University of Texas Press Journal of Latin American Geography
University of Texas Press Journal of Latin American Geography
University of Texas Press Journal of Latin American Geography
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Migration, Development and a New Rurality
in the Valle Alto, Bolivia
Abstract
The relationship between migration and development is often discussed but seldom
empirically demonstrated. In this case study from Bolivia, we examine the impacts mi
gration has had on the small sending-region of Valle Alto in the Department of Coch
abamba. Using data collected from interviews, surveys, and field observation, the study
identifies distinct migration patterns and remittance flows and how they contribute to
the material development of this region. The study highlights the diverse destinations
that emigrants seek to maintain remittance income, the circularity of such income, and
the development of diasporic knowledge networks. In some instances, a new rurality is
observed, in which small rural communities are perceived to have more material resourc
es than older colonial towns. While the Valle Alto offers many examples of migration
stimulating development, there is concern over the sustainability of some of these net
works as circular migration, particularly between the United States and Bolivia, becomes
more difficult and cosdy.
Keywords: Bolivia, emigration, remittances, diasporic networks
Resumen
La relation entre migration y desarrollo ha sido discutida a menudo pero pocas veces
demostrada empiricamente. En este estudio en Bolivia, examinamos los impactos que
la migration ha tenido en la region pequena de emigration denominada Valle Alto, en
el Departamento de Cochabamba. Usando datos colectados de entrevistas, encuestas,
y observaciones, el estudio identifica sistemas de migration y movimientos de remesas
que son unicos a la region y muestra como contribuyen al desarrollo de la zona. El es
tudio muestra los diversos destinos que los emigrantes buscan para mantener ganancias
de remesas, el movimiento circular de dichas ganancias, y la construction de redes de
conocimiento sobre la diaspora. En ciertas instancias, se observa una ruralidad nueva,
en donde se percibe que las comunidades rurales tienen mas recursos materiales que
los pueblos coloniales. Aunque Valle Alto ofrece muchos ejemplos de migration que
estimula el desarrollo economico, hay preocupacion sobre la sostenibilidad de algunas
de estas redes cuando la migration circular, particularmente entre los Estados Unidos y
Bolivia, se vuelve mas dificil y costosa.
Palabras clave: Bolivia, emigration, remesas, redes de la diaspora
Journal of Latin American Geography, 9 (1), 2010 ? Conference of Latin Americanist Geographers
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108 Journal of Latin American Geography
Introduction
The migration history of the residents of Valle Alto, a highland agricultural
area in the Department of Cochabamba, Bolivia is lengthy and significant. International
migration has been an integral part of the society, culture, and economy of the region
for the past six decades due to structural inequalities that limit access to income and
resources (especially land) which, in turn, drive people out in search of employment
(Dandier and Medeiros 1988; Balan 1990; Cortes, 2004; de La Torre Avila, 2006). The
experience of this region reveals a livelihood strategy in which the migration of men,
and later women, has produced several distinct migration streams. The early labor flows
were to Chile and then Argentina (Dandier and Medeiros, 1988). Some three decades
ago, a flow of migrants targeted the United States, especially Washington DC (Price,
2007). In the last six years Spain has become an important new destination (Hinojosa,
2006). International labor migration has become the means by which individuals and
households purchase land, build homes, educate children, and hopefully invest in future
income-generating activities. At the same time, there is a significant pattern of return
migration and continued financial support of the region from afar. The return of
migrants has had a visible impact on the landscape of the Valle Alto. In some cases the
social and economic changes in this region of emigration have produced a new rurality,
in which formerly poor peasant communities (comunidades) are materially better than
nearby colonial towns such as Tarata. Yet there are also negative consequences of this
migration-driven livelihood system, namely the fracmring of households across great
distances and the vulnerability to political and economic changes in receiving countries
(Quiroga, et. al, 2007).
This article describes the impact migration has had on the Valle Alto,
particularly the villages and towns of the province of Esteban Arze, where the city of
Tarata is considered the provincial center. It will also explain the systems that have
allowed this migration to support development, a complex and uneven process that has
been reported in other rural Andean communities that rely upon out-migration (Jokisch,
1997; Jokisch 2002; Jokisch and Probilsky 2002; Altamirano Rua, 1996, Novick, 2008).
An important feature of the migration system is the multiple destinations that emigrants
have strategically selected over time to insure continued remittance income. A second
feature is the long-term development of complex migrant social networks. Residents
of the Valle Alto have extended experience in building transnational networks that
link the residents of the Valle Alto to far away settings. Referred to in the literature as
diaspora knowledge networks (DKN) (Meyer and Wattiaux, 2006: 4), the maintenance
of these networks fosters a strong sense of identity with the communities of the Valle
Alto. The flow of remittances direcdy to the small cities in the Valle Alto has increased,
as have the speed and efficiency in which capital can be sent to rural residents. These
three features: 1) srrifting destinations in response to changing opportunity structures, 2)
diaspora knowledge networks, and 3) remittances have stimulated what Bolivian scholar,
Leonardo de La Torre Avila, has termed the new Bolivian rurality in the Valle Alto (2006).
We offer the Valle Alto as a compelling case study of this new rurality that demonstrates
the complex linkages between migration and development.
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Migration, Development and Rurality: Bolivia 109
that a pessimistic review of remittances in the 1970s and 1908s was informed by
dependency theory which saw labor migration has undermining developing economies
and remittances being wasted away on frivolous consumption. Carling argues that in the
1990s:
.. .remittances were increasingly seen in an optimistic light. This optimism
was based, in part, on new understandings of the division between
consumption and investment. In particular, remittance expenditure
on health and education was increasingly seen as investment in human
capital (2007, 45).
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110 Journal of Latin American Geography
Also, the effectiveness of the virtuous circle can be undermined by national policies
in both the sending and receiving countries over which local communities have little
influence. Thus, if a country receiving immigrants decides to curtail immigration or a
sending country begins to tax remittances, as Bolivia did in the fall of 2007, the benefits
of migration can quickly unravel (Copa, 2007). While it may be rhetorically convenient
to divide migration into virtuous and vicious circles, the reality is more likely a continuum
in which the same migrant stream can have positive and negative results depending upon
the timing of the migration, the destination, the migrant networks and the skill level of
individuals and groups. Most economic migrants from Latin America leave because of
poverty at home and demands abroad for their labor. Thus migration in and of itself is
neither good nor bad, but a growing and global livelihood strategy to address economic
inequalities and poverty.
Alejandro Portes contends that there is no case of remittances causing a
labor-exporting nation, as a whole, to develop (Portes, 2008), but positive effects of
migration are documented at smaller scales of analysis such as regions, communities or
households. In Portes's thoughtful review essay reflecting upon the circumstances under
which migration can promote community development, he suggests that, "cyclical labor
migration can have positive development effects," but that "permanent family migration"
leads to "the emptying of sending places" (Ibid., 24). Brad Jokisch (2002) reports similar
findings in highland Ecuador where decades of international labor migration in Cariar
and Azuay have promoted both rural development but has left some communities
depopulated
In the cases where migration supports local development there tends to be
circularity of movement, strong social networks, and a tradition of communal reciprocity
that leads to sustained investment. In the Valle Alto these elements exist, although legal
constraints in the receiving countries (such as the USA and Spain) may be challenging
the cyclical nature of flows from this region. In particular, as legal entry into the United
States became more difficult in the late 1990s, many undocumented residents from the
Valle Alto working in the United States were unable to return to Bolivia for fear of not
being able to re-enter the United States. Uncertain legal status, therefore, hindered the
pattern of circular return that was so typical of the earlier Bolivian-Argentine migration
streams.
The scale and duration of migrant flows must be taken into consideration when
assessing the impact of migration upon development. The unevenness of both migration
and remittance investment can produce shifting relations between rural communities
and small urban centers, whereby once poor rural communities surpass their provincial
capitals in terms of relative wealth and material well-being. Relationships between rural
and urban areas have always been dynamic within Latin America, yet the tendency for
urban areas (be they cities or towns) to be materially better off than rural areas is the
expected norm. The challenge to this norm is captured in the concept of new rurality,
in which the relative status of localities is inverted when smaller rural communities,
with access to remittance dollars, become more prosperous than nearby towns, and so
challenge the traditional urban hierarchy. We are not arguing that the primacy of major
cities such as La Paz, Santa Cruz or Cochabamba could ever be challenged by remittance
funded investment. But, at a regional scale, the relative importance of provincial cities
(secondary or tertiary urban centers) may be weakened as a new rurality takes hold.
As Bolivian scholar Leonardo de la Torre Avila contends (2006), the Valle Alto
offers a compelling example of a new rurality. Here, we seek to expand this concept to
include not only changes in the material landscape but also shifts in social and economic
status. Such shifts in rural investment and provincial status have been noted in other
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Migration, Development and Rurality: Bolivia 111
Methodology
This research used field observation, census data, remittance surveys, and
interviews, the majority of which were conducted in the Valle Alto. The Valle Alto is a
high valley averaging 9,000 feet in elevation southeast of the city of Cochabamba. The
valley floor is about 30 miles wide and contains several important colonial cities such as
Tarata, Cliza and Punata. It has perpetually been a productive agricultural zone for the
Department of Cochabamba and the country as a whole. Grains from the Valle Alto
were sent to the mines of Potosi in the colonial era (Larson, 1992), and today corn,
grains, and fruits flow to the large urban markets of Bolivia. Our research focuses
on the southwest corner of the valley in the third section of the province of Esteban
Arze (Figure 1). Nearly 10,000 people were counted in this section in the 2001 census.
We focused on this area because many of the Bolivians interviewed in the Washington
metropolitan area were from this section.
Over 50 open-ended interviews were carried out in the Valle Alto with the
families of immigrants currendy residing in Washington DC, local officials, and those
employed in the immigrant economy (especially money transfer operators) in January
2008. Contacts with migrant households in the Valle Alto were established through
a previous series of surveys and interviews with Bolivian soccer players working in
Washington (Yarnall 2008; Price and Whitworth 2004). This was not a random sample
but was built through repeated contacts with immigrant associations in Washington
and repeated trips to the Valle Alto by one of the authors. These interviews provided
valuable information regarding communal and familial transnational networks as well
as the role of migrants in local development. Beyond interviews, field observation was
important, as the authors were able to observe changes in the built environment and
household composition caused by emigration from the area. In the city of Cochabamba,
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112 Journal of Latin American Geography
archival newspaper research was conducted and the articles gathered were particularly
helpful in understanding the effects of migration and remittances, as well as the role of
the state in migration processes.
Secondary Road
*?** Primary Stream
-< ' Intermittent Stream
9 Section Capita!
Munktpagty
Since many households in Esteban Arze have migrant family members in metropolitan
Washington, this research was also informed by interviews and surveys conducted among
migrant organizations in the Washington area. Manuel Orozco, a remittance expert at the
Inter-American Dialogue, provided unpublished survey data on remittances by Bolivians
from Metropolitan Washington. These data, with a sample size of 70 individuals, were
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Migration, Development and Rurality: Bolivia 113
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114 Journal of Latin American Geography
(Ibid., 286). This resulted in men saving large sums of money and bringing it back to the
Valle Alto in the form of cash and goods.
During the 1980s residents of the Valle Alto increasingly migrated to the United
States, particularly to metropolitan Washington. A few residents from the Valle Alto
came to Washington in the late 1960s and found employment. This small node attracted
other migrants through chain migration and by the 1980s Washington had emerged as
the preferred destination (Price 2006). From 1980-1990 the Bolivian population tripled
based on the great demand for their labor and reliance on social networks (Price, 2007).
In 1980 only 10 percent of Cochabambinos working abroad resided in the United
States. By 1988 this number had increased to 31 percent, with the majority traveling to
metropolitan Washington (Cortes, 2004:158). When asked about the initial migration
from the Valle Alto to Washington, several residents of the municipality of Mamanaca
echoed this chronology: "Before 1984 or 1985 there were only a few people that traveled
to Virginia [part of metropolitan Washington]. After 1985, people began to leave in
large numbers" (Anonymous, 1/13/2008). The 1990s represented a growth in migration
to the United States with a continued flow to Argentina. A decline in migration to
Argentina coincided with the financial crisis that occurred between 1999 and 2002.
Since 2004 there has been a sudden increase in the number of Bolivians migrating to
Spain, although within the Valle Alto connections to metropolitan Washington remain
strong. The continued preference for Washington underscores the importance of social
networks for Valle Alto migrants. Although it may have been easier to enter Spain, social
connections continue to reinforce the transnational community in Washington.
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Migration, Development and Rurality: Bolivia 115
upon an already established place to work in the host country based upon family and
village employment connections. Sometimes these systems of mutual cooperation and
sharing are not monetized but the expectations to help someone from your community
are real and one's reputation may depend upon it. Yet, in the case of lending money,
these are informal contracts with interest and payment timelines that are principally
enforced through a sense of duty and obligation.
In this part of rural Bolivia soccer clubs and other hometown associations
have been critical in mamtaining contact, sending money and promoting infrastructural
development. The activities of one soccer league in particular, INCOPEA, will be
discussed in detail below. Playing on a weekly soccer team with people from your
country of origin means much more than staying fit. These teams are network-enforcing
organizations that bring people together on a weekly basis during the soccer season,
allowing them to see friends, share news, and maintain their sense of identity as someone
from the Valle Alto. In terms of actual development, the mission of INCOPEA is to
assist in the development of the rural communities that its players hail from. Thus
in an iyne-based system, resources are pooled and villages receive funds on a rotating
basis. Other hometown associations in this region also exist in the US and engage in
public works, but the soccer leagues have been the most successful in terms of localized
development.
Patterns of Remittances
The Inter-American Development Bank estimated that in 2007 remittances
to Bolivia surpassed one billion dollars. The average annual amount sent by a Bolivian
remitter was found to be US$1,400. In a country where the per capita GNI was roughly
US$1,000 in 2007, having access to remittances gready impacts household income. In
an earlier study, which measured remittances sent through both informal and formal
channels, it was found that roughly eleven percent of the Bolivian adult population
received remittances (IDB 2007), yet in the Valle Alto the percentage of households
receiving remittances was much higher. According to the Bank, the top remittance
sending countries were Argentina, the United States, and Spain.
While the importance of remittances to Bolivia as a whole is undisputed, more
general studies do not isolate sub-national flows such as those from the Washington
area to Cochabamba. To quantify and describe this remittance flow, a 2005 survey
undertaken in Arlington, Virginia, by Manuel Orozco was utilized by the authors. The
Bolivian community is concentrated in the northern Vkginia suburbs, but its members
send remittances to eight of the nine departments in Bolivia. Eighty-four percent of
the survey transactions went to the three most populated departments: Cochabamba,
La Paz, and Santa Cruz. While the departmental distribution of remittances sent to
Bolivia generally follows the population distribution, the Department of Cochabamba
stands out. In the survey Cochabamba received 41 percent of the transactions, yet it only
accounts for 18 percent of the country's population (Table 1). These survey data confirm
the existence of chain migration between Cochabamba and northern Virginia
The mean amount of each remittance to Bolivia from metropolitan Washington
was US$246. Ninety-seven percent of survey respondents reported sending money
on a monthly basis. Using the mean monthly remittance sent from Washington, an
annual average of nearly US$3,000 is probable. Sixty-four percent of survey respondents
reported sending remittances to parents, and not spouses, which is perhaps surprising
given the tradition of men leaving spouses behind to work abroad. Yet the average
remitter is relatively young (29 years old) with living parents at home. Moreover, perhaps
parents are trusted to carry out their children's wishes with regards to how remittance
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116 Journal of Latin American Geography
monies are spent. Or, in the case when a couple leaves the region for employment
elsewhere, parents are often left to care for the couple's children (i. e. grandparents
tending grandchildren). The second largest recipient group of remittances is children
(23 percent), while only 10 percent of remittances are sent to spouses. One potential
explanation for this pattern may be that respondents stated they were sending funds to
children when this money was actually going to a spouse to be spent on children. While
the data may be misleading as to the actual household recipient of the remittances, there
is clearly a strong financial link between parents and children separated by foreign labor
migration.
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Migration, Development and Rurality: Bolivia 117
Leonardo de la Torre Avila has used the phrase "a new rurality" to describe some of
the changes occurring in the Valle Alto due to an increase in out migration (de la Torre
Avila, 2006:160). He describes this phenomenon in the context of an increase in peach
production due to migrant investment, which has led to greater economic productivity
in the region. Under the new rurality, the Valle Alto has been transformed from an
area of farming for subsistence for the local market to an area of more specialized
cultivation oriented toward the national market. We argue that this term can be extended
to apply to additional changes that have occurred in the Valle Alto due to international
migration. In essence, the term can be used to explain how concepts of what it means
to be rural are changing due to various social and economic impacts of migration. W/hile
the Valle Alto population is still rural, its landscape has dramatically changed, as have
the lifestyles of many of its residents. Additionally, its relationship with urban areas
in Bolivia has changed. All of these factors contribute to a "new Bolivian rurality"
that has the unanticipated consequence of shifting the power/economic balance
between rural communities and their supporting towns. It also means that rural
people are linked to distant international cities via money transfers, cell phones and
the Internet and somewhat less connected to provincial centers in their own country.
"Now when I travel to the valley the people there have more money than I do!"
(Anonymous, 1/5/2008). This statement, made by a rural development specialist from
the city of Cochabamba is indicative of the new rurality that is noticed by those who are
familiar with the Valle Alto. The traditional economic and class divisions between rural
and urban places are being altered by migration and the resulting inflow of remittances.
Within this new rurality, comunidades that were long thought of as centers of peasant
subsistence production can be seen to be slowly changing into areas that import labor and
attract investment. This transition is not happening due to direct foreign investment from
development agencies or corporations but due to the movement of capital from emigrants.
This changing economic balance between agrarian communities and urban
centers can clearly be seen in the relationship between urban Tarata and the rural
municipalities to its north and northwest in the Third Section of Esteban Arze Province.
The best example of this shift in status and resources is illustrated when comparing
the municipality of Arbieto with the city of Tarata. Thanks in part to funds provided
by residents of Arbieto working abroad, Arbieto now has cobbled streets, which were
previously dirt (Soto, 2008). Prior to the street improvement in Arbieto, Tarata was the
only town in the surrounding area with cobblestones due to its colonial significance.
Residents of the Valle Alto also frequency refer to Arbieto as the "modern" or "luxury"
town. In the recent past, only the provincial capital of Esteban Arze, Tarata, would have
been perceived as having some modern amenities. This break in the traditional hierarchy
of Tarata being the principle city that rural Arbieto relied upon has strained relationships
between the two localities. In fact, in 2009 children in Arbieto had their own high school
and no longer attend secondary school in Tarata. Similarly, in the community of Tiataco,
construction workers from the city of Cochabamba were observed building a house for a
Tiataco family that currendy lives in metropolitan Washington. The idea of a crew from
urban Cochabamba, the third largest city in Bolivia, working for an agricultural family
in rural Tiataco represents a shinning shift in established urban and rural relationships.
Another economic impact of this migration is the seasonal returns for holidays,
especially during Carnival and patron saint celebrations. Cresencio Soto, the mayor
of the Third Section of the Province of Esteban Arze spoke about the new tourism
industry in Arbieto saying, "tourism here is completely dependent upon the annual ferias
(celebrations centered on holidays). Thousands come to celebrate" (Soto, 1/8/2008).
While there are very few restaurants and hotels that operate year-round in the area,
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118 Journal of Latin American Geography
during ferias numerous homes open their doors to visitors offering accommodations
and food. Small shops, that usually sell groceries and dry goods, convert to restaurants
to feed the large numbers that gather. According to Cortes, ferias have become
increasingly important with a rise in migration as they represent an opportunity for
migrants to reconnect with their hometowns and show their prosperity. Previously
costs for ferias were split evenly among residents. Now, "migrants, recognized as having
the greatest capacity financially are the only parties solicited to finance the feria costs"
(Cortes, 2004:238). A fundamental shift has occurred in which ferias used to represent
a local redistribution of wealth, to the current system in which migrant families have
both taken over and are expected to bear the responsibility of community celebrations.
Often, the occasion of a feria marks the date in which a new amenity provided
by migrant dollars is inaugurated. Thus, when many migrants return to these small
villages they can celebrate in their collective efforts that resulted in the construction of
a new church, plaza, school, soccer field or basketball court (Figure 2). Such amenities
do not exist in villages that do not have substantial numbers of people working abroad.
One of the interesting aspects of the Valle Alto is that many of the public structures
built by emigrants in the United States have been funded by a soccer league based in
northern Virginia that is made up of representative teams from each village in the
region. The Institute of Cooperation for the Peoples of Esteban Arze (INCOPEA) is an
immigrant soccer league that has existed since 1991. For nearly two decades this league
of 10-15 teams representing various rural communities in Esteban Arze has organized
championships and pooled resources to fund an impressive array of public works
projects. Annually this league sends roughly US$20,000 to $30,000 to a particular village
in a rotation system. Projects such as the church in Mamanaca (Figure 3) are a source
of pride for residents and migrants alike. A plaque at the church entrance acknowledges
the generous contributions made by INCOPEA and its member communities.
Figure 2. Valle Alto youth playing soccer in the village of Aranjuez on a soccer field
funded by a Washington-based immigrant soccer league.
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Figure 3. Rleft: Mamanaca church on land acquired by Washington-based soccer league INCOPEA; [right: dedicatory plaque on church]
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120 Journal of Latin American Geography
Figure 4. A view of the village of Arbieto highlights the difference between traditional
and remittance-funded houses.
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Migration, Development and Rurality: Bolivia 121
Acknowledgements
The first author wishes to acknowledge the support of a Campbell Graduate
Student Summer Research Grant, awarded by the Department of Geography at
the George Washington University that helped to fund this research. In Bolivia
both authors are especially grateful for the assistance provided by Dr. Agusto
Villareal and his family, Leonardo de La Torre Avila, and Celia Ferrufino Quiroga.
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122 Journal of Latin American Geography
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