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Machiavellism Real and Romantic On Elizabethan Stage
Machiavellism Real and Romantic On Elizabethan Stage
by
MASTER OP ARTS
i n the Department
of
English
Library, U.B.C.
December 4, 1953
ABSTRACT
\
ABSTRACT
Foreword Page
Chapter I Machiavellianism; An understanding
of what M a c h i a v e l l i r e a l l y meant..... 1
The M a c h i a v e l l i a n i n E n g l i s h L i f e :
An examination of E n g l i s h h i s t o r y
Chapter I I f o r evidence of M a c h i a v e l l i a n p o l i c y
i n Tudor government 30
A n t i - M a c h i a v e l l i a n i s m : A review of
the development of h o s t i l i t y i n
Chapter I I I Sixteenth Century England.toward the
works of M a c h i a v e l l i 66
The Romantic I n t e r p r e t a t i o n : A d i s -
cussion of plays that set the p a t t e r n
Chapter IV f o r the M a c h i a v e l l i a n of the romantic
type 83
A demonstration that c e r t a i n E l i z a -
bethan stage characters not n e c e s s a r i l y
Chapter V branded as M a c h i a v e l l i a n "hold the
m i r r o r up" t o the true M a c h i a v e l l i a n . 128
Bibliography
Chapter I.
Machiavellianism.
f a m i l y had f o r s e v e r a l g e n e r a t i o n s been l i v i n g i n i f l o r e n e e .
Tuscan h i n t e r l a n d .
4
"the whole of l a t e r h i s t o r y " .
The works of M a c h i a v e l l i relevant to t h i s d i s c u s s i o n
comprise The P r i n c e , The Discourses on the Ten Books of Titus
1_ i-v to & j
3*&v4?ng- the H i s t o r y of Florence, The A r t of War, the l e t t e r s
and p l a y s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the Mandragola. These t r e a t i s e s ,
l e t t e r s and plays together r e v e a l a man of w i t and s i n g u l a r
independence of mind, but of remarkable subservience i n deed.
They d i s c l o s e a mind that ranged c r i t i c a l l y over every person,
event, i n s t i t u t i o n and point of view that came to i t s n o t i c e ;
and they e s t a b l i s h M a c h i a v e l l i , s e c r e t a r y of Florence, as a
l o y a l and d e f e r e n t i a l servant and fervent p a t r i o t . They make eWv
t h a t , although M a c h i a v e l l i was an explorer and Innovator, and
was fond of g i v i n g advice, he followed h i s own precepts and
sought to please the r u l e r s of h i s time, while he attempted
to persuade them to modify t h e i r p r a c t i c e .
Humble and i l l - p a i d as the p r a c t i c a l work of h i s l i f e
was, M a c h i a v e l l i , as h i s t o r y has shown, was more than a com-
petent c i v i l servant. The problem of government was c i r c l i n g
i n h i s b r a i n i n c e s s a n t l y as he d i l i g e n t l y c a r r i e d out the
orders of The Ten a t home or i n f o r e i g n c o u r t s ; supervised
the p r o v i s i o n i n g of armed camps w i t h scrupulous regard to
Cesare Borgia, watched and set his wits against that awe-
his thought accepted the l i m i t s his material set him, and de-
as i t was.
explaining -
" . . . t h i s l o r d never r e v e a l s anything
excepting when doing i t , and he does
i t under pressure of n e c e s s i t y , on
the moment and not otherwise; where-
f o r e I pray your E x c e l l e n c i e s to
excuse me and not charge me w i t h
negligence, when I cannot s a t i s f y
your E x c e l l e n c i e s w i t h news, f o r at
most times I f a i l to s a t i s f y even
myself .' 7
1
9) 'Vol. I , p. 440
A
-11
i n i t i a t e s i t , but i n d e f i n i t e l y .
The instruments of the great p r i n c e , i n t h i s concep-
t i o n , are r e l i g i o n , armed f o r c e s , laws and a j u d i c i a r y ,
and the organized support of the people. The source of the
armed forces of the M a c h i a v e l l i a n great p r i n c e , i s , as has
been i n d i c a t e d , the c i t i z e n s of h i s own p r i n c i p a l i t y , who
by being entrusted w i t h arms, are, by t h i s proof of the
prince's confidence, encouraged i n t h e i r l o y a l t y . It i s
c l e a r that only a man who can command the admiration of the
people as a w a r r i o r oan act i n t h i s manner w i t h assurance.
The laws of the wise prince are designed to safeguard h i s
own estate and b e n e f i t the people; and the j u d i c i a r y must
be appointed and dependent f o r t h e i r p o s i t i o n upon the
prince's f a v o r . R e l i g i o n , the importance of whioh
M a c h i a v e l l i f r e q u e n t l y emphasized^ as indispensable to order
and good government, i s discussed as a c r e a t i o n of man's i n -
genuity, and the founders of r e l i g i o n s are e x t o l l e d as the
16
f i r s t amongst great men. R e l i g i o n i s indispensable, and
the appearance of r e l i g i o u s f a i t h i n a r u l e r i s invaluable
because without i t s appeal to s u p e r s t i t i o n the obedience of
men
"...observe with greater regarde the
-prooeedinges of such princes", I.e.
those who assert power by a b i l i t y ,
"than of those that succeede their
parentes in their kingdomes, and yf
they haue as good s k i l l to governe,
as to gett, they may winne the heartes
of the People sooner by desertes and
pleasure, then the other by disoentes
pedigrees, and continue their loves
longer by the authoritie of their
lawes, then the other can doe by the
antiquitie of their lynes, for men
are oarried awaye rather with thinges
that are presents, then with those
that are paste, and fyndinge i n i t a
commoditie, they content themselves
and seeke noe farther, but w i l l under-
should teach others what by bad fortune one had not been able
the arts or learning is clear from his own studies and his
from his composition of plays and poetry, and from his exhorta-
conquest.
security.
t e e i n g good r u l e r s . 2 9
He saw, indeed, i n the p r i n o e the archi-
es
tekt of s t a t e power, and the s i n g l e man who alone c o u l d restore
publieanism.
The r u t h l e s s n e s s and cold-bloodedness of which Machia-
v e l l i has f r e q u e n t l y been, aceused are the ruthlessness and
oold-bloddedness of the p r a c t i c e " o f h i s times. Ho one can
read the I n t e l l i g e n c e s and h i s t o r i e s of the renaissance w i t h -
out being impressed by the v i o l e n c e and implacable self-seek-,
ing of the n o b i l i t y , o l d and new, and of the p r i v a t e e r i n g
adventurers both on land and sea, who f l o u r i s h e d i n those
turbulent times. Hor can one f a i l to be impressed by the
frequency w i t h which p r i n o e l y r u l e r s brought d i s a s t e r upon •
themselves and the people of t h e i r land by t h e i r malevolence
or i r r a t i o n a l s e l f - w i l l . A warning and a c a l l to judgment,
such as M a c h i a v e l l i voiced was t i m e l y ; but i n I t a l y i t wa,s
not heeded.
This l i t t l e man,, t h i s c l e r k , who presumed to advise
the great oould not have been.less t y p i c a l of the a c q u i s i t i v e
man, He oould appreciate but he d i d not possess any of the
q u a l i t i e s he regarded as e s s e n t i a l to the r u l e r . Shrewd as
was h i s summing up of the techniques of a c q u i r i n g p o s i t i o n . ~
and power, he r e s o r t e d , when he himself was i n want, to t h e -
Chapter II
6} The P r i n o e , XXI, 85
7) I b i d , XVI, 69 70
-39-
10) The P r i n c e . X V I I I , 77
11) I b i d . X V i l , 73.
12) G. M. Trevelyan, H i s t p r y of England.London, Longmans,
,Green & Co., 1929, pp. 273 - 275 gives a good summary of
Henry V I I s measures d i r e c t e d toward c e n t r a l i z i n g power i n
1
p a r t e , y f he obserue good d i s c i p l i n e
emonge h i s people, and thinges beinge
sure abroade, there i s noe dowbte of
h i s saftye a t t home vnlesse he be
disturbed by some r e b e l l i o n or oon-
spiracie.
And though h i s f o r e i n e Enemies
shoulde e n t e r p r i s e anie matter
against him, soe longe as h i s pro-
v i s i o n f o r the Warrs were s u f f i c i e n t s
and h i s r e p u t a c i o n emonge h i s people
not impayred, (yf he were not wanting
to h i m s e l f , ) he shoulde be hable to
beare of t h e b r u n t e and rage of t h e i r
f u r i e , & withstands t h e i r malice to
t h e i r owne gayne and g l o r i e , . . . " 20
In conclusion, i t should be remembered that Henry V I I was
a contemporay of M a c h i a v e l l i , and that he died four years be-
f o r e The Prinoe was w r i t t e n , twenty-three years before i t
was p r i n t e d , Henry V I I l i v e d the p o l i c y that M a c h i a v e l l i ob-
served, analysed and formulated. The p o l i c y of Henry V I I then
was not derived from any t h e o r i s t , but was that recommended by
h i s own c h a r a c t e r , h i s own experience and h i s own aims. He,
however, was c l o s e l y i n touch w i t h events not only i n England
but outside of England, and p a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h the events i n
Italy. As a Milanese envoy a t London i s reported to have r e -
marked i n 1494, n f
...the merchants, most e s p e c i a l l y the
F l o r e n t i n e s , never cease g i v i n g the K i n d of England a d v i c e s . 1 n
1
When the l o r d S t a n l e i e saw the good w i l l and
gladnesse of the people, he tooke the orowne of
k i n g Richard, (which was found amongst the s p o i l e
i n the f i e l d ) and set i t on the e a r l e s head; as
though he had heene e l e c t e d k i n g by the v o i c e of
the people,...i" (p. 420)
" i . . . a f t e r the death of king Richard was knowne and
-published, euerie man, i n manner vnarming h i m s e l f e ,
& c a s t i n g awaie h i s abiliments of warre, meekelie
submitted themselues to the obeisance and r u l e of
the e a r l e of Richmond: of the which more part had
g l a d l i e so doone i n the beginning, i f they might
haue oonuenientlie exeaped from king Richards
e s p i a l s , which, hauing as c l e e r e eies as Lyna, and
open eares as Midas, ranged & searched i n euerie
quarter," (p. 421) 25
Henry V I I was followed by Henry V I I I , of whom M a c h i a v e l l i
wrote i n The Discourses:
"...quite l a t e l y the k i n g of England attacked
the kingdom of France, and employed f o r that
purpose no other s o l d i e r s except h i s own sub-
j e c t s ; and although h i s own kingdom had been
for over t h i r t y years i n profound peace, so
that he had a t f i r s t n e i t h e r s o l d i e r s nor
oaptains who had seen any a c t i v e military-
s e r v i c e , yet he d i d not h e s i t a t e w i t h such
troops to a s s a i l a kingdom that had many ex-
perienced commanders and good s o l d i e r s , who
had been c o n t i n u a l l y under arms i n the I t a l i a n
wars. He was enabled to do t h i s because he was
a sagacious p r i n c e , and h i s kingdom was w e l l
ordered, so that i n time of peace the m i l i t a r y
a r t had not been neglected". 26
This i s high p r a i s e from M a c h i a v e l l i who wrote so s t r o n g l y i n
favor of r e l y i n g on n a t i v e troops, and who considered that
30) The P r i n o e , V I I , 29
-57
58-
r e l i g i o n , so t y p i c a l of M a c h i a v e l l i (who c e r t a i n l y was no
a t h e i s t ) was evident also i n her f o r e i g n p o l i c y . She hacked
the Congregation of the Lord, a Protestant body w i t h strong
democratic f e a t u r e s , i n Scotland, i n i t s e f f o r t s to oust
C a t h o l i c French i n f l u e n c e from the country, and she gave a i d
to the P r o t e s t a n t Netherlands and to the French Huguenots
against the C a t h o l i c s and Spain; but her a i d was doled out
c a u t i o u s l y so that i t might do no more than keep any one f o r c e
from becoming too powerful. I n t h i s she aimed a t checking her
r e l i g i o u s and commercial r i v a l s who threatened her possession
of the throne and England's independence. -
Her f o r e i g n p o l i c y she regarded as a c o n t i n u a t i o n of
that of Henry V I I and Henry V I I I , who played o f f one r i v a l
against another, and j u d i c i o u s l y aided the l e s s strong against
the powerful, on the l i n e s advocated by M a c h i a v e l l i . Nor was
she above using her own person as a pawn i n the.game i n order
to keep the r i v a l powers guessing whom she might marry.
I n her f i g h t f o r a n a t i o n a l church subservient to the _
crown, E l i z a b e t h tended to be t o l e r a n t , and to l i m i t punishment
f o r recusancy to f i n e s ; but when the p o l i t i c a l and commercial
power of Spain, j o i n e d w i t h a r e v i v e d C a t h o l i c movement spear-
headed by the f a n a t i c a l J e s u i t s , launched a determined campaign
-59-
Chapter I I I
A n t i - Machiavellianism
P r i n c e , W h e t h e r or not the s t o r y i s h i s t o r i c a l l y w e l l
founded i n f a c t , i t presents a c c u r a t e l y the d i v i s i o n between
those who embraced the theses of M a c h i a v e l l i , and those who
clung t o the medieval-Catholic concept of p o l i t i c a l power,
Cromwell was one of the c h i e f a r c h i t e c t s of the r e l i g i o u s
independence of England and of that indispensable b u t t r e s s of
absolute monarchy, a n a t i o n a l church; P o l e , on the other hand
was a ceaseless f i g h t e r f o r the r e s t o r a t i o n of papal a u t h o r i t y
and the r i g h t s of the ancient n o b i l i t y i n England, To Pole
and t o those who looked out on l i f e w i t h h i s eyes, the Machia-
v e l l i a n t h e s i s was impious, a t h e i s t i c and i m p l i c i t w i t h d i s -
order. Out of the c o n f l i c t between these opposing p o i n t s of
p. . 9 8 .
view .the M a c h i a v e l l i a n bogey evolved.
There i s p l e n t y of evidence, as has been noted f o r example
by Edward Meyer, 2
Jeannette Fellheimer 3 a n £ Hardin C r a i g , k-
i n t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e works, that M a c h i a v e l l i was originally
favorably accepted i n England. I n 15^9* W i l l i a m Thomas, an
h i s t o r i a n undertaking to w r i t e of I t a l y , decided t o base h i s
work on M a c h i a v e l l i s H i s t o r y of Florence, as the one on which
1
i n M a c h i a v e l l i and i n H
'certayne g a l l a n t Turkish Discourses'",
which, he claimed, were r e p l a c i n g l o g i c and moral and n a t u r a l
philosophy i n student i n t e r e s t . -® I n l57lj.» S i r P h i l i p Sidney,
w r i t i n g from Padua to Hugh Languet, staged that he "» never
could be induced t o b e l i e v e that M a c h i a v e l l i was r i g h t about
avoiding excess of clemency u n t i l (he) learned from ( h i s ) own
experience what ( M a c h i a v e l l i ) has endeavoured w i t h many argu-
ments to prove' "• 9 Languet, r e p l y i n g , r e f e r r e d to Sidney as
Machiavelli«s f r i e n d *
These references t o M a c h i a v e l l i , voiced by E n g l i s h s c h o l a r s ,
i n d i c a t e at l e a s t i n t e r e s t i n M a c h i a v e l l i , and i n some instances,
approval© Government records f u r t h e r r e v e a l that f a m i l i a r i t y
w i t h M a c h i a v e l l i extended to the court n o b i l i t y . A note i n
Queen E l i z a b e t h ' s Common-Place Book f o r the years 1596 - l603
7) F e l l h e l m e r , op. c i t . p.,!B5
8) Meyer, M a c h i a v e l l i and the E l i z a b e t h a n Drama, p. 25
9; F e l l h e l m e r , The Englishmen's Conception, p.""18o
-6 9 -
M a c h i a v e l l i e i t h e r i n E n g l i s h manuscript t r a n s l a t i o n or I n
French, I t a l i a n or L a t i n p r i n t e d e d i t i o n s *
I n a d d i t i o n t o s c h o l a r s , c o u r t i e r s and men h i g h i n the
government of E l i z a b e t h , men of r e l i g i o n were a l s o g i v i n g
a t t e n t i o n t o M a c h i a v e l l i * a theses. An e a r l y expression of the
church's c r i t i c i s m i s given i n a sermon by Rev. Edwin Sandys:
n
'There i s no p o l i c y , no widsom l i k e the
Bisdom of God. The Commonwealth which
A r i s t o t l e and P l a t o have framed i n
t h e i r books, otherwise f u l l of wisdom,
yet compared w i t h t h a t c i t y f o r whose
sake and b e n e f i t the Lord doth watch,
what are they but f a n c i e s of f o o l i s h 1
men? As f o r Machiavel's i n v e n t i o n s ,
they are but the dreams of a b r a i n - s i c k
person, founded upon the c r a f t o f man,
and not godly wisdom, which only hath
good e f f e c t . Godly p r i n c e s have no
need t o seek f o r counsel a t these men's
hands; the mouth of the Lord i s s u f f i c -
i e n t f o r them* 11
13
By the lf>80»s however, the name of M a c h i a v e l l i was becom-
i n g the synonym f o r e v i l ambition. The widely disseminated
and much discussed pamphlet a t t r i b u t e d t o the notorious
J e s u i t p l o t t e r , Father Parsons, had a l a r g e share i n developing
this reaction. I n t h i s pamphlet,, e n t i t l e d Leyeester's Common-
wealth ( l £ 8 a ) . Leicester^warned against advancing Huntington
too f a r , as, the pamphlet notes, h i s t o r y has shown that those
13) F e l l h e i m e r , o p . c i t . p. 186
-71
2 1 ) F e l l h e l m e r , o p . c i t . p. 1 8 3
2 2 ) Innocent G e n t i l l e t , A Discourse upon the meanes of w e l l
governing and maintaining i n good peace, a kingdome, or other
p r i n c i p a l i t i e s , Translated i n t o the E n g l i s h by Simon P a t r i c k e ,
London, P r i n t e d by Adam I s l i p , l 6 0 2 .
-7-7-
23) Innocent G e n t i l l e t , o p , c i t , p. 2
-78-
2£j!) Innocent G e n t i l l e t , o p . c i t . p. 3
25) I b i d , p. 371
-79-
29) G e n t i l l e t , o p . c i t .
-81
g r e a t e r t a l e n t f o r r e c o g n i z i n g p o l i t i c a l r e a l i t y than d i d
Mahhiavelli.
"The d i f f i c u l t i e s which a r e i n c i d e n t s t o
the keepinge and continewance of a newe
g o t t e n p r i n c i p a l i t i e doe r i s e p a r t l i e
from the Lawes S t a t u t e s and ordinances
which the P r i n c e shalbe f o r c e d t o make
f o r the s a f t i e o f h i s owne e s t a t e .
P f o r e t h i s i s t o be noted that there
i s nothinge soe harde t o e n t e r p r i s e
nor soe d o w b t e f u l l t o ende, nor soe
daungerous to prosecute as t o make a mans s e l f
Author of newe lawes or customes. F o r he
that i s the f i r s t b r i n g e r i n o f them shalbe
-82-
Chapter IV
1
- &v-
I w i l l p e r s i s t a t e r r o r to the world.
I I ( I V , i , 200) 2
Barabas screams I n f r e n z i e d hate:
so I l i v e , p e r i s h may a l l the world.
(V,v,10 ) 3
S t i l l climbing a f t e r knowledge i n f i n i t e ,
And always moving as the r e s t l e s s spheres,
W i l l us to wear ourselves, and never r e s t ,
U n t i l we reach the r i p e s t f r u i t of a l l ,
. That p e r f e c t b l i s s and sole f e l i c i t y ,
• The sweet f r u i t i o n of an e a r t h l y crown.
( I Tamburlane, I I , v i i , 18-29)
M a c h i a v e l l i had s a i d :
"For when men are no longer obliged to f i g h t from
n e c e s s i t y , they f i g h t from ambition, which
passion i s so powerful i n the hearts of men that
i t never leaves them, no matter to what heights
they may r i s e " . 7
Tamburlane, having r e a l i z e d "the sweet f r u i t i o n of ,an
e a r t h l y crown" l a t e r , goes on to defy the gods and to aspire
to a throne i n heaven.
Ambition i s n a t u r a l , says Tamburlane, even as ^ a c h i a v e l l i ;
but i n h i s l a c k of any c o n s t r u c t i v e p o l i t i c a l purpose, he fails
to measure up to the true M a c h i a v e l l i a n prince who, the crea-
ture of sound, p r a c t i c a l thought, i s concerned r e a l i s t i c a l l y
w i t h the founding of a stable s t a t e , based on popular favor
as the guarantee of h i s own wealth and power.
The tempo of the p l a y mounts throughout the f i r s t p a r t ,
w i t h g l o r y gathering about Tamburlane; but the t u r n away from
admirable h e a l t h , v i g o r and appealing self-assurance, the
I w i l l p e r s i s t a t e r r o r to the world*
I I ( IV, i , 192-191).; 201)
d i f f i c u l t to conquer.
Tamburlane, as part I I shows, however, f a l l s a v i c t i m
to that f a u l t which M a c h i a v e l l i notes so often brings about
the downfall of otherwise capable men. He p e r s i s t s i n c r u e l t y
and becomes i n d i f f e r e n t to the favor of the people. He f u r t h e r
makes the e r r o r of f a i l i n g to exterminate a l l members of the
f a m i l y of the p r i n c e he had overthrown, and makes p o s s i b l e
the regrouping of h i s enemies under t h e leadership of t h e i r
hereditary prince.
A l l t h i s suggests the i n f l u e n c e of M a c h i a v e l l i . There i s ,
however, about Tamburlane, an extravagance and bombast that i s
not of t h i s world, and must have been excessive even to some
E l i z a b e t h a n l o v e r s of the "high-astounding" i n language and
life. I t seems l i k e l y , t h e r e f o r e , that Marlowe knew and used
Barabas: No..Barabas....
....since by wrong thou g o t t ' s t a u t h o r i t y
Maintain i t bravely by f i r m p o l i c y ;
At l e a s t u n p r o f i t a b l y lose i t not;
For he that l i v e t h i n a u t h o r i t y ,
And n e i t h e r gets him f r i e n d s nor f i l l s h i s bags,
L i v e s l i k e the ass that Aesop speaketh of....
(V, i i , 3k - k-0)
Barabas: S l i p not thine opportunity, f o r f e a r too l a t e
Thou seek'st f o r much, but canst not compass I t .
(V, i i , lj.5 - lj-6)
Barabas: Thus l o v i n g n e i t h e r , w i l l I l i v e w i t h both,
Making a p r o f i t o f my p o l i c y ;
And he from whom my most advantage comes,
S h a l l be my f r i e n d .
(V, i i , 111 - 111).)
Escaping from the tower with the aid of Kent, brother to the
king, he takes refuge i n France, joining the queen at Paris*
There, aided by the hospitality of the Earl of Hainault, he and
the queen recruit French and German military aid for their re-
turn to England end their attempt to depose the king and replace
him by his son. By these ambitious plans, however, he alienates
the young Prince Edward and Kent* With the invasion of England,
he assumes leadership, though i n the queen's name; and Leicester
acts i n Mortimer's name when he arrests the king at Neith.
Mortimer now becomes anathema to the king. He i s "That
bloody man", and the companion of h e l l * Imprisoned under the
care of Leicester, the king complains against "the ambitious
Mortimer" and later, tormented by the incessant moving about
which Mortimer orders as a means of preventing his rescue,
the king cries -
Edward: Will hateful Mortimer appoint no rest?
(V, i i i , 5)
When w i l l the fury of his mind assuage?
When w i l l his heart be satisfied with blood?
(V, i i i , 8 - 9 )
Although such epithets, as well as those of "tyrant" and
0LO9-
"traitor" had been bandied about by both sides during the scenes
of struggle between the nobles and the king, from now on they
accumulate around Mortimer, and are confirmed by his acts*
The queen too develops as a dissembler and a would-be assassin
at one with Mortimer i n his wilful ambition; and i t remains
only for them to c a l l i n the fictional character, Lightborn ;
i n g l y t o Mortimer:
( V, i v , 29 - 37 )
L i g h t b o r n w i l l not r e v e a l h i s s e c r e t to the f a s c i n a t e d
c y n i c a l l y f l i n g i n g a t a u n t , a boast or a c u r s e . He i s of the
his conclusion:
( I l l Henry V I , I I I , i i , 165-171)
l i e s d e s p a i r o f i n h e r i t i n g t h e crown, a j u s t i f i a b l e r e s e n t -
a k e e n l y f e l t and n a t u r a l e x p l a n a t i o n . H i s i s o l a t i o n from
c r u e l t i e s and stratagems. H i s a r t o f d i s s i m u l a t i o n , as he -
h i m s e l f c l a i m s , i s supreme; f o r i t i s c l e a r t h a t he imposes
h i m s e l f upon others as t h o u g h t f u l , g r a c i o u s , s o f t - h e a r t e d ,
J u s t as h i s e x a c t i n g examination of h i m s e l f , which
-123-
Chapter V
them*
F i r s t of the great E l i z a b e t h a n dramatists, Marlowe^T)
i n i t i a t e d the t r a d i t i o n of d i s t o r t e d Machiavellianism; l a s t
of the great E l i z a b e t h a n dramatists, Ben Jonson dramatized
the p o l i t i c a l i n t r i g u e s o f ancient Rome w i t h an eye that
measured the p a r t i c i p a n t s w i t h an o b j e c t i v i t y almost as
detached as that of M a c h i a v e l l i , and w i t h an a p p r e c i a t i o n
f o r s k i l f u l manoeuvring on a par w i t h h i s .
I n the two f r a n k l y p o l i t i c a l plays by Jonson, Sejanus
(1603) and C a t i l i n e H i s Conspiracy ( l 6 l l ) the l i n e s f r e -
quently are paraphrases of the statements o f M a c h i a v e l l i ,
and the passions and p e r s o n a l i t i e s r e v e a l themselves con-
sistently i n p o l i t i c a l situations,
Sejanus t e l l s the s t o r y of the p o l i t i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n
and r i v a l r y of two powerful men i n the Roman s t a t e : T i b e r i u s ,
the emperor, and h i s f a v o u r i t e , Sejanus, a man of common
b i r t h , but experienced i n the a f f a i r s o f Rome and r a i s e d by
the emperor t o a p o s i t i o n of i n f l u e n c e i n the Roman s t a t e .
The c h i e f protagonist i s Sejanus, whose ambition t o succeed
T i b e r i u s i n i t i a t e s the a c t i o n of the p l a y and provokes Into
motion the p o l i t i c a l t a l e n t of the emperor whose d e c l i n e
i n t o i d l e n e s s and debauchery has not robbed him of h i s s t a t e -
-130-
craft.
The a c t i o n of the p l a y takes place i n a p e r i o d of
p o l i t i c a l corruption. Popular discontent and d i s a p p r o v a l
of the emperor have produced adherents f o r the cause of the
house of Germanicus, next i n l i n e f o r the i m p e r i a l crown.
The p l a y , t h e r e f o r e , opens to the audience p o l i t i c a l Rome,
seething w i t h i n t r i g u e and unrest, and f e s t e r i n g w i t h
c o r r u p t i o n and debauchery.
A group of c i t i z e n s innocent of acts against the emperor,
but c r i t i c a l of him, and i n sympathy w i t h the claims of the
house of Germanicus to the succession, i s the conscience of
the p l a y ; and, appearing as p a r t of the crowd, or meeting i n
the palace or on the s t r e e t s , p o i n t s the moral.
I n Act I , scene I , one of these^Sabinus, f o r e c a s t s the
outcome of events:
Sabinus: Tyrants a r t s
1
7) The Discourses, I I I ,
-133
8) The P r i n c e , XVII, 7 i f .
-135-
9) The Discourses, I I I , v i ,
10) The Discourses, I I I , v i , 413-441*
-137-
As T i b e r i u s had f a i l e d t o act w i t h t h i s d i s c r e t i o n ,
and had l o s t the hearts of the common people, he had j u s t
cause t o f e a r c o n s p i r a c i e s and was f o r c e d t o r e s o r t t o
delay, s u b t l e t i e s and manoeuvring t o ready himself t o break
the a s s a u l t o f Sejanus,• He a l s o undertook, according t o
Lepidus, t o b r i n g hatred upon Sejanus by g i v i n g him unpop-
u l a r tasks t o f u l f i l , honoring the p r i n c i p l e that
"...princes should d i s p a t c h those things by ,
t h e i r deputyes which w i l l move envie..." l b
15) The P r i n c e , x i x , 8 0 .
16) I b i d , xix," 82
-340-
built upon but one of the types of men seeking power, and
not the one that Machiavelli held up as the model prince.
The unrolling of the plot exposes Sejanus as an atheist,
who scoffs at auguries and questions the power of a l l the
gods save Fortune; and when Fortune averts her face, scorns
even her. He prepares to advance to his object by his own
powers alone* His credulity, however, i s as great as his
conceit* When, for example, he learns that a special senate<
has been called without his knowledge, fear stabs him to the
heart; but he recovers self-assurance instantly upon being
informed by his enemy, Macro, that the emperor's purpose Is
to raise him to s t i l l higher office*
The depth of the corruption of the state i n Which Sejanus
and Tiberius flourish, Is exposed by Macro's midnight missions
throughout Rome on the eve of the special senate meeting* Now
i t i s shown that the o f f i c i a l s , soldiers and common lackeys
that could be bought by Sejanus are equally open to the
appeal of Macro's bribery and the terror of imperial reprisal.
Scenes i i , i i i , v, v i , v i i , and v l i i of Act V usher before
the audience a milling, swift-moving throng of servants and
messengers, consuls and other agents of the government, mostly
under the direction of Macro, bearing letters or whispered
-i4i-
and expresses the hope that Sejanus may have proved deserving*
I t then admits that the emperor has p o s s i b l y endangered him-
s e l f and even offended some by so p r e f e r r i n g Sejanus. I t
then expresses the emperor's r e g r e t that Sejanus has been so
r u t h l e s s toward the house of Germanicus, n o t i n g t h a t t h i s
c r u e l t y makes i t impossible f o r the emperor now t o exercise
clemency, except by appearing weary of v i o l e n c e . The l e t t e r
then suggests that some people might think Sejanus was seek-
ing h i s own ends i n v
( v 6oo )
( V, 61+3 - 61+4 )
This l e t t e r r e s t s upon a l l the basic assumptions about
men voiced by M a c h i a v e l l i , I t assumes men t o be i n c o n s t a n t ,
-11*4-
F u l v i a , Cicero says;
Cicero: Ambition, l i k e a t o r r e n t , ne'er looks back;
And i s a s w e l l i n g and a l a s t a f f e c t i o n
A h i g h mind can put o f f ; being both a r e b e l
Unto the s o u l and reason, and enforceth
A l l laws, a l l conscience, treads upon
religion,
And o f f e r e t h v i o l e n c e t o nature's s e l f .
But here i s that transcends i t I A b l a c k
purpose
To confound nature; and to r u i n t h a t ,
Which never age nor mankind can r e p a i r 1 —
( III, 247 - 255 )
U>e-re
that t o M a c h i a v e l l i wa>e the marks of the great.
-149-
Chapter V - Part I I
the p o l i t i c a l p r a c t i s e of h i s . e r a r e s t e d . The r e f l e c t i o n of
those p r i n c i p l e s i n works of a r t might derive e i t h e r d i r e c t l y
from the a r t i s t ' s experience or from acquaintance w i t h Ma-
c h i a v e l l i 's w r i t i n g s , or from both. I f the a r t i s t ' s glance
were of a k i n d and as penetrating as that of M a c h i a v e l l i h i s
work would reincarnate the world as M a c h i a v e l l i saw i t .
Machiavellianism was the r e f l e c t i o n of the m a t e r i a l i s t and
n a t u r a l i s t a t t i t u d e to power that underlay the p o l i t i c s of
the renaissance.
A r t i s t i c r e a c t i o n to the p o l i t i c a l - r e l i g i o u s polemics
i n which the name of M a c h i a v e l l i f i g u r e d emerged, n a t u r a l l y
enough, at the peak of E l i z a b e t h ' s r e i g n , when the l o g i c a l
consequences of the Tudor renaissance p o l i c y threatened f i n a l l y
to subordinate the feudal to the modern world, and thejprince,
as the embodiment of a u t h o r i t y , became v i t a l as the agent of
r e c o n c i l i a t i o n and c o n t i n u i t y between the passing and the
r i s i n g society. As has been shown, Marlowe endowed the
usurping prince and the unrestrained s e l f - s e e k e r as h i s counter-
part among common men w i t h d i a b o l i c a l q u a l i t i e s . More r e a l -
i s t i c a l l y , Jonson portrayed the conniving p r i n c e , both i n
power and i n the ascent to power, r a t i o n a l l y , w i t h the
scholar's j u d i c i o u s and detached a p p r e c i a t i o n of the deceptions,
i l l u s i o n s and a f f e c t a t i o n s of ambitious people; while he
-159-
and i s concerned t o e s t a b l i s h h i s r i g h t t o r u l e by b i r t h ,
although he, l i k e M a c h i a v e l l i ^ f e e l s that^and h i s " w i l l t o
i d e n t i f y h i m s e l f and h i s personal aims w i t h the welfare of
the populace, ^aad h i s provon^afbilitiea are proof enough of
h i s greatness and of h i s r i g h t to r u l e . I n only one i n -
stance does Richard, Duke of Y o r k , f a i l t o l i v e up t o the
requirements of the M a c h i a v e l l i a n p r i n c e . I n Act I of P a r t
I I I of Henry VI,when w i t h Warwick and h i s armed f o r c e s he
occupies the Parliament House ahead of Henry VI and h i s
queen, and i s i n a p o s i t i o n to enforce h i s right t o the
throne, he swears t o recognise Henry VI as k i n g during
Henry's l i f e . I f Henry w i l l acknowledge hlra and h i s sons
as h e i r s to the.throne, he d e c l a r e s , he w i l l r e t i r e to h i s
estate and l i v e as a duke under Henry V I . This a c t costs
him h i s throne and h i s l i f e , and England?^ the peace and
order which he was f i g h t i n g t o r e s t o r e to her. At one
stroke he thus abandons the advantage of p o p u l a r i t y and armed
s u p e r i o r i t y , ignores h i s pledge to have the heart's blood of
the L a n c a s t r i a n s , puts h i m s e l f a t the mercy of a r i v a l power,
and places f a i t h i n the contract of an enemy. The r e s u l t i s
renewed wars; f u r t h e r chaos and d i s o r d e r and l o s s of l i f e .
The s i t u a t i o n i n which York appears i s one t h a t was
-162-
5) The * r i n c e , x x i , 102
-165-
9) The r i n c e , x i x , 80
f
-172-
10) The P r i n c e , x v i i i , 75
-175-
claimed to f i g h t .
York's a b d i c a t i o n of h i s claim to the crown during the
l i f e of Henry V I , nevertheless i s h i s t o r y ; as was h i s character
g e n e r a l l y as Shakespeare depicted him. Had M a c h i a v e l l i been
t a k i n g h i s examples from the h i s t o r y of England he might have
s e l e c t e d York, as Shakespeare draws him, as an example of the
great p r i n c e whose v i r t u e was marred by an excessive respect
for tradition. But i n every instance but t h i s he i s the
true M a c h i a v e l l i a n p r i n c e .
Chapter V — Part I I
Subdivision 2
The p r i n c e who comes to power and r e t a i n s a u t h o r i t y i n
the most d i f f i c u l t circumstances, according to M a c h i a v e l l i ,
i s he who achieves h i s aim p r i n c i p a l l y through the a s s i s t a n c e
of other great men, and who then s u c c e s s f u l l y secures him-
s e l f against the jealousy and r e v o l t of those who f i r s t abetted
him. Such a p r i n c e i s Henry Bolingbroke, l a t e r Henry IV,
successor to Richard I I . I n R i c h a r d , Duke of York, Shakespeare
had depicted the p r i n c e who demonstrated true M a c h i a v e l l i a n
resourcefulness i n the attempt t o achieve power against great
odds, and who, i n p u r s u i t of t h i s aim made use of every ad-
vantage of s u p e r i o r courage, cunning and c l a r i t y of aim and
-179-
/
-192-
problems of power. •
This scene continues w i t h a v i s i t to the i n n i n Eastcheap,
agreed upon d e l i b e r a t e l y as a means of spying upon P a l s t a f f ,
and of d r i v i n g him t o more of h i s ingenious excuses f o r h i s
He i s ^ p r i n c e , s e l f - w i l l e d , independent and s e l f - r e l i a n t ,
but prepared by v i r t u e of understanding and a v i s i o n o f
state power to l e a r n from experience, conform t o law and
admit counsel.
The p r i n c e , before h i s ascent t o the throne, had
proven himself a man capable of hoodwinking and managing
to h i s own ends both the common people and the n o b i l i t y .
The r u t h l e s s n e s s of which he i s capable i n the i n t e r e s t s
-199-
i"
he c h i e f l y demonstrated h i s capacity f o r l e a d e r s h i p , to
the r u l i n g ' r a n k s of the n o b i l i t y . He has adopted h i s
f a t h e r ' s plan f o r a m i l i t a r y adventure abroad; but instead
of a crusade, he proposes an attempt to extend h i s empire
i n Prance; not penance but g l o r y and p r e s t i g e are h i s
aim. I t i s an undertaking of the k i n d that M a c h i a v e l l i
advocated f o r a prince newly come to power. ^ Henry takes
great pains t o get the consent of h i s church and l a y supp-
o r t e r s , and to f i n d just cause i n law f o r h i s proposed
campaign, honoring i n t h i s the M a c h i a v e l l i a n observation
that the wise prince should give cause f o r h i s a c t i o n s ,
c o l o r a l l e n t e r p r i s e s w i t h r e l i g i o u s - pomp, and act as f a r
as p o s s i b l e i n accordance with the laws and customs of the
country.
Without f u l l y d e c l a r i n g h i m s e l f , Henry has allowed the
Archbishop of Canterbury to understand that he i s i n d i f f e r e n t
to a law being proposed i n parliament to deprive the church
of considerable l a n d and to subject the church to heavy
t a x a t i o n ^ i n order to provide the k i n g w i t h a f i t t i n g court
23
&rchbishop of Canterbury:
Canterbury: Hear him but reason i n d i v i n i t y ,
And, a l l - a d m i r i n g , w i t h an inward wish
You would d e s i r e the kind* were made a p r e l a t e ;
Hear him debate of commonwealth a f f a i r s ,
You would say i t hath been a l l - i n - a l l h i s study:
L i s t h i s discourse of war, and you s h a l l hear
A f e a r f u l b a t t l e rendered you i n music:
Turn him t o any cause of p o l i c y ,
The Gordian knot of i t he w i l l unloose,
F a m i l i a r as h i s g a r t e r : —
( I , i , 39 " 48)
nevertheless, i n general c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a
f r a n k e r , a more open, a more warm-hearted
d i s p o s i t i o n than Henry IV had". 2l\.
Scenes i i i , i v , v i , v i i and v i i i of Act IV are de-
signed to implant Henry V i n the minds of the Elizabethans
as the v a l i a n t and popular leader of the E n g l i s h , who i s
profoundly aware of the p e r s o n a l i t y of h i s men, and who
respects t h e i r s i m p l i c i t y and t h e i r courage. His intimate
companionship w i t h men of the ranks and of the l e s s e r
o f f i c e r c l a s s .— L l u e l l a n , Gower, Michael Williams -- i s
shown i n scenes cut with the sharpness and b r i l l i a n c e of
gems; and scenes w i t h Exeter, Bedford, Warwiick and
Gloucester show the respect and warm f r i e n d s h i p he enjoys
among the nobles•
Henry V i s indeed that p r i n c e sought by M a c h i a v e l l i ,
who combined v a l o r w i t h i n g e n u i t y , and by example and
s k i l l won the r e s p e c t f u l adherence of the n o b i l i t y and
the e n t h u s i a s t i c l o y a l t y of the commons, s e a l i n g i n h i s
person and the i n s t i t u t i o n s he favored the u n i t y o f the
commonwealth.
fcUl-ni JO
^be e x h a u s t i v e , i t may be not without i n t e r e s t to examine f o r
evidence of Shakespeare's a p p r e c i a t i o n of M a c h i a v e l l i a n
character one of h i s plays that l i e s outside those dealing
w i t h E n g l i s h h i s t o r y - Coriplanus.
Coriolanus dramatizes the l e s s o n of p o l i c y relevant
to t h i s study i n scene two of act three. Coriolanus i n
h i s home, surrounded by the p a t r i c i a n s and attended by
h i s mother, stubbornly refuses to change h i s a t t i t u d e of
open contempt f o r the people of Rome c r to appear humbly
before them asking them f o r t h e i r vote. He i s f r a n k l y
and n a i v e l y astounded that h i s mother does not agree w i t h
him; and he alone, of a l l the p a t r i c i a n s , f a i l s to see her
wisdom. Although h i s mother, Volumnia, i s no l e s s contem-
ptuous of the populace than he i s , she has a M a c h i a v e l l i a n
i n t e l l i g e n c e as w e l l as courage; she has, that i s , an
acute understanding of the r e a l i t i e s of l i f e , as w e l l as
pride i n her p o s i t i o n as a p a t r i c i a n . Her opening words
i n t h i s scene revealjher p o l i t i c a l i n s i g h t . In r e p l y to
Coriolanus' reproach of her f o r disapproving of h i s
behaviour, she c r i e s :
Voluijuiia: 0, s i r , s i r , s i r ,
I would have you put your power w e l l on,
Before you had worn i t out.
( I I I , i i , 17 - 19 ) ^ 2
and t e l l me
In peace what each of them by t h other l o s e ,
1
Conclusion
oOOOo
WORKS CONSULTED
Press, 1931.
D208 Cl6 F i g g i s , J.N., " P o l i t i c a l Thought i n the S i x t e e n t h
Century" CMH, Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 190)4.,
Vol. III,~CnT, XXII, 736-769.
D 2 0 8 Cl6 Gairdner, James, "The E a r l y Tudors", CMH, Cambridge
U n i v e r s i t y Press, V o l . I , Ch. XIV,~l{!§3-i|.92.
DA330 Glij. Henry V I I. London, MacMillan & Co
1892.
Microfilm G e n t i l l e t , Innocent, A Discourse upon the meanes o f
w e l l governing and maintaining i n good peace a
kingdome, or other p r i n c i p a l i t i e s , Translated
i n t o the -^nglishe by Simon P a t r i c k e , London,
Printed, by Adam I s l i p , l 6 0 2 .
CB369 H35 Haydn, Hiram, The Counter-Renaissance, New York,
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1950, i4.27-i4.52.
DA358 E8 H3 H a r r i s o n , G.B., The i f e and Death of Robert
L
, The Works o f W i l l i a m
S h a k e s p e a r e , O x f o r d , Shakespeare Head
Press, 1939,
J C 8 5 W5 W i r s z u b s k i , C , L i b e r t a s as a P o l i t i c a l Idea
a t Rome duringHbhe L a t e R e p u b l i c and E a r l y
P r i n c l p a t e , Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 Q 5 0 .