The Role of Substantive
The Role of Substantive
1-1-1932
Recommended Citation
Arnold, Thurman W., "The Role of Substantive Law and Procedure in the Legal Process" (1932). Faculty Scholarship Series. Paper 4258.
http://digitalcommons.law.yale.edu/fss_papers/4258
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HARVARD
LAW REVIEW
VOL. XLV FEBRUARY, 1932 NO. 4
the war's great effort. Whatever the cause, our politics are devoid of ardor and
social reform has lost its romance. Such being the mental climate, one would
expect jurisprudence to be in the doldrums and to earn its title as the dreary science.
Alas for these generalizations about the main currents of thought! The waters of
law are unwontedly alive. New winds are blowing on old doctrines, the critical
spirit infiltrates traditional formulas, philosophic inquiry is pursued without apology
as it becomes clearer that decisions are functions of some juristic philosophy."
(Italics mine.) Frankfurter, The Early Writings of 0. W. Holmes, Jr. (931)
44 HARV. L. Rxv. 717.
4 Cf. COOLM, SocIAL PROCESS (1927).
what they are doing or even what they are aiming to do. Such
efforts, generally confined to public meetings, result in speeches
like the following, reported from an annual meeting of the
American Bar Association:
"America looks to the bar today for leadership, as she has always
looked. It was the lawyers who led us in our struggles for independ-
ence. . . . And it has been the lawyers who, not only upon the bench,
but at the bar, in the legislature and in executive positions, have
moulded our institutions to meet the changing life of our people. The
charge that they have allowed the law to become antiquated and obso-
lete cannot be sustained. While changes are needed in procedural law,
these changes are already in process of realization and much has already
been accomplished. Great problems confront the nation, but the bar
of America will rise to meet them, as it has always risen in the past." I
11 Miller, The Evidence and Duty of Being on the Lord's Side in I TnE NA-
TIONAL PRAcHxR (1826-28) 97.
law, in which case the decision does not count and we may
ignore it.
If, on the other hand, the judges sit not as a bureau or depart-
ment but as a commission with quasi-judicial powers, the danger
is not so great. Nevertheless it represents a tendency which de-
serves careful scrutiny, and we must be at all times cognizant of
just where it is leading us. The suspicion that has greeted com-
missions, to which have been entrusted matters of public impor-
tance, never quite disappears until the commission is firmly estab-
lished, and the dangerous tendencies of such movements are
constantly talked over for a long time afterward.
The distinction between a bureau which is a very bad sort of
thing and a commission with quasi-judicial powers which is well
enough in its place is that the commission, while not exactly a
court, nevertheless is more like a court than it is like a bureau.
Therefore if we are very watchful of these commissions and see
that the inevitable mixing up of the three great branches of the
government - the executive, legislative, and judicial - occurs
only on lower levels, and in comparatively minor matters such as
the valuation of railroads, the fixing of rates, workmen's compensa-
tion, banking, taxation, trade regulation, zoning, immigration,
irrigation of arid lands, drainage, insurance, and similar things
which do not involve the great principles of freedom - as, for ex-
ample, a suit for libel and slander, replevin, or criminal conversa-
tion does - we may escape this new form of despotism. It is
particularly important, however, to have a law court in the back-
ground ready to keep in check each commission which has been
given quasi-judicial powers, because in this way the powers which
had become so muddled when passing through the commission,
again become separated and run in clear and separate streams and
everything becomes less arbitrary and personal and more subject
to the fundamental rules of law. Thus it is that, in examining the
individuals of our judicial system who are acting as judges, we
find that a jarring note is struck when they sit as a commission
and not as a court, but that with proper vigilance the thing is
being kept fairly well under control.
Turning our attention to those judges who are sitting as
CC courts" because they are the most mysterious part of the whole
judicial institution, we find it difficult to tell just what they are
istic of courts. They do not, on the one hand, check the govern-
ment in its wilder flights of regulatory fancy, nor on the other
hand are they able to carry out the decrees of the government
efficiently because they are too bound down by that particularly
absurd form of rule and precedent known as red tape. Courts,
on the contrary, do not concern themselves with red tape, but only
with procedure and substantive law. Both may sometimes be
antiquated, but that is never the fault of the court, whereas the
red tape is always the fault of the bureau. Applying this principle
to the cases of the persons imprisoned for debt, we at once see
that if it had been done by a bureau it would have been an annoy-
ing invasion of personal liberty accomplished in an arbitrary way.
When it is done by the court even those in jail realize that it is not
the fault of the court, but the fault of the legislature which forced
this procedure on the court. Thus it appears that even when
courts refuse to protect the freedom of individuals they do it for
such high motives that everyone should respect them for it.
From this we may reach our final definition of just what courts,
commissions, and bureaus are.
i. A court is a body of judges whose decisions are either:
(i) right, (2) caused by the fault of someone else (usually the
legislature), or (3) unfortunate but unavoidable accidents due to
the circumstance that no human system can be perfect.
2. A bureau is a body which, if it happens to make a wrong de-
cision, has no one to blame but itself, and if it happens to make a
right decision, offers us no assurance that it will do so again.
3. A commission with quasi-judicial powers is half-way be-
tween a court and a bureau.
Our next investigation naturally leads us to inquire what pecu-
liar talisman judges who sit as courts possess which gives them
such advantages over judges who sit as bureaucrats. This ques-
tion does not detain us long because the answer is on everyone's
lips. The courts represent the supremacy of "law." It is judges
sitting as courts who guarantee us a government of laws and not
of men, whereas judges sitting as bureaus or as executives are al-
ways trying to substitute a government of men and not of laws.
The former is, of course, the better form of government because
the laws are based on fundamental principles which gradually ex-
pand to meet changed conditions, whereas very few individuals
It is obvious that our belief that courts are the chief guardians
of the supremacy of law is the reason why we adopt such a re-
spectful attitude toward them. Yet this supremacy of law is a
vague and very hotly contested phrase, on the meaning of which
there is no agreement. It appears that two of its functions are:
(i) to protect us from the tyranny of the majority and (2) to
make results of disputes more logical and predictable.
The first has something to do with the interpretation of a writ-
ten constitution which is supreme in this country. However, it
is not clear that this written constitution itself is the real pro-
tection from the tyranny of the majority because courts in England
furnish the same kind of protection without a constitution.
In this country, of course, the constitution is above the courts,
yet, curiously enough, if at the same time we had not placed the
courts above the constitution we are led to believe some form of
tyranny would have developed. It is also interesting to note that
courts, because they represent the supremacy of law, protect us
from the tyranny of the majority, even though in most instances
the judges are elected by the majority. Bureaus, on the other
hand, are usually appointed, but because they do not represent
the supremacy of law they are less likely to respect the rights of an
individual against a majority than an elected judge. In France
the chief bulwark of liberty is the " droit administratif" but this
apparent paradox is explained by the Lord Chief Justice of Eng-
land in his book on the dangers of administrative law as follows:
16 (1929) i5 A. B. A. J. 747-
appeal, the case was heard by a judge without any of the skill in
the particular matters which the commission had acquired by
experience. Nevertheless when his decision was handed down,
criticism ceased. The " law" had spoken, and if the result was
undesirable, it was not the fault of the judge. Later the Supreme
Court found that the entire act was unconstitutional, 2' and the
fight was transferred to the legislature. Of course it was just as
impossible to predict the result before a court as it was before a
commission. Yet the notion of the supremacy of a substantive
law residing in the court, completely removed the question from
the public turmoil of individual criticism.
The science of law peculiar to courts has its utility and effect,
as we have seen, in several ways. (i) It gives the court the at-
mosphere of impersonal and inevitable justice which compels
respect. (2) It shifts criticism of the result away from the judge
or the court to some body which is supposed to have the power to
change the "law." (3) It gives the court a certain attitude
toward the problems which confront it by making relevant ancient
analogies. (4) It expresses general directions and ideals called
principles.
Rules and definite directions, of course, appear wherever we
turn, and whether we are dealing with courts or other bodies.
However, there is a great difference between the way these rules
are applied when we treat them with the attitude induced by the
science of law and when we treat them with the attitude of a
bureau or an administrative official. The difference is illustrated
in a book by a well known English scholar,2 2 in which, in differ-
ent essays, he writes of "The Ratio Decidendi of a Case," refer-
ring to such things as contracts, consideration, and torts, and of
the English system of taxing costs. The one seems to him to be
part of the science of law, to be considered in the light of general
theory, fundamental in its nature. The taxation of costs, on the
other hand, is treated as a practical problem to which no method-
ology of the discovery of principles scientifically arrived at is
necessary. If we call a summons "process" which is necessary
to give the court " jurisdiction," concepts of all kinds troop in,
from the difference between "mandatory" and "directory" pro-
21 Hodges v. Public Serv. Comm., i59 S. E. 834 (W. Va. 1931).
22 GoODuART, ESSAYS IN JuRISPRuDENCE AND TBE Co1 oN LAW (1931).
the English judges are really superior, but that the conception
of substantive law is giving them a prestige which removes them
from individual criticism.
What has happened in England in the years following the Judi-
cature Act is not the sudden substitution of enlightened judges
for bigoted ones, but the insulation of the science of substantive
law from the practical problem of litigation. Instead of rigidly
applying the substantive-law doctrines through the principle of
stare decisis, as many imagine, the English have been devising
practical escapes which separate principles of substantive law
from the actual cases which confuse them. This has been done
by transferring power to the trial courts and making it difficult for
appellate courts to make a written application of doctrines to any
case not fought with unusual determination and disregard of ex-
pense. Thus substantive law exists at the top of the very prac-
tical English system as an ideal exposition of a way of thought
and expression.
The ways in which this has been accomplished are interesting.
First, that vast mass of principles which are treated in America
from a substantive law point of view under the name of pleading
and the various steps before trial, are removed from the logical
interpretation of appellate courts by the simple device of inter-
posing a master between the litigant and the judge.26 In criminal
cases the complicated substantive science loses its importance be-
cause the court of criminal appeal may treat cases individually
and even increase the penalty, instead of sitting solely as a court
of error." Third, the heavy imposition of costs makes appeal
difficult. The attorney who thinks that a principle of substan-
tive law is wrongly applied by a lower court must gamble very
against conviction if it thinks the verdict of the jury should be set aside on the
ground that it is unreasonable or cannot be supported by the evidence or resulted
from a wrong decision on any question of law or if it thinks that on any ground
there was a miscarriage of justice. In all other cases it must dismiss the appeal and
in this connection it is provided that even though the court is of the opinion that the
point raised might be decided in favor of the appellant it may still dismiss the
appeal if it considers that 'no substantial miscarriage of justice has actually oc-
curred.'" HowARD, Ca-maNAL JusTIcE IN ENGLAND (1931) 280.
them so that they will control, not the processes of the court, but
society in general. They are being continually rephrased in
various ways, so that their fundamental elements can become
more and more detailed and certain. The English trick of isolat-
ing them from the general run of litigation so that the effect of
the attitude which they induce and the general directions which
they furnish will not be lost, is not realized. An illustration may
be useful here. If A tells B to report an accident, giving only the
facts and omitting so far as possible his conclusions, this general
direction will unquestionably affect the type of report. But if
A and B insist on writing books about the differences between
facts and conclusions examining in detail all the reports which
have been handed in for the past ten years, the direction will
become unintelligible. The rule will fail to function if it is ana-
lyzed in every case. It will also fail to function if everything which
has been said about the difference between facts and conclusions,
and not expressly repudiated since the time of Lord Coke, must
be preserved and made relevant in the discussion of the report
which B makes."