of measure 15). This is followed by a six-bar phrase

favoring eight notes that leads to cadence in the relative major (B-flat) on the downbeat

of measure twenty-one. This dotted eighth-note motive continues in a new phrase that

begins in measure twenty-one, moves through an emphasis of the dominant of the tonic

key (G minor) in measure twenty-two, and arrives in a closing cadence in the home key

on the down beat of measure twenty-five. The four-bar phrase that reaffirms the tonic and

concludes the movement is a repetition of the material found in measures twenty-two

twenty-five, the tonic-affirming cadential echo technique favored by Fede.

The second movement is an imitative allegro in duple-meter comprising twenty-

nine measures that form five large phrases. The initial four-bar phrase exposes a

sixteenth-note dominated subject in the treble with a slower moving counter melody in

the bass. The second phrase, also four bars, begins with an imitative solo answer in the

bass on the subdominant, but the fugal material is taken by the treble voice as it rejoins in

the sixth measure and the bass voice resumes its counter melody. The phrase ends with a

cadence in the subdominant (C minor) in measure 10. Beginning in the same measure, a

sixbar phrase reprises the imitative subject for three bars, but dotted quarter notes

introduce new material in measure 13. This new motive is presented in eighth-notes

diminution in measures 1416. An E-flat bass suspension on the downbeat of measure

22 functions as the seventh in a minor dominant 4/2 chord and provides a strong point of

dissonance before resolving downward by step on the following (second) beat. One

measure later a strong cadence in the supertonic (B-flat major), implies another feigned

cadence.

213
Figure 4.5: Fede, Sonata No. 1 in G minor, mvt. 2

214
The movement is concluded by a sequential phrase that prepares the return to tonic by

moving through a repeated rising motive to the dominant (D major) in measure 25 before

arriving at the tonic (G minor) on the downbeat of measure 28. This arrival is reinforced

in measures 28 and 29 by a cadential echo, in the piano dynamic, of measures 26 and 27.

The form of the third movement, a forty-eight bar adagio movement is composed

of two binary sections, each comprised of an open strain leading to the dominant (D

minor in the first section, D major in the second) followed by a closed one leading to the

tonic key (G minor). The second binary section is a variation of the first, with the bass

line nearly intact, but the entire section is distinct in terms of motive and musical

character. In terms of compositional genre, this piece may be classified as a theme and

variation,433 but the resulting musical architecture strongly suggests bipartite dance form,

such as a Minuet and Trio. This interpretation is strengthened by the presence of a

complex and persistent rhythmic motive consisting of a continually displaced dotted

quarter note within the triple meter: first the dotted note is on the second beat, and the

following measure it is on the downbeat.

433
See discussion of variation as a genre in William Apel, Italian Violin Music of
the Seventeenth Century (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 7. The genre of
theme and variation in instrumental music was more common in the early 17th century
(often based on aria melodies) than later, and was predominantly (Apel says exclusively)
used for the violin. By the later seventeenth century this genre is most frequently based
on ostinati (e.g. ciacona and passacaglia).

215
Figure 4.6: Fede, Sonata No. 1 in G minor, mvt. 3

The first binary section comprises a shorter first strain containing two phrases that

form a contrasting period, and a longer second strain containing four phrases that form

216
two periods, one contrasting and one parallel. The contrasting period in the first strain

consists of two fourbar phrases moving through a weak cadence on the relative major

(Bflat) in measure 4, and arriving at a strong dominant cadence (D major) in measure 8.

The harmonic motion through the relative major to the dominant serves at once to

establish a tonal center, by outlining the home key, and to create a sense of musical

direction by moving immediately away from the tonic. The two periods in the second

strain maintain the dotted rhythmic motive and move harmonically to the minor

subdominant before returning home. The first phrase (mm. 912) reemphasizes the

dominant harmony established by the open ending of the first strain by moving to a

cadence in D major in measure 12. The consequent phrase slips abruptly into the minor

subdominant (C minor) with the appearance of both an Aflat and a Bnatural (appearing

as a sharp in the manuscript) in measure 13. A strong C minor cadence confirms the

arrival in a foreign key in measure 16. The final period of the strain begins in measure 17

with a fourbar phrase that moves from a diminished A chord (vii/III), to an F major

chord (V/III) suggesting an imminent arrival in the relative major (Bflat). This

ambiguity is not dispelled in the following measure, where the presence of a Bflat

among a D major chord allows the possibility of either the relative major or the dominant,

but the subsequent bars of submediant and dominant harmony confirm the preparation

for a return to tonic. The now expected cadence in G minor arrives in measure 24.

The second binary section is a variation of the first in which the motive is

arranged as a series of very short (two bar) eighthnote driven phrases. The eighthnote

motive presented in the first strain is a series of five conjunct couplets followed by a

quarter note. The harmonic motion is essentially identical to that of the first binary

217
section, but here it is more pronounced due to the shortened phrase structure. Measures

25 and 26 move from the tonic to the dominant and back to the tonic. Measures 27 and 28

move from the tonic to the relative major, but are too brief to achieve any finality of

modulation. Measures 29 and 30 pass through the dominant and back to the tonic in first

inversion, and the strain ends with a cadence on the dominant (D major) in measure 32.

The second strain expands the eighthnote motive into four-bar phrases, resulting in two

periods, one contrasting and one parallel, just as in the original theme (measures 924).

The expanded motive is now comprised of three measures of conjunct eighthnotes

followed by a dotted half note. Like the phrasing, the harmonic motion is identical to that

of the original theme.

The fourth movement is an allegro in rondo form with two modulatory episodes

in addition to the refrain in G minor. This form, together with the triple meter, disjunct

motion, and the weak-beat placement of sixteenth-notes and dotted eight-notes within the

rhythmic motive, suggests a dance movement, although this is not reflected in the free

title (allegro). Both episodes feature secondary harmonies, borrowed chords, placing this

movement among the more harmonically adventurous of Fedes compostions.

The movement is introduced by a 14 bar refrain that comprises the first repeated

strain. The refrain is of two phrases, forming a contrasting period of an eightbar

antecedent and a six bar consequent phrase. This asymmetrical framework presents a

cadential unpredictability that will come to characterize the entire movement, and like the

feigned cadence, is another example of Fedes favored principle of cadential surprise.

The opening phrase immediately suggests a lively dance by outlining melodic leaps of a

fifth and an octave in the first bar. The chord progression proceeds from the opening

218
minor tonic to the mediant (B-flat major) by the fourth bar and reaches the submediant

(E-flat minor) on the downbeat of measure six. In measure seven the sense of symmetry

created by the initial two groups of three bar measures in triple meter is abruptly

dispelled by as six note cadential motive. This figure introduces the first sixteenth notes

of the movement, creates emphasis on two consecutive downbeats (breaking up the

former pattern of alternated strong and weak measures), and serves to extend the phrase

to eight bars, arriving at a half cadence (on D major) on the downbeat of measure 8. The

second phrase constitutes a harmonic reaffirmation, as alternating measure outline the

tonicdominant relationship in the home key. The dance rhythm of the preceding

movement is recalled in measure 10, as the first of the three eighth notes in that measure

is dotted. This rhythm, and its reference to the former movements alternating dotted note

placement will be elaborated in both of the rondeau episodes to come. In measure 12 a

potential cadence is avoided by the reappearance of the sixnote cadential motive that

concluded the first phrase. The phrase thereby becomes six measures in length and is

brought into rhythmic relationship with its antecedent, is closed by cadence in the tonic

(G minor) in measure 14.

219
Figure 4.7: Fede, Sonata No. 1 in G minor, mvt. 4

The first rondo episode begins the second strain on the seventh chord (F major).

The new harmonic area is emphasized melodically by four-note and three-note repetitions

of F in measures 15 and 17. The consequent phrase of the refrain provides episode with

subject material in the form of the dotted eighth-note rhythm, which reappears as a

regular motive in measures 16 and 18, and the six-bar phrasing, which leads to a cadence

220
in Bflat major (IV/VII) on the downbeat of 20. The new phrase begins with an anacrusis

in measure 20 and consists of two bars, featuring the dotted rhythmic motive in measure

22, followed by the now-familiar six-note cadential motive leading to a half cadence on F

major, the tonic of the episodic key area. The following four bars (mm. 2428) prepare

the refrain by moving from the new key (F major) to its relative minor (D minor) which

is also the minor dominant of the original tonic (G minor). This phrase also recalls the

alternating dotted note placement of the previous movement, as the dotted eighth note

arrives on the downbeat in measure 25, and on the second beat in measure 26. At four

bars this phrase and the one that precedes it are the shortest yet to appear in this

movement, and together increase the frequency and unexpectedness of the cadential

rhythmanother instance of Fedes penchant for cadential surprises. The episode is

punctuated by the return of the rondeau theme, identical to its first appearance, from

measures 2942.

The second episode begins in measure 42 by reintroducing the tonic in a new

function as the dominant of a C major chord, which arrives in measure 44. The following

measure moves in a circle progression through the mediant (B-flat major) to the

supertonic (F minor) of the sixth chord (E-flat major). E-flat major is confirmed as the

phrasal target key by the interjection of the cadential sixteenthnote motive that ends the

first phrase of the episode in measure 48. E-flat major is reconfigured immediately in the

next phrase as the subdominant of B-flat major, which is the relative major of the home

key (G minor) and the tonal center of the entire consequent phrase in this episode. The

phrase also makes continuous melodic use of the dotted eighthnote motive, with the

dotted eighthnote placed on the downbeat in measures 5054, and on the second beat in

221
measure 55. The episode ends with a Bflat major cadence in measure 56, and is

followed by the second return of the rondo theme and the close of the movement.

Sonata #4D minor Sonata di Camera434

The manuscript copy of this sonata bears the unusually specific designation

sonata di camera, indicating that the copyist felt the piece more appropriate for

chamber entertainment than for chapel performance. Evidently this sonata was intended

for use at courtly social gatherings, at which the Stuarts French counterparts would

likely be present; it displays some musical traits that could be characterized as more

French than Italian: the piece comprises a suite of four dance movements, all but the first

of which are not only popular French dances, but bear titles in French spelling (Rondeau,

Sarabande, and Menuet). Furthermore, the treble clefs used in the manuscript are of the

French sort: they designate the lowest line of the staff as g1 rather than the second line

from the bottom as in the Italian style.

The first movement of this sonata bears no title or tempo designation, but it is a

duple meter dance structured by an ostinato bass with both a substantial continuo

introduction and coda. It may have served as a kind of promenade to allow dancers

position themselves and acknowledge their partners. The bass ostinato that serves as the

foundation of this nineteenbar movement is three bars long. The first statement, mm. 1

3, occurs in the tonic key as a continuo solo and contains a feigned cadence on the

downbeat of the third bar; the listener hears a two-bar phrase concluding with a cadence

in F major. Fede, however, creates a surprise by adding to the phrase an additional bar

that slips directly to a cadence in the relative minor on the downbeat of measure four.
434
BM de Versailles, ms. 161

222
This double cadence structure surrounding a single bar results in a short phrase

comprising an odd number of measures that momentarily misleads the listener about the

tonal center of the piece. As this musical misdirection occurs in each repetition of the

ostinato, it establishes a light-hearted character for the entire movement. After its initial

statement, the ostinato reappears five times: in measures 46 it is repeated exactly as it

was first presented. In measures 79 it is harmonically identical, but melodically varied;

sixteenth notes are added to increase the energetic impulse of the first four beats of the

structure, while the next four beats are dropped an octave lower than they had been the

first two times. The fourth iteration of the ostinato is the only one to provide harmonic

contrastits essential form remains intact but is transposed to the minor dominant, so

that the false cadence at the downbeat of the third bar now feigns toward C major, while

the actual conclusion of the phrase occurs in A minor on the downbeat of measure 13. In

measures 1315, the ostinato returns to its original form, and in measure 16 through the

downbeat of measure 17 it is repeated without melodic accompaniment, just as at the

beginning of the piece. This movement can therefore be seen to have the shape of a

palindrome: the ostinato appears once alone, once in original form with melodic

accompaniment, twice in variation with melodic accompaniment, once in original form

with melodic accompaniment, and once more alone.

223
Figure 4.8: Fede, Sonata No. 4 in D minor, mvt. 1

The treble solo instrument in this movement initially plays an accompanimental role,

more an ornament to the bass line rather that the main musical interest. Absent entirely

224
from the first and final statements of the ostinato, in measures 45 the treble line offers

sustained notes that serve only to emphasize the cadences on the downbeats of the sixth

and seventh measures. In measures 79, the treble line responds to the motive of

rhythmic variation presented in the bass, creating a point of contrapuntal imitation in

measures 7 and 8. As the bass line moves into the dominant key in measures 1012, the

treble line develops the rhythmic motive from the previous measures and for the first time

establishes melodic independence from the bass line; it is now has its own melodic

character for which the bass ostinato becomes an accompaniment. By measures 1315,

treble line is much more florid and inventive than its bass counterpart which is entirely

accompanimentalduring the course of four iterations of the bass ostinato, the treble line

has been transformed from a passive observer into the melodic leader.

The second movement of the D minor sonata appears at first glance to in binary

formit is made up of two strains of music separated by repeat signs. Segno inscriptions

over the first note and behind the final measure indicate a da capo repeatthe first strain

should be played again at the conclusion of the second strain in order to fulfill a return

from the dominant key to the tonic. The musical material of the first strain is embedded

as a complete quotation within the second strain (mm. 2739), so the da capo return not

only allows the piece to conclude in the tonic key, but completes the fivepart rondo

construction and alluded to by the title Rondeau in the manuscript. The thirteenbar

initial strain of this movement is a rondo refrain that appears a total of three times.

Despite its length and odd number of measures, this refrain comprises a single closed

musical phrase. Cadential fulfillment is avoided in measures four and five by the

introduction of an F-sharp on the downbeat of measure five, which in the context of the

225
conjunct melodic line, creates a sense of chromatic instability, rather than a Picardy-style

major-mode cadential resolution within an otherwise minor-mode context. A sense of

cadential rest is also avoided by a point of imitation between the treble voice and the

continuo in measures four and five. Similarly, an upward leap of a perfect fourth to the

downbeat of measure 9 suggests an arrival in the relative key of F major, but the effect is

counteracted by the continuity of ascending sixteenth-note scalar figures in the melody

that precludes a sense of cadential achievement. The result of Fedes harmonic evasion in

this passage is that the first genuine cadence of the piece is at the final bar of the first

strain, measure 13. Following the previous movement, in which a threebar cadential unit

formed the basis of the ostinato, Fede seems to be developing a theme of basing

movement structure on the repetition of phrase units that comprise an odd number of

measures. The first episode of this rondo (mm. 1426) like the refrain, is thirteen bars in

length, and avoids cadences until its final measure. In measures fourteen and fifteen the

treble voice introduces a new rhythmic motive consisting of a conjunct descending figure

of an eighth note followed by two quarters. In measures 1822 this motive occurs three

times sequentially, and in measures 1921 the bass picks up the motive in imitative

answer to the treble line. As if in fulfillment of the unsatisfied cadential movement

towards the relative major in measure nine, this episode terminates with an F major

cadence in measure 26.

226
Figure 4.9: Fede, Sonata No. 4 in D minor, mvt. 2 Rondeau.

At fifteen bars, the second episode (mm. 4055) breaks the pattern of thirteen-bar

sections. Like the first episode, it begins by immediately introducing new motivic

227
material in the treble voice, in this case an eighth note followed by six sixteenths. This

pattern is repeated in measures 4445 but in measures 4648 the motive is abandoned in

favor of a three-bar hemiola emphasizing the first and third beats of measure 46, the

second of measure 47, and the downbeat of measure 48. An extended version of the

episodes original motive reappears in measures 5152, leading to a secondary dominant

chord (E major) in preparation for the final cadence on the minor dominant in measure

55. Although no such specific instructions appear in the manuscript, there can be no

doubt that a da capo return is necessary to bring completion to the rondo form and

provide harmonic resolution in the tonic.

The third movements of this sonata exemplifies what has come to be considered

the standard binary form: two strains, both repeated, the first concluding in an open

cadence, the second returning to the tonic. In this case each strain is only eight bars long,

virtually necessitating the repeat of each if the performance of the movement is to last for

more than just a few seconds.

Figure 4.10: Fede, Sonata No. 4 in D minor, mvt. 3 Sarabande.

The texture is entirely homophonic, and the principal interest resides in slight variations

of the dotted sarabande rhythm introduced in the first measure: in triple meter, the first

quarter note is followed by a dotted quarter in order to emphasize the second beat of the

228
measure. This occurs in measures one, five, nine, thirteen, and fifteen. Each time it

appears it is followed by a contrasting pattern in the next measure: a dotted quarter note

on the first beat followed by an eighth note and a single quarter. Fede toys with the

expectation of homophony by bringing the two voices slightly out of synchronicity in

measures five and nine, giving the bass line straight quarter notes while the treble line

observes the dotted rhythm. Harmonically, the movement is structured by a move to the

minor dominant at the end of the first strain, followed by a return to the tonic at the end

of the second.

The fourth and final movement of the D minor sonata is, like the third, a short

movement in ternary form.

Figure 4.11: Fede, Sonata No. 4 in D minor, mvt. 4 Menuet.

Labeled menuet in the manuscript, it is similar to the previous movement in that is

composed of two repeated strains, but its form differs from that of the sarabande in that

the first strain concludes in the tonic, while the second ends in the minor dominant. A

final repeat of the initial strain is therefore harmonically necessary in order to return to

the tonic key. This da capo is indicated, as in the second movement, by the presence of

segno inscriptions both above the first note and after the final bar. Since each strain is

229
only eight bars long, the repetition of each strain at least once before the final da capo

repeat would seem to be required to maximize the duration of this dance movement.

Sonata #5C major Seguita a 3 flauti435

This sonata is unique among Fedes instrumental works for at least three reasons:

first, it is the only one not to include continuo accompaniment and is instead written in

threevoice counterpoint for three obligato treble instruments. Second, it is the only

instrumental piece given the title seguita (suite) in a manuscript copy; all other

instrumental pieces by Fede either bear the title sonata or no such designation at all.

Third, it is the only one of Fedes sonatas to appear in two separate manuscriptsH. 659

in the Bibliothque national in Paris, and ms. 161 in the Municipal Library of Versailles.

The manuscript concordance in Paris and Versailles presents some interesting

descrepancies between the two copies: the manuscript from the Paris collection bears a

title in Italian (seguita a 3 flauti), performance designations and movement titles in

French (premier dessus, second dessus, troisieme dessus; sarabande, gavotte) and

tempo markings in what could either be French or English (gay). One could hardly ask

for a musical artifact that more clearly illustrates the cultural mlange that flourished at

the Stuart court in exile. The manuscript from the Versailles collection bears no title at

all, and apart from the first movement (overture), all tempos and dance titles are in

Italian (allegro, sarabanda, gavotta). It is impossible to know exactly why the

discrepancies occurred, but the monolingual notations in the Versailles manuscript

probably reflect a more standardized and perhaps more musically orthodox sensibility,
435
BnF ms. H. 659, concordance in BM de Versailles, ms. 161. This sonata has
recently been published in an edition for three recorders by Pierre Boragno, FedeSuite
en Ut majeur pour trios flutes bec (Paris: dition Delrieu, 2004).

230
and the absence of English notation suggests that this copy may have been provided for

use a the French court while the Paris copy remained in use at the English.

The fifty-five bar first movement of Fedes C major sonata is in the form of a

French Overture, comprising two contrasting sections. The first, in duple meter and only

fourteen bars long, bears no tempo marking, but it is undoubtedly intended to provide a

slow and stately contrast to the allegro that follows. It is formed from two phrases (mm.

14; 514), both of which terminate on an extended dominant (G major) chord.

Harmonically, the function of this section is emphasizing a move from the tonic to the

dominant in preparation for an expected resolution in the following section. Fede creates

the feeling of a dotted rhythm by establishing in the first measure a motive based on a

quarter note tied to a sixteenth. The remaining three sixteenth notes in the second beat

then serve as an anacrusis to the third beat. The development of this motive, together with

a series of elaborate suspensions, serves as the primary melodic interest of this section.

The second section, marked gay in the Paris manuscript and allegro in the

Versailles manuscript, is forty bars in length and is composed primarily of points of

imitation within a homophonic context. It begins as a fugue with the voices entering in

descending sequence, each completing a full statement of the subject until the end of the

exposition in measure 26 where an episode of homophony begins. The lower voice makes

a false entry in measures 3738, and the middle voice makes a complete entry beginning

231
Figure 4.12: Fede, Sonata No. 5 in C major, mvt. 1

232
in measure 40, but apart from imitative exchanges such as the one between the lower to

voices in measures 3132 and between the upper two voices in measures 44447, the

texture remains largely homophonic until the final cadence in measure 55.

The second movement, marked sarabande in the Paris manuscript and

sarabanda in the Versailles manuscript, is in binary form. It comprises two strains, both

repeated, with the first moving harmonically from tonic (C major) to dominant (G major)

and the second doing the reverse. The first strain seems to be a contest between two

dotted rhythms; the first, introduced in the initial bar, features a dotted quarter note on the

second beat of the measure. In the fourth bar, Fede presents the alternative rhythmthe

quarter note placed on the downbeat. The fifth bar presents the first dotted rhythm again,

but this time it is overshadowed by a voice exchange of a descending eighth-note pattern

233
that begins in the highest voice on the first beat and is taken over by the middle voice on

the second beat. The second dotted rhythm reappears in the seventh measure, seeming

more firmly established.

Figure 4.13: Fede, Sonata No. 5 in C major, mvt. 2

In the second strain the original rhythmic pattern makes no appearance at all. Instead, the

second pattern is nearly omnipresent; the two upper voices perform it in rhythmic unison

in measures nine, thirteen, and fifteen, while the highest voice states it alone in measure

twelve. In measures 1722 it provides the subject for a point of imitation between all

three voices, leading to the final cadential material in measures 2324.

234
The third and final movement of the sonata is marked gavotte with a tempo marking of

gay in the Paris manuscript and gavotta with a tempo marking of allegro in the

Versailles manuscript. is a lively movement also in binary form with a very short (four

bar) first strain harmonically leading to the dominant (G major) and a much longer (16

bar) second strain moving from the dominant back to the tonic (C major). The entire

movement is homophonic, with motives constructed primarily of eighth notes organized

into two-measure units. These units are combined to form larger phrasestwice into four

measure phrases (mm. 14; 1114) and twice into six measure phrases (mm. 510; 15

20). The primary motive, a group of four eighth notes comprising two sets of ascending

couplets, is presented by the highest voice in the second measure. It reappears in the two

higher voices in the following measure, modified into four ascending conjunct eighth

notes, in this case in parallel thirds. These two variations of the primary motive form the

basis of the first phrase of the second strain (mm. 610): in measures 67 the rising

couplet motive appears in parallel thirds between the outer voices, becoming a fourbar

sequence when the twobar pattern is repeated one scale degree higher in measures 78.

Two sequential statements of the modified motive of four ascending conjunct eighth

notes lead to a perfect authentic cadence in the subdominant key (F major) in measure 10.

Measures 1114 form a fourbar phrase constructed from a variation of the sequential

motive from the preceding phrase, culminating in a cadence in the relative minor key (A

minor) in measure 14. The final phrase begins with the same motive in the middle voice

and ultimately concludes in the tonic key (C major) with a perfect authentic cadence in

measure 20.

235
Figure 4.14: Fede, Sonata No. 5 in C major, mvt. 3

236
General Observations

A majority of Fedes sonatas (nos. 35) are suites of dance movements, and could

therefore be classified as sonate da camera. Sonata no. 1 contains only movements titled

with Italian tempo indications, while only the second movement of Sonata no. 2 bears a

dance title (allemanda) in addition to its Italian tempo mark (grave). Fedes sonata

movements do not tend to be very long, but often include sections that can be repeated at

need if an extension of performance time is required. Only five sonata movements exceed

fifty bars and only three contain seventy or more; the final movement of Sonata no. 1 has

seventy, and the third and fifth movements of Sonata No. 2 comprise seventy and

seventyeight respectively.

Of Fedes five extant sonatas, four are in a minor mode: two are in D minor

(Sonatas nos. 2 and 4), one is in G minor (Sonata no. 1) and one is in F minor (Sonata no.

3). D minor and G minor are Fedes preferred keys; they are the most commonly used

keys among his cantatas as well, but Fedes use of F minor in Sonata no. 3 is unique

among his surviving secular compositions. His only majormode sonata, Sonata no. 5, is

also his only piece for three treble voices without continuo accompaniment.

Fede uses triple meter in the majority of his sonata movements, reflecting the

frequency of triplemeter dance movements among these compositions. Fede most

frequently marks his triple meter time signatures with a large numeral 3, but in four

instances writes 3/8, and much less frequently 3/2 (one instance) and 3/4 (one instance).

When writing in duple meter Fede most often marks his instrumental movements in

common time, but three movements bear a sign for cut time or 2/2.

Fedes sonata movements are more likely than his arias to be structured by a

recognizable form; only four (movements one and two of Sonata no. 1 and movements

237
one and four of Sonata no. 2) are through composed. Binary is the most common form

among his instrumental movements, with seven examples of typical two-strain binary

form. He also has two examples of binary form with variation: in the third movements of

both Sonatas nos. 1 and 2, Fede writes a binary movement marked adagio immediately

followed by a variation of the same movement creating a total of four strains.

Only two of Fedes sonata movements have any continuo introduction at all, but

his melodies are frequently constructed through the development of smallscale musical

motives. Sequence and imitation do not frequently form the basis of Fedes melodic

unfolding, occurring in only a small handful of his sonata movements, but motivic

development naturally forms the basis of these musical events when they occur. Fedes

sonata movements are almost uniformly diatonic, making use only of accidentals that are

common to the key area. He does not make use of continuo ostinato except in one case,

the unmarked opening movement of Sonata no. 4, which is structured by a ground bass

throughout. The treble line in Fedes sonata movements is typically characterized by a

rather narrow range; as in his arias, the range never exceeds a thirteenth and the most

common range intervals lie between a ninth and a twelfth.

Conclusions

Fedes instrumental sonatas are well suited not only to the needs of courtly

entertainment, but also the pedagogical needs of a court music instructor. Sonatas number

one and two, as sonatas da chiesa that avoided musical reference to popular dance forms,

might have been used at need in chapel worship service, while the dance movements of

Sonatas numbers three, four, and five were quite appropriate for courtly social gatherings.

Furthermore, all five sonatas are fitting for incidental music at the table or in private

238
apartments. The narrow voice range together with uncomplicated and largely diatonic

melodies in Fedes sonatas lends itself equally well to recorders, flutes, and violins,

allowing for great flexibility in performance possibilities. The uncomplicated elegance

that Fede achieves in these compositions while exercising what would seem to be a

studied aversion to excessively challenging virtuoso passages would seem to suggest an

original didactic intent, and also to recommend these pieces for use in modern

pedagogical contexts.

239
 CHAPTER FIVE

CONCLUSIONS

The research that forms the core of this dissertation arose from a desire to

investigate further Edward Corps proposal that the Stuart court contributed significantly

to the course of French musical history by helping to drive the surge of interest in Italian

musical trends in Paris beginning in the 1690s. I have argued that the contemporary trend

among French composers to embrace Italian genres while maintaining their own cultural

sensibilities had roots in the English court traditions of demonstrating an enlightened

cultural receptivity by privileging music from abroad. I suggest that the Stuart courts had

long cultivated a tradition of musical patronage that privileged foreign music for its own

sakeassigning value to the otherness of foreign musical traditionsand that the

Stuarts carried this tradition with them into exile where it subsequently influenced French

musicians in the years that followed the death of Lully. I argue that the exiled Stuart court

did indeed exercise significant musical influence in France, but that its influential power

was rooted in traditions of English musical patronage by which the post-Restoration

Stuart kings, Charles II and James II, used their control of court musical culture to project

an image of continentally oriented cosmopolitan sophistication by embracing foreign

musicians.

The Stuart approach to musical patronage was remarkably different from that prevailing

in France at the time of their arrival. King Louis XIV actively patronized the arts, and like the

240
Stuarts intended his efforts to project an image of sophistication at his court. The French king,

however, was primarily concerned with generating and elevating a French musical identity. In

accordance with his model, foreign music was denigrated as inferior and threatening to the native

cultural ideal. Italian music was attacked as distastefully uninhibited while the music of Lully

and his followers was held up as a model of tasteful and dignified bon got. Louis advocated

music that closely and modestly obeyed rules and observed social decorum.

Soon after the Stuart court settled near Paris, however, many French composers engaged

Italian genres with an eye to improving them according to French musical sensibilities. French-

Italian hybrid musical genres, in the years following Lullys death in 1687, became pervasive in

Parisian musical circles by the first decade of the eighteenth century, leading to what Franois

Couperin called les gouts-runis, by which he meant a desirable blending of national styles. I

argue that contact with the musical perspectives of the Stuart court in exile contributed to the

changing attitudes toward foreign music in Parisian musical circles.

The Stuart court in exile encountered social conditions that necessitated changes in its

own traditions of musical patronage; the Stuarts in exile were suddenly foreigners themselves,

surrounded by a French musical culture that they had formerly been accustomed to appropriate.

In the French environment, the Lullian musical tradition, which was essentially the provenance

of the French court, became less desirable for the Stuarts as an object of imitation. Italian music

therefore became for the Stuarts the most effective indicator of musical independence and

relevance.

I argue that the Stuart courts self-constructive tradition of patronizing foreign music

provided a model of hybridity that was appropriated by French composers. The final decade of

the seventeenth century saw a sudden spike of interest in the Italian style among French

241
composers, at the same time that cosmopolitan and pro-Italian musical fashions arrived from

across the channel by the displaced Stuart court. In the wake of the death of Lully in 1687,

French composers began to experiment with the newly imported genres of sonata and cantata.

The political, cultural, and economic realities at the cosmopolitan court at St. Germain served to

mingle musical cultures and demonstrate to visiting French musicians that such blending was

desirable. While the Stuart library of Italian musical manuscripts has been correctly recognized

as an important resource for Parisian musicians, I suggest that the English penchant for musical

hybridity was just as valuable an inspiration for French composers.

I also argue that Mary of Modena, known primarily for her supposed role in the

political misfortunes that befell her husband, played an important role as a musical

patron, and that the poetic texts of Fedes cantatas offer an unusual perspective on the

humanist side of her character. Her sponsorship of amorous and secular musical poetry

indicates that her personality was more complex and nuanced than has been generally

recognized. I maintain that from the arrival of the Stuart court in France, Mary of

Modena took over as the leader of the court in exile both politically and culturally. My

findings reveal her to have been a remarkably strong and capable leader notable for her

tolerance and determination.

In overseeing the Stuart musical culture, Mary relied on the managerial expertise

of her fellow Italian Innocenzo Fede. In London Fede had been Master of Music only at

the Catholic Chapel, but in exile he was Master of Music for the entire court. Mary also

employed Fede as a pedagogue instructing the royal children in Italian language and

culture, which of course included Italian music.

242
 The music that Fede composed for the court was made under the auspices of

Marys patronage, and reflects a humanist side of her that has been too often overlooked

by historians. A deeply religious woman, her musical sponsorship reveals that she

appreciated artistic engagement with mankinds worldly experience as well.

Finally, I have analytically investigated the secular chamber works of Innocenzo

Fede, a composer whose music has not received close study even as his name has come

to be better known in recent years. My analysis forms the basis of my argument that,

while the number of his surviving pieces is comparatively small, Fedes artistry and

influence, especially as a cantata composer, have not been sufficiently appreciated.

Fedes music is charmingly expressive in its use of elegant and uncomplicated melodies

and conservative harmonies that would have appealed to post-Lullian French musical

ideals. Moreover, we know that Fedes central and unusually elevated musical office at

the Stuart court placed him within the ken of French musicians and musical patrons.

Fedes courtly title, Surintendant de la Musique du roi dAngleterre, gave him a

high-ranking position at a de lege sovereign monarchical court, a meaningful position in a

world where courtly prestige was valued as highly as it was France under Louis XIV.

French courtiers, required to attend the English court as a matter of politesse, would

hardly have been able to avoid a familiarity with Fede and his music. As an Italian,

Fedes own national identity privileged him as an authority on Italian music. As sole

court music director Fede also bore the responsibility of organizing and presenting

musical performances for the Stuarts and their guests, and it is hard to imagine that he

would not have taken the opportunity to offer his own compositions on such occasions.

243
Moreover, Fedes long-term presence near Paris during the time that Italian music

enjoyed the enthusiastic interest of French music lovers should not be discounted.

Fede was on hand for the crucial decades at the turn of the eighteenth century

when Italian styles held the greatest interest for French composers; unlike the Italian

composers whose fame was transferred through the exchange of manuscripts, Fede was

positioned within the area of that interests explosion.

Fedes family background provided him with a firm foundation in cantata writing;

his father and his two uncles enjoyed varying degrees of success in the Roman music

scene, and Innocenzo himself could boast of a successful career in Rome alongside the

likes of such famous musicians as Arcangelo Corelli and Alessandro Scarlatti. These two

connections alone provided him with substantial claims to expertise in the genres of

sonata and cantata.

I argue that Fedes cantata writing shows him to his best advantage; Fedes

secular vocal music provides a substation repertoire of high-quality musical compositions

rich with a nuanced musical language. I also maintain that his cantatas and arias reveal

his highest musical priority and demonstrate his idiomatic tendencies and compositional

characteristics. The comparative abundance of his remaining arias and cantatas make his

efforts in this area particularly important as they provide an unusually broad view into his

musical approach. As the genre in which he was evidently most prolific, cantata may be

considered Fedes signature compositional vehicle and his work in this field is clearly

worthy of further scholarly examination. Fedes cantatas and arias, as musical settings of

poetry, are particularly valuable as windows into the cultural identity of Stuart musical

patronage in exile.

244
 Innocenzo Fedes music, whether in the context of pedagogy, performance, or

cultural research, is a potential catalyst for a greater understanding of an exciting musical

world that awaits further exploration.

245
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