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Victims Perpetrators and Actors Revisite PDF
Victims Perpetrators and Actors Revisite PDF
In the discipline of International Relations (IR), which takes seriously issues of war and peace, there
has been a lack of attention paid to theorising security in relation to violence. In this article, I
explore the potential for a feminist reworking of these concepts. With reference to a range of
literature addressing security and violence, I offer some insights into the relevance of such a
reconceptualisation. I draw attention to the ways in which work on issues of violence and security
function to reproduce understandings of these concepts that delimit the value of both academic
theorising and policy prescription. In the study of security, because of the discursive power of the
concept, and of violence, these considerations are particularly important, as they can literally be
issues of life and death.
Women’s bodies have actually become battle grounds ... the violence is all
about destroying ... the inbuilt strength of a woman to build a community
(Ruth Ojiambo Ochieng, Uganda, 2006).
We have documented ... systematic sexual violence, committed by the
Burmese military as a weapon of war in the ongoing conflict ... where
women are raped ... in order to terrorise the women, and the local
community, morally, psychologically, and also physically (Nang Charm
Tong, Burma, 2006).
We’ve had reports from women ... about some very difficult situations
that lesbians have been going through. There is more violence towards
them because they’ve broken away from the gender role expected of
them. This is why there is more repression ... they suffer direct repression
on their bodies and their lives (Elisabeth Castillo, Colombia, 2006).2
The notion that identity is central to theorising security has been well explicated by
scholars critical of conventional approaches to security.5 ‘Recognising gender as a
significant dimension of identity and security opens the door to non-state-based
views of security and aptly illustrates how identity shapes individual and collective
security needs’ (Hoogensen and Rottem 2004, 156). However, most of these critical
voices seek to enter into academic debates on security by broadening the accepted
agenda of security—to include the recognition of multiple phenomena, from earth-
quakes to economic deprivation, as threatening to security—and proliferating the
referent objects of security discourse, such that security is no longer solely the
concern of states but also of communities, societies and individuals. While scholars
of security have contested the parameters of debates about security, and feminist
scholars of security have drawn attention to the importance of gender as a category
of analysis, there is little work being done on the ways in which the organisational
logics of security and violence are discursively constituted (see Shepherd and
Weldes (forthcoming)).
Violence Security
‘National Security’
‘International Security’
‘Violent Reproduction of
the International’
Jill Radford, Liz Kelly and Marianne Hester are prominent researchers concerned
with ‘violence against women’ and they situate their work in a context of the
debates within wider feminist theorising, stating that ‘throughout the 1980s a series
of separations occurred, of women’s studies from feminism; of theoretical writing
from women’s lived experiences; of knowledge creation from activism’ (Radford
et al. 1996, 8). Their implicit placement within these dualities is on the side of an
activist feminism concerned with ‘women’s lived experiences’. Researching and
writing about ‘violence against women’ has a particular, albeit internally differen-
tiated, politics that differs in several key ways from researching and writing about
‘gender violence’, and one aspect of this is the location articulated by Radford, Kelly
and Hester above.
Research that focuses on ‘violence against women’ posits women as coherent and
stable subjects whose life experiences can be ameliorated by appropriate policy
practice. This approach identifies materially determined gendered individuals as a
© 2007 The Author. Journal compilation © 2007 Political Studies Association
BJPIR, 2007, 9(2)
244 LAURA J. SHEPHERD
result of its empirical approach to the study of politics and social life. The notion of
sovereignty is central here, and provides an important link to the literature on
international security. The subject constructed through the discourse of ‘violence
against women’ is assumed sovereign, the ‘women’ affected by violence
have sovereign rights over their own material forms and should not therefore be
subjected to violence. Moreover, this sovereignty is pre-constituted and taken to be
an empirical ‘reality’. In a similar manner, the assumed sovereignty of the state is
the foundational truth claim of literature on ‘national security’, which I discuss in
the following paragraphs.
Both internal and external sovereignty are central to the conception of the state
that informs conventional IR security literature, and the logical corollary of this
conception constructs the state system as anarchic. Realist IR theory ‘sees’ the state
as its object of analysis and therefore ‘[s]tates are the principle referent objects of
security because they are both the framework of order and the highest sources of
governing authority’ (Buzan 1991, 22). Within both classical (or ‘political’) realism
and neo-realism (or ‘structural realism’), the state is represented as a unitary actor.10
Both variants proceed according to the assumption that all human existence is
bounded by states, according to the assertion that states are the primary object of
analysis. If, as Kenneth Waltz claims, ‘[s]tatesmen and military leaders are respon-
sible for the security of their states ... no one at all is responsible for humanity’
(Waltz 1959, 416), then states are further assumed to be the object to which
security policy and practice refers and humans can only be secured to the extent
that they are citizens of a given state.
that the distribution and character of military power are the root causes of war
and peace’ (Mearsheimer 1990, 6). Thus threats, reduced to external violences
and ultimately war between states, are perpetual, a theoretical move that serves
to perpetuate the understanding of security as reducible to military force. This
functions to blind those working within a conceptualisation of ‘national security’
to the possibility that threats are variously constructed depending on context.
Moreover, the structural context of anarchy that is taken to be a foundational
reality within this conceptualisation prescribes and proscribes certain behaviours
that are then never opened to critical scrutiny, a point to which I return in the
conclusion of this article.
Often tracing its heritage back to the 1994 United Nations Development Program
(UNDP) Human Development Report,13 which includes a chapter entitled ‘New
Dimensions of Human Security’, work on ‘international security’ seeks to recon-
ceptualise security such that the referent object is no longer conceived, as in
‘national security’, as the sovereign state (see Newman 2001, 240; Booth 2004, 5).
As Matt McDonald explains, this reconceptualisation is ‘a potential response to the
growing insecurity of security’ (McDonald 2002, 277) and incorporates several of
the critiques discussed above. Roland Paris argues that this ‘paradigm shift’ does not
necessarily represent a coherent research agenda (Paris 2001, 92–93), but recogn-
ises that this work comprises ‘a distinct branch of security studies that explores the
particular conditions that affect the survival of individuals, groups and societies’
(Paris 2001, 102). Broadly, the analytical focus of ‘international security’ is ‘we, the
peoples’ (Dunne and Wheeler 2004) and research within this conceptualisation
requires the recognition of ‘both the indivisibility of human rights and security, and
the concomitant responsibility to rescue those trapped in situations of violence,
poverty and ill-health’ (ibid., 20).
19). However, just as the state is asserted as autonomous within the conceptuali-
sation of ‘national security’, as I have described above, in this conceptualisation
‘international security’ is similarly asserted as relational. These assumptions are in
opposition but are equally problematic, as both assumptions treat the state and the
international as predetermined objective realities, which impacts on the ways in
which it is possible to conceptualise security.
Richard McRae (2001, 20), for example, argues that ‘global civil society’ needs to
address the issues of insecurity facing those ‘citizens of ... noncountries’ (ibid., 19)
whose governments are unable to provide adequate security measures. Tim Dunne
and Nick Wheeler also cite the co-operation of ‘an alliance of states and transna-
tional civil society’ (Dunne and Wheeler 2004, 10), needed to ‘rescue those trapped
in situations of poverty and violence’ (ibid., 20). Recognising the ‘structural
inequalities generated by global capitalism’ (ibid., 16) goes some way towards
challenging the assumptions of ‘national security’ literature, in the same way as
work on ‘gender violence’ offers sustainable critiques of the literature on ‘violence
against women’. However, theories of ‘international security’ neither take into
account the implications of their representations of a ‘global civil society’ vs. citizens
of ‘noncountries’ who need rescuing, nor engage in critical discussion of the very
notion of ‘global civil society’. The concept of ‘global civil society’ is ideologically
and normatively loaded with implications of its global reach, its civilised nature and
its social form. All of these characteristics are in opposition to their relevant ‘others’,
the local/parochial, the uncivilised and the forms of behaviour associated with
states and international institutions, all of which are conceived of as negative.14
Despite this, the construction of ‘global civil society’ is under-theorised, represented
unproblematically in the literature on ‘international security’ and assumed to
confer authority and legitimacy in the realms of morality, efficacy, democracy and
social cohesion (Scholte 2002, 159–164).
act itself, the circumstances which ‘allow’ for the act, the immediate and long-term
legal procedures following the act and associated reportage and documentation as
equally implicated and important in the theorising of rape, arguing ‘against the
political efficacy of seeing rape as the fixed reality of women’s lives, against an
identity politics which defines women by our violability’ (ibid.).
The legal definition of rape was amended under section 1 of the UK Sexual Offences
Act 2003. Section 1 of the Sexual Offences Act 1956 stated that ‘[i]t is an offence for
a man to rape a woman or another man’; the relevant legislation now rules that ‘A
person (A) commits an offence if—(i) he intentionally penetrates the vagina, anus
or mouth of another person (B) with his penis; (ii) B does not consent to the
penetration; and (iii) A does not reasonably believe that B consents’ (OPSI 2003).
This legal definition of rape is interesting on many levels, but for the purposes of
this analysis I would like to consider the implications of closing off the discursive
space for women to be agents of rape. Rape can be seen as a culturally sanctioned
masculine realm; although the legislation talks of ‘men’ the assumption is that
masculinities will map on to socially defined ‘male’ bodies, following the myths of
a ‘natural’ gender order. In the UK, rape is discursively constructed as a resource of
gender violence, a violent means of inscribing the boundaries between masculini-
ties and femininities, apparent from the outset once the legal definition of rape has
been examined.
Research that addresses the ‘violent reproduction of the international’ conceives of
security as a set of discourses rather than as something that can be achieved either
in absolute or relative terms, and is also concerned with the demarcation of
boundaries in the study and practice of I/international R/relations.16 Engaging with
research that works within this conceptualisation can explore how these discourses
function to reproduce, through various strategies, domains of the international
with which IR is self-consciously concerned. Thus the violences and the threats, as
much as the states and security itself, are interpreted though the practices that
enable individuals as social beings to make sense of their social location and
identity. Literature that addresses ‘the violent reproduction of gender’ conceives of
violence as a site at which genders are reproduced; literature that addresses the
‘violent reproduction of the international’ conceives of violence, of which security
practice and policy is an integral part, as sites at which the international is repro-
duced. Including not just acts of inter-state war, but also instances of civil conflict
and oppressive practices within and between states, expanding further to prob-
lematise the legal structures, policy practices and the research that guides these,
theorists are enabled to investigate the ways in which these acts of violence
articulated through discourses of security function to perpetuate ‘the international’
as various spatial and conceptual realms. Thus, within this conceptualisation it is
possible to say that states, acting as unitary authoritative entities, perform violences,
but also that violences, in the name of security, perform states. Undertaking re-
search within this conceptualisation allows for a holistic perspective on the ways in
which discourses of security reproduce grammatically correct narratives of identity
and being-in-the-world, of which in international relations the ‘international’ is a
key organising concept.
One aspect of the ways in which discourses of security, and the violences undertaken
with reference to these discourses, function within international relations is to delimit
© 2007 The Author. Journal compilation © 2007 Political Studies Association
BJPIR, 2007, 9(2)
250 LAURA J. SHEPHERD
the state as boundary between the domestic and the international realms. States are
assumed to be unitary and authoritative, to maintain both internal and external
sovereignty, and furthermore, it is assumed that the internal organisation of the state
is undertaken in the best interests of the citizenship—to protect and serve the
population. Unsettling ‘the international’ as an a priori unsafe/safe domain (in the
discourses of ‘national security’ and ‘international security’, respectively) challenges
this truth of security as propounded by the two conceptualisations outlined above.
Considering the ways in which this domain is (re)produced is vital to understanding
how security functions as a discourse. James Der Derian addresses the ‘new techno-
logical practice’ of simulation as a means of identifying ‘the reality principle that
international relations theory in general seeks to save’ (Der Derian 1990, 300). The
reality principle of the international as a conceptual domain is undermined by the
intertextuality of simulation and policy procedure and discourses of security help to
reassert the primacy of the international in the ways described above, through the
identification of objective threats, the construction of international order and the
perpetuation of the myth of the state.
Violence Against Empirically identifiable Sovereign individuals Sovereign states Empirically identifiable National Security
Women gendered entities (state) entities and
and the violences the violences they
they experience experience due to
the anarchic
international system
Gender Violence Constructed gendered Constructed Constructed states Constructed (state) International Security
entities and the individuals entities and the
violences they violences they can
imagined. They could ‘remain that which is, in the present, never fully owned, but
always and only redeployed, twisted, queered from prior usage and in the direction
of urgent and expanding political purposes’ (Butler 1993, 228). The concepts both
produced by and productive of policy could reflect an aversion to essentialism,
while recognising that strategic gains can be made through the temporary binding
of identities to bodies and constraining of authority within the confines of the
territorial state. This is, in short, an appeal to a politics of both/and rather than
either/or. Both the state (produced through representations of security and vio-
lence) and the subject (produced through representations of gender and violence)
rely on a logic of sovereignty and ontological cohesion that must be problematised
if alternative visions of authority and subjectivity are to become imaginable.
International Relations as a discipline could seek to embrace the investigation of the
multiple modalities of power, from the economic to the bureaucratic, from neo-
liberal capitalism to the juridical. Rather than defending the sovereign boundaries
of the discipline from the unruly outside constituted by critical studies of develop-
ment, political structures, economy and law, not to mention the analysis of social/
political phenomena like those undertaken by always-already interdisciplinary
feminist scholarship, IR could refuse to fix its own boundaries, and refuse to
exercise sovereign power, in terms of authority, over the meanings of its objects of
analysis. Future research on global politics could look very different if it were not
for the inscription of ultimately arbitrary disciplinary borderlines that function to
constrain rather than facilitate understanding.
It may seem that there is a tension between espousing a feminist poststructural
politics and undertaking research that seeks to detail, through deconstruction, the
ways in which particular discourses have failed to manifest the reforms needed to
address security and violence in the context of gendered subjectivity and the
constitution of political community. In keeping with the ontological position I hold,
I argue that there is nothing inherent in the concepts of (international) security and
(gender) violence that necessitated their being made meaningful in the way they
have been. Those working on policy and advocacy in the area of security and
violence can use the reconceptualisation I offer ‘to enable people to imagine how
their being-in-the-world is not only changeable, but perhaps, ought to be changed’
(Milliken 1999, 244).
As a researcher, the question I have grown most used to hearing is not ‘What?’ or
‘How?’ but ‘Why?’. At every level of the research process, from securing funding to
relating to the academic community, it is necessary to be able to construct a
convincing and coherent argument as to why this research is valuable, indeed vital,
to the field in which I situate myself. A discursive approach acknowledges that my
legitimacy as a knowing subject is constructed through discursive practices that
privilege some forms of being over others. In the study of security, because of the
discursive power of the concept, and of violence, which can quite literally be an
issue of life and death, these considerations are particularly important. Further-
more, as a result of the invigorating and investigative research conducted by
exemplary feminist scholars in the field of IR,17 I felt encouraged to reclaim the
space to conduct research at the margins of a discipline that itself functions under
a misnomer, being concerned as it is with relations inter-state rather than inter-
national. As Cynthia Enloe has expressed it,
© 2007 The Author. Journal compilation © 2007 Political Studies Association
BJPIR, 2007, 9(2)
‘VICTIMS, PERPETRATORS AND ACTORS’ REVISITED 253
Notes
1. The title of this article is derived from the extremely influential collection of essays on this theme,
edited by Caroline Moser and Fiona Clark (2001). The article itself draws on aspects of my doctoral
research and develops further debates outlined in my ‘Loud voices behind the wall, gender violence
and the violent reproduction of the international’ (2006).
2. All of these testimonials are taken from the ‘Stories’ page on Amnesty International’s web portal
devoted to stopping violence against women, at http://web.amnesty.org/actforwomen/stories-index-
eng [accessed 4 April 2006].
3. There is an enormous amount of literature on this subject. See, inter alia, Keohane (1989) and
Weber’s (1994) response; Zalewski (1995); Jones (1996) and Carver et al.’s (1998) response; Sylvester
(1996); Tickner (1997); Sylvester (2002); Carver (2003); Steans (2003); Agathangelou and Ling
(2004).
4. See, inter alia, Herz (1950) and Waltz (1979); Mearsheimer (1990 and 1995).
5. See, for example, Campbell (1998); McSweeney (1999) and Bilgin (2003).
6. Throughout this article, I use the bracketed form 〈(international) security and (gender) violence〉 to
indicate the mutability of these discourses—that is, to draw attention to the ways in which security
and violence can be differently inter/nationalised and gendered. When I use the unbracketed form
〈international security and gender violence〉, I refer specifically to the discourses that (re)produce the
meaning of security and violence through particular organisational logics of the international and
gender.
7. I use the representation of ‘poststructural’ rather than ‘post-structural’ to indicate that I consider
myself to be still ‘structural’, building on it, rather than hyphenetically separable.
8. In keeping with much common sense usage of the term, The Oxford English Dictionary defines
academic as not only ‘relating to education and scholarship’ but also ‘scholarly rather than technical
or practical’ and ‘of only theoretical interest’.
9. I employ the bracketed (re) to indicate that these practices do not conjure fully formed objects,
subjects and the relationships between them within a given discursive terrain but draw on the
existing knowledges about these subjects and objects in order to construct or (re)legitimise an
intelligible ‘reality’.
10. For representations of the former, see Morgenthau (1948, 154 and 1973, 6–7). For the latter, see
Waltz (1993, 76–77 and 2000, 5). Keohane offers a useful overview of both strands of thinking on
‘national security’ (Keohane 1986, 7–16).
11. On ‘human security’, see, for example, UNDP (1994); Tehranian (1999); Thomas 2000; McRae
(2001); Newman (2001); Paris (2001); Thomas (2001) and Thomas and Tow (2002). ‘Critical security
studies’ is exemplified by Booth (1991 and 1995). See also Krause (1998); Croft and Terriff (2000);
Booth (2004) and Dunne and Wheeler (2004); Booth (2005a); Sheehan (2005).
12. See also Roland Paris (2001, 87) and Edward Newman (2001, 240–242), both of whom offer a similar
justification for treating these works as a conceptual and analytical whole.
13. See Paris (2001, 89); Thomas (2001, 162) and Thomas and Tow (2002, 178); Smith (2005).
14. See, inter alia, Shaw (2001) and Chandhoke (2002) for explorations of the discursive construction of
global civil society. See also Hopgood (2000) for an excellent critical approach to this issue.
15. Regional blocs? Continents? The planet? The universe? ...
16. See, inter alia, Dillon (1996); Doty (1996); Dalby (1997); Walker (1997); Campbell (1998) and Butler
(2004); Shepherd and Weldes (forthcoming).
17. See Zalewski (1995); Enloe (1996); Enloe (2000) and Sylvester (2002) for particularly noteworthy
reflections on feminist IR.
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