Guide To Gender Analysis Frameworks
Guide To Gender Analysis Frameworks
Analysis Frameworks
Candida March,
Ines Smyth, and
Maitrayee Mukhopadhyay
Oxfam
First published by Oxfam GB in 1999
Oxfam GB 1999
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Acknowledgements v
Bibliography 120
Appendix 123
Notes 131
Index 133
Acknowledgements
This book is based on an earlier pack compiled by Candida March for internal
Oxfam use, which, in turn, built on the work of Maia Pinto and Sue Smith. The
development of the pack was supported and managed by Maitrayee
Mukhopadhyay. For the book, Ines Smyth has written an Introduction,
placing the frameworks in the wider context of gender and development work.
The reason for producing the book (and the earlier pack) is to provide a
single volume which discusses the most well-known gender analysis
frameworks for development research and planning, with commentaries
from users of each framework. The commentaries are based primarily on the
experience of Oxfam staff members throughout the world, and their
colleagues and associates in gender training networks and academic
establishments. In addition, they owe much to work first presented in Reversed
Realitiesby Naila Kabeer, Verso, 1994.
In its discussion of the various gender frameworks and how they are used,
the book draws substantially on ideas, and words, from many other
publications, including Oxfam's own Gender Training Manual. Oxfam is
grateful to all the individuals and organisations whose work appears here for
permission to use their material, and wherever possible, the source is
acknowledged in the appropriate places in the text. In addition, the sources
reappear in the bibliography at the end of the book. We would be glad to hear
from anyone whose material has not been fully acknowledged, so that any
omissions can be corrected should the book be reprinted.
Finally, the book owes much to Elsa Dawson, Judy El Bushra, Sukey Field,
Laurie Forcier, Georgia Gill, Karoline Kuprat, Yvonne Kuprat, Margaret
Legum, Nazneen Kanji, Caren Levy, Fra von Massow, Debbie Mander,
Dorinne Plantenga, Tahmina Rahman, Mohga Kamal Smith, and Caroline
Sweetman.
The context of this book
1.1 Introduction 8
1.2 Key concepts 17
1.3 Choosing a framework 22
1.1 I Introduction
Ines Smyth
This short guide to gender-analysis tools and gender frameworks is based on a
pack developed in 19 9 6 for the use of Oxfam staff and partners. The book aims
to be a stand-alone resource, discussing the methodologies of the best known
analytical frameworks which have been used to integrate gender conside-
rations into development initiatives. It gives practical examples of each frame-
work, and provides accessible commentaries discussing the frameworks'
potential uses, advantages, and limitations, as well as recent adaptations. The
commentaries draw on a wide range of experience of Oxfam staff, partners,
and colleagues in other organisations, who have used the gender frameworks
in various training, planning, and evaluation processes throughout the world.
The book is intended to meet the needs of development practitioners,
trainers, researchers, and students for an introduction to such gender frame-
works; we hope that, in addition, it will be of use to those who are already
familiar with the main concepts and methodologies. However, this guide does
not seek to be a comprehensive manual or a rigorous teaching text; for
example, it does not cover the wide range of techniques and information
contained in the original gender frameworks. Most importantly, the users'
commentaries are not exhaustive, nor have they been collated in a 'scientific'
way. They simply capture some experiences of gender and development
workers in using the frameworks, and outline the possibilities and constraints
of working with different gender frameworks in particular contexts. The book
is intended as a 'taster', providing readers with a glimpse of the many practical
insights that such gender frameworks can offer.
We hope that this will stimulate readers to turn to the texts where the
gender frameworks are set out in more detail. Those who are not in a position
to apply the gender frameworks in direct and immediate ways - managers of
development organisations and government agencies, researchers, students,
and trainers - can all benefit from the insights that the original texts offer, and
from the deep commitment to gender equity in which they are rooted.
Before we introduce and discuss the selected gender frameworks, this
introduction intends to locate them in the broader context of integrating
gender considerations into development work. We wish to emphasise that
using gender-analysis frameworks can encourage a practice of development
which has the potential to contribute to the struggle for gender equality and for
women's rights. However, such a potential can be realised only if appropriate
gender frameworks are used and applied in a sensitive and skilled manner.
Moreover, their use must be based on a political, and personal, commitment
to a principle of social justice which includes gender equity.
Introduction
What is 'mainstreaming' gender?
Turning one's attention from what development actors do, and what approach
they use, to who they are, leads to the call for organisations to 'mainstream'
gender - to integrate gender concerns into every aspect of an organisation's
priorities and procedures. The precise meaning of'mainstreaming' as an aim,
and the ways in which this can occur, are contested terrain. For many,
'mainstreaming' means making gender concerns the responsibility of all in an
organisation, and ensuring that they are integrated into all structures and all
work. (This is seen as an alternative to making gender concerns the sole
responsibility of a smaller specialist team or unit.) Critics of this approach
have pointed out the disadvantages of trying to achieve the goal of 'main-
streaming' gender by making it everyone's responsibility .They argue that this
may lead to diluting or distorting these issues, or making them disappear
altogether, as a result of lack of consistent attention and resources, sustained
commitment on the part of decision-makers, and of male resistance. In
contrast, it is argued that a specialist team, although it may be working in the
'margins', may oblige organisations to develop and maintain a more visible
and radical commitment to gender equality.
Confusingly, others use a different approach in trying to achieve 'main-
streaming': one which separates out the systems and tasks necessary to
address gender concerns, by establishing national 'machineries' or specialist
teams (such as ministries, special units, and so on). This has been a way in
which governments and organisations can signal their acknowledgement of
the importance of women's issues (del Rosario 1995). Yet this approach, too,
has been found wanting. In particular, national machineries have often been
'proven to be weak, under-resourced, vulnerable to changing political fortunes
and to co-optation by political parties' (Byrne and Laire 1996,1).
The current consensus seems to be that organisations need to use both
approaches - integrating gender concerns throughout the organisation, as
well as maintaining specialist departments or units - in order to avoid mar-
ginalisation and co-optation of gender issues. In general, 'mainstreaming' is
understood as a welcome departure from an 'integrationist' approach, which
is simply concerned with allowing women access to development activities
and bureaucracies. 'Mainstreaming gender is both a technical and political
process which requires shifts in organisational cultures and ways of thinking,
as well as in the goals, structures, and resources allocation of international
agencies, government, and NGOs.' (Kardam 1998)1
Introduction 11
frameworks, and feedback from those who have used them, available to a
broad constituency of practitioners and scholars in development. Although it
is not intended as a manual or a teaching text, the book also tries to mediate
some of the complexities inherent in the understanding and the use of gender
concepts and instruments.
Introduction 13
ment organisations are often uncomfortable with such a 'radical' agenda, and
especially uncomfortable with the language and aims of feminism. For a long
time, such agencies have been decrying the lack of expertise and
methodologies that prevents them from achieving their objectives. But they
fail to acknowledge that their poor results in redressing gender imbalances
and injustices are due to ' the disparities in power and resources and conflict
of interests' (Jahan 1995, 126) inside their own organisations. Clarity about
their gender-specific objectives and strategies is essential to clarify the 'why'
and what an individual organisation is trying to achieve, before they can make
informed choice on the 'how', in terms of the methodologies they promote.
As has been stated above, the explanation of how to apply each framework
is accompanied by a brief commentary from users. These individual commen-
taries should go some way in alerting readers and prospective users that there
are potential pitfalls, as well as gains, in employing such gender frameworks.
However, it is also important to offer some more general warnings.
First, practitioners must be careful to employ gender frameworks in a
serious, systematic way. Adequate resources, including time, skills, and
suitable preparation, are all essential. Using the gender frameworks should go
hand-in-hand with a coherent and gender-sensitive use of other relevant
techniques, such as data collection. As Naila Kabeer says: 'No set of methods
are in themselves sensitive to differences and inequalities between men and
women; each method is only as good as its practitioner' (Kabeer 1995,112).
Second, it is important to understand the limits of the frameworks in
bringing about change. Development practitioners may see them as a simple
way of'doing gender', without the change in attitude which the realisation of
the nature and importance of gender inequalities in development brings.
Gender frameworks are a means to a bigger end: that of devising and
implementing policies and programmes which do not exclude or harm
women, which take their needs and perspective into account, and which may
help redress some of the existing gender imbalances.
Those using gender frameworks must not ignore cultural difference. As
Ruth Pearson points out: 'Gender planning frameworks are seductively
universal, presented as providing universally applicable tools. Experience has
shown, however, that they are not universal.' (ODA 1996). For instance,
translating the key terms used in the gender frameworks presents considerable
difficulties. Similarly, when the gender frameworks are used for training
purposes, the trainer faces the considerable challenge of finding examples and
case studies which reflect the realities of the individual location, in order to
make the frameworks pertinent and effective. The negative consequence of an
unquestioning approach can be that some of the beneficiaries of projects - or
trainees, for example - are confused and offended by what they may perceive
as insensitive attacks against their culture or personal life.
Finally, readers should be aware of what Kabeer (1994) calls the 'project
References
Andersen C (1992) 'Practical Guidelines', in Ostergaard L (ed.) Gender and
Development: A Practical Guide, Routledge, London.
Buvinic M (1984) 'Project for Women in the Third World: Explaining their
Misbehaviour', International Centre for Research on Women, Washington.
Byrne B and Laire JK (1996) 'National Machineries for Women in
Development: Experiences, Lessons and Strategies for Institutionalising
Gender in Development Policy and Planning', Bridge Report 35, IDS,
University of Sussex.
del Rosario V (1995) 'Mainstreaming Gender Concerns: Aspects of
Compliance Resistance and Negotiation', in IDS Bulletin 26:3, Getting
Introduction 15
Institutions Rightfor Women in Development, University of Sussex.
March C (1996) 'A Tool Kit: Concepts and Frameworks for Gender Analysis
and Planning', unpublished internal document, Oxfam GB, Oxford.
17
Gender: Sex is a fact of human biology; gender is not. The experience of
being male or female differs dramatically from culture to culture. The concept
of gender3 is used by sociologists to describe all the socially given attributes,
roles, activities, and responsibilities connected to being a male or a female in a
given society. Our gender identity determines how we are perceived, and how
we are expected to think and act as women and men, because of the way society
is organised.
Gender relations: These are the social relationships between men as a sex
and women as a sex. Gender relations are simultaneously relations of co-
operation, connection, and mutual support, and of conflict, separation, and
competition, of difference and inequality. Gender relations are concerned
with how power is distributed between the sexes. They create and reproduce
systemic differences in men's and women's positions in a given society. They
define the way in which responsibilities and claims are allocated and the way
in which each is given a value. Gender relations vary according to time and
place, and between different groups of people. They also vary according to
other social relations such as class, race, ethnicity, disability, and so on.
Gender analysis: Such an analysis explores and highlights the
relationships of women and men in society, and the inequalities in those
relationships, by asking: Who does what? Who has what? Who decides? How?
Who gains? Who loses? When we pose these questions, we also ask: Which
men? Which women? Gender analysis breaks down the divide between the
private sphere (involving personal relationships) and the public sphere (which
deals with relationships in wider society). It looks at how power relations
within the household interrelate with those at the international, state, market,
and community level.
Gender and development work is based on gender analysis. This involves
promoting equality between men and women; key to this is placing the issues
that women say are of particular concern to them on the main agenda of those
institutions which shape women's and men's lives (the state, non-government
organisations, and so on).
Work
Gender (or sexual) division of labour
In all societies, men and women are assigned tasks, activities and responsibil-
ities according to their sex. The gender division of labour varies from one
society and culture to another, and within each culture, it also changes with
external circumstances and over time. Because in most societies, gender
power relations are skewed in favour of men, different values are ascribed to
men's tasks and women's tasks.
In all types of work done by men and women, a distinction can be made
between productive work (production) and reproductive work (reproduction).
Key concepts 19
Practical and strategic gender interests/ needs*
The dual concept of women's - or men's - practical and strategic gender
interests (first coined by Maxine Molyneux in 1985) was developed into a tool
for planners by Caroline Moser (see p 55 for the Moser Framework), which
looks at 'needs' rather than interests.
Practical gender interests/ needs: If these were met, the lives of women (or
men) would be improved without changing the existing gender division of
labour or challenging women's subordinate position in society. Meeting
practical interests/ needs is a response to an immediate perceived necessity;
interventions which do this are typically concerned with inadequacies in living
conditions such as water provision, health care, and employment.
Strategic gender interests/ needs: If these were met, the existing rela-
tionship of unequal power between men and women would be transformed.
These interests/ needs relate to gender divisions of labour, power, and control.
Those identified by women may include issues such as legal rights, domestic
violence, equal wages, and women's control over their bodies. However, many
of these issues are perceived as part of a natural order, which cannot be
challenged. Women may only be able to articulate their strategic interests/
needs once they have exchanged knowledge with someone who knows that it
is possible to change the 'natural order'. This may be an external facilitator, or
a community member who has experienced another environment or culture
(for example, a returning migrant worker). Men also have strategic interests/
needs: they may aim to transform their own roles (in order to be able to take
part in child-care or to resist conscription into a fighting force), or, on the other
hand, they may resist women's demands for more control over their own lives.
Some have argued that practical and strategic interests and needs cannot
be so neatly separated. Sara Longwe points out that every practical
development intervention has an effect on power relations (the 'strategic' area
of life), whether this is intended or not.
Key concepts 21
1.3 | Choosing a framework
The choice of a suitable framework will depend on the task in hand, the
context, and the resources available. This section discusses some of the issues
involved, and aims to achieve easy comparison and choice. There are many
similarities between the different gender-analysis frameworks: for example,
all of them recognise and emphasise the existence of reproductive work
alongside productive activities. However, despite the many similarities, the
gender frameworks differ in their scope and emphasis.
You do not necessarily need a formal framework in order to work well or
innovatively on gender issues, to reduce gender inequality, or to support
women's empowerment. These frameworks are practical instruments,
designed to help their users integrate a gender analysis into social research
and planning. If you are committed to bringing about change, using a frame-
work may take you one step further towards understanding the issues, facts,
and relationships which affect women's and men's lives in a given society.
Gender frameworks are useful if they help you think through your own way of
planning and doing things; they will not be useful if you find them confusing,
too bureaucratic, or restrictive. Also, it is essential to remember that no frame-
work will do the work for you. It may help you plan the work that can be done
to confront women's subordination. Afterwards, the work must still be done.
Because a framework selects a limited number of factors as important, out
of the huge numbers of issues that actually influence on any situation, each
framework can only produce a crude model of reality. The selection of factors
in any particular framework reflects a set of values and assumptions on the
part of the author(s) of the framework. You yourself also have a set of values
and assumptions. The interplay between these two sets of values and
assumptions will determine which approaches and interventions you
consider, and which you select.
You can also combine gender frameworks designed by others to create
your own hybrid version, adapting different components of separate gender
22
frameworks and adding your own ideas. In fact, many of the frameworks
included here have been developed in such a way, for example, the Harvard
Framework and People-Oriented Planning (POP). Some frameworks use
similar concepts, such as the Harvard Framework and the Moser Framework.
Finally, some concepts which are part of a more complicated framework can
actually be used by themselves in a fruitful way.
Choosing a framework 23
so on. The Harvard Analytical Framework can be considered a method of
gender-roles analysis, whereas the Social Relations Approach is a method of
gender-relations analysis.
Both roles and relations are important. However, the analytical gender
frameworks which focus on roles, such as the Harvard Framework, may
encourage users to think of men and women as separate groups, as if they
could be isolated from each other. If you use a roles analysis, you may end up
dissecting gender relations rather than creating a picture of the different ways
in which everything, conflicts as well as co-operation between men and
women, fits together. Naila Kabeer (1992) points out that, in particular, a
gender-roles analysis does not directly examine how power is structured and
negotiated (see also the users' commentaries of the Harvard and POP
frameworks on pp 48-54). In contrast, gender frameworks which focus on
relations, such as the Social Relations Approach, attempt to reverse this trend
by first of all analysing the relationship between people: relationships of power
related to class, race, age, and so on, and, of course, gender.
A fairly crude analogy of the difference between these two approaches is
that of a machine. An analysis which focuses on roles takes the machine to
pieces, and describes the components and how each component works. An
analysis which focuses on relations draws a map or a diagram of how all the
components work in relation to each other. (The Moser Framework falls
somewhere in between these. The concept of roles is central to Moser's
analysis, but she emphasises that roles need to be seen clearly in the context of
the relations between men and women.)
A fish-smoking project developed by UNIFEM in Guinea illustrates the
dangers of using a gender-roles analysis only. A gender-roles analysis, similar
to the Harvard Framework, revealed the following division of labour: men
caught fish; women smoked and sold the fish. The project formed the women
into groups and introduced new improved stoves.
However, the project failed, because no thought had been given to how the
women got the fish. Women usually got their fish through special
relationships of mutual advantage with specific fishermen. When the project
started, the women were seen to be beneficiaries of external funds and the
fishermen increased their prices. The women could not afford to buy at the
increased prices, either as individuals or as groups.
A working system had been disrupted and no viable alternative put in its
stead. A relations analysis would have looked closely at the relationships
between the men and the women and tried to start from there.5
How much does each framework include and value intangible, as well as
tangible, resources?
Intangible resources include political or social resources: rights and claims on
people; friendships; membership of networks; skills; experience of working in
Choosing a framework 25
(For more detail on different policy aims of gender-focused projects and
programmes, see the Moser Framework, p 55.)
Of course it is perfectly possible to use the gender frameworks (or parts of
them) in ways which subvert their stated goals. For example, the Moser
Framework could be used to design projects which address women's practical
gender needs only, with no attempt to support women's self-empowerment.
Which gender frameworks can also be used in work addressing male gender
identity and roles?
In practice, gender-analysis frameworks do not tend to be used to plan inter-
ventions which target men or boys. However, a gender analysis should take
place for all interventions, because they all have a potential impact on gender
relations, and therefore on both sexes.
Furthermore, understanding gender relations is critical to understanding
possibilities and constraints for working with men only. It is particularly
critical to understand the 'gendered' nature of men in societies where gender
roles are changing rapidly. There is an increasing awareness that gender
identity cross-cuts other identity issues, including race and class, to affect
men's and women's roles in the gender division of labour. Development
organisations need to address these issues in the context of work with ex-
combatants, in areas of mass male unemployment, in anti-violence projects,
among migrant workers, and so on.
Most of the gender frameworks - except the Women's Empowerment
(Longwe) Framework - do look at the gender roles and relations of both
women and men, and so could be used for projects which target men. The
Moser Framework looks at the strategic gender needs of women only, but the
DPU's adaptation (see Appendix, p 123) includes men as well, and can also be
used with projects which address male gender issues. The Gender Analysis
Matrix (GAM) includes men as one of its four categories of analysis and can
therefore be used for projects which target men.
Choosing a framework 27
particular, the Social Relations Approach and the DPU's Web of
Institutionalisation (see Appendix, p 123) will help you think about the links
between power and resources, between the institutions which determine who
receives resources, and the communities with whom they work.
Some of the gender frameworks have arisen from specific disciplines of
work or research, and were originally designed for use by or on behalf of
specific groups of people. These often expand on concepts and use language
already familiar to those working in the discipline in order to make the
framework more appealing to that group. Examples include the Harvard
Analytical Framework and the Moser Framework, which use the language of
policy makers and planners.
What are the potential limitations of the framework? How can these be
taken into account and compensated for?
In some cases, the potential limitations of a framework will have a greater
negative impact than in others. Some can be compensated for by using
another tool. For example, the Longwe framework, which does not consider
the gender interests and needs of men, could be accompanied by an analysis of
gender power relations between women and men. However, if you have very
little time to use a framework, a comprehensive framework such as the Social
Relations Approach may seem too complex; despite its good points, you would
have to take a pragmatic decision on its suitability.
29
2.1 | Explaining the chapters
This section gives an overview of how the rest of this book is structured. Each
gender framework is discussed in its own chapter. Within the chapters, you
will find the following headings.
Background
This brief introduction gives information on the framework's author(s), when
the framework was devised, and in what context.
Framework
Under this heading, you will find a brief outline of the key concepts of the
framework, and an account of how it is normally used.
Much of the material used in this and the next section are taken directly
from published and unpublished material written by the intellectual author(s)
of the framework, or from gender and development workers who have
developed training materials on the framework. As far as is possible, all
concerned have given permission for their ideas and words to be used, and full
credits are given at the start of the chapter (also see Acknowledgements, p V).
Case study
For each framework, a short case study is presented. These are only examples
to illustrate how the framework was applied in practice. They do not represent
the best, or the only, way of using the framework. Depending on the context
30
you are working in, and the type of planning you are undertaking, your way of
using it may well be different. Moreover, each case study has been
summarised. In practice, a great deal more detail would be needed for
planning purposes.
Commentary
This section is the main contribution of this book to the literature on gender-
analysis frameworks. The views in this section are the personal views of
gender and development workers and trainers in North and South, some, but
not all of whom, have worked with Oxfam GB.
Uses
This section outlines the main uses of the framework. Of course the gender
frameworks could always be used in additional ways.
Why it appeals
This section gives the main reasons why gender and development workers and
trainers like the framework, and what they consider its main strengths.
Potential limitations
Before choosing or using the framework, you should consider its weaknesses
which other workers and trainers have found. These potential weaknesses do
not invalidate the usefulness of the gender frameworks; but you should be
aware of them. It has been left to you, the reader, to decide whether the
limitations will be significant in your context, whether you will still use the
framework, and, if so, how you can compensate for the limitations. Whenever
users have reported adaptations of the gender frameworks which help to
balance or counteract potential limitations, these are included in the text.
Further reading
Under this heading, you will find a list of literature by the frameworks'
intellectual author(s).
These two gender frameworks appear in the same section because People-
Oriented Planning is based on the Harvard Analytical Framework. After the
two frameworks are presented, a joint commentary from users follows, which
discusses those features which both frameworks share. Thereafter, two
separate sub-sections examine the distinctive features of each framework.
32
The framework
The Harvard Analytical Framework is a grid (also known as a matrix) for
collecting data at the micro-level (i.e., at the community and household level).
It is a useful way of organising information and can be adapted to many situ-
ations. The Harvard Analytical Framework has four main components.
Productive Activities
Agriculture:
activity 1
activity 2, etc.
Income generating:
activity 1
activity 2, etc.
Employment:
activity 1
activity 2, etc.
Other:
Reproductive Activities
Water related:
activity 1
activity 2, etc.
Fuel related:
Food preparation:
Childcare:
Health related:
Market related:
Other:
Adapted from: Ovcrhoh, Anderson, Cloud and Austin, Gender Roles in Development Projects, Kumarian
Press Inc, Connecticut, 19^5 (Source: Match iggi,pj
Harvard Tool 2: The Access and Control Profile - resources and benefits
This tool enables users to list what resources people use to carry out the tasks
identified in the Activity Profile. It indicates whether women or men have
access to resources, who controls their use, and who controls the benefits of a
household's (or a community's) use of resources. Access simply means that
you are able to use a resource; but this says nothing about whether you have
control over it. For example, women may have some access to local political
processes but little influence or control over which issues are discussed and
the final decisions. The person who controls a resource is the one ultimately
able to make decisions about its use, including whether it can be sold.
Resources
Land
Equipment
Labour
Cash
Education/training, etc.
Other
Benefits
Outside income
Asset ownership
Basic needs (food, clothing,
shelter etc)
Education
Political power/prestige
Other
Adapted from: Overholt, Anderson, Cloud and Austin, Gender Roles in Development Projects, Kumarian
Press Inc, Connecticut, ig8} (Source: Match, 1991, p)
Adapted from: Overholt, Anderson, Cloud and Austin, Gender Roles in Development Projects, Kumarian
Press Inc, Connecticut, 19S5 (Source: Match iggi,)i).
Organisational structures
1. Does the organisational form enhance women's access to resources?
2. Does the organisation have adequate power to obtain resources needed by women
from other organisations?
3. Does the organisation have the institutional capability to support and protect
women during the change process?
Finances
1. Do funding mechanisms exist to ensure programme continuity?
2. Are funding levels adequate for proposed tasks?
3. Is preferential access to resources by males avoided?
continued...
Flexibility
1. Does the project have a management information system which will allow i t to
detect the effects of the operation on women?
2. Does the organisation have enough flexibility to adapt its structures and operations
to meet the changing or new-found situations of women?
Source: Overholt, Anderson, Cloud and Austin, Gender Roles in Development Projects, Kumarian Press Inc,
Connecticut, 1985
Project background
This community forestry project was approved in 1983, in the village of
Biyasan (not its real name) in Indonesia. It was part of a programme developed
by the Indonesian Ministry of Forestry in order to make forestry benefit local
communities as well was state and business interests. Poverty in Biyasan was
a result of the complex relationship between high population density, poor
quality soil, inequitable land-tenure traditions, and out-migration of men. The
Reproduction activities
Household work X X
Feeding cattle X X X
Collecting firewood X X X
Collecting water X X
Collecting natural medicines X X
Animal care X
Socio-political activities 6
Weddings X X
Funerals X X
Participation in arisan X
Village meetings X X
Background
The Framework for People-Oriented Planning in Refugee Situations
(popularly called POP) is an adaptation of the Harvard Analytical Framework.
It was adapted for use in refugee situations, but also in order to overcome
some of the Harvard Framework's initial weaknesses. POP was devised for the
United Nations High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR), by Mary B
Anderson and the UNHCR Senior Coordinator for Refugee Women, M
(Brazeau) Howarth, following the adoption by UNHCR of a Policy on Refugee
Women. It was developed with funding from the Canadian International
Development Agency (CIDA).
The information included here is adapted from Anderson, Brazeau and
Overholt, A Framework for People-Oriented Planning in Refugee Situations
Taking Account of Women, published by UNHCR, Geneva, 1992.
The Framework
In the introduction to the POP framework, the following key factors are
emphasised:
Change: When people flee from disaster or conflict, their lives change
rapidly and dramatically, and continue to change. Even in long-term refugee
settlements where women's and men's roles may stabilise, these will be
different from those which existed before the flight, and the new roles may be
regarded as temporary by refugees themselves. In some situations, there will
be a stronger adherence to traditional roles, values and perceptions.
Conversely, a crisis may open up avenues for change which can lead to more
balanced relations between men and women. The dynamics of change
working within the society determine, to a great extent, the acceptance and
success of any project.
Participation: Refugee participation is a major factor in determining
whether or not a project will succeed. This requires the involvement of refugee
women, men, and children.
Similar to the Harvard Tool 1 (Activities Profile), this tool enables you to find
out who does what, as well as when and where they do it. Because the gender
division of labour and roles is disrupted byflight,it is essential tofindout what
women and men were doing before, and what they are doing now, or are able
to do, in the refugee situation. How strictly defined was, and is, the division of
labour? Do adults or children carry out a particular task now? Was this
different before? Which tasks used to be done every seasonal, which ones were
carried out every day, and is this the same now? How long do the tasks take?
Where are they carried out? How does this differ from before?
The activities analysis must be linked to the population profile, for a very
good reason: if refugees are mainly men, then the jobs which women normally
undertook cannot be done in the usual way.
Protection is a crucial concern, particularly for women and girls. The
activity of protecting - including who offers protection under which
circumstances - is both a legal and social concern: refugees have often lost
their national status, as well as the social networks which may have offered
them some protection. Communities provide protection through a protection
hierarchy. This may involve communities (families and other social
groupings) protecting individuals; men protecting women; adults protecting
children. Such protection can be of a legal, physical or social nature. It is
important to find out what protection gaps there are in the current situation.
For example, what mechanisms are there for protecting orphaned children?
(Anderson 1992, p 5)
Production of goods...
eg carpentry
metal work
... and services
eg teaching
domestic labour
Agriculture
eg land clearance
planting
care of livestock
Household production
eg childcare
home garden
water collection
Protection activities
eg of unaccompanied
children
single women
elderly people
Social, political,
religious activities
eg community meeting
ceremonies
land
livestock
shelter
tools
education system
health care
income
Skills
eg political
manufacturing
carpentry
sewing
cleaning
agricultural
animal husbandry
Knowledge
eg literacy
teaching
medicine/health
food
shelter
clothing
education
legal services
health-care services
etc.
Easily adaptable
Non-threatening and gender-neutral; they rely on facts rather than theory
1. Women's participation in
decision-making:
in the household
at community level
society at large
2. (Self) image:
Self image of women
Image of women in society
3. Organisational capacity
4. Other
Source: quoted in Monitoring and Evaluationfrom a Gender Perspective: A Guideline, SNV, March 1995
Uses
In planning for refugee situations
POP is a practical tool to assist in planning in refugee situations. With a little
adaptation, it is also useful in emergencies or during periods of rapid change.
Why it appeals
Specifically designed for use in refugee situations
Simple, step-by-step approach
The framework is conceptually simple, and easy to administer. It is therefore
suited to the exigencies of emergency work, even in the initial stages when
workers do not have the time to employ more complex techniques. The
framework pulls together a very rich map of refugee profile and socio-
economic data and does so more rapidly than, for example, some forms of
participative or rapid rural appraisal (PRA, RRA).
Includes concepts of change over time and protection
Two elements of the POP Framework are particularly significant for gender
relations in refugee groups. The first is the element of change over time, which
enables planners to consider the long term as well as the short term. The second
element is the need of vulnerable groups for protection, and the fact that such
protection should be considered as an activity which someone has to provide.
Uses an expanded concept of resources
The POP Framework expands the concept of resources used in the Harvard
Framework, progressing beyond consideration only of material resources, to
include less tangible things such as skills and social organisation, and - very
important for women - time. It highlights the importance of resources in
relation to responsibilities. It brings out the idea that communities lose some
resources over time, but also retain some and gain others. The POP
framework can help to find indicators which reveal whether the gap between
women and men in terms of benefits is widening or narrowing.
Further reading
The Harvard Analytical Framework is presented in Overholt, Anderson,
Austin, and Cloud (1985) Gender Roles in Development Projects, published by
Kumarian Press Inc, Connecticut; a second edition has been published by
Lynne Rienner Publishers.
The POP Framework is explained in a well-presented and easy-to-read 14-
page guide in Overholt C A, Anderson M, (Brazeau) Howarth A Frameworkfor
People-Oriented Planning in Refugee Situations Taking Account of Women, Men
and Children: A Practical Planning Tool for Refugee Workers, United Nations
High Commission for Refugees, Geneva, 1992.
In addition, another handbook of 45 pages gives a sector-by-sector guide to
using the framework (for example, for water provision, or for food distri-
bution). This book includes the lessons learned by the UNHCR in sectoral
programming. Anderson M, A UNHCR Handbook. People-Oriented Planning
At Work: Using POP to Improve UNHCR Programming, Collaborative for
Development Action Inc, Geneva, 1994.
Consultants working for the Netherlands Development Assistance
(NEDA) at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Hague, Netherlands, adapted
the Harvard and POP frameworks. Their work is published by the Institute of
Social Studies Advisory Service: Lingen A with Brouwers R, Nugieren M,
Plantenga D, and Zuidberg L (1997) Gender Assessment Studies: A Manual for
Gender Consultants.
Background
In reaction to the Women in Development (WID) approach, which in the
1970s encouraged treating women's issues as separate concerns, the Gender
and Development (GAD) approach argued for an integrated gender-planning
perspective in all development work, concentrating on the power relations
between women and men. This approach challenges many ofthe assumptions
behind traditional planning methods.
The Moser Framework was part of this challenge. Caroline Moser
developed it as a method of gender analysis at the Development Planning Unit
(DPU), University of London, UK in the early 1980s. Moving from analysis
into action, Caroline Moser, with Caren Levy of the DPU, further developed it
into a gender policy and planning method. Moser's method was presented as
a mainstream planning methodology in its own right, like urban or transport
planning. The following section is adapted from Moser's book Gender
Planning and Development: Theory, Practice and Training, Routledge, London,
1993. It also draws on a discussion of Moser's framework by the Canadian
Council for International Co-operation in Two Halves Make a Whole: Balancing
Gender Relations in Development, MATCH, Ottawa, 1991.
Since Moser left the DPU in 1986, their Gender Policy and Planning
Programme has produced a methodology which has evolved to meet the need
for strategies to integrate gender in all types of intervention, and to confront
power relations in organisations, communities, and social institutions. It has
been used by a wide range of development organisations. Since it has not been
used by Oxfam to date, and we can therefore not provide a users' commentary,
the DPU methodology is included as an appendix (p 123).
55
emancipation of women from their subordination, and their achievement of
equality, equity, and empowerment. This will vary widely in different contexts,
depending on the extent to which women as a category are subordinated in
status to men as a category.' (Moser 1993,1)
The Moser Framework questions assumptions that planning is a purely
technical task. Moser characterises gender planning as distinct from
traditional planning methods in several critical ways: 'First, [gender planning]
is both political and technical in nature. Second, it assumes conflict in the
planning process. Third, it involves transformatory processes. Fourth, it
characterises planning as "debate".' (Moser 1993,87)
The Framework
At the heart of the Moser Framework are three concepts:
Women's triple role;
Practical and strategic gender needs;
Categories of WID/GAD policy approaches (policy matrix).
Moser Framework 57
conditions. Meeting practical gender needs does not challenge the existing
gender division of labour or women's subordinate position in society, although
these are the causes of women's practical gender needs. (MATCH 1991,40)
Development interventions which are intended to meet women's practical
gender needs may include:
Water provision;
Health-care provision;
Opportunities for earning an income to provide for the household;
Provision of housing and basic services;
Distribution of food.
These needs are shared by all household members, yet women often
identify them as their specific needs, because it is women who assume
responsibility for meeting their families' requirements.
Strategic gender needs: Moser defines these as the needs which, if they
were met, would enable women to transform existing imbalances of power
between women and men. Women's strategic gender needs are those which
exist because of women's subordinate social status. Strategic gender needs
vary in particular contexts. They relate to gender divisions of labour, power,
and control, and may include such issues as legal rights, domestic violence,
equal wages, and women's control over their own bodies. Meeting strategic
gender needs helps women to achieve greater equality and challenges their
subordinate position, including their role in society. (MATCH 1991,39)
Interventions which address women's strategic gender needs may include:
Challenges to the gender division of labour;
Alleviation of the burden of domestic labour and child care;
The removal of institutionalised forms of discrimination such as laws
and legal systems biased in favour of men;
Provision of reproductive health services, offering women choice over
child-bearing
Measures against male violence. (Molyneux 1985)
Moser Framework 59
women political and economic autonomy, and by reducing their inequality
with men. The equity approach is criticised by some as rooted in Western
notions of feminism, is often considered to be threatening to men, and is
unpopular with most governments.
Anti-poverty: This is a less radical adaptation of the WID equity approach,
adopted from the 1970s onwards. Using the argument that women are dis-
proportionately represented among the poorest people, the purpose of the
anti-poverty approach is to ensure that poor women move out of poverty by
increasing their productivity. Thus, women's poverty is seen as a problem of
underdevelopment, not of subordination. This approach recognises the
productive role of women, and seeks to meet their practical gender need of
earning an income, particularly in small-scale, income-generating projects. It
is most popular with NGOs.
Efficiency: The third, and now predominant, adaptation of the WID
approach has been adopted especially since debt crisis in the 1980s. Its
purpose is to ensure that development is more efficient and effective through
harnessing women's economic contribution. It seeks to meet women's
practical gender needs, recognising all three roles. However, the efficiency
approach often assumes that women's time is elastic, and women are expected
to compensate for declining social services by simply extending their working
day. It often wrongly associates women's 'participation' with increased gender
equity and decision-making power for women. Despite these problems, it is
still a very popular approach.
Empowerment: This is the most recent approach, articulated by Southern
women. Its purpose is to empower women through supporting their own
initiatives, thus fostering self-reliance. Women's subordination is seen not
only as a result of male oppression, but also as a consequence of colonial and
neo-colonial oppression.
The empowerment approach also recognises that women's experience is
very varied, tempered by other factors such as class, race, age, and so on. It
argues that action is necessary at different levels to combat the various aspects
of women's oppression. The empowerment approach openly acknowledges
the centrality of power - asserting that women have to get more of it in order
to change their position. It recognises the triple role and seeks to meet
strategic gender needs indirectly, through grassroots mobilisation of women,
for example through organising women's groups which can make demands
for their practical gender needs to be met (Moser 1993,231).
This involves identifying women's practical and strategic gender needs - those
needs they have as a consequence of their roles, tasks, and responsibilities; and
those needs which, if they were met, would better enable them to challenge
their existing inequality vis-a-vis men in their community.
For the Indonesia Forestry Project, the women's gender needs which were
identified are listed in the table below.
Moser Framework 61
No attempt was made in the Indonesia project to address any of the poor
women's strategic gender interests. In addition, women's practical needs
related to forest management and forest products were not addressed.
Using Moser Tool 4: Linked planning for balancing the triple role
This is about checking that all women's existing work and responsibilities
have been fully considered and taken into account during planning. In this
case, better project planning would have given more consideration to women's
workload or how women balanced their triple role. This project concentrated
almost exclusively on women's productive role. Consequently, planners made
unrealistic assumptions about women's capacity to increase their productivity
and participate in training activities.
Using Moser Tool 5: Analysing the policy aim, using the WID/GAD policy matrix
This tool examines the intervention's objectives, in the light of various WID/
GAD approaches. In this case, the only project objective that mentions women
states the aim to 'improve women's role in rural development and increase
their productivity'. Therefore, the underlying policy approach was an anti-
poverty one. Little consideration was given either of women's underlying
subordination or of their non-productive roles.
If, on the other hand, the Indonesia Forestry Project had been designed
using an empowerment approach, the planners would have sought out
opportunities for women to discuss their practical needs in a way which would
also begin to address some of the strategic needs. Supporting women's
capacity to identify their own strategic needs and to find ways of addressing
these would have become part of the project.
Uses
Planning at all levels
The Moser Framework can be used for planning at all levels, from regional to
project planning. As shown in the case study above, elements of this
framework are frequently used in conjunction with the Harvard Framework.
Training for awareness-raising, programme planning, and implementation
The Moser Framework is frequently used in training on gender issues to raise
awareness of women's subordination, including their unequal workload, and
to find potential ways of challenging these.
Why it appeals
Moser Framework 63
relations. In addition, the concepts remind development workers that women's
short-term, practical needs must be addressed in a way which facilitates a
more balanced relationship between men and women in the long term.
The concept of the triple role makes all areas of work visible
The triple role makes visible work that tends to be invisible, and helps to
promote fairer valuing of tasks. It also reminds planners that productive,
reproductive, and community work are interrelated. You cannot change one
area without having an impact on the other sphere(s); and not all work takes
place either in the household or in a designated workplace.
Distinguishes between policy approaches and thus encourages questioning
an intervention's purpose
By categorising various WID/ GAD policy approaches to development, Moser
helps you think through the main policy assumptions which are driving a
particular project (and therefore alerts you to its possible shortcomings).
Concept of triple role does not fully capture the power imbalance between
women and men
Although Moser uses the concept of gender 'roles' as a way to explore women's
subordination, the word has many meanings in different contexts (for
example, in sociology or in drama). In particular, the term can have a sense of
a 'natural' or prescribed order of things; it can also imply that people have
choice, as in 'my chosen role'. The concept of women's triple role is, therefore,
weighted with other meanings of the word. These can result in side-stepping
Moser Framework 65
which are not shared with her female employer. The term 'gender needs'
should not, therefore, be used synonymously with 'women's needs'; in
practice, this confusion often occurs.
Autonomy, not overwork or the triple role may be women's main concern
In some cases, the key issue for women is not the problem of balancing their
different roles, but the fact that their roles are extremely restricted. In some
cases, women have no 'community role' because they live in seclusion and are
unable to mix in the community; in other cases, they are excluded from
productive work.
Division between strategic and practical is artificial
Some people argue that the clear division between practical and strategic
needs or interests is unhelpful, as in most cases there is a continuum from
practical to strategic. For instance, is education a practical or strategic issue?
The important thing is to think about how you can meet immediate and urgent
needs in such a way as to begin challenging gender inequalities. Some people
prefer Kate Young's (1987) idea of transformatory potential to that of strategic
and practical needs. This concept advocates that women themselves examine
their practical needs and look for ways of striving to meet them which have 'the
capacity or potential for questioning, undermining, or transforming gender
relations and the structure of subordination.' (Young, 1987).
Others argue that all practical interventions affect women's power and
status, even when this is not factored into the planning process or recognised
by those involved in the project (Longwe 1994)- It is therefore dangerous to
assume that practical and strategic are separate areas of interest.
Ignores men as 'gendered' beings
Moser's definition of strategic gender needs leads users to consider these for
women only. Some people believe that this makes the concept powerful,
because it underlines that women are the subordinated sex in a patriarchal
system. Others believe that we need to broaden the concept to one which
includes men's strategic gender interests, since men have very strong vested
interests in any process of change, or in maintaining the status quo.
Examining these will help us understand better how to work with men, and to
anticipate where, and how, they may resist women's empowerment.
The adaptation of Moser's work by the DPU has redefined 'gender needs'
in its Web of Institutionalisation to include men's practical and strategic
gender needs. See Appendix (p 123) for definitions.
Further reading
Part of the Moser framework was first outlined in Caroline Moser and Caren
Levy (1986) 'A Theory and Method of Gender Planning - Meeting Women's
Practical and Strategic Needs', DPU Gender and Planning Working Paper No.
11, published by the Development Planning Unit, London.
Caroline Moser's more recent book, Gender Planning in Development:
Theory, Practice and Training, Routledge, London, 1993, is worth reading for an
extremely comprehensive description of the background and application of
the framework.
An interesting commentary from users of the Moser Framework (quoted
from in the above Commentary) can be found in Kabeer, N (1994) Reversed
Realities: Gender Hierarchies in Development Thought, Verso, London.
Moser Framework 67
2.4 | Gender Analysis Matrix (GAM)
Background
The Gender Analysis Matrix (GAM) was developed by Rani Parker, in
collaboration with development practitioners working for a Middle Eastern
NGO. They expressed a need for a framework appropriate to their grassroots
work. As a result, the GAM is very much influenced by the reality and ideology
of participatory planning; it can also accommodate the constraints imposed by
shortage of funding and time, illiteracy, and insufficient or non-existent
quantitative data on gender roles.
All the information in this section, including the case study, comes from
Another Point of View: A Manual on Gender Analysis Training for Grassroots
Workers, by A. Rani Parker, published by UNIFEM in 1993. A reprint is
available from Women, Ink. Publishers, New York.
The framework
The GAM is based on the following principles:
All requisite knowledge for gender analysis exists among the people
whose lives are the subject of the analysis.
Gender analysis does not require the technical expertise of those outside
the community, except as facilitators.
68
Gender analysis cannot promote transformation unless it is carried out by
the people being analysed. (Parker 1993, 2)
The GAM is filled in by a group within the community which, preferably,
should include women and men in equal numbers. The GAM can be used at
different stages in the project cyde, to assess both the potential and the actual
impact of an intervention on the community's gender relations. The objectives
at each stage are as follows: 'At the planning stage to determine whether
potential gender effects are desirable and consistent with programme goals; at
the design stages where gender considerations may change the design of the
project; or during monitoring and evaluation stages, to address broader
programme impacts'. (Parker 1993,29)
The GAM features two main concepts on a matrix which focuses on the
impact of a development intervention.
Example of GAM
Labour Time Resources Culture
Women
Men
Household
Community
Why it appeals
Designed specifically for community-based development workers
The framework was specifically developed to fit in the reality of community-
based development workers: it is accessible, flexible, and designed to
accommodate changes over time, including those which are unexpected.
Simple and systematic; uses familiar categories and concepts
GAM is simple and systematic. GAM does not rely on unique or new concepts,
but instead employs ones familiar to gender and development researchers and
workers. Others who encounter these concepts and categories for thefirsttime
when using GAM can transfer them to other gender and development work.
Transformatory as well as technical
The GAM is designed to initiate a learning process. Parker claims that over
time, the likelihood of changes favouring gender equity is increased. This is
borne out by one user who sees the GAM as a useful tool for gender training
because it raises consciousness about gender inequalities through the design
of the categories of analysis. Because they move from practical issues to
cultural change, participants cannot avoid making the links between practical
impact and intangible changes at a cultural and ideological level. The use of
the GAM means that transformatory work takes place simultaneously to the
acquisition of practical skills.
Fosters 'bottom-up' analysis through community participation
The process of analysis should fully involve the people who are the subjects of
the analysis, drawing on, and valueing, the group's diverse strengths and
perspectives, rather than relying on individual expertise. The GAM enables
members of the community to articulate a full range of expectations
concerning a particular project.
Potential limitations
Needs a good facilitator
For the analysis to be effective, a good facilitator is required. When the GAM is
first introduced, or when no literate facilitator can be found within the
community, facilitation will be needed from outside the community.
Some factors can get lost because categories have many aspects
The facilitator must take care to remember and to remind everyone in the
group that each category of analysis incorporates many aspects, not just the
most obvious ones. For example, 'labour' includes skills as well as training,
'resources' must differentiate between access and control, and the category
'cultural factors' can include everything that is done to continue and/ or
expand existing social networks.
Requires careful repetition in order to consider change over time
The matrix requires repetition of the analysis over time. Once begun, the
process must be continued to ensure that negative perceptions and
stereotypes about gender roles are challenged.
Does not seek out the most vulnerable community members
Although the GAM can be expanded to consider specific inequalities which
cross-cut gender divisions, such as ethnicity, it does not explicitly differentiate
which men, and which women, are most likely to experience negative or
positive impacts. Finding this out must be seen by the facilitators as a crucial
part of their role. An adaptation is to add 'Which women, which men' in large
letters under the matrix.
Excludes macro- and institutional analysis
The GAM framework does not consider the potentials offered and the
constraints imposed by either the implementing agencies or external forces
beyond the community.
Further reading
The Gender Analysis Matrix is presented in a very user-friendly training
manual: Another point ofview: A manual on gender analysis trainingfor grassroots
workers, A Rani Parker, published by UNIFEM, 1993, and reprinted by
Women's Ink., New York, 1998. The manual has been specifically designed
for training purposes and includes a training methodology; a section for the
audience to assess for themselves the uses and limitations of the framework;
and materials which can be reproduced for handouts.
Background
The Capacities and Vulnerabilities Analysis (CVA), like the People-Oriented
Analytical Framework, was designed specifically for use in humanitarian
interventions, and for disaster preparedness.
However, unlike the POP Framework, the CVA is not grounded in a single
agency's experience of relief work. Rather, it resulted from a research project,
the International Relief and Development Project at Harvard University,
which examined 30 case studies of NGOs responding to various disaster
situations around the world. Some of the people who were involved in
designing the framework also developed the Harvard Analytical Framework.
Information here is adapted from the book by Anderson M, Woodrow P,
Rising from the Ashes: Development Strategies in Times of Disaster, Westview
Press, Boulder and San Francisco, and UNESCO, Paris 1989. Copyright 1998
by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. Used with permission of the publisher.
The Framework
CVA is based on the central idea that people's existing strengths (or capacities)
and weaknesses (or vulnerabilities) determine the impact that a crisis has on
78
them, as well as the way they respond to the crisis. A crisis becomes a disaster
when it outstrips a society's capacity to cope In the long term, emergency inter-
ventions should aim to increase people's capacities, and reduce their vulnera-
bilities. As such, CVA is a developmental approach to relief in emergencies.
In the following, the concepts of capacities and vulnerabilities are defined.
Capacities: This term describes the existing strengths of individuals and
social groups. They are related to people's material and physical resources,
their social resources, and their beliefs and attitudes. Capacities are built over
time and determine people's ability to cope with crisis and recover from it.
Vulnerabilities: These are the long-term factors which weaken people's
ability to cope with the sudden onset of disaster, or with drawn-out
emergencies. They also make people more susceptible to disasters. Vulne-
rabilities exist before disasters, contribute to their severity, make effective
disaster response harder, and continue after the disaster.
The concept of vulnerabilities in the CVA framework is very different from
the concept of needs as used in a disaster context. Needs here are not used in
the sense of practical and strategic gender needs; they are understood as
'immediate requirements for survival or recovery from crisis' (Anderson and
Woodrow 1989,10). Therefore immediate needs are often addressed by short-
term, practical interventions (such as relief food). Addressing vulnerabilities,
in contrast, requires the long-term strategic solutions which are part of
development work.
For instance, those who experience regular mudslides in an urban area
may have needs for temporary shelters and medical attention. On the other
hand, their vulnerabilities are linked to those factors which directly contribute
to the suffering caused by the mudslide (crowding, building homes on
unstable land) and to others which indirectly affect the community's ability to
respond to serious crisis (rural-to-urban migration, lack of government
legislation on building codes, absence of strong community organisations)
(Anderson and Woodrow 1989,10).
Physical/ material
Social/ organisational
Motivational/ attitudinal
Physical/material
Social/organisational
Motivational/attitudinal
Physical/material
Social/organisational
1
T
Motivational/attitudinal
Physical/material vulnerabilities
Physical/material capacities
UNHCR supplied monthly food rations.
Refugees generated income by selling maize rations, blankets, and so on.
Motivational/'attitudinal vulnerabilities
Many refugees, particularly women, had relatives who were tortured,
killed, or taken by the rebels, and many had witnessed horrific atrocities.
Many had fled several times, and did not know whether their relatives
were dead or alive. Most of the refugees seemed to be coping quietly with
the enormous subsequent psychological stress, but a few had evidently
developed symptoms of mental illness.
Motivational/'attitudinal capacities
The combination of survival strategies (such as returning across the
border to work on their old farms at the same time as registering on the
refugee sites) seemed to allow families to maintain some level of
independence, while also making sure they would remain eligible for
external assistance (such as food distribution) which would be necessary
in the case of further attacks and insecurity.
Recommendations
Following Fiona Gell's survey and her analysis of the refugee community's
capacities and vulnerabilities, she made a number of recommendations
including those below.
Uses
In emergencies and for development work
The CVA was designed for use in humanitarian interventions and so is
especially useful in disaster relief. However, it is also a useful tool in
development work, particularly for communities in vulnerable areas or those
affected by chronic crises.
As a planning and assessment tool
CVA can be used to plan responses. In addition, by applying it over time, it can
be used to assess change, particularly change brought about in gender
relations as the result of an emergency, or of agency interventions.
Useful at different levels
CVA can be used at different levels - from the community to the national,
regional, and even international level, thus enabling researchers to assess the
links between the different levels.
Why it appeals
'Maps' complexity
CVA helps to chart a complex real situation, to highlight its crucial factors, and
to illustrate the relationships between factors which matter most to project
effectiveness.
Can be used at different stages
The CVA model is flexible and can be used before, during, and after a disaster,
major change, or intervention.
Encourages a long-term perspective
CVA encourages a combination of long-term and short-term perspectives and
strategies, to ensure that vulnerabilities are reduced and capacities improved.
Examines social interactions and the psychological realm
The CVA Framework attempts to ensure that an NGO will not only
concentrate on material things. It gives prominence to the social interactions
within a community, such as social cohesion and leadership, highlighting that
these can be a resource or a hindrance. It also emphasises the psychological
realm, and is able to examine emotions such as loss of hope in the future.
Motivation and attitudes are seen as crucial resources or barriers, and
interventions designed with CVA should take these into account. In some
cases, responses directly address them. For example, in the Philippines,
agencies have undertaken work with children suffering stress after typhoons.
Simple, but not simplistic
The CVA framework is relatively simple to understand and use; yet it is not
over-simplistic.
Potential limitations
Possible to exclude a gender analysis
It is very easy to use the CVA Framework and to still exclude gender issues,
thus creating gender-blind analyses and responses. It is crucial that the
analysis disaggregates vulnerabilities and capacities by gender, and includes
an explicit analysis of power relations between men and women.
Tahmina Rahman, a gender specialist who has worked in emergency
situations, argues that an effective way of doing this is to first carry out a
participatory analysis with community members, using the Harvard
Analytical Framework or POP. She argues that either of these works well with
the CVA; they provide a strong base of gender-disaggregated data on which to
build a CVA, and the CVA then draws out the relationships between different
groups, counter-balancing the tendency of the Harvard Framework and POP
to see women and men separately.
Does not include an explicit agenda for women's empowerment
Although the concepts of capacities and vulnerabilities can be powerful when
considering gender inequalities, the CVA Framework is not designed
Adaptation
Categories of capacities and vulnerabilities have been expanded to include
those which relate to the human body and control over it, and one's sexuality.
Further reading
The framework is outlined in a user-friendly manner in Anderson M,
Woodrow P, Rising from the Ashes: Development Strategies in Times of Disaster,
Westview Press, Boulder and San Francisco, and UNESCO, Paris 1989.
Second edition by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 1998. The first part of the
book presents the framework, the lessons learned, and guidelines. The second
part presents 11 case studies, none of which have a strong gender perspective.
Background
The Women's Empowerment (Longwe) Framework was developed by Sara
Hlupekile Longwe, a consultant on gender and development based in Lusaka,
Zambia.
The framework
Sara Longwe argues that much ofthe development literature examines to what
extent equality between women and men has been achieved according to the
conventional sectors of economy and society: equality in education, employ-
ment, and so on. This system of analysing equality by sectors concentrates on
separate areas of social life, rather than on women's equality in the develop-
ment process. In the Longwe framework, development means enabling people
to take charge of their own lives, and escape from poverty; poverty is seen as
arising not from lack of productivity, but from oppression and exploitation.
Longwe's framework is based on the notion of five different 'levels of
equality'. The extent to which these are present in any area of social or
economic life determines the level of women's empowerment. The Longwe
Framework also enables gender and development workers to analyse
92
development organisations' degree of commitment to women's equality and
empowerment. They do this first by identifying which 'levels of equality' are
addressed by a particular intervention, and second by assessing which 'levels
of recognition' of women's issues exist in the project objectives. It is also
possible to produce a profile of an entire development programme,
categorising its projects in terms of the levels of equality which they address,
and their level of recognition of women's issues. This might be part of an
exercise undertaken by a large development organisation which wishes to
assess its entire country programme from a gender perspective. Such an
exercise is partially illustrated in case study 2 below.
The Longwe Framework is discussed in 'Gender awareness: the missing
element in the Third World development project' by Sara Hlupekile Longwe
in Changing Perceptions: writings on gender and development, edited by Tina
Wallace with Candida March, Oxfam, 1991. It also appears in the form of
training materials in the Oxfam Gender Training Manual edited by Suzanne
Williams, Oxfam, 1994. The information on the framework in this section is
adapted from both these sources.
Control I
t t
I
_ ^ . ^ Increased equality Increased empowerment
Conscientisation
Access
Welfare
These levels of equality are hierarchical. If a development intervention
focuses on the higher levels, there is a greater likelihood that women's
empowerment will be increased by the intervention than if the project focuses
on the lower levels. If the intervention concentrates only on welfare, it is very
unlikely that women will find the project empowering. Equal participation in
the decision-making process about certain resources is more important for
achieving women's empowerment than equal access to resources; and neither
participation nor access are as important as equal control.
When the levels of equality are used to analyse the impact of development
interventions on women's equality and empowerment, it is important to
understand that an ideal intervention does not necessarily show activities on
^ ^ ^ ~ ^ ^ L e v e l s of equality
Negative Neutral Positive
Level of r e c o g n i t i o n ^ ^ - ^ ^ ^
Control
Participation
Conscientisation
Access
Welfare
Project background
The project examined in this case study is based in a sea port in Chile of about
130,000 people.9 Fishing has always been the mainstay of the town's and the
region's economy. Men used to catch and dive for seafood, while women's
tasks included selling the fish and mending the nets. Now, fishing is mainly
Welfare
The project has no activities simply directed at increasing women's access to
material resources relative to men. In Longwe's terminology, all levels of the
Women's Programme are concerned with higher levels of equality, since all
the activities start from the premise of trying to increase women's levels of
confidence, awareness, and control.
Access
As described above, the project has now started to support women in their
wish to be involved in productive activities. From May to August, it is not
possible to grow vegetables in the area, so they are brought from the centre of
Chile at great cost. The project held a workshop for one group to discuss the
idea of growing vegetables in low-cost greenhouses made out of plastic
sheeting. Now, a number of groups run such greenhouses. The women
contribute the wood and labour for the construction and then take turns
looking after the vegetables. Here, the project can be seen to be working at the
'Access' level of equality, since it is increasing women's access to the factors of
production (in this case communal land, greenhouses, and vegetables).
Welfare No No
Access Yes No
Conscientisation No Yes
Participation Yes Yes
Control Yes No
Agriculture
Commentary
Uses
For transformatory planning, monitoring, and evaluation
The Longwe Framework can be a useful framework for planning, monitoring
and evaluation, allowing users to question whether their interventions have
transformatory potential. It can be a useful tool to strengthen the translation
of a commitment to women's empowerment into actual plans and policy.
For training on technical and transformatory issues
In training the Longwe Framework is taught as part of work on planning and
evaluation. It is also useful as a way of encouraging an examination of what is
meant by empowerment.
Why it appeals
Moves beyond the concept of practical and strategic gender needs to show
them as a progression
The Longwe Framework has much in common with the Moser Framework's
concept of practical and strategic gender needs. However, it moves away from
this restrictive distinction, which Longwe views as unhelpful. The Longwe
Framework shows that development interventions as containing both
'practical' and 'strategic' elements. The progression from practical to strategic
depends on the extent to which the intervention has potential to 'empower'.
Emphasises empowerment
The method Longwe uses is particularly useful in explaining why
'empowerment' is intrinsic to the process of development. It therefore
illuminates aspects of development work which had previously not been
sufficiently recognised or appreciated.
Strongly ideological
The framework has a very strong political perspective. It emphasises that
development means overcoming women's inequality compared to men in
every respect.
Useful to identify the gap between rhetoric and reality in interventions
For groups committed to equality and empowerment, whose projects may not
yet reflect this commitment, the Longwe Framework is a particularly valuable
method of analysis. It permits an assessment of where women already have
equality, and what still remains to be done.
102
focusing on a number ofinstitutions in a given context, will reveal how gender
and other inequalities cross-cut each other through different institutions'
interaction, thus producing situations of specific disadvantage for individuals.
The framework
The main concepts of the Social Relations Approach are:
Community Market
Rethinking assumptions
Rethinking practices
Gender-aware policies
Gender-redistributive policies
(interventions intended to transform existing distribution of resources and
responsibilities to create balanced gender relationship)
Intermediate effects
Immediate effects
Immediate causes at
household level
community level
market level
state level
Intermediate causes at
household level
community level
market level
state level
Structural causes at
household level
community level
market level
state level
Long-term objective
Intermediate objective
Immediate objective
continued...
State
The war years
The state assumed some responsibility for the war-disabled as their number
increased visibly. The state had very conservative attitudes on disabled
persons' integration and independence. The deteriorating economic situation
led to a further decrease in the resources available for the disabled. No specific
attention was paid to disabled women.
The post-war period
As part of the general post-war reconstruction, rehabilitation, and moder-
nisation effort, some laws were reviewed, albeit very slowly. The National
Council for Disabled's Affairs was created, which officially recognises the
representation of disabled persons. At the level of public discourse, there was
a declared interest in disability issues. Some government bodies proved to be
open to issues of disability, and sympathetic to new interventions. Some
politicians came to hold progressive, avant-garde views on disability. But
issues perceived to be related to the arena of social affairs still remained low on
the state's priority list.
Market
Before and throughout the war
Local labour laws and the labour market as a whole discriminated against
disabled persons. Both the public and the private sector were ill equipped to
employ or even accommodate people with disabilities. The economic crisis,
which escalated from 1986 onward, has further undermined disabled
persons' access to the employment market.
The post-war period
The state took small, localised, but decisive, steps towards the integration and
absorption of persons with disabilities into the public-service sector. However,
many persons with disabilities (particularly women and poor persons who
lack particular skills) remain excluded. Lobbying continues to change some
discriminatory laws (labour law, social security, and so on). There are
occasional nation-wide media campaigns which emphasise that disabled
persons are able, and have the right, to assume gainful employment.
Moreover, some efforts are made to promote access to employment through
training, credit schemes,and so on.
Household
The household is the main location of care for people with disabilities. Women
are usually the main carers in the household, and they are least likely to be
provided with support and/ or compensation. Women are also least likely to be
the decision-makers in the household. Discrimination in access to resources
often starts in the household: a disabled person's access to material and non-
material resources largely depends on the main decision-maker's perception
of his or her life chances.
Disability affects the reproductive role of women. It thus undermines their
life chances considerably more than is the case for men with disabilities. A
woman or girl with a disability is perceived to be unable to maintain a
household and fulfil the roles of a 'proper' woman. Therefore, she is less likely
to marry than disabled men; which increases her parent's financial burden.
Women carers are often blamed for their children's disability.
Women with disabilities tend to be less mobile than men.
Uses
Useful for many purposes, and at many levels
The Social Relations Approach can be used for many purposes, including
project planning and policy development. It can also be used at many levels,
even at the international level.
Raises awareness of the importance of institutional analysis and can be used
in training
The Social Relations Approach emphasises that institutional analysis is an
important part of an organisational commitment to gender, and enables an
organisation to translate an analysis into action.
Why it appeals
Gives a holistic analysis of poverty
The Social Relations Approach aims to give a fuller picture of poverty by
recognising and highlighting the interacting and cross-cutting inequalities of
class, gender, race, and so on. By doing so, the framework concentrates on
structural analysis, material poverty, marginalisation, and powerlessness, and
how those have evolved.
Aims to place gender at the centre of an entirely new framework for
development theory and practice
The Social Relations Approach is an attempt to develop a new framework for
development thinking - one where gender is central to the analysis. It is not an
attempt to develop an add-on methodology for gender, or a separate method of
analysis and planning which can only be used for projects focusing on women.
Concentrates on institutions
The Social Relations Approach offers a way of understanding how various
institutions inter-relate. Therefore it gives an insight into the roots of
powerlessness, poverty, and women's subordination; but it also shows that
institutions can bring about change. This framework concentrates on
institutional analysis and highlights that there is no such thing as a neutral
planner. Organisations using this framework are obliged to examine their
own institutional practices and culture, as part of any planning process.
links analysis at all levels
Each level of analysis is seen as linked to the others. The Social Relations
Approach makes clear that what goes on in the household can subvert
(deliberately or not) the policies of the state and market. It also shows that
policies and practice at the middle level of community/ organisations can
influence these relationships.
Potential limitations
Emphasises structure rather than agency
The analysis produced by using the Social Relations Approach tends to give an
impression of monolithic institutions, where change will be difficult. While
this is, in balance, probably true, it can lead to losing sight of the potential for
people to bring about change.
Further reading
The Social Relations Approach is discussed in Reversed Realities: Gender
Hierarchies in Development Thought by Naila Kabeer, Verso 1994.
The framework is also set out in a paper entitled 'Institutions, Relations
and Outcomes: Framework and Tools for Gender-Aware Planning', Naila
Kabeer and Ramya Subrahmanian, IDS Discussion Paper 357, Brighton,
1996. Another version of the paper is available from Oxfam's Gender and
Learning Team on request.
120
sections including a general discussion of gender and development, gender
and development training, case studies, and evolution oftheories and practice.
The second part contains some material for training including activities
adapted from Harvard and Moser methods and sample formats for
workshops, while the third and fourth parts have some useful case study
presentations of the integration of gender into institutional programmes.
(Also includes a resources section.)
Kabeer N (1994) Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in Development Thought
Verso, London.
Kabeer N and Subrahmanian R (1996) 'Institutions, Relations and Outcomes:
Framework and Tools for Gender-Aware Planning', IDS Discussion Paper
357, Brighton. Another version available from Gender and Learning Team,
Oxfam, 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ.
This paper helps place the Social Relations Approach in context. It is
written using complex terminology, but is rich in analysis and examples.
Longwe, S (1995) 'Supporting Women's Development in the Third World:
Distinguishing between Intervention and Interference' in Gender and
Development Vol 3 no 1, Oxfam, Oxford.
Based on a paper presented to FINNIDA in Helsinki, 1989.
Molyneux, M 'Mobilisation without Emancipation? Women's Interests, States
and Revolution in Nicaragua', Feminist Studies 11,2,1985.
In this paper, Maxine Molyneux develops the idea of practical and strategic
gender interests which was later adapted by Caroline Moser in the Moser
Framework's use of practical and strategic gender needs.
Moser, C 'Gender Planning in the Third World: Meeting Women's Practical
and Strategic Needs', World Development, Vol 17, No.11,1989.
In this article, Caroline Moser outlined the Moser Framework.
Moser, Caroline Gender Planning and Development. Theory, practice and
Training, Routledge, UK/ USA, 1993.
This is a key text for understanding the Moser Framework. It outlines the
theory and practice her gender planning methods, and includes an appendix
on the methodology and content of gender-planning training.
Overholt C, Anderson MB, Cloud K, and Austin JE (1985) Gender Roles in
Development Projects: A Case Book, Kumarian Press, West Hartford, USA.
Used in training a number of international agencies such as the World
Bank, the US agency for International Development (USAID), and the
Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), it is the basic
theoretical tool for the Harvard method. Thefirstsection provides background
reading in technical areas concerning women and development and
introduces an overall framework for project analysis. The second section is
Bibliography 1 2 1
case studies intended as a vehicle for group discussion.
Sen, G and Grown, C DAWN (1985) 'Development Crises & Alternative
Visions', Third World Women's Perspectives, Earthscan.
Williams S with Seed J, and Mwau A (1995) Oxfam Gender Training Manual,
Oxfam GB, Oxford.
Contains a wide variety of exercises to use in training on gender
frameworks. Its sections include: key concepts, gender awareness, gender
roles and needs, gender sensitive appraisal and planning, gender and global
issues, working with women and men. An excellent and comprehensive
collection of gender training exercises tried and tested over ten years of
Oxfam's work on gender and development.
The following section describes how the tools of the Moser Framework (see
chapter 2.3) have been adapted in the past 12 years. This introduction is based
on DPU Gender Policy and Planning Training Materials (1997) and has been
compiled with the help of Fra von Massow and Caren Levy.
Gender roles
Moser defines gender as the socially constructed relations between women
and men in a particular context. In her analysis, she concentrates on the 'triple
role' of women (reproductive, productive, and community management). The
DPU framework aims to understand the social, economic, and political
relations between women and men to identify the 'multiple roles' of women
and men. Men's gender roles are identified and included in the analysis.
The DPU framework replaces Moser's category of 'community politics'
with that of'constituency-based polities', in order to incorporate women's and
123
men's activities not only at community level but also at the national and
international levels. The constituency-based politics role is 'undertaken on
behalf of interest-based constituencies, within traditional structures, party
politics, and/ or lobbying/ campaigning groups' (DPU GPPP, 1997).
Resources
The DPU's methodology analyses women's and men's access to and control
over resources in their reproductive, productive, community-managing, and
constituency-based politics roles before identifying gender needs.
The analysis of resources (such as food, health-care, productive resources,
information, and access to political structures) recognises that negotiating and
decision-making processes reflect power relations between women and men.
Women and girls often have unequal access in the distribution of resources,
for consumption as well as production, within and outside the household.
Gender needs
In the DPU methodology, gender needs are identified following an analysis of
roles and resources. Although Moser's definition (see pp 57-58) remains
largely valid, the DPU's GPPP shows a significant shift towards identifying
men's gender needs in the context of inequitable gender relations and
women's subordination. The following are current DPU definitions:
Practical Gender Needs (PGNs): These are 'the needs identified by women
and men which arise out of the customary gender division oflabour. PGNs are
a response to immediate perceived necessity, identified within a specific
context. They are often concerned with inadequacies in living conditions such
as water provision, health care, and employment' (DPU, GPPP Training
Materials 1997 adapted from Molyneux, M. (1985) and Moser, C. (1993)).
Strategic Gender Needs (SGNs): These needs 'reflect a challenge to the
customary gender relations and imply a change in relationships of power and
control between women and men. Those SGNs which women identify arise
from women's recognition of, and challenge to, their subordinate position in
relation to men in their society; for example, regarding equal access to
employment, equal pay, equal legal rights. Those SGNs which men identify
arise from men's recognition of and challenge to their exclusion from certain
domains imposed by customary male roles, which contribute to the
perpetuation of women's subordination, for example, sharing childcare.
SGNs are context-specific' (DPU, GPPP Training Materials 1997 adapted
from Molyneux, M. (1985) and Moser, C. (1993))-
124
'implicit' policy towards women/ gender. The tool also helps its users
differentiate between the intentions of various macro-level policy approaches
and their actual impact on women and men, girls and boys.
The DPU has identified ten different policy approaches, each categorised
in terms of which gender roles and resources they focus on and which gender
needs they meet. The categories also list in what climate of prevalent political
and economic thought the various policy approaches have mainly been used.
the pre-WID welfare approach (1940S-60S) under accelerated economic
growth;
the WID equity approach and
the WI D anti-poverty approach (1970s) under distribution with growth
and basic-needs policies;
the WID efficiency approach (1980S/90S) under structural adjustment
and economic efficiency measures;
the emancipation approach (1940-1989) under state socialist
development;
the empowerment approach (1970s onwards) under the New
International Economic Order;
the GAD integration approach (1980S/90S) under social sustainability
with economic and political reform.
More recently, the DPU has added the following policy approaches to
gender which reflect the changed policy climate in the 1990s.
the GAD efficiency approach;
the GAD equity approach; and
the GAD anti-poverty approach, under social sustainability with economic
adjustment and political reform. This approach aims to alleviate poverty
while increasing production and employment.
Appendix 125
Figure 3). The various elements are outlined below. Each element, and its
relation to other elements, is diagnosed using the adaptation of Moser's and
Molyneux's concepts: the analysis of gender roles, resources, and policy
approaches provide a basic language for carrying out the web diagnosis.
Based on these concepts, the diagnosis of the web identifies problems (i.e.,
weak or no gender integration) and potentials (to integrate gender). The final
step in the preliminary gender diagnosis is to prioritise the problems and
potentials, and to clarify starting points for action. Thus, gender diagnosis is
an initial component of the DPU's gender policy and planning process.
Pressure of Representative
political constituencies political structures
support or oppose. Thus, the initial triangle overlaps with a second triangle of
elements (see Figure 2 above). The resulting web diagram can be 'read' to see
the way in which the various elements reinforce each other.
Figure 3 shows the relationships between various triangles, and includes
further elements of the web, which are explained in the following.
Research -Theory-building
Appendix 127
The test of political commitment is whether it is translated into policy and
resources. In the web, neither integrated policies or separate policies are seen as
enough by themselves: resources support policy. All too often, the financial
support allocated to gender policy is minuscule compared to budgets for other
policy areas. Gender integration implies the use of existing policy and
programmes, but in a gender-aware way. Nevertheless, new and current
resources to promote and maintain this kind of integration are critical. For
example, a budget might be created for training and demonstration projects.
The allocation of resources and the creation and enactment of policy
depend fundamentally on the mainstream location of responsibility for gender
issues. An gender-aware approach such as WID/ GAD can easily be
marginalised if a specific institution is created for it. All associated institutions
must be given responsibility for integrating gender concerns into their remit.
Integration must not be left to the WID/ GAD department or ministry.
Responsibility for gender issues in the institution, including adherence to
gender policies, must be reinforced by gendered procedures (routine daily
activities and documents, such as terms of reference). Again, it is not
sufficient to have WID/GAD procedures in isolation from the 'mainstream'
procedures of the institution. Mainstream procedures must be made gender-
aware, and this again must be seen as the responsibility of each part of an
organisation or institution. Gender-blind procedures can quickly undermine
individual commitment or gender-aware policies.
This analysis leads to a central triangle in the web, which links policy,
procedures, and staff development. Both policy and procedures will be limited
without the appropriate staffdevelopment, including training in gender policy
and planning for both women and men, as well as equal opportunities in
recruitment, access to training, promotion, and so on. Effective staff
development requires a dear methodology; that is, a methodology which has a
clear rationale for integrating gender into development practice as well as tools
for applying this in the work of practitioners. Policy, procedures and training
for staff reinforce each other - training on its own does not change practice in
a sustained way. Because of existing gender power relations, gender training
in the absence of clear gendered policies and procedures is a waste of time.
Another aspect of staff development is the progress of women and men
workers through their organisation; this depends mainly on the working
conditions in the organisation. Again, it seems to be the case that both separate
and integrated affirmative action is required, rather than one or the other.
However, if staff development and appropriate methodology do not result
in the actual 'delivery' of programmes and projects12 which meet the needs of
women and men, then programmes and projects are unsuccessful, and the
institutionalisation of gender has failed. This element is a pivotal point linked
to a number of reinforcing triangles in the web - see Figure 3. For instance, a
supportive policy environment is critical for good 'delivery'.
Appendix I 129
References
DPU Gender Policy and Planning Programme Training Materials, 1997
Levy, C. 1996 The Institutionalisation of Gender Policy and Planning, The
Web of Institutionalisation, DPU Working Paper No 74
DPU News 1998
131
Harvard Analytical Framework, as an adaptation of Moser's (1986) triple role
concept.
7 See Kabeer 1994, p 277, for further discussion.
8 Rani Parker developed the GAM when she was on staff at Save the Children
Federation and wrote it during her employment at The Salvation Army World
Service Office. She is now an independent consultant on gender and
development.
9 This case study is based on a trip to Chile by Candida March undertaken for
Oxfam in March 1992.
10 The Logical Framework 'is a tool to aid project (and programme) planning
and management, especially management at strategic and institutional level'
(Wiggins S and Shields D 'Logical Framework' in Project Appraisal vol 10 noi
March 1995, pp 2-12).
11 Community is used here not as an undifferentiated unit, but with the
recognition of the heterogeneity and diversity of communities on the basis of
class, ethnicity, religion, age as well as gender.
12 'Delivery' is put in quotation marks, as the term might imply a top-down
activity and this is not the intention.
132
Index
access refugees 45
and control 34,41,50, 52,100 society 9
credit 110-14 autonomy 66
education 42 awareness-raising 63,74,126
equality 84, 93,94,96-7
resources 19,48,49,70,124 .beliefs, gender roles 80
Access and Control Profile, Harvard benefits
Analytical Framework 34,41 bottom-up approach 74
Activities Analysis, People Oriented gender relations 47
Planning 45-6 resources 34
Activity Profile, Harvard Analytical boys, household work 39
Framework 33,39-40 Buvinic, Maya 11
age factors 34
altruism 23,105 Canadian Council for International
analysis Co-operation 55
bottom-up 74 Canadian International
dynamic 118 Development Agency 43
thoroughness 49 capacities
top-down 49,59 gender 79-80
see also gender analysis highlighted 90
Anderson, Mary B. 43 motivational/attitudinal 80,86-7
anti-poverty approach 60 physical/material 79,83-5
applied research 129 social/organisational 86
assumptions and values 22 and vulnerabilities 78,79
attitudes Capacities and Vulnerabilities
capacities/vulnerabilities Analysis framework 27,78-9,81
80,86-7 case study 83-8
community 35 categories of capabilities/
host country 45 vulnerabilities 79-81
133
commentary on 89-91 colonial oppression 60
complex reality 81-3,89 commentary 31
with Harvard Analytical Capacities and Vulnerabilities
Framework/POP 90 Analysis Framework 89-91
imitations 90-1 Gender Analysis Matrix 74-7
participation 91 Harvard Analytical Framework
in use 88 48-53
case studies 30-1 Moser Framework 63-7
Capacities and Vulnerabilities People Oriented Planning 48-52,
Analysis framework 83-8 53-4
Gender Analysis Matrix 71-3 Social Relations Approach 117-19
Harvard Analytical Framework Women's Empowerment
38-42 (Longwe) Framework 99-100
Moser Framework 61-2 commitment, political 127
Sierra Leone refugees 83-8 communication 27,48
Social Relations Approach 110-16 community 77,132nio
Women's Empowerment attitude to development workers
(Longwe) Framework 95-9 35
change cohesion 53
assessed 89 control 54
institutional 106,126,131m co-operation 50
labour 70,73 development interventions
natural order 20 70,71
refugees 43 disabled people 116
resistance to 67,75,76 dynamics 52
socio-cultural 70 gender 68,81
sustainable 126,131m as institution 104-5, ll9
time factor 52,53,66,70,75,82 norms 35,44
see also transformation organisation of 73
Changing Perceptions: writings on participation 68-9,74,129
gender and development project contribution 71
(Longwe) 93 services 105
checklist, Harvard Analytical social relations 80,81-2
Framework 36-8,42 vulnerable members 76
child trafficking 86 community-based development
children workers 74
care 65 community health programmes
play 87 83,85,87-8
Chile, fishing community 959 community-managing activities
civil war 114 57-65
class 65-6,82 community politics 57
collective action 15,126 community work 56
collective participation 94 confidence 82
Index 135
see also Women's Empowerment labour division 17,18-19,26,45,
(Longwe) Framework 48,56-7,58,73,95-6,107
environmental management 42 mainstreamed 10-12,13,117,
equality 8, 9,15,100 129-30
access 84,93,94,96-7 migration patterns 42
conscientisation 93,94,97 position in society 19
control 93,94,97,100 power relations 17,18,24-5,27,
levels of 93-4, 96-7, 98 50,51
of opportunity 94 protection 45,85
participation 49-50, 93, 97 resources 32
wages 97 and sex 17-18,94
welfare 93, 94,96 violence 58,75, 97
equity approach 59-60 waged work 42
evaluation 27,59-60,62; see also gender analysis 18
commentary gender-analysis framework 8-9
exclusion 21,104,107 choice 22-3,26-8
commentary 31
facilitator, Gender Analysis Matrix comparisons 11-12, 23-6
68,70,76 efficiency/ empowerment 25-6
family/kinship 104-5; flexibility 23
see also household goal 25-6,27,30
family labour 39,65 key concepts 17,30
feminism 14,102 limitations 28
Field, Sukey 63 mainstreaming gender 10-12
fish-smoking project 24 planner's role 26
fishing community in Chile 95-9 social relations/roles 23-4
food distribution 58,84 time factor 23
A Frameworkfor People-Oriented in use 14,27-8, 63
Planning in Refugee Situations Gender Analysis Matrix 68-9
Taking Account of Women case study 71-3
(Anderson, Brazeau and commentary 74-7
Overholt) 43 facilitator 68,70,76
four levels of society 69-70
GAD: see Gender and Development gender relations 75
Gell, Fiona 83-8 group discussion 70-1
gender 18,131 n3 limitations 76-7
benefits from credit and men 26, 69
extension programmes 41 project objectives 72
capacities/vulnerabilities 79-80 training manual 77
community 68,81 transformation 74
development work 9,15,18 in use 70-1
Harvard Analytical Framework Gender Assessment Study 51
34 gender-aware policies 21,49,108
Index 137
Influencing Factors 35-6,42 institutions
language 28 activities 106-7
Harvard University, International authority 108
Relief and Development Project blurred boundaries 119
78 change 106,126,131m
health care 58; see also community community as 104-5,119
health programmes control 108
homogeneous groups discrimination 58
24,51-2,54,100 exclusion/inclusion 107
household gender policies 108-9
co-operation 50 inter-relatedness 105-6,117
decision-making 58,62 neutrality 50,105-6
development interventions 70 official ideology 105
disabled people 116 refugees 44
female-headed 39,84 resources 107
poverty 39 rules 106,107
household work 39 social relations 106-8
housing 58,83 structures 35
human well-being 103 sustainable change 126,131m
humanitarian interventions 78,89 web of instirutionalisation 28,
66,125-9
identity, gender 26 inter-relatedness 50,105-6,117
ideology interests
neutrality 105 and needs 20,64,131114
Women's Empowerment practical/ strategic 19, 20,21,
(Longwe) Framework 99,100 131113
income generation 58,86,87 International Committee of the
India, credit access 110-14 Red Cross 86,87
Indonesia Forestry Project 38-42,61 International Relief and
inequality Development Project, Harvard
Capacities and Vulnerabilities University 78
Framework 9 0 intervention: see development
gender 9,102-3, I O 7 intervention; humanitarian
Harvard Analytical Framework intervention
49 isolation 104
Moser Framework 63, 65-6
People Oriented Planning 4 9 Kabeer, Naila 14,21, 24,49, 65,
Influencing Factors, Harvard 102,103,105,106,108, no
Analytical Framework 35-6,42 Kanji, Nazneen 63
Institute of Development Studies, kinship 86,104-5
Sussex University 102
institutional analysis 76,104-5,106, labour
114,117-18 changes 70,73
Index 139
and interests 20,64,131114 Framework 23,24,27,43-4
practical/ strategic 66,71, aims 43
see also gender needs with Capacities and
neo-colonialism 60 Vulnerabilities Framework 90
neutrality 50,105-6 commentary on 48-52,53-4
NGOs (non-government components 44-7
organisations) Refugee Population Profile and
anti-poverty approach 60 Context Analysis 44-5
disabled people 116 Use and Control of Resources
disaster situations 78 Analysis 46-7
gender perspective 116 physical factors, capacities/
policy awareness 105-6 vulnerabilities 79-80,83-5
social/psychological factors 89 planning
as debate 56
oppression 60, 92; gender analysis 26-7
see also subordination intersectoral 59
organisational factors, Moser Framework 63
capacities/vulnerabilities 80 participatory 68
orphans 45,86 responses 89
Ouled Hamouda, potable water transformatory 63, 99
provision 71-3 women's involvement 60-1,62
Oxfam policies 20-1
gender integration 12-13 gender-aware 21,49,108
Gender Training Manual 38, 93 gender-blind 21,108,109
Lebanon Programme 114 gender-neutral 21,48,49,
Sierra Leone refugees 108,109
83, 85, 87-8 gender-redistributive 21, 90,109
gender-specific 14, 21,49,108
Parker, Rani 68,70,77, policy approach 59-60, 64, 67,125
participation politics 35,45, 57,124
Capacities and Vulnerabilities polygamous marriages 85
Analysis framework 91 population, mobility 86;
collective 94 see also demography
community 68-9,74,129 position, gender-based 19
equality 49-50, 93,97 poverty
planning 68 access to credit 110-14
refugees 43-4 exclusion 104
Social Relations Approach 118 highlighted 119
time factor 34, 60 holistic analysis 117
women 35,49-50,59-61,62 household 39
patriarchal societies 9 Indonesia 38
Pearson, Ruth 14 isolation 104
People Oriented Planning oppression/exploitation 92
Index 141
responsibility, self-development 102 commentary 117-19
Reversed Realities: Gender Hierarchies in development/well-being 103
Development Thought (Kabeer) 102 gender relations 24
Risingfrom the Ashes: Development institutional analysis 13,28,
Strategies in Times of Disaster 104-5
(Anderson and Woodrow) 78 institutional gender policies
roles: see gender roles 108-9
rules, institutions 106,107 limitations 118-19
participation 118
sanitation 83 social relations 103-4
self-empowerment 25-6,96 time factor 23
self-reliance 60,83 socialist feminism 102
services 43,58,105 society
sex, and gender 17-18,94 attitudes 9
sexual coercion 84 decision-making 80
Sierra Leone refugees levels 69-70,82-3
case study 83-8 resources 24
counselling services 87 roles 9,23-4
motivational/ attitudinal factors socio-cultural factors 70
86 socio-political profile, women 51
physical/ material factors 83-5 sociology, gender 18
recommendations 87-8 specialist teams, gender integration
social/ organisational factors 10
85-6 staff development, gender
wage labour 84,85 integration 128
women's skills 85 state 104-5, n 5
skills 70,85 status 19,23,50,73
social categories 23,35,44 status quo 66,90
social factors 9,42,70,80,86 strategies
social justice 9 long-term 79, 89
social relations for survival 86-7
Capacities and Vulnerabilities structural factors 109-10
Analysis 81-2 subordination of women 22,56,60,
gender-analysis framework 23-4 67.74.77
institutions 106-8 Subrahmanian, Ramya 102, n o
interactions 89 support groups, gendered violence
rebuilding 87 75
Social Relations Approach 103-4 Sussex University, Institute of
structural 103-4 Development Studies 102
vulnerability 82 Sweetman, Caroline 75-6
Social Relations Approach 102-3
case studies 110-16 time factor
causes and effects 109-10,111 changes 52,53,66,70,75,82
Index 143
self-empowerment 25-6,96
as separate group 24
skills 85
socio-political profile 51
status 19,50,73
subordinated 22,56,60,67,
74.77
work, paid/unpaid 41,57, 60,
9 6 -97
workgroups 86
see also gender relations; labour
division
women-men relationship
21,24, 65
Women in Development approach
9,25,32,49,55,127
and GAD policy approach 64, 67
WID/GAD Policy Matrix
59-60, 62
Women's Empowerment (Longwe)
Framework 92-3
case study 95-9
commentary on 99-100
ideology 99,100
levels of equality 93-4, 96-7, 98
levels of recognition 94-5
limitations 23,26,100
women's issues 10, 94-5;
see also gender issues
women's organisations 15, 86
Women's Programme 96, 97
work 18-19
community management 65
household 39
vegetable growing 96, 97
voluntary 57
waged 42
women 41,57,60, 96,97
see also labour division;
productive work; reproductive
work