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Paasi Bounded Spaces
Paasi Bounded Spaces
ABSTRACT
Regional identity has become an important category in the ‘Europe of regions’, and one that is
often taken as self-evident in the relations between a group of people and a bounded region.
The movement of people, capital and information across spatial boundaries that takes place in
the contemporary world challenges the supposed harmonious link between regions and people
on all spatial scales. This paper analyses the meanings of region and identity, and the links
between them. Regions are understood as historically contingent structures whose institution-
alisation is based on their territorial, symbolic and institutional shaping. Regional identity
is understood as an abstraction that can be used to analyse the links between social actors and
the institutionalisation process. This paper suggests that an analytical distinction between the
identity of a region and the regional identity of its inhabitants, i.e. regional consciousness, is
useful for problematising these links. The conceptual arguments will be illustrated with analyses
of identity discourses related to Finnish regions and of the mobility of the Finns between
regions.
Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie – 2002, Vol. 93, No. 2, pp. 137–148.
# 2002 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAG
Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden MA 02148, USA
138 ANSSI PAASI
understood as providing regions with certain exclusion is also evident in recent identity
institutional capacities or ‘institutional thick- discourses on the Europe of regions, as these
ness’ (MacLeod 1998; Keating 2001). ‘Regions’ discourses have emerged concomitantly with
and regionalism mean different things in the increasing policing of the external bound-
different states, and their historical and aries of the EU and the lowering of internal
cultural relations to ‘people’ vary greatly. But boundaries. These acts of exclusion are also
in spite of this, regional identity may be an expressions of the power of states, since the
important component of territoriality in vari- latter still construct the limits of nationality,
ous contexts and a significant element in the citizenship and identity and, concomitantly,
construction of regions as meaningful socio- the limits of inclusion and exclusion. Discussion
political spaces. of the institutional and symbolic links between
While the proponents of the Europe of identity and bounded spaces is therefore of
regions have accentuated the importance of crucial importance to any study of regional
regional identities, ordinary people and their identity.
regional identities have on many occasions This paper aims to reflect the meanings of
remained marginal to the efforts of regional bounded regional spaces in a mobile world
actors to gain resources for development plans and to deconstruct the dimensions of regional
and to make their regions into ‘products’. identity. The latter is not regarded here merely
One problem is that regional consciousness as a feature of individuals, i.e. a problem of
has no necessary relations to administrative regional identification, nor is it seen only as a
lines drawn by governments. Moreover, the label for the representations of a region or a
ongoing re-scaling of democracy and decision- group of people. Neither will regional identity
making also challenges the state-based, fixed be understood solely as an element of govern-
spaces of governance. ance, politics or economic regulation. While
While regional identity has been for a long all of these dimensions are today part of the
time an important category in geographical discourses on regional identities, the aim of
research, its meanings are still vague. The this paper is to problematise the links between
phrase is an illustration of what Sayer (1992, the region and identity. Identity has been a major
pp. 138–139) labels chaotic conceptions, i.e. ab- category in social sciences – as has region
stractions that divide the indivisible and/or in geography – but the links between the
uncritically lump together unrelated elements. two have not been reflected. This paper
One example of this is the fetishisation of therefore analyses how people, ‘regions’ and
regions in identity discourses, i.e. regions are the relations of power come together in
represented as ‘actors’ that are capable of diverging social practices and discourses. A
making decisions and achieving societal goals. further aim is to reflect on how human
This means that the ‘region’ is taken for mobility challenges the supposed fixed links
granted, since regions do not operate but between people and regions. The conceptual
social actors do. Identity is also often under- arguments are illustrated in terms of the
stood as a self-evidently positive feature – with institutionalisation of the Finnish regional
an essence, position and direction – that system, identity discourses and the mobility
people/regions already have or that people of citizens.
are struggling for. This view may hide social,
ethnic and cultural conflicts of kinds that exist CONCEPTUALISING REGIONAL
in most states. Belief in deep, fixed links IDENTITY
between a specific group and a territory may
lead to processes of social exclusion and ‘Identity’ is not a new topic for geographers.
‘othering’, both inside a region (e.g. stateless Humanistic geographers in particular have
nations) and in external relations. These considered the emotional links between human
processes are taking place to an increasing beings and their spatial contexts (Tuan 1975),
extent all around the world, where 21–22 and later social geographers have become
million refugees and displaced persons are interested in regional identities, especially in
seeking somewhere to live. The element of Europe. They have underlined the importance
of a spatially sensitive approach, since elements collective) are most evident in regionalism,
such as ideologies, history or social transfor- the proponents of which try to (re-)shape the
mations – all of them constitutive of social relations between the economy, culture and
identities and distinctions – have different boundaries.
meanings in different territorial cases (Paasi Discourses on regions and regional identity,
1986a; Gilbert 1988; Weichart 1990; Dirven in which actors invest their interests and
et al. 1993; Rose 1995; Sibley 1995). ‘Regions’ presuppositions in things, may actually create
are only one element in social identity for- the ‘reality’ that they are describing or sug-
mation and their importance varies contextu- gesting. A fitting example is the EU, where
ally. Gender, class, religion and ‘race’ have for new governmental practices and discourses on
a long time been crucial elements in the regions have increased enormously along with
identification of social groupings, and many the number of region and identity ‘builders’:
other identities, e.g. ones based on sexual actors who operate with regions, write and talk
orientation or ethnicity, claim a space in about them and draw representations of them,
public discourse even if they do not always such as maps. A region and a regional identity
have specific, bounded territorial claims. Thus are social facts that can generate action as
people normally position themselves simul- long as people believe in them. They are social
taneously on many ‘axes’ (Brah 1996). facts even if people do not actively think about
Most researchers do not refer to any auton- them, as they have a role in media and pub-
omous object or property of social actors when licity ‘spaces’ or in governance. In these prac-
speaking about identity, but rather consider tices and discourses they shape socio-spatial
the process through which social actors consciousness and can be used to reproduce
identify themselves, and are recognised by structures of domination and legitimation
other actors, as part of broader social group- (Paasi 1996).
ings. As far as public narratives of identity are
concerned, regions are one medium of power Identity and region – Geographers are under-
that may be used to shape and classify social standing regions increasingly as social con-
processes. ‘Identity’ is hence basically a form structs and historically contingent processes,
of categorisation, where boundaries are used not naturally given, permanent elements that
to distinguish one areal domain or social provide a framework for a fixed identity (Paasi
collectivity (‘us’) from others. Identity and 1986a; Gilbert 1988; Murphy 1991), but in spite
boundaries are different sides of the same of this the links between ‘regional identity’
coin (Conversi 1995; Hall 1996; Rose 1995). and ‘regions’ have not been sufficiently well
Yuval-Davis (1997) suggests that ‘borders and analysed. Keating (1998, p. 86) suggests that
boundaries, identities and difference con- there are three important elements in regional
struct and determine to a large extent the identity and in its relations to political action.
space of agency and the mode of participation The first is a cognitive one: people must simply
in which we act as citizens in the multilayered be aware of a region and its limits in order to
polities to which we belong’. distinguish it from other regions. The second
Discourses on regional identity in the media, is affective, i.e. how people feel about the
literature, the heritage business, academic re- region and the degree to which it provides a
search and political action are manifestations framework for common identity, possibly in
of power that social actors use for different competition with class or national identities.
purposes, mainly by organising spatial practices The third is instrumental, i.e. whether the
and meanings associated with space. These region is used as a basis for mobilisation and
discourses may express collective strategies collective action in pursuit of social, economic
emerging from the social and spatial division and political goals. Keating’s analysis shows the
of labour and/or from the activities of social complicated dimensions of regional identity,
movements. They may also be examples of but the relation between identity and region
individual struggles over symbolic capital in still remains problematic. One problem is that
the fields of culture, the media or education the link between the personal and collective
(Bourdieu 1991). These strategies (individual/ dimensions of identity remains unclear, and
the second is the missing link between the These classifications are inevitably based on
histories of a region and the personal histories choices, where some elements are included
of individuals, which do not always coincide. and others excluded. Thus they are expres-
It is helpful to think analytically that sions of power in delimiting, naming and
‘identity’ is part of the institutionalisation of symbolising space and groups of people. On
regions, the process through which regions the other hand, we may distinguish the regional
come into being. This process concomitantly identity (or regional consciousness) of the in-
gives rise to – and is conditioned by – the habitants, i.e. their identification with their
discourses of regional identity (Paasi 1986a, region. These people may be inside the region
1991). Three simultaneous processes can be (this is the usual assumption in debates on
conceptualised in institutionalisation. All re- regional consciousness) or outside it. Regional
gions have: consciousness is a hierarchical phenomenon,
in that identities are nested (Herb & Kaplan
1. A territorial shape – boundaries that
1999), and this identification can be based on
emerge in various social practices and
natural or cultural elements that have been
distinguish the region and identity dis-
classified, often stereotypically, by regional
courses from those of other regions. The
activists, institutions or organisations as con-
functions and meanings of boundaries vary
stituents of the identity of the region. Simul-
in the sense that some spatial practices are
taneously, regional consciousness is inevitably
bounded/exclusive while others are not
part of a larger cumulative spatial conscious-
(Allen et al. 1998; Paasi 2001).
ness based on the individual’s personal history
2. A symbolic shape that manifests itself in
and biography. It draws together personal
practices such as the economy, culture/
memories and experiences from many loca-
media and governance and is used to
tions and regions, and perhaps also elements
construct narratives of identity. This shape
of previous collective classifications. Further,
includes the name of the region and
a conceptual distinction between ideal and
numerous other symbols.
factual identity helps us to understand how
3. A number of institutions, needed to main-
the ‘collective’ and ‘individual’ come together
tain the territorial and symbolic shapes,
in identity discourses (Paasi 1986a). Ideal
and while they usually produce and repro-
identity points to collective, normative nar-
duce distinctions between regions and
ratives on spatial identity, which are most
social groups (‘us’/‘them’), these institu-
effectively exploited in the fields of national-
tions may just as well be located outside the
ism and cultural/economic regionalism – and
region.
nowadays also in ‘regional marketing’. These
4. An established identity in social practices
narratives bring together elements from the
and consciousness, both internally and
past and the present of a region in a selective
externally. An established region can be
way. Sometimes they are well-documented
used by social groups and movements as a
‘written identities’, and at others they are
medium in a struggle over resources and
stories that exist and circulate in oral histories
power, or – at the other extreme – against
and folklore (Ryden 1993). Factual identity
the other. Actors involved in these struggles
means those forms of identity that may
often use identity among their arguments.
manifest themselves in social action, e.g. in
Some analytical distinctions help to clarify the the active formation of associations, firms and
‘identities’ of regions (Paasi 1986a). First, the organisations that actors establish in a region,
identity of a region refers to those features of which may provide one basis for ‘institutional
nature, culture and inhabitants that dis- thickness’ in a region. These institutions may
tinguish or, in fact, can be used in the dis- simply be located in a region, but they may
courses of science, politics, cultural activism sometimes be active media in the struggle to
or economics to distinguish a region from re-define the meanings and contents of a
others. This occurs in the construction of regional space and its boundaries.
regional divisions, regional marketing, govern- Ideal identity implies that ideologies may
ance and political regionalisation, for example. play a key role in discourses on regional
a b
Figure 1. (a) The places of birth and (b) present dwelling places of Finns in 1999.
Source : Unpublished data, Central Statistical Office of Finland.
exploited in business life and for attracting New regional entities normally enter the
new residents (or for avoiding out-migration). daily lives of people through narratives in the
Regions are integrated not only through the media, but they may also have a more concrete
practices of various institutions and organis- impact through new forms of governance and
ations, but by numerous regional symbols and legislation. A fitting example is the reduction
narratives. In addition to traditional symbols in the number of counties to six in 1997. This
such as coats of arms or songs, new symbols was preceded by an intensive debate, dom-
are perpetually being invented. Thus a flower, inated by politicians and organisations of civil
fish, bird, animal, tree and stone have been society, in which ‘regional identity’ was a
named for each province during the last few major topic. While some actors argued that
decades. Since the county reform, provincial counties did not have any identity, others were
symbols have been exploited more effectively of quite the opposite opinion. The reform also
as part of the landscape, which makes these gave rise to considerable regional(ist) activ-
units more visible for ordinary people. Regional ism. To take one example, in North Karelia, a
and local education materials have also been province with less than 180,000 inhabitants,
important in the creation of narratives of 70,000 names were gathered of people oppos-
region, both in the provinces and in the ing the plan. This campaign showed the
municipalities (Paasi 1986b). instrumental power of written identities for
resistance, since notable cultural personalities siderable, while some provinces are relatively
and academics published emotional papers in well established as units of identification and
provincial and nationwide newspapers to save others have a weaker profile. Inhabitants
‘their’ county and its identity. In this case the identify themselves strongly with such prov-
resistance was not successful, since North inces as Kainuu, North Karelia or South Ostro-
Karelia was included in the new larger county bothnia, whereas identification in Uusimaa,
of Eastern Finland. for instance, seems to take place at the muni-
cipality level. Also, the arguments for iden-
The Finnish regions as units of regional iden- tification vary, although in most regions
tification – It is obvious that strong narratives personal ‘geohistory’ (‘roots’) and social net-
on identity require strong regional media that works dominate rather than the features of
exploit regional arguments in order to delimit the regions themselves. Second, people use
the territories concerned. Provinces are often many regional labels to name the provinces,
represented as obviously important regions not only the established names, and even
in Finnish identity discourses, and their his- name units existing on different regional
torical roles and the existence of provincial scales as their home province, in many cases
institutions such as newspapers, voluntary even local municipalities. Lapland is the
organisations in civil society and regional extreme example, where the inhabitants have
symbols are noted. Provincial newspapers in 13 different names for the province (Paasi
particular are important in the construction of 1986b, 2002). One explanation for this situ-
written identities, the past, present and the ation is that provinces are based on many
future of regions. These are powerful first ‘building blocks’ emerging from the nation’s
because a large proportion of their articles history. The historical provinces and the areas
emerge from their respective regions, and under the jurisdiction of the provincial
second because it is not rare for more than councils and innumerable other institutions
80%–90% of households to subscribe to one are all fused in the current regional imagin-
of the major newspapers, and because their ation.
circulation areas usually have very sharp boun- While the regional media in particular
daries. Newspapers do not have any explicit struggles to promote identities, the following
causal role in the construction of identities, comment on the power of regional identity
but rather, following the agenda setting ap- captures something of the ambivalent role of
proach, they disseminate a collection of the provinces:
regional information among their readers
Regions have raised their profile in many
(Paasi 1986b, 2002; Hujanen 2000). On the
European countries and they have their
other hand, the newspaper discourses can pro-
own committee in the EU. Regional iden-
mote ‘regional’ feelings and ways of thought
tity has not gained support in Finland, not
in the articles published and lay stress on the
only because the country corresponds in
collective characteristics of the region, its
terms of population with a small region
landscapes or its people by comparison with
in the context of the EU, but above all
other regions and their inhabitants. Articles
because no natural regional identity has
also often ‘fetishise’ regions and present them
arisen in any Finnish region. Due to
as collective actors engaged in competition
historical facts, Finland is a strongly unified
with other regions. Regional novels have also
state with a homogeneous population that
been important for the creation of regionalist
is not used to emphasising regional iden-
images and dichotomies in Finland (Karjalai-
tities (Antola 2001, p. 1).
nen & Paasi 1994).
The Finnish provinces are not unambiguous Antola’s argument is that the current ‘regions’
units in the regional consciousness. Empirical are not based on historical provinces but have
surveys show, first, that there are major dif- been created for the purposes of governance
ferences in the intensity of identification, so and regional planning. This is a very problem-
that the number of those who do not identify atic argument, since regions and narratives
themselves with any particular region is con- on their identity are perpetually ‘becoming’ –
they cannot be reduced to some specific aries and the hybridity of identities, more
historical period that would provide a ‘natural cautious comments emerge from the obser-
regional identity’. Another problem is that he vation that boundaries have not disappeared,
relies on one basic myth of national identity even though their meanings have changed,
politics, the homogeneity of a nation and the and that people still seem to rely on collective
simultaneous tendency to homogenise pro- identities (Pratt 1999). Accordingly, researchers
vinces (Paasi 1996). Antola’s comment on the cannot simply ‘write’ away the links between
missing political representation on the prov- space, boundaries and identity in academic
incial scale is more correct, since citizens do studies, but instead have to address the
not have any channels for exercising political changing meanings of these connections.
influence on the development of these areas, To show how mobility challenges the exist-
so that the instrumental and political roles of ing identity narratives, I will analyse briefly
regional identities (Keating 1998) have only a how people and regions ‘fit together’ in
limited potential at this level. This is the key Finland. We saw above how narratives of
background to the fact that no real political regional identities have been created as part
regionalism has emerged in Finland and that of the institutionalisation of provinces and
the provinces are not clear units of regional how they are going through a renaissance in
identification. the Finland of the EU. The inhabitants of
regions are usually the major factor that the
CROSSING BOUNDARIES: IDENTITIES narratives of regional identity rest on. This
ON THE MOVE emerges from the assumption that living
together in the same region/place and social
While the links between identity and bound- circumstances for a long time will cause in-
aries have been emphasised in the literature dividuals to develop certain dispositions, or
for decades (Eisenstadt & Giesen 1995), re- ‘roots’, and will provide them with certain
searchers have now questioned the supposi- shared ways of perceiving things, adopting
tion of closed local/national cultures and paid attitudes and communicating, i.e. a certain
attention to the dynamic links between spatial habitus (Bourdieu 1977), or certain structures
contexts and cultural flows. The contemporary of expectations (Paasi 1986a).
world is characterised on all spatial scales by The idea of the following examples is to
mobility, which challenges the fixed links be- show how complex the relation between
tween a territory and a group of people, and regions and their inhabitants is, and not to
forces us to reflect spatial identities in more argue that people can identify themselves only
dynamic ways. Thus identities are understood with their areas of origin. While people’s
as processes of perpetual ‘re-writing’ of the ‘roots’ are typically associated with their place
self and of social collectives (Fog Olwig & of birth, they can of course identify themselves
Hastrup 1997); it is therefore very problematic with new home regions, too. When families
to speak of ‘an existing identity’ as something move, there can also be differences in the
that is already constituted and fixed (Brah forms of identification that emerge from the
1996, p. 124). Major backgrounds for these diverse experiences of various generations.
tendencies are doubtless to be found in econ- With these reservations in mind, we can note
omic and cultural globalisation and the re- that while the major part of the population in
scaling of state power (Brenner 1999), which all Finnish provinces has been born in the
challenge the supposed homology between respective area, there are considerable vari-
specific (bounded) spaces and culture/identity ations between regions (Figure 1a). The flows
on all spatial levels (Massey 1995). These of migration, which in Finland tend to move
processes will also erode the narratives of from Northern and Eastern Finland to the
a homogeneous national and regional ‘we’, southern areas, have had different effects on
both being expressions of a belief in the these proportions, however. The province of
(causal) power of spatiality in determining Uusimaa has received so many new residents,
identities. While much of the new literature mostly moving to Helsinki and the surround-
has celebrated the disappearance of bound- ing major suburban areas of Espoo and
Vantaa, that the proportion of those born in migration policy, which has been criticised
this area is less than 55%, whereas the highest severely in many parts of Europe, especially in
proportion is in South Ostrobothnia, more the Nordic countries. There are thus less than
than 82%. This area has a very clear identity 100,000 people of foreign origin, less than 2%
in Finland, partly maintained by a strong of the population, mainly living in the south-
regional press. Figure 1a also shows that the ern part of the country, especially in the
population that was evacuated to Finland from Helsinki area. While the number of foreign
the Karelian areas ceded to the Soviet Union citizens is extremely low, there have been
after the Second World War, still comprising violent attacks against immigrant groups, with
some 115,000 people, live all over the country, motives voiced mainly by young extremists,
but mostly around the capital. This group often in the name of defending the bounded
of refugees can be compared with another and exclusive spaces of national identity – not
group, that of foreign immigrants. Finland has regional (Paasi 2000).
perhaps been the most closed state in Europe Figure 1b shows how the population is
with respect to immigrants, refugees or divided by current place of residence, i.e.
foreigners in general up until recent years, those who live in the province of their birth
mostly as a consequence of an exclusive im- and those living elsewhere. Almost half of
Figure 2. Percentages of people living in their municipality of birth in 1979 and 1999.
Source: STV 1980 and unpublished data, Central Statistical Office of Finland.
those who were born in some provinces of created by scientists, politicians, administra-
Eastern Finland now live elsewhere, whereas as tors, cultural activists or entrepreneurs? These
many as 84% of those born in the Uusimaa actors often provide ‘guidelines’ for under-
area are still living there, although the standing the collective meanings of regional
number of ‘others’ who have moved there symbolism, the elasticity of boundaries and
from the outside is almost as large in absolute the images of who ‘we’ (and the Other) are.
terms. The Finnish municipalities are even This occurs by maintaining established terri-
more illustrative of the power of mobility torial practices and discourses, by inventing
(Figure 2). One extreme among the 448 new ones and perhaps actively forgetting some
municipalities consists of those where less others. Whatever the motives behind identity
than 25% of the population were born within discourses may be, they are always expressions
the same areal unit, while on the other hand, of ‘power geometries’ (Massey 1993), i.e.
there is one municipality in Northeastern people occupy different positions when making
Finland where 80% of the current population and reproducing spatial representations and
were born locally. The data from 1979 and boundaries or social distinctions between ‘us’
1999 show that mixing of the inhabitants of and ‘the other’.
the municipalities has increased markedly Analysis of the institutionalisation of Finnish
during this period of 20 years. These examples provinces shows that the vision of regional
on two scales suggest that we have to analyse identity as a harmonious balance between a
critically any discourse of ‘regional identity’ region and individuals (who can call them-
or ‘our identity’ that is based on roots or selves ‘us’) has been important in regional
common heritage, since these often hide the discourse. It also shows how problematic the
influences of mobility. narratives of fixed regional identities are,
because of personal mobility. People have
DISCUSSION more and more diversified regional back-
grounds, and the personal histories and
This paper discusses, what ‘regional identity’ processes of identification in any region
means in the contemporary mobile world become ‘mixed’. It is therefore important to
where: analyse the rhetoric through which the narra-
tives of regional identities are created, and
1. this phrase is used in numerous ways;
also what ‘region’ and narratives of identity
2. ‘the people’ and ‘the region’ do not
mean in the construction of personal and
coincide neatly in a culturally ‘pure’ way
group identities and practices of inclusion and
on any regional scale; and
exclusion. It is obvious that the narratives of
3. where a number of actors participate in the
regional (and other spatial) identities are
production of spatial images and identity
increasingly being contested in a world char-
discourses which may differ radically in
acterised by voluntary and forced migration.
different contexts.
This paper suggests that it is beneficial to
The paper suggests that it is useful to under- make an analytical distinction between the
stand discourses on regional identity as part of identity of a region and the regional identity/
a process in which ‘regions’ are constructed, consciousness of people. The former points to
i.e. become institutionalised as spatial units. those elements of nature, culture and regional
Regional identities are collective narratives on life that are used to distinguish a region from
who and what ‘we’ and ‘our region’ are and other regions, and the latter to the regional
how these differ from others. The definition consciousness of individuals. While these exist
of social identities always includes a normative simultaneously as part of the broader process
element of power. Important questions are of social reproduction, this analytical distinc-
therefore who makes regional distinctions and tion helps us to understand and analyse both
classifications, how do they express the rela- the structural (and power) elements hidden in
tions of power, and whose identity is a specific discourses on regional identity and individual
identity discourse describing? Is it the identity regional consciousness. The latter is more and
of ordinary people? Or is it a ‘written identity’ more often a combination of the experiences
and narratives emerging from several spatial KARJALAINEN, P.T. & A. PAASI (1994), Contrasting
contexts that are important in the biographies the Nature of the Written City: Helsinki in
of subjects. Regionalistic Thought and as a Dwelling Place.
In: P. PRESTON & P. SIMPSON-HOUSLEY, eds.,
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