The writers’ class of ancient India—

a case study in social mobility

Chitrarekha Gupta

The varna system in India is essentially based on a classification of

occupation. However, the Dharmasastras have given only a theoretical and
general classification of work to be done by the various varnas. Details of job
classifications and their association with caste groups are often difficult to
determine. Inscriptions also provide us with the names of different professions
and persons associated with them. Nevertheless, the problem remains,
because the names of people are not always indicative of their caste and,
interestingly, the caste affiliation of a bureaucrat is seldom referred to. Due to
these difficulties, the problems relating to professional mobility in ancient
India and the social consequences of mobility are still unsolved questions.
This paper determines the caste affiliation of the writers’ class of ancient India
and their social status in the changing currents of Indian history.
W

From the lexicons, Dharmasåstras and other literature it is clear that the
writers or the clerks were variously called in different localities. Lekhaka,
lipikara, ganaka, karana, and kayastha were frequently used terms. Though
not very common, niyogi sometimes denoted a clerk who was always ready
with a pen and paper.2 Dibira is another interesting term of foreign origin,
which was used in the same context.3 It is possible that the offices designated
by these terms differed in detailed allocation of work. For example, while the
lipikara was a scribe, the ganaka was an accountant. It may be assumed from
these synonymous terms that, in spite of their job variations, writers and
clerks formed one professional group holding offices of similar rank and
status. So I shall use these terms as interchangeable designations.

Since the evidence derived from ancient Indian literary sources about the
caste affiliation of the Kayasthas (as the writers’ class came to be called later) is
contradictory and appears to be somewhat biased, modern anthropologists
and historians have viewed the problem variously. Crooke4 has suggested the
1 P.V.
Kane, History of the Dharma
stras, Poona, 1941, vol. 2, 1: 76; D.C. Sircar, Studies in
sa
the Society and Administration of Ancient and Medieval India, Calcutta, 1967: 158.
2 ā (V.V. Research Institute Publication—273, Hoshiarpur, 1963), 7:
Kalhana’s jatarangin
R
ī
508.
Indian Antiquary, Bombay, 1977, 6:10.
3
4 W. Crooke, The Tribes and Castes of North-western inaia
, reprint, Delhi, 1975, vol. 3: 195.

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192

identity physical types of Kayasthas in northern India (from the north-

of
western provinces to Bihar), and Risley has discussed their ’pure Aryan
descent’. It was assumed that they were recruited from all grades of the Aryan
community. Kayasthas of Bengal are traditionally regarded as Sudras.
However, judging from their physical characteristics and ’remarkable
intellectual attainments,’ Risley could not wholly reject their claim to Aryan
descent. He combined local tradition with his own evidence and suggested
that they were recruited from the peaceful Vaisyas and Sudras, rather than
from the warlike Ksatriyas. According to him ’the brahmanas would probably
hold aloof from it altogether’.5
Romila Thapar has formulated an entirely different thesis on the.basis of a
general understanding of Indian society. She is of the opinion that the offices
which required formal education were usually occupied by the Brahmanas.
Revenue collectors, treasurers and those concerned with legal matters
belonged to this category. She says that ’the same was probably true of the
important but less exalted rank of scribes, recorders and accountants’.6
In view of such conflicting theories it is necessary to analyse afresh the
archaeological and literary documents in order to have a clear idea about the
status of the writers’ class and other problems associated with them.
Apart from the Indus seals, which still remain undeciphered, the earliest
written archaeological documents belong to the time of Asoka. He has
referred to the scribes (i.e., lipikaras) in his inscriptions, but does not mention
the social group to which they belonged. Kautilya’s Arthasâstra (assuming
that it focuses on the Mauryan polity) has something to say in this context.
During the time of Kautilya the scribes or writers occupied a very low grade in
the administrative hierarchy. Kautilya’s chapter dealing with the salaries of
state servants mentions that the staff of accountants and writers were paid as
much as the trained foot-soldiers (i.e., 500 pana.s per annum). All
superintendents of departments, who were evidently higher-grade clerks, were
paid 1,000 panas per annum. The retinue of priests, the bard, the story-teller,
the reader of the Puranas, astrologers, readers of omens and foretellers were
also paid the same amount. Technicians serving under the king were
financially better placed. The chariot driver, the physician of the army and the
chief carpenter received 2,000 panas per annum. Army officers, members of
the council of ministers, and other high officials were in different salary grades
ranging from 4,000 to 24,000 pal) as per annum. The highest salary grade in the
state was 48,000 pa1Jas per annum and the recipients were, among others, the
minister and commander of the army, the sacrificial priest, the preceptor, and
the chaplain.7
In fact Kautilya had fixed eleven salary grades; the staff of accountants and
5 The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, reprint, Calcutta, 1981, 1: 439.
Risley,
6 Romila
Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History, Delhi, 1978: 137.
7Kautilya’s Artha
stra (University of Bombay Studies—Sanskrit, Prakrit and Pali,
śā Bombay,
2nd ed., 1969), 5, 3: 151-58.

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 193

writers were ranked eighth and the superintendent of departments seventh.

Below the writers were the musicians who received 250 papas per annum. But,
interestingly, the writers mentioned that the makers of musical instruments
would get double this wage, which made their salary equal to the writers’
salary. In the tenth salary grade were the artisans, who received 120panas per
annum. The servants, valets, attendants, guards of animals and foremen of
labourers occupied the lowest salary grade (60 pa,nas per annum). Thus the
status of a clerk was a little better than those whose professions were
associated with the Sudras. The upper-divisional clerks, however, were of the
same rank as the ordinary priests and persons of other professions who

usually came from the Brahmana community. So, though we have no

positive evidence about the caste of the writers from Kautilya, we may infer
that their ritual status was similar to that of an ordinary Brahmana, or that of
a Ksatriya or Vaisya, but definitely superior to that of a Sudra doing menial
labour. However, their actual status in society was not very high.
A very interesting picture of professional mobility may be drawn from some
Asokan rock inscriptions. The Brahmagiri rock inscription refers to the scribe
Chapada8 and it is possibly his name which is partly found in the mutilated
portions of two other rock inscriptions in Mysore State.9 These inscriptions
are in Brahmi, but lipikara Chapada signed at the end of the inscriptions in

Kharosthi, which suggests that he travelled from north-western India to

Mysore to offer his services as a scribe.
The period between the decline of the Mauryas and the rise of the Guptas
was one of considerable social upheaval due to the intrusion of foreigners in

politics as well as in the social sphere. The small states which grew from the
fallen imperial fabric of the Mauryas had unique characteristics.
Undoubtedly, all these interactions had a considerable impact on different
facets of the society. As far as the writers are concerned, we find that this was
the period when they gradually emerged as a formidable class and left records
of their own for us to form an idea about the class. In all the Asokan
inscriptions only one scribe has been mentioned by name. However, in the
post-Mauryan inscriptions scribes writing the records are sometimes
mentioned specifically. The Shinkot steatite casket inscription written during
the time of Menander, but belonging to Vijayamitra, mentions on the back of
the casket that it was inscribed by Vl§pila.10 The Kurram copper casket
inscription of A.D. 99 was written by Mahipati.11 The Guntupally inscription
of Maharaja Sri-Sata or Sada, the lord of Kalinga Mahisaka country and
belonging to the family of Mahameghavahana, recorded the gift of a
mandapa, the scribe of which was Cula-Goma. 2
8 of A New Edition, Oxford, 1925: 176.
E. Hultzsch, Inscriptions ś
oka,
Ibid., pp. 178, 180.
9
10 D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization (from 6th cent.
B.C. to A.D. 6th cent.), 2nd. ed., Calcutta, 1965, vol. 1: 157-58.
11
Ibid., pp. 148-49.
Journal of Ancient Indian History, Calcutta, 1970, 3:30-36.
12

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194

In the cave inscriptions of western India, a few lekhakas donated caves to

the Buddhist monks themselves. The Kuda inscription, for example, speaks of
Sivabhüti, the son of Sulasadatd and Utaradata who was a lekhaka of
Mahabhoja Mandava Khandapalita. I3 His family was quite affluent and he
was a man of some renown. While Sivabhuti and his wife donated a cave, his
brother Sivama constructed another cave for the same purpose; his wife and
sons donated a rock carving and his daughters donated pillars. Sivama did not
fail to refer to himself as the younger brother of Sivabhuti.’4 The Nasik
Buddhist cave inscription recorded the gift of a cave by Ramamnaka, who
described himself as the son of lekhaka Sivamitra.15 In the Prakrit inscription
from Amaravati the term is leghaka. It refers to the writer Kanha (i.e., Krsna)
who gifted a slab (pata) at the famous monastery there.16 An inscription from
the Sanchi stzipa records a gift made by lekhaka Mülagiri.17Another inscrip-
tion from Sanchi is interesting as it records a gift from Subahita, the son of
Gaupti, the råjalipikàra.18
The short inscriptions mentioned earlier indicate that from about the first
century B.C. the scribes or writers played an important role in society and their
profession was regarded as a respectable one. The absence of any lekhaka’s or
lipikara’s name in the lisl of donors of the Bharhut inscriptions suggests that
they were yet to emerge as a significant social force.
The Buddhist association of the writers is also illuminating. It is possible
that the Buddhists, in their zeal to create an educated non-Brahmana class,
tried to popularise the utility of education and encouraged those professions
which required a knowledge of writing. This hypothesis is supported by the
evidence of the Udäna, where the lekha-sippa, or the craft of writing, held the
highest position among all the crafts.’9
It should be noted that the first mention of the term kayastha, which later
became the generic name of the writers, was during this phase of Indian
history, and again in Buddhist association. On the pedestal of a stone image of
the Buddha at Mathura there is a two-line inscription recording the
installation of the image by a lady named Yasa who was the wife of a
kayastha.20 Another inscription from the same place is even more interesting.
It records the erection of an image of the Buddha along with a parasol by a
Sramana, who is said to have been a kayastha.21
Burgess and Indraji, Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, Reprint, Delhi,
13
1976: 4.
14 p. 9.
Ibid.,
Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta (1907-8), 3: 89f.
15
Ibid. (1909-10), 10: 154, No. 1291.
16
Ibid., p. 30, No. 209.
17
Ibid., 1893, 2: 102, No. 49.
18
ā
Ud
19 9. See C.S. Upasak, The History and Palaeography of Mauryan
na, Nandavagga—
Br
hmi Script, Nalanda, 1960:7.
ā
Journal of the Epigraphical Society of India, Mysore, 1981, 7: 9-10.
20
21
Ibid., p. 10. Prof. B.N. Mukherjee, however, said that he had examined the facsimile and
found that the reading of the word ’kāyastha’ was wrong.

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 195

These two inscriptions, like the others mentioned earlier, throw no light on
the caste association of the persons acting as scribes. However, the non-
mention of the caste and their Buddhist association seem to indicate that they
were essentially non-Brahmanas, and were neither very insignificant nor a

very poor section of the society. The rise in status of this professional group
was undoubtedly due to their inherent qualities; but it should also be
remembered that this took place at a timð when India’s trade was expanding.
One may assume that in those days, writers and accountants were in great
demand among the mercantile community as they helped the mercantile
community in their financial transactions considerably.
The intimate association of the Kayasthas with trade and commerce is
amply illustrated by the Gupta inscriptions from Bengal. The Damodarpur
copper-plates suggest that, at the time, they had become so powerful that they
had a representative in the District Board of Administration along with those
of the bankers, merchants and artisans (i.e., sresti, sarthavdha and kulika).22
They seem to have had guilds of their own and the head of the guild, the
prathama-kayastha, represented his class in the administration of the city.
The profession of the kàyasthas, like those of the bankers, merchants and
the artisans, was an independent one and was not necessarily associated with
the king and his court. This is suggested by Visakhadatta’s play the
Mudraraksasa.23 Sakatadàsa, a kÕyastha who worked for any man who paid
his wage, is’an example to quote. His profession was to write letters and
documents for his clients in elegant script. Canakya had a letter written by
gakatadisa, without disclosing his own identity as he belonged to the opposite
camp. In this connection Canakya mentioned that the writing of a ~rotriya
Brahmana, even if written carefully, was bound to be indistinct. Thus it may
be assumed that while the Brahmanas were engaged in studying religious
literature, secular knowledge of document writing, etc., was the monopoly of
a professional group, who came to be called Kayasthas. They were apparently

non-Brahmanas.
While referring to those sons whom the twice-born beget from wives of
equal caste, but who became Vrdtyas for not fulfilling their sacred duties,
Manu mentioned the Karanas, along with the Jhallas, Mallas, Licchavis and
others and grouped them among the Ksatriya class.z4 But the nature of their
work was so similar to that of the Vaisyas, with whom they were in constant
touch, that soon the Ksatriya association of the Karanas was forgotten and
Yajiiavalkya and Amara mentioned them as born of Vaisya male and Sudra
female.25
However, in spite of falling one rung in the varna hierarchy, the scribes as a
professional group did not lose anything, because by virtue of their wealth and
Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta (1919-20), 15: 130ff.
22
23
Visākhadatta’s u
M
d
&
r
ā
ksasa,
amacr;
r Delhi, 1965, 5th ed.: 42.
Manusmrti, (Bibliotheca Indica, no. 256), Calcutta, 1939,
24 10: 20-22.
Y
25
&
j
avalkyasmrti,
nacute;
amacr; (Çhowkhamba Sanskrit Series), Varanasi, 1930, 1: 92; Amarako
a,
ś
Calcutta, 1889, dravagga,
Śu 10: 1-2.

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196

position they were by now on a secure footing. The Kalaikuri-Sultanpur

inscription of A.D.441 records that kayasthas Prabhucandra, Rudradäsa,
Devadatta, Lakshmana, Kdntideva, Sambhudatta and Krsnadasa along with
Vithi-kulika Bhima purchased nine Kulyavapas of uncultivable fallow land
for the purpose of endowing it to Paundra-vardhanaka Cäturvidya
V4iasaneya carandbhyantara brahma,na Devabhatta, Amaradatta and
Mahásenadatta.2/1 This inscription illustrates the social consciousness as well
as the social importance of this professional group, who collectively tried to
establish in Bengal a settlement of Brahmanas versed in the four Vedas.
That the Kayasthas were of high social status is also suggested by the afore-
mentioned play, Mudraraksasa, where kiyastha Sakatadása has been shown
as an intimate friend of Raksasa, the prime minister of the king. Like the

urban elites the Kayasthas were Sanskrit speaking people. The title drya
added to the name of Sakatadasa undoubtedly suggests that he was a member
of the nobility.
Trade and commerce declined considerably after the Guptas and the
mercantile communities were gradually losing their power and prestige. But
the Kayasthas did not suffer much by this economic setback because they had
job opportunities in the courts of the feudal lords, who belonged to different
grades.-&dquo; Even in an agrarian economy, their skills could be fully utilised. So,
instead of losing power, the Kayasthas slowly rose ~and captured key posts in
the different administrative units. As gräma-kayastha2g a Kdyastha’s function
was similar to that of a village patwari and was second only to that of the

village headman. As lekhaka he had access to the important state documents;

as revenue officer and ganaka he had knowledge of all the secrets of the royal

exchequer and had considerable control over the king. As an assistant of the
judge in the court of law he had some power over the judiciary as well. These
functions gave the Kayasthas sound knowledge of statecraft and consequently
the more ambitious and intelligent members among them gradually rose to
eminence and some of them could even have become prime ministers under
different kings.
Theoretically, however, the position of an ordinary clerk did not improve
much from the time of Kautilya. About the relative position of different
persons in the court Sukracarya wrote that the purohita, the king’s friends and
relatives had the highest position, followed by the commander-in-chief. The
minister had a very high status too. The officers held a middle position. The
lekhakas were of a low status. The servants and attendants occupied the
lowest rank.29
D.C. Sircar, op. cit., 1965, 1:352-55.
26
D.C. Sircar, Studies in the Society and Administration
27 of Ancient and Mediaeval India,
Calcutta,1967:160.
28 ā Hoshiarpur, 1963, 5:175.
Kalhana’s jatarangin
R
,
ī
29
ti
ī
ukran
Ś (Kasi Sanskrit Series—185), Varanasi, 1968, 2, 2: 279-80. Some scholars regard
ti as
ī
ukran
Ś a modern forgery. However if the interpolated portions are overlooked, it would

throw light on different aspects of the post-Gupta polity.

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 197

But in the section dealing with the army Sukracdrya

wrote that the ruler
whose income was a lakh k3rj3 should have, among other things, six lekhakas
and three councillors (mantris) annually. He further specified that 100 ka-r4a-
should be allotted for the six lekhakas and 300 karsa for the three councillors
per month.30 Thus, while a lekhaka received about 16 kdrsa per month, the
councillor was paid 100 kdrsa per month, i.e., about six times that of the
lekhaka. Comparing Kautilya’s figures with those of Sukra it appears that the
difference in salary was considerably reduced by the time of It ~ukracdrya. &dquo;

also shows the importance of the lekhakas in the bureaucratic system as the
ratio of appointment between the lekhakas and the mantrls was only 2:1.
The Kayasthas or clerks exercised so much power on behalf of their masters
that they could often abuse their authority. As officers in charge of taxes they
oppressed the subjects, took away their property, and delivered only a small
fraction of what they realised in the royal exchequer.31 As adhikara,na-
lekhakas they could be bribed by interested parties to record proceedings in
their favour.32 As scribes they were in a position to forge documents. In fact,
Yajnavalkya, Kalhana and others warned the king to be wary of this group of
officials.33
However, the writers also had some positive virtues which made them
powerful. Sukracarya said that the lekhaka was one who was skilled in
accounts, who knew the difference between countries and languages and who
could write without hesitation or vagueness. The Matsya PurLina speaks of the
high qualities of the lekhaka who sat in a court of justice. According to this
text, he who was acquainted with the language of all countries and conversant
with the .~dstras, who could arrange his letters in even and parallel lines, who
had presence of mind, who knew the art of how and what to say in order to
carry out a specific task, who could express ideas in short and pithy sentences,
who was perceptive, who knew the different countries and time, who was not a
slave to his passions and who was faithful to the king deserved the name and
rank of a lekhaka. 14
Whether or not they possessed these virtues, the Kayasthas could no longer
be ignored, and the early medieval smrtis and other literature speak positively .

about the writers’ class. Brhaspati, as quoted in the Smrticandriká, said that
the ganaka and the lekhaka who assisted the judges were dvijas by birth.35
Strictly, members of the first three varnas were dvijas, but usually the term
meant a Brahmana. If the author of the Smrticandrika meant a Brahmana by
the term dvija, we should assume that they were late entrants to the group. In
Ibid., 4,
30 sec. 7.
31
ā Hoshiarpur, 1963, 4:629.
Kalhana’s jatarangin
R
,
ī
Ibid., 6:38-39.
32
33
Y
jñavalkyasmrti, ā Hoshiarpur, 1963,
ā Varanasi, 1930, 1:336; Kalhana’s jatarangin
R
,
ī
8:85-87.
34 na, Delhi, 1972, Chap. 215:25-29.
Matsya Pur
ā
ā (Bibliotheca Sanskrit
Devanabhatta’s Smrticandrik
35 Series), Mysore, 1914,
rakhanda:
vah
ā
Vy 39-40, 44.

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 198
Sudraka’s Mrchchakalikam, a grestht and a kåyastha helped the judge in a
court of law, 36 but there nothing was associate him withtothe Brdhmana
caste. Some Brahmanas adopted this profession no doubt, but they were very
few. So, whenever a Brahmana occupied the post of a Kayastha, he was
specially mentioned in the literature and the inscriptions. Kalhana made
several references to the Kayasthas, but only once to a Brahmana-Kayastha,
dvija Sivaratha by name.31 There is an epigraphic reference to one karanika
°
BrähmaI)a.3x Some of the Sakadvipi
Brahmanas also took to this profession
and at least one of them is referred to in the Hund inscriptions. S5ryadvija Sri-
Bhogika, son of Sri-vihenda, for example, was a Kayastha by profession.39
That the Brahmanas did not form the bulk of this professional group is
implied by the fact that the general opinion of the Brahmana law-makers of
this class was unfavourable. Sumantu went so far as to say that the food
offered by a lekhaka was unfit for a BrähmaI)a.4o
As mentioned before, Manu wrote of the karanas as Vrátya-ksatriyas. This
association of Kayasthas with the Ksatriyas existed elsewhere, particularly in
western India. Risley quotes a story from the Skanda-purana which tells of
king Citrasena’s son, who was born posthumously. The son was brought up in
the hermitage of Ddlbhya. He was given the occupation of a Kdyastha, which
was that of Citragupta, the scribe of Yama.41 Soddhala, the author of the

Lldayasundarikatha, traced the origin of his family from Kdldditya, the

brother of King ~ildditya,42 identified with the Maitraka king of that name.
Kdliditya, an ornament of the Ksatriyas, was said to have been an incarnation
of the gana of Mahesvara called K5yastha. When we read the inscriptions of
Siladitya and other Maitraka kings we find that here the usual term used fora
scribe is divira,43 which, according to Bühler, is of Persian origin. The term is
found in Kalhana’s Rj7jatarahginT also.44 It is possible that in the regions
dominated by foreign powers the term divira was coined for a scribe or clerk
and some of these diviras may have had foreign blood in them. It is interesting
that the Vdlabhya Kayasthas formed a class of their own and were not
grouped with the north Indian Kayastha sub-castes. That a number of scribes
in western India might have been of foreign origin is suggested by two concrete
epigraphic references-a Nasik Buddhist cave inscription and another cistern
inscription from the same place record the gift of a cave and cisterns by Saka
Damacika Vudhika, a lekhaka who resided at Dasapura, or modern
Mandasor.45
36
Śudraka’s Mrchchakatikam, Delhi, 1961, Act 9:544-92.
37 ā Hoshiarpur, 1963,
Kalhana’s jatarangin
R
,
ī 8:2383.
38 Bhandarkar’s List, No. 350.
Epigraphia Indica, Delhi (1933-34), 22:97-98.
39
Ibid., Delhi (1969-70), 38:94-98.
40
41
Risely, op. cit., p. 438.
42 ā (Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, 9), Baroda, 1920:11.
Soddhala, Udayasundar
kath
ī
43
Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta (1911-12), 11:180; ibid., Delhi (1963-64), 35:281-82; ibid., Del hi
( 1933-34), 22:120; Indian Antiquary, Bombay, 1977, 7:9-21.
44 ā Hoshiarpur, 1963, 177; 7:119; 8:131.
Kalhana’s jatarangin
R
,
ī
Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta (1907-8), 8:130, Nos. 1148-49.
45

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 199

There was a time, as has already been shown, when the K5yasthas were
considered to be of Vaisya origin and were intimately associated with the
traders and the artisans in occupation. But with the decline of trade and
commerce the Vaisyas as a separate varna began to lose their identity. So the

veda-vyasa-smrti included the vaniks or the merchants, along with the

agriculturists, barbers, potters and others in the Sudra varna.46 It was not
unusual, therefore, that he would include the Kayasthas also within the same
group. Unlike the merchants, the Kayasthas came to play so powerful a role in
administration and society during the early medieval period ~hat they could
not be regarded as ordinary Sudras. I am not referring here to the ordinary
scribes. but to the Kayasthas in power who were responsible for the rise in
status of the class. Genealogies were fabricated for them as well as for many of
the contemporary royal families. This is evident from the genealogies of some
of the Kayastha families recorded on the inscriptions. It should be mentioned
that by the time these inscriptions were written, the Kayasthas had not only
become a strong independent caste, but there were also different sub-castes
within the group.
Among the various sub-castes of the north Indian Kayasthas the
Srivastavas are the most important. The Kalachuris of Tripuri, Raipur and
Ratanpur houses, the Candellas, the Gahadavalas of Kanauj as well as other
minor dynasties utilised the services of the Kayasthas of this lineage and they
even held the highest offices of administration under these rulers. On the

Ajaygarh stone inscription of Ndna,41 the minister of Bhojavarman traced the

genealogy of his family from Kagyapa, the renowned sage and ’the first
expounder of the Vedas,’ the most learned of men, who was created to satisfy
the deities. Kdgyapa had two sons―Kusa and Sundbha. Kusa resided in
Kaugdmyapura (now called Kosam). The inscription is rather vague after this,
because it says: ’There dwelt a certain person who became a chief minister.
That uncertain person, who became well known for the performance of the
Kayastha duties, was respected by the learned for his genius. He was satisfier
of the expectations of the needy and became an ornament of that lineage of
K££yapa. ’ Thus the relationship between Kusa and the ’uncertain’ Kayastha is
not clearly established unless we take Kusa as his mythological ancestor.
Then, again, the inscription gives an imaginary explanation of the family
name. ’Being endowed with the grace of flowery speech, a charming

personality and love for ever practising the rational course of honest policy, he
along with his own family enjoyed the [appellation] §rl-vdstavya.’ The
personal name of this Kayastha of the Srivastava lineage was Haruka and the
genealogical tree of the family is illustrated in Figure 1. This family seems to
have become important due to its association with the courts in successive
generations.
46
pito-gopa pah
ā
Vardhako-n a rakah/ .
śā kumbhak
ā van
vastham5lakiira-
ik-k irata-ka
ā ca bahavah
kutumbinah / / ete nye
c ā bhinna svakarmabhih / / Vedavy
dr
śu 1:10-11.
sa-smrti,
ā
Quoted from P.V. Kane, op. cit., 2, 1:76, fn. 184.
47
Epigraphia Indica, Delhi (1949-50), 28:98-107.

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Another powerful Srivastava family has been mentioned in two Candella

inscriptions at Ajaygarh, which were written during the time of Kirtivarman
and Bhojavarman.48 In the inscription written during the time of Kirtivarman,
Brahmd’s son Käsyapa has been made the progenitor of the family. But the
actual genealogy started with Jdjuka, whose success lay in bestowing
undisputed sovereignty of the world on King Ganda, who favoured him by
granting him the prosperous village of Dugauda (now called Dogora). At a
later time a more detailed legend about the origin of this family was made out.
This family associated itself with Takkarika, one of the thirty-six towns
purified by the fact that men of the writers’ caste resided there and which was
more comfortable than a town. This Takkdrikd was regarded as an abode of
the gods and crowds of students recited from the Vedas there. Vgstu, after
whom the family was named, took this town to be the residence of his race,
which bestowed all kinds of benefits, which was blessed with worthy people
and interestingly, was a resort of the twice-born. The genealogy of the family is
shown in Figure 2. This family also served under different Candella kings.
Similarly, genealogies were fabricated by the other groups as well. The
Rewa stone inscription of Karna contains a genealogy created in favour of a
Gauda-Kdyastha family.49 Kdcara, the best among the sages, was born from
the three-eyed god Siva. He made the city of Kulanca an ornament of the three
worlds. A man born of the fourth caste (turiyajanma) propitiated him on the
48 Delhi (1953-54), 30:87-90; ibid., Calcutta, 1892, 1:330-38.
Ibid.,
Ibid., Delhi ( 1937-38), 24:101 ff.
49

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banks of the holy river ( i.e., the Ganges), and was blessed with a son. Having his
head sanctified by the dust of the feet of earthly gods(i.e., the Brahmanas), he
became like the councillor of the lord of heaven. Since he had innumerable
merits, he attained the caste known as Kayastha. He had a son who became
very famous and the K5yasthas are said to have descended from him. The
inscription runs: ’in his family were born, in course of time, matchless, wise,
grateful, truthful, meritorious and virtuous diplomats, who afforded security
from fear to creatures who had long been terrified.’50 Prabhdkara, who
belonged to this family, served King Laksmanaraja and his grandson, whose
name is untraceable, was a minister of Karnadeva.
Another example may be taken from a Mathura Kayastha family. An
inscription of Hammir of Ranthambor (A.D. 1287) eulogises the family of a
minister of the king, which is shown in Figure 3.51 Narapati was the chief
minister of the last two Cahamana kings, Jaitrasiinha and Hammira.
Loc. cit.
50
Ibid., Calcutta (1927-28), 19:45 ff.
51

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Figure 3

These genealogical charts reflect not only on specific families, but on the
history of the writers’ class in general. The class as such climbed up the ladder
of social grades due to a few illustrious men who occupied the most important
posts of administration under different kings. Some of them, like
Bhuvanapdla, became powerful enough to claim that ’he had been seated on
half of the throne of King Bhoja of Dhara’.52 Or, like Jdjuka, ’besowed
undisputed sovereignty of the world on king Ganda’.5; Thus, some of these
families became quite indispensable to the king, and because professions were
largely hereditary in ancient India they played an important role in
administration for generations. It may be mentioned that, among the
Kayasthas of northern India, the caste status of a family still depends upon the
official position held by their ancestors in the former roval courts.54
Though some of the Kayasthas held higher posts, the class as such retained
a monopoly over their traditional professions. Thus, though Narapati was the
minister of Hammira, his son Laksmidhara has been praised as ’vividha
des~odbhava lipi-prabodha pravinah’S5-a traditional eulogy for a writer or
Ibid., Delhi (1959-60), 33:67, 69.
52
53 Delhi (1953-54), 30:88-90.
Ibid.,
J.N. Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects, reprint, Calcutta, 1968: 150.
54
Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta (1927-28), 19:51.
55

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scribe. Consequently the class could retain its control over different
administrative units, from the lowest to the highest positions.
In order to maintain their superiority in administration a clannish intimacy
developed among them, making them a homogeneous group. This,
undoubtedly, played a part in making them a separate caste in earlier times.
The genealogies detailed earlier also show the expanding family patterns and
ties between collateral units. Thus, not only is the main line described, but all
prominent members among first cousins have been eulogised to glorify the
family.
When the caste came to exercise their power there were two-fold reactions
from the Brahmanas. On the one hand, they spoke of the Kayasthas as Sudras,
whose foods were forbidden,56 who were rogues, with three attributes of
greed, cruelty and spoilation to their credit.57 On the other hand, the
Brahmanas validated the respectable Kayastha families with legendary
genealogies. Two important features are evident from these genealogies. First,
a divine origin has been traced from Brahmd or Siva through Kdsyapa,

Kdldditya and so on. Second, the Brahmanas were interested in associating

the Kayasthas with themselves. Thus, not only were the Kayasthas associated
with renowned brahmanical villages like Takkarika or Kolanca, but they have
also been shown as attaining power and prestige by serving the Brahmanas,
who graced them with blessings. It is this attitude which is reflected in the
genealogies of some of the prominent Kayastha families. It is due to this
attitude that Acoranirnaya Tantra, as quoted in the S‘abdakalpadruma-
paris‘ista, said that a Kdyastha was so called because he constantly stayed near
the Brahmanas to serve them.58 The same concept is found in the Adisura
legend of Bengal, where the five Brahmanas of Kanauj are said to have
brought five Kayastha families with them to Bengal.
To conclude, the evidence at our disposal about the origin and evolution of
the writers’ class in ancient India shows that in the formative stage this class
included different varna elements, both of indigenous and foreign origin.
Thus, there was scope for horizontal mobility so far as the profession of
writers was concerned. As this professional class gained power this elasticity
was lost. They clustered into a caste, though it is not exactly known when ard
how this transformation took place. As the caste grew stronger they had to
face attacks from different groups-especially fj om Brahmanas. In order to
protect themselves the Kayasthas developed a strong clannish attitude, which
is reflected in the inscriptions as well. This attitude helped in the upward
movement of the caste, because they were in a position to gain power and
prestige by virtue of their hold over different grades of administrative units
from the lowest to the highest ones. The single ancestral line was expanded to
include and eulogise important members among the first cousins of the family.
Mādhavācārya, Par
56 dhava, Calcutta, 1982, 2307.
ā
aram
āś
Uśanahsamhitā, Calcutta, 1886,
57 verses 34-35:4.

58
abdakalpadruma,
Ś Hitavādī ed., Calcutta, Vanga 1850, :112.
ista
ś
Pari

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The family became proud of the locality where the clan resided. In spite of
attempts by the Brahmanas to derogate them, their actual status in society
gradually improved. They became king-makers and the most influential
urban elites. They were not landed gentry, though their income came from the
lands with which they were intimately associated as village patwaris and high
revenue officers. Both in the calm village and the crowded court the Kayasthas
were equally powerful and had considerable prestige. The common people
had great reverence for the Brahmanas, but fearful respect for the Kayasthas.
The Brahmanas showed them the road to salvation to the next world, but the
Kayasthas were powerful enough to doom them in this life. They needed the
Brahmanas for their religious activities, but they required the Kayasthas for
their daily existence. Thus the Kayasthas came to hold a unique position in the
caste classification of northern India.

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