Jan R. Veenstra, Magic and Divination at The Court of Burgundy and France PDF

BRILL'S STUDIES
IN
INTELLECTUAL HISTORY
General Editor
A J. VANDERJAGT, University of Groningen
Editorial Board
M.COLISH, Oberlin College
J.I. ISRAEL, University College, London
J.D. NORTH, University of Groningen
H.A. OBERMAN, University of Arizona, Tucson
R.H. POPKIN, Washington University, St. Louis-UCLA
VOLUME 83
MAGIC AND DIVINATION
AT THE COURTS OF BURGUNDY
AND FRANCE
Text and Context of Laurens Pignon's
Contre les devineurs
(1411)
BY
JAN R. VEENSTRA
BRILL
LEIDEN · NEW YORK · KÖLN
1998
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
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Veenstra, Jan R.:
Magic and divination at the courts of Burgundy and France : text and
context of Laurens Pignon's Contre les devineurs (1411) / by Jan R.
Veernstra. - Leiden ; New York ; Köln : Brill, 1997
(Brill's studies in intellectual history ; Vol. 83)
ISBN 90-04-10925-0
ISSN 0920-8607
ISBN 90 04 10925 0
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Dedicated to the Memory of my Grandfather
Jan Riepke Atsma (1903-1977)
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements xi
Abbreviations xiii
Introduction 1
Chapter 1: THE TREATISE AND ITS AUTHOR

1.1 The Prologues of Contre les devineurs 7
1.2 Divination and Magic: The Themes of Contre les devineurs 10
1.3 The Rise of Magic and Astrology: The Contexts of Contre
les devineurs 21
1.4 Life and Works of Laurens Pignon, OP. 28
1.5 The Chronica compendiosa and the War of 1411 34
1.6 The King and the Evil Spirit 41
Chapter 2: THE PACT WITH THE ENEMY

2.1 Motives for Murder 43
2.2 The Devil's Advocate 48
2.3 Epistola ex tenebris infernalibus 50
2.4 The Magic Court 59
2.4.1 The Case of the Apostate Monk and the Tower of
Montjay 59
2.4.2 The Case of Two Augustinian Monks 64
2.4.3 Doctor and Sorcerer: The Cases of Jehan de Bar and
Arnaud Guillaume 67
2.4.4 July 1403: The Case of Poinson and Briquet 72
2.4.5 Two Secular Trials: The Cases of Margot de La Barre
(1390) and Jeanne de Brigue (1391) 77
2.4.6 Magic and Calumny: The Case of Valentina Visconti 81
2.4.7 The Case of the Shroud of Christ 85
2.5 The 'Bal des Ardents' and the Dangers of Pagan Ritual 89
2.6 Conclusion 95
Chapter 3: HISTORY AND DIVINATION 97

3.1 Simon de Phares: The First Historian of Astrology 98
3.2 History between Sacred and Secular 102
3.2.1 Re-reading the Signs 104
3.2.2 The Eschaton 107
3.3 Signs from Heaven 112
viii CONTENTS
3.4 Astrology, Burgundy, and History 119

3.5 Astrology and the Court of Burgundy 127
3.6 Conclusion 134
Chapter 4: A CRITIQUE OF SUPERSTITION 137

4.1 Censure of Superstition 138
4.1.1 Censure and Lay Instruction in France around 1400 138
4.1.2 The Limits of Lawfulness and Possibility 143
4.1.3 From Pastoral to Inquisitorial Censure 148
4.2 Classifying Superstition: Magic or Astrology 153
4.3 Demons 163
4.3.1 Dualism 163
4.3.2 Naturalisation of the Demonic 166
4.3.3 Demonic Illumination 173
4.4 Dreams 176
4.5 Stars, Causes and Free Will 184
4.5.1 Stellar and Divine Determinism: Augustine, Boethius,
and Aquinas 184
4.5.2 Pignon on Causality in CLD 189
4.5.3 Pignon on Causality in CDE 193
4.6 Conclusion 199
RECAPITULATION 201
INTRODUCTION TO THE MANUSCRIPT

1. Codicological Observations 207
2. The Edition
2.1 Treatment of the Text 208
2.2 Structure 210
3. History of the Manuscript 211
4. Pignon as Translator 213
CONTRE LES DEVINEURS 223
Appendix i: THE CONFESSION OF MASTER JEHAN DE BAR

1. Introduction 343
2. Text 351
Appendix π: PROGNOSTICATION ON THE LIFE OF JOHN, DUKE OF

BURGUNDY, AND HIS HEIRS BY MASTER ALOFRESIN
1. Introduction 357
2. Text 366
CONTENTS ix
Appendix ra: THE TWELVE SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC AND A GAME OF
NUMEROLOGICAL DIVINATION
1. Introduction 373
2. 'Les 12 Signes dou firmament' 375
3. The Text of Les 12 Signes dou firmament 381
4. A Numerological Game 393
Glossary 403
Bibliography 409
Index of Names in CLD 419
Index of Names 421
Index of Subjects and Titles 429
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This book could not have been completed without the help of a number of
people to whom I am profoundly indebted. These prefatory lines I will use
to express my gratitude first and foremost to professor Arjo Vanderjagt and
professor Martin Gosman, who have supported and encouraged my work.
Professor Gosman supervised my work on the critical edition of the French
texts that the reader can find in the second part of this book. His careful
reading of the editions and his acute and elucidating criticism have proved
a great stimulus. Professor Vanderjagt put me on the track of the Burgundian
diplomat and intellectual Laurens Pignon and motivated me to undertake the
edition of Pignon's Contre les devineurs. His expertise and unremitting
support have made this book possible.
Others contributed to this work. I thank professor Alasdair MacDonald
and professor John North for reading and correcting the text and for their
useful suggestions. Special thanks should also extend to dr Frank Fürbeth
with whom I had the opportunity of discussing some of the themes that
feature prominently in this book, and who was so kind as to provide me with
important source material.
The smaller contributions of a number of esteemed colleagues should not
remain unmentioned. Annemarie de Gendt, Lodi Nauta, Lisa van Hijum,
Arend Jagersma, and Paul de Laat provided me with valuable information
and suggestions at various stages of the work and, of no less merit, on
occasion lent me a willing and patient ear. I thank Peter Binkley who as
member of the 'Centre for Classical, Oriental, Medieval and Renaissance
Studies' (COMERS) of the University of Groningen organised several
workgroups, where I was able to present my work and discuss it with some
of my colleagues at COMERS. Professor Dick de Boer organised a sympo-
sium on lotteries and invited me to present a paper on lot-casting and books
of fortune. His initiative proved a source of inspiration for the third appendix.
A number of institutions that enabled me to do my research should be
mentioned. The Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO)
provided me with a number of grants over the past few years which enabled
me to conduct my research in the Royal Library in Brussels and which
allowed me to attend several conferences in order to present aspects of my
work. The Royal Library in Brussels, The National Library in Paris and the
National Library in Madrid enabled me to study sources from their collec-
tions. Last, but not least, the Department of Philosophy of the University of
Groningen provided me with the facilities to prepare the text of this book for
XÜ ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
the printer. Hauke de Vries deserves special thanks for his technical advice
and assistence.
A final token of gratitude and appreciation is to my parents, who bore with
me and supported me during the writing of this book, and to my close friends
Pieter Bas Bouma and Yvonne Tijhuis for the confidence they placed in me.
Jan R. Veenstra
Drachten, September 1997
ABBREVIATIONS
CC Corpus Christianorum
CDE Pignon, Traictié de la cause de la diversité des estai
CLD Pignon, Contre les devineurs
DBM Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique des médecins en France
au Moyen Age
DCD Augustine, De civitate Dei
DDC Augustine, De doctrina Christiana
DDD Toorn, Κ. van der, et. al. eds., Dictionary ofDeities and Demons
in the Bible
DSO Migne, ed., Dictionnaire des Sciences Occultes
DTC Vacant and Mangenot, eds., Dictionnaire de Théologie Catholique
EJ Encyclopedia Judaica
Godefroy F. Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue française
HMES Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science
HWD A Bächtold-Stäubli, ed., Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens
KJV King James Version of the Bible
Opie Opie and Tätern, A Dictionary of Superstitions
PG Patrologia Graeca
PL Patrologia Latina
RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum
SCG Aquinas, Summa contra gentiles
ST Aquinas, Summa theologiae1
TL Tobler-Lommatzsch, Altfranzösisches Wörterbuch
1
The tripartite structure of the articles from the ST is indicated by means of the following
abbreviations: (1), (2), (3) etc. refers to the arguments at the beginning of each article; (R) refers
to the responsio in the middle of each article; and (rl), (r2), (r3) etc. refers to the refutations
of the initial arguments at the end of each article.
INTRODUCTION
Men at some time are masters of their fates

(Julius Caesar 1.2)
The Traitié contre les devineurs (Brussels, Royal Library, ms. 11216) is part
of the vast Burgundian library amassed by four generations of Burgundian
dukes. The manuscript is a treatise against the abuses of divination and magic
and is dedicated to the second of the Valois dukes of Burgundy Jean Sans-
Peur, or, as he is known in English, John the Fearless. The book was written
in 1411, in all likelihood by a Dominican friar named Laurens Pignon, who
was then the newly appointed father confessor of the count of Charolais, the
future Philip the Good. The treatise has never before been edited and survives
in only one manuscript copy. The present book offers a critical edition of
the treatise and a study of its socio-historical and intellectual context.
When Georges Doutrepont in La littérature française à la cour des ducs
de Bourgogne, his comprehensive study of the Burgundian library, drew
attention to the treatise, he did so by discussing it in connection with a
number of texts that he regarded as the crucial representations of Burgundian
literature, such as the Justification by Jean Petit, the Geste des ducs de
Bourgogne or the Pastoralet. Doutrepont placed the treatise in ironical
opposition to these Burgundian monuments of literary propaganda that tried
to disculpate duke John, who had stooped to political assassination to further
his ends. The political adversaries of John the Fearless, no doubt, saw him
as the devil's accomplice, and even the duke himself pleaded unaccountability
for his crime since, as he said, the devil had put him up to it. Ί1 méritait bien
qu'un auteur, qui se dit «son humble et dévot subject et serviteur», lui dédiât
un traité exposant dans quelle mesure «le diable peut savoir la disposition et
ordonnance et le gouvernement des royalmes des seigneurs temporels,
conspirations et traysons, quar de telles choses souvent il se mesle»'.1 This
remarkable relationship between Burgundy and the devil, which Doutrepont
believed the author of Contre les devineurs to imply, will be a Leitmotif in
the following study.
At first glance the theme of Contre les devineurs would appear to be quite
extensive. Not only does the treatise censure various superstitions, fortune-
telling and different forms of magic that are commonly associated with the
lower classes and popular beliefs, but it also criticises the propensity of kings
1
Georges Doutrepont, La littérature française à la cour des ducs de Bourgogne (Genève
1970), p. 289.
2 INTRODUCTION
and princes to consult astrologers, diviners and dream-interpreters and in

general all those prognosticators, some of them scholars and academics,
others mere charlatans, who frequented the courts of the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries. This does not mean that the author of Contre les devineurs
would have been obliged to travel down the various layers of society to
collect the materials for his study. Like hot air and other volatile substances,
beliefs and practices concerning magic and divination have a tendency to rise
rather than move down. Common superstitions andritualmagic are generally
regarded as an attribute of popular culture. Its popular adherence never kept
it from rising in society and gripping the imagination of more gullible
members of the nobility. Sophisticated forms of divination, including astrol-
ogy, the 'royal science', were almost exclusively found in the higher echelons
of society, practised by clerks and scholars, and patronised by nobility and
royalty. A careful scrutiny of the courtly environment would, therefore,
reveal it to be a most comprehensive microcosm of all the sagacities and
follies inherent in the main theme of the treatise.
Contre les devineurs is largely theoretical in nature and is for the greater
part a Translation' or paraphrase of five questions from the Summa theologiae
(2a2ae.92-96) and three chapters from the Summa contra gentiles (III.84-86)
both by Thomas Aquinas. Yet the discussion contained in the treatise is
fuelled by real events and was intended to instruct and admonish the duke
and his court to stay clear of divination and magic. It was written in the very
midst of the first stages of the Burgundian-Armagnac conflict from which
it takes its cue, and its most immediate field of historical reference is
therefore the French-Burgundian court centered in Paris in roughly the period
1380-1411. This period coincides with the reign of Charles the Mad: a
disastrous period for France, in which the king's nearest relatives vied with
each other for political power, not to mention the contents of the treasury.
This introductory study into the historical and intellectual context of Contre
les devineurs is divided into four chapters. The first chapter will deal with
the author and his treatise and will focus on (1) the over-arching theme of
Contre les devineurs, namely the concept of superstitio, and (2) the motives
that caused the composition of the treatise. Two phenomena in the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth century motivated Pignon to take up his pen:
(a) the rise of magic and sorcery; and (b) the rise of divination and astrology.
These last two themes are further elaborated in chapters 2 and 3.
The second chapter deals with magic at the courts of France and Burgundy
under Charles VI. For the courtiers magic was not merely something they
believed in, it was also a political tool for incrimination and calumny. The
disastrous reign of Charles VI was marked by scandal and courtly intrigue
and this festering environment proved particularly propitious for rumours and
accusations of sorcery. It will be demonstrated that the Burgundian court took
INTRODUCTION 3
an ambivalent attitude towards magic. On the one hand, Philip the Bold was
willing to subsidise magicians, apparently wagering on the efficacy of magic;
on the other hand, his son John the Fearless did not shrink from denouncing
magic and using it as an expedient political means of slandering and accusing
his opponents. The Burgundian lawyer Jean Petit will introduce us to the
political use of sorcery since his work is a major source for the belief in
magic and its incriminating applications in earlyfifteenth-centuryFrance. He
will guide us into the bizarre world of courtly magic.
The third chapter deals with divination and astrology in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries. Astrology was greatly stimulated by the patronage of king
Charles V, and astrologers abounded at the courts of Burgundy and France.
Divination and astrology did not carry the dark implications of sorcery and
maleficium (though Pignon on occasion asserted that they did) and their
political uses and social applications were, first and foremost, aimed at
making sense of history; they were a device for understanding the way of
the world in God's greater scheme of things. Thus astrology could legitimate
the rule of kings and princes and reveal the true meaning of history. The
fifteenth-century astrologer Simon de Phares is a prime exponent of the
political use of astrology. Himself a victim of libelous accusations of sorcery,
he fights back by writing a Recueil des plus célèbres astrologues in his
defence in which he argues for the lawful and superior status of his art. The
Recueil is a major source for the study of court astrology in the later Middle
Ages, and hence Simon de Phares will introduce us to the world of court-
astrologers and their attempt to read history from the stars.
The fourth chapter will deal with the central theme of Contre les devineurs,
namely superstitio. Superstitio, defined in such a way as to encompass all
practices and beliefs related to magic and divination, was the subject of a vast
theological and philosophical literature that tried to explain the preternatural
phenomena inherent in magical practices and in foretelling the future. This
literature is essentially divided between a rationalistic approach that tries to
explain extraordinary facts from natural causes and a moralistic approach that
tries to explain these phenomena in terms of demonic agency. Among
scholastic authors such as Pignon a mixture of both approaches is common.
The fourth chapter explores moralistic and naturalistic views by means of
some of the structurally most important themes of Contre les devineurs:
demonology and a theory of causality.
The fourth chapter thus concludes the introductory study of Pignon's
treatise. The main aim of this study is to elucidate the contents of Contre les
devineurs by exploring the socio-historical and the intellectual contexts that
informed it.
Three appendices have been added after Contre les devineurs, containing
the editions of a number of short texts that supplement and elucidate the
4 INTRODUCTION
themes of the treatise and the issues raised in the introductory study. These
appendices constitute small dossiers and can be read as separate essays even
though they owe their presence in this book to their exemplary nature.
The first appendix contains the confession of a court magician, Jehan de
Bar, who was condemned and burned in Paris in 1398. In the introductory
study his case is dealt with in relation to the French-Burgundian court and
it is specifically relevant to Contre les devineurs, since this magician belongs
to the group of people that the treatise criticises and of whom the author,
Pignon, says that they are not 'digne de vivre'. The presence of Jehan de
Bar's confession in this book needs no further justification; its documentary
value in relation to the themes of this study is self-evident.
The second appendix contains a political pamphlet in the form of a
prognostication on the life of John the Fearless. Though written in the
sixteenth century to emulate the emperor Charles V, it sees the emperor as
a true son of Burgundy and almost a century after the death of the second
Burgundian duke, continues the apologetic literature that Burgundian authors
produced to justify Burgundy's aggressive and ambitious power-politics, that
reached their first and most famous peak in the assassination of the king's
brother Louis d'Orléans in 1407. The prognostication, supposedly written
long before the events it 'predicts' by an astrologer named Alofresin, is a
perfect example of the political uses of divination, for the text does nothing
less than offer a grand justification of Burgundy's place in history. The
prognostication of Alofresin, it will be shown, originated in the sixteenth
century, perhaps in the former Burgundian lands, but certainly against a
background of Burgundian national sentiment, even after the 'state' of Philip
the Good and Charles the Bold had collapsed, and the emperor Charles V
had become the fulcrum of political hope. Its relation to the themes of Contre
les devineurs is therefore less direct, but its exemplary nature, reflecting as
it does a Burgundian attempt to read its history in the stars, is unmistakable.
The prognostication of Alofresin has not been edited before and has earned
itself a modest place in secondary literature as a 'horoscope' of John the
Fearless. This erroneous interpretation needs correction, for which the present
study offers a suitable occasion.
The third appendix, finally, contains two (popular) divinatory texts that
may in part, at least, be regarded as representative samples of a literary genre
that Laurens Pignon and his fellow moralists abhorred. The first text gives
prognostications based on the position of the Moon in relation to the twelve
signs of the Zodiac. The second text is a numerological game, that, if it ever
was taken seriously, might tell us something about the gullibility of courtiers,
and if not, might reveal something about entertainments at court. Both
divinatory texts are from the same early fifteenth-century Burgundian
manuscript and are therefore not only central to the period, but also to the
INTRODUCTION 5
courtly environment under consideration. In other words, the texts may have
been read and used by the very people Pignon sought to admonish in his
treatise.
Pignon's Contre les devineurs is a minor treatise on a major theme. It
broaches a subject that lies at the heart of civilisation, even at the heart of
human nature. It touches on the relation between what we believe and what
we do, between the world of ideas and the world of history and contingent
reality. People do not always act according to their professed beliefs, but
beliefs of one kind or another are indispensible for perceiving some good,
the attainment of which, Aristotle argued, every activity has for its object.
Magic and divination, the main themes of this study, feature prominently
among the perennial beliefs that have motivated mankind in its pursuit of its
prime goods: health, good fortune, and knowledge. As systems of belief,
magic and divination each held a particular promise; in the case of magic this
was control over theficklenessof fortune, in the case of divination intellectual
control over the contingencies of life. Censors of superstition would reject
these beliefs, which assume the existence of a world of occult powers and
an equally mysterious coherence and design of all things, on the grounds that
this dream of order was brought about without proper proof and investigation,
and, worse, could serve as an alibi for irresponsible behaviour. Magic and
divination were seen to challenge both reason and morality.
On the whole the monotheist religions, though they adopt their own version
of a Grand Design and contain a fair amount of what we call magic, experi-
enced magic and divination as a threat. For Christianity in particular, the
world's fortunes and future are at God's disposal, not man's. Despite their
deep roots in Christianity, magic and divination in the Middle Ages posed
two serious problems: (1) magic claimed to solicit powers that are appropri-
ated to God alone; (2) the truth of divination required the immutability of
the course of history : the rationale of precognition is predetermination. Hence
the Biblical counterparts of magic and divination, miracle and prophecy, were
preferably regarded as divine interventions in worldly affairs, rather than
man's meddling in matters divine. But whereas magic could be rejected on
the grounds of human presumption, the determinist danger of divination was
strengthened by the doctrine of God's omnipotence. If God is all-powerful,
how is it possible that His foreknowledge (the fruit of His omniscience) does
not bring about the future of necessity. It was by emphasising man's free will
and responsibility and divine justice that determinism was assuaged to the
point of harmlessness; but the belief that history has a pattern and a purpose
(even though it is not rigidly deterministic) remained close to the heart of
medieval Christendom.
Pignon's emphatic plea for man's freedom and responsibility and his
vehement rejection of determinism never made him question the idea of a
6 INTRODUCTION
greater scheme of things. In a sense, as we will argue in chapter three,

Pignon adheres to a historicism that is very similar to that of the astrologers
and diviners that he opposes. Modern minds will no longer accept medieval
ideas on the design of history and they will be more sensitive to the frictions
between a belief in man's freedom and a belief in God's omnipotence, but
belief in the ineluctable patterns of history and the need to reassert man's
responsibility and free choice are forever with us. In expounding the vices
of modern historicisms, Karl Popperconsciously expressed himself in phrases
that echo the tradition of criticism of which Pignon is a minor representative.
His words may serve as a motto for this book.
Historicism tries to shift our responsibility on to history, and thereby on to the

play of demoniac powers beyond ourselves; it tries to base our actions upon the
hidden intentions of these powers, which can be revealed to us only in mystical
inspirations and intuitions; and thus it puts our actions and ourselves on the moral
level of a man who, inspired by horoscopes and dreams, choses his lucky number
in a lottery. Like gambling, historicism is born of our despair in the rationality
and responsibility of our actions. Religion should not be a substitute for dreams
and wishfulfilment; it should resemble neither the holding of a ticket in a lottery,
nor the holding of a policy in an insurance company. The historicist element in
religion is an element of idolatry, of superstition.2
2
K. R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies (London 1969), vol. 2, p. 279.
CHAPTER ONE
THE TREATISE AND ITS AUTHOR
graves at my command
Have waked their sleepers, oped, and let 'em forth
By my so potent art.
{The Tempest V.I)
1.1 The Prologues of Contre les devineurs
After the death of Samuel, Saul, the king of Israel, became very afraid of
the Philistine army that was preparing for war. When God would speak to
him 'neither by dreams, nor by Urim, nor by prophets',1 Saul took a desper-
ate step that was to become the beginning of his undoing. He had recourse
to one of the very people he had expelled from Israel; he consulted the witch
of Endor.
This Biblical example of a king who came to ruin because he availed
himself of the services of a soothsayer is brought to mind in the second
chapter of the third part of the Traitié contre les devineurs as part of a
warning. If lords and princes, the author, Laurens Pignon, says, remain
faithful to God and take heed not to involve themselves with sorcerers,
charmers and diviners, God will allow them to prosper. If, however, they
should choose to indulge in these vile matters, God will abandon them. The
consequences of such an abandonment are not to be taken lightly. They will
lose their sense and reason, their authority and lordship will perish, their
realm will be lost to their enemies, and finally they will, body and soul, be
cast into eternal perdition. ' J'en apeletesmoingexperance', Pignon adds, 'qui
est de present en ce royaume en l'an ou nous sommes mil .cccc. et .xi. et
desja a duré pluseurs années precedans, ne la fin n'est encore prochaine'.
This note is of great importance since it provides us not only with a date for
the treatise, 1411, but also with a direct occasion for its composition.
Unfortunately the text does not explicitly state what grave events took place
in the years leading up to 1411 that could serve as an illustration of Biblical
truth. We only learn that these ominous events were caused by bad govern-
ment, injustice, covetousness and excessive ambition which resulted in
tyranny, apostasy and negligence regarding the true faith, 'dont nous sommes
doleureusement pugni et en peril de perdicion et destruction totale'. What
I Sam. 28:6.
8 CHAPTER ONE
were these events that lead to such a dangerous predicament? What lord or
prince had involved himself with soothsayers?
The answer, it would seem, is provided by the opening of the book, for
the treatise is dedicated to John the Fearless, the second of the Valois dukes
of Burgundy. In two prologues, Pignon, the author, provides his readers with
a justification and a program for his treatise. Having noticed how the
doctrines and the teachings of the true faith have been jeopardised by the
enormous and superstitious claims of diviners who call themselves 'astrono-
mers' and assert that celestial motion and stellar influence determine people's
fortunes and choices, Pignon found the time had come to write a serious
admonishment against the errors of these people. They claim to know secrets
that cannot be known in any natural way, they claim to be able to predict a
person's fortunes from his nativity horoscope; furthermore they claim that
the science of the stars enables them to choose propitious days for commerce,
the affairs of state and in general all enterprises a person may embark on in
his lifetime. Though the influence of the stars and the heavens on the hustle
and bustle of this world is an accepted truth for medieval man in general,
this influence, religious authorities felt, should never be sought beyond
material and temporal affairs. For applied to man's will and freedom of
choice, this influence would open the door to a rigid determinism in which,
according to the mechanics of the universe, good and evil actions have
celestial causes and God's justice in reward and punishment would be
irreparably compromised. One feels as one leafs through the pages of the
treatise, that the remnant of concealed or overt paganism in the many
sometimes archaic forms of divination and ritual magic which Pignon
discusses, provided enough of an outrage for him to write his invective.
In the second prologue he briefly summarises his reasons for writing the
treatise. The first is that many lords and princes and people of high rank have
lent their ears to diviners and given them audience. The second reason is the
apparently alarming popularity of prognostications that circulated in little
scrolls of which Pignon has intercepted one and the contents of which he
discloses in his treatise to prove how foolish and cryptic these prognostica-
tions are. The third reason Pignon brings forward, is the hatred and resent-
ment of the diviners and their adherents vis-à-vis the clergy. From his own
experience Pignon mentions one example of a rather violent discussion in
which an astrologer defended his science against the allegations of the clergy.
Public preaching against these superstitions, we learn, was not uncommon,
and neither were restrictive measures against diviners that followed after-
wards. In the sermons of Jean Gerson, the greatest theologian and preacher
in the early fifteenth century, several instances can be found in which he
THE TREATISE AND ITS AUTHOR 9
censures popular and courtly interest in magic, divination and sorcery.2 From
the first prologue we learn that Pignon himself has on several occasions
preached on this very subject in the presence of his lord, the duke of Bur-
gundy. And since he sees it as his duty to preach the truth, he has deemed
it necessary to write his treatise, not to disclose his own ideas or sentiments,
but simply to explain and translate,3 from Latin to French, the arguments
and admonishments of the Bible, the Fathers, and ecclesiastical authorities.
He does not mention these authorities, but, as the reader may verify from
the text and the commentary to the edition below, the greater part of the
treatise is a vernacularisation of a number of questions from the Summa
theologiae by Thomas Aquinas. The author humbly begs his lord to have his
counsellors examine the fruit of his efforts, so that the duke may be assured
of its orthodoxy and may take heed not to involve himself with diviners or
suffer them to lodge in his house, for not only a prince but also his officers
and servants should be good and faithful Christians.
The warning is clear enough, though Pignon takes care not to implicate
his lord too explicitly in any magical or divinatory practice. The prognosti-
cation, for instance, that he includes in the second prologue is in no way
linked to the duke, and any reference to potential malpractices on the part
of John the Fearless are oblique, to say the least. Still, the above mentioned
passage in the third part of the treatise makes it unmistakably clear that recent
events had taken a turn for the worse and become serious enough to parallel
Saul's trespass and inevitable doom. The comparison with Saul is ominous
with regard to the personal history of John the Fearless, who was killed in
1419, but unfortunately it is not unique. Other authors4 had used the same
text to rebuke their kings and princes for their interest in prophecy, necro-
mancy and soothsaying. These admonishments clearly testify to an increasing
interest in divination, but texts such as Contre les devineurs are more than
2
See, e.g., his sermons Vade in domum (Oct. 21, 1397), in: Jean Gerson, Œuvres
complètes, ed. Mgr. Glorieux, 10 vols. (Paris 1960-1973), vol. 5, pp. 563-583, esp. p. 572;
En la fête de la Toussaint (Nov. 1,1391?), in: Œuvres complètes, vol. 7(2), pp. 992-1005, esp.
p. 1001; and Pour la réforme du Royaume (Vivat Rex) (Nov. 7,1405), in: Œuvres complètes,
vol. 7(2), pp. 1137-1185, esp. pp. 1183-1184.
3
OnPignon's status as translator, see 'Introduction to the manuscript', pp. 213-222 below.
4
A famous example, and no doubt a model for many others, is John of Salisbury,
PolicraticusU.21. Hilary Cary, Courting Disaster.-Astrology at the English Court and University
in the Later Middle Ages (London 1992), p. 93 and p. 195, n. 4, gives a few additional examples
from English sources. Throughout the present study the following editions of the Polieraucus
were used: John of Salisbury, Policratici sive de nugis curialium et vestigiis philosophorum libri
VIII, ed. C. C. I. Webb, 2 vols. (Frankfurt a. M. 1965); and John of Salisbury, Frivolities of
Courtiers and Footprints of Philosophers; Being a Translation of the First, Second, and Third
Books and Selections from the Seventh and Eighth Books of the 'Policraticus', transi. Joseph
B. Pike (New York 1972).
10 CHAPTER ONE
mere censures of royal curiosity regarding the future. They address a variety
of themes ranging from ritual magic to astrology, and they may either take
the form of moralistic attacks on superstition or philosophical criticism of
complex divinatory techniques such as geomancy and judicial astrology. In
addition to this a number of these texts owe their existence to social and
cultural pressures that are not limited to courtly dabblings in the occult, and
have, be it sometimes on a modest scale, made a contribution to the theologi-
cal reflection on superstition, magic and demonology. This theological interest
was slowly but decisively (such is the advantage of historical hindsight)
moving in the direction ofthat great demonological obsession known as the
great witch-craze. In many ways Contre les devineurs is a case in point.
Though essentially a moralistic treatise, complete with an Augustinian
demonology, it flirts (in its choice of sections from the work of Aquinas) with
a philosophical critique of astrology, providing brief discussions of causality
and free will. Moreover, Pignon claims to have written his treatise as a
reaction against an increase in occult interests. It will be clear that for a
proper appreciation of the theme of the treatise and its relevance a close
examination of its context must be made. This contextualisation is the purpose
of this introductory study.
The disastrous events leading up to 1411 will presently be the focus of
our attention, but before we can return to these events to which the author
claims to have been a witness, we must concern ourselves with him, and,
prior to this, with the main themes of his treatise.
1.2 Divination and Magic: The Themes of Contre les devineurs
The critique of divination may be as old as the art itself, but it has been part
of intellectual culture at least since classical Antiquity. The surviving records
of the ancient world testify to the enormous importance of omens, auguries
and the science of astrology. Cicero explained that he knew of no people
whether civilised or barbaric who did not believe in the bestowal of signs of
future events or in the ability of certain privileged individuals to interpret
those signs.5 Nevertheless, universal belief does not make universal truth,
and Cicero's dialogue De divinatione is one of the most important statements
of scepticism concerning divination surviving from Antiquity. Cicero essen-
tially mediated a number of critical reservations of a Greek predecessor,
Carneades, and would pass on to the Middle Ages, mainly via the works of
5
Cicero, De divinatione 1.1, transi. W. A. Falconer, Loeb Classical Library, Cicero vol.
20 (London/Cambridge, Mass. 1992).
Augustine,6 a number of critical arguments against astrology and divination

to oppose the difficulties that the prevailing philosophical justification of these
arts in terms of the prevailing world view (a Stoic one for Cicero; a Christian
one in the Middle Ages) posed. These arguments mainly revolved around one
central issue, namely the problem of free will and responsibility as opposed
to astrological fatalism. Not only the critique of astrology, but also the craft
itself had a strong tradition and was favoured by great proponents.
In late Antiquity and the Arabic world the authorities of Ptolemy and
Albumasar amongst many others firmly established astrology as a science,
and in the Latin West Aristotelian physics (especially the doctrine of efficient
causation) made astrology an indispensable asset of the scholastic world view.
Though at the same time also critical literature regarding divination and
astrology came to full bloom with at its centre the same age-old arguments,
there was no one in the Middle Ages who doubted the major premiss, namely
that of stellar influence on the world.7 The critique of astrology essentially
toned down the sharp edges of celestial influence by confining it to the
physical frame of the world, thus safeguarding the human soul from causal
determinism and keeping moral responsibility and divine justice in reward
and punishment inviolate. This restriction still left astrology with a vast array
of possible applications, though it did prohibit all astrological attempts to
predict events that were somehow tied up with free choice. Free choice, in
order to be free, cannot be subject to natural causation, which also means
that it cannot be foreknown. Any attempt to make predictions regarding the
affairs of everyday life (people's fortunes and happiness) would presuppose
a rigid determinism that swayed both body and soul. Naturally such an error
was in desperate need of extirpation, and this, so it would seem, is the main
purpose of Contre les devineurs.
But how real was the determinist danger? Most medieval practitioners of
astrology would agree that the stars incline but do not compel, and among
their numbers rank prominent Churchmen like cardinal Pierre d'Ailly (ca.
1350-1420) who besides being a pillar of orthodoxy also drew up a nativity
horoscope of Christ and made astrological calculations to determine the end
6
Augustine's DCD V is based on a lost section of Cicero's Defato. Another important
mediator of sceptical arguments was Sextus Empiricus. For a concise survey, see: Theodore
O. Wedel, The Mediaeval Attitude Toward Astrology Particularly in England (1920 ,repr. 1968),
pp. 6-13.
7
See: J. D. North, "Celestial Influence - The Major Premiss of Astrology", in: Stars,
Minds and Fate: Essays in Ancient and Medieval Cosmology (London 1989), pp. 243-298;
Edward Grant, "Medieval and Renaissance Scholastic Conceptions of the Influence of the
Celestial Region on the Terrestrial ", in: Journal ofMedieval and Renaissance Studies 17 (1987),
pp. 1-23.
12 CHAPTER ONE
of time.8 To his mind astrological prognostications concerning human affairs

posed no serious threat to his beliefs nor to man's free prerogative. Celestial
influence on a person's body would also extend to a person's senses and
appetites and if man is not master of his natural inclinations, the stars will
be master of him. His behaviour is a perfectly legitimate object of astrological
inquiry. The stars may incline but they never necessitate the will, and no
astrologer need resort to such an extreme deterministic creed to justify his
art. For the rest, with the general acceptance of the premisses of stellar
influence and causation, astrology was virtually ubiquitous.
A few remarks should be made regarding Thomas Aquinas (the main
source of Contre les devineurs) who did a great deal to harmonise astrology
and Christian ethics as part of his larger enterprise of making Aristotle and
the Christian faith compatible.9 In the writings of Aquinas one can find
arguments both in favour of astrology and opposing it. Aquinas the
'Aristotelian astrologer',10 while discussing the unlawfulness of divination
by the stars11 (divinatio per astra, something Aquinas preferred to distin-
guish from astrologia), naturally defends any scientific prognostication that
predicts an effect from its cause. Only in two domains, namely that of
contingency andfreewill, need the astrologer fear to tread, and even success
in those areas can easily be explained in terms of causality: relatively few
people are swayed by reason, the greater part by far will follow their physical
passions (passiones corporales) and be susceptible to celestial influence.
Astrological predictions may therefore be true when public events and large
groups of people are involved. This is still the voice of Aquinas the
Aristotelian, but Aquinas the theologian gives one additional reason why
astrologers may be successful and that is through demonic information.
Demons (whose foreknowledge, by the way, is also based on knowing what
effects will follow from certain causes) may reveal the future to astrologers;
and hence fortune-telling always entails the risk of demonic association.
Significantly, Aquinas does not expound the matter himself, but simply quotes
Augustine.12 The problem of divination from the stars had nothing to do
8
Laura Ackerman Smoller, History, Prophecy and the Stars: The Christian Astrology of
Pierre d'Ailty 1350-1420 (Princeton 1994). See esp. pp. 46-47 on free will. Cf. also chapter
3.2.2, below.
9
Cf. the remarks of Jacques Halbronn, "L'itinéraire astrologique de trois Italiens du xille
siècle: Pietro d'Abano, Guido Bonatti, Thomas d'Aquin", in: L'homme et son univers au Moyen
Age (Louvain-la-Neuve 1986), vol. 2, pp. 670-672. For a brief survey of Aquinas's ideas on
celestial influence, see: North, "Celestial Influence", pp. 273-278.
10
North's phrase; "Celestial Influence'', p. 277.
11
ST 2a2ae.95.5.
12
ST 2a2ae.95.5(r2). Cf. the treatment of the same matter in CLD Π.2.3. The reference
to Augustine refers to De genesi ad litteram 2, 17, 37 (PL 34, 278-279).
with the science of astrology, but with the suspicions of demonic interference
in those applications of astrology that lacked a proper scientific foundation.
Focus thus shifts from astrology to the demonic pact. Despite its introductory
remarks about astrologers, Contre les devineurs does not oppose the tenets
of astrology: its main theme is the association with demons. Following
Augustine, Pignon might have have called his treatise De divinatione daemo-
num.
In the opening chapters of book I, Pignon gives a general survey of his
theme, and he provides a few definitions. Thus he makes the standard
distinction between two kinds of astronomy:13 the one dealing with celestial
motion and the influence of the stars on nature, which allows astronomers
to predict storms, famines, pestilences and the like; the other dealing with
judicial astrology, i.e. with predicting people's fortunes and unravelling
secrets. The former, of course, is legitimate, whereas the latter is not. All
contingent events resulting either from the will of God or man, or resulting
from multiple causes14 cannot be the object of scientific astrology and all
attempts to predict these are undertaken at the instigation of the devil, who
consequently is the main constituent of the definition of divination. All
divination aims at acquiring knowledge of hidden and future things that are
known only to God through either explicit or implicit invocation of the
devil.15 In the former type of divination, the diviner somehow acquired the
help of invisible spiritual powers, whereas the latter consists mainly in the
observation of signs, data or objects that are already present. The kinds of
divination that involve the explicit invocation of the devil (cum expressa
invocatione daemonum, in Aquinas's terminology) comprise 'prestige'
(praestigium, divination from illusory apparitions to sight and hearing),
dream-interpreting (the interpreters are called 'songeurs' because they are
not only the interpreters but also the recipients of prophetic dreams), necro
mancy (conjuring up and consulting the dead), 'Pythonic' divination (in which
the spirits do not speak through the dead but through the living), geomancy,
hydromancy, aeromancy, pyromancy (divinationinvolvingthefourelements),
chiromancy (palmistry) and haruspicy (the examination of the entrails of
sacrificial animals).16 Why a diviner would need demons or spirits to study
the lines on one's hands or the entrails of animals is never made clear, and
one is tempted to subsume these practices under the second type of divination
which does not require express demon-worship. This type comprises judicial
13
CLDI.2.
14
Expounded in CLD Π.6.
13
For this definition, see: CLD 1.3. The distinction between an implicit and an explicit
pact with the devil derives from Aquinas's ST.
16
CLD 1.3.
14 CHAPTER ONE
astrology and the study of horoscopes, the interpretation of certain signs and
omens (such as the flight and song of birds, the movements of animals, or
even simply sneezing), the selection of propitious days, the study of physical
proportions (physiognomy) and the drawing or casting of lots.17 As will be
clear by now, judicial astrology is but one of many forms of divination. And
the subject matter of Contre les devineurs extends even further, for it also
includes magic.
Pignon introduces the slightly misleading term 'sortilege', which suggests
lot-casting, but from his discussion of the topic it shows 'sortilege' has
nothing to do with sortes, but should be interpreted as sorcery.18 Sorcery
or magic does not primarily belong to the same category as divination. It does
not aim at foreknowing the future, but at procuring prosperity, at curing and
warding off disease, bad luck, or any other catastrophe. There is, naturally,
some measure of fortune-telling involved in it as well as belief in omens and
propitious days (trying to prevent or remedy misfortune is often linked to
foreknowing it), but on the whole sorcery deals with the application of
magical devices in practical rituals that try to accomplish or establish some-
thing. Contre les devineurs mentions the use of stones, words and herbs, the
ritual uses of certain prayers to cure diseases, the observance of omens and
propitious days to prevent misfortunes, and, most sinister of all, the cultiva-
tion of private demons. It is in this context that the author speaks of witches
('vieilles sorcières') and their illusory transvections, thus placing himself
among the precursors (though he is only a minor one) of the great witch-
craze. The subject matter which thus extends not merely beyond the bounds
of astrology and divination, but even slightly beyond the bounds of magic,19
still retains its unity through the central theme around which everything
revolves: the pact with the devil.
It is clear that the historical line that connects Contre les devineurs to the
earlier-mentioned De divinatione by Cicero is very thin. Apart from a
common theme and the free will argument couched in a discussion of
causality, there is very little the two have in common. Certainly the religious,
but also the philosophical world of Contre les devineurs is radically different
from Cicero's. Nevertheless the two texts share a few properties that are of
immense importance from a methodological point of view and that validate
a brief comparison. These properties concern the referential domain of the
17
CLDI.4and5.
18
See CLD 1.6, note 78.
19
Norman Conn, Europe's Inner Demons: An Enquiry Inspired by the Great Witch-Hunt
(London 1975), makes a strong plea to distinguish magic from witchcraft. Whereas the former
is ubiquitous in the Middle Ages, witchcraft was essentially based on the mythology of the
witches' sabbath and the devil's pact, which did not gain prominence until the later Middle Ages.
text, i.e. the way they relate to other texts and the way they relate to their
socio-historical context.
It has been pointed out that Cicero's dialogue, rather than reflecting
divinatory practices and problems of Rome under Julius Caesar {De divina-
tione was written in 45 BC), introduced a new concept in Roman literature
(the term divinatio as an abstract noun was possibly used for the first time
by Cicero).20 The theme and arguments of De divinatione are a re-elabor
ation of a specifically Greek debate that was now adapted for a Roman
audience. It made ample use of the documentary resources of Roman
divination but, no doubt, rearranged the material, so as to cause serious shifts
in meaning. Divination in Cicero's dialogue, e.g., essentially means 'proph
ecy', i.e. the possibility of formulating propositions about the future. This,
however, was neither the sole nor the prime purpose of actual Roman
divination, which was steeped in religiousritualand was essentially concerned
with the skill to perform the proper rituals that might avert impending
disasters. The interpretation of auguries and omens as a means of knowing
the future, came second.21 Cicero's dialogue is, therefore, less reliable as
a source for actual Roman divination than might appear at first sight. As a
text it is more concerned with other texts than with reality. The surviving
books of the historian Livy,22 for instance, are by contrast deemed more
reliable for the wealth of details they furnish and because they do not seek
to emulate Greek philosophical discourse.
The case of Contre les devineurs is much the same. Though it is not the
first treatise to deal with divination, it is among the first to deal with it in
French. It translates fairly traditional material and tries to adapt it to the
interests and the tastes of a French-Burgundian court audience. The discrep
ancy with reality is equally blatant. An illustrative example may be the set
of four kinds of divination involving the four elements that we encountered
earlier: geomancy, hydromancy, aeromancy and pyromancy. Their presence
in Contre les devineurs derives from the Summa theologiae by Thomas
Aquinas23 who may have derived the list from the Decretum Gratiani24 or
from the Etymologies of Isidore of Seville.25 The ultimate source was a text
by the Roman antiquarian Varro, so that, consequently, no one in the Middle
20 John North, "Diviners and Divination at Rome", in: Mary Beard and John North, eds.,
Pagan Priests; Religion and Power in the Ancient World (London 1990), p. 57.
21 North, "Diviners", pp. 55, 61.
22 North, "Diviners", p. 51.
23 ST 2a2ae.95.3(R).
24 Decretum Π.26.3+4.1 (PL 187, 1342-1343).
25 Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae VIII.9 (PL 82, 310-314).
16 CHAPTER ONE
Ages knew how these forms of divination were practised.26 The transmission
of these names is a purely literary phenomenon and has no bearing on
medieval realities. What holds for these four types of divination by extension
proves to be true of the entire genre to which Contre les devineurs belongs.
As Dieter Harmening27 has shown in a comprehensive study of the medieval
ecclesiastical-theological literature opposing superstition, the material is
exceedingly traditional, which is not only true for the kinds of magic and
divination under discussion, but also for the theological framework in terms
of which these forbidden practices were discussed.
One of the most important theoretical frameworks by far was the one
developed by Thomas Aquinas in ST 2a2ae.92-96. It was copied in Contre
les devineurs and served as a model for several other treatises on magic and
superstition. Since it is of vital importance for the meaning and structure of
Contre les devineurs, we must briefly summarise Aquinas's argument.
The conglomerate of divination and magic, which he labels superstition,
is dealt with by Thomas entirely in terms of religious worship. The worship
of the one true God is his theological point of departure. Like evil, supersti-
tion is not a thing in itself, but aprivaritf boni, a corruption of the virtue of
religion. Worship may be corrupted in two ways: either with respect to its
object or with respect to its mode, which means one can either deflect the
worship one owes to God and direct it at some created being, or one may
worship God in an improper and unfitting way. This is Aquinas's definition
of superstition; it is the vice that corrupts the virtue of religion either through
idolatry (worshipping the wrong object) or through what Aquinas calls an
indebitus cultus (improper mode of worship).28
From the treatment of the superstitio indebiti cultus19 it becomes clear
that undue worship partly concerns the Old Law which, though it takes up
a substantial part of Holy Scripture, is believed to be no longer relevant for
Christianity. Aquinas explains that undue worship either concerns the
misrepresentation of divine reality, or unauthorised worshippers. As an
instance of the former Aquinas mentions the Old Law. Its main task is to
foreshadow the mysteria Christi, but now that Christ has come and fulfilled
the Law, observance of the Old Law is superfluous and anachronistic. As
an instance of the latter Aquinas points out that ministers must be authorised
26
Dieter Harmening, Superstitio; Überlieferungs- und theoriegeschichtliche Untersuchungen
zur kirchlich-theologische Aberglaubensliteratur des Mittelalters (Berlin 1979), pp. 214-215.
27
Harmening, Superstitio, p. 72: 'Denn damit ist ein wichtiger Aspekt der kirchlichen
Superstitionsliteratur sichtbar gemacht: Sie bildet aufs Ganze gesehen, keine Wirklichkeit ab,
sondern tradiert und überträgt*.
28
ST2a2ae.92.1(R).
29
ST 2a2ae.93.1; CLD Π.Ι.4.
by the Church; no one may conduct religious worship and rituals without
proper authorisation. It will be noticed that apart from irregularities in
Christian worship the superstitio indebiti cultus also encompasses Judaism.
From a Christian point of view the Jews still lived according to the Old Law.
By regarding their religion as undue worship it was not associated with
idolatry, divination and magic and hence not with the devil's pact. Despite
thefrequentoutbursts of violent antisemitism, the Jews were never persecuted
as witches.30 Significantly, the type of the witch or sorcerer is absent from
Jewish religion itself, even despite its great tradition in magic. The reason
for this may be that Satan had never materialised significantly enough to be
a partner in the infernal coalition that so exercised the minds of theologians
and inquisitors.31
Next to undue worship, Aquinas distinguishes misdirected worship:
worship not given to God but to His creation. This type of superstition can
be subdivided into three subspecies according to the three different ends of
divine worship, which entail: (1) the reverence one gives to God; (2) the
instruction one receives from God; and (3) directions one receives from God
regarding one's behaviour and actions. The corruption of these ends produces:
(1) revering idols; (2) making a pact with demons to acquire knowledge
(divination); and (3) following superstitious observances.32 The following
outline with the sections from Aquinas's Summa and the corresponding
sections from Contre les devineurs may be useful. Superstitio (ST 2a2ae.92)
has two genera of which the second can be distinguished in three species:
Superstitio:
1. superstitio indebiti cultus (ST 2a2ae.93; CLD II. 1)
2. a. superstitio idololatriae (ST 2a2ae.94; CLD II. 1)
b. superstitio divinationum (ST 2a2ae.95; CLD 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, II.2)
c. superstitio observationum (ST 2a2ae.96; CLD II.3)
The different forms of divination that we discussed earlier are subdivisions

of 2b, and the earlier mentioned magical practices (what in Contre les
devineurs is called 'sortilege') fall under 2c. Though in Aquinas's classifica-
30
Antisemitic sentiments, of course, did merge with the ideology of the witchcraft-delusion,
as, e.g., the term 'witches' sabbath' clearly shows, but on the whole the persecution-ideologies
regarding Jews and witches followed separate paths. Witches, for instance, were never accused
of stabbing or crucifying the consecrated host or of poisoning wells. See: J. B. Russell,
Witchcraft in the Middle Ages (Ithaca/London 1972), pp. 167-168.
31
Joshua Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion (New
York 1970), pp. 15 ff. : 'Jews were ab initio excluded from the medievalfraternityof sorcerers
and witches'.
32
ST 2a2ae.92.2(R).
18 CHAPTER ONE
tion 'idolatry' is strictly speaking the first species of the second genus, this
genus as a whole can, nevertheless, be called idolatry as well. Aquinas does
not use this term but his designation of misdirected worship points unambigu-
ously in this direction. We may conclude, therefore, that superstitio idolola-
triae is idolatry in a strict sense involving the actual worship of idols, whereas
the genus as a whole is idolatry in a general sense, since the principle of
misdirected worship is at the background of all three species. Aquinas makes
this clear when he refers to the superstitio observationum as a reliquia
idololatriae?* Pignon follows the text from the Summa very carefully but
makes some changes in the nomenclature. The superstitio indebiti cultus and
the superstitio idololatriae are conflated and all species of superstition are
subsumed under the general heading 'divination' rather than superstitio
(though this word is also frequently used).
The categories that Aquinas develops in these five questions from the
Summa theologiae form part of a larger discussion of virtues and vices and
they clearly articulate non-orthodox forms of religious worship, such as
paganism, Judaism and deviant forms of Christianity. Since they are essential-
ly defined negatively in terms of Christian virtues, derived as it were from
the proper forms of worship, it is hardly surprising to find in them the
reflections of past Christian literature on superstition, rather than a reflection
of reality. The several types of divinatio that Aquinas discusses (such as
divination through demons, the stars, dreams, auguries, lot casting) derive
from ancient authorities (among whom Augustine takes pride of place) and
the same goes for the magical practices that he refers to as superstitious
observances (the so-called ars notoria which allows the acquisition of
knowledge, scientia, via supernatural means; observances that produce bodily
changes, as when a disease is cured; fortune-telling; and the use of
phylacteries, i.e., amulets and the like). Having been derived from exceeding-
ly traditional material, these categories, despite their comprehensive claims,
are ill suited to reality, and applying them to a particular historical context
(which is precisely what the author of Contre les devineurs sets out to do in
his prologues) is not entirely unproblematic. Any treatment of the superstitio
idololatriae would seem to be entirely academic in a Christian world (Aquinas
emphasises its anachronistic nature), yet in Contre les devineurs idolatry is
the backcloth against which all heresies and superstitions that the author
perceives in the world around him are viewed. In the case of the Walden-
sians, to mention but one of many possible examples, such a backcloth
produced a frightful distortion of the beliefs of these people.
ST 2a2ae.96.3(R).
The other two categories, superstitio divinationum and superstitio observa-

tionum, though developed on the basis of a purely theoretical concept, prove
to have some social implications on closer inspection, that are relevant to
Contre les devineurs, but it is uncertain whether they can be brought to bear
on real social groups. Divinatio is conceived of by Aquinas as a kind of ars,
not as a real science, but as a practice requiring certain skills and some form
of knowledge, and therefore, though it will always be done consilio et auxilio
daemonum* it belongs to the world of the cultured and the learned. The
superstitio observationum, by contrast, is a general term for practices and
superstitions that lead a tenacious life among the common people; they are
relics from a pagan past that still seem to be a vital aspect of popular culture.
Aquinas shows himself most conscious of the difference when he deals with
fortune-telling (as one of the superstitious observances). Fortune-telling is
different from divinatio; in fact, divinatio aims atpraenuntiatiofuturorum,35
i.e. predicting the future for its own sake, whereas fortune-telling aims ad
praecognoscenda aliquafortunia vel infortunia, i.e. predicting only fortunes
and misfortunes. As examples of fortune-telling he mentions the observance
of portents and propitious days which he considers to be reliquiae idololatriae
and which are sine ratione et arte.36 Devoid of reason and skill, they are
part of popular rather than high culture.37 The distinction is implicit in
Contre les devineurs also: the superstitio observationum is identified as
Sortilege' or sorcery38 and as examples the earlier mentioned 'vieilles
sorcières' are mentioned alongside the Waldensians. These 'witches' and
'heretics' are unmistakably part of popular culture. High culture, it would
seem, is also represented. When Pignon deals with divinatio39 we are given
the examples of several people who were condemned and burned (along with
their books) as heretics in Paris for having practised magic in Dijon, Sens
and other places. As the historical reconstruction in the following chapter will
show, some of these magicians can be identified. Some were or pretended
to be physicians and can be shown to have received princely patronage.
Awareness of the social dimensions of the categories that Pignon uses, may,
however, be the result of the author's.desire to be comprehensive, to make
his arguments applicable to the whole of society. It does not mean he actually
represents real beliefs. When he mentions stumbling at one's threshold,
34
ST 2a2ae.95.3(R).
35
ST2a2ae.95.1.
36
ST 2a2ae.96.3(R).
37
Harmening, Superstitio, pp. 178-179.
38
It is important to notice that the author of Contre les devineurs does something which
Aquinas does not do: namely identify superstitio observationum as sorcery or magic. Aquinas
does not distinguish a separate ars magica. See Harmening, Superstitio, p. 217.
39
CLDI.3.
20 CHAPTER ONE
sneezing, and having one's coat eaten by mice as bad omens, he is not giving
examples of superstitious observances that were part of early fifteenth-century
French folklore, but he is quoting Augustine.40 Despite the social implica-
tions that the categories of divinatio and 'superstitious observance' seem to
have, there is, certainly in Contre les devineurs, not enough ground to use
them as sources for a description of earlyfifteenth-centuryrealities.
The ideas and concepts as developed by Aquinas to some extent receive
a contextualisation in Contre les devineurs. They are applied to heresy,
witchcraft, magic and astrology, and, last but not least, to the grave misfor-
tunes of the year 1411 that we still have to unravel. The contextualisation
itself, however, is more a hint, or a suggestion, than a real design. Refer-
ences to the immediate socio-historical environment are relatively rare and
indirect, even though this historical context furnished the author with the
motives and the incentive to write his treatise. By carefully and slavishly
copying the arguments and categories that he read in Aquinas, Pignon creates
the impression that these ideas are comprehensive and adequate descriptions
of the realities he perceived. As we have already stressed, this may not be
assumed a priori. The purpose of this introductory study is to elaborate the
socio-historical and intellectual context of the treatise, which at the time no
doubt seemed to the author to be of inferior importance compared to his
theological and moralistic concerns, but which is nevertheless of vital
importance to us, since it will allow us to see the treatise in its proper
perspective. Behind the sometimes purely literary forms of Contre les
devineurs, we can, especially in the prologues, discern the real social
pressures that motivated the author; these we must reconstruct, though oddly
enough Contre les devineurs itself cannot be the prime source. The treatise,
therefore, must be used not as a source for the context, but a reconstruction
of the context must be used to aid a better understanding of the treatise.
As Livy (whom we mentioned in our earlier example) is a more reliable
observer of divinatory practices and beliefs than Cicero, so too Pignon's
treatise must be supplemented by the observations of contemporary chron-
iclers, who did not necessarily perceive more than our author did, but had
more occasion to speak about it. The most important chronicler is the Monk
of St. Denis41 who wrote a chronicle on the reign of king Charles VI of
40
CLDI.6.
41
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, contenant le règne de Charles VI, de 1380 à
1422, éd. L. Bellaguet, 6 vols. (Paris 1839-1852). The Monk of Saint Denis has long remained
anonymous but was in 1976 tentatively identified as Michel Pintoin (Nicole Grévy-Pons and
Ezio Ornato, "Qui est l'auteur de la chronique latine de Charles VI, dite du Religieux de Saint-
Denis?", in: Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes 134 (1976), pp. 85-102). Common practice
among historians, however, has validated the use of designations such as 'the Monk' or 'le
Religieux', even in the literature after 1976. Cf. R. C. Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue: Crisis at the
France. His work will be one of the main sources for our historical recon-
structions, not only because he is an immediate eye-witness of many of the
events he records, but also because he displays a profound interest in the
superstitions of his age. Another important chronicler is Froissart, though
his vast chronicle ends approximately where the period that we are concerned
with (ca. 1880-1411) begins. His work was continued by Enguerrand de
Monstrelet42 (after 1422), the Burgundian chronicler, who copied in his
chronicle a few texts that are of great importance for our subject, but whose
interest in superstition, divination and magic is negligible. Juvenal des Ursins
deserves mention: his chronicle43 was written somewhat later (possibly after
1430), and he uses the chronicle of the Monk of St. Denis as one of his
sources, but since Juvenal's father was one of Charles VF s courtiers, his
work must nevertheless be viewed as an important source of information. The
literature of the early fifteenth century contains yet other famous texts that
are of great documentary value, such as the anonymous Journal d'un Bour-
geois de Paris44 or the Journal of Nicolas de Baye,45 the greffier' of the
Paris Parlement. Their different perspectives can occasionally furnish us with
details and appreciations that cannot be found in the other sources.
1.3 The Rise of Magic and Astrology: The Contexts of

Contre les devineurs
The realisation that the relation between treatises against magic and divination
and their socio-historical contexts is far from unproblematic does not preclude
the possibility of making some generalising remarks on late medieval magic
and divination. It is not the subject itself of these treatises that must be
approached with some reticence but the terms in which it is expounded.
Divination and magic lived through a remarkable efflorescence in the later
Middle Ages. Astrology and more popular forms of divination developed
from an elite to a popular culture; political prophecies abounded in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. But also the censure of these practices
Court of Charles VI1392-1420 (New York 1986), pp. 205, n.3, pp. 206-207, n. 11. Also in
the present study Pinto in will be referred to as the Monk of St. Denis.
42
La Chronique d'Enguerran de Monstrelet, 1400-1444, ed. L. Douet-d'Arcq, 6 vols.
(Paris 1857-1862).
43
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire de Charles VI, roy de France (..) depuis 1380jusques à
1422, eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, in: Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire
de France (Paris 1836), vol. 2, pp. 339-569.
44
Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris 1405-1449, ed. Alexandre Tuetey (Paris 1881); A
Parisian Journal 1405-1449, transi. Janet Shirley (Oxford 1968).
45
Nicolas de Baye, Journal de Nicolas de Baye, greffier du parlement de Paris 1400-1417,
ed. Alexandre Tuetey, 2 vols. (Paris 1885).
22 CHAPTER ONE
increased; we find clergymen preaching (and writing) against the unsavoury

interests of the courts, complaining that the nobility is inclined to consult
astrologers and diviners on all their daily undertakings. We find scholars
criticising the art of prediction. Most forbidding of all we find an increasingly
fierce opposition to the practice of magic and sorcery in both common and
elite circles, which not infrequently resulted in trials and executions. Various
reasons could be adduced for this surge in interest, but we will focus on three
areas, namely the social, the political and the intellectual, that are of particu-
lar relevance to Contre les devineurs.
1. The social pressures of fourteenth- and earlyfifteenth-centuryFrance,
which bred anxiety and desperation and which will be dealt with in the
present and the following (second) chapter, comprise some of the greatest
catastrophes of the later Middle Ages. First of all there is the continuing
conflict between England and France known as the Hundred Years' War; then
there is the great division in Latin Christianity known as the Great Schism.
Whereas war brought great material and physical suffering, the Schism caused
a spiritual crisis and caused people to believe the end of time was near. Next
in line is the great plague that routed a substantial part of the European
population. But also smaller disasters were a cause of general vexation and
one of these in particular comes to the foreground in our examination of
Contre les devineurs. King Charles VI of France (1368-1422, crowned 1380)
was insane46 and as his mental illness debilitated him more and more, a
power-struggle ensued between the princes of the blood royal. At certain
periods of time this power-struggle was settled in favour of the dukes of
Burgundy, notably John the Fearless and his son and successor Philip the
Good, who laboured to create a Burgundian state, but it also led to the
English occupation of Paris.47 Desperate predicaments make people resort
to desperate remedies to find hope, comfort and some ease for their pains.
But general disasters in themselves are not sufficient to explain the growing
interest in magic and divination. At least one other factor was of great
importance and that is the role of politics.
2. In the later Middle Ages magic and divination became increasingly
important as political instruments. Accusations of sorcery and magic (all
involving the notion of the devil's pact) proved an expedient means of
slandering, condemning and eliminating one's enemies or political adver-
saries, whereas, by contrast, predictions and prophecies were equally
expedient means of justifying and consolidating or simply commenting upon
policies, cultural developments and the general course of history.48 This
46
On Charles VI's insanity, see: Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, pp. 1-21.
47
On the role of astrology in relation to the English occupation, see chapter 3.4, below.
48
Cf. the remarks by Carey, Courting Disaster, pp. 15-20.
theme, distinguishable but not separable from the former, will be expounded
in the second and third chapter of this study. The political uses of sorcery
and magic become apparent from a number of spectacular trials in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that created unfortunate precedents and
placed sorcery high on the political and religious agenda.
A notorious case was the trial of the Knights Templars49 who on October
13, 1307 were arrested en masse by order of king Philippe IV le Bel (Philip
the Fair) who was in desperate need of money and who thought the time had
come to combine the elimination of a very powerful political obstacle with
the attempt to strengthen his financial position. The accusations launched
against the Templars were entirely fictional and only substantiated by
confessions procured under torture. They consisted of the renunciation of
Christ, spitting on the crucifix, sodomy, orgies with female demons, and the
worship of a great idol in the shape of a head with a beard, that was to be
anointed from time to time with the fat of roasted infants. Since the Temple
was very powerful and was technically subject only to the jurisdiction of the
Holy See, the charges had to be made so horrendous that no pope would be
able to reject them without compromising his own integrity. For this reason
the Temple was accused of being an organised heretical sect of idolators and
demon-worshippers. On March 18, 1314 the last prominent members of the
order perished in the flames, among them the grand master Jacques de Molay
who recanted his confessions and proclaimed the order's innocence. Accusa-
tions of the demonic pact thus proved to be excellent political tools, and so
did, by extension, accusations of ritual magic.
A famous instance of this is the case of pope Boniface VIII (in office from
1294 to 1303) who in 1310-1311 was posthumously tried for ritual magic.50
Boniface was involved with Philip the Fair in a conflict about the taxes the
king had imposed on the clergy. Boniface proved a determined opponent and
issued a few bulls against the king, which Philip wished to have annulled.
By favouring the election of the French pope Clement V, one of Boniface's
successors, he gained a compliant papal ally. The posthumous trial of
Boniface was never followed right through to the end once the aim (annul-
ment of the bulls and the lifting of the ban from some of Philip's servants)
was reached; besides the king may have been far too busy with the trial
against the Templars. Nevertheless the trial of Boniface is of great interest,
since it gives an elaboration of the charges brought against the Temple. The
pope was accused of having three private demons, one suitably named
49
Cohn, Europe's Inner Demons, pp. 75-98; Th. de Cauzons, La magie et la sorcellerie
en France (Osnabrück 1974), vol. 2, pp. 221-300. The literature on the Templars is vast; for
a choice list, see: Cohn, op. cit., p. 274.
50
Cohn, Europe's Inner Demons, pp. 180-185.
24 CHAPTER ONE
Boniface, another in the guise of a Hungarian and the third resembling an

Italian woman. In addition he kept a spirit in a ring with an engraved
astrological image. These demons the pope was supposed to have used for
counsel and for maleficium, i.e. inflicting harm on others. Like the Templars,
the late pope was accused of idolatry and sodomy, but the allegations of
sorcery and conjuring demons were new. Like the sharpening of a knife the
political applications of the accusations of sorcery made it into a dangerous
and effective weapon.
Many rulers of the fourteenth and fifteenth century would follow Philip
the Fair's example51 and accuse rivals and opponents of heresy, throwing
a fair amount of maleficium into the bargain. Especially the Burgundians were
masters at the game. They accused Louis d'Orléans, his wife Valentina
Visconti, and even Valentina's father Giangaleazzo of maleficium. The
analysis in the following chapter of the famous and notorious Justification
by master Jean Petit will reveal how the charge of sorcery became an
indispensable asset of political aggression.
The most famous fifteenth-century trial in France involving heresy and
devil-worship was staged by the English (with some help from the Burgun-
dians): the trial of Jeanne d'Arc, the young girl to whom St. Margaret, St.
Catherine and the archangel Michael had appeared to speed her on her
heavenly mission, to deliver France from the English, and who served as a
mascot to the French armies that recaptured Orléans and drove out the
English. Her trial was essentially a heresy trial, but also involved suspicions
of 'sortilèges, ydolâtries' and 'invocations d'ennemis'.52 It was not her
hearing the voices of angels and saints that posed the greatest danger, but
her inclination to attach more authority to her voices than to the Church.
Particularly pernicious was the folk-belief concerning a fairy-tree, a tree
consecrated to rural spirits, that stood in the district where Jeanne grew up
and that figured occasionally in her statements.53 When La Pucelle was
burned at the stake in May 1431, there was a notice attached to the pyre
which read: 'Jehanne qui s'est faict nommer la Pucelle, menteresse, pernici-
euse, abuseresse du peuple, divineresse, superstitieuse, blasphemeresse de
Dieu, présomptueuse, malcréant de la foi de Jhesucrist, venteresse, ydolatre,
cruelle, dissolue, invocateresse de déables, apostate, scismatique et héréti-
51
For further examples, see, e.g., Cohn, Europe 's Inner Demons, pp. 185 ff. and Cauzons,
La magie et la sorcellerie, vol. 2, pp. 307 ff. Cauzons stresses that in political trials 'la
sorcellerie intervenient comme accessoire' (p. 308), but certainly in the course of the fifteenth
century it would become increasingly important.
52
Cauzons, La magie et la sorcellerie, vol. 2, pp. 488-491.
53
Cauzons, La magie et la sorcellerie, vol. 2, p. 505.
que':54 heresy, idolatry, divination, superstition and the devil's pact - all
yoked together so as to become practically synonymous.
The list of political trials could easily be extended, but we will conclude
by saying a few words on the trial of Gilles de Rais (1440), who served as
a model for Perrault's fairy-tale Barbe-bleue, and who confessed to the sexual
abuse andritualmurder of scores of young children.55 His case is in a sense
an anomaly since the accusations were not fictitious. Though inquisitorial
procedures leave much to be desired by modern juridical standards, and
though the depositions of baron de Rais have been the object of much debate,
on the whole critics accept that the baron was a murderer and was involved
in practices of ritual magic, to which end he sent for sorcerers from Lom-
bardy who claimed to be experts in the art of invoking demons. Though
unwilling to co-operate at first, the baron, realising the hopelessness of his
situation, became very compliant, and perhaps driven by a sense of guilt or
apprehension regarding the salvation of his soul, determined to make his
confession into an exemplary show of penitence and remorse. The case of
Gilles de Rais clearly bears witness to the reality of magic in the fifteenth
century and at the same time (not in the least by Gilles's determination to
pose as the chief of sinners) it stigmatises magic as a most heinous crime.
Trials such as these are apt to command a lot of attention, quite justifiably,
since they prepared the way to the great witch-craze56 which necessarily is
always present at the background of all historical research dealing with the
political uses of sorcery-charges. In the next chapter we shall have ample
opportunity to acquaint ourselves with some of the slander tactics involving
magic at the French-Burgundian court, but we should not forget that magic
or divination, besides being a stick to strike out with, could also be a stick
to lean on. For Burgundy, we shall see, it was both.
Magicians and diviners were favoured by the late medieval courts. We
encounter a number of them at the court of Charles VI, but his court does
not seem to be exceptional, or an anomaly brought about by the king's
insanity. The court of Richard II of England,57 for instance, was also teem-
ing with scandalous rumours of sorcery. Richard was said to have surrounded
himself with pseudo-prophets who nourished his imperial ambitions. Jean
54
Cauzons, La magie et la sorcellerie, vol. 2, p. 513.
55
The literature on Gilles de Rais is extensive, but one study deserves recommendation:
Georges Bataille, Le procès de Gilles de Rais (s.1.1985). The book contains the texts of the trial
in a translation by Pierre Klossowski.
56
Russell, Witchcraft in the Middle Ages, pp. 262-264, is inclined to deny this, arguing
that practices such as magic, alchemy and the like should be distinguished from witchcraft; but
as Norman Conn has shown, witchcraft has no objective existence and derives from the
transformations in the way the Church regarded heresy, magic and paganism.
57
On Richard II, see: Carey, Courting Disaster, pp. 93-106.
26 CHAPTER ONE
Creton, a court attendant of the French king, reports how the English nobility
set great store by old prophecies attributed to Merlin, and on the whole that
it was very credulous in matters of sorcery.58 Richard II possessed a book
of divination which, next to a geomancy and physiognomy, also contained
a dream-book attributed to Daniel. Daniel's dream-book and Merlin's
prophecies are both denounced by Pignon,59 but neither he, nor the other
ecclesiastical censors who came later, could stem the tide of prognosticative
and prophetic texts that flooded Europe in the fifteenth century. Prophecy
and divination became a way of conceptualising history. They prospered in
late medieval Christendom because there was a need for authorised history:
a history, Thomas Walsingham would agree, that is written in the stars, 'for
earthly events are affected by the heavens like a pen writing on paper'.60
Even magic and sorcery were (to some extent) used with serious and
positive intentions. A greedy monarch who wanted gold, would readily find
himself surrounded by alchemists. The insanity of Charles VI attracted
numerous sorcerers who claimed to be able to cure the king. Courtiers
seeking royal favour or the affections of a lady could use spells and love-
charms to attain their ends.61 Gilles de Rais took a lively interest in demons
and employed sorcerers to invoke them, but more often than not these
alchemists and magicians were frauds and charlatans. Pignon was right in
calling his treatise Contre les devineurs for of the two main thematic areas,
magic and divination, the latter was by far the most successful.
3. Behind the growing interest in magic and divination was also a powerful
intellectual development. This is not the place to rehearse the import of
Arabic learning and Aristotelian philosophy into the West, or the development
of scientific astrology, alchemy and other occult sciences, though these things
should certainly be borne in mind when one considers the intellectual context
of Contre les devineurs. Of more immediate relevance is the royal patronage
of the arts and sciences in the fourteenth century bestowed by king Charles
V (1364-1380). Charles V, or Charles the Wise as he is also known, took
a particular interest in astrology and commissioned French translations of
many great textbooks in the field. His interests, however, also extended to
other occult sciences such as geomancy, chiromancy and necromancy.62 He
assembled a huge library of over a thousand volumes of which a substantial
part (some eleven per cent) was dedicated to the above mentioned arts and
58
Carey, Courting Disaster, p. 97.
59
CLD II.2.4 (Daniel's dream-book) and II.2.3 (the prophecies of Merlin).
60
Quoted by Carey, Courting Disaster, p. 94, from Walsingham's Historia Anglicana
11.126.
61
Richard Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages (Cambridge 1992), pp. 96-100.
62
Carey, Courting Disaster, pp. 106-111.
sciences. This well-furnished library, in which huge candelabra allowed the

assiduous reader to pour over the books both day and night, was legendary
in its own day.63 He established bursaries to promote mathematics, astron-
omy and astrology, and, naturally, he employed astrologers of whom Thomas
de Pisan, father of Christine de Pisan, was the most prominant.64
In her Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles, Christine de
Pisan never tires of eulogising her monarch; in fact, the entire third part of
her book is dedicated to the 'sagece et sciences en la personne du roy
Charles'.65 Among the many chapters of the Livre des fais dedicated to the
various talents of the king, there is one chapter that explains 'comment le
roy Charles estoit astrologien'. Well-trained in the liberal arts and an
accomplished speaker, the king did not shrink from the 'haultes choses de
philozophie, comme d'astrologie'. In astrology he was apparently 'très expert
et sage (...), c'est chose vraye, si que les poins entendoit clerement, et amoit
celle science comme chose esleue et singuliere'. Astrology is truly a science
fit for a king, for, as Christine asserts on the authority of Ptolemy, it
improves the morals and ennobles the soul. Avicenna asserted that it is
indispensable for the study of metaphysics. For the end of metaphysics is to
know the First Cause, that is God, and His operations, but this necessarily
presupposes knowledge of the natural sciences without which no metaphysics
is possible. In the hierarchy of the natural sciences astrology, dealing with
the organisation of the celestial spheres, holds prime of place, being 'très
divine et donques difficile'. It is through this science that we may hope to
approach God. Not that we are sufficiently equipped to understand the First
63
On the library see: La librairie de Charles V, eds. F. Avril and J. Lafaurie (Paris 1968);
L. Delisle, Recherches sur la libraire de Charles V, roi de France (Paris 1907); Muriel J.
Hughes, "The library of Philip the Bold and Margaret of Flanders, first Valois duke and duchess
of Burgundy", in: Journal of Medieval History 4 (1978), pp. 145-146. Some books from
Charles's library still survive to document his interest in astrology. There is, for instance,
Oresme's translation of Ptolemy's Quadripartitum (completed 1358-1363; Paris, B. N., ms. fr.
1348), the anonymous Traitié sur la sphère, treatises on the influence of the planets and the use
of the astrolabe by Pèlerin de Prusse (composed 1361 -1362) bound together in one volume which
furthermore contains the horoscopes of Charles V and his children (Oxford, St. John's College,
ms. 164); there is also Robert Godefroy's Liber novem judicum (Bruxelles, Bibl. Royale, ms.
10319). See Avril, op. cit., nos. 198, 199, 200, plates 3 and 5.
64
Charles Jourdain,α Nicolas Oresme et les astrologues de la cour de Charles V ", in: Revue
des Questions Historiques 18 (1875), pp. 139-141.
65
Christine de Pisan, Le livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles, chap. ΧΠ,
in: Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires pour servir à l'Histoire de France, eds. Michaud and
Poujoulat (Paris 1836), vol. 2, pp. 63 ff., esp. pp. 67-68 and 77-79.
28 CHAPTER ONE
Cause, but, as Ysaac66 pointed out, like owls and bats we are blind to the
brightness of the Sun, whose luminosity we can only perceive at dusk.
The fact that astrology soared to great heights in the course of the four-
teenth century can largely be attributed to the interests and the patronage of
Charles V. Yet it was not only astrology that flourished under his inspiring
leadership, also the critique of astrology manifested itself. Nicole Oresme,
translator of many important scientific and philosophical works into French,
and one of the leading scientists of his day, wrote the first critique of
astrology in French, the Livre de divinations. His example was followed,
among others by Philippe de Mézières, and, of course, by Laurens Pignon.
This anti-divinatory literature will be discussed at greater length in the fourth
and final chapter of this introductory study. Despite their different angles of
approach (Oresme, for instance, focusing on scientific astrology and Pignon
following Aquinas's treatment of superstitie*), all these texts have one thing
in common; they warn princes and monarchs against the dangers involved
in courting disaster.
Especially Laurens Pignon seems to have had a specific reason for wishing
to impart this admonishment to his lord, the duke of Burgundy. Now we have
reviewed the main themes of his treatise and briefly touched on their social,
political and intellectual ramifications, it is time to turn to the author and his
most compelling motive for writing Contre les devineurs: the disaster of 1411.
1.4 Life and Works of Laurens Pignon, OP (ca. 1368-1449)
For a long time the author of Contre les devineurs remained anonymous. The
recent work of A. J. Vanderjagt has identified him as Laurens Pignon, OP,
the father confessor of Philip the Good.67 Authorship was established on
the basis of a reference that Pignon made in a treatise on the three estates,
66
Christine {Livre des fais, p. 68) means the Jewish philosopher Isaac Israeli (tenth
century).
67
On Laurens Pignon see: J. Quétif and J. Echard, Scriptures ordinispraedicatorum (Paris
1719-1721), vol. 1, pp. 804-806; Th. Kaeppeli, Scriptores ordinis praedicatorum medii aevi
(Rome 1970-1980), vol. 3, p. 67; Laurentii Pignon Catalogi et Chronica, ed. G. Meersseman
O.P. (Roma 1936); A. J. Vanderjagt, "Enige inleidende opmerkingen over Laurentius Pignon
en zijn werk", in: Excursiones mediaevalis. Opstellen aangeboden aan Prof. dr. A. G. Jongkees
door zijn leerlingen (Groningen 1977), pp. 197-222 (this article contains a transcription of the
first prologue of CLD); A. J. Vanderjagt, "Burgundian Political Ideas between Laurentius Pignon
and Guillaume Hugonet", in: Fifteenth-Century Studies 9 (1984), pp. 197-213; A. J. Vanderjagt,
Laurens Pignon OP; Confessor of Philip the Good. Ideas on Jurisdiction and the Estates,
including the texts of his treatises and Durand of St. Pourçain's 'De origine iurisdictionum'
(Venlo 1985); Christian de Borchgrave, Diplomaten en diplomatie onder hertog Jan Zonder
Vrees; Bijlagen (Kortrijk-Heule 1992), pp. 229-230; Doutrepont, La littérature française, p.
302.
called Traictié de la cause de la diversité des estai* In a passage dealing with

celestial influence and man's freedom of choice, Pignon remarks: 'De ceste
matière j'ay aultrefois escript et fait ung petit traittié que je nommoyé Contre
les divineurs'.68 Apart from this fortunate reference, also the argumentation
of the passage in which it occurs closely follows the arguments of Contre les
devineurSy sufficiently so as to warrant the attribution. Pignon was not a
profuse writer, but his extant works show a marked interest in contemporary
ecclesiastical and political affairs. His interest in theological and philosophical
intricacies is brought to bear on the practical concerns of his career as a
diplomat and a confessor in the service of two Burgundian dukes, and
occasionally, so he tells us, on his own experiences. He is interested,
naturally, in the history and the activities of his own order, the Order of the
Friars Preachers, but also his conciliatory activities and his diplomatic work
close to the heart of Burgundian power reflect practical concerns that find
expression in his writings. In 1394 he compiled a Catalogusfratrum spectabi-
lium Ordinis Praedicatorum, a list of saints, popes, cardinals, archbishops,
scholars and other notable Friars Preachers, and in the same year or shortly
afterwards a Chronica compendiosa de capitulis generalibus ordinispraedica-
torum, a long list of general chapters and meetings of the Dominican Order
from 1203 to 1412. The latter text will be of particular importance for the
present study, since in the entries from 1397 onwards the author intersperses
his list of meetings with references to contemporary events which, though
they are unrelated to the Dominican Order, are nevertheless of some special
interest to the author, since they rangefromobservations on extreme weather
conditions to political events of great moment. But before we can use his
chronicle as an introduction to the turbulent affairs prior to and in the year
1411, we must digress and acquaint ourselves with Pignon's biography.69
Pignon's early life can be summarised with a few data. Born at Sens
probably in or before the year 1368, he became a lector in theology at Reims
in 1393. He studied in Paris where one of his teachers was Martin Porée who
was later to be appointed confessor to John of Nevers, the son of Philip the
Bold, the future duke John the Fearless. In 1389 Charles VI, king of France,
made clever use of a controversy on Marian theology between Franciscans
and Dominicans to rid himself of the latter, thus driving the Friars Preachers
into the arms of his uncle of Burgundy. Before 1388 Philip the Bold had
practically ruled France, and when Charles VI reasserted French royal
authority, he was quite ill disposed towards the Order that had served his
uncle so well. The Dominicans were bannedfromthe university of Paris and
68
Vanderjagt, Laurens Pignon, ρ. 154. For a more comprehensive comparison of the two
texts the reader is referred to the introduction of the edition.
69
For the following biographical sketch, see: Vanderjagt, Laurens Pignon, pp. 5-34.
30 CHAPTER ONE
many were arrested. Pignon refers to this in his chronicle as a grave persecu-
tion, but does not identify himself as a victim. This does not mean that he
is absent from the chronicle, for he refers to himself at the end of the entry
for 1403: frater Laurentius Pignon, lector Remensis, assumptus est circa
festum omnium sanctorum prior sui conventus: hie est huius chronicae
scriptor. This is the only self-referential remark, and the Chronica breaks
off in 1412, the year in which he was appointed confessor of John the
Fearless's son Philip, who was to succeed his father as Philip the Good.70
These were also the years in which he worked on his treatise against divina-
tion, the greater part of which he had probably completed in 1411, the year
before his appointment. If this also holds for the prologue, we may infer that
he was already involved with the house of Burgundy before 1412. But this
need not be the case if, as with many a book, the bulk of the text antedates
the prologue.
Despite (or perhaps because of) the urgent admonishment and the con-
cealed criticism of the dedicatory prologue, the duke of Burgundy took kindly
to the father confessor of his son, employing him not only for menial tasks
such as paying for the lamprey that the duke sent to the Friars Preachers in
Lille annually, but also employing him on secret embassies.71 An account
from January 1413 mentions the delivery of a keg of wine to Pignon on the
occasion of his completion of his degree for magister theologiae. Another
document from 1415 testifies to the duke's generosity in helping Pignon
financially during a long illness.72 The Burgundian dukes, and John the
Fearless is no exception, were noted for the interest they took in the further-
ance of the careers of their servants. John the Fearless especially has been
described as 'cautious', 'enlightened', and even 'deferent' in his relations with
counsellors and servants, prepared to lend them a willing ear, and even on
occasion to respect and abide by a majority decision.73 Little information
remains as to the services that Pignon paid duke John in the last years of his
reign. In September 1419 the duke of Burgundy was killed by the French on
the bridge of Montereau and nine months later, on Sunday, June 23, 1420,
70
It may be remarked here that there was a Jehan Pignon in the service of the duke of
Orléans. A ducal account from 1389 makes mention of: 'Jehan Pignon varlet de 1'escuierie' and
in an account from 1390 we find: 'Jehan Pignon varlet des pallefroiz'. See: Quelques pièces
relatives à la vie de Louis I, duc d'Orléans et de Valentine Visconti, sa femme, éd. F. M. Graves
(Paris 1913), pp. 24, 26. Though this Jehan and Laurens may not have been related, their
common surname is apt to arouse one's curiosity in view of the Orléans-Burgundian relationships.
71
Laborde, le comte de, Les ducs de Bourgogne: études sur les lettres, les arts et l'industrie
pendant le xve siècle. Seconde partie: Preuves (Paris 1849), vol. 1, nos. 289, 653.
72
Vanderjagt, Laurens Pignon, pp. 10-11.
73
Richard Vaughan, John the Fearless: The Growth ofBurgundian Power (London 1966),
pp. 231-232.
after the Burgundians and the English had captured Montereau, Pignon was
faced with the gruesome task of disinterring and identifying the decomposing
body of his late lord. His last service to John the Fearless would be that of
an undertaker, preparing the body for a journey of nearly three weeks during
which two thousand masses would be read, thirty vigils would be held and
two hundred psalters would be recited, before it could be entombed in its final
resting place at the Charterhouse of Champmol on July ll. 7 4
The fact that the supervision of the elaborate funeral rites was entrusted
to Pignon clearly indicates that he had achieved a position of importance at
the Burgundian court, and in the following years his career would come to
full bloom as father confessor of the Grand Duke of the West. Again he was
employed on a variety of diplomatic tasks rangingfromfinancialto ecclesias-
tical affairs which sometimes kept him en route for several weeks. Since it
was felt that a ducal confessor ought to be a bishop at least, Pignon succeeded
to the title of bishop of Bethlehem in 1423, a titular bishopric invented
because the busy and itinerant life of the Burgundian court precluded the
combination of confessional and episcopal duties. Before him, John the
Fearless's confessors Jean Marchant and Martin Porée had borne the title
which in many accounts and other documents would become their official
designation.
In the course of the 1420s Pignon resumed his literary activities, which
towards the end ofthat decade culminated in a book which contains two texts:
a free translation into French by Pignon of a treatise by Durand of St.
Pourçain, OP (ca. 1275-1334), called Circa originem potestatwn et iurisdictio-
num quibus populus regitur and an original work by Pignon, the Traictié de
la cause de la diversité des estai. An account from August 1428 documents
the binding and the illumination of the book. Durand's treatise seeks to
outline the boundaries of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. After establishing that
all authority, including secular power, derives from God, and that secular
and spiritual power are both prerequisites of good government which can and
should both be present in the same body, viz. the Church, Durand proceeds
to examine the extent of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in worldly and temporal
affairs. Departing from the tradition that subsumes all secular power under
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, Durand tends to impose some limits to this jurisdic-
tion. Naturally all secular matters involving sin reside under the authority
of the Church, but certain matters, such as feudal affairs, do not. This will
most certainly have pleased the political tastes of the ambitiously expanding
Burgundian state where, inspired perhaps by Italian civic humanism, ideas
74
See the lively description in Vanderjagt, Laurens Pignon, pp. 5-8.
32 CHAPTER ONE
on the secular ends of the state loomed large.75 The ideal of the secular state
was not entirely alien to the Christian mind for it was developed by no less
an authority than Augustine, who in the nineteenth book of his City of God
discusses the relative, but nevertheless autonomous sphere of politics.76 The
final implications of this idea, however, were never fully realised by the
medieval Church, and in many ways Pignon is heir to the universal idea of
ecclesiastical supremacy. This is borne out by the second work in the book:
Pignon's treatise on the three estates.
An original composition, though relying heavily on the Summa contra
gentiles by Thomas Aquinas, the Traictié de la cause de la diversité des estai
provides its readers not with a sociological discourse but with a discussion
of the three estates, the clergié, the chevalerie and the pueple, and in
Dionysian vein, their hierarchical organisation against a cosmological
background. As in the Contre les devineurs, Pignon dwells at some length
on the influence of the stars and the celestial spheres on the physical constitu-
tion of this world, which creates the wide diversity of physical and mental
constitutions that can be found among people. In a discussion about the soul
he is careful to safeguard man's rationality and volition from stellar
determinism, which automatically raises the question of good government.
For if man has freedom of choice and can act according to his own free
judgment, he is worthy of instruction and correction. Furthermore, the
different movements and virtues of the planets produce a variety of effects
here on earth, including the various dispositions of human beings. It follows,
therefore, that in conformity with the organisation of the universe society too
has its hierarchical order, based on a tripartite structure of which Pignon
adduces several examples. On the lowest level we find the labourers who see
to the material needs of the other two estates; on the second level we find
the chivalry whose duty it is to defend the other two; and the hierarchy is
crowned by the clergy who see to the spiritual needs of mankind and in whose
able hands the government of the world resides or at least should reside.
These theoretical reflections on the corporate ideal can hardly be inter-
preted as the epitome of Pignon's more practical concerns and involvements
in Burgundian politics, especially not since these were moving in opposite
directions, away from ecclesiastical concerns into the field of secular diplo-
macy. Still this does not mean that Pignon did not intend his writings, which
are neither very original nor profuse, to have a profound bearing on (court)
75
See A. J. Vanderjagt, 'Qui sa vertu anoblist': The Concepts of NOBLESSE and CHOSE
PUBUCQUE in Burgundian Political Thought (Groningen 1981), p. 67.
76
Basic observations on Augustine's political ideas in relation to the civitas terrena, as
discussed in DCD XIX, can be found in R. A. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the
Theology of St. Augustine (Cambridge 1970), pp. 70-71, 98-104.
life and politics. Quite the contrary, their very lack of scholarly brilliance
makes them eminently suitable for lay instruction. Pignon lacks the accom-
plishments of an original mind, but then his intention was not to produce new
insights, but simply to record, to compile and to instruct. 'Je ne veul riens
dire de mon seul et propre sentement', he says in the prologue of Contre les
devineurs, 'je proteste ychy que je n'ay entencion de y escripre aucunne cose
que je n'aye leüe en livres canoniques et approves de Sainte Eglise'. His
compilation in French of arguments against divination from the Holy Scrip-
tures and the holy doctors of the Church (mainly Aquinas) serves only to
instruct and admonish. With a clear sense of purpose, he refers to himself
as 'Je, a cuy appartient de mon offisse prechier vérité'; the office of a Friar
Preacher is to do just that. The truth he finds it is his duty to preach is
essentially the truth of his intellectual forebears and it is through their eyes
that he perceives the world.
In 1433 Pignon was included in the delegation that Philip the Good sent
to the Council of Basle.77 This Council had made a hesitant start two years
earlier, in open defiance of the newly elected pope Eugenius IV, to deliberate
on peace in Europe, the extirpation of the Hussite heresy and Church reform.
Philip the Good, by then one of the most powerful rulers of Europe, was
reluctant to support the Council; the Dominican Order backed Eugenius and
Philip did not want to spoil his good relations with the Holy See. Furthermore
an anti-Hussite Crusade could in no way live up to his ideal of a large-scale
crusade against the Turks (to which end he had even instituted the Order of
the Golden Fleece in 1430). But still, peace in Europe and a reconciliation
with France would be politically expedient. As the Council gained momentum
and various European rulers sent their embassies to Basle, Philip persuaded
Eugenius to revoke his bulls against the Council. The pope's attitude,
however, remained hostile and attempts on the part of the Council fathers
to depose him were thwarted by Philip the Good who refused all co-operation.
But instead of withdrawing his support from the Council he enlarged and
strengthened his delegation of which Pignon was a part. On October 2,1433,
Pignon addressed the Council on matters of secular diplomacy, emphasising
the need for a peace between England, France and Burgundy. Despite the
placating effects of his address, a peace-settlement was not reached until 1435
when general opinion had decided that the Hundred Years' War should be
put to an end effectively and a congress was held at Arras. It required the
skills of theologians and lawyers to circumvene the conditions of the embar-
rassing treaty of Troyes (1420) in which England and Burgundy had sworn
to oppose Armagnac France, so that breaking the treaty would not be
77
See standard study by Heribert Müller, Die Franzosen, Frankreich und das Basler Konzil
(1431-1449), 2 vols. (Paderborn 1990). Pignon is mentioned in passing, vol. 1, p. 240.
34 CHAPTER ONE
interpreted as disloyalty or perjury, but finally a peace agreement was drawn

up, dictated by Burgundy. On September 21,1435 Pignon preached a sermon
in honour of the newly-established reconciliation: the crowning of his career
in secular diplomacy.
Pignon had still one final ecclesiastical role to play in this whole affair.
With the lapse of time, the anti-Eugenian sentiments of the Council of Basle
radicalised and Amadeus VIII of Savoy, Philip the Good's uncle, was elected
to replace Eugenius as pope. Philip loyally supported Eugenius but also
entertained cordial relations with the House of Savoy, thus incurring the
censure and the excommunication of the Holy See. After repeated diplomatic
pleas the pope invested confessor Laurens Pignon with all the necessary
powers to lift the ban in 1443.
Pignon had been appointed bishop of Auxerre in May 1432 and the needs
of his diocese would increasingly demand the attention of the bishop. He
would be engaged in founding and restoring churches; he would deal with
matters of finance and taxation (over which he occasionally quarrelled with
Philip the Good) and he would be actively involved until his death in 1449
in the government of his own Order. Judging from the store that both secular
and ecclesiastical authorities set by him, we may conclude that Pignon was
a trusted and able diplomat and bishop.
1.5 The Chronica compendiosa and the War of 1411
As far as can be ascertained, Pignon's relations with the Burgundian court

date from 1412, but his awareness of the presence, position and importance
of Burgundy goes back much further. In his Chronica Pignon78 mentions
in the entry for 1397 the disastrous battle at Nicopolis (maxima strages
chnstianorum) from which only a handful of noblemen, including the count
of Nevers, John the Fearless, returned. In between general and provincial
chapter meetings, elections and appointments and the lamented deaths of
prominent members of the Order, international affairs and general disasters
did not escape the attention of the chronicler. For 1399 he records the
horrible pestilence that plagued Paris and the capture and detention of the
English king by the duke of Lancaster, John of Gaunt. In 1401 fire destroyed
part of the Dominican convent at Nantes and incinerated all of Poligny. In
August of the same year the late king Richard II's thirteen-year old widow,
daughter of the king of France, was returned to France by the English. (She
was later to be married to Charles d'Orléans, son of Louis d'Orléans, the
rival of John the Fearless.) Wars in Britain and scarcity of food mark the year
1402.
78
For the following references, see: Pignon, Chronica, pp. 45-55.
Next to the vicissitudes of the Hundred Years' War Pignon also records
some of the more salient episodes of the Great Schism. The Schism had
started when a cousin of the French king, Robert of Geneva was elected at
Avignon as pope Clement VII in 1378.79 In his entry for 1379 Pignon speaks
of this general division of the Church under two popes : propter quod schisma
Ordo est divisus multis annis et habuimus ex tunc duos magistros. Clement
VII, the rival of the Italian and anti-French pope Urban VI, was to safeguard
French interests but the French king, Charles V, had to exert himself to the
utmost to bring round the French clergy who disliked the idea, of a schism
that, apart from all its practical ramifications, somehow signalled the downfall
of Church authority if not the end of time itself with at the background the
Hussite cries for reform as a sound of distant thunder. French policy had
changed with the lapse of time and when the cardinals at Avignon elected
Benedict XIII after the death of Clement in 1394, this was very much against
the wishes of the French crown. The university of Paris favoured the idea
of a double cessation, which meant that both popes would abdicate and a new
one would be elected. An embassy which included ten delegates from the
university of Paris and which was headed by the dukes of Berry, Burgundy
and Orléans went to Avignon in May 1395 to debate the matter. The embassy
was a failure and its members were treated with disdain. The consequence
of this in 1398 was, as Pignon records, the famous subtractio oboedientiae
a papa Benedicto per totam regnum Franciae et Castellae. This 'subtraction
of obedience' meant that Benedict was deprived of all means to govern and,
besieged by the famous Boucicaut, he became a virtual prisoner in his own
palace. But French attitudes wavered as did the mental condition of its king
Charles VI. In 1403 rex Franciae, tunc sanus mente et corpore, declaravit
se veile oboedire Benedicto. This restitution of obedience by Charles VI did
not last long. Already in 1405 the Paris theologian Jean Petit, of whom we
shall hear much more in the following chapter, pleaded for a new subtraction
of obedience, but in 1407 it was cardinal Pierre d'Ailly's more moderate
proposal to recognise Benedict's spiritual authority, whilst denying his
temporal, that was effected, thus laying the basis for what has been called
the 'Gallican Church'.80 Pignon seems unaware of the subtle difference,
probably for want of twentieth-century hindsight, and simply notes: fuit
subtracta oboedientia dominopapae Benedicto. For the year 1408 he records
the council of Pisa organised by the cardinals from both contending parties,
which was so large, that the likes of it had not been seen for three hundred
years. The purpose of the council was to elect a new pope, Alexander V, and
to declare the other two contestants, Benedict XIII and Gregory XII heretics.
79
See: Geoffrey Barraclough, The Medieval Papacy (London 1992), pp. 164-185.
80
Barraclough, The Medieval Papacy, p. 176.
36 CHAPTER ONE
Next to the Great Schism there was one other major affair that occupied
popular interest in the first decade of the fifteenth century and that naturally
did not escape Pignon's attention. This was the rivalry between the duke of
Burgundy and the duke of Orléans that would have such dramatic conse-
quences81 and also have a direct bearing on astrological and magical matters.
For the year 1405 Pignon makes mention of the dissent between the two
dukes propter quum secuta sunt damna et pericula quam plurima per totum
regnum. The severe losses Pignon refers to concern the ruin of the wine and
corn harvests by the opposing armies of some 30,000 soldiers in all. Though
the conflict did not at this point result in civil war, the imposition of all these
soldiers on the local population did cause a shortage of food for the rest of
the year. For 1407 Pignon observes that 'many evils' happened that year.
He is referring to the extremely cold winter of December 1407 and January
1408, and, prior to this, the assassination of the duke of Orléans. Circa
festum sancti dementis, nocte, de mandaio domini duds Burgundiae, Pansius
per quemdam dictum Radichilium dfAu[que]tonville fuit interfectus dominus
Aurelianensis, qui, ut communiter ab omnibus reputabatur, [fuit] tyrrannus
pessimus.*1 To the details of this assassination and its immediate aftermath
we shall return in the next chapter, but for the moment it suffices to say that
John the Fearless thus disposed of a powerful rival who had been his main
obstacle to a firm grip on French politics. An interesting aspect of Pignon's
entry is the fact that he refers to Louis d'Orléans as a 'tyrant', a word that
echoes one of the essential points of John the Fearless's defence of his
actions. In March 1408 the duke of Burgundy had a Paris theologian, named
Jean Petit, read out a formal justification of his act, in which it was claimed
that the duke of Orléans was a tyrant contemplating regicide and that John
the Fearless had acted laudibly by protecting the king and killing the tyrant.
This Justification had a tremendous impact, notably on the feebleminded king
who probably believed every word of it, and it earned John a royal pardon
for his crime. Though the Orléanist party responded by drawing up an official
reply and refutation of the Justification they were nevertheless too half-hearted
and too afraid to take any effective action.
Strengthened by his success, the duke of Burgundy engaged in the battle
of Othée with unparallelled audacity while in the meantime the French court
hastily moved from Paris to Tours. But although John the Fearless dared only
take up residence in Paris under the protection of several hundred soldiers
who watched over his safety, his grip on the French government gradually
strengthened. In March 1409 he dictated the terms of the reconciliation of
81
On the history of this conflict see: Jacques d'Avout, La querelle des Armagnacs et de
Bourguignons (Paris 1943).
82
Pignon, Chronica, p. 52.
Chartres, a kind of peace-treaty between John and the French court, which
thereupon returned to Paris. John the Fearless saw to the execution of Jehan
de Montagu (October 17, 1409), his main opponent and grandmaster of the
king's household; he also removed many royal officals and replaced them
by his own trustees. By 1410 the dauphin was entirely surrounded by
Burgundy's men and John had gained effective control over France. The basis
of his power, however, lay not in military or political audacity, but in the
popular support he enjoyed in Paris. John opposed the heavy taxes imposed
by Louis d'Orléans and was a proponent of governmental reform. No doubt
the people of Paris had seen the elimination of Louis d'Orléans and Jehan
de Montagu in this light. This popular sympathy83 was carefully nurtured
by John. Fine Burgundian wines earned him the support of the Paris butchers
and also the university enjoyed the benefits of Burgundy's generosity.84
Possibly it was the perspective of the Parisian citizens that was closest to
Pignon's own opinion at the time. This may explain why his brief reference
to the assassination of 1407 echoes Burgundian apologetics by branding Louis
d'Orléans a tyrant.
The next thing that Pignon mentions concerning the Burgundian-Orléans
conflict is the threatening massing of troops round Paris in 1410. The
opposition against the all-powerful duke of Burgundy had organised itself
under the inspired leadership of Charles d'Orléans (Louis's son) and Bernard
VIII, count of Armagnac. The latter lent his name to the opposition that
would henceforth go down in history as the Armagnac faction. Pignon tells
us that in September 1410, the duke of Brittany, the duke of Orléans and his
two brothers, Philip, count of Vertus, and Jehan, count of Angoulême, the
count of Alençon, the duke of Bourbon and the count of Armagnac intended
to invade Paris with 6,000 men-at-arms, but that they were prohibited by the
Burgundian faction. No war broke out, and a kind of peace settlement was
reached in which the two parties agreed to return to their own domains
without engaging in active combat. If it should come to pass that they would
wage war on each other, they should do so in their own lands. Thus, Pignon
concludes, they returned each to his own land and the war abated for the
83
The perspective of the Parisians vis-à-vis John the Fearless becomes clear when one
compares an official report of king Charles VTs glorious entry into Paris on March 17, 1409,
as it was noted down in Nicolas de Baye's Journal (vol. 1, p. 261) to a more popular report
from the anonymous Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris (pp. 4-5). In the version of Nicolas de
Baye John the Fearless is one of the many courtiers following the king into Paris, but in the
Journal d'un Bourgeois the focus is radically different. There it is the duke of Burgundy who
returns on March 9 and who brings king Charles to Paris on March 17. If the king was
considered the (somewhat feeble) symbol and embodiment of the stability of the realm, John
the Fearless was considered its guardian and protector.
84
Vaughan, John the Fearless, pp. 84-85.
38 CHAPTER ONE
duration of the winter.85 Yet the massing of troops around Paris for two
months had caused great damage: tola provincia vastata Pignon observes
tersely, and his statement is confirmed by the Bourgeois de Paris who
explains that 'les gens de Berry et de ses aidans pilloient, roboient, tuoient
en église et dehors église, especialment ceulx au conte d'Armignac et les
Bretons, dont si grant charte s'ensuivy de pain, que plus d'un mois, le sextier
de bonne farine valloit Lim frans ou LX, dont les pauvres gens de ville comme
au desespoir, fuoient; et leur firent plusieurs escarmouches et en tuèrent
moult'. The Bourgeois goes on to mention more atrocities, but it is evident
where his sympathies lie, for he remarks that 'le duc de Bourgongne et ses
frères admenerent leur puissance de devers Flandres et Bourgongne, mais
ilz ne prenoient que vivres ceulx au duc de Bourgongne ne à ses aidans, mais
trop largement en prenoient'.86
In 1411 this tension finally came to a head. Measured by the terms of his
otherwise very concise chronicle Pignon is very communicative about the
events of that year. In spite of the previous pacts and oaths, he writes, the
lords of Berry and Orléans and the others moved again to battle against the
duke of Burgundy. With the help of the queen they crossed the Somme and
invaded the province of Picardy and Artois perpetrating many enormous evils.
The duke of Burgundy raised an army of 60,000 armed men from Flanders
not counting the additional 30,000 footmen that accompanied the militia. With
this army the duke invaded the towns of Ham, Nesle, and Chauny and
succeeded in driving back the Armagnacs from Flanders. The Orléanist-
faction had not made up its mind to focus on one military target: instead it
wavered between an attack on Burgundian Paris and an attack on Flanders,
which in pratice meant dividing military strength between both objectives.
This may have placed the Armagnacs at a disadvantage, but John the Fearless
also had problems. After the recapture of the Flemish towns, many of John's
soldiers lost the desire to wage war (cum tremore exspectantibus eventum
belli, Pignon explains) and they deserted at Montdidier. Reinforced by
English troops John the Fearless gathered his strength and made for Paris
where the Armagnacs had captured Saint-Denis and Saint-Claude. The duke
of Burgundy was received in Paris cum maxima honore by the king and the
nobles, which is a bit of an understatement on the part of Pignon, because
the duke practically controlled the city and the French court. Many royal
ordinances were issued outlawing Orléans and the other Armagnac princes,
proclaiming that they had robbed churches and abbeys, raped women,
85
Pignon, Chronica, p. 53. For the terms of the peace settlement, see Vaughan, John the
Fearless, pp. 83-84: 'a futile rigmarole of unrealistic absurdities'. Pignon's description captures
the upshot rather than the contents of the treaty.
86
Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, pp. 7-8.
incinerated towns after having killed many inhabitants. No doubt these are
the malaplurima et enormia that Pignon refers to in his chronicle, and also
the Bourgeois de Paris knows of many atrocities: 'Et firent tant de maulx,
comme eussent fait Sarazins, car ilz pendoient les gens, les uns par les
poulces, autres par les piez, les autres tuoient et rançonnoient, et efforçoient
femmes, et boutoient feuz, et quiconcques ce feist, on disoit: «Ce font les
Armignaz», et ne demeuroit personne esdiz villaiges que eulx mesmes'.87
Though this type of cruelty is certainly compatible with the darker side of
human nature and though one should not a prion put it beyond the Armagnacs
to do these things, one should neither be blind to the force of Burgundian
propaganda. The Bourgeois de Paris admits that many atrocities were
committed by bands of townsmen under the pretence of hunting down and
killing the outlawed Armagnacs, and likewise he admits that the Armagnacs
were a convenient scapegoat for many evils. The Parisians took to wearing
'chapperons de drap pers et la croix Saint Andrieu, ou millieu ung escu à
la fleur de lis',88 which was the symbol of Burgundy. Other displays of
affection for the duke of Burgundy appear from the general alarm that
disturbed the Parisians when no news came to them from the duke as he was
negotiating military assistence from the English. For the Parisians, John the
Fearless was a beacon in troubled times. Conversely, John's enemies and
opponents were hated passionately. The Bourgeois describes them as 'la
maldicte bande', and speaks of 'le faulx conte d'Armignac'.89 All of them
were solemnly excommunicated and anathematised in the Notre Dame on
Martinmas eve, a ritual that was repeated every week until peace was made
in August 1412.90
Pignon's account is not embellished by such details. He recounts how
Burgundy's troops captured Saint-Claude and Saint-Denis at the expense of
more than three thousand noble and very brave men (interfectis ibidem ultra
tribus millibus nobilium etfortissiorum virorum). Fleeing from Saint-Denis,
the remaining Armagnac troops were scattered across the district where they
gravely upset the populace. Pignon's chronicle immediately moves from this
episode on to the siege of Bourges which took place in June 1412. Meanwhile
John the Fearless discovered that the Armagnacs had made a treaty with the
English offering land, privileges and political and military support in
exchange for troops, and infuriated he decided on immediate action. His
87
Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, p. 11.
88
Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, ρ. 12. It was a symbol charged with powerful emotions
that would remain valid at least until 1436. See: Guy Llewelyn Thompson, Paris and Its People
under English Rule: The Anglo-Burgundian Regime 1420-1436 (Oxford 1991), pp. 172-173.
89
Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, pp. 16-17.
90
Vaughan, John the Fearless, p. 93.
40 CHAPTER ONE
attack was directed against the duchy of Berry and its capital Bourges. Pignon
does not emphasise Burgundy's role in this campaign, but simply speaks of
the king and his allies (rex et omne de parte sua) moving to the town and
besieging it for six weeks, non sine gravi damno et iactura tarn nobilium
quam popularium, ita ut vix enarrari possent damna, incendia, homicidia,
rapidae, ibidem perpetrata.91 Finally a reconciliation was effected through
the efforts of the dauphin, Amadeus of Savoy and Louis of Anjou, king of
Sicily. This reconciliation, the peace of Auxerre, led to the obligatory shows
of mutual affection between Burgundy and Orléans and even to the rather
grizzly rehabilitation of Jehan de Montagu who had been executed three years
earlier, as narrated by Monstrelet:
Et à ung certain jour au soir, le prévost de Paris et son bourrel, acompaignez de

douze hommes ou environ tenans torches alumées et portans une eschèle, avec
ung prestre revestu d'une aube et paré de fanon et estole, vindrent es halles. Et
tantost, le bourrel par ladicte eschèle monta où ledit chef estoit, lequel il osta de
la lance où il estoit fiché, et là fut mis en ung beau suaire que le prestre fut mis
sur son espaule et de là porté par la compaignie dessusdicte, lesdiz flambeaux
ardans, en Fostel dudit feu Montagu grant maistre d'ostel dessusdit. Et pareille-
ment fut son corps osté jus du gibet de Montfaulcon par ledit prévost et son
bourrel, et fut rendu et porté à Paris, lequel fu joinct avecques le chef et enclos
en ung sarcus et fut porté en la compaignie des enfans de lui et de ses amis, à
grant compaignie et triumphe, à prestres chantans et grant luminaire, à Marcoussis,
et là en l'église des Célestins, laquelle en son vivant avoit fait fonder et fait un
couvent de religieux, moult honnorablement fut enterré.92
We will encounter the notorious Montfaucon gallows again later on. Pignon's
chronicle contains no information beyond the year 1412 and knows nothing
of the Cabochian revolt, the Armagnac 'coup d'état' and John the Fearless's
second flight from Paris to the safety of Flanders. It does not ruminate on
the religious or political meaning of the events it so soberly recounts, and
can therefore only provide the backcloth of the ominous remarks in Contre
les devineurs that were our point of departure. Were the horrors of the civil
war of 1411 the direct consequence of a ruler's unsavoury interest in
divinatory and necromantic practices? Was it the French or the Burgundian
court that had erred in this way? Contre les devineurs does not contain any
explicit statements on that account. Much as we may regret it, Pignon may
not have felt at liberty to speak his mind.
Treatises against magic and superstition were not always written in
response to an urgent practical need, but Contre les devineurs is an exception.
91
92
Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 2, chapter 96, p. 301.
Pignon was motivated to compile the material for his treatise by certain events
or certain stories he heard involving magic and divination, that finally, he
was convinced, resulted in civil war.
1.6 The King and the Evil Spirit
Metaphors and exempla were political tools in the hands of the duke of
Burgundy. In the next chapter we shall explore how well certain exempla
from Petit's Justification were made to fit reality. To round off the present
chapter we must return to our point of departure: the example of king Saul
who sealed his own ruin by consulting a necromancer. As we saw earlier it
was by no means unusual around 1400 to write a treatise or admonishment
on the dangers of divination for a monarch. Before Pignon, Nicole Oresme
had written his Livre de divinations, possibly for Charles V who greatly
favoured astrology. Yet, as in the case of Solomon the Wise, Charles the
Wise did not heed the warnings and after his death the kingdom was torn
apart by two rivalling groups. Neither Oresme nor anyone else uses this
comparison (even though it would have been very suitable), but then again
no accusations of necromancy taint the reputation of Charles V. The example
of Saul, which, following the dedication of Contre les devineurs, we have
tried to apply to John the Fearless, is far more suitable when applied to
Charles VI.
Saul, Scripture says (I Sam. 16:14), was plagued by an evil spirit; likewise
Charles VI suffered from temporary fits of insanity, a 'demonic affliction'.
Saul would burst out in violence occasionally, throwing his spear at David;
likewise Charles VI, when his disease first manifested itself, became aggres-
sive and killed some servants. Saul infinaldesperation consulted a necroman-
cer, and also the court of the mad king sent for sorcerers and magicians. It
seems very likely, therefore, that Pignon in writing Contre les devineurs was
inspired by the court of Charles VI. From a Parisian perspective the war of
1411 (which centered largely on Paris and its surrounding towns) was a direct
consequence of the court's degeneration. Pignon's warnings against magic
may originally have been intended for this court, whose king and courtiers
favoured magic, as a sequal to Oresme's more scientifically minded treatise,
which, very suitably, was written under a very scientifically minded king.
Pignon may well have translated and organised his material in the final years
of the first decade of thefifteenthcentury, only adding the dedication to John
the Fearless when prospects of a career in the service of Burgundy presented
themselves. It is now time to turn to the mad king's court and the evil spirits
that infested it.
CHAPTER TWO
THE PACT WITH THE ENEMY
In Pignon's way of reasoning the civil war of 1411 was a consequence of

the court's involvement in magic and divination. Any modern historian will
feel the need to take issue with this explanation by pointing out that it was
essentially the power-vacuum created by the mental illness of Charles VI that
caused the rivalry between John of Burgundy and Louis d'Orléans, which
in turn would result in the Burgundian-Armagnac conflict of which the 1411-
war was an important consequence. These two explanations, however, are
not incompatible. A careful examination of court-culture prior to the war of
1411 shows that magic was at least an important accessory in the stages of
the historical chain of causes that led to the civil war. The madness of Charles
VI attracted many magicians who pretended to be able to cure the king, and
in the conflict between Burgundy and Orléans accusations of sorcery were
important political tools. In short, magic was either used to cure or to
incriminate, and both applications give us an excellent impression of late
medieval belief in its reality and its efficacy. The cases recorded in this
chapter are part of Pignon's social world and will no doubt have inspired him
to write his book. It is very unlikely that Pignon was unaware of them even
though Contre les devineurs contains only one or two oblique references.
Magic and divination, the main themes of Contre les devineurs, revolve
around one main issue: the pact with the devil. The importance of whose side
one is on, was not merely a matter of theological concern; it was also of
prime importance to one of the greatest political scandals of early fifteenth-
century Paris. It all began with a political murder.
Most sacrilegious murder hath broke ope

the Lord's anointed temple, and stole thence
The life o' the building! (Macbeth Π.3)
2.1 Motives for Murder
On the evening of Wednesday, November 23, 1407, the duke Louis d'Or
léans, brother of king Charles VI, coming from the royal palace in the
company of five men, three on horseback and two on foot, met his end at
the hands of eight or nine mercenaries led by Raoul d'Anquetonville, a
Norman knight. Jacquette Griffart, wife of a shoemaker and sole witness to
the assassination, had seen the duke from her window by the light of the
44 CHAPTER TWO
torches, bareheaded, playing with his gloves and singing to himself, when
he was suddenly overtaken by his murderers; one of his valets was slain and
the others put to flight. The duke himself was struck from his horse, his skull
cleft in two, one hand cut off and his brains splashed over the pavement.1
The mortal remains of the duke were collected and entombed in the church
of the Celestins the following day in the presence of the dukes of Anjou,
Berry, Bourbon and Burgundy. The funerary rites lasted two days, and the
duke of Burgundy, dressed in black, is reported to have exceeded all in his
remonstrations of mourning.2
The inquest conducted by the provost of Paris soon brought to light that
the mercenaries who had lodged in a house called Tymage Nostre Dame'
had been supplied by a water-carrier, who was currently staying in the hôtel
d'Artois, John the Fearless's Parisian residence. This man could not be
questioned without John's permission and the latter, when confronted with
Ulis request in the presence of the dukes of Berry, Bourbon and Anjou during
a meeting of the royal council, was disturbed at finding himself implicated
in the crime. He drew aside the dukes of Anjou and Berry and confessed that
the devil had driven him to this crime, an unfortunate excuse that could and
would be used against him. Though astonished and shocked, the two dukes
apparently took no immediate action. The following day, Saturday, John the
Fearless was still in Paris intending to participate in the meeting of the royal
council. But his uncle, the duke of Berry, met him on his way to the cham-
bers where the meeting was to take place, and advised him not to enter.
Having been turned away, John went back to his lodgings where he had
already taken precautions for a speedy departure and on the same day,
Saturday, November 26, he fled from Paris.3 The news of his crime spread
rapidly, for Nicolas de Baye notes in his Journal: 'Ce jour, a esté dit et
puplié de pluseurs que le duc de Borgoigne, conte de Flandres et de Bour-
goigne et d'Artois, disoit et maintenoit qu'il avoit fait occire le ducd'Orleans,
son cousin germain, par Rolet d'Auquetonville et autres, et sur ce s'est au
1
The graphie detail of the crime was scrupulously noted down by Nicolas de Baye, clerk
of the Paris Parlement. See: Nicolas de Baye, Journal, vol. 1, pp. 206-207; Juvenal des Ursins,
Histoire, pp. 444b-445a; Chronique du Religieux de Saint'DenysXXVUÎ.30, vol. 3, pp. 731-737.
See also Otto Cartellieri, "Die Verherrlichung des Tyrannenmordes", in: Am Hofe der Herzöge
von Bur g und: kulturhistorische Bilder (Basel 1926), pp. 37-54; Vaughan, John the Fearless,
pp. 29-48; and Β. Guenée, Un meurtre, une société. L'assassinat du duc d'Orléans, 23 novembre
1407 (Paris 1992).
2
Alfred Coville, Jean Petit: La question du tyrannicide au commencement du XVe siècle
(Genève 1974), p. 88.
3
See Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 90-91. Vaughan gives a more condensed reconstruction of
these events, making John the Fearless's confession and his flight from Paris occur on the same
day. Apparently there is some confusion on this matter.
THE PACT WITH THE ENEMY 45
jourd'ui parti de Paris'.4 The actual perpetrators of the crime, Raoul d'An-
quetonville and his men, were exiled to Bruges, where for some time they
werefinanciallysupported by the duke of Burgundy. As for John the Fearless
himself, his crime would have profound consequences in the years and even
in the decades to come.
In a very direct sense he had signed his own death-sentence because the
dauphin and the queen, who had felt great affection for her brother-in-law,
swore revenge and would, in the end, be enabled to obtain it on the bridge
near Montereau in 1419. With all the particulars of this crime widely
publicised, there was no point for Burgundy to deny it, and this situation
more or less forced John the Fearless to be on the defensive. Defend himself
he did, employing one of the most effective means at his disposal, namely
literary propaganda. A Paris theologian named Jean Petit pronounced a
Justification on the duke's behalf, the text of which was circulated at the
European courts. As the antagonism between Burgundy and Armagnac France
increased, Burgundy's self-consciousness, so propitiously coupled with the
growth of Burgundian power, was enhanced by literary texts such as the
Geste des ducs Phelippe et Jehan de Bourgogne, the Livre des trahisons de
France and the Pastoralet. These texts, though lacking in literary refinement,
were considered by Doutrepont as the cornerstones of Burgundian literature.5
They bore out what Doutrepont called the 'esprit bourguignon', a sense of
personal grandeur marked by the unmistakable sense of self-justificatory
assertiveness that had been initiated by Petit's Justification.
Though the assassination of Louis d'Orléans may have given rise to a new
esprit in the work of the Burgundian 'rimeurs', the hostilities it caused were
not unprecedented. Essentially the motives for the murder were of a political
nature, arising from years of openrivalrybetween the two dukes. Whenever
Charles VI, who suffered from insanity, was indisposed, the government of
the country was deferred to his closest relatives; the queen, Isabel of Bavaria,
the king's brother, Louis d'Orléans, and his uncles. Thus Philip the Bold of
Burgundy had a firm grip on French politics, and, for that matter, on the
French treasury, for Philip drew half his annual income (which was about
235,000 francs) from French financial resources. When Philip died in 1404,
4
Nicolas de Baye, Journal, vol. 1, p. 208.
5
Doutrepont, La littératurefrançaise, pp. 72-90,289. The texts were published by baron
Kervyn de Lettenhove in: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la domination
des ducs de Bourgogne (Bruxelles 1873). Only the Pastoralet has received a recent edition: Le
Pastoralet, ed. Joël Blanchard (Paris 1983). The three texts may have been written some time
after the death of John the Fearless. Doutrepont {op. cit., p. 73) makes note of a version of the
Geste which, contrary to the text edited by Kervyn, does not run up to 1412, but up to 1420,
suggesting that the final version of the text was a later composition. Blanchard {Pastoralet, Ρ·
25) points out that the Pastoralet postdates 1422.
46 CHAPTER TWO
his son and successor John the Fearless was less successful in procuring
money from France, partly because there was a powerful new rival: Louis
d'Orléans.
Louis was not simply the queen's ally but also, rumour had it, her lover.
During the king's illness the pair neglected the affairs of state, and enriched
themselves at the expense of the people. They lived for the delights of the
flesh, the Monk of Saint Denis remarks,6 and forgetting their rank and the
duties of their station, they became an object of scandal for France. Louis
had also procured other means of establishing firm ties with the French
throne. In 1404 he had arranged a marriage between his son Charles and a
daughter of the king, Isabel, who was the child widow of the unfortunate
Richard II of England. His proximity to the throne brought him great
wealth,7 as well as many lands, and apparently gave him the power to impose
heavy taxes (for which he was much hated). The Monk of Saint Denis may
not have exaggerated when he called Louis d'Orléans the actual ruler of
France.
John the Fearless soon responded by protesting against the heavy taxes
and by forwarding reform proposals for the French government; but the
tension rose when Charles VI decided to call the duke of Burgundy to Paris
to become a member of the royal council. John the Fearless left Arras (on
August 17, 1405) in the company of some thousand secretly armed knights,
and three days later the duke of Orléans left Paris and went to Melun in the
company of the queen. Arrangements were made for the ten-year-old dauphin
to follow them the next day, but the dauphin's party was overtaken by John
the Fearless and his men and the dauphin was persuaded by the duke to return
with him to Paris, where they were cheered by the population who favoured
the duke for his tax-reform plans and preferred him to the queen's wasteful
paramour. Huge concentrations of troops now were formed round Paris and
Melun. The threat of civil war was very real and the money-consuming
armies were a heavy burden to the local populace since they ruined (as
Pignon8 noted) the harvest and thereby caused great shortage of supplies.
Yet the crisis did not come to a head and in the course of November the
armies were dismantled.
The frightening prospect of war may have shaken the nerves of the two
rivals for in the time to come they would occupy themselves with ostentatious
remonstrations of mutual friendship. But beneath thefragrantrose there are
6
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XXVI .7, vol. 3, pp. 266-269: in déliais corporeis
assidue conversari (p. 266).
7
For the years 1404-1405 Vaughan {John the Fearless, p. 31) provides the estimate of
his annual revenues of 454,158 livre de Tours; only 45,000 /. was income from his own lands.
8
prickly thorns. In politics and in matters of religion the dukes found them-
selves at opposite ends. Louis d'Orléans supported the Avignon pope Benedict
XIII, whereas John (like the English and the university of Paris) favoured
the Roman pope Innocent VII. Worst perhaps, was the fact that Louis
d'Orléans was a major obstacle to Burgundian territorial and financial
interests. As count of Luxembourg, he laid claim to castles in Burgundian
territories, and between 1405 and 1407 he managed to procure an annual
income from the French treasury of more than 200,000 francs while his rival
John the Fearless received close to nothing.9 These are the most likely
motives for the assassination on that fateful evening in November.
Then winter10 set in, a winter so cold and severe that the likes of it had
never been seen before. The Monk of St. Denis says that the cold spared
neither man nor beast. Many destitutes froze to death and there was heavy
snowfall throughout January. Nicolas de Baye complained that the cold made
it impossible to write even in front of the fire since the ink would congeal
so fast that he could scarcely write two or three words: Or povez sentir en
quel estât estoient povres gens qui n'avoient ne pain, ne vin, n'argent, ne
busche, et qui avoient povre mestier et foison d'enfans'. When a thaw set
in at the end of January, the sheer weight of the ice caused even some of the
strongest bridges in Paris (and the houses that were built on them) to be
ruined. Ice floes in the river, looking like enormous blocks of stone destroyed
supply-ships and some of the mills along the river, causing great shortage
of provisions. The heavens themselves cried out the death of princes in
January 1408, but the duke of Burgundy cried back and for some time his
voice prevailed.
John the Fearless immediately started to work on his rehabilitation. A
meeting was held at Amiens in January 1408 where John the Fearless
procured the permission of the dukes of Berry and Anjou to come to Paris
in order to present his formal defence. At the end of February 1408, some
three months after the murder, John the Fearless re-entered Paris triumphantly
in the company of 800 armed knights. Again he was cheered by the popula-
tion, which obviously took a view of the murder that was decidedly different
from that of the princes of the blood royal. John had already presented a
justification of his crime with a detailed account of the murder in Flanders.
In February 1408 this was followed by a similar manifesto, signed by Jean
de La Keythulle, the ducal secretary, addressed to universis regibus, ducibus,
9
See: Vaughan, John the Fearless, pp. 42-43, for a detailed survey of the finances and
the debts owed to John the Fearless.
10
For reports on this winter see: Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XXVIII.32, vol.
3, pp. 745-749; Nicolas de Baye, Journal, pp. 212-213; Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 445a;
Pignon, Chronica, p. 52; Vaughan, John the Fearless, p. 69.
48 CHAPTER TWO
comitibus ceterisque principibus, prelatis, baronibus aliisque quibuscumque

seu ecclesiasticis sive secularibus presentium tenorem visuris out quomodolibet
audituris.11 These documents were only the prolegomena to the grand and
official justification that was to be pronounced at the royal court on March
8, 1408, in the presence of John the Fearless, by maistre Jehan Petit, master
of theology and ducal counsellor.
2.2 The Devils Advocate
Jean Petit (c. 1360-1411), a Norman by birth and a secular priest by vocation,
completed his studies in the liberal arts at Paris around 1385, after which he
went to Orléans to study law for two years. Returning to Paris he continued
his studies and was a doctor of theology by 1405. These academic achieve-
ments would not have been possible, he would confess later in his Justifica-
tion, without the benefices he had received from the duke of Burgundy.12
Coville describes him as a man with a violent and intransigent nature, rough
and even brutal in his language.13 In 1406 Petit addressed the Paris Parle-
ment, defending the university's views on the subtraction of obedience. That
the university of Paris deemed him qualified as her spokesman in matters
concerning the great Schism, may illustrate how the tone of the public debate
on this issue had hardened.
Petit's strident performance in the debate over the Avignon papacy had
attracted the attention of John the Fearless and six months later in Amiens
he was asked to prepare and deliver the formal justification of the duke of
Burgundy. Despite the warnings of fellow-tenants in his Parisian lodgings
and of some of his academic friends, Jean Petit accepted, no doubt compelled
by ancient loyalties. He started to work on the text of the justification early
in January 1408, which left him less than two months for its completion. At
least five other people collaborated on the text of the justification, four
lawyers and a theologian: Simon de Saulx, André Cotin, Nicolas de Savigny,
Pierre de Marigny, and Pierre Aux-Boeufs.14 Especially the latter was one
of Petit's most important ghost-writers.
Pierre Aux-Boeufs had attracted attention in 1406 speaking before one of
the many assemblies that had gathered to debate the Schism, on which
occasion he had compared all members of the clergy present to wise mariners
who, like all men of the sea, govern themselves by the science of naval
11
Coville, Jean Petit, p. 103.
12
Petit explains in the preamble to his Justification that he is bound to Burgundy because
the duke had financed his studies. See Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, chapter 39, p. 182.
13
14
astrology. His elaborate metaphor reveals something about the status of

astrology in the perceptions of the higher clergy. When mariners observe a
halo round the Sun or the Moon, a sure sign of a violent storm, they brace
themselves and prepare for the worst. Was not the Schism like this halo, a
harbinger of great evils? A halo is caused by fumes obstructing and refracting
the rays of light from Sun and Moon, and likewise is not the Schism a
pestiferous vapour of ambition and covetousness? In his plea for harmony,
the prelates were promoted from star-gazing seamen to the very planets
themselves that on their celestial course are to produce the musical harmonies
of the spheres.15 If the power of prelates was as generally accepted a com-
monplace as the influence of celestial bodies, one may well imagine this
flattering metaphor to have been a propitious choice, for contrary to their
heavenly counterparts these planets had the power to incline and to compel.
But flattery did not heal the Schism, and even Pierre Aux-Boeufs's rhetoric
did not convince the Church that the assassination of Louis d'Orléans had
been a justified tyrannicide.
It took Jean Petit four hours to deliver the entire Justification in the great
hall of the royal palace, the hôtel de Saint-Pol in Paris. His address was
structured by means of a simple syllogism: according to the major it is
legitimate and meritorious to kill a tyrant; according to the minor the duke
of Orléans was a tyrant; which resulted in the conclusion that it was both
legitimate and meritorious for the duke of Burgundy to have killed the duke
of Orléans. Coupled with a text from I Timothy 6 which says that 'covetous-
ness is the root of all evil', it was especially the minor that needed the most
persuasive argumentation. The late duke of Orléans was accused of having
caused the madness of the king through sorcery, of having attempted to
murder him through poisoning as well as through black magic, of having
plotted with the enemy, of having been excessively greedy in imposing taxes
and in his attempts to usurp the throne. A fair number of these accusations,
one feels, might with equal justice have been applied to John the Fearless
at that moment. Though the Justification earned the duke of Burgundy a royal
pardon and gave him the opportunity to strengthen his grip on France, it was
nevertheless received coldly.
It would cast a dark shadow over the remaining years of Jean Petit's life,
for not only would he be charged with the multiplication and distribution of
the texts, he would also be obliged to draw up a second Justification in
answer to a refutation of the first one, forwarded by the Orléanist faction.
In his heart of hearts Jean Petit may have felt a grave dissatisfaction with the
burdensome and ineluctable task that John the Fearless had imposed on him.
15
Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 127-129.
50 CHAPTER TWO
Though he was a famous master of theology and acknowledged as such by

the clergy and all the members of the university, he himself states explicitly
and emphatically in both thefirstand the second justification that he is neither
a theologian nor a lawyer.16 The last years of his career were marked by
this modest and possibly even uneasy unobtrusiveness. Though Petit became
ducal counsellor and 'maître des requêtes', John the Fearless did not bestow
any ecclesiastical dignities on him. When his health declined he was offered
a quiet provincial retreat, a small village called Arnay-le-Duc, where on July
15, 1411 he died. His Justification haunted him even after his death, for at
the Council of the Faith (Concile de Foi, 1413) where all his arguments were
refuted, his opponents wanted to disinter his bones and burn them in pub-
lic.17 Most of the copies of the Justification that were spread in France were
burned, but naturally the Burgundian ones survived, while some of its more
imaginative episodes were versified in the anonymous Geste des ducs de
Bourgogne.1*
2.3 Epistola ex Tenebris Infernalibus
The Justification du duc de Bourgogne has been given many different epithets
that all, more or less, express a condemnation. The Monk of St. Denis19
remarks dryly that many eminent persons regarded the Justification as
reprehensible and though he confesses himself partial to their opinion, he
leaves it to the venerable doctors to pass a final judgment. This at least one
of the venerable doctors did. Gerson is reported to have referred to it as a
codicillum damnationis, a librum mortis, a cartulam opprobrii and an epistola
ex tenebris infernalibus.20 Modern historians are perhaps less dramatic, but
no less severe in their judgments. Collas spoke of 'cette monstrueuse haran-
16
Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 210-211; Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, pp. 182-183.
17
Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 399-402.
18
See: La geste des ducs de Bourgogne, in: Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique,
éd. Kervyn de Lettenhove. The following survey gives a brief analysis of the representation of
Petit's Justification in the Geste. Only three anecdotes were versified:
1. introduction (11. 2007-2030; p. 319)
2. the parable of Lucifer [Luciabel] (11. 2031-2068; pp. 319-320)
3. the sorcerer monk at Montjay (11. 2069-2094; pp. 320-321)
4. Valentina Visconti and the poisoned apple (11. 2095-2166; pp. 321-323)
5. conclusion 01. 2167-2183; pp. 323-324).
19
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XXVffl.34, vol. 3, pp. 764-765.
20
Coville, Jean Petit, p. 110. For Gerson's invectives against Petit, see: Contra errores
Joannis Parvi, Ex parte Universitatis coram Rege, Contra assertiones Joannis Parvi in: Gerson,
Œuvres complètes, vol. 5, pp. 190-204, 243-255, 420-435 resp.; Discours au roi contre Jean
Petit, in: Œuvres complètes, vol. 7(1), pp. 1005-1030; Intervention au Concile de la foi and
related documents, in: Œuvres complètes, vol. 10, pp. 180-181, 207-208.
gue' .21 Vaughan called it 'one of the most insolent pieces of political chican-
ery and theological casuistry in all history'.22 Naturally there is ample
ground for indignation, even for those historians who are not lured into
partiality. Still it may be argued that it is not the Justification so much as the
crime that occasioned it which merits our reprobation. Cartellieri, for
instance, recognised the difference when, in an apt metaphor, he spoke of
Burgundy's egotistical motives hiding in the many-folded cloak of a lofty
idea.23 Doutrepont (naturally) wants to emphasise its literary importance and
calls it 'la production capitale de la littérature didactique sous, le règne du
fougueux duc' ,24 Petit deals with tyrannicide quite admirably and persuasive-
ly as is appropriate for a piece of literary propaganda and the Justification
has been compared to some of the propagandistic literary productions of the
Florentine humanists who strove to oppose the Visconti family. There were
numerous contacts between France and Burgundy and Italy; returning from
the disaster at Nicopolis, John the Fearless had travelled through Italy and
spent an entire winter in Venice, thus having ancle opportunity to absorb
new ideas on politics.25 This is not to say that the Justification in any way
betrays humanist features. It should be clear, however, that it is more than
an audacious yet feeble and ill-founded attempt to conceal John's guilt and
incriminate Louis d'Orléans. It is a forceful literary attempt to rewrite history
and to fashion a Burgundian identity. This should not stop us from consider-
ing the Justification as 'insolent' or 'infernal', but it should make us more
sensitive to the strategic importance of this text.
For a proper appreciation of the Justification26 we shall briefly concen-
trate on its structure. The text consists of two main parts, each subdivided
into four articles. The first part deals with the major, the second part with
the minor of the earlier mentioned syllogism. In the first article of part one
the text from I Timothy 6, 'covetousness is the root of all evil',27 is
expounded: covetousness, we learn, has a threefold nature since people may
21
Emile Collas, Valentine de Milan, duchesse d'Orléans (Paris 1911), pp. 389, 396.
22
Vaughan, John the Fearless, p. 70.
23
Cartellieri, Am Hofe der Herzöge von Bur gund, p. 40.
24
Doutrepont, La littérature française, p. 283; for a discussion of the Justification, see
pp. 283-287.
25
See Charity Cannon Willard, "The Manuscripts of Jean Petit's Justification: Some
Burgundian Propaganda Methods of the Early Fifteenth Century", in: Studi Francesi 13 (1969),
pp. 271-280.
26
The text of the first Justification is contained in: Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, chapter
39, pp. 177-244.
27
I Tim. 6:10 (radix omnium malorum cupiditas) reads in the KJV: 'the love of money
is the root of all evil'. Since Monstrelet (Chronique, vol. 1, p. 184) gives Petit's motto as 'Dame
convoitise est de tous maulx la racine', we will use the word 'covetousness'.
52 CHAPTER TWO
covet (a) vain honours, (b) earthly riches, and (c) carnal delights. After this
introductory section, the basic framework of the entire discourse is drawn
out in part I, article 2: covetousness may be at the root of all evil, but the
greatest evil, the greatest crime, is high treason, lese-majesty, since it offends
the highest honour, which is royal majesty. Since there are two kinds of
majesty, (1) divine and (2) human, high treason may take a number of shapes:
as an offence against divine majesty it may (la) offer injury to God, which
is what heretics and idolators do, or (lb) offer injury to the Church, which
is what schismatics do. As an offence against human majesty, high treason
may affect (2a) the king or prince himself, (2b) his wife, the queen, (2c) their
children, and (2d) the state or commonwealth. The background of this scheme
is, of course, the corporate and hierarchical idea of the state that we already
encountered in one of Pignon's treatises and that enjoyed some popularity
in Burgundian circles. According to this hierarchical model, the earthly order
mirrors the heavenly one, from which it originated and to which it is
ontologically linked. If the earthly order somehow participates in the larger
heavenly order, then one may be lead to suppose that offences against the
one will also have repercussions in relation to the other. A man guilty of high
treason will not only offend the king but also, by extension, sin against God.
This is precisely the implication that Petit wants to suggest.28 In part II of
his Justification he deals with the minor of his syllogism in which he tries
to prove that Louis d'Orléans is guilty of tyranny and high treason by acting
against king, queen, dauphin and country. On the face of it this would suggest
that Orléans was only guilty of the second type of high treason (against
human majesty) but this would be to underestimate both Petit and the intricacy
of the idea that he was expounding. As we will see Orléans is certainly
portrayed as a traitor against God in part II, but also in part I treason against
God and king are intimately linked. In addition to this, the exempla that Petit
adduces in part I to adstruct his theoretical observations are made to be the
prophetic adumbrations of the animosity between Orléans and Burgundy.
In articles 2 and 3 of the first part of his Justification Petit provides two
sets of three examples each. The first set of three must show that covetous-
ness causes apostasy (which is treason against God); it presents us with the
fate of Julian the apostate who, for the sake of vain honour, turned to the
worship of pagan gods; of the monk Sergius who, for the sake of earthly
riches, joined the company of Mohammed; and of Sambry (a story from
Numbers 25) who, for the sake of carnal lust, became an idolator. The second
set of three examples is made to show that covetousness causes high treason
28
An oath of allegiance was in general both religious and political; breaking the oath was
synonymous with heresy. Later, the Armagnacs would even include a threat of damnation in
their oaths. See Thompson, Paris, p. 174.
against kings and it presents the cases of Sambry and Lucifer (a curiously
unearthly story), Absalom, and Athalia, queen of Jerusalem (II Kings 11).
In some instances Petit produces interesting and telling elaborations of his
source-material (as in the case of Sambry and Lucifer), and in all instances
the tyrants who are killed are somehow made to reflect the allegedly vicious
nature of Louis d'Orléans. Of equal interest, however, are their executioners,
the instruments of divine vengeance, in whose company, we are led to
imagine by implication, we find John the Fearless. To illustrate Petit's
rhetorical strategies that aim at implicating Louis d'Orléans and the Armagnac
faction in a devil's pact, we shall concentrate on the two most poignant
examples: the cases of Sambry and Lucifer.
The story of Zimri (or Sambry as Petit calls him), a brief Biblical epi-
sode,29 was chosen and elaborated with great care to match the case of Louis
d'Orléans. When many Israelites worshipped the idols of Moab, God ordered
Moses to hang all tresspassers. But why, Petit wonders, hang all the princes?
He concludes it is because some of them consented to his crime, and others,
though not following their example, neglected to avenge such heavy offence
against God.30 The Bible mentions nothing of this, but obviously the Justifi-
cation is made to show, not only that John acted meritoriously but above all
that not having acted would have constituted a serious crime. The idolatry
among the Israelites had been brought about by the amorous liaisons with
foreign (Moabite) women and one of these liaisons is the focus of Petit's
attention.
Le duc Sambry (...) s'en ala entrer ou logis de la dame sarrasine, qui estoit sa
mie par amours et qui estoit la plus belle créature et la plus gente du pays. Lors
ung vaillant homme nommé Phinées print courage en lui et dist en son euer, je
voue à Dieu que présentement le vengeray de ceste injure. Si se parti sans mot
dire, sans quelconques commandement de Moyse, ne d'autre à ce aiant povoir,
et s'en vint au logis, où il trouva icellui duc avec icelle dame, l'un sur l'autre,
faisant l'œuvre de délit, et d'un coustel qu'il avoit par manière de dague, les
transperça tous deux d'oultre en oultre, et les occist tous deux ensemble.
In the same way, of course, John the Fearless had no official authorisation
to dispose of the tyrant Orléans, but, the text cleverly suggests, he had
something better than official authorisation: he acted at the instigation of God.
29
Num. 25:6-8,14-15.
30
Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, pp. 193-194.
54 CHAPTER TWO
Et les vingt quatre mille hommes qui estaient adherens avec icellui duc nommé
Sambry, si volrent combatte, pour sa mort. Mais par la grâce de Dieu ilz furent
les plus febles, et furent tous mors et occis.31
The text from Numbers 25 makes clear that 24,000 men died as a conse-
quence of their idolatry, but it nowhere says that they formed a faction, that
Zimri was their leader or that they fought on his behalf. This information
is furnished by Petit and results from his clever recontextualisation of the
Biblical narrative in the Burgundian-Armagnac controversy.
If we read the story in this light we might wonder whose body Raoul
d'Anquetonville's sword should have pierced besides (or rather, under) that
of Louis d'Orléans. In view of Louis's generally deplored wantonness there
was at least one lady (namely the queen) that Petit would have been careful
never to implicate in his subtle but poisonous narrative. It is highly unlikely
that his story would have been misunderstood, for it clearly refers to a
foreigner, 'la dame sarrasine, qui estoit sa mie par amours et qui estoit la
plus belle créature et la plus gente du pays', details which cannot be found
in Numbers 25. No doubt, many understood this hint as a description of
Louis's wife, Valentina Visconti, a celebrated beauty in her day.32 There
were many contemporary rumours that implicated her in practices of sorcery,
which, if true, would qualify her, from a theological point of view, as an
idolator. And this no doubt was Petit's tacit suggestion.
In the second set of three examples the Burgundian-Armagnac conflict for
a moment acquires celestial dimensions as Petit narrates how Lucifer, the
most perfect of creatures and first among the angels (we should remember
that Louis, as the king's brother, was for a time the most powerful man in
France) desired to usurp God's throne. He formed his own band of apostate
angels to pursue that goal, but was opposed as well as outnumbered by St.
Michael, the archangel, and his angelic host. Lucifer was slain and thrown
into hell.33 It takes some imagination to recognise in the murderous assault
of Raoul d'Anquetonville and his men in the Vieille Rue du Temple anything
remotely resembling the heavenly battle in St. John's vision, but Petit's choice
of this example ties in perfectly with the tendency to stir nationalist feelings
31
Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, p. 194; cf. also Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 214-215, who
quotes the manuscript.
32
No less a poet than Eustache Deschamps eulogised her beauty. See: Collas, Valentine
de Milan, pp. 18-23.
33
Parallel to the case of Phineas, Petit presents this slaying as an autonomous, non-
authorised act on the part of Michael. The abbé de Cérisy, Petit's Orléanist opponent, severely
rebuked him for his poor knowledge of theology in this matter. Michael, being a perfect angel,
would never act without authorisation.
by promoting the cult of St. Michael in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century

France.34
The later Burgundian court also favoured the comparison of John the
Fearless to the great warrior angel. The parable of Lucifer can be found
among the three episodes from the Justification that were versified in the
Geste des ducs de Bourgogne. The cosmic combat between Michael and
Lucifer and the fall of the angels is a powerful and appealing image which
lifts the Burgundian-Orléanist conflict to a higher plain. The Geste makes a
striking comparison, which inevitably brings to mind the severe winter of
1408 that immediately followed the assassination of Louis d'Orléans. Like
snow in January, it rained fallen angels for fifteen days, the poet says, using
the January snowfall as a metaphor for Michael's cleaning up of heaven by
throwing out all rebel angels, which in turn is meant to parallel Burgundy's
clean sweep of the Orléanist usurpers.
Tant s'en avancha

Que sains Michieus 1'arcangles son malisse avisa
Sans license de Dieu; ains ne li commanda.
Prist le blason de foy, à son col l'enbiercha,
L'espée de justice en se main empungna.
Pour sien Dieu souverain le bataille enchierqua.
O les IX légions d'angles qu'il ajousta,
Contre Luciabiel sains Michiel s'en ala;
De mort perpétuele l'ocist et condampna,
Lui et tout son collège en infier il condampna.
Comme naige en jenvier, bien quinze jours dura,
Ne plouvoit que faus angles; la glore en nettoia
Sains Mychies qui de ce sans congiet s'avancha.
N'en iu mie punis, mais ançois Dieus li donna
Très-noble gueredon et sa glore doubla;
Vicaire des angles adont l'institua.
Osi mon dit segneur de Bourgongne de là,
Pour vengier le malisse et mort c'on pourcacha
Sus son segneur et roy, tant fist et pourcacha
Que de mort temporelle ycelui afinna.33
Even after the death of John the Fearless, the Burgundians had a strong
tendency to mobilise the higher reaches of heaven to further their cause.
Moving on to the fourth and final article of the first part of his address,
Petit further elaborates the theoretical foundation of his case. He presents
34
Thompson, Paris, p. 174 and n. 134.
35
Geste, 11. 2038-2057, p. 320.
56 CHAPTER TWO
eight 'facts' or 'truths' and nine corollaries,36 as he calls them, to explain

the nature of tyranny and to show, from authorities, that tyrannicide is
justified. We have already seen from the way that Petit interpreted his
examples that tyranny encompasses two ontologically linked levels: it is
treason against both God and man. In order for this to be true it is of the
utmost importance that the more mundane forms of treason, that will be the
focus of Petit's attention in the second part of his Justification, include some
forms of idolatry. This Petit achieves by accusing Louis d'Orléans of sorcery.
Far from being meaningless and inconsequential slanders, these accusations
form the structural backbone of Petit's argument. Though evidently libelous,
they take pride of place in part II where they tend to overshadow the other,
not so very convincing accusations, and in the theoretical observations of part
I, art. 4 Petit refers to them emphatically, notably in the first and eighth
'truth'.
The first 'truth' that he stresses is that any subject who rebels against his
king by means of sorcery, deserves a double death (i.e. physical death and
eternal damnation). In accordance with the hierarchical order of the world
and society, tyranny comes in degrees of gravity. The greater the rank of the
traitor, the greater his crime. (A greater criminal than Louis d'Orléans would
therefore hardly be conceivable.) Likewise, the greater the criminal, the
greater the obligation to protect the king, which duty should most meritorious-
ly and lawfully be fulfilled by one of the king's closest relatives (which in
the case of Charles VI would be one of his uncles, and failing that, his cousin
of Burgundy). The type of reasoning that Petit applies hère is reminiscent
of arguments that are found in Aquinas, who argues that since monarchy is
the best form of government, obversely, tyranny is the worst.37 To conclude
from this that tyrannicide is a prime duty, may be arguing too much. Petit
has been criticised for taking liberties with his authorities, and Coville, his
most important modern critic, points out that when it comes to the legitimacy
of tyrannicide, Petit has only very few authorities to rely on, and that by
stating his case in an absolute and definitive way, he was in fact treading on
unexplored ground.38 Be this as it may, one must be aware of the fact that
36
The nine corollaries are generally formulated condemnations of crimes that correspond
to the. accusations against Orléans in part Π of the Justification. One of the accusations brought
against Louis in the minor was, e.g., that he had attempted to poison the king. The corresponding
corollary (no. 8) then denounces such attempts in general as an act of high treason.
37
See, e.g., Aquinas, De regimineprincipum 1.3.
38
See Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 187-206,216-218. An important authority, naturally quoted
by Petit, is John of Salisbury who in his Policraticus ΙΠ. 15 unambiguously says: Porro tirannum
occidere non modo licitum est sed aequum et iustum. In Policraticus VHI. 17-20, however, John
forwards a number of reservations and modifications. Thus in VHI. 17.778a we read: Imago
deitatis, princeps amandus uenerandus est et colendus; tirannus, prauitatis imago, plerumque
besides the obvious and predominant political dimension of tyrannicide, the

Justification was also attempting to make a strong case for sorcery. And
sorcerers, so Scripture teaches, should not be suffered to live.
Like Pignon's treatise Contre les Devineurs, Petit's Justification makes
a contribution, be it a modest one, to medieval literature condemning magic
and sorcery. The eighth and final truth states that
tous subjectz et vassaulx qui appenséement machinent contre la santé de leur Roy
et souverain seigneur pour le faire mourir en langueur, par convoitise d'avoir sa
couronne et seigneurie, fait consacrer, ou à plus proprement parler, fait exorer
espées, dagues, badelaires ou couteaulx, verges d'or ou anneaulx dédier ou nom
des dyables par nigromance, faisans invocacions de caractères, sorceries, sugges-
tions et maléfices, et après les bouter et ficher parmy le corps d'un homme mort
et despendu du gibet, et laisser par l'espace de plusieurs jours en grant abhommi-
nacion et horreur pour parfaire lesdiz maléfices, et avec ce porter sur soy, lié ou
cousu, des ossemens et du poil du loup vil et deshonneste, et de la pouldre
d'aucuns d'iceulx mors despendus du gibet. Cellui ou ceulx qui le font ne
commectent point seulement crime de lèze-majesté ou premier degré, mais
commectent crime de lèze-majesté divine ou premier degré, et sont traistres et
desloiaulx à Dieu leur Créateur et à leur Roy, et, comme ydolastres et corrom-
peurs faulsaires de la foy catholique, sont dignes de double mort, c'estassavoir
première et seconde.39
Since such abominations can only be efficacious through the power of the
devil, its practitioners must enter into a pact with the fiend who in return
demands the kind of worship that is due to God alone: a sorcerer is, there-
fore, essentially an idolator, which is the major premiss underlying all critique
of magic, sorcery, and superstition in all of Christendom. In discussing
sorcery the Justification has two things in common with the late medieval
literature on this theme: it makes the theological link between sorcery and
idolatry and implicitly affirms the efficacy of magic. For Petit the madness
of the king proves that Orleans's sorceries worked, and had it not been for
John the Fearless, then Louis d'Orléans would have succeeded in destroying
the king altogether.
The second part of Petit's Justification dealing with the minor of his
syllogism which is to show that Louis d'Orléans was a tyrant and a traitor,
need not concern us at length here, since some of the accusations launched
etiam occidens; 'plerumque\ in most cases, i.e. not always. Modifications such as this one are
prudently omitted by Petit. The abbé de Cérisy's comments on these statements of Salisbury
mainly concern the fact that John refers to tyrants that have been proven tyrants. John the
Fearless did not officially establish that Louis was a tyrant (nor could he). For the quotes see:
Policraticus, ed. Webb, vol. 1, p. 232 and vol. 2, p. 345 resp.
39
58 CHAPTER TWO
against the duke are of little importance for the present study, whereas the
accusations concerning sorcery will be the focus of the following section on
magic and the court. In the second part Petit elaborates his minor by four
articles that must prove that Louis is guilty of the earlier mentioned four
degrees of high treason. The first degree is high treason against the king and
we learn that Orléans not only attempted to kill his royal brother through
sorcery and poisoning or through arms and violence, but had also conspired
against Charles VI through foreign alliances.40 The second degree is high
treason against the queen and apparently Louis had attempted to lure the
queen away from Paris to Luxembourg where she would be in his power.
The third degree is high treason against the dauphin which Orléans allegedly
attempted to realise through poisoning (by means of a poisoned apple),
abduction and false reports. The fourth degree finally is treason against the
common weal, which in the case of Orléans mainly concerned his robbing
and raping bands of soldiers and the heavy taxes he imposed.
Many of the accusations put forward by Petit were, certainly for those
immediately concerned, blatant distortions of reality; the abbé de Cérisy,
Thomas de Bourg, speaking on behalf of Valentina d'Orléans painstakingly
refuted them one by one. His forceful propostition eloquently demostrates
his moral and rhetorical superiority.41 Yet, he cannot quite outwit the greater
intellectual challenges that Petit's subtle and insipid innuendoes pose. He
skilfully bounces back the ball by choosing the verse from I Timothy,
'covetousness is the root of all evil', as one of his key-texts. He emphasises
that John the Fearless's motives for killing Louis were not pure, or aimed
towards the public good, but entirely selfish. John had acted out of covetous-
ness, he had acted without proper authorisation (a point that Petit had
anticipated and had tried to circumvene) and had declined to use any form
of law and justice, simultaneously acting as judge and executioner. Had not
Burgundy himself admitted to his uncles that the devil had put him up to it?
How then can he maintain that his act was just? His wickedness shows
already from the fact that he pleads with a drawn sword. When he entered
Paris the people had cheered him, the abbé explains with indignation, which
means they believed the writings that he had had publicised. This remark of
the abbé clearly shows that John the Fearless's propaganda machine was
working quite effectively. Publicised history at that moment was history as
40
Orléans was said to have made an alliance with Henry Bolingbroke who was indirectly
responsible for the assassination of Richard II; naturally the intention was that Louis would have
committed a similar regicide.
41
For the text of the Proposition of the abbé de Cérisy, see: Monstrelet, Chronique, vol.
1, chapter 44, pp. 268-336. See Coville, Jean Petit, p. 236; Collas, Valentine de Milan, pp.
404-407.
written by Burgundy. John the Fearless may have had some problems in
commanding the applause of listening senates, but he succeeded in reading
his history in a nation's eyes.
The refutations of Petit's charges are on the whole terse and self-confident.
Yet in the refutation of the charges of sorcery, the abbé seems to be less sure
of himself. His treatment of the theme is longer and more circumstantial. This
may partly have been caused by the seriousness of the accusation. As we
already noted in the previous analysis, it is Petit's most important argument,
and as the history of witchcraft shows, a charge that is not easily refuted.
The debate on this topic by Petit and Thomas de Bourg is not an isolated
instance. It is, in fact, but one of the consequences of sorcery and rumours
of sorcery that had been festering in Parisian court life for at least the
previous two decades. It is to these magical phenomena that we now turn.
2.4 The Magic Court
Johan Huizinga devoted a few pages to late medieval witchcraft and supersti-
tion in The Waning of the Middle Ages. He remarked that around 1400 the
French court was a source of sorcery. Gerson had warned the court nobility
to take care lest the expression 'vieilles sorcières' be turned into 'nobles
sorciers' and he had rebuked Louis d'Orléans for his unsavoury interest in
the occult.42 Sources on the belief in magic at the Parisian court of this
period do not abound, but there are enough documents to deter
overgeneralised statements and to command a detailed analysis. Though
Huizinga's description no doubt shows a real interest in magic in Paris around
the turn of the century, only a closer scrutiny of the available material will
acquaint us with the various cases and the curious mixture of facts and
fictions, slanders and superstitions, which they contain. The following survey
is fairly exhaustive and it documents all known cases of magic in the late
fourteenth and early fifteenth century.
2.4.1 The Case of the Apostate Monk and the Tower ofMontjay
In his original version of the Justification, Petit included the following

story.43 Louis d'Orléans had employed an apostate monk, a knight, an
42
Johan Huizinga, Herfsttij der Middeleeuwen: Studie over levens- en gedachtenvormen
der veertiende en vijftiende eeuw in Frankrijk en de Nederlanden (Haarlem 1935), pp. 351-352.
43
Monstrelet, Chronique, chapter 39, vol. 1, pp. 224-228; Chronique du Religieux de Saint-
Denys XXVm.34, vol. 3, pp. 756-759; DSO 1, col. 343; Joan Ricardo-Gil, The Practice of
Witchcraft and Magic in Fact and Fiction during the French Middle Ages, dissertation (Ann
Arbor 1980), pp. 138-141; Collas, Valentine de Milan, pp. 392-393. The story was also
60 CHAPTER TWO
esquire and a varlet, to whom he gave his sword, a dagger and a ring to be
used in magic rituals and to be consecrated in the name of demons. These
four persons lodged themselves in the tower of Montjay, near Laigny-sur-
Marae, where on a nearby hill the monk performed several invocations. One
day before sunrise between Easter and Ascension day, after he had traced
a circle on the ground, stripped, and knelt down with the sword and dagger
stuck into the soil next to the ring, suddenly two demons appeared dressed
in green, called Hérémas and Estramain. As the monk hid behind a nearby
bush, one of the devils took the ring and vanished while the other took up
dagger and sword, put them down again and likewise vanished. Half an hour
later the first demon reappeared with the ring (which had turned scarlet red)
and the message that in order to complete the spell the ring had to be put into
the mouth of a hanged man and the sword and the dagger would have to be
thrust into his corpse. Having received this unsavoury assignment, monk,
squire and varlet went to the notorious Montfaucon gallows just outside Paris
and took down one of the corpses which they deposited in a stable of the
knight's Parisian lodgings. There they put the ring into the dead man's mouth
and forced the sword from his nether parts up to his chest; and also the
dagger was driven into the body. After three days these objects were returned
to the duke of Orléans along with a small pouch containing some pulverised
bone and pubic hair from the corpse.44 This, attached to a string, Orléans
carried under his clothes. One day, however, the pouch was forced from him
by a knight who thus exposed Orleans's superstition before the king and many
nobles.
The same apostate monk also performed other feats of magic for the duke,
Petit reports. One was a love-charm and involved a branch of the cornel-tree
which was consecrated with the blood of a cock and a hen. Using it, Orléans
could impose his will on any woman he fancied. By sorceries such as these,
Petit claimed, Orléans had attempted to kill the king, for had not the king
himself exclaimed in one of his fits of insanity: 'Pour Dieu! ostez moy ceste
espée qui me transperce le euer. Ce m'a fait beau frère d'Orléans'.45
The abbé de Cérisy's reply46 to this story consists mainly in denying
Orleans's consent and involvement. The apostate monk had been tried before
the ministers of the king and from his confession it was made clear that
instead of encouraging him, Orléans had expressly forbidden him to use
incorporated in the Geste, 11.385-444,2069-2094 (pp. 271-272,320-321). See also Doutrepont,

La littérature française, p. 74.
44
Perhaps the bones were not difficult to obtain since a corpse might be in an advanced
state of decomposition. If the report on Jean de Montagu is correct, corpses might remain on
the gibbet for years.
45
Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, p. 228.
46
Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, pp. 313-316, 320-321.
magic against the king. The abbé insists that Orléans was a devout opponent
of magic and had even occupied himself with the persecution of sorcerers.
But his plea was weakened by the fact that he apparently could not deny that
Orléans had had some sort of dealings with the apostate monk. Instead of
denying these contacts he tries to excuse them. Although at one time the
young duke had put faith in the words of the monk, it should not be forgotten
that he had been very young, about eighteen years old, at the time.
This weakness is gratefully exploited by Petit in his Seconde Justification.
The king's men who had tried the monk, had not wished to implicate the duke
in any practices of sorcery since they feared his power. But the apostate monk
had been tried a second time, this time by the bishop of Paris. To him the
monk had confessed that it was Orléans who had ordered him to perform the
earlier mentioned rituals and who had paid him and his accomplices very
handsomely for their services. The apostate monk had a mistress who
confessed that her lover had visited the duke of Orléans frequently and that
he had received generous fees. Apparently the duke had also promised the
monk to make him bishop. Since the man was very fond of the girl, he took
her with him to the tower of Montjay where they stayed for five days and
nights. Mostly the monk left her alone in the tower, but on one occasion she
accompanied him to the nearby hill, where he undressed and, with his magic
books, disappeared behind the bush, only to return an hour later, visibly
exhausted. His accomplices explained to her that he had been chasing rabbits.
One time in the tower of Montjay, the girl recalled, the monk had climbed
to the top floor where he had recited certain passages from one of his books
at the top of his voice, so loud that the girl could hear him downstairs.
Suddenly a terrible noise could be heard like the bellowing of a violent storm
or the clamour of a fierce battle. The monk came down as quickly as he could
and though he was scared out of his wits, he assured his mistress there was
nothing of which to be frightened. When the noise had abated, he went up
again to do the girl knew not what. Later they returned to Paris and stayed
at the hôtel of the knight. When the monk had been away an entire night and
returned very tired, she had forced him to tell her what had happened. He
confessed to her the entire story of the corpse from the Montfaucon gallows.
The girl vowed never to tell a living soul of these things as long as her lover
was still alive, but since he was dead now, she felt no longer compelled to
remain silent. Since she was still alive, Petit urged, she could testify to all
these things including the conjuring of the branch of the cornel-tree. Also
the monk's confession from his second trial was accessible for anyone to
read, since the duke of Burgundy held a copy of his deposition.47 It is clear
47
The passage from the Seconde Justification is quoted in full by Coville, Jean Petit, pp.
314-316, from the Brussels manuscript: ms. 10.419, fol. 47-48.
62 CHAPTER TWO
that the Seconde Justification is a successful piece of suspense-fiction. The

semblance of truth is skilfully created by references to witnesses that were
never questioned, and documents that have not come down to us and above
all by focusing through the eyes of a witness, a girl who never sees what
actually happens, but who hears and sees enough to be frightened and to stir
up the heated imagination of the reader. Concealment is a sure means of
creating suspense and of inflating a mystery.
The unease of the abbé de Cérisy does suggest that more than fiction is
involved. We may infer that he at least believed that part of the accusation
of sorcery was true. The story of the knight who grabbed the pouch from
Louis d'Orléans and showed it to king and court, and who is identified by
Petit in his Seconde Justification as Pierre de Craon, can also be found in
the chronicle of the Monk of St. Denis. There we read that this Pierre de
Craon had incurred the anger of the duke of Orléans, since he had accused
the duke on many occasions of following his passions too easily and of
granting favours to sorcerers, who conjured with the bones of the dead.48
As a consequence of this, and at the instigation of Olivier de Clisson,
constable of France, Pierre de Craon was banished from court. By way of
revenge Craon sent mercenaries to kill the constable, who only barely escaped
with his life, heavily wounded.49 After the decapitation of the mercenaries,
the king had the possessions of Craon confiscated and his magnificent château
destroyed. Another chronicler, Juvenal des Ursins,50 tells a similar story:
Pierre de Craon had tried to keep Louis d'Orléans from dealing with sor-
cerers and had warned him about certain rumours that were being spread
about him. Orléans, believing Pierre de Craon accused him of sorcery,
banished him. Yet another version survives in the chronicles of Froissart,
who does not talk about sorcery in relation to Craon's banishment, but makes
the knight a confidant in Orleans's amorous and adulterous escapades. When
Craon had confessed one of these extramarital liaisons to Orleans's wife,
Valentina Visconti, the infuriated duke had him banished. Not only does the
reason for Craon's banishment appear quite variable, but his relationship to
Louis d'Orléans is open to various interpretations as well, for he changes
from a fierce denouncer to an outspoken confidant.51 Since Craon is the
main if not the only source for these stories and perhaps, so Coville believes,
48
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ΧΠΙ.1, vol. 2, p. 2: supersticiosis vins et qui
ex mortuorum ossibus sortilegia componebant.
49
A clear instance of (accusations of) sorcery leading to murderous assaults that, if
successful, in their turn, so Pignon believes, may lead to even greater disasters.
50
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 388a.
31
For a discussion of the variations in the accounts of Juvenal des Ursins and Froissart,
see Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 317-318.
all too ready to throw suspicion on Orléans,52 they tell us nothing about the
truth, but a lot about what people believed to be true; fama crescit eunda and
its very spread is believed to add to its veracity.
A final remark must be made about the story of the apostate monk.
Though its historical basis in Petit's Justification is very flimsy, the story
turns into sheer fiction at the hands of the rhymer who composed the Geste
des ducs de Bourgogne. In the Geste it is Philippe de Mézières who conspired
to kill the king by employing the apostate sorcerer monk. Philippe de
Mézières was former lord Chancellor of Cyprus and one of the so-called
marmousets, i.e. a counsellor of late king Charles V, and tutor of Charles
VI and his brother Louis. He was also a major obstacle to Burgundian
ambitions to govern France, and he was much hated on that account. In the
Geste he appears as the diabolical driving force behind Louis.
Phelipes de Masières, qui de Dieu soit maudis

Par ses faus sortilèges fti encantés Lois
Or avint par un jour, sicomme dist li escris,

Que cieux félons Phelipes, traîtres Antecris,
S'acompagna d'un moine qui mout estoit soutis
En fais de sortilèges qui est ars d'anemis
Et d'évocations dont il estoit apris.53
The knight, esquire and varlet also appear, and with Louis's sword and a ring
they go to the tower of Montjay where they invoke two devils. The results
are unmistakable:
Nonpourquant ra enfin tellement contournée

Sus la piersonne au roy et si griefement tournée
Que se santet en fut mout forment bestournée,
Et une maladie li fil incorporée,
Dont ciertaine santé n'ot onques puis recouvrée.54
The story was apparently popular among the Burgundians for it reappears
in the Geste in a later passage which paraphrases Petit's Justification.55 In
this second account there is also the story of the corpse from the Montfaucon
52
Coville, Jean Petit, p. 319. The abbé de Cérisy holds the same opinion. According to
him Pierre de Craon bore Orléans some grudge and when he was banished from court for an
entirely different reason, he readily stooped to slandering Orléans (Monstrelet, Chronique, vol.
1, p. 106).
53
Geste, 11. 392-393, 402-406, p. 271.
54
Geste, 11. 435-439, p. 272.
55
Geste, 11. 2069-2094; pp. 320-321.
64 CHAPTER TWO
gallows. In conclusion of the case of the apostate monk we may ponder over
whether the monotonous rhymes of the Geste make the grotesque tale more
convincing than Petit's harangue.
Prirent à Monfaucon ung pendut nouviau mis.

Coiement l'enportèrent par nuit dedens Paris,
A 1'ostel de l'un d'iaus, et par ce fil renplis
Leur félons sortiliéges; car tout parmy le pis
Baselare et espée li orent ou cors mis,
Sicomme il leur estoit enjoint des anemis
Pour parfaire leur cierne; et par ses faus soutis
En fu li bons rois prumièrement si malmis
An pourpos de pluiseurs, ainsi en fti li dis.56
2.4.2 The Case of the Two Augustinian Monks
To a large extent the network of gossip about sorceries surrounding Louis

d'Orléans and Valentina Visconti was engineered by Burgundy. All Petit in
fact was doing, was to give to these rumours a footing by attributing a goal
to these sorceries: namely the destruction of the king and the usurpation of
the throne. The fact that none of this was true as far as Orléans was con-
cerned does not mean there were no other cases of sorcery, or that Orléans
was not involved in them. In this context the statements of the Monk of St.
Denis are of major importance. He himself does not believe in the efficacy
of sorcery and magic and he rejects the suggestion that the king's madness
had been brought about by sorcery. The king's disease has natural causes and
any attempt to explain it in terms of magic or cure it by means of magic is
sheer superstition. Obligingly the Monk presents examples of what he means.
In his defence the abbé de Cérisy stressed Louis's zeal against practitioners
of magic and he points out that the late duke had been the principal mover
for the trial of a sorcerer named Jehan de Bar (whom we will deal with
presently) and the two Augustinian friars.57 This latter incident had created
quite a stir in 1397 and it is recounted by the Monk of St. Denis.58
56
Geste, 11. 2086-2094, p. 321.
57
Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, p. 323: 'Et scet bien chascun que mondit seigneur tut
la cause principale du procès et exécution faiz contre ledit maistre Jehan de Barre, et aussi de
deux augustins, qui pour leurs démérites furent exécutez, les gens d'église à ce appelez du conseil
du Roy'.
58
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XVm.2 and XIX. 10, vol. 2, pp. 542-547,662-
669; cf. also Collas, Valentine de Milan, pp. 261-264; Ricardo-Gil, The Practice of Witchcraft
and Magic, p. 135. The episode also surfaces in the brief Chronique rimée Parisienne écrite
en 1409, which records the more salient events of the period:
Puiz advint a Paris choses moult merveillables:
Louis de Sancerre, maréchal de France, much dismayed by the king's

illness, sent for two magicians from Guienne, who also claimed to be doctors,
to cure his madness. Though armed and dressed in secular clothes, on arrival
the two claimed to belong to the order of the Augustinian hermits and they
gave their names as Pierre and Lancelot. They were lodged in the royal
palace of Saint-Antoine under the supervision of a sergeant who would see
to their every need. They frequently deliberated with the duke of Orléans and
assured him that the king's madness was not due to natural causes but to
extdnseca maleficia, i.e. to sorcery. They immediately changed the king's
diet and prescribed him distilled water with pulverised pearls. In the chronicle
of Juvenal des Ursins their interference with the king's health goes much
further than prescribing his diet. The two monks 'comme l'on dit luy firent
aucunes incisions au chef, et comme il fut trouvé, mirent le Roy en grand
danger de le faire mourir piteusement'.59 This magical doctoring met with
some resistance from a number of courtiers and the Parisian clergy who
mobilised their own 'magic' and organised public prayers and solemn
processions in which the consecrated host was carried round the royal palace
of Saint-Paul as a summum medicum. The Monk of St. Denis is convinced
of its efficacy, for in July on a day following such a procession, the king
regained his wits, though only for a week. The relapse was quite dramatic60
and eager to know what had brought it about, certain lords turned to the two
Augustinians for counsel. For reasons unknown to the Monk of St. Denis,
the two sorcerers accused the king's barber, who was called Mellin, and a
Mort receurent deuz hommes es hales, n'est pas fables,

Pour cause qu'ilz ouvraient par les ars des dyables
Et pour le ray guérir furent entremettables.
See Claude Gauvard and Gillette Labory, "Une chronique rimée Parisienne écrite en 1409: «Les
aventures depuis deux cents ans»", in: Bernard Guenée, ed., Le métier d'historien au Moyen
Age; études sur l'historiographie médiévale (Paris 1977), p. 220.
59
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 414b: Juvenal suggests this unprofessional surgery was
the cause of their imprisonment and execution. Cauzons {La magie et la sorcellerie, vol. 2, p.
383) speaks of 'des scarifications à la tête'. Cf. also Collas, Valentine de Milan, pp. 261-262
and p. 169, n. 3 where he seems to refer to a similar medical operation: 'En eel an (1393) le
duc de Bourbon (...) amena de Lyon sur le Rhône, ung fisicien ou médecin très excellent, lequel
medicina le roy et lui fit purgacion par la teste'. Simon de Phares, Recueil des plus célèbres
astrologues et quelques hommes doctes faict par Symon de Phares du temps de Charles ville,
éd. E. Wickersheimer (Paris 1929), p. 240, follows Juvenal's account in suggesting they made
incisions in the head of the king: 'Jacques d'Angiers fut en ce temps, lequel descouvrit la faulce
entencion que avoient les deux Augustins qui fendirent la teste au roy Charles Vie, disant la
guerre et iceulx ignares en medicine, ne rien sçavans en cyrurgie, ainçois apostés par le duc
de Bourgongne Philippe, comme l'on dit pour fere son chef dévoré; touttefois, le cas par eulx
congneu, furent icelx Augustins dégradez et pugniz par le chef, c'est assavoir les testes coppées,
comme raison estoit'.
60
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XVm.2, vol. 2, p. 544.
66 CHAPTER TWO
housekeeper of the duke of Orléans of bewitching the king. Both were

arrested and thrown into prison. Credulous people who had been convinced
by idle rumours that the king's insanity was a result of sorcery gloated at their
arrest and soon rumours spread that the barber had been observed hora
suspecta near the Parisian gibbet (the Montfaucon gallows) where he was said
to work his sorcery or to procure poison. The Monk of St. Denis denounces
these rumours as folly. After a lengthy imprisonment the barber and house-
keeper were released and allowed to resume their lives without further ado.
The story of the two Augustinian monks would not have been worth the
telling, the Monk explains, had it not been for the fact that it provides an
edifying example against the abuses of blasphemy and calumny.61
There is more to be learned here than a moral lesson. Public rumour may
have erred concerning the king's barber, but it did not concoct the idea that
the Parisian gallows were on occasion haunted by mysterious figures. In an
entry for February 10, 1408, Nicolas de Baye notes how the provost of Paris
had addressed the court on reports that had come to him, stating that certain
criminals or sorcerers had stolen bodies from the gallows around Paris, and
had obtained still-born babies from women.62 Purloined corpses need not
imply sorcery, but given the prevailing superstitions of the period, this is the
most likely option. The provost addressed the court only a few weeks prior
to the official reading of Jean Petit's Justification. In the same entry for
February 10, Nicolas de Baye records the arrival in Paris of the dukes of
Berry, Burgundy, Brittany and the king of Sicily in the company of many
armed men 'sur le fait de la mort du duc d'Orléans'.63 If the story of the
sorcerer monk, the squire and the varlet who took a corpsefromthe Montfau-
con gallows is entirely fictional, Nicolas de Baye's entry may well reveal one
of Petit's sources of inspiration. The provost was hesitant and disinclined to
investigate the matter, since, so he explained, the university was still debating
whether these cases fell under the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical or the
secular court. Whether this was the only source of his hesitation we cannot
tell. The court, at any rate, in the presence of the bishop of Paris, decided
that there was no impediment for the provost to conduct a thorough research.
A decade earlier the two apostate monks had succeeded in making
themselves quite unpopular. Through some special favourfromheaven, they
had been infused with science, they claimed, that gave them power over
demons and over the four elements. As a consequence they knew ways of
curing every disease and also claimed to be able to solve thefts. But the
Parisian apothecaries ridiculed their prescriptions, none of the sick profited
61
Cronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XIX. 10, vol. 2, pp. 662-663.
62
63
from their cures, and as for the thefts, they did nothing but accuse innocent
people and it turned out they could only retrieve objects that they had first
stolen and hidden themselves. In the palace of Saint-Antoine they lived a rich
and dissolute life. Through magic and invocations of the devil they pretended
to be able to find out who had bewitched the king. When finally they accused
Louis d'Orléans, they signed their own death warrant, for Louis had them
imprisoned, tried and condemned. Possibly inspired by their talks with the
duke of Burgundy, they had thought it safest to comply with current gossip
and popular prejudice by pointing out Orléans. But they were mistaken. The
Monk of St. Denis gives an elaborate and detailed description of their
defamation and execution; how, their heads covered with paper mitres with
their names and sheets of parchment with their crimes attached to their
shoulders, they were publicly humiliated before the bishop of Paris, stripped
of their ecclesiastical dignities before being handed over to the secular
authority. They were dragged through the town, their heads shorn, their
crimes loudly proclaimed at every intersection, before they were beheaded
after afinalconfession. Their heads were placed on lances for public display,
their members cut into small morsels to be hung from the principal gates of
Paris and their trunks, finally, were carried to the gibbet, feeding the birds
and renewed rumours of sorcery; a truly edifying example.
Juvenal des Ursins also records the fate of the two Augustinian monks,
but provides his readers with some additional speculations about the reason
of their downfall. According to some sources the two Augustinians had
accused Orléans of sorcery at the instigation of the duke of Burgundy.
Burgundy bore a deep grudge against Orléans who on an earlier occasion had
caused one of Burgundy's necromancers, master Jehan de Bar to be
burned.64 Again we find Burgundy seizing every available opportunity to
scandalise Orléans, but we also find some genuine traces of belief in magic
at the Parisian court.
2.4.3 Doctor and Sorcerer; The Cases of Jehan de Bar and Arnaud
Guillaume
In a brilliant reply to Petit's charge of sorcery in the case of the madness of

the king, the abbé compares the theologian Petit and the court physicians to
an astrologer and a doctor quibbling over twins of which one child is fat and
the other lean. The astrologer attributes the difference to the ascendency of
64
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 415a: 'A cause que le duc d'Orléans avoit fait brasier
un nommé maistre Jean de Bar, qui estoit nigromancien et invocateur de diables, et estoit au
duc de Bourgongne. Et disoit-on que pour les envies, qui estoient entre lesdits deux ducs,
diverses choses se faisoient'.
68 CHAPTER TWO
the stars whereas the doctor argues that the fat child was the first to receive
a soul so that he had had an advantage over the other in getting nutrition.
Which are we to believe, the abbé asks; superstition or science, the astrologer
or the physician?65 This is an argument that the Monk of St. Denis applauds,
because he does not believe in the efficacy of magic either,66 quite contrary
to Jean Petit, who, in order to sustain his charge, must believe that the king's
madness resulted from real magic, thereby exploiting the credulity of the
people and going against the better judgments of the king's physicians. This
at least is what the abbé implied. In his Seconde Justification Petit would
point out that despite their better judgments the physicians had not succeeded
in finding a cure. If the judgments of a physician are to be preferred to those
of a superstitious theologian, then why banish the physician?
The failure of the court physicians to cure the king may have been one
of the reasons why sorcerers and charlatans like the two Augustinian monks
were able to practise their skills. There was even a serious crisis in 1395 (at
which Petit hinted) when king Charles VI banished master Renauld Fréron
and his medical colleagues from court, and forbade them ever to return. The
group of physicians that was banished in this way consisted of twenty-two
doctors, two surgeons and an apothecary.67 Among those who practised less
conventional means of healing (and who did so at a greater risk than mere
banishment), we find two persons who are of specific interest: one is a
doctor, Jehan de Bar, the other (like the two monks) a charlatan sorcerer
named Arnaud Guillaume.
Master Jehan de Bar, born in Champagne, was one of Charles VI's
physicians. In 1398 he was accused of practising sorcery in a wood in Brie,
for which he was condemned and burned in Paris along with his books on
magic. His formal confession was taken down in writing and has been
preserved.68 His many crimes include the invocation of demons, devil-
worship, various forms of ritual magic involving mass and eucharist, conse-
crating steel mirrors, swords and rings to compel demons and a number of
superstitious observances. But two items from his confession are of specific
interest. In thefirstplace he mentions that he has composed scrolls filled with
invocations of demons in order to acquire influence over people, especially
'les mauvaises fortunes du roy'; this suggests that he attempted to cure the
king through his magic. In the second place he admits to having made an
63
66
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XVI.20, vol. 2, p. 406.
67
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-DenysXVl.20, vol. 2, pp. 403-405; Coville, Jean Petit,
pp. 320-322, esp. η. 44 and 46. On Renaud or Regnauld Freron, see also Wickersheimer, DBM
2, p. 689.
68
For a text-edition of the Confession and a more comprehensive study of Jehan de Bar
(including secondary literature) the reader is referred to Appendix I below.
image for the duke of Burgundy, which he had consecrated by means of

demons to gain power over him. Application of such necromantic images was
exceedingly common in the Middle Ages, and the fact that Jehan de Bar made
ont for the duke of Burgundy suggests some kind of relationship.
The figure of Jehan de Bar is shrouded in mystery, mainly because refer-
ences to him tend to be indirect and oblique. The Monk of St. Denis, oddly,
does not mention him; Jean Petit does, but only in his Seconde Justification
where he belittles his role in relation to Burgundy; the abbé de Cérisy knows
about him but does not link him to Burgundy; Juvenal des Ursins does and
identifies him as Burgundy's necromancer. But since Juvenal wrote his
chronicle long after the event his information may be tainted by rumours and
prejudices from the Armagnac faction that were more assertive than the
abbe's. That one of the sources identifies him as a royal physician would
suggest that some of the members of the medical profession, attending to the
health of the king, were not altogether disinclined to practise alternative forms
of healing. Jehan de Bar himself confesses that he had practised magic for
eighteen years, and especially since two years. Since he was condemned in
1398, his heightened and renewed interest in magic would date from around
1396, which means that his involvement in magic more or less coincided with
and may even have been occasioned by the dismissal of the royal physicians
in 139S. Still it is important to observe that there is nothing in the confession
that explicitly links him to the medical profession; yet there are statements
that link him to the clergy. Thus he confesses: 'j 'ay fait plusieurs foiz chanter
messe ou je faisoie dire et lire mauvaises et horribles paroles' and 'j'ay (...)
fait user prestres en invocant dyables'.69 Perhaps one of the sources errs
or perhaps he had a double vocation.
Another name survives of those who tried to cure the king by magic. In
1393 a sorcerer from Guienne called Arnaud Guillaume, was sent for.70 This
coarse looking man, who led a solitary life and whose body was lean and
emaciated through frequent fasts and vigils, as the Monk of St. Denis
explains, was received and treated most courteously, even though he was
insolent and pretentious in claiming to be able to cure the king with a single
word. Like all the sorcerers who would follow in his footsteps he claimed
that the king was bewitched by malefactors who even now laboured to hinder
69
Jehan de Bar, Confession, item 4 and item 6 resp., see Appendix I below.
70
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XTV.6, vol. 2, pp. 88-91; Juvenal des Ursins,
Histoire, pp. 394b-395a; Wickersheimer, DBM 1, p. 44; DSO 1, col. 343; Collas, Valentine
de Milan, pp. 168-169; Ricardo-Gil, The Practice of Witchcraft and Magic, pp. 134-135;
Cauzons, La magie et la sorcellerie, vol. 2, p. 382; J. R. Veenstra, "Cataloguing Superstition:
A Paradigmatic Shift in the Art of Knowing the Future", in: Peter Binkley ed., Pre-Modern
Encyclopaedic Texts: Proceedings ofthe Second COMERS Congress, Groningen, 1-4 July 1996
(Leiden 1997), forthcoming.
70 CHAPTER TWO
his curative magic. Naturally this was a safe way of attributing any improve
ment in the poor monarch's condition to his own skills and efforts and of
blaming every relapse on fiendish conspirators. More interesting than his
appearance and his (wholly unsuccessful) attempts to cure the king, are the
claims he makes regarding his knowledge and profession. The Monk of St.
Denis provides us with a survey.
Though Guillaume did not appear to be an educated man, he always
carried a book with him, which he called Smagorad. This book gave him an
absolute power over the elements and the stars, as well as a perfect knowl
edge of all the planets. If some planet with a malign influence was on the
brink of causing a disaster, he could make another planet appear, until then
unknown to astrologers, that would neutralise the malign influence, if not
entirely, then certainly for the greater part. It will be remembered that the
two Augustinian monks who would appear at the royal court four years later,
also came from Guienne and made similar claims. They claimed to have been
mysteriously infused with a science that gave them a perfect knowledge of
cures and secrets, and power over demons and the four elements. This type
of magic, current among these Guienne sorcerers, is probably the same as
the ars notoria, the Notory Art denounced by Pignon and earlier by
Aquinas.71 It is a kind of magic whereby the mind is illuminated through
some sort of mystical or magical communion with the divine, not infrequently
through the agency of angels who are invoked through certain spells and
formulae. According to the Historia scholastica, Moses acquired the ars
notoria, which greatly enhanced his memory and knowledge, during a forty-
day fast in the wilderness.72 Since it is very much geared to the acquisition
of knowledge, this ars in all likelihood derives from the idea of divine
illumination as it was developed in the Neoplatonism of late Antiquity and
later assimilated by Augustine. The major difference from Neoplatonic
illumination consists in the fact that the ars notoria seems to be entirely
devoid of the intellectual labour that illumination requires. Contrary to
Plotinus and Proclus, who recommended the study of mathematics, the two
Augustinian monks preferred their illumination the easy way and led a
pleasure-seeking life as long as courtly credulity would permit them. Arnaud
Guillaume is much more of an ascetic; and his knowledge has a kind of
bookishness that the Monk of St. Denis apparently did not detect in the two
71
See CLD Π.3.1 and notes 239 and 240; ST 2a2ae.96.1; Thorndike, HMES Π, p. 281.
72
Thorndike, HMES m, p. 419. Cf also DSO 1, cols. 124-125 where the 4art notoire'
is identified as an 'espèce d'encyclopédie inspirée. Le livre superstitieux, qui contient les
principes de l'art notoire, promet la connaissance de toutes les sciences en quatorze jours'. This
is Erasmus's characterisation of the ars notoria in his colloquy on the art of learning (see The
Colloquies of Erasmus, transi. C. Thompson (Chicago 1965), pp. 458-461). The true riches of
learning, Erasmus stresses, can only be won by toil.
Augustinian monks. The book Smagorad had originally been given by God
to Adam, so that he might find consolation in it after mourning the death of
his son Abel for a hundred years.73 An angel gave the book to Adam and
explained that it would enable him to recover what he had forfeited in
sinning. Apparently Smagorad is the antidote to original sin.
This remarkable book of magic appears to be very similar to a magical
book (or genre of magical books) common in the Middle Ages, that was not
attributed to Adam but to Solomon. Thorndike mentions titles such as the
Liber sacer, the Liber sacratus, The Book of the Angels or the Liber juratus
and translates some lines from an excipit that may sound familiar: 'This is
the book by which anyone can be saved and led beyond a doubt to life
eternal. (...) This is the book by which all science can be learned. This is
the book by which the weakest substance can overcome and subjugate the
strongest substances'.74 Jehan de Bar had stated in his confession that his
books contained many errors contrary to the faith such as that 'bons angelz
ont revele teles sciences (meaning magic, J.V.) et que les sains prophètes
et autres ont fait les miracles et dit leurs prophecies par telz arts. Et ay réputé
mesdis livres bons et sains'.75 The idea of a Liber sacer given to Solomon
by an angel has ancient roots in Christian and Jewish magic and no doubt
variants of the genre were in the possession of Jehan de Bar and Arnaud
Guillaume. Jean Gerson mentions in one of his writings76 that Jehan de Bar's
books were burned, along with their owner, but, Gerson adds, similar works
are still current in Spain where they are known as Semmaphoras.
In the absence of these documents of abstruse learning any attempt to
identify them and relate them to known texts is necessarily speculative, at
worst not unlike an attempt to piece together the books of Jehan de Bar from
their cinders. One final remark, however, must be made about Smagorad.
Its title is reminiscent of the Emerald Table, the Tabula Smaragdina, the
Alchemist's bible. Going back to Greek and Arabic sources, the brief
Hermetic text of little over a dozen highly obscure sayings (allegedly written
by Hermes, the Egyptian Thoth, on an emerald tablet) were influential in the
Middle Ages through the commentary of a monk named Hortulanus or
73
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, pp. 394b-395a, mentions neither the name of the sorcerer,
nor the title of his book, but says 'qu'il avoit un livre qui s'adressoit à Adam, de la consolation
de son fils Abel, qu'il pleura, et en fit Ie deüil cent ans*. Juvenal does not specify what happened
to him: 'Et de luy fut faite punition telle qu'au cas appartenoit', which probably means he was
burned.
74
Thorndike, HMES Π, p. 285. See also the entire chapter, c. 49, pp. 279-289.
75
Jehan de Bar, Confession, item 19, Appendix I.
76
For a precise reference, see Appendix I, below.
72 CHAPTER TWO
Ortolanus.77 The claims that Arnaud Guillaume makes regarding Smagorad

do not match the contents of the Emerald Table very well. First of all, the
Tabula Smaragdina was not written by God, but by Hermes; it does not speak
about the planets, or how to make planets appear; and the legend of the book
handed to Adam as an antidote to original sin is absent from the legendary
stories surrounding the Emerald Table. On the other hand the Tabula
Smaragdina does propound a doctrine of the correspondance between macro-
and microcosm,78 and the search for the philosopher's stone (as Ortolanus's
commentary makes clear) will result in knowledge of and power over both
domains. Ortolanus explicitly stresses the curative powers: Quia lapis sic
factus, omnis aegritudinis est curativus.79 Though perhaps unlikely, it is
therefore not impossible that Smagorad and the Emerald Table are one and
the same, or that the former is a version of the latter.
2.4.4 July 1403: The Case ofPoinson and Briquet
Not deterred by the failure and far from enviable fate of their predecessors,
two magicians called Poinson and Briquet80 presented themselves in July
1403 with the pretence of being able to discover the cause of the king's
disease. According to the Monk of St. Denis they practised their sorceries
in the vicinity of Dijon in Burgundy. They established themselves in a wood
near the gates of Dijon where on a favourable spot they built a curious
construction. It was a circle of iron of enormous weight, sustained on iron
columns or poles, the height of an average man, to which twelve iron chains
77
E. J. Holmyard, Alchemy (Harmondsworth 1957), pp. 95-98. (An English translation
of the Tabula is given on p. 95 of Holmyard's book.) See esp. : Julius Ruska, Tabula Smaragdi
na: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der hermetischen Literatur (Heidelberg 1926). Ruska gives the
Latin text of the Tabula on p. 2 and of Ortolanus's commentary on pp. 180-186. See also
Thorndike, HMES ΠΙ, pp. 176 ff. on the Emerald Table and Ortolanus's commentary.
78
Quod est inferius, est sicut quod est superius, et quod est superius, est sicut quod est
inferius, adperpetranda miracula rei unius. (That which is above is like to that which is below,
and that which is below is like to that which is above, to accomplish the miracles of one thing.)
Ascendit a terra in coelum, iterumque descendit in terram et recipit vim superiorum et inferiorum.
(With great sagacity it doth ascend gently from Earth to Heaven. Again it doth descend to Earth,
and uniteth in itself the force from things superior and things inferior.) Latin text: Ruska, Tabula,
p. 2; English rendering: Holmyard, Alchemy, p. 95.
79
Ruska, Tabula Smaragdina, p. 185.
80
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XXIV. 13, vol. 3, pp. 114-117; on Poinson, see:
Wickersheimer, DBM 2, p. 668 (Ponce Du Solier); on Briquet, see: Wickersheimer, DBM 1,
p. 92; Ricardo-Gil, The Practice of Witchcraft and Magic, pp. 136-137; Collas, Valentine de
Milan, pp. 264-266.
were attached.81 After these time-consuming preparations, they selected

twelve people from among the citizens of Dijon who were asked to enter the
magic circle and be locked in the chains. For the sake of the king's recovery
eleven volunteers appeared, but the twelfth, the bailiff of Dijon, protested
loudly that it was all trickery and that if he emerged safe and sound from the
circle he would burn the impostors. After these twelve citizens had been
chained in the iron circle, the sorcerers began their magic invocations, which
apparently produced no results whatsoever. When all had left the magic circle
safely, the bailiff arrested one of the sorcerers while the other escaped to
Avignon, where after a while, he too was caught. Both were burned. On their
way to the stake they were asked why their attempts had failed; in reply they
explained that the twelve persons had crossed themselves before entering the
circle and that their charms had thus been made impotent. The Monk of St.
Denis moralises in conclusion of his report. Magical practices are diametri
cally opposed to the Christian religion and wholly inefficacious; the only
power they have is on the imagination. To prove his point, he adds that the
whole affair was followed by an extraordinarily violent storm that ravaged
the countryside around Dijon for miles and destroyed the corn and the vines.
Naturally the people attributed this calamity to the magic spells of the two
sorcerers.
Though the Monk is a skilled, critical and careful story-teller, this
narrative leaves much to be desired. If the bailiff had threatened to burn the
sorcerers even before they had started, why did they carry on with their
magicritual?And why did they include him among the twelve persons in the
first place? A greater problem still is the motive for the magic ritual. If it
was performed for the benefit of the king, why was it performed in Dijon,
rather than in Paris? Or was the pretension of curing the king simply a
convenient justification for magicritualsthat, in fact, served another purpose?
The same story survives in the chronicle of Juvenal des Ursins.82 In this
version of the tale the provost is not one of the twelve people to be chained
to the iron circle. It is only after theritualhas been performed, with the same
disappointing result, and after the sorcerers have tried to explain their failure
by the fact that the twelve had made the sign of the cross, that the provost
decides to arrest the sorcerers for their inefficacy. The story by Juvenal is
more logical, though it is built up out of the same motifs as the version of
the Monk. The remarkable differences between the two versions have to do
81
The magic circle is a common device in ritual magic, but mostly it is drawn on the
ground. Cf. DSO 1, cols. 327-328, 'cercles magiques'. Iron was used to protect oneself from
demons or even to constrain demons. Cf. Pliny, Natural History XXXIV A3.151 (Loebed., vol.
9, pp. 236-237); HWDA Π, col. 717 ff.
82
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 425a-b.
74 CHAPTER TWO
with date, place and persons involved. In the version of the Monk there are
two sorcerers: Poinson and Briquet. In Juvenal's version there are four: a
priest called Ives Gilemme,83 a clerk called Guillaume Floret, a locksmith
('serrurier') called Perrin Hemery and a damoiselle Marie de Blansy. The
Monk speaks of the bailiff of Dijon, Juvenal of the provost of Paris. Accord-
ing to the Monk the whole affair took place in July 1403, whereas Juvenal
reports their execution as taking place on March 24, 1404.
Léon Mirot who examined both accounts did not wish to call 'la parfaite
exactitude des faits racontés par le Religieux' into doubt84 and therefore
decided that Juvenal was mistaken and possibly mixed up two different cases.
Mirot based his appreciation on a source that, contrary to a harangue or a
chronicle, does not seek to slander, to accuse, to apologise or to moralise.
This source is an account from the ducal administration which not only gives
us names and circumstances relating to the magic ritual, but also mentions
the costs involved, namely a total amount of 2,235 francs paid by Philip the
Bold, duke of Burgundy. For a period of seven months, from December 1402
to July 1403, two charlatans, Poncet du Solier and Jean Flandrin (the Poinson
and Briquet from the Monk's account) lived at Sauvigne at the duke's
expense.85 They and their men ate and drank well and purchased fine
clothes, all for a total amount of 288francs.The magicritualitself is referred
to as 'certaines choses secretes' and for the accomplishment of it they sent
for a 'certainne quantité d'or et d'azur' (67.5 francs) and 'de toyles blanches
et fines' (63 fr.). In May Poncet required the assistence of 'pluiseurs cheva-
liers et escuiers pour estre avec lui quant il ouveroit'. Their two months' stay
cost 112 francs. These, of course, were the twelve volunteers from among
the knights, squires, counsellors and burghers of Dijon who were selected
to be chained in the iron circle, as the Monk of St. Denis recounts. From
Lombardy Poncet sent for some associates who would aid him in his magical
work: 'maistre Bonifface et autres maistres' (costs: 80 fr.). The magical
sessions lasted for two months but when they bore no results, the bailiff of
Dijon had Poncet imprisoned. The account mentions the sums paid to Jehan
Gautier, 'escuier', who guarded Poncet in the prison of Charolais, and to
Anthoine Chuffaing, bailiff of Dijon, and several other juridical officers for
handling the case. After his trial Poncet was defamed and conducted through
83
On Gilemme, see: Wickersheimer, DBM 1, p. 313.
84
L. Mirot, "Un essai de guérison de Charles VI en 1403", in: Revue des Questions
Historiques 47 (1912), p. 97, n. 5.
85
The account, Arch. dép. de la Côte-d'Or, Β 1538, fol. 258v speaks of 'le feu Poncet
du Solier' (the account was apparently drawn up when he was already dead), 'ses gens et
che ν aulx' and 'des gens qui estoient en sa compaignie'. It is evident that, contrary to Arnaud
Guillaume and Jehan de Bar, Poncet did not lead an ascetic and solitary life. The account was
edited by Mirot and included in his article, "Un essai de guérison", pp. 99-100.
the entire duchy before being executed in Dijon (costs: 57.5 francs). Poncet's
associate, Jean Flandrin escaped to Avignon where he ended up in the
pontifical prisons. It was not until early 1404 that Jean Mercier, counsellor
of the duke of Burgundy, was sent to fetch him to be tried and executed.86
The story as it emerges from the account published by Mirot is a remark
able one. Though it largely corroborates the report of the Monk of St. Denis,
it also departs from it significantly. Mirot synthesised both accounts, thus
creating a plausible reconstruction of the magical events as they took place
in the spring of 1403. Mistaking his blend for reality, however, he thereby
lost sight of the narrative and discursive properties of the Monk's text, as
well as of a few details. Though he is a careful reporter, the Monk is also
a moralist who tells his tales of sorcery with an openly avowed edifying
purpose. He believes that sorcery is humbug, but all the same makes Poinson
and Briquet confess, even as they are conducted to the stake, that they failed
because their magic could not hold against the sign of the cross. Even those
who do believe in sorcery must confess there is a 'magic', a power greater
than theirs. In spite of the details of facts, names and places that he furnishes,
the Monk is essentially not interested in the sorcerers' business. Neither is
the ducal account Β 1538, but contrary to the Monk's tale it does not select
and organise material into a narrative. From the Monk's tale one may
therefore get the impression that the magic ritual with the twelve chained
people was limited to one session, but the account shows that the magical
sessions lasted for two months and that the twelve volunteers were either
permanently present on the spot or at least attended the sessions regularly.87
From the Monk's tale one gets the impression there were only two sorcerers.
The account shows that Poncet du Solier and Jehan Flandrin travelled with
a company which, on the arrival of their colleagues from Lombardy ('master
Boniface and some other masters') may have consisted of seven or eight
people at least. There is one thing that is rather prominent in the monk's tale
and completely absent from the account: namely the iron required for the
magic circle. (One may recall that the Monk of St. Denis elaborated on its
enormous weight and size.) If it was not bought during the seven months at
86
Mirot, "Un essai de guérison", p. 98, cites an account of the payments made to Mercier
in which the culprit is identified as: 'ung nygromancien appelle maistre Jehan Flandrin, lequel
avoit fait ou pays de Charrolaiz pluiseurs invocations demoniques et commis pluiseurs autres
crimes et deliz'. Froissait briefly mentions sorcerers ('arioles et devins') who tried to cure the
king and who were burned in Paris and Avignon. Jehan Froissait, Histoire et Cronique, ed.
Denis Sauvage (Lyon 1561), vol. 4, chapter 84, p. 264.
87
The account (Mirot, "Un essai de guérison", p. 99) reads: 'Audit Poncet pour la creue
de sa despense desdiz mois de may et juing aud. an iiii. c et trois, esquelz icellui Poncet fit venir
pluiseurs chevaliers et escuiers pour estre avec lui quant il ouveroit, lesquelz feu mondit seigneur
manda y estre, et y demeurèrent par l'espace d'environ deux mois, exii fr.' (italics mine, J.V.).
76 CHAPTER TWO
the duke's expense, we may perhaps conclude they brought it with them.88
Thus gradually the picture emerges of a travelling company of magicians,
equipped with a number of props (the iron rods and chains) and no doubt
trained in giving spectacular performances. Their magic involved a high
degree of organisation and the skilful manipulation of public curiosity and
credulity. From the case of Arnaud Guillaume, who ran a modest one-man
business, we may infer there was a whole, possibly very traditional, reper-
toire of magical beliefs, abstruse claims and a good deal of mystification. The
success of these magical performances was mainly due to their ability to
create suspense, to raise expectations and manipulate people's fears and
desires. In short, as the Monk of St. Denis shrewdly observes, they were
meant to stir the public imagination, for whatever the outcome of their
magical ritual, people's gullibility and public rumour would do the trick, as
the Monk's report of the storm aptly illustrates.
It may be concluded that the story of this company's ultimate failure also
reveals the secret of their (potential) success, for evidently they succeeded
in impressing not only the common people, but also the duke of Burgundy.
Their failure may be attributed to the overzealous bailiff of Dijon; but their
pretentious claims of being able to cure the king or to find the cause of his
illness, played an important role as well. They were playing for high stakes,
and apart from being their last it may also have been their most ambitious
and lucrative enterprise. Blinded by these prospects they did not stop to
consider the consequences in case things turned out badly. The wages of
sorcery, like treachery, is death, especially if it fails to realise its objective.
The role of the duke of Burgundy in this whole affair is remarkable, to
say the least. The whole elaborateritualtook place in his domains and at his
expense, apparently for the good of the king. But this motive appears only
from the chroniclers, not from the account. Burgundy's interest in magic
would seem to be more than a mere concern for the well-being of the
monarch. In his treatise Pignon refers to certain apostates who were con-
demned and executed at Paris for having invoked the devil; 'comme telz leurs
livres ars', he adds, which reminds one of the burning of Jehan de Bar and
his books, 'condempnés publiquement, semblablement en plusieurs Heus de
ce Royaume, comme Digon, Sens et pluseurs autres lieus', which is an
indication that Pignon knew about the case of Poinson and Briquet.89 The
fact that these invocations took place 'en lieus desiers en forest' also fits in
well. He does not, however, mention the motive for these invocations. If our
only sources for the case had been the account published by Mirot and the
88
Since they had the duke pay for practically everything they needed during that period,
it is unlikely they paid for it themselves.
89
CLDI.3.
remarks by Pignon, we might easily have been led to conclude that the duke
of Burgundy was in the habit of using magic to further his private ends. It
makes one wonder whether the abbé de Cérisy was familiar with the affair.
2.4.5 Two Secular Trials: The Cases of Margot de la Barre (1390) and
Jeanne de Brigue (1391)
The impact of magic on the public imagination was not only a concern of
the religious authorities. We have already seen that the apostate monk who
practised his magic in and near the tower of Montjay was, according to Petit,
tried before both an ecclesiastical and a secular court. Towards the end of
the fourteenth century the Parlement of Paris decided that sorcery was not
only a religious but also a civil offence and the first trials on record date from
1390 and 1391. We shall briefly depart from the courtly environment and
the princely patronage of magic to examine the practice and persecution of
ritual magic among the common people of Paris.90
The first case concerns a young woman named Marion la Droiturière who
had been abandoned by her lover Hainsselin Planite (who wished to marry
someone else) and who, in despair, turned to a sorceress named Margot de
la Barre, also known as Margot du Coignet, for help. The remedy that
Margot proposed is essentiality a love-charm. The poor girl was instructed
to burn a white cock and use its ashes to prepare a powder to be put in
Hainsselin's pillow, in his wine and in his food. Consuming the powder and
sleeping on it should have made him change his mind, but nothing happened
and Hainsselin remained firm in his determination to marry the other woman.
Since she was unable to stop the wedding, Marion determined to apply
magical means to prevent the consummation of the marriage and to cause
Hainsselin to return to her afterwards. To this purpose Margot invoked the
devil who, invisible to Marion, appeared to her in the guise of a devil from
the Passion plays, but without the horns (this she would later confess during
her trial).91 The demon was instructed regarding Marion's wishes and left
through a window. Marion received two consecrated chaplets made of herbs
and roses (such as girls wore on their heads on festive occasions) which she
must put on the ground close to the couple, so that when they passed over
90
The two trials are described in: Collas, Valentine de Milan, pp. 194-212; R. H. Robbins,
The Encyclopedia of Witchcraft and Demonology (London 1959), pp. 379-381; Russell,
Witchcraft in the Middle Ages, pp. 214-215; Conn, Europe's Inner Demons, pp. 196-197; The
proceedings of the two trials were published in: Registre criminel du châtelet de Paris du 6. Sept.
1389 au 18. Mai 1392, éd. H. Duplès-Agier (Paris 1861), vol. 1, pp. 327-362 and vol. 2, pp.
280-343. Joseph Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der
Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter (Bonn 1901), pp. 518-523, gives excerpts.
91
Hansen, Quellen, p. 519.
78 CHAPTER TWO
them, the magic could take its effect. Marion performed her task during the
wedding dances, where she hoped no one would notice her slipping two
chaplets on the ground near the couple. When two days later the newly-weds
were taken seriously ill, people immediately called on Margot to cure them
(which she did by breaking the spell again by means of consecrated herbs);
but no doubt rumour had spread, and both Marion and Margot were arrested
on that very day. Contrary to the later witch-trials, the inquest and trial of
Marion and Margot were conducted with great care. Witnesses were heard,
facts corroborated and many lawyers consulted (not all of whom favoured
the ultimate sentence). Nevertheless torture was applied, twice on Marion,
five times on Margot, and in August 1390 both women were burned at the
stake in Paris.
The second trial which took place in 1391 was likewise carefully docu-
mented, enough to afford us a glimpse of late medieval private life and the
role of magic. In the vicinity of the towns of Guérart and Crécy-en-Brie92
there lived a woman named Jeanne de Brigue, also known as 'la Cordière',
who was considered a 'devine', a diviner: she could retrieve missing or stolen
objects, she could identify thieves, she could cure diseases, and if needs be
make people ill. Her reputation was firmly established, for it frequently
happened that, when thieves heard the help of Jeanne was required in a case
of larceny, they would come to her, restore the stolen goods and beg her not
to denounce them. Even the local clergy appealed to her when some money
and a crucifix had been stolen from the church in Guérart. Her revelations
soon lead to the restoration of the stolen goods, but her success proved
somewhat disquieting, for the ecclesiastical authorities and the bishop of
Meaux imprisoned her for a year, and on her release forbade her to continue
her divinatory practices.
She, of course, did not concur. Some time later she was called to the sick-
bed of an inn-keeper called Hennequin de Ruilly. There were suspicions that
Hennequin's sickness had been brought about by sorcery and, at the instiga-
tion of Hennequin's wife Macette, Jeanne accused a Parisian woman named
Guette Verrière, of having performed this maleficium. Gilette had borne
Hennequin two children and since he had jilted her several years earlier and
married a girl named Macette,93 it could reasonably be supposed that Gilette
92
It may be recalled that also Jehan de Bar was reputed to have practised magic in Brie
(though this happened a few years later).
93
Macette confessed later to having used magical means to force Hennequin (who
apparently enjoyed the free life and had left for Spain) into marrying her. The procedures are
quite interesting. She learned the Gospel of St. John (or more likely: its opening verses) by heart,
made a mixture of wax and pitch and invoked Lucifer. Pronouncing the Gospel of St. John, the
Pater Noster and the Ave Maria thrice, she would use the mixture as an ointment, rubbing it
between Hennequin's shoulders while he was asleep. Hansen, Quellen, p. 521. Pignon also
was out for revenge. Later, during the trial and under the pressure of torture,
Jeanne would suggest that Hennequin's marriage was an unhappy one and
that he maltreated his wife. Macette, therefore, had ample reason to bear him
a grudge. Much later, when she was brought up for trial, Macette would
confess to having conjured her husband herself. Whilst invoking Lucifer, she
would mix white wax and pitch and mould it in the shape of a human figure;
thrice she would recite the Gospel of St. John, the Pater Noster and the Ave
Maria, after which she would draw three crosses with a knife on the wax
image. Then she would boil the image in water. She would also keep two
toads in a pot in her chamber. On occasion (either to avoid or avenge marital
violence) she would prick the animals with a sharp point whilst invoking the
devil, thus inflicting injuries on her husband. Apparently Macette had tried
to implicate Jeanne in her maleficium by telling her what she did. Jeanne had
been quite impressed by Macette's magical skills and had persuaded her to
set the toads free and destroy the wax image, after which Hennequin had
made a full recovery. Jeanne then decided to make use of Macette's recipes
because she had been living with a man who did not want to marry her
because she was of such a low estate. Jeanne had hoped that Macette's love-
charms (which also involved toads, wax and pitch; apparently Macette did
not have a very impressive repertoire) might change his mind, but before she
even had the chance of testing its results, word had got about that Hennequin
had recovered at the hands of the diviner, and secular authorities decided to
question her.
During her trial Jeanne confessed to having invoked a demon called
Haussibut whom she conjured in the name of the Father, the Son and the
Holy Ghost, after having drawn a magic circle. It was this demon who had
helped her in her divinations and who had assisted her in retrieving lost or
stolen property. Jeanne, after torture, persisted in her confession. Macette,
in the end, recanted everything she had stated under pressure. The entire trial
lasted a year. After the provost of Paris had reached a verdict, Jeanne
appealed to the Parlement of Paris. The Parlement reopened the case and
arrested Macette (it was only at this point that Macette was questioned).
Evidence was collected from Macette's house: the wax and the pitch, and
even one of the toads, run through with a spike, were brought to Paris. The
Parlement seriously debated the question whether this was an offence that
should be dealt with by a secular court. It was decided it was, but there was
no unanimity as to the punishment that should be meted out. One of the
lawyers favoured six months imprisonment, arguing that the only crime that
had been committed was one of evil intent. But the majority agreed that it
mentions magical applications of the Pater Noster and the Ave Maria in CLD 1.6 and CLD Π.3.4.
80 CHAPTER TWO
should be capital punishment. On August 19,1391, both women were burned

at the stake.
Despite the fact that the cases of Margot de la Barre and Jeanne de Brigue
are exclusively known through the surviving court proceedings that, as will
be clear, are irreparably tainted by the use of torture, it may not be altogether
impossible to make inferences concerning the practice and the prestige of
magic. Emile Collas, who in his book on Valentina Visconti gives a detailed
account of both cases, credits the judges for their diligence and their con
scious efforts to find within the measure of the law means of moderating the
punishment. Seven or eight magistrates are applauded for their enlightened
views.94 But it should be remembered that the diligence exercised in these
cases had more to do with the fact that these were test-trials, than with
compassion for the suspects. The 'enlightened' magistrates who favoured
relatively light sentences, such as short-term imprisonment, over capital
punishment, did so because they believed that in the absence of any real
demonstrable harm (caused by the rituals), the crimes were crimes of
conscience and belief and as such of no concern to secular jurisdiction.
Pignon would no doubt have agreed with them. The majority of the magis
trates, however, decided these cases were a matter of secular jurisdiction
(Parlement ratified this decision on August 8, 1391) and thus infringing on
the domain of ecclesiastical authority, they made a decisive step towards
increasing their power and towards the systematic persecution of people on
the charge of sorcery and witchcraft. Both cases are generally viewed as
heresy-trials.95 In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the juridical basis had
been laid that made heresy punishable by death and if ritual magic could be
shown to contain religious error, it likewise could be opposed by the full
measure of the law. In practice this meant that magic was best punishable
if association with demons or even a pact with the devil could be demon
strated. This was an easy task on which theologian and torturer collaborated.
Great Christian authorities such as Augustine and Aquinas had decreed that
all acts of magic are essentially based on communications with the demonic.
Inefficacious in themselves (for lack of natural causation) all magic rituals
are essentially signs devised to communicate with demonic powers. Since this
communication implies a form of mutual understanding and agreement, magic
is essentially idolatrous and heretical. Developed by the great doctors of holy
doctrine, like Augustine and Aquinas, this teaching of the demonic pact was
further disseminated by minor minions of truth such as Pignon.96 In the
cases of Margot and Jeanne it is first and foremost the hornless devil from
94
Collas, Valentine de Milan, p. 213.
95
Russell, Witchcrafiin the Middle Ages, p. 215; Cohn, Europe's Inner Demons, p. 197.
96
Augustine, DDC Π.20; Aquinas, ST 2a2ae.96.1+2; Pignon, CLD Π.3.
the Passion plays and the mysterious Haussibut that constitute the ground for
capital punishment and not the chaplets, the wax, the pitch and the unfortu-
nate toad. Contrary to these latter devices, the devils are most likely the
products of torture and interrogation.
It should be noted that both women were said to belong to the 'femmes
de folle vie'97 and their lives, in all likelihood, were subject to great social
pressures and uncertainties. Their magic entailed love-charms to bind a man
and thus to procure some social stability; it also comprised maleficium that
was used for protection against violence. The magical practices (and divina-
tions) of the two women, therefore, may reveal to us some genuine supersti-
tions of the period, and, as will be noticed, these superstitions were common
enough to resemble the interests of gullible courtiers.
As if to stress this point, Collas narrates how Jeanne de Brigue, while she
was in prison awaiting her sentence, was called upon by a gaoler whose silver
cup had been stolen. He wanted her to use her divinatory powers to clear up
this mystery and retrieve the stolen object. And again, such was the general
belief in Jeanne's powers that soon a minor prison attendant came to her
confessing his crime and imploring her not to give him away.96
2.4.6 Magic and Calumny: The Case of Valentino, Visconti
The general belief in magic made it a suitable weapon in the hands of

detractors and calumniators. One of the most evident as well as one of the
most shameful cases of libel in the late fourteenth century concerned Valen-
tina Visconti, the wife of Louis d'Orléans. More than ten years before Louis
fell victim to Burgundian agression, Valentina had been the target of slanders
and lies that were spread by the Burgundian court and that implicated her in
practices of sorcery. The rivalry between Burgundy and Orléans dated from
the late fourteenth century and despite all outward signs of affection there
was a deep-rooted hatred. Margaret of Male, the proud and haughty wife of
Philip the Bold had a considerable influence over the queen, Isabel, and both
women turned against this foreign intruder from Milan and collaborated in
her defamation. As a direct consequence of the unceasing rumours, Valentina
left the court to go into exile and departed from Paris in 1396.
A constant source of inspiration for these rumours was, of course, the
insanity of king Charles VI. From the moment the king's disease became
manifest, people from all social strata agreed that it had been brought about
by sorcery. Doctors and theologians who refused to accept the power of
magic, wavered between black bile and the excesses of youth as possible
97
98
Collas, Valentine de Milan, pp. 212-213.
82 CHAPTER TWO
causes. But unlike the sorcerers, the physicians could not produce plausible
reasons why their efforts to cure the monarch failed. The magicians on the
other hand, ironically resorted to the argument of sorcery and cleverly
followed the latest trend in public rumour which decreed that the king had
been placed under a spell by Valentina de Milan, the woman from Lombar-
dy." Other gossiping tongues whispered it was Valentina's father, Giangale-
azzo Visconti, the lord of Milan, who had bewitched the king with an eye
to making his daughter queen of France,100 and last but not least, Louis
d'Orléans had been accused of bewitching the king already in 1402 by no
less a person than king Henry IV of England. Because Henry had usurped
the English throne and killed Richard II, Louis had challenged him to a duel
non sorcium vel invocadonum virtute, without the use of magic (which was
apparently an option) and Henry Bolingbroke responded indignantly by means
of the rumour that was spread far and wide.101 In his periods of insanity,
king Charles did not recognise his wife and children, he forgot his royal
dignity, ran howling through the corridors of his palace, and desperately tried
to efface his coat of arms whenever he encountered it painted or engraved
on walls and windows. But in the presence of Valentina he would calm down;
he always recognised her and called her his well-beloved sister. Apart from
jealousy, the king's affection and Valentina's soothing influence also gave
rise to further rumours of sorcery.102 In fact, there is reason to believe that
the spread of these rumours was deliberately engineered. The Monk of St.
Denis remarks that these opinions were spread by fools, necromancers and
superstitious people.103 Collas points out that people like Arnaud Guillaume
99
Cf. Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XTV. 5, vol. 2, ρ. 88 : Quod multi in partem
interpretabantur pejorem, non tarnen dicam probabilem; sed quod eis videbatur verissimile,
aliénantes quod in Lombardia, unde ducebat originem, intoxicaciones et sortilegia vigebant
plusquam aliis partibus. In the case of Poinson and Briquet we encountered a certain master
Boniface from Lombardy.
100
Among these calumniators, of course, Jean Petit takes pride of place. He quotes the duke
of Milan referring to Charles VI as: 'Π est le dyable! ' and saying to his daughter on her departure
to France: * Adieu belle fille! je ne vous vueil jamais veoir tant que vous soiex royne de France'.
(Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, pp. 228-229.) Cf. Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys
XXVIII.34, vol. 3, pp. 758-759. The remark also found its way into the Geste:
Adieu, ma bielle fille, menés lie samblance;
Mais ne vous quier veir, telle est bien m'espéranche,
Tant que vous serés dame et royne de France (11. 72-74; p. 261).
101
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ΧΧΠΙ.12, vol. 3, pp. 56-59.
102
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 394b: 'Car il la voyoit et regardoit tres-volontiers, et
Γ appel lo it belle sœur. Et comme souvent il y a de mauvaises langues, on disoit et publioient
aucuns qu'elle l'avoit ensorcelé, par le moyen de son père le duc de Milan, qui estoit Lombard,
et qu'en son pays on usoit de telles choses'.
103
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XVI.20, vol. 2, esp. p. 406: afatuis, nigromanti-
cis et supersticiosis viris procedentem.
and the other court-magicians probably brought out the news in the taverns,
whence it was spread further by wandering beggars (the so-called 'cay-
mans').104 It would by no means be inconsistent with Burgundian politics
and that particular Burgundian talent to stir and manipulate public sentiments
to suppose that the whole scandal was created to engineer the downfall of
Orléans.
The chronicler Froissart was obviously taken in by the Burgundian view
of the matter, for he vents many of the opinions, prejudices and libels in his
depiction of Valentina that Jean Petit would eventually use to incriminate
Louis. He mentions the alleged covetousness and envy of the duchess, her
use of sorcery to ruin the king and he even reproduces the story of a poisoned
apple with which she allegedly tried to kill her brother in law. This attempted
murder was supposed to be the immediate cause of her banishment, which,
rumour had it, so infuriated her father that he had revealed the secret project
of the Nicopolis-crusade to sultan Bajazet.105 All these rumours concerning
Valentina are unfounded, but apart from truth they also lack imagination.
Rumours that the king's madness was caused by sorcery were already
spreading even before they were pinned on Valentina and the story of the
poisoned apple, the abbé de Cérisy suggested, is as old as the world itself.
Apparently Petit tried to make amends in his Seconde Justification, by
including two samples of Valentina's magical practices, but they are far from
impressive. As we have seen, Petit only hinted at the duchess's idolatrous
nature indirectly in his first Justification as if he were afraid to accuse her
openly; now the duchess was dead (Valentina died on December 4, 1408)
he could be more bold. He tells of a steel mirror106 that Valentina had
received from a fellow countryman from Lombardy which she used for
divination. In it she had seen the body of a drowned boy stuck in the locks
of a watermill. When people inspected the appointed location they found the
boy's body. The second anecdote concerns another Italian staying in Paris
and performing there certain unspecified magicalritualsthat affected the king
in a strange way. It was discovered that this man performed his charms and
sorceries by means of letters sealed with the seal of the Visconti 's.107 In
the case of Petit, imagination was a poor substitute for the 'realities' of the
widespread belief in sorcery.
104
105
Coville, Jean Petit, p. 306; Froissart, Cronique, vol. 4, chapter 84, pp. 264-265.
106
Coville, Jean Petit, p. 310: 'le dit miroir qui estoit d'achier'. Cf. Jehan de Bar's
Confession, Appendix I, item 12 on 'miroirs d'acier'. Such mirrors were standard props in the
magical business.
107
Coville, Jean Petit, p. 310, quotes the relevant sections from Brussels, ms. 10419 fols.
58, 61.
84 CHAPTER TWO
Lombardy, Valentina's native country, had a considerable reputation

among the French nobility for being a land of sorcerers. When Géraud
d'Armagnac, count of Pardiac, wished to dispose of his cousin, Bernard
d'Armagnac (around 1400) he had had three wax images made in Milan by
some very able magicians. He hired the lawyer Guillaume de Cariât to take
the images to the castle of Montlezun to have them consecrated by a certain
Jean d'Astarac, who possessed a copy of the Liber sacratus.lQß Events,
however, took a turn that could hardly be called consistent with the intended
results of the magical consecration. Géraud was imprisoned by his cousin
Bernard and died very soon in one of Bernard's fortresses.109
Rumours of sorcery would hound Valentina till her death. When in 1408
public sentiments towards the duchess softened and the Parisians were moved
by her courage and gracious mourning over the death of her husband, the
partisans of John the Fearless immediately spread the rumour that the king
had suffered a catastrophic relapse due to Valentina's sorceries.110 Even
after Valentina's death rumours were spread. Pierre Salmon, royal secretary
and ambassador, and in all likelihood one of Burgundy's agents,111 wrote
in his memoirs that he had been notified by master Hélye,112 a monk from
Lombardy who practised magic and divination, that the king was under the
spell of a 'certain silver image made at the request of the duke of Milan'.113
Since master Hélye could not travel to France without the pope's permission,
the duke of Burgundy wrote to the pope in October 1409 to send master
Hélye to Paris so that he might attempt to heal the king; another clear
instance of Burgundy's concern for the French monarchy and his willingness
to subsidise magicians.
The cases of magic we have reviewed so far take on a twofold appearance:
in the absence of proof they assume the appearance of slander, and in the
absence of results, they are presented as foolish superstitions, which, judging
by modern standards, may lead one to believe these cases belong to the
margins of history, being nothing but the debris of by-gone inconsequential
follies. Appearances, however, can be as deceptive as slanders and as shallow
108
Collas, Valentine de Milan, p. 192: 'Jean d'Astarac, qui demeure à Montgiscardet qui
a le livre consacré ... ' Collas does not identify this designation as a title, but it seems very likely
that it refers to the pseudo-Solomonic Liber sacer or sacratus we encountered earlier.
109
110
Collas, Valentine de Milan, p. 376; the relapse is recorded by Juvenal des Ursins for
the year 1407 (=1408).
111
112
See: Wickersheimer, DBM 1, p. 127: 'Élie' native of Pisa; P. Salmon, Les demandes
faites par le roi Charles VI touchant son état et le gouvernement de sa personne, éd. G. Crapelet
(Paris 1833), pp. 84-85, 165-166; Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, pp. 209-210, n. 26.
113
Famiglietti, Royal Intrigue, p. 209.
as superstitions. These case-histories should not blind us to the intricate world

of beliefs through which they are informed and nourished. The belief in the
efficacy of magic must have been fairly common, for without it Valentina
would not have been driven into exile, thieves would not have cortie supplicat-
ing to Jeanne de Brigue, secular courts would not have infringed on the
authority of ecclesiastical courts, magicians would not have been able to rival
with physicians, and Petit would not even have dared to claim credibility for
the accusations of his Justification. The disbelief and the scepticism that can
be detected in the Monk of St. Denis and the abbé de Cérisy, even the very
concept of superstition as it is frequently used by Pignon (mostly in conjunc-
tion with the word 'foolish'), do not resemble modern rationalist scepticism
in proclaiming the impossibility of supernatural events. They still retain the
half-acknowledged awareness that if God allows it, demons may perform
miraculous feats. Medieval philosophy did a great deal to limit the perceived
power of demons by fixing natural confines and by attributing many super-
natural phenomena to demon-wrought delusions of the human senses and the
imagination. It may be doubted, however, whether these philosophical
restrictions were commonly known outside scholarly and clerical circles.
What scholars and clerics considered as demonic magic may not have
manifested itself as demonic at all. It could therefore draw life from the same
religious charisma that nurtured the belief in the miracles of saints, relics,
and the Holy Virgin. It is therefore fitting to round off this discussion of
courtly magic with a case of ecclesiastical magic.
2.4.7 The Case of the Shroud of Christ
Occasionally the Monk of St. Denis breaks off his main narrative of the life
of Charles VI to tell an edifying story, mostly dealing with the follies of
superstition and magic or with the wonders of the true faith. These
digressions are most revealing since they give the reader a clear insight into
the beliefs or disbeliefs of the Monk and his contemporaries. One of the
stories he tells is about a miracle that happened in Paris in 1393.114 A
mother had smothered her newborn illegitimate daughter, and had put the
corpse of the baby on the city dump, where it was found the following day
by pious people, who took it to church and placed it on the altar. There it
miraculously came back to life, through the intercession of the Holy Virgin,
so that it could be baptised. Three hours later it died again, but its soul had
been saved. This type of Christian or ecclesiastical magic was also used in
yet another attempt to cure Charles VI.
114
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XTV.4, vol. 2, pp. 82-87.
86 CHAPTER TWO
Messire Louis de Sancerre, the constable of France, requested in 1399

that a number of Cistercian monks should come from Burgundy to Paris
carrying with them a sudarium, a shroud, that they claimed had belonged to
Christ. Many people suffering from madness or insanity had been cured by
simply touching the shroud. For a period of nine days in the middle of August
the king attended mass and said his prayers before the shroud, but only
regained his sanity for three days. Next, the Cistercians carried their shroud
to the church of the Bernardins where it was open for inspection to the public
for a month. Many people went on a pilgrimage to see the shroud and were
quite generous with their alms so that the monks finally returned home with
a great deal of money. Some people claimed that miracles had taken place
before the sudarium, but the Monk is sceptical, since he knows of no eye
witnesses.115
The Monk is not impressed by the kind of rumours or hearsay that may
have motivated Louis de Sancerre to invite the Cistercian monks, or even
the two Augustinian sorcerers a year before (in 1398). But whether or not
it was gullibility or the desperate predicament of the sick monarch that drove
Louis de Sancerre, we should be mistaken in characterising the different
perspectives of the Monk and messire Louis as an opposition between reason
and superstition. The difference is rather one between an observer and an
agent. The Monk is only willing to accept an omen or a miracle when it is
God-given and when it can be verified by reliable witnesses.116 The Monk
evaluates after the event, whereas Louis de Sancerre is on at least two
occasions the motivating force behind the event. As initiator he operates on
the dictum: nothing ventured nothing gained. But this does not mean his
religious perception is essentially different from that of the Monk. Belief in
the efficacy of magic is deeply rooted in the Judaeo-Christian tradition and
as long as itsritualsare performed with the proper respect and reverence that
a believer owes to God, magic might be considered legitimate. Thus we find
Arnaud Guillaume using a book of divine authorship and Jeanne de Brigue
conjuring a demon in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost.
Jehan de Bar also conjured demons, but they only turned out to be demons
after his cross-examination, for as he himself confesses, he initially believed
1,5
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XX. 1, vol. 2, pp. 684-687: Et quamvis in
ostensione ejus nonnuli miracula ibi facta astruerent, nullum tarnen vidi vel audivi qui fide
oculata ea diceret se vidisse vel experta sensisse in se ipso (p. 686). Cf. also Juvenal des Urs ins,
Histoire, p. 416b: Έη ce temps, aucuns de Tordre de Sainct Bernard apportèrent, comme ils
disoient, le sainct Suaire, ou nostre benoist Sauveur Jesus-Christ fut ensepulturé, et le mirent
à Sainct Bernard à Paris. Et y eut grande affluence de peuple, et en levèrent une bien grande
finance d'argent. Et disoit-on qu'il y eut de beaux miracles faits, combien qu'on n'en declarast
aucuns particulièrement'.
116
The various practices of sorcery he records apparently did not yield any eye-witnesses.
them to be 'good angels'.117 He also believed that the kind of magic he was
practising was divinely instituted with the express purpose of combating
demons.118 His magical use of mass and Eucharist likewise points in the
direction of a genuine Christian magic that was ultimately rejected by
orthodoxy as heretical and idolatrous but whose mentality was by no means
restricted to its practitioners. Thus we find Pignon explaining that the
recitation of the Pater Noster or the Credo, carrying a crucifix or applying
the Gospel of St. John to the sick to aid their recovery, is perfectly acceptable
as long as it is done with the right intentions and with the proper reverence
and devotion.119 Though they were demonised and branded as heretics,
there is no reason to believe that these Christian magicians regarded them
selves as deviants from Christian orthodoxy. Demonisation was all too
frequently rather the result of a conflict of authority. The Waldensians and
Albigensians, for instance, were essentially persecuted as heretics and
sorcerers because they failed to recognise the authority of Rome. In their case
all accusations of sorcery were unfounded fabrications. Apart from this
political application, demonisation wasfirstand foremost a theological device
to condemn a whole body of religious beliefs and practices of variegated
provenance that had no foundation in the Bible or the (canonised) Fathers
of the Church. This seems to suggest that it was not so much the magic as
its source that roused most suspicions. A 'magical' device orritualthat could
be shown to have Biblical roots was legitimate even though its distinction
from other (condemned) forms of magic was open to debate. The sudarium
is a case in point.
The medieval belief in the efficacy of relics essentially went back to
Biblical narratives such as the resurrection of the dead man who was let down
into the sepulchre of the prophet Elisha and who revived the moment his body
touched the bones of the prophet.120 The power of God that filled the
prophet still lingers on in his bones; it could, however, also penetrate the
clothes and garments of a holy man. By far the most famous example of this
is the woman who suffered from haemorrhages and was cured by touching
the hem of Christ's garment.121 But also concerning St. Paul we read that
'God wrought special miracles by the hands of Paul, so that from his body
were brought unto the sick handkerchiefs or aprons, and the diseases departed
from them, and the evil spirits went out of them'.122 Paul was in Ephesus
117
Jehan de Bar, Confession, Appendix I, item 5.
118
Jehan de Bar, Confession, Appendix I, item 16.
1,9
Pignon, CLD Π.3.4.
120
II Kings 13:21.
121
Matth. 9:20-22; Luke 8:43-48 and Mark 5:25-34 add that Christ perceived that power
went out of him.
122
Acts 19:11-12 speaks of σουδόφια fj σίμίκινϋια, sudaria et semicinctia.
88 CHAPTER TWO
at that moment, where, according to tradition St. John would later write his
Gospel. In the resurrection passage of that Gospel it can be read how Simon
Peter enters the empty grave of Christ, where he notices that the 'napkin,
that was about his head, was not lying with the linen clothes, but wrapped
together in a place by itself.123 This remark does not appear in any of the
other Gospels, nor does it seem to have a clear purpose in the context of
John's narrative. It could be that the remark was meant for the immediate
audience of the Gospel, namely the early Christians of Ephesus who took a
specific interest in these sudaria and their medicinal applications. Stories of
the miraculous cures affected by the sudarium (on, e.g., emperor Tiberius
or king Abgar of Edessa), the legend of St. Veronica (who was sometimes
identified with the woman who was cured from her bleeding), the impression
left by the face of Christ on the sweatcloth (the vera icon) extolled in
medieval Latin hymns are but a few of the intermediary stages in the complex
history of the transmission of the sudarium-legtnd from its Biblical source
to this small incident from the chronicle of the Monk of St. Denis.124
Unlike the king, the court and the pilgrims, the Monk of St. Denis is
sceptical, but not for want of belief in God's supernatural intervention in the
course of human affairs. His scepticism betrays his longing for an educated
and sophisticated appreciation of the things that are in and beyond this world.
Too easily the court is fooled by charlatans and liars. The Monk brings to
mind the so-called patriarch of Constantinople, a confidence trickster of Greek
origin, who, dressed in exotic garments and communicating through an
interpreter, fooled both the court and the clergy and finally left with many
expensive gifts.125 For the Monk of St. Denis there is a great similarity
between the false patriarch and magicians like Arnaud Guillaume - or rather,
he wills the similarity to be there, for then he can blame the success of these
cheats on people's gullibility, a vice that must be criticised in matters both
secular and ecclesiastical. But was the general belief in the miracles of the
sudarium mere gullibility? Were the witnesses who testified to the resuscita
tion of the dead infant trustworthier than those who believed in the shroud?
The Monk of St. Denis may have been suppressing a deep nagging fear that
ecclesiastical magic is, after all, magic; and that, no matter how sophisticated
123
John 20:7: sudarium (σουδάριον) quodfuerat super caput eius.
124
The legend, of course, continues to the present day in the mystifying Turin shroud. See
Eusebius, Historiae Ecclesiasticae 1.13; Moses Chorenensis, Histor. Arm. Π.30-33; DTC I,
'Abgar', cols. 67-73. For the medieval tradition, see, e.g., Karl Pearson, Die Fronica. Ein
Beitrag sur Geschichte des Christusbildes im Mittelalter (Strassburg 1887).
125
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys X. 13, vol. 1, pp. 636-643; Juvenal des Ursins,
Histoire, pp. 382b-383a (according to Juvenal the patriarch's name is Paulus Tigrin; he records
the incident as taking place in 1389); Collas, Valentine de Milan, pp. 83-84.
one's belief in it is, it nevertheless resembles the magic of paganism in a

disturbing way.
Yet clerical censorship aimed at more than simple courtly superstitions;
it also felt it had to do more than occasionally sound a note of self-criticism.
Superstition harboured terrible demonic forces that could destroy and disrupt
the fabric of society. Pignon was convinced divination was the cause of civil
war. Petit's whole oration revolved around the central tenet that a prince who
is involved in sorcery is a tyrant. The lightness of the Monk's laudible
scepticism, his witty ridicule, and his entertaining and moralistic narratives
would become less and less bearable to an age that, according to Huizinga,
lived by fierce and burning passions. The age that prepared the witch-craze
was also the age that struggled to come to terms with its own contradictory
passions, its 'ancient Pagan instincts' and its deep devotion; what Huizinga
called the profound dualism of the Kingdom of God and the sinful world.126
The friction of these two worlds will be the theme of our next section.
2.5 The 'Bal des Ardents' and the Dangers of Pagan Ritual
Late medieval censorship of superstition, divination and magic was essentially

directed against a whole body of heterogeneous elements, that was thought
to be fundamentally at odds with the Christian faith. Though Pignon focuses
on divination and soothsaying, he makes it clear that his critique is also aimed
at a host of other beliefs and practices; he mentions folkloristic phenomena
such as torch-processions and bonfires, witches and Waldensians,127 the
magical arts, dream-interpretation, judicial astrology, superstitious obser
vances, and belief in propitious days. All these various elements are yoked
together and subsumed under a common denominator: idolatry. All these
beliefs and practices are a result of man's tendency to deflect his worship
from the one true God and direct it at God's creation. Naturally, this misdi
rection happens at the instigation of the devil, so that all these superstitions
imply a tacit or an express pact with the enemy of God. Demonisation is not
the only weapon in the struggle against superstition. Idolatry, Pignon explains,
is not only demonic, it is also anachronistic.128 By means of the doctrine
of the six ages of the world, he explains that the heyday of idolatry, which
lasted from the second up to and including the fifth age, is over. The advent
of Christ and the age of Grace put an end to it: the demons were literally
exorcised en masse. What remained of their old kingdom survives in the
shadow of the Christian Empire, emerging occasionally in the form of heresy
126
Huizinga, Herfsttij, pp. 253-254.
127
CLDI.6.
128
CLD 1.1 and Π.Ι.3.
90 CHAPTER TWO
or some other perverse deviation from the true faith. Thus ancient indigenous
beliefs struggled to survive either as demonic wiles or as meaningless vestiges
from the past and in either case they were a source of apprehension for the
Christian soul. In a sense this fear was well founded, for the dangers were
twofold. On the one hand there was the danger of opposition. The survival
of non-Christian beliefs in opposition to the Church was believed to pose a
threat to the authority and the truth of Christianity and hence it mobilised
polemicists and inquisitors. On the other hand there was the danger of
assimilation, a danger from within and therefore more difficult to perceive.
Many non-Christian and pagan beliefs survived not in spite of but by virtue
of Christianity. Like energy they are never lost but simply transformed into
new forms and manifestations. Perhaps the Monk of St. Denis feared to detect
assimilated paganism in the adulation of the shroud. Yet the difficulty and
the danger with pagan beliefs is, that one can never tell what shape they will
take, especially when it concerns non-Christian beliefs that are somehow
fundamentally at odds with the spirit of the Christian faith; the wisdom of
one religious context, may easily become the madness of another. This
problem was brought home to the French court one night in 1393 when a 'bal
masqué' ended in a great tragedy that laid bare a great cultural struggle with
the past, but that also became an ominous foreshadowing of the future.
The 'Bal des Sauvages', which, due to its tragic ending is also known as
the 'Bal des Ardents' took place on January 28, 1393,129 on the occasion
of the wedding of one of the queen's 'chambellanes'. This lady, Catherine
de Fastaverin, German by birth, had been widowed twice (thrice according
to the Monk of St. Denis) and now was to be married for the third time. The
wedding was celebrated in the royal palace of Saint-Pol and the exuberant
festivities lasted until well after midnight. The king and a few nobles had
devised a spectacular performance to entertain the guests. They dressed up
as wild men and put on a linen costume entirely covered with pitch and hair.
They joined together to form a band of six (there was even talk of their being
chained130 together) and released themselves upon the guests, entertaining
129
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ΧΜ. 16, vol. 2, pp. 64-71 ; Juvenal des Urs ins,
Histoire, p. 390b; Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, pp. 233-234; Froissait, Cronique, vol. 4,
chapter 52, pp. 170-172; Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 332-337; Cauzons, La magie et la sorcellerie,
vol. 2, pp. 381-382; Collas, Valentine de Milan, pp. 170-178; Barbara Tuchman, A Distant
Mirror: The Calamitous Fourteenth Century (New York 1978), pp. 503-505; see also the account
in the Geste, 11. 445-621, pp. 273-278.
130
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 390b, mentions the 'Bal des Ardents' with the 'hommes
sauvages enchaisnez' as one of the entertainments organised on behalf of the sick king. Petit,
however, in his Justification (Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, p. 233) explains that one of the
king's servants advised against the chaining (which, of course, was Orleans's plan) because of
the fire-risk.
them by scaring them and making them guess who were hidden behind these
ghostly disguises. Howling like wolves, they gesticulated wildly and obscenely
and danced a Saracen dance in diabolical frenzy.131 Then a catastrophe
occurred. To take a closer look, Louis d'Orléans approached the wild men
with his torch too closely so that one of them immediately caught fire. Three
others soon followed but the king was spared because the duchess of Berry
had recognised him and covered him with a cloak, and also a sixth nobleman
(sire de Nantouillet) escaped since he managed to dive into a barrel of water
in time. The other four were burned alive, their flaming genitals dropping
to the floor, the Monk remarks with a sharp but on this occasion rather
unsavoury eye for detail, releasing a stream of blood. Three of them, the
count of Joigny, the bastard of Foix and Aymeri de Poitiers were deeply
mourned; a fourth victim, Huguet de Guisay, was left wailing in agony for
three days before he too expired, but he was not mourned, the Monk of St.
Denis explains, since he was a vicious man and people were glad to see him
perish.132
The whole affair was a source of guilt and remorse to Louis d'Orléans.
He did not shirk his responsibilities but was prepared to take all blame. To
make amends for his deeds he founded a chapel in the convent of the
Célestins. His reputation, however, suffered from the incident. In Froissart's
description of the masquerade, Louis's clumsy behaviour is attributed to his
youth and ignorance (a similar excuse, we remember, was used by the abbé
de Cérisy to mitigate Orleans's juvenile interests in sorcery). The Monk of
St. Denis, however, states that Louis 'threw' a torch at one of the masked
men.133 Many years later when Jean Petit would accuse the late Louis
d'Orléans of having attempted to kill the king, the drama from 1393 proved
more than expedient. Orléans was supposed to have joined the masquerade,
Petit explains, but with the rather flimsy excuse that the suit prepared for him
did not fit, he did not participate in the wild dance, but promised to lead the
way with a torch. The events that followed were not accidental but inten-
tional. This was nothing less than attempted regicide.134 Coming from the
mouth of Petit the story is hardly surprising and might easily be dismissed
as slander. The astonishing reply of the abbé de Cérisy, however, puts the
131
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ΧΙΠ.16, vol. 2, p. 66.
132
Huguet de Guisay was in all likelihood the one who came up with the plan for the
masquerade. Being a man of dissolute life, he was hated by servants and commoners. If someone
displeased him he would kick him to the ground and cry: 'Bark dog! ' which is also what people
cried when his coffin was carried through the streets. See Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys
ΧΙΠ.16, vol. 2, pp. 70-71; Tuchman, Distant Mirror, pp. 504-505.
133
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ΧΠΙ.16, vol. 2, p. 66.
134
92 CHAPTER TWO
entire affair in a completely different perspective.135 In the first place he

does not deny Orleans's intention to participate in the masquerade; the real
reason why he did not join the wild dance, was that by the time he arrived
all suits had gone. In the second place (more astonishing still) the abbé does
not deny that the burning was intentional! Of course, it had not been done
with the intention of killing the king, but instead Orléans had (in his youthful
ignorance) spoken with two nobles on how it would frighten the ladies, if
the costumes were set on fire. It was folly, not malice, and he probably
would have set fire to himself had there been a costume left.136 In a debate
such as the one between Petit and the abbé this is an exceedingly weak
position, even if it is true. In his Seconde Justification Petit is not impressed
by the argument: youthful ignorance is not very likely in a young man of
twenty-two. This does not mean, however, that we must agree with Petit:
regicide is not the only conceivable motive.
What was the nature of this masquerade? The Monk of St. Denis succinctly
points out that according to certain time-honoured customs it is regarded a
disgrace when a widow remarries;137 according to these traditions, that ran
counter to the official opinions of the Church, matrimonial bonds persisted
beyond the grave. Marriages of widows were therefore deemed undesirable
and met with the censure of the community. In a study on wild men in the
Middle Ages, Richard Bernheimer points out that this censure took the form
of a wild charivari with a great deal of violence and obscenity in which a
group of masked people dressed up as wild men would act as a kind of
community police and humiliate the newlyweds and disturb their wedding-
night.138 The 'Bal des Sauvages' was naturally devised as court-entertain-
ment rather than a communal act of disapproval, but Bernheimer believes
it belongs to this type of charivari. The basis of this interpretation is not in
the first place Bernheimer's but the Monk's knowledge of ancient (pagan)
marriage-customs. Froissait, for instance, makes no mention of such tradi-
tions. Though his estimation is no doubt correct, we cannot be sure whether
it is complete. The Monk does not hide his dislike for these paganritualsand
is therefore disinclined to say more than is strictly necessary. We should be
more inquisitive.
In his study on demons and fertility magic, Arne Runeberg explores the
origins of the wild men in whom he recognises mountain or wood spirits.
The Pyrenees are inhabited by Black Men or Wild Men whose bodies are
135
136
137
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ΧΠΙ.16, vol. 2, pp. 64-66.
138
Richard Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages: A Study in Art, Sentiment, and
Demonology (Cambridge, Mass. 1952), pp. 166-167.
covered by long silken hair. In other mountainous regions of France they are
known as 'lutins' and may take the shape of fire or of small men dancing
round a fire in the woods.139 Regarding the charivaries and noisy festivities
in which people would dress up as wild men, blackening themselves and
covering themselves with leaves and moss, Runeberg forwards an important
hypothesis. He sees such festivals as attempts to conjure demons by imitating
them. These demons or spirits from nature embody both benevolent and
malevolent powers of which the former should be exploited (to promote
fertility) and the latter destroyed (to protect harvests and crops). This was
done by catching and feeding a representation of such a demon (namely
someone dressed up as a wild man) and afterwards by symbolically killing
or burning the wild man, in the hope that these rituals would somehow affect
the demon (using his positive powers as long as possible and killing him
before his negative ones can emerge).140 The burning did not happen lit-
erally but in effigie, contrary to the 'Bal des Ardents' where the seasonal
fertility rite had watered down to courtly entertainment, but where burning
had been promoted to a dreadful reality. It should be remarked that a later
fifteenth-century manuscript (which will be discussed in the following chapter)
in chronicling the 'Bal des Ardents' refers to it as una corea procurante
demone, a 'dance to ward off the devil'.141 Apparently the 'Bai' was
remembered as a ritual for conjuring demons, which supports the application
of Runeberg's hypothesis to the tragic charivari.
Wild men-lore was exceedingly common in the Middle Ages,142 not only
in folklore but also in art. Early medieval penitentials survive that explicitly
prohibit dressing up as wild men or seasonal spirits;143 even the very belief
in them is rejected.144 Despite ecclesiastical censure the ritual customs
persisted, deprived of their original meaning, as wild festivals and entertain-
139
Arne Runeberg, Witches, Demons and Fertility Magic: Analysis of Their Significance
and Mutual Relations in West-European Folk-Religion (Heisingfors 1947), pp. 117-118, 126.
140
Runeberg, Witches, pp. 218-221.
141
For further details see chapter 3.4, note 100 below, where the passage in which this
phrase occurs is quoted in full.
142
See: W. Mulertt, "Der 'wilde Mann' in Frankreich", and W. Giese, "Zum 'wilden
Mann' in Frankreich", in: Zeitschriflfir französische Sprache undLiteratur 56 (1932), pp. 71-88
resp. pp. 491-497; and Paul Vandenbroeck, Over wilden en narren, boeren en bedelaars. Beeld
van de andere, vertoog over het uif (Antwerpen 1987), pp. 5-21. See also the bibliography on
wild men in Vandenbroeck, pp. 183-185.
143
See: Mulertt, "Der 'wilde Mann' in Frankreich", p. 70, who quotes the eighth-century
Poenitentiale vigilanum.
144
See, e.g.: J. T. McNeill and H. M. Gamer, Medieval Handbooks of Penance: A
Translation of the Principal 'Libri Poenitentiales ' and Selectionsfrom Related Documents (New
York 1990), p. 338, where the Corrector of Burchard of Worms is quoted on werewolves and
wild women.
94 CHAPTER TWO
ments. Yet the 'Bal des Ardents' is more than a pagan ritual that has lost its
original religious meaning: it is filled with internal tensions, that, had it not
been for the catastrophe, would never have been detected. The tension is
largely due to the fact that the opposition between this pagan ritual and
Christian beliefs is not as clear cut as the Monk's disapproval might suggest.
A festive, ritual banning of demons on the wedding-night of a woman who
has been widowed a number of times is not merely pagan folklore; it is also
a Biblical motif.
In the Book ofTobit1*5 a woman named Sarah is scorned by the commun-
ity because she has been widowed seven times. Every time she was married
the demon Asmodeus would come to her in the wedding-night and kill her
husband. In the Biblical story Asmodeus was exorcised not by mimic rituals
but by burning the heart and the liver of a fish. The story thus stresses there
is a demonic side to life's misfortunes and it underlines the need for exor-
cism. In a way charivaries like the 'Bal des Ardents' have a similar message,
but since the forms of the rituals did not have Biblical sanction, they were
frowned upon by the Church. In Christian eyes, miming the spirits of
mountains and woods is essentially the same as conjuring demons. Hence the
Monk of St. Denis was convinced pagan rituals pose a threat to Christian
morality, even when they are performed in jest.
This process of demonising not only pagan deities, but also by extension
the individuals and groups who professed belief in them, would become
increasingly important in die course of thefifteenthcentury. Fighting the devil
by burning his representatives would become such a standard policy for both
church and secular authorities that one is tempted to believe that there is more
than an outward similarity between Orleans's 'youthful ignorance' and his
(later) persecution of Jehan de Bar and the two Augustinian monks.
The 'Bal des Ardents' is a good example of the follies of late medieval
court life, but in a sense it was not an accident. The tragedy that took place
was the consequence of a premeditated plan that was charged with the
energies and the tensions of the period. Louis d'Orléans seems to have
embodied some of these tensions.
There is something fundamentally ambiguous about Louis d'Orléans as
he emerges from the testimonies of his contemporaries. If the accusations
of Pierre de Craon and Jean Petit have any ground, we see a youthful Louis
interested in magic and magicians, a young man whose conduct and interests
are on occasion in need of an apology. At the same time he shrinks back from
these interests and is (so we are told) partly responsible for the trial and
execution of sorcerers. Can we detect a similar ambiguity in Louis's enthusi-
asm for reviving a pagan charivari only to find it is incompatible with
145
Tobit 3:7-8; 8:1-3.
contemporary Christian beliefs, which so incapacitated his imagination that

the only grand finale he could conceive of did not essentially differ from the
ecclesiastical panacea for heresy, superstition and paganism? Perhaps it was
not merely the marriage of one of the queen's ladies that needed ritual
assuaging. The 'Bal des Sauvages' was one of the many remedial festivities
organised to entertain the king and no doubt the madness of poor king Charles
was felt to be in desperate need of some exorcist ritual. The interesting thing
is that the court next to its demonstrations of piety, its faith in processions,
prayers, and relics such as the sudarium, also resorted to extremely unortho-
dox remedies, employing sorcerers and magicians. It therefore embodies as
a whole an ambiguity that we should not be surprised to detect in one of its
members. The hand that threw the torch was guided by a force which resulted
from the friction between pagan and Christian affinities that were not merely
part of Louis's soul but of that of the entire court.
2.6 Conclusion
This chapter has dealt with the main theme of Pignon's treatise: the pact with
the devil, applied to one of the two main subjects of Contre les devineurs,
namely magic as it found its expression in the immediate historical context
of the book, namely the period 1390-1411, a period of eminent importance
for a proper understanding of Pignon's claim that the catastrophe of 1411
was caused by sorcery and divination. The civil war, of course, was caused
by Burgundy's ambitions and the assassination of Louis d'Orléans which, in
turn, was a result of the rivalry between John the Fearless and Louis d'Or-
léans. The ultimate cause of this rivalry was the mental disease of Charles
VI. According to the Burgundian version the conflict resulted from Orleans's
tyrannical behaviour and his attempts to destroy the king by means of sorcery.
Pignon's assertions that the civil war resulted from dealings with sorcerers,
charmers, diviners and dream-interpreters, and from bad government,
covetousness, ambition, and tyranny146 places him firmly in the Burgundian
camp and in line with Petit's Justification that provided the encompassing
frame for the present chapter.
The Justification has shown us the political uses of rhetoric and scholastic
learning, demonstrating how high treason against earthly monarchs automati-
cally involves high treason against God, which are both eminently expressed
in the crime of sorcery; the point is crucial to Pignon's way of thinking.
Petit's text has shown us the political use of sorcery as a means of calumny
and incrimination. The materials out of which these slanders were forged,
146
CLD m.2. The key-phrases are: 'sorceliers, enchanteurs, devineurs et songeurs' and
'grande convoitise, ambicion de régner et dominer qui engenre tirannie'.
96 CHAPTER TWO
however, were not entirely fictitious. We have encountered a court with a

real and profound interest in magic which attracted many practitioners of
these arts in search of princely patronage. And most significant of all, we
have found the duke of Burgundy as one of their most compliant and gullible
supporters. The social context of Contre les devineurs is dominated by the
cases and the stories we have reviewed. Some of these have left their traces
in the treatise in brief but highly significant references, such as to the civil
war and the sorceries near Dijon. On the whole, however, Pignon does not
elaborate on them, but prefers to follow the classifications, arguments and
examples of his source-texts. Finally, we have analysed by means of an
exemplary case the inner tension of court life, which consisted in the court's
affinities with pagan superstitions in a Christian world. In general this was
a source of alarm147 to preachers and it was certainly part of Pignon's
motivation to take up his pen.
In the following chapter we shall deal with the other main theme of Contre
les devineurs, namely divination, the art of predicting the future. We have
encountered so far one or two sorcerers, like Arnaud Guillaume or Jeanne
de Brigue, who made prognosticative claims; but always these claims were
tied up with some sort of magical power, such as Guillaume's bizarre claim
that he was able to manipulate the planets. The class of specialists who more
or less monopolised the art of prognostication in the fourteenth and fifteenth
century were the astrologers. Mostly they were physicians whose medical
expertise required knowledge of the stars and celestial influence. But the
clergy was no less interested, as we saw in the case of cardinal d'Ailly. It
is against these prognosticative activities that Pignon levies the second part
of his attack, in spite of his scant knowledge of the subject. His treatment
is traditional, as he rehearses the ancient problem of determinism and free
will, and expounds the nature of celestial causation as he had read it from
Aquinas. He is even somewhat out of touch with the ideas of late medieval
astrologers who tried to discover the secret parameters of history in the stars.
This astrological historicism will be the subject of our next chapter.
Cf. Gerson's remarks against 'la fête des fous' inŒuvres complètes, vol. 7, pp. 409-411.
CHAPTER THREE
HISTORY AND DIVINATION
To see the strange impatience of the heavens

(Julius Caesar 1.3)
Pignon refers to the authority of Christ to prove that it does not behove man
to know the future.1 Still, man has had a perennial craving to perpetrate the
unseemly and to a certain extent Christ recognised and even condoned this
need by admitting there are signs from heaven, and by admonishing people
to heed the signs of the times.2 Possibly these signs were a concession to
human frailty and designed to adumbrate the eschatological goal of history
in only the most general of terms; but they were in fact an excellent excuse
for medieval astrologers to justify their art. When Pignon criticises astrol-
ogers, he points out that prognostications can be made only in general terms
and that astrologers err in believing they can predict particular things. His
anti-astrological arguments, that mainly focus on contingency and free will,
are designed to disprove this latter point of the predictability of singular
contingent events. He thereby consciously disregards the former point, namely
the general predictions that were deemed possible because the idea of celestial
influence and causation and the belief in heavenly signs were generally
accepted. This chapter will make up for Pignon's silence and supplement his
partial and somewhat biassed presentation of medieval astrology.
This chapter is devoted to court astrology (esp. in relation to Burgundy)
and to what was no doubt its main ideological motivation, namely to study
the face of the sky in order to read the signs of the times. There is a link
between astrology and history as Dante realised when he placed the astrologer
Guido Bonatti in hell with his head screwed backwards in order to keep him
from ever gazing into the future again.3 It is only fitting that we should begin
our examination with a man who was both an astrologer and a historian and
whose work is a major source for our knowledge of fifteenth-century
astrology.
1
CLD m.3; Acts 1:7.
2
Luc. 21:11; Mat. 16:3.
3
Inferno XX.
98 CHAPTER THREE
3.1 Simon de Phares: The First Historian of Astrology
Around All Saint's Day 1490, king Charles VIII of France visited Lyon,
where, for a while, he abandoned the affairs of state to visit an astrologer
who must have earned himself a considerable reputation for his skills and
learning to merit such royal favour. The astrologer was Simon de Phares
(born on August 9, 1444),4 a man who had led an itinerant life, who had
travelled widely throughout Europe and the Levant, who had studied in Paris
and Oxford among other places, and who had finally settled down in Lyon
where he married and became the father of five children, and where he
cherished a private library of some 200 volumes5 (an incredible number of
books for a private collection, certainly compared with the twenty books that
the Clerk from Oxford in the General Prologue to Chaucer's Canterbury Tales
would have liked to possess). His fame was apparently widespread, for the
king of France visited him with the express purpose of admiring his library
and getting his advice on certain presumably delicate matters that were not
meant for the ears of the court.6 But in the case of Simon de Phares royal
favour was outweighed by episcopal envy.
The archbishop of Lyon became very jealous and denounced the astrologer
for having 'ung esperit famulier', a familiar spirit or private demon who
answered all questions people asked of Simon. Soon other envious detractors
raised their voices and before long, in 1491, Simon de Phares found himself
imprisoned and eleven books from his library were confiscated for close
examination. Naturally Simon repented his sins, and to escape life-imprison-
ment he denounced all sorcery and all divinatory and magical arts. His books
were kept in custody for examination by members of the Faculty of Theology
of the university of Paris and when he was found guilty and fined, Simon
(stubborn and eager enough to prove himself innocent) saw no other way but
to take up his pen and rehabilitate himself in a book addressed to king
Charles, reminding the monarch that he had rendered him astrological
4
On Simon de Phares, see: Recueil des plus célèbres astrologues et quelques hommes
doctesfaictpar Symon de Phares, éd. Wickersheimer; for Simon's autobiography, see: Recueil,
pp. 256-257; Jean-Patrice Boudet, Lire dans le ciel: La bibliothèque de Simon de Phares,
astrologue du xve siècle (Bruxelles 1994); Maxime Préaud, Les astrologues à la fin du Moyen
Age (Paris 1984); Thorndike, HMES IV, pp. 544-561; Jean-Patrice Boudet, "La papauté
d'Avignon et l'astrologie", in: Fin du monde et signes des temps; visionnaires et prophètes en
France méridionale (Toulouse 1992), pp. 258-260; Jean-Patrice Boudet, aL'astrologie, la
recherche de la maîtrise du temps et les spéculations sur la fin du monde au Moyen Age et dans
la première moitié du xvie siècle", in: Le temps, sa mésure et sa perception au Moyen Age, éd.
B. Ribémont (Caen 1992), pp. 19-35.
5
A partial reconstruction of this library was attempted by Boudet in Lire dans le ciel.
6
Boudet {Lire dans le ciel, p. ix) mentions a royal account which states that the king
consulted a 'Sebille' who, Boudet concludes, is none other than Simon de Phares.
HISTORY AND DIVINATION 99
services on many occasions. The book is known as the Recueil des plus
célèbres astrologues and it gives a vast catalogue of all prominent men who
have practised the 'royal science' throughout history, from Adam to Simon
de Phares's own day. By this catalogue Simon hoped to show that, since it
includes prominent patriarchs, prophets, and bishops, astrology has nothing
to do with demonic magic. But whether his attempt was successful we do not
know. No records of his case or of his person survive after the year 1498,
the year in which Charles VIII died, and the Recueil was never published at
the time; it was probably never even read by the king. The book survives
in only one manuscript copy and was published for the first time in 1929.
It is one of the major sources for all research into fifteenth-century court-
astrology, and will render us some important services in the course of this
chapter.
Simon de Phares refers to his book as an Elucidai re. From his prologue
we learn that he originally planned it as a tripartite work. The first part was
to deal with famous and important astrologers from world history, part two
would expound the foundations and techniques of astrology and part three,
finally, would be concerned with the magic arts. However, the death of king
Charles VIII on April 7, 1498 put a premature stop to Simon's endeavour
and part one, the Recueil, seems to be the only part written. Though original-
ly intended for publication, the book went through a number of stages so that
in the end it resembled a notebook rather than a systematic historical survey.7
Occasionally Simon gives vent to his anger and indignation by inserting
remarks on the envious detractors who so falsely accused him.
This sad story of an astrologer who bravely defended his art by
emphasising that all the vicissitudes of his life, his travels, his kidney-stones,
and even the accusations launched against him could be read from his
horoscope, raises two important questions that will be our main concern in
the present chapter. The first question concerns the relationship between
astrologers and rulers (both secular and ecclesiastical) that consult them: why
did these rulers consult them and what was their influence? The second
question concerns the relationship between astrology and the larger cosmologi-
cal-political frame: what role did astrology play in people's understanding
of the world and of history? Both questions are of prime importance to Simon
de Phares and his answers are unambiguous.
He portrays astrologers as the most important counsellors of kings and
rulers whose advice and prognostications are ignored only at great peril.
Denis Anjorrand, 'docteur à Paris, excellant medicin', predicted the capture
of king John at Poitiers 'et en advertit plusieurs mais on n'en tient compte'.8
7
Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, pp. x-xi.
8
Simon de Phares, Recueil, p. 208; Wickersheimer, DBM 1, p. 114.
100 CHAPTER THREE
Another 'très notable clerc et grant astrologien' called Henry de Malinis, also
predicted to king John 'l'entrée des Anglois en France et la prinse de lui et
de son filz, Philippe le Hardy, et la mort de plusieurs nobles à Poitiers et,
s'il eust été creu, ce ne fust ainsi advenu'.9 TÏie capture of the French king
was also foreseen by maistre Guillaume de Toury from Bourges who was
voluntarily sent to the English to attend the captive king. Maistre Guillaume,
an expert astrologer, also warned messire Charles d'Espaigne, constable of
France, of impending danger, but the constable refused to believe him and
was consequently killed in a hostelry in Normandy.10 Those lords and rulers
who were wise enough to listen to their astrologers benefited from them in
many ways. They proved able counsellors as well as diplomats, and were
even invincible sleuths. Brother Nicolas de Paganico, an Italian astrologer
and doctor, employed by Philip the Bold to draw up the nativity horoscope
of John the Fearless, was an expert at 'jugemens particuliers, car de son
temps il n'estoit muriner, ne larron, ne malfaicteur, qui se puist abscondre,
ne larrecin celler, ne traictre qui se peust devant ses jugemens couvrir ne
deffendre'.11 Possibly Simon de Phares himself was employed in this type
of detection work, for his library contained a treatise on astrological interro-
gations relating to thieves.12
Simon de Phares does not articulate a theory or philosophy of history, but
simply demonstrates his astrological historicism in the way he tells the history
of the world from an astrologer's point of view. Important historical events
in the Recueil are not the objects of recollection, but of prediction: history
is not remembered, but foreseen. Though the Recueil is essentially an
apologetic work, Simon is far from modest in his claims. By starting his
survey of famous astrologers with Adam and by turning virtually every
subsequent patriarch, prophet and king into an adept of the science of the
stars, he suggests astrology is one of the main purposes of man's temporal
existence.
In the opening sections of his fascinating survey we find Adam giving
names, not only to the animals but to the stars,13 we find angels instructing
the legendary Enoch in astrology,14 and we learn the reason why God
allowed man in the first age of the world to live for many, many centuries,
like 'Mathusallé, pour mieulx ataindre la proufondité des sciences, par
especial de celle des estoilles'.15 As one of the liberal arts astrology helps
9
Simon de Phares, Recueil, p. 221.
10
11
Simon de Phares, Recueil, pp. 229-230.
12
Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, pp. ix, 11.
13
14
15
to perfect the human mind and it enables rulers to foresee dangers and
misfortunes. Astrology not only serves monarchs, it also builds empires.
Simon draws his reader's attention to the lesson of Aristotle who admonished
his pupil Alexander the Great to undertake nothing without the counsel of
his astrologers, and to the assurances of Policrates and Cato that the Romans
founded their empire not through arms but through disciplina celesti.16
Simon takes certain liberties in writing his book, the first real history of
astrology in Europe. Boudet estimates that of the 1226 names of astrologers
mentioned in the Recueil, about one quarter are entirely fictional. Of the
remaining number about half are not known for any interest or skill in
astrology.17 Though this still leaves us with several hundreds of possibly
genuine and valuable names, this historiographical strategy clearly demon-
strates the urgency with which Simon set about his task. Naturally the story
of the star of Bethlehem and the three Magi who traced it suits Simon's
purposes extremely well: 'Et doncques si le Créateur du ciel s'est voulu fere
aourer par trois si souverains astrologiens, il s'ensuit bien qu'il ayt voulu en
eulx manifester la Trinité'.18
Though all this clearly shows that God and man, in spite of their different
ideas about historical truth, agree on the importance and necessity of astrol-
ogy, it does not clarify the relation between astrology and history. An obvious
step would be to develop some form of astrological historicism that would
not only validate all immediate and practical applications of astrology, but
this could also, in conjunction with prophecy, be brought to bear on the
greater scheme of things. Prophecy and astrology should, at least theoretical-
ly, be distinguished since their knowledge derives from different sources, viz.
revelation and science. Yet, in view of the main paradigm of scholastic
philosophy which aims at harmonising pagan science and Christian beliefs,
it should come as no surprise that prophecy and astrology became closely
associated. The fact that the Recueil was never finished and was mainly
intended as a justification may have kept its author from drawing up a
systematic concordance of astrological observations and predictions and
historical events, but the belief that this concordance is there, looms large
in the majority of Simon de Phares's entries.
In what follows we shall address both issues: astrological historicism and
the actual role and influence of astrologers in relation to the seats of power.
Again our material will derive mainly from the latter part of the fourteenth
and the early decades of the fifteenth century, and the focus of our attention
will again be Burgundy.
16
17
Boudet, Ure dans le ciel, p. xi.
18
102 CHAPTER THREE
3.2 History Between Sacred and Secular
Like miracles omens do not have a rationale. For the eyes of the religious
beholder, signs from heaven and other portents are a minor revelation, a
divine intercession in the course of nature. To any mind not equipped with
the idea of nature as a structured and well organised whole, and hence
unfamiliar with the idea of the regularity of certain celestial phenomena,
heavenly 'signs' such as eclipses and conjunctions might appear in the same
light: he could without further thought interpret them as, if not random, then
certainly God-given tokens. For an educated believer, and certainly for an
astrologer likewise inclined to read history from the stars, things were less
simple. If God directs the heavens and if the heavens not only proclaim the
glory of God, but also the general course of history, then history must be
the embodiment of the divine will.
This consequence raises an important issue in the context of Christian
beliefs, especially when one takes into account that one of the most important
achievements in the field of historical and political theory by Augustine,
whose City of God had such a profound influence on medieval thought, was
not the sanctification of history and politics by creating an explicit link
between heaven and earth, but the definition of the minimal state and the
secularisation of history.19 The social order for Augustine was a necessary
evil, like a disease that people had to learn to live with. For Augustine the
state, the political order, was no longer part of the universal and cosmological
order (in the way it had been for the Romans). The saeculum, the world of
historical experience, this odd mixture of good and evil, and of the two
civitates that can only be resolved eschatologically, will, at the end of time,
give way to a millennium that is not the fruit of secular politics, and the
organisation of which is wholly different from the order we know and
perceive.
This is not the way thirteenth-century Aristotelian theologians read
Augustine.20 Though they believed to be standing on the shoulders of one
of the giant Fathers of the Church, they looked in a decidedly different
direction, for they believed that the political order was part of the natural
order that God had instituted in the universe. This opened up the way for a
politics of perfection. Thefinalimplications of this idea (namely the establish-
ment of the kingdom of God which according to the Apocalypse of St. John
was to last for a thousand years) were never fully realised by the official
medieval theology, even though heaven and earth were now part of one and
the same hierarchy. Man was caught somewhere in the middle, like Dante
19
See Markus, Saeculum, pp. 72-104, esp. 94-102.
20
Cf. Markus, Saeculum, pp. 211-230.
on Mount Purgatory21 perfectly capable of climbing to the top in broad

daylight, but unable to progress even an inch at night. Man cannot improve
himself through nature alone; he also needs the light of Grace. Later the
theologians of the Reformation were more careful to follow the giant's gaze
and they would criticise the ambiguity of the nature-Grace motif in scholastic
philosophy, but in the mean time the re-established contact between heaven
and earth in one hierarchy made the world of God, and hence of God's
kingdom in the millennium less alien than in the Augustinian model.
That history was thus caught between sacred and secular in the orthodox
and generally accepted world view, also meant that any attempt to settle this
ambiguity would be interpreted as a radical if not revolutionary departure
from main stream thought. The main proponents of the sacred view of history
were beyond doubt the prophetic and sometimes ecstatic millennial movements
that swept across Europe in times of crisis. Charismatic leaders and prophets
not only claimed to establish a society of saints, but also prophesied the end
of time. It is here that astrology could fit in since it could provide chiliastic
ideologies with some structural backbone. The general medieval belief in
astrology fostered the idea that the advent of Christ's kingdom, perhaps even
the Parousia itself, could be read from the stars. In that sense it could be
argued that the study of celestial motion helped to shape the horizon of late
medieval historico-political thought.
This is not to say that the ambiguity of a secular and a sacred view of
history is relatively scarce or even absent before the thirteenth century. Many
of the early Fathers, and Augustine is no exception, were deeply committed
to the periodisation of history on the basis of numerological22 or astrological
speculations. The basis of this commitment was naturally the extensive use
of number symbolism in the Bible and the Scriptural affirmation that the
heavens express the glory of God. Though faith thus legitimised and even
stimulated the appetite and taste for astrological historicism among the early
Fathers, it was relentless in its condemnation of the actual menus. Judicial
astrology met with almost universal reproof and many other forms of
divination were likwise discarded. This does not mean early Christianity
altogether abandoned these religious practices; rather it replaced them by
Christianised substitutes more in keeping with Biblical tastes and precedents.
Pagan divination and astrology were replaced by the Christian ability to read
the signs of the times, as pagan magic was replaced by Christian miracles.
There are important differences between the pagan forms of divination and
their Christian counterparts, firstly in relation to the signifiers (to borrow
semiotic terms) and secondly in relation to the signified. In the first place
21
Purgatorio Vn.
22
For further remarks on Augustine and numerology, see Appendix ill, below.
104 CHAPTER THREE
Christianity reorganised the economy of signs, discarding certain omens and

symbols as superstitious or pernicious and establishing others as legitimate
expressions of the will of God. In the second place (on the level of the
signified) all signs were made to point in one direction, ultimately the
Parousia at the end of time and history. We deal with both points consecu-
tively.
3.2.1 Re-reading the Signs
One of the clearest expressions of the Christian evacuation of the symbolism

of ancient astrology can be found in the writings of Ignatius of Antioch.
Up in the heavens a star gleamed out, more brilliant than all the rest; no words
could describe its lustre, and the strangeness of it left men bewildered. The other
stars and the sun and moon gathered round it in chorus, but this star outshone them
all. Great was the ensuing perplexity; where could this newcomer have come from,
so unlike its fellows? Everywhere magic crumbled away before it; the spells of
sorcery were all broken, and superstition received its death blow. The age-old
empire of evil was overthrown, for God was now appearing in human form to
bring a new order, even life without end.23
In words that are reminiscent of one of Joseph's dreams Ignatius evokes the
image of the star of Christendom outshining all other religions, and in this
light he also interprets the story of the three Magi from the Gospel of St.
Matthew. The Magi from the East who were guided by the mysterious star
that led them to Bethlehem, may have been meant to depict Zoroastrian
priests from Persia. The imagery of light and darkness of Zoroastrian dualism
profoundly influenced Judaism during the Babylonian captivity (as it would
later influence Christianity). Isaiah is an important witness of the ambivalent
feelings of Judaism when in one and the same passage he heralds Cyrus, king
of the Persians, as the Lord's annointed (a Messianic title) and simultaneously
rejects the king's dualist creed.24 Zoroastrianism was no doubt a religion
23
Ignatius of Antioch, Epistle to the Ephesians, 19. See: Early Christian Writings: The
Apostolic Fathers, transi. M. Staniforth (Harmondsworth 1968), p. 81. Cf. Gal. 4:1-11 where
Paul explains that man, formerly 'in bondage under the elements of the world', has now been
liberated by Christ. The elementa mundi may be interpreted as referring to the stars and the
Zodiac; see DDD, 'stoicheia', cols. 1544-1545.
24
Isaiah 45:1-7. As an aside it may be of interest to note that Cyrus was very popular at
the later Burgundian court of Charles the Bold. To Charles Cyrus was a typical example of how
a king could be considered just by God though he did not belong to the chosen people of Israel.
Vasque de Lucène's translation of Xenophon's Cyropédie underlined the ideology that justice
could be derived directly from God without ecclesiastical mediation. Quite contrary to the ideas
that Pignon developed in his later Traictié de la cause de la diversité des estai, Burgundian
with which the Hebrews felt some affinity (Ahuramazda, the supreme God
of light, e.g., was not represented in graven images) and judging from Isaiah
there was even a sense of national gratitude since Cyrus had ended Hebrew
captivity. The three Magi may have been meant to represent this religion the
Israelites felt somewhat akin to, a religion that, like Nebuchadnezzar, had
finally seen the light and now humbled itself before the one true God. The
deference with which these foreign priests were treated in Matthew's narrative
possibly echoes the respectful notes from Isaiah, but their adoration of the
infant Jesus and the offering of gifts mark an abdication, the end of a spiritual
kingdom at least. The star of Bethlehem signifies, but not in a way commonly
found in astrology.25 The old sign-systems are made redundant; magic (the
art of the Magi) has come to an end. In the words of John of Salisbury:
astrology 'flourished and doubtless was lawfully practised to a certain extent
until after the star in the heavens announced the birth of Christ, and with its
strange, marvelous guidance led the Magi. (...) Thereafter, however,
astrology was absolutely banned'.26
A similar process of redundancy can be found in Augustine. In the second
book of his De doctrina Christiana Augustine provides a brief introduction
to semiotics.27 He discusses signs as interpretanda, as things that must be
interpreted. Interpretation obviously requires knowledge either of languages
or of the world and human institutions. But in addition to this it also requires
consensus and agreement on the meaning of signs among their users. It is
in this context that Augustine deals with superstitious signs and observances.
He mentions the use of amulets, charms and certain signs called 'characters',
earrings, rings of ostrich bone, and a remedy for hiccoughs whereby the left
thumb must be held in the right hand. A falling stone, a dog, or a child
coming between two friends walking arm-in-arm, treading on the threshold
of one's front door, sneezing whilst putting on one's shoes and finding one's
clothes eaten by mice, which all of them were believed to be omens of bad
fortune, are vehemently denounced.28 This little list of common superstitions
politics displayed a very strong secularising tendency. See Danielle Gallet-Guerne, Vasque de
Lucène et la Cyropédie à la cour de Bourgogne (1470). Le traité de Xénophon mis en français
d'après la version latine du Pogge (Genève 1974), esp. p. 185; Vanderjagt, 'Qui sa vertu
anoblist\ pp. 58-60; Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 184-185.
25
This is the common view of Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory. See, e.g., Tertullian, De
idolatria, c. 9 (PL 1, 672). Cf. Valerie Flint, The Rise of Magic in Early Medieval Europe
(Princeton 1991), pp. 367-375. Flint describes how, in the course of the early Middle Ages,
with the rise of astrology also the Magi were rehabilitated.
26
John of Salisbury, Policraticus 1.12; Pike transi., p. 43.
27
Augustine, DDC Π. 1-5; John of Salisbury also discusses the nature of signs. Cf. e.g.,
Policraticus Π.14; Pignon deals with signs in CLD Π.3.2.
28
DDCn.20.
106 CHAPTER THREE
from late Antiquity enjoyed a long tradition, for it was taken over by Aquinas
and was diligently copied by Pignon in his treatise.29 To these superstitious
practices Augustine also adds the art of the genethliaci, the astrologers who
can tell people's fortunes from their horoscopes, in opposition to whom he
adduces the time-honoured example of the twins.30 All these various super
stitious beliefs and practices he qualifies as 'contracts and agreements with
demons' based on 'imaginary signs' or a 'common language' by means of
which men and demons communicate. Augustine explains that signs in
themselves are wholly arbitrary and only gain their meaning through mutual
agreement. When augurs observe the flight and listen to the cries of birds
(meaningless in themselves) they can interpret these as omens only because
they have agreed that they should be significant.31 It is evident that a cul
ture's conversion to Christianity will make an entire sign-system redundant;
but the exchange of one contractual partner for another does not remove the
need for communication and a concomitant sign-system.
Following the lines of Augustine's sign-theory, Christian thinkers might
go so far as to argue that entering into a new partnership does not necessarily
have to imply the redundancy of the old means of communication. The Bible
certainly sanctioned means of learning the will of God that were not unknown
among pagan peoples, such as visions, ecstasies, dreams, the casting of lots
and (less emphatically) signs in the heavens even though other forms of
divination such as consulting the dead (necromancy) were vehemently
denounced. Apostles and prophets occasionally entered into contests with
pagan priests and miracle workers, beating them at their own game,32
contesting the spiritual authority but sanctioning its means of identification.
As we saw in a previous chapter the full weight of ecclesiastical condemna
tion of magic and divination rests on the measure of demonic involvement,
a criterion that is very difficult to apply or verify, not merely for the modern
historian but also for the Christian in late Antiquity and the Middle Ages.
Objective manifestations of magic and divination, in other words the signs,
cannot be adequately distinguished from religion:33 Christian and ecclesiasti-
29
See CLD 1.6 and Π.3.3.
30
DDC Π.21-22; CLD m.6.
31
DDCn.24.
32
Cf. Moses and Pharaoh's magicians (Ex. 7:10-13); Elijah and the priests of Ba'al (I
Kings 18:20-40); the apostles and Simon Magus (Acts 8); Pignon gives the example of Simon
and Judas and the Persian diviners, CLD ΙΠ.5.
33
Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline ofMagic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth
and Seventeenth Century England (London 1971), deals extensively with the magic of the
medieval church (chapter 2, pp. 25-50), which includes the miraculous powers of saints's relics
or images, holy water, the sign of the cross, amulets with Christian images or verses from
Scripture, and, of course, mass and the Eucharist. Pignon also condones certain forms of
cal magic or divination can therefore be seen to continue the tradition of their
pagan predecessors. In her study on the rise of magic, Valerie Flint draws
special attention to the transmission of astrology which she calls 'one of the
most spectacular rescues in the history of magic'34 and which was mainly
due to the general acceptance of medical and agricultural astrology. Especially
the influence of the Moon on the tides, the seasons, growth and decay was
felt as convincing proof of astrology's validity, and apparently Moon-books
or lunaria35 were among the earliest and most popular texts to be copied
in monasteries.36 Even as fierce an opponent of astrology as Augustine made
allowances for lunar influence.37 Next to the Moon, comets were immensely
popular, mainly as harbingers of great historical events. Soon popular
sympathy for these celestial travellers was legitimised by authorities like
Isidore, Bede or a Christian chronicler such as Gregory of Tours.38 Pignon
agrees that comets signify 'guerre ou mort de prince ou occoison de pueple
ou mortalité de gent par pestilence de epydimie ou chier temps'.39 Among
early Christian authors many instances can be found of the adaptation of non-
Christian ideas on celestial 'signifiers'. A particularly illuminating instance
(though not an orthodox one) is Origen who firmly believed in a sympathetic
relationship (to use Stoic terminology) between earthly and heavenly events.
This relationship is not a causal one, but events below and above correspond
because they are parts of a single whole. Consequently Origen saw the stars
as 'heavenly writings' even though he rejected astrology.40
3.2.2 The Eschaton
Similar ideas can be found in Augustine, though far less emphatically. His
Christological interpretations of Old Testament histories, and his conviction
that the course of history somehow reveals God's redemptive plan made him
into something of an historicist. He was willing to accept the occasional
celestial portent, but refused to accept any form of astrological causality,
'Christian magic', CLD Π.3.4. For other identifications of religion and magic, see Thorndike,
HMES I, pp. 5 ff.; Harmening, Superstitio, pp. 222-225.
34
Flint, The Rise of Magic, pp. 128-146.
35
For the edition of a Burgundian lunarium and further references see Appendix III.
36
Flint, The Rise of Magic, pp. 134-135.
37
DCDV.6.
38
Flint, The Rise of Magic, pp. 136-137; Pignon also provides a specimen of Christian
divination as it can be found in Gregory of Tours: CLD ΠΙ.5. John of Salisbury regarded comets
as signs from God: Poticraticus Π. 13, though there is some mockery in his tone: cometa siquidem
apparente creduntur imminere comitia.
39
CLDO.2.1.
40
Alan Scott, Origen and the life of the Stars: Λ History of an Idea (Oxford 1994), pp.
145-146.
108 CHAPTER THREE
arguing that all events are expressions of one design and the will of God.41
Following a tradition that extended far back into Mesopotamia culture,42
Augustine bequeathed to later Christian historiography a periodisation of
history based on the week of creation. Earlier Christian authors had already
projected the seven days of creation onto history, thus, in conjunction with
the Scriptural observation that a thousand years are but a day to God (Ps.
89:4), dividing world history into seven periods of a millennium each. The
last period (the Sabbath) would then correspond to the thousand-year rule of
Christ as predicted in the Apocalypse. It is characteristic of Augustine that
this scheme was too literal and simple-minded for his taste. He rejected the
idea that each period lasts exactly a thousand years and went even further
in deciding that Christ's thousand-year-rule, as mentioned in the Book of
Revelation, is a symbol of Christ's eternal rule. Instead, Augustine correlated
his Great Week to Biblical chronology which yields the following division:
(1) the period from Adam to the Flood: ten generations; (2) the period from
the Flood to Abraham: ten generations; (3) the period from Abraham to
David: fourteen generations; (4) the periodfromDavid to the Exile: fourteen
generations; (S) the period from the Exile to Christ: fourteen generations;
(6) the period from the first to the second coming: duration unknown; and
(7) the period of the eternal Sabbath.43 This periodisation was common in
the Middle Ages and also Pignon refers to it.44
This scheme is revealing in that it shows the ambiguity of the sacred and
the secular status of history. On the one hand it suggests that history is an
expression of something and that it moves and develops in a certain direction.
On the other hand the ultimate purpose of history, its eschatological goal,
namely Christ's rule, is beyond history and even antithetically opposed to
it, as eternity is to temporality. By removing the signified to a different level
of reality, the signs and signifiers become the somewhat detached and sober
symbols of the world to come, and in no way can they contribute to its
realisation. Augustine's secular view of history met the practical needs of
institutionalised Christianity that had to establish its place in the world now
that the Parousia was indefinitely postponed. It could not satisfy holy
impatience that time and again inspired large groups of Christians to ignite
41
See Nicholas Campion, The Great Year: Astrology, Millenarianism and History in the
Western Tradition (London 1994), pp. 313-315, on Augustine and historical divination. Norman
Conn, The Pursuit of the Millennium (London 1957) is a standard work on the medieval period.
42
On the roots of the periodisation of history and apocalyptic faith, see Norman Conn,
Cosmos, Chaos and the World to Come; The Ancient Roots of Apocalyptic Faith (New Ha
ven/London 1993) and the first chapters in Campion's Great Year.
43
Campion, The Great Year, pp. 323-325.
44
CLD Π. 1.3. Contrary to Augustine, however, Pignon seems to favour literal 1000-year
periods.
social and political upheavels, to strive for a kingdom of God in the here and
now as a means of preparing and even enforcing Christ's return. Not only
did these groups believe in a literal millennium, they were also far more
eager to read the 'heavenly writings'. Despite his concern for the eschaton,
Augustine was not a millenarian.45
The millennial movements of the Middle Ages found natural allies in
magic and divination, and above all in astrology. A powerful yearning to
draw the divine within the compass of experience marks medieval eschato-
logical Christendom. The awareness that the end of time was at hand shaped
the horizon of all social, political and religious endeavour. In his study on
millenarianism Nicholas Campion46 provides many examples of the power
of millennialist ideas: it fuelled Charlemagne's Holy Roman Empire,47 it
motivated Alcuin to found the Aachen cathedral school (as an intellectual
preparation for the end), it triggered the crusades, and a sense that time was
running out even sped Columbus on his journeys. Millenarianism incited the
poor and dispossessed to rise against their oppression and it also mobilised
the well-to-do to fight ecclesiastical corruption (St. Francis, e.g., did not
come from a poor background). There was a strong sense of urgency in this:
contrary to the general eschatological attitude of Christianity, millenarians
did not patiently wait and pray for Christ's return, but they were demanding
the Parousia and were even fighting for it in the crusades, actively creating
the bloody cataclysms that they knew from Biblical prophecies would
immediately precede the second coming.48
Naturally millenarianism had prophets of its own, such as Hildegard of
Bingen, Joachim of Fiore, or Jean de Roquetaillade, to mention but a few.
Drawing on ancient prophetic texts such as the Sybilline oracles or the
pseudo-Methodian prophecies, the swelling medieval tide of prophetic texts,
that grew exponentially after the invention of the printing-press, prepared
Europe for the end. Prophecies of a Last World Emperor, a messianic king
whose just rule would inaugurate the coming kingdom of God, were exceed-
ingly popular and clearly exemplified millenarianism's attempt to bring about
the divine rule in the here and now. This prophetic attempt not merely to
supplicate, but even to compel the will of God, made an ironic contrast with
the doctrines of millenarianism's chief ally astrology, which decreed that it
was not man but the heavens that held sway.
45
46
47
As an aside it may be noted that Charlemagne's favourite book was De civitate Dei which
inspired him to establish this city of God on earth. The secular implications of Augustine's view
were apparently lost on the emperor.
48
110 CHAPTER THREE
The urgent desire to find the plot of history and its final conflagration
written in the stars, was seriously addressed by astrologers. The theory of
the great conjunctions (as developed by Albumasar and al-Kindi and in the
Latin West chiefly known through the works of the former) was of prime
importance: the conjunctions of Jupiter with Saturn (which take place every
twenty years) and the other planets were used by various authors such as
Peter of Abano, Roger Bacon, Pierre d'Ailly and Francisais Florentinus as
a means of explaining the course of history, of establishing a periodisation.49
Especially cardinal d'Ailly, Pignon's contemporary and the most important
astrological theorist and historicist in France at that time, made elaborate
efforts to correlate history and the Jupiter-Saturn conjunctions,50 which in
traditional vein he distinguished in four types: the coniunctio minor, magna,
maior, and maxima. The coniunctio minor occurs every twenty years. If the
first conjunction is in the beginning of Aries, the next will occur twenty years
later, in the beginning of Sagittarius51 and the third will be in Leo. This set
of three signs, Aries-Leo-Sagittarius, is called a triplicity. The fourth will
be in Aries again, thus completing a cycle of approximately sixty years,
which is called the coniunctio magna. The fourth conjunction, however, will
not occur at exactly the same place in Aries, but will have progressed a few
degrees, which means that eventually there will be a conjunction which will
not occur in Aries but in the following sign: Taurus. This is the coniunctio
maior which occurs every 240 years (there being four coniunctiones magnae
in each triplicity) when a conjunction moves from one triplicity to the next.
The cycle repeats itself in the following set of three signs (Taurus-Virgo-
Capricorn) until it has completed a full run of the Zodiac. The return of the
conjunction to Aries takes 960 years (240 x 4 triplicities) and is called the
coniunctio maxima. Conjunctions were believed to be endowed with qualities
similar to the signs and triplicities in which they occur (fiery, watery, etc.),
and their effects on terrestrial events and the human frame were believed to
be in accordance with this.52 On the whole, the rarer the conjunction, the
49
Campion, The Great Year, pp. 354-359; Boudet, "L'astrologie", pp. 22 ff.
50
Smoller, History, Prophecy and the Stars, pp. 20-22. Cf. also J. D. North, "Astrology
and the Fortunes of Churches", in: Centaurus 24 (1980), pp. 185-186.
51
It takes Saturn approximately 30 years to move through the Zodiac and Jupiter
approximately 12 years (the more exact figures are: Saturn 29.5 years and Jupiter 11.9 years;
North, "Fortunes of Churches", p. 185); i.e. Saturn covers about 0.4 sign per year and Jupiter
1 sign per year. After 20 years Saturn will be in the eighth sign starting from Aries, i.e.
Sagittarius; and Jupiter will be in the twentieth sign ( = 12 + 8), which is also Sagittarius, where
the conjunction will take place.
52
See Appendix ill, note 9 on p. 384, of the 12 Signes where the correspondance between
the four triplicities and the elements, primary qualities and humours is drawn out in a table.
more potent its force.53 D'Ailly tried to use the conjunctions and their
regular intervals (of 20, 60,240 and 960 years) to explain social and political
events, and the rise of new kingdoms and religions. Also Franciscus Florenti-
nus used the most potent conjunctions, the coniunctiones maximae, with their
960-year intervals (almost a millennium) as a means of distinguishing seven
phases in history.54
Eugenio Garin has drawn attention to the great importance of this astro-
logical historicism which he does not hesitate to describe as a 'precise
philosophy of history based on a conception of the universe, and characterised
by a consistent naturalism and a rigid determinism'.55 Though the impact
of astrology on political theory and millenarianism still remains largely
unexplored,56 Garin's observations are a reminder that the major themes
of death and rebirth in Renaissance literature and rhetoric are, in fact,
astrological commonplaces closely linked to the theories of the great conjunc-
tions or to the theory of the cosmic cycles.57 Astrology was considered a
firm basis for interpreting history and as such it was used in an attempt to
determine the end of time. A major example is again cardinal d'Ailly, who,
despite his earlier reservations, was persuaded by the Great Schism that the
end was near and who not only turned to astrology but who was also inspired
by millennial prophecies, notably those by Joachim of Fiore.58 For d'Ailly
his astrological-apocalyptic speculations were the outcome of a process of
change that had started with an initial rejection of astrology's claim to predict
the end, which is a supernatural event and hence beyond natural cognition.59
It may be argued that a similar development characterised the Christianity
of late Antiquity and the Middle Ages.
Signs both in heaven and on earth that were regarded as expressions of
the will of God, were increasingly subsumed under a natural order. St.
Matthew, in his account of the Nativity, did not write about a conjunction,
but about a strange wandering satellite quite outside the natural run of the
heavens, that induced foreign astrologers to leave their native lands and
acknowledge the kingship of Christ. The star of Bethlehem was not a sign
for the Jews but for the gentiles. It spoke a language they knew, the language
of astrology, but it also spoke the last word ofthat language, at least accord-
ing to one of the apostolic Fathers. With the lapse of time, when Christians
53
North, "Fortunes of Churches", p. 185.
54
Campion, The Great Year, p. 357.
35
Eugenio Garin, Astrology in the Renaissance: The Zodiac of Life, transi. C. Jackson and
J. Allen (London 1984), p. 16.
56
Campion, The Great Year, p. 597, n.19.
57
Garin, Astrology, p. 18.
58
Smoller, History, Prophecy and the Stars, pp. 85-101.
59
Smoller, History, Prophecy and the Stars, pp. 50-52.
112 CHAPTER THREE
had acquired and learned to appreciate this language of the gentiles, their
attitude changed. Not only was the star of Bethlehem proof that God spoke
through celestial signs, also Christianity itself had risen by virtue of the
constellations (Roger Bacon placed Christianity under the rule of a Jupiter-
Mercury conjunction); and some astrologers went even further and drew up
Christ's nativity horoscope60 in the conviction that Christ's human nature
was subject to the stars like any other person's. In large measure this change
of heart was backed up by the intellectual developments of the twelfth and
thirteenth century, but even before people regarded the course of history as
embodying a divine plan.
A desire to read the signs of the times also marks the period in which
Pignon wrote his treatise. In what follows we will explore the belief in omens
and the astrological historicism of the early fifteenth century, especially in
relation to Burgundy.
3.3 Signs from Heaven
For most people in the fourteenth and fifteenth century heaven and earth were
teeming with signs and omens, and also in the chronicles of that period one
finds frequent references to signs and prophecies. Sometimes these are
observations that the chronicler makes in passing. Sometimes these portents
are more important and tend to become what look like organising principles
of historical narration. The chronicle of Jean de Venette is a famous instance
of the latter.61
The chronicle starts with a number of prophecies and the appearance of
a comet in 1340; it ends in 1368 also with the report of a comet. In a rather
circumspect way Venette deals in an entry for 1356 with a lengthy prophecy
by Jean de Roquetaillade (John of Rupescissa)62 the famous spiritual Francis-
can and alchemist, who in that year was held captive in the papal prison at
Avignon. Venette is careful to emphasise that one should not put too much
trust in this prophet (since the Church had officially opposed the Joachimite
prophet) but the sympathy that the chronicler feels for Jean de Roquetaillade's
prophecies is clearly borne out by the remark which follows: 'yet I have seen
many of the events which they prognosticate come to pass'.63 The very
presence of the lengthy prophecy is an important structuring device for the
events which follow, and though Jean de Venette prudently refrains from
60
On nativities of Christ, see J. D. North, Horoscopes and History (London 1986), pp.
163-173.
61
The Chronicle of Jean de Venette, transi. J. Birdsall (New York 1953).
62
Chronicle of Jean de Venette, pp. 61-62, notes, pp. 211-212.
63
Chronicle of Jean de Venette, p. 61.
further comment, the reader is almost forced to consider the links between
prophecy and the course of history.
Also the reign of Charles VI, documented by the Monk of St. Denis, is
marked by many signs and omens. Though the Monk is convinced that heaven
is on speaking terms with the earth and its inhabitants, he is on occasion
appropriately sceptical and betrays no inclination to regard omens and
prophecies as the organising principles of historiography, let alone of history
itself. His observations of heavenly signs and their interpreters are, however,
of great importance, and we follow him for a moment.
The popular uprising in Rouen in 1382, one of the many social upheavels
of the time, attracted the attention of the Monk of St. Denis for the rather
exceptional reason that it did not happen unannounced. In a house that was
appropriately called Merevilla, close to the town of Saint-Denis a cow gave
birth to a monstrous calf with two heads, three eyes and two tongues. Terror-
struck, the abbot of the nearby monastery had the animal killed affirming he
had never seen the likes of it before and believing this prodigy was the
harbinger of imminent misfortunes. The scholars of cardinal Le Moine in
Paris also discovered a monstrous animal in the grounds of the college
garden. Having dug out and killed the animal, they marvelled at its gleaming
eyes and bizarre physique. During a period of eight days and nights a ball
of fire was seen moving over Paris, hopping from door to door, though there
was no storm, no thunder or lightning, not even a breeze. All these signs that
inspired fear and wonder occurred immediately prior to the revolt at Rouen
and they were carefully recorded by the Monk who, like his father abbot,
was convinced of their prophetic value.64
References to omens and prodigies are not a rarity in the Monk's chron-
icle. Frequently he finds occasion to insert a chapter on comets or other
spectacular apparitions that in one way or another foretell of plagues and
wars, which is, of course, exactly what one would expect comets and
apparitions to do in the age of the Hundred Years' War and the age of the
great plague. Immediately prior to his report of the battle of Nicopolis in
1396, the Monk narrates how, in the night of July 10, in the bishopric of
Maguelonne a comet of considerable size had been spotted, surrounded by
five smaller stars that time and again, with agitated movements, bumped into
the larger comet. A fiery apparition mounted on a bronze horse had appeared
64
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ffl.2, vol. 1, pp. 142-145; cf. Collas, Valentine
de Milan, p. 82; Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 349. Eustache Deschamps wrote a ballad 'sur
prodiges et corps monstrueux' (Œuvres complètes, eds. marquis de Queux de Saint-Hilaire and
Gaston Raynaud, 11 vols. (Paris 1966), vol. 5, pp. 168-169) featuring a 'beste a .ii. chiefs' with
a 'langue double' that heralds the coming of Antichrist. The image refers to the Schism and the
two popes.
114 CHAPTER THREE
suddenly, armed with a flaming lance with which he had struck the comet,
which immediately disappeared. Soldiers garrisoned in Guienne reported
having seen phantoms at night in the guise of cavaliers delivering battle in
the sky. When these reports reached Paris, esteemed and learned members
of the royal court and the university of Paris explained that the first prodigy
foretold the deposition of the pope by king and clergy and that the second
announced wars and massacres.65 The Monk, who says that he was present
when these prodigies were reported to the king, prudently refrains from
passing judgment on these matters, though history shows, he urges, that such
prodigies are nearly always the precursors of great events.66 The very next
chapter in the Monk's chronicle deals with some of the fortunes of war of
the French and Burgundian crusaders who marched against Nicopolis.
Apparently the Monk leaves it up to his readers to make the inference.
Though the Monk seriously believes in signs from heaven, he is highly
critical of judicial astrology. In presenting to his readers a brief episode from
court-life that would have been too trivial to mention had it not provided the
opportunity for learning a moral lesson, the Monk summarises in a few lines
what Pignon laboured to explain in a full-length treatise, namely the follies
of divination and judicial astrology.67 An English knight called Peter of
Courtenay had come to the French court to challenge one of the intimate
friends of the duke of Burgundy, Guy de Trémoille, to a duel to prove the
superiority of English chivalry. Though the challenge was considered an
outrage, it was in the end accepted and a suitable date was fixed with the help
of the astrologers who frequented the princely and royal courts. In an aside
the Monk explains that astrology is a commendable science as long as it is
kept within its proper bounds. When the causes are diverse or unknown, one
cannot judge the effects. The things that proceed from free choice, for
instance, are known to God alone, who in his eternity sees all things as
present. Hence it is that astrologers will turn to lies and deceit in order to
validate their profession and thus lead credulous people astray. The court
astrologers, the Monk continues, took care of the preparations for the duel,
fabricating Guy's arms under the benevolent influence of the stars, and they
predicted that Guy would win the day. On the appointed day, however, the
65
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XVH.22, vol. 2, pp. 480-483; Collas, Valentine
de Milan, pp. 81-82, discusses these omens and dismisses them as superstitious on the part of
both the court and the university.
66
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XVn.22, vol. 2, p. 482: Quid tarnen hec
portendebantscienticunctarelinquo, quicelo, terre manque imp erat, quamvisantiquitasveritatis
hystorice in multis locis non neget quin hec et similia quandoque sint eventuum presagia
fliturorum.
67
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys VI.11, vol. 1, pp. 394-396; cf. Pignon's
reference to duels in CLD III.6.
sky was covered with clouds, and a heavy and incessant rain drenched the
earth. Quite unrestrained by stellar compulsion the king called off the duel.
Peter of Courtenay did get to duel with a French nobleman in the end, not
with Guy de Trémoille but with sire De Cléry, a Picard knight; a combat,
by the way, which he lost.
The Monk is a careful and critical observer. He does not strike one as a
credulous person, nor is he easily swayed by slanders and rumours. His belief
in omens is not a sign of superstition and credulity, but part of a strong
conviction that history has meaning and that Providence speaks to us,
sometimes by means of heavenly phenomena, but also through smaller signs.
It comes as no surprise, therefore, that when the Monk relates one of the
most significant events in French history of that moment, namely the first
madness of king Charles VI, he will look for an omen that preceeded it.
Marching against Brittany in August 1392, the king arrived at Le Mans,
where the following sign was observed: a statue of the Holy Virgin, one of
the treasures of the church of Saint-Julien in Le Mans, had turned round
without anyone touching it. Those who had noticed this omen realised some
great calamity was about to befall the kingdom. When on August 5 the army
departed from Le Mans, a leper pursued the king for half an hour, like Lear's
fool, shouting at him warnings not to go far. Suddenly the already troubled
mind of the king was overtaken by fury; he drew his sword and killed one
of his servants. For the coming hour he would storm round charging at his
own men in a state of frenzy, killing another four in the process and over-
come by a paranoid fear that his enemies would capture him. Stupor finally
overtook him and over the following days his condition worsened. He
stiffened and became cold. Nobles dressed in habits of mourning and especial-
ly the duke of Burgundy made spectacular protestations of grief embracing
the body of his nephew which he believed to be dead. The king's unexpected
recovery after three days did not merely thwart Burgundy's beliefs (and, who
knows, his expectations), but also gave rise to speculations of sorcery.
Realising, like Pignon, what evils would follow from these speculations, the
Holy Virgin had no doubt turned away in horror.68
Beside such miracles and ghostly apparitions, more regular natural
phenomena could also be regarded as omens. The Monk points out that the
year 1396 was a year plagued by violent and portentous storms, but one storm
was so terrible that even the most enlightened people shared the superstitions
of the multitude and feared that, now the French and English were negotiating
a truce, it must foreshadow some sort of treason. Negotiations, however,
were wholly successful and when no catastrophe happened, people agreed
68
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ΧΙΠ.5, vol. 2, pp. 18-21.
116 CHAPTER THREE
that these storms were caused by the devil who, unable to prevent the truce,
gave vent to his fury in this way.69
The most auspicious natural signs were comets. In November 1399 a
bright comet was visible for eight consecutive nights, its tail turned towards
the west. According to the Monk, the astrologers decided that it foreshadowed
the death of kings or imminent revolutions.70 Another bright comet that first
appeared on February 25,1402, coming from the north and moving towards
the west, also exercised the minds of able astrologers, who agreed that it
foreshadowed an increase in the number of heretics and schismatics.71 The
Monk does not ridicule or criticise these prognostications and may have set
some store by them, but unfortunately, when speaking of the astrologers, he
declines to give names and numbers. Some data may be gathered from Simon
de Phares's Recueil. Simon mentions Gilles de Louviers, 'chanoine' of Paris,
as having commented on both comets, but gives no details.72 Petrus de
Monte Alcino predicted the death of the duke of Milan from the 1402-
comet73 and Blaise de Parma74 made predictions concerning emperor Sigis-
mund's military losses in Syria which he estimated at 100,000 casualties, and
the death of Charles d'Orléans. But these men were not the only ones
labouring to read history from the stars. Astrologers in Flanders, Germany,
Burgundy, France and Italy were very much preoccupied with the 1402 comet
(named Verru, according to Simon de Phares) that continued to be visible
for twenty-six days (fifteen according to the Monk). Simon de Phares makes
mention of the following prognostication by Mathieu de Richemond: 'dist
qu'elle signiffioit la mort de grant prince es parties occidentales, et assez tost
après fut tué le duc Loys d'Orléans, frère du roy, à Paris traicteusement, qui
fut cause de plusieurs et infïniz maulz'.75 One astrologer, Jacobus Engelhart
or Angelus76 even wrote a treatise on the occasion of this comet, called
Tractatus de cometis, in which he elaborates on the nature of comets (which
he believes to be earthly exhalations) and in which he describes his observa-
tions of the comet in February/March 1402 and its concomitant meteorologi-
cal phenomena. He gives many examples from Antiquity to the fifteenth
century of the significations of comets, which on the whole are terrifying and
69
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XVÜ. 15, vol. 2, pp. 464-465; cf. also XVH.21,
vol. 2, pp. 478-481.
70
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XX.5, vol. 2, pp. 696-697; cf. also Une
chronique rimée Parisienne écrite en 1409 (11. 333-336), eds. Gauvard and Labory, p. 221.
71
Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys ΧΧΠ.4, vol. 3, pp. 18-19.
72
73
74
Simon de Phares, Recueil, p. 239; Thorndike, HMES IV, pp. 65-79.
75
76
Thorndike, HMES IV, pp. 80-87.
disastrous. The final chapter, in which faithful believers are urged not to rely
on the significations of the stars but on God, was no doubt devised in
anticipation of potential criticism.
As we will see in the following section, there were other conspicuous
heavenly phenomena in the first decade of the fifteenth century which
attracted popular attention such as solar or lunar eclipses. One such eclipse
occurred on Wednesday, June 16, 1406 and impressed Nicolas de Baye to
such an extent that he made note of it in his Journal·?1 the eclipse took place
shortly after six o'clock in the morning and created complete darkness for
five minutes, but the entry in the Journal makes no mention of portents.
The chronicle of the Monk clearly illustrates the degree to which many
people were sensitive to omens, and even moralists and theologians were
willing to acknowledge that there are genuine portents. We have already noted
Pignon's belief in comets as signs of catastrophe, but he mentions this only
in passing. The remark is almost an anomaly in an otherwise condemnatory
treatise. Essentially Pignon's attitude is, like that of most medieval Christians,
wholly ambiguous, but he largely succeeds in concealing this behind his
elaborate invective. The astrologer Engelhart just mentioned, wrote from a
different point of view and was obviously looking for a compromise. Even
scholars sharing Pignon's perspective were consciously trying tofinda golden
mean. A revealing earlier instance is John of Salisbury who elaborately dealt
with signs and omens in the first two books of his Policraticus.
Discussing a collection of omens that he gathered from classical literature,
John indulges in witticisms that betray a scepticism which is absent from his
later discussion of omens which he derives from the histories of Josephus.
Thus we find him mocking the alleged lucky or unlucky encounters with
animals on a journey: 'You are to avoid the hare; that is if it escape, for
undoubtedly its fitting place is the table, not the road. You are to be grateful
if you meet a wolf. He is indeed the herald of good news, though he is
harmful if he sees you first'.78 But John, as Pignon later, makes allowances
for natural signs, such as birds, who sense changes in the air and behave
accordingly,79 and, of course, miraculous, God-given signs.80
This automatically triggers the question why hares and wolves cannot be
the harbingers of something, since after all they are also animals that may
be receptive of certain celestial influences that affect their behaviour in some
portentous way. Further still, why should encounters with such animals not
be considered providential signs from God? John elaborates the point along
77
Nicolas de Baye, Journal, vol. 1, pp. 159-160.
71
John of Salisbury, Policraticus 1.13, Pike transi, p. 49.
79
Cf. CLDn.2.5.
80
John of Salisbury, Policraticus Π.13.
118 CHAPTER THREE
the same lines as Pignon.81 Their receptivity of celestial influences makes

animal behaviour indicative only of natural phenomena such as weather
conditions and not of human fortunes. Animals may be directed by God, as
in the case of the raven that fed the prophet Elijah in the desert; but, Pignon
adds, almost as an aside, the devil may do the same.82
It is in virtue of the concept of natural causality that John can mock the
omens he knows from his reading: 'Meeting with a toad announces success
to come, though for myself I can scarcely bear the sight of one'. Occasionally
he adds a self-conscious note: 'They tell us that it is ominous to meet a priest
or monk. I too believe it is dangerous to meet not merely priests but philos-
ophers as well'.83 Much more than Pignon, John is willing to accept the
hand of God in miraculous events. In a chapter on signs preceding the
destruction of Jerusalem we find him listing a lunar eclipse, a comet, a calf
giving birth to a lamb and a vision of war chariots in the sky,84 signs that
are not so very different from the signs that the Monk of St. Denis records.
John also provides a rationale for such miraculous omens stating, with a
reference to Plato, that nature is the will of God.85 Nature is replete with
hidden causes and germs that in due time manifest their effects (a reference
to Augustine's rationes séminales) and had we but knowledge and wisdom
enough, we would be able to fully understand the working of such miracles
and wondrous signs. Clearly there is little room and even little need for
demons in John's world view. Pignon, on the other hand, still owes his
readers a clear demonstrable criterion for distinguishing a God-given from
a demonic sign. The truth is that signs dealing with people's fortunes, that
John considers nonsensical and superstitious and that Pignon more brazenly
labels demonic, could with equal justice be considered divine or natural (in
John's view of nature) which is an immediate consequence of Christianity's
adaptation of a pre-Christian, pagan belief in omens.
Fourteenth-century people needed the proximity of God in miracles, signs
and rituals, possibly, as in the chronincle of the Monk of St. Denis, to
assuage the pressures and tensions of life during the Hundred Years' War
and the disastrous reign of Charles VI. Next to this attempt to soothe the
emotions, there was also the intellectual need to understand the vicissitudes
of life in the larger framework of history. It is to astrological historicism that
we turn next.
81
CLD Π.2.5; Policraticus II.2.
82
In CLD 1.3 Pignon elaborates on this and explains how the devil may take the form of
an animal or occupy its body.
83
Policraticus 1.13, Pike transi., p. 50.
84
Policraticus II.4.
85
Policraticus 11.12; cf. also Isidore, Etymologiae XI.3 (PL 82, 419).
3.4 Astrology, Burgundy and History
The period of the Anglo-Burgundian rule over Paris (1420-1436) was marked
by great tensions. Direct contact with the English, a hitherto fairly unknown
and alien people, impressed on the French stronger than ever before a new
sense of national identity.86 Times of crisis demand profound re-orientations
and are apt to move and disturb large groups of people. Searching for hope
and guidance they will allow themselves to be led by any powerful and
charismatic movement that can bestow on them a sense of social coherence:
processions are a case in point. It has been noted that religious processions
in the fifteenth century occurred mostfrequentlyin periods of grave perturba-
tion (i.e. 1411-1412 during the civil war, and 1420-1436 during the Anglo-
Burgundian regime87). Sometimes involving thousands of people, such large
processions could be used as political tools to mould public opinion to favour
the ruling élite,88 but they could also function as the expression of collective
anxiety. In both cases they were motivated by a profound need for spiritual
and religious guidance. This dual aspect of consolidation and querying is also
characteristic of a far less multitudinous cultural activity during the Anglo-
Burgundian regime, but one that, perhaps even more than processions was
involved with orientations and unravelling the will of heaven: namely the
drawing up of horoscopes.
A fifteenth-century manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, ms. lat.
7443)^ survives which once belonged to Simon de Phares. It contains a
number of dossiers relative to the two major events offifteenth-centuryParis.
These dossiers consist of astrological figures with horoscopes that can be
divided into three groups:
1. a group of horoscopes relating to the years 1406-1408, the years of the

assassination of Louis dOrléans and John the Fearless's justification (fol.
57r-69v);
86
Thompson, Paris, p. 224: 4The occupation of Northern France, and especially Paris,
helped to define what it meant to be English, and what it meant to be French'.
87
Thompson, Paris, p. 180.
88
Thompson, Paris, pp. 196-197.
89
For details and discussions of the manuscript, see: Thorndike, HMES IV, p. 99;
Thorndike, "Notes on Manuscripts of the Bibliothèque Nationale", in: Journal of the Warburg
and Courtauld Institutes 20 (1957), pp. 143-144; Emmanuel Poulie, "Horoscopes princiers des
xive et xve siècles", in: Bulletin de la société nationale des antiquaires de France (1969), pp.
63-69; Jean-Patrice Boudet and Thérèse Charmasson, "Une consultation astrologique princière
en 1427", in: Comprendre et maîtriser la nature au Moyen Age: Mélanges d'histoire des sciences
offerts à GuyBeaujouan (Genève 1994), pp. 255-278; and above all the exhaustive study of Jean-
Patrice Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, pp. 113-151.
120 CHAPTER THREE
2. a group relating to c. 1437, the period of the defeat of the English and
the crowning of Charles VII (fol. 73v-86v); and
3. a group of horoscopes relating to the years 1426-1427, the period of the
Anglo-Burgundian rule over Paris (fol. 117r-123v).
Regarding their significance, Emmanuel Poulie remarked: 'La collection

d'horoscopes (...) a été constituée en vue de trouver une explication astrolo-
gique des événements politiques contemporains'.90
The first two dossiers were written by a scribe who identifies himself as
'cellérier' of the abbey of Corneville. Emmanuel Poulie pointed out that, in
all likelihood, this was Simon de Boesmare,91 an astrologer with a consider-
able reputation who was asked by the rector of the university of Paris to
arbitrate in a dispute between two astrologers, Roland l'Ecrivain and Laurent
Muste in 1437. The manuscript contains a nativity horoscope (fol. 237v-238)
of Simon de Boesmare (born December 8,1380) in the same hand as the two
dossiers; it was therefore probably drawn up by Boesmare himself. A
different hand added the date of his death: July 30, 1438. The text of the
arbitration between Roland l'Ecrivain and Laurent Muste is also preserved
in the manuscript (fol. 184-21 lv) and copied out not by Simon de Boesmare
but by a different scribe who was responsible for one third of the entire
volume. Possibly this was the astrologer Halbout de Troyes, Simon's fellow
arbitrator in the 1437 controversy, who also collaborated with him in copying
out an anonymous treatise on meteorology (fol. 148-158V).92 We return
presently to Simon de Boesmare's dossiers.
The remaining dossier on the years 1426-1427 was written in a hand
markedly different from that of Simon de Boesmare or Halbout de Troyes.
It contains nativity horoscopes of what were apparently considered the major
figures of the contemporary political scene: Charles VII and Henry VI; the
duke of Bedford, regent of France; Philip the Good, duke of Burgundy;
Arthur de Bretagne or Arthur de Richemont, constable of France; Jean de
la Trémoille, first chamberlain of Philip the Good; and Sir John Fastolf
(whose name rather than person was immortalised in Shakespeare's Fal-
staff).93 Next to the horoscopes the dossier also contains an astrological
consultation for the year 142794 which deals with questions such as: 'Savoir
se le roy Henri de France aura aucun inconvenient par mort, maladie ou
autrement'; 'La seconde question: s'aucun inconvenient avendra point a
90
Poulie, "Horoscopes princiers", p. 71.
91
Poulie, "Horoscopes princiers", pp. 70-71.
92
Boudet and Charmasson, "Consultation", pp. 257-258.
93
94
Edited by Boudet and Charmasson, "Consultation", appendix 2, pp. 273-276.
monseigneur le regent, duc de Bedfort, en la dite anée, par mort, maladie

ou autrement'; similar questions are asked and answered for the duke of
Burgundy, Charles VII and Arthur de Bretagne. From descriptive terms such
as 'le roy Henri de France' and 'la personne de Charles, qui se dit roy de
France' and from the hierarchy implicit in the sequence of the questions (1.
Henry; 2. duke of Bedford; 3. duke of Burgundy; 4. Charles VII; 5. Arthur
de Bretagne) it becomes clear that the astrologer was on the side of the
Anglo-Burgundian regime. From a detailed analysis, Boudet and Charmasson,
who edited the text, concluded that the consultation was drawn up in 1427
at the behest of the duke of Bedford, regent of France, possibly by Bedford's
personal physician at that moment, Roland l'Ecrivain.95 The astrological
consultation for the duke of Bedford makes mention of a period of 'male
fortune' that will end on June 20, 1427, during which, the astrologer
explains, he should not engage in battle. The extremely lengthy consultation
regarding Arthur de Richemont, who had deserted the Burgundian faction
in 1425 and re-joined Charles VII, thereby making himself the prime
adversary of both the English and the Burgundians, specifies that Richemont
intended an armed conflict with his adversaries; and, under the given
constellation, 'il serait plus eureus et plus fort que ses adversaires'.96 It is
very likely therefore, that Bedford during his stay in Paris (April 5, 1427 to
May 26, 1427) recognised the need to consult an astrologer on the fortunes
of his chief adversary as well as his own. The dossier as a whole clearly
testifies to the renewed political activity of astrologers in France in the 1420s,
but, as Boudet and Charmasson97 point out, the precise significance of a
collection of astrological data, such as the dossier for 1426-1427, that
resembles a note-book and may not be complete (what, for example, was the
role of oral communications in astrological consultations?) is hard to recon-
struct.
The dossier on 1406-1408 should be approached with similar caution.
Though most of the horoscopes date from the first decade of the fifteenth
century, they need not be original draughts, nor does Simon de Boesmare
have to be their original author. There are other sections in the manuscript
that show a marked interest in past French history such as a text with excerpts
from French history, Extractum ex libello eventuum Fronde in gallico
composite (fol. 49r-50v, one hand) which starts with the year 1244 and ends
with the year 1409. A different hand continues in French on fol. 51r-52 with
the years 1415-1478 and, due to the disorganised state of the manuscript, on
93
96
Boudet and Charmasson, "Consultation", p. 275.
97
122 CHAPTER THREE
fol. 56r-56v with the years 1467-1474.98 Boudet did not identify the two
hands and labelled them scribes no. 9 and no. 10, both writing in the second
half of the fifteenth century." Since the historical survey can be found next
to meteorological and astrological texts and a large number of horoscopes
of great historical significance, one may tentatively conclude that the little
survey represents an astrologer's inquisitive view of history.100 This selec-
tion includes the madness of Charles VI, the 'Bal des Ardents', and the
assassination of Louis d'Orléans. For obvious reasons the astrologer elabo-
rates on the severe winter of 1407-1408. These events were no doubt seen
as the highlights of the two decades that cover the end of the fourteenth and
98
What is now fol. 56 properly belongs between fol. 51 and fol. 52. The sequence is then
perfectly chronological.
99
See Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, pp. 119-122. The text by the first scribe (no. 9) contains
a few interpolations in a hand that Boudet identified as Simon de Phares's. On the six pages
that separate the historical survey from the 1406-1408 dossier, Simon de Phares wrote five
prognosticate texts: Pronostics sur Van à venir d'après le jour des calendes de janvier (a
translation of ps.-Bede's Pronostica temporum (PL 90, 951-952) variously attributed to Bede
and Esdras); Pronostics sur Vannée à venir selon le jour de Noël (attributed to Ezechiel);
Pronostics d'après le tonnerre (cf. ps.-Bede, De tonitruis, PL 90, 609-614, and Appendix III
in the present study); Pronostics météorologiques; De abrevatione et prolongatione dierum.
100
The Extractum is important in that it records the historical events that a fifteenth-century
astrologer considered significant, and that he possibly wanted to relate to the stars. As a sample
we quote from the manuscript the complete entries for the period most relevant to the present
study 1392-1446. Fol. 50v: Anno Domini 1392 postvulnerationemconnestabularii Parisiis prope
ecclesiam sancti Pauli. Rexfuit Cenomani cum ubi accepit infirmitatem seu lesionem in intellectu,
ut dicitur. Deinde post modicum tempus apud domum sancti Pauli Parisiusfiatfacta una corea
procurante demone, in quafiierunt combusti comes de Joygny, bastardus de Foys et Hugo de
Jeusse [= Guisay]. Anno Domini 1407infesto sancti dementis fuit occisus de nocte Parisius
prope portam Barbete dux Aurelianensis. Eodem anno fiat maximum frigus cum magna
habundancia nivium et duravit gelu XII septimanis continuis. Et in liquefactione earumfuit tanta
habundancia aquarum cum glacia magnafluentesupra aquam quodfregerunt pontes Parisius.
Anno Christi 1408 dux Burgundie cum suo exercitu occidit XXX m(ille) Liegoys in sua patria.
Anno Domini 1409fuit pax et unio in ecclesia, Alexandro quinto existente papa. A different hand
then adds: Anno Domini mille [insertion: 1431] fuit bellum in Lotnaringua [...]. Fol. 51r
continues in French: 'L'an 1415 furent occis les nobles de France par les Anglois par trayson
Agiencourt. L'an 1418 entrèrent les Bourguinons dedans Paris et le Roy fut emporté hors de
Paris par Taneguin du Chasteau, prevost de Paris. L'an 1419 fut occis le duc de Bourgogne a
Monterel-faul-Hyone [i.e. Montereau-faut-Yonne] pour laquelle mort fut grant guerre en France
et en Bourgogne. L'an 1422 furent destryés les gros que les 12 vailloient ung franc et il ne
vaillirent que 12 blans. L'an 1429 vint la Pucelle devant Paris. L'an 1446 estoit bonne paix entre
le Roy et le duc de Bourgogne'. In 1418 it was not Charles VI who was abducted by Tanneguy
du Châtel, but the dauphin, the future Charles VII, which suggests this text was written at least
after 1437. See: A Parisian Journal, transi. Shirley, p. 112. In May 1422 there was an economic
crisis because there were many counterfeit gros in circulation, which caused the coin to become
virtually worthless. See: A Parisian Journal, pp. 175-176. Because the gros was the common
currency in Paris, the people suffered grave financial losses. On fifteenth-century currency (esp.
gros and blans) see: Shirley, "Introduction" in A Parisian Journal, pp. 31-34.
the beginning of the fifteenth century. The importance of these events is

further enhanced by the astrological dossier on 1406-1408, even though in
all likelihood there is no direct connection between the dossier and the
historical excerpts other than what impresses itself on any observer as the
main event of the period: the assassination of the king's brother.
The following survey gives a table of contents of the 1406-1408 dos-
sier.101 Fol. 59r-69v contain astrological figures with the designation Figura
celi. The list contains five horoscopes of John the Fearless, one nativity-
horoscope (Figura celi pro tempore nativitatis) and four birthday horoscopes
(Figura celi pro tempore revolucionis101).
Folia Contents and dates

57r-58v elaborate calculations of the planetary positions on the day of John
the Fearless's birth: May 27, 1371;
59r nativity horoscope of John the Fearless: May 27, 1371;
59v birthday horoscope of John the Fearless: May 26, 1405;
60r nativity horoscope of Anthony of Burgundy, John'sbrother: August
17, 1384;
61r nativity horoscope of Philip, first-born son of John, count of
Alençon: March S, 1406;
61v horoscope of a solar eclipse: June 15, 1406;103
62r horoscope of a lunar eclipse: November 25, 1406;
62v birthday horoscope of king Charles VI: December 2, 1406;
63r horoscope of the vernal equinox: March 11, 1407;
63v horoscope of the new Moon: March 9, 1407;
64r birthday horoscope of Louis d'Orléans: March 12, 1407;
65r birthday horoscope of John the Fearless: May 26, 1408;
65v horoscope of the summer solstice: June 12, 1408;
101
For more details see Boudet, Lire dans ie del, pp. 122-129.
102
The birthday horoscopes are drawn up in relation to the moment the Sun has completed
its annual revolution. Because the Sun does not return to precisely the same point of the ecliptic
in a whole number of days, the horoscopes of John the Fearless waver between May 26 and
27.
103
Noted in Nicolas de Baye, Journal, vol. 1, p. 159; Chronique du Religieux de Saint-
Denys XXVH.4, vol. 3, pp. 390-393; and Gauvard and Labory, eds., Une chronique rimée
Parisienne écrite en 1409 (11. 337-344), p. 221, see also p. 190. According to the Monk the
eclipse took place on June 17, between six and seven o'clock in the morning. The Monk explains
that the astrologers had predicted the eclipse and had drawn up judgments regarding its effects.
These effects, however, consist mainly in extreme weather conditions and the consequent
damage.
124 CHAPTER THREE
66r horoscope of the full Moon: June 8, 1408;

66v conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn: January 31, 988;
67r conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn: June 1, 1325;
67v conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn: March 1345;
68r conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn: January 11, 1405;
68v conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn: October 29, 1365;
69r horoscope of the solar eclipse: October 29, 1399 at Oh. 12m.
(beginning of the eclipse);
69v idem, at lh. 9m. (middle of the eclipse).
Up to and including fol. 66r the dossier is coherent.104 The astrologer who
drew up the horoscopes was clearly looking for something in relation to John
the Fearless, who is beyond doubt the main hero of his quest. An important
remark appears among the very precise planetary calculations. At the moment
of John's birth, Mars was in the ninth house, which, Boesmare remarks,
'signifies a long journey' or 'following lengthy paths' or 'leading an army
into battle', which, Boudet adds, is difficult not to see as a reference to the
battle of Nicopolis.105 Also some of the horoscopes bear interesting com-
ments, such as the horoscope of Louis d'Orléans's last birthday: Dominus
iste, anno isto, post meridiem 23e diei novembris ignominose interfectus est,
absciso brachio, capite diviso et expanso cerebro circa horam octavamjuxta
portam Barbete redeundo de domo regine (fol. 64r). The word ignominose
seems to suggest the inquirer should not be looked for in Burgundian quar-
ters, or he would have taken a different view of the matter (like Pignon, who
referred to Louis d'Orléans as atyrrannuspessimus, following the Burgundian
bias). His interest in the duke of Burgundy, however, is not thwarted by his
partiality.
The object of his astrological inquiry becomes clear from the last horo-
scopes in the dossier (fol. 66v-69v) which concern conjunctions of Jupiter
and Saturn. As the most exalted planets, their conjunctions were regarded
as having some kind of universal significance. We have seen that cardinal
Pierre d'Ailly followed the tradition of using them as a principle for explain-
ing the course of history, generally relating the conjunctions to the rise of
new kingdoms or religions.106 The author of our dossier was clearly inter-
ested in the same thing. To the conjunction of 988 he appends the following
104
This coherence is borne out by a set of signatures. Next to foliation (in a modern hand)
fol. 57r-66r also bear numbers in the lowerrighthand corner in a contemporary hand. Fol. 57-62
have nos. 1-6; fol. 63 has 1.2; fol. 64 has 2.2; fol. 65 has 3.2; and fol. 66 has 4.2. The folia
with the conjunctions would appear to be unnumbered.
105
Paris, B.N., ms. lat. 7443, fol. 58v; Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, p. 123.
106
Smoller, History, Prophecy and the Stars, p. 22.
comment: quo annofuit translatum regnum Francorum adHugonem comitem

Parisius (fol. 66v) and the horoscope of 1325 contains the remark that after
the conjunction secuta est mors Karoli tertiifilii regis Philippi Pulcri (i.e.
Philip le Bel) et hinc adeptus in regnum Fremde Philippus de Valesiis nepos
dicti regis Philippi Pulcri (fol. 67r). One can almost see the astrologer
wondering whether the accession of the house of Capet in 988 and the house
of Valois in 1325 can be discovered to have a sequel in 1405 with the
ascendancy of the house of Burgundy.107 The conjunction of 1405 has the
following comment: huius coniunctionis significatio deberet circa annum
Domini 1413 cum dimidium; which means that the effects of the conjunction
will become manifest after 814 years.108 The summer of 1413, however,
was not a favourable time for John the Fearless. If the 1405-conjunction
signified dynastic change, it would not be one to the benefit of Burgundy.
Boudet points out that there is no retrospective reference to the Cabochian
revolt, nor to John's flight from Paris. The last astrological figure of the solar
eclipse of 1399 has a long and interesting colophon109 in which the astrol-
oger explains that the effects of the eclipse will become apparent after IVi
years and will last for one year and 11 months (i.e. the period of approxi-
mately April 1407 to March 1409) Hone eclipsem esse in medio cell significat
inîronizacionis unius regis in regnum, queritur quid Parisius (fol. 69v). Had
the incubation period been estimated at a little over 20 years, this prophecy
would have been quite spectacular.
The 1406/1408-dossier is extremely important since it not only shows the
serious and honest attempts of an astrologer to correlate major astronomical
phenomena to historico-political events, but it also proves that towards the
end of the first decade of the fifteenth century the ambitions of John the
Fearless were the object of careful astrological scrutiny. And naturally the
duke himself would have been among the first to take an interest in what the
stars had to say. Unfortunately there is nothing to link this dossier by Simon
de Boesmare to Burgundian patronage. But the dynastic speculations that it
contains were certainly of a kind known and feared by Pignon.
John the Fearless had disappointed the expectations that Jupiter, Saturn,
the Sun and the Moon had raised regarding him, but Simon de Boesmare did
107
Fol. 70r-v contains a list of thirteen conjunctions of Saturn and Jupiter from 1166 to
1444. The list contains only astronomical details and provides no historical interpretations.
10e
Paris, B.N., ms. lat. 7443, fol 68r. For extensive comments, see: Boudet, Lire dans
le ciel, p. 128. Boudet makes the point that 8lA years is not an unusual incubation period and
one may credit the astrologer for keeping his attempt to correlate astrological and historical
phenomena wimin the bounds of reason. Cardinal d'Ailly is known to have interpreted a
conjunction from 748 as signifying the rise of a new religion in 1600 (Smoller, History, Prophecy
and the Stars, p. 74) thus giving the prognostication ample scope to come true.
109
For the complete text see: Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, pp. 128-129.
126 CHAPTER THREE
not despair indefinitely for in 1437 he compiled another dossier, this time
focusing on Charles VII.110 The dossier contains horoscopes of Henry VI
and Philip the Good, but its main hero is the French king. There is a lengthy
judgment on his nativity that makes clear that he loves hunting, that he will
never go mad, and that he will father many children. There is a coronation-
horoscope from 1437 (i.e. the coronation in Paris after the defeat of the
English) that was never completed; and a coronation horoscope drawn up in
1429 (the year of the siege of Orléans). The latter horoscope apparently had
been the subject of some astrological debate for it contains a brief annotation
to the effect that master Roland held the opinion that the king would only rule
for eleven years from the time of his coronation; 'where he bases this on,
I do not know' Simon de Boesmare added. This master Roland is Roland
l'Ecrivain who at that time, it must be remembered, was one of the duke of
Bedford's physicians. King Charles was neither dead nor deposed in 1440
but continued to reign until the year of his death 1461. Partiality was not
entirely alien to the astrologers in the service of the English. An astrological
judgment survives by the Welsh physician and astrologer Thomas Broun from
Caermarthen, the city of Merlin, on the peace of Arras that (with the
assistance of Pignon) was concluded between the French and the Burgundians
in 1435, on Wednesday, September 21 at 19:04 h. p.m. as the text notes with
meticulous care.111 In the end, the astrologer concluded with some satisfac-
tion, this peace would prove to be most unfortunate for both parties.
No survey of early fifteenth-century astrological historicism in relation
to Burgundy would be complete without at least a tentative reconstruction
of the role of court-astrologers at the Burgundian court. Though perhaps there
are still discoveries to be made, names to be retrieved from unpublished
accounts, and better still, actual prognostications to be recovered from
manuscript sources, much material and information will have been lost. If
Pignon criticised the astrologers of John the Fearless, he has not done us the
courtesy of providing their names, their prognostications and, most interesting
of all, an indication of their actual influence. The following therefore must
needs be sketchy.
1,0
Poulie, "Horoscopes princiers", pp. 72-73; Boudet, Lire dans le ciel, pp. 131-136.
111
Wickersheimer, "Un jugement astrologique de la paix d'Arras et le médecin Thomas
Broun", in: Association bourguignonne des sociétés savantes: douzième congrès (Dijon 1937),
pp. 202-204; Bodleian Library, ms. Digby 194, fol. 95-98, contains two astrological judgments:
one on the peace of Arras (1435) and the other on the great conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn
in 1425; Thorndike, HMESIV, pp. 96-98; Wickersheimer, DBM 2, p. 757; Richard Vaughan,
Philip the Good: The Apogee of Burgundy (London 1970), p. 74.
3.5 Astrology and the Court of Burgundy
What concrete evidence do we have of Burgundy's interest in astrology,

especially concerning the first two decades of thefifteenthcentury? The type
of evidence one is looking for naturally consists in books and names of
astrologers. The condemning remarks that Pignon makes regarding astrology
and its practitioners112 not only betray his relative ignorance of the subject,
they also warrant the assumption that astrology was flourishing. The traces
it has left may be a mere shadow of its original lustre, but since even a mere
shadow is always brighter than darkness, we attempt a brief survey of
Burgundian books and people, relative to our subject.
On his death in 1404 Philip the Bold's library contained two astronomical
books, a Livre d'Astronomie and the livre de Zacarye Albazarye to which
a third prognosticate text might be added, namely a Giomansie d'Esbate-
mens.m The library inventory drawn up in 1420 after the death of John
the Fearless mentions the following three titles: 'ung livre nommé Quadrupti
Tholomé' which is the same as the earlier mentioned Livre d'Astronomie; 'le
Livre du Mirouer aux Dames9 which contains the Livre de divinations by
Nicole Oresme; and finally 'ung livre nommé de Haly qui est des Livres de
astrologie', i.e. an astrological text by Haly Abenragel. Of these only the
text by Ptolemy and the book containing Oresme's treatise survive.114
Oddly, Pignon's Contre les devineurs does not appear on the inventory of
1420.
After 1420 a number of astrological and prognosticative texts entered the
Burgundian library under unknown circustances. We may note the following:
a Latin manuscript called Regards des xii eignes (possibly a text by Albuma-
sar); the Liber introductorius Astronomie super Alcabissus (in Latin); the Livre
de IX anchiens juges (originally part of the library of Charles V); Le livre
de l'exposition des songes, et plusieurs autres choses; a paper codex with
more than twenty different texts usually referred to as the Jeu des échecs
moralises but containing a text on the Zodiac (Les 12 signes dou firmament)
and a numerological game of divination; and, of course, finally Pignon's
112
CLD 1.4 and Π.2.3.
1,3
Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 273-274; Hughes, "The Library of Philip the
Bold", pp. 180-182 (nos. 4, 13, and 29).
1w
Georges Doutrepont, Inventaire de la «Librairie» de Philippe le Bon 1420 (Genève 1977),
nos. 136, 166, 237; Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 281-282. The two extant works
are in the Royal Library in Brussels: Quadrupti Tholome, ms. 10498-99, and Oresme's Livre
de divinations, ms. 11203-4. Oresme's Livre was edited by G. W. Coopland, Nicole Oresme
and the Astrologers: A Study of his Livre de Divinacions (Liverpool 1952), pp. 50-121.
128 CHAPTER THREE
Contre les devineurs. Again, next to Pignon's treatise, only two manuscripts
survive: the Livre de ix juges and the codex with the Jeu des Eschecs.115
This brief survey shows that at least some of the major textbooks on
astrology by Ptolemy, Haly, Alcabitius and possibly even Albumasar were
present in the Burgundian library. Their number is very small, but this was
by no means unusual. Books on astrology and divination have been estimated
to constitute approximately 2 - 5% of princely libraries in France and Italy
throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.116 But perhaps more
important than these specialist works are the two popular astrological and
divinatory texts known as the 12 Signes dou firmament and the Règles de
divinacion since they may more adequately reflect the tastes and interests of
the court. Also the anti-astrological, or anti-divinatory literature is present
in the form of the treatises by Pignon and Oresme. To this might be added
the Songe du Vieil Pèlerin (which contains an important section on supersti-
tion) by Philippe de Mézières, but this book was commissioned as late as
1465 by Philip the Good117 and was not yet finished in 1467.
Next to the books there were, of course, the astrologers, but contrary to
some of the codices, none of them survived to explain to us the role of
astrology in Burgundian or French courtly society. In most cases it is only
a name that survives, but sometimes the sources provide some additional
information. In what follows we attempt a brief survey of astrologers
associated with Burgundy (which is meant to be illustrative and certainly not
exhaustive) to provide some local habitations and some names, beginning with
three of the more prominent astrologers.
Jean de Rubeis or Jean de Roux118 pretended to be a physician and a
surgeon but was persecuted on the instigation of the Faculty of Medicine in
Paris around 1410. Imprisoned in 1416 (propter injurias)"9 he was released
113
Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 204-205, 297-298. The extant works are in
Brussels, Royal Library: Livre de IXanchiensjuges, ms. 10319; JeudesEschecs etc., ms. 10394-
414. From this latter codex the two divinatory texts {Les 12 signes doufirmamentand the Règles
de divinacion) were edited in Appendix HI.
116
Boudet, a La papauté d'Avignon et l'astrologie", p. 265.
1,7
Doutrepont, La littérature française, p. 295.
118
Wickersheimer, DBM 2, p. 475; Thorndike, HMES IV, pp. 94-96; M. Mollat ed.,
Comptes généraux de l'état bourguignon entre 1416 et 1420, 5 vols. (Paris 1965-1970), vol.
1, nos. 133,180 (pp. 38-39,48); Mollat, Comptes, vol. 2(1), no. 3948 (p. 464); G. du Fresne
de Beaucourt, "Le meurtre de Montereau", in: Revue des Questions Historiques 5 (1868), p.
209, n. 4.
119
Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, éd. H. Denifle, 4 vols. (Paris 1889-1897), vol.
4, p. 311. Jehan de Roux (de Rubeis) is designated as master of medicine and student of
theology. He was imprisoned together with a certain Angelus Johannis (Angle Johan), an Italian
physician (see Wickersheimer, DBM 1, pp. 27-28) in 1416, but on his release the following
year he opposed the release of his former prison-mate. The reason of this opposition is unknown.
again in 1417. He was in the service of John the Fearless in 1419. He

features in the ducal accounts for 1419 as 'maistre Jehan du Roux phisicien'
and as 'maistre Jehan de Roux de Parma, phisicien et conseiller de mon-
seigneur le duc'. On one occasion he is paid 100 francs for the 'bons et
agréables services' which he rendered to duke John 'en plusieurs manières
(...) chascun jour et espère que encore face ou temps avenir'.120 His rela-
tionship with the duke would appear to have been cordial. Two astrological
predictions by Jean de Rubeis for the years 1420 and 1421 survive, the latter
of which he completed on the last day of December 1420 in Bruges. Appar-
ently he made these prognostications annually for in his prediction for 1420
he refers to the one he made the previous year. His prognostications mainly
involve international affairs and they deal with the papacy, the Empire,
England, France, Portugal and Italy, and, in the one from 1421, Bruges. A
remarkable prediction concerning the king of England appears in both extant
prognostications, namely that the king is likely to die within three years.
Skilled doctors and a marriage with the daughter of the king of France may
diminish but never remove the risks. Henry V has not been found wanting
in taking both 'precautions', but he nevertheless died in 1422.
Henry Arnault de Zwolle,121 an astrologer from the Netherlands, was
according to a ducal account from 1431 a 'professeur en médecine' of Philip
the Good. He is variously identified by the surviving accounts as 'astrono-
mien' or 'maistre en médecine et en astrologie'. In one of the accounts he
identifies himself as 'Je Henry de Ζwol lis, docteur en médecine phisicien de
mons. le duc de Bourgogne'. He drew up two horoscopes for the duke in
1431 and was commissioned twice to build a horologe, an astronomical clock
that would show the movements of the Sun, Moon, and planets. An account
from 1447 survives, detailing the payment of 'trois cens saluz d'or' for 'ung
orloge contenant le vray cours des sept planètes'.122 In 1455 he received
a thousand francs 'monnoie royal' for 'certain notable et subtil ouvrage que
icelui S(eigneur) lui a fait faire du mouvement des sept pianettes et de la vine
et ixe spère'. He was the duke's personal physician and lived in Dijon. When
his wife Huguote bore him a son the duke made her a gift: 'un gobelet
couvert d'argent doré'. Henry Arnault died in 1465 and was buried at Dijon.
120
Mollat, Comptes, vol. 1, no. 180 (p. 48).
121
Wickersheimer, DBM 1, pp. 274-275; Laborde, Preuves, vol. 1, nos. 901, 919, 1578
(pp. 259, 263, 430-431); Emmanuel Poulie, Les instruments de la théorie des planètes selon
Ptolémée.Equatoiresethorlogerieplanétairedu XlIIe au XVIe siècle (Genève/Pans 1980), vol.
1, pp. 503, 717-732. Poulie deals with the technical details of Henry Arnault's treatise on the
mechanics of a planetary horologe. In his edition of Simon de Phares's Recueil Wickersheimer
confused Henry Arnault with 'maistre Arooul, astrologien et medicin du roy Charles vile' who
died of the plague in Paris in 1466 (Recueil, p. 4, n. 2 and p. 261).
122
Poulie, Les instruments, vol. 1, p. 503.
130 CHAPTER THREE
Roland l'Ecrivain (or Scriptoris),123 of illegitimate birth, was legitimised

by the duke of Burgundy in 1460 along with his son Martin (also begotten
outside of wedlock). His natural father was Jacques l'Ecrivain and his mother
was Beatrix Gonsalve (possibly from Portugal); Roland referred to himself
asphisicus Ulixbonensis (doctorfromLisbon). He became master of medicine
in 1424, was dean of the Faculty of Medicine on several occasions and the
personal physician of the duke of Bedford, regent of France. Later he became
physician of the Burgundian dukes and retained that positionfromJune 1437
until his death (possibly in 1469). He held some ecclesiastical dignities and
settled in Bruges. He wrote works on geomancy, physiognomy and arithmetic
and was well known for his medical skill, his astrological prognostications
and his bad temper. He could demonstrate all these qualities in 1437 when
he was involved in a controversy at the university of Paris over propitious
days for blood-letting and taking laxatives. Roland had forwarded January
2, 1437 as a favourable day, but his opponent, Laurent Muste, bachelor of
theology, had criticised him stating it must be January 8. Two arbitrators
were appointed: Jean de Troyes, theologian, and Simon de Boesmare, prior
and astrologer, and the dispute was carefully recorded. Naturally the arbitra-
tors took a moderate position in so hazardous a controversy, but they did
suggest every physician should have a copy of the great Almanach to tell what
sign the Moon was in, and an astrolabe to make precise observations. It is
interesting to see how theologians were rubbing shoulders with medical
astrologers.
Other names survivefromthe published accounts, such as: George Causez
(1439), Guillaume Hobit (1442), Guillaume and Jehan de Cologne (1457),
all marked out as astronomers, and Johannes Cesar (1443) who was paid 9
francs, 10 sols for fetching an astrolabe.124 This list could easily be
extended by including the names of ducal physicians and no doubt many
names still remain to be discovered in the unpublished ducal accounts. Simon
de Phares's Recueil is a valuable source and though one should approach his
information with some care and reserve, a brief survey of the astrologers that
he associates with the house of Burgundy is indispensable.
The first astrologer that Simon mentions in relation to Philip the Bold is
Denis Anjorrand whom we have already encountered as predictor of King
James's capture at Poitiers: such a prediction naturally enhanced his reputa-
123
Wiekersheimer, DBM 2, pp. 723-724; Thérèse Charmasson, "Roland l'Ecrivain, médecin
des ducs de Bourgogne", in: Actes du 101e Congrès national des Sociétés savantes; Sciences
fasc. ///(Lille 1976), pp. 21-32; Thérèse Charmasson, Recherches sur une technique divinatoire:
la géomancie dans l'Occident médiéval (Genève/Paris 1980), pp. 177-193; Laborde, Preuves,
vol. 1, nos. 1207,1254,1901 (pp. 355,361,493); Thorndike, HMESIV, pp. 139-143; Simon
de Phares, Recueil, pp. 251-254; Paris, B.N., ms. lat. 7443; Boudet, Lire dans le ciel.
124
Laborde, Preuves, vol. 1, pp. 371, 384, 388, 471.
tion and he was greatly esteemed, 'par especial de Phelippe le Hardi'.125

Nicolas de Paganico OP,126 an Italian astrologer and physician of some
renown, and, as we have seen, an accomplished sleuth, was first lured to
France by Charles V. He cast a nativity horoscope of John the Fearless in
1371 ('par tout veritable') and discovered many poison-plots in France, Simon
adds. A similar nativity-horoscope was drawn up by maistre André de
Sully,127 one of Charles V's astrologers, who apparently also extended his
services to Bertrand du Guesclin and the duke of Burgundy: 'Cestui fist la
nativité du roy Charles Vie, (...) la nativité du duc d'Orléans, qui fut nommé
Loys, le 13e jour de mars et celle de Jehan duc de Bourgogne, qui fut né à
Dijon le 28e de may l'an 1370'. Despite the fact that he gets the date wrong
(John was born on May 27, 1371) Simon sets great store by these nativities
of which he claims to possess copies and which, so he asserts, are in perfect
accord with the lives of the persons concerned.
In addition to these astrologers, the Recueil also mentions a few sorcerers,
a group of people in whom duke Philip took a lively interest. Maistre Gencien
de Beaugenci, Orleans's astrologer, exposed Jehan de Bar, 'magicien du duc
de Bourgogne'128; and Jacques d'Angiers discovered the malpractices of
the two Augustinian monks who performed surgery on the mad king, though
they were entirely unqualified. Simon says they were 'apostés par le duc de
Bourgogne Philippe',129 which is not true since we have already seen that
it was Louis de Sancerre who invited the two Augustinian monks. Possibly
Simon was not unfamiliar with the case of Poinson and Briquet (reviewed
in the previous chapter) who were in fact hired and paid by Burgundy.
Occasional slips and mistakes such as these may be attributed to careless-
ness or lack of correct or complete information, but when we turn to Simon's
references on the second Burgundian duke, John the Fearless, we soon
encounter a clear example of Simon's creativity. In an entry for 1407 maistre
Jean Petit is identified as a 'grant astrologien'.130 Simon points out, correct-
ly, that he delivered 'une terrible proposition à Paris (...) à laquelle nul n'osa
contredire', but the assertion that Petit prognosticated 'les grandes gelées qui
123
126
Simon de Phares, Recueil, pp. 229-230; Quétif and Echard, Scriptores, vol. 1, p. 570;
Thorndike, HMES m, pp. 213-217,698-699; Wickersheimer, DBM2, p. 574. In 1330 Paganico
wrote a Compendium medicinalis astrologie of which one manuscript copy gives his name as
Nicolaus de Aquila. He does not appear to be the same as Nicholaus de Aquilone from Naples
who died in Avignon in 1392 as recorded in Pignon's Catalogus, p. 16 (cf. Quétif, Scriptures,
vol. 1, pp. 702-704).
127
Simon de Phares, Recueil, p. 232; Wickersheimer, DBM 1, p. 26.
128
Simon de Phares, Recueil, p. 239; see also chapter 2.4.3 and Appendix I.
129
Simon de Phares, Recueil, p. 240; see also chapter 2.4.2 and note 59.
130
132 CHAPTER THREE
furent Tan 1407'131 or 'la guerre du Liege' is definitely false. In a lengthy

entry for the year 1414 on cardinal Pierre d'Ailly,132 Simon asserts the
cardinal had made prognostications concerning the defeat of the French at
the battle of Agincourt (1415) 'et avecque lui accorda maistre Nicolle de
Berbeth,133 grant astrologien à Louvain et Michel de la Chesnaye, pension-
naires du duc de Bourgogne'. These are the only names of astrologers that
Simon connects with the court of John the Fearless.
The duke does, however, feature in a number of other entries, such as
the one on maistre Geuffroy d' Abbeville, the astrologer and personal physi-
cian of the dauphin134 who acted as royal spokesman and promised to the
duchess of Orléans that the death of her husband would be avenged. If
Geuffroy had also predicted the death of John the Fearless from the stars,
it would have been a self-fulfilling prophecy; but this prediction Simon
ascribes to maistre Henri Seldem.135
The two remaining Burgundian dukes also get their fair share of astrolo-
gers. A certain maistre Simon du Phar, 'natif d'Orléans' (not the author of
the Recueil, Simon de Phares, but apparently his namesake) was greatly
favoured by the court of Charles VII for his prognostications, especially those
concerning Charles, count of Charolais, the son of Philip the Good.136
Whether this Simon drew up this nativity horoscope for Philip, the entry does
not make clear. 'Maistre Olivier Chantemerle fût en ce temps pensionaire
au duc de Bourgogne, homme de grande estyme et moult expert en la science
des estoilles'. After having served Philip the Good, maistre Olivier entered
the service of duke Charles d'Orléans who had then just returned from his
captivity in England and for whom he made several elections.137 Charles,
son of Louis d'Orléans, had been a prisoner in the Tower in London since
Agincourt (i.e. from 1415-1440) and was finally released through Philip the
Good's diplomatic efforts.138 Philip needed allies and Charles became his
most important one. The many gifts and donations that Philip bestowed on
Charles may well have included the services of a skilled astrologer. An entry
for 1435 makes mention of the royal astrologer messire Jehan de Bregy:
'Cestui fut principle et erudit en la maison de Bourgogne', but he also wrote
131
In connection with this severe frost, Simon mentions the rescue of a child from an ice
floe, a story which occurs in the chronicle of Juvenal des Ursins (Histoire, p. 445a), who was
probably his source.
132
133
Perhaps the same as Nicolas Barbot? Wickersheimer, DBM 2, p. 565.
134
135
136
137
138
See Vaughan, Philip the Good, pp. 123-125.
a treatise on the astrolabe in the vernacular for king René of Sicily and drew
up nativity-horoscopes for the house of Savoy, some of which Simon de
Phares had apparently purchased in his youth since they were famed for their
accuracy.139 The death of Philip the Good, finally, was predicted by maistre
Jehan du Locron.140
Only two astrologers mentioned in the Recueil are associated with Charles
the Bold: Jean Spierinck and Angel Catho (Angelo Cato). Maistre Jehan
Spyrynke or Spirink141 was a 'grant et expert astrologien en ce temps, fut
moult aprecié, pour ce qu'il fist sçavoir au duc Charles de Bourgoigne que
s'il alloit sur les Suissez, comme il estoit délibéré faire, il lui en eu prandroit
mal. A quoy respondit le duc que la fureur de son espée vainqueroit le cours
du ciel, ce que lui, son espée, ne toute sa puissance ne peurent pas fere, car
pour y aller s'en ensuivit sa deffaicte, mort et destruction'. A similar story
can be found in Pignon's Contre les devineurs to prove the exact opposite
moral. Of course, in Pignon's version the king who refused to believe his
soothsayers won the day.142 Spierinck is known from a number of sources
other than the Recueil: he was born in Volkerinchove (in Cambrai), became
bachelor of arts in 1439 in Louvain, doctor of medicine in 1454; he was
rector of the university and lectured on medicine and astronomy. He acted
as counsellor and physician to both Philip the Good and Charles the Bold,
founded a medical library and died on October 7,1499. Charles the Bold also
features in an entry on maistre Angelo Cato, who later in life became
archbishop of Vienna. He was a 'grant astrologien' and predicted 'l'infortune
du duc Charles de Bourgoigne'.143 According to the chronicler Philippe de
Commynes, Cato wrote to the duke in Lausanne in the spring of 1476 and
predicted to him the defeat of Grançon and Morat.144 The duke would be
killed on January 5, the following year. Naturally there were other astrologers
not mentioned by Simon de Phares. Concluding our survey, we may draw
139
Simon de Phares, Recueil, pp. 254-255; Wiekersheimer, DBM1, p. 371: Jean de Bregy
was royal physician and astrologer from 1446-1453.
140
141
Laborde, Preuves, vol. 1, nos. 1862,1873, pp. 478,481 (1461,1463); Simonde Phares,
Recueil, pp. 10, 263; Wiekersheimer, DBM 2, pp. 486-487.
142
CLDffl.5.
143
Simon de Phares, Recueil, p. 265; Wiekersheimer, DBM 1, pp. 26-27; Philippe de
Commynes, Mémoires, éd. J. Calmette, 3 vols. (Paris 1964-1965), vol. 1, p. 1 (Commynes
dedicated his memoirs to Cato, 'monsieur 1'arcevesque de Vienne'); vol. 2, pp. 118, 129
(Commynes's relations with (le Téméraire'), p. 281 (Cato is identified as 'médecin' of Louis
XI); vol. 3, p. 34 (Cato predicted the coronation of Frederick of Tarente; 'duquel vous, monsr
de Vienne, m'avez maintes foiz asseûré qu'il serait roy, parlant par astrologie').
144
Commynes, Mémoires, vol. 2, p. 118.
134 CHAPTER THREE
attention to Jean de Vésale or Wesalia.145 Doctor of medicine in Louvain

in 1429, and lector of mathematics in 1431, he rendered astrological services
to Burgundy and ended his career as town doctor of Brussels. He produced
almanacs for the dukes of Burgundy (accounts from 1432 and 1459 survive)
and wrote judgments on the double conjunction of Saturn-Mars and Saturn-
Jupiter in 1464, and on the comet of 1472. The comet, apparently, meant
victory for Burgundy and defeat for Louis XI. Perhaps Jean de Vésale was
the same as the Flemish astrologer who drew up the prognostications for the
year 1465 on the weather, health and general affairs of which Philip the Good
received a copy which is still extant.146
The actual role of court-astrology especially in the period most relevant
to this research, namely the first two decades of the fifteenth century, is
difficult to assess, basically for lack of sufficient material, but some points
should be emphasised. On the whole ducal relations with astrologers seem
to have acquired a certain degree of intimacy and cordiality; like many other
courtiers, they received gifts and benefices; next to being physicians they also
acted as ducal counsellors. It is especially this latter role that gravely upset
Pignon. No doubt the dukes were occasionally swayed by their astrologer's
advice regarding propitious days and the knowledge of astrologers concerning
princely deaths may have been regarded as disconcerting or even frightening,
but from the material no single instance emerges of an astrological prognosti-
cation directly influencing a major political decision. The potential at any rate
was there, and hence, we may infer, also the fear.147
3.6 Conclusion
In this chapter we have attempted a reconstruction of Burgundian courtly

involvement in astrology. More importantly we have explored the underlying
motives for this interest. Astrology and divination were favoured not merely
because of people's curiosity and anxiety regarding the future, not merely
for purposes of political expediency and as a means of bracing oneself against
impending disasters. All these functions were recognised and criticised by
145
Richard Vaughan, Charles the Bold: The Last Valois Duke of Burgundy (London 1973),
p. 73; Préaud, Les astrologues, pp. 43-44; Abel and Martens, "Le rôle de Jean de Vésale,
médecin de la ville de Bruxelles, dans la propaganda de Charles le Téméraire", in: Cahiers
bruxellois 1 (1956), pp. 41-86.
146
Vaughan (Philip the Good, pp. 373-374) quotes from this prognostication; Paris, B.N.,
ms. fr. 1278, fol. 253r-257r.
147
Tamsyn Barton, Ancient Astrology (London/New York 1994), pp. 44-49, mentions some
instances from Antiquity of astrologers inspiring a coup d'état. Similar involvements of
astrologers in the course of practical politics will no doubt have occurred in the Middle Ages
as well.
moralists like Pignon. What made astrology and divination almost universally
accepted was its capacity to engage and recognise God's will in the world.
The sense of God's proximity in omens, the possibility of computing the
Parousia, the knowledge that the whole of history followed a divine plan that
was written in the stars, made astrological inquiry into a royal and universal
science. This astrological historicism could be seen as fuelling, if not
legitimising divination in general. Although he opposes divination, Pignon
does not direct his arrows at this larger astrological frame, probably because
he did not recognise it as a form of historicism. He was thoroughly familiar
with concepts such as the cosmic hierarchy and celestial influence, but never
associated these with the objects of his critique. He prefers to criticise magic
and divination through traditional literary examples, and therefore fails to
see that many of the practices that had initially roused his indignation are,
in fact, nothing but the logical consequence of the very principles to which
he himself adheres.
Though it was a major source of inspiration for all divination, this
astrological historicism did not exist in the early fifteenth century as a
coherent philosophy of history. Pierre d'Ailly, a contemporary of Pignon and
the most important astrologer to occupy himself with this historicism,
displayed an 'extremely liberal sense of chronology and causality in his
attempts to correlate stellar with earthly events'148 and he had a conspicuous
'willingness to overlook most obstacles to an acceptance of astrology'.149
Naturally, d'Ailly never denied the possibility of the science, but he stressed
the difficulty of the knowledge instead. But in spite of his attempts in the
Concordantia astronomie cum hysterica narratione (1414), a treatise contem-
porary to Contre les devineurs, the system was never consistently realised.
Perhaps the interest lies not in achieving the intended goal, but in the
querying attempt, that, like the astrological dossier discussed earlier, displays
intellectual integrity as well as the strong conviction that the stars somehow
signify the histories we deem important.
More significant, therefore, than Burgundy's interest in astrologers (so
deeply deplored by Pignon) is the astrologers' interest in Burgundy, especially
in John the Fearless. The presence of a list of Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions
in the dossier examined is of great importance, since it clearly shows that
for some time John was believed to play a major role in the greater scheme
of things. It is not clear whether Pignon realised this. The reputation of the
Burgundian duke would not diminish after his death, but his star would rise
in a rather unexpected way. What the astrological dossier did not do, later
prophetic texts would, namely allocate to John a place in a millennialist

136 CHAPTER THREE
prophecy. A fictive prophecy from around 1520 survives in which the

emperor Charles V is hailed as the messianic descendent of John the Fear
less.150 Astrologers and pseudo-prophets gave the duke a reputation that
Pignon, his humble undertaker, could not possibly give him.
But it should be added that the astrologers were apparently unable to
furnish their lord with certain practical and necessary information that might
have saved his life. Despite the admonitions of Contre les devineurs, John
the Fearless availed himself of astrological services until his death, as the
case of Jean de Roux clearly shows. Was Jean de Roux or any of his
colleagues consulted as to whether September 10, 1419 was a propitious day
for meeting the dauphin on the bridge near Montereau? John's temper was
marked by indecisiveness during the days prior to the meeting, he was
surrounded by counsellors, and one of them, Philippe Mouskes, a Jew,
warned him not to go to the meeting since he would not return.151 This
question cannot be answered conclusively since we do not know whether John
the Fearless acted against or in accordance with the advice he possibly
received from astrologers. We do know, however, that Jean de Roux was
in the duke's vicinity as his personal physician a few days before the meet
ing.152 This knowledge can only serve to make us wonder whether he
displayed similar skill in foretelling the fate of John the Fearless as in
predicting the death of Henry V. No doubt the grand design of history is
easier to reconstruct than its contingent particulars. On this at least historians
and astrologers may agree.
150
For an edition and a full discussion of this prophecy, see Appendix II.
151
Fresne de Beaucourt, "Le meurtre de Montereau", p. 208.
152
September 4, to be precise; see Fresne de Beaucourt, "Le meurtre de Montereau"
209, η. 4.
CHAPTER FOUR
A CRITIQUE OF SUPERSTITION
This is the excellent foppery of the world

(King Lear 1.2)
This chapter deals with some censors of superstition and the theoretical
framework they developed to both oppose and expound the practices of magic
and divination. An ambiguity very similar to the one discussed in the previous
chapter regarding the sacred and secular view of history also inheres in the
critique of these censors. On the one hand their aim was to criticise, to
moralise, and to eradicate the evil of superstition whilst on the other hand
they were involved in the intellectual elaboration and exposition of the very
subject they so abhorred. For this reason they frequently found themselves
explaining why magic was efficacious or why certain divinations came true.
In short, they had to explain why superstition is a fallacy, even when there
is truth in it.
Essentially critiques of superstition hinge on a friction between philosophy
and theology, on a scientifically minded attempt to distinguish sense and
nonsense and a religiously oriented attack on the presumed evil and wicked-
ness of superstition. In a sense, critiques of superstition reflect in a nutshell
the problematic relationship between faith and reason in the Middle Ages.
Some critiques emphasise theological objections to magic and divination, that
mainly boil down to the involvement of demons, whereas others lay greater
stress on the scientific follies and inanities of these practices. The dominant
frame of mind among the authors in this genre, however, does not display
a friction, but rather a harmonisation of philosophy and theology, of mind
and morals, predominantly in the wake of Thomas Aquinas's writings on
superstition, demons, and angels. Hence it is that divination is morally
reprehensible even though its success in prediction can be philosophically
explained in terms of a scholastic demonology. Philosophy serves theology
in making its revealed truths concerning the world intelligible.
The genre to which Pignon's treatise belongs is vast and it is impossible
in the span of one chapter to do justice to it, more so since many of the
treatises written against magic and divination (both in Latin and the vernacu-
lar) are still not available in modern editions. The following presentation will
therefore be committed chiefly to providing a survey of those texts that were
known and possibly appreciated in France and Burgundy in the late fourteenth
and early fifteenth century. Some other texts that bear out the popularity of
this genre will be considered, but the main purpose of our discussion will
138 CHAPTER FOUR
be a more detailed examination of the theoretical frameworks developed in

these texts, since it will serve to elucidate and contextualise the contents of
Pignon's treatise. Most treatises censuring superstition contain fixed items
such as a survey or list of magical or divinatory practices, from which a few
items, such as astrology, divination from dreams, auguries or omens, are
selected for further elaboration. Treatises with strong theological and moralis-
tic propensities contain sections on demons and not infrequently elaborate
demonologies. Many also discuss philosophical issues. In view of the
dominant scholastic and Neoplatonic way of thinking (a frame of mind very
characteristic of Pignon) causality and hierarchy are recurring themes. Given
the Christian concern for responsibility and divine retribution, free will and
determinism are also indispensable. Roughly following the themes in Aquinas
and Pignon, this chapter will therefore deal with the various kinds of magical
arts, with demons, with dreams and with causality. But first we turn to the
censors of magic and divination.
4.1 Censure of Superstition
Pignon's treatise against courtly magic and divination is not an isolated work.
It is the Burgundian representative of a genre that was common in the
literature of late fourteenth- and earlyfifteenth-centuryFrance. The following
survey gives an impression of the popularity of this genre that, very tellingly,
flourished during the reigns of Charles V and Charles VI, the former a king
who attracted astrologers, the latter a king who attracted magicians. We shall
also briefly dwell on the nature of this censure, on how authors struggled to
provide an intellectual rationale of their criticism and how they struggled to
determine the limits of legitimacy. Finally we shall look at the uses of this
censure. Though many treatises clearly seek to moralise or to instruct,
adhortations to avoid sin have a tendency to develop into adhortations to
extirpate error, and intellectual and theoretical demonologies tend to be used
as justifications of inquisitorial practices. Some of the texts introduced here
will provide material for analysis later on.
4.1.1 Censure and Lay-Instruction in France around 1400
One of the most important, though regrettably not one of the most influential
censors of superstition was no doubt Nicole Oresme(c. 1320-1382). He wrote
many scientific and mathematical works and is especially noted for the
translations of Aristotle's Ethics, Politics, Economics, and the De caelo that
he made for Charles V. He wrote a number of tracts against judicial astrol-
A CRITIQUE OF SUPERSTITION 139
ogy.1 The first was a brief treatise called Contra judiciaros astronomos et
principes in talibus se occupantes (c.1360). This text was translated and
considerably expanded by Oresme in Le livre de divinations (c. 1366) which
in turn was translated into Latin (De divinationibus) by an anonymous
translator in 1411, the same year that Pignon wrote Contre les devineurs.
Oresme's most elaborate and penetrating criticism of astrology is in Contra
divinatores horoscopios1 (c. 1370). Finally, the Quodlibeta3 deserve mention,
which contain a series of questions on various subjects, of which the De
cousis mirabilium4 is of specific interest for our analysis. Of these works
the French Livre de divinations bears the greatest resemblance to Pignon's
treatise; it, too, aims at lay-instruction in the vernacular.
This aspect of lay-instruction was both appreciated and emulated by
Oresme's contemporaries, for whereas his philosophical critique was confined
to scholarly circles, some of the more literary' aspects of his Livre de
divinations found their way into the writings of others. An interesting instance
of this is the Demonstrations contre sortileges by the famous poet Eustache
Deschamps.5 The Demoustrations is a brief prose work which, as G. W.
Coopland has shown, was largely transcribed (sometimes verbatim) from
Oresme's Livre.6 Interestingly enough, nothing of Oresme's scepticism or
his critique of astrology shows in the Demoustrations, and perhaps the
selection gives a fair impression of what Deschamps believed would impress
a courtly audience. Coopland identified other borrowings from Oresme's
treatise, notably in the Latin Somnium viridarii and in Pierre d'Ailly's De
1
For a general survey, see Albert D. Menut, a A Provisional Bibliography of Oresme's
Writings", in: Mediaeval Studies 28 (1966), pp. 279-299; cf. Thorndike's chapters on Oresme,
HMES ffl, pp. 398-471 and Stefano Caroti, La Critica Contro 1'Astrologia di Nicole Oresme
e la sua Influenza nel Medioevo e nel Rinascimento (Roma 1979).
2
Nicole Oresme, Questio contra divinatores horoscopios, ed. Stefano Caroti, in: Archives
d'Histoire Doctrinale et Littéraire du Moyen Age 43 (1976), pp. 201-310.
3
Stefano Caroti, "Nicole Oresme's Polemic against Astrology in his Quodlibeta", in:
Patrick Curry, ed., Astrology, Science and Society (Woodbridge 1987), pp. 75-93.
4
Bert Hansen, Nicole Oresme and the Marvels of Nature: A Study of his De Causis
Mirabilium with Critical Edition, Translation and Commentary (Toronto 1985), pp. 135-363.
3
Eustache Deschamps, Œuvres complètes, ed. G. Raynaud, vol. 7, pp. 192-199.
6
G.W. Coopland, "Eustache Deschamps and Nicholas Oresme: A Note on the Demous-
tracions contre sortileges", in: Romania 52 (1926), pp. 355-361. Deschamps copied parts of
the prologue, chapter 1, chapter 8 and chapter 9 of the Livre. The Demoustracions can be divided
into three parts. In conformity to most moralistic texts against divination it starts with a list of
magical arts (directly copied from Oresme), followed by a list of examples of kings who came
to ruin because they dabbled in astrology. The text ends with Biblical authorities denouncing
magic and divination.
140 CHAPTER FOUR
falsis prophetis (c. 1409),7 but the most interesting borrowing was by
Philippe de Mézières in his vast allegory Le Songe du Vieil Pèlerin*
Philippe de Mézières (1327-1405), one time chancellor of Cyprus, wrote
his Songe as an allegorical examination of the morals of the Christian world
to see whether Western Christendom, and France in particular, might be
reformed through the agency of Charles VI in such a way as to be worthy
of recapturing the Holy Land. In the main section on superstition,9 'la Vieille
Supersticion', an old hag depicting judicial astrology, is opposed by the
allegorical personification of the university of Paris, a young girl called Bonne
Foy who at the court of queen Truth exposes the errors of superstition.
Supersticion has only one chapter10 to state her case, which she does by
rehearsing the pro-astrology arguments from chapter 5 of Oresme's Livre,
which Oresme, in scholastic fashion, refuted in a later chapter. Obviously
this is Philippe de Mézières's ironical way of showing that Supersticion has
no voice of her own. Also Bonne Foy copies some of her arguments from
Oresme11 but the bulk of her reply (covering fifteen chapters) echoes other
authorities such as Augustine or John of Salisbury. Philippe de Mézières's
treatment of superstition is moralistic rather than philosophical since he deals
with it in a context of idolatry and emphasises the need for instruction. He
explains how, in youth, human nature is strongly inclined to idolatry and
superstition. Apparently Philippe speaks from his own experience here,12
but he also makes an oblique reference to the 'Blanc Faucon Pèlerin au bec
et piez dorez' and the 'Faucon gentil sonfrèrea blanches heles', the elaborate
allegorical designations of king Charles VI and his brother Louis d'Orléans.
7
Coopland, Nicole Oresme and the Astrologers, pp. 7-13; for d'Ailly's text see pp. 143-
148.
8
Philippe de Mézières, Le Songe du Vieil Pèlerin, éd. G. W. Coopland, 2 vols. (Cambrid-
ge 1969); see study by Dora M. Bell, Etude sur le Songe du Vieil Pèlerin de Philippe de Mézières
(Genève 1955).
9
Philippe de Mézières, Songe Π. 140-162.
10
Philippe de Mézières, Songe Π.145.
1!
Songe Π. 150 is based partly on Oresme's Livre, chapter 12; Songe Π. 159 loosely follows
Livre, chapter 8. Mézières praises Oresme as 'le travaillant et subtil et real philosophe des
meilleurs qui fust depuis Aristote' (Songe Π.159, vol. 1, p. 618). Coopland emphasised
Mézières's borrowing from Oresme, but this was not as extensive as he suggested. He did not
mark the irony of Supersticion's borrowings from chapter 5 of the Livre.
12
Philippe de Mézières, Songe Π. 105, vol. 1, p. 518: 'Dont il avint (...) que Γ escripvain
de cestui Songe demoura un temps avec lesdiz Espaigneulx, et participa avecques eulx comme
jeune et fol en la dicte science, par telle maniere que le dit escripvain χ ans ou xii après qu'il
se fu party desdiz Espaigneulx a sa volente ne pouoit pas bien extirper de son euer les dessus
signes et l'effet d'iceulx contre Dieu'.
A CRTTIQUE OF SUPERSTITION 141
As the reader will recall, the abbé de Cérisy did not deny Louis's juvenile
interest in magic, but excused it as youthful folly.13
Notable in Philippe de Mézières's treatment of superstition is the emphasis
on instruction and reform and the role that the university of Paris plays in
this. Pignon, who studied in Paris, pays emphatic tribute to his alma
mater,14 but does not specify the role that it played in opposing magic and
divination. There are two condemnations issued by the university that are
relevant to Pignon's critique of superstition: (1) the famous condemnation
of 1277 comprising 219 articles15; and (2) the condemnation of 1398 com-
prising 28 articles.16
The former is mainly known for its opposition to those aspects of
Aristotelian philosophy that were irreconcilable with Church doctrine, but
its main aim was to criticise the astrological doctrines and the fatalism of
Aristotle's Arabic commentators and translators. In a number of articles
determinism is rejected both in the natural, physical order17 and in the
spiritual order. The condemnation asserts the freedom of the will18 and the
intellect and denies astrological interrogations and the prognostication of
human fate or fortune from signs.19 These are among the dominant themes
in the condemnation of 1277 and we can find echoes in Pignon's choice of
sections from the SCG (CLD II.4-6) that refute the influence of the heavens
on the will and the intellect. On the whole the articles of 1277 are strictly
philosophical; magic plays no role in them.20
This is quite different in the condemnation of 1398 which almost
exclusively deals with demonic magic. It starts with an enumeration of
magical practices and props involving wooden circles or hoops on wooden
13
See the case of the apostate monk, discussed in chapter 2.4.1, pp. 60-61 above.
14
In CLD ID. 10, e.g., Pignon speaks of 'ma mere l'université'.
15
Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, vol. 1, pp. 543-555; Roland Hissette, Enquête
sur les 219 articles condamnées à Paris le 7Mars 1277(Louvain/Paris 1977). The 219 articles
were re-arranged by Mandonnet; Hissette follows the re-arranged order. Cf. also Pierre Duhem,
Le Système du Monde (Paris 1958), vol. 8, pp. 419-423; Mieczysbw Markowski, "Der Mensch
und der kosmische Determinismus in späten Mittelalter und in der Renaissance", in: L'homme
et son univers au Moyen Age, vol. 2, pp. 709-718.
16
Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, vol. 4, pp. 32-36; cf. also Appendix I of the
present study.
17
See, e.g., art. 102: Quod nihil fit a casu, sed omnia de necessitate eveniunt etc.
(Numbers of the articles in this and the following notes refer to Hissette's edition.)
18
Art. 154, e.g., denounces quod voluntas nostra subiacetpotestati corporum caelestium.
Cf. also art. 156 and 160.
19
Art. llS.Quodquibiisdamsignissciunmrhominumimentionesetmutatwne
etc. As Hissette points out, the 'signs' mentioned in this article are more than celestial signs;
the word also refers to the other signs observed by diviners.
20
Art. 63 mentions an incantator in passing.
142 CHAPTER FOUR
poles (which recalls the iron circle used by Poinson and Briquet), magical
flasks and swords, and mysterious, unknown words and names.21 One of
the rituals described aims at confining a spirit in a consecrated flask. This
spirit can consequently reveal to the magicians the whereabouts of hidden
treasure. All those who practise this type of magic, the condemnation decrees,
are guilty of superstition, idolatry and invocation of demons, the theological
categories that are also at the heart of Aquinas's and Pignon's critique. A
number of the articles from the condemnation are dealt with in Appendix I,
below, and need not concern us here. It is evident that the condemnation of
1398 is close enough to Pignon's critique to be a potential model and source
of inspiration. If Pignon knew both condemnations (which is likely) he would
have regarded them as complementary. The philosophical opposition to stellar
determinism and the theological opposition to demonic magic were to him
two sides of the same coin.
The duties of instruction and reform that Philippe de Mézières associates
with the university of Paris are eminently represented in the domineering
figure of the doctor christianissimus, Jean Gerson (1363-1429), one of the
most important theologians and preachers in early fifteenth-century Paris. His
fierce and repeated attacks on Jean Petit's Justification earned him the
animosity of the duke of Burgundy, but his opposition to magic and supersti-
tion were a source of inspiration to Pignon. Next to his sermons, Gerson
wrote a number of works on magic and astrology. The earliest of these, De
erroribus circa artem magicanf1 dates from 1402, and incorporates at the
end the text of the 1398-condemnation. The treatise addresses the licentiates
in medicine and censures the use that physicians (apparently all too frequent-
ly) make of magic. His Contra superstitionem sculpturae leonis23 (1428) was
written for the same purpose, namely to admonish the Montpellier doctors
not to use magic (i.e. the sculpted image of a lion) to effect cures. He wrote
polemical treatises against the observance of propitious days, but his most
famous treatise on these subjects is the Trilogium astrologiae theologizatae24
(1419), which he wrote for the dauphin (the later Charles VII) advising him
not to rely too much on astrologers. Though he approves of astrological
consultations under certain conditions, he stresses the uncertainty and the
shortcomings of astrological knowledge and defendsfreewill and contingency
21
Chartularium, vol. 4, p. 32: nomina quorum signata sunt nobis ignota, scilicet Garsepin,
Oroth, Carmesine, Visoc.
22
Gerson, Œuvres, vol. 10,pp.77-90.OnGersonseeThorndike,HMESIV,pp. 114-131;
Françoise Bonney, "Autour de Jean Gerson: Opinions de théologiens sur les superstitions et la
sorcellerie au début du xve siècle", in: Le Moyen Age: Revue d'hisoire et de philologie 77
(1971), pp. 85-98.
23
Gerson, Œuvres, vol. 10, pp. 131-134.
24
Gerson, Œuvres, vol. 10, pp. 90-109.
in much the same way as Pignon. The Trilogium was written after Contre
les devineurs and cannot have been one of its models. The works by Gerson
that most likely impressed Pignon before 1411 were the De erroribus and the
sermon Pour la réforme du Royaume (1405). In both Gerson criticises the
magicians who flocked to the court of Charles VI with the pretence of curing
the king.
Another work that may profitably be compared to Pignon's treatise, though
it is slightly older and has not left discernible traces in Contre les devineurs,
is John of Salisbury's Policraticus. This twelfth-century classic on the art of
rulership was translated into French in 1372 by Denis Foulechat at the behest
of Charles V.25 For John of Salisbury a good ruler must also be a good man,
versed in virtues and free from follies, but, to quote Pignon, it is not
sufficient that he be a good person: he must also be surrounded by good
servants and courtiers.26 For John, but also for his fourteenth-century
translator Foulechat,27 instructing the court in wisdom and philosophy and
eradicating dangerous errors (among which the unsavoury interest in magic
and divination is of prime importance) is the main purpose of the book. This
theme creates a direct link with Contre les devineurs and may lead us to infer
that superstition was a more or less permanent courtly preoccupation, even
though, sadly, John of Salisbury, like Pignon, is too much committed to his
source texts (from Antiquity and the Patristic era) to provide an illuminating
insight into the contemporary situation.28
4.1.2 The Limits of Lawfulness and Possibility
The spread of the literature on divination and superstition in the fifteenth

century can be easily gleaned from the surveys provided by Thorndike or
Hansen.29 As a minor addition to our survey in the previous section, Thorn-
dike mentions Jacques le Grand (Jacobus Magnus, an Augustinian from
Toulouse)30 who was in Paris in 1405 and who dedicated a moral encyclo-
pedia, the Sopholegium, to the confessor of Charles VI. This book appropri-
ately contains a section in which the magical arts are denounced. Next to a
few French and Italian censors of superstition, such as Petrus Mamoris of
the university of Poitiers who wrote a Flagellum maleficorum (1460s) or
25
Denis Foulechat, Le Policratique de Jean de Salisbury (1372) Livres ƒ-//ƒ, ed. Charles
Bmcker (Genève 1994).
26
See CLD, first prologue.
27
Foulechat, Policratique, p. 86.
28
John of Salisbury, Policraticus, transi. Pike, pp. v-vi.
29
See, e.g., Thorndike, HMES m, pp. 511-517; HMESIV, pp. 274-307; Hansen, Quellen,
passim.
30
Thorndike, HMES IV, pp. 278-279.
144 CHAPTER FOUR
William de Bechis or Becchius of Florence who in his De potestate spirituum

criticised superstitions in France, it is mainly the authors from Germany and
the Low Countries who attract Thomdike's attention. He mentions, for
instance, Nikolaus of Dinkelsbühl (1*1433), Dionysius the Carthusian (1402-
1471), who wrote a Contra vitia superstitionum, Thomas Ebendorfer of
Haselbach (1387-1464), Henry of Gorcum (Gorichem) (f1460), who wrote
his Tractatus de superstitiosis quibusdam casibus (ca. 1425)31 at the univer-
sity of Cologne, and many others. Though this literature follows the beaten
track of Biblical, Patristic and scholastic condemnations, it also, more
interestingly, struggles to define the limits of legitimacy and possibility. What
is magic capable of achieving and where does it cease to be lawful?
One of the earliest authors to concentrate on this problem of the possibility
and lawfulness of magic and divination, and who is also, by the way, an
acknowledged source of Pignon, is William of Auvergne (c. 1180-1249).32
William's great merit was to bequeath to all later theorists a fundamental
distinction that is not always acknowledged as such, but that plays a part at
the background of most discussions and puts the problem of lawfulness and
unlawfulness into focus. The aim of magic, William believes, is to work
marvels or mirabilia. This aim can be pursued in two ways; either by natural
magic or by demonic magic.
Natural magic makes use of the hidden or occult virtues of nature and its
practitioners are called magi (which William derives from magna agentes).
The occult virtues become apparent in the mysterious capacity of the magnet
to attract iron, or in the hidden powers of spontaneous generation. Also man
has inexplicable qualities such as the sensus naturae, which may best be
rendered as 'instinct' or 'intuition' but which also means 'natural divina-
tion'.33 There are many plants and stones with occult virtues, but such
materials, William points out, are quite rare in Europe, whereas they abound
in distant and exotic places like India.
Demonic magic makes use of the powers of demons and its practitioners
are called malefici. In idolatrousritualsdemons are worshipped and persuaded
to perform certain marvels. The power of demons is essentially limited to
three areas: (1) divination; (2) the transportation of objects from one place
to another, i.e. local motion (about which we will say more later on); and
(3) the production of deceitful images in the minds of the beholders. William
does not believe in the reality of marvelous apparitions (which he explains
as demonic illusions in the mind) and he makes it clear that the craft of
31
Hansen, Quellen, pp. 87-88.
32
Thorndike, HMES Π, pp. 338-371. Pignon refers to him as 'maistre Guillaume de Paris*
in CLD m.4.
33
Thorndike, HMES Π, pp. 348-349.
sorcerers is often exaggerated. On the whole William is a sceptic concerning

many magical practices (such as those involving magical characters, figures
or wax images) and many of these 'marvels' he tends to regard as mere tricks
or sleight of hand. He speaks of ludificationes, 'mockeries' of men and
demons, or tractationes and traiectationes, i.e. tricks accomplished by the
agility of the hands.34
The upshot of William's theoretical exposition is that the occult virtues
of nature are more truly marvelous than the tricks of demons. Demons have
certain superhuman capacities, but they cannot act contrary to the laws of
nature and hence cannot perform miracles (this only God can do). The
marvels that demons perform should be appreciated for what they really are,
namely marvels of nature resulting from occult virtues. Demons do nothing
but deceitfully and cunningly abuse these powers of nature to incite man to
idolatrous worship and illicit pacts. The use of demons in magic is unlawful,
but next to unlawful also unnecessary. True knowledge of occult virtues and
the practice of natural magic can provide one in a perfectly legitimate way
with all the marvels one desires. Demons can add precious little to this: in
fact, there are some hidden virtues in natural objects that are more powerful
than demons. Thus a peony suspended from the neck, or the heart of a certain
fish placed on the coals have the power to drive out demons.35 Thorndike
points out that William is not always consistent in his demonological ideas,
but the limits he imposed on demonic potency and his appreciation of natural
magic as a branch of natural philosophy would become standard ingredients
of subsequent discussions even though his views on the legitimacy and
possibility of magic were open to reconsideration.
One of the consequences of the type of reasoning that William employs,
is that his views on natural and demonic magic instead of functioning as a
deterrent can also stimulate philosophical interest in demons and spirits. If
demons have superhuman capacities in knowing and operating the hidden
virtues of nature, then perhaps they can be used or coerced to perform their
skills. Naturally demons are deceitful and evil, but the prevailing privatio
bow-theology, that defined evil as the absence of good, in a way redeemed
the natural endowments of fallen angels; what good remains in demons cannot
possibly be evil. This line of thought, that was adopted by certain (not
infrequently clerical) incantatores, however, was not always acceptable to
official authorities.
A case in point is the Spanish Dominican Raymundus de Tarrega (1*1371)
whose book De invocatione daemonwn has not come down to us (no doubt
through an act of censorship). The work is only known through the condem-
34
Thorndike, HMES Π, p. 345.
33
Thorndike, HMES Π, p. 360. The example of the fish recalls Tobit 8:1-3.
146 CHAPTER FOUR
nation of Nicholas Eymeric, OP (1320-1399), the inquisitor general of

Aragon, in his Directorium Inquisitionis.36 From Eymeric's condemning
remarks one may gather that Tarrega had asserted the legitimacy and meritori-
ousness of invoking and propitiating demons.37 Eymeric's attitude is obvious
ly hostile and it may be doubted wether Tarrega expressed himself in such
heterodox phrases, but it clearly shows that even in Dominican circles
theurgic practices were not universally frowned upon.
In brief, the limits of possibility in works of magic are marked by the laws
of nature. Neither man nor demon can overstep these limits. Only God can
perform miracles that go beyond the overt and occult potentialities of
creation. Though magic may be said to produce marvels, these marvels have
a rationale that can be examined. What, then, are the limits of lawfulness in
magic? If all possible mirabilia are natural mirabilia, and if all nature is good,
how can a magician err? In scholastic fashion the medieval answer is twofold:
either in respect of means or in respect of ends. If a magician pursues a
wrong end (a crime, a vice), he errs; if he uses the wrong means, he likewise
errs. When speaking of sinful means medieval censors always refer to
demons.
Aquinas deals with this problem of lawfulness in an article on the Notory
Art.38 In defence of its lawfulness he forwards some arguments that may
reflect speculations that were current among magicians and clerical sorcerers
like Tarrega. Firstly, the means and ends of the Notory Art are quite sane:
it aims at knowledge and to that end uses fasts, prayers, figures (inspectio
figurarum) and formulas {prolatione ignotorum verborum). Secondly, using
demons for divining the future is wrong, because they cannot foreknow the
future. Yet from this it does not follow that it is unlawful to use those
qualities of demons that are natural to them, such as knowledge. Intellectually
they are more perfect than human beings and hence better capable of grasping
truth. Aquinas refutes these arguments by pointing out, firstly, that the means
that the ars notoria uses are not the causes of knowledge, and hence cannot
really be means. If knowledge results from them, it must be through divine
inspiration or through demonic information. This automatically brings
Aquinas to the second point; demons may know truth, but it is not their task
to enlighten man. All dealings with demons are wrong by definition. All
explicit demonic magic is therefore unlawful, but demons may also be
involved in an implicit, not clearly acknowledged way. If the ars notoria with
36
Thorndike, HMESm, pp. 511-517; Hansen, Quellen, pp. 66-67. Nextto this inquisitor's
manual Eymeric also wrote two treatises called Contra astrologos imperitosatque necromanticos
and Tractates contra daemonum invocatores.
37
Hansen, Quellen, p. 67
38
ST 2a2ae.96.1 (esp. point 1 and 3); cf. also Pignon's version in CLD Π.3.Ι.
its prayers, figures and formulas cannot possibly produce real knowledge,
Aquinas argues, these figures and prayers must function as signs, which
creates the suspicion that a pact with the devil is involved.
The same problem is also the subject of a quodlibetal question drawn up
by one of Pignon's contemporaries, John of Frankfurt (tl440), a theologian
who had studied in Paris and who proposed his Quaestio varum potestas
cohercendi demones fieri possit per caractères figuras atque verborum
prolationes in Heidelberg in 1412.39 He emphasises the orthodox view of
the angelic nature of demons and their natural virtues that despite their
corruption are still present.40 Dealings with demons are sinful and danger-
ous, mainly because demons are extremely deceitful. The main point of the
question is that man has no way of getting at the qualities of the fallen angels.
God and His angels can rule the demons, but man cannot. The means that
he frequently uses, namely characters, figures or strange words, have no
power to coerce a demon's spiritual nature.41 Instead demons make people
believe that they can be compelled, only to deceive them.42 The limitations
of the ars magica (i.e. the impossibility to command and coerce demons) help
to mark the limits of lawfulness. Formally all magic is wrong the moment
demons are involved, but this involvement is very hard to ascertain since
demons on the whole do not submit to empirical scrutiny and magicians need
not own up to the demonic pact. The solution of Aquinas and many other
authors, such as John of Frankfurt, consists in examining the practices of
magic in the light of the theory of causality. The intended results of magic
(a cure, knowledge, information about the future) must be caused by some-
thing. If the means of magic (such as the signs and formulas in the ars
notoria) have no way of producing such effects, they cannot be looked upon
as causes, and most likely should be regarded as signs that call on the
assistence of superhuman powers that in the eyes of the censors are demons.
A magician might best be compared to a secret agent sending a coded
message. If the code is unknown to the authorities, the agent must be working
for the other side.
There are two implications in this way of reasoning that we should be
aware of. (1) The reality of natural and demonic magic is implicitly affirmed.
The existence of occult virtues is not questioned and certainly someone like
39
Thorndike, HMES IV, p. 284; Hansen, Quellen, pp. 71-82, published the text of the
Quaestio.
40
John points out that demon est optimus medicus valde cognoscens rerum naturas, scilicet
herbarum, lapidum et huiusmodi, quas deo permittente celeriter possunt applicare et morbos
curare et egritudines mittere. See Hansen, Quellen, pp. 72-73.
41
42
Hansen, Quellen, p. 19:flngantse compelli ethominibussubdi, utperhocfamiliaritatem
cum nomine contrahant etfinaliter eumfallant.
148 CHAPTER FOUR
John of Frankfurt is convinced of the intellectual superiority of demons. (2)

The application of the notions of cause and effect on magical practices as a
critical tool for evaluation clearly shows that a natural philosophical or even
a mechanistic view of reality is considered more reliable than a magical.
There is a friction between these two presuppositions that has far-reaching
consequences. Eventually this critique in terms of cause and effect would
backfire on the very notions of natural and demonic magic.
In time the notion of occult virtue on which the whole of natural magic
depends would become untenable. Precisely because occult virtues are beyond
human perception, there is no way of verifying how they work. How can
Aquinas and John of Frankfurt be sure there are no occult virtues in the
mutterings of magicians practising the ars notorial How can occult virtues
be identified as causes if not through close examination and research that
inevitably, in the end, will make these virtues less and less occult? Already
in the fourteenth century Oresme tried to give natural explanations for
mirabilia without having recourse to either occult virtues or demons.43
With demons the situation is similar though the story is somewhat differ-
ent. Like occult virtues demons are beyond perception. If demons are to be
identified as causes of certain events, these events must be examined and so
far such scrutiny has never yielded the necessity of postulating the existence
of demons. Demons, however, were believed to be intellectual creatures of
great cunning and deceitfulness who could, consequently, decline to submit
themselves to inquisitive eyes. If a mind is suspicious enough, it can always
assume that demons are at work in the many mysterious events in this world.
The apparent absence of demons is then all the more proof of their presence.
In the medieval censure of superstition the fate of demons has wavered
between redundancy and a position of exaggerated power, and for a long time
the latter prevailed. We return to the fate of demon-lore in a later section.
4.1.3 From Pastoral to Inquisitorial Censure
Having examined the nature of the censure of superstition, we must now

conclude this section by saying something about those at whom this censure
was aimed. Who were the people who were thought to be in need of correc-
tion and what were the intended audiences of these texts? Since superstition
is well-nigh ubiquitous, a description of the audiences of the superstitio-
literature would involve sketching a profile of society as a whole. At the risk
of overgeneralising we shall attempt a very terse survey in the social idiom
of the time.
43
See his De causis mirabilium and section 4.3.2 below.
In the first place there are the people. Common people were frequently
censured for their superstitious propensities and they were probably admon-
ished in sermons, but it is very unlikely that treatises were addressed to them.
In the second place there is the court and the nobility. As we saw in chapter
two, above, there was a real interest in magic among certain members of the
nobility. The sermons of Gerson and a treatise such as CLD clearly address
these court circles with their admonishments, but as is clear from a treatise
such as the Livre de divinations by Oresme or the Songe by Philippe de
Mézières, it is not primarily or exclusively demonic magic that captures the
court; judicial astrology plays an equally (if not more) important part. In the
third place there is the clergy. It may safely be concluded that clerical interest
in demonic magic flourished around 1400, sufficiently so to constitute a
serious problem for orthodox minds. It is in the theological treatises instruct-
ing and admonishing the clergy that demonology (and not astrology) is most
prominent. A fourth category can be added to this list, namely the heretics.
They were never really envisaged as an audience for the superstitioAitexdime,
but as a social group they became more and more a target of censure. Drawn
into the censure of superstition and magic, heretics were gradually trans-
formed into sorcerers and witches and conversely magic in time was not
merely a theme for correction and instruction, but a motive for large-scale
persecution. In time the tractatus and quaestiones becsmeflagella and mallei.
Inquisitorial tendencies are always present in the theological literature that
censures superstition. Pignon at one point makes clear that sorcerers are not
'digne de vivre'. Yet CLD is not an inquisitorial text. It is aimed at courtiers
rather than clergymen or heretics. These latter two categories are not absent,
but their role is decidedly less. As a supplement to our survey of superstitio-
literature, we briefly introduce two fifteenth-century theological treatises
censuring clerical magic and heresy respectively. One is by Nikolaus Jauer
from Heidelberg, the other by Jehan Taincture from Cologne; the former is
an exponent of the pastoral-theological, the latter of the inquisitorial genre.
Nikolaus Jauer44 studied at the university of Prague and went to the
university of Heidelberg in 1402 where he taught theology until his death in
1435. The Tractatus de superstitionibus45 that he wrote around 1405 as a
pastoral and theological handbook, was perhaps one of the most comprehen-
44
On Nikolaus Jauer or Nikolaus Magni de Jawor see: Adolph Franz, Der Magister
Nikolaus Magni de Jawor: ein Beitrag zur Literatur- und Gelehrtengeschichte des 14. und 15.
Jahrhunderts (Freiburg 1898), esp. pp. 151-196; Hansen, Quellen, pp. 67-71 (with excerpts
from the Tractatus); Thorndike, HMES IV, pp. 279-283; Frank Fûrbeth, Johannes Hartlieb:
Untersuchungen zu Leben und Werk (Tübingen 1992), pp. 100-108.
43
I have consulted München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 5338, fol. 323r - 352v
(quoted from by Franz and Fürbeth). I thank dr. Fürbeth for drawing my attention to Jauer and
for graciously providing me with xeroxes of the Tractatus and the book by Adolph Franz.
150 CHAPTER FOUR
sive and widely disseminated works on superstitio in the fifteenth century.

More than 120 surviving manuscripts have been identified, nearly all of them
in German libraries. In all likelihood the treatise was intended for pastoral-
catechetical use, as a textbook of theology, but not for lay-instruction.46
The Tractatus is very much preoccupied with the limits of possibility and
legitimacy. The two main questions that determine the framework of the
entire treatise have to do with the power of the devil and the use that man
can make of him: vtrum dyabolus illudendo possit immittere in animam
hominis bona uel mala, utrum homo possit vti ministerio eius.47 The answers
to these questions are fairly traditional and self-evident. The devil cannot act
on the intellect and the only way he has of moving us is by tampering with
our sense-perception and thus confronting us with illusory images. Naturally
all dealings with the devil are sinful and illicit. Jauer's choice of questions
is very interesting. His first question is not focused on the power of the devil
in general, but is concerned with a very specific aspect of demonic power,
namely the presumed capacity to implant ideas in the mind. The second
question is seen entirely in the light of the first. It is not the use that man
wants to make of the devil's capacity to perform mirabilia that is questioned
(though naturally this would also be unlawful), but the devil's capacity to
bestow knowledge. The focus of the treatise is therefore primarily demonic
illumination.
The second question is divided and further subdivided into a number of
articles. The first deals with the devil's capacity to know the future and to
unravel secrets; the second is concerned with the unlawfulness of dealing with
the devil; and the third gives a comprehensive survey of magic and supersti-
tion. It is basically in these articles that the whole spectrum of magic and
demon-lore finds expression. As Fürbeth48 has shown, Jauer relies heavily
on Aquinas's questions on superstition from the Summa theologiae. In turn,
Jauer's Tractatus served as a source for anotherfifteenth-centurybook on
magic and superstition, the Buch aller verbotenen Kunst by the Munich
physician and writer Johannes Hartlieb (c. 1410-1468).49 This is a clear
indication that Pignon's rendering of the superstitio-questions from the ST
was by no means an unprecedented choice. The reception of Aquinas's
questions constitutes a separate tradition in the wider field of the superstitio-
literature. Whether Pignon was aware of Jauer's treatise cannot be ascertained
for it has left no traces in his work.
46
Fürbeth, Johannes Hartlieb, pp. 106-108.
47
München, elm 5338, fol. 323r; quoted in Fürbeth, Johannes Hartlieb, p. 102.
48
Fürbeth, Johannes Hartlieb, p. 105.
49
Fürbeth, Johannes Hartlieb, chapter 3.
Although Jauer's Tractatus is quite comprehensive, its initial and somewhat

more specific focus can be quite revealing as to the motivation for the
composition of the treatise. The fact that demonic illumination is made into
a main theme, would suggest that Jauer was opposing specific doctrines that
were speculating on the possibilities of using demonic knowledge. As we saw
in the previous section these doctrines are similar to those of the Notory Art
and may have been a particular clerical vice. There is even some external
evidence to suggest that clerical magic and demonic illumination were current
in Heidelberg in the first decade of the fifteenth century.
Franz50 suggests that Jauer in writing his treatise may have been inspired
by the condemnation on February 11, 1405, at Heidelberg of Werner von
Freiburg, an Augustinian lector in theology, who was accused of having
taught superstitious beliefs. The most offensive of these wereritualblessings
or benedictions such as the use of the names of the three Magi in formulas
or verses as a cure for wounds and diseases, or the use of some lines and
phrases from the opening passage of St. John's Gospel as a means of driving
out the devil. This type of ecclesiastical magic was very common and both
examples also occur in CLD. Werner, however, also had other sins to repent;
such as the tenet that God had not created the world directly but by means
of angels or that Adam had washed away original sin by immersing himself
in the river Jordan. In relation to this last point Franz51 quotes Werner as
confessing to having preached that Adam stood in the river Jordan up to his
neck for a hundred years as a penitence for the death of Abel. This tenet
seems to be quite different from the accusation which speaks of the cleansing
of original sin; but both accounts may be complementary. The reader will
recall that the French magician Arnaud Guillaume also provided a story of
Adam mourning the death of his son for a hundred years after which he
received a cure for original sin.52 In the case of Arnaud it was the mysterious
book Smagorad, in the case of Werner it is submersion in the river Jordan.
The story of Adam and his cure for original sin may be a (Hermetic)
reference to illumination.
Nikolaus Jauer's concern over clerical and ecclesiastical magic seems to
be quite different from the concern over heresy that motivated our next
author, Taincture. Yet both developed a very similar scholastic demonology.
Different social and intellectual phenomena were dealt with in terms of one
and the same theoretical frame. No matter how great the differences between
the thoughts of superstitious clerks and the beliefs of religious dissenters, they
were all judged to be guilty of the same crime: idolatry or making a pact with
50
Franz, Nikolaus Magni de Jawor, pp. 151-154.
51
Franz, Nikolaus Magni de Jawor, p. 152, n. 1.
52
See chapter 2.4.3 above, esp. pp. 70-72.
152 CHAPTER FOUR
the devil. Our next example will demonstrate the social implications of this
reductive way of reasoning. Taincture's work takes us back to Burgundy.
Works on superstitio do not abound in the Burgundian library; an impor-
tant exception is the Traitié contre la Vauderiefromthe library of Philip the
Good.53 The book was written by the theologian Jehan Taincture who
explains in the prologue that he first wrote his treatise in Latin and afterwards
in French. Jehan Taincture or Johannis Tinctoris (c. 1400-1469) was born
in Tournai and studied in Cologne where he became a professor of theology.
He wrote his Sermo (or Tractatus) de secta Vaudensium™ in 1460 as a fierce
attack on the Waldensian heresy. The essential core of the treatise, however,
has nothing to do with the beliefs of these people,55 but is for the greater
part made up of scholastic demonology.
The anti-Waldensian literature seems to have been a flourishing genre56
providing authors with the opportunity of developing their demonologies,
which frequently follow the scholastic patterns marked out by Aquinas. The
Waldensian heresy was also one of the themes of a lengthy poem, the
Champion des Dames, that the poet Martin Le Franc dedicated to Philip the
Good around 1442.57 Also in this poem one finds the stereotype of the witch
who is under the spells and delusions of the devil. The publication and
dissemination of Taincture's treatise58 concurred with a serious persecution
of presumed Waldensians in Arras organised by the inquisitor Pierre le
Broussart. On the testimony of weak-minded women who were severely
33
Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 11209. See: Délaissé, L. M. J., et. al., D i gouden
eeuw der Vlaamse miniatuur: Het mecenaat van Filips de Goede 1445-1475 (Brussel/Amsterdam
1959), no. 113, p. 114. ; Georges Dogaer and Marguerite Debae, De Librije van Filips de Goede
(Brussel 1967), no. 135, p. 91; Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 306-307.
54
Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 733-741, fol. 56-69ν; Kassel, Ständischen Landesbi-
bliothek, ms. theol. 509, fol. 4-22. The book was printed in 1477 in Bruges. Extracts in Hansen,
Quellen, pp. 183-188; Paul Fredericq, Corpus documentorum inquisitionis haereticaepravitatis
Neerlandicae (GentTs-Gravenhage 1889), vol. 1, pp. 357-360; and Félix Bourquelot, a Les
Vaudois du quinzième siècle", in: Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes (1846), pp. 105-107.
55
On Waldensians, see Conn, Europe's Inner Demons, pp. 32-42; Bourquelot, a Les
Vaudois", pp. 81-109. The noun 'vauderie' deriving from 'Vaudois' became synonymous with
sorcery and witchcraft.
56
Cf. Hansen, Quellen, no. 31, pp. 149-183: Recollectio on the Waldensian persecution
in Arras; Quellen, no. 34, pp. 188-195: 'La Vauderye de Lyonois'. Cf. also the inquisitor
Nicolaus Jacquerius who in his De calcatione daemonum (1452) and his Flagellum haereticorum
fascinariorum (1458, i.e. the year prior to the persecutions in Arras; the fascinarii are the
Waldensians) follows scholastic demonology (Quellen, no. 29, pp. 133-145; see also Fredericq,
Corpus documentorum, vol. 1, p. 411).
57
Hansen, Quellen, no. 20, pp. 99-104; Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 302-306.
58
According to the chronicler Du Clercq (vol. 3, pp. 31-32) Taincture composed a 'traictié
tres belle, lequel il publia et envoya en plusieurs lieux' (quoted in Fredericq, Corpus documento-
rum, vol. 1, p. 361).
tortured, many people, including prominent citizens, were arrested and

condemned. A contemporary chronicler like Du Clercq pointed out that the
confessions were useless since they were procured under torture. Soon the
local economy of Arras began to collapse under the inquisitor's zeal and in
1461 duke Philip the Good put an end to the persecution. Possibly he was
not impressed by Le Franc's and Taincture's depictions of the heresy and
their admonishments to persecution. Thirty years later in 1491 the Parlement
of Paris declared that the inquisition had gravely erred.59 Taincture's treatise
must be seen as providing an ideology for such persecutions, although this
need not blind us to his presentation of philosophical arguments. The Traiîié
contre la Vauderie will provide us with material for comparison with Pignon's
Contre les devineurs in a following section.
In conclusion it may be stated that the j^pemirto-literature was flourishing,
even though the impact of its moral adhortations was hardly noticeable since
magic and divination remained in demand, and were widely practised. This
made the censure oi superstitio something of an academic exercise (especially
in the case of the censure of judicial astrology), even though the number of
texts, especially those intended for lay-instruction, would grow in the fifteenth
century. Despite the fact that many treatises were exercises in scholastic
demonology, social repercussions did not remain absent for long. Though
it is probably incorrect to suggest that a treatise such as Taincture's caused
the Waldensian persecution of 1460 (even if the treatise was written earlier),
it would be likewise wrong to deny or underestimate its role in the matter.
It functioned as a legitimisation and helped to make persecutions acceptable
and understandable. An exaggerated view of demonic power was likely to
have social implications of this kind. It is a danger implicit in the work of
all authors who took the existence of demons for granted. The intellectual
forces that stimulated and checked the demonic powers and Pignon's position
in this matter will be the theme of a later section.60
Having surveyed the texts that the French-Burgundian court under Charles
VI had at its disposal to mend its magical ways, we now turn to the themes
and arguments of these works.
4.2 Classifying Superstition: Magic or Astrology
The success of a critique relies on a number of conditions, one of which must

be the accuracy with which the field one wants to cover is explored and
mapped out. Medieval censors of superstition were great mappers and
59
Bourquelot, "Les Vaudois", pp. 94-98 ; Robbins, Encyclopedia of Witchcraft, pp. 29-32;
Cartellieri, "Die Vauderie von Arras", in: Am Hofe der Herzöge von Burgundy pp. 196-221.
60
See section 4.3 below.
154 CHAPTER FOUR
compilers, but they conducted their empiric research in the library rather than
in the field, so that, consequently, their classifications of magic and divination
are highly 'bookish' and should not be mistaken for medieval realities.
Though they tend to be rather traditional and do not always have a clear
bearing on actual magic, these classifications are nevertheless quite revealing
with regard to the different ways in which various authors conceived of magic
and divination. In what follows, we limit our discussion to four authors that
are relevant to CLD, namely Isidore of Seville, John of Salisbury, Thomas
Aquinas and Nicole Oresme. The first and most important classification is
the list of the artes magicae that Isidore of Seville included in his Etymol
ogies, The list was copied by many different authors and has received
different contextualisations, some authors preferring a moralistic approach
and others assuming a more rationalistic attitude. Aquinas and Oresme (both
are relevant for Pignon) exemplify these extremes, and John of Salisbury was
selected because he occupies a middle position, being something of a rational
ist with a moral mission, and because his project (criticising courtly interest
in magic) closely resembles Pignon's. It is pointless to deal with Pignon in
this section; his classification of the magical arts was copied from Aquinas
and can be found in CLD 1.2-4.
Isidore of Seville, the arch-encyclopedist of the Latin West, deals with
magic in book VIII of his Etymologiae11 which is devoted to religion and
religious sects. This suggests he considers magic as a deviant form of
religion. His condemnation and his description of magic follows canon law
and the condemnations of Church councils.62 Nevertheless Isidore's percep
tion of magic is strongly influenced by his interest in astrology. Though
condemning judicial astrology, certain astrological notions and beliefs survive
in his work, largely because he, naturally, accepted the standard astronomical
knowledge.63 The aruspices, e.g., who examined the entrails of sacrificial
animals and who observed lightning, are designated by Isidore as observers
of propitious days and hours (horarum inspectores), which is essentially an
astrological occupation.64 Isidore conceives of the artes magicae as
prognosticative activities, disregarding the ceremonial aspects they may have
had in pre-Christian times. He stresses their unlawfulness, not their impossi-
61
Etymologiae Vffl.9 (PL 82, 310-314).
62
Isidore was active in both; e.g., the fourth council of Toledo in 633 over which he
presided. See Jacques Fontaine, "Isidore de Seville et l'astrologie", m: Revue des Etudes Latines
(1954), pp. 280-281.
63
Etymologiae ΙΠ.27 (PL 82, 170 ff.). See Fontaine, "Isidore de Seville et l'astrologie",
pp. 271-300. Fontaine mentions 'semantic' astrology (reading stars as signs) and the belief that
stars are animated.
64
Fontaine, "Isidore de Seville et l'astrologie", pp. 280-281; RACXffl, 'Haruspex', cols.
651-662.
bility or inefficacy. His condemnation is therefore normative, and not

rationalistic; because many of the presuppositions of divination, such as the
correspondence of macro- and microcosm, the influence of the stars and so
on, were part of the general world view. The ironical consequence of this
is that Isidore's critique is one of the vehicles that transmitted astrological
knowledge to the Middle Ages. This condemnation of magic as a moral and
religious perversion coupled with a persistant interest in an 'astrological'
world view was to remain the dominant attitude in the Middle Ages. Isidore's
list contains the following items:
magi (or malefici, sorcerers in general);

necromania (who practise divination through the dead65);
hydromantii (Isidore appends Varro's list of divination through the four
elements);
geomantia (by means of earth);
hydromantia (by means of water);
aeromantia (by means of air);
pyromantia (by means of fire);
divini (diviners, Isidore explains, who are Deo pleni);
incantatores (use words and incantations);
arioli (worship idols on their altars);
aruspices (observe propitious days and examine the entrails of ani-
mals);
augures (interpret the cries of birds; Isidore derives auguria from
avium garria);
auspices (observe the flight of birds; Isidore derives auspicia from
avium aspicia);
Pythones (practise Pythonic divination, deriving from the Pythie
Apollo)
astrologi;
genethliaci (draw up nativity horoscopes, like the mathematici and the
horoscopi);
mathematici;
horoscopi;
sortilegi (make use of the sortes sanctorum66);
65
On the Biblical context of consulting the soothsaying spirits of dead ancestors, see DDD,
'wizard', cols. 1705-1707.
66
Probably not a Bible-oracle but a lot-oracle; see Harmening, Superstitio, pp. 197-204.
Sortilegium would become synonymous with sorcery (see chapter 1.2, p. 14 above and CLD
1.6, note 78 below). Cf. G. R. Owst, "Sortilegium in English Homiletic Literature of the
Fourteenth Century ", in: Studies presented Sir Hilary Jenkinson, ed J. Conway Davies (London
156 CHAPTER FOUR
salisatores (practise fortune-telling from physical movements);

praestigium (illusion: Isidore derives the word from praestringere ocu-
los).
This list67 became extremely influential and many subsequent authors would,
almost as a traditional ritual, incorporate a list in their work, even if such
a list was not particularly functional, as in John of Salisbury's Policraticus.
John of Salisbury's discussion of magic is part of a discussion of the
frivolities and idle pastimes of courtiers: after dealing with hunting and
gambling, John deals with actors and jugglers; and magicians and sorcerers
are first mentioned in the company of wrestlers, mimics, jugglers (praestigia-
tores), and a whole army of jesters.68 John is aware of Patristic condemna
tions of magic and praestigium on the basis of demonic involvement, but
emphasises that praestigium is the art of blinding and deceiving the eyes, thus
closely associating the art of magic with the art of trickery.69
Following time-honoured tradition, John of Salisbury gives his catalogue
of the various types of magic.70 He starts with the four basic types that
Isidore derived from Varroipiromantia; aeromantia; ydromantia; geomantia.
To these four he adds: incantatores; arioli; aruspices; nigromantia; Phicii
(i.e. Isidore's Pythones); vultivolf1 (who manipulate a person's feelings by
means of wax or clay images); imaginarii (idolaters, who consult presiding
spirits by means of images); conjectores72 (dream-interpreters); chiromanti-
cin (who inspect a person's hands); specularios74 (who gaze into smooth
and shining surfaces such as blades, cups and mirrors); mathematici; genel-
1957), pp. 272-303. Owst deals with the classifications of die artes magicae in the context of
sermons.
67
A fair number of the words listed by Isidore appear in the Vulgate: magi Lev. 19:31;
20:6; I Sam. 28:9; II Par. 33:6; Dan. 1:20; 2:2,10,27 etc.; malefici Deut. 18:10; Π Par. 33:6;
1er. 27:9; Dan. 2:2; dtvimhev. 20:27; Num. 22:7; Deut. 18:11,14; I Sam. 6:2 etc.; incantatores
Deut. 18:11; Π Par. 33:6; Isa. 8:19; Dan. 5:11; arioli Lev. 19:31; 20:6; Deut. 18:10; I Sam.
28:9 etc.; aruspices IV Reg. 21:6; Dan. 2:27; 5:7,11; augures Deut. 18:10,14; IV Reg. 17:17;
21:6; Π Par. 33:6; 1er. 27:9; cf. RAC 1,4Augurium\ cols. 975-981;pythones Lev. 20:27; Deut.
18:11; I Sam. 28:7; IV Reg. 21:6; 23:24 etc. Cf also DDD, •python», cols. 1263-1266.
68
Policraticus 1.8.
69
Policraticus 1.9.
70
Policraticus 1.11-12.
71
Cf. CLD Π.3.2(Γ2), and the confession of Jehan de Bar in Appendix I, item 8, item 14
and note 8 to the text of the Confession.
72
On conjectures, professional dream-interpreters, see Harmening, Superstitio, p. 109.
Cf. also the section on dreams in the present chapter.
73
Cf. Harmening, Superstitio, pp. 189-190; Lynn Thorndike, "Chiromancy in Mediaeval
Latin Manuscripts", in: Speculum 40 (1965), pp. 674-706. Both chiromantia and spatulimantia
{Policraticus 11.27) have scholarly traditions.
74
Cf. Appendix I, Confession of Jehan de Bar, item 12, and Policraticus Π.28.
Had (avariant spelling of genethliaci); horoscopi; salisatores; sortilegi (who

tell fortunes by means of lots or Pythagorean spheres,75 tabulae quae Pitago-
rica appelatur); and augurium. The list is virtually identical to the one offered
by Isidore,76 but it contains a few interesting additions, namely the vultivoli,
imaginarii, conjectures, chiromantia, and specularios. Contrary to Isidore,
John of Salisbury does not deal with magic in a context of heresy, idolatry,
or deviant religion but sees it in relation to trickery (as did William of
Auvergne) associating it with the craft of actors and jugglers. Naturally he
recognises the influence of the devil, but unlike later authors, such as Pignon,
he does not provide an elaborate demonology. Though the various kinds of
magic receive ample attention in his work, John singles out three subjects
with which he deals at greater length, namely omens, dreams and astrol
ogy.77
A similar strategy is used by Thomas Aquinas: a general survey and
classification of the magical arts is a point of departure for a subsequent
elaboration of subjects that Aquinas finds most interesting. Aquinas does not
give a mere list of magical arts, but incorporates them into a carefully
considered structure. In the first chapter, above, we dealt with his way of
classifying the various superstitiones in a context of idolatry. We may,
therefore, now confine ourselves to the two most important species of
superstition which have particular relevance for Contre les devineurs: (I) the
superstitio divinativa (ST 2a2ae.95) and (II) the superstitio observationum or
observantiarum (ST 2a2ae.96).
I. DiviNAno
Divinatio always requires demonic assistance and can be divided into two
categories: firstly a group of divinatory arts that require the express
invocation of demons, and secondly a group of arts whereby the devil is
not invoked, but in which the devil nevertheless interferes.
la. cum expressa invocatione daemonum labelled with the generic term
NIGROMANI7A:
praestigium;
divinatio somniorum;
nigromantia;
75
Cf. Appendix in.3.
76
Isidore lists magi, divini, auspices, astrologi, and praestigium as separate items which,
as such, do not occur in John's list, but magi, divini, and astrologi are generic terms, auspices
in Isidore's sense tails under augurium in John's list and praestigium was dealt with in
Policraticus 1.9.
77
Magic inPolicraticusl.9'12, Π.28-29; omens in 1.13-Π. 13; dreams in Π. 14-17; astrology
(including mêmes such as free will and determinism) in Π. 18-26.
158 CHAPTER FOUR
divinatio per Pythones;

geomantia;
hydromantia;
aeromantia;
pyromantia;
aruspicium;
lb. absque expressa invocatione consists of two types: one involving the
observation of the condition and disposition of certain things (denoted by
the generic term augures) and one involving the examination of the actions
undertaken by people to discover aliquid occultum (labelled with the
generic term sortes).
Ib.1 AUGURES
astrologi;
geneatici (another variant of genethliaci);
augurium;
omen (unintentional utterances);
chiromantia or divinatio manus;
spatulimantia;
Ib.2 SORTES
protractio punctorum or geomantia;
sortes (drawing lots, picking cards, drawing straws and throwing dice).
In his question on divinatio Aquinas provides in subsequent articles further

elaborations of certain practices. These are: divinatio per astra (qu. 95.5;
Aquinas does not speak of astrologia here78); divinatio per somnia (95.6);
divinatioper auguria et omina (95.7); and divinatio sortium (95.β),79 which
reflect a choice very similar to the one John of Salisbury made.
II. SUPERSTTHO OBSERVAMTARUM

ars notoria (acquisition of knowledge through illumination);
immutatio corporum\
observations ad praecognoscenda aliqua fortunia
(omens and portents in a general sense, including chance encounters
and sneezing; these are sine ratione et arte, Aquinas adds);
suspendere divini verba ad collum
78
Cf. also Aquinas's short treatise In quibus homo potest licite utijudicio astrorum, in:
S. Thomae Aquinatis Opuscula omnia, ed. P. Mandonnet (Paris 1927), vol. 3: Opuscula genuina
theologica, opusc. 17, pp. 142-143.
79
Cf. also Aquinas's treatise De sortibus, in: S. Thomae Aquinatis Opuscula omnia, ed.
P. Mandonnet (Paris 1927), vol. 3: Opuscula genuina theologica, opusc. 18, pp. 144-162.
(amulets) or incantatio (these are lawful when they are done in proper
devotion).
Aquinas, like John of Salisbury, incorporates the entire list from the Etymolo-
giae (the arioli and the salisatores are notable exceptions) and he even copies
some of Isidore's etymologies (deriving, e.g., augurium fromgarritus avium).
Aquinas makes some interesting additions, such as the ars notoria, the omina
as a separate category, palmistry, and protractio punctorum or geomantia.
The word geomantia which Isidore copied from Varro, denotes a form
of divination in which one of the four elements, earth, is involved. Generally,
the interpretation of any sign relating to this element, including earthquakes
and volcanic eruptions, could qualify as geomancy. This is not what Aquinas
means by geomantia here; the name he prefers is protractio punctorum which
denotes exactly what this form of divination involves. A geomancer draws
figures with an odd or even number of points grouped in four lines. This
divinatory method was introduced into the West by Hugh of Santalla (twelfth
century) who made the first Latin translation of an Arabic geomancy. In
Arabic the ars punctatoria is called rami (meaning sand, since the figures
and points could easily be drawn in the sand) and legend traces its origins
to the archangel Gabriel who revealed this technique to the legendary prophet
Tumtum. It became extremely popular in the later Middle Ages and Renais-
sance and, interesting detail, one of the most important authors of a medieval
Geomantia was William of Moerbeke, the great translator, who furnished
Aquinas with Latin versions of Aristotle.80
It may be wondered why the subcategories of divination, augures (Ibl)
and sortes (Ib2) do not form part of the superstitio observantiarum. The
answer would seem to lie in the brief phrase sine ratione et arte, i.e. supersti-
tious observances require no skill, craft, or knowledge whatsoever. In other
words, the distinction between divination and superstitious observances seems
to be one between intelligent and silly superstitions. Astrology, chiromancy,
spatulimancy, and geomancy were scholarly disciplines and many specialist
text-books from the Middle Ages and Renaissance are still extant. Aquinas's
mention of astrology is interesting. Though he uses the word astrologi in his
list (95.3), he later on (in 95.5) prefers to speak of divinatio per astra which
suggests he wants to exempt astrology proper from his discussion. Question
95.5 essentially deals with causation and never mentions (what we would call)
80
See Charmasson, Recherches sur une technique divinatoire: la géomancie dans l Occident
médiéval·, Stephen Skinner, Terrestrial Astrology: Divination by Geomancy (London 1980);
Emilie Savage-Smith and Marion B. Smith, Islamic Geomancy and a Thirteenth-Century
Divinatory Device (Malibu 1980).
160 CHAPTER FOUR
astronomy. Pignon's sometimes fierce attacks on astrologers and their

techniques81 do not come from Aquinas. Reading Aquinas's criticism, he
obviously inferred too much. For Aquinas astrology is not one of the
superstitiones; divinatio per astra is, and though an important one, it is
nevertheless one of many. In Pignon's treatise astrology has received a
remarkable 'foregrounding'. Though Contre les devineurs is closely modelled
on Aquinas, astrology seems to be the dominant theme. It features prominent-
ly in the prologues and the author expounds the distinction between lawful
astrology and judicial astrology even before he deals with the magical arts.
Where did this shift in emphasis come from?
Is it a consequence of an increase in the number of astrologers that
frequented the French-Burgundian court? King Charles V greatly stimulated
astrology, and astrology was a major item on the ecclesiastical agenda (not
in the least because of Aquinas, but in Pignon's own day d'Ailly and to a
lesser degree Gerson also made major contributions). We have seen that the
same holds for magicians who eagerly flocked to the court of king Charles
VI and were patronised amongst others by the duke of Burgundy. Or is it
perhaps a consequence of another literary model that Pignon knew, a text
he may not have copied, but which was a source of inspiration? Given the
fact that Pignon, like many other authors in the field, relies more on books
than on reality, this seems to be the more plausible option. We have already
mentioned the Paris condemnation of 1277, but Oresme' s Livre de divinations
is also a suitable candidate. The book was known at the Burgundian court
and it may have inspired the title of Pignon's treatise.
Oresme has written his treatise, so he tells us, to inform and warn laymen
of the dangers and follies inherent in fortune-telling ('deviner les aventures
et les fortunes avenir, ou les choses occultes'). The pursuit of these things
is particularly dangerous for those of high estate such as princes or lords who
are burdened with the responsibilities of government. Though his criticism
aims at the whole traditional group of magical and divinatory arts, he pays
special attention to astrology, which he subdivides into six parts.82
1 .The first part of astrology is speculative and mathematical in nature and
is concerned with the movements and measurements of the heavenly bodies,
on the basis of which conjunctions and eclipses can be predicted accurately.
2.The second is a part of natural science and is propaedeutic to the making
of astrological judgments; it deals with the qualities and influences of the stars
or Zodiacal signs and the physical effects that they may produce. Oresme
adds that though in principle this knowledge is possible and falls within the
81
Cf. CLD 1.2 where Pignon speaks of astrological books with tables, numbers, figures
and characters, etc.
82
Oresme, Livre de divinations, ed. Coopland, chapter 2, pp. 54-57.
range of human cognition, very little is known about it, and many of the rules
that have come down to us are wrong.
3.The third part of astrology concerns predictions based on stellar revol-
utions and conjunctions. These predictions have a bearing on: (a) great events
such as plagues, deaths, famine, floods, wars, the emergence of prophets and
new religions. Oresme is careful to point out that with these great events of
the world nothing is certain; neither date nor place can be attributed to them,
and they can only be known in the most general of terms; (b) Predictions may
also relate to the condition of the atmosphere and to weather-changes.
Although this type of prognostication is possible in principle, many of its
underlying rules (the same ones as in 2) are false, so that very little progress
has been made in this science: 'Et par ce veons nous communément que de
telles mutacions scevent mieulx jugier les mariniers ou les laboureurs des
champs que ne font les astronomiciens'.83 (c) Thirdly, predictions may
concern the humours of the body and hence be of great importance to medical
science. Again the effects of the planets are of a physical nature, and might
as such be an object of knowledge, but, Oresme stresses, beyond the impact
of Sun and Moon very little is certain.
4.The fourth part of astrology concerns nativities, and though, in principle,
it is possible to know a person's complexion and inclinations from the stars
under which he is born (complexion and inclination still belong to the physical
effects), his fortunes and all things relating to his free will are entirely beyond
the grasp of man's cognition and cannot be deduced from the stars. Again
Oresme concludes that all astrological rules concerning these things are false.
5.The fifth part of astrology concerns interrogations, questions whose
answers are determined by the constellation at the moment of inquiry. Oresme
dismisses these as nonsense.
6.The sixth partof astrology, finally, deals with elections, i.e. the selection
of propitious days for the affairs of life, whether it be travel, work, or
marriage. Oresme includes in this category the fabrication of images,
'carettes', rings and the like, which, in order to possess certain effective
magical qualities, must be made on a propitious moment under a favourable
constellation. Oresme emphasises that such things are entirely ineffective,
4
se ce n'est par art magique ou par nigromance'.
In his elaborate subdivision of astrology, Oresme not only illustrates the
epistemological limitations of all forms of prognostication, he also emphasises
that the only true objects of such inquiry are the physical effects of the stars.
These are his criteria for assessing and rejecting the other forms of divination.
Oresme refrains from giving a straightforward list, but apparently feels he
has to say something about the traditional divinatory arts, nearly all of which
83
Oresme, Livre de divinations, p. 56.
162 CHAPTER FOUR
he considers nonsensical. In chapter three of his treatise he mentions the

following: 'gromance' (i.e. geomancy, which Oresme considers a mere game
of odd or even); 'auguremens'; 'nigromantie'; 'ydromancie'; 'pyromancie';
'cyromancie' (which, Oresme adds, may have some truth in it when applied
to someone's complexion and inclination); 'auspices'; 'artmagique'; 'incanta-
tions'; 'songes'; 'visions'; and 'prophecies naturelles'. In chapter eleven
Oresme makes further additions:84 'la teste Saturne85; art notoire; art contre
notoire; piromance; spatulomance; art de sintille; divinemens par metalz, par
eyre, par pains, par sternemens, par foudres, et par telles sorceries'. Oresme
refrains from expounding on these. Many of the names in such lists go back
to Isidore, but from the cursory way in which Oresme deals with them, it
is evident that he attaches little value to them. The full weight of his dis-
cussion is on astrology.
In Aquinas and John of Salisbury astrology is considered (along with
dreams, omens and lots) in a specific context of magical and divinatory arts
which are enumerated mainly on the basis of Isidore of Seville. In Oresme's
treatise it is the other way round: the various divinatory arts are appended
to a lengthy examination of astrology.
The ways in which these quite conventional lists with magical and
divinatory arts are presented and the contexts in which they are embedded
are clear indications of the nature of the critique of superstition as developed
by the various authors. Isidore and Thomas Aquinas tend to see magic and
divination essentially as a perversion of the virtues of religion. Though
Thomas shows a marked tendency to draw technical matters such as causality
into his discussion, his main concern in ST 2a2ae.94-96 is doctrinal, which
means that he deals with issues such as lawfulness and sinfulness. Someone
like Oresme, on the other hand, is not a moralist. Though the main purpose
of his treatise, namely to warn rulers and laymen against the dangers of
divination, has obvious ethical underpinnings, his exposition of these dangers
is not done in terms of sinfulness or lawfulness but in terms of possibility
and rationality. He repeatedly emphasises that the rules of astrological
prediction are either uncertain or wrong and this scientific scepticism makes
him dismissive of the other forms of divination. John of Salisbury can be seen
to occupy a middle position: he is a moralist, like Aquinas, but also a sceptic,
who regards magic as nonsensical and speaks of it mockingly. Pignon also
84
85
As Cropland points out, it is unclear what Oresme means by this. Cf. DSO 2, cols. 657-
658, Tête', 'Tête de mort'. In magic lore, heads severed from bodies are known to have been
used for soothsaying. Cf. Keith Thomas's report on the trial (in 1371) of a magician who was
caught with the head of a Saracen in his bag. He explained that he had bought the head in Toledo
and that he intended to use it to capture a soothsaying spirit (see Thomas, Decline of Magic,
p. 230). Possibly Oresme refers to some such practice.
stands between Aquinas and Oresme, possibly quite literally if Oresme's

treatise was a source for Contre les devineurs. Pignon is mainly concerned
with lawfulness and sin, but he is also much interested in scientific reasoning,
especially where astrology is concerned. Still, there is a significant difference
between Pignon and John of Salisbury. The moralistic angle always entails
the notion of demonic involvement. We have already seen how the devil's
pact played a prominant role in Aquinas's Summa. In the Policraticus this
role is limited. John does not elaborate on the devil's pact nor does he
develop a demonology. The reason for this is that John did not really believe
in the power of demons. Demons existed, to be sure. They tempted and
tricked people and could produce some 'miraculous' feats, but the emphasis
in John's discussion is on 'trick' and not on 'miracle'. This is different with
Pignon. In the fourteenth and fifteenth century the interest in demons and
their miraculous power grew dramatically, and he is clearly a child of his
times.
4.3 Demons
In the previous chapter we have seen how despite the (early) Christian belief
that with Christ's coming the rule of astrology had come to an end, the stars
continued to exert their influence on medieval Christendom. The same can
be said of demons.
4.3.1 Dualism
There are many references to demons and evil spirits in the Bible. There is
a strong tendency to conflate these with pagan deities, but they are often
depicted, too, as the dark destructive forces of the wilderness and outer
darkness. Especially in the Old Testament their contours are vague and
indeterminate; their origin (the fall of the angels) is never clearly expressed
and occasionally we find these destructive and evil spirits taking their orders
immediately from God.86 From these scattered references it is possible to
reconstruct a more complete picture. Briefly, the spirits (both angels and
demons) are part of a heavenly council, meeting on the 'mount of the
congregation' (an Old Testament Olympus); they are charged with governing
the nations, but many of them prove corrupt, and finally God casts them out.
The fall of Lucifer, one of the most exalted and radiant angels, was described
by the prophet Ezechiel. But the fall of the angels in general would be most
elaborately expounded in the apocryphal Book of Enoch, and in addition to
86
Ex. 12:23; I Sam. 16:14; I Kings 22:19-23.
164 CHAPTER FOUR
that the Book of Revelation makes explicit mention of a war in heaven.87

The corruption of the spirits and the clean sweep of heaven degraded these
fallen angels to the level of mere mortals:88 they no longer govern but are
governed89 and moreover in their frequent appearances in the New Testa-
ment they are basically depicted as outcasts. The disciples receive the power
to drive out demons90 and this essentially defines the role of demons in the
New Testament. From spiritual rulers of nations they have fallenfromheaven
to become the petty tormenters of the microcosm of the human soul, and
thence they are driven out into the outer darkness, into swine who hurl
themselves into the abyss.91
The story presented in this way is one of defeat and annihilation, but like
Satan in Milton's epic Paradise Lost, demons have proved relentlessly
dynamic. Despite the spectacular number of exorcisms performed by Christ
and his apostles, demons were in the habit of coming back in greater num-
bers,92 and even Christ himself found an opponent in Satan, his archenemy.
These indications of the strength and magnitude of the forces of evil may
result from the dualist influences that the Hebrews underwent during their
exile, but Scripture always in the end reasserts a monistic view: Satan is
called anti-Christ in the Book of Revelation which means that he is negatively
defined and has no being of his own. This monistic view of evil became a
dominant theme in later Christian thought, mainly through the efforts of
Augustine who defined evil, in Neoplatonic rather than Biblical terms, as a
privatio boniy something which lacks being, rather than something in itself.
This view is eminently represented in the work of Anselm of Canterbury and
in that of Aquinas. We also find it in John of Salisbury when he explains that
exorcisms were 'established to diminish the power of demons and to break
the tie of intimacy which they have with man, and can accomplish nothing
in virtue of their own power unless they gain their potency from direction
given by God'.93
87
Council: Job 1:6 ff.; Zac. 3:1-10; Ps. 82; IKings 22:19-23; DDD, cols. 391-398. Mount
of the congregation: Isa. 14:13; Ez. 28:14. Rule over the nations: Ps. 82; Deut. 4:19-20; Fall
of Satan and the other angels: Ez. 28:12-19; Isa. 14:9-16; Rev. 12:7-12. In general see DDD,
'demon', cols. 445-455.
88
Ps. 82:7.
89
Christ governs all angels (Eph. 1:21) but even man is placed in judgment over the
(presumably fallen) angels (I Cor. 6:3).
90
Luke 10:17-20.
91
Mat. 8:28-34; Luke 8:26-39.
92
Cf. Mat. 12:43-45 and Luke 11:14-26; a cast out demon will come back and bring seven
fellow demons, worse than himself.
93
Policraticus 11.27, Pike transi., p. 143.
Still, a dualist reading of evil has always lurked in the background of

Christian theology. Though an openly avowed philosophical dualism was
never accepted as theologically sane, expositions and elaborations of the
power of the devil, on the whole, met with little censure. Again Augustine
is the major authority for demon-lore in the Middle Ages, but his discussions
are not the only reason for the rise of Satan. As Christianity was spreading,
people soon discovered that demons were convenient scapegoats and exor-
cisms important means of establishing and consolidating power. The best way
of conquering pagan religions and heresies was by demonising these beliefs,
and, if need be, the believers. A monistic approach would deny the permanent
power of evil and would therefore aim to remedy it by persuasion, correction
and instruction; an approach which is far too gentle to be effective. A
'dualistic' approach on the other hand would envisage itself to be up against
powerful and dangerous forces, which, logically, require destruction rather
than correction. In reality the division was not so clear-cut and in practice
the Church's dealings with the powers of darkness mostly consisted in
teaching the former and doing the latter.
A change came about in the course of the Middle Ages in the way people
conceived of the power of demons. This power was gradually waxing. Man
was considered relatively helpless in the face of demonic vexations and
temptations; only with the help of God could demons be expelled. Demons
were thus partly used to lift the burden of human responsibility for natural
and intentional evils,94 but the repeated stress on the need for rescue and
salvation, by contrast, also implied a repeated stress on the hold that demons
have on man. In the work of the thirteenth-century abbot Richalm of Schön-
tal, Liber revelationum de insidiis et versutiis daemonum adversus homines,95
demons have organised themselves in a hierarchic order exactly mirroring
the monastic order Richalm knew, complete with abbots and priors, yet their
numbers are disturbing. With a few well-chosen metaphors Richalm creates
a sense of suffocation: demons surround him as water surrounds a drowning
man; closing his eyes, he sees demons everywhere, like a thick cloud of dust.
They cause giddiness, sleepiness, indigestion, they send fleas to torment him,
at night he overhears them plotting their evil intents, they cause improper
thoughts, make his head itch, cause toothaches and make him sneeze; most
hauntingly he has the feeling that his every move is being watched. Ironically
94
Flint, The Rise ofMagic, pp. 146-157, stresses the compassionate motives of much early
medieval demon-lore.
95
The treatise (early thirteenth century) was published in: B. Pezius, ed., Thesaurus
anecdotorum novissimus, vol. 1, part 2 (Augsburg 1721). See Peter Dinzelbacher, "Die Realität
des Teufels im Mittelalter", in: Peter Segl, ed., Der Hexenhammer: Entstehung und Umfeld des
Malleus maleficarum von 1487 (Köln 1988), pp. 151-152; Conn, Europe's Inner Demons, pp.
71-73.
166 CHAPTER FOUR
enough, this paranoid fear of demons had a few decades earlier been the
subject of a treatise Epistola de substantia et natura daemonum by the jurist
and philosopher Witelo,96 who attributed such experiences with demons to
insanity, sickness and melancholic vapours rising from the stomach to the
brain. His opinions would be referred to approvingly by Nicole Oresme, but
also the obsessions of the abbot Richalm would have its followers. One need
only leaf through the pages of the witchcraft manuals, such as Kramer's
Malleus maleficarum, to find the power of the devil writ large. Phenomena
that were initially seen as illusory, such as lycanthropy or the witches'
sabbath, were finally believed to be real demon-wrought 'miracles'.97 The
witches' sabbath with its imagined travesties of the Eucharist, mass and
Christian congregation, is, in fact, a demonic anti-Church closely related to
Richalm's monastic order of demons. In this way inquisitors actively created
a dualism of God and devil that their predecessors had wanted to extirpate
in the Albigensian and Waldensian heresies.98 This was a dualism that finally
got out of hand and cost the life of thousands.
4.3.2 Naturalisation of the Demonic
Compared with inquisitorial aggression, in word as well as in deed, Witelo's

rationalistic views of demons appear peacefully ineffectual. He was a monist
in a truly Neoplatonic sense, conceiving of demons as mediae potestates.
Arguing from the fairly traditional notions of the longevity of demons, their
aerial bodies, and their intelligence which is much greater than man's, Witelo
concludes that, since they know more than man, they must be less sinful (not
surprisingly, evil is for Witelo an obfuscation of reason). Demons occupy
a position between humans and angels: they are corporeal, mortal, and to
a small degree sinful, and should therefore not be identified with the per-
verted fallen angels from Christian doctrine. Naturally Witelo accepts their
96
See Eugenia Paschetto, "Witelo et Pietro d'Abano à propos des démons", in: Christian
Wenin, ed., L'homme et son univers au Moyen Age, vol. 2 (Louvain-la-Neuve 1986), pp. 675-
682; Dinzelbacher, "Realität des Teufels", pp. 152-153. The text of De natura daemonum was
published in: Jerzy Burchardt, List Witelona do Ludwika we Lwówku Élaskim (Wroc-
law/Warszawa 1979), pp. 161-180.
97
It should be noted that people like Kramer, in asserting the power of the devil, were
moving beyond the limits set by authorities such as Aquinas. See, e.g., the case-study by Peter
van der Eerden, "De Malleus maleficarum, de duivel en de kwestie van de verdwenen geslachts-
delen", in: G. Rooijakkers étal., eds., Duivelsbeelden: Een cultuurhistorische speurtocht door
de Lage Landen (Baarn 1994), pp. 137-167. Van der Eerden points out that in Kramer's
conception the 'demonic universe has the potential for infinite expansion'.
98
Dinzelbacher, "Realität des Teufels", pp. 169-170 and η. 75; Η. R. Trevor-Roper, The
European Witch-Craze ofthe 16th and 17th Centuries (Harmondsworth 1978), pp. 113-114. The
point is elaborately stressed in Conn, Europe's Inner Demons.
existence, but only on the basis of revealed theological truth. Reasoning from
nature, nothing can be known of these fallen angels. This position of double
truth (independent co-existence of revealed and rational truths) afforded
Witelo the opportunity of denying all supernatural agency, including the
agency of his demons (they exist but do not act), to terrestrial occurrences
and prodigies, however miraculous they may seem. There is a natural
explanation for everything in this world and all demonic experiences are
simply delusions of the imagination
Witelo's rationalist views are quite exceptional, but his naturalist attitude
is less unique. Even in the Patristic era, when the urgencies of personal
salvation and the imminent Parousia overshadowed all interest in natural
science and philosophy, Christian thinkers could not escape addressing the
issues of natural science. Discarding astrology and divination as the work
of demons, the early Fathers were still left with the question of where demons
(who, of course, in no way partook of divine omniscience) got their prae-
scientia fiiturorum.100 Answering this question, as Augustine did in De
divinatione daemonum, implicitly meant that demons were assigned a place
in the natural order of things, and thus, in principle, they became an object
of natural philosophy.
The naturalisation of the demonic coupled with zprivatio torn-theology
kept demonic forces at bay for the greater part of the Middle Ages and might
even have brought about their final redundancy, were it not for two (possibly
related) developments, namely the earlier mentioned dualism and the growth
of a new concept of nature. The growing interest of medieval scholars for
nature (especially those associated with the School of Chartres) is well-known.
An important expression of the new status of nature can be found in Alain
de Lille's De complanctu Naturae (referred to by Pignon) where Natura
(modelled after Plato's Demiurg) is God's junior partner in the process of
creation. This self-regulating force of nature was not infrequently felt to
infringe on God's omnipotence, especially since it provided a scientific
explanatory model for mirabilia that needed no longer be referred to divine
intervention or demonic agency. Reluctance to accept naturalistic explanations
drove objectors to regard demonic activities as preternatural causes, thus
actively bringing about the dualism we already discussed. Albertus Magnus
is known to have complained about the anti-scientific and anti-naturalistic
tendencies in his own order. A Dominican 'demon' rebuked him for always
studying nature, which made Albert exclaim: 'There are ignorant people who
want to oppose the study of philosophy by all possible means, in particular
99
See esp. Paschetto, "Witelo", pp. 680-681.
100
E.J. Dijksterhuis, De mechanisering van het wereldbeeld(Amsttrdam 1950), 1.123-124,
p. 105. (Translated by C. Dikshoorn, The Mechanization of the World Picture (Oxford 1961).)
168 CHAPTER FOUR
in the order of the Dominicans, where no one resists them when like stupid
beasts they go on against things they do not understand'.101
Though Albert's criticism was mainly directed at a fairly common aspect
of the mentality of the Friars Preachers, it was nevertheless mainly due to
himself and his pupil and fellow Dominican Thomas Aquinas, that an
impressive synthesis and harmonisation of philosophy and theology was
brought about.102 Aquinas believed there could be no contradiction between
the truths of philosophy and theology. Albert confidently emphasised the need
for research and experiment and, in the spirit of Aristotle, both set great store
by observation and sense-perception as a means to knowledge. Both philoso
phers , therefore, made significant and influential contributions to a naturalistic
approach of mirabilia.m This approach is of great importance in relation
to demons.
An important example of the redundancy of demons in a naturalistic view
of marvels alongside a theological affirmation of their existence can be found
in Nicole Oresme. Oresme went so far as to stress that 'if faith did not posit
their existence, there is no natural effect from which they can be proved to
exist'.104 Oresme consistently looked for natural causes in order to explain
marvels, not merely at the exclusion of demons, but even at the exclusion
of celestial influences. In this he went much further than Adelard or William
of Conches whose naturalistic explanations mainly unburdened demonic
arguments by focusing on celestial causality.105 Oresme never denied the
existence of demons and he was sensitive to their theological functions. This
becomes clear in his De causis mirabilium106 where he deals with insanity:
maniaci are commonly considered demoniaci but this is done mainly through
ignorance of natural causes. God may allow demons to enter a person's body
for a specific purpose ('that the works of God be made manifest'107), but
since mental illnesses occur around the powers of the soul and the senses and
can quite sensibly be explained from physical causes, one should not too
quickly conclude that this is the work of demons.
Pignon is less careful than Oresme in ascribing certain marvels to the work
of demons and, though it is not entirely certain whether he would escape the
censure of Albert the Great, a naturalistic tendency can clearly be distin-
101
Dijksterhuis, Mechanisering Π.47, p. 148 (English translation, p. 134). Dijksterhuis
quoted from Albertus Magnus, In epistolas B. Dionysii Areopagitae, Ep. VIII.2.
102
Dijksterhuis, Mechanisering Π.40-47, pp. 143-148, also stresses the role of the
Franciscans Alexander of Hales and Roger Bacon.
103
See Bert Hansen, Nicole Oresme and the Marvels of Nature, pp. 54-61.
104
Hansen, Oresme, p. 98, quoted from question 23 of me Tabula problematum.
105
Hansen, Oresme, pp. 52-53.
106
Oresme, De causis mirabilium, ed. Hansen, c. 3, pp. 260-265.
107
Oresme refers to John 9:3.
guished in his way of thinking. The major difference is that demons need not
rival with natural causes; rather, they are treated as natural causes. Pignon
develops his demonology in CLD 1.7-8. Following Augustine's De divinatione
daemonum, he explains that demons are spiritual creatures whose condition
is very similar to that of the air. In large numbers they inhabit the atmos-
phere, and due to their lightness, they can move swiftly from one place to
another. As fallen angels they still retain a knowledge and experience vastly
superior to ours, especially in relation to the workings of nature and the
planetary influences that affect the earth. Additionally, their longevity adds
to their knowledge. Demons have the power to move and change material
substances in a way similar to nature, but their swiftness enables them to do
this much faster. These natural advantages enable them to acquire accurate
knowledge about the constellations and their influence under which people
are born. In this way they know people's inclinations, and since the majority
of mankind will be inclined to follow these passions and desires rather than
reason, there is ancle room for temptation, for the demonic will is corrupt
and demons are bent on the destruction of man. God uses them as ministers
and executives of divine justice, and occasionally allows them to try the
saints.
This concise physiology of demons, Pignon derived from Augustine, who
copied his ideas to some extent from Apuleius whom he regarded as the
greatest of the pagan theologians.108 In his oration De deo Socratis, Apu-
leius explained how all domains of reality are teeming with life. On the earth
and in the water there are animals and fish, the ether is filled with (living)
stars and the space between, the air, is filled with daemons.109 These are
living, rational and sensitive creatures (just like man), who are immortal (like
the gods), and who have aerial bodies more subtle than clouds. This idea of
a middle position between God and man is essentially Platonic,110 but it was
not only his Platonic bent of mind that had Augustine accept the aerial status
of demons. The New Testament clearly speaks of Satan as the 'prince of the
powers of the air'111 thus sanctioning the demonic habitat between the
mountains and the sphere of the Moon. Yet this middle position is far from
unproblematic in the Christian Neoplatonic line of thought. In the ontological
hierarchy demons properly belong in hell (best envisaged as Dante's subter-
ranean pit) and not in the air, as Witelo realised, for creatures occupying a
middle position between God and man cannot be wholly perverted and must
108
DCDVm.14.
109
Cf. also Philo, De gigantibus 6-11 (Loeb ed., pp. 448-451); and DCD Vffl.14.
110
Plato, Symposium 202d; ps.-Plato, Epinomis 984d-985d (Loeb ed., Plato vol. 12, pp.
461-465).
1,1
Eph. 2:2, cf. 6:12; DDD, col. 156.
170 CHAPTER FOUR
be better than man. Pignon was not aware of the problem, but his auctor,
Aquinas, was. Aquinas solved the problem not by regarding the air as the
natural environment of demons, but by regarding it as a place of punishment.
All demons properly belong in hell, but some fulfil the function of tempter
and to that end inhabit the dark atmosphere (caliginosus aër).m It is their
function to tempt man, who can morally improve himself by resisting the
demonic attacks; ultimately all demons will be thrown into hell.
There is another problem related to this, namely the problem of demons'
bodies. In a Neoplatonic hierarchy demons have their proper place in the
upper air, but in the Christian scheme of things they reside there only
temporarily. They belong somewhere else (namely in hell) but they also come
from elsewhere (from heaven). As fallen angels, they are inîelligentiae,
purely intellectual beings without a body. Hence they can have no sense
experience, nor can they suffer pain. Aquinas is quick to point out that the
older Church authorities (sometimes inadvertently) adopted non-Christian
ways of speaking,113 but that this did not mean that the old pagan philos-
ophers were right in positing that demons have bodies, aerial or otherwise.
Since they do not have a body, the fallen and Unfällen angels have only
intellectus and voluntas.n* Demons can suffer only in the sense that their
evil will is thwarted and frustrated,115 and deprived of sense-perception their
knowledge does not derive from abstraction or discursive thought,116 but
from pure, immediate and intuitive intellection. This raises a new problem,
namely: how can angels and demons in the absence of senses have any
knowledge of particular things (singularia)! If demons are to deceive us and
angels are to watch over us, they must have such knowledge. Aquinas117
argues that since inîelligentiae are superior to man, they can know through
immediate and unified intellection what man can only know through separate
faculties: the universal through the intellect and the particular through the
senses. Superior to man's five exterior senses is his interior sense, the sensus
communis9 that knows in a unified way what man's intellect and senses know
separately. Analogous to this, one can imagine that the inîelligentiae know
in a unified way what man's intellect and senses know separately. Further-
more, God knows singularia since His knowledge is the cause of all sub-
stances, i.e. of both form and matter (matter being ihtprincipio individuatio-
nis) of particular things. This knowledge God imparts to his angels so that
112
ST la.64.4(R).
113
ST la.51.1(rl); ST la.54.5(rl-3).
114
STla.54.5.
115
ST la.64.4(R).
116
ST la.58.3+4.
117
STla.57.2.
things should not only exist in angelic knowledge in their general nature, but
also in their particular individuality. It will be clear that Aquinas struggles
to reconcile the sometimes very anthropomorphic angels from Scripture with
the structure of the (Neo)platonic ontological hierarchy. Contrary to the
Platonists from Antiquity, he is forced to elaborate on how angels mingle in
the affairs of the world and even assume bodies, which, interestingly, may
be aerial.118
Pignon is not troubled by these problems. His demons are pre-scholastic,
equipped with subtle physiques and, though God has bestowed on them
superior knowledge, they still learn from experience, a quality that is hardly
reconcilable with Thomistic angelology. Pignon partly represents his demons
as miracle-workers. They can bring about 'maint ovrage mervelex, desquels
nulz ne saroit assigner raison naturale sofisant' ; and 'le deable puet faire mout
de mervelles et choses toutes novelles autrefois non oyes et non veûs'.119
Still, Pignon's mind is not entirely impotent in the face of demonic ravings.
Demons can mingle in natural processes causing storms120 and infecting
the air, not in any miraculous way, but because they have the 'puissance (...)
de (...) transporter (...) substances materieles'. What Pignon probably means
is that intelligentiae can act on material things through local motion and can
produce marvelous effects through activating and moving the hidden virtues
or, in Augustine's terms, the rationes séminales of the things in this world.
These are also the limitations that Aquinas imposed on the powers of angels
and demons.121 Aquinas denied that demons could work real miracles, but
he was willing to concede that the term miracula was not wholly inappropriate
for the deeds with which demons set the minds of men marvelling.122
Though beyond human capabilities, these miracles occur within the proper
bounds of nature.
Aquinas gives the example of the magicians of Pharaoh who turned rods
into serpents. In itself this was a natural process possibly resulting from
putrefaction (Aquinas elaborates the point for serpents in general, not for the
magicians' serpents in particular).123 The semina of the serpents that were
present in the decomposing rod were activated and produced (in what looks
like a case of spontaneous generation) the animals in question. The fact that
the whole process looks miraculous, is because demons had accelerated the
118
ST la.51.2(r3).
119
CLDI.7.
120
Cf. ST la. 114.4(R); DCD XX. 19; Job 1:19. By divine permission, Job's children were
killed in a storm caused by Satan.
121
ST la.110.3+4.
122
STla.114.4.
123
ST la.H4.4(R+r2). On generation from putrefaction, see Thomas Litt, Les corps
célestes dans l'univers de Saint Thomas d'Aquin (Louvain/Paris 1963), pp. 130-143.
172 CHAPTER FOUR
process. The example was copied by Jehan Taincture in his treatise Contre
la Vauderie. In a section on the power of demons he explains very lucidly
how matter yields to spiritual substances (in casu demons) in respect of local
motion, which is matter's most perfect quality and hence, in the Neoplatonic
hierarchy that also Taincture embraces, immediately subordinated to the
lowest level of spiritual nature. Demons thus have power to move things
locally, which explains how they can cause storms and speed up otherwise
natural processes.
Par ceste maniere les magitiens du roy Pharaon par leurs enchantemens et
invocations secretes firent de verges vrays serpens, comme la Saincte Escripture
le tesmoingne, et ce se fist par la subtilité ingénieuse de 1'ennemy qui cognoissant
toutes les semences esparsez es elemens corporelz qui pevent servir aucunement
a produire ces choses les assembla comme en un moment et les joingnant deüement
ensemble en fist sourdre serpens comme soudainement nature non aidée seult faire
petit a petit et en grant temps. Comme souvent bien treuve serpens engendrez es
arbres pourris et mesmement en l'arbre appelle tillueil a la fois se engendrent
aucuns dragons.124
Pignon also demystifies the divinations of demons. Demons cannot foreknow

the future, but they are better equipped (not in the least because they are
closer to the stars) to observe causes and predict the possible effects. More-
over, they can supply diviners with predictions of marvels that they them-
selves intend to perform. People can be deceived by such self-fulfilling
prophecies since demons are invisible and cannot be seen to disturb matter.
The most alarming aspect of this power of demons to act on material sub-
stances through local motion is their ability to tamper with man's senses and
imagination. Pignon does not elaborate the point, but he may have been
familiar with Aquinas's treatment of the topic.125 Sense impressions,
Thomas explains, are retained in the corporal spirits and humours of the
body, that in turn may affect and induce change in the senses so that when
we dream or when we are awake, we may perceive illusory appearances. It
is especially people who suffer from insanity who are plagued in this way
by hallucinations. Through local motion angels or demons can stir and
manipulate these spirits and humours and thus conjure up visions either to
reveal something, or, as the case may be, to deceive people. Again demons
cannot act on matter directly, but they are constrained to follow the laws of
nature.
124
Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 11209, fol. 58v-59r. The point of acceleration is
not in Aquinas but is added as elucidation by Taincture.
123
STla.111.3.
4.3.3 Demonic Illumination
In this naturalistic vein, Pignon emphasises that demons cannot influence

man's rational soul or will (other than by deception or persuasion). He might
have placed more emphasis on the fact that demons cannot impose their will
on the material world126 but are constrained to follow the laws of nature;
and that their influence consists in causing local motion. This he does not
do and one cannot escape the impression that the limitations he imposes on
demonic agency derive from his reading of Aquinas rather than from his
personal conviction. Thus we canfindhim rebuking certain fools who believe
that 'riens ne se faisoit par puissence de deables, ains disoient que tout che
que nous veons advenir en ce monde se fait par puissance de nature'.127
Oresme with his thoroughgoing naturalisations, would be one ofthose fools.
Pignon prefers to elaborate on demonic powers and, very tellingly, provides
the example of uneducated people who suddenly speak Latin or some other
foreign language. The example is rather strange since according to Thomas,
demons cannot affect the rational soul, but Pignon is convinced this sudden
linguistic competence (which he does not question) is the result of demonic
influence or possession.128 Pignon's motive for wanting to enlarge the role
of demons in the world is obvious. By emphasising demonic possession he
automatically draws attention to exorcism which he regards as one of the
pillars of the faith.
Of course, the irony is that Oresme was a far better exorcist than Pignon.
Oresme's naturalist arguments made demons redundant in much the same way
as the mechanised world-view put an end to the belief in witches.129 Where
as Oresme is praised for his scientific, even empirical, attitude, which has
earned him a reputation as a nominalist,130 Pignon is consciously committed
to a Neoplatonic worldview that, like Plato's growing beard, is capable of
generating a whole universe filled with spiritual life. In his later treatise on
the three estates, Pignon explicitly refers to the celestial hierarchies of the
pseudo-Dionysius131 and their impact on the human mind. Man may acquire
knowledge through study, but also through divine revelation and angelic
illumination:
126
As Thomas did in ST la. 110.2.
127
CLDI.8.
128
Cf. also CLD Π.3.1 (and note 240) where Pignon makes a conscious attempt to amplify
the role of demons by stressing that they can be a source of knowledge.
129
Trevor-Roper, The European Witch-Craze, pp. 108-110.
130
Oberman's view; see Hansen, Nicole Oresme and the Marvels of Nature, pp. 107-108,
n. 35.
131
See Vanderjagt, Laurens Pignon, pp. 135-136; CDE 11. 98-152, pp. 149-150.
174 CHAPTER FOUR
par revelacion de Dieu et illuminacion faicte des angelz aux hommes, il est vray
que l'entendement humain puet recevoir perfection et congnoissance plus grande
que nature ne lui donne. Et par ainsy sont et ont esté et peulent estre pluseurs
entendemens humains enluminé et endoctriné par les creatures intellectuelles et
espirituelles séparées de toute matière et de leur propre condicion incorruptibles,
que nous appelions en commun (nom) 'angelz'.132
We are left wondering why these angelic illuminations apparently do not

include the spontaneous acquisition of Latin, but it will be clear that Pignon
conceived of angelic and demonic illumination in much the same way. The
Neoplatonic frame is very productive of this type of reasoning from preter-
natural causes.
Roughly Neoplatonism posed two major problems to Christian demonolo-
gy: (1) as the example of Witelo shows, it was difficult to conceive how
spiritual creatures who are ontologically and hierarchically superior to us,
can be evil; (2) angelology and demonology are readily wedded to natural
philosophy and astrology. Both these consequences limited the power of evil
and contravened the earlier-mentioned dualism; but they also spawned a
renewed interest in demons and demonic magic. In a previous section we
already explored this consequence of the privatio 60/zz-idea and gave the
example of Raymundus de Tarrega. Another splendid example of this is
Antonius de Monte Ulmi133 (flourished 1384-1390) who wrote a book on
astrological necromancy called De occultis et manifestis or Liber intelligentia-
rum in which he explained that the stars and the constellations are inhabited
by demons and angels, organised in twelve altitudes corresponding to the
twelve signs of the Zodiac. Himself an ardent experimenter in invoking these
intelligences, Antonius gives prescriptions and directions concerning the
drawing of magic circles, on the imprisoning of spirits in bottles and crystals,
on the use of suffumigations134 and of astrological images. The striking
feature of Antonius's demonic magic is that he tries to explain its efficacy
in terms of natural conditions and astrological influences. This feature would
become very prominent in the Platonism of the Renaissance. Ficino,135 for
example, developed his magic on the premise that there is a profound concord
132
CDE 11. 133-144, pp. 149-150.
133
Thorndike, HMES m, pp. 602-610.
134
These and other items dealt with by Antonius (see Thorndike) have clear parallels in
the confession of Jehan de Bar and the condemnation of 1398; see Appendix I.
135
On Ficino, see, e.g., Garin, Astrology in the Renaissance, pp. 67-76; D. P. Walker,
Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella (London 1958), pp. 45-53; Brian P.
Copenhaver, "Astrology and Magic", in: C. B. Schmitt, ed., The Cambridge History of
Renaissance Philosophy (Cambridge 1988), pp. 264-300; and Marsilio Ficino, Three Books of
Life, ed., transi. Carol V. Kaske and John R. Clark (Binghamton 1989).
between heaven, which is filled with spirits and astral souls, and the earth,
uniting both into a single living organism. The magic and theurgy of his De
Vita, which is aimed at obtaining benefits from astral souls and planetary
demons, does not look upon these demons as fickle forces of evil (though
Ficino does believe there are bad demons). All these spirits follow natural
patterns and laws which enable man to propitiate and entice them and elicit
their precious gifts by 'magical' observances, by applying certain diets, by
means of music and light, by sculpting astrological images at propitious
moments to capture a beneficent astral influence and so on. This multitude
of propitiable spirits was neither conceived of nor condoned by Pignon and
his scholastic colleagues, though it was a consequence of the Neoplatonic
schemes they adopted.
The characteristic attitude of earlyfifteenth-centuryorthodoxy regarding
the relationship between man and angels is voiced by Jean Gerson136 who
emphasised that all angels were appointed by God as serving spirits in
ministerium pro hominibus. If we put faith, Gerson argued, in men skilled
in medicine or astrology or any other art that might be of help to us, how
much more can we rely on the angelic spirits. Astrology as mentioned here
by Gerson is of the legitimate kind. Still, the theurgic implications of his
statement are striking:137 the medicinal use of angels would no doubt have
appealed to someone like Ficino, but Gerson adds that angels only act upon
devout prayers to God and these should not be made per curiosas inspectiones
vel observations constellationum, which means that the selection of an
astrologically propitious moment is prohibited.138 The ministry of the
angels, however, is a central element in later medieval beliefs.
Belief in a multitude of spirits never ruled out naturalistic explanations
of the mirabilia but always tried to integrate the laws of nature and the spirits
in one unified cosmic system. Demons could use the laws of nature to their
end without ever changing and outstepping them. This approach precluded
the excesses of dualism, but was also consistently disinclined to settle for a
wholly naturalistic explanation of the strange phenomena in this world. A
lucid example of this harmonisation of philosophy and theology, of Aristotle
and demonology, is provided by Jehan Taincture, whom we may quote on
demonic illusions and dreams by way of prologue to the next section.
La maniere de ces apparations de songes est declairee par Aristote qui dist: quant
la personne dort et que foison sang descent les mouvemens et impressions qui sont
136
Gerson, Trilogium astrologue theologizatae, propositio 17 {Œuvres complètes, vol. 10,
p. 99).
137
Thorndike, HMES IV, p. 118.
138
Gerson, Trilogium, propositio 20 (Œuvres complètes, vol. 10, pp. 99-100).
176 CHAPTER FOUR
demourez des motions sensitivez et sont conservez es esperis sensitifz meuvent

lors le sens commun et lui viennent telles apparitions comme s'il estoit meü de
vrayes choses au dehors. Et se puet faire tant forte et vehemente commotion des
esperis et humeurs que ces apparicions pevent mesmes avenir en veillant quant
par grant trouble et forte impression de la fantasie les sens de dehors sont de tous
poins aliénés et estrangiez de leurs propres mouvemens comme il appert es
frénétiques et demoniacres. Et ces choses se pevent faire du dyable et par ceste
maniere il abuse souvent les gens lesquelles veillans cuident veoir, oyr ou faire
merveilles et si ne voient, oyent ou font chose quelconquez.139
Again demonic illusions rely on the use of local motion in stirring the 'esperis
et humeurs'. Taincture, as Pignon before him, does not only use it as an
explanatory model for dreams, but also for the hallucinations and ecstasies
of 'aucunes simples femmelettez au service du dyable' who believe they
embark on nightly transvections, and who 'afferment qu'elles chevauchent
en la compaignie de dame Herodias et de Dyane, déesse des payens'.140
These followers of Herodias are probably the same as the 'vielles qui vont
de nuit avec les bonnes choses' mentioned by Pignon.141 These ecstatic
aspects of the remnants of pagan religions were never a problem for moral-
ists; their demonic nature is evident. With dreams this was different, mainly
because dreams have Biblical sanction as a reliable vehicle of revelation.
4.4 Dreams
What is the stuff that dreams are made of? Understanding the nature and
causes of dreams, may help a person decide whether a dream has any
divinatory value, and, if so, whether the information it yields is related to
physique, fortunes or the future. But despite its impressive precedents in the
form of numerous Biblical examples of prophetic dreams, medieval authors
were unwilling to sanction dream-interpretation, mainly because the Vulgate
prohibited it: nee inveniatur in te qui (...) observet somnia.142 This did not
discourage people in the Middle Ages from taking a lively interest in dreams
and their interpretations. This persistent interest did not merely arise from
superstitious propensities; it was firmly rooted in the conviction that dreams
could be divine revelations.
Already in classical Antiquity views on the nature and origins of dreams
differed widely. Next to the religious or spiritualist view, there were also
139
Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 11209, fol. 67r-v.
140
Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 11209, fol. 68r.
141
CLD 1.2 and 1.6.
142
Deut. 18:10. Somniatores are also mentioned in Π Par. 33:6; 1er. 27:9; 29:28; Dan.
5:12; Zac. 10:2.
those who agreed with Scrooge that there is more of gravy than of grave in
their nightly visitations. As with most points of philosophy, the difference
between a natural and a supernatural approach becomes clearest in the views
of Aristotle and Plato. For Plato dreams could have prophetic qualities, they
could be God-given previsions of truth. Dreams could have 'fictional'
qualities in 'realising' what could not be accomplished in waking life; there
is even a sense of the rational soul travelling upwards in pursuit of Truth.143
In the Timaeus Plato shows himself capable of developing a physiological
explanation of dreams, treating them as internal appearances of real objects,
and though this may resemble Aristotle's idea that dreams are re-enactments
of residual experiences and perceptions, there is an important and fundamental
difference. Plato never abandons the notion that dreams are God-given and
that they essentially serve divinatory purposes. Dreams fulfil a role that Plato
denies to poetic fictions: they are a means of attaining to Truth.
With Aristotle it is the opposite: whereas poetic fictions are a means to
insight and understanding, dreams are nothing but appearances that result
from perceptual remnants from a person's waking experience. Thought and
perception are suspended during sleep, but some perceptual movements may
still persist, that, deprived of a real sense-object, rehearse previous experi
ences. Aristotle develops his dream-theory in the Parva naturalia1** and
explicitly denies the divine origin of dreams; his only concern is to discuss
dreams in terms of their physiological causes145 and accordingly the only
divinatory value of dreams has to do with a person's health or behaviour as
it is rooted in his physiological condition. Aristotle does concede that dreams
are 'daemonic',146 a somewhat mystifying phrase that David Gallop inter
prets as 'having the appearance of intelligent design whilst being nothing of
the sort'.147 This reference to the daemonic shows that Aristotle was con-
143
These ideas are most prominent in Republic DC. See David Gallop, Aristotle on Sleep
and Dreams (Peterborough 1990), pp. 7-16.
144
Aristotle's three short works on sleep and dreams (De somno et vigilia, De insomniis,
De divinatione per somnum) were known in the Middle Ages as part of the Parva naturalia
(which also included De sensu et sensibilibus, De memoria et reminiscentibus, De longitudine
et brevitate vitae, Dejuventute et senectute, De vita et morte, and De respiratione).
145
His views are shared by authors such as Lucretius (De rerum natura IV.962-1036) and
Cicero (De divinatione Π. 139-141).
146
Aristotle, De divinatione per somnum, chapt. 2 (463b 12-15): 'In general, since some
of the other animals dream, dreams could not be sent by God, nor do they occur for mat purpose.
Nevertheless, they are daemonic. For nature is daemonic, but not divine' (Gallop transi., p. 107).
147
Gallop, Aristotle on Sleep and Dreams, pp. 39-45,180. See also the elaborate discussion
by Ph. J. van der Eijk, Aristoteles über Traume und über die Weissagung im Schlaf, dissertation
(Leiden 1991), pp. 321-327. Van der Eijk points out that 'daemonic' means not 'supernatural',
but 'beyond human rational control'.
178 CHAPTER FOUR
scious of the appearance of the potential prophetic nature of dreams, but

instead of attributing it to God, he attributed it to sheer coincidence.
Both views on the nature of dreams, i.e. the divine and the physiological,
were passed down to the Middle Ages. Text-books like Macrobius's commen
tary on Scipio's dream provided a conceptual frame in which dreams were
discussed. Biblical precedent made the interpretation of dreams more than
any other form of divination acceptable to both the clergy and the laity.148
Dream-books attributed to well-known Biblical dream-interpreters such as
Joseph and Daniel were in circulation, providing interpretations of a variety
of dream-motifs: T o bear arms in dreams signifies security'; T o see birds
fight among themselves signifies fecundity'; T o see a clear sky signifies
gain'; 'to see one's own intestines means secrets revealed' and so on.149
Dream-books from Antiquity by authors such as Artemidorus or Astram-
psychos were transmitted, but new ones were also composed. Thorndike
draws attention to an anonymous thirteenth-century dream-book, Expositio
somniorum,150 that is more elaborate in the treatment of its subject. The
author points out that the interpretation of dreams is a necessary undertaking
and has Biblical sanction. He also deals with the various causes of dreams,
which in general are both physiological and spiritual. Thus dreams usually
begin with a spiritus, a vapour rising from the heart and ascending to the
brain. A person's physical condition has a strong impact on his dreams
(impurity of the blood, e.g., may cause one to see chimeras) but dreams can
also have a demonic origin as in the case of a monk who turned Jewish
because he had seen Moses surrounded by angels in white and Christ
surrounded by black figures. The author is confident that a wise man can
distinguish between natural and demonic causes of dreams. Other medieval
treatises elaborated the point of natural causation adding celestial influences.
One treatise points out that dreams that are hardest to remember, are most
likely to come true because they were caused by the constellations and, like
the swift and smooth movements of the stars, these dreams also easily and
swiftly escape the memory.151 Another text discusses the meaning of dreams
in relation to the phases of the Moon.152
On the whole medieval authors agreed on the multiple causes of dreams.
Albertus Magnus, e.g., was somewhat displeased by Aristotle's dense and
far too succinct treatment of the subject in the Parva naturalia. Though he
148
See Harmening, Superstitio, pp. 95 ff., for a discussion of various medieval sources.
149
Thorndike, HMES Π, pp. 294-295 and n. 5; cf. also the entire chapter on dream-books,
pp. 290-302, and Harmening, Superstitio, pp. 107-109.
150
Thorndike, HMES Π, pp. 297-300 (Paris, B.N., ms. 16610).
151
Thorndike, HMES m, p. 559. Thorndike discusses Matthias Farinator's fourteenth-
century Lumen animae, printed in 1477.
152
Quoted by Harmening, Superstitio, p. 107.
agreed that dreams in general have neither divine nor demonic origins, he
does emphasise the influence of the stars and stresses the prophetic nature
of dreams and hence the necessity of dream-interpretations.153 Albertus goes
further than Aristotle who does not discuss celestial influence in relation to
dreams and who is willing to regard dreams only as signs of future illnesses
since dreams reflect the physical condition. If a dream happens to come true,
this is pure coincidence.154 This careful and sober attitude towards dreams
is echoed by medieval authors (one finds it, e.g., in Petrarch155), but on
the whole medieval attitudes as borne out by the above mentioned Expositio
somniorum were quite enthusiastic. This was different with the theologians
and moralists.
In his Summa theologiae Aquinas opts for multiple causes, incorporating
Aristotle's ideas in a wider comprehensive scheme. The only forms of
divination from dreams that Aristotle deems possible (namely as aids to
medical diagnostics) are the only forms that Aquinas deems legitimate. For
Aquinas there are other forms as well. We shall briefly recapitulate Pignon's
elaboration of Aquinas's arguments.156
Following Aquinas, Pignon distinguishes four categories of causes: internal
and external causes which can each be further subdivided into physical and
spiritual causes. Thus dreams may be caused by a person's complexion or
his physical condition and be a symptom of the latter (internal physical
cause), or a dream may result from thoughts and preoccupations that so
impress the mind that they still haunt us in our sleep (internal spiritual cause).
Neither of these dreams has any prophetic value, though the former may be
useful to physicians who wish to determine a person's complexion. Dreams
may also be the result of exterior influences, such as the environment, the
air, the stars, or food and drink. Sense-impressions from the outside may
likewise be reiterated in dreams (exterior physical causes). Again, these
dreams are useful only as medical indications, and to this end they may be
applied perfectly legitimately.
Dreams can reveal the future only when they result from inspiration
(exterior spiritual cause), but unfortunately inspiration has a double source:
it may come from God or it may come from demons.157 Unless the source
reveal itself to the dreamer or dream-interpreter, the latter has no way of
knowing whether the interpretation of a dream is legitimate or not. To
153
154
Anstoûe.Dedivinationepersomnum,463a3-21,463a31-bll,Galloped.,pp. 105-107.
155
Epistol. Famil. V.7 (Francesco Petrarca, Rerumfamiliarium libri I-VIII, transi. A. S.
Bernardo (Albany 1975), pp. 251-255).
156
CLD Π.2.4; ST 2a2ae.95.6.
157
Cf. also CLD 1.3.
180 CHAPTER FOUR
complicate matters, Aquinas (Pignon's source) explains that demons aliqua

futura révélant his qui cum eis habent pacta illicita, which means that demons
may, in fact, reveal the future and provide correct information. Since both
the divine and the demonic dreams may come true, there would seem to be
no objective criterion for deciding whether a dream may be legitimately
interpreted or not. It might be argued that Aquinas's remark on the devil's
pact offers a (theoretical) way out: anyone seriously searching his conscience
will know whether he has made a pact with the devil or not.158 If so, he
will know his dreams come from a tainted source. A third party has no way
of verifying this and naturally anyone involved in a pact with the prince of
liars, will not always feel obliged to speak the truth, so that a dreamer's
affirmation that his dreams come from God is not reliable. By extension this
also holds for the dream itself. Neither Pignon nor Aquinas makes clear how
demonic or divine dreams may be told apart: what keeps a demonic dream
from protesting its divine origin to the dreamer?
The safest way out of this dilemma would be to prohibit all dream-
interpretation except the medical, but would this not defy God if He were
to choose to inspire a prophetic dream? Agostino Trionfo (1243-1328)
formulated the orthodox answer in his Contra divinatores et sompniatores by
pointing out that distinguishing between divine revelation and diabolic illusion
is a gift of the Holy Spirit.159 Such a supernatural gift could, of course,
raise problems very similar to the ones raised by inspired dreams, but in
practice this meant that Biblical teaching and Church doctrine were the
standard for judging and evaluating dreams. If the message of a dream is at
odds with Christian doctrine it must be demonic. Even if dreams and their
interpreters do not openly contradict Scripture, they are still not safe from
censure.
Pignon's aversion to dream-interpreters becomes clear from some examples
from his own experience that he adds to his rendering of Aquinas. The
dream-interpreters he has known ('songeurs' he calls them), tell their clients'
fortunes in the following way. First they eat and drink as much as they can,
after which they go to sleep. The dreams they have during this repose are
the basis for the prognostications they draw up afterwards. Naturally they
observe their clients carefully to acquaint themselves with their complexions
158
Aquinas points out (ST 2a2ae.95.7(R)) that divination from dreams is unlawful when
an explicit or implicit pact with demons is involved. Using Augustine's sign theory (DCD XXI.6;
DDC Π.20; ST 2a2ae.96.2) he suggests that dreams (meaningless in themselves) can function
as a means of communication between man and demons (a) when the devils are actually invoked;
then at least the dreamer will know that his action is illegitimate; (b) when devils tacitly involve
themselves because man seeks knowledge beyond human reach. Cf. Harmening, Superstitio,
pp. 110-111.
159
Thorndike, HMES m, pp. 9-12.
and inclinations so as to make their prognostications agree with their clients'

character. For this reason such prognostications will never be wrong entirely,
and they will almost certainly appeal to the client's taste. There is here a
touch of Oresme's scepticism and psychological insight, but Pignon does not
forget to mention the share of the devil in all this; he concludes that these
dream-interpreters are 'sens cervelle et sans entendement'. This conclusion
is, next to rhetorical, also somewhat odd, since from the way they conduct
their business one would rather infer the opposite. Even if they are 'sens
cervelle', the statement is at odds with Aristotelian physiology, for what
Pignon has clearly meant as a derogatory remark to emphasise the inanity
of their divinations, is in fact for Aristotle, despite his reservations, a motive
for accepting there is some truth in precognition. Ordinary people are more
likely to receive prophetic dreams than intelligent and learned people because
their vacant minds are more sensitive to external stimuli and the subtle
stirrings of nature through their passiveness and relative emptiness.160 This
is in keeping with Aristotle's notion of causality and a similar explanation
was no doubt forwarded by Pignon's 'songeurs' who attributed their dreams
to stellar causation, though, one may surmise, they were less eager to disclose
the nature of their susceptibility to these impressions in quite the same way.
For Pignon simplicity or empty-mindedness implies a greater susceptibility,
not to celestial but to demonic influence: hence divinatory gifts and even
'speaking in tongues' are for him definite proof for the existence of demons
and demonic possession.161
This is not the only instance in which demonic inspiration has to rival with
natural causes as an explanatory model for prophetic dreams. Pignon con-
tinues with another example: after the fat 'songeurs' come the lean ones.
These are 'personnes de simple estât' who fast excessively and who allow
themselves to become feeble and emaciated. In this depraved condition they
are particularly susceptible to dreams and visions which the devil provides
them with in ancle measure. Pignon is particularly outraged since these
ascetics are held in high esteem among the people for their saintly lives (one
may recall the severe fasts of St. Francis and other radical mystics) and he
regards them as a source of false teachings and heresies. Heresy is a sure
sign of the devil, but the visions on which these heresies are based could be
explained physiologically, if not from an empty mind, then certainly from
an empty stomach. It is characteristic of theologians like Pignon to emphasise
causes of dreams that transcend the purely physiological. Their elaboration
160
Aristotle, De divinatione per somnium, 464al9-27, Gallop ed., pp. 110-111.
161
CLD 1.8: 'bons ruides hommes et fames qui partaient latin et divers langages reveloient
a ceux qui venoient devant eux che que il avoient fait, la ou il ne les avoient onques veüs ne
congneüs'.
182 CHAPTER FOUR
of demonic inspiration implicitly affirms the reality of divine inspiration and

may even conceal a secret yearning for divine ecstasies and heavenly visions.
We may, in conclusion, compare this to John of Salisbury's treatment of
dreams in his Policraticus.162 His classification of dreams is modelled on
the one offered by Macrobius in his commentary on Scipio's dream163 and
it distinguishes four types: (1) insomnia or troubled dreams that result from
emotional turmoil, anxieties or plain drunkenness; (2)phantasma or hallucina
tory and nightmarish dreams that mostly result from impairments of mental
or physical health; (3) somnium or the enigmatic dream that covers truth and
reality with a veil of allegory; and (4) the oraculum, a dream in which a
message is delivered by some estimable person, an ancestor, an angel or a
deity. Following Macrobius, John dismisses the first two types as having no
prophetic significance (no doubt because they have physiological causes) and
points out that God prefers to use the somnium, though prophets and saints
are known to have had dream visions of angels who bring them messages
from God.
Somnia usually have multiple meanings and John criticises sharply the so-
called Dream-Books of Daniel since these attach a fixed interpretation to a
given dream-motif. The symbolism of dreams requires a far more subtle
approach. John briefly discusses two methods of interpretation; one conceiv
ing of the relation between image and referent in terms of likeness (thus, for
instance the seven fat and lean cows in Pharaoh's dream were like the seven
fat and lean years in respect of accidence); the other tracing the meaning of
an image by antithesis. When Julius Caesar told his astrologers that he had
dreamed that he had 'defiled the couch of his own mother', they explained
to him that this signified he would establish a world empire (which makes
one curious about what the astrologers would have said if Caesar had dreamed
of world dominion). John, however, manages to find an even stranger
instance of how a foul image may denote something fair, more so since it
does not concern a dream, but a passage from Scripture. The story of David
who has his officer Uriah killed in order to steal his wife Bathsheba164 (in
the Middle Ages a type of vanity and wantonness) is radically transformed
by one of Augustine's ingenious and Christological reinterpretations of
Scripture: Bathsheba stands for the Church, soiled by sin, from which she
is saved by David, who represents Christ. Though he is far from challenging
the authoritative views of Augustine, John displays some surprise at this
remarkable interpretation. The multiplicity of meaning is also a strong
162
Policraticus U. 15-17.
163
Macrobius, Commentary on the Dream ofScipio 1.3, transi. W. H. Stahl (New York
1990), pp. 87-92.
164
Π Sam. 11.
disincentive to John and he dissuades his readers from attempting to interpret

dreams. If one has not received a special gift from God (like Daniel and
Joseph), interpreting dreams will only lead to error and vice: the stress in
John's disapproval is here on the ambiguities of signification. Demons do not
enter in until the end of his discussion, where he attributes violent (but
illusory) afflictions of the soul to demonic agency. The example he uses is
that of the witches' sabbath, the nightly gatherings organised by Herodias
(which we already encountered in Taincture's treatise) during which the
participants indulge in perverse rituals and eat babies. The nightly trans-
vections that the participants believe themselves to be making are demon-
wrought illusions, but John makes no mention of a devil's pact; he chiefly
regards these 'visions' as follies in need of correction.
Though John of Salisbury carefully follows Macrobius, he departs from
his source in one important respect. John distinguishes four types of dreams,
whereas Macrobius has five: the one with which John has not dealt separately
is the visio or prophetic dream. It is this type of dream that was best loved
in the Middle Ages, especially as a literary mode. The dream of Scipio that
Macrobius comments upon is a visio in the sense that Scipio saw the regions
of his abode after death and his future condition.165 Rather than being the
stuff of actual dreams, such visits to the afterlife were mainly undertaken in
the literary imagination, as in Dante's Divine Comedy where Cicero's
statesman's heaven is transformed into hell, purgatory and paradise. Divina-
tion from dreams was best served by the somnium with its personal, social
and universal implications166 for the here and now, and it is criticised
accordingly. That John of Salisbury should have omitted the visio is somewhat
odd, especially in view of his literary tastes, but it does help to focus our
attention on the nature of John's critique of dream-divination. Contrary to
Pignon, John is less concerned about the causes of dreams than about their
interpretation. It is the realisation that in the world of images fair can be foul
and fold can be fair that upsets him most; what causes dream is of secondary
interest. This realisation does not lead him to conclude that divination itself
is mainly an act of the interpreter rather than the dreamer, even if both are
one and the same person, but his advice to his readers not to dabble in dream-
interpretation is telling. The question is whether the significance of a dream
is in the dream or the interpreter. Whereas John opts for the latter, Pignon
settles for the former.
165
Macrobius's definition, Commentary 1.3, transi. Stahl, p. 90.
166
Macrobius recognises five varieties of the somnium (Commentary, transi. Stahl, p. 90):
the personal (relative to the self); alien (to the other); social (to society); public (to the city or
commonwealth); and universal (to the sky, the atmosphere or the elements).
184 CHAPTER FOUR
A preference for physics over hermeneutics is characteristic of Pignon's

critique of divination and superstition. This is not merely a result of his
paraphrases and translations from Aquinas. That he wholeheartedly agrees
with this approach shows from his careful elaborations, from the examples
he gives in its support, and especially in his choice of sections from Aquinas.
Having finished with Aquinas's questions on superstition from the Summa
theologiae, Pignon does not end the second part of his treatise, but he selects
three chapters from the Summa contra gentiles, not on magic or superstition,
but on causality and the influence of the heavens on man. To this important
aspect of Pignon's critique we next turn.
4.5 Stars, Causes and Free Will
Stellar determinism was a serious academic problem in the Middle Ages. The
ninth-century Arab astronomer Albumasar, whose Introductorium was of
major importance for the development of astrology in the West, explained
that the stars not only determine the options man has but also the choice man
will make.167 It is easy to see how determinism on the level of individual
behaviour can result in a deterministic view of history. Albumasar's De
magnis coniunctionibus was a major source for Western astrologers who tried
to read history from the stars and this historicism, as we saw in the previous
chapter, was widely accepted. Conversely, did this acceptance not imply some
degree of determinism?
4.5.1 Stellar and Divine Determinism: Augustine, Boethius, and Aquinas
The works of Albumasar were not the first to confront Christian thinkers with
the problems of fatalism and determinism. Already in (late) Antiquity
Christians had to answer the fatalism of the Stoics. In book five of his City
of God, Augustine provides a survey of the major problems concerning stellar
determinism, which became an important source for subsequent treatments
of the theme. Augustine, in fact, dealt with two closely related and entangled
themes, namely stellar determinism and divine determinism. The former
discussion basically resulted from the assimilation of classical learning, but
the latter was a consequence of the philosophical struggle with the concepts
of the omnipotence and omniscience of the Christian God. Both themes
deserve our attention.
Augustine takes the greatness of the Roman empire as his point of
departure. This greatness cannot possibly have been brought about by fate,
Quoted by Garin, Astrology in the Renaissance, p. 20.

meaning stellar determinism. The determinate rule of the stars has a number
of precarious implications: (1) if the stars determine life independent of the
will of God, determinism will lead to atheism; (2) if it is God's will that the
stars rule thus independently, it is still the heavenly senate that is responsible
for crimes here on earth, which would remove all responsibility from man
and all justice from God's revenge and retribution; (3) if God rules the stars
that in turn rule man, the former objection still holds, for then God is
responsible for all evil; (4) and if the stars only signify future events without
causing them, then still it is inexplicable how dissimilar events can happen
under one and the same constellation.168 The first three arguments are
essentially theological and will convince only those who believe in man's free
prerogative and who refuse to make God the cause of evil. The final argu-
ment is philosophical and allows Augustine to introduce the famous example
of the twins.169
Twins are born under the same constellation, so that their nativity horo-
scopes are identical, and yet their personalities and their lives can be very
different. This means that if astrology is true, two different lives must be
predicted from one and the same horoscope, which is nonsense. Augustine
refutes the counter-argument of Nigidius Figulus, who drew an analogy with
the potter's wheel.170 The heavens turn round so fast that what we perceive
simultaneously, is in fact happening separately. This, Augustine points out,
must lead to scepticism. How can we ever make predictions concerning
human fortunes if our perceptions are defective? Another counter-argument
makes use of the small difference in the actual time of birth of twins: Esau
came first, and then came Jacob holding the foot of his twin brother.
Augustine belittles the argument by asking whether a small difference in time
can reasonably be held responsible for the great differences in life and
character of the famous Biblical twins.171 The question is rhetorical, but
Augustine does concede (without too much emphasis) that the stars affect the
corporal frame and the physical circumstances of life.172 That this in itself
might very plausibly account for the physical likeness of twins is something
he does not care to dwell on. He does emphasise the influence of more
168
DCDV.l.
169
DCDV.2.
170
DCDV.3.
171
DCD V.4; see also De diversis quaestionibus 45 (Aduersus mathematicos, CC 44a, pp.
67-69), where Augustine makes some calculations. In 24 hours the heavens make a lull rotation
of 360 degrees, which means that in one minute the heavens shift a quarter of a degree. One
second will leave only a fraction of that quarter. Since twins are born within seconds of each
other, the shifts in position are negligible and imperceptible and cannot be used to account for
the differences in life, character and fortunes.
172
DCDV.6.
186 CHAPTER FOUR
immediate causes, such as nutrition and environment, but since it is not his
main intention to redeem nature from the influence of the stars, he soon
settles on what is his main objective, namely the freedom of the will. In
Pignon's day Jean Gerson admired the twin argument greatly, but apparently
felt the need to improve upon it, mentioning the birth of a two-headed man
on the borders of Brittany and Normandy. One head desired to live continent-
ly, whilst the other wanted the opposite.173 Gerson does not explain how
this case exemplifies the triumph of mind over matter, or of will over stellar
determinism, but he does report that one head died six months before the
other.
The twin argument is devised to bring to light the self-contradictoriness
of astrological claims. Augustine applies this method also to the selection of
propitious days for travel, marriage, conception and the like. He demonstrates
that this selection is either impossible or pointless. If celestial influence is
determinate, no choice can make man escape his fate. If the stars do not
impose necessity on man's enterprises, it makes no difference which day is
chosen.174
Stellar deteminism is not the real problem for Augustine; precognition is.
Cicero had argued that free will and foreknowledge are mutually exclusive
since foreknowledge implies a fixed unalterable sequence of causes and
effects. Augustine, however, stressing God's omniscience and omnipotence
finds it impossible to deny the existence of divine foreknowledge and is
therefore compelled to counter Cicero's incompatibility argument. Oddly
enough Augustine does this by accepting the concatenation of causes that lead
up to an event and by stressing that nothing can happen except through the
will of God. Stellar determinism seems to be replaced by theological fatalism,
but Augustine argues that this does not deprive the will of its freedom. First
of all divine foreknowledge does not impose necessity on the will, because,
secondly, God does not simply know what man will choose, but, more
importantly, knows that man will choose freely. That God knows we use our
will freely is the only guarantee for its freedom. Thirdly, all things that
happen are caused by a will, either God's will, or the will of His creatures.
Now all occurrences are brought about through the power of the omnipotent
God. God is the source of all ability to do something, but not the source of
all willing. The evil (unnatural) will does not come from God, so that, in a
sense, man's ability to sin is the best proof of the freedom of the will.175
This is more or less the free will argument that Anselm of Canterbury would
develop half a millennium later. Freedom of will is entirely defined in
173
Thomdike, HMES IV, p. 121.
174
DCDV.7.
175
DCDV.9.
Neoplatonic terms. The will is free and capable of willing because it is

directed towards God. If the will abandons God, it forfeits its freedom and
in a sense its power and its being. In the privatio tow-theology, it will be
remembered, evil is a defect, and sinning an act of self-mutilation.
Safeguarding free will by defining obedience and righteousness as freedom
still leaves the problem of determinism unresolved. If all power and ability
come from God who, as afirstcause tips off the causal chains of reality, how
can there be contingency? In Augustine's presentation of things divine
foreknowledge still implies necessity. There is a solution, however, that
Augustine forwarded in his Confessiones.m There he interprets God's
eternity not as infinite duration but as timelessness. Beyond the stretch of time
and duration, God regards everything in His eternal present. This can justify
God's omniscience (strictly speaking God does not 'fore'-know things since
this would imply temporality), but it also means that temporal effects have
a timeless cause. Hence not all temporal events result from an ineluctable
chain of causation initiated by God, but new effects may come about unpre-
determined, though their capability, their power to happen, derives tunelessly
from God. Dynamically creation re-arranges its relation to its Creator and
not vice versa. This solution and the problems it entailed would have a
profound influence on later Christian authors who dealt with this theme.
Boethius was the first to adopt and fully develop these ideas, but he did
so in relation to a textual source that was unknown to Augustine, namely
Aristotle's De interpretatione, chapter 9.177 In this famous chapter Aristotle
argues that if future contingent propositions are true their corresponding states
of affairs must come about of necessity. Boethius tackled this problem by
denying truth or falsehood to future contingent propositions since the corre
sponding future states of affairs are indeterminate. Aristotle's logical problem,
however, gained particular poignancy in a context of Christian belief in an
omniscient God, and Boethius in fact denied that God can have knowledge
of the truth or falsehood of future contingent propositions. This does not mean
that God is ignorant of the things that from a human perspective lie hidden
in the future. Like Augustine, Boethius sees God as eternal, surveying the
whole of time as present before Him. God knows all things because all things
happen under His eyes in an eternal 'now'. The fact that God sees them does
not impose necessity on them, though it must be conceded that when they
happen, it is necessary that they happen. The only necessity involved in future
176
Confessiones XI. 10 ff.; cf. DCD ΧΠ. 17-18. The argument is not in his De libero
arbitrio; cf. William Lane Craig, The Problem ofDivine Foreknowledge and Future Contingents
from Aristotle to Suarez (Leiden 1988), pp. 66-67.
177
Aristotle's Categories andDe interpretation^ transi., annot. J. L. Ackrill (Oxford 1985);
cf. discussion in Craig, Divine Foreknowledge and Future Contingents, pp. 1-58.
188 CHAPTER FOUR
contingents is therefore a conditional necessity. If God knows about certain

events, then they happen necessarily, but God's knowing them depends (in
the case of human action) on man's free choice.178
Aquinas adopted the Augustinian-Boethian idea of God's timeless eternity
and His knowledge of vision, but there was an implicit problem that made
his attempt to escape fatalism unsuccessful. Boethius's solution seems to
imply that man's temporal actions are the cause of divine knowledge, an
implication of which Thomas Aquinas was aware and that he tried to avoid.
For Aquinas contingent events cannot cause God's knowledge of them. The
temporal cannot cause the eternal. God, being pure actuality, has no potential-
ity that can be actualisée. Aquinas agreed with Aristotle that God knows only
Himself immediately. It is only indirectly, by knowing Himself as Prima
Causa that God knows all his effects. These effects are all possible effects,
not merely the effects that (will) actually come about. Aquinas believed that
it was God's will that finally determined what will be. Even if divine
knowledge, encompassing all possible effects, leaves some room for choice
among a series of options, the actual choice, if left entirely to a creature,
cannot be a cause of God's knowledge of a future contingent singular. Hence
God's will is the final arbiter, which forces Aquinas into a position of divine
determinism. Aquinas explicitly espouses contingency and free will but can
do no more than Augustine did, namely safeguard free will and contingency
by means of a definition: God wills that man's will is free, and God wills
there is contingency.179
For a proper appreciation of the remarks that Pignon makes regarding
freedom, contingency and determinism, it is important to understand that
Aquinas reasons along two lines. In regard to the natural and temporal
sequence of causes and effects (the horizontal relationships between created
beings) some things occur determinately and some things contingently; in the
sublunar realm stellar influence is unmistakable but not deterministic.
Moreover, man's reason and will, being spiritual and not material are exempt
from any material influence (above the stars, to paraphrase Pignon) and can
hence be called free. But next to the horizontal relations there are also the
vertical ones: everything is immediately subject to the will of God. Hence
it is that we experience freedom from restraint according to nature, but are
always subject to the all-governing will of God. Dante experienced this on
Mount Purgatory: his natural strength helped him to ascend in broad daylight,
but it was only at night, when he discovered he could progress no further,
that he realised that all along it had been the light of Grace that made it
possible to climb up.
Craig, Divine Foreknowledge and Future Contingents, pp. 96-97.

Craig, Divine Foreknowledge and Future Contingents, pp. 121-126.
Augustine, Boethius, Aquinas and even Aristotle are Pignon's major

authorities and he refers to them explicitly. Of the problems concerning future
contingents and divine foreknowledge and the Augustinian-Boethian solution
of God's timeless eternity, precious little survives in CLD, though in his later
treatise CDE he does refer to the latter when he explains that
Dieu a perpétuellement sans fin et sans commencement par sa simple essence et

souveraine sapience veu et congneu toutes choses qui estaient a avenir et leurs
proprieties essencieles et condicions naturelles, propres vertus et operacions (...).
Dieu l'a sceu et veu et congneu toutes choses sans fin et sans commencement
devant que oncques le monde feust.180
His reference to Aristotle's Perihermeneiasm suggests that he may have

been aware of the problem, but on the whole what he presents as paraphrases
from Aristotle are in fact paraphrases from Aquinas and they do not betray
any profound knowledge of Aristotle's texts. In his treatment of free will and
causality Pignon follows Aquinas's arguments according to nature, which is
an obvious choice. In Aquinas's view necessity is imposed on things directly
by God's supreme and timeless will and not through a chain of causes.
Though this view is something Aquinas may not have owned up to
wholeheartedly, it nevertheless safeguards the processes of naturefrombeing
deterministic, though nature itself is determined. In Aquinas's economy of
nature it is impossible to know future contingent events (unless through
revelation, as in prophecy) so that divination is by definition impossible. An
examination of the true nature of natural causation, Pignon believes, can
demonstrate this point and for this reason he elaborates on it in the second
part of his treatise. In what follows we summarise his arguments.182
4.5.2 Pignon on Causality in CLD
Future events can be known in two ways: either they are known in them-
selves, or they are known from their causes. Only God can know the future
in itself, for only He can behold all things in a timeless present and if God
does not reveal his knowledge to man, man has no way of knowing the future
except through its causes. The relations between a cause and its effects are
threefold. They are qualified by (1) necessity; (2) part-necessity; (3) contin-
gency. Some effects follow necessarily from their causes and this necessity
180
CDEil. 1088-1098, pp. 169-170. It is not quite clear, however, how Godfroma vantage
point 'sans fin et sans commencement' can see things 'devant... le monde feust'.
181
CLDm.6.
182
For references to the relevant passages in Aquinas, the reader is referred to the notes
of the edition.
190 CHAPTER FOUR
essentially pertains to the movements of the heavenly bodies. In turn these

heavenly bodies necessarily produce effects in the sublunar realm, such as
meteorological changes, but these effects do not happen in a deterministic
way and they show a considerable degree of variance. Finally there are
effects which are not caused by the heavens. These are contingent events and
are either caused by man's free will or result not from one but from a series
of causes, as is the case with accidental occurences such as finding buried
treasure. In the case of necessary causation, prediction is possible; in case
of part-necessity only conjecture of what is likely to happen is an option; and
contingent events can in no way be foreknown.183 Foreknowing future
events that result from free choice could mean that man's soul, comprising
the three faculties of reason, volition and memory, are subject to the stars,
which is impossible since the soul is a spiritual and not a material sub-
stance.184
In spite of this denial of foreknowledge of future contingents, Pignon still
feels the need to account for the truth of certain divinations.185 Next to
demonic information, he recognises the possibility that people allow them-
selves to be swayed by celestial influence. Their natural passions, com-
plexions and inclinations may be moved and inclined in a certain way and
if will and reason are (voluntarily) suspended, people will follow the sway
of heaven, and consequently their actions can be predicted. Since often people
are inclined to follow their passions rather than their reason, prognostications
always stand a fair chance of coming true. The argument is very curious since
it offers an excellent defence of astrology. No doubt a prudent astrologer
could use it to justify his craft and prove its scientific foundation.
Stellar influence on human inclination is something of a topic in treatises
against divination, for apart from Pignon and his source Aquinas, also
Oresme elaborates the point. In chapter ten of his Livre de divinations1*6
Oresme makes a number of psychological observations concerning human
nature in which the reliance of human aptitudes and propensities on celestial
causes is quite striking. He quotes William of Auvergne on man's propensity
to indulge in idolatry, which by extension he applies to divination. Apparently
this inclination is strongest among people who live in the South or the East.
They have a natural aptness for the study of the stars. Conversely those who
live in other regions, will not profit by astrology for lack of this inclination:
'parquoy il s'ensuit, selon astrologie, que ceux de France, et encor mains
d'Engleterre et de par deçà, qui sont pres de la fin de septentrion habitable
183
CLDn.2.1.
184
CLDH.2.3.
185
CLD Π.2.3(Γ2).
186
Oresme, Livre de divinations, pp. 80-85.
et pres de la fin d'occident, ilz ne peuent pas communément prouffiter en

astrologie de jugemens'.187 This is an urge that should be repressed, but
'il avient souvent que enquérir de telles fortunes n'est pas tant seulement
presage ou signe de mal mais en est cause'.188 The excitement and strain
involved in hopes and fears (aroused by prognostications) may easily induce
people to act impetuously and foolishly: 'la ou il a plus de passions il y a
mains de raisons' as Aristotle had pointed out, and reason must rule, both
in the individual and in the state. Divination which stirs the passions and
diminishes reason, is, therefore, a cause of misfortune. Oresme even adduces
an argument from astrology itself: divination and magic are taught by Saturn
and Mercury, both malevolent planets signifying bad fortune. A strong
reading of Oresme's argument would be that the stars incline people to an
interest in astrology, causing in turn so much excitement that reason is
obfuscated and misfortunes follow.
The impact of celestial influences on the human mind and will was
apparently a popular and compelling thought and, after paraphrasing Aqui-
nas's questions on superstition, Pignon dedicates three chapters to this specific
theme. He rejects the Stoic position that all knowledge derives from external
impressions and the materialist notion that the rational soul is corporeal.
Instead he emphasises that the rational soul is spiritual and incorruptible in
defence of which he forwards a number of arguments. (1) Something superior
cannot be ruled by something inferior; the intellect is spiritual, the planets
corporeal, and hence the intellect is not ruled by the planets. (2) If something
inferior is ruled by something superior, these natures must be somehow alike;
the intellect is spiritual, the celestial bodies are not, and hence the intellect
is not ruled by them. (3) All things subject to celestial influences are mutable,
temporal and subject to corruption and generation; the intellect is not, and
hence it is not influenced by the heavens. In all three arguments the nobility
and superiority of the mind is a foregone conclusion and it seems rather
strange that Pignon did not use some of the arguments that Aquinas had
formulated in the SCG, such as the mind's ability to grasp universal forms
(of which it would be incapable if it were mutable and temporal). At the end
of his discussion, Pignon adds a caveat. Though the intellect itself is incor-
ruptible, the physical condition of the body and the brain in an individual may
pose serious impediments to the exercise of the intellect. Differences in
intelligence result from different corporeal dispositions that may well be
affected by celestial influences. Pignon quotes Ptolemy on the benevolent
influence of Saturn and Mercury on the intellect.189 As in the case of Ores-
187
Oresme, Livre de divinations, chapter 11, pp. 86-88. Oresme refers to Ptolemy here.
188
189
CLD Π.4 and CDE 11. 1459-1464, p. 177.
192 CHAPTER FOUR
me, we are left wondering whether this concession regarding Mercury and
Saturn does not somehow strengthen astrology's position. If the stars can
influence a person's intelligence (whether someone will be dull or smart) they
can also manipulate someone's passions and inclinations (a foolish person will
easily follow his passions).
Next to the intellect the will must be safeguarded from celestial influ-
ence.190 Pignon provides the following arguments. (1) If the will is subject
to the stars, there is no difference between man and beast. All choices would
be made according to nature, and morality would become pointless. (2)
Nature pursues its ends through determinate means, nature cannot err and
under similar conditions nature produces its effects always in similar fashion.
In choosing, man can, however, use various means, he is capable of error
and people make very different choices. (3) Moreover, if the will is deter-
mined by the stars all praise and blame, admonishment and punishment would
become pointless. As was the case in his discussion of the intellect, so also
in his discussion of the will does Pignon end with a few considerations to
the contrary. The heavens may incline the will by influencing material
conditions and circumstances of any volitional act. Thus people may be
inclined or compelled by conditions of the atmosphere (such as heat, cold
or pestilence) or by conditions of the body (such as disease, the inclinations
and effects endemic to their complexion, or injury to the brain). Again,
though the will is not determined by the heavens, it is not out of heaven's
reach.
In conclusion to the second part of his treatise, Pignon deals with the
nature of celestial causation.191 The influence of the heavens is undeniably
there, but the heavens do not impose necessity on their sublunar effects.
Pignon presents the following three reasons: (1) matter is disposed to receive
a plurality of forms and is in no way constrained by the heavens to receive
any particular form; (2) the things and occurrences in this world depend on
the remote causes (stars) and what Aquinas calls the proximate causes (the
passive and active virtues of inferior bodies); and (3) the perfect motions of
the heavens ought to have perfect effects; in the sublunar realm effects are
far from perfect which must result from the imperfections of the 'causes
prochaines'. For Aquinas these three reasons summarise the conditions of
contingency. The motor of all sublunar changes is the stars, but the stars do
not determine the nature of this change. This is left to causes that Aristotle
termed fortuitous. More abstractly, Aquinas listed the following three causes
per accidens:192
190
CLDn.5.
191
CLDn.6.
192
Aquinas, In metaphysicam VI.3 (1210). See Litt, Corps célestes, p. 216.
(1) defect in the material cause;

(2) concurrence of two (or more) non-subordinated causes;
(3) defect in the operation of an efficient cause.
The effects produced by these causes (along with those produced by the will)
can be called contingent and escape stellar determinism. It will be observed
that these three causes match the ones Pignon listed in CLD II.6.
Because Pignon has lifted Aquinas's discussion of contingency and free
will and the absence of necessity from celestial causation in these matters
somewhat out of the context of the SCG, the reader is left wondering what
the precise relation between remote and proximate causes is. Pignon may have
felt the omission as he was writing CLD II.6 and possibly wanted to add
some explanatory information, but he produced a paragraph in muddled
French instead in which Aquinas's distinction between remote and proximate
causes is combined with the notions of primary and secondary causes in a
rather confusing way. The following elucidations are therefore in order.
Aquinas recognises three primary causes in the universe.
(1) an incorruptible and immutable primary cause: God;
(2) incorruptible and mutable secondary causes: celestial bodies and their
angelic movers;
(3) corruptible and mutable causes: inferior bodies.
These classes of causes are hierarchically organised according to a Neo-
platonic Dionysian model. The superior causes move the ones immediately
inferior to them, who in turn are instrumental in moving the ones one step
further down. Thus the inferior bodies are moved by the celestial bodies,
which are moved by the angelic movers, who are moved by God. Motion
should be conceived here in Aristotelian terms: God does not actively impart
movement but inspires it through the love that His creatures bear Him. A
brief exposition of this hierarchy is lacking in CLD (the presentation of CLD
II.6 being very confused) but Pignon made up for it in CDE.
Pignon's later treatise CDE contains a fuller and more complete account
of causality. Essentially his presentation focuses on the causal chains that
make up the cosmic hierarchy and on the reasons why things escape celestial
influence (i.e. because there is contingency and free will). Explanations
concerning the latter point he largely copied from CLD, but the former point
receives its fullest treatment in CDE. Since Pignon is our main hero, a survey
is in order.
4.5.3 Pignon on Causality in CDE
Pignon explains how the heavenly spheres rule all corporeal things in the
world. Celestial bodies are superior (1) because they are incorruptible as
opposed to inferior bodies that are in a constant flux on account of the
194 CHAPTER FOUR
contrarieties, the formative principles of matter; and (2) because they have
perfect regular motions 'uniforme de ornent en occident et de occident en
ornent'.193 The premiss in these two arguments is, of course, that the
inferior must be governed by the superior, which holds not only for the
material but also for the spiritual beings. Hence man's intellect receives its
knowledge from the angels.194 The rule of the superior over the inferior
immediately takes Pignon to the problem of determinism. The heavens do
not impose necessity (1) because of the refractoriness of matter;195 (2)
because 'aucun effait a plusieurs causes concurrens en sa production';196
and (3) because of the 'difformité', 'variacion', and 'contrarietté' of the
'effais naturelx' that are due to 'la disposicion des secondes causes prouchains
qui souvent sont contraires a la souveraine, qui est le ciel'.197 These three
reasons, of course, are the same as the three causes per accidens listed earlier
and the three reasons that Pignon elaborated in CLD II.6. CLD was an
important source for CDE, for Pignon copied from his earlier treatise the
arguments that will and reason are exempt from celestial influence.198
These central themes, the rule of the superior over the inferior, contin-
gency and free will, constitute the main borrowings from CLD, but CDE
elaborates these themes by a discussion of hierarchy and secondary causation.
This hierarchy is clearly modelled on the one by Aquinas outlined above.
Bearing that structure in mind we summarise Pignon's exposition as follows.
God is the universal and general cause of all things actual and possi-
ble,199 who bestows 'being' on the things of creation and determines their
goal.200 As ruler God knows all things past, present and future in his eternal
present, and He organises all things hierarchically.201
More important than Pignon's references to the First Cause are his
references to secondary causes. Pignon gives the example of a builder.
Though a builder is more praiseworthy to the extent that he knows not only
the general principles but also the particular details of a building (such as the
amount of brick necessary), he still leaves the actual building to his workers
(causa efficiens of the building).202 The same goes for a ruler or king who
193
CDE 11. 49-50, p. 148.
194
CDE 11. 133-150, pp. 149-150.
195
CDE 11. 235-262, p. 152.
196
CDE 11. 263-293, pp. 152-153.
197
CDE 11. 294-315, p. 153.
198
CLD Π.4+5; CDE 11. 316-495, pp. 153-157; cf. the scheme on p. 216 in the present
study.
199
CDE 11. 1052-1058, p. 169.
200
CDE 11. 1070-1082, p. 169.
201
CDE 11. 1083-1104, pp. 169-170.
202
CDE 11. 1135-1164, pp. 170-171.
needs a whole hierarchy of officers and servants for government:203 'car

avoir plusiers administrateurs et ministres dessoubz ung gouverneur est plus
grant noblesse que avoir mains',204 an obvious point of view for a civil
servant or diplomat like Pignon: 'ainsy voit on chambellans, conseilliez,
chanceliers, secretaires, baillis, provoz, eschevins, maires, sergens et tant
d'aultres que on peut dire, et tous neccessaires'.205 In like manner, God
has His workers or efficient causes: 'les causes moyennes qui sont angelz,
corps celestiaux, plusieurs influences, constellations du cours du ciel'.206
Repeatedly Pignon stresses that under God's rule some things, result from
necessary causes, other things from voluntary causes and others still from
contingent causes,207 but, this being said, he provides a full account of
stellar causation.
All things move as a result of stellar motion. Pignon compares the heavens
to the wheels of a clock or the wings of a mill208 that set everything else
in motion. Celestial motion is a necessary condition for all other motion, for
'se la roe cesse l'ouvrage cesse'.209 This does not mean that the latter is
predetermined by the former. The relationship between celestial cause and
contingent effect resembles the relationship that Augustine posited between
God and free agent. All capability to act derives from God, but the actual
choices are left up to the agents. Likewise celestial bodies bestow all power
to move, but actual motions in this world may be contingent. Next to efficient
causes, the heavens are also the formal causes of things in this world because
the material world is governed by celestial influence. This influence is
received, first, in the four elementsfromwhich all corporeal things have been
composed. Each planet has its own virtue, influence and motion (some planets
taking longer, others shorter to encompass the earth) so that
par icelly mouvement et influence toutes choses encloses entre eulx reçoivent
'estre', vye, operacion. Et neantmains combien que soubz ung meisme instant et
heure plusieurs hommes puissent naistre, toutesfois n'est point possible que soubz
ung mesme raye.210
203
CDE11. 1165-1187, p. 171.
204
CDE11. 1131-1133, p. 170.
205
CDE11. 1183-1187, p. 171.
206
CDE 11. 1205-1207, p. 172. The analogy between a ruler's council and the heavenly
council is evident.
207
CDE 11. 1261-1265, 1279-1283, p. 173.
208
CDE 11. 1682-1692, p. 182.
209
CDE 1. 1688, p. 182.
210
CDE 11. 1668-1674, pp. 181-182.
196 CHAPTER FOUR
This latter remark is quite striking since it voices the reply an astrologer
might give to the twin argument. Though it does not refute the sceptical
argument of immeasurability of minute differences, it does confirm that
people who are born simultaneously are subject to quite different 'rays' of
influence and will hence differ among themselves. Next to the four elements,
celestial influences also condition the four contrary qualities that produce the
elements in nature and the various complexions ('sanguin, flematique,
colérique, et melencolique') in man.211 The heavenly bodies do not impose
necessity on their effects but nevertheless 'par icelles irradiations qui font
l'influence sont engendré hommes et femmes; naissent, vivent et ont leur
inclinations a certains ouvrages selon la nature de la constellation soubz quoy
ilz sont engendré et nei\ 212 The influence of the stars on the human frame
is quite extensive and Pignon goes so far as to attribute the existence of the
tripartite structure of society (the theme to which CDE owes its title though
it occupies less than a quarter of the whole treatise) to the stars. He includes
a general list of the planets and the complexions they are supposed to foster:
under the influence of the Moon people are virtuous, but have a changeable
will; under Mercury people are ingenious, and skilful in merchandise and
public government; under Mars they are belligerent, 'de courage felon' ; under
the Sun they are gracious and fond of honour; under Jupiter they are studious,
wise, 'enclins a servir aux temples'; under Venus sensuous, amorous, fond
of music and play; and finally under Saturn grave, dangerous and melancholy.
In CLD Pignon pointed out that celestial influences could only be formulated
'en terme generalz' and that the mistake of the foolish astrologers was to
suppose there is 'contrainte et nécessité' which allows them to make predic-
tions 'descendent a termes particuliers',213 but from his remarks on the
planets and their effects it will be evident that Pignon is less of a sceptic than
he professes to be. Essentially the astrological presuppositions of Pignon are
the same as those of the diviners he opposes. In many ways he paints a rather
extreme picture of them as if they believed that through astrology 'il puelent
savoir entièrement toute la disposition et ordenance du temps a advenir'.214
Surely an astrologer who wanted to stay in business would be careful to avoid
such definite statements.
To sum up, it is evident that Pignon's views of causality stay very close
to Aquinas's. He accepts God as primary and universal cause of everything,
which, reasoning along the lines of Aquinas's natural philosophy, means that
God sets everything in motion, but leaves the actual execution of His plans
211
CDE 11. 1692-1717, p. 182.
212
CDE 11. 1727-1732, p. 183.
2,3
CLD Π.4, final lines.
214
CLD Π.6; italics mine.
to his ministers. These are the middle causes, the angels and the celestial
bodies they move, which Aquinas labels 'remote causes' or 'secondary
causes' and which Pignon sometimes confusingly calls 'sovereign causes'
(probably meaning sovereign in the created order). These middle causes in
turn move the lower, proximate causes (i.e. the four contrarieties and the
material bodies in this world, which Pignon tends to call 'secondary causes'
though he also uses this term for celestial bodies) and make all sublunar
change possible. This influence of the higher on the lower is not deterministic
because of man's free will and the contingency that arises from the imperfec-
tions and the corruptibility (Pignon speaks of 'fluxibilité') of the proximate
causes. By definition, will and reason are exempt from cosmic determinism,
but Pignon realised that the physical conditions of body and brain are a weak
point and open up the possibility of celestial influence (strengthening the case
for astrology) and, as we saw in an earlier section, the possibility of demonic
influence.
Pignon used this hierarchic model and its causal relationships both for a
discourse on superstition and for one on politics. No doubt the scholastic
model was close to his heart, but its application is not self-evident in a
discourse such as CLD that essentially hinges on the notion of the devil's
pact. In his discussion of causality he does not elaborate on the role of
demons, which makes these chapters reminiscent of Oresme's Livre. We
already noticed that Pignon's demons are pre-scholastic and not fully inte-
grated in (and hence restrained by) the Aristotelian cosmos. In his attack on
divination Pignon therefore stresses the impediments to celestial influence
(free will and contingency), whereas conversely in his work on the three
estates he wishes to draw out the structure of the cosmic hierarchy and,
ironically enough, the influences whereby the superior rules (but not deter-
mines) the inferior. One may safely conclude that CLD and CDE are
complementary and are essentially composed from the same ideas. This is
hardly surprising in view of Pignon's political interests. The anti-deterministic
arguments of CLD are, in fact, the cornerstones of his ideas on political rule
which he conceives of in terms of secondary causation.215
Pignon may not have gone very far in what we earlier called the
naturalisation of demons, but to show how demonology and causality can be
made compatible within a Dionysian hierarchic world view, we shall in
conclusion concentrate once more on apassagefromJehan Taincture's Contre
la Vauderie. Taincture improves on the causality-argument by referring
explicitly to local motion, which Pignon rather clumsily referred to as
'mouvement de ornent en occident et de occident en ornent'. As his clock-
metaphor shows, Pignon did grasp that local motion underlies all other
215
CDE 11. 1309-1317, p. 174.
198 CHAPTER FOUR
motion, especially the processes of generation and corruption in this world,

to which Taincture more ably refers.
Selon la doctrine de sainct Denis la sapience divine ait joinct et uny les fins des
premiers choses aux commencemens des secondes. Il est de neccessité que la
nature et chose basse en ce qui est en soy le plus noble et esleüe soit touchié de
la nature haulte, et pour ce que le mouvement de lieu en lieu est le premier et le
plus parfait mouvement qui soit en nature corporelle.
Car corne enseigne Aristote, le mouvement local ne touche ou dispose a la
corruption et perte de la substance ce que font toutes les autres espèces et manières
de mouvemens. Car generation et corruption attaingnent la substance en soy et
alteracion, augmentacion et diminucation sont dispositions préparatoires a la
corruption et perte de la substance. Au surplus le mouvement local se treuve bien
sans les autres, comme ou ciel n'est quelque mouvement fors le local. Mais les
autres ne pevent estre sans lui. Si s'ensieut en bonne consequence que se les autres
mouvemens sont quelque part, aussi y est le mouvement local. Mais ceste
consequence ne puet estre retournee, car il ne s'ensuit pas se icellui local mouve-
ment est en quelque corps que pourtant les autres y soient.
Puis doncquez que le mouvement local est le premier et le plus parfait
mouvement qui soit en nature corporelle, comme dit est, il fault que nature
corporelle obéisse a la nature espirituele en cestui mouvement local. Si s'ensuit
nécessairement que l'angele puist a la vérité faire et produire toutes les choses
et non autres qui pevent sourdre et naistre par applicquier et joindre localment
les choses actives aux passives en quelque maniere que ce soit. Et qui est cellui
qui ne sace tresbien que le Créateur a conféré aux corporelz elemens du monde
une grande vertu et tresample povoir qui est principalement en aucunes secretes
et incogneüez semences esparsez par tout en la nature corporelle desquelles
differentement jointez et ensemble applicquez sourdent de bien merveilleuses
besoingnez et tresestrangez affectz et toutes ces choses pevent se faire a la vérité
par le subtil engien du dyable.216
Angels and demons can only affect matter through a means immediately
subordinated to them, i.e. the most noble quality of matter, which is local
motion. But with this tool they can produce many mirabilia. This encapsula-
tion of demons in a pattern of natural causation was interpreted earlier as a
restriction of their power (which it is when compared to dualism), but at the
same time it implies an increase in their capabilities. If demons can use local
motion, and if local motion underlies all other motions in the world, the scope
of their capacities is quite impressive. Naturalising demons will logically lead
to the demonisation of nature.
Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 11209, fol. 57r-58v.

4.6 Conclusion
Taincture lucidly expresses what is the essential point of all theological

criticism of superstition. He explains the remarkable feats of magic and
divination by means of the perfect blend of demons and natural causes.
Pignon's way of thinking agrees with Taincture's, though this does not yet
find a mature expression in CLD. His modest demonology and his elaborate
treatment of efficient causation betray a philosophical orientation and make
CLD resemble Oresme's Livre, even though Pignon entirely lacks Oresme's
scepticism. Yet essentially Pignon and Taincture are of one mind. Both accept
the same cosmological hierarchy as the backcloth of their speculations; both
are motivated by a similar inquisitorial zeal to eradicate heresy; both conceive
of magic in the same theological categories (idolatry and the devil's pact);
and though they differ in the elaboration of their demonologies, we have
noticed in Pignon the tendency to broaden the field of the devil's influence.
This expansion of demonic power raises an important question. What are
the limits of the demonisation of nature? Turning demons into natural causes,
does not make them less evil or dangerous; not does it sanction people's
dealings with them. Making demonic actions intelligible in terms of natural
philosophy, means that some of the things that happen naturaliter have
demonic causes and should be shunned. Since the demon-wrought events
themselves, however, can be understood naturaliter, like all other events in
the world, it is difficult to see how they can be told apart. One could question
not simply the possibility of such a distinction, but even the need for it. If
the stars cannot touch the will and the rational soul of man, neither can
demons (who can only operate through local motion); there is always the
danger of deceit and temptation, but since the wise man can rule the stars,
he can also withstand demonic snares. It is not inconceivable that demonic
magic argues along these lines and regards demonic powers as a subset of
the hidden virtues of nature.
If demonic magic is an undesirable consequence of the demonisation of
nature, one may wonder why this demonisation should have been brought
about in the first place. Why should demons be able to control local motion?
If evil is a privatio boni, a defect, one may assume that demons as fallen
angels have incurred a certain amount of damage. In other words, they are
no longer the perfect creatures they used to be as their degradation to the
sphere below the Moon (in a Neoplatonic hierarchy) clearly indicates. If they
can lose spiritual perfection, why then, would they not also forfeit their
capacity to exert influence over nature?
By granting demons power over local motion and hence giving them the
potential to interfere in virtually all processes of movement and change in
this world, demonologists seem to be caught in the snare that their privatio
200 CHAPTER FOUR
iww-theology originally tried to avoid. Theoretically demons may not be able

to rival God, but in practice, in the sublunar realm, they are ubiquitous. It
seems only a small step from the formal philosophical limitations of demonic
power, such as their incapacity to cause substantial change (as in lycanthropy)
to the demonologies of the great witch-craze. The main reason why theolo-
gians were disinclined to impose such limits on demons, was that they feared
that the denial of demonic influence on the world would result in the denial
of demons themselves and hence, perhaps, in the denial of sin and evil. This
fear is essentially a dualistic fear since it sees demons as a necessary condi-
tion for moral and religious instruction. The basic idea is that the exorcist
needs demons in order to be an exorcist.
A critique of superstition must decide on what it will do with demons.
Radical 'exorcism', as one can find it in Oresme, is a serious option; or one
may follow Witelo's suggestion and confine demons to aerial prisons. The
predominantly theological and moralistic critiques, such as Pignon's, accepted
the power of demons and explained their operations in terms of natural
philosophy. This decision places these critiques in a middle position between
the two extremes of a theory of demonic magic (demons may be evil but not
unusable) and a thoroughly naturalistic 'demon-less' view of nature.
RECAPITULATION
In conclusion to this introductory study, we briefly recapitulate its main

conclusions in relation to the treatise Contre les devineurs.
1. The author of CLD.
Though the treatise CLD is anonymous, the author can be identified as
Laurens Pignon on the basis of references in the authorised treatise CDE.
In this treatise on the three estates, written in the late 1420s and dedicated
to Philip the Good, Pignon refers explicitly to an earlier treatise called Contre
les devineurs. Manuscript 11216 from the Royal Library in Brussels bears
that title. It also contains a date, 1411, and is dedicated to John the Fearless,
the father of Philip the Good. An additional important ground for the
identification of Pignon as author consists in the substantial textual overlap
between the two treatises. A number of passages are virtually identical and
go back on the same sources.1 In itself this overlap is no proof, but in
conjunction with the reference to CLD the attribution is reliable. Pignon
wrote CLD early in his career and its composition coincides with Pignon's
appointment as father confessor to Philip, the son of John the Fearless.
2. The motives of CLD.
The growth of magic, court astrology and other forms of divination was
a source of grave disturbance to Pignon,2 but the most compelling motive
for writing the treatise seems to have been Pignon's conviction that the civil
war of 1411 was caused by princely dabblings in the occult. This assumption
has an historical implication that Pignon does not further elucidate. Was the
civil war God's punishment for man's trespasses? The exemplum of Saul and
the witch of Endor (which Pignon adduced to emphasise his point) suggests
a more subtle relationship between the sin and the war. Interest in magic has
caused the court to degenerate, and in Pignon's organised and hierarchical
world view moral degeneration at the top immediately leads to chaos.
3. The aims of CLD.
The aim that Pignon pursues in his treatise consists in providing lay
instruction for a court audience. Preaching against the abuses of magic and
divination was not uncommon (Gerson is a prominent example) and Pignon
states in his treatise that he wants to 'prechier vérité'. Around 1400 there was
a steadily growing literature censuring superstition, and Pignon consciously
1
For further details the reader is referred to the 'Introduction to the Manuscript', pp. 215-
219 below.
2
CLD, second prologue.
202 RECAPITULATION
follows its main characteristics. The age in which Pignon lived was a period
in which many translations and vernacularisations were produced of learned
Latin texts3 and again Pignon follows the trend by paraphrasing and translat-
ing sections from Aquinas. Pignon, however, did not want only to imitate
homiletic and literary models in order to educate the court. He confesses that
he was personally disturbed by the practices of magic and divination that he
witnessed among courtiers and the clergy. His aims can briefly be
summarised as moralistic censure and philosophical instruction.
4. The themes of CLD.
The central theme of the treatise is superstitio. Pignon derives his main
theme from his source, Thomas Aquinas, who defines superstitio as a
perversion of true religious worship, thus making it synonymous with
idolatry. For Pignon superstition covers two main areas: magic and divina-
tion. He expounds both themes in moralistic religious terms, but adds (from
a different section of the works of Aquinas) a didactic and philosophical
discussion on causality to prove, as it were, the fallacy of divination. Pignon
not only appeals to faith, he also appeals to reason.
5. The contexts of CLD.
The treatise derives its significance mainly from two contexts: a socio-
historical context of popular or courtly magic and court-astrology, and a
literary, intellectual context of learned treatises on superstition, astrology and
magic. The socio-historical surveys in chapters 2 and 3 have shown the
prominent role that magic and divination played in popular and court life of
the late fourteenth and early fifteenth century, but only a few details of this
wealth of historical material transpire in the treatise. Pignon's literary and
philosophical sources are clearly the dominant influences. They include first
and foremost Thomas Aquinas, but also Isidore of Seville, the Decretals,
Gregory of Tours and possibly Nicole Oresme. The relation between these
two contexts is interesting. Though Pignon's main incentive to write (namely
the war of 1411) clearly derives from the first context, he can only come to
terms with his subject by means of the second context. The world of experi-
ence and the world of books are related for Pignon, but not fully integrated.
6. The meaning and significance of CLD.
When we deal with the significance of CLD the following conclusions can
be made. Firstly, CLD is an important source for the study of magic and
divination in the courtly environment of France and Burgundy in the period
around 1400, but as a source it should be used with the utmost care. The
examples of magic and divination that Pignon gives are based on literary
models (mostly on Aquinas) with a long history of transmission, and not on
reality. Only where literary models are absent, can it be assumed that
3
On Pignon as translator, see 'Introduction to the Manuscript', pp. 213-222 below.
RECAPITULATION 203
contemporary divinatory and magical realities transpire. In CLD these

'realities' are, e.g., the 'cedules' with prognostications that circulated at
court, the frequent astrological consultations, the practices of dream-inter-
preters and the sorceries committed near Dijon. References such as to the
'vielles sorcières', on the other hand, are a literary topos and have no direct
relation to contemporary reality. Secondly, CLD demonstrates the signifi-
cance, perhaps even the popularity of Aquinas's questions on superstitio, and
it provides us with concrete evidence of its transmission. CLD shows us how
scholastic knowledge was disseminated in the vernacular. Thirdly, Pignon's
treatise inevitably plays a role in the demonological literature of the later
Middle Ages. CLD has a marked inquisitorial tendency but does not provide
an elaborate demonology to further that end. Pignon does not seek to inspire
fear of the devil in his readers but tries to arouse their concern for the
dangers that threaten the proper God-given order of things in this world. In
his perception, interest in magic and divination does not lead to frenzied
demonic possessions (the mental aberrations that would attract the attention
of later witch-hunters), but first and foremost to war and bad government,
in short, to social disruption. The fact that CLD and CDE are based on the
same cosmological ideas clearly shows that Pignon saw magic and divination
as 'political' crimes, as assaults on the proper ordo.
LAURENS PIGNON
CONTRE LES DEVINEURS

INTRODUCTION TO THE MANUSCRIPT
BRUXELLES, BIBLIOTHÈQUE ROYALE, MS. 11216
1. Codicological Observations
The Traitié contre les devineurs survives in a unique manuscript-copy: ms.

11216 of the Royal Library in Brussels. The text was written on parchment
of relatively poor quality. The book contains 60 folia measuring approximate-
ly 212 x 149 mm each. Some leaves have different measurements due to
their irregular shape. The text of the treatise runs from fol. 2r up to and
including fol. 59v. The text columns measure 145 x 106 mm on average
and each page contains 29 lines of text, with the exception of fol. 42r+ ν
which has 30 lines.
The book is rebound in a modern eighteenth-century binding. Though this
binding is fairly tight the following collation could be reconstructed. The
manuscript consists of 8 quires of four double leaves (i.e. 8 folia) each, with
the exception of the third quire, which is an anomaly. The following formula
depicts the collation: l 8 + 1 leaf before 1 (fol.1); 28; 3 2 + 1 leaf after 2
(fol.20); 48; 58; 68; 78; 88. Quires proved identifiable on the basis of catch
words in the lower right hand corner of the last page of each quire (on fols.
9v, 17v, 20v, 28v, 36v, 44v, 52v resp.). Only the first two quires bear
signatures in the bottom right hand corner: in Ql fol. 2r has 'a', fol. Sr has
'd'; in Q2 fol. lOr has T , fol. llr has ' i j \ fol. 12r has 'iij', and fol. 13r
has 'iiij '. The text was written in one hand in a littera Gothica textualis. Some
corrections were made in the text or occasionally in the margins of the text.
Folio 1 was inserted before the text and may have been part of the earlier,
fifteenth-century binding of the book in which it possibly served as a fly-leaf.
Fol. Ir contains the title of the work 'Traité contre les divineurs' in a later
hand. Fol. lv contains what appears to be (part of) a 30-line letter written
in Latin (in cursive script) of which the contents are difficult to reconstruct
because the tight binding of the book renders the end of each line illegible
so that it is hard to determine how much is lost in this way. The last line
bears a date: quadringentesimo quartodecimo mensis decembris die qu(...),
i.e. December (4,5,14,15?), 1414, followed below by a defective signature:
'Joha(...)\ The date makes the document contemporary to the treatise. It
contains the names of pope John XXIII, Robertas Ansem and Johannis
Lachenel.
Prior to folio 1 there is a paper leaf (probably inserted when the book was
rebound in the eighteenth century) which contains the following (nineteenth-
208 INTRODUCTION TO THE MANUSCRIPT
century) handwritten remark by one the librarians of the Bibliothèque Royale:

'Ce volume a 59 feuillets plus un feuillet blanc sur lequel se trouvent les
signatures de Brimeu, de Chassa dit le benetru et d'Olivier de La Marche
qu'y a inserté sa devise tant a souffert. Voy la Biblioth. protypogr. et M.
Jules Barrois Nos. 1217 et 2098. Cet exemplaire est le No. 1217, car le
second feuillet commence par requiest et le reste de la description lui
convient. F. D. R.' The three signatures are discussed in the section on the
history of the manuscript.
2. The Edition
2.1 Treatment of the Text
The main objective of this edition is to provide an intelligible and readable

text. To that end a system of positive correction was applied to all scribal
errors, omissions and other textual obscurities. Manuscript-readings that were
not emendable in the text itself by means of the sigla were assigned to the
notes, and, in some cases, where this was deemed necessary, supplemented
by explanations and comments. The spelling in the manuscript is highly
inconsistent, but no standardisation was attempted. Likewise grammar and
syntax leave much to be desired, but as long as inconsistencies did not impair
the legibility, no editorial intervention was applied. Intervention is ideally
limited to brief editorial corrections; but anumber of obscure and problematic
sentences and phrases remain that could not be remedied in this way. In these
instances explanations, reading-suggestions and discussions are provided in
the footnotes, where necessary accompanied by a reconstruction of the
problematic phrases and clauses.
In editing the text, I have followed the guidelines of the Etablissement de
règles pratiques pour l'édition des anciens textes français,1 especially the
section on the treatment of the text. In addition the following remarks should
be made: capitalisation was applied to all proper nouns and the names of the
divinity including the Church (in the corporate sense of the body of Christ);
punctuation follows modern conventions; titles and Latin words and passages
were consistently italicised; the i/j and u/v spelling was adapted to modern
conventions; final '-x', however, was not converted to '-us'; occasionally the
manuscript uses 'c' for 's' and vice versa ('ce' instead of 'se'; 'se' instead
of 'ce' ; but also 'ceconde' etc.), but, again, where legibility was not impeded,
no correction was made.
Published in Romania 52 (1926), pp. 243-249.

INTRODUCTION TO THE MANUSCRIPT 209
A remark should be made about the footnotes. They contain: (1) manu-
script-readings; (2) elucidations and discussions of textual problems; (3)
source-references including the original texts which were paraphrased or
translated by Pignon; and (4) explanations of words, names, concepts and
arguments as well as commentaries on Pignon's discourse and thoughts in
general. The first two concern the language of the text, the latter two its
contents. Since form and content are highly interdependent and (though
distinguishable) practically inseparable, no formal segregation was attempted
of these four functions on the level of the lay-out.
The manuscript contains a number of brief marginal notes and glosses,
containing source-references, mostly to verses and passages from the Bible.
Some of these notes were rendered illegible because of the tight binding of
the book or because the ink has faded, but where possible these notes were
recorded and expounded in the footnotes.
The following textual signs are used:
() Pointed brackets indicate editorial additions, by way of correction or

conjecture, of letters or words that do not appear in the manuscript-
text.
() Parentheses indicate material that can be found in the manuscript, but

which should be omitted to make the text grammatically correct and/or
intelligible.
[ ] Square brackets indicate the foliation of the manuscript-text. In the

notes square brackets were used to mark the solutions of abbreviations
in the marginal notes and glosses of the manuscript.
| | Lines or strokes were used to mark words and phrases that, though
they are in the manuscript, were somehow misplaced and have been
relocated. All instances of relocation and shifting are accompanied by
explanatory notes.
t A cross indicates that a passage was deleted either by the scribe of the
manuscript or by the editor. All such deletions are accompanied by
explanatory footnotes.
2.2 Structure
The treatise contains several rubricated words, titles and explicits that function
as structuring devices. The titles of the chapters of the treatise, the captions
of the subsections of chapters, and of the tables of contents and the rubricated
explicits have all been italicised in the present edition. It seemed appropriate,
however, to print the main titles and incipits of the treatise (also rubricated)
in bold capitals, so as to clearly demarcate the three parts of the text.
The structure of the text is quite intricate. The text contains two prologues,
a short table of contents outlining the themes of the three parts of the treatise,
followed by the three parts themselves, each of them preceded by a table of
contents listing the subjects of its constituent chapters. Contrary to parts 1
and 3, which have a straightforward chapter division, part 2, modelled on
Thomas Aquinas's Summa theologiae, is organised according to the scholastic
method. The first three of its six chapters contain a number of propositions,
that in themselves can be analysed into two parts, the former explanatory,
giving a detailed exposition of the proposition, the latter disputative, for-
warding a number of objections to the proposition at hand, which are then
consecutively answered and refuted. To facilitate reading, and with the
express purpose of bringing out the scholastic structure of the second part,
all chapters and subsections of chapters have been numbered by a simple
code: thus II. 1.2, for instance, refers to part II, chapter 1, proposition 2, etc.
In addition to this, the separate objections and their corresponding replies in
the discursive part of the first three chapters of part II were numbered where
this seemed appropriate (i.e. where the number of objections is more than
one, and where the reader will find such a corollary of matching objections
and replies helpful). No such structuring devices were employed in the
original manuscript. The rubrications obviously were employed to achieve
some sort of stratification, but they sometimes fail in this respect, since they
were not used consistently.
The use of rubrics in the manuscript may be illustrated from fol. 16v (cf.
the edited text below) where we find the end of part I and the beginning of
part II. The explicit of part I is rubricated (hence italicised in the edited text),
and so is the incipit of part II: 'Chy commence la seconde partie de eest
treitié' which appears as a capitalised title in the present edition. Next,
rubrications are used as a structuring device in the table of contents to part
II as a whole, and to the table of contents of chapter 1 (fol. 16r-16v) which
lists the four propositions with which this chapter deals. Each separate item
in such a list is accompanied (always at the end of a line) by a rubric
repeating the first few words of that item ('ou premier capitre', 'ou tiers
capif', 'ou .vie. chapitre', etc.; or, in the list of propositions, simply: 'la
tierce', 'quarte', etc.). Since these rubrics would only burden the lay-out and
add nothing to clarify the text, they were entirely omitted from the edition
and replaced by the earlier mentioned numerals. Another reason for omitting
them is the fact that the copyist did not use them consistently: the table of
contents of part III (fol. 47v), for instance, contains only one single rubric
for chapter 1, although the list comprises ten chapters.
Rubrics were also used by the copyist to mark the beginnings of the
prologues, the chapters, and the subsections of chapters. These rubrics were
italicised and incorporated in the text as titles and captions. They also include
the word *contre' which the copyist used several times in part II, chapters
1-3, to mark the sections containing the objections and refutations. Again,
the use of these rubrics is not consistent: CLDII.2.6 has a caption but is not
rubricated (hence not italicised); CLD II. 1.2, II.2.2 up to II.2.5, II.3 and
II.4, to mention a few instances, have no rubricated titles, and also the word
'contre' is omitted frequently. Where these markers lack in the manuscript,
they have been added in their appropriate places in the edited text for the sake
of clarity and consistency.
One final remark must be made concerning a rubricated word on fol. 30r,
line 18 of the manuscript. The word 'occultes' is written in red and has been
italicised in the edited text. It is neither a title, nor a caption, nor a catch-
word, nor a note; it is the only word in the actual text of the treatise to be
rubricated, and without any apparent reason (i.e. it does not require more
emphasis than other phrases in the same context). In the margin (of the same
line 18) again the word 'occultes' can be discerned, probably serving as a
direction for the lubrication.
3. History of the Manuscript
Doutrepont summarily lists the few details that can be traced as to the history
of the manuscript.2 The book does not appear in the inventory3 that Philip
the Good had commissioned Jehan Bonost, Jacques de Templeuve and Jehan
de La Chesnel (in all likelihood the same as the Johannis Lachend mentioned
above) to draw up in 1420, the year after the death of his father. In fact, the
2
The literature on CLD is not very extensive. The following list contains the most
important references. Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 180,289-290; Georges Dogaer
and Marguerite Debae, De Librije van Filips de Goede, no. 123, pp. 84-85; Werner Paravicini,
Guy de Brimeu:Der burgundische Staat und seine adlige Führungsschicht unter Karl dem Kühnen
(Bonn 1975) pp. 88-90; Vanderjagt, "Enige inleidende opmerkingen over Laurentius Pignon
en zijn werk", pp. 197-222 (this article provides in an appendix a transcription of the first
prologue of the treatise); Vanderjagt, Laurens Pignon, pp. 9-10, 137, 140 ff, 152 ff.
3
This inventory was published by Doutrepont: Inventaire de la «Librairie» de Philippe
le Bon 1420.
book was not catalogued until 1467, after the death of Philip the Good.4 An
account survives from the following year, July 1468, which records that the
book was bound: Tour avoir fait fermer et clorre quatre livres que Jehan
le Tourneur avoit en sa garde, assavoir: l'un de la Vie de seur Collette, le
Premier livre du Trésor, le Traitié contre les divineurs et le Quart livre de
Zénophon, vi s'.5 'Quel est ce Jehan le Tourneur qui, d'après un compte
de juillet 1468 aavoit quatre livres en sa garde"?' Doutrepont wonders in a
footnote.6 Yet the status of Le Tourneur as courtier of Charles the Bold is
not entirely lost in the mist of time. He appears in one of the published
accounts of the year 1467-68: 'A Jehan le Tourneur, sommelier de corps de
M(on)d(it)S(eigneur>, - pour avoir fait porter l'orloge de MdS, de Mons à
Bruges ... xx s'.7 He was also one of the more prominent members of
Charles the Bold's retinue (of 1003 persons) on the occasion of the duke's
meeting with emperor Frederick III of Germany on September 30, 1473.8
Was Jehan le Tourneur only supposed to see to the binding of the books
mentioned in the account, or did he have them on loan? The fact that the
account was drawn up not long after the book was catalogued suggests that
the latter more or less occasioned the (re-)binding. Does this imply that the
book suffered from relative neglect between its composition in 1411 and the
time it was mentioned in the inventory of 1467? We cannot be sure, but we
would do well to bear in mind that libraries and storehouses can be the
embodiment of cultural amnesia.
The fact that the book was recorded so late may suggest that it led an
inconspicuous existence, but it is not inconceivable that it was absent from
the ducal library because it was actually read and circulated among members
of the Burgundian court. Some traces of this, be it for the latter part of the
fifteenth century, survive on the final pages of the manuscript where the
names of three readers or owners and their personal motto's can be found.
Fol. 60r reads: 'Non force Brimeu' and on fol. 60v two owner-marks can
4
The inventory of 1467 was incorporated into Jules Barrois's Bibliothèque Protypographi-
que (1830) and the Traitié seems to have existed in two copies listed as nos. 1217 and 2098
respectively. A librarian of the Bibliothèque Royale in Brussels identified ms. 11216 as no. 1217
on the basis of an incipit. Of no. 2098 in Barrois's list no trace remains. Paravicini {Guy de
Brimeu, p. 89, n. 18) points out that chancellor Guillaume Hugonet may have owned a copy
of the same or a similar book. The catalogue of his library mentions *ung traictié contre les
astrologiens, en papier' : L.-P. Gachard, "Catalogue de la Bibliothèque de Guillaume Hugonet",
in: Bulletin de la Commission Royale d'Histoire 2 (1838), p. 126. This need not have been a
copy of Pignon's text. The reference in Hugonet's catalogue may well have been to an entirely
different treatise altogether, such as Oresme's Contra astrologos, for instance.
5
6
7
Laborde, Preuves, vol. 1, no. 1938, p. 499.
8
Vaughan, Charles the Bold, p. 141.
be found: 'Benetru ou Chassa le J.' and Tant a soufert Lamarche'. The

references are to Guy de Brimeu, lord of Humbercourt, Jean le Chassa
otherwise known as 'le Benetru' (an hereditary family nickname) and Olivier
de La Marche, personal friends and counsellors of Charles the Bold, in whose
company the duke apparently enjoyed reading and discussing books.9 Com-
menting on these signatures Paravicini remarks: 'Ist dies ein Zeugnis jener
Lesestunden von denen derselbe Olivier de La Marche in seinem Mémoires
spricht? Er sagt vom jungen Karl: Jamais ne se couchoit qu 'il ne fist lire deux
heures devant luy, et lisoit souvent devant luy le seigneur de Humbercourt,
qui moult bien lisoit et retenait \ 10 Apparently the duke's favourites were
books on Roman history, but whether the treatise by Pignon was ever the
object of the duke's perusal we can never tell.
The most notable of these three men is no doubt Olivier de La Marche
(c. 1425-1502) whose lineage and person and even his very soul were
intimately involved in the house of Burgundy which, if not for the royal house
of France, he would not hesitate to call 'la plus grande du monde'.11 Less
intimately associated with the court was Jehan le Chassa, a nobleman from
the Franche-Comté, who made himself a career from parmetier to ducal
counsellor, but who in 1470 fell into disgrace, was accused of conspiring to
kill Charles, and dismissing these allegations as slanders practically accused
the duke of buggery.12 Guy de Brimeu, lord of Humbercourt, was one of
Charles's most powerful lieutenants, who in thefinalyears of Charles's reign
established for himself what has been described as 'a state within a state',
centering on Maastricht as capital. After the death of Charles the Bold he
came to a bad end on April 3, 1477, when, after severe torture, he was
decapitated at Ghent for treason.13 Despite the ultimate misfortunes of at
least two of its readers, we may wonder whether the presence of their names
on the last pages of the manuscript bears witness to the relative popularity
of the text.
4. Pignon as Translator
Pignon does not rank among the great and original minds of the fifteenth
century. The literary fruits of his intellectual labours consist mainly in
9
See Vandeijagt, 'Qui sa vertu anoblist\ p. 59.
10
Paravicini, Guy de Brimeu, p. 89. Brimeu's motto and signature on fol. 60r of the
manuscript appear as illustration no. 3 in Paravicini's book (facing p. 400).
11
Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 446 ff. On La Marche's morose motto, see
Huizinga, Herfsttij, p. 41.
12
Paravicini, Guy de Brimeu, p. 89, n. 18; Vaughan, Charles the Bold, p. 141.
13
Vaughan, Charles the Bold, pp. 253-254. See also Werner Paravicini's monograph Guy
de Brimeu.
translations and compilations. The Catalogus and Chronica record data

relative to the Dominican Order, and especially the Chronica may serve as
a useful means of establishing and corroborating some historical data (and
Pignon's knowledge thereof) in the first decade of the fifteenth century, but
aside from this the two small works have no bearing on Pignon's intellectual
interests. Of the three works that reflect Pignon's intellectual preoccupations,
viz. the French version of Durand de St. Pourçain's treatise Circa originem
potestatum et iurisdictionum9 the Traitié contre les devineurs and the Traictié
de la cause de la diversité des estaz, the first is an acknowledged translation
and the other two elaborate paraphrases that expound, but nevertheless very
much rely on their source-texts. CLD is for the greater part based on five
consecutive questions from Aquinas's Summa theologiae14 and on three
chapters from the Summa contra gentiles.15 In addition to this material
Pignon made use of texts by Augustine, Jerome, and Isidore of Seville. A
further large amount of the references to the Bible, Augustine, Aristotle,
Ptolemy and some other authorities, he derived from Thomas and not from
these sources themselves.
It was no understatement when Pignon announced in the first prologue of
his treatise against divination that he had no intention of venting private
opinions: 'je ne veul rien dire de mon seul et propre sentement, ains je veul
seulement exposer et translater de latin en françois les raisons et auctorités
de la Sainte Escripture et des sains docteurs de l'Eglise (...); je n'aye
entencion de y escripre aucunne cose que je n'aye leûe en livres canoniques
et approves de Sainte Eglise'. Yet he refrains from explicitly stating who his
main authority is. In his later treatise CDE, he would be more openhearted
and frankly confess that he was following 'la doctrine de saint Thomas en
son livre qu'il fist contre les erreurs des anciens hérites et des philozophes
payens'.16 In the present edition an attempt has been made to document the
relation between CLD and its source-texts as carefully as possible in the
notes. The Latin original was provided where this might reasonably be
deemed expedient, namely when Pignon gives fairly literal paraphrases or
translations, or when comparison between sources and texts is necessary for
the elucidation of difficult or opaque passages. A close comparison of
Thomas's texts and Pignon's renderings enables us not only to assess Pignon's
reliance on the two Summa's for his material, but it also automatically brings
to light the remarks and passages that are original. In some cases these
original passages are elaborations and explanations of themes or difficulties
derived from Thomas; in a few instances, however, they are observations
14
ST 2a2ae.92-96.
15
SCG ΙΠ.84-86.
16
CDE 11. 1049-1051, pp. 168-169.
Pignon derived from his own experience.17 On the whole Pignon remains
fairly faithful to his sources.
Also in his later treatise CDE, Thomas is the most important basis for his
thought, though Pignon does seem to have a more self-confident grip on his
source-material, since his paraphrases are freer and the organisation of his
discourse is less obviously modelled on Thomas's. His earlier labours were
a source of some pride to Pignon because he refers to CLD twice by name
(CDE 11. 348, 939) in a context in which he recapitulates some of the
arguments from his earlier treatise to incorporate them into the structure of
his argumentation. Since these passages are of crucial importance for the
establishment of Pignon's authorship of CLD, a comparison of the relevant
paragraphs from both treatises is called for.
CDE is subdivided into three parts; the first dealing with a number of
presuppositions; the second dealing with a number of objections and prob-
lems; and, finally, the third dealing with the subject proper of the treatise,
namely the origin of the three estates. The first part contains six propositions
that outline the hierarchical order of the universe in which the heavens govern
the material world. Celestial governance of the mutable sublunar world is
one of the major premisses of medieval science, but in order not to miscon-
strue this doctrine and to exclude all determinism, Pignon emphasises that
the soul of man is in no way compelled by the heavens and their influence.
This he does in his third proposition (CDE 11. 182-495).
la conclusion cy mise (...) contient trois parties: la partie premiere, que l'influence
et cours du ciel ne met point de nécessité sur les choses corporelles et materielles;
la seconde, que il n'est point neccessaire directement des operacions de l'entende-
ment humain; la tierce, que directement n'a puissance sur les operacions de la
volenté humaine et dufrancarbitrage. (CDE 11. 226-234)
These three parts correspond to three chapters from CLD, which, in turn,
are based on three chapters from the SCG. Thus part 1 corresponds to CLD
II.6 and SCG III.86; part 2 to CLD II.4 and SCG III.84; and part 3 to CLD
II.5 and SCG III.85. Pignon did not copy the chapters from Thomas in their
entirety but made a selection of those passages that he felt conveyed the theme
of such a chapter most comprehensively. He was careful to leave out the
more intricate and involved philosophical discussions and on the whole he
seems to have felt uneasy in rendering some of the standard scholastic
terminology. Thus, for example, we find Pignon referring to 'participation',
but not to 'universale', 'potency', 'act', or (Platonic) 'ideas', even when the
17
See, e.g., his remarks about the fateful year 1411 in CLD ΙΠ.2 or his remarks about
dreams and diviners in CLD Π.2.4.
mention of these concepts might have helped to clarify his point (as it did
in Aquinas). The following table gives an analysis of the third proposition
of CDE and shows the relation between its constituent parts and the relevant
passages from CLD and the SCG.
Tierce conclusion; introductory remarks (11. 182-234)

1er partie (11. 235-315) SCG III.86 CLD II.6
raison 1 (11. 235-262) (2617b) raison 1
raison 2 (11. 263-293) (2618) raison 2
raison 3 (11. 294-315) (2619) raison 3
2 me + 3 me p a r t i e (y 316_375) CLD, prologues

raison 1 (11. 376-398) SCG III.84 (2583) CLD II.4, raison 1
SCG III.85 (2603) CLD Π.5, raison 2c
raison 4 (11. 448-477) SCG III.85 (2607a) not in CLD
SCG III.85 (2607b) CLD II.5, raison 3
raison 5 (11. 478-495) SCG III.84 (2592) CLD II.4
SCG III.84 (2595) not in CLD
Though in CLD Pignon made a more elaborate use of the chapters from the
SCG than in CDE (as the reader may learn from the notes to the edition),
it is interesting to see that when he was writing CDE he made a new selection
from the old selection of arguments from the SCG that he had made over a
decade earlier, rather than writing an entirely new paraphrase. There are two
exceptions to this: the paraphrase of SCG III.84 (2595) in which a point is
illustrated by Biblical examples, and the paraphrase of SCG III.85 (2607a)
in which the idea of celestial determinism is refuted on the basis of the
argument that man is a social animal and that radical determinism (if it
existed) would destroy all social life. Though these two exceptions show that
Pignon used the SCG as he was writing CDE, his earlier treatise still
provided him with the selection-criteria for organising his argument. Still,
Pignon was careful not to copy his earlier paraphrases verbatim, as a
comparison of the following lines may show:
pour néant puniroit on les malfaisans et remerriroit on les bienfaisans (CDE 11.
461-463).
Ainsi par consequent pour nïent on puniroit les malfaiteurs et justifieroit on les
boins. (CLD Π.5)
Frustra etiam adhiberentur poenae et praemia bonis out malis (SCG ΙΠ.85
(2607b)).
The similarity between these lines is more of an exception than a rule; on

the whole it may be said that similar statements apear in different formula-
tions, which seems to warrant the conclusion that in CDE (11. 182-495)
Pignon produced new paraphrases of earlier selected material. In some
instances Pignon even improves on his earlier paraphrases, as, e.g., in his
discussion of secondary causes. 18 But in a number of instances he is also
guided by his earlier paraphrases. This may be illustrated by the following
quotation.
Item, a ceste matière font les raisons et doctrine et auctoritez qui fait Boece ou
.v. livre de Consolation en reprouvant les erreurs d'aucuns anciens philozophes
qui par ignorance disoient l'entendement et volenté de creature raisonable estre
subgiez au ciel et aux pianettes. La saincte Escripture, qui est inspirée par le saint
Esperit, dit ou .XXXVe. chappitre du Livre de Job: 'Qui est cellui qui m'a fait et
qui a créé et faicte toute melodie et proporcion en ciel et en terre. Qui nous donne
doctrine et science oultre et pardessus toutes bestes et oyseaux du ciel et de la
terre?' C'est Dieu et non aultre qui enseigne l'omme et lui donne science, ainsy
que le prophétie dit en son Pseaume. Et cecy souffise pour la tierce conclusion;
s'ensuit la quarte. (CDE 11. 478-495)
The corresponding passage in CLD reads as follows:
Apres ceste oppinion vint une autre sette qui se dit Stoïciens, qui disoient que tout
ce que nostre entendement cognoit, c'est par ce que nous veons les coses au par
dehors, de laquelle vision est representee une figure et similitude en nostre
entendement en la forme et maniere que un miroir rechoit la samblanche des cozes
qui sont devant lui et les represente, aucunnement telles quelles sont, ou comme
li papier reçoit rescripture que on y emprime, et celle escripture est ou papier
representee a cascun. Et tout parrellement recite au pou pres Boëce de Consola-
tion. Selonc Γ oppinion de ceux chi il semble que nostre entendement reçoit sens
moing l'influence et inpression du cours du ciel et que le ciel nous donne tel
entendement et telle cognoissance comme nous avons. Et de che sont venu les
erreurs et fauses supersticions, de quoy mencion est faite en che traitié en grant
partie. Car, ainsi que Boëse dit, aucuns ont volut dire que l'entendement de
creature humaine estoit par le cours du ciel contraint et necessitey en toutes ces
operacions, laquelle oppinion, dit Boëce, appert evidamment foute. (CLD Π.4)
When we compare this to the Latin original, it should become clear what
served in this instance as the source-text of the CDE-passage.
Hinc etiam processif Stoicorum opinio, qui dicebant cognitionem intellectus causari
ex hoc quod imagines corporum nostris mentibus imprimuntur, sicut speculum
18
See CLD Π.6, note 312 below.
quoddam, vel sicutpagina recipitlitteras impressas, absque hoc quodatiquidagat:

ut Boëtius narrât in Vde Consolatione. Secundum quorum sententiam sequebatur
quod maxime ex impressione corporum caelestium intellectuales notiones nobis
imprimerentur. Unde et Stoici fuerunt qui praecipue necessitate quadam fatali
hominum vitam duci posuerunt. (SCG ΙΠ.84 (2592))
Thomas (following Boethius) clearly speaks of intellectual notions impressed

on the mind by the heavens, to which Pignon in CLD adds that the mind is
constrained and necessitated by the heavens ('mind' is the subject here). In
CDE we hear about the mind as subject to the heavens (likewise, 'mind' is
subject here). Since in the passage from CDE there is no trace of the idea
of impression (which features so prominently in Boethius, Consolatio V,
metrum 4), but only of the very general idea that the mind is somehow ruled
by the heavens, it would seem plausible to conclude that Pignon used his
earlier treatise for the paraphrase, instead of the passage from Thomas. This
does not mean he did not have the text of SCG at hand, for the second part
of the CDE-quote (the reference to the book of Job) is immediately derived
from SCG III.84 (2595) and does not appear in CLD.
Other comparisons such as these might be made, but they would add
nothing to these conclusions. There is one passage from CDE, finally, that
deserves particular attention in relation to CLD, especially since it is the
passage on the basis of which authorship of CLD cuuld be established. Pignon
speaks of the diviners and their deterministic presuppositions when they claim
to be able to predict people's fortunes.
De ceste matière j'ay aultrefois escript et fait ung petit traittié que je nommoyé
Contre les divineurs. Car j'ay veu en mon temps gens de petit estât et entendement
qui s'avancoyent de baillier libelles et cedulles a grans seigneurs, par lesquellez
libelles et cedulles pronostiquoyent des choses qui leur estoit a avenir, mesmement
de ce qui est du tout comprins soubz le franc arbitrage et volenté de homme et
de (fame). Et oultre ce, par icelles cedulles assignoyent certains heures, jours,
momens esquelz ilz failloit soy mouvoir pour partir d'une place en aultre et
pluseurs aultres foies ymaginacions en volant, réduire toutes les operacions
humaines entièrement par neccessité au cours du ciel et des estoiles selon la
journée et heure de la nativité d'iceulx seigneurs. (CDE 11. 345-363)
The passage recaptures the tone and contents of a similar passage from CLD.
j'ai aperceü visiblement aucuns d'iceus divineurs par maintefois escrire cedules
et petis roles, lesquels il donnoient a aucuns notables hommes et de grant estât,
ja soice que en telle matière il soient de simple entendement. Lesquels roles quant
a ce qui estoit contenu et escript avoient regart ad ce que telx gent avoient a faire
en icely temps donnans en telz roles a entendre que les emprises de cex a cuy il
les bailloient estoient périlleuses sens y assigner aucune raison evident en apparent,
esquels roles mesmes donnoient charge perileuse a aucuns estans en service desdiz
ausquelz estoient baillié. (CLD, second prologue)
As a translator, Pignon ranks among the many fourteenth- and fifteenth-

century authors who dedicated their intellectual and literary abilities to the
vernacularisation of Latin texts. Translation activities reached a peak under
the patronage of Charles V when scholars such as Pèlerin de Prusse, Robert
Godefroy, Denis Foulechat, Nicole Oresme and Raoul de Presles produced
French versions of the works of Ptolemy, John of Salisbury, Aristotle,
Augustine and the Bible. These activities decreased during the reign of
Charles VI, though Pignon certainly had important contemporaries such as
Laurent de Premierfait (who translated Boccaccio's Decamerone and Cicero's
De senectute). Translations blossomed again after the turmoil of the first two
decades of the fifteenth century, mainly under Burgundian patronage, to
which the names of Jean Miélot, Charles Soillot, Vasque de Lucène, and Jean
Duchesne (among many others) are attached.19 Next to the historical, liter-
ary, didactic, religious and pedagogic translations, it is of course the scientific
astronomical and astrological vernacularisations, that are of specific interest
for an understanding of Pignon's translating activities that resulted in CLD,
since these texts made a significant contribution to the spreading interest in
astrology. In a general survey, Shore20 lists, among others, Arnoul de
Quinquempoix's translation of Albumasar's Electiones (produced at the court
of Philip IV, early fourteenth century), Robert Godefroy's rendering of the
Livre des neuf anciens juges de astrologie (court of Charles V), and Pèlerin
de Prusse's translation of Alcabitius's Liber introductorius (also commissioned
under Charles V). Additionally Charles V also sponsored translations of
works by Messahalah and Zael. In Appendix m of the present study other
vernacularisations can be found of two popular astrological and divinatory
texts. Oresme frequently drew attention to the need for translations since
many people knew Latin insufficiently.21 It is ironical to find that Pignon
not only tries to meet that need in compiling his anti-divinatory treatise for
19
See general surveys in Peter F. Dembowski, "Learned Latin Treatises in French:
Inspiration, Plagiarism, and Translation", in: Viator 17 (1986), pp. 261-263; Jacques Monfrin,
"Humanisme et traductions au Moyen Age", in: Journal des Savants (1963), pp. 174-175,181-
182; Jacques Monfrin, "La connaissance de l'Antiquité et le problème de l'humanisme en langue
vulgaire dans la France du XVe siècle", in: G. Verbeke and J. Usewijn, eds., The Late Middle
Ages and the Dawn of Humanism outside Italy (Leuven/The Hague 1972), pp. 134 ff.; Doutre-
pont, La littérature française.
20
Lys Ann Shore, "A Case Study in Medieval Nonliterary Translation: Scientific Texts
from Latin to French", in: Jeanette Beer, ed., Medieval Translators and their Craft (Kalamazoo
1989), pp. 302-310.
21
Monfrin, "Humanisme et traductions au Moyen Age", p. 173.
lay instruction, but also, partly, counters and criticises that need in so far as
it caused the dissemination of astrological and prognosticative knowledge in
French.
In order to assess Pignon's status as translator his work may be compared
with the general typology of vemacularisations that Peter Dembowski
developed in an article on learned Latin treatises in French.22 Dembowski
points out that the early vemacularisations were adaptations rather than
translations, and that the first real translations did not appear until the
thirteenth century. He distinguishes two stages23 in the late medieval history
of translation. In the first stage material from Latin authors is borrowed rather
than translated; the author is not extolled but remains hidden and the transla-
tor is essentially an inspired compiler. The second stage is marked by what
Dembowski calls 'service translations', because the translators serve and
acknowledge their authors. These translators are more aware of their craft
and develop a lively interest in philological problems mostly on the lexical
level.24 Ultimately this development results in the mature translator who
feels no longer inferior to his Latin auctor. For Dembowki Oresme is the
typical representative of this final stage.
Though writing almost a generation after Oresme, Pignon never achieved
his maturity. In Contre les devineurs he shows himself to be a service
translator in that he is aware of his role as translator, and self-consciously
makes himself subservient to his authorities. Occasionally his philological
awareness surfaces when he encounters lexical problems in rendering the
names of the artes magicae: 'Ne je ne saroie miex translater telz mos en nient
commun langage'.25 But on the whole the author of CLD has much more
in common with the earlier adaptors. The second part of CLD, which relies
almost exclusively on Aquinas, is not a complete translation. There are
digressions and elaborations that do not occur in the source text and which
Pignon paraphrases rather than translates.26 Surprisingly, though he admits
he is following authoritative sources, he never discloses his major source.
Though he naturally faces certain philological problems in rendering Aquinas,
he also avoids quite a few. Most notable in this evasive approach to Aquinas's
22
Dembowski, "Learned Latin Treatises**, pp. 255-269, follows a comparable and more
comprehensive survey by Monfrin, "Humanisme et traductions au Moyen Age".
23
Dembowski, "Learned Latin Treatises", pp. 259-264.
24
Dembowski, "Learned Latin Treatises", pp. 266.
25
CLD 1.3, final sentence.
26
It should be noted that also Oresme paraphrases and adds comments occasionally (Shore,
"Medieval Nonliterary Translation", p. 315) but contrary to Pignon, he very consciously tries
to stay faithful to the original.
text is Pignon's reluctance to render technical scholastic terminology into

French.27
Three stylistic features, typical of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century
translations must be briefly highlighted in relation to CLD : the topos humilita-
tis, the use of doublets, and Latinisms.28 In the first prologue Pignon clearly
shows his humility. He refers to himself as the duke's 'humble et devot
subjet' and mentions his 'ynorance', but contrary to many translators he does
not link this humility too emphatically to his linguistic capacities. This may
be compared to the topos hwnilitatis in Oresme's Livre de divinations.29
Like Pignon, Oresme submits his humble efforts to the proper authorities:
Toutesvoies, quoique je dy, je le soubmet a la correction de ceulx a cui il
appartient' (cf. CLD, first prologue: 'je sumet tout mon ovrage a la cor
rection et amende de ceux a cui il apartient a jugier'). But Oresme adds: 'et
supplie que on me ait pour excuse de la rude maniere de parler, car je η'ay
pas aprins de estre acoustume de riens baillier ou escripre en franco is'. It
is only at the end of CLD that Pignon confesses: 'Et se il y a faute ou en
sentence ou en langage ou maniere de parler, je le soumet et met du tout a
la correccion et chatiement de toute boine personne, en especial de mes
segneurs et maistres de ma mere l'université'.30 The sentence is conditional
and does not vent any reservations regarding the use of French in a direct
way.
The use of doublets, or paired synonyms, is a common phenomenon in
fourteenth-century translations and Pignon too makes use of them abundant-
ly.31 Latinisms occur less frequently in his text. One way of creating
Latinisms is by dropping the Latin case ending,32 which Pignon probably
did with the word 'compuns' which, in all likelihood, he derived from
compunctio. On the other hand, he also clearly strove to avoid latinate forms.
The word effectus, e.g., is virtually always rendered as 'ovrage'.
It has been pointed out by several authors that the great translation
activities of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries despite their philological
and (sometimes) classical interests should not be confused with humanism.
27
See CLD Π.4 and notes; see also above, p. 215.
28
Dembowski, "Learned Latin Treatises", pp. 264-265; Shore, "Medieval Nonliterary
Translation", pp. 313-314.
29
30
CLD m. 10.
31
CLD Π. 1.1, e.g., has the following doublets: 'signorie etauctorité, honneur et reverence,
presenter et offrir, adorer et honorer, parlans et disans, pervertir et subvenir, signourie et
dominacion, renoient et despitent, publique et manifeste, pugnicion et painne'.
32
Shore, "Medieval Nonliterary Translation", p. 314.
Monfrin33 stresses the political motives of Charles V's patronage. Dem-

bowski34 points out that it is not so much the nature of the translations as
the choice of texts that differentiates these vernacularisationsfromthe labours
of Renaissance humanists. The later Burgundian court is especially known
for its interest in practical and pedagogical texts whether these were moralis-
tic, technical or historical in nature. Pignon is situated in the middle, between
the courts of Charles V and Charles the Bold, and between science and
pedagogy. Though caught up in this progressive current of translating
activities, Pignon is not an innovator. He shows an interest in natural
philosophy but does not grasp the far-reaching implications of contemporary
astrological speculation. Pignon chiefly regards his treatise as an elaboration
of his preaching, but mainly relies on the discursive models of the past in
clinging to the scholastic form of reasoning as deployed in Aquinas's Summa.
Untouched by the spirit of humanism, Pignon lived up to the ideals of
Burgundian pedagogy35 by writing and translating his treatise not from
purely scholarly or even esthetic motives, but from practical urgencies.
Written under pressure of a civil war, CLD does not merely present itself
to the reader as an exercise in philosophy, but mainly as the fruit of personal
concerns and annoyance over dubious practices that had the potential of
causing grave disasters.
33
Monfrin, "Humanisme et traductions au Moyen Age", p. 176, speaks of 'la notion
d'utilité publique'.
34
Dembowski, "Learned Latin Treatises", p. 262.
35
Doutrepont, La littérature française, pp. 508-509. According to Philip the Good the
education of the sovereign is the source of a nation's happiness.
CI COMMENCE LE TRAITIÉ CONTRE LES DIVINEURS
A tres excellent et puissant prince Jehan duc de Borgoigne, conte de Flandres,

d'Artois et de Borgogne, son humble et devot subjet et serviteur recommenda-
tion deüe.
Pour tant que selonc la doctrine de saint Pol qu'il escript a Thimotee son
disciple,1 il sera un tamps uquel peu de gent vodront entendre a rechevoir
sainte doctrine, ains pluseurs selonc leurs désirs querront docteurs et maistres
qui leur ensigneront et diront coses lesquelles leur seront a plaisanche et
laisseront la doctrine de vérité et se convertiront a oïr fables et folies qui sont
contraires a la foy catholique et a bonnes meurs. Et je doubte que celi tamps
ne soit advenu, pour tant que j'aperçoy entre pluseurs la doctrine de Sainte
Eglise et de la foy estre peu prisié et vérité publiquement (amenrie) amincie
estre delessié pour la plaisance mal ordenee, que pluseurs ont a oïr oppinions
erronées a nostre foy du tout contraires par maintes superstitions fondées sour
les jugemens que aucun disent estre certains par la science d'astronomie.
Lesquels jugemens il veulent apliquier et atribuer non pas seulement as coses
materieles, tempordes et corporeles, asquelles telle science tant seulement
a son regart. Aucoins2 les veulent apliquier as operations humaines et as
coses occultes et secretes lesqueles3 sont tant seulement soulx la proveance
et disposition et science de Dieu et du franc arbitrage de la volenté de
creature raisonnable. Laquele volenté il disent estre subjete au cours du ciel
et des estoelles, tellement que puis que il ont connoissance de Teure de la
nativité d'aucunne personne, il puelent au vrai prenuncier et pronostiquer tous
les affaires d'icelle persone, toutes ses fortunes et infortunes qui li sont a
avenir. Disent appres et donnent a entendre par leur presumptueuse assertion,
que il puelent savoir par la science d'astronomie les trahies et coses secretes
[2V] qui se font en divers lieus et lointain pais. Item, que nulz ne doit
encommencier aucun ovrage comme seroit pelerignage, traitier de mariage
ou de guerre ou de pais se non par observance d'aucunes journées et heures,
donnans par ce a entendre folement as pluseurs de divers estas, qui ont en
ceste matière simple et rude entendement, que il est aucuns jours et aucunes
1
II Tim. 4:3-4: erit enim tempus cum sanam doctrinam non sustinebunt sed ad sua
desideria coacervabunt sibi magistros prurientes auribus et a veritate quidem auditum avertent
ad fabulas autem convertentur.
2
aucoins: lege aucuns.
3
lesqueles: ms les. A marginal correction adds: queles.
224 CLD PROLOGUES
heures malvaises a entreprenre ou encommencier telz ouvrages. En cecy

infament Dieu et sa creature tres horiblement, comme il aperra plus a plain
chi apres.4
Et ja soiche que telz gens se nomment et disent astronomiens, nientmains
il ne le sont point. Ains sont a nommer miex songeurs et devineurs userpans
le nom lequel il se actribuent. Et pour tant que de telles folles oppinions s'en
dependent pluseurs grans pechiés et inco(n)veniens par coy nostre foi porroit
estre moult abeissié, comme il appara chi après.5
Je, a cuy appartient de mon offisse prechier vérité et qui par maintesfois
ay pupliquement en vostre presence thocié de ceste matière, veul sur ce
compose(r) un petit traitiét ad ce que par ignorance aucun ne pèchent encontre
nostre foy. Ouquel traitié je ne veul riens dire de mon seul et propre
sentement, ains je veul seulement exposer et translater de latin en françois
les raisons et auctorités de la sainte escripture et des sains docteurs de l'Eglise
(et) la determinacion de Sainte Eglise, en tele maniere a ce que aucun n'aient
cause de dire que ce soit oppinion particuliere ou de moi ou d'autre. Quar
je proteste ychy que je n'ay entencion de y escripre aucunne cose que je n'aye
leüe en livres canoniques et approves de Sainte Eglise. Et se je faisoie
aultrement, je sumet6 tout mon ovrage a la correction et amende de ceux
a cui il apartient a jugier en telle matière et veul [3T et requier que il soit
veü et examiné par les clers et par chex de vostre noble conseil. En suppliant
humblement a vostre tres noble et puissant signorie, que se vous troves par
le raport des sages et des clers ou de vostre conseil ou autres, que les coses
ychi contenues soient véritables, sainnes et catholiques, que les veuilles
acepter et approver, croire et tenir. Ainsi que boin Crestien et loial campion
de la foy, tel que vous devés estre, doit faire, non souffrant en vostre hostel
ou service aucun qui soit au contraire, (ou) par aucunne maniere vous
serviteurs induisant.7 Quar il ne souffist pas que un prinche soit boin tant
seulement en sa personne. Ains est de nécessité qu'il ait boins serviteurs et
officiers qui soient bon et catholique. Autrement faire c'est Dieu provosquier,
encontre lui soy exposer a grant peril, a dongier, a diffame et a blasme. Ne
il ne puet estre que tout homme qui se desnoie de sa bonne creance ne pense
et ne viengne a honte et a confucion et deshonneur de toutes ces entendons,
comme je le mousterai plus a plain en la fin de ce traitié. Lequel traitié on
puet nommer Contre les devineurs ou autrement au plaisir de ceux qui i liront.
4
Important sections on superstitious observances are CLD 1.6, Π.3.3, and ΠΙ.8. Cf. also
Les 12 signes dou firmament in Appendix m.
5
The sinfulness of divination is stressed throughout the treatise, but for a summary list
of 'inconveniens', see: CLD Π.5 ('tierce raison') and ΠΙ.6.
6
sumet: ms sumec.
7
Lege: not suffering anyone in your house or service who is opposed to this or who in
any way induces your servants (to stray from the truth).
CLD PROLOGUES 225
Auxquels je prie dévotement que mon ynorance veulent supp(or)ter et Dieu

de bon euer prier pour v(ost)re tres noble personne a cuy Dieu veule par sa
bonté otrier en ce monde joie, honneur, acomplissement de tous vos bons
désirs, et a toute vostre noble lignée et paradis en la fin. Amen.
Explicit le prologe premier. [3r:23]8
[4r:19] Qui est la cause et movent de faire ce traitié
Et pour tant que pluseurs se porroient a esmervillier qui est la cause et

movent de ce traitié faire, m'a esmeû a ce traitié cy composer, la cause ad
ce moy movent est ce que j'ey veû en mon tem(p)s pluseurs notables et grans
segneurs et autres gens de tous estas, lesquels estoient aucunnement enclin
a oïr et donner odiance a telz divineurs, cuidans que leurs ovrages et
pronosticacions fussent fondées sur bonne et royale scienche. Ainsi que il
le donnent a entendre a tous ceux a cui il en parlent dont legierement on les
croit, pour tant que on voit a la fois advenir ainsi qu'il ont dit par avant ou
auque pres.
Item, ad ce m'a [4V] esmeû ce que j'ai aperceû visiblement aucuns d'iceus
divineurs par maintefois escrire cedilles et petis roles,10 lesquels il donnoient
a aucuns notables hommes et de grant estât, ja soice que en telle matière il
soient de simple entendement. Lesquels roles, quant a ce qui estoit contenu
8
In the manuscript the first prologue (fol. 2r-3r:23) is immediately followed by a table
of contents for the treatise as a whole and a table of contents for book I in particular. After this
follows a second prologue (fol. 4r: 19-5v: 11) in which the author explains his reasons for writing
the treatise. There are indications mat the sequence of contents and second prologue should be
reversed. In the left margin of fol. 4r a barely legible gloss indicates that '(le) second prologue
(...) doitestre (. .a)ppres le premier (s)ens moing', which suggests that the copyist made a mistake
in putting the second prologue behind the contents. Immediately after the first prologue we find
a similar notice (fol. 3r:23-24) explaining that the 'secont (ms. erroneously reads: lecont) doit
estre cy appres sens moim qui est en fuellet ensyvant'. (The word 'moim' should probably be
read as 'moins'.) On fol. 5v: 11-13, immediately after the second prologue, we find another
direction concerning the positioning of the contents: 'Ci appres doit estre la division des livres
ensyans et des capitres qui est mise chi devant'. Possibly the scribe in copying the text mistook
for a part of the treatise what were in fact directions for the copyist. This seems to suggest that
the manuscript is a copy of another text (perhaps of the autograph?), a hypothesis that is borne
out by other scribal errors. The present edition follows the directions and places the second
prologue before the contents. The beginning and end of these relocated sections were marked
by means of folio- and line-numbers.
9
Qui est la cause et movent de faire ce traitié: ms Qui est la cause faire de ce traitié
movent. This rather garbled line has been straightened out in accordance with a similar
formulation in the following sentences. In this passage the word 'movent' occurs three times;
twice it is used as a noun (meaning 'motive') and once as a present participle ('ad ce moy
movent' meaning 'moving' or 'which moved me to this').
10
Cf. CDE 11. 348-363, p. 154.
226 CLD PROLOGUES
e(s)t escript, avoient regart ad ce que telx gent avoient a faire; en icely temps
donnans en telz roles a entendre que les emprises de cex a cuy il les bailloient
estoient périlleuses sens y assigner aucune raison evident en apparent, esquels
roles mesmes donnoient charge perileuse a aucuns estans en service desdiz
ausquelz estoient baillié.11 Et n'est homme ou monde, comme je mousterei
cy apres, qui(l) sceüst12 assigner raison naturele ne autre provant le contenu
de telz roles. Et pour tant que c'est cose qui thoche la foy, par coy tout
homme puet encorir l'indignacion de Dieu, honte et reproce quant au monde,
estre suppert13 en la matière de foy, propose je de en escripre comme j'ai
dit par avant. Et pour miex cecy desclarer, j'ai ychi escript le contenu d'ung
rolet lequel est venu es mes mains par certaine personne, et lonctemps l'ai
gardei, douquel la teneur de mot a mot s'ensiut en termes g(e)neraulx sens
specifier personne ne lieu particulerement.
Doctrine
Monseigneur, pour che que vous devés estre en tel lieu et en tel temps,
il y a gens de toutes nacions, et auxi pour ce par especial que on dit
que vous devés demain cachier, j'ai regardé se il y a peril et semble
que oyl: peril de mort par fer. Et semble que che doient fere gens qui
tuent pour argent. Et semble que aucun de vostre affinité, par femme
deceüs, qui sont audesoulx de contes et marchions en soient consentens.
Neantmains il sont de grant euer ou par amonetement de pluseurs ou
de peuple. [5T Neantmains se vous volés ne vous nuyra point.14
11
A rather involved sentence in which the subject changes from 'roles' to *divineurs\ In
the first part it is explained that these 'roles', as far as their contents are concerned, have a
bearing on what these 'notables hommes' should do or undertake. At the same time these diviners
tell them (the subject of 'donnans ... a entendre' is 'divineurs') that their enterprises are
dangerous (for no good reason), and that by means of these 'roles' they even give dangerous
orders to some of the servants of these 'notables hommes'.
12
sceüst: ms sceult.
13
A word unknown to Godefroy and TL. Possibly related to L. superus, superior or to
'superne', 'supernel' (adj. superior), Godefroy Vn, 595c, 596a. The subject of 'estre suppert'
is 'je', i.e. Pignon.
14
This curious piece of soothsayer's advice is probably one of a few (if not the only one)
of its kind to survive. The text is somewhat enigmatic, but would seem to suggest the following.
'Sir, since you intend to go somewhere at a certain moment (where) all kinds of people
will be present, and also especially since it is said that you intend to go hunting
tomorrow, I have looked to see whether there is any danger. And, yes, it seems there
is: danger of death by the sword. It seems mercenaries will do this. And it seems that
some of your relatives, deceived by a wife (or: a woman), who are inferior to counts
and marquises, are in on this. Nevertheless, they are bravehearted at the instigation of
a number of people or even through popular incitement. But, if you flee (or: wish), you
will come to no harm'.
CLD PROLOGUES 227
C'est le contenu de la cedule dont souventefois et presquez cascun jour on

compose les parelles. Juge cy tout homme ayant raison se c'est chose sur coy
boin Crestien se doit asseûrer. Je veul dont cy appres declarer que non.
Item, ad ce m'a esmeû ce que appres ce que on en a prechiét pluseurs fois
publiquement il s'ensiut aucune correccion. Ains, dit on, ces prêcheurs ne
le disent que par envie et ont teux astronomiens hayneus. Et ce n'est pas
mervelles, disent les autres, quar astronomie n'est point leur science, et pour
tant qu'il ne s'i cognoissent, heient il ceux qui en parlent car une science n'a
aversaire fors cely qui riens n'en scet et est ynorant.15 Par ainsi j'ei veû en
certain lieu de mon temps que plus en parloit on selonc la vérité et équité,
plus estoient avancié et auctorisié et mis avant telx songeurs consequamment
pour eschever par le conseil de Salomon le(s) conveniens qui puelent advenir
de tenir parolle et language aux folx.16 Appres ce (j'ei veû) que .ii. hommes
If 'volés* is read as 'wish* or 'want* the final line of the 'cedule* is a bit of an anti-climax; its
author was apparently very careful not to burn his fingers. Another option might be 'flee*
('voler*, fly, flee; cf. TL XI.728-737), but this would make the cedule into a very impertinent
and manipulative document, first frightening a lord with the prospect of death and then urging
him to flee. It may well be, however, that this is exactly the reason why Pignon incorporated
the 'cedule* in his book. One is tempted to associate this lord whose life is threatened by
mercenaries with Louis d'Orléans (Pignon explains that he has kept the 'rolet* for a long time,
so why not four years) or, for that matter, with John the Fearless himself, who, after the
assassination of Louis was constantly protected by bodyguards. The fact, however, that these
mercenaries are inferior to counts and marquises and that they take courage from popular
incitement, rules out the second option, especially since John was something of a popular hero.
It was Louis who was hated by the people because he imposed heavy taxes. When it became
known that John had had the duke of Orléans assassinated, popular rumour had it that the duke
of Burgundy had taken revenge on Louis (who had a reputation for being a womaniser) for
having slept with his wife, Margaret of Bavaria. If this 'cedule* indeed refers to Louis d'Orléans,
one may question its authenticity; like the rumour, it may have been created after the event. But
the more important question, of course, is why Pignon would insert such a document in his
treatise. Obviously, he wants to give an illustration of a soothsayer's prognostication and not
remind his lord of some painful event from the past. Since many lords would go hunting from
time to time, and many of them were hated by the people and, as one may surmise, deceived
by their wives, no definite identification can be made in the absence of any specific names or
places.
15
In his Livre de divinations, chapter 4, Oresme notes a similar resistance to his criticism
of astrology and divination: 'Aucuns pourroient dire que (...) je en repreuve aucunes parties
et aucunes regies, et les autres ars nommez, sans assigner raison aussi comme cil qui les het
et riens n'en scet* (Coopland ed., p. 60).
16
The 'conseil de Salomon* is possibly a reference to Prov. 14:7 (vade contra virum
stultum); 23:9 (in auribus insipientum ne loquaris); 26:4 ff. (ne respondeas stulto iuxta stuUitiam
suam); or Ecclesiastes 10:12-14, texts which advise the reader to eschew all communication with
fools. The sentence is somewhat confusing and might be reconstructed as follows: 'Par ainsi
j'ei veii en certain lieu de mon temps que plus en parloit on selonc la vérité et équité, |
consequamment pour eschever par le conseil de Salomon le(s) conveniens qui puelent advenir
de tenir parolle et language aux folx, | plus estoient avancié et auctorisié et mis avant telx
228 CLD PROLOGUES
clers, en une notable compaignie de gens de Eglise et de nobles et dont

pluseurs estoient gradué et bien entendant, disoient a un qui se disoit
astronomien: 'Vous faites mal et contre la doctrine de nostre foy et de Sainte
Eglise de donner a entendre que ce qui est contenu en vos cedules au regart
des choses qui sont (a) avenir soit vrai. Et n'est que tromperie et decepcion'.
Il respondi in(j)urieusement: 'Mais vous autres estes mauvaises gent et
dechevés le monde et les princes et l'université de Paris. Je vous
monstrerai17 bien un de ces jours. Cuidiés vous que je croie celi qui feïst
vostre décret? C'estoit un homme qui escrivoit et disoit che que boin li
sembloit. La science d'astronomie qui est une des .vii. ars est miex a croire
que n'est vostre décret'. Dont falut pour [5*] honneur et pais garder en Teure
et ou lieu que les dis clers se deportaissent ainsi injurrés, de quoi je puis bien
porter tesmoignage comme celi qui estoit present.18
Toutes ces coses,19 comme dit est, m'ont esmeii et donné cause de
escripre sur ceste matière ad fin que, puis que predicacion publique n'a
aucunement lieu en telle matière cy pesant et si perileuse en nostre foy ne
privée doctrine n'y puet pourfiter, - car ainsi n'ont point temps ne heure ceux
qui volentiers le remonsteroient apart de ce faire -, que escripture, laquelle
est de plus longue durée, y puisse valoir et profiter.20 Et c'est quant ad ce
qui m'a encline a ce faire.
Explicit le secont prologue.
songeurs'. The opposition that the sentence tries to emphasise is that 'the more people spoke
according to truth and justice, the more these diviners (or: dream-interpreters) were brought
to the fore and given authority'. The remainder of the sentence ('to eschew the mishaps that
may follow from dealing with fools') only makes sense as a modification of 'parloit on selonc
la vérité et équité'. This is not the only instance in the treatise in which entire clauses seem to
be mislocated. Cf. also CLD 1.2, note 34.
17
monstrerai: ms mon(s)trerai?
18
A similar narrative of envy and princely patronage of astrology occurs in the Recueil
des plus célèbres astrologues for the year 1419, where Simon de Phares discusses Gerson's anti-
astrological writings: 'Cestui Jerson fut bon catholique, mais il eut plusieurs vices, car il fut
presumptieux et orguilleux et appetoit de gouverner princes et aver legacions et ne povoit souffrir
en court autre que lui. Si advint que icelui Dauphin estoit amateur de science et avoit deux
medians, expers astrologiens, lesquieux il ayma moult et plus que lui, pour ce fut il esmeu
d'envie et fut qui le meut à escripre, lui sembloit qu'il estoit le plus sage du monde' {Recueil,
p. 249). Simon de Phares's perspective is the exact opposite of Pignon's. Being favourably
disposed towards astrology, he identifies Gerson, whose hostile polemics were apparently still
influential at the end of the fifteenth century, with the bishop whose calumnies had ruined him.
19
ces coses: ms coses ces.
20
A long and involved sentence. Its main clause is: Toutes ces coses ... m'ont esmeu et
donné cause de escripre sur ceste matière ad fin que ... (que) escripture ... y puisse valoir et
profiter'. Pignon resorts to writing, he says, because public preaching is absent and private
tutoring insufficient.
CLD PROLOGUES 229
DIVISION [5V:11]
[3Γ:24] En eest present traitié aura trois livres en trois parties.
I En la premiere sera veü dont vint le commenchement de la sette de

telz devineurs et pronosqueurs qui se disent astronomiens et mentent.
Item, consequamment en ceste partie seront descriptes et exprimées
les supersticions, sortileges [3*] et autres manières diverses de
divinations en tant que la chose puet avoir regart a ceux qui sont de
simple et ruide entendement en matière de foy, tochant ce qui est dit
au commenchement en prologue.21
II En la seconde partie sera traitié la matière de divination par maniere
de questions.22 Et par ce appara la vérité au piain et les raisons sur
quoy se puelent fonder les divineurs ou songeurs qui se nomment
astronomiens par usurpation (se attribuent),23 seront aleguees et
solves.
III En la tierce partie sera ceste matière desclaré par les raisons, auctorités
et exemples de sainte24 escripture et des sains canoniziés et approves
en nostre foy desquelz Sainte Eglise reçoit les dis en décret en
condempnant et reprovant les dis divineurs et songeurs et leur
superstitieuse doctrine préjudiciable a toute la Crestienté et dampnable
et perverse.
21
Pignon refers back, not to the first prologue, but to the second one. It is only in the
second prologue that he refers to people who in matters concerning the faith are of 'simple
entendement'. This shows that in Pignon's original draft of the treatise the second prologue
immediately followed the first and preceded this table of contents.
22
Part two largely follows the scholastic method as employed by Thomas Aquinas in the
Summa theologiae. Each article in the ST starts with a number of objections (1,2,3 etc.) to a
general proposition, which is followed by a lengthy responsio (R) in which Aquinas argues his
case and in which the general proposition is expounded. After the responsio he lists the
refutations of the objections (rl,r2,r3 etc.). Pignon reverses the order of the responsio and the
objections, offering first a general discussion in favour of a proposition (i.e. what in the ST is
called the responsio) and then listing the objections and their refutations.
23
The construction appears to be a combination of 'qui le nom de astronomiens par
usurpacion se actribuent' and 'qui se nomment astronomiens par usurpacion'.
24
sainte: ms lainte.
(LA PREMIERE PARTIE)
Ou premier livre aura .vii(i). chapitres.
1.1 En premier chapitre appara en general dont vint superstition et

divinacion et ou elle régna et quant elle defina et comment en general
on puet nommer toute supersticion divinacion. Et le plus souvent,
quant je parlerai de divineurs, j'entens des folz qui se nomment
astronomiens, donnans25 a entendre que des choses occultes et (a)
advenir, subjettes a puissance de Dieu et de homme, il peulent jugier
et prenosquier au vrai ainsois qu'elles advienent.
1.2 Ou second capitre sera desclaré d'astronomie quelle science c'est
et comment les songneurs et divineurs se actribuent par abus se nom.
Et chi seront illuec tochiés pluseurs manières de superstitions et de
erreurs contraires a la foy.
1.3 Ou tiers capitre appara comment le deable en toute divinacion se
mesle ou comme apellé ad ce ou soy enge(n)rent sens (estre)
appellé(r) soutillement.26 Et illuec seront tochiés diverses manières
[4r] de parler et de faire invocacion.
1.4 En .iiiie. capitre sera déclaré comment le deable invisiblement et
seutilement, comme dit est, se ingère et met avant pour dechevoir
telz divineurs qui se disent astronomiens. Et (ce) qui est astrologie
il appara et sera tochié de l'erreur et de la foie supersticion par quoy
divineur(s) jugent des affaires des hommes fortunés ou infortunés
selonc Teure de leur nassanche.
1.5 Ou .ve. capitre sera parlé de sortilege et de sors et comment
licitement on en use et commen(t) non.
1.6 Ou .vie. de pluseurs manières de maléfices qui se puelent nommer
generalment sorcerie et supersticion par quoi le deable dampne et
déçoit mainte gent.
1.7 Ou .viie. comment le deable a telle puissance et par quele maniere
il puet tellement décevoir pluseurs gens.
25
The subject of 'donnans* is, of course, not 'je' but 'divineurs'.
26
The latter part of this sentence israthergarbled, but means to say that the devil mingles
in all divination, either being expressly invoked or not being invoked. The line should preferably
be read as follows: 'ou comme apellé ad ce' (i.e. divination) 'ou soy engerent' (present participle)
'soutillement' (i.e. cleverly mingling in some divinatory practice) 'sens estre appelle'.
CLD 1.1 231
1.8 0(u) .viiie. capitre comment il est aucuns deables qui sont mains
mauvais que les autres. Et comment par familiarité que on a a eux
il puelent reveler et donner congnoissance a pluseurs gens des choses
qui sont (a) advenir, ja soice que sur ce que est en la francise et
liberté de Tomme il ne puelent avoir congnoissance aucune fors
conjetturele, comme il appara. [4r:19]
1.1 [5V: 13] S'ensieut le premier capitre
Conbien que pluseurs manières soient de supersticions, c'est a dire

observances de malvaise creance contraire a nostre foy par lesqueles le deable
a deceii pluseurs et puet cascun jour décevoir, neantmains en general on puet
toutes telles folies nommer divinacions. Et par consequent tous ceux qui
mettent en ce leur estude et usage sont a nommer devineurs selonc la doctrine
de nostre foy et de Sainte Eglise. Et se aucun se actribuent le nom de
astronomiens, c'est par usurpacion. Car onques homme n'eût par la science
d'astronomie ne d'astrolog(i)e congnoissance des coses qui sont secretes ou
qui sont a advenir, au regart de ce qu'elles sont en l'ordenance tant seulement
et disposicion de la volenté de Dieu et des hommes, ainsi que tels devineurs
disent qu'il ont et puelent avoir, par quoi il déçoivent mainte gent de tous
estas.
Dont est assavoir que le premier acteur de toute science supersticieuse et
divinatoire a esté le deable, lequel sur toutes coses de quoi il tempte homme
[6T et fame la souveraine et principale est le boter par mauvaise creanche
hor de sa foy, comme il est expressément dit ou livre (de) saint Augustin de
La Cité de Dieu? Telle vanité, dist il, est entree par tout le monde par la
tradiction et instruction des mauvais angeles, donnans28 a entendre aux
hommes que des cozes a advenir et qui sont secretes il leur povoient donner
certaine congnoissanche par diverses manières qui cy appres sont desclarees.
Dont les premiers sénateurs de ceste fauce tradicion forent les Egipciens et
les Babiloniens, comme fu Ninus qui fonda Ninivee, et Ismaël filx d'Abraham
et de sa chamberiere.29 Appres vint aux Perses et consequamment se
27
Decretum Π.26.2.7 (PL 187,1340): Itaquehaec vanitasmagicarum artium ex traditione
angelorum malorum in toto orbe terrarum plurimis saeculis invaluit per quondam scientiam
futurorum et infernorum, et per inventiones eorum inventa sunt aruspicia, et augurationes, et
ipsa, quae dicuntur, oracula, et necromantia (quoted from Augustine, DCD). Cf. also Isidore
of Seville, Etymologiae Vffl.9.3.
28
The subject of 'donnans' is 'angeles', not 'vanité'.
29
Cf. CLD II. 1.3 where Pignon refers to Ninus and Ismael as founding fathers of idolatry
(cf. also Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae VIÜ.11.7-8). For Pignon idolatry and divination are
interchangeable concepts. He follows Aquinas in this, who regards divination as a kind of
idolatry.
232 CLD 1.2
multiplia tant que tous li mondes en fu plains; po de peuple, c'est assavoir

les Juis, excepté, qui a tres grant paine s'en sont retrait par la loy que Dieu
donna a Moyse, laquele en tres grant partie est plaine de cerimonies qui
d'autres coses ne servoient fors que pour retraire le dit pueple de ydolatrie.
Ainsi a duré ydolatrie par tout le monde et régné jusques au temps de grace
que nostre Sires fut nés, laquelle en tres grant partie a esté exterminée par
la predicacion de Jhesucrist, des apostres et martirs qui pour nostre foy se
sont exposé en destruisant ydolatrie et toute fause supersticion. Et se on veult
arguer que voloir avoir cognoissance des cozes a advenir par maintes
manières et par astronomie par especial n'est point mal, car les plus grans
du monde en nostre loi et en la loi des Juis s'en sont meslé et n'en sont point
repris, comme il appert de Abrahan, Moyse, Tholomee, Julius Cesar et
pluseurs autres, il appara en la seconde partie30 comment eux et autres s'en
sont meslé et lecitement, ce que ne font pas, comme il appara, de pluseurs
de maintenant qui ne sont que songeurs et devineurs, gent sens cervelle et
sens entendement.
1.2 Second capistre
Et pour miex venir a la finable conclusion a quoi je tens, on doit savoir que
les docteurs31 dient que astronomie est [6V] prise en .ii. manières. Une est
par laquele on puet avoir congnoissance du cours naturel du ciel et des
30
That the 'cerimonies ' of Mosaic law were intended to ban idolatry is a theme that Pignon
dwells on in CLD Π. 1, which is entirely devoted to idolatry. Cf. also CLD IE. 1. On the origins
of astronomy and astrology in Egypt and Babylonia, and the part that Abraham is supposed to
have played in it, see: Isidore, Etymologiae ΠΙ.25.1: Astronomiamprimi Aegyptii invenerunt.
AstrohgiamveroetnativitatisobservantiamŒaldaeiprimidociierimt.Abrahamam
Aegyptios astrologiam Josephus auctor asseverat (PL 82, 169). Cf. also Simon de Phares,
Recueil, pp. 26-27.
31
A barely legible marginal gloss in the lower right hand corner of the manuscript refers
to Thomas Aquinas and Isidore: thfomajs in summa / ysidorus ethimo(logiae) I (...) in
cathoflijco. The third line of the gloss is partly illegible. Isidore distinguishes between astronomia
and astrologia (Etymol. ΠΙ.27; PL 82, 170). Astronomia applies to the study of the movements
of the heavens and the stars. Astrologia has a twofold application. In part it is naturalis, dealing
with the same things as astronomia; in part it is superstitiosa, practiced by the so-called
mathematici who cast nativity-horoscopes and predict people's mores fromme stars. The twofold
division of astrology into a legitimate and an illegitimate part was both common and convenient.
See esp. Philippe de Mézières, Songe Π. 147, vol. 1, p. 604-605, where Bonne Foy (university
of Paris) distinguishes between the study of celestial motion and the study of judgments. In the
same allegory 'la vieille Supersticion' (the personification of superstition) carries a book with
'la belle science d'astronomie' written in golden letters and the 'jugemens' written in a 'lectre
si obscure et si brune' that for its readers it is 'une horrible chose a veoir' (Songe Π. 141, vol.
1, p. 596). Simon de Phares distinguishes between 'la vraye science de astrologie' and 'des ars
superstitieux et divinatoires' (Recueil, p. 2).
CLD 1.2 233
estoilles et par icelle on puet juger des œvres de nature comprises et subjetes
soulz Ie cours et influence du ciel et des planètes, par laquele congnoissance
on puet eschiever pluseurs inconveniens, ainsi que sont mortalités, famines,
maladies, pestilences, tempestes. Et de ce ont connoissance par doctrine
escripte les clers et les simples gens par maintesfois et souventefois par
experience acquise de lonctemps qui fut premièrement cause de science. Par
ceste congnoisence puet on savoir Teure de l'eclipse du soleil une fois Tan
et de la lune cascun mois. Par ceste science se puelent les gens determiner
a faire pluseurs ovrages de nature, c'est assavoir, médecins a donner
médecines, labourex a semer, a planter, a enter arbres, a quillir f mis, et ainsi
de pluseurs autres ovrages necesseres a la vie corporelle de Tomme et de
toutes bestes. Ceste astronomie e(s)t licite et bonne, ja soice que souventefois,
pour causes d'aucunes particulières circonstances et causes concurrens, il
n'est si bon astronomien qui ne puisse bien fallir en ces jugemens. Et de telz
astronomiens ne vodroie je dire que tout bien, car il sont tres necessaire et
la science de soi est une des sept ars qui donnent a homme perfection selonc
l'entendement.32 Et est bien cose convenable et honneste que les segneurs
ayent en leur service telz astronomiens ayans collacion avec leur phis(i)ciens.
Car il puelent mout profiter a la conservacion de leur santé corporate, au bien
commun de leur signorie et de leur pays.
Il est une autre maniere d'astronomie qui est supersticieuse et qui n'est
point proprement apelee astronomie, mais par abusion. Ne ceulx qui se
emploient ne sont point a nommer astronomiens, ains sont proprement
divineurs ou songeurs et ceux-cy se sont fondé sur certains livres et trahies
composés par manières [7*] de tables et de nombres, lesquels livres il apelent
les Jugemens d'astronomie* dont j'en ay veü pluseurs. Mais onques ne trove
32
Astronomia is one of die seven liberal arts and part of the Quadrivium. The artes
liberales were deemed in the Middle Ages to give perfection to the human intellect. Cf. the
remark of the furious astrologer in the second prologue, who exclaimed that 'la science
d'astronomie qui est une des .vii. ars est miex a croire que n'est vostre décret'. Also Simon de
Phares emphasizes astrology's prominent place among the liberal arts (Recueil, pp. 7-8).
33
The title is a very general name for astrological books (see, e.g., the book of 'la vieille
Supersticion' in Philippe de Mézières's vast allegory Le Songe du Vieil Pèlerin mentioned earlier
in note 31). Though the name 'judicial astrology' explicitly refers to the prognostications that
were made in relation to people's health and fortunes, based on the positions and influences of
celestial bodies, in many cases books with astrological judgments would encompass both of the
areas that Pignon has outlined in this chapter. A good contemporary example, though perhaps
unknown to Pignon, is Le livre des .9. anciens juges de astrologie, originally commissioned
by Charles V and translated from Latin into French in 1361. The book consists of two parts:
the first is a general introduction to astronomy (which would correspond to Pignon's first
'maniere d'astronomie'); the second deals with 'interogacions'. Interrogations were questions
concerning human affairs and fortunes of which the answers were determined by the planetary
positions on the moment of asking the questions. Especially this second part of the book would
234 CLD 1.2
homme qui ne seûst rendre raison evident sur quoi telles cozes fuissent
fondées, seulement il disent que ainsi est. Apres font figures et caractères
et calculent tellement qu'il semble que il n'est estoile ou ciel qu'il ne
cognoissent et par nom et par surnom, et par che mettent les gens en
admiracion. Ceux-cy ou temps passé par telle folie presumptueuse se sont
entremis de jugier de toutes choses qui estoient a advenir a aucunne personne,
quant il savoient le jour qu'il avoit esté ney et de quel estât il sera et de quele
fortune, et comment il vivroit, et comment il fineroit, et mesmes des cozes
qui sont occultes, comme coses perdues ou mucees, et generalment de toutes
choses qui sont comprinses et subjettes a l'ordenance et disposicion de Dieu
et a la volenté de raisonnable creature, homme et fame. Laquelle vollenté
est tellement franche que il n'est creature ou monde, ne ciel, ne estoelle qui
la puisse contraindre de faire ou d'eslire plus tost une cose que une autre.
Seulement Dieu la puet esmovoir, au regart duquel, quant raison li offre et
presente, elle ne puet refuser qu'elle ne le desire et ayme toutes coses
supposées en leur parfait et naturel estre.34 Consequamment telz devineurs
et songeurs, par la subjection du deable lequel il servent, ce font fort de
savoir les dispositions et ordenances et gouverne(me)nt des segneurs et des
païs lointains. Et discans leur emprises, leur volentés, leur consaulz et leur
traitiés, disent outre que par voie naturele et science, qu'il ont acquise, il
puelent introduire maladie es corps des hommes sens les tochier ne veoir,
les puelent garir a leur plaisir par bonne science naturele parellement sens
les veoir ne sens tocher, puelent empeschier ou avancier pluseurs ovrages
des hommes par les observances d'aucunnes heures [7V] qu'il disent estre
fortunés et infortunées. Toutes telles outrecuidiés folies sont causées de
deables et nullement du monde n'ont raison naturele sur quoi (ils) soient
have displeased Pignon. (Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 10319; Librije van Filips de Goede,
no. 106 + plate 13; Doutrepont, La littérature française, p. 296-297.) According to Doutrepont
the book entered the Burgundian library after 1420 but he concedes that he may easily be
mistaken in this. Cf. also Les 12 signes dou firmament discussed in Appendix III. By Pignon's
standards, the self-proclaimed orthodoxy of this short treatise is irreparably compromised by
application of stellar influence on matters of marriage, friendship, commerce and travel.
34
A somewhat confusing sentence which should be read as follows: Only God can move
the will, so that when reason presents to the will all things in their perfect and natural being,
the will cannot refuse to love and desire them'. The French sentence might be reconstructed
thus: 'quant raison li offre et presente | toutes coses supposées en leur parfait et naturel estre
| elle ne puet refuser qu'elle (ne) le(s) desire et ayme'. According to Thomas Aquinas the will
acts through a form apprehended by the intellect; it is this form that is the object of the will.
Since God is the ultimate Good to which all actions tend, He is also the prime cause of all
intellectual forms. In that sense He can be said to move the will of man. This is not a
deterministic process since the intellect can apprehend a multitude of forms ('coses supposées
en leur parfait et naturel estre') between which the will can choose freely. See: SCG ΠΙ.73
(2489).
CLD 1.2 235
fondées, mais sont erreurs non pas seulement contre la foy, ains contre toute
science naturele et morale. Et pour tant telz songeurs et devineurs, selonc
ce qu'il appliquent a telles coses par pluseurs manières, on les nome (de)
pluseurs noms, c'est assavoir nigromanciens, geomanciens, ydromanciens,
aeromanciens, ciromanciens, augurie, aruspicie, sorciers, songeurs, illuseurs,
enchanteurs, maleficieurs et pluseurs autres noms leur sont aproprié, desquelx
je parlerei chy appres, avec lesquelx sont compris le Vaudois, les vielles qui
vont de nuit avec les bonnes choses,35 toutes lesquelles sont procédant de
la malice et engin des deables, qui par telles erreurs déçoivent les hommes,
non pas seulement qui telles coses font, mais ceux qui i croient et ajoustent
33
See also CLD 1.6 'les vielles sorcières qui disent qu'eles vont de nuit avec les bonnes
choses'. 'The good women', the bona socia, the bona gens are more or less common names
for (presumed) witches. In the life of St. Germanus, Jacobus de Voragine speaks of 'the good
women who wander through the night'; bonis Ulis mulieribus, quae de nocte incedunt (Jacobi
a Voragine, Legenda aurea, ed. T. Graesse (Osnabrück 1965), p. 449). A recent translator of
the Golden Legend misses the point by rendering the phrase as 'some nice women came at night'
(Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend, transi. W. G. Ryan (Princeton 1993), vol. 2, p. 28).
The Roman de la Rose also mentions 'good women', the followers of Mistress Habonde, who,
in order to undertake journeys in their minds, fall into cataleptic fits. Guillaume de Lorris and
Jean de Meun, Le Roman de la Rose, éd. F. Lecoy (Paris 1970), vol. 3, pp. 52-53,11. 18,395 -
18,430. See esp. 11. 18,407 -18,409: 'et se partent des cors leur âmes / et vont avec les bones
dames / par leus forains et par mesons'. In his Speculum morale, Vincent of Beauvais comments
on the Canon episcopi in which the women who worship Diana or Herodias and who periodically
embark on illusory voyages are condemned. In his comment he adds to the mother goddess
certain 'other persons' whom the hallucinating worshippers with an elusive phrase refer to as
Bonae res and to whom they dedicate sacrificial offerings. Ad ludificationem quae sit in somniis
pertinet error illarum mulierum, quae dicunt se noctumis horis cum Dyana, et Herodiade, et
aliis personis, quas Bonos res vocant, ambulare, et super quasdam bestias equitare, et multa
terrarum spatia transire, et certis noctibus ad Dearum servitium evocari, quae utinam solae in
sua perfidia périssent, et non multos secum ad infldelitatem suam pertraxissent. See: Vincent
of Beauvais, Speculum morale ΙΠ, Dist. 17, pars 3 (Douai 1624), col. 1114. Cf. also Vincent
of Beau vais, Speculum naturale Π, cap. I l l (Douai 1624), and Jehan Taincture's Contre la
Vauderie, in which the author refers to the women who 'chevauchent en la compaignie de dame
Herodias et de Dyane, déesse de payens', Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale, ms 11209, fol. 68r.
See also chapter 4 in the present study. Carlo Ginzburg interprets these names as referring to
an ancient European Dianic cult in which certain privileged women (and men) had access to the
world of the dead through ecstatic trances and hallucinations. The purpose of these journeys
to the other world was to meet and contend with the dead to ensure prosperity and good harvests.
These meetings are the folkloristic basis of the later witches' sabbath and the Bonae res or
'bonnes choses' in all likelihood refer to the invisible host of the dead. See Carlo Ginzburg,
Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches'Sabbath, transi. R. Rosenthal (London 1990), Π.1.10, pp.
100-101. Bernardo Gui also mentioned the Bonae res in his inquisitor's manual Practica (c.
1320). See Russell, Witchcraft, pp. 175-176,326. Russell suggests Bonae res means 'those who
give good measure'. Why this should be helpful he does not explain. He associates 'the good
folk' with the wild ride and the nightly transvections of witches. Cf. DSO 1, col. 235, 'Bonnes',
which, so the article suggests, refers to 'des fées bienveillantes'.
236 CLD 1.3
foy, et les favorent et soustiennent et governent. Tous sont malvais et

desloyax Crestiens comme plus a piain je direi appres en la tierce partie.36
1.3 Tierc capitre
Appres ce que il appert en general de diverses manières de supersticions et

divinacionz nommées et spécifiées cy devant, est il nécessité de icelles
particulerement declarer. Chy veul premièrement icy noter ce que disent les
docteurs approves de Sainte Eglise et est opressement37 annoté en livre
autantique qui se intitule La Somme des Confesseurs ou tiltre .xic. du premier
livre.38 Toute divinacion tent39 principalment a avoir congnoisance des
coses a advenir et qui sont de leur propre naturele condicion secretes et a
Dieu tant seulement congneües. Laquelle chose faire ne se puet aucunnement
sans avoir aucunne part conseil, aliance et convencion avec le deable, par
le moing d'aucun service et homage fait a ycelui en telle invocacion. Laquelle
36
The different forms of divination are dealt with in CLD Π, but those who practise these
arts along with those who believe and support these practitioners are denounced in CLD ΠΙ.7.
37
opressement: lege expressément.
38
In the absence of modern editions of many of the Summae confessorum, it proved
impossible to identify this Somme des Confesseurs accurately, even though such a handbook must
have been of major importance to Pignon who was or would soon be appointed father confessor
of Philip, count of Charolais. A Summa confessorum was not simply a legalistic text, but,
according to the definition forwarded by Broomfield 'a book that offers the reader a systematic
exposition of doctrine concerning the sacrament of penance and its administration'. F.
Broomfield, ed., Thomae de Chobham Summa Confessorum (Louvain 1968), p. XVÜ. In
encyclopedic vein it might offer extensive additional information on a particular topic. The
section on sortilege and divination, for instance, in Thomas Chobham's Summa confessorum
(early thirteenth century; a 'bestseller' in its genre) is a case in point {op. cit., pp. 466-487).
The canones penitentiales only appear in the eleventh and last questio. The ten preceding
questiones deal with various subjects such as the different kinds of superstition, the knowledge
of demons, the ways in which the devil may influence the human mind, spells, the magical use
of herbs, and dreams. On the whole the Summae rely heavily on the information contained in
the Decretum Π.26 (PL 187, 1335-1372) or on relevant sections in Isidore of Seville and
Augustine. The information that Pignon gives in this chapter, however, need not derive from
a Somme des Confesseurs. Being rather general in nature, it may just as easily be a paraphrase
of similar statements from Aquinas's Summa theologiae. Cf. ST 2a2ae.95.3(R): omnis divinatio
utitur adpraecognitionemfuturi eventus aliquo daemonum consilio et auxilio; ST 2a2ae.95(r2):
divinatio pertinet ad cultumdaemonum, inquantumaliquis utitur quodamρactotacito velexpresso
cum daemonibus; ST 2a2ae.95.2(R): omnis autem divinatio ex operatione daemonum provenu:
vel quia expresse daemones invocatur adfutura manifestanda; vel quia daemones se ingerunt
vanis inquisitionibus futurorum, ut mentes hominum implicent vanitate. Invocations in which
the devil is expressly summoned are dealt with in the present chapter. The other type of
invocation in which the devil is not invoked but nevertheless presents himself is dealt with in
CLD 1.4 and 1.5.
39
tent: ms tant.
CLD 1.3 237
invocacion se fait ou par ce que le deable est apelé expressément ou, sens
estre appelle, [8T soutiement se ingère et presente pour décevoir les hommes
par revelacions faites a eux, comme dit est.
Quant a la premiere maniere,40 le deable appelle expresseement par telle
gent jamais ne leur donne response se premièrement il ne li font homage,
honneur et reverence et offrande et sacrefice d'aucune chose. Et eux tellement
appelés,41 souventefois se moustrent en diverses formes et figures. Non pas
que le deable soit ainsi formé ou figuré comme il se moustre, car il est de
sa nature propre invisible et sensible, mais aucunefois puet prenre la
semblance d'aucune beste tellement que il habite en icelles bestes, oyseaus
ou autres creatures et les muet et transporte a son plaisir, ou il fait que les
yeux de ceux qui les appelent sont tellement immué et la fantasie changié et
inmuee par illusion, que l'ennemy fait que il cuident veoir aucune cose et
ne voient riens.
Aucunnefois l'ennemy forme une vois en l'aer, et semble que il parle aux
invocateurs, ainsi comme un homme. Et tout cecy le deable puet faire
soutiement, invisiblement et soudainement par le transport sodain des coses
naturales, comme sont herbes, pierres, semences, de quoi il a cognoisence
et (dont) applicacion (est) faite sur les parties sensibles, comme de la veüe,
des oreilles et autres parties corporelles de homme ou de fame, par quoi
souventefois sont deceii maintes simple gent qui cuident veoir, oïr, sentir et
appercevoir aucunes choses. Et c'est toute illusion et decepcion procurée par
le deable par la maniere dessusditte. Par telles illucions ai-je veü de mon
temps pluseurs simple gent deceüt, comme vachers, bergers, vielles sorcières,
devins et devineresses, qui reveloient les choses perdues et les secrés de
pluseurs gens, par che que l'ennemy en telles illucions [8V] leur faisoit a
savoir quant il l'apeloient pour avoir response, comme dit est. Et ceste
40
Thomas (ST 2a2ae.95.3) subdivides this first type of demonic assistance, in which the
devil is expressly invoked, as follows: l.praestigium; 2. divinatio somniorum; 3. nigromantia;
4. divinatio per pythones; 5. (divinatio) per aliquas figuras vel signa (...) in rebus inanimantis,
which is further subdivided into: 5a. geomantia; 5b. hydromantia; 5c. aeromantia; 5d.
pyromantia; 5e. aruspicium. In CLD 1.3 Pignon follows this list faithfully, with the awkward
exception of chiromancy, which he adds between 5d and 5e. Aquinas classifies chiromancy
differently, namely under 'augury', one of the two types of divination in which the devil is
expressly invoked. See CLD 1.4, note 52.
41
Absolute construction in which the subject changes from singular ('le deable') to plural
(deables): 'And they (i.e. the demons) having been invoked in such a way, often show themselves
in diverse forms'. In the next sentence the subject changes back to singular ('non pas que le
deable soit...').
238 CLD 1.3
maniere de divinacion qui se fait par telles illusions et immutacions des parties
sensibles du corps est nomee prestige.42
Aucunnefois en dormant43 le deable se presente en songe a la personne
qui Ta apelee et li revele ce qu'elle li a demandé. De ce vient que maintefois
les devins ne veulent donner response jusques a tant qu'il aient dormy, et tels
sont a nomer proprement songeurs.
Aucunefois le diable fait semblant de resusciter les mors, ou un ou
pluseurs, et fault que ceux, qui veulent avoir response de l'ennemy par les
mors resuxiteis, tuer aucunne beste et qu'il espande le sanc a terre, ou que
du sanc de son propre corps par aucunne partie il extraie.44 Et adont après
l'invocacion faite par tel sanc, le deable se montre par illusion tellement qu'il
semble que on voit la personne qui estoit morte, et que on parle a elle et
qu'elle respond ad ce que on li demande, et revele ce (qu') on veult savoir.
Et tout ce fait le deable par malisieuse soutiveté pour décevoir homme et
fame, et est nomee ceste maniere nigromancie.45
Aucunnefois le deable respont par la parole d'aucunes personnes vivans,
esquelx il est habitant, par lesquelx souventefois on a veü advenir ce qu'il
disoient, et trové la vérité d'aucunnes dobtes. Et ceste maniere est apelee
42
ST 2a2ae.95.3. Daemones autem expresse invocati soient fiitura praenunriare
multipliciter. Quandoque quidem praestigiosis quibusdam apparitionibus se aspectui et auditui
hominum ingerentes adpraenuntiandumfutura. Ethaec species vocaturpraestigium, ex eo quod
oculi hominumpraestringuntur. Dieter Harmening (Superstitio, p. 204), expounding this passage
from Thomas, considers praestigium not as a form of divination referring to a concrete object,
but as a 'ReflexionsbegrifT referring to a judgment on some object of divination. This is slightly
misleading as Pignon's more elaborate discussion of the concept praestigium illustrates. It is
true that the object of praestigium is in actual fact non-existent and only seems to be present
to the ears and eyes of the beholder, but this is because demons have tampered with his senses.
These seeming objects are the result of demonic manipulation and not of reflection.
43
Obviously it is not the devil who sleeps but the diviner who has invoked him.
44
In the second part of this sentence the subject changes rather confusingly from plural
to singular. The idea is that those who wish to consult the dead, must kill an animal and sprinkle
its blood, or blood that they extract from their own bodies, on the ground after which the devil
appears to them in the guise of a deceased person. The sentence, therefore, should have read:
*... et fault que ceux, qui veulent avoir response de l'ennemy par les mors resuxiteis, tuent
aucunne beste et qu'il espandent le sanc a terre, ou que du sanc de leurs propres corps par
aucunne partie il extraient'.
45
ST 2a2ae.95.3(R): Quandoque vero per mortuorum aliquorum apparitionem vel
locutionem.Ethaecspeciesvocaturnigromantia:quia,utlsidorusdicit, 'nigrum'graecemortuus
'mantia ' divinatio nuncupatur: quia quibusdam praecantaûonibus, adhïbito sanguine, videntur
resuscitati mortui divinare et ad interrogata respondere. Cf. Etymol. Vm.9.11 (PL 82, 312).
CLD 1.3 239
phitonique, car le premier qui eût ceste maniere de divineur avoit nom
Phiton.46 Ainsi que recitent les histoires ansiennes.
Aucunnefois les deables sont apelé par telz devineurs moingnant aucunnes
figures, comme cercles, quadrans, ou d'autre figure, par caraterres et
inpressions faites en terre, en plonc, en fer et autre matière terrestre. Et ceste
maniere est apielee geomance,47 par laquelle pluseurs ont esté [9T deceû
et repris qui faisoient leur invocacions en lieus desiers en forest et loing de
Pabitacion des hommes. Car j'ei veû de mon temps en ce roialme gens
convaincus et repris de telles invocacions, qui estoient trové apostas de
religion et de la foy de garder (et qui estoient) pour ceste cause a Paris
adjugés et condempnés comme hérités, balliés au bras seculer, exécutés,48
comme telz leurs livres ars, et condempnés publiquement, semblablement en
pluseurs lieus de ce Royaume, comme Digon, Sens et pluseurs autres lieus.49
Aucunnefois telz devineurs font leur invocation en eaue ou pres de eaue
et se noment ydromanciens.50 Aucunnefois toutes telles choses se font en
aer et se nome aeromance. Aucunefois en maintien de feu et se nome
piromance. Aucunefois telz divineurs se vantent de cognoistre les conditions
et la volenté d'unne personne par regarder en ces mains et se nome
46
According to Greek mythology Python (Πύϋων) was a giant serpent or dragon, bora
from postdiluvian mud and slime, who became the guardian of the Delphic oracle until he was
killed by Apollo, who consequently took care of the oracle. The priestesses of the temple were
called Pythiai (UVÛUXL); one of them would sit on a tripod over a rift in the earth. Under the
influence of certain intoxicating exhalations from the rift she would produce sounds and noises
that the other priestesses would interpret. Later, 'Pythons' would be a common designation for
spirits that predicted the future or for people possessed of such spirits. Thus the witch of Endor
is referred to in the Vulgate as a mulier Habens pythonem (I Reg. 28:7). Similar applications
of the word can be found in Lev. 20:27 {mutier in quibuspythonicus), Deut. 18:11 {quipythones
consulat) and Act 16:16 (puella Habens spiritumpythonem). Isidore of Seville (Etym. VIH.9.21)
derives the word from the Pythian Apollo, the author of all divinatory arts, and Thomas Aquinas
speaks of divinatioperpythones in ST 2a2ae.95.3(R). See Harmening, Superstitio, pp. 207-214,
and Collin de Plancy, Dictionnaire Infernal (Bruxelles 1845), p. 429.
47
ST 2a2ae.95.3(R): Quandoque vero futura praenuntiantper aliquas figuras vel signa
quae in rebus inanimatis apparent. Quae quidem si appareant in atiquo corpore terrestri, puta
in ligno velferro out lapide polito, vocatur geomantia; si autem in aqua, hydromantia; si autem
in aëre, aeromantia; si autem in igne, pyromantia; si autem in visceribus animalium immolatorum
in arts daemonum, vocatur aruspicium.
48
executes: ms exécuter.
49
Of these sorcerers who were active in Dijon among other places, some traces remain
in a number of chronicles. See Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XVIH.2, XIX. 10 and
XXIV. 13 (vol.2); Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 425. Pignon's references to 'cercles', 'en fer',
'en lieus desiers en forest' recall the sorceries of Poinson and Briquet who practised their
sorceries near Dijon in a wood by means of a magic circle made of iron. See chapter 2.4.2 and
2.4.4 and Appendix I.
50
ydromanciens: ms ydiomanciens.
240 CLD 1.4
ciromance.51 Aucunnefois telz divineurs (font leur invocacion) par sortilege

de çou qu'i(l) trouvent es entrailles d'aucunes bestes; puisque il les ont
sacrefié au deable, le deable leur donne response de ce qu'il demandent par
tel sacrefice, et cecy est appelle aruspice. Ne je ne saroie miex translater telz
mos en nïen(t) commun langage.
1.4 Le quart capitre
Appres la declaracion des invocacions qui se font expressément des deables

qui sont appelé es ovrages des hommes, est a veoir des manières par
lesquelles il se presente et ingère sens estre a telles choses apellee et
occultement, et sont .ii. manières par lesqueles il se ingère a telles choses.52
La premiere est quant l'ennemy voit aucuns estre curieux de savoir les
coses secretes ou qui sont a advenir par le cours du ciel et des estoelles,
laquelle chose ne se puet faire par vraie et boine science quant ad ce qui
touche la disposicion et l'ordenanche des operacions des hommes, de leur
conditions vertueusez [9V] ou vicieuses, de leur fortune ou infortune. Quar
Dieu tant seulement et la volenté et franc arbitrage que Dieu a donné a
homme en sont cause, et en eux en est de les disposer et ordener tellement
qu'il leur plaist. Neantmains sont pluseurs qui ont telle presumpcion, le
31
As an aside it may be remarked that 'ciromance' can be something other than palmistry.
Deriving from 'cire' (wax), 'ciromance' involved pouring molten wax into cold water. The
strange and bizarre shapes of the wax could then be used for interpretation. This form of
divination would certainly qualify as a divinatioper aliquas figuras (...) in rebus inanimantis,
as Aquinas called it. Pignon's reference to the inspection of a person's hands, however, makes
it clear that he is talking about palmistry.
52
Thomas Aquinas, ST 2a2ae.95.3(R): Divinatio autem quae ft absque expressa daemonum
invocatione in duo genera dividitur. Quorum primum est cum adpraenoscendumfutura aliquid
consideramus in dispositionibus aliquarum rerum. Thomas first divides divination into two
general types, one based on the invocation of demons (generally termed 'necromancy', with
which Pignon deals in CLD 1.3), and one which does not involve the express invocation of
demons. The latter type he further subdivides into one type which involves the observation of
other beings (generally termed 'augury', with which Pignon deals in CLD 1.4), and another type
involving the observation of intentional human actions (generally termed 'sorcery' since it applies
to sortes, with which Pignon deals in CLD 1.5). In the first of these two subtypes Thomas
distinguishes the following practices: 1. astrology and the casting of horoscopes; 2. augury, i.e.
the inspection of the flights and calls of birds as well as human reflexes such as sneezing; 3.
omens; 4. the study of configurations in various parts of the body, which includes chiromancy
and spatulomancy. Again Pignon faithfully follows Aquinas's list, with one difference: where
Aquinas speaks of omens, Pignon speaks of propitious days, which results in the following list:
1. astrology and horoscopes; 2. observation of birds and human reflexes (sneezing); 3. propitious
days; 4. 'disposicions de membres'. Chiromancy, which would logically belong to 4 in this list,
is removed by Pignon to a different category altogether. See CLD 1.3, note 40.
CLD 1.4 241
deable ad ce induisant, disant que par la scienche d'astrologie53 il puelent

de toutes telles coses avoir congnoissance, pourveü54 que il sachent la
constellacion soulz quoy aucunne personne est nee, et puel(en)t, se disent,
au vrai de ce juger et prenosquir sens faulte quelconques, tout ainsi que j'ey
par avant dit de ceux qui par usurpation se actribuent le nom d'astronomiens,
qui proprement et selonc la vérité ne sont que devineurs et songeurs. Et le
deable a ce les induit, par ce qu'il tiennent vies livres escrips par nombres
designans les habitations et les regars des planètes selonc diverses
opplicacions des uns as autres par triplicités55 et autres relacions de nombres,
qui leur56 actribuent et leur imposent tel nom comme il veulent, sauvages
et incongneûs, desquelz livres il n'est aucteur autentique quelconques, et se
il les actribuent a aucuns notables philosophes ou astronomiens, c'est faux
et menchonne, est pour plus legierement décevoir gens qui ont simple
entendement. Car il n'est science ou monde, ne onques ne fut, par quoy on
peiist au vrai jugier de telles coses. Ceux dont qui en tel usage se appliquent,
par abusion et usurpation se disent astrologiens, inposent blasme a Dieu
premièrement, (et) au ciel et aux planètes, qui sont creatures de Dieu |
donnés, en tant disent que Dieu, | 57 qui a créé les estoeles et le ciel, a donné
a (a) eux vertu et puissance de immüer, changier, ordener et du tout tourner
la volenté des hommes a bien faire et a mal faire. Laquelle cose, se vraie
estoit, encloroit en soi tant de mauvaises et fauses conclusions et
conse(quen)ces58 que tout le monde [101 ne les saroit ne porroit sou(r)dre
ne soustenir, ainsi qu'il appara après en la .iiie. partie, et tout cechi est fait
et procuré par le deable soutilement. Telle gent séduisent ad fin que par eux
autre soient séduit et mis hors de bonne voie, de vraie foy et de salut, et (de)
53
The theme of divinatio per astra is dealt with by Aquinas in ST 2a2ae.95.5 and by
Pignon in CLD Π.2.3.
54
pourveü: ms proparveü.
55
The word is difficult to make out in the manuscript. All that can be established with
certainty is: '(.. .)licites'. Triplicités* seems a reasonable solution. Pignon's choice of astrological
terms is purely illustrative and does not reflect any profound knowledge of the subject. On the
contrary, the mention of these 'noms sauvages' is devised to discourage people's interest. For
the proper meaning of technical terms such as triplicity or application, see J. C. Eade, The
Forgotten Sky: A Guide to Astrology in English Literature (Oxford 1984). On 'habitacions'
(houses) see: North, Horoscopes and History.
56
The antecedent of 'qui' is 'livres'; the antecedent of 'leur' is 'planètes'.
37
The phrase between the two lines is an interpolation that can be found in the left-hand
margin of fol. 9v of the manuscript. A cross-shaped mark in the manuscript indicates the place
where the scribe wanted the line to be inserted.
58
The word is difficult to make out in the manuscript which gives: 'conse(r?s?...)ces'.
Perhaps the copyist made a mistake. A suitable solution has been chosen in the present edition.
The negative consequences of stellar determinism are listed in CLD ΠΙ.6.
242 CLD 1.4
tout che (que) plus a plain toche et recite desdis (livres) saint Augustin.59
Ou Décret® qui est doctrine catholique, la on dit la determinacion de nostre
mere Sainte Eglise que tel jugemens fais sur la nativité des hommes, par le
regart que on a a la constellacion du ciel et des .xii. signes, pour dire un tel
homme sera de tel estât, de tel condicion et de telz meurs, de telle fortune
ou infortune, vivra tant, morra par telle maniere, sera eurex ou maleurex,
comme dit est, vérité de sainte doctrine et nostre foy et toute science naturele
et morale fondée en raison (a) condempnee et reprovee telz jugemens comme
choses fauses, mansongieres et supersticieuses, decevables et dampnables.61
Et n'est homme catholique qui osast dire ne affermer le contraire estre vray,
que tout bon Crestien, tout clergié, ne li doit courir sus et du tout le dechacier
de toute bonne plache. Et ne sont point telz devineurs digne de vivre, comme
cy appres appara en la .iiie. partie,62 et que j'en ay ja aucunnement tochié
au commanchement.
Aucunnefois telz devineurs ont le deable avec eulz, sans ce qu'il l'apellent.
Lequel leur fait entendant que par le chant des oysiaus et le movement
d'aucunes bestes, (qui) soient en terre, en aer, en feu ou en eaue, veüe la
disposicion et l'ordenance de telles bestes, il jugent de la disposicion du temps
(a) advenir en choses qui sont en la volenté de Tomme. Car des ovrages de
nature aucuns puet on bien jugier, comme je dirai chi après en la .iie.
partie.63 Disent appres que quant ung homme esternue64 ou qu'il se
transporte de place en autre par tel estlO^starnuement et transport, il
puel(en)t juger de che qu'il li avendra le jour. Ou bien tost apres assignent
jours et heures certaines auxquelz il fait bon ou mauvais traitier de guerre,
ou de pais, ou de mariage, entrepenre veage, entrer en mer, faire
marchandise, vestir robe neufve, ale(a)r a la cache, commenchier maison
59
Cf. Augustine, De Genesi ad litteram 2,17,37 (PL 34, 278-279). The authority of
Augustine on operatio spirituum immondorum et seductorum is quoted by Aquinas in ST
2a2ae.95.5(r2) and by Pignon in CLD Π.2.3(ι2) in fine. The theme, of course, also features
prominently in Augustine's De divinatione daemonum. Cf. also Deer. Π.26.3+4.2 (PL 187,
1343-1345).
60
Condemnations of astrological judgments appear in various places in causa 26 of the
Decretum. Cf., for instance, Deer. II.26.2.8: Christiana et vera pietasplanetarios expellit et
damnat\ Deer. Π.26.5.3 : Elementa colère, lunae autstellarum cursus in suis operibus Christianis
servare non licet; Deer. Π.26.5.13: arioli, aruspices, incantatores, et sortilegi, atque ceteri
hujusmodi sectatores ab ecclesia sunt eliminandi (PL 187, 1340,1346,1352 resp.).
61
The author or scribe clearly lost his way in this long sentence. Its basic structure is as
follows: 'Ou décret (...) on dit (...) que tel jugemens (...) vérité (...) (a) condempnee et reprovee'
(the direct object 'telz jugemens* is then repeated) 'comme choses fauses' (etc.).
62
Pignon's inquisitorial zeal surfaces most clearly in CLD ΙΠ.8.
63
See esp. CLD Π.5 and II.6.
64
Superstitious beliefs about sneezing seem to be perennial. See: Opie, 'sneezing', pp.
364-366.
CLD 1.4 243
neufve et generalment de toutes coses que on puet enpranre de novel.65 En

tres grant injure et reproce de Dieu et de ses creatures et de nostre foy, contre
toute bonne science et jugement de raison naturele, folement et
presumptueusement afferment ces erreurs. Quar tesmoing vérité et bonne
doctrine, tant de païens comme de Crestiens, en toutes telles chosez n'a
ad(i)viser fors seulement bon conseil et prudent des sages, l'ordenance de
Sainte Eglise gardée honnerablement, en toutes coses soy commettre et
commender a Dieu qui tant seulement ad puissance de disposer et ordener
les ovrages des hommes, eux deüement,66 comme dit est, disposés a recevoir
et faire ce que Dieu, raison et justice ont disposé et veul(en)t estre fait.67
Dire le contraire, c'est si mal fait que on ne puet peis (faire) et (c'est)
argument68 evident d'ung homme estre tres mauvais Crestien et ydolatre.
En ceste erreur sont ceux qui jugent determineement des affaires des
hommes par le regart qu'il ont es mains des personnes, en leur filosomie et
disposicions de leur membres, disans que pour che on puet savoir au certain
quele vie, quel estât les gens aront et de mort quele il morront. Et ad ce
congnoistre estudient en petis livres et trahies qui sont actribué et intitulé a
Aristote69 et aulx autres sages et bons philosofes naturieux, lesquelx ne les
firent onques, comme il appert manifestement, par ce que Aristote et li autre
sage philosophe ont escript les livres de naturele philosofie et morale qui sont
du tout contraire [1Γ] a telles folies qui ne sont que songes et divinacions
pour décevoir gent et mettre en admiracion. Combien que il soit vrai que tout
homme a aucune inclinacion naturele selonc la conplexion qui domine en luy,
par quoi il est plus enclin a faire une cose que une autre. Et ad ce mesmes
65
This list of enterprises for which astrologers select propitious days should be compared
to the items in the treatise Les 12 signes dou firmament discussed in Appendix ill.
66
deüement: ms deüemen(t)(s)?
67
Problematic sentence: 'n'a ad(i)viser fors seulement bon conseil et prudent des sages
...' can be interpreted in a number of ways. It might be read as 'n'a ad viser fors seulement
. . . ' ( = il n'y a à viser que) which means: 'there is not to be reckoned with, except...' i.e. 'one
should only reckon with the good and prudent counsel of the wise'. A second option might be
'n'a a diviser ...' The most likely solution, however, in keeping with the style of the treatise,
is '(il) n'(est) a adviser fors seulement...' i.e. 'one should only recognise the good and prudent
counsel...' As the reader will notice, semantically the options are not far apart. The remainder
of the sentence contains two clauses that may be read as exemplifications of the 'bon conseil',
namely: 'l'ordenance de Sainte Eglise garder honnerablement' (with 'garder' instead of'gardée')
and 'en toutes coses soy commettre et commender a Dieu (qui...)'. The subclause 'eux deüement
... disposés a recevoir et faire ce que Dieu, raison et justice ont disposé et veul(en)t estre fait'
is a modification of 'hommes'; 'eux ... disposés a recevoir' is an absolute construction that
should be read as: 'they (being) disposed to receive ...' i.e. 'who are disposed to receive ...'
68
argument: ms argument.
69
It was common that obscure and anonymous treatises on astrology, magic and related
subjects were attributed to great authorities such as Aristotle. See: Thorndike, HMES II, pp.
246-278 on pseudo-Aristotelian writings, and especially on the Secret of Secrets.
244 CLD 1.5
puet avoir regart la constellacion soulz laquele il est ney ou engendré. Mais
ce ne fait point a leur entencion, quar il mettent en tout nécessité la ou il a
franche volenté et deliberacion de jugement de raison, comme je dirai chi
après.70
1.5 . / . chapitre
Appres ychi est a veoir d'unne maniere que le deable a pour décevoir gent
que nous disons sort. Et cecy se puet faire quant il avient aucunne dobte entre
gent ou pour deviser, ou pour distribuer, ou pour assigner aucune chose as
quellesque personne et on ne puet trover plus seüre maniere ou plus briefve
on se met a sors, que on dit en langage commun los. Et est quant on baille
aucuns brives entre pluseurs et il sont pareil fors quant ad ce qui est escript
dedans, ou buchetes a traire la plus longue, ou geter dés a plus de poins et
ainsi de pluseurs autres manières qui puelent eschoir en maint cas. Dont
aucunnefois il est chose qui n'est pas mout perileuse et aucunefois il y a peril
pour les causes qui s'ensievent. Dont il est a noter selonc la doctrine de Sainte
Eglise et des docteurs pour trois causes on seult user de sort.71
La premiere quant aucunne chose est a destribuer ou a conférer a aucun
d'ungne compaignie, de laquelle tous sont a ce entendans actendans,72
tellement que on ne scet auquel la chose appliquier. On seult adont jeter los,
comme dit est, que on nomme sort divisoire.73 Et en tant que telle chose
a regart a aucun bien temporel seulement, n'a point peril de conscience, se
non que on y feit et commet aucun fraude. [1Γ] Mais au regart des dignités
et bienfices de l'Eglise ou offisse ou service qui toche l'esperituel o(u) fait
de l'Eglise, il y aroit peril. Car l'Eglise desfent telle voie et maniere de
procéder en ces besongnes. Ains veult que on procède par voie de struture
et de eleccionz ou par la voix de Saint Esperit ou de compuns et autres
70
See esp. CLD Π.5.
71
In ST 2a2ae.95.8(R) Thomas distinguishes three kinds of lot-casting: (1) sors divisoria,
which can be used legitimately to divide something among a certain number of people, since
it involves only chance; (2) sors consuUoria, which can be used to decide what ought to be done
or which decision ought to be taken; and (3) sors divinatoria, which is used to learn the future
and which always involves demonic influence. Concerning elections in Church, Thomas explains
that casting of lots, sors divisor ia, is not allowed unless circumstances leave no alternative, in
which case this should be undertaken with the greatest possible reverence. Though these
distinctions are derived from the ST, some of the examples are not. For drawing lots, throwing
dice and drawing straws, see ST 2a2ae.95.3(R). Spinning a top and throwing coins in a pan may
derive from Pignon's own experience.
72
Lege: 'of which (company or group) all are waiting ('actendens') with that in mind' ('a
ce' [i.e. the thing to be distributed or conferred] entendans').
73
A marginal note in the manuscript provides the Latin term: sors divisoria.
CLD 1.5 245
practiquez tochiés en droit canon.74 Et se il estoit trové et jugé que par

nécessité ou pour le miex il fausist user de tel sort, comme nous lisons de
saint Mathié qui fut esleü apostre entre les autres ou lieu de Judas,75 on
devroit adont faire ainsi que li apostre firent prières devotes et autres
sufrages, comme jeunes et astinenches, pour empêtrer de Dieu la grace
tellement que le Saint Esperit volsist en telle eleccion par sort inspirer qui
seroit le milleur a faire, toutesfois pour le plus seür. Ceste voie n'est point
a practique entre gens d'Eglise.
Il est une autre maniere de sort. Quant aucunne gent veulent assenbleement
faire un ovrage et il ne sont pas sofisaument instruit de la forme d'iceli
ovrage et de la maniere du faire, il avisent par sort quelle forme il garderont
et quelle maniere. Ainsi adviseront par (par) sort (selonc) les manières qui
estoient en mer que pour venir a port de salut: il geterent Jonas dedans la
mer et incontinent la mer cessa.76 Ainsi en temps de pestilence ou il
convendroit par nécessité que aucun morut ou pluseurs pour garandir et
sauver la vie des autres, on porroit par sors licitement adviser ceux qui
seroient ad ce a eslire.
La tierce maniere est quant on veult avoir cognoissance d'aucune chose
secrete, qui l'a faite, ou de ce qui est a faire ou advenir, et on n'en puet avoir
par autre maniere congnoissence, on se prent a faire aucuns sors esquelx le
deable se ingère non apelei et invisiblement et soutiement y euvre. Et ceste
maniere est dite sort divinatoire. Ainsi font pluseurs mauvaises gent qui font
tourner un fuisel et noment ou le tournent [12T pluseurs personnes, jusques
a tant que il vient ad celi qui a fait le cose que on demande, adont le fuisel
se tient coy ou il tourne plus fort. Les autres gettent un denier en un bachin
74
Decr. Π.26.5.7 as quoted by Aquinas: Sortes quibus cuncta vos vestris discriminons
provinciis, quas Patres damnaverunt, nihil aliud quam divinationes et maleficia decernimus.
Quamobrem volumus omnino illas damnari, et ultra inter Christianos nolumus nominari: et ne
exerceantur, anathematis interdictoprohibemus. (Cf. PL 187,1348 where the phrasing is slightly
different.)
75
Act. 1:21-26. Cf. 1:26: et dederunt sortes eis et cecidit sors super Matthiam et
adnumeratusestcumundecimapostolis, Cî.Decr. II.26.2.1-4 in which the examples of Matthias
and Jonah, who were both selected through the casting of lots, are discussed. The canons point
out that from these singular instances one should not deduce a general rule. Only when no other
options are left should one resort to sortes. Though perhaps not evil in themselves, these practices
should not be customary among believers: Sic etsortibus nihil mali inesse monstratur, prohibetur
tarnenfidelibus,ne sub hac specie divinationis ad antiquos idololatriae cultus redirent (PL 187,
1337-1338).
76
Jona 1. Cf. 1:7 : et dixit vir ad collegam suam venite et minamus sortes et sciamus quare
hoc malum sit nobis et miserunt sortes et cecidit sors super Ionam. Also 1:15 : et tulerunt Ionam
et miserunt in mare et stetit mare afervore suo. The example of Jonah is an exemplification of
the 'manières qui estoient en mer'. Nautical superstitions and practices such as these were
common knowledge in the Middle Ages.
246 CLD 1.6
ou en une paelle pluseurs fois, a cascunne fois nommens aucunne des

personnes que on a suspectes, ou pour cuy telle cose est faite que on veult
congnoistre. Et quant le denier a esté pluseurs fois ainsi getté et ne se bouge
du bassin, (s'il n'est) qui ne le reprent, en la fin quant on nomme cely a cuy
la chose toche et on gette le denier, incontinent le deable le reboute hors, et
semble que le denier de soi isse hors. Et par pluseurs telles manières puet
le deable décevoir pluseurs gens et donner occasions de trop de max. Ceste
maniere de sors est desfandue comme mauvaise et perileuse et contre la foy
et contre bonne doctrine et bonnes meurs. Checy, comme dit est, est appelé
sort divinatoire, et ceux qui che font sont nommé devins ou devineurs, et de
ceste matière porra estre faite mencion autre part en la seconde partie de cest
traitié.77
1.6 .vi', capitre
Consequamment en poursievant la matière de divination il me semble que

sortileges, sorcieries et telles superstitions, que font pluseurs gens pour nuire
a autrui en pluseurs manières, puelent estre en ce traitié inférée. Chi est a
veoir premièrement quelle chose est sortilege.
Sortilege78 est quant on fait sour aucunes personnes, hommes, fames ou
bestes certains sinacles ou que on y dit parolles qui n'ont aucune signification
pour maladies garir, ou que on baille a pourter brives et cedules au col ou
en bras ou autre part sur la creature. Lesquelx brives ont certains signacles
et caractères incongneiis et (sont) de nulle efficence fors la mauvaise foy des
baillans et escrivans y ovre. Telz folies sont charmens et enchantemens
esquelz le deable pour vérité ovre pour décevoir hommes et fames et les traire
77
CLDII.2.6.
78
Contrary to what the etymology of the word 'sortilege' might suggest, the term is not
exclusively used for divinatory practices such as lot-casting or interpreting signs. As is evident
from Pignon's definition in this paragraph it may include magical practices as well. Cf.
Harmening, Superstitio, pp. 196-197. So far, Pignon used the word 'sortilege' more or less as
a synonym for 'divinacion'. In the table of contents of CLD I he announces that chapter 5 will
deal with 'sortilege' and 'sors', yet in chapter 5 itself he only uses the word 'sors' and not
'sortilege'. He follows Aquinas in this, who in ST 2a2ae.95 speaks of'judicium sortium and never
of sortilegium. The judicium sortium is a superstitio divinativa, according to Thomas; a kind
of soothsaying which he distinguishes from magic (as dealt with in ST 2a2ae.96). The magical
practices that Pignon includes in the definition of 'sortilege' in the present chapter (CLD 1.6)
correspond to the ones he elaborates in CLD Π.3 (which is based on ST 2a2ae.96). In question
96 Aquinas deals with these magical practices as belonging to the superstitiones observantiarum
as distinctfromthe superstitio divinativa, but again he refrainsfromusing the word sortilegium.
By superimposing the general term 'sortilege' on one of Aquinas's strict distinctions, Pignon
creates the impression that the term displays a systematic rigour that it does not have; not even
in Pignon's own discourse.
CLD 1.6 247
de pechié en pechié et faire a luy obeïssans et subjes. Et pour tant que en

tant de manières telles sorceries se font, que il n'est homme qui les sceüst
reciter, [12v] nientmains j'en rechiteré icy aucunnes et les plus communes,
ad ce que par celles qui seront cy nommées on se retrere des autres.
Telz sorciers disent que pour garir aucunnes maladies on doit cuillir
certaines herbes en tel nombre de fuelles, estre en genoulx en disant la Pâtre
Nostre et Ave Maria contre soleil levant, quar Dieu, disent il, a mis ses vertus
en pierres, en herbes et en paroles.79
Item, quant on trébuche au partir de son hostel, c'est signe qu'il
mesavandra celle journée a la personne. Item, quant on esternue en soi
causant, ou quant on trove sa robe rungié de soris,80 ou quant on encontre
au matin son haineux, ou un moigne, ou un prestre en alant a la chace, ou
quant il veist chemise ou robe neufve a tele heure, ou que on fianche ou
espouse, ou on commance aucun proces en jugement contre son adversaire
a tel jour ou a tel, ou soy armer et entrer en batalle, aler en peleringnage ou
en marchandise a telle journée ou a telle, ou entrer en mer, ou entrer en
aucunne religion, ou assalir son anemy, ou l'atendre a telle journée et a telle
heure, telz songeurs, sortileges, superstitieus81 et divineurs veulent dire qu'a
toutes telles choses a jours et heures périlleux et mauvais. En ceste folie sont
compris ceux qui ardent les osselemens des bestes la nuit saint Jehan82 et
79
The main question underlying Gerson's De erroribus circa artem magicam recounts
popular beliefs concerning the virtues of herbs, stones and words: Cur non igitur licebit,
inquiunt, istis utipraesertim cum Deus omnipotens non virtutes suas indiderit, ut vulgus loquitur,
herbis, gemmis et verbis? See: Gerson, Œuvres complètes* vol. 10, p. 78. Picking herbs whilst
reciting prayers is mentioned (and denounced) in the Decretum Π.26.5.3. John of Salisbury,
by contrast, recommends it (Policraticus II. 1): 'L'oroison nostre Seigneur, c'est a dire la
paternostre, dicte en bonne foy sur les herbes quant on les cueilloit ou quant on les donnoit,
a donné souventes fois vraie santé as malades' (Foulechat's translation, Policratique, p. 134).
Pignon is willing to accept the 'magical' use of Biblical texts and prayers, but only if it is done
'en boine devocion' (CLD Π.3.4). Why the instances he denounces in the present chapter fail
to meet this requirement, he does not explain.
80
According to Augustine stumbling at the threshold of one's door, sneezing while putting
on one's shoes, finding one's clothes gnawed by mice, were considered bad omens. Augustine,
DDC 11.20: Urnen calcare, cum ante domum suam transit, redire ad ledum, si quis, dum se
calciaî, sternutauerit; redire domum, siprocedens offenderit; cum uestis a soricibus roditur, plus
tremere suspicionemfuturi mali quam praesens damnum dolere (CC 32,55). Cf. also CLD Π.3.3
and note; Opie, Sneezing', p. 366, •stumbling', p. 380, 'rats and mice', pp. 322-323; Deer.
Π.26.2.6 (PL 187, 1339).
81
superstitieus: ms superstiems.
82
Throughout the whole of Europe it was customary to light bonfires around Midsummer,
on the eve of St. John's day, to drive away demons and witches and protect cattlefromdiseases.
Especially animal bones were burnt to keep away all evil. In CLD Π.3.3 Pignon refers to the
dances that took place on such occasions. See: HWDAIV, 'Johannisfeuer', cols. 733-739; DSO
1, 'Feu de la Saint-Jean', col. 612.
248 CLD 1.6
autrefois cuidans que leur bestes en valent miex toute Tannée; ceux qui
donnent les estrines83 le premier jour de Tan cuidans que tout Tan leur sera
melleur; ceux qui gardent les jours Egipciens,84 signes ou kalendrier contre
l'institution85 et ordenance de l'Eglise; les vielles sorcières qui disent qu'eles
vont de nuit avec les bonnes choses,86 lesquelles vielles le deable déçoit par
illusions et alienations et inmutacions de leur sens et propre ymaginacion;
semblablement la sette qui se apelle Vaudois qui sont en certaine contrée en
Borgoigne es esvechiés de Lion et Besençon, qui sont deceü par [131 telles
illusions et transformations du deable, lequel par apparance les maine
soudainnement en lontain pays, et il est vray qu'il ne se meuvent d'unne
place. En ceste erreur se ingerrent ceux qui par invocations de deables et
leur ovrage transportent87 les choses materielles de place en autre
sodainement. Comme on a veü maintefois de ceux qui faisoi(en)t issir vin
d'un arbre pertuise, faisoient sodainnement apparel de vins, viandes, soin,
aveinne et autrex provisions pour grans segneurs en lieus desers88 et tout
moingnant l'ayde dou deable non autrement. Car aucuns et bien notables ont
83
Gifts on New Year's day were believed to be good omens for the year to come. Such
gifts were also bestowed on spirits in order to appease them. See HWDA VI, cols. 1037-1039;
TL ΠΙ, 1470-1471; DSO 1, 'Etrennes\ col. 578.
84
Egyptian days (also mentioned in CLD III.8) or dies aegyptiaci were believed to be
dismal or ill-fated days (two in each month, except for January which has three). Originally these
unlucky days may have been relics from the ancient Egyptian calendar, but their more immediate
provenance is the Roman calendar. The medieval mind, however, soon identified them as the
days on which God brought the plagues over Egypt (though this did leave the discrepancy
between 25 days and 10 plagues to be resolved). See: Thorndike, HMES I, pp. 685-688; HWDA
I, cols. 223-226.
85
institution: ms instuticion.
86
See also CLD 1.2 and note 35. These * vielles sorcières* were believed to suffer from
hallucinations, brought about by the devil who affected their imaginatio; the only part of the
mind (bound up with the senses) on which he could exercise a certain influence. The devil has
only power over those parts of the human constitution which are naturally susceptible to external
influence; i.e. the body and, most importantly, the bodily powers that enable the operation of
the intellect. Pignon deals with demonic influence and these bodily powers in CLD 1.7 and CLD
II.4 resp. The nocturnal journeys that the witches claimed to undertake in spirit were regarded,
on the authority of the Canon episcopU as illusions, as is, e.g., borne out by the poet of the
Roman de la Rose {op. cit.) who mockingly points out that if these women were correct in
claiming to go out in spirit thrice a week, the whole business of death and resurrection would
become trivial by this constant moving of their souls in and out of their bodies. The authority
of the Canon episcopi would crumble during the great witch-craze of the sixteenth century, when
the reality of corporeal transvections would become part of the witch-hunters' creed. For the
text of the Canon episcopi see: Deer. H.26.5.12 (PL 187,1349-1351) and Robbins, Encyclopedia
of Witchcraft and Demonology, pp. 74-77.
87
transportent: ms transporter.
88
desers: ms desors.
CLD 1.7 249
eü aucunefois un deable privé,89 par coy il pooient telles choses procurer

et savoir tout ce que on faisoit en estranges contrées. Et tous telz mal vais
hommes ont donné a entendre, et donnent encore cascun jour, qu'il le font
par bonne science et reale et licite actribuans cecy astronomie qui est œvre
de deable procurée par ce qu'il se déportent de la foy catholique et sont
mauvais apostas d'icelle. Ainsi qu'il appert par la vie et la fin de pluseurs,
dont les croniques90 font mencion expresse, qui ont esté de grant estât et
renommé, tant en l'Eglise comme en Testât seculer. Et cecy soffisse quant
a ceste matière.
1.7 .vif. capitre
Et pour tant que j'ai cy devant longuement parlé et escript que le deable
déçoit mainte gens par les manières dessusdites, il est a considérer ychi par
quelle maniere ou comment le deable puet avoir telle puissance, de quoy saint
Augustin91 dit que nature de deable est de soi esperituele chose et plus
aprochant a la condicion et propriété de l'aer qu'a autre element, pour tant
que l'aer est mains materiel. Et sont en l'aer les deables en tres grant nombre,
des l'eure que premièrement pour leur pechié furent degeté de la compaignie
des bons angeles. Eux dont estans de telle [13v] condicion et propriété, plus
tost se transportent de lieu et de place en autre que beste quelconquez ne oisel
ne porroit aler ne voler. Avec ce il ont de leur creacion premiere naturele
89
In CLD Π. 1.2 Pignon speaks of the god of Socrates 4qui estoit un deable privé'. The
demon of Socrates (the Greek counterpart of the guardian angel in Christianity) and Apuleius's
famous De deo Socratis were discussed by Augustine in DCD VIII. 14 ff. Cf. also the confession
of Jehan de Bar (see Appendix I) who speaks of 'un ou plusieurs (dyables) qui tousjours fussent
avec moy\
90
For examples from chronicles, see CLD ΙΠ.5.
91
Augustine, De divinatione daemonum, 3 (7): Daemonum ea est natura, ut aerii corporis
sensu terrenorum corporum sensum facile praecedant; celeritate etiam propter ejusdem aerii
corporis superiorem molbilitatem non solum cursus quorumlibet hominum velferarum, verum
etiam volatus avium incomparabiliter vincant. Quibus auabus rebus quantum adaerium corpus
attinet praediti, hoc est, acrimonia sensus et celeritate motus, multa ante cognita praenuntiant
vel nuntiant, quae homines pro sensus terreni tar dilate mirentur. Accessit etiam daemonibus per
tarn longum tempus quo eorum vita protenditur, rerum longe major experientia, quam potest
hominibus propter brevitatem vitae provenire (PL 40,584). Cf. also Decretum Π.26.3+4.2 (PL
187,1343-1345). Pignon's knowledge of Augustine's De divinatione daemonum, as it appears
from CLD 1.7, seems to be limited to the information contained in the excerpts from Augustine's
text in the Decretum. These excerpts may have been Pignon's main source for this chapter. As
the two foremost properties of the aerial bodies of demons Pignon mentions their speed and their
'naturele congnoissance'. This latter concept seems to be his rendering of Augustine's acrimonia
sensus. In chapter 4 Augustine discusses the miraculous feats that demons can perform: if
craftsmen or artisans are sometimes called 'divine' because of their exceptional skills, what then
will we think of the superior accomplishments of demons?
250 CLD 1.7
congnoissance de toutes choses que Dieu a créés, laquele est plus grant et
plus parfaite que ne fut onquez congnoissance naturele de homme pur
homme.92 Avec ceste congnoissence ont il eü experiences93 pluseurs - et
ainsi que sens nombre et sens fin - des euvres de nature, de l'influence du
ciel et des constellacions des planètes. Lesquelles experiences, avec la
congnoissance naturele qui leur fu donnée au commenchement, causent en
eulx une tres parfaite et grant science et memore. Et a chechi onquez homme
naturelement ne puelt parvenir pour la briefté de la vie humainne. A cause
des cosses dessusdites le deable ad puissance et science de savoir et povoir
sodainnement et inperceptiblement transporter et traismüer diverses substances
materieles et corporelles tellement, que ce que nature feroit en lonc temps,
il le puet faire en tres peu de heure et sodainnement. Et pour tant que il sont
a mal enclin et leur volenté il appliquent du tout a décevoir et destruire
creature humaine, et avec ce il sont ministre et executeur de la justice de
Dieu, laquelle Dieu excerce en ses creatures. A son plaisir est il advenu et
advient souventefois, que quant le deable apperçoit que le temps naturelment
est disposé as tempestes, il s'i ingère. Dont nous veons et a on veii en maint
lieus grosses roches cheoir, grans arbres arachier et grans edefices ruer par
terre, et maint ovrage mervelex, desquels nulz ne saroit assigner raison
naturele sofisant.
Semblablement par ce qui est devantdit, puet le diable avoir cognoissance
de la complexion des corps des hommes [14T naturele, par ce qu'il congnoist
soulz quelle influence et constellacion il sont ney, par coi il cognoit a soi
naturelment il seroit en leur vie plus enclin. Dont il puet apparroir que il puelt
par ce savoir mout de choses a advenir, a tout le mains par conjettures
mout94 prochaines, quar il sevent bien et apperçoivent que ung cascun est
de commun cours plus enclin et plus volenterin assuïr ses propres natureles
passions et désir, que ce que raison juge, et avec ce le deable sens cesser
tempte les hommes a pechié et a mal. Et se un résiste a telles inclinations
natureles et temptacions, il sont .c. ou mil qui y condescendent. A cause de
toutes ces choses, le deable puet faire mout de mervelles et choses toutes
novelles autrefois non oyes et non veües, dont les hommes ou temps passé,
curieux de savoir les causes et les secrés de nature, ce que il ne povoient
savoir par excitation d'estude et enseignement d'autrui par bonne maniere
requis, se sont exposé a le savoir et enquesir par manières mauvaises, comme
invocacions de deables, sortileges, superstitions et telles folies et erreurs.
92
A somewhat pleonastic expression: 'pur' is 'por' or 'pour'. Demons or fallen angels
have a natural knowledge of all creation which is more perfect than man's natural knowledge
ever was for man.
93
experiences: ms experientes.
94
mout: ms mont.
CLD 1.7 251
Et le deable, veant aucuns hommes plus curieux assavoir telles choses que
n'estoient les autres, c'est ingéré a eux ensegner les coses secretes et les
choses a advenir. Dont est avenu que pluseurs contre leur bonne loy et contre
l'onneur de Dieu s'i sont ahurté et aresté pour estre entre les hommes prisiés
et honnorés. Neantmains en la fin sont toudis deceû par leur maistre, quar
il est menchonnier, et per(e) de mansonge.95
Il est appres a noter que, non obstant les choses dessusdites estre
véritables, le deable n'a nulle puissence sur homme ne sur fame, fors ce que
Dieu li donne ou sueffre et homme et fame le veult. [14v] Ains est leur
puissance limitée et loiee, comme dit est. Bien est vray, que Dieu aucunnefois
sueffre que le deable travalle aucune bonnes et saintes personnes, comme
nous lisons de pluseurs sains de paradis. Nientmains c'est tout pour esprover
leur bonté, leur constance et perseverance en l'amour de Dieu et en vraie foy.
Ainsi que on list de saint Pol, de saint Job et mesment de pluseurs grans
punicions et vangances d'aucuns pechiés, que Dieu a fait sur pluseurs gens
et pluseurs pais, dont nulz ne saroit cause assigner, fors seulement la volenté
et plaisir de Dieu, et ce doit sofire.
Item,96 de la maniere de diviner par eux est a savoir que, comme dit est,
il puelent aucunnefois müer l'aer, faire tempestes ou eux mesler es tempestes
qui se font naturelment, et mesment puelent tellement l'aer alterer et
corrumpre que maladies et pluseurs maulx s'ensievent sur hommes et sur
bestes et g(e)neralment sur toutes choses naissans de terre. Et quant le deable
veult toutes telles choses faire, et il scet aucune personne estre curiex de
savoir la disposicion et ordenance du temps (a) advenir, le deable luy revele
et (fait) savoir pour plus le tenir en subjection et Servitute. Et telz hommes
divineurs le disent et segnefient aux autres, pour acquesir une grant renommée
et pour estre réputé gens entendans et de grant science. Car ainsi que le
95
John 8:44, quia mendax est et pater eius. An alternative reading for this last phrase in
Pignon's text might be 'par de mansonge', but, in view of the text from St. John, 'pere' seems
the more likely solution. On the deceitfulness of demons, see also: Augustine, De divinatione
daemonum 6 (10), (PL 40, 586-587).
96
The following two paragraphs are based loosely on De divinatione daemonum, 5 (9).
Augustine explains that demons sometimes predict the things that they themselves perform:
Accipiuntenimsaepepotestatemetmorbosimnättere,etipsumaeremvitiandomorbidum
etperversis atque amatoribus terrenorum commodorum malefacta suadere; de quorum moribus
certi sunt quod sint eis talia suadentibus consensuri. Suadent autem miris et invisibilibus modis,
per Ulam subtiütatem suorum corporwn corpora hominum non sentienttum penetrando, seseque
cogitationibus eorumper quaedam imaginaria visa miscendo, sive vigilantium sive dormientium
(PL 40, 586). Next to revealing to people their own actions, demons can also predict the future
from signs. Thus the condition of the atmosphere may reveal what the weather will be like, and
bodily symptoms may reveal the state of one's health in the same way as physical expressions
may reveal what is on a person's mind. Neque enim quia praevidet medicus quod nonpravidet
ejus artis ignarus, ideojam divinus habendus est.
252 CLD 1.7
deable par orguel premièrement peccha, ainsi tempte(nt) il plus de ce pechié

les hommes que d'autres. Et ainsi que j'ey dit par avant, telz devins font
tousjours au deable aucun present par maniere de sacrefice, ainsois qu'il soit
si familliers de eux.97
Item, pour ce qui est dit ichi devant, appert que le deable puet soutilment
immüer la partie ymaginacion [15T de Tomme en appliquant a aucunne chose
invisiblement en celé partie.98 Et adont l'ymaginacion ainsi inmuee,
l'entendement est plus enclin et la volenté ad ce a quoi le deable les veult
encliner et mener, pour savoir les choses secretes et qui sont (a) advenir. Et
ceste immutacion se puet faire tant en dormant comme en veillant, et ainsi
comme je dit ci devant. Aucunefois telz divineurs afferment pour vrai ce que
il ont songié et le voit on ainsi (que) le deable puet savoir telz choses par le
cours naturel du ciel et par le movement du soleil, de la lune et des estoelles
et leur influence naturele et par les manières dessusdites le puet faire savoir
a ceux qui sont curieux de telles choses enquesir. Et est de ce ainsi que ung
bon médecin, par ce qu'il voit une personne par dehors et son orine, il juge
des parties et de la condicion du cors au par dedans, par quoy puet savoir
la sente qui est a advenir a tel malade, ou la mort. Ne pour ce on ne dit pas
que le médecin soit divin. Ainsi puet le deable savoir des ovragez de nature
pluseurs qui nous sont celey et qui sont (a) advenir, par ce qu'il voit la
disposicions du cours du ciel, ce que homme ne sceut onques ne ne pouroit
savoir par le cours commun de nature qui est si brief en nous, comme dit
est.
Par ceste maniere puel(en)t le deable savoir les fais de pluseurs contrées.
Car il se puet sodainement par toutes re(li)gions transporter, puelt
consequamment savoir la disposicion et ordenance et le gouvernement des
royalmes et des segneurs temporelx, conspirations, traysons, traitiés de
guerres, quar de telles choses sovent il se mesle, et en99 est cause en partie,
et toute son entencion n'est a autre chose principalment appliquié. Et par ce
le puelent savoir les disciples du deable, [15v] qui sont telz devineurs et
songeurs, comme dit est, que leur maistre leur fait savoir, qui en telles
matières, ainsi bien comme en les autres, souventefois les déçoit par
97
The following paraphrase of the last few lines may prevent some misunderstandings:
'Diviners pass on to others the prognostications they have received from the devil in order to
be highly esteemed. Since the devil first sinned through pride, likewise he now tempts people
with this sin, rather than with any other sin. And, as was said earlier, such diviners always offer
up some sacrifice to the devil even though he is very familiar with them'. Despite their close
connections with him, diviners still have to honour the devil in the way they themselves want
to be honoured by credulous people. Thus both the devil and his diviners are entirely overcome
by pride.
98
Cf. ST la. 111.3; see also the section on demons in chapter 4 of the present study.
99
en: ms on.
CLD 1.8 253
mansonges et paroles qui ont double entendement. Dont quant il cuident

prenre le vray, il prengnent le faulx, et se trovent deceü en la fin. Telz
devineurs disent que il scevent telles choses par science d'astronomie, mais
il mentent. Car (de) telle science ne se puet estandre jusquez a la
cognoissence de telles choses, qui sont du tout en la disposicion et ordenance
de Dieu, subjés a la volenté des hommes lesquelx par bonne prudence et
conseil ont puissence de ordener a leur plaisirs de leur affaires. Dont appert
il que le deable en dit a telle gent ce que il en puelent savoir, liquelx, comme
dit est, souventefois fallent a dire vray et a juger selonc vérité. Et est a
entendre en ceste matière que le deable, par quelconques puissance qu'il ait,
(est) ne puet savoir che que une personne a en vollenté.100 Tant seulement
des choses qui sont apparens au par dehors, il puet avoir cognoissence et des
choses qui sont (a) advenir, en tant que les ont regart a l'influence du ciel
et du commun cours de nature, comme dit est. Dont il s'ensiut que les
divineurs qui se disent astronomiens sont pieurs que le deable. Car il osent
bien presumptueusement affermer qu'il puelent juger et savoir les entendons
des hommes, qui sont a Dieu tant seulement congneües.
1.8 MW. chapitre
Et pour tant que derrainement101 j'ey moustré par quele maniere le deable
puet avoir congnoissance des choses occultes et a advenir, il est cy a veoir
de la nature et propre condicion d'aucuns deables selonc la doctrine de nostre
mere Sainte Eglise et des sains docteurs. Disent ly docteur que il est .ii.
manières de deables,102 lesquelx ont [16T communément privée familiarité
aux hommes qui sont de malvaise foy enver Dieu. Aucuns se nomment
Calcodemines, li autres se nomment Calcodemones.103 C'est a dire que
100
A marginal note reads : Augustinus in retractacionibus. In Retractationes Π. 30 Augustine
reconsiders a statement he had made in De divinatione daemonum: dixi: Daemones aliquando
et hominum dispositiones non solum uoceprolatas uerum etiam cogitatione conceptas, cum signa
quaedam ex animo exprimuntur in corpore, tota facilitate perdiscere, rem dixi occultissimam
audaciore asseueratione quam debui (CC 57, 114). Cf. also ST la.57.4.
101
derrainement: ms derraimement.
102
A marginal note reads: Augustinus in multis locis.
103
Speaking about demons inhisDe erroribis circa artem magicam, Gerson mentions ilia
famosa inter eos distinctio de cacodaemonibus et calodaemonibus, maus scilicet et bonis
spiritibus. See: Gerson, Œuvres complètes, vol. 10, p. 78. The names in Pignon's text are
obviously distortions of these words (perhaps resulting from a misreading of their abbreviated
forms in a source text). As Augustine pointed out (DCD DC. 1-2) many pagan authors
distinguished between good and evil demons. Christiandoctrine, however, considered all demons
evil and the distinction was made redundant (DCD DC. 19). Some aspects of the classical
distinction, however, survived in the relations between man and demons. There are demons who
can inflict serious harm and injury on man (maladies, possessions etc.) and there are demons
254 CLD 1.8
aucun se gouvernent avec les hommes plus doucement et plus familièrement,

les autres plus rigoreusement. Et ainsi, ja soiche que tous soient mauvais et
tendent a decepcion, neantmains en malice aucun sont plus obstiné que li autre
et mains mauvais que les autres.
Item, pour tant que aucuns folz outrecuidiés ont aucunefois estey
d'oppinion que riens ne se faisoit par puissence de deables, ains disoient que
tout che que nous veons advenir en ce monde se fait par puissance de nature
et du cours du ciel, est-il a moutrer que le contraire est vray, par maintes
experiences que on a veü avenir aucunnefois, lesquelles ne puelent avoir
relacion ne regart ad quelconques influence du ciel ou des estoelles. Sy
comme est ce que on a veü souventefois et voit104 on de jour en jour (que)
bons ruides hommes et fames qui parloient latin et divers langages reveloient
a ceux qui venoient devant eux che que il avoient fait, la ou il ne les avoient
onques veûs ne congneüs. Comment puet on telz ovrages appliquier a
puissance naturele du ciel ou des estoelles? Il ne puet estre qui ne faille qu'il
i est aucune creature intellectuele,105 c'est assavoir le deable qui habite en
leur corps.
Item, par maintefois quant on les adjure, respondent et se départent des
corps de telle gent, ja soiche que pluseurs fois il se feingnent estre contrains
d'eulx départir par adjuiracions et signacles fais sur eulz, mais c'est toute
fraude et decepcion pour plus longuement tenir en subjection ceux qui les
servent et croient en eulx.
Item, voloir soutenir [16v] et dire que le deable d'enfer n'est point de
puissence sur home et sur fame quant au corps, et que il n'obéissent point
as saintes personnes qui leur commendent en la vertu de nostre foy, c'est
destruire toute nostre foy et toute sainte escripture. Et perileuse chose est de
oyr telz gens et converser avec eulx, sy comme plus a plain sera déclarée
cy appres en la .iiie. partie de cest traitiét.
Explicit la premiere partie.
who procure benefits and bestow favours on people in order to tempt and seduce them more
effectively. For demonology in classical philosophy, see: RAC DC, cols. 640-668. For patristic
and scholastic demonology, see: DTC IV, cols. 339-407, esp. cols. 400-407.
104
voit: ms voir.
105
A rather intricate formulation, which should be read as follows: 'It cannot be but that
there is (involved) here some intellectual creature', i.e. 'there must be some intellectual creature'.
CHY COMMENCE LA SECONDE PARTIE DE CEST TREITIÉ
En ceste seconde partie seront tochees .vi. difficultés et selonc ce il y ara .vi.
capitres.
II. 1 Ou premier (est) assavoir mon se on puet mesprenre ou service de

Dieu par aucunes observances qui ne sont pas communne ordenance
de l'Eglise, et se ydolatrie est pechié, et quel pechié c'est.
11.2 Ou second sera veü se divinacions est pechié et seront desclarees
causes pour quoi ci106 et les raisons contraires ad ce seront
moustrees nulles.
11.3 Ou tiers capitre sera veü de l'art notoire, qui est dite de Tolete,107
(de) immüer et alterer par sortilege diverses natures, de prenosquer
la fortune et infortune des personnes par sorcerie de paroles,
signacles, caractères et contenances supersticieuses que pluseurs font
et disent en pluseurs cas.
11.4 Ou quart sera veü se l'influence du ciel et des estoelles ont108
puissance sur l'entendement.
ILS Ou quint sera déclaré se il ont puissance sur la volenté.
IL6 Ou .vie. se le ciel et son influence fait par nécessité advenir es
ovrages des hommes ce qu'il font.
IL 1 Pour le premier chapitre seront les conclusions109 qui s9ensivent:
IL 1. ι La premier que ydolatrie est pechié tres mauvais et sur tous le plus
grief.
IL 1.2 La ceconde que idolatrie appartient a supersticion. [17T
106
ci: lege si.
1OT
Tolete: ms tolete. Similar references to the 'art de Tolete' and the 'art que on dit (de)
Tolete' appear in the opening lines of CLD Π.3. In the Middle Ages Toledo had a legendary
reputation of being a city of magicians and sorcerers. For further explication, see CLD Π.3 and
note 239.
108
The subject Tinfluence' (singular) 'du ciel et des estoelles' would warrant the use of
'a' (singular) instead of 'ont' (plural), but obviously the scribe or the author feels 'ciel et
estoelles' to be the subject, which in fact they are in the next sentence: 'il' (i.e. 'ciel et estoelles')
ont puissance ...'. In the following sentence 'le ciel et son influence' constitute a couple and
would as such require 'font' instead of 'fait'.
109
Pignon derives his points from Thomas Aquinas. CLD Π.1.1 corresponds to ST
2a2ae.94.2-3; CLD II.1.2 corresponds to ST 2a2ae.94.1; CLD II.1.3 corresponds to ST
2a2ae.94.4; CLD Π.1.4 corresponds to ST 2a2ae.93.1+2.
256 CLD Π.1.1
Π. 1.3 La tierce que ydolatrie par malice de homme fut trovee et par
l'ennemy continuée.
II. 1.4 La quarte que on puet ou service de Dieu faire pluseurs choses
illicites.
II. 1. ι La premiere conclusion
La premiere conclusion110 puet estre déclarée par .ii. manières de gent qui
ont ou temps passé commis ydolatrie. Aucuns disoient que faire sacrefice a
toute creature, qui a aucune noblece et perfection par desus l'autre, estoit cose
licitee et convenable raison, disent il, quar une creature plus noble que l'autre
est au regart de l'autre déifiée. Si puet dont licitement celle qui est mains
noble a celle qui est plus noble sacrefier et licitement luy adorer. Ceste
opinion est erreur, quar ja soice que des creatures que Dieu a faites une soit
plus parfaite que l'autre, nientmains telle (et par telle) reverence on ne doit
point faire a creature quelconquez comme a Dieu. Car a Dieu comme a celui
qui a souvrainne perfection et signorie et auctorité est deüe soveraine honneur
et reverence, et telle que a nulle creature ne doit point estre la parelle. Et
pour tant l'oneur que on doit a Dieu a cause de la soveraineté et g(e)nerale
signorie qu'il a sur toute creature est nommée par non especial, c'est assavoir
latria.111
Les autres ont erré en ceste matière disans que a Dieu comme au sovrain
Signeur on doit sacrefier son euer et son entencion qui est chose esperituele
et la melleur chose que on ait, et aux autres diex particuliers choses
corporeles on doit presenter et offrir. Mais ceste erreur n'est point a acepter.
Car ainsi que dist saint Augustin,112 ainsi que nos paroles représentent chou
que nous avons eü pensee, ainsi nos ovrages parellement doient représenter
l'afection et entencions que nous avons, dou tout en la maniere que il est
110
ST 2a2ae.94.2(R) paraphrased. Pignon, following Thomas, intends to discuss two kinds
of idolators: (1) those who think that worshipping lesser beings is legitimate; and (2) those who
think that feigned or outer worship is acceptable either as a custom or in case of an emergency.
Seemingly Pignon adds a third category of idolators who believe that the supreme God should
be worshipped with spiritual offerings and the lesser gods with material sacrifices. This, as is
clear from Thomas, is not a separate category, but a subtype of the first category of idolators.
111
The word latria, from the Greek harpeia, meaning 'service', 'worship', was used,
among others, by Augustine in DCD X. 1 where he rendered it as servitus. Also in the language
of Thomas Aquinas latria means 'worship' in a general sense, i.e. it is the kind of worship one
can have for God, but also for idols. Pignon, unfamilar with the word, prefers to see it as a
special name for the special kind of worship one owes to the supreme God.
112
DCD X.19 (CC 47, 293). Aquinas (ST 2a2ae.94.2(R)) quotes Augustine as follows:
exteriora sacrificia ita sunt signa interiorum sicut verba sonantia signa sunt rerum. A marginal
gloss in the manuscript reads X de cifvitajte Dfeji and refers to the just mentioned text from
The City of God.
CLD Π. 1.1 257
quant nous prions Dieu. Car de paroles nous recognoissons sa soverainne

segnorie [17v] ainsi parellement quant nous sacrefions quelconquez chose que
che soit, nous devons avoir l'entencion correspondent au sacrefice, et dont
par raison le sacrefice par dehors represente le sacrefice au par dedens, qui
est l'entencion et l'afection. A cuy dont on fait l'un on doit par raison faire
l'autre. Et ja soiche que aucunes creatures soient a nomer, toutefois ce n'est
point par telle maniere comme nous devons adorer et honorer Dieu qui est
souverain sur tous, ains est une autre maniere (et) que on nomme par un
especial non et est la differance telle. Car la bonté que nous recognoissons
estre en Dieu est en lui par essence et par plenitude de puissance qui est
soverainne. Mais la bonté qui est es creatures est bonté participée113 et de
Dieu distribuée a celles creatures.
Il est aucuns autres en ceste matere parlans et disans que on puet en
certains cas, (c') est a savoir ou pour soy conformer a ceux avec lesquelx
on converse, ou pour paour d'encorir en aucun damage de corps ou de biens
ou peril de sa vie, adorer par signe au par dehors les ydoles, et tenir en son
euer vraie foy et adorer Dieu. Et semble Seneques avoir esté de ceste
oppinion, ce dit saint Augustin,114 mais ceste maniere de dire nullement
n'est (a) approver. Car l'oneur que on doit a Dieu est telle que tout homme,
en quelquez estât qu'il soit, se doit moustrer tel en langage et en ovrage
comme il est en corage en ce qui toche sa foy et ce qui appartient a l'honneur
113
Created goodness is described by Thomas as a goodness that participates in divine
goodness, by which he means that, since God is the ultimate end of all things, all things strive
to become like the first goodness, which is God (cf. SCG III. 19). The participatio-concept is
Platonic in origin and came to Aquinas through the Neoplatonic language of Christian authors
such as Augustine. Cf. F. C. Copleston, Aquinas (London 1988), pp. 125-126. Though an
unfortunate loan, the word participation as used by Thomas, should not be interpreted as having
any pantheistic connotations. Strictly speaking participated goodness is not a part of divine
goodness, but something which bears a likeness to divine goodness whilst being on an entirely
different ontological level. Created things are completely dependent on God for their being and
goodness, or, as Thomas puts it, creation has its being, whereas God is His being. ST
la.33.1(R): Deus est ipsum esse per se subsistens (...) omnia alia a Deo non sint suum esse,
sedparticipant esse. In ST 2a2ae.94.2 there is no reference xoparticipatio. Its appearance here
fits in with Pignon's Christian Neoplatonic bent of mind. In CLD Π.2.1(Γ1) we can read that
'toute creature doit ensuïr son créateur et desire estre assimilé a iceli'. The word 'assimilé* is
Pignon's rendering of Thomas's participatio. Cf. also CDE11.763-768, where Pignon explains
that God 'qui est cause de donner estre a toutes choses, est aussy cause de donner a aucun bien
estre et a aultres mieulx estre, a une chascune selonc ce qu'elle est capable et digne de participer
(de) sa bonté'. (The passage in CDE, in which these lines occur, is based on SCG III.95 (2703),
but these remarks on participation, being, and well-being are Pignon's additions.)
114
Augustine, DCD VI. 10. Aquinas draws attention to Augustine's criticism of Seneca who
claims it is permissible to worship idols out of custom, even though this worship is at odds with
one's convictions. A marginal gloss in the manuscript gives 'vj°' but the rest of the reference
is lost due to the tight binding of the book.
258 CLD η . 1.1
de Dieu. Pour ce est il dit en la sainte escripture115 des ydoles: Tu ne les

adoras, (n') auras point en leur faisant quelconques honneur au par dehors,
et si n'auras a eulx quelconques affection au par dedens. Dont sur che conclut
la vérité de nostre foy que toute ydolatrie est pechié mortel.
Item,116 n'est pas seulement pechié, ains de tous pechiés le plus grief,
et cecy se puet declarer par exemple en la policie terrienne. Car cely qui est
subgét [18r] a aucun roy et segneur ne puelt plus griefment estre punis de
pechié qu'il fache, que quant il est repris de traïson en soi départant de
l'obeïssance de son droit et naturel segneur pour servir a autre. Et par
especial quant il se tourne a servir l'ennemi mortel et adversaire de son
droiturier segneur. Par cecy il donne cause et raison de pervertir et subvertir
et destruire toute bonne loy, toute policie et toute bonne ordenance.
Parellement fait celi qui par ydolatrie se tourne a servir autre que Dieu, soit
en langage ou en ovrage ou de volenté. Car tel fait son pooir de destruire
toute l'armonie et bone disposicion et ordenance de tout le monde qui doit
a Dieu soverainne obéissance et service en recognoissance de sa soveraine
signourie et dominacion.117 Pour tant dit une glose sur la sainte
escripture:118 Toute iniquité ordoie l'ame, mais ydolatrie soverainement et
surtout pechié. Et c'est quant a ce pechié.
Contre la conclusion
Contre ceste conclusion pourraient aucun chy arguer.
1. Premièrement,119 parmi ce que il est escript que ou tabernacle que
Moyse feïst par le commandement de Dieu avoit pluseurs ymages et
parellement a il en l'Eglise lesquelx on adorait et ador(e) on de present.
115
Ex. 20:5 and Deut. 5:9: non adorabis ea neque coles. A marginal gloss in the manuscript
gives 'exo' but the rest is lost again due to the binding of the book.
116
This paragraph is an elaboration of the first part of ST 2a2ae.94.3(R). Thomas explains
that the gravity of a sin may be measured in two ways; either by looking at the sin itself (Pignon
copies the argument in which high treason is compared to idolatry), or by looking at the sinner.
A sin committed knowingly, may be deemed worse than a sin committed out of ignorance.
Pignon omits this second consideration.
117
dominacion: ms doninacion.
118
A marginal gloss reads: 'levi .xv°. c°\ Lev. 15:31. Glossa (PL 113, 340): Omne
peccatum immunditia est animae, sed idololatria maxime (quoted by Thomas).
119
ST 2a2ae.94.2(l) paraphrased: Nihil enim est peccatum quod vera fides in cultum Dei
assurait. Sed vera fides imagines quasdam assumit ad divinum cultum: nam et in tabernaculo
erant imagines cherubim, ut legiturExod. ; et in ecclesia quaedam imaginesponuntur quasfidèles
adorant. A marginal gloss in the manuscript gives 'exo xxv°'. A description of the images and
decorations on the Ark and candlestick can be found in Ex. 25:18-20, 33-34. The images seem
to be limited to floral motives and the two cherubim on the Ark. In the corresponding reply
Pignon freely elaborates Aquinas's point that images in Church were never intended to be objects
of latria.
CLD Π. 1.1 259
2. Item,120 que ce n'est pechié plus grief des autres, il le semble par les
pechiés commis contre le Saint Esperit. Ainsi que haïr Dieu, desperance et
finable impenitence par la doctrine de Sainte Eglise sont les pieurs.
3. Item,121 le pechié par lequel Dieu est plus offensé est le plus mauvais.
Mais Dieu est plus offensé, se semble, par ceux qui le renoient et despitent
que par ydolatrie. Heresies (et) erreurs parellement semblent estre plus
malvais dont, et cetera.
4. Item,122 dit saint Pol que ydolatrie fut jadis puni par le pechié contre
nature, dont le pechié contre nature vault [18v] pis que le pechié de idolatrie.
5. Item,123 saint Jerome dit en l'exposicion de Tepitre ad Galaîas que
120
ST 2a2ae.94.3(l) paraphrased. Thomas objects that since interior worship is more
important than outer, also the sins against interior worship (infidelitas, desperatio, et odium Dei)
are graver than those against outer worship (idolatry). Pignon does not explicitly copy the
distinction and identifies the sins against interior worship with the sins against the Holy Spirit.
He does the same in the corresponding reply, when Thomas explains that idololatriapraesupponit
interiorem infidelitatem. Pignon adds that this logically entails the sins against the Holy Spirit.
The distinction between inner and outer emerges where he speaks of outward signs and inner
will. Outward idol-worship without inner infidelity to God does not diminish the gravity of
idolatry; on the contrary, it aids the culpa falsitatis.
121
ST 2a2ae.94.3(2) paraphrased: tanto aliquod peccatum est gravius quanto magis est
contra Deum. Thomas offers blasphemy as an example of this and Pignon, following qu. 94.3(4),
adds heresy. In the corresponding reply Thomas points out that since idolatry deprives God of
the reverence which is due to Him, it implies a great blasphemy. By extension, following the
line of the reply to the second objection, Pignon makes it include all sins that can be committed
against God. Pignon's extensions follow the spirit rather than the letter of the question from the
ST.
122
ST 2a2ae.94.3(3): Sed peccatum idololatriae punitum estpeccato contra naturam, ut
dicitur Rom. Ergo peccatum contra naturam est gravius peccato idololatriae (Rom. 1:26-27).
Pignon omits from this objection the premiss around which the argument revolves: minora mala
majoribus malis puniri videntur. In the corresponding reply Pignon paraphrases Thomas and
explains that the punishment in this case is not a greater evil, but a more manifest one (magis
manifestum). Rebellion against the larger order of nature (idolatry) is punished by rebellion
against the smaller order of nature (sodomy).
123
ST 2a2ae.94.3(5) paraphrased. The Biblical reference is to Gal. 4:9. Thomas quotes
Jerome as follows: Legis observantia, cui dediti tunc erant, erat peccatum pene par servituti
idolorum, cui ante conversionem vacaverant. (Jerome, In epistolam ad Galaîas, PL 26, 401.)
Pignon erroneously renders pene as 'ainsi ... que', correcting it to 'peu pres' in the
corresponding reply. His reason for doing so is the fact that he feels Thomas does not produce
a very convincing argument here. Thomas's fifth objection to the thesis that idolatry is the most
serious of sins, amounts to saying (by word of Jerome) that observance of the law is almost equal
to idolatry. In the corresponding reply this 'almost' is seized upon to show that both are not
equal. Presented this way, the objection seems rather feeble. Pignon, therefore, corrects Thomas
and creates a genuine opposition by suggesting in his version of the objection that both are equal.
Aquinas, however, did not want to point out that equality is not the same as near-equality, but
that two sins, entirely dissimilar as sins, may be on equal (or near-equal) footing when looking
at the mentality of the sinners. ST 2a2ae.94.3(r5): observatio legis tempore gratiae non est
omnino aequalis idololatriae secundum genus peccati. But what Jerome was made to show is
260 CLD Π.1.1
ceux qui furent premièrement converti par le predicacion des apostres a la

foy et gardoient les cerimonies de la loi des Juis depuis leur conversion,
faisoient ainsi mal que ceux qui estoient ydolatre. Dont ydolatrie n'est point
le plus grief pechié.
1. Au premier je di que autrement adorent les ymages li ydolatre,
autrement nous et li bon catholique, quar les ydolatres adorent les ydoles en
leur actribuant telle perficcion comme a Dieu et sperans que telz ymages ont
en elles vertu et puissance telle comme Dieu. Mais li bon catholique n'ont
point ce regart, car en adorant les ymages leur principale intencion est en
Dieu et es sains qui sont avec Dieu. Desquelz nous veons la representacion
en telle figure, si prions les sains qu'il veulent Dieu pour nous prier, et ne
prions point les ymages.
2. Ou second je di que idolatrie enclôt en soy desloiauté et traïson faite
a Dieu. Et ceci enporte tout pechié contre le Saint Esperit. Et qui dit que de
boce ou de signe on puet faire un, et de vollenté l'autre, ce ne vaut riens,
quar en tel cas la creature est faussaire contre son soverain segneur a cui elle
doit tout et euer et entencion.
3. Au .iiie. parellement est a dire, quar toute ydolatre fait tous les pechiés
qui puelent avoir regart a Dieu en tant qu'il se soutrait de Γ obéissance de
son souverain segneur.
4. Au .iiiie. je di que il ne faut point que le pechié qui est painne d'ung
autre soit plus grief que l'autre. Ains soffist que il soit plus publique et
manifeste que l'autre. Item, raisonnablement le pechié contre nature estoit
pugnicion et painne de idolatrie, quar puis que homme soustrahoit a Dieu
[191] obéissance, raison estoit que il fust puni par rebell(i)on de sa propre
sensualité contre l'ordenance de nature et de raison et li qui estoit rebelle
encontre son souverain signeur qui trovast rebellion en soi et en sa nature.
5. Au quint je di que garder les cerimonies de la loy de Moyse ou temps
de la loy de grace est contre l'ordenance de Dieu et supersticieuse chose et
approchant a ydolatrie. Pour tant dit bien saint Jerome que c'est a peu pres
ydolatrie, et c'est vraie.
that the people who sinfully observed Mosaic law did so in almost the same way as they
worshipped their idols before their conversion. Both are therefore pene aequalis, quia utrumque
est species pestiferae superstitionis. Superstition denotes excessive and undue worship on the
part of the sinners. Thomas emphasised this distinction between sins and sinners in ST
2a2ae.94.3(R) but Pignon only copied the remarks regarding sin, thus forcing himself to adjust
the fifth objection.
CLD Π. 1.2 261
Π. 1.2 {La seconde conclusion)
La seconde conclusion124 puet estre déclarée par ce que raconte saint

Augustin que Hermes Trimestitus et pluseurs autres de son temps feïrent
ymages soulz certaines constellations esquelles le deable se metoit et parloit
par elles, en donnant response a ceux qui les adoroient et requeroient
d'aucune chose. Et cuidoient telles gent que Dieu fust en telles ymages dont
vint en partie ydolatrie. Autres fijés furent après cex-cy qui ne adoroient pas
les ymages mais adoroient Jupiter, Venus, Saturne et ainsi des autres qui
estoient figuré et representé en telz ymages, disans que Jupiter, Venus et les
autres avoient esté homme et estoient devenu Dieu. De ce toche saint Pol en
l'epitre aux Romains et de ceux-cy estoient .iii. oppinions. Le premiers
cuidoient, comme dit est, que Jupiter et telz ymages eussent esté homme et
puis fusent deifiét. Les autres adoroient les parties du monde, comme les
estoelles, l'aer, le feu, la terre, l'eaue, cuidant que toutes telles choses eussent
vie en eux, par ce que il reputoient tout le monde compris en soy generalment
avoir ame ainsi que nous avons. Les autres, comme Platon et ses disciples,
disoient que les estoilles estoient vivans et qu'elles avoient ame intellectuele
et que les âmes des hommes, appres qu'elles se [19v] partoient de leur corps,
estoient reçues avec les intelligences et avoient certaines habitations, et de
ce parla mout soutilment. Nientmains il fali et erra en maintes choses en ceste
matière, comme en ce qu'il dist que telles creatures estoient a adorer comme
Dieu, et en125 ce que on lit du dieu de126 Socratres qui estoit un deable
privé. Par telles folies furent il deceû. Toutes ces coses, ou la plus grant
partie, recite saint Augustin127 comme fauces et dampnables et
supersticieuses.
Item, recite Ysidoires128 qui est un notable docteur que par telz erreurs
124
ST 2a2ae.94.1(R) paraphrased. Thomas gives the following classification of idolatry:
(1) worship of idols and images that are believed to be divine; (2) worship of beings that are
represented by the images. The latter is subdivided in: (2a) worship of gods that were believed
to be deified humans; (2b) worship of the all-pervading and animating world-soul; (2c) worship
of all spiritual beings (such as the souls of humans, daemons, stars) that participate in divinity.
The references to Augustine (on Hermes) and St. Paul appear in the ST and derive from
Augustine, DCD Vm.23 and Rom. 1:23,25, respectively.
125
en: ms de ce.
126
de: ms que.
127
The text of the ST contains no reference to the god of Socrates. For a discussion of
Apuleius's De deo Socratis, see DCD VIH.14 and following chapters.
128
A marginal four-line gloss reads: (...)cdo de doc[tri]na / xipiana Ysid. / viif
ethifmologjiae /xj capfitujlo. The gloss appears to contain two references. The former may refer
to Augustine, DDC Π.20, quoted by Thomas: Superstitiosum est quidquid institutum ab
hominibus est ad facienda et colenda idola pertinens, vel ad colendam sicut Deum creaturam
partemve ullam creaturae. The latter refers to Isidore, Etym. VIII. 11.1 (PL 82, 314): Quos
262 CLD Π. 1.2
furent séduit ensiennement les Egipciens qui adoraient Ysis, en Crete

adoroient Jovis, en Maurienne Juba. Et ainsi de pluseurs autres pays et
regions, esquelles ydolatrie est multipliée par tout le monde qui de ce ad esté
enpunaisé, jusques au temps de grace de la venue de Jhesucrist, lequelle
reprove toutes telles erreurs et les deffent ainsi que Teuvangile, qui est la
doctrine de nostre foy, le nous desfent et presche continuelment. Et
quiconques veult moult clerement de ce avoir cognoissence, tout au plain lise
Ysidoire. La verra il clerement comment ydolatrie est129 chose
supersticieuse desplaisant a Dieu, et dont le deable est principal et premier
acteur et a tousjours estei.
Item, pour soi eslongier de ceste fause secte et de toutes les foies
supersticions de quoy j'ey touchié en la premiere partie, doit mout adviser
et bien noter en sa memoire la tres grant diligence, la grant painne et le grant
labour, que les premiers fondeurs et patrons de nostre foy ont eue de telle
choses extirper, la foy catholique qui est du tout fondée sur (sur) Jhesucrist
exaucier, comme il appert et ou livre des apostres, es legendes et vies des
sains apostres et mar[2(T|tirs qui sont a painne sens nombre. Lesquelx pour
la vérité de nostre foy tesmoignier ont leur propre sanc respandu. Et che
sofise130 a cause de briefté, car les miracles de nostre foy provent assés
toutes les choses dessusdittes estre malvaises et dampnables et menans a
perdicion.
Contre
Et se tu demandes131 comment est a entendre la parole de saint Pol qui
dit en ses epistres que ydole est nïent, et chose sacrefiee et inmolee aux
ydoles sont nïent, pour quoy il pouroit sembler que idolles ne porroit estre
cause de pechié.
Response
Ad ce est a dire que ydol(o)e n'est riens au regart de che que les ydolatres
les reputoient estre. Car aucun disoient que les ydoles avoient ame et vie,
et estoient rempli de la vertu divine, comme il est dit de Hermes. Les autres
pagani deos asserunt, homines olim fuisse produntur, et pro uniuscujusque vita vel meritis, coli
apudsuospost mortem coeperunt, utapudAegyptumlsis, apud Cr etam Jovis, apudMaurosJuba,
apud Latinos Faunus, apud Romanos Quirinus. The paragraphs on Isidore and on the apostles
and martyrs do not appear in the ST 2a2ae.94.1.
129
est: ms en.
130
sofise: ms fofise.
131
ST 2a2ae.94.1(3+r3) paraphrased. On the apparent non-existence of idolatry Thomas
quotes St. Paul. I Cor. 8:4: scimus quia nihil est idolum in mundo. I Cor. 10:19: dico quod idolis
immolatum sit aliquidaut quod idolum sit aliquid? As the reply makes clear, the Apostle sought
to contradict the idea that idols are somehow alive or that sacrifices made to idols are somehow
efficacious.
CLD Π. 1.3 263
si comme li païen disoient que ce que on sacrefioit aux ydolles comme bestes,
oysiaux et autres choses, purifioit les sacrefians de leur pechiés. Les autres
comme aucuns Juis disoient que telz sacrefices ordoient les sacrefians. Toutes
telles folles oppinions et erreurs voloit destruire saint Pol, disant que ydole
et sacrefice fait a ydole c'est tout nient. Et c'est quant ad ceste seconde
conclusion.
II. 1.3 La tierce conclusion
Quant a la tierce conclusion,132 en partie elle est dependant de la seconde

et assés provee par icelle. Neantmains on la puet encore aucunnement declarer
par quoy semblablement se continuera la declaration des choses dessusdites.
Car ainsi que disent li docteur idolatrie a en soi deux causes: la premiere est
la bestialté et folie des hommes, la seconde, et qui est cause de la
continuacion, c'est la mauvetié et la soutiveté dou deable d'enfer.
De la premiere est escript en la sainte escripture133 que il fu un homme,
qui avoit un enfant, lequel il amoit tres fort et trop. Cel enfant morut. Le père
le [20*] plouroit jour et nuit sens pranre repos ne consollacion. E(t) en celle
dolleur fist faire l'ymage de son enfant. Et souvent l'adoroit, cuidant que il
fust translaté u ciel avec les diex et déifié. Et de ce prirent pluseurs exemple
et faisoient parellement, laquelle (laquelle) chose, dist Salomon, tellement
s'est multepliee, que l'onneur deiie a Dieu les hommes ont atribué a creature.
Une autre raison est pour tant que naturelment homme se délite en choses
sensibles et qui li sont visiblement representees. Et pour tant les hommes
rudes au commanchement veant les ymages faites de novel qui avoient
semblence d'omme cuidoient que il eussent telle vertu divine en especial quant
le veoient et ooient parler, c'est a dire le deable en elles, comme dit est. Et
de tout ce parle Salomon en son Livre de Sapience. Le tiers motif fut
132
The contents of this article are derived from ST 2a2ae.94.4(R) where Thomas
distinguishes two causes of idolatry: 1. causa dispositiva ex parte hominum, subdivided into la.
ex inordinatione affectas; lb. propter hoc quod homo naturaliter de repraesentatione delectatar;
lc. propter ignorantiam veri Dei; and 2. causa consummativa exporte daemonum. Pignon's
renderings are partly translations, partly paraphrases. Thomas illustrates point 1 by means of
examples taken from the Book of Wisdom: la is illustrated by Sap. 14:15,21; lb by Sap.
13:13,17; lc by Sap. 13:1-2. The second cause, the causa consummativa, is rendered by Pignon
as a 'cause de la continuacion'. The idea is that what was initiated by man was completed by
the devil.
133
A marginal gloss reads: sapiefntiaj xiiif'. Sap. 14:15-16,21: acerbo enim luctu dolens
pater cito sibifilii rapti faciens imaginent ilium qui tunc homo mortuus fuerat nunc tamquam
deum colère coepit et constituit inter servos suos sacra et sacrificia (16) deinde interveniere
tempore convalescente iniquia consuetudine hie error tamquam lex custodita est et tyrannorum
imperio colebanturfigmenta (21) et haecfuit vitae humanae deceptio quoniam aut adfectui out
regibus deservientes homines incommunicabile nomen lapidibus et lignis inpdsuerunt.
264 CLDn.l.3
ringnorance que les hommes eurent au commencement d'ung seul Dieu qui
est par dessus tout puissant. Si se mirent a adorer les creatures esqueles il
veoient plus grant beauté, c'est assavoir le soleil, la lune, les estoilles, comme
Salomon recite ou lieu dessusdit. Et tout che vint de la faute et bestialté qui
estoit es hommes.
L'autre principale cause qui a cecy continuel c'est le deable, lequel, veant
la volenté et plaisance des hommes encline a telz erreurs, s'est meslé et ingéré
dedans telz ydoles, (a) donnei response, révélé les choses secretes et a
advenir, comme j'ei dit cy devant. Dont les folz veans souventefois advenir
che que le deable avoit dit, estoient plus confermé et plus ahurté a telz erreurs
actribuans ce que le deable faisoit.134 Ces choses avec celles qui sont dittes
par avant, ont mis sus ydolatrie et toutes folles superstitions et mauvaises
erreurs. Et che souffisse a prouver la conclusion. Deo graîias.
Contre
[2Y\ Contre135 la cunclusion devantditte aucuns veulent arguer que
ydolatrie n'est point venue par la faute des hommes. Car se ainsy estoit, il
sembleroit que en tout temps des le commenchement du monde ydolatrie eüst
esté, dont le contraire est vrai, quar elle fu commenchié ou second aage136
que le monde avoit ja duré, puis de .ii. m(il) ans, c'est assavoir quant
134
Anacoluthic clause; 'actribuans' does not go with 'a telz erreurs' (which belongs to
'ahurté') but would logically require a phrase such as 'a leurs ydoles'; 'attributing to their idols
what (in fact) the devil does'.
135
Thomas Aquinas, ST 2a2ae.94.4(2): Non autem semper fiat idololatria, sed in secunda
aetate legitur esse adinventa: vel a Nemrod, qui, *x dicitur, cogebat homines ignem adorare;
vel a Nino, qui imaginent paths sui Beli adoran fecit. Apud Graecos autem, ut Isidorus refert,
Prometheus primus simulacra hominum de lutofinxit. Judaei vero dicunt quod Ismael primus
simulacra de luto fecit. Cessavit etiam in sexta aetate idololatria ex magna parte. Ergo idololatria
non habuit causam ex parte hominis. The general proposition of this objection is that if man
is the cause of idolatry then idolatry must have existed always. Since this is not the case, man
need not be the cause of idolatry. The arguments from the corresponding reply show that this
general proposition is not as self-evident as it would appear to be. Man is the cause of idolatry
because of his improper affections, his appetites and his ignorance (ST 2a2ae.94.4(R)). In the
first age of the world man was not ignorant of God and in the dispensation of Grace (the sixth
age) his improper affections and inclinations are for the greater part overruled by Christ. When
idolatry occurs, its cause must be looked for in man, but its occurrence depends very much on
certain conditions that are not always met.
136
InDCDXVI.43andGe/i. contraManich. 1.35-41 (PL34,190-193) Augustine expounds
the doctrine of the aetates of the world. The first age from the creation to Noah he refers to
as the infantia of humanity; the second age from Noah to Abraham is the pueritia; the third age
from Abraham to David is the adulescentia and so on. In all mere are seven aetates. Since
between creation and Augustine's own time nearly 6,000 years were supposed to have elapsed
(DCD ΧΠ.11) each aetas (cf. Ps. 89:4) was usually reckoned a millennium. Augustine himself
did not favour literal 1000-year periods (cf. DCD XX.7). See for a full treatment of this theme:
Augustinus-Lexikon, C. Mayer et al., ed. (Basel 1986), vol. 1,150-158. Cf. also chapter 3.2.2.
CLD Π. 1.4 265
Nambrot faisoit adorer137 le feu as hommes, et que Ninus feïst l'ymage de

son père Belus en la cité de Ninivé, qu'il edefia premièrement. En Grèce
Prometheus composa les hommes de terre et les faisoit adorer, Ismael ou
peuple des Juis.138 Et depuis, comme dit est, ou temps de grasce par le
predicacion nostre Seigneur et des aposteles tout est finey. Grattas.139
A che on puet dire que le tamps durant que dist est140 ydolatrie ne fu
point ou monde pour cause de la nouvelleté de la cre(a)cion du monde, dont
les hommes avoient fresche memore. Et par che adoroient un seul Dieu,
duquel il apercevoient la puissance es choses créés. En la fin, c'est ou tamps
de grace, elle est cessée, comme dit est.141 Mais ou tesmoing qui estoit loins
de la connissance des euvres de Dieu mervileuses, les hommes par leur folie
se sont donné a ceste superstitieuse et mauvaise observance et le142 diable
t143 les a séduis144 et maintenus lonc tamps en tels erreurs, comme dit
est.
H. 1.4 La quarte conclusion
La quarte conclusion145 est que es sacrefices de Sainte Eglise nuls ne doit
137
adorer: ms odorer.
138
Anacoluthic sentence; the idea is that Ismael did the same thing as Prometheus. Pignon
(or his copyist) is very imprecise here. Prometheus did not compose people from the earth, but
simulacra hominum, and according to the Jews (not amongst the Jews, as the text suggests)
Ismael did the same (cf. Thomas's original in note 135).
139
The manuscript gives 4 g . . . \ which has been interpreted as gratias in conformity with
the last word of the previous paragraph.
140
A phrase that may be confusing, and should be read as: 'que durant le tamps (premier),
que dist est, ydolatrie...'.
141
ST 2a2ae.94.4(r2): in prima aetate non fiat idololatria propter recentem memoriam
creationis mundi, ex qua adhuc vigebat cognitio unius Dei in mente hominum. In sexta autem
aetate idololatria est exclusa per doctrinam et virtutem Christi, qui de diabolo triumphavit.
Aquinas's statements that idololatria cessavit and idololatria est exclusa per doctrinam Christi
(cf. Pignon's emphatic renderings 'tout est finey' and 'elle est cessée') should be understood
in a general rather than in an absolute sense. If, in fact, all idolatry had vanished, Aquinas and
Pignon would have no reason for writing their treatises. For this reason Pignon adds a comment
('Mais ou tesmoing...') which is not in the ST, explaining how man was lured into these follies.
142
le: /wide.
143
f: rns par cec?? The word is difficult to make out in the manuscript, but might be read
as 'parcreüs', i.e. 'powerful'.
144
a séduis: ms asedurs.
145
Essentially this fourth conclusion is based on ST 2a2ae.93.1(R)+2(R). In question 93.1
Thomas makes clear that the outward signs of religious worship should correspond to the
inwardly perceived truths; this correpondance can be disturbed, because (1) certain (wrong) signs
may misrepresent the truths, or (2) the representation may not be legitimate, because it was not
authorised by the proper authorities. Question 93.2 deals with excessive worship (1) secundum
quantitatem absolutam, in which case the worship aiming at its one and proper goal can never
266 CLD Π. 1.4
introduire ne faire chose qui ne soit ordenee, instituée ou aprovee des Sainte
Eglise, et qui fait aultrement, il fait mal supersticieusement. La cause est quar
faire autrement que l'Eglise n'at ordené, sans garder l'entencion que l'Eglise
a et veult que on ait, argue superfluité et supersticion. Neantmains yci on doit
noter que tout ce homme fait a l'honneur de Dieu, considéré tel ouvraige en
soi, il puet estre boin. Mais se on a regart a l'entencion de celi qui le fait,
il y puet avoir pechié, quar puet estre il n'a point telle entencion quelle i doit
avoir, ou il ne tent point [2Γ] principalment a la fin a quoi il doit tendre,
quar ou il fait pour aparoir singuler en devocion et sainteté, ou pour venir
a aucune fin supersticieuse et mauvaise. Ainsi font pluseurs lesquels junent,
font astinences mervilleuses, vellent en longues orisons, font pluseurs signes
de devocion, et toutes ces coses d'elles mesmes sont boines. Mais a cause
de la fin et de l'entencion que tels gent ont, elles sont mal ν ai ses, quar che
puet estre pour aucun sorceleries, ou pour invocacions de deables, ou pour
deviner et faire aucun maléfice ou enchariement, ou pour avoir science par
mauvais art, qui sont toutes cozes deffendues et reprovees et dampnables.
Par quoy il appert que ou service et sacrefice fait a Dieu, on puet bien
commetre pechié, et par quelle maniere laquelle coze estoit a declairier et
en ceste maniere, auques pres la declaret les docteurs de Sainte Eglise.
Contre
1. Encontre ceste conclusion on porroit arguer, premièrement,146 par
che que rescripture dit quiconques apelera le non de Dieu, il sera sauvé.
Ainsi fait tout homme qui fait aucun service a Dieu pour honorer Dieu, dont
n'y a il riens de superfluité en telle chose.
2. Item,147 Abraham, Noë, Ysaac et Jacob ou tamps de la loy148
err in its quantitative excess; and (2) secundum quantitatemproportions, in which case excessive
worship is wrong because it is not aiming at its proper goal, viz. the glory of God, but adheres
to external matters. Pignon does not follow these distinctions, but derivesfromthem the general
distinction between external worship and internal intentions. Though the forms of worship
themselves may be good, there can still be sin, either because the intention is wrong (93.1) or
because it aims at the wrong goal (93.2) such as the appearance of sanctity or superstition.
Pignon's reference to the superstitious applications of fasts, abstinences and other signs of
devotion may be compared to the seventh point in the confession of Jehan de Bar (or the twelfth
article of the determinatio issued by the university of Paris in 1398). See Appendix I.
146
ST 2a2ae.93.1(l) paraphrased. In the corresponding reply Thomas emphasises there
should be truth in one's service to God, which Pignon interprets as 'right intention'. A rubric
in the manuscript refers to the book of Joel. Joel 2:32: omnis qui invocaverit nomen Domini
salvus erit. Cf. also Rom. 10:13: omnis enim quicumque invocaverit nomen Domini salvus erit.
147
ST 2a2ae.93.1 (2) paraphrased. In the corresponding reply Thomas contrasts the inward
inspiration of the dispensation of natural law to the outward Mosaic laws (quae praeterire
pestiferum est). The latter has superseded the former as a guiding principle in religious worship.
Pignon elaborates this point in his reply by arguing the same for the law of Grace.
CLD Π. 1.4 267
naturelle furent plaisant a Dieu. Ainsi fu Moyse et pluseurs du peulle d'Israël,

et non pour autre coze fors pour le service qu'il faisoient a Dieu, dont puis
que Dieu est amiables, leur service est, se semble, licite et maintenant comme
adonques.
3. Item,149 en Sainte Eglise a mout de manières de Dieu servir et tant
et si diverses, qu'a paines est il .ii. églises du tout en service parelles. Et tout
est a Dieu agréable et de l'Eglise approve, dont quelconques cose qui se face
ou service de Dieu ne fait a reprover.
4. Item,150 Salemon dit que on doit glorefier Dieu tant que on puet.
Donques il n'y a riens de superfluité.
1. Au premier je di que l'auctorité du prophete est a prenre en bon [22T
entendement, c'est a dire que on doit Dieu honorer et servir en pure et sainte
entencion at ad boine fin.
2. Au secont est a dire que Abraham et Noë et les autres du temps de la
loy de nature honnoroient et servoient Dieu en pluseurs et diverses manières
sans avoir aucune forme déterminée. Ou temps de la loy Moïse fu donné
forme certaine de Dieu servir et par escript, quar adont le pueple se
convertisoit a ydolatrie, comme j'ai dit par avant, et pour le retraire de ce
pechié Dieu leur bailla loy escripte et commandemens. En la loy de grace
n'a rien adjouté sur les autres qui soit contraire aux autres. Ançois elle est
la fin et la perfection et l'acomplisement de toutes et consumasion. Chi n'y
a point de diversité, ains tout revient aling(é) a bon entendement, ostei les
cerimonies151 ensiennes, qui ne servoient a autre coze qu'a retraire le peuple
de ydolatrie, et la circoncision et autres observances sacramenteles qui sont
representees ou baptesme et es sacremens de nostre foi, se152 n'y a riens
de contrariété, comme il apert, quar le nouvel testament est enclos dedens
le viel, ainsi comme une roe dedens une autre est enclose. Et pour tant que
Sainte Eglise ad ordonné en cecy forme déterminée de Dieu servir, on la doit
garder sans riens y adjouter qui soit cause de pechié ou supersticion, comme
dit est.
148
loy: ms foi. Cf. the corresponding reply where Pignon explicitly refers to 'la loy de
nature'. Thomas also speaks of 'law'. Though *foi' does not constitute an erroneous reading
as such, 'loy' is the better option here, since it is more in keeping with the intended meaning.
149
ST 2a2ae.93.1(3) paraphrased. Pignon's reply that different liturgical practices are
legitimate and binding, provided they are approved by the universal Church, is phrased somewhat
more negatively by Thomas who explains that religious worship should never be contrary to
the traditions of the Church.
150
ST 2a2ae.93.2(l) paraphrased. Both Thomas and Pignon answer that worship of God
by definition excludes undue excessiveness. A rubric in the manuscript reads: ecclesiastici xliif.
Ecclesiasticus 43:32: (Glorificantes Dominum) quantumcumque potueritis supervalebit adhuc
et admirabilis magnificentia eius.
151
cerimonies: ms terimonies.
152
se: lege mais.
268 CLD Π.2
3. Au ,iiie. je di que toutes particuleres observances et manières de Dieu

prier et servir en particulières églises, en tant qu'eles sont approvees et
confermees de l'Eglise universele sont a tenir non autrement.
4. Au quart je disoie que Dieu est a loër et glorifier tant comme on puet,
et la puissance de creature se puet extendre sauve la maniere et forme deûe
et intencion droite de Dieu ordonnée et de Sainte Eglise selonc la doctrine
des euvangiles et autres escriptures saintes canoniziees et approvees de
l'E[22v]glise non autrement. Et cy fine le premier chapitre de ceste seconde
partie.
II.2 Second capitre
Ou second capitre seront desclairiés les conclusions qui s'ensievent.153
11.2.1 La premiere, que divinacion est pechié mortel et desfandue a tout

boin Crestien, laquele ce puet commetre en pluseurs manières cy
desclariés.
11.2.2 La seconde conclusion, que divinacion qui se fait par art de dyable
e(s)t reprovee et dampnable a tout bon catholique.
11.2.3 La tierce conclusion, que les jugemens que les divineurs font sur les
choses (a) advenir et secretes par le cours et influence du ciel et des
estoiles, qu'il (attribuent) altrement a la science d'astronomie,154
sont en la plus grant partie faux.
11.2.4 La quarte conclusion, que les jugemens desusdis fondés sur visions
et songes, sont en tres grant parties faux.
11.2.5 La quinte, que telx jugemens pris sur le chant des oysiaus, le
movement et la disposicion d'aucunes bestes en mer et en terre
fallent en pluseurs chozes.
11.2.6 La sisime conclusion, que divinacion faite et jugement des chozes
desusdites par sortileges et generalment toute sorcelerie est choze
reprovee et défendue.
Et a che que il apere mielx de la vérité d'ungne cascunne conclusion, jou

proposerai aucunnes i(n)stanches et objections comme j'ai fait par avant en
l'autre chapitre contre les conclusions et matière, après que telles objections
n'en font riens a rencontre.
153
Again Pignon relies heavily on Thomas. CLD Π.2.1 corresponds to ST 2a2ae.95.1 ; CLD
II.2.2-6 correspond to ST 2a2ae.95.4-8.
154
astronomie: ms ostronomie.
CLD Π.2.1 269
Π.2. ι La premiere conclusion
La premiere conclusion155 se puet declarer veü premièrement que c'est de

divinacion. Divinacion est voloir avoir cognoissance de choze secrete ou qui
est (a) advenir par maniere illicite, et icelle cognoissance donner a autre
comme science déterminée. Ichy dont convient veoir par quelle maniere telle
coze se puet savoir. Pour quoi est a noter et considérer que par deux manières
on puet de telle coze avoir congnoissance. La premiere est quant on at
parfaite connissance de la cause et de la propre vertu et puissance, on puet
par ce congnoistre quelle choze telle cause puet produire et faire. La seconde
est [23Π quant on voit les choses a dire nues, on a cognoisance que par avant
elles estoient ad advenir et que il estoit en la disposicion et puissance de tele
cause de les produire.
Quant a la premiere maniere est assavoir que les causes natureles qui
produisent leur operacions natureles sont en trois disferences.
La premiere diference est que il est aucuns156 ovrages naturels, lesquels
sont tellement souget aux influences et cours naturel du ciel, que
nécessairement il faut qu'il adviennent ainsi que il ont acoustumé de avenir
par le cours de nature. Et de ceulx-cy puet on avoir cognoissance certaine
par ce que le cours naturel du ciel, quant a telles operacions, ne puelt
nullement fallir, et quiconques a congnoissance du cours du ciel et de ces
influences et revolutions, il puet congnoistre les ovrages qui adviennent par
telles revolutions et influences. Example de checy par la science d'astronomie
qui moustre et donne a entendre du cours du ciel et des revolutions,
oppositions, conjunctions et autres dispositions du ciel et du soleil et de la
lune: on puet par astronomie assés jugier en quel tamps se doit faire esclipse
de soleil ou de lune, en quel temps se fait opposition et conjunction, et en
quel signe le soleil est et la lune, par quoi on puet dire et jugier quant il fait
bon semer et cuellir et planter, bon extraire sanc de corps humain et donner
médecine, par quoi mesmes puet on jugier de la santé ou de le mort
d'aucunne personne malade a poi pres, ja soice que en che on puisse bien
fallir. Et generalment de toutes coses que on voit advenir sans variation par
155
ST 2a2ae.95.1(R) elaborately paraphrased. The framework is derived from Aquinas.
Future events can be known: 1. through their causes; 2. in themselves. The causes are threefold:
la. those that necessarily produce their effect (ergo: the future can be known); lb. those that
produce their effects not necessarily but for the most part (ergo: the future can be conjectured);
lc. those that produce entirely contingent effects (ergo: the future cannot be known). Pignon
elaborates on these distinctions and provides many examples.
156
aucuns: ms aucums.
270 CLD Π.2.1
telles influences; les causes existens en parreille disposition, s'ensieut parreil

et semblable ovrage.157 C'est quant a la premiere difference.
La seconde est d'aucuns ovrages naturels qui se font par le cours du ciel
et influence des planètes nécessairement.158 Mais il y a diference de ceulx-
cy aus premiers, telle que souventefois on trove variation en tels ovrages.
Quar non obstant [23v] que les causes natureles soient telles, quant en elles,
qu'elles ne fallent point,159 toutesfois l'empêchement puet advenir et la
faute, par che que il y a aucunnes particuleres causes et (cir)constances ou
la matere en laquelle telz ouvraige se doit faire est tellement disposée que
la vertu des premieres et soveraines causes en est enpechié ou retardée. Et
137
Natural causes produce effects that are somehow like them. Because agents act as they
are in actu, the forms of their effects will resemble the forms of the agents. See, e.g., SCG Π.24
(1004): Omne agens agit sibi simile. Unde oportet quod secundum hoc agatunumquodque agens
secundum quod habet similitudinem sui effectus: sicut ignis calefacit secundum modum sui caloris;
or ST la.45.7(R): Aliquis autem effectus repraesentat causam quantum ad similitudinemformae
ejus, sicut ignis générants ignem generantem. If one can find traces of the cause in its effect,
then, conversely, knowledge of a cause (in the context of Pignon's text: knowledge of celestial
bodies and motions) may enable one to predict its effect. Since Aquinas does not elaborate on
natural causation in ST 2a2ae.95.1, one must turn elsewhere in his work for a more
comprehensive exposition. In SCG Π.30 (1077-1078) Aquinas explains that if an effect follows
necessarily from its efficient cause, this does not only depend on the agent, but also on the
disposition of the recipient. The recipient or patient must be receptive and (if needs be) under
the agent's domination. If receptivity is hampered by contrary agents or contrary dispositions,
no necessity will follow from the efficient cause. Si igitur talis dispositio secundum quam de
necessitate sequitur effectus, fuerit necessaria absolute et in agente et in patiente, erit nécessitas
absoluta in causa agente: sicut in his quae agunt ex necessitate et semper (SCG Π.30 (1078a)).
This is the first class of natural causes. One may criticise Pignon's enigmatic formulation: 'les
causes existens en parreille disposicion' since it is not simply the causes, but both the agents
and the recipients of causation that must be in a similar disposition. Another source of confusion
is Pignon's reference to this first class of natural causes. His references to eclipses comes directly
from the ST (it is Aquinas's only example in 2a2ae.95.1) but the examples of sowing, reaping,
blood-letting and medical treatment do not. They would more logically belong to the
meteorological and medical examples of the second class, since, like all sublunar and mutable
things, they may be lacking in power or have contrary dispositions. As Aquinas puts it in SCG
11.30 (1078c): Si autem nonfuerit absolute necessaria sedpossibiUs removeri, non erit nécessitas
ex causa agente nisi ex suppositione dispositionis utriusque debitae ad agendum: sicut in his quae
impediuntur interdum in sua operatione vel propter defectum virtutis, vel propter violentiam
alicuius contrarii; unde non agunt semper et ex necessitate, sed utinpluribus. This is the second
class of natural causes.
138
A somewhat unfortunate rendering; Aquinas unambiguously states: causae producunt
suos effectus non ex necessitate et semper (ST 2a2ae.95.1). Still they produce their effects for
the most part and seldom fail {raw tomen deficiunt). This is, of course, also what Pignon wants
to emphasise. Therefore, he should have modified the word 'nécessairement'.
139
The phrase might be read as follows: 'les causes natureles soient telles, que, | quant
en elles, | elles ne fallent point': 'the natural causes are such, that, in themselves, they do not
fail'.
CLD Π.2.1 271
en telle matière ne puet on pas jugier toudis au vray ne au certain, ja soice

que on y fault bien pau quant on y met diligent estudie. Exemple de che des
inpressions (et) alcançous corrupcions qui se font a l'a(l)er: par l'influence
du ciel et des planètes on juge souventefois qu'il doit plouvoir et faire moise
et on trove que il fait chaut et sec, ou (...)160 de dire que il sera chier tamps
et il est fertilité, ou tout aultrement advenir. C'est, comme j'ay dit, pour les
particuleres circonstances de l'air, ou de la mer, ou de la terre, qui sont tout
aultrement disposé que ne disent ceux qui ainsi jugent. Et par cecy appert
que de telz cozes sur le tamps (a) advenir on puet bien aucunefois mal jugier,
jasoiche que un bon astronomien sur la disposition161 du tamps et des
saisons, un bon phisicien sur le gouvernement du corps d'ung homme quant
a mort ou a vie, puellent jugier assés pres de la vérité. Par telles sciences
puet on jugier se mortalité doit estre, ou famine, quar l'influence du ciel et
des planètes qui fait impression en l'air est cause de tels cozes. Par ceste
science puet jugier un boin naturien de la nature de la comète que on voit
aucunnefois en l'air en la maniere d'unne estoele qui at queue, quelle segnefie
ou guerre ou mort de prince ou occoison de pueple ou mortalité de gent par
pestilence de epydimie ou famine ou chier temps et puet rendre les raisons
que Aristote enseigne en ses livres que je laisse a cause de briëté. C'est quant
a la seconde difference.
La tierce est d'aucunes [24r] causes lesqueles ne sont nullement contraintes
a produire leur ovrages. Anchoins sont franches, aiant162 telle liberté en
elles que, non obstant quelconques influence ou cours de nature les enclinans
a aucune chose, elles puelent ou ad ce elles determiner ou le delaissier, et
par ce sont et demeurent entièrement franches et in(de)terminees ad ce faire
ou le laissier. Et cecy disent les philosophes estre la volenté de creature qui
est raisonnable qui va après Dieu. (Car il n'est) chose quelconques elle soit
qui la puisse constraindre, ne nécessiter163 a ces ovrages faire qui sont
proprement actribué a elle. Ad cecy sont soubmis tous ovrages appartenans
a creature raisonnable desquelz onques creature ne peut avoir congnoissance
sur le tamps a advenir. Dieu seulement le scet qui est juge de la volenté d'un
cascun. C'est quant a la tierce difference qui est comprise soux la premiere
maniere que j'avoie avant proposée de savoir les coses qui sont (a) advenir.
160
Judging from the two infinitives in the remainder of this sentence ('dire' and 'advenir')
one may conclude something has gone missing. The sentence can be straightened out quite easily
by substituting 'de dire' by 'on dit' and 'advenir' by 'advient'.
161
disposicion: ms dispociun.
162
aiant: ms aianx.
163
nécessiter: ms nécessites.
272 CLD Π.2.1
La seconde est toute clere de soi mesmes.164 Mais oultre ces choses ychi
dittes est ad veoir de la nature et condicion d'aucuns aultres ouvraiges que
on voit advenir souvent, desquels par avant nulz ne puet jugier ne avoir
cognoissance. Et tellez choses li philosophes nomme accidenteles et casueles,
qui advienent a l'aventure, et sans avoir aucunne (chose) cause propre et
essenciele165 a eux actribuee. Exemple: un homme foui en son campt et
trêve un trésor, ou une personne passe puis d'ung lieu ruinoux et li chiet une
piere sour la tieste, ou au partir de son hostel rencontre son anemy. Qui est
homme qui par avant seûst jugier de telles adventures? Il n'en est point se
Dieu ne li a révélé ou le deable. Soulz ceste maniere sont enclos tous ovrages
que homme entreprent a l'aventure. Ainsi comme est enprenre aucun voiage,
traitier de mariage ou soi marier, [24v] d'aler a la cache, de entrer en bataille,
de faire apointemens assamblees et compaignies pour aucuns trahies, et
generalment toutes telles coses qui n'ont quelconques regart tant soit po au
cours du ciel ne a l'influence ne des planètes, mais sont tant seulement en
la disposicion et ordenanche de Dieu et des homes qui doivent par bon conseil
toutes leur choses encommander, moigner et finer, par prudenche et
discrecion les conduire a l'aide de Dieu que on doit requérir devant toute
œvre, sans avoir regart n'a jour, n'a heure, ne a tamps, fors tant seulement
entant qu'il toche honeur de Dieu, l'ordenance et commandement de Sainte
Eglise. De telles choses voloir jugier et avoir cognoissance par avant c'est
coze inpossible par voie naturele ne par science quelconques approvee. Et
ainsi faire est usurper che qui est a Dieu tant seulement apartenant et non a
autre, et ch'est que on dist deviner. Quar tel gent sont nommé devin a cause
de ce qui se actribuent vertu et science divine qui est cognoistre et jugier de
choses secretes et qui sont a advenir. Et telle divinacion est pechié et coze
reprovee et dampnee, quar nullement ne se puet faire sans l'ayde de deable
expressément apelé par invocacion, ou soi ingèrent sans (estre) appelé(r)
soutillement pour décevoir humaine creature par ce166 pechié qui est
164
In ST 2a2ae.95.1 Aquinas explains that future events can be known in seipsis, i.e. when
they are present to the beholder. The problem is that once they are present to man they are no
longer future events and there is no point in predicting them. Only to God are future events
present before they exist, and only He can reveal them to man. (Sed considerare hujusmodi in
seipsis antequam fiant est Dei proprium, qui solus in sua aeternitate videt ea quaejutura sunt
quasipraesentia.) This is why divination is sinful: it claims to know what only God can know.
Pignon does not discuss the point of God's presence (apparently he trusts his readers will know
this) but discusses the two kinds of effects which are not caused by celestial bodies: 1. accidental
occurrences that do not have one proper cause but result from many causes; and 2. acts resulting
from man's free will and reason. The distinction (including the examples of falling stones and
finding buried treasure) he derives from ST 2a2ae.95.5(R).
165
essenciele: ms re?nciele.
166
ce: ms sen.
CLD Π.2.1 273
ydolatrie et apostasie de la foi, comme il appara en après. Et cecy sofist pour

ceste conclusion.
Contre
Contre laquele on poroit arguer par trois manières de present.
1. Premièrement,167 quar savoir les chozes secretes et (a) advenir est
perfection en Dieu et toute creature puet licitement voloir ensuïr la perfection
que est en Dieu, quar a ce tant enclint le désir de toute creature dont n'est
ce point péché que de telles cozes enquérir.
2. Item,168 avoir science est la perfection de l'ente(n)dement de creature
[25T raisonnable. Ce disent tuit li philosophe, dont voloir savoir par
quelconques manière que ce soit les cozes a advenir est coze licite puis que
c'est la perfection humaine.
3. Item,169 saint Augustin dist: 'Qui veult dire que aucun science soit
malvaise?' et après s'ensuit: 'Par nulle maniere je ne vodroie dire aucunne
inteligence estre malvaise'. Et (Aristote) dit a ce que il est aucunes sciences
divinatives et cecy mesme appartient a aucun intelligence. Il n'y a dont point
de pechié.
167
Pignon follows a hint in ST 2a2ae.95.1(l) where it is stated that the word divinatio
derives from divino; since divination reflects what is divine and holy, it cannot be evil. Pignon
does not follow the etymology but simply argues that divination might be deemed a perfection
in God which man may strive to imitate. In the corresponding reply (rl) Aquinas points out that
divination is not an ordinate participatio in God but an indebita usurpatio of something divine.
Pignon carefully follows the distinction, rendering the participatio-concept by the word
'assimilé'. For the participation-concept, see CLD II. 1.1, note 113. The ordinate participatio
('well-ordered participation') refers to man's capacity to imitate the perfections in God as far
as his creaturely existence allows. Divination, i.e. knowing the future, lies beyond the scope
of created being, hence it is an undue usurpation {indebita usurpatio), since it exceeds the limits
God has set to man.
168 C f 2 a 2 a e . 9 5 . 1 ( 3 ) and corresponding reply (r3) paraphrased. Aquinas emphasises in the
objection that the urge to foreknow the future is a naturalis inclinatio, which in itself cannot
be evil. In his reply to the objection he points out that homo habet naturalem inclinationem ad
cognoscendumfutura secundum modum humanum: non autem secundum indebitum divinationis
modum.
169
ST 2a2ae.95.1(2) translated: Augustinus diät, Quis audeat dicere disciplinam esse
malum? Et iterum, Nullo modo dixerim aliquam intelligentiam malam esse posse. Sed aliquae
artes sunt divinativae: ut patet per Philosophum. Videtur etiam ipsa divinatio ad aliquam
intelligentiam veritatis pertinere. Ergo videtur quod divinatio non sit peccatum. The references
from Augustine and Aristotle derive from: Augustine, De libero arbitrio 1.1 (PL 32, 1223);
Aristotle, De memoria I.449b (Loeb ed., Aristotle vol. 8, p. 289). The text of the manuscript
contains a rubric which reads: terdo de libro ambrosio which in all likelihood is a garbled
reference to Augustine's De libero arbitrio. The corresponding reply (r2) was loosely
paraphrased.
274 CLD Π.2.2
1. Au premier je di170 que toute creature doit ensuïr son créateur et

désirer estre assimilé171 a iceli en tout ce qui toche et appartient a Testat
naturel et a la perfection naturele d'icelle creature. Mais voloir savoir les
cozes secretes et (a) avenir par industrie et engin humain, c'est voloir monter
plus hault que creature ne doit et userper le droit de Dieu auquel seulement
telle coze apartient, non a autre, se Dieu par grace ne li veult reveler et
magnifester.
2. Au second je di comme devant que homme desire naturelement a savoir
tout ce par quoi son entendement puet estre parfait selonc Testat de creature,
laquele coze il veult excéder, quant il desire et quiert avoir science parelle
a Dieu a cui seulement apartient de telles chozes avoir cognoissance et est
a atribuer a presumption, de quoi le premier homme fu grandement repris.
3. Au tierc en (est) a dire que saint Augustin et Aristote eurent bon et sain
entendement. Car les sciences natureles que homme puet pour sa perfection
naturele aquester sont licites et n'en est nulles mauvaises, desqueles aucunnes
Aristote nomme divinatives comme sont celles par lesqueles on a
cognoissance des œvres de nature lesqueles sont sougetes au cours naturel
et influence du ciel. Mais leur entencion n'estoit pas de celles qui sont
sougetes a la volenté de Dieu et des hommes, auxquelles le cours du ciel ne
puet faire inpression ne impose(r) (et) nécessité, ne semblablement [25v] a
celles qui sont casueles, indifferens et aventureuses,172 comme je di en
declarant ceste conclusion. Tant par che comme par les choses qui seront
dites si appres, il appert que eux qui se disent songeurs (sont) et gent sens
cervelle et sens entendement.
II.2.2 {La seconde conclusion)
La seconde conclusion,173 que dit que deviner par invocation de deable est
coze dampnable et reprovee, par deux raisons puet estre déclarée.
La premiere; quar invocacion ne se fait point sans avoir avec le deable
paction et convenance qui est coze tres detestable.174 Car Tescripture sainte
dist de telle gent qu'il ont fait paction et confedancion avec la mort.175 Item,
pluseurs en telle invocacion font au deable hommage et sacrefice ou de bestes
170
di: ms vi.
171
assimilé: ms assivile.
172
aventureuses: ms aventureases.
173
The second article is a paraphrase of ST 2a2ae.95.4(R) where Thomas explains that
divination through the aid of demonic powers is wrong, because: 1. it requires a pact with the
devil, which is prohibited; and 2. demons cannot be trusted. They only speak the truth in order
to deceive people more effectively.
174
detestable: ms decestable.
175
A marginal rubric reads: Ysaie xxviif. This is a reference to Isaiah 28:15.
CLD Π.2.2 275
ou d'autres chozes, et aucuns li donnent leur corps, aucun leur ame, aucun
se donnent au diable du tout, pour venir a leur finable entencion, par quoi
il se soutraient de l'obeïssance qu'il doivent a Dieu et sont apostas de la foi,
ydolatres mauvais qui est de tous pecchiés le plus grief, comme dit est, et
non pas seulement eulx, mais tous ceulx qui croient en eulx ne ajoustent foy
a leur fais et a leur dis, ne qui leur donnent aide, conseil n'en faveur, corne
il appara ci après.
L'autre raison est a cause de la malice et iniquité dou deable qui s'efforce
tousjours de décevoir et mener a perdicion humaine creature et en especial
par telles responses faites par tels invocateurs de deables. Quar ja soice que
il dient aucunefois vérité, nientmains ne sont il point a croire quar ce qu'il
font et disent, c'est pour plus aisé séduire ceulx qui continuent en leur
service. Ainsi est il déclaré par expres en la sainte euvangile d'un démoniaque
(et) de nostre Sires Jhesucrist qui fist taire et jeta hors le deable de son corps,
dit l'exposicion,176 ja soice que l'ennemi d(es)ist voir. Toutefois a ce que
le peuple ne fut curieux de soi acoustumer a telle [26T chose en ajoustant foi
au dis de tels demoniakes, Jhesucrist le fist taire, quar pour certain quant il
ont dit vérité a une fois, il mentiront cent pour décevoir et perdre les hommes
et fames qui en eulx croient. Et toudis sont leur paroles et languages
envelopes177 de diverses sentences, et souventesfois toutes contraires et
opposites.
Item, c'est trop desordenee coze que homme, qui est si noble creature,
(est) a le deable a maistre et docteur qui est son aversaire et anemi mortel,
et qu'il délaisse la doctrine bonne de Dieu et de Sainte Eglise, par laquelle
il se puet sauver et avoir victore de son anemi le deable d'enfer. Chi est la
conclusion déclarée vraie.
Contre
Contre la conclusion desusdite arguent aucuns par maintes raisons en
especial par trois.
1. La premiere178 quar les ovrages et la doctrine de Jhesucrist sont bon
et a ensuïr a tout bon Crestien, et en pluseurs lieux es euvangiles on list que
Jhesucrist adunoit les deables et leur faisoit recongnoistre vérité de pluseurs
cozes secretes, pour quoy il semble que licitement le parel se puet faire.
176
A marginal rubric reads: Luce iiif ccf. This is a reference to Luke 4:33-35. According
to Thomas the 'exposicion' that Pignon refers to is by Athanasius: Prima oratio contra Arianos
(PG 26, 13).
177
envelopes: ms envolepes.
178
ST 2a2ae.95.4(l) paraphrased. As an example of the 'cozes secretes', in ST aliquid
occultum, Aquinas refers to Mark 5:9 where a demon in answer to Christ's question reveals
his name: Legion. In the corresponding refutation Pignon gives his own reply, following the
main point rather than the phrasing of ST 2a2ae.95.4(rl).
276 CLD Π.2.2
2. Item,179 Saul demanda a une divinerese la fortune d'ungne bataille

qu'il avoit a faire. Elle fist par son invocation que Samuel qui estoit mort
se apparut, et li respondi a ce qu'il demandoit. Dou puis que Samuel, qui
avoit esté un homme prophete de tres parfaite vie, se monta par telle
invocacion, c'est coze licite, se semble, de faire parellement.
3. Item,180 justice par tels invocacions puet estre gardée en cas que
aucunnes choses seraient perdues, pour condempner les malvais et
justefier181 les bons. On pouroit avoir cognoissance de ceulx qui aroient
commis un mauvais fait, pour savoir la se traïson contre un prince ou
conspiration contre une comm(u)nité se faisoit secrètement. Le deable le puet
reveler et par che on y remede. En [26v] (en) cecy justice, équité, innocence
et vérité sont gardées qui sont vertus tres necessaires.
1. Au premier est a dire que Jhesucrist et li apostre ont eü puissance sur
les deables et les ont contrains maintesfois a tesmognier la vérité de nostre
foy. A ce que la doctrine et predicacion de nostre foy fust en plus grant
auctorité, quar mielx ne puet on prover la vérité d'aucune choze que par celui
qui est contre et aversaire, quant il la tesmoigne estre bonne (estre bone) et
vraie. Et ne s'ensuit pas pour tant que nous puissons ainsi faire;
premièrement, quar nostre foy est assés provee par les miracles du temps
passé. Item, nous ne sommes si dignes ne de si grans merites que Dieu veule
pour nous faire miracles. Item, les invocateurs du temps de maintenant se
rendent souget au deables, et le deable se rendoit et estoit souget as apostres,
dou la raison ne valt riens, (salcit)182
2. Au second saint Augustin et les docteurs respondent en pluiseurs
manières. La plus commune et plus vraie sentence est, quar Saul qui estoit
adonques uns tres mauvais homme ne vit ne ne parla point a Samuel, ainsi
ne f eist la divineresse. Mais se moutra le deable a eux en forme de Samuel
qui avoit esté un tres parfaitement saint homme, a ce que plus legierement
il le peüst décevoir et cecy puet apparoir, par ce que il li dist: 'Demain tu
179
ST 2a2ae.95.4(2) paraphrased. 'Divinerese' is Pignon's rendering of mulier Habens
spiritumpythonis. The story of the witch of Endor is in I Sam. 28:7 sqq. In the corresponding
reply Thomas, quoting Augustine {De diversis quaestionibus Π.3, PL 40, 142), gives the two
possible readings of the story: the first is that it was in fact the prophet Samuel who appeared,
not through the witch's magic but through God's hidden dispensation to rebuke Saul. The second
is that it was not Samuel but a phantom in his image. Aquinas thus leaves it up to his readers
to decide. Pignon opts for the second alternative and quotes I Sam. 28:19 (eras autem tu etfilii
tui mecum eritis) in support of his choice, limecum really meant 'with Samuel', Saul and his
sons would be in heaven, Pignon argues (a neutral realm of the dead is apparently no serious
option), which cannot be true; hence me must refer to the devil.
180
An elaboration of ST 2a2ae.95.4(3). Thomas does not stress justice, but rather the
usefulness of knowledge that may help to solve a crime.
181
justefier: ms justefies.
182
A mysterious word, added in a different script.
CLD H.2.2 277
seras avec moy, tu et tes enfans', et lendemain Saul fu occis en la bataille,

luy et ses enfans et ne fu point avec Samuel, ains fu. avec et encore est avec
le deable dampné, quar il estoit un tres mauvais homme.
3. Au tiers183 je di que pour quelconques profit temporel, pechié mortel
n'est a faire, quar nul bien temporel n'est tant boin, comme est mauvaise la
destruction dou bien esperituel, qui est le sauvement des âmes. Quant a ce
qui puet touchier les choses perdues, justice a autres voies et pratiques que
par le queste faite par invocation de deables. Quant a ce qui toche
conspirations et (t)raïsons contre princes ou bien commun, [27"] celles sont
seulement pourpensees. Le deables de tout son pooir ne les puet savoir, ne
homme qui vive, excepté ceux qui les pensent. Et ainsi pour nient on apele
le deable a telle cozes ne homme quicunquez i soit. Celles sont trahies et
practiquiees, le deable adont le puet savoir, mais non pas tuit; si est fort a
faire de savo(i)r lesquelz le sevent et liquel non, et pour tant que tuit sont
menteur et dechoivent en la fin, est il desfandu que nul aux dis de telx
divineurs ne ajouste foi. Item, Dieu a souffissamment proveü a homme en
signorie constitué184 se il fait son devoir enver Dieu et enver ses subgés
loialment; quant il ly a donné raison, sens et discretion naturel. Et (aquis et)
avec ce puet avoir gens de bon conseil pour soi gouverner185 et garder de
toulz perilz et inconveniens.186 Item, l'ung cascun a l'aide de Dieu tout prest
et des sains de paradis, se il le veult de bon euer requérir, que puelent plus
que ne fait le deable, et sont plus volent(e)rin de nous aidier qu'il n'est. Item,
se c'est en cas de maladie Dieu et nature ont proveü a l'un cascun
sofisamment de remede par la science de me(de)cine qui est a ce ordenee avec
le bon gouvernement que l'un cascun doit avoir en li selonc son estât. Pour
tant ne convient ja user de telles invocations et divinations, comme dit est
en la conclusion. Et cecy soufist quant ad ce.
183
An elaboration of ST 2a2ae. 95.4(r3). Thomas simply emphasises the harm that may come
from demonic invocations. Pignon dwells at length on the provisions God made for man.
'homme en signorie constitué', i.e. a ruler, king, or prince.
185
gouverner: ms gouvrener.
186
The whole passage (from 'quant' to 'inconveniens') should be read as follows: 'Because
He (God) has given him (the king) reason, sense and natural discretion; and he (the king) can,
with this (i.e. reason, sense, etc.), have good counsellors to govern himself well, and to keep
him from all perils and mishaps'.
278 CLD Π.2.3
II.2.3 (La tierce conclusion)
La tierche conclusion,187 que par le cours du ciel et des estoiles on ne puet

au certain jugier du temps (a) advenir ne des cozes occultes. Et ceste
conclusion est une principalle entencion, que j'ai eü pour composer ce traitié,
comme je aucunnement thocé au commenchement, contre ceux qui
presumptueusement se disent astronomien qui ne sont que divineurs et
songeurs. Car toute la science d'astronomie ne porroit donner a homme
cognoissance de ce que je ferai demain, ne ou je iray, et ainsi de toutes
operacions apartenans a homme et a faire, comme je l'ay par avant (thoce)
touchié en une autre conclusion.188 Je veul dont ychy declarer ceste
conclusion, par ce que les [27v] divineurs par leur foie assercion disent que
quant il scevent en quel signe le soleil et la lune sont et la conjunction qu'il
ont aux autres planètes, leur habitation189 et leur regart et leur estât la,
lesqueles choses il puelent savoir par les livres de astronomie, par certaines
calculacions, et par l'instrument de l'astrolabe, et après ce il sevent soulz quel
signe l'une personne est nee, il puelent, se disent, jugier de quel estât il sera
et de quele fortune et condicion, combien il vivra et quant il mora et de quelle
mort. Veulent après jugier de choses qui sont (a) advenir et des cozes secretes
et de che qui se fait en diverses contrées. Disent que par astronomie il puelent
avoir cognoissance certaine. Disent après que par le cours du ciel e(s)t
influence des estoles, il est aucunes mauvaises journées et heures a esqueles
quicunquez encommenche aucun ouvrage, ou pour aler en voiage, ou entrer
en mariage, ou en aucune religion, traitier de guerre ou de pais, soy mettre
sour les chams pour guerrier son adversaire, que de toutes telles emprises
et autres semblables ne puet venir boine issue ne boine conclusion. Ains
veulent dire que ceux qui telles chozes enprennent aront enpeccheurs et
faudront plainement a leur entencions.
Contre toutes telles fauses et mauvaises oppinions cy je mis ceste
conclusion, laquele je veul moustrer estre vraie de present et icelle mesmes
187
In essence this third point is based on ST 2a2ae.95.5(R). In this article Thomas refutes
the argument that the stars signify future events rather than cause them: this he believes to be
nonsense, since every sign is either the effect of the thing it signifies, or, together with the
signified, one of the effects of a common higher cause. Stars are not the effects of the future
events they adumbrate, nor do stars and future events share a common higher cause. Thomas
goes on to distinguish two kinds of effects that escape stellar causation: (1) contingent events,
because they result from various causes which are not all of them physical; and (2) free acts
of man performed through the faculty of will and reason, which, being incorporeal, is exempt
from physical causation by celestial bodies. Pignon disregards the former point, but takes the
latter distinction between contingent events and human action as a theme for his discussion. Cf.
also CLD 1.4.
188
SeeCLDII.2.1.
189
habitation: ms hintacion.
CLD Π.2.3 279
je déduire plus especialment en la tierce partie de cest traitié quant a present

je argue contre eulx. Car se il estoit vrai ce que telz songeurs par leur
mensonge190 donnent a entendre, comme je di ycy, il convient dont conclure
par leur dis que le cours du ciel et l'influence des constellacions191 sont
cause de tous nos (a) affaires et ovrages, cause, di je, necessaire et telle que
nous ne192 povons autrement nous conduire ne gouverner que le ciel le
donne et telle influence. Le contraire toutesfois appert évidemment [28r] par
la sentence de tous philosophes193 naturiens et (par) jugement de raison
(par). Aristote expreseement en tous ses livres propose certains ovrages, qui
n'ont cause quelconques necessaire, ne le cours du chiel, ne estoile, ne
influence, ainsi que sont les choses qui se font casuelement et a l'aventure,
comme j'ai dit chi devant en un aultre chapitre.194 Car il n'est science ne
ne fut onques certaine par laquele on seûst donner raison satiffiant pour quoi
les cozes aventureuses adviennent, dont quant a ce faut leur jugement.
Item, tout philosophes, tout païens comme Crestiens sont d'ungne
commune sentence et determination que l'ame raisonnable de creature est
une substance esperituele, invisible, immortele, laquelle a .iii. puissances
natureles, c'est assavoir: entendement, volenté et memoire, par lesquelles
puissances l'omme est en tous ces affaires disposé et ordené, ayant signorie
et domination de tout ce qui est a lui a faire, auctorité et puissance de eslire
en tous ces affaires laquelle partie qu'il veult. A quoi et pour quoi li est
donnée discretion de savoir, cognoistre et discerner qui est bien et qui est
mal, prudence et conseil pour eslire ce que est milleur et plus convenable,
et tellement que non obstant queconques inpression, constellation ou influence
du ciel et des estoeles, creature raisonnable est et demeure en france liberté
de toutes ses operations presens et a advenir. Ne par quelconques autre coze
créé, elle ne puet estre contrainte quant a son voloir et eslire. C'est don grant
presumpsion de affermer le contraire et inposer blafeme en Dieu et en sa
creature, a viler et déprimer la plus haute creature que Dieu fist onques.
Apres les angeles c'est homme et fame qu'il veulent mettre subget du tout
au ciel et aux estoeles, c'est destruire toute science morale et naturele, toute
vertu et mout d'autres inconveniens, comme je prove plus clerement en la
tierce,195 dont appert il que la conclusion est a tenir [28v] tant comme vraie
et saine. Et pour tant que de ceste matere, j'ey ja tochié cy devant et thocerai
encore cy après. Je m'en passe de present a tant.
190
mensonge: ms mengnonne.
191
constellacions: ms consollacions.
192
ne: ms ire.
193
philosophes: ms philophoses.
194
SeeCLDH.2.1.
195
See CLD ffl.6.
280 CLD n.2.3
{Contré)
Neantmains pour Terreur des songeurs on porroit avoir aucunnes
apparance a rencontre des chozes dessusdittes.
1. Premièrement196 il disent que cognoistre et savoir la propre nature
et conditions des causes natureles et de leur vertu et puissance qu'elles
montrent197 au regart de leur ovrages ainsi comme sont le ciel, les estoiles
et leur influences au regart des choses qui sont en ce monde, est coze licite
et vertueuse. Car par ceste maniere procède la science de médecine qui donne
a cognoistre les secrés de nature es corps humains, par che que on congnoist
au par dehors les influences du ciel. Dont puis que le ciel est cause de tout
ce qui advient et qui se fait en ce monde. Quiconques puet avoir cognoiscence
de l'influence du ciel, comme ont ceulx qui se disent astronomiens, il puet
avoir cognoissence des ovrages qui s'ensievent a telle influence de nécessité.
2. Item,198 la doctrine commune de Aristote et autres philosophes est
que par pluseurs experiences particuleres et cognoissance sensibles on est
venu a cognoissance universale et telles choses sont cause de science. Puis
dont que on voit souventefois estre advenu che que telz divineurs disent et
on(t) dit et voit on par experience estre ainsi qu'il prenosquent par la science
d'astronomie, il semble qu'en telle science ne soit point tellement a reprover.
3. Item,199 la cause principale pour quoi il semble que telle cose soit
desfendue, c'est pour tant que le deable souventefois en telles choses est
apellé. Puis dont que le deable n'y seroit point apelé et que on use fors
seulement des principes de la science d'astronomie par lesquelz il jugent bien
souvent ce que on voit advenir, il s'ensiut que telle coze ne soit point [29T
a reprover comme dit est.
A cause de ces raisons et autres parelles se veulent arester en leur erreurs
pluseurs et croient mainte gent que ce que telz devineurs songent et dient par
divinacion que il soit veritable et fondé en vraie science.
1. Au premier appert assés par l'expocicion et probacion de la conclusion
que il ne conclut en riens, quar j'ai dit avant que des choses qui advienent,
desqueles le cours du ciel et son influence sont cause necessaire, on puet
licitement jugier et prono(s)quier par le cours et influence du ciel. Mais j'ai
après moustré et dit selonc la doctrine commune de tous les philosophes, que
il est moult de cozes lesquelles n'ont point regart au cours du ciel ne a
196
ST 2a2ae.95.5(1) paraphrased. In the corresponding reply, Pignon, like Thomas, refers
to arguments already brought forward in the discussion.
197
montrent: ms montient.
198
ST 2a2ae.95.5(2) paraphrased. Aristotle's doctrine (scientia humana ex experimentis
originem sumif) can be found in Metaphys. 1.1 98lal-2, as a rubric in the text, prohemio meth.,
indicates.
199
ST 2a2ae.95.5(3) paraphrased.
CLD Π.2.3 281
l'influence d'iceli, et pour tant ne puet on jugier ne pronosquer de telles

choses selonc le cours du ciel ne l'influence.
2. Au seconc200 je di pour .ii. causes on voit advenir ce que les divineurs
prono(s)quent.
La premiere, c'est humaine fragiliteit par laquelle pluseurs sont enclin a
suïr leur propre volenté et passion naturele sans raison, quar on voit souvent
que pour un qui ensiut le jugement de raison contre la plaisance et désir
sensuele, il sont pluseurs faisans le contraire, qui ensievent leur propre
volenté et delectacion sensible. Et pour tant que telz devineurs puelent
aucunnement par le cours de nature cognoistre la complexion naturele d'ungne
personne, c'est assavoir se il est colérique, ou mélancolique,201 ou sanguin,
ou flematique, il puelent consequamment savoir a quelle partie telle personne
ainsi complexionee se encline plus legierement et pour tant que, comme dit
est, li pluseurs veulent toudis poursivir et excecuter leur propre plaisance sans
raison. De ce vient que telz divineurs sont trové disans voir souventefois
quant il disent un telz homme se gouvernera par telle et par telle maniere et
ainsi [29v] des autres chozes. Item, telz songeurs ont pratique de enquérir
a quoy les signeurs sont plus enclin, et quant il ont longuement conversé avec
eulx, il avisent de leur condicion plus communne et naturele inclinacion et
selonc ce que il les voient plus affectionés a une coze que a une autre, il
jugent que telle coze et ou telle avenra de leur entreprises et cecy puent il
de legieir savoir ainsi ferait un cascun. Item, en fait de guerre il advisent
quelle puissance les segneurs ont. Et quant il scevent une des parties estre
plus fort que l'autre, ou avoir melleur cause que l'autre, il disent que tel
partie gagnera. Aucunnefois sont trové vrai disans, aucunefois faux disans,
comme ceux de qui j'ay oy raconter qui disent que en une bataille ceux qui
yroient contre le soleil levant perderoient et le contraire advint, ja soiche que
en l'art de batallier le soleil en tel cas est moult nuisale et par aventure
avoient il se regart. Item, il ont une autre maniere de sauver leur dis, quar
il proposent tant de particulières circonstances en leur pronosticacions que
il n'est homme qui les seüst toutes garder. Quant il advient ensi qu'il disent,
il l'atribuent a leur science qui est advenu par la boine industrie et proesse
des hommes; quant il advient autrement, il se sauvent disans que on est parti
trop tost ou trop tart ou que on a pas tenu le chemin que il avoient conseillé
et la maniere, et tellement se excusèrent ceux qui avoient pronosquié un tamps
qui fu d'un voiage fait en Turquie duquel il advint tout le contraire de ce qu'il
200
A lengthy elaboration of ST 2a2ae.95.5(r2). Thomas explains there are two reasons why
astrologers' predictions sometimes come true: 1. people follow their emotions, which are subject
to celestial influence; 2. people can be influenced by demons.
201
mélancolique: ms incleconlique. An odd distortion. Perhaps, in haste, the copyist did
not recognise the word.
282 CLD Π.2.3
avoient dit par avant. Par ainsi jamais ne seroient reprins de avoir mal jugié.
Chi appert que c'est toute decepcion et moquerie.
La seconde cause pour quoi il sont trové aucunefois voir disans, c'est pour
les deables qui leur font assavoir les choses (a) advenir. Combien que le
deable n'ait pas de tout cognoissance, toutefois il puet mout de choses [3(F|
savoir, comme ge di chi devant, et aucunefois le dit au cler, aucunefois
obscurément, comme de la prophesie Mellin202 et d'autres, que le deables
a bailliés en language obscur, lequel on entent point au cler jusques ad ce
que on voit les choses advenir. Adont on les atribue a telles escriptures, et
cechy n'est fors pour décevoir et perdre les hommes qui s'i ahurtent et
affient, quar ainsi que dit saint Augustin,203 non obstant qu'il disent
aucunefois vrai, toutefois nullement on ne doit a leur dis soy arester ne y
ajouster ferme creance. Car en la fin il sont tousjours trové menteurs et faux
disans pour décevoir ceux qui y croient.
3. Au tiers204 est a dire que non obstant que en telles prono(sti)cacions
n'est aucunement invocacion de deable expresement faite, neantmais
soutilement le deable s'i puet ingérer et mesler. Item, posé que non; encore
202
Merlin, the great court magician in Arthurian literature, was one of those elusive
authorities to whom works on alchemy and books with prophecies were attributed. That these
prophecies carried some weight appears from an entry in Simon de Phares's Recueil (p. 225)
where an English captain, Thomelin de Turgof, is said to have predicted the rise of Bertrand
de Guesclin through astrology andfromthe prophecies of Merlin, because 'c'estoit celui duquel
les livres de Merlin faisoient mencion, qui devoit apparoir en ce temps, qui portoit l'aigle à deux
testes'. See also: Thorndike, HMES m, pp. 586, 629; 'Les Prophecies de Merlin ' edited from
ms. 593 in the Bibliothèque Municipale of Rennes by Lucy Allen Paton (New York 1966). On
the whole Merlin's prophecies were thought to have a political bearing. Froissait, for instance,
was very impressed by prophecies that (in 1361) predicted the accession of the House of
Lancaster to the English throne. Merlin's reputation among medieval authors wavers between
the extremes of acceptance and rejection. Cf., e.g., Vincent of Beau ν ais, Speculum historiale
XX.30, col. 791 : (Merlinus) solet enim spiritus Dei, per quos voluerit mysteria sua loqui, sicut
per sibillam, sicut per Balaam caeterosque huiusmodi, and the annotatio at the end of the same
chapter: non eum Spiritu Dei plenum, sedpotius malo daemone agitatum scripsisse perhiberem.
See: Vie de Merlin, attribuée a Geoffroy de Monmouth, suivie des prophéties de ce barde, eds.
F. Michet and T. Wright (Paris 1837), esp. pp. xxii-xlv. Many prophecies attributed to Merlin
were inserted in copies of the great Arthurian romances such as Lancelot. See, e.g., Les
Prophesies de Merlin (Cod. Boomer 116), ed. Anne Berthelot (Cologny/ Genève 1992), which,
though thetitleof the work actually refers to the prophecies, is largely an anthology of Arthurian
literature. Cf. also HWDA IX, 428-429 where the Dicta MerlinU prophetic texts from the
Joachimite tradition, are discussed.
203
Augustine, De genesi ad litteram, 2, 17, 37 (PL 34, 278-9). Quoted by Thomas:
Quapropterbono Christiano sive mathematici, sivequilibet impie divinantium, etmaxime dicentes
vera, cavendi sunt, ne consortia daemoniorum animant deceptampacto quodam societas irretiant.
204
In his reply to the third objection, Thomas simply refers to the previous discussion in
which he emphasised demonic influence. Pignon adds that even if no demons are involved, the
belief that the stars can know what only God can know, still amounts to idolatry.
CLD Π.2.4 283
n'est ce point choze licite de faire telz jugemens, car en telle matière est faite
a Dieu ireverence, quar on veult atribuer a creature ce qui apartient seulement
a Dieu, c'est assavoir le cognoissance des cozes occultes et qui sont (a)
advenir, desquelles nulz par science naturelement acquise ne puet avoir
cognoissance certaine. Et ainsi appert que leur raisons sont nulles et que la
conclusion est vraie et catholique.
II.2.4 La quarte conclusion.205
Les jugemens pris sur songes et visions qui se font en dormant sont reprové
et desfendu en la plus grant partie, pour laquelle matière entendre est assavoir
que la cause de songes est en .ii. diferences: la premiere est occulte, l'autre
est manifeste, ou l'ungne vient au par (de)dens, et l'autre au par dehors.
La premiere est en .ii. manières. Quar aucunefois elle est esperituele, c'est
a dire que l'entendement et la pensee est cause de telz songes. Ainsi comme
une personne aroit en veillant tellement pensé a aucune coze [30v] et tellement
l'aroit imprimée en son entendement que quant elle dort il li semble qu'ele
voit icelle coze et après ce t206 qu'elle est revellié applique son songe ad
ce qu'elle a a faire. Aucunefois (elle) | est secrete et occulte en207 la
dispo(si)cion naturele du corps. Ainsi comme une personne | qui (est qui)
205
ST 2a2ae.95.6(R) elaborately paraphrased. Among the causes of dreams Thomas
identifies two kinds: (1) internal and (2) external. 1. Internal causes can be: a. spiritual
(animalis), when thoughts and affections that occupy us when we are awake recur in our dreams
(in this case the cause of the dream is not the same as the cause of future events, so that the
dream cannot be said to be prophetic); b. physical (corporalis), when a bodily disposition causes
a response in the imagination (in phantasia) (in this case dreams reveal something about a
person's health). 2. External causes are: a. physical, when the imagination (imaginatio) is
affected by the air or the impression of celestial bodies; b. spiritual, when dreams are caused
either by God ministerie* angelorum, or, for that matter, by demons. In conclusion Thomas points
out that dreams from divine revelation and dreams from natural causes, that can provide us with
knowledge (e.g. medical information) within human reach, are to be considered legitimate means
of knowing the future. Dreams from demons or. dreams that are supposed to foretell the future
that lies beyond any natural means of intellectual acquisition, should be shunned, however.
Pignon copies Thomas carefully, but makes a fewinteresting additions, such as (in 2a) the impact
that delectable scenes and the fumes caused by the digestive process may have on dreams.
Apparently Pignon was not insensitive to the more frivolous sides of life. Also his expositions
on the practices of soothsayers who have to eat and drink before they can have prophetic dreams,
on the ways in which they deceive people, and on the practices of excessive fasting are original
additions.
206
At this point in the text, between *apres ce' and 'qu'elle est revellié' the copyist placed
a line which he later realised was misplaced. He did not correct the error but bracketed the line
with two cross-marks ('t est secrete et occulte ... comme une personne t')· The present edition
attempts to reconstruct the error by putting the line (placed between two strokes) in its
appropriate place in the next sentence.
207
en: ms est.
284 CLD Π.2.4
seroit flematique songerait eaue, un colérique sane, un sanguin aucune coze

joieuse, et ainsi des autre complexions.208 Par telz songnes209 cognoissent
les medicins la complexion naturele d'unne personne et la cause des maladies
et par ce aucunefois on juge des afaires et des aventures d'aucunnes
personnes.
La cause qui est foraine et au par dehors puet semblablement estre
corporele ou esperituele. Corporele quant rimaginacion de la personne reçoit
aucune inpression et immutacion ou du lieu ouquel elle dort, ou de l'air qui
est otour de elle, ou mesme aucune influence du ciel, par quoi pluseurs et
diverses visions li puelent estre faites en dormant. Item, a cause de trop boire
et mengier ou pour la qualité des viandes et des buvrages puelent estre causei
divers songes. Car les fumées qui montent du stomach au cervel tourblent
la fantasie d'unne personne et font apparoir pluseurs et diverses visions en
songes, ausqueles simple gens se ahurtent et veulent leur ovrages ad ce
appliquier et eux emploier. Item, avoir veü en son veillant aucunne coze
plaisant et delitable fait aucunnefois en rimaginacion une inpression telle et
si fort, que en son dormant elle se répète,210 et de ce puelent venir aucuns
conveniens que il n'est ja besoing de ychi les escrire. L'autre cause
esperituele foraine est inspiracion faite de Dieu par les boins angeles par
lesquelz Dieu revele aux sains et au saintes certaines misteres sur ce qui est
a faire a l'honneur de Dieu et de la foy au profit et salut du peuple ou
d'aucunne personne, ainsi que il est contenu en la sainte escripture.211
Aucunefois telle inspiracion se fait par l'ouvrage du deable a ceux qui ont
208
Aquinas explains how a physical stimulus may cause a corresponding reaction in
phantasia: a person in whom thefiigidi humores abound, may dream he is immersed in water
or snow. Pignon does not mention this example, but provides a few of his own. A phlegmatic
person will dream of water, because the primary qualities cold and moist, that in nature produce
water, are constitutive of phlegm in the human body. A sanguine person (hot and moist produce
air in nature and blood in the body) is likely to dream of blood and merriment. A choleric person
(hot and dry produce fire in nature and phlegm in the body) will dream of fire and dangerous
things. Pignon's reference to 'sane' is somewhat counter-intuitive since one is more inclined
to associate dreams of blood with a sanguine complexion. For an elementary survey of the
humours, see e.g.: C. S. Lewis, The Discarded Image: An Introduction to Medieval and
Renaissance Literature (Cambridge 1967), pp. 169-174.
209
songnes: ms songues.
210
répète: ms repute. Impressions one receives when one is awake, reiterate or repeat
themselves during sleep. The word 'repute* makes no sense in this context.
211
A marginal note reads : in Genese et in Daniele etAcribus appostolorum. Famous Biblical
dreams are: Jacob's dream (Gen. 28:10 ff.), Joseph's dreams (Gen. 37) and the vision of Daniel
(Dan. 7). In many dreams angels act as messengers or expositors. An example of this in Acts
is ch. 10:22.
CLD Π.2.4 285
a lui aucunne paction ou promesse expresse ou [3IT secrete, quant a ce que

la conclusion proposé devantdite.212
En tant que visions sont causées par l'inspiration du Saint Esperit et
mi(ni)stere des angeles il sont a garder et ensuïr. Item de ceux qui ont
aucunne cause naturele, tant que213 la vertu de telle cause naturele se puet
estaindre, il sont a poursuïr et cecy a regart (a) aux maladies qui puelent
advenir (advenir) a pluseurs personnes desquelles on puet jugier par la
dispocicion dou corps que on set selonc leur complexion congneüe par leur
songes, auxquelles maladies on puet remédier et obvier par avant. A autres
songes ne visions nulz ne se doit arester, ne determiner, ne faire ou emprenre
quelconques coze, quar ainsi le faire seroit supersticion et sorcerie malvaise
en esp(e)cial de celé maniere de songes de laquele le diable puet estre cause
et occasion.
Ainsi que par aventure il puet estre d'aucuns songeurs qui devinent des
coses qui sont a advenir quant il ont le ventre piain et bien dormy,214 et
puis après sur leur songes composent cedules et font escriptures thocans les
affaires d'aucunne gens selonc la disposition des temps et l'ordenanche de
Testat des personnes, considerans leur affaires et leur inclination naturel es,
et ce ad coy leur volenté plus se tourne. Et donnent a entendre que telle chose
doit advenir et que on se doibt par telle maniere gouverner et par telle, en
atribuant a la science d'astronomie ce que il ont songié et que il scevent bien
par les choses desusdites qui puet advenir. Ne jamais ne diront ou escriront
en leur cedules choses de quoi il n'aient aucunne apparance par la complexion
et inclination naturele des personnes et par le gouvernement d'iceux. Car
posé que il fallent en partie, ne puel(en)t il fallir en tout. Ceux-cy mesmes
aucunefois, comme je le sai par experience, appres qu'il ont beü et mangié
tant qu'il ne demandent que le repos souventefois, on les voit regarder a la
lune et es estoiles en leur astrolabes pour amuser gens, et donner a entendre
qu'il estudient ou cours du ciel. [3Γ] Et le jour ensivant présentent les roles
plains de telles folies, comme j'en ay proposé au commencement, mesmement
pour atraire a eulx ceux qui sont de simple entendement, pronosquant
aucunefois de la pluie, ou du chaut temps, ou de tempestes, ou de mortalité
par certains signes naturelz que on voit communément advenir, et desquelz
les simples labourex par communnes et natureles experiences puelent avoir
212
Lege: 'quant a ce que (a esté) | proposé | (en) la conclusion devantdite. The pact with
the devil was dealt with in CLD 1.3 and Π.2.2.
213
que: ms qua.
214
This vivid picture of dream-interpreters who eat, drink and sleep at the expense of their
lords reminds one of the sorcerers Poinson and Briquet who enjoyed an income for seven months
from Philip the Bold whilst labouring to cure the mad king, Charles VI. See: Chronique du
Religieux de Saint-Denys XXIV. 13 (vol. 2, pp. 114 ff.); Mirot, "Un essai de guérison"; and
chapter 2.4.4, above.
286 CLD Π.2.4
congnoissance. Et quant on voit advenir telles chozes qui advienent

naturelement, ceux qui sont en telle matière ignorant les croient plus tost en
autres matières desqueles il n'ont, ne ne puent avoir, science quelconque
certaine, ains devinent et songent telles cozes, ou parlent au deable qui leur
revele par les manières dessusdittes. De cechi viennent, que on voit peu de
tels songeurs qui ne soient maleureux, sens cervelle et sans entendement.
Item, par le deable sont aucunnefois séduit aucune personnes de simple
estât qui font penitences et Junes indiscrètement et de leur propre volenté sans
raison aucunne. Lesquels,215 appres ce qu'il sont tellement affebli et anienti
de leur corps qu'il n'ont cervelle ne esperit, le diable par illusions et visions
se moustre a eulx aucunnefois en forme d'angeles luisans, aucunefois en la
forme de Dieu ou d'aucuns sains, et par ce li peuple qui croit de legier les
honeure et prise. Dont quant le deable les voit ainsi honnorés et prisiés entre
le peuple, il leur propose jour et nuit visions, oppinions, erreurs, herisies et
maintes fauces chozes contre la foy. A ce que par eulx qui sont réputé de
sainte vie le deable puisse legierement les bons Crestiens séduire et décevoir,
et de telz gens par l'instruction du deable sont aucunnefois venu tant de
inconveniens que pour destruire une contrée et tout un pais [32T quant a boine
et vraie foy et creance. Sy doit on moult sagement en telles cozes aviser et
vellier et enquérir diligentement dont viennent les esperis et leurs revelacions,
ce qui est principalment a faire aux prelas, diocésains et inquisiteurs, quar
aultrement le deable, qui est soutil et adversaire de la foy, en pau de heure
deceveroit trop de gent. De ceste matière porroit on mout dire et longuement
parler, mais il souffisse de present en tant qu'il toche la conclusion devant
proposée.
{Contre)
Contre216 laquele et les cozes ensivans pluseurs puelent arguer217 par
auctorités de sainte escripture et raisons apparans.
215
The subclause following desquels' ('appres ce qu'il sont tellement affebli... cervelle
ne esperit') possibly made the author lose track of the word 'lesquels', which might have
functioned as subject or direct object in the main clause. Instead, he introduced a new subject
('le diable') in the main clause, leaving 'lesquels' without a syntactic function.
216
In ST 2a2ae.95.6 Thomas raises the following three points, which Pignon copies: 1.
God instructs people through dreams according to Job; 2. Joseph and Daniel interpreted dreams;
3. prophetic dreams are a common experience. After his responsio Thomas remarks Et per hoc
patet responsio ad objecta. Likewise, Pignon does not deal with the points separately but states
that the answers can be deduced from his previous discussion.
217
arguer: ms agreuer.
CLD n.2.4 287
1. Premièrement, la sainte escripture dist que Di(e)u instruit les creatures

en leur lit quant il dorment.218
2. Item, pluseurs sains prophètes et patriarches ont prenosquié des cozes
a advenir en exposant songes et visions, comme il appert de Josef qui exposa
la vision et songe du botellier et panetier219 de Pharaon roy d'Egipte en sa
prison ou il estoit avec eux, et ainsi qu'il dist il avint, et iceli mesme de son
songe qu'il dist a ses frères, lequel fu verefié lonctamps après lui vivant, ausi
qu'il appert en l'escripture. Item, Daniel qui exposa au vrai le songe de
Nabugodonosor.
3. Item, arguent que puis que on voit a experience telles choses souvent
advenir, il ne semble point estre mal soy y asseürer et affermer.220
Non obstant telles allegacions, il ne fait nul trop s'i asseürer et la cause
est assés tochié et la matière déclarée es cozes devantdites, par coy un cascun
usant de raison puet savoir comment il se doit en telle cose ordener et
gouverner. Tant est assavoir que quiconques tient ne croit que il ne soit
aucunne science vraie ou doctrine ballié par escript en livre approve et
canonique par laquelle on puet avoir la significacion et exposicion des songes
indifféremment, [32v] ausi que aucun disent d'un livre qui se apéit Les Songes
de DanieP21 ou d'aucuns autres aucteurs, c'est toute folie et supersticion
et erreur pour décevoir hommes et fames, pour quoy a telz livres ne doit
ajouster foy ne croire.
218
A marginal rubric reads: iob xxxiif ca[pitul]o. Job 33:15 sqq: per somnium in visione
nocturna quando inruit sopor super homines et dormiunt in lectulo tune aperit aures virorum
et erudiens eos instruit disciplinant...
219
Gen. 40. A rubricated note in the margin of the text reads: Gen xli / , but Pignon only
refers to the dreams of Pharaoh's baker and butler, not to the dreams of Pharaoh himself (Gen.
41:1-13). The story of Joseph explaining his dream to his brothers, and the story of Daniel
interpreting the dream of Nebucadnezzar are in Gen. 37:5-11 and Dan. 2 respectively.
220
A marginal note in the manuscript next to objection 3 reads: 'Solucion. Daniel secondo
cfapitulo]'. The reference is to Nebuchadnezzar's dream in Dan. 2 and might be seen as an
elucidation of objection 2. Its marginal position next to objection 3 and the word 'solucion' may
also mean that the note was intended as a reply to objection 3 which argues that prophetic dreams
are a common experience. As Daniel 2 shows, the arioli, magi and chaldei were quite incapable
of interpreting Nebuchadnezzar's dream (vs. 10) and Daniel explicitly asserts that only God can
interpret dreams and communicate their message to man (ch. 2:28-30). John of Salisbury makes
a similar point in Policraticus Π.17.
221
Daniel and Joseph were the two foremost Biblical figures to earn themselves a reputation
for interpreting dreams. Dream-books circulating in the Byzantine world were attributed to them
(though mostly to Darnel) and from the tenth century onwards the genre was also popular in
the Latin West. Such dream-books (with titles such as Somnia Danielis or Interpretations
somniorum Danielis) mostly provide an alphabetical list of images that would occur in dreams,
followed by their interpretations. This type of book and its crude means of interpreting dreams
is severely criticised by John of Salisbury in Policraticus Π.17. Similar criticism also occurs
in Gratian's Decretum, II.26.7.16. See Thorndike, HMES ÏÏ, pp. 162, 290402.
288 CLD Π.2.5
II.2.5 {La quinte conclusion)
La quinte conclusion222 est que divinacion faite par chans de oyseaus ou

disposicion d'aucunnes bestes sur ce que est (a) advenir, en l'entencion
premièrement dite, est folie et supersticion et sorcerie. Ceste conclusion puet
estre déclarée par ce que il est coze a toux notoire que du223 chant des
oyseaux ou (de la) dispocicion de quelconquez choses on en ha aucunne
cognoissence, et convient dire que tellez cozes en sont li signe precedent, non
pas la cause. Dont il convient assigner autre cause pour laquelle telle coze
ou telle si advient, et faut adviser qui est la cause que telz oysiaus ou telles
bestes se gouvernent par telle et telle maniere, a quoy s'ensiut que il fera tel
temps et tel et autrement en une saison que en autre, veü que il n'ont point
d'entendement ne de discrecion par quoy il puissent disserner et connoistre
l'ordenance du tamp s. Ceste cause n'est autre fors nature qui les a fais et leur
a donné certaine congnoissance et industrie naturele, par laquelle toutes bestes
ont leur natureles et propres inclinacions a faire ce qui est competant et
appartenant a la conservation de leur nature et espèce. Sur ce est a veoir
comment par leur ouvrages on puet jugier et savoir l'ordenanche du temps
(a) advenir et puet on cy asigner224 .ii. causes: la premiere corporelle,
l'autre esperituelle.
Quant (a) la premiere, cascun doit noter que toute beste mue n'a ame fors
sensitive (sentime) laquele est corporelle et vit avec le corps et muert
semblablement, pour quoi il convient dire que toute beste mue est subjette
en toutes cozes entièrement au movement [33T et au cours du ciel et se
dispose, ordonne et gouverne selonc le dit movement. Item, est a savoir que
toute beste reçoit l'influence premiere du lieu qui li est plus prochain et ou
elle converse le plus, ainsi que les oysiaus en l'air, poissons en yauee, bestes
222
ST 2a2ae.95.7(R) elaborately paraphrased. Animal behaviour is not in itself the cause
of future events, but because the song and flight of birds and future events may share a common
cause, the former may be indicative of the latter. Animal behaviour comes from animal instinct,
instinctus quidam (which Pignon renders as 'nature qui les a fais et leur a donné certaine
congnoissance et industrie naturele')· This instinct has a twofold cause: 1. Physical; animals
have an anima sensitiva which may receive the influences of the air and the heavenly bodies.
Thomas emphasises, and so does Pignon, that (a) predictions should only be concerned with
events that are actually influenced by the heavens, and (b) of which animal behaviour may be
assumed to be indicative (such as weather changes). 2. Spiritual; in special cases such as Christ's
dove, Elijah's raven, and Jonah's whale, God directs animal instinct, but demons may do the
same. Thomas provides three objections which Pignon leaves aside.
223
du: mi le.
224
asigner: ms asignes.
CLD Π.2.5 289
en terre et aucunnes en feu.225 Il convient dont après dire que toutes bestes
se gouvernent et maintienent selonc l'influence et la nature du lieu ouquel
elles sont et ont leur vie. Lequel lieu, comme l'air et la mer et la terre, sont
subget au cours naturel du ciel et des esto il es, dont il convient dire que telles
bestes reçoivent l'inpression et influences du ciel par le (moing) moien du
lieu ou elles sont. Et pour tant ce n'est point de mervelles se les bestes
naturelement sentent la mutacion de l'air, ou de l'eaue, ou de la terre,
laquelle mutacion vient a cause de l'influence et movement du ciel. Et pour
tant quant les oysiaus sentent l'air corrumpu, naturelement il le fuyent; par
ce on puet jugier que mortalité s'ensieut. Quant il sentent la pluye ou la
tempeste a advenir, il ont maniere d'eux contenir en leur chant ou aultrement,
ainsi que nature leur a donnei, par quoi les simples gens arguent le tamps
qu'il doit faire. Car comme j'ai dit: par pluseurs exp(er)iences et qui
adviennent souvent et semblablement une fois que autre, ont trovei les sages
science et (en) cognoissence de la naturelle et propre condicion d'unne
cascune choze. Ainsi juge on que estey approche par la venue des arondelles,
et par leur departement yver. Semblablement on seult jugier dou bel tamps
ou de pluye par le chant des choettes, par le vol des arondeaus et autres
oysiaus, quant les brebis sentent la tempeste advenir, elles sarrent emsamble.
Aucuns poissons de mer et d'autres rivieres (font) par(el)lement; et de
pluseurs experiences natureles poroit on (le) dire. [33v]
Sur coy .ii. cozes sont a considérer en ceste matière: la premiere que par
telles bestes on ne puet savoir ce quy est (a) advenir se non seulement ce qui
est compris et soubget soulz le cours naturel du ciel ou qui a regart a le vie
et conservacion de telles bestes, et par ce puet on bien jugier du temps qui
est (a) advenir se il sera chaut ou froit ou sec, et ainsi des autres temps. Item,
on puet par ce savoir se il sera habundance ou fault de biens, quar aucunnes
bestes, par l'industrie telle que nature leur donne, sentent, le tamps disposé
a telle fin, que il sera chier tamps ou habondance, yver lonc ou court, et ce
appert par experiences que on a de ce que on leur voit faire grans provisions
ainsi que font frémis et pluseurs autres petites bestelettes. De telles coses
jugier n'est pas mal; de soy ordener et guverner prudemment par telles
prenosticacions n'est point mal. Car il y a cause naturele: le cours du ciel
et l'influence de nature qui est cause de telles choses. Mais voloir par ce
jugier de ce qui est (a) advenir ou gouvernement et affaire des hommes,
don(t) nulz excepté Dieu et la volenté de homme n'est cause, comme dit est
- m The universe is teeming with life and each element has its appropriate life-forms.
Aristotle reports that in Cyprus certain flies are engendered in the fire. Also salamanders can
live in the fire: Aristotle, Historia animalium V. 19 552b; cf. also Philo, De gigantibusl-S (Loeb
ed., vol. 2, pp. 448-449).
290 CLD Π.2.6
par avant, c'est supersticion et coze reprovee et contre toute raison et

entendement.
Item, il y a en telle matière une autre cause qui est esperituele. Et ceste
chi puet estre le Saint Esperit et les bons angeles par lesquelz la grace de
Dieu puet estre aucunnefois déclarée en creature raisonnable, ainsi que
rescripture nous dist du corbel qui repeut le prophette Helie ou desert, la
balaine qui garda Jonas le prophete .iii. jours et trois nuys, et le coulon qui
s'aparut sur Jhesucrist a son baptisement.226 Ceste cause esperituele puet
aucunnefois estre le mauvais esperit qui tent a décevoir humaine creature par
telles bestes, ainsi que [34T par autres manières de sorceries, comme dit est
et sera cy après.
II.2.6 La .vie. conclusion227
Toute sorcerie et sortilege et mesme chose qui se fait par sort est illicite coze
et desfendue. Quant a la declaracion de ceste matière doit sofire ce qui a esté
dit par avant en un capitre de la premiere partie. Item, la sainte escripture
en mout de lieux (de faut) desfent et reprove telles folies en especial sur la
matière de sortilege228 qui touche divinacion, a quoy semblablement sont
concordant les sains docteurs de l'Eglise, saint Augustin, saint Ambrose et
Bede, comme saint Thomas le recite en sa Somme, parellement Gracianus
en son Décret.
{Contre)
Et se on veult arguer contre229 par les auttorités de l'escripture sainte,
226
The story of the raven is found in I Kings 17:14; that of Jonah and the whale in Jona
1:17; and the story of the Holy Spirit appearing as a dove can be read in Matth. 3:16; Mark
1:10; Luke 3:22; and John 1:32.
227
The subject matter of this 'conclusion' corresponds to ST 2a2ae.95.8(R), but was dealt
with, Pignon explains, in an earlier chapter, CLD 1.5. He refrains from summarising his previous
discussion and briefly refers to some authorities, all of whom appear in qu. 95.8 and all of whom
disclaim the use of lots. They are, in order of appearance: Augustine (Epistola 55, PL 33,222)
who is not too keen to apply divine oracles to mundane business; Ambrose (Commentarium super
Lucam 1.22, PL 15, 1542); Bede (Expositio super actus apostolorum, PL 92, 945), who points
out that only before Pentecost lots were used to elect Matthias and not afterwards at the election
of the seven deacons; and Gratian (Decretum, Π.26.5.7) who says: Sortes quibus cuncta vos
vestris discriminatis provinciis, quas Patres damnaverunt, nihil aliud quam divinationes et
maleficia decernimus.
228
sortilege: ms sorcilege.
229
ST 2a2ae.95.8(l +2) paraphrased. The references are the following. 'Josuel et Achor':
Josue 7. For stealing some of the accursed spoils of Jericho, Achan was stoned and his remains
burned in a valley henceforth called Achor. With the help of God the culprit was found out,
though the text does not specify that this was done by sortilege or the casting of lots. Thomas
seems convinced it was done sorte, and hence Pignon believes the same. 'Jonas' : Jona 1:7. 'Saul
CLD Π.2.6 291
comme de Josuel et Achor, de Jonas, de Saul et Jonatas, de Sacharie père

de saint Jehan baptiste, de saint Mathié ou livre des fais des apostres, de
l'exposition que saint Augustin fait sur ce mot du psaltier in manibus tuis
sortes mee, en tous lesquelz lieux il semble que l'usage de sors ceux230 est
approvee et ne soit point desfendu.
On puelt respondre ainsi que il est dit cy par avant, qui y veult diligenment
adviser. Car toutes telles cozes se faisoient par l'ordenance et disposicion du
Saint Esperit et a bonne fin et quant a ce ne sont point a condempner ne a
reprover. Mais quant telles coses se font par humaine industrie et sont fondées
sour volenté propre sens raison, le deable n'en est pas loing.
Item,231 en ceste matière porroient pluseurs arguer pour tant que
aucunnefois on a veü que d'aucunes cozes secretes on avoit congnoissence
par sors, lesquelles cozes n'estoient point deffendues. Et encore de present
on en use ainsi comme il est quant aucuns sont soupesonnés d'aucuns gros
crimes, il se purgent par ce que il prennent un fer en leur main, les autres
se boutent en eaue boullant, les autres [34v] se exposent en campt de bataille.
Item, en la loy Moïse232 on faisoit une eaue de laquelle les hommes
donnoient a boire a leur fames quant il les avoient pour soupesonnees en cas
de mariage et en toutes telles choses se une personne est coupable, son pechié
et Jonatas': I Sam. 14:42: et ait Saul mittite sortent inter me et inter Ionathan filium meum.
'Sacharie*: Luc. 1:8-9: (...) secundum consuetudinem sacerdotiisorte exiitut incensumponeret
ingressus in templum Domini. 'Mathié': Act 1:26: et dederunt sortes eis et cecidit sors super
Matthiam. 'Augustin' : Ps. 30:16 (KJV Ps. 31:16). For Augustine's exposition, see: Enarrationes
in Psalmos (CC 38,211). According to Thomas the Glossa Augustini reads: Sors non est aliquid
mali, sed res, in humana dubitatione, divinam indicans voluntatem. ST 2a2a.95.8(l).
230
The manuscript gives 'l'usage de ceux' with the word 'sors' added as a subscript between
'de' and 'ceux'. The word 'sors' would thus seem to be a correction: 'l'usage de sors ceux est
approvee', 'the use of lots is permitted to them'.
231
ST 2a2ae.95.8(3) paraphrased. Thomas mentions combat and ordeal by fire and water.
The test involving holy water mingled with the dust from the floor of the tabernacle (Num. 5)
does not appear in the Summa. The corresponding reply is also taken from Thomas (including
the quotation from the Decretum of Pope Stephen) except for the exposition of the ordeal by
water from Mosaic law, which gives Pignon occasion to vent a few anti-seraitic prejudices.
232
Num5:16-28, esp. 23-28: scribetque sacerdos in libella ista maledicta etdelebit ea aquis
amarissimis in quas maledicta congessit et dabit ei bibere quas cum exhauserit toilet sacerdos
de manu eius sacrificium zelotypiae et elevabit illud coram Domino inponetque illud super altare
ita dumtaxat ut prius pugillum sacrifiai tollat de eo quod offertur et incendat super altare et
sic potum det mulieri aquas amarissimas quas cum biberit si polluta est et contempto viro
adulterii rea pertransibunt earn aquae maledictionis et inflato ventre conputrescetfemur eritque
mutier in maledictionem et in exemption omni populo quod si polluta nonjuerit erit innoxia et
faciei liberos.
292 CLD Π.2.6
appert evidenment. Dont puis que on est avisé pour aucun temps et il valoit,
il ne semble point que che soit coze a reprover pour le present.233
A cechi est a dire que les .iii. premieres cozes, c'est assavoir de feu, de
eaue, de champ de bataille, ont esté introduites de l'auctorité et volenté
particuliere d'aucuns hommes en tamps passé sanz234 raison quelconques
fors seulement propre volenté et plaisance, et combien que on les dissimule
pour aucun temps, toutefois l'Eglise y a mis remede. Quar il est chose
deffendue a tout boin catholique a faire telles cozes, ainsi qu'il est
expresseement dit en un décret:235 en ceste maniere volloir experier et
savoir, par jugement de feu ardant ou d'eaue boullant, la vérité et confession
d'aucun pechié qui est secrètement fait, est par l'auctorité de Sainte Eglise
deffendu et reprove. Car on ne doit volloir telles choses savoir, ne d'icelles
faire enqueste, se non par la recognoissance des personnes qui les ont faites,
ou par tesmognage souffissant d'autrui qui en a cognoissance. Esquelles
enquestes on doit sur toutes et devant toutes chozes avoir Dieu devant les yex
et iceli douter. Quant des coses secretes, qui sont tellement secretes que il
n'est homme qui en puisse avoir cognissance, elles sont du tout a delaissier
et commettre au jugement de Dieu qui cognoist toutes cozes obscures.
Sembla(ble)ment est il dit de ceux qui veulent eux justefier en champ de
bataille, que c'est coze deffendue et tempter Dieu. Car on a veü souvent
advenir les parties coupables estre délivrés et les innocens perirer. Quant a
l'eaue, par coy les Juis approvoient leur fames, il est vrai que de ce ne leur
[35T fii pas donné commendement, ne Dieu ne le approvoit pas comme bien
fait, mais il leur fu souffert et permis ad ce que il ne feïssent pis. Ainsi que
il est escript en leur loy que il pooient ballier en un libelle par escript devant
les juges les causes de desplaisances qu'il avoient en leur fames et adont le
juge les separoit.236 Item, il leur fu permis et soffert que il pooient prester
a usure aux gens de estrange nacion et non point entr'eux.237 Tout cecy
estoit souffert a eulx pour tant que de leur propre condition il estoient encline
233
Pignon explains here that, since such an ordeal was commanded once, and was valid
then, it would seem that it cannot be considered blameworthy now.
234
sanz: ms sonz.
235
Decretum, Π.2.5.201. The decree of Pope Stephen is quoted by Thomas as follows:
Ferri candentis vel aquae ferventis examinatione confessionem extorqueri a quolibet, sacri non
censent canones: et quod sanctorum Patrum documento sancitum non est, superstitiosa
adinventione non est praesumendum. Spontanea enim confessione vel testium approbatione
publicata delicto, habitopraeoculis Dei timore, concessa sunt nostro regiminijudicare. Occulta
vero et incognita Uli sunt relinquenda qui "solus novit corda flliorum hominum".
236
Deut. 24:1-5, esp. 1 : scribet libellum repudii et dabit in manu ilüus et dimittet earn de
domo sua. That the law on divorce is a concession to human frailty appears from Matth. 19:7-8
and Mark 10:4-5.
237
Deut. 23:19-20 : nonfenerabisfratri tuo ad usuram pecuniam necfruges nee quamlibet
aliam rem sed alieno.
CLD Π.3 293
a homecide et de legier tuoient leur femmes. Item, (en) avarice souvrainement

il avoient leur estudie et pour tant leur (il) estoit il souffert usure a
estrangiers, comme dit est. Pour quoy il appert que telles cozes ne sont point
a faire, ne a dissimuler entre les Crestiens, qui ont loy douce, gracieuse et
amoreuse et toute begnigne. Et cecy sofise pour ceste conclusion.
II.3 (Kers capitre)
Ou tiers capitre est a veoir se art de Tolete et autres observances introduites

pour acquesir science, pour savoir la fortune et infortune des hommes, faire
immutacions de creatures comme sont illusions, enchantemens, porter a son
col brieves et cedules contre aucunnes maladies, et pluseurs telles
observances, sont licites ou deffendues.238 Pour laquelle question je meteray
les conclusion qui s'ensieut.239
238
deffendues: ms denfendues.
239
This third chapter is based on question 96 (de superstitionibus observantiarum) of the
Summa. CLD Π.3.1 corresponds to ST 2a2ae.96.1 (de observantiis ad scientiam acquirendam,
quae traduntur in arte notoria),, CLD Π.3.2 corresponds to ST 2a2ae.96.2 {deobservantiis quae
ordinantur ad aliqua corpora immutanda; utrum observations ordinatae ad corporum
immutationem, puta adsanitatem veladaliquidhuiusmodi, sint licitae); CLD Π.3.3 corresponds
to ST 2a2ae.96.3 (de observantiis quae ordinantur ad conjecturas sumendas fortuniorum vel
infortuniorum); CLD Π.3.Corresponds to ST2a2ae.96.4 (desuspensionibussacrorum verborum
ad collum). The ars notoria or Notory Art was, according to legend, revealed by God through
an angel to Solomon who in a very short time was able to acquire all the liberal and mechanical
arts. In the course of the Middle Ages books on magic dealing, amongst other things, with the
Notory Art, were attributed to this king with his legendary wisdom. This art 'seeks to gain
knowledge from or communion with God by invocation of angels, mystic figures, and magical
prayers' (Thorndike, HMES Π, p. 281) or seeks 'science by inspection of certain figures and
forms of words or abstinence of food' (Thorndike, HMES ΠΙ, p. 10). The magical skills and
knowledge of Arnaud Guillaume and the two Augustinian monks, dicussed in chapter 2.4.2 and
2.4.3, may result from the Notory Art. The use of 'brives, caratteres et paroles frivoles' is also
discussed in CLD Π.3.2 and Π.3.4, but their application is dealt with in these places mainly in
relation to health and good fortune. The Notory Art, as singled out by Aquinas, is regarded as
solely directed at the acquisition of knowledge. Pignon refers to this art as 'art de Tolete', the
'art of Toledo' (L. Toletum). As a centre of learning Toledo had a considerable reputation in
the Middle Ages. Apart from the more regular studies in theology and philosophy, its academies
also harboured the study of magic, kabbalah, astrology and alchemy. Arabic and Hebrew works
in these fields were there translated into Latin. It is this that gave Toledo a reputation for being
a city of magicians and sorcerers. Legend has it that the Dominican saint Aegidius (t 1265) went
there in his youth at the instigation of the devil to study magic. When Rabelais spoke of a 'faculté
diabolologique' at Toledo (Pantagruel ΠΙ.23) he was venting a still very common sentiment,
and Toledo as a sorcerer's capital is almost a commonplace in the works of the demonologists
during the great witch-craze (such as Del Rio and Delancre). See: HWDAIV, 'Hochschulen
der Zauberei', cols. 140-148. Cf. also: F. Boll, C. Bezold and W. Gundel, Sternglaube und
Sterndeutung (Darmstadt 1977), p. 104: 'In Toledo studierte man neben der Astrologie die
Dämonenlehre'. Froissait speaks of 'ingromanceur de Tollete* (TL IV, col. 1391).
294 CLD Π.3.1
Π.3.ι La conclusion premiere, que science acquesir par art notoire que on
dit (de) Tolete est a reprover.
11.3.2 La seconde conclusion, que voloir garir maladies autrement que par
la maniere que Dieu et nature et raison ont ordené, comme seroit
par brives, caratteres et paroles frivoles, est coze reprovee et
deffendue comme sorcerie et supersticion.
11.3.3 La tierce conclusion, que les observances par quoy on juge de la
fortune ou infortune des personnes, [35v] comme de trebuchier au
matin a l'issue de son hostel, de rencontrer a celle heure son
adversaire et soi aler recoucher, sont toutes folies supersticions.
11.3.4 La quarte: porter a son col parolles escriptes en brives, dire parolles
en cuillant herbes, user de coses sacrées et beneites pour garir
malades et apliquier a autre usage, quelles ne sont ordenees et par
maniere indeüe, est chose a tout Crestien entredite et desfendue.
II. 3. ι La premiere conclusion
La premiere conclusion240 pour .ii. causes se puet prover. La premiere quar

ceux qui usent de tel art, usent de certainnes cozes, lesquelles n'ont nule vertu
et nule puissance d'estre cause de science, ainsi qu'est regarder aucunnes
figures, pronuncier certaines paroles, lesquelles ne se(gne)fient quelconques
240
ST 2a2ae.96.1(R) paraphrased and one or two lines translated. Thomas explains that
the Notory Art is illegitimate and ineffectual. Illicita quidem est, quia utitur quibusdam ad
scientiam acquirendam quae non habent secundum se virtutem causandi scientiam: sicut
inspectione quarumdam figurarum, et prolatione quorumdam ignotorum verborum, et aliis
hujusmodi. Such practices cannot be the cause of science and knowledge, nor can they be signs
since they were not divinely instituted. Knowledge is acquired through research and instruction
or through divine illumination. Demonic communications may sometimes express the truths of
science, but demons cannot enlighten the intellect. Thomas is far less eager than Pignon to regard
demonic information as a means of acquiring knowledge. He makes it very clear that no one
ever acquired knowledge through demons: nullus unquam per daemones scientiam acquisivit.
But he does concede that demons can express scientific truths: possent tarnen daemones, verbis
hominibus colloquentes, exprimere aliqua scientiarum documenta. This type of knowledge has
nothing to do with the Notory Art: sed hoc non quaeritur per artem notoriam. In this way
Aquinas minimalises and possibly even annihilates the role of the devil in the cognitive process.
Pignon departs from this perspective by distinguishing three ways of acquiring knowledge: 1.
through instruction and study; 2. through divine inspiration; and 3. through demonic information.
The fact that Pignon lists the devil as a third option (something which Aquinas does not do!)
suggests he holds the devil's intellectual powers in some regard. Pignon concedes that the devil
cannot illumine the mind: 'le deable n'a point puissance de enluminer l'entendement, ne de
donner a homme science par illustracion telle se n'est par invocation et paction faite avec luy':
unless someone has made a pact with the devil. For Aquinas such a pact is sinful and
inefficacious. Pignon agrees wholeheartedly with the former, but is not so sure about the latter.
CLD Π.3.1 295
chose. Que telz signes ne pue^e^t241 causer science, il appert, quar (se)
par242 telz signes on pooit avoir science, (convient) considérer que il n'e(st)
homme du monde qui legierement ne les puisse faire et dire et veoir. Cascun
a pou d'occasion seroit grant clerc et saroit en pau de temps che que les plus
sages du monde ont mis toute leur vie a savoir. Cecy destruiroit toute boine
doctrine et excer(c)itacion vertueuse, et jamais ne seroit besoing que homme
fust instruit d'autre, et mout d'autres inconveniens en porroit ensuïr. Dont
fault il dire que telz signacles et telles paroles que font et disent ceux-cy
segnefient riens. Convient dont veoir par quelle auctorité il sont institué et
qui leur a donné telle puissance et telle vertu, d'ore (convient) dire que Dieu
estre ne puet. Car se Dieu les avoit institués et ordenés, il seroit mis ou
nombre des sacremens, ou dou vies ou dou novel testament, ou a tout [36T
le mains certaine mencion seroit faite dou tamps et de la forme de leur
institucion, de quoi toutefois nous ne trouvons ne ne lisons riens. Dont ne
sont il point de Dieu institué, ne ordené. Ne telle science par consequent n'est
point de Dieu approvee. Il covient dont dire que le diable a trové telles
vainnes observances et telles folies pour dechevoir les hommes, et que c'est
l'acteur de telle science. Car onques bon angle ne s'en mesla par la raison
dessusdite. Et pour ceste raison dit saint Augustin243 que toutes telles
supersticions sont a reprover et a dampner.
Item, il n'i a ou monde ne n'eut onques que .iii. manières d'acisir science.
Une est par voie commune naturele qui est instruccion de homme a autre et
excercitacion d'estude. L'autre est par inspiracion de Dieu, ainsi que Dieu
le donna a Salomon, Jhesucrist a ces disciples. 'Je vous donne', dist il,
'parole et science auxquelz ne porront contredire toux vos adversaires'.244
Ceste maniere de science acquerre n'est pas commune a tous et si n'i fait on
ne figures, ne caractères, ne dit on parrolles supersticieuses, mais tant
seulement selonc le parler du Saint Esperit elle est donnée, ainsi que dit saint
Pol l'apostre.245 L'autre est que par mauvais esperis telle coze se face, ore
est il ainsi que le deable n'a point puissance de enluminer l'entendement, ne
de donner a homme science par illustration telle se n'est par invocation et
paction faite avec luy, comme dit est par avant, et comment par nécessité que
le deable parle a telle gent ou que il parle par eux, qui est une tres horrible
et detestable abhominacion. Car finablement il en sont decheü et perdu et
dampné perdurablement, pour quoi appert que la conclusion est vraie.
241
The manuscript gives 'puelent' with '-en-' crossed through.
242
par: ms pour.
243
Augustine, DDC H.20 (PL 34, 50), quoted by Thomas. Augustine explains that magic
involves a pact with demons and should therefore be avoided.
244
Luc .21:15 (quoted by Thomas) : ego enim dabo vobis os et sapientiam cui non poterunt
resistere et contradicere omnes adversarii vestri.
245
I Cor. 12:8: ... per Spiritum datur sermo sapientiae.
296 CLD Π.3.1
{Contré)
Encontre246 laquele on puet arguer: [36*]
1. Premièrement; quar jeûner, Dieu priier, vellier et autres abstinences
faire sont ovrage bons et vertueux d'eux mesmes, et par telz ovrages acquiert
on la science que dite est, dont est elle licite.
2. Item, les jounes enfans qui estoient a la court du roy Nabugodonosor
en Babilonne par jeunes et astinences acquisent science. Et leur fu donnée
si grant (science) que che fat grant mervelles, ainsi que la sainte escripture
tesmoigne,247 dont semble il que telles observances sont licites a garder pour
science aquerir.
3. Item,248 le deable a plus cler entendement et plus parfaite
cognoissanche de toutes cozes qui puelent apartenir a science naturele que
n'eut onquez homme naturelement. Et pour quoy dont ne puet on recevoir
de luy doctrine et science, puis que telle coze n'est pas pour savoir les cozes
qui sont (a) advenir desqueles il a bien peu de cognoissance?
1. Au premier je di que, combien que jeûner et faire abstinences et prières
soient choses boines et vertueuses d'elles mesmes, et science boine de soy,
et désirer avoir science soit bon désir, nientmains voloir acquérir science par
maniere ilicite comme est avoir paction et convention avec le deable par
figures et caractères et paroles qui riens ne segnefient, c'est abhominacion
et coze detestable et reprovee.
2. Au secont je dy que les enfans jeunoient non pas adfin que leur jeune
leur donnast science et que il eussent par se moing comme font ceux de cui
est cy parole, mais pour obeïr a Dieu. Car il ne voloient point mangier des
viandes des païens qui leur estoient desfendues en leur loy, et pour icelle
obéissance qu'il faisoient a Dieu leur fu donnée science par inspiration, ainsi
que aux autres prophettes.
3. Au tiers je dy comme au premier, que seulement pour la convention
et paction faite avec le deable telle maniere d'acquesir science est illicite et
desfendue.
246
The following three objections and their corresponding replies are paraphrases of ST
2a2ae.96.1(1-3).
247
Daniel 1:16-17.
248
In ST 2a2ae.96.2(3) Aquinas explains that demons know nothing of the future, but that
due to their sharper minds they can have scientific knowledge that excells the knowledge of most
people, though in principle it does not go beyond the scope of human knowledge. Pignon
exaggerates when he says that it is a knowledge that no man ever had ('que n'eut onquez homme
naturelement').
CLD Π.3.2 297
Π.3.2 (La seconde conclusion)
La seconde conclusion249 puet estre decla[37Hree par ce que saint Augustin

dist que les deables prennent plaisance en aucuns signes fais des creatures
que Dieu a faites. Et en telz signes se délitent non pas ainsi que une beste
se délite en sa viande, mais ainsi que les esperis se délitent en signes. Le
deable se délite en ce qu'il voit que les hommes usent de pierres, de herbes,
de vois d'aucunes bestes, d'enchanterie et d'autres diverses manières et signes
que gardent et font ceux qui sont a telles folies ahurté. N'est pas par ce
l'entencion dudit docteur (de dire) que la ou nature puet ovrer par les remèdes
que on applique a garir les malades que che ne soit chose licite de ce faire.
Mais il veult dire que les signes et enchantemens, charais et sorceries que
pluseurs font qui n'ont raison quelconque naturele sont illicites et reprovees.
(Contre)
1. Il porroit sembler a aucuns que saint Augustin se contredit,250 car il
dist en ce mesme lieu que les secrés de nature en mout de choses sont telz
et si grant que il n'est homme tant soit soutilz qui en puisse avoir parfaite
cognoissance ne rendre raison souffissant, ainsi que de la pierre d'aymant
qui atrait le fer et de pluseurs autres cozes secretes en nature. Parellement
porroit on dire que a garir maladies pluseurs on puet appliquier pluseurs
herbes ou pierres qui ont vertu secrete et que on ne scet pas.
2. Item,251 les cozes materieles de ce monde reçoivent certaines
inpressions du ciel par laquelle elles ont aucunez vertus et puissance natureles
a eux apropriees. Pour quoy donques semblablement ne puet il estre des coses
artificieles comme est une ymage, laquelle puet estre faite en telle heure et
desoulz telle constellacion, qu'elle ara propriété et vertu naturele d'aucun
ovrage faire, que n'ont pas autres ymages? Dont semble il que en tel cas user
de telles ymages ou de certaines figures escriptes pour garir maladies est coze
assés licite et convenable. [37v]
249
ST 2a2ae.96.2(R) paraphrased. Thomas quotes Augustine, DCD XXI.6: Illiciuntur
daemones per creaturas, quas non ipsi, sed Deus condidit, delectabilibus pro sua diversitate
diversis, non ut animalia cibis, sed ut spiritus signis, quae cujusque delectationi congruunt, per
varia genera lapidum, herbarum, îignorum, animalium, carnùnum, rituum. These things cannot
be the natural causes of cures; they are signs that are part of a pact made with demonic powers.
250
ST 2a2ae.96.2(l) paraphrased. In the Summa objection and reply are not in opposition.
Therefore Pignon places a strong emphasis on the apparent contradiction in Augustine, who in
DCD XXI.5 and 7 speaks of the hidden natural virtues of bodies. As the corresponding reply
makes clear, the use of these hidden virtues is not a problem. Problems arise when one wishes
to procure effects that are in no way naturally appropriated to the means one employs, such as
magic charms, cyphers or strange words.
251
298 CLD Π.3.2
3. Item,252 li deables n'a puissance ne vertu fors seullement celle que

Dieu luy a donnée, ainsi que nous disons de toutes cozes que Dieu a faites
et créés. Donques se on dit que licitement on puet user de toutes cozes que
Dieu a faites et créés au profit de homme, pour quoy ne puet on user en cas
de nécessité de la science et puissance (que) du deable que Dieu li a donnée?
1. Au premier est a dire que quant on applique les vertus natureles aux
ymages ou autres choses artificieles, c'est mal fait, car Dieu et nature ne leur
a point donné telle vertu ne telle puissance. Mais quant on aplique les cozes
natureles ad ce a quoi nature les a ordenees, ainsi que l'aymant par sa vertu
naturele atrait a lui le fer, il n'y a point de mal. Voloir dont dire que figures
et caractères escrips e(s)t pris en papier, ou paroles de gret, ou de hebrieu
non cogneü ayent puissance et vertu de garir maladies est folie. Et penson
que ainsi se face, c'est par l'operacion du deable qui soutilement
invisiblement œvre en telz so(r)ceries et y prent plaisance et s'i délite, pour
ce qu'il voit que les hommes sont curieux a telz choses et moignant la
mauvaise foy que les gens y ont, advient souvent que les gens en sont gari,
tant hommes comme bestes. Chy est tres mauvaise choze, car c'est le
commencement de errer en la foy.
2. Au second253 qui touche une matière sur quoi aucun folement ou
tamps passé se sont fondé est a declarer aucunnement la vérité. Dont est a
noter diligemment que es ovrages que Dieu et nature si font, il leur donnent
propre et certaine forme, ainsi que nous veons en la distinction et difference
de toutes coses que une cascunne coze, par la forme et naturele propriété que
252
253
ST 2a2ae.96.2(r2) paraphrased. Thomas explains that the natural virtues of things are
caused by their formae substantiates which proceed from the influence of the heavens {ex
impressione caetestium corporum). The formae of artifacts proceed ex conceptione artificis, so
that artifacts do not receive any virtues from celestial influence. In fact, as far as they are
compositio, ordo et figura, they have no natural virtues other than the virtues that inhere in the
substantial forms of the material they were made from. The distinction that Thomas makes (and
that Pignon copies) is essentially one between substantial and accidental forms. A lump of wax
fashioned by a magician to represent a particular person has undergone an accidental and not
a substantial change. The virtues it possesses derive from its 'wax-ness* and not from the
accidental form or structure imposed on it. Pignon, unfortunately, did not use concepts such
as 'substantial form* or 'accidental form' and consequently (when he tries to elaborate the point)
errs when he explains that 'une cascunne coze, par la forme et naturele propriété que Dieu et
nature li ont données, est différant de toutes autres coses en son espèce'. According to Aquinas
the members of a species posses similar substantial forms and differ from one another mainly
through their matter. Quantified matter is the principium individuationis within a species and
not the 'forme et naturele propriété'. The whole problem of individuation has no bearing on the
topic of ST 2a2ae.96.2(r2) and it is not clear why Pignon introduced it. Possibly he mixed up
the problem of variation (which deals with the variety of forms) with the problem of individuation
(which deals with the individuality of things that share the same form). Cf. Copleston, Aquinas,
pp. 95-96.
CLD Π.3.2 299
Dieu et nature li ont données, est différant de toutes autres coses en son
espèce. Et par celle propriété que Dieu et nature donne a une chascune chose,
elle a sa propre vertu et puissance naturele, par quoy elle [38T est disposée
a faire certains ovrages et operacions a luy actribuees. Et tout ce vient par
l'influence et movement du ciel qui est le cours de nature. Autrement est des
ovrages que les hommes font par artifice, comme sont ymages et autres coses.
Car toute la vertu et puissance et la propre forme qui les fait estre vient
seulement de l'entencion de l'ovrier qui les fait, quar telle forme qu'il a
pensee par avant il leur baille. Cy est cose evident et notoire, que en telz
ymages n'a fors composition et disposition les parties ainsi figurées,
lesquelles cozes selonc la sentence d'Aristote254 n'ont quelconques puissance
ne vertu de pro(d)uire aucunne operacion. Et cecy puet estre assés notoire
a tout boin entendement.
A ce propos parle monseur saint Augustin en reprenant Porphire.255
Lequel Porfire disoit que, par la vertu de certainnes herbes et pierres et bestes
moignant aucunnes paroles et voix et figurations faites soulx certaine
constellation et influence des estoiles, on puet forgier aucuns ymages qui
aroient puissance et vertu de faire certainnes operacions, et voloit par checy
dire que les illusions qui se font par enchanterie et art de deable se pooient
faire naturelement. Mais tout che est faux, quar quant on voit telles coses
advenir, on doit tenir pour vray que c'est tout par l'engin du deable qui par
telles illusions déchoit les hommes et mainne a perdicion, et que ainsi soit
saint Augustin le prove. Car en la composition de telles ymages sont faites
figurations, caractères et impressions par certains languages qui ne sont de
quelconques vertu et riens ne segnefient, ne ne porroient avoir vertu pour
donner vie a telles ymages.
254
Aristotle, Physicsl.5188M5-21 (referred to by Thomas): artifacts have only compositio,
ordo et figura and no natural acting force. (See Loeb ed., Aristotle vol. 4, p. 55.)
255
Augustine, DCD X. 11 (quoted by Thomas): Falsum est ergo quod Porphyrie? videbatur,
ut Augustinus diät, "herbis et lapidibus et animantibus, et sortis certis quibusdam ac vocibus,
et figurationibus atque figmentis quibusdam etiam observons in caeli conversione motibus
siderumt fabricari in terra ab hominibuspotestates idoneas siderum variis effectibus exequendis ":
quasi effectus magicarum artium ex virtute caelestium corporum provenirent.
300 CLD Π.3.3
Item,256 il a difference des ymages que font les astronomiens a celle que
font li nigromancien, quar es premieres le deable œvre soutilement sans
invocacion, et (es) autres il œvre notoirement par invocacions, combien que
toux ont avec le deable aupe^cunne (c)convencion et familiarité. Ou nombre
de telz gens sont ceux qui, par mauvaise conspirations qu'il ont et hayne
encontre aucunnes personnes, aucunefois bien grans signeurs, forgent et font
ymages, ou font faire par (n)igromanciens ou autres sortileges. Lesquelles
ymages sont de cire, aucunefois de bois, et quant on frape telles ymages en
aucunne partie de leur corps, les personnes contre cui elles sont faites
sensillement sofrent doleur en leur propre corps en la partie ou est touchié
telle ymage. Et de cecy ont eü experience mout de gens. Dont grant pugnicion
on deveroit faire de telz faux Crestiens qui pour nuire autrui se rendent si
soubjet au deable. Et cecy est quant a la response de l'instance et arguement
qui estoit fait par avant contre la conclusion, laquelle demeure en sa vérité
comme il appert. Quar en toutes telles chozes le deable se mêle et vise pour
décevoir les creatures qui a che sont enclin.
3. Au tiers257 est a dire que a Dieu seulement apartient commander et
user de la puissance et vertu des deables. A homme apartient par l'ordenance
de Dieu user des cozes natureles et non point de la puissance du deable. Car
homme de soi est fait pour avoir guerre au deable, et non point le painne en
son ayde par invocacions ou autres promesses. Item, homme qui est tant
noble creature doit avoir horreur d'estre instruit par le deable, qui ne puet
bien faire ne bien voloir, et qui tant tent cont(i)nuelement a le décevoir.
II.3.3 {La tierce conclusion)
La tierce conclusion258 puet estre déclarée par le dit saint Augustin que la
256
ST 2a2ae.96.2(r2) paraphrased. Thomas distinguishes between imagines astronomicae,
artifacts with inscribed signs and characters and with no natural efficacy, that only work through
stealthy demonic influence, and imagines nigromanticae which are made and employed under
express invocations of demons. A similar distinction is made by Albertus Magnus in his Speculum
astronomiae, cap. 11. Albertus discusses the images and their application and lists many medieval
treatises that deal with these matters. See: Thorndike, "Traditional Medieval Tracts concerning
engraved Astrological Images", in: Mélanges Auguste Pelzer (Louvain 1947), pp. 217-273.
Pignon's reference to the wax images and the 'grant pugnicion' (which do not appear in Thomas)
may be reminiscent of the confession of Jehan de Bar (see App. I, Confession item 13).
257
ST 2a2ae.96.2(r3) paraphrased. Only God can command demons, Aquinas explains.
Man is commanded to wage war against them. Pignon adds that man 'doit avoir horreur d'estre
instruit par le deable' thus reintroducing the theme of demonic information as a means of
acquiring knowledge (see CLD Π.3.1).
258
ST 2a2ae.96.3(R) paraphrased. Thomas concludes that superstitious observances are
neither the causes nor the God-given signs of future events, butratherthe remains of idolatry.
The examples of singing and dancing around bonfires are Pignon's and do not appear in the
CLD Π.3.3 301
folie des hommes et le malice des deables, par quoy il les déchoit, ont songié
mille manières de supersticieuses observances qui ne sont que sorceries et
cozes sans raison quelconques. Et en propose par exemple aucunnes: comme
est, quant une [39T personne sent soudainement commocion en son corps
ou en aucune partie, il dit que tele ou telle coze li avendra, ou quant .ii.
personnes sont joint ensemble en alant et il passe entre aucune beste, ou que
il chiet entre eux pierre ou bos, il ont sur ce oppinion d'aucune coze a
advenir, ou de rencontrer le matin la personne que on het, ou que on trébuche
au partir de son ostel, ou que on esternue en soi chausant,259 et tant de telles
folies que c'est sans nombre, lesquelles sont toutes so(r)ceries. Car tout
homme qui a raison et entendement, se il en vuelt user, puet assés savoir que
telles cozes ne puelent estre cause ne signe certain des coses qui sont (a)
advenir. Car je demande a ceulx qui y croient, qui a telles coses inposees,
a segnefier ce que il disent ou Dieu, ou homme, ou deable. Non pas Dieu,
car en toutes le(s) escriptures qui onques furent faites, mencion n'est de ce
faite. Non pas homme qui ait en usaige de raison et d'entendement. Il faut
don(t) dire en conclusion que le deable en est le docteur et premier institueur
par le foie creance des hommes qui sont sans raison et se sont a ce encline
et ahurté, par quoi le deable les amene(s) et fait cheir en ydolatrie et
payennerie. A cecy apartiennent les foies coustumes que les Crestiens gardent
encore de present aux journées des brandons, et en autre temps en especial
sur le nouvel tamps que les gens font dances et disent canchons et ont
contenances parelles aux païens, environnent les feux, et sallient, et font telles
follies,260 cuidans en leur foie erreur que l'année ne leur seroit pas propice
Summa. The reference to Augustine is from DDC Π.20.31 and is quoted by Thomas: Augustinus
dicit quod "ad pacta cum daemonibus inita pertinent millia inanium observationum: puta si
membrum aliquod salient, si junctim ambulantibus amicis lapis out canis aut puer médius
intervenerit; Urnen calcare cum ante domum suam aliquis transit; redire ad tectum si quis, dum
se calceat, sternutaverit; redire domum siprocedens offenderit; cum vestis a soricibus roditur,
plus timere superstitionem malifuturi quam praesens damnum dolere". Augustine's treatment
of superstition is markedly different from that of his medieval readers. Where someone like
Pignon is wholly preoccupied with his own indignation, Augustine indulges in witty ridicule.
Dogs and children, he observes, are sometimes struck for running between two people; Sed
bellum est, quod aliquando pueri uindicantur a canibus; namplerumque tarn superstitiosi sunt
quidam, ut etiam canem, qui médius interuenerit, feme audeant, non impune; namque a uano
remedio cito ille interdum percussorem suum ad uerum medicum mittit (CC 32, 54-55).
259
See CLD 1.6 and note 80.
260
Cf. also the remarks on St. John's fires in CLD 1.6 and note 82. Apart from bonfires
also torch-processions were customary to ward off evil and to secure good harvests. Festivities
around the bonfires included dancing round and leaping through the flames in order to procure
good health for the year to come. See: Collin de Plancy, Dictionnaire Infernal, 'Feu de la Saint-
Jean', 228-229; HWDA IV, 733-739; Opie, 'Fire -protects cattle and crops', pp. 154-155.
302 CLD Π.3.3
se ainsi ne faisoient. Et de toutes telles folies se doit tout bon Crestien mettre
arrière. C'est quant a ceste conclusion.
{Contre)
1. Contre261 laquelle on (ne) puet arguer quar on puet licitement jugier
de maladie262 a advenir a aucunne personne par les signes [39v] que on voit
et app(er)çoit par avant en elle. Dont puet on bien jugier des fortunes autres
et infortunes des hommes par aucuns signes que on voit en eulx, comme est
la philosomie et di(s)posicion corporeles des hommes.
2. Item,263 on a veü mout de fois advenir par experience ce que on avoit
pronosquié par telz signes precedans et voit on encore bien souvent ensi
advenir, par quoi il semble que on s'i puet bien asseûrer.
3. Item,264 le fais de nos pre(de)ceseurs nous sont donné comme signes
et exemples de ce que nous avons a faire. Puis que dont nos pre(de)cesseurs
ont trové vérité en telz prenosticacions, il semble que nous i poöns bien
ajouster foy.
1. Au premier est a dire que les signes que on aperchoit d'aucunes
maladies donnent cognoissance des causes natureles d'icelles maladies. Et
par che cognoissent les phisiciens bien expers en leur sciences les maladies
261
ST 2a2ae.96.3(l) paraphrased. Aquinas speaks of the legitimacy of observing the signs
of good or bad fortune in general and gives the observation of the symptoms of an imminent
disease as a concrete example. This is a logically correct step, since he explicitly states that
symptoms of a disease are a subset of signs of bad fortune {inter alia enim infortunia hominum
sunt etiam infirmitates). If it is legitimate to observe signs, then it is also legitimate to observe
symptoms. In his reply Aquinas questions the premiss that subordinates symptoms to signs by
stressing that the relation between symptoms and diseases differs fundamentally from the relation
between signs and fortunes: physical symptoms and diseases have a common cause (in us);
physical signs and someone's fortunes have not. In Ais version of the objection, Pignon turns
the argument around; since it is legitimate to predict a disease from its symptoms, therefore it
is legitimate to predict someone's fortunes from certain signs. Logically this is not entirely
correct, since Pignon does not clarify the relation between signs and symptoms. He turns
Aquinas's deductive argument into an inductive one. In the corresponding reply, Pignon affirms
the legitimacy of predicting diseases from symptoms, since the latter may reveal the natural
causes of the former. This does not hold good, he states, for other signs of good or bad fortune;
but unfortunately, he does not clearly explain why.
262
maladie: ms lamadie.
263
ST 2a2ae.96.3(2) paraphrased. Idem for the corresponding reply.
264
ST 2a2ae. 96.3(3) somewhat confusingly summarised. Thomas argues that the things that
happened to the fathers may be signs for the present generation (I Cor. 10:6,11). Hence
preceding events may be signs of subsequent events. In his reply he refutes this argument by
pointing out that the fact that some events are prophetic signs does not mean that all events are
prophetic signs. Still, it is legitimate to imitate the deeds of the fathers in so far as they are God-
given signs. Pignon confuses matters by suggesting that the deeds of the fathers (which God
has given us as signs) occurred to the fathers themselves as some kind of prognostication. This
is not what Thomas says.
CLD Π.3.4 303
(a) advenir, ce que on ne puet dire des autres signes que on voit sour une
personne au regart de che qui li est (a) advenir.
2. Au secont je di que quant premièrement on usa de telles cozes, tout ce
qui est a venir c'estoit a l'aventure. Mais quant le deable a veü que les gens
estoient en cecy curieux, il s'est meslé en telles cozes pour enveloper265
les hommes plus en erreurs.
3. Au tierc je dy que un cascun doit ensuyr ses prédécesseurs en tout ce
qui touche et appartient a boine doctrine et a bonne meurs, non autrement.
II.3.4 {La quarte conclusion)
La quarte et derrainne conclusion266 de ce capistre qui fait mencion de

porter a son col ou autre part brives contenans paroles saintes, et celle coze
est a declairer par .ii. manières:
Premièrement, que telles escriptures ne soient cose appartenans ou
approchans a invocations de deables. Item, qu'il n'y ait aucunnes parolles
ou escriptures de mos incogneüs, et qui ne sont point [40Π en commun usage.
Car soulz ces267 mos et escriptures est toudis contenu aucun mal, dont un
docteur dist que pluseurs sont de present a Γ example des Pharisiens qui
faisoient tous leur ovrage pour estre magnifié et prisié devant les hommes.
Et ce font ceux qui escrivent nons estranges d'ang(e)les (et) de hébreu ou de
gret268 que nous n'avons point en commun usage, et les lient sur les gens
263
enveloper: ms envoleper.
266
ST 2a2ae.96.4(R) paraphrased. Concerning the suspendere divini verba ad collum
Thomas makes two cautioning remarks: 1: Written words should not contain doctrinal errors
or imply invocations of demons. One should take special heed of strange and unknown words
since Pharisaeorum magnificantiumfimbrias suas exemplo, nunc multi aliqua nomina hebraica
angelorum confingunt et scribunt et alligant, quae non inteltigentibus metuenda videntur {Opus
imperfectum in Matth. 43 (PG 56, 878-9), quoted by Thomas as a work by Chrysostom ['un
docteur' according to Pignon] though now no longer attributed to him). 2: One should not put
faith in vain emblems and signs, a particular style of writing or a certain fashion of wearing
amulets, which would be superstitious. Otherwise the application of words and signs (the Credo,
the Lord's Prayer, the sign of the cross) is perfectly legitimate, as long as it is done with the
right intentions. Pignon elaborates this final point, adding some examples. He omits Thomas's
objections and replies.
267
ces: ms tes.
268
The reference to Greek names is Pignon's addition. It is unlikely that Pignon misread
nomina hebraica angelorum as 'nons estranges d'angles et de hebreu' (hence the addition of (e)),
though his knowledge of English may have been as scant as his knowledge of Greek. Pignon
also referred to 'paroles de hebrieu non cogneûs' earlier: see CLD Π.3.2(Γ1) above. In his
chapter on astrological images and amulets, Albertus (Speculum astronomiae, 11) mentions,
among others, highly elusive Greek authors such as Hermes and Toz Grecus and a legendary
Hebrew one, called Raziel. Raziel ('Secret of God') was the name of an angel who gave a book
of 'all celestial and earthly knowledge', called the Sefer Raziel, to Adam. The"book (attributed
304 CLD II.3.4
pour acquérir un grant nom et ad ce que il soient dobté et prisié. Ainsi disent
ceux qui portent sur eux les nons des .iii. rois269 et ne say quelz autres
choses qui sont toutes folies et sorceries. Item, est a adviser en telles
escriptures, qu'elles ne contiennent aucunne fauce sentence ou erreur. Car
Dieu en telles cozes ne puet moustrer ses vertus.
La seconde et principale coze que on doit en cecy adviser est que avec
telles escriptures n'ait aucunnes coses vaines qui sont caractères et signes et
figures escriptes, qui n'ont ne ne puelent avoir vertu ne forche quelconques
se n'est le signe de la croix, et que on ne ajouste foy et creance en certaine
forme d'escripre ou de lire l'escripture ou en nombre déterminé ou en
quelconquez autre supersticion qui ne fait en riens a l'honneur et reverence
de Dieu et de la foy. En autres coze, comme seroit dire Pater Noster ou
Credo in Deum ou aucunne autre orison devotte laquelle on puet entendre,
porter le signe de la croix en boine devocion, porter l'euvangile saint Jehan
ou autre en vraye et bonne foy, mettre telz coses sur malades,270 est bien
to Eleazer of Worms, thirteenth century) contained among other things a long list of names of
amulet angels. See: G. Davidson, A Dictionary of Angels (New York 1971), pp. 242-3, esp.
p. 346 for a list of seventy 'nons estranges'. In both Christian and Jewish circles written amulets
were very popular. Mostly they contained texts from Scripture (e.g. Psalms) but also amulets
with the names of angels were believed to be efficacious. For examples of such written amulets,
see: Joshua Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition, pp. 139-143. Also Latin Christianity
had its books of magic replete with names of angels and spells. See, e.g., Marie-Thérèse
d'Alverny, "Survivance de la magie antique", in: La transmission des textes philosophiques et
scientifiques au Moyen Age (Aldershot 1994), pp. 158-160, who published and discussed the
text of a few amulets; and Thorndike, HMES Π, pp. 283-289, where the Liber sacratus or Liber
juratus (the Sworn-Book ofHonorius) is discussed; a book that pretends to hold the key to all
knowledge and that is, as such, the Christian counterpart of Raziel. Cf. also ch. 2.4.3 above.
269
The remark on the names of the three kings is an addition by Pignon. The three Magi,
Caspar, Melchior and Balthasar, were venerated as the patrons of travellers and their names were
invoked as a protection againstdisease and misfortune. Amulets with their pictures were supposed
to ward off epilepsy, fever, rabies and sudden death. See: HWDA Π, cols. 453, 455. Also
amulets with their initials or with their names as part of a spell or verse, were very common.
See: HWDA Π, cols. 459-462, where some examples of these medieval spells are listed. Henry
of Gorcum (Gorichem) also denounces the alleged curative powers of such amulets in his
Tractatus de superstitionibus (c. 1425), but he does not regard wearing these amulets as illicit
as long as this is done with the proper reverence to God (Hansen, Quellen, p. 87, item 5;
Thorndike, HMES IV, p. 306).
270
The Gospel of St. John was often used for magical purposes. The identification in the
opening chapter of Christ with the Logos, the 'Word' (John 1:1-2), was supposed to give the
words of the text a special potency. So much so that the Gospel was used as an amulet, to be
worn round the neck or to be applied to the sick for healing. Augustine is the first to mention
the application of the Gospel, which was to be placed on the head of the sick, as a cure for fever.
HWDA IV, 'Johannisevangelhim', cols. 731-733; cf. John of Salisbury, Policraticus Π.1, who
also recommends the medicinal use of St. John's Gospel, the Credo, the Lord's Prayer and
sundry New Testament passages.
CLD Π.4 305
fait, car qui271 fait telles coses en bonne entencion et en ferme foy enver
Dieu, telles coses puelent bien profiter et aidier ceux qui sont grevé de
maladies, puis que on a en toutes telles coses Dieu en son euer et devant les
yex [40v] de l'entendement sans quelconquez observance supersticieuse et que
la creature qui ainsi prie Dieu soit en tel estât de conscience, qu'elle soit
digne d'estre oye et exauchié devant Dieu en ces prières et que pechié ne li
soit nuysant et enpeschant se qu'elle requiert a Dieu. Item, nulz ne doit en
toutes telles coses tant présumer de son propre sens que il ne face par le
conseil des sages et des preux hommes toutes telles coses quant on les veult
faire272 et ainsi n'y aura cause d'estre repris. Grant partie de ces coses est
escripte en la doctrine de Sainte Eglise en décret,273 et tous arguemens que
on poroit faire contre les choses ychi tochiés on puet destruire par les
circunstances chi devant déclarées. Et tout bon catholique pour telz arguemens
ne se doit esmovoir.
II.4 (Quart capitre)
Le quart capitre274 est a declarer que le movement du ciel ne l'influence

des estoiles ne puelent estre cause de nostre entendement, tellement que par
leur influence et vertu l'entendement d'unne personne soit plus cler et plus
soutif que d'unne autre. Pour declarer ceste conclusion et icelle prover, est
a savoir que les ansiens et premiers philosophes,275 comme estoient
Democritus, Empedocles, Anaxagoras276 et leur disciples, estoient de ceste
oppinion que l'entendement humain est de condicion et nature corporele,
271
qui: lege si on.
272
Lege: 'In all these matters no one should presume on his own judgment, but, when one
wants to do them, one should do them only on the advice of wise and prudent men'.
273
See: Decretum Π.26.5.3 sqq. (PL 187, 1346 ff.) where a number of superstitious
observances are denounced, but where likewise certain ritual practices, namely the recitation
of the prayers mentioned by Pignon, are condoned. Aquinas quotes the relevant passage: Nee
in collectionibus herbarum quae médicinales sunt aliquas observations out incantationes liceat
attendere, nisi tantum cum symbolo divino, out oratione Dominica; ut tantum Creator omnium
et Deus honoretur.
274
This fourth chapter is based on SCG ΙΠ.84: Quod corpora caelestia non imprimant in
intellectus nostros. The eight paragraphs of the chapter (except for paragraph 6) correspond to
subsections of chapter 84 in the SCG, as identified and marked in the Marietti-edition of the
Leonine text. In the following concordance the numbers between square brackets indicate the
paragraphs of CLD Π.4 to which the matching sections of the SCG have been added: [1] SCG
ΠΙ.84 (2591); [2] SCG ffi.84 (2592); [3] SCG ffl.84 (2593); [4] SCG ΠΙ.84 (2583); [5] SCG
ΠΙ.84 (2587); [6] various arguments; [7] SCG ΠΙ.84 (2596 a); [8] SCG ΠΙ.84 (2596 b+c).
275
SCG ΙΠ.84 (2591) paraphrased. Antiqui enim philosophi Naturales, ut Democritus,
Empedocles, et huiusmodi, posuerunt quod intellectus non differt a sensu. Intellection and
sensation being the same, the former will be as susceptible to celestial influence as the latter.
276
Anaxagoras: ms inaxagoras.
306 CLD Π.4
composé comme le corps, et tout un avec le sentement naturel du corps, ainsi

que rechite Aristote.277 Dont faloit par cechi dire, que l'entendement estoit
cose corruptible, et consequamment convenoit dire que par les operations
natureles dou cours du ciel l'entendement estoit transmuable et alterable et
cangable d'un estât en un autre, tout ainsi que nous veons estre le corps
naturel de homme qui est soubget a toutes telles coses par l'inpression [4 Π
naturele du movement du ciel. Et ad ce propos rechite saint Augustin278
ce que Omerus disoit que tel entendement (que) les diex et les hommes si
ont, le père des diex, c'est le soleil ou Jupiter, leur a donné. Par Jupiter
entendoit le souvrain dieu qui estoit selonc leur estimation tout le ciel.
Apres ceste oppinion vint une autre sette qui se dit Stoïciens,279 qui
disoient que tout ce que nostre entendement cognoit, c'est par ce que nous
veons les coses au par dehors, de laquelle vision est representee une figure
et similitude en nostre entendement en la forme et maniere que un miroir
rechoit la samblanche des cozes qui sont devant lui et les represente,
aucunnement telles qu'elles sont, ou comme li papier reçoit l'escripture que
on y emprime, et celle escripture est ou papier representee a cascun. Et tout
parrellement recite au pou pres Boëce de Consolation. Selonc l'oppinion de
ceux-chi il semble que nostre entendement reçoit sens moing l'influence et
inpression du cours du ciel et que le ciel nous donne tel entendement et telle
cognoissance comme nous avons. Et de che sont venu les erreurs et fauses
supersticions, de quoy mencion est faite en che traitié en grant partie. Car,
ainsi que Boëse dit, aucuns ont volut dire que l'entendement de creature
humaine estoit par le cours du ciel contraint et necessitey en toutes ces
277
Aristotle, Metaphys.TV.51009bl2-33;Dé?am/nam.427al7-29 (referred to by Aquinas.)
278
Augustine, DCD IV. 11 referred to by Thomas: Et propter hoc dixerunt quod, cum
transmutatioinferiorum corporumsequaturtransmutationem corporumsuperiorum, intellectualis
operatio sequatur corporum caelestium motus: secundum illudHomeri: "Talis est intellectus in
dus et hominibus terrenis qualem in die ducit Pater virorum deorumque": id est sol; vel magis
Iupiter, quern dicebant summum deum, intelligentes per ipsum totum caelum, ut patet per
Augustinum, in libro de Civitate Dei. The reference from Homer is in Odyssey 18.136 ff.
279
SCG ΙΠ.84 (2592) paraphrased. Hinc etiam processif Stoicorum opinio, qui dicebant
cognitionem intellectus causari ex hoc quod imagines corporum nostris mentibus imprimuntur,
sicut speculum quoddam, vel sicut pagina recipit litteras impressas, absque hoc quod aliquid
agat: ut Boëtius narrât in V'de Consolatione. Secundum quorum sententiam sequebatur quod
maxime ex impressione corporum caelestium intellectuales notiones nobis imprimerentur. The
reference to Boethius is from De consolatione philosophiae V, metrum 4. Thomas goes on to
explain that according to Boethius the intellect can combine and separate, and can know
universalia et simplices formas, quae in corporibus non inveniuntur. Pignon contents himself
by staring that the intellect has operations and capacities that can in no way have been caused
by the heavens. He refrains from mentioning the mind's capacity to apprehend universal forms,
even though it is the crux of the argument against the Stoics in this paragraph. Perhaps he felt
the concept could not be adequately rendered into contemporary fifteenth-century French without
elaborate philosophical explanations that he feared would elude his non-academic readers.
CLD Π.4 307
operacions, laquelle oppinion, dit Boëce, appert evidamment faute. Car

l'entendement a telles operacions et telle vertu que nullement le ciel n'en puet
estre cause principale et totale sans moing, ainsi que un cascun puet assés
apercevoir en soy meismes et que il appara.
Et pour tant tuit li autre philosophe280 par une commune sentence ont
escript que l'entendement est différant et séparé de la sensualité et de toute
matière [4Γ] corporele et composée. Et est une cose esperituele et
incorruptible, qui n'est point comprise en lieu materiel ne corporel en la
maniere que nous veons d'autres coses et de toutes lesquelles sont composées
et subgetes a corrupcion selonc le cours de nature, ja soice que lesdis
philosophes aient eü pluseurs et diverses manières de parler en ceste matière,
comme Platon, Aristolte son desciple ainteuve et leur successeurs. Selonc
Γ oppinion desquelx le movement et influence du ciel ne des estoiles n'a
puissance aucune ne vertu de faire impressio(n) directement et sens moien
en nostre entendement, laquelle cose propose et dit la conclusion tochié en
cest capitre, a laquele prover et declarer seront chy aucunnes raisons et
auctorités introduites.
La premiere281 est quar des choses que Dieu a créés les mains parfaites
et mains nobles ne puelent avoir evidence ne vertu aucune sus les plus nobles;
nulz aiant raison diroit l'opposite. Or est il vrai que l'ame de creature
raisonnable, qui est substance esperituele, incorruptible, inmortele, est sans
raison282 trop plus noble et plus parfaite que n'est le ciel, duquel nous
parlons en ceste matière, ne quelconque planète ou estoile qui sont coses
corporelles et materieles. Dont ne puet pas estre que elle soit subgete a la
vertu ou influence ne des estoelles, quar ce seroit trop a viller la noblesse
de l'ame raisonnable.
Item,283 toute cose qui a naturele puissance de faire inpression et exercer
son operacion sur l'autre est de nécessité participan (de) la nature d'icelle,
et convient nécessairement que toutes deux soient en aucunne coses
semblables, quar aultrement jamais l'operacion de l'ungne ne se appliqueroit
280
SCG m.84 (2593) paraphrased. Again Pignon avoids a direct rendering of the references
to Plato and Aristotle. Plato posuit causam nostrae scientiae esse ideas; Aristoteles autem
intellectum agentem.
281
SCG ΙΠ.84 (2583) paraphrased: Divinae providentiae ordo est utpersuperiora regantur
inferiora et moveantur. Intellectus autem naturae ordine omnia corpora excedit.
282
sans raison: lege par raison. The phrase may be a contamination of 'sans doubte' and
'par raison'.
283
SCG m.84 (2587) paraphrased. Thomas explains that the proper operation of a thing
follows from its nature, which, in turn, results from a gênerons, a generating agent or mover.
Since the intellect is not caused or generated by celestial bodies, its operation cannot be subject
to the stars. Pignon's suggestion that it would be more appropriate to say that the mind has power
over the stars than vice versa does not appear in Thomas.
308 CLD Π.4
a l'autre, comme il puet apparoir en tout ovrage na[421turel et artificiel. Or

est vrai que l'entendement de creature raisonnable et le ciel n'ont ensemble
quecunquez similitude ne ne participent en quelcunques cose (de) la nature
l'un de l'autre, comme il est ja dit en la premiere raison. Il convient dont
conclure que nulle operacion ne puet estre de l'un sur l'autre, et se ainsi
estoit, on devroit miex dire que l'entendement aroit puissance sur le ciel que
ce que les estoilles eussent puissance sur l'entendement. Par ce appert que
scienche ne pue(t) aucunnement estre causée en nostre entendement par vertu
quelconques naturele du ciel ne des estoilles. Ainsi que dit ceste conclusion.
Item,284 toute cose sur laquelle le ciel a dominacion et inpression est
sougette a mutacion et au temps, c'est a dire qu'elle est de sa propre
condicion naturele par nécessité inconstant, muable, alterable et n'est ja en
un mesme estât. Cecy ne doit aucun nyer qui a usage de raison. Or est il ainsi
que l'entendement de creature est tant noble que de toutes telles coses il est
estrange et franc, car il n'a point 'estre' par voie de generacion. En son
'estre' n'a alteracion, ains demeure toudis en un estât. Il ne défaut point par
voie de corrupcion, car il est perpétuel; et le contraire est véritable de toutes
coses qui sont comprises et subgetes au movement du ciel et a son influence,
dont semble a dire que le ciel n'a aucunne activité ne force sur nostre
entendement. Et en ceste conclusion sont conclusant (et) concordant toulz
philosofes naturelz et tous autres qui de ceste matière ont escript et traitié.
Et dire aultrement ou le contraire est pervertir285 et destruire toute bonne
et sainne doctrine, ainsy que font no(u)s fols devineurs qui jugent selonc la
constellation de la naissance des hommes de quel entendement il seront, en
quelle science il se appliqueront en donnant sur ce certain jugement et
déterminé.
Non pour quant il est a noter286 [42v] en ceste matière que, non obstant
284
This paragraph appears to be a combination of statements and commonplaces from
various sections of the S CG, rather than the paraphrase of a particular article. The idea that all
things that are subject to the heavens are mutable and temporal appearsfromSCG ΠΙ.84 (2588).
That the intellect, on the contrary, did not come into being through generation recalls SCG ΠΙ.84
(2587); that it is immutable, incorruptible and perpetual can be learned from SCG Π.79, ΠΙ.84
(2584) and other places.
285
pervertir: ms pervertu.
286
SCG ΠΙ.84 (2596a) paraphrased. Celestial bodies may affect our minds indirectly. Licet
enim intellectus non sit virtus corporea, tarnen in nobis operatio intellectus compleri non potest
sine operatione virtutum corporearum, quae sunt imaginatio et vis memorativa et cogitativa. (...)
Et inde est quod, impeditus harum virtutum operationibus propter aliquant corporis
indispositionem, impeditur operatio intellectus: sicutpatet in phreneticis et letharg ids, et aliis
huiusmodi. Pignon probably derived his discussion of the tripartite material basis of the human
intellect from other places in the SCG, e.g.: SCG Π.60 (1370) where the cogitative power (the
passive intellect) is located in the middle cell of the head; SCG Π.74 (1543) where memory is
located in the sensitive part of the soul; or SCG Π.67 (1444,1446) where Aquinas explains that
CLD Π.4 309
coses dessusdites, l'influence du ciel et la constellacion puet bien estre cause

aucunnement pour quoy une personne est de plus vif et cler entendement que
n'est l'autre. Car ja soiche, comme dis287 est, que l'entendement ne soit
point cose corporele, toutesfois lui estant conjoint au corps ne puet excercer
son operation se non par les vertus de sens corporelz, ainsi que Aristote dit,
que ou chief de homme a .iii. parties: celle qui est devant, celle qui est
moienne, et la derrienne. En la premiere l'entendement reçoit che que nous
veons et que nous oöns et est nommée la partie apprehensure. En la seconde
l'entendement fait son jugement et discerne et advise de ce qui ly a esté
representee en la premiere et eslit et conclut le melleur selonc son jugement.
En la tierce, qui est nommée la memore, il met ainsi comme en un depot tout
ce que les .ii. autres ont fait par avant. Et pour tant que ces .iii. parties cy
sont natureles et corporeles et l'entendement par icelles exerce ces operations,
est il vray que par default de nature en aucunne d'icelles parties, comme nous
veons en gent qui sont en frenesie (qui) ont en souffrir aucun empeschement
(et) qui sont maladies et passions natureles, (naturelz) l'entendement puet bien
soffrir aucun empêchement.
Item,288 selonc la dispocicion et complexion naturele du corps puet on
bien aucunefois jugier l'ung homme estre de plus cler ou de plus rude
entendement; ainsi que Aristote289 dit que les hommes qui sont de cavre
charnure290 sont de legiere apprehunsion, et (de) bon entendement (et) par
the imagination is caused by sensation.

287
dis: ms dif.
288
SCG m. 84 (2596 a,b+c) paraphrased and partly translated. Etpropter hoc etiam bonitas
dispositions corporis humanifacit aptum ad bene intelligendum, inquantum ex hoc praedictae
viresfortiores existunt: wide dicitur in II de Anima quod molles carne bene aptos mente videmus.
The reference is to Aristotle, De anima Π.9 (421a 26). The idea is that corpulence suggests a
well-fed and well taken care of physique that, as a consequence, will not cause any impediments.
Perhaps Thomas found this idea comforting, since in his youth he was nicknamed 'the Dumb
Ox.' Dispositio autem corporis humani subiacet caelestibus motibus. Dicit enim Augustinus, in
V de Civitate Dei, quod non usquequaque absurde did potest ad solas corporum differentias
afflatus quosdam valere sidereos. (Augustine, DCD V.6) (...) Et sic, sicut medici possum
iudicare de bonitate intellectus ex corporis complexione sicut ex dispositione proximo, ita
astrologus ex motibus caelestibus sicut ex causa remota talis dispositionis. Et per nunc modum
potest verificari quod Ptolomaeus in Centilogio dicit: Cumfuerit Mercurius in nativitate alicuius
in aliqua domorum Saturni, et ipsefortis in esse sua, dat bonitatem intelligentiae medullitus in
rebus. Ptolemy, Centiloquium, verbum 38, quoted by Thomas. On the influence of Mercury
on the mind, see also: Tetrabiblos HI. 13 (Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, ed. F. E. Robbins, Loeb edition
(Cambridge, Mass./London 1980), pp. 333 ff., esp. pp. 359-361). The concluding remarks of
the paragraph, immediately following the quotation from Ptolemy, do not appear in Thomas.
289
Aristote: ms Azite.
290
'cavre charnure', i.e. 'lean, meagre physique'. I was unable to find the word 'cavre'
or 'caure', but it may be related to L. cavus, hollow. Cf. a similar passage in CDE11.1434-1438
(p. 177): 'Pour ce dit Aristote que par commune experience fondée sur raison naturelle, nous
310 CLD Π.5
le contraire ceux qui sont de rude corpulence. Sy dist saint Augustin que che
n'est pas de mervelle se l'entendement d'unne personne est plus cler que d'un
autre considéré que le ciel a influence et impression sur le corps de l'homme,
par quoi il convient que il ayme291 tous ces ovrages. Et pour tant tout ainsi
que un bien expert en la science de médecine puet jugier selonc la complexion
du corps de la perfection naturele de son entendement, ainsi un [43T bon
astrologien puet assoir son jugement, veüe Teure de la nativité d'un homme,
se il sera de cler ou de rude entendement. Ainsi que Tholomee, qui est le
soverain d'iceux, dit que quant Mercure est en aucunne des maisons de
Saturne et il est fort en son estre, se il naist aucun a telle heure, il sera
ingeniex et soultilz. Nientmains pour ce ne dit il point a quele science ou a
quel art il soi appliquera, ains dit ce qu'il dist en termes generalz. Ne autre
cose n'en puet onques savoir homme se Dieu ne luy a revele. Sy appert dont
la foie outrecuidance de no(u)s devineurs qui songent et déterminent de
l'entendement de homme a quoy il se appliquera, volans292 par ce le
contraindre et rendre subget au cours du ciel et que la, ou les soutiex en ceste
matière ont dit que il y puet avoir aucunne inclinacion et en terme generalz,
ces folx outrecuidiés veulent dire que il y a contrainte et nécessité en
descendent a termes particuliers, dont souventefois sont de mensongne repris.
Et se il avient ce qu'il dient, c'est tout a l'aventure, comme il a apparu et
cy appres appara.
ILS Le quint capitre
Le quint capitre293 est a declairier ceste conclusion laquele au conmence-

ment est dependent de la quarte, c'est assavoir que la volenté de creature
raisonnable n'est point subgete au cours du ciel, ne a l'influence et
constellacion d'icely. Ceste conclusion est droitement contre l'erreur des folz
divineurs qui se disent astrologiens et veulent leur jugemens asseïr sur les
choses qui sont (a) advenir, lesqueles sont du tout en la disposicion et
ordenanche de Dieu et du franc arbitrage et volenté de l'homme.
Laquele conclusion puet par maintes raisons estre déclarée.
veons ceulx qui ont molle charnure et tendre estre de plus parfait entendement que ceulx qui
sont rudez et de dure charnure'.
291
ayme: ms eymee. 'que il ayme tous ces ovrages'; i.e. 'that he (man) loves (or accepts)
all these effects (from heaven, i.e., the differences in intelligence)'.
292
volans: ms volons.
293
This chapter is based on SCG ΙΠ.85 : Quod corpora caelestia non sunt causae voluntatum
et electionum nostrarum.
CLD Π.5 311
Premièrement,294 car tout ce qui se fait par influence et constellacion

du ciel il se fait naturelement et nécessairement, dont convient il dire que se
nostre volenté est en ces operacions du tout réglée et ordenee par l'influence
du ciel et constellacion, comme disent telz folz divineurs, que tout ce que
nous vodriens [43v] et eslirens, que ce serait par nececitey et par contrainte.
Pour laquele coze faudrait dire que des hommes au bestes n'aroit point de
difference et par cechi aparroit que toute science morale et natureie seroi(en)t
sans aucun fondement. Car toute philosofie tesmoigne et aferme qu'il est deux
principes sur lesquelz sont fondées toutes operacions natureles: Tun est nature
qui en toutes coses a une mesme forme de produire ces ovrages, l'autre est
france volenté qui puet eslire de tout ce qui li en presente, ce qui miex li
plaist en poursivant le jugement de l'entendement. La premiere appartient
a toutes bestes mues, l'autre a homme et a fame.
La seconde raison295 est car toutes coses qui se font selonc le cours
naturel du ciel ont .iii. condicions, lesquelles nullement ne puelent estre
appliquiés aux coses lesquelle(s) se font (par) eleccion296 de franche volenté.
294
SCG ΙΠ.85 (2600) paraphrased. Thomas explains that the events caused by celestial
bodies in lower bodies happen naturaliter. Pignon stresses they occur 'naturelement et
nécessairement* (italics mine, J. V.). The point Thomas makes is that if choices are brought about
by celestial influences, they have to be natural; this conflicts, Aquinas explains, with Aristotle's
view (Physics Π.5 196b 19) that there are two active principles in the world, namely choice and
nature. Aquinas thus emphasises that choices are not made naturaliter, whereas Pignon wants
to add they are not made of necessity. The point of necessity, therefore, is squeezed in by Pignon
to attack the alleged determinism of the diviners, even though in the next chapter he has to
concede (following SCG ΠΙ.86) that lower bodies do not receive celestial impressions by way
of necessity. Hence, in his haste to contradict diviners, Pignon contradicts himself. Also in the
last line of the paragraph Pignon is too hasty. Though it is true that the actions of 'toutes bestes
mues' are natural, and that the operations of the free will pertain only to humans, it does not
follow that all natural actions belong to animals, for also humans have operations that should
properly be considered natural (such as, e.g., sneezing).
295
The three conditions under which natural operations take place, are condensations of
the three points raised by Thomas in SCG III.85 (2601, 2602 and 2603) resp. (2601): Ea quae
naturaliterfiunt, determinatismediisperducunturadfinem, unde semper eodem modo contingunt:
natura enim determinata est ad unum. That natural operations always happen in the same way
does not mean they happen necessarily. The point Thomas makes is that choices are not made
according to nature since man can reach his aim through various means. (2602): Ea quae
naturaliter fiunt, utplurimum recte fiunt: natura enim non deficit nisi in paucioribus. If man's
choices were to follow from nature, he would likewise be (nearly) unable to err. (2603): Ea quae
sunt eiusdem speciei, non diversificantur in operationibus naturalibus quae naturam speciei
consequuntur: unde omnis hirundo similiterfacit nidum, et omnis homo similiter intelligit prima
principia, quae sunt naturaliter nota. Pignon omits this second example of a natural operation
of man. If choice were to occur naturally, all humans would choose in the same way, quodpatet
essefalsum, tarn in moralibus quam in artificialibus. Pignon elaborates this point, stressing man's
free will and his choice of means and ends.
296
eleccion: ms elacion.
312 CLD Π.5
C'est assavoir premièrement, car nature en tous ses ovragez tent a une fin
déterminée et par moiens deteraiineus, comme (par) experience enseigne a
un cascun. Secondement, nature en ces ovrages ne fait point de fault ne erreur
se non tres pou. Tiercement, les coses qui sont d'unne espèce naturele et
condicion parelle produisent tous leurs ovrages parellement. Comme on voit
des arondeles qui viennent toutes en une saison s'en retornent parellement
et font tout leur ouvrage semblable, et ainsi de toutes autres bestes et oysiaus.
Tout le contraire est des operations humaines desqueles la volenté est dame
et maistresse. Car nostre volenté tent a pluseurs fins et par divers moiens.
Sovantefois fait faute et chiet en erreur par défaut de jugement d'entendement,
ainsi qu'il appert, quar pluseurs sont qui eslisent le mal plus que le bien. Ne
toutes les volentés des hommes n'ont pas une semblable maniere de eslire
[44T et conseilliez comme savoir chascun le puet. Dont ne puet estre que
par naturele influence et constellation du ciel la volenté humaine soit a
quelconques coze nécessairement déterminée, ains demeure franche pour
eslire et soi determiner a lequele partie qu'elle veult de tout che qui li est
offert et presenté par l'entendement.
La tierce raison297 est quar se par le cours du ciel et constellation la
volenté des hommes estoit déterminée en ces ovrages, jamais on ne deveroit
louer, ne blasmer, honnerer, ne vitupérer homme de chose qu'i(l) fesist, puis
que nature a ce faire l'enclineroit par nécessité. Ainsi par consequent pour
ment on puniroit les malfaiteurs et justifieroit on les boins, pour néant serait
fait les livres doctrinables et toute sainte escripture et philosophie, pour nient
seroit fait a Dieu sacrefice, orisons, prières, jeunes, almosnes et autres
abstinences, les sacremens de nostre foy a riens ne pourfiteroit, toute loy et
justice cesseroit, qui sont298 grant et horribles inconveniens, comme cascun
usant de raison puet savoir. Et nientmains tout ce advendroit, se ainsi estoit
que nostre volenté fust subgete au cours du ciel naturel. Pour quoy est a dire
qu'elle doit demourer franch(e) dame et maistresse de tous les ovrages que
homme a a faire sans estre constrainte ne déterminée par quelconques
influence299 naturele plus a une partie que a une autre.
Pour les causes chy thocees est reprovee l'oppinion et l'erreur300
297
This argument is an elaboration of SCG ΠΙ.85 (2607 b): Frustra etiam darentur leges
etpraecepta vivendi, si homo suarum electionum dominus non esset. Frustra etiam adhiberentur
poenae et praemia bonis aut malis, ex quo non est in nobis haec vel ilia eligere. His autem
desinentibus, statim socialis vita corrumpitur.
298
The subject of 'sont' is the long list of * inconveniens' that precedes it.
299
influence: ms influente.
300
SCG ΙΠ.85 (2614 a,b+c) paraphrased. Per haec autem excluditur positio Stoicorum,
qui ponebant omnes actus nostros, et etiam electiones nostras, secundum corpora caelestia
disponi. Quae etiam fuisse dicitur positio antiqua Pharisaeorum apud Iudaeos. Priscillianistae
etiam huius erroris reifuerunt, ut dicitur in libro de Haeresibus. The reference to Augustine
CLD Π.5 313
d'aucuns anchiens philosofes dis Stoïciens301 et d'aucuns Phariziens et Juis,

desquelz li principal fut nommé Priscilla, disans que tous les ovrages et fais
de homme estoient du tout subget au movement du cours du ciel et que selonc
ycely [44v] cours toutes nos operacions advienent302 non autrement. Et en
ceste erreur se sont bouté les faus et mauvais Crestiens sortileges et divineurs
qui se disent et nomment astronomiens. Et cechi recite saint Augustin.
Toutesfois pour la declaration de ceste matière303 est a entendre que non
obstant les raisons dessusdites qui sont vraies, nientmains en .ii. manières
le cours du ciel puet estre cause pour quoy la volenté s'encline plus tost a
eslire une chose que une autre.
La premiere est la disposicion du tamps qui puet estre telle selonc
l'inpression et influence du ciel que pour la necesité dou corps naturele la
volenté se termine a une cose plus tost que a une autre. Ainsi que nous veons
que raison et entendement juge a l'un cascun304 qui se doit proveoir contre
le froit, contre le chaut, contre toute autre pestilence, laquele puet advenir
naturelement par le cours du ciel, et a ce faire la volenté se condescent pour
la nécessité naturele du cors, comme dit est.
La seconde est quant le corps d'aucunne personne est naturelement disposé
a aucunne maladie ou que il participe plus d'ungne complexion que d'unne
is from De haeresibus 70 (PL 42,44). Thomas discussed the fatalism of the Stoics in SCG ΙΠ.84
(2592), and Pignon in CLD Π.4. The predestinarian tendencies among the Pharisees appear from:
Flavius Josephus, Antiquities, ΧΠΙ.5.9 and XVm.1.3 (Loeb ed., Josephus vol. 7, pp. 311-313;
vol. 9, pp. 11-13), where Pharisee notions of the supremacy of fate and man's freedom of choice
are juxtaposed. The Pharisees held that 'everything in the world was ordained by God, but that
man had it in his power to choose between good and evil' (EJ 13, col. 365). Cf. also Jewish
WarU.%. 14 (Loeb ed., vol. 2, pp. 385-387). Priscillian was the founder of a religious movement
in Spain in the fourth century AD. His doctrines were apparently an original mixture of Gnostic,
Manichean and orthodox Christian beliefs. He was the first Christian to be sentenced to death
for heresy and was decapitated at Trier in 385. Adherents of the movement were anathematised
in 563 by the Council of Braga. The anathema included the doctrine that the soul of man (which
had emanated from God, but through sinning had fallen to earth) as well as his body (which
was created by demons) were both subject to the influence of the stars. Orosius and Gregory
the Great accuse the Priscillianists of astrological fatalism. See: Orosius, Commonitorium de
errore priscillianistarum et origenistarum (PL 31, 1213 ff.); Gregory, Homiliae in evangelia
X.4 (PL 76,1111-1112); Henry Chadwick, Priscillian ofAvila: The Occult and the Charismatic
in the Early Church (Oxford 1997); Fontaine, "Isidore de Seville et l'astrologie'', pp. 278-279;
G. Bardy, 'Priscillien' in: DTC ΧΙΠ, cols. 391-400; Flint, The Rise of Magic, p. 94.
301
Stoïciens: ms sorciens.
302
advienent: ms advienont.
303
SCG m.85 (2615 a,b+c) paraphrased. The heavenly bodies can affect our wills
indirectly: 1. by affecting external bodies, such as the atmosphere (hot or cold weather may
incline our wills to follow a certain course of action); and 2. by affecting our bodies, and thus
raising passions or ailments that incline the will in a certain way. In this and the following two
paragraphs Pignon follows Thomas carefully.
304
juge a 1'un cascun: lege (reason) decides, determines for everyone (what to do).
314 CLD II.5
autre et par ce est enclin a aucune passions et maladies naturelles, ou a

courouc, ou a liesse, laquelle coze on puet legierement savoir ou par la nature
de la constellacion ou par la pratique305 de médecine, en tel cas la volenté
se puet determiner a recevoir et pranre aucuns remèdes ou médecines pour
obvier as perilx qui puelent eschoir contre la santé et pro(p)sperité du corps.
Mais cechi ne argue point que (pour ce que) la volenté soit subjete au cours
du ciel, ne que influence quelconques la puisse co(n)straindre.
Item,306 on voit aucuns qui sont blechié ou cervel pour aucuns accidens
naturelz, lesquelz ont perdu a cause de ce sens et usaige de raison et ne
puelent pas bien discerner antre bien et mal. Les autres sont qui ensievent
leur propre passion et vollenté na[451turele qui est selonc le commun cours
plus tost encline a mal et a pechié qu'a bien ne que avertu. Et pour tant que
on puet avoir de telles choses aucunnefois conjecture et cognoissance, tant
par la science d'astronomie comme par la science de médecine, les songeurs
et devineurs veulent cecy apliquier et a leur jugemens et sur cecy déterminer
de tout ce qui est (a) advenir a une personne. Et pour tant que on voit
aucunes choses qu'il ont dites advenir, on les croit folement en toutes autres,
en especial gens qui sont en telles folies curiex et supersticieux. Ad ce propos
dit P(t)holomeus que le sage homme qui use de raison est par dessus tout le
cours du ciel et des estoiles, et que l'astrologien ne puet donner jugement
selonc les estoilles se il ne cognoist la vertu de l'ame, c'est assavoir de
l'entendement et de la volenté, et que il ne doit point jugier de quelconques
coze a avenir determineement et particulerement, mais g(e)neralment et soulz
condicion en disant: Telle cose ou telle puet advenir par telle constellacion
ou cas que on ne resisterat a l'inclinacion naturele qu'ele donne, par le
305
pratique: ms patrique.
306
SCG ΠΙ.85 (2616) paraphrased. Thomas elaborates the point that the heavenly bodies
can move our wills indirectly by affecting our bodies, and explains that people who are deprived
of their use of reason through some bodily indisposition cannot, strictly speaking, be said to
perform an act of choice. People who do have command over their reason always actfromtheir
own free will and can, if they want, resist natural inclinations. Therefore, celestial influence
can never be the necessary cause of choice {causa necessaria elecrionis, a concept Pignon will
discuss in the next chapter) even though many people follow natural impulses. Et propter hoc
dicit Ptolomaeus in Centilogio quod anima sapiens adiuvat opus stellarum; et quod non potent
astrologus dare iudicia secundum Stellas nisi vim animae et complexionem naturalem bene
cognoverit; et quod astrologus non debet dicere rem specialiter, sed universaliter: quia scilicet
impressio stellarum in pluribus sortitur effectum, qui non resistunt inclinationi quae est ex
corpore; non autem semper in hoc vel in illo, quiforte per rationem naturali inclinationi resistit.
References are to Ptolemy, Centiloquium, sent. 8,7,1 resp. Pignon's rendering of adiuvat opus
stellarum by 'est par dessus tout le cours du ciel' is interesting: prudently 'aiding' the work of
the stars still implies that one is swayed by celestial influence - a suggestion Pignon cares to
avoid. Consequently he makes Ptolemy voice a more unambiguous and orthodox opinion. In
CDE11. 1526-1527 (p. 178) Pignon renders this line more faithfully as: Tomme prudent ayde
l'ouvrage des estoilles'.
CLD Π.6 315
jugement de raison, ou que il n'y aroit autre empecchement particuler, ou

que Dieu ne vodroit autrement le cours de nature innaner qui est par dessus
toute nature. Aultrement ne doit estre fait jugement quelconques selonc la
sentence dudit Tholomee qui est le souvrain en ceste science.
Π.6 .νίβ.
Ou .vie. capitre307 est a declarer ceste conclusion que l'influence du ciel

et de estoilles, au regart des ovrages qui se font en ce monde materiel, quant
aux coses corporeles, ne sont point cause necessaire, c'est a entendre que
de quelconques cose que nous veons advenir, on ne doit point dire que telle
ou telle constellation en soit cause totale et naturele ne contraire.308 Ceste
conclusion est aucunement dependant [45v] et ensyevant des precedens et
semblablement est opposite309 et contraire a la superstitieuse oppinion et
erreur des folz devineurs et songeurs, qui disent que par astrologie il puelent
savoir entièrement toute la disposicion et ordenance du temps (a) advenir.
Et ja soice, comme j'ay dit par avant, que on en puet bien avoir aucunne
conjecturele conoissance, toutefois n'est il homme ne ne fu onques qui peüst
a ce avoir par science naturele et reale certaine et infallible science. Ainsi
veul je ceste conclusion estre entendue, laquelle je veul prover par aucunnes
raisons.
Premièrement,310 quar toute la puissance et activité de l'influence du
cours du ciel et des planètes au regart des coses temporeles et materieles de
ce monde est faite selonc ce que la matière est disposée a telle inpression
recevoir. Exemple: on voit a experience que l'empriente et la forme d'un seel
307
The sixth chapter is based on SCG III.86: Quod corporales effectus in istis inferioribus
non sequuntur ex necessitate a corporibus caelestibus. Pignon only paraphrases a handful of the
arguments forwarded by Thomas. The bulk of chapter 86, which consists in an intricate
discussion of possibility, necessity and contingency, he leaves out.
308
It cannot be said that a certain constellation is the total, natural and necessary cause of
an event; 'ne contraire', i.e. nor can it be argued to the contrary that a constellation is in no
way causally linked to a given event. Things are usually caught between necessity and
contingency. Cf. also the reference to Ptolemy in the final paragraph of this chapter, who is
quoted as saying that astrological judgments are between possibility and impossibility, 'en un
moien estât'.
309
opposite: ms composite.
310
SCG ΙΠ.86 (2617 b) paraphrased: Impressionesenim causarum universalium recipiuntur
in effectibus secundum recipientium modum. Haec autem inferiora suntfluxibilia et non semper
eodem modo se habentia: propter materiam, quae est inpotentia ad plures formas; et propter
contrarietatemformarum et virtutum. Non igitur impressiones corporum caelestium recipiuntur
in istis inferioribus per modum necessitatis. The example of the seal and the wax does not appear
in Thomas. Pignon makes use of the same passage in his later treatise CDE (11.235-262) where
he supplies the example of a craftsman shaping gold, silver, stone or wood.
316 CLD Π.6
ne puet estre enprimee se non en matière disposée a telle forme recevoir,

comme est cire ou autre matière amolie. Or est il ainsi que toute coze
materiele et corporele311 qui est subgete a movement et mutacion de tamps
est cose fluxible, instable et qui n'est ja en nul estât a cause des contrariétés
et alteracions qui sont en elle selonc la propriété des qualités et elemens, dont
s'ensiut il que l'inpression de la vertu naturele du ciel au regart des coses
materieles n'est point cause necessaire.
Item,312 toutes ces coses corporelles et materielles de ce monde cy bas
ont regart et necessaire dependence de .iii. causes natureles: est assavoir du
ciel et des estoilles, qui sont cause soveraine et premiere; des secondes causes
qui sont moiennes, c'est assavoir le quarte elemens t313 [46T que nous
disons le feu, l'air, l'eaue et la terre; et la cause prochainne, qui est la matere
311
corporele: ms corperole.
312
Essentially based on SCG m.86 (2618): A causa remota non sequitur effectus de
necessitate nisi etiam sit causa media necessaria: sicut et in syllogismis ex maiori de necesse
et minori de contingenti non sequitur conclusio de necesse. Corpora autem caelestia sunt causae
remotae: proximae autem causae inferiorum effectuum sunt virtutes activae etpassivae in istis
inferioribus, quae non sunt causae necessariae, sed contingentes; possunt enim deficere ut in
paucioribus. Non ergo ex corporibus caelestibus sequuntur in istis inferioribus corporibus effectus
de necessitate. Effects in lower bodies do not necessarily follow from celestial causes, due to
the contingency of the proximate causes. Thomas mentions only two causes: the remote and the
proximate ones. Pignon distinguishes three: the sovereign (heavens), the middle (four elements)
and the proximate ones ('la matere corporele composée des quatres calités contraires'). This
corporeal matter composed of the four qualities refers to the prima materia, the prime matter,
that, according to Aristotle, does not exist uninformed. In his later treatise CDE (11. 263-280)
Pignon uses the same passage from the SCG and paraphrases it more carefully, distinguishing
between the primary, and hence necessary causes on the one hand and the proximate, secondary
or possible causes on the other hand. These secondary causes include 'la vertu des .iiij. elemens,
des qualités contraires qui incessament en leur operacion reçoivent contrariettez et variacions
plusieurs' (CDE 11. 274-277). Though the four elements are to be distinguished from the four
primary qualities (hot, cold, dry, moist) that inform the prima materia (and through this
information create the four elements), there seems to be no reason for treating them as two
separate categories of causes (as does Pignon in CLD). The four elements are as mutable and
as proximate as the four contrarieties. It may be that in CLD Pignon saw 'le feu, l'air, l'eau
et la terre' as the whole of the atmosphere and environment in which man lives, but since man's
body is also made up of the elements and since the elements of the atmosphere also contain
contrarieties, the distinction Pignon wants to make between elements and contrarieties remains
problematic. In CDE Pignon has adjusted his earlier formulations, and he treats the words
'secondary', 'middle' and 'proximate' more or less as synonyms, or at least as causes belonging
to the same category: cf., e.g. CDE 11. 759-763: '(Dieu) a ordonné que sa providence et
ordonnance (...) soient par les secondes, moyennes, derraines et prouchaines causes mise a
effait'. In CLD Pignon leaves out the example of the syllogism, but he was to use and expound
it in CDE (h\ 280-293).
313
1[:ms qui est la matière corpo[46r]rele composée des autres quartes qualités contraires.
The entire line was deleted by the scribe ('autres' doubly so, because it was a misspelling of
'quartes'), but reappears in a following sentence.
CLD Π.6 317
corporele composée des quatres calités contraires, laquelle (matere)

maiennement les vertus actives et passives des qualités dessusdites est
disposée a recevoir telle certaine forme déterminée. Or est il ainsi que telle
forme et telle operation est plus a actribuer a la cause prochainne - que (est)
en la vertu des qualités dessusdite - que(lle n'est) au causes moiennes (ou)
qu'a la soveraine (cause).314 Dont n'est point a atribuer a la vertu du ciel
(ou) a quelconques constellation che que nous veons advenir es coses
mondainnes et tempordes, tellement que on dise que le ciel et les estoilles
en soient totale et necessaire cause et que autrement ne puist estre, ne que
il appert qu'il sera par le jugement de telle constellation.
Item,315 la vertu et influence du ciel naturele délie316 commenchement
du monde a esté, est et sera invariable et vivement procèdent en tous ces
ovrages, ne il n'i a alteration, ne corruption, ne mutation ainsi comme on
voit estre en toutes autres coses qui sont encloses desoulz le ciel. Se le ciel
donques est cause necessaire de toutes choses qui advienent en ce monde,
il convient dire que toutes mondainnes et temporeles (choses) doivent advenir
parellement une fois qu'autre, aultrement le ciel n'en serait pas cause. Et
nientmains on voit tout le contraire, quar par experience il appert que on ne
verra ja une année, ne une journée, ne une heure parelle a l'autre. Mesmes
en tous les ovrages de nature on voit diversités telles et si grans que il ne
soit317 homme tant soit soutil qui sceüst rendre raison ne cause de telle
diversités, et se aucunne raison est ad ce, il faut dire que c'est la fluxibilité
[46v] de la matière disposée plus a telle forme qu'a telle, laquelle disposition
est secrete en nature. Dont apert il que telles diversités comme nous veons
es ovrages de nature ne sont point a atribuer au cours naturel du ciel tant
comme aux autres causes sodainnes et plus prochaines, pour quoy je conclus
que (ce que) le ciel n'a point de puissance totale et necessere au regart des
314
A muddled sentence; the most likely meaning seems to be that effects ('operation' and
the receiving of 'forme') in lower bodies should be attributed to the proximate causes, rather
than to the middle or sovereign causes.
315
SCG ΙΠ.86 (2619) paraphrased. Motus caelestium corporum semper est eodem modo.
Si igitur effectus caelestium corporum in istis inferioribus ex necessitateprovenir et, semper eodem
modo se haberent quae in inferioribus sunt. Non autem semper eodem modo se habent, sed ut
in pluribus. Non ergo ex necessitate proveniunt. Pignon's assertion that heaven knows no
'mutacion' is unfortunate. Heaven is incorruptible, but mutable (celestial bodies move). He
means, of course, that heaven is not mutable in the way that things in the sublunar world are
mutable, but since he mentions 'corruption' and 'mutacion' in the same breath, it would seem
as if heaven is both corruptible and mutable, but in a different way from the things in this world,
which is absurd. Pignon should have phrased more carefully. The remainder of the paragraph
recapitulates some earlier conclusions concerning the fluxibility of matter and the influence of
proximate causes.
316
delle: lege 'dès le', i.e. 'ever since the (beginning of the world)'.
317
soit: ms sont.
318 CLD Π.6
œvres de nature en ce monde. Comme il appert sans comparison, il en a

mains au regart des ovrages qui sont fondé sur le franc arbitrage et volenté
de Tomme,318 contre les folz devineurs et supersticieux qui veulent dire
que on puet par la science d'astronomie de tout ce qui est (a) advenir avoir
certaine congnoissance.
A ce propos319 dit leur docteur (pari) Ptholomee que nous ne devons
point croire que l'influence du ciel impose nécessité sur les cozes mondainnes
ainsi que font la promission et ordenanche de Dieu sur toutes coses qui sont
créés. Et dit yceli docteur après: 'Les jugemens que je te donne et enseigne
d'astronomie ne sont du tout necessaire, ne du tout impossible ou possible,
ains sont en un moien estât'. Cechi est tans et est ce m'est advis a entendre
que il n'est jugement quelconques tant certain a nous fait par la constellacion
du ciel qui ne puisse bien falir et advenir aultrement pour les circunstances
et causes particuleres, desquelles onques homme n'eut naturelement parfaite
ne certaine cognoissance. Dont sont fol ceux qui devinent et songent telles
choses, eux glorefians de la science d'astronomie laquele de leur folles
erreurs ne se mesle en riens. Plus fol sont ceux qui les croient et favorent;
et de tant que plus grant sont en estât, office ou dignité, de tant est plus
aparant leur folie et plus a re[471prenre. Et grant peril et deshonneur est en
nostre foi se ceux qui la doivent deffendre et entretenir, comme sont gent
d'Eglise et de chevalerie, par telles erreurs la lessent corrumpre et destruire
ce que Dieu ne vuelle par sa grace souffrir. Amen.
Explicit la seconde partie de cest treitié. S'ensiut la tierce et derraine
partie.
318
A somewhat opaquely formulated passage. The following rendering may be helpful: 'The
diversity that we perceive in the works of nature is not to be attributed to the course of heaven
as they are (to be attributed) to thcproximae causae, wherefore I conclude that heaven has no
complete and necessary power over the works of nature in this world; it (i.e. heaven) has even
less (power) over the works that are founded in man's free will and choice'.
319
SCG ΠΙ.86 (2630 b+c)paraphrased: Ptolomaeus etiam, in Quadripartite, dich:Kursus,
nee aestimare debemus quod superiora procédant inevitabiliter, ut ea quae divina dispositione
contingunt et quae nullatenus sunt vitanda, necnon quae veraciter et ex necessitate proveniunt.
In Centilogio etiam dicit: Haec iudicia quae tibi trado, sunt media inter necessarium etpossibile.
The references are to: Opus quadripartitum 1.3, see: Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, pp. 22-23, and to:
Centiloquium, verbum 1, cf. a similar statement in Tetrabiblos 1.3, pp. 26-27.
TERCE ET DERRAINE PARTIE
Appres che que j'ai a l'aide de Dieu desclairiét la matere de supersticion,

en spécifiant les manières diverses de sortilege et de divinacion en la premiere
partie de ce present treitié, et consequamment par conclusions certaines,
vraies et catholiques en raison mesme naturele fondées cy moutré telles
supersticions estre occasion d'erreur, en destruisant toutes operations et
couleurs de vérité dont telles supersticions puelent estre soustenues en la
seconde partie, il est en ceste tierche et derraine partie a declarer et moustrer
par auctorités de sainte escripture, des docteurs (et) catholiques et des
philosophes, et par examples tant de sainte escripture comme320 de
croniquez approvees, et mesmes par la determination et sentence de Sainte
Eglise en droit canon touchié semblablement par droit civil, et pluseurs autres
raisons evidens et notoires, que toute divinacion et sortilege sont a reprover
et condempner. Et par especial je veul a mon povoir tendre sur celle qui se
colore de la science d'astronomie, par laquelle aucuns, comme dit est, par
presumption et outrecuidanche, se veulent avanchier a prenosquier et jugier
des chozes qui sont a avenir appartenans et ayans regart a Testât,
gouvernement et ordenance du franc arbitrage de raisonnable creature.
Laquelle ne puet aucunnement estre contrainte en ces ovrages, ains est en
sa puissance de eslire et soy tourner [4T] a quelconquez partie qu'elle veult
de toutes cozes qui a elle sont presentees. Et sera ceste partie déclarée par
certains capitres, ainsi que les .ii. autres precedens, et aura .x. capitres.
III. 1 Ou premier capitre seront aleguees les auctorités de la sainte

escripture contenues es livres de Moyse et des prophètes.
111.2 Ou second le(s) auctorités contenues es livres historiax de la bible.
111.3 Ou tiers les auctorités contenues ou nouvel testament; tant ens
euvangiles qui sont la doctrine de Jhesucrist comme es epistres saint
Pol.
111.4 Ou quart les auctorités des sains docteurs de l'Eglise approves.
111.5 Ou quint certains exemples extrais de croniquez et legende de sains.
111.6 Ou sixte par raisons fondées en philosofie naturele et morale.
comme: ms commo.
320 CLD m.i
111.7 Ou .viie. par raisons fa(i)tes de partie ad partie, que on dit ad

hominem.321
111.8 Ou ,viiie. sentence difinitive de Sainte Eglise et de droit canon.
111.9 Ou .ixe. sera récapitulée en brief toute la matière.
III. 10 Ou .xe. pour conformité de la fin au commenchement, exhortacion
sera faite aucunne et v(e)refijé pour un cascun entretenir en boine
creanche et ferme foy.
III. 1 Le premier capitre
Pour le premier capitre est l'auctorité de la sainte escripture, qui est tochié
ou livre de Exode,322 ou par pluseurs capitres en sentence est desclarét
comment le roy d'Egipte, dit Pharaon, avoit enchanteurs et divineurs avec
luy esquelz il creoit, en persécutant Moyse et Aaron qui estoient prophètes
et mesages de Dieu pour le peuple d'Israël. Lequel peuple souffroit grant
persecucion soulz le dit roy et en la fin icelly roy et tout son ost vint a telle
honte que il fu perdu et destruit en la mer, Moïse et tout le peuple de Dieu
passant la mer a pié sec. Par che est assés donné a congnoistre a tous
segneurs et prinches et autres gens de tous [48T estas que tous ceux qui
croient en divineurs ne supersticiex, comme sont ceus de qui parole est cy
faite et qui délaissent la doctrine de Moyse, c'est a dire la vraie science de
la foy et des commandemens de Dieu et de l'Eglise, en la fin se trovent
deshonnoré, perdu et destruis. Ne autrement ne puet estre - puis que il
laissent Dieu - que Dieu ne les deleisse.
Item, le principal cause323 pour quoy Dieu donna au peuple
multiplicacion de commandemens et de cerimonies, c'estoit a cause de les
ratraire du pechié de ydolatrie auquel il povoit de legier estre enclin, veü et
actendu qu'il estoient habitans en pays prochain de ydolatre, c'est assavoir
Sarrazins et payens avec lesquels il conversoient par mainte fois. Lesquels
payens creoient des adont et encor croient en sorceleries et divinacions. Et
321
hominem: ms qoiem(?). The word is difficult to make out; questionem is a possibility,
but since CLD ΠΙ.7 basically deals with arguments against the practitioners of divination, ad
hominem is the most likely option.
322
A marginal gloss in the manuscript reads: exodi multis capitulis. Cf. Ex. 5-14.
323
A marginal gloss reads: istud deduxit Guillielmus Parisiensis in suo tractatu de fide et
legibus. See also CLD ΙΠ.4 where Pignon speaks of 'maistre Guillaume de Paris' who wrote
'un livre mout auctendque'. William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris (c. 1180-1249) wrote a work
entitled De fide et legibus. That Mosaic law was given as a means to ward off idolatry and magic
is dicussed in De legibus 13. See Thorndike, HMES Π, pp. 338-371.
CLD ra.i 321
pour tant est il dit en la loy de Moyse324 par commendement: 'La personne
qui croira enchanteurs et devineurs je me constituera', dit Dieu, 'partie
encontre (elle) eulx, et veul que telle personne soit mise a mort, ad ce que
mon peuple ne chiee en erreur et (je) périsse par telle personne'. Item, celle
mesme sentense est proposée en un autre lieu325 en telle maniere: 'Vous
ne sof ferés point entre vous devineurs ne songeurs'. Et que ceste prohibicion
et defaute soit et entendue de ceulz qui se vantent de savoir les choses a
advenir par le cours du ciel, il appert car Dieu dit a Moyse et a tout le peuple
que nullement il ne adorent (orent) le ciel ne les estoilles,326 c'est asavoir
en leur actribuant la causalité et activité des coses qui se font et sont a
advenir. Ains sens cesser dit Dieu en celle loy: 'Je suy Signeur',327 et le
réplique a painnes a cascun mot, volans par ce retraire le peuple de croire
qu'il soit autre qui est puissance de dis[48v]poser et ordener de toutes coses.
Item, plus expressément il le desclaire en une autre pas de l'escripture:328
'Se il vient', dit il, 'aucuns qui se dise prophete et dise qu'il ait veü aucunne
vision ou songe et il te a divin(c)é aucunne chose a advenir, posé qu'il
adviengne ainsi qu'il te dira et icelly te veulle atraire a le ensuïr et croire en
sa doctrine et en sa sette, garde bien que les paroles d'iceli tu ne rechoives.
Car Dieu par telle coze veult aprouver se tu l'aymes et se tu as en lui vraie
creanche et ferme foy'. Par cechi clerement appert que telz devineurs et
donneurs de bonnes heures et de bons jours sont a fuir du tout. Ainsi l'expose
saint Augustin329 et est l'auctorité de Sainte Eglise.
324
A gloss refers to levitici xx°. Lev. 20:6: anima quae declinaverit ad magos et ariolos
etfornicatafuerit cum eisponamfaciem meam contra earn et interficiam Ulam de medio populi
sui. Lev. 20:27: vir sive mulier in quibus pythonicus vel divinationis fuerit spiritus morte
moriantur lapidions obruent eos. Cf. Ex. 22:18: maleficos non patieris vivere.
325
A gloss refers to lev° xix° et deuf xviiif. Lev. 19:26: non augurabimini nee observabitis
somnia; Lev. 19:31 : ne declinetis ad magos nee ab ariolis aliquid sciscitemini utpolluaminiper
eos. Deut. 18:10-12: nee inveniatur in te (...) qui ariolos sciscitetur et observet somnia atque
auguria ne sit maleficus ne incantator ne pythones consulat ne divinos aut quaerat a mortuis
veritatem omnia enim haec abominatur Dominus et propter istiusmodi scelera delebit eos in
introitu tuo.
326
Deut. 4:19; 17:3.
327
Lev. passim. See, e.g., cap. 19.
328
Deut. 13:1-3: s/ surrexerit in medio tui prophètes aut qui somnium vidisse se dicat et
praedixerit signum atque portentum et evenerit quod locutus est et dixent tibi eamus et sequamur
deos aliènes quos ignoras et serviamus eis non audies verba prophetae illius aut somniatoris
quia temptat vos Dominus Deus vester ut palam fiat utrum diligatis eum an non in toto corde
et in tota anima vestra.
329
Augustine, DDC Π.23 (CC 32, 58).
322 CLD ffl.2
Item, ad ce est la sainte escripture en Ysaie330 qui dit en parlant a telz

songeurs: 'Amincies moy les coses passées et celles qui sont (a) advenir et
je dirai que vous estes dieu'. Par ceste escripture appert clerement que savoir
les choses a advenir determineement appartient a Dieu seulement ou a ceux
a cuy il le veult reveler, non point as autres. Et c'est quant ad ce premier
capitre.
III.2 Ou secont capitre
Ou second capitre est a declarer ceste matière par les livres hystoriaux de
la bible, pour quoy est assavoir que le peuple de Dieu au commancement de
la loy baillié a Moyse fust gouverné par certains hommes nommés dus, dont
Moyse fu le premier, Josué le secont et pluseurs autres par succession de
temps. Apres furent gouverney par juges, comme il appert ou livre des Juges,
et appres celi temps vodrent avoir roy, ainsi qu'il veoient avoir a autres
nacions et sur che firent requeste au prophete Samuel,331 lequel par le
consentement de Dieu leur otria. Et fu leur roy premier Saul par l'espasse
tant seulement de deux ans ou environ. Fut bon [49T et Dieu dobtant et tout
ce qu'il faisoit, il le faisoit par le conseil du prophete Samuel et le peuple
avoit bien avec luy, et de tous leur anemis il avoient victoires. Ce temps chi
pendant il ordena que en tous liex ou il aroit devineurs, enchanteurs, ydolatres
et telz gens, que il fussent mis a mort, et tellement que toutes telles gens
furent exturpé de so(n> roialme. Apres il avint que il trespassa le
commandement de Dieu et du prophete Samuel, pour laquelle chose Dieu le
leissa, et ce veant il vint a une devineresse332 pour enquesir par icelle ce
qui li estoit a avenir, duquel pechié Dieu tellement se courcha a luy que il
perdi sens et raison et entendement et après fut degetté et débouté de son
roialme et toute sa p(r)oster(n)ité et fil le roiaume translaté en David et en
ces (en) enfans.
Chi doivent mout aviser gens de tous estas, en especial signeurs et
prinches, que tant qu'il aiment et servent Dieu, croient Samuel le prophete,
c'est assavoir gens de bonne vie et de boine consultacion, leur signourie est
en prospérité et dure. Mais au plus tost qu'il lessent a croire telle gent, et
330
Isaiah 41.22-23: priora quaefuerintnuntiate (...) adnuntiate quaeVentura sunt infuturum
et sciemus quia dii estis vos. As the context makes clear, it is not Isaiah speaking to soothsayers,
but God speaking to the idols, to whom, of course, the pagans attributed divinatory qualities.
The text is a locus classicus in texts and treatises on divination. It appears, for instance, in
Oresme's Livre de divinations, eh. 10 ('Anonciez nous les choses avenir et nous saurons que
vous estes Dieu', p. 80) and Philippe de Mézières's Songe 11.140 ('Dictes nous les choses a
advenir et nous dirons que vous estez Dieu', vol. 1, p. 595).
331
I Sam. 8-9.
332
I Sam. 28.
CLD ιη.2 323
il se convertisent a folie et a croire gens de malvais estât et de malvaise

volenté, plains de couvoitise et de ambicion, gens supersticieus, sorceliers,
enchanteurs, devineurs et songeurs, Dieu les dellesse. Il perdent usage de
sens et de raison et d'entendement, leur signourie amendrit, on ne tient conte
d'eulz, nulz ne les prise ne doubte, et advient souventefois que il se treuvent
en peril de perdre du tout leur auctorité et signourie. Et eux veans se
transportent en la main de leur adversaires et anemis,333 dont il s'e(n)siut
destruction de pueple et de royaume et [49v] (et)finablementtoute perdicion
de corps et d'ame.
J'en apele tesmoing experance qui est de present (qui est de present) en
ce royaume en l'an ou nous sommes mil .cccc. et .xi. et desja a duré pluseurs
années precedans, ne la fin n'est encore prochaine.334 Et tout checy vient
a cause de malvais gouvernement, de faute de justice, grande couvoitise,
ambicion de régner et dominer qui engenre tirannie, faute de bonne foy et
de creance. Car au jour d'uy toute vérité et de vie et de doctrine est arrière
mise et déboutée; faveur desordenee, iniquité, malice est partout dissimulée
et rengne indifferamment, dont nous sommes dolereusement pugni et en peril
de perdicion et destruction totale.335
Semblablement ad ce propos est il escript du roy Ocozias336 qui, en une
maladie qu'il avoit, envoia au devineurs savoir mon si gari soit, dont Dieu
se coursa a luy tres griefment et l'enpugni grandement. Parellement et de tous
les autres rois qui ont esté en Jherusalem et ou peuple de Dieu par l'espase
de .m. ans, il n'en y a que .ii. ou .iii. que tous ne soient repris de che pechié
de ydolatrie, et en especial de che que il prenoient conseil en leur afaires a
devineurs et ydolatres, telz comme je repute ceux qui se asseürent sur les
jugemens d'astronomie au regart des afaires apartenans a homme et a fame.
A cause de cechy la sainte escripture reprove et condampne toux les roys
dessusdis et finablement par leur œvres les juge miex estre dampnés
perdurablement que autrement. Chy appert la fin a quoy tout homme (tent)
vient qui lesse Dieu et ses commandemens pour pranre conseil as folz
333
Though grammatically correct, this line may prove somewhat difficult to interpret. The
reader may find the following suggestions useful: * And they' (i.e. the people who have involved
themselves with diviners and sorcerers) 'seeing [this]' (i.e. their own ruin) 'deliver themselves
into the hands of their adversaries and enemies'.
334
prochaine: ms prochine. A note in the margin corrects this into 'prochaine'.
335
For a discussion of this passage, see the introductory study, chapter 1.1. The civil war
between the Burgundian and Armagnac factions and its prelude was described by Pignon in his
Chronica compendiosa, pp. 53-55.
336
IV Reg. 1. Cf. IV Reg. 1:2: Ohozias (...) misitque nuntios dicens ad eos ite consulte
Beelzebub deum Accaron utrum vivere queam de infirmitate mea hac.
324 CLD m.3
devineurs et sortileges337 et superstitieux astrologiens, lesquelz ne sont que

blaffemeurs de Dieu et de ses creatures. [50Π
III.3 .iiie. capitre
Ou .iiie. capitre est a desclairer ceste matière par les auttorités du novel
testament, entre (les) lesquelles est sovrainement a recevoir la parole de
Jhesucnst qui dist as ses disciples quant il li demandoient de la disposicion
du temps (a) advenir: 'A vous', dist il, 'n'apartient point de savoir les temps
qui sont a avenir, ne les coses qui sont a faire, desquelles Dieu tant seulement
a la cognoissance et la puissance'.338 Item, quant li disciple furent question
a Jhesucnst du jour du jugement quant il seroit, il leur respondi: 'De celle
journee nulz n'est certain, fors le Filz de Dieu ou cely a cuy le Filz de Dieu
le veult reveler'.339 Presumption donques est a homme de jugier du tamps
(a) advenir par quelconquez science que il ait aquise et voloir determineement
conclure en telle matière, se non que Dieu li ait révélé, ce que on voit pou
advenir.
Item, en un autre lieu il dit a che propos de celle journée: 'Nulz ne la set,
nées le Filz de l'homme',340 c'est a dire de le Vierge. L'exposicion est telle
que le Filz de la Vierge en tant que homme ne la scet point, selonc aucunne
exposition. L'autre est melleur, c'est assavoir que le Filz de la Vierge ne
scet point celle journée pour reveler a autre ne faire savoir. Chy sont mout
fol ceux qui se vantent de savoir la disposicion dou temps entièrement et les
coses (a) advenir.
Item, monseur saint Pol apostre en l'espitre qu'il escript a ceux de
Galatas341 ad cause de ce que il estoient adhurté en celle follie de garder
certains jours et heures en leur ovrages les reprent en disant: 'Je doubte',
337
sortileges: ms sorcileges.
338
A gloss in the margin reads: actuum primo. Act. 1:7: non est vestrum nosse tempora
vel momenta quae Pater posuit in sua potestate.
339
The quote is a combination of two texts, viz. Matt. 24:36 and 11:27. Matt. 24:36: DE
DIEAUTEMILLA ET HORA NEMO SOTneque angeli caelorum nisi Pater solus. Matt. 11:27: et nemo
novit Filium nisi Pater neque Patrem quis novit NISI FlUUS ET CUl VOLUERIT FlUUS REVELARE.
(Cf. also Luc. 10:22.)
340
Marc. 13:32: de die autem Ulo vel hora nemo seit neque angeli in caelo neque Filius
nisi Pater. The confusion of the two above mentioned texts from Matthew forces Pignon to find
a plausible interpretation for this text from Mark 13. He considers the possibility that the Son
of man is ignorant of the Day of Judgment during his mortal, human life, but he decides in
favour of another reading according to which the Son of man knows not when the Day of
Judgment will be and hence cannot let other people know. Neither option quite solves the
contradiction created by Pignon.
341
Gal. 4:10-11 : dies observatis et menses et tempora et annos timeo vos neforte sine causa
laboraverim in vobis. Pignon's rendering of these verses is somewhat elaborate.
CLD m.4 325
dist il, 'que sans cause je n'aye labouré et pour néant environ vous en vous
estrivant et prêchant. Car je voi que vous ne vous retraiés point de celle foie
supersticion et erreur qui est entre vous [50v] de garder certains jours et
années et mois cuidans que un soit melleur que l'autre'. Par quoy appert
evidenment que voloir dire une journée ou une heure estre milleur que l'autre
au regart des ovrages qui cheent sur franc arbitrage et volenté de creature
raisonnable, est cose supersticieuse desfendue en nostre foy, contraire a vérité
et a bonnes meurs.
III.4 Le AU?, capitre
Ou quart chapitre est (a) declarer ceste matière par la doctrine des sains de
l'Eglise, dont grant partie est ja tochié en la premiere et seconde partie de
cest traitié, la ou est exposée l'entencion des sains docteurs catholiquez.
Item, ad ce propos est ce que nous lysons de saint Augustin que, devant
ce qu'il fut converti ad nostre foy, il estoit mout curieux d'estudier les livres
des payens, esquelz il lisoit maint erreur des jugemens dou cours du ciel et
du soleil et de la lune, qui ne sont que toutes fables.342 Mesme en cely
temps tenoit il une malvaise erreur des Manichees qui disent que Dieu, qui
créa les angelez et creatures invisibles, ne créa point les choses visibles, ains
disoit que le deable les avoit faites.343 Saint Ambrosez, evesques de Melan,
qui veoit saint Augustin estre homme de tres grant entendement, souventefois
ly prechoit et avoit avec luy collacion sur la matere de nostre foy. D'autre
part la mere saint Augustin qui estoit vraie catholique prioit sans arester a
Dieu qu'il volsist son enfant de sa grace enluminer et metre hors de ces
erreurs, pour laquele cose elle faisoit maintes abstinences, jeunes, almosnes
et peleringnages. Dont il avint, ce dit la (le)gende (e) d'icely saint, que par
la predication de saint Ambrose et les boins merites de la mere Dieu tocha
le euer de saint Augustin et son entendement et fut après tout [5Y] autre qu'il
n'avoit esté devant. Quar ainsi qu'il apert par les livres qu'il a escris et
composé, il rapela de soy mesmes toutes ces erreurs et en especial che ou
il avoit erré en la matière dont en ce present traitiét est faite especiale
mencion. Et est le docteur de Sainte Eglise par lequel toutes erreurs en
matière de foy et de creance ont esté et sont plus destruites. Quar tout (a
painne) quantque Sainte Eglise a pour extirper heresies et erreurs, c'est la
doctrine de cest docteur glorieus, en especial en ce qui touche, comme dit
est, en matière de sortilege et de divination, comme il appara ou .viiie.
capitre chy après.
Augustine, Confessiones IV.3.

Augustine, Confessiones ΙΠ.6-7.
326 CLD m.4
Item, saint Jerome,344 docteur tant sollempnel et tant notable, en sa

jounesse prenoit plaisir a estudier en telles folies et par especial es livres de
Ciceron345 qui parlent des signes du ciel et de telles coses sur coy se fondent
nos devineurs. Une nuit li vint vision que une personne mout notable luy
demandoit de quelle creance il estoit. Respont que Crestien. L'autre li dit:
'Tu mens, tu es Ciceroniens.346 Car la ou ton trésor est, ton euer est'. En
icelle vision se senti tres durement batu et repris et tellement que en son corps
longuement après en senti les doleurs. Chy cessa d'estudier en telles sciences
et par la grace de Dieu eut appres cognoissance de ces erreurs contre lesquels
escrisi et fist maint livre et traitiét, en condampnant et reprovant telles
supersticions et erreurs et extollant nostre foy ainsi qu'il apert par ches
ovrages.
Monseur saint Grigore et saint Ambr(os)e, Crisostome, Bede et les autres
docteurs de Sainte Eglise, exposans les euvangiles et les fais de Jhesucrist
appartenans a nostre foy avec les dessusdis, tous par une mesme commune
sentence repreuvent Terreur de ceux qui disent que creature rai[5 lv]sonnable,
home et fame, au regart de leur volenté et franc347 arbitrage soient subget
au cours du ciel ne des estoiles et que l'un cascun naist desoulz certaine
constellacion, selonc laquelle par necessitey il se gouverne et ordenne en tous
ses afaires, non pas seullement quant au corps mais quant a l'ame, c'est a
dire quant a l'entendement et a la volenté. Il n'est au jour d'uy plus malvaise
ne plus detestable erreur, se nous volons entendre aux noviax docteurs,
prenons BoëceDe Consollacion, Alain De complanctu Nature, saint Thumas
d'Aquin qui fait un livre tout singulerment contre telz erreurs, Albert de
Coulogne, (et) maistre Guillaume de Paris docteur tant notable qui composa
sur ce un livre mout auctentique et a prisier.348 Tous les autres docteurs
344
Hieronymus, Epistola 22.30 (PL 22,416-417).Ina feverish dream Jerome sees himself
brought before a heavenly tribunal. Interrogatus de conditione, Christianum me esse respondi.
Et ille quipraesidebat: Mentiris, ait, Ciceronianus es, non Christianus: ubi enim thesaurus tuus,
ibi et cor tuum. (This Scriptural reference is to Matt. 6:21; cf. also Luke 12:34.) Jerome makes
no mention of any attachment to astrology or divination. The dream intends to question Jerome's
love of classical literature in general as it tries to persuade him to give up his perusal of the
Gentilium litterarum libri or the codices saeculares. By rendering these libri and codices
saeculares as 'telles sciences' (meaning divination) Pignon misrepresents the text.
345
Ciceron: ms citeron.
346
Ciceroniens: ms citeroniens.
347
franc: ms faut.
348
Many of the early Fathers of the Church (Pignon briefly refers to Gregory, Ambrose,
John Chrysostom and Bede) denounced judicial astrology and superstition. For a comprehensive
list of Christian authors and their works on magic and superstition, see: Harmening, Superstitio,
pp. 332-339. Boethius's Consolatio philosophiae, book 5, was a major source for medieval
discussions of free will and determinism. Alain de Lille's {ca. 1120-1202) De complanctu
Naturae (The Plaint of Nature) would seem to be somewhat misplaced in this context. In this
CLD ΠΙ.5 327
catholiquez approves en nostre mere l'université de Paris, qui ont esté, sont
et seront, se sont esforcié et (s')enforchent et de jour en jour en leçons,
coUacions, predicacions de ceste fauce et detestable punais(i)e extirper de ce
royalme. Et le deable qui est acteur et maistre de telz fols songeurs et
devineurs de bonnes heures ne s'en puet ne ne veult désister; ne on ne se
puelt de telz gens (d)escarpir en aucuns lieus que on ne les trove par toutes
places et a toutes heures, non obstant que on ne verra ja homme de ce usant
et en ce créant qui ne vive en dongier, honte, reproche,349 peril de corps
et charge de conscience, et qui en la fin ne soit deshonneré et retardé de tous
ces propos et entendons. Les plus grans docteurs de ceste foie sette sont gens
ors et sales, malotrus, chetive gent, mal vestu, mal ordenét, en tres grant
dangier usant [52T leur vie et non point sans cause. Car la justice de Dieu
ne saroit as gens crimineux estre (assez) ardant en especial en tel crime qui
est350 de lese majesté souveraine.
III.5 Le .Ve. capitre
Ou .Ve. chapitre sont a produire exemples faisans a ceste matière, extrais tant
de legendes et vie de sains comme de croniques approvees. Pour quoy est
assavoir, premièrement, que la fin principale de la predicacion de Jhesucrist,
de ses apostres et disciples estoit a destruire toute ydolatrie et malvaise
creance et exaucer nostre foy, pour laquelle Jhesucrist et les sains de paradis,
tant du vies comme du novel testament, ont esté occis. Dont appres
l'ascencion nostre Signeur Jhesucrist, quant li apostre eurent receii le Saint
allegory dame Nature complains that man, whom she has endowed with so many qualities and
gifts (prose 3 : Nature actually made man), has abandoned her and broken her laws, degenerating
into unnatural behaviour which has lead to a variety of vices, including idolatry (prose 6). This
theme emerges in CLD II.l.l(r4), but the Plaint contains no discussions of divination, magic
or free will and determinism. The work by Aquinas (ca. 1225-1274) is identified in a marginal
note as the Summa contra gentiles. Next to the passages used by Pignon (SCG ΠΙ.84-86) it also
contains a section on magic (SCG ΠΙ. 104-107). An important book on magic and astrology
attributed to Albertus Magnus ('Albert de Coulogne', ca. 1193-1280) is the Speculum
astronomiae. For Albert's other works on these subjects, see: Thoradike, HMES Π, pp. 517-592.
William of Paris (William of Auvergne) was exceptionally well read in magical and occult
literature. His most important works are De universe* and De legibus ('un livre mout auctentique
et a prisier' refers to the latter). See: Thoradike, HMES Π, pp. 338-371. Though Pignon was
evidently aware of the older literature on magic and divination, he made no references to the
works of his contemporaries or near-contemporaries. He refers to leçons', 'collations' and
'predicacions' but gives no examples. Nicole Oresme's Livre de divinations, Philippe de
Mézières's allegorical denunciation of superstition in Le Songe du Vieil Pèlerin, Jean Gerson's
De erroribus circa artem magicam, to mention the most important contemporary texts from
France, seem to be unknown to Pignon.
349
reproche: ms rprohe reproche (scribal error).
350
est: ms en.
328 CLD ffl.5
Esperit, il se départirent par tout le monde et par leur doctrine et predicacion

rapeloient pluseurs a la voie de vérité et a la cognoissance de Dieu. Entre
lesquelz saint Symon et saint Jude351 furent envoiét en une partie de
Babiloinne, la ou il trouvèrent .ii. enchanteurs qui s'en estoient fuy de
Persyde a cause de saint Mathé. Et advint que le duc de Babiloinne devoit
aler en une bataille contre les Yndes. Il appella ces .ii. devineurs pour savoir
la fortune de la bataille. Il respondirent que il i aroit tres grande desconfiture.
Adont prisent a dire saint Symon et saint Jude, disans au duc qu'il fust aseùré
quar l'endemain vindrent les messagiers d'Ynde lesquelz apportèrent352
confirmacion de pays entre les signeurs et les pays. Et ensy advint que li
apostre avoient dit en tres grant honte de(s)dis devineurs. De pluseurs autres
sains on lit le cas parel en Sainte Eglise.
En croniquez et histores nous lisons353 pluseurs exemples faisans a cecy.
Il estoit un roy [52v] qui avoit un astronomien, lequel d'autre cose ne luy
servoit que de li dire les bonnes heures. Un jour advint que le roy avisa cel
astronomien estre mout tristre et plus que n'avoit de coustume, si volt savoir
la cause et l'astronomien li dist: 'Sire', dist il, 'c'est pour tant que j'ay trové
en vostre constellacion que vous devés ceste année morir'. Le roy mout
courcié reporta cecy a un grant signeur de son amistié lequel apella ce
astronomien et ly demanda comment il savoit la mort du roy. Il respondi:
'Par le cours du ciel'. Le prince demanda: 'Et vous, maistre, combien avés
vous a vivre?' Il respondi: 'Vint ans'. Et le seigneur dist: 'Je vous mousteré
que vous jugiés mal et que vostre science ne vous vault riens'. Sy commanda
en l'eure que on li trenchast le teste et ainsi fu fait. Et le roy vesqui puis bien
lonc temps. Si est trop grant peril de soy arester au jugemens de telles gens,
car on poroit en maintes manières procurer mal et damage au signeurs et aux
princes, et puis donner a entendre par la relacion de telz songeurs que la cose
seroit advenue par le cours du ciel et de nature.
351
Pignon presents here a very concise version of a story that can be found in Jacobus de
Voragine's Legenda aurea, 159 (ed. Graesse, pp. 708-709): Deinde in Persidem ambo (Judas
and Symon, J.V.) venerum et ibidem duos magos, Zaroen et Arphaxat, quod Matthaeus de
Aethiopia fugaver at, invenerunt. The 'due de Babiloinne* is not a duke but a dux, a commander
of the army. Tunc Baradach, dux regis Babyloniae, contra Indos adρroelium profecturus nullum
a Diis, suis potuit habere responsum. The gods will not speak because of the presence of the
Apostles. The commander has the two of them brought before him, and they, having explained
their mission, challenge him to test his gods, to see whether they can predict the outcome of
the imminent war through the two magicians. Tuncphantastici grande bellum dixerunt futurum
et multum populum hinc indeproelio ruiturum. But the Apostles say: noli timere, quia pax hue
nobiscum intravit, et eras hora diei tenia legati Indorum ad te venient et tuae se potestati cum
pace subjicient. Things turned out the way the Apostles had predicted. The same story can be
found in the Petits Bollandistes 13 (Paris 1878), pp. 3-6.
352
apportèrent: ms a po portèrent (possibly a scribal error).
353
A marginal note reads: 'exemple de croniquez'. I was unable to find the source.
CLD m.5 329
Item, il est escript du roy d'Espaigne354 qui avoit fait tres grant armee
contre les Sarrazins. Advint un jour que les chevaliers355 oyrent une grant
multitude de cornilles et dirent au roy que c'estoit mauvais signe et que il
ne devoit aler avant en sa bataille. Le roy adont dit: 'Ces cornelles a paine
ont .iiii. ans d'âge et ne scevent point la maniere de combatte les Sarrazins.
Encore a vint ans que je cognois bien comment on les doit combatte. Vous
me devés miex croire que telles bestes. Alons ou non de Dieu et je suy
certain que nous arons honneur'. Adont tuit le suyrent et furent [53T
victorieus. Que vault en telle matière telz superstitieux? Miex vault prenre
le conseil des bons chevaliers et expers es356 armes que soi arester au fables
de tels tronpeurs qui n'ont fondement quelconquez357 de raison.
Item, es croniquez de Franche358 est recité que Cihilperic, roy de France,
a l'instance de sa fame la royne Radegunde feïst un sien filz religieus qui
avoit nom Meroveüs et estoit d'unne autre femme. Ce religieux chy
Meroveüs, par le conseil d'un grant signeur nommé Contranus, envoia a une
devineresse pour savoir ce qui li estoit (a) advenir. Elle li respondi que en
354
I was unable to find the source. Philippe de Mézières remarks that the Spanish set great
store by signs and omens: 'Les Espaigneulx (...) jamais ne partiraient de la cite ou chasteaux
sans avoir aucun signe, qui par leur folie et comme ydolatrie leur signifie de leurs emprises ou
bien ou mal advenir; c'est assavoir par le sternu des gens, par un lièvre qu'ilz trouveront a Tissue
d'une ville, par aigles, par corbins et autres oyseaux volans, desquelx signes et science deffendue
ilz ont leurs propres livres, et les croyent infalliblement' (Songe Π.105, vol. 1, p. 518). John
of Salisbury also mentions Spanish love of omens, especially in relation to crows (Policraticus
1.13).
355
chevaliers: ms chevariers.
356
es: ms et.
337
quelconquez: ms quesconquez.
358
The following story can be found in Gregory of Tours's HistoriaeV. 14. The orthography
of the names is slightly different. Merovechus is Meroveüs, Fredegundis is Radegunde, and count
Gunthchramnus Boso is Contranus. See: Gregor von Tours, Historiarum libri decern / Zehn
Bücher Geschichten, eds. Β. Knisch and R. Büchner (Darmstadt 1977), vol. 1, pp. 302-306.
The three Bible-oracles derive from I Kings 9:9, Ps.72:18-19 (KJV Ps.73), and Matt. 26:2. For
further examples of this, see Historiae IV. 16. Gregory evidently values these Bible-oracles,
though other Church authorities felt decidedly uneasy about them. Aquinas sees divine oracles
which are wrongly applied to worldly affairs as something sinful and he quotes Augustine as
saying that his qui de paginis evangelicis sortes legunt profoundly displease him (ST
2a2ae.95.8(R)). Pignon does not disclose his own ideas in this matter. In the sections in which
he paraphrases this article from the ST (CLD 1.5 and Π.2.6) he makes no specific mention of
Bible-oracles. Pignon speaks of the 'croniquez de Franche' which might refer to the Grandes
Chroniques de France in which the story also occurs, be it severely truncated. Most likely,
Pignon has used Gregory's text; he uses Latin endings (Contraints, Merovews) and one episode
is missing from the Grandes Chroniques. Though it does contain the story of the 'phitonise qui
par ses sorceries disoit aucune foiz les choses si com eles avenoient' and the story of the 'devins
respons' and the three books, the episode of the angel is lacking. See: Les Grandes Chroniques
de France, ed. Jules Viard (Paris 1920), vol. 1, pp. 243-244.
330 CLD m.6
icelle année son père morroit et tous ses frères seraient prisonnier et que il
seroit coroné roy et que Contranus gouvernerait l'espasce de .vi. ans le
royalme et après seroit arcevesques d'unne cité qui estoit sur Leire. A cause
de cecy le dit Meroveüs faussa l'abit de religion et sa tonsure et se reputoit
desja comme roy et le dit Contranus comme arcevesques, et eulx emsamble
se départirent et vindrent a Tours et révélèrent leur conseil a l'arcevesque
qui estoit adont nommé Grégoire, lequel tres grandement les reprist et argua
et leur dist comment il avoit oft le vois d'un angele sur l'église saint Martin
de Tours disant: 'Heu, heu, heu, Dieu a batu le roy Chilperic et tous ses
enfans tellement que jamais ne régneront'. Quant Meroveüs oyt cecy, il
doubta mout et par l'espace de .iii. jours en l'eg(l)ise saint Martin jeûnant
en priant Dieu qu'il luy volsist segnefier la vérité de che qu'il li estoit (a)
avenir par ce que il trouverait escript a ov(r)ir la bible soudainnement. Il ovry
la bible et ou premier lieu que il regarda avoit escript: Tour tant que m'avés
lessié, avés enfiancé en diex estranges, je vous lesse es mains de vos
ennemis'. [53v] Il tourne encore autre part et trove escript ou psaltier: 'Pour
leur pechiés et iniquités tu les as delessiés et degetés ou temps qu'il dévoient
estre plus eslevé'. Tiercement tourna et trova escript en l'euvangile de nostre
Signeur Jhesucrist qui disoit as ses dissiples: 'Sachiés que après .ii. jours
passés le filz de l'omme sera livré a mort'. Sur ces coses fut mout esbahi
et s'en ala a Arras requesir ayde a ceux de la ville encontre le roy. Il ly
promirent et le gardèrent (et le gardèrent) en un castel jusques a ce temps
que le roy vint pour en faire justice. Quant Meroveüs ouy la venue du roy,
il se fist tuer par un sien vallet et ainsi fina misérablement ses jours.
Trop de telles histoires on porroit introduire ad ce propos, mais c'est trop
grant longue chose. A tant soffisse pour le present qu'il appert par ceux-chy
rechitees que ceux qui en telz su(per)sticieuses sorceries adjoustent foy et
creance secrètement, (se) treuvent en la fin deceü et deshonoré et perdu. Et
c'est quant a la matière de cest present capitre.
III.6 Me. capitre
Ou .vie. capitre est approduire aucunnes raisons fondées en philosofie

naturelle et morale. Quant a philosofie naturele dit Aristolte que des coses
que on voit cascun jour advenir aucunnes ont causes natureles, lesquelles
nécessairement produisent les effais que on voit et infalliblement. Et de telles
coses puet on bien jugier au vray, ainsi que on puet dire de le chose du soleil
et de la lune, du mouvement des estoiles, de la disposicion du tamps quant
aux saisons qui sont naturelment disposées a estre chaudes ou froides, et de
cecy puet un bon astronomien bien jugier, ja soische que on y puet encore
bien fallir. Il est une autre maniere des cozes qui advienent desquelles nulz
ne puet assigner raison evidamment. Ainsi que on voit que une personne [54T
CLD m.6 331
fouist en terre et treuve | un grant trésor, cecy n'a point de cause naturele
et n'est autre |359 chose fors avanture et fortune et chose casuele.
Item, il mesme Aristote, quant il a longuement traitié des evres de nature,
de la vertu et puissance du ciel au regart du gouvernement de ce monde
matériel, il dit en conclusion que il est de necesité qu'il soit l'un premier et
souverain prince qui est cause disposant et ordenant toutes coses a sa volenté
et a son plaisir par entendement sens nécessité ou contrainte. De quoy le
contraire disent ly fols devineurs qui se nomment astronomiens qui veulent
a toutes coses imposer cause nécessité naturele et parjugier de ce qui est (a)
advenir et affermer une partie certaine che qui ne fut onques donné cognoistre
a homme.
Item, en son livre de Methafisique Aristote propose deux manières de
causes produisans toutes coses quelconques elles soient: une est nature, l'autre
entendement et volenté.360 Quant est des evres de nature, elles advienent
le plus souvent parellement et uniement, combien que pour causes des
particuleres causes et accidenteles circonstances il n'est homme qui ne faille
a en jugier. Des cozes qui advienent de la cause qui est dite franc arbitrage,
elles sont du tout en la disposicion et ordenance de Dieu et de homme, et de
ceux-cy Dieu et ceux en qui il est de telles coses faire en (ont) une
cognoissance tant seulement.361 Et qui donne autre coze a entendre, il séduit
ceux a cui il parle. C'est la sentence d'Aristote.
Item, en son livre qui nomme Pery Armenes*2 tient il celle mesme
sentence, et la commune escole des logiciens en cecy l'ensuit,363 qu'il est
aucunnesproposicionsnecessaires, aucunnescontingens et possibles, aucunnes
inpossibles, et tout cecy se raporte a bon entendement ad ce que aucunnes
359
Accidentally the line between the two lines (4 | un grant trésor ... n'est autre | ') was
initially omitted by the scribe, but he later corrected his error and added the missing fragment
in the upper margin of the page.
360
The two principles of motion, nature and intellect, were dealt with by Pignon in CLD
Π.5, following SCG ffl.85 (2600).
361
Of the things that happen as a result of free will only God and the actors concerned have
any (prior) knowledge; i.e., no one else can deduce or predict these things from the stars or
from natural causes.
362
The reference here to Aristotle's De interpretatione (Perihermeneias) is too general for
an actual quotation. De interpretatione 9 is the locus classicus for later discussions on
foreknowledge and future contingents. Aristotle argues that future contingent propositions can
be neither true nor false, for if they should be either one or the other, future events would be
predetermined and there would be no room for chance, which is absurd, according to Aristotle.
Necessity and possibility are discussed in chapters 12 and 13 which deal with the modalities of
propositions, but Pignon is only interested in the general idea that, since propositions may
express possibility, absolute necessity is precluded. Cf. also CDE11. 280-293 (p. 153) which
is based on SCG H.86 (2618).
363
l'ensuit: ms lensult.
332 CLD m.6
coses aviennent a l'aventure sans assegner cause certaine, [54v] aucunnes par
deliberacion et volenté et ainsy de pluseurs autres, laquelle science est de
logique. Cechi porroit on longuement déduire par quoy appert la foie oppinion
des devineurs.
Quant au raisons fondées sus philosofie morale Aristote ou livre de
Ethiques*6* argue que ses ovrages des hommes et qui apartient a eulz
advenoient par nécessité dou cours de nature, ainsi que disent ceux qui ont
regart a la naissence des hommes, trop d'inconveniens s'en pourroient venir
et ensuyr. C'est assavoir qu'il n'y aroit aucunne difference entre homme et
beste mue. Item, que chatiement, discipline et correccion seraient pour nient.
Item, justice serait nulle par laquelle on pugnist les mauvais pour leur mesfais
et gueredone les boins pour leur mérites. Car on ne doit point pugnir ne
gueredonner une personne pour cose qu'il face par nécessité et contrainte et
tellement que nature a ce le contraint veule ou non, ainsi que disent les
songeurs. Item, ja homme ne reporterait honneur ne loange, blasme ne honte
de quose qu'il feïst, car de ce a quoi nature nous contraint nous ne sommes
ne a loër ne a blasmer. Item, il ne fauroit jamais prenre conseil ne
deliberacion de quelconques cose que on eüst a faire. Pour néant seraient les
conseilliez des signeurs environ eux, car il soffiroit avoir un astronomien
qui dirait de tous leurs affaires, il avendra ainsi et par telle maniere par le
cours du ciel. Car il covient dire ou que il avenra ainsi, ou que il puet
autrement avenir; se il advient ainsi infalliblement, et que leur jugement soit
certain, pour néant quierent aultre conseil; se il puet autrement advenir, ou
il sevent comment autrement ou non se[55Hvent au certain, pour nient,
comme dit, on prent aultre consel que celi qui donnent; se il ne le sevent,
leur science dont est nulle, ainsi que vraiement est a dire car ce n'est que
un songe. Item, pour néant on prierait Dieu et la glorieuse Vierge et les sains
auquels on retourne en temps d'aversité pour avoir ayde. Pour nient seraient
fait sacrefice, offrandes et toutes coses qui apartienent a l'honneur de Dieu
et de nostre foy, et ainsi autant vauroit estre païen que Crestien; cecy appert
puisque il disent que de toutes choses qui sont a advenir, nature y a tellement
proveü qu'elle ordene determineement laquelle partie avendra et autrement
estre ne puet. Ainsi fauroit dire que un astronomien vaudrait un dieu en terre,
ne il ne serait ja (tesmoing) besoing de avoir espérance en aultre que en luy.
Tous ces inconveniens sont telz et si horribles que on ne les porroi(en)t asser
364
The themes of this paragraph were already dealt with by Pignon more concisely in CLD
Π.5, following SCG ΠΙ.85 (2607 b). In fact, the whole tone of the present paragraph derives
from the passage by Thomas Aquinas and not from Aristotle (cf. also ST la.83.1(R)). Yet
Aristotle's discussions of moral responsibility andfreechoice in, e.g., Nicomach. Ethics ΙΠ. 1-2
and 5 may be said to concur with Pignon's remarks.
CLD m.6 333
peser, dont est mout presumptueuse et dampnee la folie de ceux qui a telles
coses se ahurtent dont telz et si grans maulz puelent advenir.
Item, se leur foie estimacion estoit vraie, je leur demande quelle raison
il puelent asigner de .ii. enfans365 qui seront engenré, ney d'un mesme père,
a une mesmes heure, souz une constellacion, norry d'un mesme lait, en toutes
coses natures semblables et parel, et neantmains en leur temps appres on voit
estre un tres boin en toutes coses fortunei, et l'autre tres malvais et en toutes
coses infortuné, et nientmains, comme dit est, nature en a autant fait en toutes
coses pour l'ung comme pour l'autre. Qui est dont cause de telle et si grant
diversité se non la volenté de Dieu, qui donne grace a l'un par quoy il
persevere en bien et non pas a l'autre, et la volenté [55v] d'un chascun
d'iceulz, que l'un se habitue par le jugement de raison de quoy il use a bien
faire et a recevoir la grasce nostre Signeur, l'autre a ce se dispose en meurs
fors a mal don? Et se le mauvais estoit contraint par nature a mal, sans cause
Dieu le pugniroit, comme dit est. Item, c'est coze notoire, car se l'un qui
a default de sens commet aucun grant crime, il n'en est point pugni a cause
de ce que il n'a point usaige de raison ne de franc arbitrage, et nientmains
du cas parel un autre est pugni pour tant qu'il a usaige de raison et de franche
volenté. Dont apert il par ce que les maus ou les biens que nous faisons ne
sont point a atribuer au cours du ciel ne des esstoiles, mais a la bonne ou
malvaise volenté d'un chascun. Toutes ces raisons font366 Aristote et les
philosofes.
Item, par la raison parelle dessusdite de .ii. enfans puet on arguer de .ii.
segneurs ou pluseurs qui aroient guerre l'un a l'autre, prenroit journée
déterminée et lieu et heure pour eulz combatre.367 Par un mesme acort, le
cas est possible qu'il soient ney desoulz une constellacion et a une mesme
heure et que en toutes coses soient parel fors que en volenté, quar l'un tent
a destruire l'autre. Ly astronomien d'un cascun diront que Teure et le tamps
et la place sont tres propice pour son maistre. Ou il covient que tous deux
soient victorieux, qui ne puet estre, ou que tous .ii. soient vaincu, qui est
difficile, ou que l'un conqueste l'autre et ainsy un des astronomiens aura falli
en jugement, et toutesfois le cas est tres possible et par aventure pluseurs fois
advenu. Et tel comme je argue de ces cas ichy tochiés, on puet le parel arguer
[56"] de tous autres, par quoi appert le grant folie et erreur de ceux qui a telle
365
The case of the twins being born under the same constellation, yet leading completely
different lives (as in the Biblical instance of Jacob and Esau) was one of Augustine's favourite
anti-astrological arguments. Cf. : Confessiones Vn.6 (CC 27,97-99); DCD V.2-6 (CC 47,129-
134); De diversis quaestionibus 45.2 (CC 44a, 68-69); and chapter 4.5.1, pp. 185-186 above.
366
font: ms fait.
367
Cf. the duel between Peter of Courtenay and Guy de Trémoille, which the Monk of St.
Denis {Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys VI. 11, vol. 1, pp. 394-396) uses as an example
to illustrate the follies of astrology. See chapter 3.3 above.
334 CLD m.7
supersticion s'arestent et ahurtent et qui i croient ne qui font faveur a ceux

qui en usent. Seulement doit soffire a un chascun en son estât que Dieu li
ait donné sens et raison pour savoir, congnoistre et discerner bien et mal,
quesir boin conseil et sage, et de tout ce user par boine prudence en soi
comme tant premièrement et sur tout a Dieu, lequel a en sa main du tout
l'ordenanche et la disposicion de toutes cozes presens et (a) advenir et lequel
en puet a son plaisir ordener par dessus le cours de nature, et souventefois
ainsi le fait, combien que secrètement et par dessus nostre (conne)
congnoissance.
III.7 .vif. capt
Ou .viie. capitre sont a faire aucunnes raisons de partie a autre contre les
devineurs qui se disent astronomien. Et a che faire serait .iii. voies. La
premiere voie sera contre eux au regart de leur personne et de leur estât. La
seconde sera au regart de leur science. La tierche au regart de leur auditeurs
et de ceux qui leur font faveur.
Quant au premier on puet arguer que communément on les voit estre gens
de tres chetis gouvernement, gens inconstans, courens et espavés, et qui sans
cesser se transportent de place en autre, gens sans entendement, sans
discrecion, sans prudence, sales, villes, ors en maintien, deshonneste et sans
maniere, et de pluseurs ont usé comme de folz et en forme de folz se
maintienent. Car en toute compaignie ou il sont, on ne voit que eux et a leur
povoir a toutes heures et en tous lieus se tiennent au plus pres des plus grans.
Item, quant aux infortunes et maies aventures de quoy il advisent autrui, ne
se scevent il aviser ne preserver. [56v] Et voit on communément que tels gens
se veulent entremettre de tout; maintenant d'arquemie, puis de cirurgie, puis
de médecine, puis d'astronomie, et en la fin on les treuve gent ygnorant et
nonsachant, et qui fait (a) telle gent deprisier. Leur vie est inmiserable et
souventefois leur mort sans comparison plus miserable et honteuse. Item, qui
bien les advise, on les treuve privés de toutes graces et de tous biens;
premièrement, des biens de nature, quar il n'ont, comme dit est, ne sens ne
entendement; des biens de fortune, comme il appert par ce que dit est; des
biens de grace sont il du tout privé, car il sont sans foy et sans loy, de tout
hors de la voie de salut tant que il se tiennent en teil erreur.368
Quant au regart que on puet avoir a leur science, on puet arguer par
mainte maniere. Premièrement, quar toute science qui (qui) se enseigne
368
Though slightly biassed, the depiction represents possibly a fairly common sentiment.
Cf. Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys XIV.6 (vol. 2, pp. 88-91) where the appearance of
the sorcerer Arnaud Guillaume is described. His simple dress, emaciated countenance, his solitary
and itinerant life-style, his lack of learning and his pretentiousness drew the chronicler's attention.
CLD ffl.7 335
celeement, comme ceste cy, est reprovee, et que leur science soit telle, il
appert car teles gens quierent heures, places et manières secretes et couvertes
quant il veulent parler a aucunne personne de ceste science.369 Item, plus
tost la proposent a gens de simple entendement que a ceux qui entendent
raison, et jamais devant gens entendant n'en parlent.370 Item, a ce propos
(on) conferme(nt) (que) toute l'université de Paris, qui est la souveraine et
maistresse de toutes les autres, n'a falculté, ne escole, ne college, ne librarie,
ne lieu, ne place, quant on a partout esté, ou ceste science soit approvee ne
comuniquee371 notoirement. Se aucun y estudient, il convient que ce soit
secrètement et mal par consequent, car toute science bonne et approvee se
doit en publique declarer. Item, toute science e(s)t ordenee finable[571ment
pour donner perfection a l'entendement de homme, et par cognoissance
certaine d'aucunnes conclusions fondées sur princ(ip)es qui contiennent vérité
infallible. La science des jugemens d'astrologie372 ne fait riens de tout
cechy. Car les conclusions que telz devineurs proposent et mette(n)t avant
elles sont ou double entendement; ou de tant et si diverses circonstances
condicionees, ou si obscurment373 balliés qu'il n'est home qui y puisse
prenre une seulle sentence asseuree, et par (che) telles involusions,
quelcunques cose qu'il adviengne de leur jugemens, il treuvent adés leur fuite
et leur response (response).374
Quant a ce qui a regart a leur auditeurs et fauteurs, cascuns puet assés
sentir que ceux qui s'i arestent ne sont pas sage. Car pluseurs sont qui appres
longues et meures deliberations de leurs afaires s'aresteront plus et
asseürreront a la foie opinion et jugement d'un maleureux que de tout le
conseil qu'il aront par avant eü. La ou on voit que du temps qui doit faire
de jour a autre, il ne scevent bien souvent jugier au vrai. Et pour tant voit
on aucunnefois mal prenre a pluseurs qui s'y ahurtent. Item, on ne verra ja
369
The secrecy that Pignon stresses here is an important aspect of magic rituals. A modem
anthropologist like Marcel Maus s, e.g., defines a magic rite as 'any rite which does not play
a part in organised cults - it is private, secret, mysterious and approaches the limit of a prohibited
rite'. See: Mauss, A General Theory of Magic, transi. R. Brain (London 1972), p. 24.
370
A similar observation was made by Oresme in his Livre de divinations, chapter 12: 'ilz
ont certaines cautelles que ilz appellent la logique des jugemens, sicomme soy vanter et promettre
merveilles en la presence de simples gens et pour jugier et demander loyer, et peu parler devant
philosophes, et muent le propos, et quierent dilacions et excusacions,... ' (Coopland éd., p. 96).
371
comuniquee: ms comunuquee.
372
astrologie: ms atiologie.
373
obscurment: ms obsturment.
374
Cf. similar remarks by Oresme in his Livre de Divinations, chapter 12: 'leurs paroles
sont aucune fois doubles, amphiboliques, a deux visages (...) etaucunefois sont obscures etpeuent
estre appliquées a plusieurs effects ou personnes. (...) Qui veult diviner obscurément des fortunes
d'un homme, a painne puet faillir que il n'aviengne aucune chose applicable a son divinement
par la continuelle variacion des proprietez et des adversitez de fortune' (Coopland ed., p. 94).
336 CLD m.8
boin Crestien ne boin catolique a telles follies soy arester, ne foy y ajouster.
Dont sont mout a reprendre ceux qui s'i arestent et qui cuydent estre plus
sage que tout le demorant du monde. Bien puelent penser que se telle science
fust certaine et bonne, elle serait par tout le monde publiée et chascun
tendrait375 a y estudier et profiter. Item, telz gens sont decheü par ce que
les devineurs a cuy il parlent ont practique de savoir leur complexion
naturele, laquelle legierement par Tart de médecine en puet savoir. Et par
ce il puelent congnoistre a quelle [57"] passion naturele il sont enclin selonc
leur complexion et sur ce assignent leur jugemens, dont aucunnefois par
aventure advient ce qu'il ont dit, pour c(r)oy on les croit après en toutes
coses. Item, puisque il quierent entree en aucun lieu, il se traient envers
aucunnes gens d'auctorité, lesquelz il voient enclins a leur supersticions et
dechoivent, premièrement par coses communes, comme sont l'esclipse de
soleil (Γeclipse de sold) ou de la lune, la disposition du temps quant a pluye,
a secerece, et ainsi de pluseurs cozes qui sont toutes communnes a un
philosofe et boin médecin. Et par ce s'avanchent (a) avigier de plus hautes
coses et plus dongereuses en la maniere que dit est, pour mettre les gens en
admiracion et avoir reputacion entre eulx. Dont il faut par inportunité,
souventefois de ceus qui les portent, qu'il soient en ordenance et service des
plus grans, en tres grant clergié et de renommée et de conscienche, et se on
en parle, on dit que c'est par envie. Cy convient don (dire), c'est dou grant
desplaisir lessier passer la cose soulx dissimulacion en prejudice de la foy
et du sauvement des âmes de pluseurs. Par checy vérité, justice et équité sont
delaissié et convient que iniquité, malice, erreur si treuve lieu. Dont je me
doute que ad cause de ce Dieu a376 puny aucuns et punit encore de jour en
jour et punira. Et, qui pis est, a cause d'iceulx aultre par aventure sont pugny
qui n'ont coulpe, ainsi que Dieu le veult faire ou soffrir.
III.8 Ou Mii\ capitre
Ou .viiie. capitre sont a alléguer les auttorités de Sainte Eglise touchiés en

droit canon. Si veul ychy, au plus pres que je porrai, mettre che que le [58T
décret en propose trait des livres de saint Augustin.377
375
tendrait: ms dendroit.
376
a: ms nest.
377
Much of the material in this chapter was derivedfromthe Decretum Gratiani Π.26.7.16
(PL 187,1369-1370): Non observetis dies, qui dicuntur Aegyptiaci, aut calendas Januarii, in
quibus cantilenae quaedam, et comessationes, et ad invicem dona donantur, quasi inprincipio
anni bonifati augurio, aut aliquos menses, aut tempora, aut dies, et annos, aut lunae solisque
cursum (...). Whoever practises or adheres to such things will cause himself to be damned. Qui
autemtalibus credunt, autadeorumdomumeuntes, aut suis domibus introducunt, ut interrogent,
sciant, sefldem Christianam et baptismum ρrdevançasse, et utpaganum et apostatam, id est
CLD m.8 337
Tous ceux qui croient en devineurs, ne en sorceries, nés en la toctrine des

jugemens d'astrologie, qui se fondent sus les cours du ciel, du soleil et de
la lune et autres pianettes, au regart de la nativité des hommes, ou d'aucunne
constellacion, et eulx apropriee appliquié a leur operacions; et qui croient
enchanteurs, devineurs et songeurs qui disent qu'il ont visions par lesquelles
il puelent savoir ce qui est a avenir au personnes; et quiconques croit en telle
matière aultrement que Sainte Eglise a ordené, approve et déterminé; et ceux
qui croient que les jours Egipsiens, signes ou kalendier sont mauvais, et que
le premier jour de l'an soit cause de la fortune ou infortune de tous les autres;
ceux qui gardent certains tamps, journées et heures pour emprenre et
commencier aucuns ovrages, comme est edefier novel ostel, semer, planter,
cuyllir, esrachier autrement que raison naturelle et commune usage n'a de
coustume, soy marier, entrer en voiage ou en bataille, ou autre ovrage
queconques, et generalment toutes coses qui ne sont fondées sus raison
naturelle ou auctorité de sainte escripture et de l'Eglise; et non pas ceux tant
seulement qui font telles coses, mais ceux qui consentent aus faisans, et qui
y croient, et qui vont en leur ostelz, ou qui les introduisent en leur maisons,
et qui les tiennent en leur compagnie ou en leur service, et qui boit et mengne
avec eux, ne les interroge, ne parle a eux378 depuis que il ont estei sour
ce soffissamment examiné, amonesté et corrigié et que on les connoist et scet
estre telz; tous ceux, dit Sainte Eglise, qui es coses dessusdites sont
coupables,379 doivent savoir que il ont la foy [58v] catholique, le baptesme
et autres sacremens trespasses par prevaricacion et inobedience manifeste.380
Tout homme de ce repris et qui ne se corrige est apostat de la foy et païen
et mescreant, doit estre réputé de Dieu anemi et adversaire, et le courous de
Dieu tres grandement et son indignacion perdurablement a encoru, se par
penitence ne se corrige et chastie en retournant par dever Dieu. Quar, dit
saint Pol, soit que nous mango(n)s quelconques autre chose, tout devons faire
ou non de nostre Signeur Jhesucrist, ou quel nous devons vivre et morir, par
lequel nous avons movement et existence que puet on plus dire.
Tûtes telles supersticieuses observances nostre mere Sainte Eglise, comme
il appert, a en tres grant horreur et de(te)stacion. Ainsi que plus longuement
retro abeuntem et Dei inimicwn, iram Dei graviter in aeternum incurrisse, nisi ecclesiastica
poenitentia emendatus Deo reconcilietur. Dicit enim Apostolus: Sive manducatis sive bibitis, sive
aliquid aliud facitis in nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi facite, in quo vivemus, movemur et
sumus. The reference is to I Cor. 10:31. Some of the superstitions mentioned here also occur
in Deer. Π.26.5.3 and were dealt with by Pignon in CLD 1.6.
378
eux: ms aux.
379
coupables: ms compables.
380
A very long sentence. Its main clause is Tous ceux ... doivent savoir que il ont la foy
catholique ... trespasses . . . \ Everything between 'tous ceux' and 'doivent' is an elaboration of
the subject.
338 CLD m.9-io
est declare es capistres du Décret, et semblablement es gloses est alegué droit

civil que juge telle gent par sentence diffinitive a morir publiquement par loy
imperiale, quar mesmes en la loy des Juis sont il digne a estre lapidé. Cils
n'est pas donques boin Crestien qui ne doubte telles et si horribles sentenses.
En telle condempnacion sont pluseurs qui croient que a telle journee que les
innocens381 sont toute Tannée, on ne doit rien entreprendre ne
commenchier, et pluseurs semblables folies qui n'ont raison ne auttorité
quelconques d'escripture sur quoy soient fondées, fors seulement malvaise
et supersticieuse acoustumance sur toutes les coses devantdittes.
Souvrainnement tout boin catholike doit retenir et mettre en son euer le
contenu de cest capitre.
III.9 .ix?. capitre
Ou .ixe. capitre sont a racapituler en brief toutes les coses dessusdittes. Item,
appert donques par le contenu d'iceles quelle cose est sorcelerie, divinacion,
invocacion de deables, dont telles coses ont eü commenche[59nment, quant
elles se sont continuées et maintenues en pluseurs lieus tant entre Crestiens
comme gent d'autre secte. Et cecy est déclaré en la premiere partie.
Consequamment, par questions faites sus les matières dessusdittes, ont esté
proposées et déclarées certaines conclusions véritables et catholiquez, provees
par raisons evidens et notoires. Avec ce ont est(é) proposées et solves toutes
(ont) les principales raisons que la partie adverse puet alléguer pour soi et
moustrees non sal(v)ables et de nule vertu, en la seconde partie.
Et dariennement par raisons et auctorités et extraites de pluseurs sciences
et escriptures de pluseurs docteurs approves et autentiquez et par exemples
et figures de sainte escripture, de croniques et legende de sains, par la
determinacion de droit canon, a estey moustré et declarét la scienche, ou pour
miex dire l'erreur, des devineurs qui se disent astronomiens estre fauce,
reprovee et condempnee, comme il appert en ceste tierce partie, par quoi en
conclusion puet apparoir que telles folles supersticions, divinacions, et toutes
autres observances dessusnommés sont a reprover et condempner a tout bon
Crestien et loial catholique.
III. 10 .xe. capitre
Ou .xe. capitre, pour faire conclusion correspondant382 au principe, je suppli

dévotement a un cascun qui en che traitiét lira de .iii. coses.
381
Childermas Day, or Holy Innocents' Day (Dec. 28), was always considered an ill-fated
day for undertaking work of any sort. Cf. Opie, 'Childermas Day', p. 70.
382
correspondant: ms corrundent.
CLD III. 10 339
La premiere, que selonc la doctrine saint Pierre apostre383 il soit arivé

de la vertu de vraie foy tellement que l'adversaire de la foy qui nous
environne comme un lion pour nous dévorer, ne nous face cheoir en malvaise
erreur.
La seconde384 je suplie de tres humble euer a tous ceux qui cy liront,
que ne me vellent reprenre de malvolence ou aultre visce par quoy on die
que j'aie escript ce traitié. Car je preng sur men ame que autre [59v] chose
ad ce ne m'a encline fors que bonne et sainte jalousie du salut de pluseurs.
Et se il y a faute ou en sentence ou en language ou maniere de parler, je le
soumet et met385 du tout a la correccion et chatiement de toute boine
personne, en especial de mes segneurs et maistres de ma mere l'univers(it)é
qui en telles choses et toutes autres sont sans comparison, plus cler veant que
je ne soie, et me presente a exposer, retraitier, révoquer et anuler tout che
qui poroit estre trové autrement dit qu'il n'apartient.
La tierce cose est humble recommendacion de ma povre personne a vous,
mon tres redouté signeur, et a tous ceux qui cy liront, en faisant fin en cely
qui de tout bien est fin et commencement, avec lequel perdurablement
puisso(n)s vivre in saecula saeculorum. Amen.
383
I Petr. 5:8-9: sobrii estote et vigilate quia adversarius vester diabolus tamquam leo
rugiens circuit quaerens quem devoret cui resistite fortes fide.
384
seconde: ms cunde.
385
met: ms may.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX ONE
THE CONFESSION OF MASTER JEHAN DE BAR
Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, fonds français ms. 25552.
1. Introduction
The confession of Jehan de Bar is part of afifteenth-centurymanuscript on

paper containing several works by Jean Gerson.1 The confession is found
right at the end, running from fol. 313r up to and including fol. 315v. The
edition of the text2 offered here is based on the same editorial principles as
the edition of Pignon's treatise. In the manuscript the confession has been
structured by means of alternating sections presenting sins and penitences.
The penitential sections, starting with 'Je m'en repens ... ' were all indented,
so as to distinguish them from the paragraphs listing the separate items of
Jehan de Bar's trespasses. This structuring device has been copied in the
edited text. Furthermore, the separate items of the confession (twenty in all)
have been numbered in the edition to facilitate reference in the analysis
offered below.
The confession has a strictly formal structure, no doubt resulting from a
formalistic mode of interrogation.3 In the analysis given below I attempt to
demonstrate this formalism by comparing the twenty items of Jehan de Bar's
confession closely with a list of twenty-eight articles against magic drawn
up by the Faculty of Theology of the university of Paris in 1398. As the
comparison will show, there is substantial verbatim correspondance between
the two documents, which suggests that the condemnations of the Faculty of
1
For a brief description of the manuscript see: Henri Omont, Bibliothèque Nationale.
Catalogue général des manuscrits français; anciens petits fonds français II, nos. 22885-25696
(Paris 1902), pp. 639-640: 'XVe siècle. Papier. 318 feuillets, moins les feuillets 123 à 142.215
sur 145 millimètres. Rel. parchemin vert, aux armes de Saint-Victor'. The edition of the text
offered in this appendix was based on a microfilm, not on autopsy.
2
Paraphrases as well as quotations from the confession were published by Coville in Jean
Petit, pp. 323-324, but Coville dealt with the text only in relation to Petit's Justification and
the reply by the abbé de Cérisy. The entire text was presented in a modern French rendering
by Préaud, Les astrologues, pp. 192-196.
3
Cauzons, e.g., notes that the inquisition usually drew up artificial résumés of confessions
and declarations: 'on en faisait un résumé, en phrases courtes, précises, scolastiques, qui
risquaient, malgré toutes les précautions, de ne pas traduire exactement les dépositions originales,
et surtout de ne pas rendre leurs nuances' {La magie, vol. 2, p. 505).
344 APPENDIX ONE
Theology were used in actual trials. The magical beliefs and superstitions that
the university denounced and that Jehan de Bar supposedly practised were
common in the literature of the fourteenth century and have a long history.
Where this seemed possible and expedient in the following some references
and elucidations were added.
Though sources about the life and crimes of Jehan de Bar do not abound,
his execution in Paris made considerable impression on the minds of his
contemporaries. Nearly two decades later, in 1419, Jean Gerson, writing his
Trilogium astrologiae theologizatae, mentions him in passing when he
explains that books of magic and superstition, that have passed as works of
astrology and philosophy, should be banned as soon as possible, 'as happened
in Paris with the books of Joannis de Barro, a superstitious magician who
was burned'.4 Almost a century later, in the final years of the fifteenth
century, Simon de Phares still knew of the affair as he noted down in his
entry for the year 1490 that a certain Maistre Gencien de Beaugenci, who
was highly esteemed by the duke of Orléans for his astrological skills, 'advera
la perversité d'un nommée Johannem Barrensem, magicien du duc de
Bourgogne, lequel depuis fut pris et brullé'.5 It is not at all improbable that
Jehan de Bar owed his posthumous reputation in part to the defence of
Thomas de Bourg, abbé de Cérisy, who replied to the calumnies of Jean Petit.
Though the abbé concedes that in his youth duke Louis d'Orléans may on
occasion have lent a willing ear to a sorcerer, he explicitly denies that the
duke involved himself with magic later on; on the contrary, he was even the
motivating force behind the trial and condemnation of the two Augustinian
4
Gerson, Œuvres complètes, vol. 10, p. 108: sicut evenit Parisiis de libris Joannis de
Barro magici superstitiosi combusti, quales reperiuntur adhuc in Hispania sub titulo Semmapho-
ras. On the books of Jehan de Bar, cf. item 19 in the confession. Judgingfromthe tide of similar
books circulating in Spain (Semmaphoras, as Gerson calls them: 'sign-bearers') and the kinds
of errors they were supposed to contain, it would seem we are dealing here with necromantic
works containing amulets, magical names and signs, to conjure spirits and demons. In a later
treatise Contra superstitionem sculpturae leonis (1428), which Gerson wrote to reprove a
Montpellier doctor named Jacobus Angeli who had used an amulet with a sculpted lion to cure
kidney trouble (Thorndike, HMESIV, pp. 122-125), Gerson again refers to semaphore-books:
Tales multae sunt observations apud Hispanos in libro Senaforas (Œuvres complètes, vol. 10,
p. 133).
5
Simon de Phares, Recueil, p. 239. According to Simon de Phares, Gencien de Beaugenci
was also involved in diplomatic work, establishing close contacts between Louis d'Orléans and
the Avignon papacy. He reappears in an entry for the year 1437, where he and his brother
Jacques are described as 'moult apreciez pour leur science de astrologie et de médecine' in Paris
(p. 254).
JEHAN DE BAR 345
monks and master Jehan de Bar.6 The confession of the latter clearly shows,
the abbé explains, that all his conjuring tricks had proved inefficacious. The
abbé suggests that the duke of Orléans was not the kind of man to be fooled
by such nonsense, which cannot be said of the first Valois duke of Burgundy.
With unintended irony an account from the year 1403 strengthens the abbé's
case by showing that the two sorcerers from Guienne, Poncet du Solier and
Jean Flandrin, were paid for by Philip the Bold.7
The reply of the abbé lacks the kind of aggression that one feels Jean Petit
would not have hesitated to use, had he been in the abbé's place. The abbé
strongly contradicts the allegations, but does not strike back by implicating
the duke of Burgundy in practices of witchcraft and sorcery.8 Others have
been less courteous; Juvenal des Ursins9 speaks of 'maistre Jehan de Bar,
qui estoit nigromancien et invocateur de diables, et estoit au duc de Bour-
gogne', and also Simon de Phares does not hesitate to identify Jehan de Bar
as a magician of the duke of Burgundy. If Philip the Bold paid the two
sorcerers from Guienne, then why not Jehan de Bar as well? The confession
of the unfortunate magician (item 14) seems to point in that direction. Though
the penitent explains that he had wished to gain control over the duke, the
implication seems to be that, in order to be in a position to achieve such an
end, the duke would have had to hire or consult him first. After all, Philip
was at that time the most powerful man in France, and as the example of the
two sorcerers shows, not entirely disinclined to subsidise the magical arts.
The ties between Jehan de Bar and the duke of Burgundy, therefore, seem
to be fairly close.10 Jean Petit and his associates had prudently refrained
6
Monstrelet, Chronique, vol. 1, p. 323: 'Et aussi, maistre Jehan de Bar, moult expert
en ce mauldit art, lequel fut ars avec tous ses livres, dist en sa derrenière confession que le
dyable n'apparut onques à lui, et que ses invocations ou sorceries ne sortirent onques effect,
jà soit ce que à plusieurs il eust paravant dit le contraire, et espécialement aux grans seigneurs
pour avoir leur argent'.
7
The text of the account with an analysis was published by Léon Mirot, "Un essai de
guérison". See introductory study, chapter 2.4.4 above.
8
Perhaps the abbé was in no position to do this. Burgundy had already spent years
engineering Orleans's ruin (not least by spreading libelous rumours) and popular opinion was
on Burgundy's side.
9
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 415a.
10
Ironically enough there is a Jehan des Barres who worked for Louis d'Orléans in 1389.
See: Quelques pièces relatives à la vie de Louis I, duc d'Orléans, éd. Graves, p. 34. An account
for February 1389 reads: 'Item a messire Jehan des Barres dit le Barrais que mondit seigneur
lui devoit d'argent preste en la ville de Lyon pour en faire sa voulenté comme il appert par
mandement de mondit seigneur sur ce fait donné audit lieu de Paris le deuxiesme jour dudit mois
et quictance dudit Barrais - LX frans'. But it should be pointed out that Jehan de Bar's name
may have been quite common. Thorndike, HM ES IV, p. 120, n. 11, mentions at least two others
ofthat name appearing in the Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (vol. 3, pp. 165, 300 and
344).
346 APPENDIX ONE
from mentioning Jehan de Bar and the two sorcerers in the first Justifica-
tion," and their appearance in the defence of abbé Thomas de Cérisy may
be construed as a subtle hint (as subtle as the circumstances would allow) that
instead of beholding the mote in another person's eye, one had better observe
the beam in one's own.
According to the chronicler Pierre Cochon, Jehan de Bar was a 'natif de
Champagne' and a 'mestre fizicien' of Charles VI. He was accused of having
practised his sorceries in a wood in Brie, and was condemned and sentenced
in 1398.12 The date does not concur with Simon de Phares's entry for the
year 1390, which mainly concerns the renown of Maistre Gencien de
Beaugenci. But maître Gencien's role in the condemnation of Jehan de Bar
need not have coincided with thefirstflowering of his fame. In the confession
of Jehan de Bar there is mention of 'les mauvaises fortunes du roy' (item 13)
which appears to be a clear reference to the temporary fits of insanity of
Charles VI. These fits first occurred in the year 1392, and since maître Jehan
de Bar says at the very beginning of his confession that he has been practising
magic especially during the last two years, we may tentatively date his
involvement with the king's health around 1387, while his confession
probably dates from the year of his execution 1398.
There is a tacit implication here that should not be overlooked: namely,
that the text known as the confession of Jehan de Bar is authentic and was
in fact drawn up before his execution. Though there are no compelling
reasons to doubt its authenticity, the contents of the confession are far from
being a free and spontaneous overflow of powerful emotion. Quite the
contrary, the text follows a programmatic pattern that clearly suggests the
confession was made by means of and, more likely, under pressure of an
inquisitorial agenda. A century later with the publication of thefirstand most
important Malleus maleficarum, all trials on magic and witchcraft would
become scripted performances, and the confession of Jehan de Bar, though
a century earlier, is no exception.
In September 1398 the Faculty of Theology of the university of Paris
published twenty-eight articles against the ars magica and the teachings of
Ramon Lull.13 When a few years later, in 1402, Jean Gerson wrote his De
erroribus circa artem magicam he appended the determinatio of the Faculty
11
Petit mentions Jehan de Bar in the Seconde Justification but belittles his relationship with
the duke of Burgundy pointing out that the magician was nothing but a 'cabuseur', an opportunist
who was only out for money. See Coville, Jean Petit, pp. 324-325.
12
Pierre Cochon, Chronique Normande, ed. Ch. de Robillard de Beaurepaire (Rouen 1870),
p. 198. See: Ernest Wickersheimer, DBM 1, p. 357.
13
Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis, vol. 4, pp. 32-36. On Lull see: J. Ν. Hillgarth,
Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth-Century France (Oxford 1971).
JEHAN DE BAR 347
at the end of his treatise,14 thereby stressing its importance: quia ad dictorum
firmitatem earn non mediocriter utilemjudicavi.15 Possibly this inches that
Gerson wanted the text to be used to 'try the spirits whether they are of God'.
That the determinatio was on at least one occasion applied in such a fashion
is clearly borne out by the confession of Jehan de Bar. In the following
analysis (most of) the twenty items of the confession (briefly paraphrased for
the sake of convenience) have, where possible, been correlated with similar
articles from the determinatio.
1. Sacrifices made to the devil by means of 'thurifications, subfumi-

gacions ou ensencemens'. Art. 10: Quod thurificationes et suffumigatio-
nes quae fiunt in talium artium et maleficiorum exercitio sint ad
honorem Dei et ei placeant: error et blasphemia.
2. Familiarity and friendship with demons; the use of private demons.
3. Baptism and consecration of images, robes, books and clothes. Art.
19: Quod (...) consecrent imagines vel vestimenta, out aliafaciant quae
in istis artibus continentur: error et blasphemia.
4. The use of magical words, both in written and spoken form, during
mass and the Eucharist. For magic applied during mass and the
Eucharist, see: art. 12 (quoted under 7).
5. Consecrating a 'pierre de cristal' to enclose in it a demon that is
believed to be a good angel. Art. 19: Quod boni angeli includantur
in lapidibus (...): error et blasphemia. Cf. also art. 4 (quoted under
11).
6. Using conjured vestments and invoking demons during mass. Cf. art.
12 (quoted under 7).
7. Severe fasting, wearing the hair-shirt, receiving the Host and frequent
bathing. Art. 12: Quod verba sancta et orationes quaedam devotae,
etjejunia, et balneationes, et continentia corporalis inpueris et aliis,
et missarum celebratio et alia opera de genere bonorum quaefiuntpro
exercendo hujusmodi artes, excusent ea a malo et non potius accusent:
error; nam per talia sacrae resx immo ipse Deus in eucharistia dae-
monibus tentatur immolari; (...).
8. Making a pact with the devil by offering him two baptised and conse-
crated wax images (one made of white wax and the other made of red
wax) and one consecrated copper image. Art. 21: Quod imagines de
14
Gerson, De erroribus, in: Œuvres complètes, vol. 10, pp. 86-90. The quotations from
the determinatio offered here, were derived from this edition. Apart from different spelling
conventions, the articles as published in Gerson's text and in the Chartularium, vol. 4, are
identical.
15
Gerson, De erroribus, p. 86.
348 APPENDIX ONE
aere vel deplumbo vel auro vel de cera alba vel rubea vel alia materia
baptizatae, exorcisatae et consecratae (...) habeant virtutes mirabiles
(...): error in fide. Cf. also art. 2: Quod dare vel offene vel promittere
daemonibus qualemcumque rem ut adimpleant desiderium hominis aut
in honorem eorum aliquid osculari vel portare non sit idolatria: error.
9. Keeping one's hairs and nails in a small box as a sacrifice for the
devil. Cf. art. 2 (quoted under 8); otherwise no clear correlative.
10. Using the blood of the hoopoe, the he-goat and pigeons to write and
to anoint oneself or certain images. Art. 20: Quod sanguis upupae vel
haedi vel alterius animalis, vel pergamenum virgineum, aut corium
leonis et similia habeant efficaaam ad cogendos et repellendos dae-
mones ministerio hujusmodi artium: error.
11. Consecrating rings. Art. 4: Quod conari per artes magicas daemones
in lapidibus, annulis, speculis aut imaginibus nomine eorum conse-
cratis, vel potius execratis, includere, cogère et arctare, vel ea veile
vivificare non sit idolatria: error.
12. Consecrating magic mirrors to entice soothsaying demons, by means
of magical circles, swords, vestments and the like.16 See: art. 4
(quoted under 11).
13. Making scrolls full of invocations to cure the king.
14. Making a consecrated image for the duke of Burgundy in order to gain
power over him.
15. Believing and proclaiming that the use ofmagic is good. Art. 16: Quod
ideo artes praefatae bonae et sunt et a Deo et quod eas licet observare
quia per eas quandoque vel saepe evenit sicut utentes eis quaerunt vel
praedicunt, vel quia bonum quandoque provenit ex eis: error.
16. Believing and proclaiming that God and the good angels constrain
demons through magic. Art. 9: Quod Deus per artes magicas et
maleficia inducatur compellere daemones suis invocationibus obedire:
error.
17. The use of geomancy.
18. Making figures and signs on certain days and hours. Art. 21: Quod
imagines de aere vel deplumbo (...) sub diebus certis habeant virtutes
mirabiles (...): error in fide, inphilosophia naturali et astrologia vera.
19. Saying that some demons are good and benign, omnipotent or
omniscient, that some are neither in hell nor in paradise, that the
magical arts were revealed by the angels and practised by the prophets
in their miracles and prophecies. Art. 23: Quod aliqui daemones boni
16
For the occurrence of these props in books of magic, see, e.g., Thorndike's chapter on
Hermetic books, HMES II, pp. 214-228, esp. the work by Toz Grecus (= Thoth = Hermes
Trismegistus), p. 227.
JEHAN DE BAR 349
sunt, aliqui benigni, aliqui omniscientes, alii nee salvati nee damnati:
error. Art. 14: QuodDeus per se immediate vel per bonos angelos talia
maleficia Sanctis hominibus revelaverit: error et blasphemia}1 Art.
13: Quod sancti prophetae et alii per tales artes habuerunt suas
prophetias, et miracula fecerint out daemones expulerint: error et
blasphemia.
20. Various superstitious beliefs concerning virgin parchment, the nail from
a horseshoe, etc. For the pergamenum virgineum, see art. 20 (quoted
under 10); otherwise no immediate correlatives.
As a close comparison of the texts shows, more than half of the items from
Jehan de Bar's confession contain statements explicitly denounced by the
determinatio. Especially in the case of item 19 (see edited text) the correspon
dance is almost verbatim. Only two items (13 and 14) stand apart because
they deal with concrete historical situations, such as making an image for the
duke of Burgundy, or curing the king's madness. The remaining items that
have no clear correlatives can be seen to echo at least the spirit of the
condemnations from the determinatio (or the De erroribus for that matter)
and their details might easily derive from other sources.
A fair number of articles from the determinatio (though not all of them)
are reflected in the Confession. Certain somewhat exotic demonological
beliefs are missing; such as the idea that there is a demon who is king over
the Orient and three others who preside over the West, the North and the
South (denounced in art. 25).18 Important omissions are the more philosophi
cal notions that the intelligence that moves the heavens influences the soul
in the same way as the celestial bodies influence the human body (denounced
in art. 26); that our intellectual and volitional acts are immediately caused
by the heavens and as such knowable (denounced in art. 27); and that the
magical arts allow one to attain to the vision of the divine essence (denounced
in art. 28). These last errors all tamper with the freedom of man's will and
reason, an important point in Christian theology, so that their presence in a
17
Revelation of knowledge through angels is a commonplace in magic, esp. in the pseudo-
Solomonic literature. Cf. Thoradike, HMES Π, pp. 279-289, and the case of Arnaud Guillaume
and his Smagorad discussed in chapter 2.4.3 above.
18
The belief is connected to a necromantic ritual called 'The Major Circle' in which the
four demon kings appear. The operation is discussed by William of Auvergne (De universo
Π.3.7). See Thoradike, HMES Π, pp. 343-344. The idea that demons rule over the four quarters
of the earth may be a remnant of the belief in 'national' angels (hinted at in a few Scriptural
passages) who were seen as the spiritual leaders of nations and peoples. The loci classici of this
notion are Deut. 4:19-20 and Ps. 82. According to these passages the guardian angels of the
nations met in God's council. See: DDD, 'council', cols. 391-398.
350 APPENDIX ONE
list of false and condemned propositions is more a matter of academic

necessity than of denouncing actual superstitions.
The close relationship between the confession and the twenty-eight articles,
which I hope to have demonstrated, is more than coincidental since both texts
originated in Paris at approximately the same moment (1398). It is, therefore,
highly probable that the one influenced the other. The relationship might be
conceived of in terms of any one of the following options. These options are
not exhaustive but try to give a fair impression of the mechanisms that may
be involved.
a. The confession antedates the determinatio and was one of the reasons as
well as one of the models for the drafting of the twenty-eight articles.19
b. The confession postdates the determinatio and was drawn up on the basis
of the twenty-eight articles, which means that the confession was written after
September 1398.
c. An earlier version of the confession, antedating the determinatio, was later
redrafted to fit the explicit contents of some of the twenty-eight articles.
In the absence of a comprehensive case-history of the confession, it would
seem difficult to decide which of these options is correct, but on the whole
one would do well to consider that the survival of such a confession may be
largely due to its exemplary nature, being, as it were, a living testimony, of
the atrocities committed by magicians and sorcerers. Such testimonies were
in demand, and wherever such demands become urgent, means and mecha-
nisms are deployed to meet them. The last two options may, therefore, be
seen to illustrate the conscious plotting that the inquest, and the confession
that resulted from it, involved. And even if the first option were to prove
correct, some form of emplotment is by no means ruled out. One has only
to read the stories of magic and witchcraft that Cauzons20 collected from
fourteenth-century France to realise that private demons, demons in the guise
of monks, conjured books and garments, magic circles, mirrors or rings, and
magical applications of the consecrated Host, were extremely popular
stereotypes, deeply ingrained on the medieval mind.
The tragedy of Jehan de Bar is that in the very document that should reveal
his guilty self, he is, in fact, entirely concealed; his ashes are like the chaff
which the wind driveth away and his memory is obliterated by a confession
in which the voice of inquisitorial prejudice prevailed.
19
An option embraced by Préaud (Les astrologues, pp. 196-197), who, taking the remark
by Simon de Phares (Recueil, p. 239) at face value, erroneously dates Jehan de Bar's execution
to 1390, eight years prior to the drafting of the determinatio which would make the Confession
one of its major sources.
20
Cauzons, La magie et la sorcellerie, vol. 2, pp. 301-377.
JEHAN DE BAR 351
2. Text
[3131 La confession maistre Jehan de Bar qui lut ars a Paris pour ses arts
magiques.
Je, Jehan de Bar, par plusieurs fois et par longtemps des .xviii. ans et
especial depuis .ii. ans, ay fait invocacions de dyables par arts mauvais et
deffendus de Dieu et de l'Esglise et par mauvaise foy et creance que je y
adjoutoye et pour venir a estât et a richesses, combien que je sceüsse bien
que je feïsse mal et que plusieurs foys m'en fusse confessé.
Je m'en repens et les renye et abjure et ay ferme volenté de jamais y non
recheoir et confesse que en ce faisant j'ay esté ydolatre.
1. Item, j'ay voulu faire et fait plusieurs foys sacrifice a l'ennemi tant par
thurificacions, subfumigacions ou ensencemens1 composés de diverses
matières et conjurés comme par eaue benoîte et par autres liqueurs diverses
conjurées.
Je m'en repens, et cetera.
2. Item, j'ay quis et voulu avoir, et a ce me suis plusieurs foiz efforcié, la
familiaritey et amitié des dyables et que j'en eusse un ou plusieurs qui
tousjours fussent avec moy et qui feïssent toute ma volenté.
3. Item, j'ay baptisié et consacré ou fait consacrer par arts deffendus et
invocacions de dyables plusieurs ymages, robes, livres (et) vestemens.2
Lesquelz livres et robes estoient de cest art deffendus et plains de erreurs en
la foy et contre bonnes meurs.
4. Item, j'ay fait plusieurs foiz chanter messe ou je faisoie dire et lire
mauvaises et horribles paroles en diverses parties desdictes messes et en
especial en la presence du corps Jhesucrist et faisoie mettre dessoubz le
messel certains roles ou teles invocacions de dyables estoient contenues. Et
c'estoit ou mesprisement du saint sacrement de l'autel et en abus detestable.
Je m'en repens, et cetera. [313v]
1
All three words refer to the burning of incense.
2
On the garments used by sorcerers, cf., e.g., the description that Philippe de Mézières
gives of 'la Vieille Superstition' in his allegorical Songe du Vieil Pèlerin Π. 141 (vol. 1, p. 596):
4
Ceste vieille estoit parée d'un habit tout estrange de tous autres habiz, car il estoit entaille par
figures, triangles, et quadrangles, qui ne sont pas legieres a descripre. Et si estoit taillie et cousu
par election d'astrologie. Et le dit habit estoit blance et tout seme de noyres figures, qui
s'appellent guyvres, qui signifient les sophismes d'oyseaux, de bestes sauvages, de lignes, de
A
reigles, et de quadrans, et de lectres grecques, ebraiques et caldees'.
352 APPENDIX ONE
5. Item, j'ay conjuré ou consacré une pierre de cristal pour y enclore un

dyable que je cuidoye estre bon angel. Et disoit un petit enfant qu'il veoit
une figure d'evesque qui signoit les choses que je vouloye consacrer.3
Je m'en repens, et cetera, et croy fermement que de ce n'estoit riens se
non illusion de dyable et que ce n'estoit point un bon angel qui apparut
pour faire telz maulz, ains repute blaspheme et erreur de ce tenir, et de
tenir que Dieu par tel art soit en quelconque maniere enclin a faire ce qui
se demande en ces arts.
6. Item, j'ay usé de vestemens conjurés tandis que on chantoit messe, et fait
user prestres en invocant dyables. Et la estoient plusieurs figures et caractères
et estranges paroles, la estoient avec ce bonnes paroles des euvangiles, de
sains et sainctes et leurs ymages.4
7. Item, je faisoie jusnes moult dures et souvent et vestoie la haire et reçevoie
le corps nostre Seigneur et me baignoye souvent.
Je m'en repens, et cetera. Et repute et tiens que ces choses ont esté a la
deshonneur, contempt et mesprisement des sains noms de Dieu et des sains
et sainctes quant je les mesloye avecques si mauvais art et si detestable.
Et les autres choses, semblable a bien, font pour ceste cause la pechié estre
plus grief et abhominable.
8. Item, j'ay fait plusieurs foiz et voulu faire convenance expresse a l'ennemi
pour lui donner aucune chose par fait et par paroles. Car je lui ay offert par
.ii. ymages de cire; l'une blanche et vierge, l'autre rouge, et une ymage de
cuivre toutes baptisiez et consacrées par conjuracions de dyables et en leurs
3
A curious statement in this confession. Apparently a child was present at one of Jehan
de Bar's ritual consecrations who saw the magician's private demon in the guise of a bishop.
Was this child questioned during Jehan de Bar's trial? Kieckhefer (Magic in the Middle Ages,
p. 158) points out that in necromantic rituals devised to discern secrets 'the desired information
is (...) provided by spirits, who will appear to a virgin boy (...) in a crystal, on a mirror* etc.
Marie-Thérèse d'Alverny, "Récréations monastiques. Les couteaux à manche d'ivoire", in:
Pensée médiévale en Occident. Théologie, magie et autres textes des XlIe-XIIIe siècles (Aldershot
1995), pp. 17 ff., gives many instances of the use of children as mediums. In Nikolaus Jauer's
treatise De superstitionibus this practice is also discussed (see, e.g., Thorndike's list of headings
of this treatise in HMESIV, p. 685: Quomodo tales malifici incantatores pro suis experimentis
recipiunt pueros virgines). John of Salisbury (Policraticus Π.28) tells how he, in his childhood,
was used, together with another boy, by a priest to assist in magic rituals (magica specularia,
'les enchantemens des mirouers', Foulechat transi., p. 201). This priest used a polished basin
and fingernails, and the boys functioned as the recipients of divinatory information. The other
boy believed he saw shady figures, but John saw nothing (through God's protection, he asserts)
and was dismissed. Cf. Thorndike, HMES Π, p. 365.
4
The formulation is not entirely translucent, but what it tries to express is that Jehan de
Bar combined magical words and sacred texts. A similar statement was made in item 4 and the
penitential section under item 7 also refers to it, when it speaks of the holy names of God and
the saints being mingled ('mesloye') with such an evil art.
JEHAN DE BAR 353
noms, et les mettoye hors du part ou j'estoie [3141 affm que l'ennemi ftist
plus enclin a venir et qu'il les emportast.
Je m'en repens, et cetera. Et repute ce estre ydolatrie et tres dampnable
supersticion.
9. Item, j'ay gardé les cheveulx et poils de mon corps et rongneures de mes
ongles5 en gardées en une boiste et portées sur moy affin que l'ennemi
cuidast que je lui vousisse donner, combien que je ne lui vousisse mie faire,
mais vouloye bien dire qu'il me feïst bien ma besongne et je feroye bien la
soye.
Je m'en repens, et cetera. Et repute ce estre espèce de ydolatrie.
10. Item, j'ay en mes invocacions usé de sanc de bestes come de huppe, et
de bouc, et de coulons et en ay fait lettres et caractères et m'en suis oings
et aucunes des ymages dessusdictes.
11. Item, j'ay voulu consacre(r) anneaulx par les dyables affin que quant je
les baiseroye en l'onneur d'eulz ilz feïssent ma requeste.
Je m'en repens, et cetera, (ut)
12. Item, j'ay voulu par plusieurs foiz consacrer aucuns miroirs d'acier a
certains dyables et creoie que ilz deüssent entrer dedens et reveler les choses
secrettes et respondre a ce que on leur demanderoit véritablement et sans
décevoir. Et pour venir a ceste j'ay fais invocacions de dyables, fais cercles,
figures, espees, vestemens, et autres choses abhominables et deffendues et
contre nostre foy. Et par sept foiz en especial ay je esté ou part a faire ces
choses.
13. Item, j'ay fait roles plains d'invocacions de dyables ou je demandoye
avoir puissance moult large a lier et délier les paroles ou les ensentemens6
des gens, les mauvaises fortunes du roy7 et de monsieur le delphin. [314v]
14. Item, j'en ay fait une especiale ymage pour monsieur de Bourgongne affin
qu'il fust telement liié a moy et a faire ma voulenté qu'il n'eüst puissance
en quelconque de ses vertus riens me refuser et que sus tous il me crust, ama
5
As Shakespeare observed, some devils ask but the parings of one's nail {Comedy of
Errors IV.3). Hair and nails have always played an important part in popular superstitions. See:
Opie, 'Nails and hair', pp. 273 ff.; DSO 1, 'cheveux', cols. 366-367, 'ongles', col. 230; and
John of Salisbury, Policraticus Π.28.
6
The word inthemanuscriptmightbereadas 'enfentemens', 'childbirth' (Préaud's option;
see Les astrologues, p. 194), but semantically this does not agree very well with 'paroles'; most
likely 'ensentemens' means 'thoughts' or 'ideas' and derives from 'ensciente'.
7
This remark would suggest that Jehan de Bar was also one of the magicians who tried
to cure the insanity of Charles VI.
354 APPENDIX ONE
et obeïst, et a ceste fin ay fait la dicte ymage consacrer par dyables en son
nom.8
Je m'en repens, et cetera. Et confesse et regehy que j'ay en ce erré et
offendu contre Dieu et lesdiz seigneurs.
15. Item, j'ay cru de euer et dit de bouche plusieurs foiz que de ces choses
dessusdictes c'estoit mieulz fait d'en user pour un grant bien que de le
laissier.
Je m'en repens, et cetera. Et repute et croy fermement que cecy affermer
est erreur en la foy et hérésie et qui obstineement le tenroit,9 il seroit
digne d'estre ars.
16. Item, j'ay cru et dist plusieurs foiz que Dieu par les arts dessusdis
contraignent les mauvais esperis ou les bons angels les contraingnoient.
Je m'en repens, et cetera. Et repute ce tenir estre erreur en la foy car Dieu
sembleroit approuver ce qu'il deffent en l'Escripture et en Saincte Esglise
de telz arts.
17. Item, j'ay usé plusieurs foiz d'un art qui se dit geomance ou certains
poins se font en terre.
18. Item, de faire figures et caractères en certains jours et heures a diverses
fins et que je cuidoye avoir divers(es) et grandes vertus.
19. Item, en mes livres sont plusieurs erreurs contre nostre foy, comme dire
que aucuns dyables soient bons et begnins, aucuns tous puissans et tout
saichant, aucuns n'en enfer, n'en paradis, et que bons angelz ont révélé teles
sciences et que les sains prophètes et autres ont fait les miracles et dit leurs
prophecies par telz arts. Et ay réputé mes dis livres bons et sains.
Je m'en repens, et cetera. Et repute ces choses estre erreurs en la foy et
blaspheme contre Dieu et ses sains angelz et autres sains et saintes et que
lesdiz livres sont mauvais et exécrables. [3151
20. Item, j'ay eü plusieurs foies créances et supersticions, comme de croire
que parchemin vierge ou d'une beste plus que de l'autre vausist a contraindre
8
The fabrication of such images to gain power over someone is as old and as universal
as human civilisation. Such images (often made of wax; cf. also item 8) are explicitly denounced
by Pignon in CLD Π.3.2(Γ2). In the corresponding section from the Summa (ST 2a2ae.96.2)
Aquinas only speaks of necromantic images in a general sense. The magical practice of making
and using such images was called 'envoûtement' (article 18 of the determinatio speaks of
invultuationes; Gerson, Œuvres, vol. 10, p. 89) and was, so Huizinga affirms, very common
(Herfsttij, p. 352). He refers to examples from the chronicles of Chastellain that show that the
count of Charolais (Charles the Bold) was on occasion (in the early 1460s) the target of such
practices: 'N'ay-je devers moy les bouts de cire baptisés dyaboliquement et pleins d'abominables
mystères contre moy et autres?' he complains. See: Chastellain, Œuvres de Georges Chastellain,
ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove (Bruxelles 1864), vol. 4, p. 314, n. 1; p. 324; cf. also Harmening,
Superstitio, pp. 222-223.
9
tenroit: ms tenrroit.
JEHAN DE BAR 355
dyables. Croire que un clo de cheval10 offert en don un certain jour de l'an
vausist contre encloüre11 de chevaulx. Croire que le denier offert
premièrement le jour du grant vendredi vausist a aucunes teles choses. Croire
que le euer d'une t12 taupe13 porté sur luy empescha d'estre desrobé, et
cetera.
Forte tum non expedit talia supersticiosa nominatim particularisare propter
inclinacionem vulgi, et cetera. Ne detur occasio malignandi, et cetera.
Deo gratias. Amen.
10
Superstitions concerning the horseshoe are universal, but also the nailsfroma horseshoe
were believed to posses specific qualities in warding off evil or bad luck. See: HWDA IV,
'Hufeisen', cols. 437-446, 'Hufhagel', cols. 446-448; DSO 1, cols. 385-386; and Opie, p. 204,
though none of these articles mentions the kind of superstition to which Jehan de Bar confesses
to have been privy.
11
Cf. TL ΠΙ.215 encloëure; 'enclouure' (from L. inclavatura) is the penetration of a nail
into a horse's hoof, which could cause medical problems. See: Yvonne Poulle-Drieux,
"L'hippiatrie dans l'Occident latin du Mlle au xve siècle", in: G. Beaujouan, Médecine humaine
et vétérinaire à la fin du Moyen Age (Genève/Paris 1966), p. 88.
12
The word 'huppe' seems to have been deleted on this place in the manuscript.
13
The mole has a long history in superstitious beliefs. Pliny describes it as the animal most
admired by magicians, who believe that if its palpitating heart is swallowed, one will receive
the gift of divination (Pliny, Natural History XXX.7, Loeb ed., vol. 8, pp. 290-291). See: Opie
and Tatem, p. 256; HWDA VI, 'Maulwurf, col. 13; DSO 2, cols. 640-641.
APPENDIX TWO
PROGNOSTICATION ON THE LIFE OF JOHN,

DUKE OF BURGUNDY, AND HIS HEIRS
BY MASTER ALOFRESIN
Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, mss. 6015
1. Introduction
In addressing the question of John the Fearless's involvement in astrology

and divination, attention must be given to the curious prognostication concern-
ing the life of the duke of Burgundy and his heirs, written by someone who
calls himself Alofresin, a baptised Turk and an astrologer. Gachard and
Doutrepont,1 who were among the first to draw attention to this text,
regarded it as a prognostication for the years 1425-1440 and associated it
almost exclusively with fifteenth-century Burgundian history. Doutrepont
ranks the prognostication among works such as the Geste des ducs de
Bourgogne and the Pastoralet, inspired by the person of John, but probably
not commissioned by him, and mostly (certainly in the case of the prognosti-
cation) written sometime after his death.2 This interpretation is based on a
transcription- (or printing-) error on the part of Gachard, which has,
consequently, in part, obscured the real meaning of the prognostication. The
prognostication does not extend up to the year 1440, but up to the year 1540
and consequently, as the following edition of the text will demonstrate, its
main hero is not John the Fearless, but, as will be argued presently, Charles
V, the Holy Roman Emperor. In no way can the prognostication be used as
evidence or as an indication (however oblique) of John the Fearless's interest
in astrology or divination.3 The estimation of yet another historian, baron
Kervyn de Lettenhove, the indefatigable editor of Froissart's chronicles, who
also noticed the text and referred to it as 'un horoscope de Jean Sans-Peur',
1
See: M. Gachard, Les bibliothèques de Madrid et de l'Escurial: notices et extraits des
manuscrits qui concernent l'histoire de Belgique (Bruxelles 1875), p. 4; Doutrepont, La
littérature française, pp. 244-245. Doutrepont essentially copies the information provided by
Gachard.
2
3
Following Doutrepont's misleading remarks, Vanderjagt incorrectly suggested that John
dabbled in prognostications. See: Vanderjagt, Laurens Pignon, p. 200, n. 18.
358 APPENDIX TWO
is demonstrably wrong.4 Since it was written some time in or before 1540,

it can only be seen to testify to the legendary status of the second Valois duke
of Burgundy.
The fact that Doutrepont drew explicit attention to the prognostication,
coupled with the managable size of the text, and its cultural historical
importance, focusing as it does on the prominent role of Burgundy in an
eschatological, perhaps even millenarianist view of history, and identifying
a Burgundian heir as the Last World Emperor, constitute a sufficient motive
for incorporating this text in a study that deals with divination and (in part)
Burgundian self-aggrandisement. In presenting the text, I have followed the
same editorial principles as in Pignon's treatise, adding a number of notes
to clarify its contents, without, however, pretending to be comprehensive or
complete. The proper context of the prognostication can only be reconstructed
on the basis of a profound study of its early sixteenth-century frame of
reference; the politics of France and the Empire, fourteenth- and early
fifteenth-century traditions of prophetic texts, and the messianic expectations
that surrounded emperor Charles V. Since this is not the subject of the present
study, the following remarks and the commentary on the text can do no more
than provide some of the necessary preambles to such research.
The book in which the Pronostication is contained (mss. 6015 of the
National Library in Madrid),5 consists of the following three texts bound
together as one volume:
1. A printed ordonnance of king Francis I, dated July 24, 1534, and
foliated in the lower right hand corner: lr-10v. Ordonnances nouuelles
f aides par le Roy nostre sire touchant les Legyons des gens de pied par
luy ordonnez et mis sus par les prouinces pour la tuition et deffence du
Royaulme. Printed and sold by: Galliot du pre, libraire iure de luniuersite.
2. A manuscript text on paper running from fol. Ir up to and including
fol. 9v (the foliation can be found in the upper right hand corner).6 Fol.
Ir has: Pannemakere. Dabitur memento domine David (fol. lv is blank).
The text proper starts on fol 2r: 'Signifiance de sept tappis des sept péchez
4
Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 25 vols. (Bruxelles 1867-1877), vol.
22, p. 284, quoted in: Paul Durrieu, "Jean Sans-Peur, duc de Bourgogne, lieutenant et procureur
général du diable", in: Annuaire-Bulletin, 24 (1887), p. 209.
5
Gachard, Les bibliothèques de Madrid et de l'Escurial, p. 4, listed the book under its
ancient signature (Q 209); mss. 6015 is its modern one. Next to a brief table of contents, he
provides the following information concerning the book: 'Petit in-4°, rel. en veau gaufré*. The
information concerning the texts as well as the edition of the Pronostication are based on a
microfilm, not on autopsy of the manuscript.
6
Foliation in the lower right hand corner continues in the second and third text in the
book. The Signifiance runs from fol. l l r - 19v, and the Pronostication runs from 20r - 25v.
ALOFRESIN 359
mortelz pour Guillaume Pannemakere desquelz a faict les patrons et

ordonnances maistre Pierre van Aelst, paintre d'Anvers'.
3. The manuscript text of Alofresin's Pronostication, also on paper,
running from fol. lOr up to and including fol. 15v (fol. lOv is blank).
Concerning the Pronostication Gachard noted that the writing was of the
middle of the sixteenth century and that 'la Pronostication de Me Alofresin,
qui paraît avoit été écrite après coup, est dans le style ordinaire de Nostra-
damus'. Though this clearly suggests a context somewhat different and
certainly later thanfifteenth-centuryBurgundy, Doutrepont did not look into
it any further. Gachard's mention of the style of Nostradamus probably refers
to Alofresin's preference for oblique and slightly mystifying descriptive terms
such as 'duché du lyon', 'filz du liepart', etc. As the following exposition
as well as the commentary in the notes to the text will show, the Pronosti-
cation is far easier to interpret than Nostradamus's Centuries, though a few
passages remain enigmatic.
The text is not an original, but a copy. It contains a number of corrections
in the same hand and insertions of omitted words which clearly show the text
was copied from another document. In one instance (on fol llr; see edited
text) this was done in haste without correction, so that a few words or even
a line have gone missing. An appropriate reconstruction was attempted to fill
the gap.
Reading the prognostication, one feels the author is not who he claims to
be. Master Alofresin presents himself as a Turk who was baptised on Rhodes
and as a scholar trained in the science of astronomy by his uncle Escolgant,
astronomer of the Grand Turk. This master Escolgant saved the life of John
the Fearless, when the latter was the Grand Turk's prisoner. Escolgant
explained that from examining the stars he had learned that if the prisoner's
life were spared he would in due time be the cause of the death of many
Christians. The reference is oblique and the sharp edges of the story have
worn off, but essentially it is the tale of John, count of Nevers, and the
necromancer at the time of the battle of Nicopolis (1396) as presented by
Juvenal des Ursins. Held for ransom by Sultan Bajazet, the count of Nevers
was said to owe his life to 'un Sarrasin nommé Nigromancien, devin, ou
sorcier, qui dist qu'on le sauvast, et qu'il estoit taillé de faire mourir plus
de chrestiens que le Basac' (i.e. Bajazet) 'ny tous ceux de leur loy ne
sçauroient faire'.7 This story was gratefully exploited by the Armagnacs in
their anti-Burgundian propaganda; but if the Pronostication dates from the
sixteenth century one might have expected the tale in Alofresin's text to have
outgrown the Burgundian-Armagnac controversy. Nevertheless, Alofresin
7
Juvenal des Ursins, Histoire, p. 409.
360 APPENDIX TWO
pretends to be prophesying on the lives and times of the four male descend-
ants of John of Burgundy, which from his point of view still lie in the future.
In his introductory paragraph he explains that his astrological prognostications
span the period from 1425 to 1540. When he speaks of the coronation in 1520
of the fourth male descendant of duke John, he expresses his desire to see
that child: 'mais il ne m'est possible, car apres ce que seray venu a I'eage
de cent et dix ans, je fineray lors mes jours'. Apparently we are supposed
to believe that Alofresin drew up his prognostication in or after 1425 (presum-
ably, we may infer, on the basis of John the Fearless's nativity-horoscope),
that he knew from the stars the lives of the four generations following John
the Fearless, and that he himself would be dead long before 1520.
The year 1520 is important for Alofresin, since he refers to it four times.
It is the year in which Charles V (1500-1558) was crowned Holy Roman
Emperor in Aix-en-Chapelle (Aachen), the city of Charlemagne. Apparently
Alofresin sets great store by this royal figure since he refers to him as 'le
filz de l'home', a messianic title. He carefully traces the lineage of this 'filz
de l'home' via the Burgundian dukes, Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian I,
and emphasises a number of times that the likes of him have not been seen
for the past three hundred years. The remark may be more than a mere
hyperbole, for 300 years earlier, in the year 1220 the legendary Frederick
II (1194-1250) was crowned Holy Roman Emeror in Rome. Like
Charlemagne before him, Frederick became the object of messianic expecta-
tions in the wake of Joachimite chiliastic mythology.
Joachim of Fiore (1145-1201), one of the greatest revolutionary mystics
of the Middle Ages,8 envisioned a tripartite division of history; each of the
three ages of history would be ruled by one of the three persons of the
Trinity. Thus the ages of the Father and the Son would be superseded by the
age of the Spirit. The first age spanned the period from Adam to Abraham,
the second lasted from Elijah to Christ, so that the third was likewise
expected to culminate in a messianic figure, an Emperor of the Last Days,
somewhere in the course of the thirteenth century. Nearly all messianic hopes
were fixed on Frederick and eventually frustrated. But messianic hopes die
hard, and in the course of the centuries a number of emperors were hailed
as second Fredericks, amongst whom we also find Charles V.9
8
The literature on the prophecies of the Calabrian abbot and his followers is vast; but
the following may be noted: Marjorie Reeves, "Joachimist Influences on the Idea of a Last World
Emperor", in: Traditio 17 (1961), pp. 323-370; M. Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the
Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Oxford 1969).
9
Conn, The Pursuit of the Millennium. See his chapter on Joachimite prophecy and the
emperor Frederick as Messiah, pp. 99-123, and esp. p. 122 for the reference to Charles V. See
also: HWDA DC, 'Weissagungen, joachitische', cols. 393-434. An essential essay on the imperial
theme and the messianic aura of Charles V is: Frances A. Yates, "Charles V and the Idea of
ALOFRESIN 361
The larger context in which these messianic expectations feature is not

limited to millenarianism, but is more generally a persistent (medieval)
longing for an imperial order in which the entire world is united. It was the
dream of Charlemagne to found such a Christian empire, a sanctified version
of the civitas terrena, even though this dream was fundamentally at odds with
Augustinian theology. All institutions, including Church and empire, estab-
lished in the saeculum are, strictly speaking, secular. Claiming the sanctity
of the empire undermines the idea of the civitas Dei to the same extent that
the Joachimite exaltation of the Emperor of the Last Days undermines the
status of Christ. Both are revolutionary attempts to enforce the kingdom of
God, which properly belongs to the afterlife, in the here and now and to
establish it through human means. The imperial ideal with all its messianic
underpinnings was revived in Charles V, even though it was only what
Frances Yates called a 'phantom revivaT.10
In an important article on Joachimist prophecies and the Emperor of the
Last Days, Marjorie Reeves gives a survey of the overwhelming amount of
late medieval prophecies on this topic. She devotes ample attention to two
traditions of prophetic texts; a French or Francophile one, in which the
prophecies of Joannes de Rupescissa (Jean de Roquetaillade) and Telesphorus
of Cosenza played a leading role,11 and a German one featuring the proph-
ecies of Gamaleon and St. Bridget of Sweden.12 Each tradition tried very
hard to identify its own monarchs with the messianic emperor. Especially
the Brigittine oracles were influential. They focused on the Rex pudicus
facie13 (the Last World Emperor) and the union of the Lily (France) and
the Eagle (Germany) and the submission of the former to the latter. With the
marriage of Maximilian I and Mary of Burgundy a third tradition appeared
that combined the prophecies of the Lily and the Eagle and identified the Rex
pudicus facie as Maximilian, the Burgundian world emperor. The first text
to pursue this line of prophecy was Johann Liechtenberger's Prognosticatio
(1488) which ran through countless editions and was translated from Latin
into German, French, Dutch, English and some other languages.14 This
initial stage of the appropriation of the Last Emperor-prophecy by the
Burgundian-Habsburg house, was soon followed by a second stage when a
few decades later Charles V was crowned. Reeves briefly discusses an
the Empire", in: Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London 1975), pp. 1-28.
10
Yates, "Charles V and the Idea of the Empire", pp. 1-28.
11
Reeves, "Joachimist Influences", pp. 328-332.
12
13
Cf. the Rex impudicus facie (or inpudens facie) from Dan. 8:23. The tyrant from the
Biblical prophecy was transformed into a godly chastiser in the Joachimite prophecies.
14
362 APPENDIX TWO
exponent of this second stage, namely a prophetic pamphlet published in

Munich and Strasbourg in 1519 called: Alle alten Prophecien von Keyserliche
Maiestat by Master Alofresant of Rhodes, a German counterpart of the
French Alofresin.15
Naturally Charles V was the object of messianic hopes elsewhere in
Europe. In Italy prophecies, circulating both in manuscript and in print, hailed
him as a second Charlemagne or a second Caesar,16 but the Burgundian-
Habsburg prophecies followed a different line, tracing Charles V's lineage
via the Burgundian dukes. The German Alofresant relies heavily on earlier
prophetic texts by the Sibyls, St. Hildegard, St. Bridget, John of Rupescissa,
Gamaleon, Liechtenberger and others. It contains references to Maternus
Hatten of Spire, to St. Francis and brother Reinhard, all of which are absent
from the French Alofresin. Like our French text it traces the lineage of
Charles V via the Burgundian line and identifies him as the fourth male
descendant of John the Fearless. Next to the prophecies of the Lily also the
prophecies of the Eagle are dealt with. Reeves quotes the following sample.
VolabitAquila, cuius volatudebellaturLeo, quiregnabitlerosotymisseptemannis.

Tandem conspirabunt principes Almaniae, et magnates Bohemiae opprimentur.
Et Leopardus devorabit eum. Tunc surget Rex de radice Aquilae Orientalis, et
venielpullus Aquilae, et nidificabit in domo Leonis etfructu alimentoque paterno
carebit. Et eligeturRex, cui honor regis non exhibetur. Hie regnabit, ac imperans
imperabit, extendetque ramos suos usque ad Ultimosfinesterrae. Tempore illius
summus capietur pontifex. Et clerus dilapidabitur, nam dépravâtfidem.Heu
pessima vita cleri.17
Though lion and leopard feature in the French Alofresin, the eagle is absent,
and so are all references to other prophetic texts, whether French or Teutonic.
Clearly the French Alofresin is more interested in the Burgundian than in the
Habsburg line. Though unmistakably related, the two texts are different
compositions. It is difficult to say which of the two came first, especially
since the French Alofresin is a copy of another text, but it seems the German
Alofresant synthesised many different prophecies, which may well have
included an earlier version of the French Alofresin. To resolve the problem
15
I have not seen this text, but Reeves provides a few descriptions and a quotation. See
Reeves, uJoachimist Influences", pp. 334 (n. 40), 335 (n. 43), 353 and n. 128. See also: Reeves,
Influence of Prophecy, pp. 360-361, n. 1.
16
See: Ottavia Niccoli, Prophecy and People in Renaissance Italy, transi. L. Cochrane
(Princeton 1990), pp. 172-175. A famous literary example is Ariosto's Orlando Furioso
(15.25.25) in which a prophetess predicts a universal world monarchy under Charles V, who
is described in messianic terms as, e.g., the one shepherd ruling one flock (John 10:16). Cf.
Yates, Astraea, pp. 23, 26, 53.
17
Reeves, Influence of Prophecy, p. 361.
ALOFRESIN 363
more Alofresin-texts need to be found (if they still exist) and examined.
Clearly, in the context of the present study there are more pressing issues
we must look into, such as the emulation of John the Fearless in a fictional
prognostication and the relation between this prophecy on the one hand and
Burgundian literature and self-awareness on the other.
When was the French Pronostication written? And by whom? The
Pronostication itself contains no colofon nor any direct reference from which
the real date of composition or the author can be learned. But the other text
bound into the same book, the Signifiance de sept tappis provides us with
a clue. The Signifiance is a description of seven tapestries made in the
workshop of William de Pannemaker, and designed by Pieter Coecke van
Aelst, depicting the seven deadly sins. These tapestries were bought by Mary
of Hungary in 1544 in Antwerp.18
Mary of Hungary was the granddaughter of the emperor Maximilian I,
and the sister of his successor, the emperor Charles V. After the death of
her husband (who died in 1526 fighting the Ottoman Turks) Mary, on behalf
of her brother, became governess of the Low Countries. She remained in
office until 1555 after which she retired to Spain, where she died in 1558.
Among the possessions she brought with her on her retirement, were, of
course, these tapestries; it would therefore seem only reasonable to suppose
that the description, the Signifiance, as part of her library, also moved to
Spain (which may explain its present-day preservation in the National Library
of Madrid). If the tapestries and hence their description were Mary's, then
perhaps the Pronostication also originated in her vicinity. Since the Pronosti-
cation idolises Charles V, extols the role of Burgundy in recent European
history (even though the individual dukes themselves are the object of some
critical remarks) and ends with a celebration of the crusading ideals, it is not
implausible to locate its real author in the (former) Burgundian lands (perhaps
Flanders) somewhere around or shortly after 1520.
.18 Bob van den Boogert and Jacqueline Kerkhof, Maria van Hongarije: Koningin tussen
keizers en kunstenaars 1508-1558 (Zwolle 1993), p. 295. Plate 84, p. 292 in the same book,
shows one of these tapestries (Luxuria). Of the seven compositions apparently only four survive.
They are reproduced together with a bibliography in: Paulina Junquera de Vega and Concha
Herrero Carretero, Catalogo de Tapices del Patrimonio National* vol. 1, pp. 150-154. The
Signifiance has been noticed by art-historians. See: J. K. Steppe, "De 'Zeven hoofdzonden' van
Pieter Coecke van Aelst iconografisch verklaard", in: De bloeitijd van de Vlaamse tapijtkunst
/L'âge d'or de la tapisserie flamande. Colloque international 23-25 mai 1961 (Bruxelles 1969),
pp. 325-327. Of the seven sins series three sets survive: a complete one in Vienna, and two
defective ones in Madrid. One of the series in Madrid, a set of six, belonged to the count of
Egmont. After his execution in 1567 the duke of Alva sent them to Spain (see: Catalogo, vol.
1, pp. 143-149). The final set of four belonged to Mary of Hungary. Mary is the most likely
owner of the Signifiance, which, Steppe points out, was probably drawn up on behalf of the
weaver.
364 APPENDIX TWO
There is one question that emerges rather prominently in a reconstruction

such as the one just offered. Why would someone writing a prophetic eulogy
on emperor Charles V in the form of a prognostication, seize upon an old
story and an ancient rumour concerning John of Burgundy's dealings with
a Saracen astrologer? If the Pronostication was drawn up in defiance of the
French,19 one may be led to assume that the Burgundian-Armagnac rivalry
still lingers on if not in, then certainly between the lines of Alofresin's text.
It is very plausible that at least two or three documents from the Burgundian-
Armagnac controversy left their mark on the Pronostication.
A trace of this can be found in Alofresin's references to the 'ducé de
lyon'. This should not be read as the duchy of Lyon but as the duchy of the
lion; i.e. Burgundy. The image is typically Burgundian.20 In the allegorical
Pastoralet, John of Burgundy is designated by the character 'Léonet' and the
count of Armagnac by 'Lupal'. In the opening miniatures of illuminated
copies of Jean Petit's Justification, one can see a lion (duke John) with his
claws preventing a wolf (Louis d'Orléans) from taking the crown away from
the 'fleur de lis'.21 Another text the author of the Pronostication may have
known, this time stemmingfromthe Armagnac counter-propaganda, is a letter
supposedly written by the devil and addressed to John the Fearless. The text
survives only in a few sixteenth-century manuscripts, but Paul Durrieu dates
it around 1475. a The letter is part of a small chronicle concerning the dukes
of Alençon and the editor of that chronicle introduces the text by referring
to the battle of Nicopolis and John the Fearless's dealings with the Saracen
necromancer: 'un sarazin nigromancien dist qu'on ne le feist point mourir,
car luy seul feroit plus mourir de chrestiens que eulx tous ensemble ne
19
There are some indications of this : cf. the section on the crowning of the 'filz du liepart'
as king of the * fleur-de-lis'.
20
It should be noted that lion-, leopard-, and lily-imagery has a long history in the prophetic
traditions discussed earlier. But in Alofresin's Pronostication these images receive a very specific
Burgundian setting. Thus the text speaks of the duchy of the lion, which can mean only one
thing.
21
See the miniatures in: Chantilly, Musée Condé, ms. 878 (1197), plate 4 in Vaughan,
John the Fearless, facing p. 96; and Wien, Staatsbibliothek, ms. 2657, miniature reproduced
in Coville, "Le véritable texte de la Justification du duc de Bourgogne par Jean Petit", in:
Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes 72 (1911), pp. 57-91. The miniature (facing p. 72) has the
following caption:
Par force le leu rompt et tire
A ses dens et gris la couronne
Et le lyon par très grand ire
De sa pate grant coup luy donne.
For a description of the Vienna manuscript see Coville (op. cit.), pp. 72-73.
22
Durrieu, "Jean Sans-Peur", p. 205.
ALOFRESIN 365
scauroient faire, comme il advint du depuys'.23 After duke John had com-
mitted a number of atrocities, a letter was supposedly found adressed to him,
which read: 'Lucifer, empereur du profond Acherons, roy d'Enfer (...) à
nostre tres cher et bien amé lieutenant et procureur général es parties
d'Occident, Jehan de Bourgoigne'.24 In this letter the devil writes how very
pleased he is with the way duke John has been carrying on and, with the
Turks stirring in the east, he hopes to eradicate Christianity soon. He
promises the duke that he will be crowned king of Turkey, emperor of
Constantinople and Romania, king of Jerusalem and Babylon and many other
lands; and the devil prophesies that none of John's descendants will outdo
him in the destruction of churches.
The survival of this document in a number of sixteenth-century texts,
clearly shows how the old feud lingered on, and it is probable that Alofresin's
Pronostication is a product of the same kind of conservatism. Perhaps the
Pronostication can be considered a reply to the devil's letter. For it takes the
story of the Saracen necromancer and the prophecies of world dominion and
turns them round. The necromancer is converted into a Christian and the
fourth heir of the duke will in fact rule the world but not as an ally of Satan,
but as 'le filz de l'homme'. The Burgundian-Armagnac controversy and its
literary derivative may thus in part account for the literary form of the
Pronostication and Doutrepont's estimate that the text belongs to the same
genre as the Pastoralet (though, as we have shown, not to the same age) may
hold a kernel of truth. In conclusion we may say that the Pronostication
describes the events of the early sixteenth century and the advent of emperor
Charles V in a context of Burgundian national pride.
23
Durrieu, "Jean Sans-Peur", p. 207.
24
Durrieu, "Jean Sans-Peur", p. 203. The literary form of the text, that of a letter allegedly
written by the devil, is not original. For a discussion of its precedents see: Durrieu, op. cit.,
pp. 218 ff. Vaughan incorporated an abridged translation of the letter in his John the Fearless,
pp. 230-231.
366 APPENDIX TWO
2. Text
[ÎOT Pronostication sur la vie seloncque les constellations et pianettes du tres

illustre prince Jan, duc de Borgoigne, etc., et sur ses hoires jusques au
quatriesme hoir masle inclusivement, faittes par notable astronomiens Maistre
Alofresin, jadis Turcque, depuis baptize en Rode.
[\Y] Moy, Alofresin, desja venu en eage d'home, sui venu par la grace de
Dieu prendre baptesme en Rode, pour quoy j'ay volu escripvre la
cognoissance de moult de chose ad venir en Cristiannité et en Saracinennie.
Et especialement depuis Tan de grace mil quattrecens et .xxv. jusquez a Tan
.xv. (cens) et .xl., laquelle cognoissance ay trouvé et par Tarte et science
de astronomie, laquelle tient de Dieu et de mon oncle Maistre Escolgant,
astronomien du Grand Turcque. Lequel salva la vie au duc Jan de Bourgoigne
que Ton avoit délibéré faire morir, icheluy estant prisonnier audit Grant
Turcque. Duquel Maistre Escol(gant on dit qu'il disoit)1 audit Grant
(Turcque) qu'il ne le volsisse point faire morir pour pluiseurs causes qu'il
cognoissoit par la plannette; (que) pa(r) la reservation de sa vie (serait) ad
venir tant en Cristienité comme en Sarasinennie (pour) la plus grande
confusion et destruction des Cristians. Car se cheluy Jan de Bourgoigne
retourne en ses pays et principalement au reaime des fleurs (de lis), [1ΓΊ il
y en montera unne envie pa(r) laquelle il en mórat molt de gens et de grans
maistres mal conditionnés. Ausi luy meisme par ichelle envie et traïson morat,
par laquelle mort montera la guerre tresgrande et durera jusque a la
quatriesme lignijé et hoir masle descendant dudit duc Jan de Bourgoigne,
principalement a rencontre des fleurs de lis. 2 Et seront destruictz plus
Cristians que au jour d'huy n'y at en Cristienité ne a monde.
Apres vous avoir baillié la cognoissance de mon estre, ausi science et ou
je l'ay aprins, je vous veul baillier la cognoissance de molt chose ad venir
tant en Cristianité corne en Saracinennie, durant les eages desdis quattres
hoires masles dudit Jan de Bourgoigne et durant leurs vies, sur quoy ay prins
mon terme, veullant funder ma devise.
1
After 'Escol-' (end of a line in the manuscript) one would naturally expect '-gant' at
the beginning of the following line, but in the manuscript the next line begins with 'audis' which
seems to suggest the copyist skipped something. The reconstruction of the sentence proposed
here attempts to preserve the intended meaning.
2
The 'envie' of John the Fearless refers to his conflict with Louis d'Orléans. The
assassination of Louis d'Orléans gave rise to a series of military conflicts. By way of revenge,
John was killed on the bridge near Montereau in 1419.
ALOFRESIN 367
Et premier:
Le premier hoir3 descendant dudit Jan de Bourgoigne sera ung sage home
et de grande entreprinse et grant persécuteur des Crestians, principalement
[12T du reaime des fleurs de lis, et qui entreprendera molt de choses a ung
cop et acheverat tout pa(r) sa sapience et a son honneur et proffit. Et régnera
long temps et sera ung home adrechié en la science de la désespérée des
femmes; les femmes ly avanceront sa mort. Sa renommée volera par tout le
monde et avéra de l'honneur beaucop tant au reaime des fleurs de lis corne
es Italles et en Rome auquelles sera refusant.
Le second hoire4 serat tresgrant persécuteur de l'espee et finera par
l'espee avant ses jours. Par la mort duquel la ducé du lyon avéra molt a
souffrir par le reaime des fleurs de lis, car de son sancque ne demorat que
unne fille et pour le mariaige d'icelle se lèvera grand guerre. Car elle sera
aliee a estrange sancque de la couronne close,5 de laquelle viendront
pluiseurs enfans entre lesquelz avéra ung filz et unne fille.6 Laquelle fille
montera en grande honneur que ne ly durera gaire. [12v]
Chest enfant masle qui sera le troisième hoire7 descendant dudit Jan de
3
Philip the Good (1396-1467) swore to avenge his father's death, which led to a number
of military campaigns against the French. Philip married three times: his first wife was Michelle
de France (t 1422); the second was Bonne d'Artois (married in 1424, died the year after); and
the third Isabelle de Portugal (1397-1471, married in 1430). Philip was known to have many
mistresses and to have fathered many bastards. On Philip's sex life, see Vaughan, Philip the
Good, pp. 132-133. The phrase 'la science de la désespérée (lege desespoir) des femmes' is
intentionally ambiguous in that it refers both to the early deaths of his first two wives, and to
his extra-marital escapades. Philip always considered it expedient to maintain good relations with
the Holy See, but his support of the Council of Basle caused him to be excommunicated. The
phrase 'refusant' should probably be interpreted in a passive sense, denoting Rome's aversive
attitude towards Philip.
4
Charles the Bold (1433-1477) was engaged in war with the French on many occasions,
and was finally killed in the battle of Nancy. Thus he lived by the sword and died by the sword.
5
The German imperial crown is a closed crown. Contrary to open crowns, closed crowns
have converging arches rising from the circlet. In England the closed crown came into use during
the reign of Henry V (1413-1422). In France it was first introduced by Francis I (1515-1547).
6
Mary of Burgundy (1457-1482) was the daughter of Charles the Bold. She married
Maximilian I of Habsburg (1459-1519) soon after her father's death, and war ensued between
Maximilian and Louis XI of France (reigned 1461-1483) over Burgundy and Flanders. After
her death in 1482 Maximilian was forced to change his plans. The two children that are
mentioned here are: Margaret of Austria (1480-1530), who was regent of the Netherlands from
1507, and Philip the Fair (1478-1506).
7
Philip the Fair is known as an able diplomat. He became count of Flanders in 1483 and
his rule of the Burgundian Netherlands ('la duché du lyon') is marked by peace and stability.
As Alofresin predicts* ('Sa vie sera fort suspect de point vivre jusque a 1'eage de .xxxii. ans'),
he did not live to be thirty-two, but died after a brief illness when he was twenty-eight years
old. The remainder of the paragraph looks like a prophecy which, in the event of Philip's dying
aforetimes, would come to apply to Philip's son, Charles. Most likely it is ttie remnant of an
368 APPENDIX TWO
Bourgoigne sera ung home doulx et amia(b)le et de bonne ayre. Il sera alijé
a fortes gens et montera en plus grande honneur que home qui ait régné en
la duché du lyon. Et tout ce qu'il entreprendra achèvera par doulceur. Sa vie
sera fort suspect de point vivre jusque a l'eage de .xxxii. ans. Mais se il
surmonte ladicte eage, il sera le plus grant persécuteur des Saracins et
ennemis de la loy Cristianne qui fut passé tro(is)cens ans. Il conquestera
Constantinople et Jherusalem, comme fit Godefroy de Buillon. En son temps
finera ung roy a la couronne close qui avérât esté avaricieus.8 Tost apres
finera ung pape de Rome qui a droit et justement avéra régné.9 En ce temps
venrat on venir molt de choses nouvelles et plus a Rome que aultre part. En
l'an .xv. cens ou environ jusques a l'an .xv. cens et .xx. ou environ aviendra
moult de choses en Cristianité dures (et) tresnuisables a souffrir aux Cristians,
comme trahisons, [13r] faulces promesses, detractions notoires et evidentes
a chescun.
Audis an .xv. cens ou environ viendra le filz de l'home qui sera le
quatriesme hoir10 dudit Jan de Bourgoigne. A la nativité duquel l'on verrat
moult de choses estranges apparoir au ciel; si corne cheoir chapelés
d'espines,11 estoilles a queuues et feu, tant en Cristianité corne en
Saracinennie. Par lesquelles les Saracins et ennemis de la foy Cristianne12
averont la cognoissance de la nativité de icheluy qui les debvera destruire et
conquester leurs pays, reaimes, terres et possessions. Par laquelle
cognoissance il fortifieront les villes, citez, chasteaux (et) forteresses que peu
earlier prophecy that projected its messianic expectations onto Philip.

8
The English king Henry VH was known for his avarice. He died in 1509, not long after
Philip the Fair.
9
It is difficult to identify a pope whose reign can be called just, since most of the
Renaissance popes were, besides great patrons of the arts, also schemers, war-mongers, and
lechers. Innocent VIH (1484-1492) was involved in a war with Ferdinand of Naples, entered
into a treaty with Bajazet (despite the fact that he had always pleaded in favour of a crusade
against the Turks) and severely persecuted witches and Hussites. To partial eyes like Alofresin's
he may have appeared just. His successors, the notorious Borgia pope Alexander VI (1492-1503),
Julius Π (1503-1513), and Leo X (1513-1521), were all known for their unscrupulous politics,
their nepotism, their greed or even their murderous intentions. It is only with Hadrian VI (1522-
1523) that a second candidate for the epithet 'just' appears. He was a former professor of
theology and teacher of Charles V. He was known for his honesty and piety and his willingness
to reform the Church. Hadrian's successor Clement VH (1523-1534) was involved in a war with
Charles V, in which Rome was sacked (1527) and Clement imprisoned.
10
Charles V was born in 1500.
11
Christ's crown of thorns was the object of a widespread cult in the Middle Ages.
Especially in France, crowns of thorns were used for medical purposes (HWDA V, col. 601).
Here the crowns of thorns falling from the sky apparently serve as an omen.
12
'Saracins' and 'ennemis de la foy' are two different categories. Charles V fought both
the Turks and the protestants.
ALOFRESIN 369
leur proffitera, car tout ne les gardera qu'il ne doibvent (estre) de(n) luy tous
gaigniez, car contre luy n'averont durée.
Encoir dis-je oultre que depuis environ l'an .xv.c et .xx.13 ne seront
ventes tant de marchandises courre en Cristianité corne paravant. [13v] Les
Cristians averont molt a souffrir pour leurs péchiez esquelz il seront fort
enclins, comme a luxure, a orgeul, etc., tant en l'Eglise, noblesse et au
peuple, mais ilz seront pitoiables et charitables aux povres et sans ce leurs
souffrance et punition divine leur (sera) plus auster et me(r)veilleuse. Ausi
averont paravant molt souffert cheux du reaime de Naple14 pour lez péchiez
qu'ilz commetent journelement, car ilz ne vivent point seloncque Dieu. Ausi
pareillement les Rommains. Ung peu après averont la guerre a la plus forte
partie des Cristians environ l'an .xv. cens et .viii. et si avéra deux grans
personnaiges, l'ung encontre l'aultre.15 Mais il ne durera gaires. Et en che
temps ou peu après viendra le filz du liepart16 qui amainera molt de choses
pour ce que alors régneront deux roys au reaime du liepart. En l'an .xv. cens
et dix ou environ sera la fin du porre.17
13
The manuscript gives 'lan Λ et .χχ.' with a marginal correction or addition * Λ xv.c'
Something seems to have gone wrong here with the chronology, for a few lines below Alofresin
speaks of 'ung peu apres (...) environ Tan .xv. cens et .viii.' Instead of 1520 (the year of the
coronation of Charles V dealt with in a later paragraph) one should perhaps read 1501 or 1502,
since about that time Maximilian drastically reformed his financial policy (establishing close ties
with the Fuggers, a renowned family of bankers) to finance his ambitions of creating a world-
empire.
14
In 1494/95 Charles VIH of France (reigned 1483-1498) invaded Italy and conquered
Naples. Maximilian's first attempts to invade Italy (1496) failed, but in 1508 the war over Italy
started, involving not only France and the Habsburg empire, but also Spain and England.
15
The year 1508 may refer to the league of Cambrai formed (in December 1508) by the
European princes (not including Henry VII) which lead to war against Venice in the following
year. It is not clear who the two 'grans personnaiges' are.
16
Next to the lion the leopard is a familiar image from Burgundian literature. Thus the
anonymous author of the Geste des ducs Phelippe et Jehan de Bourgogne speaks of the 'lion
de Bourgogne' and the 'léopard d'Angleterre'. See: Doutrepont, La littérature française, p. 73.
Likewise the poet Eustache Deschamps refers to the English as leopards in his poems. Philippe
de Mézières introduces John of Gaunt in his vast allegory Le Songe du Vieil Pèlerin as 'le veil
sanglier noyr, duc des leopars' (vol. I, p. 110). The 'filz du liepart' may refer to Henry VII
(1457-1509, crowned 1485) first of the Tudors, or to his son and successor Henry VIII (1491-
1547, crowned 1509). In the case of Henry VH, the 'deux roys au reaime du liepart' (a phrase
which clearly suggests there were rivals for the English throne) may refer back to Perkin
Warbeck, the pretender to the English throne who was executed in 1499 as an imposter. This,
however, would upset the chronology of the prophecy, so that Henry VIH is the more likely
option. The 'deux roys' may then refer to Henry VIH and James IV of Scotland (1473-1513)
who, being married to Henry VHI's sister Margaret, is reported to have had an eye on the
English throne. He was killed in the battle of Flodden (1513). See: J. D. Mackie, The Earlier
Tudors 1485-1558 (Oxford 1957), p. 271, n. 1.
17
porre: lege misère.
370 APPENDIX TWO
En ce temps ausi régneront molt de traïsons au reaime des fleurs de lis,

principalement [14T en la ducé de lyon. Mais viendra le filz du liepart en
Tan .xv.c et .xii. ou environ en grande puissance au realme des fleurs de lis
ou ilz avérât grand guerre.18 Mais elle ne durera que ung an ou environ.
Et viendra en la duché du lion prendre possession de unne ville et cité
appellee Agrippa.19 Laquelle traira molt de seigneurs et grans maistres qui
par icelle seront trahis et les feront morir. Et alo(r)s seront touttes trahisons
descouvertes et sera faicte unne aliance de la plus grande partie des Cristians
et luy viendra en ayde ung roy d'envers bise, par l'aide duquel il sera coronné
roy des fleurs de lis.20 Et icheluy couronnement et victoire luy viendra par
l'aide de cheux de Europe que l'on dit Zuitche qui luy viendront en ayde.
La fleur de lis avéra molt a souffrir et sera pour la vie de mains homes qui
seront occupé de la trahison. Le realme des fleurs de lis sera tres joyeux
d'estre quitte de leur roy, [14v] nonobstant ilz résisteront voluntier, mais les
entreprinses seront si grandes que il ne avéra remede qu'il ne soie coronné
roy et sera le premier qui fera justice du realme de France. Au temps de
icheluy roy averont les Cristians molt a souffrir principalement par guerre,
ausi famine et mortalité. Quant le soleille viendra entrer en sa force, viendra
en Europe ung vent et unne pluye de telle forte que en aulcuns lieus ne
demorera gens ne bestes vifves, et procédera eheste pluy des parties de
Norweghe. Du soire pluiseurs seront sains et de hét qui du matin après seront
mors.
Quiconcques pora vivre depuis l'an .xv. cens .xii. jusquez a l'an ,xv.c et
.xx., il verrat plus de choses nouvelles et estranges que se il avoit vescu par
avant trois cens ans.
Car en l'an .xv. cens et .xx. ou environ verrat on venir le filz de l'home,
ch'est assavoir le quatriesme hoire masle [151 dudit Jan de Borgoigne a ses
premiers armes, ausquelles avéra molt a souffrir, mais ne luy durera gaires
ung an ou environ. Lequel enfant je voldroye bien veoir pour tout mon avoir.
Mais il ne m'est possible, car après ce que seray venu a l'eage de cent et dix
ans, je fineray lors mes jours.
18
In 1512 Henry VIII (in Holy League with the pope, Spain, and Maximilian) invaded
France and won the Battle of the Spurs (1513), capturing Thérouanne ('unne ville*) and Tournai
('unne cité').
19
The Orbis Latinus does not provide a solution for this name. The name Agrippa is almost
exclusively associated with Cologne (Colonia Agrippina, Köln).
20
Henry VIÜ was never crowned king of the * fleurs de lis', but the fleur-de-lis did occupy
a prominent place on his royal shield (see Mackie, Earlier Tudors, p. 272). Perhaps this
'prophecy' was meant as a sarcastic reminder of the Anglo-Burgundian reign over Paris a century
earlier, one of France's greatest national traumas. Henry VI (1422-1461) was crowned king of
France in 1431.
ALOFRESIN 371
Chedis enfant sera coronné roy de France et de pluiseurs aultres reaumes

et sera le plus grans entre les Cristians qui fut passé trois cens ans. Et
conquestera Constantinople et Jherusalem et tout ce que Godefroy de Buillon
et ses hoirs conquesterent jamais, et encoir plus, car tout conquestera jusques
a l'A(r)bre Sec.21 Je ne scaroye a paine tant dire de chest enfant que n'en
sera encoire plus. Ch'est chose quasi increable a cheux qui l'oront dire sans
en veoir l'expérience ou avoir la cognoissance de sa pianette. Se sera le plus
grant persécuteur des Saracins et ennemys de la loy Cristianne [15v] qui fut
passé trois cens ans. Car quel(con)quez fortifiement, tant de murailles,
tourres, fosses et aultres maniers de faire en acouttremens de guerre, ce ne
les guarantira qu'il ne les gaignera tous.
Et avéra alors ung pape de Rome lequel sera tués ou emprisonné,22 dont
se sera grand domaige pour les Cristians. Se Dieu, en qui seul est a disposer
de tout, ne transmue les choses ad venir et disposition des constellations,
signes et plannettes. Auquel pri-je estre tousjours père et protecteur de tous
Cristians venus et a venir. Amen.
21
The reference is to the arbor secco. See: The Travels of Marco Polo 1.21, where the
arbor secco (possibly a plane-tree with dry and tasteless fruits) grows on an extensive plain near
the Persian border. It is also mentioned in Bodel's Le jeu de saint Nicolas where, as in the
Pronostication, it is used as ^parspro toto to denote a geographic region: 'd'outre le Sec Arbre'
and M'outre l'Arbre Sec'. As the editor of the Jeu de saint Nicolas explains, the 'Arbre Sec'
is, according to legend, a tree near Hebron that dried out at the moment of Christ's death (Jehan
Bodel, Le jeu de saint Nicolas, ed. Albert Henry (Bruxelles 1981), pp. 150, 154, 276).
22
The pope who was imprisoned in Rome by the constable Bourbon in 1527 on account
of his conflict with Charles V, was Clement VH. Rome was sacked on this occasion, which was
also a theme in many prophecies and prognostications. See: Niccoli, Prophecy and People in
Renaissance Italy, pp. 175-177; Reeves, "Joachimist Influences", pp. 356-357.
APPENDIX THREE
THE TWELVE SIGNS OF THE ZODIAC

AND
A GAME OF NUMEROLOGICAL DIVINATION
Bruxelles, Bibliothèque Royale, ms. 10394-414
1. Introduction
The two divinatory texts presented here are part of a large Burgundian paper
codex written in various hands, which contains a variety of texts and can be
dated around the year 1400.l The book was first recorded in the inventory
list of 1467 on the death of Philip of Burgundy as 'un gros livre en papier'.
The book contains 412 leaves, with at the beginning of the book twelve and
at the end thirty-two additional blank leaves. The binding is eighteenth-
century. It contains twenty-three texts which, on the whole, are of a didactic
and religious nature2 such as Jehan Feron's Livre des esches, Lepistre du
mirouer de crestienté, Le doctrinal de sapience, Les bons mos des philo-
zophes, etc. Towards the end of the book, however, a number of texts can
be found that seem to depart from this genre: thus we find a treatise on the
Zodiac (no. 19 according to Van den Gheyn's table of contents); a text on
Oultremer (no. 20); and the Règles de divination (no. 21). A Bonne table et
proußtable de la fay (no. 22) and L'enseignement de sapience (no. 23)
complete the codex by returning to the dominant genre of the book. Of
specific interest for the present study are, of course, texts nos. 19 - 21 and
for this reason they are examined more closely in the following survey.
19. Fol. 393r-399v, one hand: Les 12 signes dou firmament. Inc.: 'Chi
commenche les .12. signes dou firmament pour savoir quant li lune
passe parmi'.
Fol. 400 is blank.
1
On the dating of the book, see: Dogaer, De librije van Filips de Goede, no. 114, p. 80.
2
For further codicological information and a table of contents of the whole codex, see:
J. van den Gheyn, Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique (Bruxelles
1903), vol. 3, no. 2082, pp. 282-283. Cf. also the terse remark Doutrepont (La littérature
française, pp. 204-205) makes concerning this book when he exclaims: 'que de compositions
pieuses dans ce seul codice!'
374 APPENDIX THREE
20. Fol. 401r-405r, one hand: La devision de la terre de Oultremer. Inc. :

'La devision de la terre de Oultremer et des choses qui y sont. Li
apostoles Inocens de Romme vault savoir les usages et les coustumes
des Sarrazins et les contrées encontre lesquels les os des crestiens
estoient appareilliés pour aler sur yaux, et manda au patriache de
Jherusalem que il enquesist la vérité del pais et les noms des haulx
Sarrazins qui tiennent les terres. Ly patriaches enquist tant qu'il seüt
toute la vérité de la terre du païs et les noms des haulx Sarrasins. Si
les nonsa a l'Eglise de Romme par ses lettrez et dist ainsi'. The text
continues with a description of the lands, the rulers, and the wonders
of the Orient. Fol. 405r expL: 'Et tout ce manda li patriaches a
1'apostolle de Romme. Innocent par ses lettres bien parlant. Explicit'.
21. Fol. 405v-406r, in the same hand as the previous text (no. 20): Règles
de divination.3 Inc.: 'Inocent par ses lettrez bient parlant. Explicit.
Qui voldra savoir de quelque chose ...' The text which follows is a
numerological game that can be used for divinatory purposes.
Fol. 406v is blank.
Though written by the same copyist, Oultremer and the Règles are not related.
It is unclear why the explicit of the Oultremer text is repeated on fol. 405v.
In the margins of the text of the Règles, not in the writing itself, traces of
glue and torn paper can be found. In the left hand margin of fol. 405ν a
fragment of paper is stuck that has been torn from fol. 406 (which
consequently has a hole in therighthand margin). Apparently the two leaves
were once pasted together so as to conceal the text of the divinatory game;
the sundering of the pages has caused the damage just described. It is not
known when this act of censorship happened, though one is all too tempted
to reconstruct the underlying motive.
It is not entirely clear when the manuscript entered the Burgundian library.
It does not appear on the inventory list drawn up after the death of John the
Fearless in 1420. Trusting that the 1420 inventory was drawn up with
meticulous care, Doutrepont4 concludes that it entered the collection of Philip
the Good after 1420 under unknown circumstances. Philip the Good had a
specific interest in exotic subjects and in the inventory of 1467 there is a
separate rubric on 'Oultremer, médecine et astrologie'.5 It may well be that
ms. 10394-414 gives a reflection of Philip's tastes and interests. It is uncer-
tain whether Philip commissioned the codex, but the watermarks of the
3
This tide was devised by Van den Gheyn; in the manuscript the text is untitled.
4
Doutrepont, La littératurefrançaise,pp. 297-298.
5
Doutrepont, La littératurefrançaise,p. 263.
LES 12 SIGNES 375
paper6 seem to suggest the book was made around 1400. It is not unlikely,
therefore, that the texts existed well before the death of John the Fearless.
It is impossible to say whether Pignon knew the book, but it is not at all
unlikely that he knew the type of divinatory texts contained in it, since this
was highly popular and widely disseminated literature. Even if the book was
not read at the Burgundian court in the first decade of the fifteenth century,
it is still excellent material for comparison.
A number of texts in the book are of a propaedeutic nature, introducing
the reader to a particular subject, providing him with the information he needs
to know, without involving him in a long and intricate discourse. The treatise
on the Zodiac is certainly a text intended for the general, non-specialist
reader. It does not demand any computational skills and does not burden the
reader with astrological intricacies. This makes the text singularly suitable
for the kind of court-environment to which Pignon was addressing his treatise.
The general reader might learn from the treatise on the Zodiac the advantage-
ous and disadvantageous aspects of lunar influence on man's life and affairs.
But this influence extended far beyond what someone like Pignon would have
deemed permissible. The fact that texts like the 12 Signes and the Règles may
have been intended for a general (possibly courtly) public that could thus be
informed and entertained by certain forms of divination, warrants a closer
examination. In what follows the 12 Signes and the Règles will be examined
separately in more detail.
2. Les 12 signes dou firmament
Both the Règles and the 12 Signes belong to a particular kind of divinatory
texts which were very common since the early Middle Ages and which may
be distinguished from the astrological and occult scientific works that entered
Europe from the eleventh and twelfth century onwards. In an interesting
article on the transmission of astrological knowledge in the early Middle
Ages, Valerie Flint7 argues that certain forms of divination and astrology,
though initially condemned by the early Fathers, survived in ecclesiastical
and monastic circles in Christianised form. This Christianised magic and
divination was to replace its pagan counterpart, a process which arguably may
have been felt as the conditio sine qua non of Christianity's taking root in
European soil. As in Biblical times (one recalls the episodes of Moses and
Elijah) Christian priests may have had to struggle and compete with indig-
enous non-Christian magi to establish themselves as leaders. Extant codices
6
See the reference in note 1 above.
7
Valerie I.J. Flint, "The Transmission of Astrology in the Early Middle Ages ", in: Viator
21 (1990), pp. 1-27; cf. also Flint, The Rise of Magic, pp. 131-135.
376 APPENDIX THREE
from the early Middle Ages with this type of Christianised substitutes usually
comprise items such as Christianised charms (antidota catholica), thunder
prognostications, divining spheres, and above all lunaria or Moon-books
(dealing with the impact of the Moon on man's life; the 12 Signes is an
example of this). Flint argues that these 'Christian substitute' codices are
distinct from the later scientific astrological works8 not only because the
former rely on simpler, less demanding forms of prognostication, but also
because they constitute two different types of texts (or text-groups). Flint
distinguishes the two in terms of 'different views about the importance of
"scientific'' astrology'9; however, such a distinction is prone to be highly
tentative. L. Braswell10 gives a characterisation of lunaries in the later
Middle Ages by explicitly relating them to astronomical and astrological
works that are either descriptive, computational or judicial. Thoradike,11
discussing the same or similar material, makes no mention of a distinction
either, but does provide examples of these (what Flint would call) 'Christian
substitute' texts, illustrating that certain texts did have a marked tendency
to occur in each other's company. The fact that the translator of the 12 Signes
protests the legitimacy of his Moon-book by invoking the Trinity in the
opening paragraph, may be explained by considering the 12 Signes as a late
exponent of this time-honoured genre of Christianised divinatory texts. On
closer inspection this genre comprises a number of more or less distinguish-
able subgenres, such as the Moon-books, the Books of Fate (to be discussed
in a following section), the divining spheres, or numerological methods,
nearly all of which derive from late Antiquity and appear to have a joint
transmission throughout the entire Middle Ages, somewhat separate from (and
not necessarily influenced by) the later divinatory texts.
Thoradike gives a number of examples of these closely related genres.
He mentions a twelfth-century manuscript where, squeezed in between some
ecclesiastical calendars and a work by Bede, the reader can find a sphere of
divination, an account of Egyptian days, a method of divinationfromthunder,
and part of a work on judicial astrology to determine wealth or poverty from
a person's nativity-planet.12 He even mentions the notebook (which he dates
around 1400) of an English doctor called John Crophill, who practised
medicine in Suffolk. Next to accounts and a record of patients the notebook
contains Latin incantations for women in childbirth, rules for dieting and
8
Flint, "The Transmission of Astrology", pp. 25-26: 'The separation is not quite
complete, but it is sharp enough to be striking'.
9
Flint, "The Transmission of Astrology", p. 26.
10
L. Braswell, "Popular Lunar Astrology in the Late Middle Ages", in: Revue de
l'Université d'Ottawa/University of Ottawa Quarterly 48 (1978), pp. 187-194.
11
Thoradike, HMES I, pp. 672-696.
12
Thoradike, HMES I, p. 676.
LES 12 SIGNES 377
blood-letting, a treatise on astrological medicine, a 'Calculation to know what

thou wilt' by observation of people's names, and a set of Oracular answers'
to questions concerning matrimony 'according to the several months of the
year'.13
Thorndike gives special attention to the so-called 'spheres of life and death'
which were much used during the Middle Ages. In this divinatory method
'the number of the day of the Moon is combined with a second number
obtained by a numerical evaluation of the letters forming the patient's name'.
Originally deriving from ancient Greece where it was known as The Sphere
of Democritus or The Sphere of Petosiris, it survived in medieval Latin
versions as The Sphere ofApuleius or The Sphere of Pythagoras:14 A sphere
is essentially a circular figure or a wheel of fortune divided into compart-
ments, where numbers are grouped under the headings of 'Life' and 'Death'.
The number resulting from the numerical evaluation of a person's name can
then be looked up in any one of the compartments. The Règles shows close
affinity with this type of numerological divination even though it does not
contain spherical tables.
The 12 Signes belongs to yet another important genre, that of the Moon-
books. A lunarium, Thorndike explains, may take many shapes. It may
merely list the days of a month as either favourable or unfavourable; it may
contain nativities or dream-interpretations or (as in the case of the 12 Signes)
thunder prognostications15; it may also be specially devised for the sick,
stating 'a patient's prospects from the day on which he contracted his
illness'.16 Thorndike gives ms. Harleian 3017 as an example in which the
lunarium is preceded by a Sphere of Pythagoras andApuleius, both written
by the same author. Apparently lunaria and numerological forms of divination
13
Thorndike, HMES I, pp. 684-685. Braswell, "Lunar Astrology", p. 191, n. 14, gives
c. 1475 as a date for CrophüTs notebook (London, B.L., ms. Harley 1735).
14
Thorndike, HMES I, pp. 682-683. John of Salisbury, Policraticus 1.13 (Webb ed., p.
54), speaks oftabulae, quae Pitagorica appellator. On the Sphere ofDemocritus and the Sphere
of Petosiris and the medical application of these numerological methods in Antiquity in general,
see: Barton, Ancient Astrology, pp. 185-191. There is a Sphere of Petosiris which was either
erroneously ascribed to Bede, or, as Thorndike noted (HMES I, p. 676), found in manuscripts
with texts by Bede: De divinatione mortis et vitae, Petosyris adNecepsum regem Aegypti epistola
(PL 90, 963-966). Though the text is in Latin, the information on the sphere is in Greek.
15
There is a text by Bede, a Latin translation from an alleged Greek original with thunder
prognostications, called De tonitruis (PL 90, 609-614) which may be a partial source of the 12
Signes. De tonitruis contains three chapters: the first deals with thunder in relation to the four
points of the compass (a very similar section occurs in the 12 Signes); the second with thunder
in relation to the twelve months of the year; and the third with thunder in relation to the seven
days of the week. Bede's authorship, however, is disputed. See: C. W. Jones, Bedae Pseudepi-
grapha: Scientific Writings Falsely Attributed to Bede (London 1939), pp. 45-47.
16
Thorndike, HMES I, p. 680.
378 APPENDIX THREE
can be found together occasionally (as in our Burgundian codex with the
Règles and the 12 Signes).11 More elaborate lunaria contain prognosticate
information on a variety of things related to human life and affairs, such as:
whether a day is suitable for selling or buying, for boarding a ship or entering
a city, for surgery, for sending children to school, for breeding animals or
building an aquaduct or a mill. A Moon-book may also contain predictions,
such as that a boy born on a particular day will be 'illustrious, astute, wise
and lettered', while a girl born on the same day will be 'chaste, benign, good-
looking and pleasing to men'. Thorndike18 provides more examples and a
number of them have clear parallels in the 12 Signes. Braswell,19 discussing
Middle English lunaries, points out that these texts were extremely popular,
and were used by members of all three estates: the clergy, the chivalry and
the people. A Moon-book was used as a household document or manual by
farmers, as a medical aid by physicians; it can even be found in monastic
manuscripts in between liturgical music, paschal tables and religious lyrics.
In conclusion Braswell emphasises the possible mediating function of this
popular lunar astrology between learned, scientific astrological texts and
imaginative literature.
The 12 Signes is interesting in that, on the one hand, it was written from
a perspective comparable to that of Contre les devineurs, namely with the
intention of making Latin learning (in casu astrology) accessible to the
educated layman by claiming that the information conveyed is not at odds
with orthodoxy, whilst on the other hand it provides at the same time a profile
of 'le vraie astronomie' that is at times quite different from Pignon's. The
text starts with a description of the twelve signs of the Zodiac and their
relation to the human body, after which follows a description of how the Sun
passes through the Zodiac annually, and how the Moon does the same each
month, remaining approximately two days and six hours in each sign. Next
we read how the Zodiac is subdivided into mutable signs (Aries, Cancer,
Libra and Capricorn) and stable signs (Taurus, Leo, Scorpio and Aquarius)
and signs that are neither stable nor mutable (Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius and
Pisces). This subdivision is important since it has a profound bearing on
man's health and enterprises. When the Moon is in a mutable sign one should
not engage in things that are to be lasting, such as marriage or building a
house, but this is not the only instance in which the author intimates to his
readers what they should or should not do when the Moon is in a certain
17
Cf. also Fürbeth, Johannes Hartlieb, pp. 49-57, who deals with a fifteenth-century
'Mondwahrsagebuch' wrongly attributed to Johannes Hartlieb. One of the surviving manuscript-
copies is supplemented by an onomatomantic text (for further references, see op. cit., pp. 52-54).
18
Thorndike, HMES I, pp. 680-681.
19
Braswell, "Lunar Astrology", pp. 190-191, 194.
LES 12 SIGNES 379
Zodiacal sign. The remainder of the text offers a detailed analysis of each
of the twelve signs from Aries to Pisces and not only people's health, but
the entire scope of their daily business is drawn into the discussion of stellar
influence. Thus it would be unwise to marry when the Moon is in Aries (a
mutable sign), though several days later, when the Moon has entered Leo,
the same marriage will be stable and lasting. Quarreling when the Moon is
in Taurus (a stable sign) is dangerous, since the row is likely to last a long
time and anger will not abate easily, although it is a good time for compan
ionship and making friends. One should not expect assurance or rely on
agreements when the Moon is in Cancer, when the Moon is in Virgo the time
is right to marry a 'femme corrompue' (meaning probably a widow) and
when the Moon is in Libra it is a good time to deceive women. In this way
the text goes on, not only selecting the propitious days but also setting the
terms for travel, marriage, business and various other forms of social
intercourse.
That the 12 Signes is a text devised for practical use becomes evident when
one views it in the light of the popular medical-astrological calendars that
were widely disseminated in the fifteenth century. A late fifteenth-century
German example of this genre (ms. Gotha Chart. Β 1238, a Voltekalender,
published in facsimile some years ago20) contains, next to various prognosti
cations and a large variety of medical prescriptions for many diseases and
injuries, also a lunarium outlining the impact of the Moon for each Zodiacal
sign. A brief comparison (which for the sake of convenience will be limited
to the first sign: Aries) of the Volkskalender and the 12 Signes will show how
traditional the information is. In the following survey items from the Aries-
passage of the 12 Signes have been correlated to similar items from the
Volkskalender}1
quant li lune est ou Mouton il fait boin sainnier; Il fait boin baignier; so der Mon
dar Inné ist (i.e. in Aries) / so ist gut paden / vnd geplüt lassen;
et faire toute chose qui est faitte par fu; vnd was mitfewr zugeet / das ist alles
gut;
Bon fait taillier nouviaux draps et commenchier a viestir; und newe klaid an zethün
/ oder an zeschneiden;
Bon fait accater draps de rouge couleur; Vnd ist gut rot tuch ze kauffen;
Bon fait vendre fier et plonc; Es ist gut pley zuuerkauffen auch eysen;
20
Medizinisch-astrologischer Volkskalender\ ed. Maria Mitscherling (Leipzig 1983) was
published in two volumes, one volume containing a complete facsimile of the manuscript, the
other volume, the Kommentar, containing an introduction and a transcription of the text.
21
Volkskalender, fol. 16v-17r; Kommentar, pp. 56-57. Quotationsfromthe text were taken
from the transcription in the Kommentar-vo\\ime.
380 APPENDIX THREE
On ne doit mie rere sa barbe, ne le chief (...) Et mal y fait prendre medechine;
Es istpös / das hawbt scheren / vnd ertzneyen;
Et se aucuns est navrez adont au chief a paine pora garir; wer in das hawbt wundd
wirt / der mag gar hartt gehauen;
Et mal y fait espouser femme; (es istpös) ein hawsfrawen zu hawse fliren;
Mal y fait bateillier; (from a different perspective:) es ist gutfrid ze machen.
The remaining items of the Aries-passage, which the reader may find in the
edited text in the next section, have no clear correlatives, and likewise the
Volkskalender contains a few items not mentioned in the French text.22 A
comparison of the remaining eleven signs in both texts will give the same
picture, so that we may refrain from further analysis. Obviously both texts
go back to similar, if not the same, sources.
It will be remembered that the orthodox view of stellar influence, as
propounded by Pignon, only allowed for the application of this influence on
the physicalframeof the world. Thus it is legitimate to select propitious days
for blood-letting, for applying medication, for sowing and reaping, and for
all things agricultural concerning crops and cattle, and naturally a fair amount
of these things can be found in the treatise. But, Pignon points out,23 it is
not legitimate to determine propitious days for war or peace-treaties, for mar-
riage, travel, sea-travel, commerce, changing one's dress, hunting, building
a new house and many other things, for they involve acts of rational delibera-
tion and free will, which must be safeguarded from even the slightest
suspicion of stellar influence. A text such as the 12 Signes, once perhaps
accepted and condoned as a Christianised form of divination, would in the
later Middle Ages not stand the test of ecclesiastical correctness.24
The following edition of the text is based on the same editiorial principles
as Contre les devineurs. Written in a Gothic cursive, the text was copied out
fairly carefully and contains only a few corrections, mainly insertions (in the
same hand) of words or letters, that were accidentally omitted.
22
E.g. : 4(es ist gut) wein zubestellen / zuuerkauffen / auch gellt auszeleihen / und ein kint
/ zu einem hantwerch ze tun' (Kommentar, p. 56).
23
Pignon (CLD 1.4) speaks of: 'jours et heures certaines auxquelz il tait bon ou mauvais
traitier de guerre, ou de pais, ou de mariage, entrepenre veage, entrer en mer, fair marchandise,
vestir robe neufve, aler a la cache, commenchier maison neufve et generalment de toutes coses
que on peut enpranre de novel'. For nearly all of these items one can find correllatives in the
12 Signes. Cf. similar lists in CLD Π.2.1, Π.2.3, etc.
24
It is of interest to note that (pseudo-)Bede considered his translation of a Greek text with
thunder prognostications as a dangerous enterprise, that could easily lead evil tongues to proclaim
he was possessed by a demon and involved in magic: qui me fartasse diabolico (quod absit)
spiritu, out iniqua magicae excogitatione artis afflatum, et non sancti Spiritus gratia illuminatum,
aut rhetorico spiritu imbutum, haecfecisse et excogitasse asserant (PL 90, 609).
LES 12 SIGNES 381
3. The Text of Les 12 signes dou firmament
[393T Chi commenche les. 12. signes dou firmament pour savoir quant li lune
passe parmy.
A l'honneur et a le gloire de le Sainte Trinité, le Père, le Fil et le Saint
Esperit, uns Dieux tous poissans, sans commenchement et sans fin, qui est
fontaine de toute sapience et de toute science, jou ay commenchié a translater
dou Latin en Romman cest livre de men petit engien. Et Dieux le Père
glorieux envoia Jhesucrist son Fil prendre nostre humanité en le benoitte
vierge Marie. Et jou li prie qu'il me donne par sa miséricorde si
parfondement enluminer mon entendement que jou sans erreur puisse
translater une partie des livres as sages philozophes1 liquel ne sont mie
deffendu par Sainte Eglise, ains sont de le vraie astronomie. Et tout ce me
doivst acomplir nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist qui vit et regne avoecq le Père et
le Saint Esperit et (sa) mer(e).2
Premièrement vous devez savoir qu'il sont .12. signes en le firmament
liquel sont ainsy nommé: Mouton, Toriel, Jumiel, Crevice, Lyon, Virge,
Libre, Scorpion, Sagitaire, Capricorne, Aquare, et Piscons. Et chil .12.
signes ont seignourie sour les . 12. membres de le homme et de le femme en
tel maniere que li Moutons a le chief et le visage; li Toriaux le col et le
gorge; li Jumiel les espaules, les .2. bras et les mains; li Crevice le pis et
le pomon; li Lyons le euer et l'estomach; li Virge le fie et tout le ventre; li
Libre les rains et les .2. haneques; li Escorpions le cul et le membre genitable
de homme et de femme; li Sagitaire les .2. cuisses; li Capricorne les genoulz;
li Aquaires les jambes; li Pissons les pies.3
1
An important source is perhaps the Centiloquium attributed to Ptolemy. See, e.g., the
reference to Ptolemy in the description of 'Jumiel'. Some of the thunder prognostications seem
to go back on Bede's De tonitruis. Tracing the identity of the text is quite precarious, since it
is probably a compilation from a number of sources. Cf. Shore, "Medieval Nonliterary
Translation", pp. 299-300.
2
et (sa) mer(e): the manuscript gives an unclear mark (that could be read as 'A' but that
could also be an abbreviation sign for *et') followed by 'mer'. Since Mary already made her
appearance in this paragraph, the conjecture 'et sa mere' might be deemed plausible. An
alternative might be the word 4 Amen\ but the manuscript clearly gives 'r' instead of 'n'.
3
The belief that the twelve signs of the Zodiac rule over a corresponding set of twelve
parts of the body is very common as well as ancient. The technical term for the study of this
correspondence is melothesia (see study by Gundel, Zodiakos: Tierkreisbilder im Altertum.
Kosmische Bezüge und Jenseitsvorstellungen im antiken Alltagsleben (Mainz am Rhein 1992)).
The most famous classical example of it is in Manilius's Astronomica Π.453-465 and IV.704-709
(see Goold ed., Loeb, pp. 118, 278). In the Middle Ages it was probably best known from
Ptolemy's Centiloquium. Cf. also the Medizinisch-astrologischer Volkskalender, fol. 27ν,
382 APPENDIX THREE
Or devez savoir que li solaux fait son cours chascun an parmy ces .12.
signes et demeure en chascun signe [393v] l'espasse de .30. jours, pau plus
pau mains, ensi que vous trouveriés ou kalendier en chascun mois. Vous le
trouverez ou mois de jenvier le . 12(e). jour entrant en Aquare et en février
le .12e. jour entrant en Piscon et en mars le .12e. jour entrant ou signe de
Mouton, et ensy des aultres de .30. jours en .30. jours, toudis ou milieu dou
mois. Et devez savoir que li lune passe parmy ces .12. chascun mois et
demeure en chascune signe .2. jours et .6. heures, pau plus pau mains, et
chou porez savoir par les taules chi devant en quel signe elle sera et quans
degrés ou signe.4
Et sachiés que moult est prouffitable savoir chascun jour en quel signe li
lune est. Car si comme dient li astronomien,5 c'est li plus prochains pianette
a la terre. Et pour chou a elle plus grant reward es choses du monde que li
Kommentar, pp. 73-74. By far the most famous late medieval depiction of the so-called Zodiacal
man is the Zodiacal woman in Les Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry, reproduced many times
(e.g. inGundel, Zodiakos, plate 8, facing p. 161). For similar depictions, see: Boll, Sternglaube,
Tafel x-xi. See also: Braswell, "Lunar Astrology", p. 193, n. 20.
4
In the ancient and medieval geocentric model of the cosmos, the Sun has both a daily
and an annual rotation round the earth. The great circle of the Sun's annual path is called the
ecliptic. The constellations that can be observed at sunset to follow in the Sun's trail constitute
the Zodiac, which extends approximately 6 degrees to either side of the ecliptic. This great
heavenly belt was divided into twelve sectors housing the twelve constellations from Aries to
Pisces. The Moon stays relatively close to the ecliptic. It takes a little over 27 days for the Moon
to pass round the Zodiac; 2 days and 6 hours (i.e. the '.2. jours et .6. heures' as mentioned in
the text) multiplied by 12 gives 27 days, the so-called sidereal month. The sidereal month,
however, is shorter than the ordinary calendar month (synodic month) of approximately 29 Vi
days that the author of the 12 Signes refers to. In order to know in which sign the Moon is on
a given day, the user of the 12 Signes would, therefore, have to be able to make the necessary
calculations (or have some expert do this for him) or he would need a calendar or table with
all the necessary information. In all likelihood this is what 'les taules chi devant' refers to; a
table or set of tables that in the present form of the manuscript is absent. It is of interest to note
that the earlier mentioned Volkskalender has a similar defect. On fol. 22r it reads: Du solt auch
wissen / von den vngluckhaffiigen tagen / als die vorn / in dem kalender mit roter tinten / vnd
mit dem wort hüt / bezaichent sein {Kommentar, pp. 63-64). Yet this calendar is nowhere to be
found in the manuscript. As the editor explains, this important part of the book has gone missing
{Kommentar, p. 10). She dwells briefly on the possibility that the scribe mindlessly copied his
source text without realising there was a calendar to match the contents of the lunarium, but
she rejects this option in favour of the earlier conclusion. She does not provide reasons for the
deficiency other than the wear and tear of time, but in view of a similar deficiency in the 12
Signes as well as the peculiar form of censorship to which the Règles fell a prey, it is of some
consequence to note that in its present state the 12 Signes is made impotent, and hence harmless!
For brief introductions to the rudiments of astrology, see: S. J. Tester, A History of Western
Astrology, pp. 1-10; Barton, Ancient Astrology, pp. 86-113.
5
On the proximity of the Moon to the earth and its abundant influence, see: Ptolemy,
Tetrabiblos 1.2 (Robbins ed., p. 7). It was also known from Haly's Deproprietatibus lune (see:
Braswell, "Lunar Astrology", p. 188, n. 3).
LES 12 SIGNES 383
aultre pianette et plus s'en sent toute creature humaine.6 Si que par le lune
et par le nature des signes et les complections parmy elle7 keurt, puet on
savoir quel chose il fait bon commenchier et faire, et quelles choses non, ensi
que vous trouverez chi apries.
Des .12. signes sont li aucun estable, et li aucun muable, et aucun ne
muable ne estable. Li .4. sont muable c'est Moutons, Crevice, Libre,
Capricorne. Li estable sont li Toriaux, Lyons, Scorpions et li Aquares. Ne
muable ne estable sont li Jumiel, Virge, Sagitaires, et li Piscons.8
Or est assavoir que se li lune est en signe muable, il segnefie que li chose
qui sera commenchié adont sera tost faite ou la chose ne durrera pas
longuement. Quant li lune sera en signe muable, il fait bon saignier, vendre,
accater et femmefianchieret non espouser. Et se aucuns promet aucune chose
il le parfait volentiers. Il ne fait pas bon commenchier cose que on vuelt faire
durer longuement, si comme maison, chastiaux, ne pont, ne moulin. Il fait
bon commenchier chou que on vuelt haster.
Et se li lune est en signe estable, il fait bon commenchier [394r] chou que
on vuelt faire durer longhement et boin entrer en nouvelle maison et femme
espouser.
Quant la lune sera en signe commun, li chose qui sera adont commenchié
elle sera aultrefois commenchié. Et souvent y avint grevance et barat et la
chose qui sera adont ordonnée ne sera point tenue. Il fait bon mettre enffans
a escolle.
Mais que la lune ne soit depechié, il sont pluiseurs manières de
empeschemens. Le premier est quant elle est avoecq le soleil ou a. 12. degrés
6
Even a sceptic like Nicole Oresme admits that people can profitably study the impact
of Sun and Moon on people's health: 'de ce qui appartient aux médecins, puet on bien savoir
aucune chose quant es effects qui ensuivent les cours du soleil et de la lune, et en oultre plus
peu ou néant' (Livre de divinations, ch. 2, p. 56). Naturally, Oresme would only allow for
physical effects and hence dismiss the greater part of this treatise as nonsense.
7
'elle', i.e. 'le lune' ('le', 'la', 'li lune'; all three occur in the text).
8
There are many ways of dividing the Zodiac. The method used in the 12 Signes classifies
the signs on the basis of their quartile aspects (see: Eade, Forgotten Sky, pp. 69-70; and
Manilius, Astronomica Π. 150-432, and pp. xli-xliii, esp. fig. 4, of G. P. Goold's introduction).
Eade (Forgotton Sky 1.13, Π. 16.2c, pp. 10,70) provides the qualifications of these three groups
of four signs as they can also be found in the 12 Signes: [1] Aries, Cancer, Libra and Capricorn
constitute the cardinal or movable signs; Ptolemy (Tetrabiblos 1.11, Loeb ed., p. 67) speaks
of τροτικά, tropical or solstitial signs (Cancer and Capricorn, initiated by the turning of the Sun
and hence marking the beginning of summer and winter resp.) and Ισημερίας, equinoctial signs
(Aries beginning with the vernal equinox and Libra beginning with the autumnal equinox); [2]
Taurus, Leo, Scorpio and Aquarius constitute the fixed signs; Ptolemy (loc. cit.) speaks of
arepea, solid signs because they enhance the power of moisture, heat, dryness and cold; [3]
Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius and Pisces constitute the common signs; Ptolemy speaks of
bicorporeal signs. In combination with the qualities of these signs the Moon will have a certain
influence on human affairs. This influence is outlined in the following paragraphs of the text.
384 APPENDIX THREE
pres devant ou apres; et (la seconde est) quant li lune est plaine. Li tierche
est quant elle est en fin de Libre et ou commenchement de l'Escorpion. Et
la quarte est quant elle est ou Capricorne.
Se la lune est en .6. signes, c'est assavoir Capricorne, Aquarre, Pisson,
Mouton, Toriel, Jumiel, se aucuns accate marchandise, il gaignera et vous
trouverez le contraire es aultres .6. signes, c'est Crevice, Lyon, Virge, Libre,
Scorpion, Sagittaire.
Et quant aucuns ara esté malades et il garist, il ne fait mie bon relever
quant la lune est en signe commun, c'est Jumiel, Virge, Sagittaire, Pisson.
Dou signe dou Mouton
Savoir devez quant li lune est ou Mouton il fait boin sainnier, et se maladie
prent, li maladie sera muable et si terminera. Boin fait commenchier voiage
et aler de lieu en lieu. Boin fait aler en marchandise vers Orient. Il fait boin
baignier et faire toute chose qui est faitte par fu. Bon fait taillier nouviaux
draps et commenchier a viestir. Bon fait accater draps de rouge couleur. Bon
fait vendre fier et plonc. On ne doit mie rere sa barbe, ne le chief. Et se
aucuns est navrez adont au chief a paine pora garir, car li signes dou Mouton
rewarde especialment le chief de homme et de femme et aroit reward sur le
plaie. Et mal y fait prendre medechine et mal y fait commenchier chose que
on vuelt fere durer ferme, si comme compaignie, mur et maison. Et mal y
fait espouser femme. Mal y fait bateillier. Boin fait commenPQ^chier tout
chou que on vuet haster et tost avoir fait. Chilz signes est muables, caulx et
secs et masculins, de le partie d'Orient.9
Et devez savoir se il tonne et li lune est ou Mouton, li lune devenra
oscure. Grans pestilence avenra ou lieu ou il tonnera et les hierbes en seront
enfermés. Aucunes gens en seront malades et li vermine multipliera et
9
In astrology the entire physical world is tied up intimately with the Zodiac. The signs
were classified in terms of the primary qualities (hot, cold, dry, moist), the elements, gender,
and the points of the compass. If we number the signs from Aries to Pisces 1 to 12, all odd
numbers are masculine and hot, whereas all even numbers are feminine and cold. 'Dry' and
'moist' are also distributed alternately but in pairs (i.e. Aries and Taurus are both dry; Gemini
and Cancer both moist, etc.). The combination of the primary qualities produces the four
elements. The following scheme may be helpful in explaining the qualifications of the Zodiac,
as presented in the 12 Signes.
primary movable solid common
qualities elements signs signs signs humours
hot+dry fire Aries Leo Sagittarius â collerique Orient
cold+moist water Cancer Scorpio Pisces 9 fleumatique Occident
hot+moist air Libra Aquarius Gemini 6 sanguine Midi
cold+dry earth Capricorn Taurus Virgo 9 mélancolique Nord
LES 12 SIGNES 385
tourblement venront en maintes citez. Et bien sachiés que c'est toudis du

premier tonnoille que on ora10 ou commenchement de l'an.
Dou signe du Tonel
Quant li lune est ou Toriel boin fait commenchier toute chose que on vuelt
faire durer ferme et estable. Si comme prendre compaignie et entrer en aucun
office et faire maisons et chastiaux et toutes telx choses. Adont fait bon
espouser femme et entrer en seignourie et accater terres et hireter arbres,
chevaulx et buefe. Bon fait arrer et semer et planter arbres et copper, car
tost recroisseront. Mal y fait medechiner le col et la gorge et qui y seroit
adont navrez a paines poroit il garir. Mal y fait adont taillier nouviaulx draps
ne viestir premiers. Mal fait adont assalir ses ennemis en bataille, ne voiage
commenchier. Et mal fait adont soy courouchier. Et se tenchons, discorde
ou yre adont sont fait entre homme et femme ou amis, si durrera longuement
et a paines seront apaisiét. Et qui sera adont mis en prison plus longuement
y demourra. Mal fait commenchier chose que on vuelt qui tost soit faitte. Il
n'y fait mie bon saignier. Chilz signes est fermes et estables, féminins,
mélancoliques, de nature de terre, trois et secs.
Et se il tonne (et) le lune est ou11 Toriel, plenté sera de blez et de tous
grains, et li fruit qui croissent es montaignes multiplieront, et chil des vallées
non, ne li vin. Et les bestes sauvages morront eel an.
Dou signe dou Jumiel
Quant li lune est en Jumiaulx adont ne fait mie bon saignier des bras, car
chilz signes a rewart sur les bras et qui adont y seroit navrez a paines poroit
garir. Il n'y fait mie bon baignier. Mal fait aler querre debtez, ne aler en
voiages pour [395r] besongne, car il y convenroit aler aultre fois. Et se uns
malades relieve adont ou escappe de maladie, il requerra12 volentiers. Et
a paines sera donnée chose qui adont sera promise. Et se elle est donnée, elle
ne prouffitera mie moult. Warde que tu n'entreprengne chose que tu vueilles
qui soit ferme et estable longhement. Bon fait parler de paix et de concorde
et de mariage et parfaire le mariage en signe ferme. Et boin fait mettre
enffans a lire et a escripre et aprendre ars soutieux. Boin fait commenchier
plaix et querre advocas et aler devant juges. Boin y fait prendre medechine.
10
ora: ms ara. Later on the text also speaks of the first 'tonnoille que on ora\
11
est ou: ms el.
12
requerra: lege recherra (<recheoir, 'relapse').
386 APPENDIX THREE
Chilz signes est communs, de .2. cors,13 caulx et moistes, de le partie de

Midi, caude et moiste, signes d'air.
Et ensi que dist Tholomés se il tonne (et) le lune (est) en cest signe, il
plouvera et plenté sera de fourmens (et) assés sera de fruit. Ly yviers qui
venra sera hideux et aspres tribulations de maladies seront en maint lieux en
eel an.
Dou signe de le Crevice
Quant ly lune est en le Crevice mal fait espouser femmes, car souvent
seroient en discors. Mal fait prenre seureté et accorde, car souvent seroit a
recommenchier. Mal y fait commenchier chose que on vuelt faire ferme et
estable. Mal y fait edifijer edifices et planter arbres et requerre debte. Il ne
fait boin vendre ne accater chose nulle se ce ne sont crasses choses, si comme
miel et oille et aultres crasses. Et qui accatera aultre chose il accatera chier
et revendera mal. Mal y fait medechiner le pis, et qui adont y seroit navrez
a paines poroit garir, ains seroit emperil de mort. Boin fait aler en voyage
pour tost revenir. Boin fait commenchier toute chose que on vuelt tost finer
et avoir faitte. Et boin [395v] fait adont prendre medechine, fors au pis. Car
li lune est adont en se maison et si goist de14 li et est plaine de humedité.
Bon y fait baignier et navier et faire toute chose qui est faitte par yauwe. Bon
y fait remuer et entrer de une maison en une aultre et faire taillier et viestir
nouviaux draps. Li signes del Crevice gouverne le pis et le pommon de
l'homme et de le femme et est frais et moistes, de nature de yauwe et est
muables de le partie d'Occident15 qui est froide et moiste.
Et bien sachiés se il tonne (et) le lune (est) en le Crevice, li gent devenront
malade en aucuns lieux; li fruit seront boin a habondance de fourment et
famine serra par mains lieux; merveilles sourderont de pluiseurs contrées;
moult de larrenchin seront fait en eel an.
13
The common signs, Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius and Pisces, are also known as double
signs, or, to use Ptolemy's phrase: bicorporeal (δίσωμα). In the case of Gemini and Pisces this
designation is obvious; Sagittarius is called double because of his duplex nature of part man and
part horse. The case of Virgo is more complicated. In ancient depictions she has two wings (see,
e.g., Gundel, Zodiakos, p. 71). The famous miniature from Les Très Riches Heures shows her
holding two ears of corn. Manilius believes that the duplicity derives from the fact that 'at the
middle of the Virgin summer on one side ceases and autumn on the other begins' (Astronomica
11.176-177). The double signs are at the end of one season inaugurating the next and hence
possess double strength (Astronomica 11.180). Ptolemy (Tetrabiblos 1.11) does not link the
bicorporality to visual repesentations but states that these signs are 'so called because they are
between the solid and the solstitial and equinoctial signs' and thus share the properties of the
other two groups.
14
goist de: lege jouist de (<jouir de, 'enjoy', 'benefit from').
15
Occident: ms accident.
LES 12 SIGNES 387
Dou signe dou Lyon
Quant li lune est ou Lyon, signe ferme et estable, garde que tu ne prengnes
nullement puison ne medechine adont car il le convenroit vomir ou estre
emperil. Et si ne fay taillier nul nuef drap ne ne viest premièrement et
especialment reube verde. Car selonc le nature de cel signe tu seroies navrez
en ces draps, ou tu aroies maladie griefs dedens eel an, ou tu seroies occis.
Mal fait aler en lonc voyage, mal fait adont medechiner le euer, le fie et
Testomach et toutes les entrailles. Et qui en ces lieux seroit adont navrez a
paines gariroit. Car le signe dou Lyon rewarde adont ces parties. A paines
seront ja concordé chil qui adont se courcheront li uns a l'autre, ne ja n'aront
il chier li uns l'autre. Mal y fait commenchier chose nulle que on vuelt
haster. Boin fait adont commenchier chose que on vuelt faire durer
longhement estable, si comme murs, maisons et affermer mariages et
compaignies et prendre asseürances et [396T entrer en seignouries et en
possessions et toutes choses qui ne doivent mie souvent commenchier ne tost
finer. Bon fait adont parler as rois et as princes et as poissans hommes. Bon
fait fondre metaulx et faire toutes choses qui sont fautes par fu. Bon fait
accater metal et draps de gaune couleur et accater et marchander or. Ly
Lyons segnefie toutes les choses sus donés. Ly Lyons est caus et secs et
ardans et de se nature colleriques comparez au fu.
Et sachiés se il tonne et li lune est ou Lyon (pendant) li premiers
tonnoilles, grans tenchons seront entre les rois et les princes; li fruit seront
boin et chier; plenté sera de fourment; pluiseurs gens aront mal en leurs yeux;
uns grans princes morra.
Du signe de le Virgene
Quant li lune est en le Virge, boin fait courtillier et semer et planter arbres
et vignes et faire toutes choses qui appartiennent a terre. Boin fait aler par
terre et envoyer messages et faire toute chose qui souvent vuelt renouveler.
Boin fait accater draps de verde couleur et toutes choses menues et viestir
nuefs draps et faire taillier. Adont fait tres boin escripre et envoyer lettres.
Mal fait aler par yauwe et mal fait baignier et mal fait adont espouser pucelle
ne avoecq li gésir. Mal fait ouvrer de chose qui soit faitte par fu. Chilz signes
gouverne le boudiné et les costes et une partie des entrailles. Et qui adont
seroit navrez en ces lieux mal en gariroit. Boin fait espouser16 femme
16
The phrase 'femme corrompue* probably refers to a widow. The earlier mentioned
Volkskalender gives for Virgo the following item: 'Auch ein wittib zehawß zu füren / vnd nit
ein Junckfraw' {Kommentar, p. 59). That the phrase should be read as a recommendation for
marrying a corrupt woman is highly unlikely.
388 APPENDIX THREE
corrompue, boin fait saignier et prendre medechine. Chilz signes est appeliez
communs ou signes de .2. cors et est f emenins, frois et secs, mélancoliques
comparez a le terre.
Se il tonne et li lune est en le Virgine, bataille sera viers le mer [396y]
en aucune partie et aucun roy morront; li mer sera périlleuse; li buef morront
en aucuns lieux en eel an.
Dou signe dou Libre
Quant li lune est en Libre, boin fait commenchier voie viers Midi et en celle
partie aler en marchandise. Boin fait taillier et viestir nouviaux draps. Boin
fait accater blanches pennes et blans draps et toute chose de blanche couleur
et tous aournemens de femme et blanche monnoie, gemmes et aniaux blans
et chevaulx blans et blanches bestes. Boin fait accater toutes choses muables.
Boin fait adont decepvoir femmes et fianchier et parler de mariage et parfaire
en signe ferme. Bon fait entrer en mer et commenchier a escripre. Bon fait
saignier et prendre medechine. Mal fait adont commenchier t17 edifices ne
faire chose qui doive estre ferme et estable, ne compaignies. Car de legier
seroit adont a recommenchier. Mal fait envoiier lettres ne messages ne
requerre debtes. Adont n'est mie ferme chose de faire paiemens, paix ne
asseürance. Car chilz signes n'est mie fermes; chou qui adont sera promis
a paines sera donnét. Ly signe de le Libre est muable et a son reward as
hancques et as rains au cul et a le vessie. Et qui adont seroit navrez en ces
parties mal en poroit garir et il seroit emperil de mort. Li signes de le Libre
est donnez a le partie de Midi, sanguine, caude et moiste comparez a l'air.
Se il tonne (et) le lune (est) en le Libre ce segnefie famine en plaines terres
et plouvasses; bledz sera chiers; en aucuns lieux pluiseurs gens morront;
grans discordes surdront.
Dou signe de l'Escorpion
Quant li lune est en Γ Escorpion mal fait viestir nouvielle reube et mal fait
acointier compaignies. Mal fait parler as rois et as princes, ne envoijer
messages ne lettres. Adont fait mal entreprendre voyages par yauwe [397T
ne par terre et wardez que ne montez en hault sur arbres ne sur aultre
montaigne. Mal fait courtillier ne planter. Mal fait adont marchander ne
commenchier chose que on vueille haster. Bon fait prendre medechine
laxative. Bon fait pesquier et requerre debtes. Boin fait baignier et mengier
en baing. Boin fait saignier, mais que on laist pau de sang. Ly signes de
l'Escorpion est fermes et fleumatiques, frois et moistes comparez a l'yauwe.
17
if: ms medechines (deleted by the scribe).
LES 12 SIGNES 389
Il a le partie d'Occident. Il est femenins, menchonnaules; il rewarde en

homme et en femme les basses parties des membres genitables. Et qui adont
y seroit navrez mal en gariroit.
Et devez scavoir se il tonne (et) le lune (est) en l'Escorpion pluiseurs frais
en périront; homme et cheval seront malade en aucuns lieux; famine et
bataille sera en aucuns lieux.
Dou signe dou Sagittaire
Quant li lune est ou Sagittaire boin fait accater or et argent et vaissiaulx d'or
et d'argent et draps de gaune couleur. Boin fait encontrer et parler as rois
et as princes et viestir nuefs draps et faire compaignies et amistez et
accordances et traitiés de mariages. Boin fait entreprendre pèlerinages et
besongnier pour cause de religion et de hospitalité de Sainte Eglise et faire
toute chose qui appartient a religion. Bon fait aler en marchandise viers
Orient. Boin fait saignier et rere et rongnier les cheviaus et faire toute chose
qui est faitte par fu. Bon fait commenchier batailles qui en a mestier. Mal
fait ouvrer de yauwe et de terre, ne semer, ne arbres planter. Mal fait juer
as dez. Mal fait requerre debtes. Mal fait gésir avoecq pucelle. Le Sagitaire
est communs et de .2. cors et est masculins, caus et secs. Colériques il est
comparez a le partie d'Orient. Li Sagittaires a en homme et en femme les
cuisses et les costes et qui adont y seroit navrez a paines gariroit sainement
et y seroit emperil.
Se il tonne (et) le lune (est) [397*] ou Sagittaire maint fruit faulront par
gellee; moult de larrechin seront fait en maint lieu et segnefie tribulations en
prouvenche et destourbanche as marchans.
Dou signe dou Capricorne
Quant li lune est en Capricorne boin fait arrer et semer et courtillier et planter
arbres et vignes et toute labeur que on fait de terre, c'est a entendre de toutes
les choses quant il est en saison. Boin fait accater plonc et fer. Bon fait
cachier as bestes sauvaiges. Il fait boin commenchier les chozes que on voelt
tost finer. Mal fait aler viers bise. Adont ne fait mie boin saignier ne prendre
puisons ne medechine. Mal fait commenchier chose qui doit estre ferme et
estable. Li Capricornes est uns signe muables, il est frois et secs,
mélancoliques comparez a le terre. Il gouverne les genous et se aucuns estoit
adont navrez mal en gariroit.
Et sachiés se il tonne (et) le lune (est) ou Capricorne, si comme dient li
maistre astronomijen, ce segnefie que li gent d'aucuns règnes se combateront
encontre aultre gent. Villes et citez seront prises et pluiseurs hommes
languiront et morront et famine sera par lieux et segnefie grant yvier.
390 APPENDIX THREE
Dou signe de Aquaire
Quant li lune sera en Aquaire bon fait planter et semer et aler par yauwe et
fait bon commenchier choses estables qu'on18 voelt faire durer si comme
maisons et murs et telz chozes. Bon fait entrer en possessions et en
seignouries et en nouvielle maison pour manoir. Bon fait parler as riches
hommes et as clers et a grans prelas. Bon fait accater toutes choses de noire
couleur, noires pennes, noirs chevaulx, noires viestes. Boin fait prendre les
oysiaux. Boin fait espouser femme. Boin fait saignier de bras. Mal fait
encommenchier chose que on voelt tost avoir faitte. Mal fait entrer en long
voiage. Mal fait aler par mer. Mal fait prendre medechine. Mal fait taillier
ongles, queviaux et vestir nouviaux draps. Mal y fait baignier. Chilz signes
est fermes et estables, eaux et moistes comparez a l'air. Il a le [398Π partie
de Midi qui est caus et moistes et a son rewart as gambes et qui adont y seroit
navrez mal en poroit garir. Chilz signes est véritables.
S'il tonne et le lune est en Aquare ce segnefie maladie des yeux et si
seroient li fruit boin et li vin; il plouvera et ventera et sera mortalité de gens
en celle année.
Dou signe de Pisson
Quant li lune est es Piscons il fait boin faire les choses qui appartiennent as
yauwes et as peskeurs et as moulins d'yauwe et si fait boin aler en mer et
en yauwe et boin fait prendre medechine. Boin fait décevoir femmes et faire
paix et accordes et parler d'amistiés et de religion. Boin fait taillier et viestir
nouviaux draps. Bon fait accater argent et cangier et accater choses argentées
et toutes choses blanches. Mal fait soy courouchier. Mal fait encontrer ses
ennemis. Mal fait parler de batailles et de discordes. Mal fait medechiner les
pies et qui y seroit navrez a paines gariroit. Li signes des Pissons est
fleumatiques, frois et moistes, de nature de yauwe, et a le partie d'Occident.
Il est communs et de .2. cors, ne muable ne estable. Et sachiés que la chose
qui sera adont commenchié, elle sera aultrefois recommenchié et se aucuns
ou aucune vient a cy ce sera pour deception ou barat et la chose qui sera
adont commenchié ne sera ja adont bien tenue.
Se il tonne (et) le lune (est) ou signe de Pisson li temps sera frois et secs,
li homme devenront malade et si ne morront nient. Plenté sera de finis et
sécheresse de terre, plenté de vin et pau d'orge.
Et sachiés que li tonnoilles de quoy nous avons parlé, c'est toudis dou
premier tonnoille que on ora, c'est (en) le commenchement de l'an. Et doit
18
qu'on: ms con.
LES 12 SIGNES 391
on tousjours rewarder de quelle part li tonnoilles naist de premiers. Se li

tonnoilles naist premiers deviers Orient, il segnefie occisions de hommes et
espandement de sang. Se il commenche a tonner deviers Occident, il segnefie
mortalitét de tempieste en aucune partie. Se il tonne deviers Midi, il segnefie
mortoille de gens. Se il commenche a tonner deviers Aquilone, il segnefie
mortalité des paijens.19 [398v]
Ore devez scavoir que li solaux entre toudis en mylieu dou mois en . 1.
nouviel signe dont il en y a .12. aussi comme .12. mois. Et li solaux met
.1. mois a passer .1. signe et chil .12. signe sont ou chiercle dou soleil
ouquel chiercle il fait son cours qui est Zadiakes, c'est chiercles de bestes,
et ces biestes sont ensi que on les vous nomme et ont tel nom pour le raison
dou soleil. Si comme quant li solaux entre en my march ou premier signe,
c'est ou Mouton, pour chou que li solaux commenche adont a estre fors et
a monter ensi que li moutons est fors devant. Li aultres est nommez Tors
par nom pour chou que les labeurs des beufs et des terres apperent quant li
solaux y est et c'est en avril. Li tiers signes est appiellez Jumiel et sont aussi
que .2. frère jumiel qui s'entracolent. Aussi les choses qui naissent de terre
en may s'entrelachent quant li solaux y est en cest signe. Li quars est
appiellés Crevice qui recule aussi quant li solaux est en cest signe (et) s'i
recule et se depart de no(stre) emispere c'est quant li jour acourchent. Li
quins signes est appiellés Lyon, car ensy comme li lyons est de trop ardant
nature, ensi est li solaux quant il est en cest signe de ardant nature caulz et
secs. Dont en tel signe il ne fait mie bon saignier ne uzer de purgations; et
c'est hernus. Li ,6e*. signes est appiellés Virgene, car si comme virgene est
chose brehaigne aussi quant li solaux entre en cel signe, c'est en my aoust,
nulle chose ne croist, mais les choses meürissent. Li .7CS. est appiellez Libres,
c'est balance, pour chou que en cel temps li jour et les nuis sont de une
longheur. Li .8e*. signes est appiellez Escorpions, car aussi comme li
escorpions point de se keuwe, aussi en cel temps quant li solaux y est les
froidures poingnent les matinees. Li .9**. est appelles Sagittaires pour chou
que adont les saijettes du temps sont envoijés sour nous si comme de pleuve
et de nege et de grésil. Li .10e5. est nommez Kievre cornue ensi comme la
kievre est une bieste qui se draiche en paissant, aussi en cel signe li solaux
se dreche enviers nous et commenche a revenir cha dessus [3991 en no(stre)
emispere et c'est devant le Noël quant li jour ralongent. Li .2. 20 signe qui
19
This thunder prognostication (by which the fate of an entire year is determined by the
direction from which the first clash of thunder is heard) corresponds roughly to a similar
prognostication in Bede's thunderbook. See: Beda, De tonitruis (PL 90, 610-611).
20
.2.: ms .12.
392 APPENDIX THREE
demeurent, c'est Aquarre et Poisson qui segnefient habondance d'aigles quant

li solaux y est en ces signes, c'est en jenvier et en février et chi21 en march.
Nous avons parlé des . 12. signes et de leur signifiances quant li lune y
est. De chou disent li sage que li lune est plus isnielle que nulles des autres
pianettes et est plus prochaine a le terre. Pour chou a elle plus grant rewart
et segnourie es choses du monde et plus s'en sent toute creature et li
complexions humaine de ses mouvemens, si comme quant li lune est plaine
li mers est plaine. Et aussi est li sans et li moule es hommes et es bestes.22
Et quant li lune est nouvielle li gent goûteux et maladieu et chil qui ont eü
briseures es membres en sont plus entez et plus s'en sentent. De chou dist
Aristotes que en le premiere moittiét de chascune lunison les maladies sont
plus grandes, mais elles sont mains morteulx que en le seconde: quant li lune
est en decours tout soient elles meures. Et li raisons: car en le premiere
moittiét dekeurent les maladies et les humeurs qui sont dedens au dehors; et
en le darraine moittiét dekeurent elles de dehors23 au dedens. Dont est
certaine chose que li malle humeurs qui est dedens petite puet plus nuire que
li grande qui est au dehors, tout soit elle grande et malle.
Et dient li sage phisicijen que se li lune est en signe muable quant aucune
maladie prent premièrement, ce segnefie hastieveté au malade ou de bien ou
de mal. Et communément aucunes telles maladies se tournent a terminement.
Et quant elle est en signe ferme, ce segnefie que celle maladie sera longhe
et mettera longuement a garir plus que es aultres signes. Et se li lune est en
signe de .2. cors, c'est ne muable ne estable, quant li maladie prent
premièrement, ce segnefie que telle maladie y a lequelle va de maladie en
maladie et se transmuera d'une maniere en ung aultre. Se li lune est ou
commenchement que maladie prent en signe qui soit samblables a le maladie,
si comme elle soit ou Lyon ou u Mouton ou u Sagittaire et une fièvre prent
qui est de propre [399v] nature caude, celle maladie est maie, pour le
concordance des signes et de le maladie qui soit d'une nature. Et au contraire
se une fièvre prent et li lune soit ou Toriel u en le Vierge ou en le Capricorne
qui sont de leur nature froit, telle maladie est communément mains périlleuse,
pour le descordance des signes et de le maladie. Et ensi puet on entendre de
moult de autres maladies, et cetera.
21
chi lege aussi.
22
For the influence of the Moon on rising and setting tides and on the waxing and waning
of plants and animals, see Tetrabiblos 1.2 (Loeb ed., p. 7) and Augustine, DCD V.6.
23
dehors: ms dedans au dehors. A correction was made in the manuscript by crossing
through 'dans au de'.
RÈGLES 393
4. A Numerological Game
As a prognosticative text the 12 Signes is quite serious in its intentions. With

the Règles this is slightly different, since it seems to be caught 'betwixt jest
and earnest' like all modern oracles and games of chance; the playful,
sportive element is always there, but so is seriousness, if the stakes are high
enough. It would perhaps not be difficult to trace the playful element in all
forms of divination,1 but some forms evidently present themselves more as
games than others. It is this entertaining aspect of fortune-telling, to which
ecclesiastical censorship occasionally turned a blind eye, that we encounter
in this section.
Next to the more complex astrological forms of divination, there were also
easier, simpler and more entertaining methods of learning the future, that look
very much like amusements or games. These soothsaying-games or 'do-it-
yourself-oracles' (for want of a better phrase) range from tossing coins or
throwing dice to intricate and complicated games with elaborate charts and
tables.
As a separately identifiable literary genre the 'Books of Fate' were very
popular.2 These texts always contain a fixed list of questions about the
general affairs of life, such as wealth, health and happiness, from which the
inquirer is supposed to select one. By performing a certain operation, such
as turning a dial or a wheel of fortune or throwing dice, which yields a
certain outcome, he is directed to a table with oracles where, on a fixed
location (determined by the outcome of, e.g., the dice), he finds an answer
to his question. Sometimes there are several tables of oracles and the player
is directed from one table to another, before he reaches an answer. Such an
unnecessarily indirect and complicated method is usually explained in terms
1
In his Livre de divinations (chapter 3) Oresme dismissed geomancy as a simple game
of odd or even ('le jeu de per et de nom per') and drew attention to the fact that some called
it 'le jeu de philosophes, car on n'y peut spéculer en aucunes conclusions d'arismetique'
(Coopland ed., p. 58). Cf. also: Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, pp. 90-94 on the art
of trickery, where he deals with magic and conjuring tricks. In the present survey we will be
chiefly concerned with written divinatory games.
2
For a discussion of the literature on this genre, as well as a definition of 'Books of Fate',
see the appendix of T. C.Skeat, α An Early Medieval 'Book of Fate': The SortesXII Patriarcha-
rum", in: Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 3 (London 1954), pp. 51-54. Essential studies
on this topic are by J. Bolte ("Zur Geschichte der Losbücher", in: Georg Wickrams Werke, ed.
J. Bolte, vol. 4, pp. 276-348, and J. Bolte, "Zur Geschichte der Punktier- und Losbücher", in:
Jahrbuchßr historische Volkskunde I (1925), pp. 184-214). See also: HWDA V, 'Losbücher\
cols. 1386-1401, which is a summary of Bolte.
394 APPENDIX THREE
of the mystifying effect it is supposed to have on the reader,3 though, one

feels, the playful element should not be underestimated here. Examples of
such texts survive from Antiquity and the Arabic world, and a number of
medieval examples of this genre such as the Experimentarius attributed to
Bernardus Silvester4 derive from Arabic originals. Other famous texts in this
genre are the Sortes Sangallenses (survivingfragmentarilyas a sixth-century
palimpsest in a manuscript at St. Gall)3; and the Sortes apostolorum (men-
tioned and denounced by pope Gelasius in 494, but its earliest surviving copy
is in a tenth-century manuscript). Many of these texts found their way into
the vernacular and poetic embellishments and versifications were not infre-
quent.6
Especially in fifteenth-century Germany the genre seems to have flour-
ished. By far the most important author of such books of divination was
Konrad Bollstatter (Öttingen, c. 1420 - Augsburg, 1482) who sometimes
signed his work as Konrad Müller or Mulitor. One of his books clearly
illustrates the playful aspect of these divinatory games and may furnish us
with a suitable example of how a lot-book ('Losbuch') functions.7 The book
is handsomely executed with circular charts and drawings that may be
reminiscent of the circular figures or wheels of fortune in the earlier men-
tioned 'spheres of life and death'. The player, using this book, is requested
to select one from a list of sixteen questions (e.g. whether or not the woman
3
A sentiment expressed by Skeat ("An Early Medieval 'Book of Fate': The Sortes XII
PatriarcharumT', p. 46) and Thorndike (HMES Π, p. 113). Braekman ("Fortune-Telling by the
Casting of Dice: A Middle English Poem and Its Background", in: Studia Neophilologica 52
(1980), pp. 3-29) adds that 'superstition does not like simple and straightforward methods* (p.7).
4
5
For a discussion of the St. Gall 'lottery *-text with references, see: Flint, "The Transmissi
on of Astrology **, pp. 16-17, and Flint, The Rise of Magic, pp. 220-221. Apparently attempts
were made in the eighth century in order to erase the text to reuse the leaves for compiling
vocabularies. Due to such acts of censure only one quarter of the text survives today.
6
See: Braekman, "Fortune-Telling by the Casting of Dice", pp. 3-29. Cf. also: Louis
Brandin, "Le livre de preuve**, in: Romania 42 (1913), pp. 204-254, and Louis Brandin, "Un
livre de bonne aventure Anglo-Français en vers", in: Mélanges de linguistique et de littérature
offerts à M. Alfred Jeanroy (Paris 1928), pp. 639-655. The text Brandin edits in the second article
is an adaptation in verse of a Latin original from the thirteenth century. The Livre de preuve
(also thirteenth century) likewise purports to be a translation: 'Uns clers le fist a Panpelune, /
Qui volst savoir d'astronomie / ( . . . ) Par les estoiles bien savoit / Tot ce dont il désir avoit. /
RlGAUS ot non, molt fu vaillans / Et en estude molt saichans* {Romania 42, p. 217). But as
Brandin points out {op. cit., pp. 204-205) no author is known by that name so the attribution
may be fictional.
7
Ein mittelalterliches Wahrsagespiel: Konrad Bollstatters Losbuch in CGM 312 der
Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, comm. Karin Schneider (Wiesbaden 1978). The book contains
facsimiles from the manuscript as well as the complete text of Bollstatter's lot-book rendered
into modern German. The quotations were taken from the modern rendering.
RÈGLES 395
he loves is true), after which he has to throw two dice. If, say, the result is
6 points, he can then look up the combination of the question and the 6 points
in a table where he canfindfurther directions. In Bollstatter's book the player
will thus find: Ob deine Liebste treu ist: König von Litauen, 6. Zeile'. In
the second part of the book he will find 16 tables with 16 kings, each
pronouncing ten oracles. The sixth oracle of the king of Lithuania is as
follows: Trage den Minnesänger Brennberger, ob deine Liebste treu ist'.
On the table with 'Minnesänger' in the third and final part of the book the
player will find Brennberger saying: 'Deine Liebste ist treu, aber nicht dir,
sondern einem anderen. Man könnte meinen, sie stamme aus Flandern'.
The popularity of these Books of Fate, especially in the fifteenth and
sixteenth century, seems to suggest that they were increasingly regarded as
an innocent form of entertainment. This was not always the case. There is,
for instance, the twelfth-century Sortes XII Patriarcharum? a Book of Fate
in which a system is used containing twelve questions, from which the
inquirer can choose one. Each question is correlated to twelve answers or
oracles (which results in a total of 144 oracles). By throwing two dice the
inquirer can find the answer to his question, but since the range of possible
scores with two dice is from 2 to 12, this leaves a group of twelve oracles
(the first answers to the twelve questions) without a clear function in the
game. Skeat, who analysed the game, referred to these twelve oracles as
'dummies, retained for the sake of symmetry', but they are more than that.
Instead of answers to the questions, they are 'virulent denunciations of
fortune-telling!' and Skeat quotes a number of specimens, such as:
Welle Dei nosse Casu non est tibi posse; or

Si sequens Casum, Casus frangit tibi nasum.9
The jocular tone to which Skeat drew attention is unmistakable, but this does
not mean they were not meant to be taken seriously. Like warnings on
packets of cigarettes, declaring that the contents of these products may
damage one's health, these 'oracles' may have been intended to comply with
the wishes of authorities and to inform potential players and inquirers of the
nature of such a game sub specie aeternitatis. Bollstatter is known to have
catered for the pious needs of his clients, producing a dice-book with a
moralistic purpose. The answers to the casts are not given by kings or sages,
but by Christ, Mary and the saints, though Bollstatter probably found it hard
8
See Skeat, "An Early Medieval 'Book of Fate': The SortesXIIPatriarcharum", pp. 41-
54. The system of the game, which is too complicated to be described here, is discussed and
analysed by Skeat.
9
Skeat, "An Early Medieval 'Book of Fate': The Sortes XII PatriarcharumT', p. 47.
396 APPENDIX THREE
to suppress his playful moods, for among the saints one quite unexpectedly
encounters Judas and Satan.10
Next to these Books of Fate with questions and answers, also
numerological methods of fortune-telling were extremely popular. Though
belonging to a slightly different genre, both forms of divination seem to have
been transmitted jointly ever since the early Middle Ages and, as we dis
cussed earlier, their roots extend back even further. Especially numerology
has a long history.
The idea that number and numerological patterns underly the order of the
cosmos has been part of the tradition of Western thought at least since the
Pythagoreans. Numbers are not only embedded in reality, they are also used
as a structuring device in the divine plan. Thus one can find Augustine11
explaining that many things in the Bible which are figuratively and mystically
expressed, are not understood through an ignorance of numbers. He goes on
to give the rather exotic example of the forty-day fasts of Moses, Elijah and
Christ. Forty is four times ten. The number four denotes time (a year consists
of four seasons; a day also has four segments, viz. morning, noon, evening,
night) and the number ten symbolises the knowledge of the Creator (the
Trinity symbolised by three) and his creature (symbolised by seven). The
living creature is denoted by seven on account of his physical existence (his
body consists of the four elements) and the life that is in him (man must love
God in a three-fold way: with his heart, soul and mind). A forty-day fast,
therefore, combines knowledge of God and life with the passing of time and
shows that life here on earth should not be spent in pleasure but in temper
ance and the pursuit of the Good.
Numerology thrived best in languages such as Greek or Hebrew which
have no separate symbols for numbers but use the letters of the alphabet
instead. A very influential numerological method is gematria12 which orig
inated possibly in Babylon, was widespread in the literature of the Magi and
entered Israel during the period of the Second Temple. It gained prominence
in the Middle Ages especially in kabbalistical circles where it was used to
explore the mystical dimensions of Scripture. Sir Thomas Browne (1605-
1682) presented an example of this in chapter five of his Garden of Cyrus,
or, the Quincunciall, Lozenge, or Net-Work Plantations of the Ancients,
10
Braekman, "Fortune-Telling by the Casting of Dice", p. 10.
11
Augustine, DDC Π.16 (25); another instance of numerological exegesis in Augustine
can be found in DCD XI.30-31. On numerology in Patristic thought, see, e.g., Campion, The
Great Year, pp. 294-296.
12
Gematria (Gr. γεωμετρία) 'consists of explaining a word or group of words according
to the numerical value of the letters or of substituting other letters of the alphabet for them in
accordance with a set system' (EJ 7, cols. 369-374). Cf. also Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and
Superstition, pp. 262-263.
RÈGLES 397
Artificially, Naturally, Mystically Considered.13 There he expounds the

mystical meaning of the number five, the conjugal number (he refers to the
parable of the five wise and the five foolish virgins and the Roman custom
to admit only five torches in the nuptial solemnities). According to the
Kabbalah the Hebrew letter He, denoting five, is the number of fertility and
generation as was made clear in the names of Abram and Sarai who remained
childless until the He was added to their names; Abram became Abraham
and Sarai became Sara/i.
The realisation that numerological patterns were an important structuring
device in the Bible made no small contribution to the application of numbers
to literary compositions14 (Dante's Divina Commedia is only one of many
eminent examples) or the use of numerology in magic, divination and even
medicine.15 We have already encountered the numerological name-'calcula-
tion' in the notebook of the Suffolk physician John Crophill and the so-called
'spheres of life and death'. Thorndike16 explains how one of these 'spheres'
from Greek Antiquity works, and we will follow his explanation, since it may
aid our understanding of the Règles which we will deal with presently. A
'sphere' is a circularfigurewith several compartments labelled with headings
such as ' Life' or ' Death' under which different numbers are grouped together.
The numerical value of a person's name may be calculated by adding together
the Greek numerals represented by its component letters. To this number the
day of the Moon may be added after which the sum is divided by a given
divisor. The quotient can be looked up in the compartments. Thorndike adds
that this method was used, among other things, to predict the outcome of
gladiatorial combats. Later medieval versions of this method of divination,
which could obviously not rely on the numerical value of the Greek letters,
assigned arbitrary numerical values to the Roman letters, and this may
account for the arbitrary appearance of the numbers in the table of the Règles.
In discussing the pseudo-Aristotelian Secret of Secrets and its remarks on the
occult properties of numbers, Thorndike17 draws attention to a Hebrew
version of the work which 'adds a puerile method of divination who will be
victor in a battle by a numerical calculation based upon the letters in the
13
Thomas Browne, The Religio Medici and Other Writings (London 1909), pp. 224-225.
14
See, e.g. : John MacQueen, Numerology: Theory and Outline History ofa Literary Mode
(Edinburgh 1985).
15
Such 'medical' applications were no doubt criticised by Oresme when he wrote: 'il n'est
homme, se il a raison en soy, qui ne voye clerement que c'est une folie croire que par getter
per ou non per on puisse savoir si un malade guérira ou mourir' (Livre de divinations, ch. 16,
p. 114).
16
Thorndike, HMES I, pp. 682-683.
17
Thorndike, HMES Π, p. 277.
398 APPENDIX THREE
names of the generals'. This 'puerile method', it will be observed presently,

is not far from the method used in the Règles.
It is difficult to assess how serious these numerological divining methods
were taken, but if they developed along lines similar to that of the Books of
Fate, we may surmise that eventually they were used mainly for amusement
and entertainment. The Règles de divination from the bulky Burgundian codex
is a case in point. If this book, or at least the parts we are discussing here,
were already part of the Burgundian library around the year 1400, and if it
circulated at court, they were a potential target of Pignon's invective. The
following presentation of the text is based on the same editorial principles
as those of Contre les devineurs. Roman numerals, however, have been
changed into Arabic ones and the two tables, presented in the manuscript in
a linear fashion, have been restructured to accommodate the modern reader.
[405*] Qui vouldra savoir de quelque chose que soit par lettrez de
l'abecé et dou nombre de chacunne lettre escript dessus la lettre, il
poura savoir la vérité de ce que il demandera s'il fait en celle maniere:
Prenez 2 propres noms de nativité et non mie d'aventure, ou pour
tenchon, ou pour bataille, ou pour ceulx qui muevent a aler ou chemin,
ou pour mariés lequel morra avant, ou pour malades, ou pour quelque
chose qu'il vouldra savoir selonc l'espelissement. Prenez de chacunne
lettre le nombre par soy et puis les partez par 9 tant qu'il demeure 9
ou mains. Sour ce qu'il sera demouré de l'un et de l'autre, gardez en
la page de l'argument et vous trouverez qui vainquera et qui sera
vaincus.
Et des mariez; partez le nombre des lettres de leurs noms par 7 et
cellui qui sourmontera l'autre de vie trouverez.
Et des malades; comptez le nombre des lettres du jour que la
maladie se prenra et le nom du malade et se le nom du malade vaint
il garira et se le nom du jour vaint il moura. Et faites autresi de toutes
autres choses de quoy vous voldrez savoir la vérité. C'est l'abecé18
et la page qui ensieut.
18
In the manuscript the key to the numerical values of the letters of the alphabet is
presented in a linear fashion: 'iij . iij . xxiij . xxiiij . xxv . iij . vij . vj . xv . a . b . c . d . e
. f. g . h . i . xv . xxij . xxiij . xxv . viij . xiij . xxj . xxiij . k . 1. m . η . ο . ρ . q . r . xxj
. viij . j . vj . iij . iij . xxiiij . xxvj . ν . s . t . ν . χ . y . ζ . Sol . Luna . Mars . xix . xix .
xxx . xxiiij . [406Π Mercurius . Jupiter . Venus . Saturnus'.
REGLES
a = 3 1 = 22 x = 6
b = 3 m = 23 y = 3
c = 23 n = 25 ζ = 3
d = 24 o = 8 Sol = 24
e = 25 ρ = 13 Luna = 26
f = 3 q = 21 Mars = 5
g = 7 r = 23 Mercurius = 19
h = 6 s = 21 Jupiter = 1 9
i = 15 t = 8 Venus = 30
k = 15 u = 1 Saturnus = 24
L'argument
1 et 1 le demandeur vaint 4 et 4 le deffendeur vaint

1 et 2 qui a 2 vaint 4 et 5 qui a 5 vaint
1 et 3 qui a 3 vaint 4 e(t) 6 qui a 4 vaint
1 et 7 qui a 1 vaint
1 et 8 qui a 8 vaint 5 et 5 le demandeur vaint
2 et 2 le deffendeur vaint 5 et 8 qui a 8 vaint
2 et 5 qui a 2 vaint 6 et 6 le deffendeur vaint
7 et 7 le demandeur vaint
3 et 3 le demandeur vaint 7 et 8 qui a 8 vaint
3 et 6 qui a 6 vaint 8 et 8 le deffendeur vaint
3 et 9 qui a 3 vaint 9 et 9 le deffendeur vaint.
400 APPENDIX THREE
Essentially the game is very simple; it reduces a problem or question to an

opposition of two alternatives, represented by two names. These names have
numerical values that can be established by adding up the numerical values
of their constituent letters, in accordance with the key provided. The total
of each name must be divided by 9 (or 7 in case of a married couple) 'tant
qu'il demeure 9 ou mains', i.e. the division should not result in a fraction,
but in a remainder (residuus numerus) that cannot be further divided (e.g.
120 divided by 9 gives 13 with 3 remaining). This is the method used, e.g.,
in the Sphere of Petosiris19 and was very common in the Middle Ages, so
common that the Règles need not specify the procedure. The remainder of
each name can then be looked up in the argument to see which one wins and
which one loses. The Règles specify that the remainder must be '9 ou mains'
i.e. a figure below 10 and not below 9! Probably this was done to keep the
remainder from being equal to 0. If, for instance, the numerical value of a
name is 108 there is no remainder (108 divided by 9 is 12 with no remain-
der). In these perhaps not too frequent cases, the player or inquirer is
supposed to take 9 as remainder (108 divided by 9 = 11, with 9 remaining).
Let us now turn to a concrete example of this method. Suppose Jean and
Louis quarrel and suppose Jean is eager to find out who will get the better
of whom. The numerical value of Jean is: 15 + 25 + 3 + 25 = 68; divided
by 9 this gives: 7 (7 x 9 = 63) with 5 remaining. Jean's number therefore
is 5. The numerical value of Louis is: 22 + 8 + 1 + 15 + 21 = 67; divided
by 9 this gives: 7 (7 x 9 = 63) with 4 remaining. Louis's number therefore
is 4. The argument (and the course of history) reveals the winner. As the
reader will have guessed, the game could have been very popular at the
Burgundian court.
It is not entirely clear why the seven planets were incorporated in the
table. They appear in the order of the days of the week (as is well known,
each day is named after the planet that rules the first hour of that day) but
this does not necessarily relate them to the days on which, according to the
Règles, a disease manifests itself. The direction clearly says to compute the
number of the letters of the day, which suggests one should spell out the
name of the day rather than take the number allotted to a corresponding
planet. The names of the days may have been added to accommodate specific
astrological applications of the game, but, as will be remembered, in the
original Greek versions of this type of divining method, the day of the Moon
was added to the names before the final sum could be divided by a given
19
See: De divinatione mortis et vitae (PL 90, 963-966).
RÈGLES 401
divisor.20 In the Règles the numerical values of the planets representing the
days of the week no doubt serve a similar purpose, even though the directions
are not entirely clear on this.
Perhaps there was no need for this clarity, for as the reader may verify
by some calculations, in the quarrel between Jean and Louis the former might
have struck out at the latter any day of the week and be sure of success. By
the terms of this game, Louis never stood a chance. The situation, however,
would have been different in the fifteenth century. A medieval opponent of
divination, taking offence at these games, could quite easily have used the
same example to prove the foppery of such soothsaying. Since he would spell
the names of the protagonists in the medieval way as Jehan and Loys, he
would find different values (74 and 54 resp.) and hence different remainders
(2 and 9 resp.). From the argument the reader may learn that Jehan, if he
was out for success, needed more than the mere numerical value of his name.
The ridicule of our medieval critic, however, would be shortlived once the
planetary numbers were inserted in the calculations. As many a Burgundian
courtier, much to his satisfaction, might have calculated: Wednesday was a
propitious day for murder.
• w This is also the case in De divinatione mortis et vitae (PL 90, 963-966) where the
example is given of the battle between Hercules and Achilles. To the number of Achilles (1276)
is added the number allotted to the day of the moon (which in the example is 17; a table gives
the number: Luna 17 - DCCCXCII/): 1276 + 893 = 2169.
GLOSSARY
This glossary is devised as a tool to aid the reader not wholly familiar with
medieval French in understanding the texts of Contre les devineurs and the
three documents contained in the appendices. This glossary is not exhaustive
and it makes no lexicographical claims. The meanings provided are wholly
appropriated to the contexts in which the words occur. Only words which
are absent from modern French or whose spelling or meaning deviates
significantly from what is customary have been entered.
Abbreviations:
al, 2, 3: appendix I, II, III; adj.: adjective; adv.: adverb; cond.: conditional;^.:
figuratively;^. : future; imper. : imperative; impf. : imperfect; ind. : indicative; indef. :
indefinite; pi.: plural; pp.: past participle; pr.: present; prep.: preposition; pret.:
preterite; pron. : pronoun; pr.pt. : present participle; sf. : feminine substantive; sm. :
masculine substantive; subj. : subjunctive; subst.pr.pt. : present participle as substan-
tive; v.intr.: intransitive verb; v.impers.: impersonal verb; v.refl.: reflexive verb;
v.trans.: transitive verb.
acquérir, acquerre, acquesir, acisir, arquemie: sf. alchemy.

aquerir, aquester; ind.pr.3 arrer: v.trans. plow (a3).
acquiert; ind.impf.6 acquisent; pp. aspre: adj. harsh (a3).
acquise, aquise: v.trans. acquire. assoir, asseir: v.trans. place, base,
ad: (< avoir) ind.pr.3 has; (=k)prep. found.
to. aveinne: sf. oats.
adés: adv. always. avigier see aviser.
acUuiracions: sf.pl. spells. aviser, adv-, avigier; ind.pr.3 advise,
aduner; ind.impf.3 adunoit: v.trans. 6 advisent, avisent; pret. 3 avisa;
gather, bring together. fiit.6 raviseront, pp. avisé: v.trans.
ahurter; ind.pr.6 ahurient; pp. ahurté, recognize, notice; think over, decide,
adhurté: v.refl. (+a,en) cling to, advise, ce m'est advis, it seems to
persist in. me.
ainteuve (< antif): adj. old. aymant, la pierre d'aymant: sm. the
alcançous(< aucun): indef.pron. some. lodestone.
amendrir; ind.pr.3 amendrit: v.intr. ayre: de bonne ayre: very noble (a2).
diminish.
amonester; pp. amonesté: v.trans. baillier, bal-; ind.pr.3 baille; ind.
admonish, exhort, amonetement: sf. impf 3 bailla, 6 bailloient; subst.pr.
admonishment. pt. baillans; pp. baillié, ballié:
arondeaus, arondeks, arondelks: sf.pl. v.trans. give.
swallows. barat: sm. deceit (a3).
404 GLOSSARY
bassin, bachin: sm. basin, bowl. conveniens: sm.pl. events, conse-

blechier; pp. blechié: v.trans. injure. quences.
bos, bois: sm. wood. convenir; ind.pr.3 convient, covient;
boteliier: sm. butler. ind. impf. 3 con venoit ; cond. 3
boudiné: sf. belly (a3). convendroit, convenroit (a3):
bouter, boter; ind.pr.6 boutent; pp. v.impers. be necessary, must.
bouté: v.intr. cast, throw; v.refl. castconverser; ind.pr.3 converse; ind.
oneself, throw oneself, fall. impf.6 conversoient; pp. conversé:
brehaigne: adj. barren, infertile (a3). v.intr. associate (with); spend time
brief, briefve: adj. brief. (with, at).
briefte, brieté: sf. brevity. cornelles, cornilles: sf.pl. crows.
brieves, brives: sm.pl. letters, notes, corre, corir; ind.pr.3 keurt (a3): move,
small writings. pass.
buchetes: sf.pl. straws. courcier, courouchier (a3); ind.impf 3
buvrages: sm.pl. beverages, drinks. coursa, courcha;Jztf.6courcheront
(a3); pp. courcié: v.refl. become
campt see champ. angry, enraged.
cangable: adj. mutable. courouc, courous: sm. wrath, anger.
cangier: v.trans. change, exchange (a3). courre: adj. currant.
cedule: sf. small roll or scroll with courtillier: v.trans. cultivate a garden
writing. (a3).
celeement: adv. secretly. cuidier; ind.pr.5 cuidiés, 6 cuident,
chamberiere: sf. maid. cuydent; ind.impf.6 cuidoient; pr.pt.
champ, campt; pi. chams: sm. field. cuidans, cuidant: v.trans. and intr.
chant; pi. chans, canchons: sm. song, think, believe.
sound. cuillir, cuyllir, cuellir, quillir; pr.pt.
charai; sm. magic, sorcery, bewitch- cuillant: v.trans. pick, reap.
ment.
charmens; sm.pl. magic formulas, débouter; pp. déboutée: v.intr. throw
charms. away.
chauser; pr.pt. chausant, causant: decevable: adj. deceitful.
v.intr. put on one's shoes or stock- décevoir, dechevoir; ind.pr.2 déçoit,
ings. déchoit, 5 dechevés, 6 déçoivent,
cheoir, cheir; ind.pr.3 chiet, 6 cheent; dechoivent; cond.3 deceveroit; pp.
subj.pr.3 chiee: v.intr. fall, drop. c. deceü, deceüt, decheü: v.trans.
en erreur, c. en ydolatrie: fall deceive.
(flg.). c. sur: fall under. decorre; ind.pr.6 dekeurent (a3):
chetis, chetive: adj. wretched. v.intr. run, move away.
chier: adj. costly, chier temps: lean degeter; pp. degeté, degetté, degetés:
times, times of scarcity, avoir chier v.trans. cast out, deject.
qn.: to hold dear (a3). delaissier; ind.pr.3 délaisse, dellesse 6
choettes: sf. owls. délaissent; pp. delaissié, delessié:
collacion: sf. meeting, exchange of v.trans. leave, abandon.
thoughts. demorant: sm. remainder, rest.
combien que; con-: adv. although. deporter; ind.pr.6 déportait; subj.impf.
compuns: compunction. 3 deportaissent: v.refl. to abandon,
GLOSSARY 405
move away from; conduct oneself, esvechiés: sm.pl. bishoprics.

behave. eure; en 1'eure: immediately.
dés: sm.pl. dice. exaucier, exaucer: v.trans. raise up,
desconfiture: sf. discomfiture. exalt.
desnoier; wd.pr.idesnoie: v.refl. (+de)
untie oneself from, abandon. fallir, falir; ind.pr.3 faut, fault, 6
devise (a2): sf. discourse, story. fallent; ind.impf.3 faloit, falut; jut.6
discans (< L. discere): v.trans. pr.pt. faudront, faulront (a3); cond.3
knowing, having learned. faudroit, fauroit; pret. 3 fali,
dobte; pi. dobtes: sf. doubt. fausist; pp. falli: v.intr. fail, be
douter; ind.pr.1 doubte, 3 doubte; wrong; v.impers. be necessary.
ind.impf.3 doubta; pr.pt. dobtant; fauteur: sm. patron, supporter.
pp. dobté: v.trans. fear, respect. fie: sm. liver (a3).
fourmens, fourment: sm. grain, wheat
enchariement; sm. enchantment, be- (a3).
witchment. fu, feu: sm. fire (a3).
enquérir, enquesir: v.trans. find out, fuisel: sm. top.
investigate.
ensinr, ensuyr; ind.pr.3 ensiut, ensuit, geter, jeter; ind.pr.3 gette, 6 gettent;
ensieut, 6 ensivent, ensievent; pret.3 jeta, 6 geterent; pp. geté:
pr.pt. ensivant, ensivans, ensyvant, v.trans. throw, cast.
ensyans, ensyevant: v.refl. follow. gueredonner; ind.pr.3 gueredone:
enter: v.trans. 1. engraft; 2. infuse, v.trans. reward.
penetrate (a3).
entracoler: v.refl. embrace (each other) haineux: sm. enemy.
(a3). haïr; ind.pr.3 het, 6 heient: v.trans.
esbahir; pp. esbahi: v.refl. be amazed, hate.
bewildered. hancques: sf.pl. hips (a3).
escarpir de: v.refl. tear oneself loose hayne: sf. hate, hatred.
from. hayneus: adj. hateful.
eschever, eschiever: v.trans. avoid, hernus: sm. dog days, hot weather (a3).
prevent. hireter: v.trans. inherit (a3).
eschoir: v.intr. occur, happen. hostel, ostel; pi. ostelz: sm. house,
espase, espasse, espace, espasce: sm. home.
duration, period.
espavé: adj. lost, uncontrolled. illuec: adv. there.
espelissement: sf. spelling (a3). illustracion: sf enlightenment, illumi-
estaindre, estandre: v.trans. extend. nation.
esternuer; ind.pr.3 esternue: v.intr. immüer; pp. immüe, inmüee; v.trans.
sneeze. mutate, permeate.
esstarnuement: sm. sneezing. immutacion, in-: sf. mutation.
estey: sm. summer inconveniens, incoveniens: sm.pl.
estoile, estoille, esstoile, estoele, estoel- disadvantages, harms, mishaps.
le, estole: sf. star. injurer; pp. injurrés: v.trans. insult.
estrines: sf.pl. new year's gifts. injure: sf. insult.
estriver;pr.pt. estrivant: v.intr. dispute. innaner: v. enfeeble, enervate.
406 GLOSSARY
invohision: sf. complexity, intricacy. mousteré, montsterai; pp. moutré,

isniel: adj. quick, fast (a3). moustré, moustrees: v.trans. show,
issir; subj.pr.3 isse: v.intr. go out, come demonstrate; v.refl. show oneself,
out. reveal oneself.
issue: sf. end. movoir; ind.pr.3 muet, 6 meuvent;
pr.pt. movent: v.trans. move, mo-
jeune; pi. jeunes, Junes: sm. fasting, vent: sm. motive.
fasts. mue: adj. mute.
jeûner; ind.pr.6 junent; ind.impf.6 muer: v.trans. change, alter.
jeunoient; pr.pt. jeûnant: v.intr.
fast. nigromancie: sf necromancy.
nigromancien: sm. necromancer.
keurt see corre. nonsachant: adj. ignorant.
keuwe: sf. tail (a3). nuisale: adj. harmful.
nyer: v.trans. deny.
larrechin, larrenchin: sm. larceny, theft
(a3). occoison, sf. carnage, killing.
liesse: sf merriment. ocire; pp. occis: v.trans. kill.
loange: sm. praise. odiance; donner o. a: listen to.
louer, loër: v.trans. praise. oïr, oyr; ind.pr.4 oöns; ind.impf.6
lunison: sf. lunar cycle (a3). ooient; pret.3 oyt, ouy, 6 oyrent;
fut.3 ora (a3); pp. oft, oy, oye,
maiennement see moignant. oyes: v.trans. hear, hear of.
maintien; en maintien de: by means of. oisel; pi. oyseaus, oyseaux, oysiaus,
mangier, mengier; ind.pr.3 mengne, 4 oysiaux: sm. bird.
mangons; pp. mangié: v.trans. and or, ore: adv. now.
intr. eat. ordoier; ind.pr.3 ordoie, 6 ordoient:
mansonge, mengnonne; pi. mansonges: v.trans. defile.
sm. lie, falsehood. orison: sf. prayer.
menchonne, mansongieres, menchon- ors: adj. filthy.
naules (a3): adj. untruthful, menda- ostel see hostel.
cious. otrier; pret.3 otria: v.trans. grant.
menchonnier: sm. liar. oyl: affirmative adv. yes.
meur: adj. mature, careful.
meürir; ind.pr.6 meürissent: v.intr. paelle: sf. frying-pan.
ripen (a3). pener; ind.pr.3 painne: v.trans. suffer,
moigne: sm. monk. tolerate.
moigner: v.trans. do, conduct, execute. pertuise: adj. hollow.
moignant, moingnant, maiennement: pesquier: v.intr.fish(a3).
adv. by means of. pis: sm. breast.
mon: affirm.adv. well; assavoir mon: to plait; pi. plaix: sm. lawsuit, legal case
examine carefully. (a3).
moule: sf. marrow (a3). plouvasse: sm. rain (a3).
moustrer, moutrer; ind.pr.3 moustre, pou, po, pau: adv. little, p. de, little.
montre, 6 moustrent; pret.3 mou- pourpensé: adj. planned, contrived,
tra; fut.1 mousterai, mousterei, concocted.
GLOSSARY 407
poursuïr, poursivir; pr.pt. poursievant, rude, ruide: adj. simple, primitive, un-
poursuiant: v.trans. pursue. schooled; coarse.
proesse: sf. prowess. rungier; pp. rungié: v.trans. gnaw.
pronosqueurs: sm.pl. predictors.
pronosquer, prenosquier, prenosquer, saijettes: sf.pl. arrows (a3).
prenosquir; ind.pr.6 prenosquent, saillir; ind.pr.6 sallient: v.intr. leap,
pronoquent; pr.pt. pronosquant; jump.
pp. prenosquie, pronosquié: sainnier: v.intr. let blood (a3).
v.trans. predict. sarrer; ind.pr.6 sarrent: v.intr. huddle
pronosticacions, pre-: sf.pl. prognosti- (together).
cations. savoir, savor; ind.pr.3 scet, set, 6
prouvenche: sf. trial, test (a3). scevent, sevent; subj.pr. 6 sachent;
proveance: sf. providence, care. imper.5 sachiés; ind.impf.3 savoit,
proveoir; pp. proveii: v.trans. (+a) 6 savoient; cond.1 saroie, 3 saroit;
provide for. subj.impf.3 sceiist, sceiit, seiist:
provosquier: v.trans. provoke. v.trans. know.
puison: sf. médecine, medicinal drink secerece: sf. drought.
(a3). seel: sm. seal.
punaisie: sf. stench. signacles, sinacles: sm.pl. signs.
soloir; ind.pr.3 seult: v.intr. be ac-
querre, quesir; ind.pr.3 quiert, 6 customed, wont.
quierent; fut.6 querront; pp. quis sordre; fut.6 sourderont, surdront:
(al): v.trans. seek, look for. v.intr. arise, occur.
queviaux: sm.pl. hairs (a3). soris: sf. mice.
quillir see cuillir. sors, sort; sm. lot-drawing or -casting.
soudre: v.trans. solve.
rebouter; ind.pr.3 reboute: v.intr. soustraire; //M/.pr.isoutrait, 6 soutr ai-
throw. ent; ind.impf.6 soustràhoit: v.trans.
regard, reward: sm. (celestial) influ- take away, withdraw, subtract.
ence. soutiex, soutieux (a3): sm. wise, pru-
regehy see rejehir. dent.
rejehir; ind.pr.3 regehy (al): v. soutif: adj. ingenious.
confess. soutil, soutilz: adj. clever.
repaistre; ind.pr.3 repeut: v.trans. feed. soutillement, soutiement, soutilement,
repeut see repaistre. soutilment: adv. secretly, skilfully.
requerre debtez: reclaim debts (a3). soutiveté: sf. ingenuity.
rere: v.trans. shave (a3). suïr: v.trans. follow.
respandre;/?/?. respandu: v.trans. shed.
reube see robe tenchon: sf. tension (a3).
reward (a3) see regard. terme: sm. intention, design, prendre
rewarder: v.trans. to have influence on mon t.: intend to do.
(a3). tesmoing: according to
robe (al), reube (a3): sf. 1. dress, teste (sm.); tieste (sf.): head.
garment (a3); 2. goods, things (al). teux (< telles): pron. such.
roe: sf. wheel. travailler; ind.pr.3 travalle: v.trans.
torment, plague.
408 GLOSSARY
trencher; ind.pr.3 trenchast: v.trans. veant; pp. veü, veüe, veües, veüs:
cut off. v.trans. see.
tuit: adj. all. vestir; ind.pr.3 vast;pp. vestu: v.trans.
put on, dress.
valoir; ind.pr.3 vah, vault, vaut 6 viser: ind.pr.3 vise: v.trans. aim at.
valent; ind.impf.3 valoit; cond.3 voir, vrai: adj. true.
vaudroh, vauroit: v.trans. be worth.
vellier; ind.pr.6 vellent; pr.pt veillant: warde (= garde); pi. wardez: imper.
v.intr. be awake, watch, watch for. take care (a3).
veoir, voir; ind.pr.1 voi, 3 voit, 4
veons, 6 voient; ind.impf.3 veoit, 6 yauee, eaue, yauwe (a3); sf. water.
veoient; fut.3 verra; pr.pt. veans,
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INDEX OF NAMES IN CLD
Folio-numbersfromthe manuscript were added between parentheses. The list includes the variant
spellings from Pignon's treatise.
Aaron 320 (47v) Crete 262 (19v)

Abraham, Abrahan 231,232 (6r), 266 (21 v), Crisostome 326 (51r)
267 (22r)
Achor 291 (34r) Daniel 287 (32r); Songes de Daniel 287
Alain (de Lille) 326 (51v); De complanctu (32v)
Nature 326 (51v) David 322 (49r)
Albert de Coulogne (Albertus Magnus) 326 Democritus 305 (40v)
(51v) Digon 239 (9r)
Ambrose 290 (34r), 325 (50v), 326 (51r)
Anaxagoras 305 (40v) Egipciens 231 (6r), 262 (19v); jours Egip-
Aristote, Aristolte 243 (lOv), 271 (23v), 273, ciens, jours Egipsiens 248 (12v), 337
274 (25r), 279 (28r), 280 (28v), 299 (58r)
(38r), 306 (40v), 307 (41v), 309 (42v), Egipte 287 (32r), 320 (47v)
330 (53v), 331 (54r), 332 (54v), 333 Empedocles 305 (40v)
(55v); livre de Ethiques 332 (54v); livre Espaigne 329 (52v)
de Methafisique 331 (54r); Pery Armenes
331 (54r) Flandres 223 (2r)
Arras 330 (53v) France, Franche 329 (53r)
Artois 223 (2r)
Augustin 231 (6r), 242 (lOr), 249 (13r), 256 Galatas, l'espitre a ceux de Galatas 259
(17r), 257 (17v), 261 (19r-v), 273, 274 (18v), 324 (50r)
(25r), 276 (26v), 282 (30r), 290, 291 Gracianus 290 (34r); Décret 242 (lOr), 290
(34r), 295 (36r), 297 (37r), 299 (38r), (34r), 338 (58v)
300 (38v), 306 (41r), 310 (42v), 313 Grèce 265 (21 r)
(44v), 321 (48v), 325 (50v), 336 (58r); Grégoire (de Tours) 330 (53r)
De la Gté de Dieu 231 (6r) Grigore (saint) 326 (51 r)
Guillaume de Paris 326 (51 v)
Babiloniens 231 (6r)
Babilonne, Babiloinne 296 (36v), 328 (52r) Helie 290 (33v)
Bede 290 (34r), 326 (51r) Hermes 262 (20r)
Belus 265 (21r) Hermes Trimestitus 261 (19r)
Besençon 248 (12v)
Boëce, Boëse 306, 307 (41r), 326 (51v); Ismaël 231 (6r), 265 (21r)
Consolation, Consollacion 306 (41r), Israël 267 (21v), 320 (47v)
326 (51v)
Borgoigne, Borgogne 223 (2r), 248 (12v) Jacob 266 (21v)
Jehan duc de Borgoigne 223 (2r)
Cacodemones 253 (16r) Jehan (saint) 247 (12v), 291 (34r), 304 (40r)
Calcodemines 253 (16r) Jerome (saint) 259 (18v), 260 (19r), 326
Chilperic, Cihilperic 329, 330 (53r) (51r)
Ciceron 326 (51r); Ciceroniens 326 (51r) Jherusalem 323 (49v)
Contranus 329, 330 (53r)
420 INDEX
Jhesucrist 232 (6r), 262 (19v), 275 (25v- Persyde 328 (52r)
26r), 276 (26v), 290 (33v), 295 (36r), Pharaon 287 (32r), 320 (47v)
319 (47v), 324 (50r), 326 (51r), 327 Pharisiens, Phariziens 303 (40r), 313 (44r)
(52r), 330 (53v), 337 (58v) Phiton 239 (8v)
Job 251 (14v) Pierre (saint) 339 (59r)
Jonas 245 (llv), 290 (33v), 291 (34r) Platon 261 (19r), 307 (41v)
Jonatas 291 (34r) Pol (saint) 223 (2r), 251 (14v), 259 (18r),
Josef 287 (32r) 261 (19r), 262,263 (20r), 295 (36r), 319
Josué 322 (48v) (47v), 324 (50r), 337 (58v)
Josuel 291 (34r) Porphire, Porfire 299 (38r)
Jovis 262 (19v) Priscilla 313 (44r)
Juba 262 (19v) Prometheus 265 (21r)
Judas 245 (llv) Ptholomee see Tholomee
Jude (saint) 328 (52r)
Juis 232 (6r), 260 (18v), 263 (20r), 265 Radegunde 329 (53r)
(21r), 292 (34v), 313 (44r), 338 (58v) Romains, repitre aux Romains 261 (19r)
Julius Cesar 232 (6r)
Jupiter 261 (19r), 306 (41r) Sacharie 291 (34r)
Salomon, Salemon 227 (5r), 263,264 (20v),
Leire 330 (53r) 267 (21v), 295 (36r)
Lion 248 (12v) Samuel 276, 277 (26r-v), 322 (48v^9r)
Sarrazins 320 (48r), 329 (52v)
Manichees 325 (50v) Saturne 261 (19r), 310 (43r)
Martin, saint Martin de Tours 330 (53r) Saul 276 (26r-v), 277 (26v), 291 (34r), 322
Mathié, saint Mathé 245 (llv), 291 (34r), (48v)
328 (52r) Seneques 257 (17v)
Maurienne 262 (19v) Sens 239 (9r)
Melan 325 (50v) Socrates 261 (19v)
Mellin 282 (30r) Stoïciens 306 (41 r)
Mercure 310 (43r) Symon (saint) 328 (52r)
Meroveüs 329, 330 (53r-v)
Moyse, Moïse 232 (6r), 258 (18r), 260 Thimotee 223 (2r)
(19r), 267 (21v-22r), 291 (34v), 319,320 Tholomee, Ptholomee, Ptholomeus 232 (6r),
(47v-48r), 322 (48v) 310 (43r), 314, 315 (45r), 318 (46v)
Thomas, saint Thumas d'Aquin 290 (34r),
Nabugodonosor 287 (32r), 296 (36v) 326 (51v); Somme 290 (34r)
Nambrot 265 (21r) Tours 330 (53r)
Ninivé, Ninivee 231 (6r), 265 (21r) Turquie 281 (29v)
Ninus 231 (6r), 265 (21r)
Noë 266 (21v), 267 (22r) Vaudois 235 (7v), 248 (12v)
Venus 261 (19r)
Ocozias 323 (49v)
Omerus 306 (41 r) Yndes, Ynde 328 (52r)
Ysaac 266 (21v)
Paris 228 (5r), 239 (9r), 326, 327 (51v), 335 Ysaie 322 (48v)
(56v) Ysidoire, Ysidoires 261, 262 (19v)
Perses 231 (6r) Ysis 262 (19v)
INDEX OF NAMES
This index contains the names of persons and places. Tides of books are listed in the subject-
index. Medieval persons are mainly listed by their first name. Only the names of those modern
scholars who are mentioned in the introductory study or whose work is of special relevance for
the main themes of this book, have been entered.
Aachen (Aix-en-Chapelle) 109, 360 Anthony of Burgundy 123

Abgar 88 Antonius de Monte Ulmi 174
Abraham 108,231,232,264,266,267,360, Antwerp 363
397 Apollo 155,239
Absalom 53 Apuleius 169,249,261,377
Achan 290 Aquinas, Thomas 2, 9, 10, 12, 13, 15-20,
Adam 71, 72, 99, 100, 108, 151, 303, 360 28, 32, 33, 56, 70, 80, 96, 106, 137,
Adelard 168 138, 142, 146-148, 150, 152, 154,
Aegidius 293 157-160, 162-164, 166, 168, 170,
Aelst see Pieter Coecke van Aelst 171-173, 179, 180, 184, 188-194, 196,
Agincourt 132 197,202,203,210, 214,216,220,222,
Agostino Trionfo 180 229-318, 327, 329, 332, 354
Ahuramazda 105 Aristotle 5, 12, 101, 138, 141, 159, 168,
Ailly see Pierre d'Ailly 175, 177-179, 181, 187-189, 191, 192,
al-Kindi 110 197,198,214,219, 243,273,280, 289,
Alain de Lille 167,326,327 299, 306, 307, 309, 311, 316,331, 332,
Albertus Magnus 167, 168, 178, 179, 300, 392
303, 326, 327 Armagnacs see Burgiindian-Armagnac conflict
Albigensians 87, 166 Arnaud Guillaume 67-72, 74, 76, 82, 86,
Albumasar 11, 110, 127, 128, 184, 219 88, 96, 151, 293, 334, 349
Alcabitius 128, 219 Arnay-le-Duc 50
Alcuin 109 Arnoul de Quinquempoix 219
Alençon 37, 123, 364 Arras 33, 46, 126, 152, 153, 330
Alexander of Hales 168 Artemidorus 178
Alexander the Great 101 Arthur de Richemont 120, 121
Alexander V, pope 35 Artois 38,44,223,367
Alexander VI, pope 368 Asmodeus 94
Alofresant 362 Astrampsychos 178
Alofresin, Alofresant 4, 357-371 Athalia 53
Alva 363 Athanasius 275
Amadeus Vm 34, 40 Augustine 11-13, 18, 20, 32, 70, 80, 102,
Ambrose 290, 325, 326 103, 105-109, 118, 140, 164, 165, 167,
Amiens 47, 48 169, 171, 180, 182, 184-189, 195, 214,
Anaxagoras 305 219, 231, 236,242,247,249,251, 253,
André Cotin 48 256,257,261, 264,273,276, 282, 290,
André de Sully 131 291,295,297, 299, 301, 304,306,309,
Angelo Cato 133 312, 321, 325, 329, 333, 392, 396
Anjorrand see Denis Anjorrand Auxerre 34, 40
Anselm of Canterbury 164, 186 Avicenna 27
Anthoine Chuffaing 74
422 INDEX
Avignon 35, 47, 48, 73, 75, 112, 128, 131, Cambrai 133, 369
344 Campion, N. 108-111, 396
Aymeri de Poitiers 91 Carey, H. 9 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 2 6
Carneades 10
Babylonia 232, Babylon 365, 396 Cartellieri, O. 44, 51, 153
Bacon, Roger 110, 112, 168 Catherine (St.) 24,90
Bajazet 83, 359, 368 Catherine de Fastaverin 90
Bar see Jehan de Bar Cato 101
Bathsheba 182 Cauzons, T. de 23,24, 65,69,90, 343, 350
Baye see Nicolas de Baye Cérisy see Thomas de Bourg
Beatrix Gonsalve 130 Charlemagne 109, 360-362
Bede 107, 122, 290, 326, 376, 377, 380, Charles V, king of France 3, 26-28, 35, 41,
381, 391 63, 127, 131, 136, 138, 143, 160, 219,
Bedford, regent of France 120, 121, 126, 222, 233
130 Charles V, emperor 4, 357-371
Benedict ΧΠΙ, pope 35, 47 Charles VI 2,20-22,25,26,29, 35, 37,41,
Bernard (St.) 86 43, 45, 46, 56, 58, 63, 65, 68, 74, 81,
Bernard d'Armagnac 37, 84 82, 84, 85,95,113,115, 118,122,123,
Bernardo Gui 235 138,140,143,153, 160,219,285, 346,
Bernardus Silvester 394 353
Bernheimer, R. 92 Charles Vn 120-122, 126, 129, 132, 142
Berry 35, 38, 40, 44, 47, 66, 91, 382 Charles Vffl 98, 99, 369
Bertrand de Guesclin 131 Charles d'Espaigne 100
Bethlehem 31, 101, 104, 105, 111, 112 Charles d'Orléans 34, 116, 132
Blaise de Parma 116 Charles Soûlot 219
Boccaccio 219 Charles the Bold 4, 104, 133, 134, 212,
Boethius 187-189, 218, 306, 326 213, 222, 354, 367
Bolingbroke see Henry Bolingbroke Chartres 37, 167
Bollstatter see Konrad Bollstatter Chastellain, Georges 354
Bonatti, Guido 97 Chaucer 98
Boniface Vm, pope 23 Chauny 38
Boniface, private demon 24 Christine de Pisan 27, 28
Boniface, sorcerer 74, 75, 82 Chrysostom 303, 326
Bonne d'Artois 367 Cicero 10, 11, 14, 15, 20, 177, 183, 186,
Boudet, J.-P. 98-101, 110, 119-126, 128, 219
130 Clement V, pope 23
Bourbon, duke of 37, 44, 65 Clement VII, Avingon pope 35
Bourbon, constable 371 Clement Vu, pope 368, 371
Bourgeois de Paris 21, 37-39 Conn, N. 14, 23, 24, 80, 108, 165, 360
Bourges 39, 40, 100 Collas, E. 50, 51, 54, 58, 59, 64, 65, 69,
Braswell, L. 376-378,382 72, 77, 80-84, 88, 90, 113, 114
Bridget (St.) 361,362 Cologne 130, 144, 149, 152, 370
Brimeu see Guy de Brimeu Commynes see Philippe de Commynes
Briquet 72-76, 82, 131, 142, 239, 285 Coopland, G. W. 127, 139, 140, 160, 162,
Brittany 37, 66, 115, 186 227, 335, 393
Browne, Sir Thomas 396, 397 Corneville 120
Bruges 45, 129, 130, 152, 212 Coville, A. 44, 48-50, 54, 56, 58, 61-63,
Burchard of Worms 93 68, 83, 84, 90, 92, 343, 346, 364
Burgundian-Armagnac conflict 2,33, 36-40, Craig, W. L. 187, 188
43, 45, 52-54, 69, 359, 364, 365 Crécy-en-Brie 78
Cyprus 63, 140, 289
INDEX 423
Cyrus 104, 105, 396 Frederick Π 360

Frederick ΠΙ 212
Daniel 26, 178, 182, 183, 284, 286, 287 Frederick of Tarente 133
Dante 97, 102, 169, 183, 188, 397 Froissart 21, 62, 75, 83, 90-92, 282, 293,
David 41, 108, 182, 264, 322 357, 358
De Cléry, Picard knight 115 Fürbeth, F. 149, 150, 378
Dembowski, P. 219-222
Democritus 305, 377 Gabriel, archangel 159
Denis Anjorrand 99, 130 Gallop, D. 177, 179, 181
Denis Foulechat 143, 219, 247, 352 Gamaleon 361, 362
Diana 235, Dyana 235, Dyane 176, 235 Garin, E. I l l , 174, 184
Dijksterhuis, E. J. 167, 168 Gelasius, pope 394
Dijon 19, 72-76, 96, 126, 129, 131, 203, Gencien de Beaugenci 131, 344, 346
239 George Causez 130
Dinkelsbühl see Nikolaus of Dinkelsbühl Géraud d'Armagnac 84
Dionyshis the Areopagite 173, 197, 198 Germanus (St.) 235
Dionysius the Carthusian 144 Gereon, Jean 8,9,50, 59,71,96,142,143,
Doutrepont, Georges 1,28,45,51, 60,105, 149,160,175,186, 201,228,247, 253,
127, 128, 152,211-213, 219, 222, 234, 327, 343, 344, 346, 347, 354
357, 358, 359, 365, 369, 373, 374 Geuftroy d'Abbeville 132
Du Clercq 152, 153 Ghent 213
Durand de St. Pourçain 31, 214 Giangaleazzo Visconti 24, 82
Durrieu, P. 358,364,365 Guette Verrière 78
Gilles de Louviers 116
Egypt 232, 248 Gilles de Rais 25, 26
Elijah 106, 118, 288, 360, 375, 396 Ginzburg, C. 235
Elisha 87 Godefroy de Buillon 368, 371
Endor 7, 201, 239, 276 Grançon 133
Enoch 100, Book of Enoch 163 Gregory ΧΠ, pope 35
Ephesus 87, 88 Gregory the Great 105, 313, 326
Erasmus 70 Gregory of Tours 107,202,329
Esau 185,333 Guérart 78
Escolgant 359, 366 Guido Bonam' see Bonatti
Estramain, demon 60 Guienne 6 5 , 6 9 , 7 0 , 114,345
Eugenius IV, pope 33, 34 Guillaume de Cariât 84
Eusebius 88 Guillaume de Cologne 130
Eustache Deschamps 54, 113, 139, 369 Guillaume de Lorris 235
Eymeric see Nicholas Eymeric Guillaume de Toury 100
Ezechiel 122, 163 Guillaume Floret 74
Guillaume Hobit 130
Fastolf, Sir John 120 Guillaume Hugonet 28, 212
Ferdinand of Naples 368 Guisay 91
Ficino 174, 175 GuydeBrimeu 211-213
Flint, V. 105, 107, 165, 313, 375, 376, 394 Guy de Trémoille 114, 115, 333
Flodden 369
Foix, bastard of 91, 122 Habonde 235
Foulechat see Denis Foulechat Hadrian VI, pope 368
Francis I 358, 367 Hainsselin Planke 77
Francis (St.) of Assisi 109, 181, 362 Halbout de Troyes 120
Francisais Florentinus 110,111 Haly Abenragel 127, 128, 382
Franz, A. 149, 151 Ham 38
424 INDEX
Hansen, Β. 139, 168, 173 Jacques le Grand 143

Hansen, J. 77, 78, 81, 143, 144, 146, 147, Jacquette Griffart 43
149, 152, 304 James IV 369
Harmening, D. 16, 19,107, 155, 156, 178, Jean Creton 25, 26
180, 238, 239, 246, 326, 354 Jean d'Astarac 84
Hartlieb, Johannes 149, 150, 378 Jean de La Keythulle 47
Haussibut, demon 79, 81 Jean de Meun 235
Heidelberg 72, 147, 149, 151 Jean de Roquetaillade (John of Rupescissa)
Hélye 84 109, 112, 361, 362
Hennequin de Ruilly 78, 79 Jean de Roux (Jean de Rubeis) 128, 129,
Henri Seldem 132 136
Henry V 129, 136, 367 JeandeTroyes 130
Henry VI 120, 121, 126 Jean de Venette 112
Henry Vu 368, 369 JeandeVésale 134
Henry Vffl 369, 370 Jean Duchesne 219
Henry Arnault 129 Jean Flandrin 74, 75, 345
Henry Bolingbroke 58, 82 Jean Gerson see Gerson
Henry de Malinis 100 Jean le Chassa 213
Henry of Gorcum 144, 304 Jean Marchant 31
Hérémas, demon 60 Jean Mercier 75
Hermes 71, 72, 261, 262, 303, 348 JeanMiélot 219
Herodias 176, 183, 235 Jean Petit 1, 3, 24, 35, 36, 44, 45, 48-64,
Hildegard of Bingen 109, 362 66, 68, 69, 82, 83, 84, 90-92, 94, 131,
Hissette, R. 141 142, 343-346, 364
Hugh of Santalla 159 Jean Sans-Peur see John the Fearless
Hugonet see Guillaume Hugonet Jean Spierinck 133
Huguet de Guisay 91, 122 Jeanne d'Arc 24
Huizinga, Johan 59, 89, 213, 354 Jeanne de Brigue 78-81, 85, 86, 96
Hussites 368 Jehan Bonost 211
Jehan, count of Angoulême 37
Ignatius of Antioch 104 Jehan de Bar 4, 64, 67-69, 71, 74, 76, 78,
India 144 83, 86, 87,94,131,156,174,249,266,
Innocent Vu, pope 47 299, 343-355
Innocent v m , pope 368 Jehan de Bregy 132, 133
Isaac Israeli 27, 28 Jehan de Cologne 130
Isabel of Bavaria 45, 46, 81 Jehan de La Chesnel 211
Isabelle de Portugal 367 Jehan de Montagu 37, 40
Isaiah 104, 105, 274, 322 Jehan du Locron 133
Isidore of Seville 15, 107, 118, 154-157, Jehan Feron 373
159,162,202,214,231, 232,236,239, Jehan Gautier 74
261, 262, 313 Jehan le Tourneur 212
Ismael 231,264,265 Jehan Taincture (Tinctoris) 149, 152, 172,
Ives Gilemme 74 175, 197, 235
Jericho 290
Jacob 185,266,284,333 Jerome 105, 214, 259, 260, 326
Jacobus Angeli 344 Jerusalem 53, 118, 365
Jacobus de Voragine 235, 328 Joachim of Fiore 109, 111, 360, 361
Jacobus Engelhart 116-117 Johann Liechtenberger 361
Jacques d'Angiers 65, 131 Johannes Cesar 130
Jacques de Molay 23 Johannis Lachend 207, 211
Jacques de Templeuve 211 John ΧΧΙΠ, pope 209
INDEX 425
John Crophül 376, 397 Lull see Ramon Lull
John of Frankfurt 147, 148 Luxembourg 47, 58
John of Rupescissa see Jean de Roquetaillade Lyon 65, 98, 345
John of Salisbury 9, 56,105,107,117,140,
143, 154, 156-159, 162-164, 182, 183, Macette 78, 79
219, 247, 287, 304, 329, 352, 353, 377 Macrobius 178, 182, 183
John the Fearless (Jean Sans-Peur) 1, 3, 4, Maguelonne 113
8, 9, 22, 29-31, 34, 36-41, 44-51, 53, Manilius 381,383,386
55, 57-59, 84, 95, 100, 119, 123-127, Marco Polo 371
129, 131,132,135,136,201,227, 357- Margaret (St.) 24
360, 362-366, 374, 375 Margaret of Austria 367
Joigny, count of 91, 122 Margaret of Bavaria 227
Jonah 245,288,290 Margaret of Male 27, 81
Jordan 151 Margaret, sister of Henry Vm 369
Joseph 9, 104, 178, 183, 284, 286, 287 Margot de la Barre 77, 78, 80
Josephus 117,232, 313 Marie de Blansy 74
Judas (St.) 106, 328 Marion la Droiturière 77, 78
Judas, traitor 245, 396 Markus, R. A. 32, 102
Julian the apostate 52 Mars 124, 134, 196, 398, 399
Julius Π 368 Martin Le Franc 152, 153
Julius Caesar 15, 182, 232 Martin Porée 29, 31
Jupiter 110, 112, 124-126, 134, 135, 196, Mary of Burgundy 360, 361, 367
261, 306, 398, 399 Mary of Hungary 363
Juvenal des Ursins 21, 44, 47, 62, 65, 67, Materaus Hatten of Spire 362
69, 71, 73, 74, 82, 84, 86, 88, 90, 113, Mathieu de Richemond 116
132, 239, 345, 359 Matthias 245, 290
Matthias Farinator 178
Kervyn de Lettenhove 45, 50, 354,357,358 Maximüian I 360, 361, 363, 367, 369, 370
Kieckhefer, R. 26,352,393 Mellin 65
Konrad Bollstatter (Mulitor) 394, 395 Mercury 112, 191, 192, 196, 309
Kramer 166 Merlin 26, 126, 282
Merovechus 329
Laigny-sur-Marne 60 Messahalah 219
La Marche see Olivier de La Marche Mézières see Philippe de Mézières
Lancelot, Augustinian monk 64-67 Michael (St.), archangel 24, 54, 55
Laurent Muste 120, 130 Michel de la Chesnaye 132
Lausanne 133 Michel Pintoin 20,21
Le Mans 115 Michelle de France 367
Le Moine, cardinal 113 Miélot see Jean Miélot
Leo X, pope 368 Milton 164
Lille 30, 130, 167, 326 Mirot, L. 74-76,285,345
Livy 15,20 Monk of St. Denis (Religieux de St. Denis)
Lombardy 25, 74, 75, 82-84 20, 21, 40, 44, 46, 47, 50, 59-77, 82,
Louis XI 133, 134, 367 85, 86, 88-92, 94, 113-118, 123, 239,
Louis d'Orléans 4, 24, 34, 36, 37, 43, 285, 329, 333, 334
45-47, 49, 51-59, 62-64, 67, 81-83, 91, Monstrelet, Enguerrand de 21, 40, 48, 50,
94, 95, 119, 122-124, 132, 140, 141, 51, 53, 54, 57-60, 63, 64, 68, 82, 90,
227, 344, 345, 364, 366 91, 345
Louis de Sancerre 65, 86, 131 Montdidier 38
Louis of Anjou 40, 44, 47 Montereau 30, 31, 45, 122, 128, 136, 366
Lucifer 50, 53-55, 78, 79, 163, 365 Montraucon 40, 60, 61, 63, 66
426 INDEX
Montjay 50,59-61,63,77 Peter of Courtenay 114, 115, 333

Montlezun 84 Petit see Jean Petit
Montpellier 142, 344 Petrarch 179
Morat 133 Petrus de Monte Alcino 116
Moses 53, 70, 88, 106, 178, 375, 396 Petrus Mamoris 143
Mulitor see Konrad Bollstatter Pharaoh 106, 171, 182, 287
Philip IV 23,219
Nancy 367 Philip, count of Alençon 123
Nebuchadnezzar 105, 287 Philip the Bold (Philippe le Hardi) 3,27,29,
Nesle 38 45,74,81,100,127,130,131,285,345
Nevers 2 9 , 3 4 , 3 5 9 Philip the Fair (Philippe le Bel) 23, 24,125,
Nicholas Eymeric 146 367, 368
Nicolas de Baye 21, 37,44,45,47,66,117, Philip the Good 1, 4, 22, 28, 30, 33, 34,
123 120, 126, 128, 129, 132-134, 152, 153,
Nicolas de Paganico 100, 131 201,211,212,222,367,374
Nicolas de Savigny 48 Philippe de Commynes 133
Nicolaus Jacquerius 152 Philippe de Mézières 28, 63, 128, 140-142,
Nicole Oresme see Oresme 149, 232, 233, 322, 327, 329, 351, 369
Nicolle de Berbeth 132 Philippe Mouskes 136
Nicopolis 34, 51, 83, 113, 114, 124, 359, Philo 169,289
364 Picardy 38
Nigidius Figulus 185 Pierre, Augustinian monk 64-67
Nikolaus Jauer 149-151, 352 Pierre Aux-Boeufs 48, 49
Nikolaus of Dinkelsbühl 144 Pierre Cochon 346
Ninus 231,265 Pierre d'Affly 11,12,35,96,110,111,124,
Normandy 100, 186 125, 132, 135, 139, 140, 160
North, J. D. 11,12,110-112,116,241, 349 Pierre de Craon 62, 63, 94
Nostradamus 359 Pierre le Broussart 152
Pierre Salmon 84
Olivier Chantemerle 132 Pieter Coecke van Aelst 359, 363
Olivier de Clisson 62 Pisan see Christine and Thomas de Pisan
Olivier de La Marche 208, 213 Plato 118, 167, 169, 173, 177, 307
Oresme, Nicole 27, 28, 41, 127, 128, Pliny 73,355
138-140, 148, 149, 154, 160-163, 166, Plotinus 70
168, 173, 181, 190-192, 197, 199, 200, Poinson 72-76, 82, 131, 142, 239, 285
202, 212, 219-221, 227, 322, 327, 335, Poitiers 91, 99, 100, 130, 143
383, 393, 397 Policrates 101
Origen 107 Poncet du Solier 74, 75, 345
Orosius 313 Popper, Κ. 6
Ortolanus 72 Poulie, Ε. 119, 120, 126, 129, 355
Othée 36 Prague 149
Oultremer 373, 374 Priscillian 313
Oxford 98 Proclus 70
Prometheus 264, 265
Pannemaker see Willem de Pannemaker pseudo-Dionysius see Dionysius the
Paravicini, W. 211-213 Areopagite
Paulus Tigrin 88 Ptolemy 11, 27, 127, 128, 191, 214, 219,
Pèlerin de Prusse 27, 219 309, 314, 315, 318, 381-383, 386
Perrault, Charles 25 Pyrenees 92
Perrin Hemery 74 Pythagoras 377
Peter of Abano 110,166 Pythagoreans 396
INDEX 427
Rabelais 293 Stoics 184,217,306,313

Ramon Lull 346
Raoul d'Anquetonville 43, 45, 54 Tanneguy du Châtel 122
Raoul de Presles 219 Telesphorus 361
Raymundus de Tarrega 145, 174 Templars 23, 24
Raziel 303, 304 Thérouanne 370
Reeves, M. 360-362,371 Thomas, Κ. 106, 162
Reims 29 Thomas Broun 126
Reinhard 362 Thomas de Bourg, abbé de Cérisy 54,57-60,
Religieux de St. Denis see Monk of St. Denis 62-64,69,77,83,85,91,141,343,344,
Renauld Fréron 68 346
René of Sicily 133 Thomas de Pisan 27
Richalm of Schöntal 165,166 Thomas Ebendorfer of Haselbach 144
Richard Π 25, 26, 34, 46, 58, 82 Thoradike, L. 70-72, 98, 107, 116, 119,
Robert Godefroy 27, 219 126, 128, 130, 131, 139, 142-147, 149,
Robertas Ansem 207 156, 174, 175, 178-180, 186, 243, 248,
Roger Bacon see Bacon 282, 287,293,299, 304, 320, 327, 344,
Roland l'Ecrivain 120, 121, 126, 130 345, 348, 349, 352, 376-378, 394, 397
Rome 15, 28, 87, 360, 367, 368, 371 Tiberius 88
Rouen 113 Tinctoris see Jehan Taincture
Runeberg, Arne 92, 93 Tobit 94, 145
Toledo 154, 162, 255, 293
Saint-Claude 38, 39 Tournai 152, 370
Saint-Denis 38, 39, 113 Toz Grecus 303, 348
Sambry see Zimri Trachtenberg, J. 17,304,396
Samuel 7, 276, 277, 322 Trevor-Roper, H. 166, 173
Sarah 397 Troyes 33, 120, 130
Satan 17, 164, 165, 169, 171, 365, 396 Tumtum 159
Saturn 110, 124-126, 134, 135, 191, 192,
196 Urban VI, pope 35
Saul 7, 9, 41, 201, 276, 277, 290, 291, 322 Uriah 182
Sauvigne 74
Scipio 178, 182, 183 Valentina Visconti 24, 50, 54, 58, 62, 64,
Seneca 257 80-85
Sens 1 9 , 2 9 , 7 6 , 2 3 9 Vanderjagt, A. J. 28-32, 105, 173, 211,
Sergius 52 213, 357
Shakespeare 120, 353 Varro 15, 155, 156, 159
Shore, L. A. 219-221,381 Vasque de Lucène 104, 105, 219
Sigismund 116 Vaughan, R. 30,37-39,44,46,47, 51,126,
Simon de Boesmare 120,121,125,126,130 132, 134, 212, 213, 364, 365, 367
Simon de Phares 3, 65, 98-101, 116, 119, Venice 51, 369
122, 129-133, 228, 232, 233, 282, Venus 196, 261, 371, 398, 399
344-346, 350 Veronica 88
Simon de Saulx 48 Vincent of Beauvais 235,282
Simon du Phar 132 Visconti family 51, see also Valentina
Smoller, L. A. 12, 110, 111, 124, 125, 135 Visconti and Giangaleazzo Visconti
Socrates 249, 261 Volkerinchove 133
Soillot see Charles Soillot Voragine see Jacobus de Voragine
Solomon 41, 71, 293
Somme 38, 236, 290 Waldensians 18, 19, 87, 89, 152, 153, 166,
Stephen, pope 159, 291, 292 235, 248
428 INDEX
Walsingham, Thomas 26 William of Conches 168

Werner von Freiburg 151 William of Moerbeke 159
Wickersheimer, E. 69,84,98,126,128-131. Witelo 166, 167, 169, 174, 200
346
Willem (Guillaume) de Pannemaker 358, Ysaac 28, 266
359, 363
William de Bechis 144 Zael 219
William of Auvergne 144, 157, 190, 320, Zimri 52-54
327, 349 Zoroaster 104
INDEX OF SUBJECTS AND TITLES
aeromancy 13, 15; aeromantia 155, 156, Catalogusfratrum spectabitium 29,131,214

158, 237, 239 causality 184-199; celestial causation 192,
aetates see history 193, 305-318; necessary and contingent
alchemy 2 5 , 2 6 , 7 2 , 2 8 2 , 2 9 3 causes 189-190, 269-272; Prima Causa
amulets 18, 105, 106, 159, 303, 304, 344 27,188,194,196; secondary causes 197,
angels, angels and locomotion 172,193,197, 316-318; proximate causes 197, 316-318
198; angels as agents in creation 151; Champion des dames 152
angels as instructors and illuminators 70, cherubim 258
71, 100, 173-174, 285, 348, 349, 354; Childermas Day 338
angels in CLD 249, 284, 303, 304, 329; chiromancy, chiromantia 13, 26, 156-159,
Gerson on angels 175; intelligentiae 170, 237,240; ciromance 240,162; palmistry
171,174; invocation of angels 303, 304; 13, 159, 239
rebel angels, fall of the angels, 54, 55, Chronica compendiosa 28-30, 34, 36, 38,
145,163,164,169,170, The Book ofthe 40, 46, 47, 214, 323
Angels 71; see also demons, theurgy circle see magic circle
Anglo-Burgundian rule over Paris 39, 119- comets 107, 112-114, 116-118, 134; comet
126, 370 of 1396 113; comet of 1399 116; comet
Arbre Sec 371 of 1402 116
arioli 75, 155, 156, 159, 242, 287 Concordantia astronomie cum hystorica
ars notoria, Notory Art 18, 70, 146-148, narratione 135
151, 158, 159, 162, 293, 294 condemnation of 1277 141, 160; con-
ars punctatoria 159 demnation of 1398141,142,343, 346ff.
artes liberales, liberal arts 27, 48, 100, 233 Confessiones 187, 325, 333
Arthurian literature 282 conjectures 156, 157
aruspices 154-156, 242; aruspiciwn 158, conjunctions 102,160, 161,269, 278; Jupi-
237, 239; haruspicy 13 ter-Satum conjunctions 110-111, 124-126,
astrology, astrology and history see chapter 3 134-135
passim; court astrology 127 ff.; contingency 5, 12, 13, 97, 136, 142,
distinction between astronomy and 187-190, 192-195, 197, 269, 278, 311,
astrology 232 ff.; Oresme's division of 315, 316
astrology 160,161; see also conductions, Contra divinatores et sompniatores 180
determinism, Zodiac Contra divinatores horoscopios 139
augury 10, 15, 18, 106, 138, 237, 240; Contra judiciarios astronomos 139
augurium 155-159, 321; augures 155, Contra superstitionem sculpturae leonis 142,
158, 159 344
auspices 155, 157, 162 Contra vitia superstitionum 144
Council, Council of Basle 33, 34, 367;
Bal des Ardents 89-95, 122 Council of Braga 313; Council of Pisa
birds 14, 67, 106, 117, 155, 178, 240, 288 35; Council of Toledo 154; Council of
Bonaeres 235; bonnes choses 176,235,248 the faith 50; heavenly council 163,164,
bonfires 89,247,300,301 195
Books of Fate 376, 393-396, 398
Buch aller verbotenen Kunst 150 De cousis mirabilium 139, 148, 168
De complanctu Naturae 167, 326
Canon episcopi 235, 248 De deo Socratis 169, 249, 261
430 INDEX
De divinaîione daemonum 13,167,169,242, eclipses: solar eclipse 1399 124, 125; solar
249, 251, 253 eclipse 1406117,123; lunar eclipse 1407
De divinationibus 139 123
De erroribus circa artem magicam 142,143, Egyptian days 248, 337, 376
247, 327, 346, 347, 349 Electiones 219
De falsis prophetis 139-140 elections 132, 161, 351
De interpretatione (Perihermeneias) 187, Epistola de substantia et natura daemonum
189, 331, 409 166
De invocatione daemonum 145 eschatology see history
De magnis conjunctionibus 184 Etymologiae 15, 118, 154, 159, 231, 232,
De occultis et manifestis 174 261, 262
De potestate spirituum 144 exorcism 173, 200
De vita 175, 177 Experimentanus 394
Decretum 15, 231, 236, 242, 245, 247-249, Expositio somniorum 178, 179
287, 290-292, 305, 336
demons in general see chapter 4, esp. 163- Flagellum maleficorum 143
176; astral demons 174, 175; demonic foreknowledge 5, 12, 181, 186-190, 331
illumination 70, 173 ff.; demonic magic free will, free choice 5, 6, 10-12, 14, 96,
85, 99, 141, 142, 144-149, 174, 199, 97, 114, 138, 142, 157, 161, 184-190,
200; demonology 3, 10, 77, 92, 137, 193, 194, 197,272, 311, 314, 318, 326,
138, 149, 151-153, 157,163, 169, 174, 327, 331, 332, 380
175, 197, 199, 200, 203, 248, 254; future contingents 187 ff.
demons and local motion 172, 197,198;
demons as mediae potestates 166, 169, Gallican Church 35
170; demons causing illusions and gematria 396
affecting the imaginatio 167, 168, 172, generation 191,198, 308, 397; spontaneous
175,176,248; demons in CLD 249-254; generation 144, 171, 172
demons turning rods into serpents 171- genethliaci 106, 155, 157, 158; geneatici
172; John of Frankfurt on coercing 158
demons 147, 148; knowledge of demons geomancy, geomantia 10, 13, 15, 26, 130,
146,148,151,166,171,172; physiology 155,156,158,159, 162, 237,239, 348,
of demons 168, 169; private demons 14, 393
23, 24, 79, 98, 249, 352 Geste des ducs de Bourgogne 1, 45,50, 55,
Demoustracions contre sortileges 139 60, 63, 64, 82, 90, 357, 369
determinism 5 , 8 , 1 1 , 3 2 , 9 6 , 111, 138,141, Giomansie d'Esbatemens 127
142, 157, 184-188, 193, 194, 197, 215, Grande Chroniques de France 329
216, 241, 311, 326, 327
dice 158,244,393-396 hallucinations 172, 176, 235, 248
Directorium Inquisitionis 146 Haty qui est des Livres de astrologie 127
divinatio somniorum 157, 237 haruspicy see aruspices
Dream-books 178, 182, 287 heresy 19, 20, 24, 25, 33, 35, 52, 80, 87,
dreams 6, 7, 13, 18, 104, 106, 138, 156, 89, 95, 116, 149, 151-153, 157, 181,
157, 162, 172, 175-183, 203, 215, 228, 199, 259, 313
236, 326, 361, 377; causes of dreams hidden virtues see occult virtues
179; dream-interpreters 13, 95, 156, hierarchy 27, 32, 102, 103, 121, 135, 138,
178, 180, 181, 203, 228, 285; John of 169-175, 193-195, 197-199
Salisbury on dreams 182,183; Pignon on history, aetates of the world 89, 264;
dreams 180, 181, 283-287; see also Augustine's Great Week 108; astrological
songeurs historicism 6, 100 ff., 135; end of time
duel 114, 115 12, 22, 35, 102-104, 109, 111; eschato-
logy 97,107-112,58; Joachim of Fiore's
INDEX 431
tripartite division of history 360, 361; liberal arts see artes liberales
millennium, millenarianism 102. 103. Livre d'Astronomie 127
108. 109, 111, 264, 360, 361; see also Livre de divinacions 28, 41,127, 139, 140,
Last World Emperor; periodisation 103, 149, 160-162, 190, 191, 199, 221, 227,
108, 110; saeculum 32, 102, 361 322, 327, 335, 383, 393, 397
horoscopes 4, 6, 8, 14. 27, 99, 100, 106, Livre des neuf anciens juges de astrologie
112, 119-126, 129, 131-133, 155, 185, 127, 128, 233, 234, 219; Liber novem
232,240,241, 357,360; horoscopi 155, judicum 27
157 Livre de l'exposicion des songes 127
humours 161, 172, 284, 384 Livre de Zacarye Albazarye 127
Hundred Years' War 22, 33, 35, 113, 118 Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy
hydromancy 13,15; hydromantia 155,158, Charles 27, 28, 291
162, 237, 239; ydromantia 156 Livre du Mirouer aux Dames 127
local motion 144, 171-173, 176, 197-199
idolatry, idololatria 6,16-19,24,25,53,54, lots 14, 106, 157, 158, 162, 244, 245, 290,
56, 57, 89, 140, 142, 151, 157, 190, 291
199, 202, 231, 232, 245, 258, 259, lunaria see Moon-books
261-265, 282, 300, 320, 327 lycanthropy 166, 200
illumination (divine, demonic, angelic) 70,
150, 151, 158, 173-176, 294 magi 144, 155-157, 287, 375, 396
imaginatio 283 Magi (the three Magi) 101, 104, 105, 151,
imaginarii 156, 157 304
incantatores 141, 145, 155, 156, 162, 242, magic circle 72 ff., 141,142,174,349,350,
321, 352 353
insomnia 182 Malleus maleficarum 24, 27, 81, 227, 367,
intellect 141, 150,170, 191, 192, 194, 233, 369
234, 248, 294, 305-310, 331; rational manuscripts: Brussels, B.R., ms. 733-741
soul 173, 177, 191, 199 152; Brussels, B.R., ms. 11209152,172,
intelligentiae see angels 175, 176, 198, 235; Brussels, B.R., ms.
interrogations (astrological) 100, 141, 161, 1031921,128,233.234; Brussels, B.R.,
233 ms. 10394-414 128, 373 ff.; Chantilly,
Musée Condé, ms. 878(1197) 364;
Jeu des échecs moralises 127, 128 Kassel. Ständischen Landesbibliothek,
Justification du duc de Bourgogne 1,24, 36, ms. theol. 509 152; London, B.L., ms.
41, 45, 47-64, 66, 68, 69, 83, 85, 90, Harley 1735 377; London, B.L., ms.
92, 95, 142, 343, 346, 364 Harley 3017 377; Madrid, Biblioteca
Nacional, mss. 6015 357 ff.; München,
Kabbalah 293, 396, 397 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 5338
149,150; Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms.
Last World Emperor 109, 358, 360 ff. Digby 194 126; Oxford, St. John's
latria 256, 258 College, ms. 76427; Paris, B.N., ms.fr.
laws of nature 145, 146, 172, 173, 175 134827; Paris, B.N., ms.lat. 7443 119-
laxatives 130, 388 125,130; Paris, B.N., ms.lat. 25552 343
Les 12 signes dou firmament 127, 128, 224, ff.; Vienna, Staatsbibliothek, ms. 2657
234, 243, 373-392 364
Liber intelligentiarum 174 marmousets 63
Liber introductorius Astronomie super marvels see mirabilia
Alcabissus 127, 219 mathematici 155, 156, 232, 282
Liber revelationum de insidiis et versutiis matter 170, 172, 192-195, 198, 298, 315-
daemonum 165 318
Liber sacratus, Uber sacer 71, 84, 304 melothesia 381
432 INDEX
millennium see history Pastoralet 1,45,357,364,365

mirabWa 139,144-146,148,150,167,168, Phantasma 182
172, 175, 198 physiognomy 14, 26, 130
Moon 4, 49, 104, 107, 123-125, 129, 130. Policraticus 9, 56, 57, 105, 107, 117,118,
161, 169, 178, 196, 199, 373-401 143,156,157,163,164, 182,247,287,
Moon-books, lunaria 107, 376-379, 382 304, 329, 352, 353, 377
Mosaic law 232, 260, 266, 291, 320; Old Pour la réforme du Royaume (Vivat Rex) 9,
law 16, 17 143
mount of the congregation 163, 164 praestigium 13, 156, 157, 237, 238; prae-
stigiatores 156; prestige 13, 80, 238
Nature-Grace motif 103, 188 precognition see foreknowledge
natural magic 144, 145, 148 privatio boni 16, 145, 164, 167, 174, 187,
necromancy 9, 13, 26, 41, 69, 106, 174, 199.200
240, 359, 364, 365; necromania 231; processions 119
nigromantia 156, 157, 237, 238; nigro- prophecy 5 , 9 , 1 2 . 1 3 . 1 5 , 2 6 , 52,101,103,
mance 57, 161. 162; nigromancien 67. 109-113, 124, 125, 132, 135, 136, 176-
300. 345, 359, 364 183. 189. 282. 283, 286, 287, 302,
Neoplatonism 70, 138, 164, 166, 169-175, 357-371
187. 193, 199, 257 propitious days 8, 14, 19, 89, 130, 134,
nigromantia see necromancy 136, 142,154,155, 161,186,240,243,
nominalism 173 379, 380, 401
Notory Art see ars notoria protractio punctorum 158, 159
numerology 4, 103, 127, 373, 374, 376, pyromancy 13, 15, 162; piromantia 156;
377, 393, 396-398 pyromantia 155, 158, 237, 239
pythonic divination 13, 155, 276; pyihones
occult virtues, occult properties 144-148, 155, 156, 158, 237, 239, 321; Python
171, 192, 199, 247, 297, 298; hidden 156, 239
virtues of signs, stones and herbs (in
CLD) 294, 295, 297-299, 304 Quadripartitum 27, 318
Old law see Mosaic law Quadrivium 233
omens, omina 10, 14, 15, 20, 86, 102, Quadrupti Tholomé 127
104-106, 112-115, 117, 118, 135, 138, Quaestio utrumpotestas cohercendi demones
157,158,159,162, 240, 247,248, 329, fieri possitper caractères figuras atque
368; see also comets verborum prolationes 147
omnipotence 5, 6. 167, 184, 186. 348 Quodübeta 139
omniscience 5, 167, 184, 186, 187, 348
ordeal 291, 292 rami 159
rational soul see intellect
pact (with the devil) 13,14, 17, 22, 23, 25, rationes séminales 118, 171
53, 57, 80, 89, 95, 147, 151. 152. 163, Recueil des plus célèbres astrologues 3, 65,
180,183,197,285,294,295,297, 347, 98-101, 116, 129-133, 228, 232, 233,
352; devil's pact in CLD 199. 236 ff., 282, 344, 350
274 ff. Regards des XII eignes 127
palmistry see chiromancy Règles de divination 128,208,227,373-375,
Parlement of Paris 21, 44, 48, 77, 79, 80, 377, 378, 382, 393-401
153 responsibility 5, 6, 11, 138, 165, 185, 332
Parousia 103, 104, 108, 109, 135, 167 rings 24, 60, 63, 68, 105, 161, 348, 350
participation, participatio 215, 257, 273
Parva naturalia 177, 178 saeculum see history
passions 12, 169, 190-192, 250, 309, 313, salamanders 289
314 salisatores 156, 157, 159
INDEX 433
scepticism 10, 11, 85, 86, 88, 89,113, 117, theurgy 174, 175
139, 145, 162, 181, 185, 199, 383 thunder prognostications 376, 377, 380,381
Schism 22, 35, 36, 48, 49, 111, 113 ff.
School of Chartres 167 Tïmaeus 177
Secret of Secrets 243,397 Tractatus de cometis 116
Semmaphoras 71, 344 Tractatus de superstitionibus 149
sensus communis 170 Tractatus de super stitiosis quibusdam casibus
Sermo de secta Vaudensium 152 144
sign-theory (Augustine) 105, 106, 180 Traicüé de la cause de la diversité des estai
Signifiance 358, 363 29, 31, 32, 104, 214
Smagorad 70-72, 151, 349 Traitié contre la Vauderie 152, 153, 172,
sneezing 14, 20, 105, 158, 240, 242, 247, 175, 176, 197, 198
311 Traitié sur la sphère 27
somnium 139, 181-183, 287, 321 transvections 14, 176, 183, 235, 248
Somnium viridarii 139 Treaty of Troyes 33
Songe du Vieil Pèlerin 128, 140, 149, 232, Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry 382,
233, 327, 329, 332, 351, 369 386
songeurs 13, 95, 180, 181, 224, 227-230, trickery 73, 145, 156, 157, 163, 345, 393
232-235, 238, 241, 247, 252, 274, 278, Trilogium astrologiae theologizatae 142,
279-281, 285, 286, 314, 315, 321-323, 143, 175, 344
327, 328, 332, 337; see also dreams triplicity 110, 241
Sortes apostolorum 394 twins, twin argument 67,106,185,186,333
Sortes sanctorum 155
Sortes Sangallenses 394 university of Paris 29, 35, 37, 47, 48, 50,
sortilegium, sortilegi 155, 157, 242, 246; 66, 98, 114, 120, 130, 140-142, 232,
sortilege 14,17,19,230,236,240,246, 266, 343, 344, 346
255,290,319,325; sors, sortes 14,158, Urim 7
159, 230, 240, 244-246, 290, 291, 329,
393-395 Vauderie see Traitié contre la Vauderie, and
spatulimantia 156, 158; spatulomancy 162, Waldensians
240 virgin boys as medium 352
specularios 156, 157 visio 183
spheres, divining spheres 376, 377, 394, Volkskalender 379-382, 387
397; Sphere of Democritus 377; Sphere vultivoli 156, 157, 300; envoûtement 354
of Petosiris 377, 400; Sphere of Pytha-
goras 157, 377 wax 78, 79, 81, 84, 145, 156, 240, 298,
spirits 13, 24, 41, 87, 92-94, 98, 155, 156, 299, 315, 347, 352, 354
162,163,164, 174,175, 239, 344, 347, wild men 90-93
352 witch-craze 10, 14, 25, 89, 166, 173, 200,
spontaneous generation see generation 203, 248, 293
St. John's Day 247 witchcraft, witches 14, 17, 19, 20, 25, 59,
St. John's fires 301 64,69, 72, 77,78, 80, 89,93,149,152,
sudarium 86-88, 95 153,166, 173,183,235,247, 345, 346,
Summa confessorum 236 350, 368; witchcraft no objective exist-
Sun 28, 49, 104, 123, 125, 129, 161, 196, ence 25; witch of Endor7,201,239,276
378, 382, 383
Tabula Smaragdina 71, 72 Zodiac 4,104,110, 111, 127,174, 373-392

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BRILL'S STUDIES

A J. VANDERJAGT, University of Groningen

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufhahme

© Copyright 1998 by Koninklijke Bull, Laden, The Netherlands

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal

PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

Chapter 1: THE TREATISE AND ITS AUTHOR

Chapter 2: THE PACT WITH THE ENEMY

Chapter 3: HISTORY AND DIVINATION 97

3.4 Astrology, Burgundy, and History 119

Chapter 4: A CRITIQUE OF SUPERSTITION 137

INTRODUCTION TO THE MANUSCRIPT

CONTRE LES DEVINEURS 223

Appendix i: THE CONFESSION OF MASTER JEHAN DE BAR

Appendix π: PROGNOSTICATION ON THE LIFE OF JOHN, DUKE OF

Men at some time are masters of their fates

and princes to consult astrologers, diviners and dream-interpreters and in

greater scheme of things. In a sense, as we will argue in chapter three,

Historicism tries to shift our responsibility on to history, and thereby on to the

THE TREATISE AND ITS AUTHOR

1.1 The Prologues of Contre les devineurs

1.2 Divination and Magic: The Themes of Contre les devineurs

Augustine,6 a number of critical arguments against astrology and divination

of time.8 To his mind astrological prognostications concerning human affairs

The different forms of divination that we discussed earlier are subdivisions

The other two categories, superstitio divinationum and superstitio observa-

1.3 The Rise of Magic and Astrology: The Contexts of

increased; we find clergymen preaching (and writing) against the unsavoury

Boniface, another in the guise of a Hungarian and the third resembling an

sciences. This well-furnished library, in which huge candelabra allowed the

1.4 Life and Works of Laurens Pignon, OP (ca. 1368-1449)

called Traictié de la cause de la diversité des estai* In a passage dealing with

interpreted as disloyalty or perjury, but finally a peace agreement was drawn

1.5 The Chronica compendiosa and the War of 1411

As far as can be ascertained, Pignon's relations with the Burgundian court

Et à ung certain jour au soir, le prévost de Paris et son bourrel, acompaignez de

1.6 The King and the Evil Spirit

THE PACT WITH THE ENEMY

In Pignon's way of reasoning the civil war of 1411 was a consequence of

Most sacrilegious murder hath broke ope

2.1 Motives for Murder

comitibus ceterisque principibus, prelatis, baronibus aliisque quibuscumque

2.2 The Devils Advocate

astrology. His elaborate metaphor reveals something about the status of

Though he was a famous master of theology and acknowledged as such by

2.3 Epistola ex Tenebris Infernalibus

by promoting the cult of St. Michael in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century

Tant s'en avancha

eight 'facts' or 'truths' and nine corollaries,36 as he calls them, to explain

besides the obvious and predominant political dimension of tyrannicide, the

2.4 The Magic Court

In his original version of the Justification, Petit included the following

incorporated in the Geste, 11.385-444,2069-2094 (pp. 271-272,320-321). See also Doutrepont,

that the Seconde Justification is a successful piece of suspense-fiction. The

Phelipes de Masières, qui de Dieu soit maudis

Or avint par un jour, sicomme dist li escris,

Nonpourquant ra enfin tellement contournée

Prirent à Monfaucon ung pendut nouviau mis.

2.4.2 The Case of the Two Augustinian Monks

To a large extent the network of gossip about sorceries surrounding Louis

Louis de Sancerre, maréchal de France, much dismayed by the king's

Mort receurent deuz hommes es hales, n'est pas fables,