SD9 Mahaparinibbana S d16 Piya
SD9 Mahaparinibbana S d16 Piya
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The Sutta Contents
Chapter 1 (Bareau 1) Rjagaha
1. [§1.1] Mt Vulture Peak, Rjagaha, about a year before the Buddha‘s parinirvana. The rajah Ajta,sattu
of Magadha plans to conquer the Vajj confederacy.
2. [§§1.2-3] Ajtasattu sends his chief minister, the brahmin Vassakra, to consult the Buddha.
3. [§§1.4-5] The Buddha speaks on the seven conditions for a nation‘s welfare.
4. [§§1.6-11] The Buddha addresses the monks on the 7 conditions for the welfare of the spiritual
community [§1.6], the 7 good qualities, the 7 factors of awakening, the 7 perceptions, the 6
memorable qualities.
5. [§1.12] The Buddha‘s discourse on the three trainings.1
(Bareau 3) Paali,gma
10. [§§1.19-25] Pali,gma: the Buddha stays in the rest-house and receives food offerings there [§§1.19, 22],
discourse on the three trainings [§1.21]; exhorts the audience on moral virtue [§§1.23-25].
11. [§§1.26-28] Pali,gama‘s fortifications; future greatness as Paali,putta (capital of Aoka‘s empire).
12. [§§1.29-30] Sundha and Vassakra, chief ministers of Magadha, offer the Buddha and the order a meal.
13. [§§1.31-32] On the Ganges bank.
(Bareau 5) Vesl
18. [§§2.11-13] Vesl: sojourn at Amba,pl‗s mango grove; short discourse to the monks on mindfulness and
full awareness (sati,sampajaa), the essence of meditation practice [§§2.12-13].
19. [§2.14] Amba,pl invites the Buddha and his order for a meal on the following day.
20. [§§2.15-17] The Licchavs of Vail offer Ambapl 100,000 pieces of money to give up the meal to them
[§2.15]. She turns down the offer [§§2.16-17].
21. [§2.18] The Licchavs meet the Buddha and hear a Dharma discourse.
22. [§2.19] After the alms offering, Ambapl donates her mango grove to the order (V 1:232).
23. [§2.20] The Buddha‘s discourse on the three trainings.
1
This teaching repeats at 1.12, 1.14, 1.18, 1.21, 2.4, 2.10, 2.20, 4.4, and 4.12.
29. [§§3.38-48] nanda beseeches the Buddha to extend his life-span [§§3.38-40]; the Buddha rebukes him for his
hesitance [§§3.41-48].
Chapter 6
56. [§6.1] The Buddha‘s last instructions. The Dharma-Vinaya as teacher after the Buddha‘s parinirvana.
57. [§6.2] Monks are to address each other according to seniority.
58. [§6.3] The order may abrogate the lesser and minor rules.
59. [§6.4] The Buddha imposes the supreme penalty on Channa.
60. [§§6.5-7] The Buddha‘s last words: ―All formations are of the nature to decay—strive on heedfully!‖
61. [§§6.8-10a] The Buddha‘s parinirvana process. Anuruddha explains the process to nanda.
62. [§§6.10b] The four verses: Brahm Sahampati, Sakra, Anuruddha, nanda.
63. [§§6.10c-11] The monks and devas lament.
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Introduction
1 Summary of the sutta
Even on its own, the Mah Parinibbna Sutta is a remarkable narrative work and is the longest of all
extant ancient Indian literary compositions [2]. Scholars have noted the sutta‘s uniqueness, for example,
It is neither a dialogue nor a speech on one or more chief points of doctrine, but a continuous
record of the latter part of Buddha‘s life, his last speeches and sayings, and his death… the sutta
is by no means a unified work, but is composed of parts which belong to different ages. At a very
early period—probably soon after the death of Buddha—there must already have been a short
―Sutta of the perfect Nirva (of the Buddha),‖ which, by means of interpolations and additions,
grew longer and longer in the course of time, till it became the ―great Sutta of the perfect
Nirva‖ which we now have in our Pli Canon.
(Winternitz, History of Indian Literature 2, 1972:39; cf 41 f)
In his article, ―The Traditional Date of Kanishka,‖2 JF Fleet tries to show that the sutta could not have
been composed later than 375 BCE, but Winternitz ―believe[s] that the final redaction must be a good
deal later‖ (1972:41 n3).
The greatest benefit and satisfaction comes from studying this work right through the first time as one
would read a novel or listen to an ancient mythical story or watch a space epic movie (like the Star Wars
series). Then one should read through it again and note the episodes and sections that interest one for a
better grasp of them. And on a third reading, one should reflect on the Dharma teachings given in it. Here
is a table of contents of this remarkable work, with the headings for the nine sections worked out by
André Bareau [5]:
The Mah Parinibbna is not the usual Pali sutta. No central doctrine is found in it, and it has a cast of
thousands, encompassing both earth and heaven. In fact, a famous Japanese drawing depicts the final
scene of the Buddha at Kusinr with not only the gods and humans, but also animals, mourning the
Buddha‘s passing. The Buddha begins to assume otherworldly qualities in this Sutta; for example, he is
said to have the power to live through the world-cycle [3.3] and he transfigures himself [4.37]. In short, it
might be said that, by way of style, the Mah Parinibbna Sutta is more Mahyna than Theravda. Yet,
behind and beyond such attempts at mythification, we see a warm and wise human teacher profoundly
concerned with ensuring that the faith will be well kept after his passing.
2
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1906:979-992.
3
On the problem of the translation of parinibba and nibba, see KR Norman, ―Mistaken Ideas about
Nibbna,‖ The Buddhist Forum, vol. 3, 1995:211-225. A summary of the discussion is given in section 13 here.
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Indian texts, such as the Brhmaas, these are compiled from small, independent pieces, while the Mah
Parinibbna Sutta ―is built according to a uniform plan‖ (Hinuber 1996: 31).
Furthermore, it forms the hub of at least three other long discourses, that is, the two Dgha Nikya
suttas that immediately follow: the Mah Sudassana Sutta (―the Discourse on the Great Sudassana,‖ D 17)
and the Jana,vasabha Sutta (―the Discourse on Jana,vasabha,‖ D 18); and also the Sampasdanya Sutta
―the Discourse that Inspires,‖ D 28, S 47.2/5:159-161; cf. J 5:443). These four suttas are expansions on
passages from the Mah Parinibbna Sutta, as follows:
Mah Parinibbna Sutta Expanded as
D 2 :81/16.1.16 (mba,lahik) Sampasdanya Sutta (D 28 = S 47.2)
D 2:91-93/16.2.5-7 (Nik) Jana,vasabha Sutta (D 18)
D 2:119/16.3.49 (Great Wood) Kaligara Sutta (S 20.8/2:267 f.)
D 2:146/16.5.17-18 (Kusinr) Mah Sudassana Sutta (D 17)
Although the Mah Parinibbna Sutta is in many respects the most important discourse in the Dgha
Nikya, it differs essentially in form and contents from all the other Pali suttas. It is neither a dialogue nor
a discourse on any single doctrine, but a long record, albeit not always continuous, of the Buddha‘s last
days and his parinirvana. Although it forms the literary hub of at least three other suttas, it is not (as a
whole) the oldest in the collection. Only some parts of it can be regarded as ancient and original. The
Sutta clearly has more than one author, and it gradually from an ancient core until its final redaction.
The title, Mah Parinibbna Sutta, can be translated in at least two ways: either as ―the Discourse on
the Great Parinirvana‖ or ―the Great Discourse on the Parinirvana.‖ However, it is clear here that the
former is the only correct one for two reasons. Firstly, if one translates it as ―the Great Discourse,‖ they
should be an accompanying ―Ca Parinibbna Sutta‖ (the Lesser Discourse on the Parinirvanam,‖ but
there is none. Secondly, mah is affixed to parinibbna¸clearly qualifying it as ―the great parinirvana,‖
that is, the final passing of the Buddha.
The Korean specialist on the Mah Parinibbna Sutta, An Yang-Gyu, in closing his paper, ―The date
and the origin of the Mahparinibbna-suttanta,‖ presents this working thesis, first postulated by Winter-
nitz (1933:39):
(1) The Proto-MPS was recited soon after the Buddha‘s parinibbna.
(2) In due course, the Proto-MPS took in new elements required by the later traditions.
(3) This intermediate MPS [Deutero-MPS] was growing into the MPS which was quite close to the
present version with 100 years after the Buddha‘s parinibbna.
(4) The final redaction of MPS as we have it is made as late as the third council.
These tentative ideas, says An, ―are subject to the further investigations in two ways: (1) comparing all
the versions of MPS; (2) fixing the dates of the passages of MPS which record historical events‖ (2001:
73).
4
A Bareau, Recherches sur la biographie du Buddha (1970-71) & ―La Composition et la étapes de la formation
progressive du Mahparinirvastra ancient,‖ 1979:45-103; Przyluski, ―Le Partage des reliques du Buddha,‖
1935-36:341-367; M Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, 1983 2:38 ff; Ernst Waldschmidt (see biblio); and
GC Pande, Studies in the Origins of Buddhism, rev ed 1974:98-106.
5
G Schopen notes that the Pli MSS are from the 18th century, while the Skt MSS from Turfan date many
centuries earlier. See Schopen ―Two problems in the history of Indian Buddhism‖ in 1997:23-55 (ch 2).
6
Qu by Lamotte 1988a:650 f; cf 587.
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relative chronology of the sutta episodes. He thinks that the section recounting the Buddha‘s last hours,
his final admonitions and his passing away to be the earliest portion, the sutta kernel (1979:49).7
At some very early period, probably soon after the Buddha‘s passing, there was a short Parinibbna
Sutta, which, ―by means of interpolations and additions, grew longer and longer in the course of time, till
it became the ‗great Sutta of the perfect nirvana‘ which we now have in our Pali Canon‖ (Winternitz
1933:39). Winternitz distinguishes five strata in the sutta (1911:1148 ff). According to him, those
―ancient and original‖ sections of the Mah Parinibbna Sutta, besides the verses which ―bear the stamp
of the greatest antiquity,‖ are as follows (listed according to chapter and section) (1933 id):
2.23 The first illness that befalls the Buddha at Beluva and which he overcomes by sheer will.
2.25 He assures nanda that he does not have a guru‘s ―closed fist,‖ and that he has never seen
himself as a leader of the Order.
5.13 f nanda‘s grief at the Buddha‘s impending departure and consolation by the Buddha.
T.W. Rhys Davids (the founder of the Pali Text Society, London) has made a concordance of sources
of the Mah Parinibbna Sutta in his Introduction to his translation (D:RD 2:71 f.). All of the 96 pages of
the Pali text, with the exception of nine gaps (the original materials)––pp. 92 f.; 113-115; 117-121; 130-
133; 137-140; 148-150; 153; 158-160; 164-167––are found, in nearly identical words, elsewhere in the
Canon.
(1) §2.10-11 (D 2:92-93) The Brick House & Ambapl‗s Grove (mention of location
only).
(2) §3.34-42 (D 2:113-115) The Buddha tells nanda about Mra‘s approaches in the
past and in the present; the parinirvana in 3 months‘ time;
nanda‘s belated request & the Buddha‘s rebuke.
(3) §3.44-51 (D 2:117-121) Rebuke of nanda continues; the Hall of the Gabled House;
public announcement of the parinirvana in 3 months‘ time.
(4) §4.26-38 (D 2:130-133) Pukkusa presents the golden robes.
(5) §5.1-11 (D 2:137-140) The sal grove; Upava; devas‘ lamentation; the 4 holy
places; attitude to women; the Tathgata‘s remains.
(6) §5.19-26 (D 2:148-150) The impending parinirvana announced to the Mallas, who
then visit the Buddha; Subhadda.
(7) §5.29-30 (D 2:153) Subhadda‘s ordination.
(8) §6.11-15 (D 2:158-160) Anuruddha consoles nanda, instructs nanda to announce
the Buddha‘s passing to the Mallas; laying in state.
(9) §6.21-26 (D 2:176-167) The cremation and division of relics.
The original materials amount altogether about 32 or 33 pages, that is, about one-third of the whole.
That proportion, Rhys Davids notes, ―would be reduced if we were to include passages of similar tenden-
cy, or passages of shorter length‖ (D:RD 2:71). Rhys Davids has worked out a list of those passages that
are found in other parts of the Canon (see following page).
7
See this Intro [§5] for ―Bareau‘s analyses‖ & Reginald Ray, Buddhist Saints in India, 1994:386 f.
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Rhys Davids also notes that ―the slight differences, the more important of which are noted in the
table, are very suggestive,‖ that is, No. 26 (the episode of the stanzas uttered at the moment of the
Buddha‘s death), No. 14 (a four-line verse attributed to the Buddha in our sutta but also found in the
Aguttara), and No. 30 (the old Subhadra‘s callous remark after the Buddha‘s passing)––which are
discussed at length in the Introduction to his translation of the sutta. (Rhys Davids, 1938:73 ff.)
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The above table represents the probable order in which the extant Buddhist documents of this
period were composed. They were not yet written down, and a great deal has no doubt been lost.
(TW Rhys Davids, 1903:18)
All these passages belong to the two earliest groups. All are found in books included in groups 4-6; not
one occurs in any of the books included in later groups––groups 7-10.
(4b) Recensions of the sutta
The Mah Parinibbna Sutta is available in six main recensions. The Pali version is also preserved in
the Taish Tripiaka (T 1 ch 2-4 p 11-30). Other Chinese versions are T 5 (diverges from the Pali), T 6
and T 7 (both closer); T 1451 ch 35-38, pp 382b-402c. The Sanskrit version, Mahparinirva Stra,
belonging to the Mla,sarvstivda, has been edited by Ernst Waldschmidt (1950-51),8 who also gives the
parallel texts from the Sarvstivda Vinaya in the Tibetan (Dulva 11:535b-652b) and Chinese (one
Dharma,guptaka, three of unknown origins).9 The French scholar André Bareau and other scholars think
that
the unanimous attestation of the six versions for a given passage indicates that it goes back to a
period before the sectarian divisions that took place approximately 100-150 years after the
Buddha‘s death. On the basis of the substantial agreement among the six parallel versions, several
scholars have concluded that much of the [Mah Parinirva Stra] dates back to a period before
the sectarian fragmentation of the sagha and its subsequent geographical dispersion in the
Aokan period and following.10 (Trainor 1997:47)
8
Abhandlungen DAWB, Phil. Hist. K1, 1950 and Kl. f. Spr., Lit. und Kunst, 2 parts; Das Mahparinirvastra, Berlin:
Akademie Verlag, 1950-51. Waldschmidt arranges the 51 episodes of Mahparinirvna Stra in 4 classifications: (1) episodes
reproduced substantially the same way in the majority of sources; (2) episodes related to the majority of versions, but in a differ-
ent way; (3) episodes attested to in only a small number of sources; (4) episodes attested to in a single version. ―If an authentic
tradition ever exists, in the course of time it was subjected to considerable alterations. It is represented more faithfully, it seems,
by the Sanskrit version than by the Pli one‖ (Lamotte 1988a:650 f).
9
The Tibetan version is also found in mDo 8:1-231 (Mah Parinirvna Stra) and mDo 8:231-234, and the
section called Myang-hds or Nirvna in 2 volumes.
10
See Pande, Studies in the Origins of Buddhism, 1974:12; Snellgrove (ed), The Image of the Buddha, 1978:18.
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A Sarvstivda version is found in the Gilgit Manuscripts (ed N Dutt et al, 1939-50), volume 3, page
415. In the early 20th century. Jean Przyluski made as comparative of various Mah Parinirvna texts in
his ―Le Parinirvana et le Funérailles du Bouddha‖ (Journal Asiatique 1918-20). Recently, Mark Allon
and Richard Salomon discovered and published a Gandhr version of the sutta.11
AK Warder, in his Indian Buddhism (1970:67-80), gives his own translation of the Pali version
―omitting anything not confirmed by other versions. The main episodes are translated, with a minimum of
comment and continuity.‖ W Pachow has compared these four versions of the Mah Parinirvna Stra
with the Pali version, namely:12
I:P Buddha,parinirvna Stra. Nanjio no 552 tr Po-Fa-Tsu, 290-306 CE, Western Chin, 265-
316. 2 fascicles.
II:B Mah Parinirvna Stra of the Drgh‘gama Stra. Nanjio no 545 (2) tr Buddha,yaas
and Chu Fonien, 412-413, of the Later Chin, 384-417. 3 fascicles.
III:N Parinirvna Stra or Vaipulya Nirvna Stra. Nanjio no 119, tr unknown, Eastern Chin,
317-420. 2 fascicles.
IV:F Mah Parinirvna Stra. Nanjio no 118, tr Fa-hsien [Faxian] of Eastern Chin, 317-420. 3
fascicles.
TW Rhys Davids‘ translation of the sutta is found in volume 2 of his Dgha Nikya translation,
Dialogues of the Buddha.13 The Tibetan version from the Dulva (Vinaya) has been translated by WW
Rockhill in The Life of the Buddha (1884:122-147). Recent translations include one by Maurice Walshe,
in his Long Discourses of the Buddha (1995, D:W 223-277). In 1972, amoli published his The Life of
the Buddha According to the Pali Canon (3rd ed 1992: ch 15), the closing chapter of which deals with ―the
last year‖ of the Buddha‘s life. Vajir and Francis Story have produced a revised translation (―Last
Days of the Buddha,‖ 1998), while Thanissaro has translated the last two chapters (―The Great Discourse
on the Total Unbinding,‖ rev ed 2002). The last two are available online.14 Recently, the Dgha Comment-
ary on the Mah Parinibbna Sutta has been translated by An Yang-Gyu (from Korea) as The Buddha‘s
Last Days: Buddhaghosa‘s Commentary on the Mahparinibbna (Oxford: Pali Text Society, 2003).
5 Bareau‘s analyses
André Bareau,15 the French scholar, has done extensive study of the historical and doctrinal relation-
ships between the six parallel versions of the Mah Parinibbna Sutta in several studies.16 Bareau‘s detail-
ed analysis of the Parinirvana traditions also takes account of additional Chinese translations of further
recensions of the same material: the Dharma,guptaka Drgh‘gama (tr Buddhayaas & Chu Fonian, 412-
413 CE) = A; Buddha,nirvna Stra (tr Po Fa-tsou, 290-306 CE) = B; Parinirva Stra (tr 317-402 CE)
= C; Mahparinirva Stra (tr Faxian, 417 CE) = D.17
His major contribution to the study of our text is in 1979, when Bareau examines and compares the
six principal recensions of the sutta—one version each in Pli and Sanskrit, and four in Chinese and con-
11
Mark Allon & Richard Salomon (eds), ―Fragments of a Gāndhārī Version of the Mahāparinirvāa-sūtra in the
Schøyen Collection.‖ 2000:243–73.
12
Sino-Indian Studies 1,4 July 1945. See also Nanjio nos 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125,
542 and 1121. Also a Chinese tr (ed Carlo Puini), Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana 21, 1908:59 ff & 22,
1909:1 ff. See also E Windisch, Mra und Buddha, Leipzig, 1895:33 ff; H Oldenberg, in Zeitschrift der deutschen
Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 53, 1899:121 ff; and J Edkins, in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1881:66 f.
See here 5 n on Bareau‘s trs.
13 nd
2 ed 1938, 4th ed 1959, D:R 2:71-191.
14
http://www.accesstoinsight.org/canon/digha.
15
Recherches sur la biographie du Buddha (1970=71) & ―La Composition et la étapes de la formation progres-
sive du Mahparinirvastra ancient,‖ 1979:45-103. Other important studies of the text include: Przyluski, ―Le
Partage des reliques du Buddha,‖ 1935-36:341-367; M Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, 1983 2:38 ff;
Ernst Waldschmidt (see biblio); and GC Pande, Studies in the Origins of Buddhism, rev ed 1974:98-106.
16
1962, 1963, 1970-71, 1974, 1975, 1979.
17
See Recherches sur la biographie du Buddha 1970, 2:4.
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cludes—and concludes that our text formed gradually over several centuries. The number and order of the
episodes vary in the different versions, and less than half are found in all six versions. Nevertheless, an
analysis of the six versions show (1979:46):
(1) that there is a common plan among them;
(2) that the texts share certain central episodes; and
(3) that the principal episodes almost always appear in the same order.
The Sutta in its various versions contains a total of over 80 episodes, an analysis of which shows a
relative chronology in which these episodes were added. This however does not tell us the order in each
individual unit came into existence.
Bareau suggests in ―a fragile enough hypothesis‖ an absolute chronology, in which he locates the
addition of the texts to the sutta over some 400 years from the parinirvana (c 480 CE) to the beginning of
the Common Era (1979:47). Bareau regards the account of the last hours of the Buddha‘s life, his final
instructions and his parinirvana as the historical ―kernel‖ of the text compiled within several decades of
the Buddha‘s passing (1979:50). He dates the passages specifying the four holy places and the four
persons worthy of a stupa much later, to a period between the end of the 3rd century BCE and the begin-
ning of the 1st century CE (1979:69). This conclusion is based on the fact that these passages do not occur
in all six extant versions of the text, and that they appear to assume a developed Buddhology (when the
Buddha appears no longer to be considered as just a human being) (1979:63).18
As Bareau19 sees it, the sutta may be divided into 9 major sections, according to locale of the
incidents, and these may in turn be divided into two major groupings, as follows (1979:48) [with my own
section headings—in The Buddha and His Disciples (Piya Tan, 2004)—here listed in parentheses]:
Bareau‘s Nine Sections
I. Mah Parinibbna Sutta §§1-2.20 (Later half)
1. In the environs of Rjagha [§1.1-12] [Piya 2]
2. From Rjagha to Paligrma [§1.13-18] [Piya 3]
3. At Paligrma [§1.19-32] [Piya 4]
4. From Paligrma to Vail [§2.1-10] [Piya 5]
5. At Vail [§2.11-20] [Piya 6]
II. Mah Parinibbna Sutta §§2.21-6.26 (Older half)
6. In the environs of Vail [§2.21-3.48] [Piya 7-11]
7. From Vail to Kuinagar [§4.1-43] [Piya 12-15]
8. At Kuinagar: the final hours [§5.1-6.11] [Piya 16-21]
9. At Kuinagar: the last rites [§6.12-26] [Piya 22].
Sections 6-9 form the older sections, while sections 1-5 are later. Bareau proposes that the oldest
section—―the kernel of the work‖—is section 8 (The final hours of the Buddha at Kuinagar). Following
this are sections 9, then 6, then 7 and then the newer sections (1979:50 f.). The oldest part of the text,
section 8, minus some episodes added later, according to Bareau, is dated to the second half of the 5th
century BCE. The next section were added from this time onward, with the latest sections (1-5) added in
the 2nd-1st centuries BCE (1979:51).20
Bareau also discusses the development of relic worship after the Buddha‘s passing.21
18
G Schopen has objected to this methodology that is based on the basic principle that textual unanimity is a
sure sign of an early date of composition. He notes that first of all scholars differ regarding the date of sectarian
division, and that there is no inscriptional evidence of sectarian division before the 2 nd century CE (―Two problems
in the history of Indian Buddhism,‖ 1997:26). Conversely, Schopen proposes that precisely the opposite conclusion
should be drawn, ie, that unaminous attestation indicates a late date of composition based on an extended period of
harmonization between the sects (op cit, 1997:17).
19
See Reginald Ray, Buddhist Saints in India, 1994:386 f. See also ―Sutta Contents‖ above.
20
For other details, see Ray, 1994:386 n2 which I have summarized here.
21
See this Intro (7d).
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6 Island or lamp?
(6a) Atta,dpa
The most famous and memorable passage from the Mah Parinibbna Sutta, also found in a number
of other places in the Canon, is clearly this:
Tasm-t-ih‘nanda atta,dp viharatha atta,sara anaa,sara, dhamma,dp dhamma,-
sara anaa,sara [§2.26].22
Therefore, nanda, dwell with yourself as an island, with yourself as refuge, with no other
refuge—dwell with the Dharma as an island, with the Dharma as refuge, with no other refuge.
(D 16.2.26/2:100 f = 26.1/3:58, 26.27/77; S 22.43/3:42, 47.9/5:154, 47.13/5:163, 17.14/5:164)
The Commentary explains atta,dp as ―dwell, having made the self [yourself like an island in the great
ocean‖ (mah,samudda,gata,dpa viya attna dpa patihita katv viharatha, DA 2:548, SA
2:268, 3:204).23 It is interesting that the Commentary uses the plural attna though this is not apparent
in the textual compound atta,dp.
The Sutta Nipta Commentary on atta,dp in the line ―who wander about the world,‖ ye atta,dp
vicaranti loke (Sn 501) of the Mgha Sutta (Sn 5.3) explains, ―by their own virtue, having made the self
an island, they wander as those cankerfree, they say‖ (attano gue eva attano dpa katv vicarant
khsav vuccanti, SnA 2:416). The Dgha Commentary further explains ―What is meant by ‗self‘? The
mundane and supramundane Dhamma (lokiya,lokuttaro dhammo).24 Therefore he says next, ‗with the
Dharma as an island,‘ etc‖ (DA 3:846; SA 2:268). Bhikkhu Bodhi notes here that ―This comment over-
looks the obvious point that the Buddha is inculcating self-reliance.‖ (S:B 1:1055 n53). The Mah Pari-
nibbna Sutta explains the expression to ―dwell with yourself as an island‖ as referring to the practice of
satipatthana [§2.26].
Some scholars, however, have rendered dpa here as ―light‖—Rhys Davids (D:R 2:110), Fausböll
(Sn:F 501)—or as ―lamp‖ (Adikaram and Childers), probably because they are influenced by the Western
saying ―No man is an island‖ and its negative connotation. The existence of two ancient Buddhists lang-
uages, Pali and Sanskrit, provides a dynamic stereoscopic panorama of Buddhism. It helps us to clear a
problem in the interpretation of this famous passage from the Mah Parinibbna Sutta [§2.26]:
6a.1 Sanskrit
The Sanskrit words dpa (light, lamp) and dvpa (island, continent) are both rendered as dpa in Pali.
The sanskritized passage of the Buddha‘s last words (D 2:100) are found in the Mahvastu, giving dvpa:
22
Lit ―Therefore, nanda, dwell with yourselves as islands, with yourselves as refuges, with no other refuges—
dwell with the Dharma as islands, with the Dharma as refuges, with no other refuges.‖ I have generally tr dhamma,-
dpa etc, adverbially guided by the spirit of self-reliance. Cf yo kho Vakkali dhamma passati so ma passati, etc.
S 3:120.
23
Comy to Cakkavatti Shanda S (D 26.1/3:58) explains the meaning of atta,dpa as ―dwell, having esta-
blished yourselves as an island, a shelter, a cave [refuge] for crossing over birth (gati)‖ (attna dpa ta
lea gati paryaa patihita katv viharathâ it attho, DA 2:846).
24
―Mundane states‖ (lokiya,dhamm) are all those states of consciousness and mental factors arising in an
ordinary worldling or in a saint, but are not associated with the supramundane. ―Supramundane states‖ (lokuttara,-
dhamm) are the four paths, the four fruitions and nirvana.
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25
G.H. Sasaki, Linguistic Approach to Buddhist Thought. Delhi: MLBD, 1986: 58-63.
26
D 2:290 = 315 = M 1:55 = 63 = S 5:141 = 167 f. = 185 f. = Kvu 158 = Vism 3.
27
See ―The Satipahna Suttas‖ = SD 13.
28
See Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:6.21.
29
See Saddhamma Pairpaka S (S 16.13/2:223 f); see The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:6.22.
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teacher and community, it all comes down to you and the Truth‖ (2000:547) [13a here]. The Buddha is
dead, long live the Dharma! [§2.26]
Here the Buddha answers in relation to nanda himself since he is only a streamwinner and not yet
an arhat. The Buddha is exhorting nanda to focus on his own personal spiritual development. Under-
standably, in such a poignant moment, nanda characteristically thinks of all the pressing matters to be
settled in the face of the Buddha‘s impending parinirvana. nanda, then repeats the question in a slightly
different way, with a greater sense of urgency [§5.11]:
―But, Bhante, what should we do with the Tathagata‘s remains?‖33
Pressed for an answer, the Buddha answers that the Tathagata‘s remains should be treated like those
of a wheel-turning king, that is to say, the body (sarra) should be wrapped alternately with new un-
bleached cotton cloth and with a layer of teased cotton34 for the length of 500 yugas.35 A yuga is the
length of an Indian plough, that is, 9 spans (DPL 605 f). A span (vidatthi) is the distance between the ends
of the thumb and the little finger extended (about 20 cm = 8 ins). As such, a yuga is about 1.8 m (5.9 ft),
and 500 yugas would be 900 m (984 yd).
However, even this dimension seems disproportionate, albeit smaller than ―500 times.‖ With so much
cloth and cotton wool, the Buddha‘s body would end up looking like a giant cloth ball! However, if the
cloth is narrow bandage-like strips—a few fingers‘ breadth wide—(like those used to wrap an Egyptian
mummy) then, the dimensions would appear more manageable. Probably, this bandaging is part of a pre-
cremation embalming process.36
The body should then be placed in an oil-vat of iron and covered with an iron lid. The pyre should
comprise only of fragrant material, and the body then cremated. Then a stupa [cairn or burial mound] is
built over the relics at the crossroads [―where four highways meet‖].37 And the faithful who offer a gar-
30
See Trainor, Relics, Ritual, and Representation in Buddhism,esp 1997:49-65. See, however, 7d here, where I
think otherwise.
31
Katha maya bhante Tathgatassa sarre patipajjmâ ti.
32
―Funeral rites,‖ sarra,pja.
33
Katha pana maya bhante Tathgatassa sarre patipajjitabban ti?
34
Rao nanda cakkavattissa sarra ahatena vatthena vehenti. Ahatena vatthena vehetv vihatena kapp-
sena vehenti (D 16.5.11/2:141). ―Teased cotton‖ here is probably what we might today call ―cotton wool.‖
35
Etena upyena pacahi yuga,satehi (D 16.5.11/2:142). Apparently, all the better known English trs (Rhys
Davids, Walshe, Vajir & Story, and hanissaro) overlooked or mistranslated yuga.
36
For a recent comment on this interesting aspect of “the Buddha‟s funeral,”see JS Strong 2007.
37
This ref to crossroads [―where four highroads meet‖] (ctum,mah,pathe) has at least two levels of meaning.
The first meaning has been discussed by RA Gunatilaka in ―Ancient Stpa Architecture: The significance of cardin-
al points and the ctummahpatha concept‖ (1975:34-48), where the allusion is to the universal hegemony of the
cakkavat or wheel-turning king. In the Dharma sense, the Buddha is a ―wheel-turner‖ but the wheel is the Dharma,-
cakra (dhamma,cakka), the wheel of truth, and not the j,cakra (,cakka), the wheel of power. The second
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land, scent, or perfume powder, or bow down there, or brighten their minds there, it will be for their profit
and welfare for a long time to come. [§5.11]
The Buddha then tells nanda that the following four people are worthy of a stupa: the Buddha, a
Pratyeka Buddha (a fully self-enlightened Buddha who does not establish a dispensation), a disciple of the
Buddha, and a wheel-turning king. The reason for this is that such an act brings peace of mind, and dying
with such a thought leads one to a happy rebirth [§5.12]. The point here is not that dying in the holy land
would bring one a happy rebirth, but rather that dying with a calm joyful mind (pasanna,citta) brings one
happy rebirth.38
Here the Blessed One thought, ―nanda is thinking, ‗We will not be able to see the mentally
cultivated ones.‘ Let me now tell him places for seeing mentally cultivated one, places where they
can live and would not have to seek here and there for an opportunity of seeing mentally cultivat-
ed ones.‘ Thinking thus, he says, ‗There are these four‘,‖ and so on.39 (DA 2:582)
This admonition concerns the benefits of ―being in the presence of those who embody in their physical
demeanor the Buddhist ideal of enlightenment‖ (Trainor 1997:50). As we have noted [§5.5n], this
spiritual practice is an adaptation of the Vedic practice of darana (P dassana, Eng darshan), and asserted
in such sayings as ―the seeing of recluses…this is a supreme blessing‖40 (Kh 5.9/3). The significance of
this passage becomes evident in the light of opening episode of this chapter [§§5.1-2]. In the Mallas‘ sal
grove, the Buddha lies down between two sal trees where he will pass away that same day. The Sutta
records that the twin sal trees, though it is out of season, bursts into fruit and flower, and showering its
blossoms upon the Buddha, along with mandrava flowers, sandalwood powder and heavenly music by
way of offering to him (tathgatassa pjya) [§§5.2-3a].
The Buddha then exhorts nanda that such offerings are not the highest form of honour or veneration.
The highest form of respect—the ―supreme worship‖—any monk, nun, layman or laywoman can show
the Buddha is to live practising the Dharma in accordance with the Dharma.41 [§5.3b]
The Dgha Commentary on this passage explains that the Bodhisattva did not make the resolution at
the feet of Dpakara Buddha to become a Buddha for the sake of garlands, scents, music and song. The
Buddha rejects this kind of worship for the sake of the long life of the teaching (ssana) and for the bene-
fit of the assembly [the monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen]. If ―worship with material things‖
(misa,pj)42 were not rejected, then his followers would not cultivate moral virtue, mental concentra-
tion and insight, but instead would spend their lives worshipping [and thinking in terms of material
things]. Not even a thousand monasteries equal to the Mah,vihra, or a thousand caityas equal to the
meaning is more common in the suttas. In Dhamma,cetiya S (M 89), for example, the rajah Pasenad praises the
Buddha regarding how the Sangha members are so well disciplined ―with neither rod nor sword‖ (M 89.13/2:122).
In Agulimla S (M 86), the rajah again makes the same praise in reference to how the Buddha has tamed the
bloodthirsty bandit, Agulimla, ―with neither rod [fear] nor sword [force]‖ (M 86.14a/2:102). This is an example of
the difference between the ―wheel of power‖ (,cakka), ie the sphere of political power, and the ―wheel of truth‖
(dhamma,cakka), the realm of the Dharma (VA 10 = KhA 1:95; MA 2:278; ThaA 3:48).
38
On the Buddhist pilgrimage, see sub-section (7g) here.
39
Atha Bhagav: nando ―mano,bhvanyna dassana na labhissm ti cinteti, hand‘ assa mano,bhvan-
yna dassanahna cikkhmi, yattha vasanto ito c ‗to ca anhiitv va lacchati mano,bhvanye bhikkh
dassany ti, cintetv cattr‘imni ti dim ha.
40
Samana ca dassana…etam magalam uttama. See KhA 150 f = KhA: 163 f.
41
Yo kho nanda bhiukkhu v bhikkhun v upasak v upsik v dhammnudhamm,paipanno viharati sam-
ci,paipanno anudhamma,cr, so Tathgata sakkaroti garukaroti mneti pjeti paramya pjya (D 5.3/2:138).
42
There are 2 kinds of worship (pj): worship (or honouring) with material things (misa,pj) and worship
with practice (paipatti,pj) (D 2:138; A 1.93). Dgha Comy replaces paipatti,pja with ―worship with non-mater-
ial things‖ (nirmisa,pj) (DA 5:179): see next para.
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Mah,cetiya,43 it notes, are sufficient to support the teaching. And concludes: ―Now, for the Tathgata,
right practice is proper worship, and surely it has been laid down by him for supporting the teaching.‖44
The Commentary gives a detailed explanation of the key words in connection with the ―worship with
non-material things‖ (nirmisa,pj) thus: 45
43
Mah,vihra,sadisa hi vihra,sahassa mah,cetiya,sadisa ca cetiya,sahassam pi ssana dhretu na
sakkonti. The Mahvihra was the central monastery in Anurdhapura built by Devanampiya Tissa (247-207 BCE)
that came to be identified with orthodox Theravda tradition in Sri Lanka. When Anurdhapura was abandoned
around the 13th century, the history of Mahvihra came to an end. The Mahcetiya is presumably a reference to the
Mah Thpa (Great Stupa) in Anurdhapura built by Duha,gman after his victory over the Tamils and which is
said to enshrine one-eighth of all Buddha‘s relics.
44
Samm,paipatti pana Tathgatassa anucchavik pj, s hi tena pahit c‘eva sakkoti ssana ca sandh-
retu (DA 2:578).
45
Tattha dhammânudhamma,paipanno ‗ti nava,vidhassa lokuttara,dhammassa anudhamma pubba,bhga,-
paipada paipanno. S y‘eva pana paipad anucchavikatt ―smc ti vuccati, ta smci paipanno‘ti smc,-
paipanno. Tam eva pubba,bhga,paipad,sakhata anudhamma carati pret ti anudhamma,cr.
Pubbabhga,paipad‗ti ca sla cra,paatti dhutaga,samdna yva gotra,bhto samm,paipad vedi-
tabb. Tasm yo bhikkhu chasu agravesu patihya paatti atikkamati, anesanya jvita [Be jvika] kappeti,
aya na dhammânudhamma,paipada [Se -paipanno]. Yo pana sabba attano paatta,sikkhpada jina,vela
jina,mariyda jina,ka,sutta anumattam pi na vtikkamati, aya dhammânudhamma,paipanno nma.
Bhikkhuniy pi es‘eva nayo. Yo pana upsako paca,verni dasa akusala,kamma,pathe samdya vattati appeti
[PTS omits appeti], aya na dhammânudhamma,paipanno. Yo pana tsu saraesu pacasu slesu dasasu slesu
pariprakr [Se pariprkr] hoti, msassa aha uposathe karoti, dna deti, gandha,pja ml,pja karoti,
mtara upahti, pitaraื upahti, dhammike samaa,brhmae upahti, aya dhammânudhamma,paipanno
nma hoti. Upsikya pi es‘eva nayo.
Paramya pjy ‗ti uttamya pjya, ayam hi nirmisa,pj nma sakkoti mama ssana sandhretu. Yva
hi im catasso paris ma imya pjya pjessanti, tva mama ssana majjhe nabhassa pua,cando viya viro-
cissat ti dasseti. (DA 2:578 f).
46
―The ninefold supramundane states‖ (nava,lokuttara,dhamm) are the 4 paths (magga) of sainthood—
streamwinning, once-return, non-return and arhathood—their respective fruits (phala), and nirvana (Dhs 193,245).
47
On the 13 ascetic practices (dhutaga), see Bakkula S (M 124) = SD 3.15 Intro (2).
48
―Disrespect‖ (agrava). The 6 kinds of respect‖ (grava or gravat) are respect for the Teacher (satthu,-
gravat), for the Dharma (dhamma,gravat), for the Sangha (sagha,gravat), for the training (sikkh,gravt),
for heedfulness (appamda,ravat), and for hospitality (paisanthra,gravat) (A 3:330).
49
―The Conqueror‘s black thread‖ means that the Conqueror [the Buddha], taking the role of a great carpen-
ter, using a black thread, shows the Dharma regarding that which should be renounced and that which should be
grasped within the confines of the training-rules (Jina,ka,sutta jina,mah,vahakin hapita vajjetabba,gahe-
tabba,dhamma,sandassana,ka,sutta sikkh,mariyda (DA 2:228).
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As regards a layman who persists in the five evils (paca,verni) [the habitual breaking any
of the 5 Precepts], following the ten unwholesome courses of conduct50—he is one who does not
practise the Dharma in accordance with the Dharma. But for one who fulfills the three refuges,
the five precepts, and the ten precepts; who keeps the uposatha [observance of the 8 or the 10
precepts] on eight days of the month;51 who gives food-offerings; who makes offerings of incense
and of garlands; who supports mother; who supports father; who supports Dharma-minded
recluses and brahmins—he is said to be one who practises the Dharma in accordance with the
Dharma.
Similarly for a laywoman, this is the case.
―The supreme worship‖ (param pj) means the highest worship. He [the Buddha] declares,
―This is called the worship with non-material things (nirmisa,pj) because it is able to sustain
my Teaching [Dispensation]. Indeed, insofar as these four companies [of monks, nuns, laymen
and laywomen] worship me with this kind of worship, my Teaching will shine forth like the full
moon in the middle of the sky.‖ (DA 2:578 f)52
We see here in Buddhaghosa‘s commentary, a hint of a growing distinction between lay and monastic
practice despite the fact that the original passage is addressed to ―whatever monk, nun, layman or lay-
woman‖ [§5.3b]. Buddhaghosa, however, here gives a broader definition of the practice of ―the Dharma
in accordance with the Dharma.‖ However, this trend of external and physical offerings (amisa,pj)
became a popular practice amongst the monks of post-Buddha India, such as building stupas and caves,
donating towards their maintenance, and ceremonies for ―merit transference.‖53
50
―Ten unwholesome courses of conduct‖ (akusala,kammapatha). See (Kusalâkusala) Sacetanika S 1 (A
10.206/5:292-297) = SD 3.9.
51
Uposatha. The Indian year is divided into 3 seasons of about 4 months each—the cold season (winter, hem-
anta; cool, sisira) (Nov-Feb), the hot season (spring or ―heat,‖ gimhna, comprising spring, vasanta, Mar-May &
summer, gimha, May-Jul) and the rains (vassna, Jul-Sep; autumn, srada, Sep-Nov). Each Indian lunar month
(msa) begins on the 1st day of the waning moon and ends on the full moon. As such, each moon (month) has two
halves or fortnights (pakkh): the dark fortnight (kaha,pakkha) and the bright fortnight (sukkha,pakkha). The 3rd
and 7th fortnights of each quarter-year (ie 4 moons = 8 fortnights) has 14 days, the other fortnights 15 days each.
During the fortnight, the nights of the full moon and the new moon (either the 14 or 15 th) and the night of the half-
moon (the 8th) are regarded as especially auspicious: these are the uposatha (observance) days. On the full moon
and new moon days, the monks recite the Pimokkha (code of monastic rule) and the laity visit the monasteries to
listen to the Dharma and to meditate. On the uposatha days of the fortnight—ie the 8th (aham), the 14th (ctuddas)
or 15th (paars) days, and sometimes incl the 5th day (pacam)—the laity observe the 8 uposatha precepts (V
1:87, 102; M 1:39, 2:74; A 4:248; Sn 401; Vv 37.11; Th 31; J 4:1, 5:173, 194, 6:232; Cp 1:10:4; Vism 227 f). On
pacam,aham,ctuddas,paarasna uposatha,divas, see Ujl 192,28. The pihriya,pakkha (―extraordinary
half‖) is an ancient extra holy day now not observed (AA 2:234; SnA 378; Ujl 2:55; Th:N 67 f n31). The ―eight
days‖ of observance mentioned here probably includes the ―extra holy day,‖ observed during the commentarial
times, ie 4 days of observance for each of the 2 fortnights of the moon. In Upakkilesa S (M 128), Anuruddha says
that Nandiya and Kimbila would go to his residence ―every fifth day (of the week) (pachika)‖ to discuss the
Dharma for the whole night (M 128.14/3:157; MA 2:242; KhA 147). In this way, they keep an extra uposatha, be-
sides full moon and new moon days. This would total 6 observances a month. Apparently, the monthly 8 observan-
ces are a commentarial innovation. For more details on uposatha, see Sn:P (unpublished) endnote to Hemavata S
(Sn 153/9.9:1a). Cf Indian calendar (9d)n here below.
52
See Trainor 1997:52-54 for his comments.
53
See eg G Schopen 1985. On monastic funerals, see Schopen 1992.
54
This section is mainly sourced from Trainor, Relics, Ritual, and Representation in Buddhism, 1997:34-35
(forming part of ch 2). This ch is an excellent reading in this connection.
55
See Ency Bsm: Cetiya (Jotiya Dhirasekera).
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common in pre-Buddhist India [§§3.1 f, 3.46].56 One of the Buddha‘s opening teachings in the sutta is
this:
nanda, so long as the Vajjs honour, respect, esteem and venerate the Vajj shrines, both those
within the city and outside it, and do not neglect the due offerings as given and made to them
formerly, their growth is to be expected, not their decline. (D 1.4/2:75)
Such shrines were popular with the Buddha and his monks as dwellings and meditation spots. Such tree
shrines were often the ―abodes of yakshas‖ (yakkha-,hnni, DA 520), that is, either they were actually
haunts of yakshas (who were either tutelary spirits or ogres) or shrines dedicated to them (eg Gotamaka
shrine, DA 373). Such shrines were also popular with other recluses (sama) probably because they
attracted local residents and devotees who brought alms to them.57
Bareau, quoting from the Mahsaghika Vinaya (T 1425:498b), has shown that this early sectarian
school, the Mahsaghika, clearly distinguished between stpa and caitya (1962:240). He thinks that the
caityas were memorials without relics marking locations for the purpose of recalling important event in
the Buddha‘s life, while stpas contained the actual remains of the Buddha. Bareau associates caityas
with the four sacred sites in the Buddha‘s life. The Mahā Parinibbāna Sutta (D 16) and Savega Sutta
(A 4.118)58 list the 4 places that arouse samvega [a sense of urgency] (savejanya-,hānā)59 as follows:
(1) the place of the Nativity (Lumbini Park, modern Rummindei);
(2) the place of the Great Awakening (Uruvelā on the Nerajarā river, modern Ureli on the
Lilanja river);
(3) the place of the First Discourse (the Deer Park at Isipatana, modern Sahet-Mahet); and
(4) the place of the Mahā Parinirvana (Kusināra, modern Kashgar).
(D 16.5.8/2:140; A 4.118/2:120 f)60
Bareau argues that these outward form of the respective monuments was so similar that the two—
stupa and caitya—were confounded with one another and the distinction no longer maintained (1974a:
275-299). Kevin Trainor, in his Relics, Ritual, and Representation in Buddhism, remarks that
This distinction may find corroboration in the Pali [Mah Parinibbna Sutta], where the term
cetiya is used to refer to the four sites worthy of pilgrimage, while the term thpa appears to be
reserved for a monument enshrining corporeal remains [D 2:141 f]. Additional support for a
distinction between the two terms emerges from a study of the cult centered around Mahyna
Buddhist texts.61 (Kevin Trainor 1997:35; amplifications from Trainor‘s fnn; emphasis added)
I shall discuss in the next sub-section [7d] that Trainor errs in claiming that ―the term thpa appears to be
reserved for a monument enshrining corporeal remains [D 2:141 f].‖
Trainor, however, gives a helpful etymological and historical discussion on the caitya and stupa. He
discusses a few possible etymologies of stpa (P thpa), the most important of which is stp, ―to heap
up, pile, erect‖ (found in Pini‘s Dhtu,ptha). Most commentators derive the word caitya (P cetiya)
56
D 16.3.1 f/2:102, 16.3.46/2:117 f; also Srandada Cetiya (D 2:75); nanda Cetiya (D 2:123, 126). See DA
373. BC Law, ―Cetiya in Buddhist Literature‖ in Studia Indi-Iranica: Ehrengabe für Wilhelm Geiger, ed Walter
Wüst, Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1931:42-48. The cult of yaksha-veneration is discussed in Odette Viennot, Le Culte de
l‘arbre dans l‘Inde ancienne, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1954: esp 113-120. (Refs fr Trainor 1997: 34
n12.)
57
AL Basham, The Wonder That Was India, NY: Grove Press, 1959:262.
58
A 4.118/2:120 f.
59
On ―sense of urgency‖ (savega), see sub-section (7f) here. For a discussion on Buddhist pilgrimage, see
sub-section (7g) here.
60
Bareau discusses the close connection between sacred trees and caityas, noting that the 4 holy places were
all identified with sacred trees (1974b:16-17).
61
Trainor‘s fn: ―Gregory Schopen, ‗The Phrase,‘ [1975:]151-152. Note, however, Schopen‘s more recent obser-
vation calling attention to an apparent preference for the item cetiya in both Andhran epigraphy and in some canon-
ical Pali literature, a characteristic that he suggests may be evidence for mutual contact and influence; see ‗An Old
Inscription,‘ [1991:]322 n38; cf Schopen, ‗The Stpa Cult,‘ [1989:]91.
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from cit, ―a funeral pile‖ [or pyre], which comes from ci, ―to pile up, arrange.‖ Cetiya, the Pli form of
the Sanskrit caitya, occurs in the Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit in the sense of an ―object or person worthy of
veneration‖ (BHSD 233).
In the Vedic tradition of the Buddha‘s time, the caitya appears to refer to some kind of shrine at
which a bal or offering would be made.62 Dikshitar also notes that the law books of Manu and Yaj,-
valkya use the term caitya,vka to refer to trees in the burial ground marking the boundary limits of the
village, a fact that he connects with the ancient Indian practice of propitiating powerful spirits thought to
reside in trees (1938:446-448). The Dhammapada is instructive here:
Many humans, threatened by fear, seek refuge
In hills [rocks] and in forests, and in grove shrines and tree shrines. (Dh 118)63
The caitya, as such, Trainor concludes, covers a range of meanings
from associations with the place of the Vedic fire sacrifice, to the place of cremation and burial,
to sacred groves and trees associated with power spirits. What is striking, however, is the funda-
mental tension between the Vedic fire altar as a sacred place associated with ritual purity and the
site of cremation and burial with its associated threat of impurity. How these seemingly contra-
dictory ideas became joined in the Buddha understanding of the caitya demands further consider-
ation. (Trainor 1997:37 f)
Paul Mus has done a complete analysis of the brahmanic sacrificial cult in terms of its significance for
the practice of relic veneration in the introduction to his 2-volume study of Borobudur, Barabuur:
esquisse d‘une histoire du Bouddhisme fondée sur la critique archéologique des texts (Hanoi, 1935). His
broad and complex ideas are difficult to summarize, but an important point relevant here is that he sees
the continuity between the brahmanic sacrifice centred around the agni,cayana—the ritual of ―piling up‖
(cayana) of bricks to form the fire altar—and the cultic veneration of the Buddha centering around the
stupa and its relics,
Mus argues that the stupa serves as an object of mediation—he uses the neologism ―mesocosm‖
(―middle world‖)—between the human and nirvana. The stupa represents the body of the Buddha who has
passed into parinirvana, a body brought back to life by his corporeal remains and present (or, ad sanctos,
a term used by Schopen).64 Mus thinks that the cult of relic veneration centres around the notion that the
Buddha‘s continued presence in the world65—something denied in the early teachings—and that this
notion and its attending practices are derived from magical beliefs widely prevalent in Asia. In this case,
they are closely analogous to the ritual of brahmanic sacrifice centred around the agni,cayana.66
62
VRR Dikshitar, ―Origin and Early History of Caityas.‖ Indian Historical Quarterly 14, 1938:444 f. The term
bal is found in the Pali Canon, see diya S (A 3:45 f) where the fivefold offerings (paca,bal) are mentioned (A
5.41/3:45 f). See SD 2.1 (2003).
63
Bahu ve saraa yanti | pabbatni vanni ca | rma,rukkha,cetiyni | manuss bhaya,tajjit. See Dikshit-
ar 1938:467 n15 & Dh:CP 248.
64
―Burial ad sanctos and the physical presence of the Buddha in early Indian Buddhism,‖ 1987.
65
For a discussion on this notion, see this Intro 9f below.
66
Trainor discusses Mus‘ approach in 1997:38-39 & 96-135 (ch 4).
67
Bulletin de l‘Ecole Française de l‘Extrme-Orient 61 1974a:275-299.
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SD 9 D 16/2:72-167 Mah Parinibbna Sutta
―Do not worry yourselves about the sarra,pj,68 nanda. Come now, nanda, you should
strive for your own good, devote yourselves to your own good, and dwell with your minds tire-
lessly, zealously devoted to your own good. There are wise kshatriyas, wise brahmins and wise
householders who are devoted to the Tathgata: they will take care of the funeral rites.
(D 16.5.10/2:141)
Following Bareau, most western scholars have interpreted sarra,pj as ―relic worship.‖69 Based on this
view, the passage apparently prohibits monastics from ―relic worship.‖ Bareau concludes his paper by
saying that the monks at first had nothing to do with the practice and were only gradually induced into it
under the influence of the laity (1974a:299).70
However, if we examine the Pli of the Mah Parinibbna Sutta, we will notice that the word sarra is
used in a few different ways. The word sarra (Skt arra) has two broad meanings: (1) the body (living
or dead); (2) bodily remains (both bones or relics). The Pali-English Dictionary gives all these senses:
(1) The (physical) body (D 1:157; M 1:157; S 4:286; A 1:50, 2:41, 3:57 f, 323 f, 4:190; Sn 478, 584;
Dh 151; Nm 181; J 1:394 (six blemishes), 2:31, 3:53 (~masa, flesh of the body) ; antima,sarra,
one who wears his last body, an Angmin (Sn 624; S 1:210; Dh 400).
(2) A dead body, a corpse (D 2:141, 164, 295 f; M 1:58, 3:91).
(3) The bones (D 2:164, 296; M 1:58 f
(4) Relics (Vv 63, 32; VvA 269). In later works, the suffix -dhtu is added, ie sarrika,dhtu, to
denote ―relics (of the Buddha)‖ (VvA 165, 269; Mahv 13, 167).
The Thai language has traditionally distinguishes between ―sa.rii.ra.kaai‖ (sarra,kya), the physical body,
and ―sa.rii.ra.thaat‖ (sarra,dhtu) or ―sa.rii.ri.ka.thaat‖ (sarrika,dhtu), the relics, but sa.rii.ra itself
refers to ―the body,‖ never to ―relics.‖ However, in Pali, as is evident from the Mah Parinibbna Sutta
narrative, the word sarra, depending on text (grammar) and context, shifts in meaning between ―body‖
and ―relics.‖
In the accusative plural, sarre, can refer either to the bodily remains [§5.10 f], and obliquely to
―body‖ as in rituals concerning the body or ―funeral rites‖ (sarra,pj) [§5.10], or to ―relics,‖ as in ―Then
a stupa should be built over the relics…‖ [§5.11b]. The accusative singular (sarra), however, refers to
the body (both living and dead), but at 5.11b it specifically means ―dead body‖ or ―remains.‖71
It should be noted firstly that the word dhtu (meaning ―relic‖) does not appear in the Mah Parinib-
bna or anywhere else in the Pali Canon. Secondly, the Mah Parinibbna Sutta states in the briefest way,
apparently by way of afterthought, how the Buddha‘s relics (sarīra) are distributed amongst the kshatri-
yas and the erection of stupas over them. Even the Dīgha Commentary admits that the story of the relics
and the construction of the ten stupas were added by sagīti,kr (council fathers) simply to indicate that
this occurred in India (DA 2:611, 615). The ―council fathers‖ (sagīti,kr) here refer to the council
fathers or elder monks in Sri Lanka, such as those responsible for the writing down of the Pali Canon at
the Alu,vihra in Matul Janapada (ie the Āloka Vihra near Matale, about 23 km (14 mi) north of Kandy,
in the Central Province).72
68
Lit ―body worship,‖ but I have left this term untranslated here in keeping with the discussion involved here.
69
See Trainor 1997:55 n98 where he qu examples: TO Ling 1973:167-167; A Hirakawa (who developed a
complex argument linking the practice of stupa veneration and relic cult with the rise of Mahyna) 1963:37-106;
Ency of Rel (1987) 14:92-96. Schopen however has persuasively argued, from an analysis of some early Mahyna
texts, against Hirakawa. Schopen concludes that the institutional rise of Mahyna was closely linked with the cult
of the book (―The Phrase,‖ 1975:180 f).
70
For a summary of Bareau‘s view, see Trainor 1997:53 f.
71
KR Norman, in his ―Notes on the Ahraur version of Aoka‘s First Minor Rock Edict‖ (1983), qu Böhtlingk
& Roth, Sanskrit Wörterbuch, sv arra, is aware that ―in Sanskrit arra in the singular means ‗body,‘ not ‗relics,‘
which is its meaning in the plural‖ (1983:278 = 1991:252). However, as clear from above [§5.11], it should also be
noted that sarre (acc pl) can tr either as ―relics,‖ or as ―bodily remains (or body),‖ depending on the context. See
also Schopen, ―Monks and the relic cult,‖ 1991c:191 f, for which summary, see Trainor 1997:55 f.
72
On the writing down of the Pali Canon in Sri Lanka, see EW Adikaram, Early History of Buddhism in Ceylon,
1946:79.
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Some stanzas of the relic account at the end of the Mah Parinibbna Sutta [§§6.27-28]73 is also found
in the Buddha,vasa, which has a whole chapter of 13 stanzas74 on the relic distribution. The Buddha,-
vasa goes on to relate in some detail how the relics and other requisites of the Buddha are distributed.
Oliver Abeynayake makesthis observation:
If the story of relics was added to the Mahparinibbna sutta during the time of the Third
Council as the Commentary clearly points out, the Buddhavasa story was added to it very much
later. What is said in the Sumagalavilsinī regarding the stanzas found at the end of the
Mahparinibbna sutta can be easily applied to the stanzas of the last chapter of the Buddha-
vasa. This chapter was obviously a fabrication of Sri Lankan monks who lived after the time of
the Commentary, Madhuratthavilasinī [Buddha.vasa Comy]. This explains why these stanzas
are not commented on in the Madhuratthavilsinī. The story of relics was the most popular
subject amongst the Buddhists as a later stage. This was enlarged and embellished by adding new
information according to the wishes of the leanred monks and according to the needs of the
various countries. In Burma, the last chapter of the Buddhavasa was extended by adding some
more stanzas! They are not found in the Sri Lankan manuscripts. (Abneynayake 1984:194)75
73
D 16.6.27-28/2:164-167; see also D:RD 2:190 n1; Jtkm 37; Epochs of the Conqueror (Jina,kla,mlī tr Jaya-
wickrama) [Jinak] 1968:53. See B:H 98 n1 for other refs.
74
B ch 28, which is not commented on in BA (Madhur‘attha,vilsinī), showing that the chapter was a later addi-
tion. IB Horner makes no note of this fact in her B:H (tr of Buddha,vasa) and BA:H (tr of Buddha,vasa Comy).
75
On ―reverence to relics,‖ see Oliver Abeynayake 1984:192-196.
76
Ironically, in the Pali texts, Mah Kassapa is represented as ―a man of the four quarters,‖ ie one who is con-
tented wherever he is, and is a model of as disciplined and austere wandering forest meditator. The Buddha declared
him to be the foremost of those monks who observed the austere rules (dhtaga,dhara, A 1:23; S 2:155). One of
his Thera,gth says: ―Taking whatever scraps one finds as food, fermented urine as medicine, | The foot of a tree as
lodging, a dust-heap rag as robe— | For whom these suffice, truly he is a man of the four quarters‖ (Tha 1057). He is
also a spiritual patron of the unfortunate and poor (U 30 f). See Ray 1994:146 n52 & Piya Tan, The Buddha and His
Disciples, Singapore, 2004, ch 6 ―The Buddha‘s image and shadow.‖
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SD 9 D 16/2:72-167 Mah Parinibbna Sutta
corpse in cloth afresh. This account is peculiar, for we do not immediately see why Kassapa
makes such efforts to unravel and then re-wrap the corpse.
This process may be understood best when we compare it with what happened after the death
of King Daaratha in the Rmyana. The corpse of the king was kept in a vat of oil [oil-vat?] for
seven days until his heir, Bharata, came. When Bharata arrived, he performed the obsequies for
his father. Waldschmidt interprets that Kassapa performed an analogous procedure for the corpse
of the Buddha (Waldschmidt 1944-48:344 f). As Bharata, the heir, conducts the funeral ceremo-
ny, so Kassapa, as an heir of the Buddha, is made to play the same role in succeeding the Buddha.
All these three versions belong to one and the same school, namely, the Mlasarvstivdin…
which most explicitly states that Kassapa is the successor to the Buddha…(Ray 1994:108).77
(An Yang-Gyu 2002a:162)
Schopen‘s purpose in arguing that the sarra,pja instruction [§5.10] applies only to nanda, not to
all monastics, and that it refers to ―funeral ceremonies‖ is aimed at interpreting this instruction as
allowing monks to participate in stupa worship, a pattern he sees in his archaeological fieldwork of
monastic, stupa and ethnographic remains.78
However, the MPS makes no mention whatsoever of monks worshipping relics. Only the laity is
mentioned as doing all the funerary preparations. The Mallas of Kusinr conduct the funerary rites for
six days [§6.13]. On the seventh day, nanda merely repeats to them what the Buddha has instructed him
[§6.17]. The ensuing dispute over Buddha‘s relics arose between the Mallas and seven other parties. It is
striking that not a single monk is involved in the relics dispute, which is revolved by a brahmin [§§6.24-
26]. The relic recipients each built a stupa in their own countries and held festivities to celebrate the
occasion. The monks, on the other hand, went on to gather for the first Buddhist council at Rjagaha to
recite the Dharma and Vinaya.79 Furthermore, while it is true that nowhere in the MPS is it said that
monastics are prohibited from worshipping stupas, ―it is nevertheless true that the text does not portray
stpa worship as standing at the centre of their religious life‖ (Ray 1994:359). The Fourth Book of the
Milinda,paha clearly states that renunciants are not to be involved in stupa worship:
This is not the work of the Conqueror‘s sons [the monks], that is to say, worship. Rather this is
what the Conqueror‘s sons should do, that is to say, the utter comprehension of karma-forma-
tions, wholesome attention, the contemplation of the four focusses of mindfulness, grasping the
essence of mental objects of meditation, battling against the defilements, devotion to the spiritual
goal. It is by the rest, gods and humans, that worship is to be done. Therefore, maharajah, The
Tathgata thinking, ―Do not engage yourself in what does not concern you [what is not your
work]; engage in these tasks,‖ says, ―Do not worry yourselves about the funeral rites, nanda.‖80
If the Tathgata had not spoken thus, maharajah, the monks would have been obsessed with his
robe and bowl,81 and would have worshipped the Buddha himself.82 (Miln 177-179)
77
According to Przyluski, the tradition of placing Kassapa at the head of the order is late one (1926-28:303).
The early tradition regards Aata Koaa as the seniormost of the order members (ratta, A 1:23) (see Ray
1994:118). Since the Buddha refuses to appoint a successor, the later monastics attempt to appoint an heir after his
passing. See An Yang-Gyu 2002a:162 n5.
78
See eg his article, ―Two problems in the history of Indian Buddhism: The layman/monk distinction and the
doctrines of the transference of merit,‖ 1985:9-47 = 1997:23-55. Unfortunately, he is trying to impose the findings
of his fieldwork on post-Buddha situations upon the scriptural tradition of early Buddhism. Although his analyses
may reflect certain monastic and lay lifestyles amongst the post-Buddha Indian Buddhists, there are no remains or
artifacts from the Buddha‘s times extant today that support his notion of the prevalence of relic and stupa worship
amongst the monastics of those times. In this case, Schopen‘s assertion, interesting as they are, would be like doing
a study of the campus and students of the University of California at Berkeley and claiming that they are also those
of Oxford University in England.
79
See T 402c5 (Mlasarvstivda), T 207c10, T 190c19, all of which go on to describe the council.
80
D 16.5.10.
81
The worship of the Buddha‘s bowl did in fact develop and Faxian (c 400 CE) records as having seen it at
Peshawar (Northwest Frontier Province, Pakistan) (see Miln:RD 1:248 n1).
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Schopen83 discusses this passage at length and charges that ―the Milindapaha here evidently
represents a revisionist tendency within Pli commentarial tradition and reflects the growing view that
worship of the stpa is not something in which the ideal monastic should engage‖ (Ray 1994:351).
Schopen, in his ―The stpa cult and the extant Pali Vinaya‖ (1989:83-100 = 1997:86-98), presents what
he regards as evidence showing that the absence of references to stupa worship in the Vinaya may be a
later development ―the fact that they are no longer found in the Vinaya known to us could, apparently,
only be explained by assuming that either they had inadvertently dropped out of the manuscripts or,
perhaps, were intentionally written out‖ (1989:93). At the end of his paper, Schopen says:
If the interpretation presented here is correct, and if the Pli Vinaya, like all the vinayas, has such
rules, and they were removed at a comparatively recent date. If this interpretation is not correct,
and if the Pli Vinaya did not contain such rules, then it either could not have been the Vinaya
which governed early Buddhist monastic communities in India, or it presents a very incomplete
picture of early and actual monastic behaviour and has, therefore, little historical value as a
witness for what we know actually occurred on a large scale at all of the earlier monastic sites in
India that we have some knowledge of. The whole question clearly deserves further considera-
tion. (Schopen 1989:100 = 1997:94)
This paper is perhaps Schopen‘s most speculative, almost wishful, as most of his arguments are tenuous
(like quoting the Mah Parkrmabhu Kaikvata outside its ancient Lankan context). Understandably,
his paper met with a massive rebuttal from various well known scholars all expressing doubts, especially
on the specific point that rules regarding stupas were consciously and systematically removed from the
extant Pali Vinaya.84 Gombrich, for example, colourfully charges Schopen for ―Making mountains with-
out molehills‖ (1991)!
7d.3 Stupa
Trainor errs in claiming that ―the term thpa appears to be reserved for a monument enshrining corp-
oreal remains [D 2:141 f].‖85 There is no evidence from the Nikyas—certainly not in the Mah Parinib-
bana Sutta—that all stupas contain relics. As clearly evident from the section on the four holy places
[§5.8]—referred to as D 2:141 f by Trainor—the stupas at the first three places commemorate living acts
of the Buddha (his birth, awakening and teaching of the First Discourse); only the last stupa perhaps
would qualify as a caitya (a shrine with relics), technically speaking. In other words, while some stupas
are reliquary cairns, others are commemorative shrines (uddesika cetiya).
The Buddha‘s statement here with regards to the erecting of a stupa ―for the Tathgata‖ or ―of the
Tathgata‖ (Tathgatassa thpo) is instructive:
nanda, just as one treats the remains of a wheel-turning king, even so, one should treat the
remains of the Tathgata. Then a stupa [cairn or burial mound] should be built for the Tathgata
at the crossroads [where four highways meet].86 (D 16.5.11c/2:142)
It is interesting to note here that neither sarra nor sarre is mentioned: ―Then a stupa [cairn or burial
mound] should be built for the Tathgata (Tathgatassa) at the crossroads [where four highways meet].‖
Similarly in the preceding paragraph [§5.11b] in reference to the wheel-turning king, neither sarra nor
82
Mahrja, akamma h‘eta jina,puttna yadida pj, sammasana sakhrna, yoniso manasikro,
satipahnânupassan, rammaa,sra-g,gho, kilesa,yuddha, sadattham anuyuñjan, eta jina,puttna
karaya, avasesna devamanussna pj karay, tasm, mah,rja, tathgato ―m ime akamme yuñjantu,
kamme ime yuñjant‖ti ha―abyva tumhe,nanda, hotha tathgatassa sarra,pjyâ‖ ti. Yad‘eta, mah,rja,
tathgato na bhaeyya, patta,cvaram pi attano pariydpetv bhikkh Buddha,pja y‘eva kareyyun‖ ti.
83
1991b:195 f = 1997:108.
84
See eg Gombrich 1991, Hallisey 1991, and Hinüber 1991. For an interesting discussion on who were those
involved in stupa worship in ancient India, see Ray, Buddhist Saints in India, 1994:339-352.
85
See prev sub-section 7c.
86
Ctum,mah,pathe Tathgatassa thpa karonti.
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SD 9 D 16/2:72-167 Mah Parinibbna Sutta
sarre is mentioned: ―Then a stupa [cairn or burial mound] should be built for the wheel-turning king
(rao cakkavattissa) at the crossroads [where four highways meet].‖ This silence may suggest that the
Buddha is not particularly concerned that the relics should be interred in the stupa. However, this is
perhaps an argument from silence.
Moreover, the notion of enshrinement of relics is after the fact: there is no sanction anywhere in the
Nikyas by the Buddha, allowing for such a practice. At best we can say that relic worship and stupa cults
are a post-Buddha practice popular amongst the Buddhists. As we have noticed earlier, the Buddha only
says that ―a stupa [cairn or burial mound] should be built for the Tathgata at the crossroads [where four
highroads meet].‖87 Except for mention of the claimants of the Buddha‘s relics proposing to build stupas
over relics, such as the ―relic distribution‖ episode at the end of the Mah Parinibbna Sutta [§§6.24-28],
there is clearly no endorsement of relic worship at all in the early Pali Canon.88
While some stupas may contain relics of the Buddha, of the saints, or of revered individuals, this is
not the rule. If relics are such valuable artifacts, it would clearly be unsafe to deposit them in open-air
structures like a stupa.89 In fact, well known relics such as the ―tooth relic,‖ the Sihalese palladium, are
enshrined safely within the walls of the relic chamber (―dagoba‖ from dhtu,garbha) or relic house
(dhtu,ghara).90
Furthermore, as Bareau has shown, the Theravda Vinaya is conspicuous in its lack of rules regarding
the stupa cult. Both Bareau (―La Construction,‖ 1962:229) and Roth (―Symbolism of the Buddhist Stupa,‖
1980:185 f) argue that the absence of any rules concerning stupa worship in the Theravda Vinaya re-
flects monastic opposition to the practice within that school. However, as Trainor notes, ―While this
absence is striking, it hardly provides a sufficient basis for concluding that members of the Theravda
sagha did not participate in relic veneration‖ (1997:56). In fact, Trainor discusses compelling evidence
that relic worship was well established in Sri Lanka by the 2nd century BCE91—and the Vinaya rules
concerning stupa worship were added to non-Theravda schools (such as the Mlasarvstivda) no earlier
than that period.92
87
D 16.5.11c/2:142.
88
For a different opinion, see Schopen 1991c & Trainor 1997:45-54.
89
On relic theft, see K Trainor, ―When Is a Theft Not a Theft? Relic Theft and the Cult of the Buddha‘s Relics
in Sri Lanka.‖ Numen 39,1 (1992):1-26.
90
SnA mentions such a structure: Manussa tassa bhagavato eka y‘eva dhtu,ghara katv cetiya patih-
pesu yojana ubbedha ca parikkhepena ca ([After the parinirvana of Kassapa Buddha,] the people built a relic
house, a yojana high and in circumference, and installed a shrine for Blessed One‖ (SnA 1:194).
91
See Trainor 1997: ch 3.
92
On relic worship in India (after the Buddha), see Trainor 1997:57-65. On the accommodation of stupas into
monasteries, see An Yang-Gyu 2002a:165-170.
93
On faith, 5.8c n in this Sutta.
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ideas94 only prove Bareau correct in showing that after the Buddha, stupa and relic cults were popular
with Indian Buddhists. The Theravda reservation about the stupa cult and relic worship apparently has
been maintained from the Buddha‘s time until today. The deeply entrenched tensions between the monas-
tic and the lay, between the stupa and the monastery, have been observed by various modern scholars.
AW Sadler95 has explored these tensions in the Burmese situation, and observes that ―so clearly
significant [a] dichotomy between two lifestyles (lay and monastic) and the two religious goals (dathana
and [monastic] discipline)‖ (1970:284). On the one hand, there is the Buddhism of the laity, bound up
with darshan (seeing) and the stupa; and, on the other, the Buddhism of the monastic sangha, based on the
Vinaya. Then there is the territorial separation separation of stupa and monastery. The Kyaik Ka Loke
pagoda and monastery is typical: the pagoda complex is stands on high ground, whereas the monastic
complex is built on lower ground (id).96
Despite this apparent tension and separation between stupa and monastery, there are no hard and fast
rules that prevent any monastic from stupa worship or dedication of merit to relatives. Such show of piety
is more commonly seen amongst the urban monastics than amongst the forest traditions. Stupa worship,
as such, is more common in a monastic system that plays a significant role in the society‘s education and
economics. This clearly in the case of Thailand where short-term ordination is common and monasteries
serve as an alternative to national service in the army, and where the less fortunate are absorbed into the
monastic system as monks and provided with a systematic education and economic support. However,
these are all post-Buddha developments.
Any discussion of the stupa and relic cults should be done in the light of the Buddha exhortation on
the supreme worship [§7b], after the supernatural manifestations of the sal trees fruiting and flowering
out of season, heavenly flowers and sandalwood falling, and sounds of heavenly music and singing in
homage of the Buddha:
But, nanda, this is not the way to honour, respect, revere, worship, or esteem the Tathgata.
nanda, whatever monk, nun, layman or laywoman97 practises the Dharma in accordance with
the Dharma, properly practising, living in accordance with Dharma, he honours the Tathgata,
respects him, reveres him, worships him with the supreme worship. Therefore, nanda, consider
thus:
―We will practise the Dharma in accordance with the Dharma, properly practising, dwelling
in accordance with the Dharma!‖—this is how you should train yourself. (D 16.5.3b/2:138)
94
See Schopen 1997, esp ―Monks and the relic cult in the Mahparinibbna-sutta‖ (1991:187-201 = 1997:99-
113). See also prec n.
95
Sadler, ―Pagoda and monastery: Reflection on the social morphology of Burmese Buddhism,‖ 1970. Qu in
Ray 1994:351 f.
96
This arrangement is the standard Theravada monastic layout, ie, the separation of the Buddh‘vsa (the
Buddha‘s quarters, ie sacred ground where the main shrine-hall and stupas are located) and the Sagh‘vsa (the
monastic quarters, ie residential area).
97
Note here that this important exhortation on the ―supreme worship‖ is addressed to all the four companies
(monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen). However, there is evidence of a monastic-lay distinction here in Buddhagho-
sa‘s commentary: see Intro (7b).
98
It comes from the verb dassati = dakkhati, dakkhiti, ―he sees.‖
99
Webster‘s 3rd International Dictionary on 2darshan: ―a blessing held by various Hindus to consist in the
viewing of an eminent person (as a religious leader).‖ See Trainor 1997:177 f & McMahan 1998:10 (digital).
100
5.7 (x2), 5.15 (x5), 5.19, 5.20, 5.24, 5.24, 5.25.
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do just that: they regard this mere gazing on a holy person to bring upon them great blessing, and also to
be in the sight of a holy person is just as blessed.101
The Mah Parinibbna Sutta contains two important passages relating to dassana as ―seeing‖ a holy
person, and where we can tease out a good understanding of the Buddha‘s teaching regarding it. The first
passage is the Upava episode [§5.4 f] where the Buddha abruptly instructs Upava, who is fanning,
to step aside. When asked by nanda, the Buddha replies that numerous devatas have assembled ―for the
sight of the Tathgata‖ [§5.5]. The more worldly devatas lament: ―Too soon will the Eye in the world dis-
appear!‖ The second passage concerns the four holy places, of which the Buddha declares: ―nanda,
there are these four places that should be seen by the faithful son of family so as to rouse samvega [a
sense of urgency]‖ [§5.8a].102
This desire for ―seeing‖ the Buddha103 is a popular subject of Sinhalese Buddhist hagiography. The
Mahvasa, a Sinhalese hagiographical chronicle, and the Samanta,psdik, Buddhaghosa‘s Vinaya
Commentary, mention attempts to legitimize relic worship. In chapter 17 of the Mahvasa, entitled
Dhtu gamano (the Advent of the Relics)104 (Mahv 17.1-4), Mahinda (c282-222 BCE, said to be
Aoka‘s son and brother of the nun Sagha,mitt)105 expresses to the Sinhala king Devnam,piya Tissa his
desire to return to India to bring back some Buddha relics:
Cira,diho hi sambuddho, satth no manujâdhipa
Antha,vsa avasimha, n‘atthi no pjiyam idha.
Long has it been since we last saw the Buddha, our Teacher, O lord of men:
We lived without a refuge, we have nothing worthy of worship here. (Mahv 17.2)
The sentiment of this stanza is elaborated in prose in the Samanta,psdika, which further relates how the
monk Mahinda then brings back relics (the Buddha‘s right collar bone) from India which are then en-
shrined in the Thprma106 (VA 1:82-86).
Since the early Pli tradition is oral—and where ―seeing‖ (dassana) is generally used in a figurative
sense with ―knowing‖ (a)—the Mah Parinibbna Sutta contains many visual passages.107 If we
regard listening as the basic teaching and transmission method of early Buddhism (that is, from the
Buddha‘s time to just before Aoka or 6th-3rd centuries BCE), then later Buddhism, especially the Mah-
yna texts108 is characterized by seeing or vision. Scholars have noted that hearing is associated with time
and sequence (the ear hears sounds arising and passing away in time), while seeing is associated with
space (the eye sees objects in space).109
101
See Pratyupanna-Buddha-Samukha,vasthita-samdhi Stra (tr Harrison, 1990) 14H. Lawrence Babb,
―Glancing: Visual interaction in Hinduism,‖ 1981:396 f, has shown that Hindus not only wish to see their deities,
but also wish to be seen by them.
102
For a useful discussion, see Trainor 1997:174-176.
103
For a discussion on ―seeing‖ and Sriputta, see Trainor 1997:179-181; and of Vakkali, 1991:181-183.
104
It is noteworthy that the term dhtu is unknown in Mah Parinibbna S; instead it speaks of sarīra. See 7d(1)
above.
105
On Mahinda and Sagha,mitt, see Trainor 1997:84-87.
106
―Maharajah, it has been a long time since we last saw the fully self-awakened one. We have been living with
a refuge… Maharajah, it has been a long time since we last saw the fully self-awakened one. We have had no oppor-
tunity for venerating, for rising in salutation to, for saluting with lotus-palms, for show proper homage. As such, we
fell at a loss. (Mah,rja, amhehi cira,diho samm,sambuddho, antha,vsa vasimha…Cira,diho no mah,rja
samm,sambuddho, abhivdana.paccuhna.ajali,kamma.samci,kamma.karaa-,hna n‘atthi, ten‘amha
ukkahitâ ti, VA 1:83).
107
3.2; 4; 4.25, 4.28, 4.37; 5.5, 5.9, 5.12, 5.16; 6.19, 6.24.
108
The Mahyna movement is believed to have arisen in India around the 2nd-1st cent BCE, ie just after
Aoka‘s time, but the seeds are present even before that, as evident in our Mah Parinibbna S.
109
David Chidchester, Word and Light: Seeing, hearing and religious discourse. Urbana & Chicago: University
of Illinois Press, 1992:9. Qu by McMahan 1998:8 (digital) (qv).
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Since words are always disappearing as soon as they are pronounced, Walter Ong110 suggests that
orality is essentially dialogical and that, in oral cultures, thought must be ―shaped into mnemetic [mnem-
ic or memory-assisting] patterns ordered for oral recurrence‖ and consists of rhythmic and repetitive
patterns and formulary expressions‖ (1982:34). This is in fact how the early Pli suttas are patterned and
propagated.
Mahyna sutras, on the other hand, generally emphasize the visual, often using visually-oriented
language and metaphor. Mahyna texts, like the Sukhvat Stras, reflect what are to be seen rather than
heard.
The emergence of visionary literature is not confined to Mahyna Buddhism but is a pan-Indic
phenomenon beginning around the first or second century BCE—the same time as the emergence
of writing. Parts of the Bhagavadgita and the Pure Land texts are the most ready example of such
visually oriented literature emerging around this period. It is also noteworthy that visualization
practices became more elaborate and important in both Buddhism and Hinduism at this time.
(McMahan 1998:10 digital)111
ii. The Eye in the world. In 5.6a of the sutta below, the Buddha is described as ―the Eye in the
world,‖ cakkhu loke, or freely translated, ―the Eye of the world.‖ The translation ―the Eye in the
world‖112 reflects that the Buddha appears in the world but is not of the world (spiritual, not worldly), ie
one who sees amongst the blind of the world (MA 3:432 = SnA 2:463). The Buddha is also often
described as ―the one with the eyes‖ (cakkhum), or as possessing ―the five eyes‖ [§5.6a n]. A broader
epithet here is cakkhum (the one with the eyes, seeing one).113
The Commentary on Vv 12.5 says: ―The Buddha, Blessed One, is the one with the eyes because of
the five eyes‖ (pacahi cakkhhi cakkhum Buddho Bhagav, VvA 60). The five eyes are given in the
Niddesa as follows:
(1) The physical eye (masa,cakkhu),
(2) The divine eye (dibba,cakkhu) = yath,kamm‘paga,a or cutpapta,a, the knowledge of
how beings fare in life and death according to their karma;
(3) The wisdom eye (pa,cakkhu), ie the understanding of the 4 noble truths;
(4) The Buddha eye (Buddha,cakkhu), ie the Buddha‘s skill in understanding personality and disposit-
ions especially in giving suitable and effective teachings;
(5) The universal eye (samanta,cakkhu), omniscience, the full knowledge of reality.114 (Nc 235)
110
Walter J Ong, Orality and Literacy: The technologizing of the word. NY: Methuen, 1982; but see McMahan
1998 n30.
111
See also Paul Harrison, ―Commemoration and identification in Buddhnusmti,‖1992 & ―Buddhnusmti in
the Pratyutpanna-buddha-samukhvasthit-samdhi-stra,‖ 1978.
112
―The Eye in the world,‖ cakkhu loke. See PED: cakkhu for citations. See Ency Bsm: cakkhu (Upali Karu-
naratna). Readings: (1) Jan Gonda, The Vision of the Vedic Poets. The Hague: Mouton, 1963 (esp 22); (2) Alex
Wayman, ―The Buddhist theory of vision‖ in Ajal: A felicitation volume presented to Oliver Hector de Alwis Wije-
sekera, Peradeniya: University of Ceylon, 1970:27-32, repr Buddhist Insight: Essays by Alex Wayman, ed George R
Elder, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1984:153-161 [classification of eyes in the Mahyna]; (3) K Trainor, Relics,
Ritual, and Representation in Buddhism, 1997:175-179.
113
V 1:16; D 1:76, 85, 100; S 1:27; S 1:121, 134, 159, 210; A 1:116, 124, 4:106; Dh 273; Sn 31, 160, 992, 1028,
1116, 1128; It 108, 115; Vv 12.5, 81.27.
114
On the Buddha‘s omniscience, see Kaṇṇaka-t,thala S (M 90/2:125-133) = SD 10.8 Intro (2) & Sandaka S
(M 76) = SD 35.7.
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usually results in disillusionment with worldly life, often leading to renunciation, whereas in the case of a
monastic, it urges him to exert more energy in spiritual practice until the goal is attained. ―A feeling of
urgency,‖ savega, ie an overpowering experience of awe or a religious experience that induces one to
ask the deep questions of life and seek their answers. In view of such benefits, the Somanassa Sutta (It
2.1.10) declares:
This was said by the Blessed One: I have heard it spoken by the Arhat [worthy one].115
―Bhikshus, possessed of two things, [30] even here and now a monk lives with great mental
ease, wise in rousing effort,116 for the destruction of the mental influxes.117
What are the two things?
By feeling samvega [spiritual urgency] in those things that evoke samvega, and by rightly
rousing effort in feeling samvega.118
Bhikshus, possessed of two things, even here and now a monk lives with great mental ease,
wise in rousing effort, for the destruction of the mental influxes.‖
This is the meaning of what the Blessed One said. The meaning here is spoken thus:119
In what evokes samvega, the wise feel samvega,
The exertive, masterful monk should consider120 it wisely.
Thus he dwells exerting himself, habitually at peace, not restless.
Yoked to mental calm, he would attain to suffering‘s destruction.
This meaning too was spoken by the Blessed One. Thus I have heard.
(It 2.1.10/29 f = SD 16.14)
The Mahā Parinibbāna Sutta (D 16) and the Savega Sutta (A 4.118) list the four things or places
(hna) that arouse feelings of urgency (savejanya-,hānā) as:
(1) the place of the Nativity (Lumbini Park, modern Rummindei);
(2) the place of the Great Awakening (Uruvelā on the Nerajarā river, modern Ureli on the Lilanja
river);
(3) the place of the First Discourse (the Deer Park at Isipatana, modern Sahet-Mahet); and
(4) the place of the Mahā Parinirvana (Kusināra, modern Kashgar) (D 16.5.8/2:140; A 4.118/2:120 f).
Buddhaghosa gives the eight occasions invoking urgency (aha savega,vatthu), as follows: birth (jāti),
decay (jarā), illness (vyādhi), death (maraa), suffering of loss (apāya,dukkha), suffering of the past
rooted in the round of rebirth (atte vaa,mlaka dukkha), suffering of the future rooted in the round of
rebirth (anāgate vaa,mlaka dukkha), and suffering of the present rooted in the search for food (paccup-
panne āhāra,pariyehi,mlaka dukkha) (Vism 4.63/135).
The Buddhist Dictionary defines savega as ―‗the sources of emotions‘ or, of a sense of urgency‖ of
which there are eight: ―birth; old age; death; the suffering in the lower states of existence; the misery of
the past rooted in the cycle of rebirth; the misery of the future rooted in the cycle of rebirth; and the
misery of the present rooted in the search for food.‖121 As such, samvega would be122 the kind of experi-
ence that the Bodhisattva Siddhattha had when he saw the four sights.123
115
This is spoken by the laywoman Khujj‘uttar in connection with teachings she heard from the Buddha at
Kosambī. Smvatī, chief queen of Udena, had instructed her to listen to the Buddha‘s teaching and repeat them
before her (Smvatī) and her 500 women attendants at the palace. (ItA 24 ff). Also tr as SD 16.14 with Introd.
116
Yoniso raddho. Later, yoniso padhnena (see below in sutta).
117
―Mental influxes,‖ sava. See below §10d n.
118
Savejanīyesu hnesu savejanena savegassa ca yoniso padhnena.
119
Savejanīyesu hnesu, savijjetheva paito | tpī nipako bhikkhu, paññya samavekkhiya || Eva vihrī
tppī, santa,vutti anuddhato | ceto,samatham anuyutto, khaya dukkhassa ppue ti ||
120
Samavekkhiya, fr samavekkhati, ―he considers‖ = sam (prefix denoting focus) + ava (down) + K, to see;
also apekkhati, he looks down up, ie, looks on (with equanimity). Samavekkhati here connotes both a constant
mindfulness of the 3 characteristics (impermanence, unsatisfactoriness and not-self) and the practice of meditation.
121
Vism 4.63 = KhA 235; D 3:124; S 1:197; A 1:43; It 30; J 1:138; Nm 406.
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In the well known Buddha legend, when the Bodhisattva as a young prince saw the four sights, he
was overcome by a powerful spiritual experience termed savega.124 A possible English rendition of the
term would be ―fear and awe‖ although this expression is more applicable to a theistic belief-system than
to a non-theistic one like Buddhism. The closest, albeit awkward, translation is perhaps ―sense of urgen-
cy‖ or spiritual urgency. Torkel Brekke, in his book, Religious Motivation and the Origins of Buddhism,
explains that
what makes this realization [the inherent suffering of life] so powerful in the case of the prince is
the dissonance between his original cognition of his own life and this new knowledge that he
himself must grow old, suffer and die...
This cognitive dissonance gives the prince a strong feeling of discomfort, which motivates
him to equalize the discrepancy. Obviously the facts of life cannot be changed, and the only
solution is to bring his own life into some sort of harmony with these facts. (Brekke, 2002:63)
The spiritual urgency experienced by the young Siddhattha was by no means unique. Many others in
his time have left their homes in search of a higher liberating truth. These were the recluses or ramaā
(Pali samaā) who, at the same time, found no affinity with the established priestly religion of the brāh-
maā or brahmins.
The Canon provides a number of examples of samvega. The Ca Tahā,sakhaya Sutta (M 37)
records how Moggallāna roused a sense of urgency (for spiritual development) in Sakra, Vessavaa and
the gods of the 33 by making the celestial Vejayanta Palace quake and tremble through his psychic
powers (M 37.11/1:254 f). The Brahma,deva Sutta (S 6.3) relates how Brahm Sahampati arouses
samvega in Brahma,deva‘s mother, by appearing before her and instructing her the proper way of making
religious offerings. The Vana Sayutta (ch 9 of the Sayutta Nikaya) consists of 14 suttas all dealing
with the rousing of the sense of urgency for spiritual development (S 9/1:197-205). In the Mahā Hatthi,-
padpama Sutta (M 28), Sāriputta speaks of samvega in this manner:
Friends, when that monk thus recollects the Buddha, thus recollects the Dharma, thus re-
collects the Sangha, if equanimity supported by the wholesome is not established in him, then he
rouses a feeling of urgency thus:
‗It is a loss for me, it is no gain for me, it is bad for me, it is not good for me, that when I thus
recollect the Buddha, thus recollect the Dharma, thus recollect the Sangha,125 equanimity support-
ed by the wholesome126 is not established in me.‘127
Friends, just as when a daughter-in-law sees a father-in-law, she rouses a sense of urgency (to
please him), even so, when that monk thus recollects the Buddha, thus recollects the Dharma,
thus recollects the Sangha, if equanimity supported by the wholesome is not established in him,
then he rouses a feeling of urgency.
122
On the 4 sights, see Deva,dta S (M 130/3:178-187) = SD 2.23 (2003), and Ariya,pariyesan S (M 26.14/
1:163) = SD 1.11 (2003).
123
See Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:2.3.
124
Like the growing number of Buddhist terms that are being anglicized (Buddha, Dharma, Sangha, nirvana,
karma, sramana, samsara, etc), it is practical to use ―samvega‖ as the English borrowing from the Pali/Sanskrit.
125
For the stock passages on these three recollections, see Mahā Parinibbāna S (D 16.2.9/2:93) & Dhaj‘agga
S (S 11.3/1:219 f).
126
―Equanimity supported by the wholesome‖ (upekkhā kusala,nissitā) is the equanimity of insight, the sixfold
equanimity of neither attraction nor aversion towards agreeable and disagreeable objects that appear at the six sense-
doors (MA 2:227). ―Strictly speaking, the sixfold equanimity pertains only to the arahant, but is here ascribed to the
monk in training because his insight approximates to the perfect equanimity of the arahant‖ (M:B 1222 n337).
127
Comy: The recollection of the Buddha is undertaken here by recalling that the Blessed One spoke this
simile of the saw, and the recollection of the Dharma by recalling the advice given in the simile of the saw, and
the recollection of the Sangha by the virtues of the monks who can endure such abuse without giving rise to a mind
of hate. (MA 2:227)
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But, friends, if when he thus recollects the Buddha, thus recollects the Dharma, thus re-
collects the Sangha, equanimity supported by the wholesome is established in him, then he joy-
fully approves of it. At that point, friends, much has been done by the monk. (M 28.10/1:186 f)
We see here samvega expressed as a self-acknowledgement of spiritual lack and to work towards spiritual
development.
AK Coomaraswamy‘s brief but instructive article on savega,128 is probably the first on the subject.
He says that there are two aspects or phases of savega: (1) the emotional ―shock‖ that we have just
noted, often through realizing the transient nature of things, and (2) a subsequent experience of peace
transcending such emotions as fear or love, an experience related to the apprehension of truth. He defines
savega as follows:
a state of shock, agitation, fear, awe, wonder, or delight induced by some physically or mentally
poignant experience. .... The shock is a consequence of the aesthetic surfaces of phenomena that
may be liked or disliked as such. The complete experience transcends this condition of ‗irritabil-
ity‘. ...[M]ore than a merely physical shock is involved; the blow has a meaning for us, and the
realization of that meaning, in which nothing of the physical sensation survives, is still a part of
the shock. These two phases of the shock are, indeed, normally felt together as parts of an instant
experience; but they can be logically distinguished... In the first phase, there is really a disturb-
ance, in the second there is the experience of a peace that cannot be described as an emotion in
the sense that fear and love or hate are emotions. (Coomaraswamy in Lipsey I 1977:182-184)
As an example of samvega, Coomaraswamy cites the story of the elder Vakkali who, on first meet-
ing the Buddha, is captivated by the Buddha‘s physical ―beauty,‖ joins the order and spend his days gaz-
ing at the Buddha‘s person. The Buddha, however, helps Vakkali overcome the ―idolatrous experience‖
so that he does not become ―attached‖ to the visual image—thus Vakkali makes the transition from shock
to delight, and from delight to understanding.129
hnissaro Bhikkhu, in his otherwise inspiring paper on savega,130 unfortunately gives it rather
narrow definition as ―the oppressive sense of shock, dismay, and alienation.‖ This definition would be
part of the first connotation—that of ―emotional shock—in Coomaraswamy‘s definition. hnissaro,
however, insightfully points out that the young Siddhattha experiences ―samvega‖ (he proposes we adopt
this into the English vocabulary) when, according to popular Buddhist legend, Siddhattha sees the first
three sights (an old man, a sick man, a dead man),131 but on seeing the fourth sight (the recluse), experien-
ces pasada [7h here], ―clarity and serene confidence‖ (hnissaro) or ―calm and clear heart of faith‖ (Piya
Tan)—this is what ―keeps samvega from turning into despair‖ (hnissaro 1998:3).132
In noting the usage of savega in the Mah Paribbna Sutta in connection with the four holy places,
Coomaraswamy explains that such an experience suggests ―the shock of conviction that only an intellect-
ual art can deliver, the body-blow that is delivered by any perfect and therefore convincing statement of
truth‖ (1942-43:179). In other words, notes Trainor,
128
―Savega, ‗Aesthetic shock,‘‖ Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 7 1942-43:174-179. On Nathan Katz‘s
short discussion, see 1979:59-61.
129
See Roger Lipsey, ed. Coomaraswamy. Selected Papers: Traditional Art and Symbolism. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press (Bollingen Series 89), 1977:181.
130
hnissaro Bhikkhu, ―Affirming the truths of the heart: The Buddhist teachings on samvega and pasada‖
[1997]. High View, WV: Bhavana Society, 1998.
131
See Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:2.3.
132
On the advantages of the life of renunciation, hnissaro writes: ―For people whose sense of samvega is so
strong that they want to abandon any social ties that prevent them from following the path to the end of suffering,
Buddhism offers both a long-proven body of wisdom for them to draw from, as well as a safety net: the monastic
sangha, an institution that enables them to leave lay society without having to waste time worrying about basic
survival. For those who can‘t leave their social ties, Buddhist teaching offers a way to live in the world without
being overcome by the world, following a life of generosity, virtue, and meditation to strengthen the noble qualities
of the mind that will lead to the end of suffering.‖ (1998:4).
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they draw attention to the visual and emotional aspect of the experience of savega, and they link
it with the apprehension of truth, thus tying together the experience of seeing and knowing.
(Trainor 1997:176)
Trainor (1997:176) goes on to show this close connection between ―seeing‖ and ―knowing‖ in the
Buddhist tradition, as in such canonical terms (quoted by Coomaraswamy) like
ehi,passika, ―come and see‖ for oneself (D 2:93 = M 1:37; S 4:339; A 1:158; B 25.50);
a,dassana, ―knowledge and vision, knowing and seeing‖ that is used to describe the
experience of fulling understanding the ―nature of things as they really are‖ (yath,bhta) (V
4:26, 195; S 5:423; A 3:19, 200; 4:99, 336, 5:2 f, 311 f; Pm 1:33, 43 f, 2:244; full discussion at
DA 1:220).
For further discussion on samvega, see Somanassa Sutta (It 2.1.10) in SD 16.14.
Faxian Record of the Buddhist Kingdoms 佛國記 (India at the beginning of the 5th cent).
Xuanzang Record of the Western Regions 大唐西域記 (Central Asia and India in the mid-7th cent).
Yijing Record of the Buddhist Kingdoms in the Southern Archipelago 南海寄歸內法傳 (SE
Asia and India in the late 7th century).
In 629, during the Dang dynasty, the young and charismatic monk, Xuanzang 玄奘 (ca 596-664),135 the
most famous and successful of the Chinese pilgrims, secretly left China for India. His purpose was ―to
gaze on the sacred traces [relics], and earnestly to seek the law,‖136 that is, to bring back Sutras to China
133
Dao‘an 道安 composed his catalogue in 374, Seng‘you 僧祐 in 515 and Zhisheng 智昇 in 730.
134
Makita Tairyou 牧田諦亮. Gikyou kenkyuu 疑經研究 (Studies on Apocryphal Sutras). Kyoto: Jimbun
kagaku kenkyuusho, 1976:99. Quoted by Charles Muller, ―East Asian Apocryphal Scriptures: Their origins and role
in the development of Sinitic Buddhism,‖ http://www.tyg.jp/tgu/school_guidance/bulletin/k6.acmuller/acmuller.htm
2004:1.
135
On Xuanzang and other Chinese pilgrims, see Piya Tan, ―Buddhism in China‖ 14-19 in History of Buddh-
ism, Singapore, rev ed 2004. See also Sally Hovey Wriggins, Xuanzang: A Buddhist Pilgrim on the Silk Road,
Boulder, CO: WestView Press, 1996.
136
Shaman Hwui Li [Huili], The Life of Hiuen-Tsiang [Datang Dacu‘ensi Sanzang Fashi Juan, T50.2053], tr
Samuel Beal. London: Kegan, Paul, 1911:44. Hui Li (completed by Yan Cong). Abr Eng tr Li Yongxi, The Life of
Hsuan tsang: The Tripitaka-Master of the Great Tzu En Monastery, Peking: Chinese Buddhist Association, 1959.
This contemporary biography of Xuanzang covers his childhood, studies, travel to India and events until his death.
The last four fascicles were completed by Yan Cong (and others) after Hui Li‘s death. A few sections are omitted in
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so that the truth teaching would prevail. His 16 years of travels (629-645) are recorded in the Xiyuji137
and immortalized in Chinese mythology as the Xiyouji.138
The veneration of the ―traces‖ of the Buddha and his disciples was (and is) for the most part a very
unstructured activity.
It consisted largely of various levels of prostration and as series of conventionalized gifts: flowers,
incense, colored powders, perfumes and unguents, banners and bits of cloth, parasols, and
occasionally, although rarely, cooked meatless food. Little has been recorded in the way of verbal
formulae; offerings might be accompanied by a vow declaring the desired application of merit
originating from the gift. More elaborate acts, also optional, might include decorating a site or
monuments with lamps, hiring musicians to play on the premises, sweeping the environs of a
shrine. Both Hsüan Tsang [Xuanzang] and in the Pali Mahāvasa describe royal rituals in which
relics were placed for a brief time over a king‘s head; the Chinese pilgrim also saw them placed
upon a throne. The majority of these actions represent conventionalized gestures of honor and
submission; they have been identified as such both within the Buddhist tradition itself and within
the greater Indian [south and south-east Asian] culture from which Buddhism freely adopted them.
(Nancy Falk, ―To gaze on the sacred traces,‖ 1977:287 f)
Despite the idiosyncrasies of the pilgrims at these ancient sacred sites, there is one behaviour
common to all of them, that is, the rightwise circumambulation (pradakia, P padakkhia)139 around
the sacred person, object, or place. This transformative aspect of the Buddhist pilgrimage has been
specially studied by Paul Mus in his Barabuur.140 Nancy Falk notes that ―[s]imilarly, although again this
could be accidental, the original Buddist tour of the ‗Four Great Miracle‘ sites would have proceeded in a
rightwise direction‖ (1977:289) and in her footnote, she says ―From the site of the Buddha‘s birth, Lum-
bin, in northern Bihar; southeast to Bodh Gayā, the place of enlightenment; northwest to Kusināgara,
place of the parinirvāa‖ (op cit n26).
The four holy places have been mentioned earlier [7c]. We shall now look at them again with regards
to Buddhist pilgrimage. In this connection, the Buddha speaks of the benefits of pilgrimage to the four
holy places [§5.8ab]: a faithful ―son of family‖ (kula,putta), faithful ―monks and nuns, laymen and lay-
women‖ should reflect in the following manner:
this otherwise fine tr Li‘s reconstruction of Sanskrit names, however, are not always accurate. First half also tr in
Samuel Beal, The Life of Hiuen-Tsiang. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1973 (repr of 1911 Kegan Paul ed.)
137
The Tang emperor Taizong [T‘ai Tsung] (r 626-649), impressed by Xuanzang‘s knowledge and character,
urged him to leave the monkhood and accept a ministerial post. Xuanzang refused and was keen to translate the
sutras he had brought back. The emperor, eager to learn from Xuanzang, constantly interrupted him to ask him about
the western countries. Xuanzang might have written the Record of the Western Regions (大唐西域記 Datang Xi-
youji) (containing descriptions of over 130 countries) and presented it to the emperor to prevent further interrupt-
ions! This work has been tr as Si-yu-ki [Xiyuji]: Buddhist Records of the Western World, London: Kegan, Paul, Trench,
Trübner & Co, 1884; pt 1 is Faxian‘s travel records, Foguoji 佛國記.
138
Partially tr by Arthur Waley as Monkey: Folk Novel of China., NY: Evergreen, 1958: delightful reading. As
a companion to this, Waley wrote The Real Tripitaka, NY: Macmillan, 1952, an enjoyable account of Xuanzang‘s
life, with much information not available elsewhere in English. Anthony Yu, The Journey to the West, Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1977-83, 4 vols: an unabr tr, not as exciting as Waley‘s version, but is more literally
faithful to the original, giving a broader account of Chinese views and attitudes.
139
Padakkhia = pa (directional prefix) + dakkhia (right), ie, keeping one‘s right to the sacred person or object;
alt trs ―clockwise, sunwise.‖
140
Paul Mus, Barabuur: Sketch of a History of Buddhism based on Archaeological Criticism of the Texts.
[French, Barabuur, 2 vols, Hanoi, 1935, repr 1 vol, 1978] Eng tr Alexander W Macdonald, 1998, xxvii, 354pp, 14
plates, col illus, index hb. ―Mus‘s Barabudur is primarily a study of the stpa form and symbolism, with emphasis
on the monument‘s continuity with the brahmanic fire altar. He viewed the monument itself, together with the altar,
as an attempt to break through the barriers of time and space. In this sense, its symbolism complements and is
complemented by that of the ritual pradakiā that was such a constant feature of its cult. It was in this context that
Mus raised the question of the pradakiā symbolism and its historical antecedents (see esp pp 135-39).‖ (Falk
1977:288 n21)
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141
―With a calm and bright heart of faith,‖ pasanna,citta, alt tr ―with a clear mind of faith.‖ On faith (saddh),
see 7h below.
142
On the ―stream of the Dharma,‖see Miga,sl S (A 6.44/3:347-351, 10.75/5:137-144).
143
Aya vuccati Mahnma ariya,svako visama,gatya pajya samappatto viharati, sa,vypajjhya pajya
avypajjho viharati, dhamma,sota sampanno buddhnussati bhveti.
144
Uju,gata,citto kho pana Mahnma ariya,svako labhati attha,veda, labhati dhamma,veda, labhati
dhammpasahita pmujja, pamuditassa pti jyati, pt,manassa kyo passambhati, passaddha,kyo sukha
vediyati, sukhino citta samdhiyati.
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The Sa,updisesa Sutta (A 9.12), dealing with the three trainings (sikkh), speaks of streamwinners
who are all ―accomplished in moral virtue, but is moderately accomplished in concentration, moderately
accomplished in wisdom,‖145 that is, their meditative attainment are at best ―moderate‖ (mattaso kr),
which the Commentary glosses as ―limited, not accomplished‖ (pama,kr na paripra,k, AA
4:174). This probably means that they are unable to attain full concentration, that is, they are not dhyana-
attainers (jhy, jhna,lbh).
It is also possible that the phrase ―moderately accomplished in concentration‖ (samdhismi mattaso
kr) refers the dhyana ―with mental influxes, partaking of merit, ripening in birth-basis [accumulating the
aggregates]‖ (s‘sav pua,bhgiy upadhi,vepakk) (M 117.7, 13 etc). In any case, it is clear that one
does not need to attain dhyana to become a streamwinner. As such, it is not really difficult to gain
awakening.146 This generous albeit somewhat enigmatic remark made by the Buddha at the conclusion of
the sutta confirms such a facility for awakening:
Not until now, Sriputta, has this Dharma discourse been declared to the monks, the nuns, the
laymen or the laywomen. What is the reason for this? Lest after listening to this Dharma dis-
course they become heedless! However, Sriputta, through my being questioned, I have spoken
this Dharma discourse. (A 9.12.10/4:381 f)
(7h) Pasanna,citta
The joyful state that permeates the faithful devotee and Buddhist saint (more so in the latter) is that of
―a calm and bright heart of faith,‖ pasanna,citta [§5.8c], alternately translatable as ―a clear mind of faith.‖
There are two kinds of ―faith,‖ saddh:
(1) ―rootless faith‖ (amlika,saddh), baseless, irrational or a priori (before the fact) faith, blind faith.
(M 2:170);
(2) ―faith with a good cause‖ (kravati,saddh), a posteriori (after the fact) faith, faith founded on
seeing (M 1:320,8 401,23); also called avecca-p,pasda (S 12.41.11/2:69).
―Wise faith‖ is synonymous with (2). Amlaka = ―not seen, not heard, not suspected.‖147 Gethin speaks
of two kinds of faith: the cognitive and the affective:
Faith in its cognitive dimension is seen as concerning belief in propositions or statements of
which one does not—or perhaps cannot—have knowledge proper (however that should be defin-
ed); cognitive faith is a mode of knowing in a different category from that knowledge. Faith is its
affective dimension is a more straightforward positive response to trust or confidence towards
something or somebody…the conception of saddh in Buddhist writings appears almost, if not
entirely affective, the cognitive element is completely secondary.
(Gethin 2001:207; my emphases)
Faith (saddh), in the positive sense, according to the Milinda,pañha and the Dhamma,sagī
Commentary, has the characteristic of appreciation (sampasdana,lakkhaa) and of endeavour (sampak-
khandana,lakkhaa).148 Of these two characteristics of faith (pasda), N Dutt notes that149
(1) it is faith that generates zest or joyful interest (pīti);
(2) it is self-confidence that generates effort (viriya).
The former (faith as appreciation) refers to the affective (or feeling) aspect of faith, corresponding to
pasda, which has an interesting range of meanings: clarity, brightness, joy, appreciation, faith, seren-
145
Slesu paripra,kr hoti, samdhismi mattaso kr, paya mattaso kr. The same is said of monastics
in (Mattaso,kr) Sikkh S (A 3.85/1:231 f). In fact, the teachings of (Mattaso,kar) Sikkh S (for monks) is
elaborated in Sa,updisesa S (A 9.12) for the benefit of the laity. See Bodhi‘s remarks on this, 2001:56 f.
146
See Piya Tan, ―The layman and dhyana,‖ SD 8.5 (2005).
147
V 2:243 3:163 & Comy.
148
Miln 34 & DhsA 304.
149
N Dutt, ―Place of faith in Buddhism‖ in Indian Historical Quarterly 16, 1940:639. See also ERE: Faith &
Jayatilleke, Early Buddhist Theory of Knowledge, 1963:387.
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ity.150 The latter (faith as endeavour) refers to the conative (or willful) aspect of faith, that is, faith moves
one to action (such as charity, moral virtue, learning the scripture, meditating, etc).
As Jayatilleke rightly notes, here Dutt (reflecting the commentarial explanation) is speaking of two
aspects of saddh, ―and not of two different uses of the word altogether.‖151 When Dutt says that the pīti-
generating faith is an antidote to vicikicch (spiritual doubt) and moha (delusion), Jayatilleke criticizes
him for ―confusing the affective with the cognitive aspect of faith as ‗belief‘.‖ (id).
However, pace Jayatilleke, it should be said that at any time, one characteristic of faith may dominate.
In fact, Jayatilleke mentions a third aspect of faith, besides the affective and the conative, that is, the
cognitive,of which he notes:
The Nettippakaraa draws attention to the cognitive aspect of saddh, when it says inter alia that
―faith has the characteristic of trust and the proximate state of belief (inclination)‖ (okappana,-
lakkha saddh adhimutti,paccupahn, Nett 28).
In fact, we could well see the two aspects of saddh (faith) here as the affective (―trust‖) and the conative
(―inclination‖) rather than the cognitive. Furthermore, we can safely say, based on the commentarial
explanation (the Milinda,pañha and Dhamma,sagī Commentary) above, that the early Buddhists
simply noted two kinds of faith: the rooted (wise faith) and the unrooted (blind faith). This has to do with
wisdom (paññ): the former is rooted in wisdom (that is, direct experience of reality) and the latter merely
on the basis of external authority (for example, another‘s word or scripture). Simply put, when faith—
whether affective, conative or cognitive—lack wisdom (the direct experience of reality), it is said to be
―rootless‖ (amlaka); if it is rooted in wisdom, then it is wise faith (avecca-p,pasda). This is, I think, as
far as we can go when we try to apply modern categories (affective, conative and cognitive) to early Bud-
dhism (which, strictly speaking, does not have those categories).152
Let us return to our definition of ―faith.‖ The word pasanna is the past participle of pasdati, and the
noun is pasda. The Pali-English Dictionary defines these words as follows (as they are important words,
the definitions are given here in full):
Pasdati [pa + sad] 1. to become brighten, to brighten up PvA 132 mukha,vao ~. — 2. to
be purified, reconciled or pleased; to be clear & calm, to become of peaceful heart (mano or
citta ~); to find one‘s satisfaction in (loc), to have faith D 2:202; S 1:98, 2:199 sutv dhamma
~; A 3:248; Sn 356, 434, 563; Nc 426 = saddahati, adhimuccati okappeti; Vv 50.13 mano pasdi,
aor; Vism 129; Miln 9; DhA 3:3 = he is gracious, ie good; VvA 6 (better vl passitv); PvA 141.
—pp pasanna (qv). See also pasdeti & vippasdati.
Pasanna (adj) [pp of pasdati] 1. clear, bright Sn 5:50 ~netta; KhA 64 & 65 ~tila,tela,vaa,
where Vism 262 reads vippasanna~; Vism 409 (id). — 2. happy, gladdened, reconciled, pleased J
1:151, 307; Vism 129 muddha~. — 3. pleased in one‘s conscience, reconciled, believing, trusting
in (loc), pious, good, virtuous A 3:35 Satthari, dhamme saghe; S 1:34 Buddhe, 5:374; Vv 5.9;
Sn 698; Dh 368 Buddha,ssane; J 2:111; DhA 1:60 Satthari. Often combined with saddha (hav-
ing faith) V 2:190; PvA 20, 42 (a~), and in cpd. ~citta devotion in one‘s heart V 1:16; A 4:209;
Sn 316, 403, 690; Pv 2.1.6; SnA 460; PvA 129; or ~mnasa Sn 402; VvA 39; PvA 67; cp pasan-
nena manas S 1:206; Dh 2. See also abhippasanna & vippasanna.
Pasda [fr pa + sad, cp Vedic prasda] 1. clearness, brightness, purity; referring to the
colours (―visibility‖) of the eye (J 1:319 akkhni mai,gua,sadisni payamna paca-p,pas-
dni ahesu); SnA 453 (pasanna,netto, ie paca,vaa-p,pasda,sampattiy). — 2. joy, satisfac-
tion, happy or good mind, virtue, faith (M 1:64 Satthari; S 1:202; A 1:98, 222 Buddhe etc, 2:84,
150
Jayatilleke agrees on this, 1963:387. For further discussion on pasda, see Sampasdanīya S (M 28/3:99-
116 = SD 10.12).
151
Jayatilleke 1963:387.
152
It is interesting to note here how one would categorise the ―academic faith‖ of those who take Buddhism
merely as a professional field of interest and livelihood, for example. Academic standards clearly do not allow blind
faith, and yet academic faith cannot be said to be ―rooted,‖ in the sense that that ―wise faith‖ has spiritual liberation
as its goal.
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3:270 puggala~, 4:346; SnA 155; PvA 5, 35. — 3. repose, composure, allayment, serenity (Nett
28, 50; Vism 107, 135; ThaA 258).153
Both the verb pasdati and its adjective (in the past participle) pasanna refer to the action (to show
faith; faithful) and the result of faith (inspired with faith; faithful). Understandably these shades of mean-
ings overlap in part. Such a state of mind is induced and maintained by acts of lovingkindness (mett
bhvan). This is the mental state that should suffuse one especially when one goes on a pilgrimage [7g].
And yet with such a mind, one is already there in a pilgrim‘s state of mind.
After the Buddha has instructed on how ―the faithful son of family‖ [§5.8a] and ―the faithful monks
and nuns, laymen and laywomen, too‖ [§5.8b] should arouse samvega in themselves while at the holy
places, he goes on to declare the benefit of such a pilgrimage:
Anyone who dies with a calm and bright heart of faith (pasanna,citta) while making a
pilgrimage of these shrines,154 at the breaking up of the body after death, is reborn in a happy
state, a heavenly world. (D 16.5.8c/2:141)
It is important to examine both the letter and the spirit of this statement. While it might be spiritually
good to die while on pilgrimage, this is not so stated here. ―A calm and bright heart of faith‖ is a mind
that is at least temporarily free from defilements, which would as such be basis for a good rebirth (that is,
if this were one‘s last thought before dying). A similar remark is made at the end of the Mah Rhul‘-
ovda Sutta Rhula, in connection with breath meditation:
…when the mindfulness of in-and-out-breathing is cultivated and often developed in this manner,
even the last breath leaves with your knowledge, not without it.‖155 (M 62.30/1:425 f)
The benefit of keeping a clear mind, especially at the moment of dying, is clear: it brings one a good
rebirth. However, it is very important to note that pilgrimages, relic worship and stupa worship, in them-
selves, at best bring a good rebirth (that is, if one ―dies with a calm and bright heart‖)—but one still
remains within the grasp of samsara.
Most importantly, in the highest sense, pilgrimage spots, relics and stupas are less places than they are
wholesome states of mind.156 This teaching is clearly stated in the Vatthpama Sutta (M 7), where the
Buddha declares to the brahmin Sundarika Bhradvja, who thinks that washing in a sacred river could
bring one liberation, and merit, and wash away one‘s evil deeds:
For the pure at heart, it is always the holy day in spring [Phalgu].
For the pure, it is always the precept day [poshadha].
For one who is pure, whose deeds are pure,
His religious practice is always successful.
Bathe right here, brahmin,
To make yourself a secure refuge for all beings.
153
This last definition is abridged. The PED format is slightly revised.
154
―While making a pilgrimage of these shrines,‖ cetiya,carika hiant,lit ―while wandering on a walking-
tour of these shrines.‖ ―Shrines,‖ cetiy. We have here what some would regard as the basis for stupa worship: see
Intro (7c) for the nature of stupa worship.
155
When a dying person is mindful of his breath, he dies calmly with mindfulness and full awareness. The
Visuddhi,magga says: ―Herein there are three kinds of (breaths that are) final because of cessation, that is to say,
final in existence, final in absorption, final in death. For, among the various kinds of existence, in-breaths and out-
breaths occur in the sense-sphere existence, not in the form-existence nor the formless existence. That is why there
are final ones in existence. In the absorptions, they occur in the first three but not in the fourth. That is why there are
final ones in absorption. Those that arise along with the sixteenth consciousness proceeding the death consciousness
cease together with the death consciousness. They are called ‗final in death‘. It is these last that are meant here by
‗final‘‖ (Vism 8.241/p291 f). On the 17 thought-moments, see Abdhs 4.6, rev tr Bodhi 2 nd ed 1999:153 ff. For a
brief explanation, see GP Sumanapala, An Introduction to Theravada Abhidhamma, Singapore, 1998:137 (ch 8).
156
See also An Yang-Gyu, ―Relic worship: A devotional institute in early Buddhism,‖ 2002a:159.
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157
Such wealth is, I think, better invested in a Buddhist college or university, whose graduates are then support-
ed as qualified lay teachers and ministers by temples, associations and groups they serve.
158
Including dog‘s tooth: see Appendix.
159
See Trainor 1997 117 n72 for bibliography.
160
Trainor 1997:117-135.
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his discussions around the Pali texts—especially the Mah Parinibbna Sutta—and two late Sinhalese
hagiographical chronicles, the Thpa,vasa and the Dhtu,vasa.
The fascinating story of the Buddha relics may be said to begin where the Mah Parinibbna Sutta
closes [§§6.24-28]. When word spread that the Buddha had attained parinirvana, eight powerful groups
asked for a share of the Buddha relics, but were turned down by the Mallas of Kusinr who had been
taking care of the mortuary rites for the Buddha. Although the sutta does not explicitly say it, growing
tension leading to armed conflict was clearly evident [§6.25]. The imminent danger of war over the relics
is depicted in the basreliefs of the Sac stupa.161
The appeal of relics is clearly not just spiritual, but also mundane due to their portability and promise
of power. In this connection, Trainor‘s observation is sobrely instructive:
This episode [of the imminent war over the Buddha relics] lays bare a fundamental tension
inherent in the Buddhist relic cult, even as it illuminates its appeal. Relics, as material objects that
one can possess, fully engage the human capacity for attachment and manipulation. Therein lies
part of their attraction. They provide access to religious power in a particular time and plade, and,
through their easy portability, facilitate the creation of new centers of sacrality. Yet there is some-
thing potentially disturbing about this in terms of the Buddha ideal of non-attachment. Relics can
be the object of desire; they encourage the human tendency to cling. What is striking about this
passage is the way in which it invokes the Buddhist ideal of forbearance and nonattachment, even
as it affirms a religious practice that appears to encourage a kind of acquisitiveness. The episode
serves to instruct the faithful that the Buddha‘s relics are worthy of veneration, while it simultan-
eously demonstrates the potential threat that the practice represents to the tradition‘s fundamental
religious ideals. (Trainor 1997:119 f; cf Gombrich 1988:119 f)
With the averting of a major disaster, smaller ones abound. The Dgha Commentary provides some
interesting details about the earliest incident of relic theft in the Canon. Although the Mah Parinibbna
Sutta presents the brahmin Doa as a person of some authority [§6.25], he appears in Comy as to be
somewhat of a conniver. Before distributing the relics, Doa shows the relics to the assembly, who upon
seeing their sorry state, were overcome with sadness and lamentation. While they were engrossed in their
grief, Doa hides the Buddha‘s right eye-tooth in his turban (DA 1:7, 2:609; Mahv 17.20).162 Sakra (P
sakka; Skt śakra), the king of the gods, concerned that Doa would be unable to pay due honour to the
relic, steals it and spirits it away to the Tvatasa heaven and enshrines it in the C,ma Shrine which
already contains the hair relic of the Bodhisattva during the Great Renunciation (J 1:65; BA 284).
The Commentary continues by saying that while distributing the relics, Doa discovers his loss but is
unable to complain of it because he had taken it by theft. Since it was too late for him to request for a
share, he could only as for the measuring urn, which is after connected with the relics (dhtu,gatika) so
that he could build a stupa over it (DA 2:609).
The Dhtu,vasa (a late Pali hagiographical chronicle of Sri Lanka, probably early 14th cent) builds
on the episode of Doa‘s theft of the eye-tooth and its subsequent theft by Sakra. The Dhtu,vasa goes
on to relate how Doa hid a second eye-tooth between his toes, and a third inside his clothing. The second
relic is subsequently stolen by the naga-king Jayasena, who enshrines it in his abode. The third is taken by
an unnamed resident of Gandhra who, seizing it ―with good intent‖ (Dhatv 18-19), takes it back to Gan-
dhra and shrines it. Understandably, Doa was visibly devastated by his multiple losses but is consoled
by Sakra himself.163
The Buddha relics of Rma,gma (situated on the Ganges bank) has a fascinating history or mytho-
logy behind it as recorded in Thpa,vasa, a late Pali hagiographical chronicle of Sri Lanka (13th cent). It
recounts how the Rmagma relics were washed into the waters during a great flood. The naga-king,
161
Marshall & Foucher, Monuments of Sch, 1940 1:112-119, 214 f, pls 15, 61.
162
DPPN: Cmaicetiya, mentions only ―the right collar bone.‖
163
See Trainor 1997:132-135.
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Mahka, saved the relics and enshrined them in great splendour in his Majerika nga abode, worship-
ping them with lavish offerings.164
164
See Trainor 1997:124-135.
165
Han Yu (韓愈) (768-824), a founder of Neo-Confucianism and poet, who launched a ―movement for the
language‖ (古文運動). Without imitating the ancient style that dominated the Han to the Dang dynasties, he hoped
to reform its ornate style, heavily limited by parallel sentences.
166
See Marcel Mauss, The Gift (NY: Norton, 1976) which focusses on ―power in objects of exchange) & SJ
Tambiah, The Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of Amulets, 1993:339.
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167
See, for example, Graeme MacQueen‘s ―Changing Master Narratives in Midstream: Barlaam and Josaphat
and the Growth of Religious Intolerance in the Buddhalegend‘s Westward Journey.‖ Journal of Buddhist Ethics 5
1998:144-166.
168
On the past Buddhas, see Mahā‘padāna S (D 14) = SD 49.8 Intro (2).
169
DA 2:554; SA 3:251; AA 4:143; UA 323. See below here (c)(2).
170
D 14.7/ 2:4 = S 4.9/1:108 = 15.20/2:192; qu at DA 2:413.
171
Sammukha svak, Skt samukha rvak.
172
Skt upoadha, Observance or ecclesiastical convocation to recite the ptimokkha/prtimoka.
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Teaching quickly dies after his parinirvana. However, where the Buddha appoints the Ptimokkha (such
as Kakucchanda, Konagamaa, Kassapa, Gotama), the holy life lasts very long (V 3:7 f; cf. D 2:48).
There are two kinds of phala,sampatti: (1) temporary attainment (khaika,sampatti), and (2) attain-
ment in the form of great insight (mah vipassan). The temporary attainment suppresses pain while one
remains in the attainment. As soon as one emerges from the attainment, the pain pervades the body again.
The attainment in the form of great insight, however, suppresses pain very well. After emerging from that
state, pain re-arises only after a long time. Buddhaghosa says that the Buddha has attained the temporary
attainment before, but this is the first time that his attainment is in the form of great insight (DA 2:547).176
173
Jesus Christ (c6 BCE-c30 CE) lived for about 36 years but his public ministry lasted for only about two to
three years. Muhammad (c570-632), who lived for about 62 years, taught publicly for some 19 years (c613-632).
174
Rhys Davids aptly renders the first kind of jvit‘indriya as ―life till allotted time‖ (D:RD 2:106; cf Divy 203).
175
The Dhanu-g,gaha Sutta (S 20.6/2:265 f) says that the life-formation runs faster than the speed at which as
man could catch a flying arrow. Comy there says that yu,sakhra refers to the physical life-faculty (rpa,jvit‘in-
driya), but it is impossible to describe the breakup of formless phenomena (ie mental states, because according to
the Abhidhamma, they break up 16 times faster than physical states) (SA 2:227).
176
See Vism 700 where Buddhaghosa explains the purpose of gaining the attainment of fruition, ie for the abid-
ing in bliss here and now.
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the 4 bases of spiritual power (iddhi,pd)177 will be able to live for a full life-span (kappa, about 100
years) or a little more (kappâvasesa) (of about 120-160 years) [§§3.3-5].178 nanda, however, does not
understand the meaning or implication of the Buddha‘s statement and remains silent, even after being
informed three times (D 2:103; cf D 3:77).179 The Commentary explains that nanda‘s mind is obsessed
(pariyuhita,citta) by Mra‘s exhibiting a fearsome sight that distracts him, preventing him from appre-
ciating what the Buddha says. The Buddha then dismisses nanda who takes his leave and sits down at
the foot of the nearby tree (DA 2:555).
The whole story here sounds clearly contrived, that is, presenting the Buddha almost as a doting
father-figure who is unable to make up his own mind, and for that the loyal ―son‖ nanda is blamed later
by the elders of the order. This is an important piece of evidence showing that the early Buddhists had
genuine difficulty in accepting the Buddha‘s passing when he was 80.
What would have happened if nanda had actually been mindful and invited the Buddha to remain
for his full lifespan (or for a world cycle)? How would the Buddha then answer Māra‘s reminder of the
Buddha‘s statement made just after the Great Awakening that he would only pass away until the fourfold
company of monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen has been established [§§3.7-8]. It is evident from the
Buddha‘s statement that he does not say that he would pass away immediately upon the establishment of
the fourfold company, but it effectively could be any time after that, which would be an indefinite period!
SIGNIFICANCE. There is a vital significance to the Buddha‘s renunciation of his life-formation. The
Buddha‘s awakening does not depend on a God-idea, the gods, or any teacher. The Buddha‘s awakening,
too, does not entail that he should declare it to others, but when later requested by the Brahm Sahampati,
a non-returner (angmī), he teaches the Dharma for our benefit.180 In the Mah Parinibbna Sutta (D
16), it is recorded that when nanda does not invite the Buddha to extend his life-span to continue teach-
ing, he renounces the life-formation and passes into final nirvana. This gentle unobtrusive spirit of humil-
ity and wisdom is at the heart of the Buddhist mission, reminds us that the highest truth is not (and cannot)
be forced upon another, but like nourishing food, it can only be offered to others, but they must
themselves partake of it.
9b.3 Iddhi,pd
The iddhi,pd are explained in the Chanda Sutta (S 51.13/5:268 f). The term is elaborated accord-
ing to the Sutta method in the Vibhaga (Vbh 216-220), and according to the Abhidhamma method at
Vbh 220-224, where they are factors of the supramundane paths.181 The Commentaries resolve iddhipda
as iddhiy pda, ―bases for spiritual power‖ and as iddhi,bhta pda, ―bases which is spiritual
power.‖182 As such, the best translation denoting both senses would be ―bases of spiritual power.‖
Iddhi is derived from the verb ijjhati (to prosper, succeed, flourish): it originally means success, but
by the Buddha‘s time ―had already acquired the special nuance of spiritual success or, even more to the
177
Iddhi,pda (Skt ddhi,pda), the 4 bases of spiritual power, namely: will or intention (chanda), energy or
effort (viriya), consciousness or mind (citta) and mental investigation (vmasa) (D 3:77, D 3:213 = M1:103 = 2:11;
D 3:221; Vbh 216). The suttas generally say that the iddhi,pd bring one the 6 superknowledges (abhi), viz, (1)
psychic powers (iddhi,vidha), (2) the divine ear or clairaudience (dibba,sota), (3) knowledge of the mind of the
others (mind-reading) (ceto,pariya,a), (4) the divine eye or clairvoyance (dibba,cakkhu), (5) recollection of past
lives (pubbe,nivsânussati), (6) the extinction of all mental influxes (sava-k,khaya) (D 34.1.7(10)/3:282; M 4.27-
32/1:22 f, 6.14-18/1:34 f, 77.31-36/2:17-23; S 15.9/2:178, 51.2/5:254; A 5.23/3:17-19; Pug 27, 239). Of these 6
superknowledges, the first 5 are mundane, only the last is supramundane (connected to spiritual liberation) For a
definition of the 6 super-powers (with similes), see Smaa,phala S (D 2.87-98/1:78-84) = SD 8 (2005). It is
important to note that although the iddhi,pd lead to the attainment of various psychic powers (iddhi), ie (1)-(5), it
is the mental cultivation or meditation aspects that are directly related to the extension of lifespan, and not the psy-
chic power in themselves. See Ledi Sayadaw, The Manuals of Buddhism, 1965:333-338 & Gethin 2001:94-97.
178
On this tr see (9c) quoting D 26.
179
The Buddha actually lists 16 occasions [§§3.41-47] when he has mentioned to nanda regarding his life-
span!
180
See ―Why did the Buddha hesitate?‖ = SD 11.1.
181
See also Vism 385/12.50-53 & VbhA 303-308.
182
DA 3:1007; MA 2:69; SA 3:250; AA 2:50.
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point, spiritual power‖ (S:B 1939 f n246). The term here has two senses: (1) success in the exercise of the
psychic powers (iddhi,vidha),183 and (2) success in the effort to win liberation. The two converge in arhat-
hood, which as sava-k,khaya,a, is both the sixth abhi (in continuity with the psychic powers) and
the final fruit of of the noble eightfold path. The iddhi,pd (bases of spiritual power), as such, are the
supporting conditions for the exercise of psychic powers (iddhi).
What we can deduce from the text is that the Buddha simply gives up his will to live (yu,sakhra).
As Rhys Davids note, the earliest meaning of yu,sakhra is the will to live (D:RD 2:106); and, as noted
by Shwe Zan Aung and Rhys Davids, sakhra may be used as a synonym for cetan (volition), since it
is the foremost of the samskaras184 (Kvu:SRD 323 n4). In her Identity and Experience, Sue Hamilton
makes these helpful remarks:
The way the sakhras act as a ―fuel‖ for the individual‘s continuing sasric existence is
not difficult to understand from all of the foregoing. We can see the way volitions in one life
condition a subsequent life and how this process is reinforced through its cyclic nature. We have
also seen how fundamentally this is embedded in the psychological nature of the human being, in
the desire for conditioned existence, for example. This probably explains why the term sakhra
is also used together with yu or jvita to mean the ―life-force.‖ In the Mahparinibbna Sutta,
we read that the Buddha can either deliberately hold on to this life force [D 2.23/2.99] or give it
up and die [D 3.10/2:106]. Elsewhere it is used as one of the defining characteristics of a live
person: without it there is only a dead body [M 1:296].185 (Sue Hamilton 1996:78)
The Visuddhi,magga (Vism 8.2-3/229) says that there are two kinds of death: timely (kla,maraa)
and untimely (akla,maraa). Timely death itself comes about in three ways: through the exhaustion of
merit, or through the exhaustion of life-span, or through both. Gethin (2001:95) notes that all this suggests
that there are three factors involved: the maximum potential lifespan of a human being in general; the
particular potential lifespan of a given individual; and ―adventitious circumstances‖ that might interfere
with this and bring about an untimely death.
What I have termed ―adventitious circumstances‖ are, of course, understood to work within the
law of karma-vipka, and are determined in principle by what is called ―destructive‖ (upaghtaka)
or ―intervening‖ (upacchedaka) kamma.186 This kind of kamma overrides and supplants weaker
kamma, and may be both skilful and unskillful. Presumably then, whether or not an individual‘s
potential lifespan is fulfilled depends on any unskillful destructive kamma. When these principles
are applied to the question of the iddhi-pdas and the prolongation of life, what seems to be
envisaged—at least as far as the Pli commentaries are concerned—is that anyone in whom the
iddhi-pdas are fully developed will have complete mastery over any untimely death and live out
his full potential lifespan. In other words, the development of the iddhi-pdas constitutes a skilful
―destructive‖ kamma of a kind that overrides any unskillful ―destructive‖ kamma.
(Gethin, The Buddhist Path to Awakening, 2001:95)
The Commentaries all agree that the Buddha has not used iddhi (psychic power) to prolong his life-
span (as held by the Mahsaghika, for example). The Kathvatthu refutes the notion that lifespan is the
result of iddhi [9c]: one‘s lifespan is shaped by karma done in previous lives, and is determined at the
moment of conception.187 In keeping with this notion, Buddhaghosa explains that one who has iddhi
183
S 51.11/5:263-66, 51.14/5:269-71 51.17/ 5:274 f.
184
I have anglicized the Skt form for sakhr.
185
On this last note, where yu,sakhra is combined with heat (usm) and consciousness (via), see
Hamilton 1996 chs 1 & 5; cf D 2:335.
186
Vism 8.2-3, 19.13-16; cf Pm 5.11-13. Gethin‘s fn.
187
See Jaini, ―Buddha‘s prolongation of life,‖ 1958:548.
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would be able to avert untimely death (KvuA 121).188 However, there is a limitation to iddhi: it cannot
prevent ageing, falling ill, dying and the fruiting of karma. It is impossible for iddhi to make permanent
what is not permanent (KvuA 189 f). As such, it is clear that Buddhaghosa does not accept the prolonga-
tion of life by iddhi.
Buddhaghosa does not comment much on the Cpla shrine episode, but simply interprets it as part of
the Buddha‘s skillful means to lessen nanda‘s grief. ―Why does the Buddha address him up to three
time?‖ Buddhaghosa asks: ―In order to lessen his sorrow by putting the blame on him, saying, ‗Yours is
the wrongdoing; yours is the fault,‘ [§3.40] when, later on, he was asked by the elder, ‗Bhante, may the
Blessed One live out the lifespan!‘‖ (DA 2:555). Dhammapla, too, concurs with Buddhaghosa:
For the Blessed One sees thus, ―This person has an extremely affectionate heart towards me. He
will, later on, on hearing of the causes of an earthquake and my abandoning of my life-formation,
ask me to live on for a long time. Then I will put the blame on his head saying, ‗Why did you not
ask me before?‘ For human beings are not so troubled with their own faults. Therefore his sorrow
will be assuaged.‖ (UA 325)189
In other words, nanda is made to feel regret rather than sorrow at the Buddha‘s parinirvana, and in this
manner, nanda‘s sorrow is assuaged by his regret!190
(1) A ―world-cycle‖ or ―great cycle‖ (mah,kappa/mah.kalpa), that is, one full cycle or age of the
world (V 3:109; S 2:185 = It 17; Miln 108; PvA 21), described as comprising of four stages—
expanding, stable, contracting, stable—of a pulsating universe (A 2:142);
(2) A ―fortunate cycle‖ (bhadda,kappa/bhadra.kalpa), that is, a world-period when there is a Bud-
dha. This is probably one of the four ―incalculables‖ (asakheyy/asakhyey): in this case, it
would be the stable period (vivaa-,hyi,kappa) after the universe‘s re-evolution (vivaa,kappa),
which, according to the Commentaries is the opinion of one Mahsva Thera.191
(3) A human ―life-span‖ (yu,kappa/yu,kalpa). The Milinda,paha (Miln 141) and the Comment-
aries192 take kappa (Skt kalpa) as meaning a human lifespan, ie, appa v bhiyyo ti vutta,vassa,-
satato atireka v, ―‗more or less,‘ that is to say, up to more than a 100 years‖ (DA 2:554; SA
3:554 UA 323; BA 65). Edgerton, in his Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary (sv kalpvaeam),
too argues for this interpretation.
Lifespan is the result of merit and it is clear from the MPS that the Buddha could live out his whole
lifespan (kappa) if he wishes to. The terms kappa and kappâvasesa in the phrase, kappa v tiheyya
kappâvasesa v [§§3.3-5] are problematic. It literally translates as ―(one) could remains for a cycle or
188
Death can occur in any of 4 ways: (1) through the expiration of the lifespan; (2) through the expiration of the
(productive) karmic force; (3) through both (1) & (2); (4) through the intervention of a destructive karma. See Abhs
34 = Abhs:BRS 220.
189
Passati hi bhagav ―aya mayi ativiya siniddha,hadayo, so parato bhmi,cla,karaa ca yu,sakhr‘os-
sajjana ca sutv mama cira-,hna ycissati, athâha ‗kissa tva puretara na ycas ti tass‘eva sse dosa
ptessmi, satt ca attano apardhena na tath vihaanti, ten‘assa soko tanuko bhavissat ti (UA 325). On
nanda‘s ―extremenly affectionate heart,‖ see eg 5.13.
190
See An Yang-Gyu, ―Buddhaghosa‘s view of the Buddha‘s lifespan,‖ 2000:140-142.
191
DA 2:554; SA 3:251; AA 4:143; UA 323. See PED svv Kappa; Vivaa; Savaa.
192
Ettha ca kappan ti yu,kappa, tasmi tasmi kle ya manussna yu-p,pama hoti ta paripua
karonto tiheyya, kappâvasesan ti: appa va bhiyy ti vuitta,vassa,satato atireka v (DA 2:554).
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the remainder [what is left] of a cycle‖—both ―a cycle‖ and ―the remainder of a cycle‖ effectively refer to
the same duration. It is like saying to a guest, ―You could remain for this (whole) afternoon or for the rest
of this afternoon.‖ The Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, gives this definition:
kalpâvaea, adv (= Pali kappâvasesa), ―more than a kalpa‖ in the phrase (kalpa) v…
v (nirdiet, ―he might expound‖) Lalita,vistra (ed Lefmann, Halle, 1903) 436.6; (tihet, ―would
last‖) Divy 201.9; 207.1. So Foucaux, apparently supported by Pli DA 554.32 (on D 2:103.4)
appa v bhiyyo ti, vutta,vassa,satato (= kappa = yu,kappa) atireka v, ―a little more,‖ or
―in excess of the stated 100 years‖ (the extreme life of a man, which Pali exegesis takes as the
meaning of kappa here). So also Tibetan on Mah Parinirva Stra (ed Waldschmidt, 1950-51)
15.10 = Divy 201.9… (Adapted & refs expanded in parts)
As we have noticed [9a], none of the past Buddhas mentioned has their lifespan remotely reaching a
―world-cycle‖ (kappa), or any one of its four stages (asakheyya kappa). However, there is much more
canonical evidence for taking kappa to mean a human life-span. We find this statement in the Cakka,-
vatti Shanda Sutta (D 26):
Keep to your pastures, bhikshus, to the haunts of the fathers. If you do so, your life-span will
increase….
And what is the length of life for a monk? Here, a monk develops the bases of spiritual
power which is the concentration of intention accompanied by effort of will, concentration of
energy accompanied by the effort of will, concentration of consciousness accompanied by the
effort of will and concentration of mental investigation accompanied by effort of will. By
constantly practising these four bases of spiritual power he can, if he wishes, life for a full life-
span or for more than the life-span. That is what I call the length of life for a monk.
(D 26.28/3:77) = SD 36.10
It is clear here that it is not only the Buddha, but any monk who has cultivated ―the bases of spiritual
power‖ (iddhi,pd), will be able to live a full life-span or what remains of the longest possible life-span
at that time. The bases of spiritual power here refer to the conscious development of psychic skills (iddhi),
including the knowledge of the destruction of defilements (S 51/5:254-290).
As such, in the phrase ―for a full life-span or the remainder of it [§3.3-5],‖ I understand the former
―life-span‖ (kappa) as referring to the karmic life-span, ie, as inherited from our karma, and the latter as
the natural or ―statistical‖ life-span of the times. In other words, with iddhi, we are able to extend our ―al-
lotted‖ years to a full life-span (about 100-120 years in the Buddha‘s and our own times).
Further evidence is found in scriptural common sense, as attested by the fact that many of the arhats –
–like nanda (DhA 2:99) and Mah Kassapa (Skt Mah Kyapa) (SA 2:173)––are said to live to a full
120 years, though the oldest of them, Bakkula, is said to have lived to 160, well over ―the remainder‖ of
the full life-span! The Ghaa Sutta (S 21.3/2:276-278) record this interesting conversation between the
Buddha‘s two chief disciples:
―Friend,‖ Sriputta confesses, ―compared to the venerable Mah Moggallna, we are like a
little piece of gravel compared to the Himalayas, the king of mountains. For the venerable Mah
Moggallna is of such great spiritual power and might that if so he wishes he could live on for a
(full) cycle (kappa).‖193
―Friend,‖ replies Moggallna, ―compared to the venerable Sriputta (in wisdom) we are like a
little grain of salt compared to a barrel of salt. For the venerable Sriputta has been extolled,
lauded and praised in many ways by the Blessed One.‖ (S 2:276 f)
193
Bhikkhu Bodhi remarks here in his notes that although Comy glosses kappa as yu,kappa, meaning the full human life
span of 120 years (SA 2:235; S:B 822 n387), there seems to be no textual basis for taking kappa in this passage as meaning
anything other than a cosmic aeon, the full extent of time required for a world system to evolve and dissolve.
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The Commentaries record that a certain Mahsva Thera was not satisfied with this explanation and
held that the Buddha meant to live out this ―fortunate aeon‖ (bhadda,kappa) itself (in which five Buddhas
have arisen), but could not do so because his body was subject to the laws of old age (DA 2:554; BA 191).
In the Milinda,paha, Ngasena tells king Milinda that ―Maharajah, there is no way that one could stop
a lifespan that is ending‖ (n‘atthi mahrja kh‗yukassa hitiy kiriy v upakkamo v, Miln 151),
which clearly refers to impending death.
In the Dilemma discussing the Buddha‘s own lifespan, Ngasena, says that ―solitary meditation
protects one while one is meditating in solitude; it increases the lifespan…‖ (paisallna paisallyam-
na attna rakkhati, yu vadheti,… Miln 139). Curiously, Ngasena says that kappâvasesa (various-
ly translated as ―more than the lifespan‖ or ―what remains of a kalpa‖) refers to the three months leading
to the Buddha‘s passing, that is, when he willfully overcomes his serious illness and extends his life until
the end of the rains residence [§§2.23-24].
The Kath,vatthu (Kvu 456-458) discusses the controverted point ―that by psychic power one could
live on for a world period‖ (iddhi,blena samanngato kappa tiheyyâ ti) against the Mahsaghika. It
argues that if one says that such a one could remain for a world-period, then why not say that ―one might
live on for two, three, four world-periods?‖ The text also questions what it means to live on for a world-
period. The Mahsaghika, committed to the view that lifespan is the result of karma, cannot answer the
question whether one‘s extended lifespan is the result of psychic power. Could one, through psychic
power, live on even if one is dead? Could one use psychic power to make permanent any of the five
aggregates?194 Could one with psychic power prevent his rebirth, or aging, or disease, or dying? As a final
argument, the Kath,vatthu quotes the Pibhoga Sutta:195
Bhikshus, no recluse, nor brahmin, nor deva, nor Mra, nor Brahm, nor anyone else in the
world, can give a guarantee (paibhoga) against four things.
What are the four?
That what is liable to decay should not decay.
That what is liable to fall ill would not fall ill.
That what is liable to die would not die.
That no fruit should arise from one‘s own evil deeds that are defiling, productive of rebirth,
fearful, bringing painful results, leading to future birth, decay and death.
Bhikshus, no recluse, nor brahmin, nor deva, nor Mra, nor Brahm, nor anyone else in the
world, can give a guarantee (paibhoga) against these four things. (A 4.182/2:172)
As such, concludes the Kath,vatthu, ―it is not right to say that one with psychic power might live on
for a world-period‖ (Kvu 16.6/457). However, it should be noted here that the controversy centres around
―psychic power‖ (iddhi,bala) and not ―the bases of spiritual power‖ (iddhi,pda).196 It is important to note
that although the iddhi,pd lead to the attainment of various psychic powers (iddhi),197 it is the mental
cultivation or meditation aspects that are directly related to the extension of lifespan, and not the psychic
power in themselves.
194
The 5 aggregates (paca-k,,khandha) are form (rpa), feeling (vedan), perception (sa), formations
(sakhra) and consciousness (via), the constituents of one‘s being. They are all impermanent.
195
Expanded in hna S (A 5.48/3:54) where these points are called ―unattainables‖ (alabbhanyni).
196
For a useful discussion, see Gethin, The Buddhist Path to Awakening, 2001:94-97. An Yang-Gyu, in his
paper, ―Buddhaghosa‘s view of the Buddha‘s lifespan‖ (2000), mentions only iddhi (psychic power) (eg 2000:137)
without distinguishing it from iddhi,pda (the bases of spiritual power). For a full study on iddhi, see Pm 205-214.
See also S:B 1940 n246 & An Yang-Gyu 2000:136-142.
197
On the def of iddhi, see (9b)2 above.
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51.10/5:529), favours taking the term as bhadda,kappa [fortunate world cycle], that is, a ―cosmic aeon.‖
After mentioning that the Sayutta Commentary takes kappa here as yu,kappa, Bodhi goes on to say:
Nevertheless, nowhere else in the Nikyas is kappa used in the sense of a normal human life span,
and there seems to be no valid reason to ascribe kappa here a different meaning from the usual
one, ie, a cosmic aeon. Whether the present passage is genuine or an interpolation, and whether
meditative success can confer such extraordinary powers, are different questions about which
conflicting opinions have been voiced. (S:B 1940 n249)
Similarly, another eminent early Buddhism scholar, Rupert Gethin, in his The Buddhist Path to Awaken-
ing (2001), has argued in agreement with Bhikkhu Bodhi:
I think on balance the text of the Mahparinibbna-sutta as we have it, in its various recen-
sions,198 points towards mah-kappa as being the correct interpretation. A significant factor here
is the word kappâvasesa. The most likely meaning of this is surely ―the remainder of a kappa.‖199
For someone to say that he can live on ―for his lifespan or the remainder of his lifespan‖ seems
not to make very good sense; ―remainder of his lifespan‖ in fact becomes redundant. However if
one is thinking of an incalculable aeon [asakheyya,kappa], and envisaging someone speaking as
some point during that aeon, for him to say that he might live ―for an aeon or [at least] the re-
mainder of the aeon‖ makes rather better sense. Accordingly, in order to give kappa the value he
thinks it ought to have, Buddhaghosa must ignore the more natural way of taking kappâvasesa.
So, he says, kappâvasesa does not mean ―the remainder of a kappa,‖ it means ―a little bit more
than a kappa,‖ that is, more than a man‘s normal life-span of a hundred years.200 (Gethin 2001:96)
198
Cf Bareau, Recherches, 1970-71 2:152. See 5 in this Introd.
199
Gethin‘s n: ―See CPD sv kappâvasesa; Monier-Williams, sv avaea. I fail to see that Edgerton (BHSD sv
kalpâvasesa) has shown that kappâvasesa probably means ‗more than a kappa‘ as Jaini suggests (BSOAS 21 (1958),
p547)‖ (2001:96 n62).
200
Gethin‘s n: ―[MA] 2:555: kappâvasesa v ti appa v bhiyyo ti vutta-vassa-satato atireka v. See also
[SA] 3:251; DA 4:149; UA 322; DA (Be 1961) 3:252. KR Norman has suggested to me that what Buddhaghosa
may be doing is taking kappâvasesa as a bahuvrhi in the sense of ‗[a period of time] having a lifespan as remainder‘
(cf adjectival usage of ardha-ea and ardhâvaea, qv Monier-Williams)‖ (2001:96 n63; slightly revised).
201
―Great Cycle,‖ mah,kappa (great aeon), sometimes simply kappa, ie, one full cycle or age of the world (V
3:109; D 1:14, 3:109; S 2:185 = It 17; A 2:126, 142; Miln 108, 232; DA 1:162; PvA 21), described as comprising of
four stages—expanding, stable, contracting, stable—of a pulsating universe (A 2:142). For similes on the aeon‘s
length, see S 2:181; DA 1:164 = PvA 254.
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In the Mah Parinibbna Sutta, the Buddha is recorded to have fallen severely ill on the point of death
during the rains residence at the hamlet of Beluva [Beluva,gmaka]:
Now when the Blessed One had entered the rains retreat, a serious illness arose in him, with
severe pains, as if he were about to die. But he endured all this mindfully and fully aware, and
without complaining.
Then it occurred to the Blessed One,
―It is not fitting that I should attain parinirvana without addressing my supporters and taking
leave of the order of bhikshus. I must make an effort to ward off this illness and dwell, having
determined the life-force.‖203 (D 16.2.23/2:99)
It appears that Ngasena (Miln 141) and the Sarvstivdins take this episode to mean that the Buddha is
actually at the point of dying, and so by sheer will power extends his life for at least 3 more months (to
the end of the rains retreat). Note that no duration is mentioned in the above quotation.
Knowing that it is inappropriate for him to pass away without addressing the order, he consciously
extends his lifespan. He would only be able to address the assembled order during the Pavra, mark-
ing the end of the rains residence, which would be in the month of Kattik (October-November).204
Then the Blessed One said this to Mra the evil one:
―Worry not, evil one, it will not be long before the Tathgata‘s parinirvana.
202
For the Indian year, see nâpāna,sati S (M 118.3/3:79) n on Uposatha = SD 7.13. On the monsoons, see
Vāsi,jaa S (S 22.101.20/3:155) n on ―the cold season‖ = SD 15.2a.
203
Atha kho Bhagavato etad ahosi: Na kho me ta pairpa yo‘ha anmantetv upahke anapaloketv
bhikkhu,sagha parinibbyeyya. Yan nun‗ha ima bdha viriyena paippametv jvita,sakhra
adhihya vihareyyan ti (D 2:119; S 5:262; U 64). Comys however say that the Buddha did not let go of his life-
formation like a ball of clay from his hand, but for exactly 3 months he entered upon the attainment of the fruits
(phala,sampatti), thinking, ―I will not enter upon them for any longer than that‖ (DA 556; SA 3:253; UA 327). It
should be noted, however, that this life-extension is different from the one at the Cpla Shrine [§3.3].
204
Strangely, there is no record of this event in our Sutta.
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At the end of [or with the passing of]205 three months from now, the Tathgata shall enter
parinirvana.‖206 (D16.3.9/2:106)
If it is assumed that the Buddha had extended his life by three months, from his declaration to Mra
[§3.9], then, his life-extension act was done at the very beginning of the rains residence. This would mean
that the Buddha passed away in Kattik (October-November). The Mah Parinibbna Sutta does not give
us any hint of when the appearance of Mra occurred or when the Buddha told nanda that he would pass
away in three months‘ time [§3.37] but if we can assume that the latest date for the Buddha‘s parinirvana
would be three months after the Pavra, then the Buddha‘s parinirvana would be during the month of
Mgha (January-February). Either way, the Buddha could not have passed away during Veskha (which is
six months after the Pavra).
Buddhaghosa, probably aware of the discrepancy of dates, assigns this episode to the 10th lunar month
before the Buddha‘s parinirvana (DA 2:547 = SA 3:202). The Sayutta Poraa k says that the Buddha
went into ―fruition attainment (phala,sampatti) [Vism 23], by which life is vitalized, sustained, prolong-
ed… He entered the attainment with the determination, ‗Let the pain not arise for another ten months,‘
and the pain, suppressed by the attainment, did not arise for another ten months.‖207 If we accept Buddha-
ghosa‘s intercalary 10 months, then the Parinirvana would be on Vesak Day (full moon of April-May).
The Sarvstivda, however, as recorded by Xuanzang, maintains the Buddha‘s parinirvana as falling on
the 8th day of the bright fortnight (ie the second half) of Kattik (October-November),208 which would be
in keeping with the chronology of the sutta.
205
―At the end of [or with the passing of],‖ accayena (D 2:106 = S 5:262 = U 64 Kaccv 277; Moggv 2:26).
The word can be rendered either way: (1) at the end of three months; (2) after three months. Could the Buddha be
pulling Mra‘s legs here, and lived an extra 6 months to pass away the following Veskha full moon—in which,
however, it would appear that the Buddha had extended his life further than 3 months.
206
Appossukko tva ppima hohi, na cira Tathgatassa parinibbna bhavissati, ito tia msna acca-
yena Tathgato parinibbyissat ti.
207
Qu at S:B 1920 n138. BDict: phala, as ―path-result‖ or ―fruition,‖ denotes those moments of supermundane
consciousness which flash forth immediately after the moment of path-consciousness and which, till the attainment
of the next higher path, may during the practice of insight (vipassan) still recur innumerable times. If thus repeated,
they are called the ―attainment of fruition‖ (phala,sampatti). There are two kinds of phala,sampatti: (1) tempora-
ry attainment (khaika,sampatti), and (2) attainment in the form of great insight (mah vipassan). The temporary
attainment suppresses pain while one remains in the attainment. As soon as one emerges from the attainment, the
pain permeates the body again. The attainment in the form of great insight, however, suppresses pain very well.
After emerging from that state, pain rearises only after a long time. Buddhaghosa says that the Buddha has attained
the temporary attainment before, but this this the first time that his attainment is in the form of great insight (DA
2:547). See above Intro (9b).
208
Xuanzang [Hsuan-tsang], Si-yu-ki [Xiyuji]: Buddhist Records of the Western World, tr S Beal, London, 1884:33.
209
Ed E Waldschmidt 1950-51.
210
Not mentioned in the Pali accounts.
211
Yannv aha tadrpn ddhyabhisaskrn abhisaskury yath samhite citte jvita-saskrn adhi-
hyyu-saskrn utsjeya (Mah Parinirva S 210; also Divy 203): see Jaini 2001:198 n10.
212
Maraa,vaitv,jpanrtham…traimsyam eva nordhva vineyakrybhvt.... (Yaomitra, Abhidharma,-
koa,vykhy 105). Qu by Jaini 2001:198 n11.
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While the Pali tradition is silent regarding how the Buddha‘s extension of life is accomplished, this
matter is fully discussed in the Sarvstivda. Vasubandhu, in his Abhidharma,koa,bhya, gives several
Vaibhika views on it.213 According to the Vibh stra, there are two kinds of karma: the yur,vipka,-
karma, which at the moment on conception determines the lifespan (yu), and the bhoga,vipka,karma,
that is the aggregate of all past karma, accumulated in the consciousness, continuously yielding its fruits
(other than the life-span) during one existence.
A human arhat, having mastered the bases of spiritual power (ddhi,pd), can through his resolution,
transform the bhoga,vipka,karma into an yur,vipka,karma. The transformed karma then produces the
extended lifespan. And if he wishes to reject his established life-span (yu,saskra), he does the re-
verse, by transforming his yur,vipka,karma into the bhoga,vipka,karma. There is, of course, a problem
here in the case of an arhat for whom all new births have ended (no new potential yur,vipka,karma).
Vasubandhu, after listing all such views, concludes with his own view that an arhat could extend or relin-
quish his lifespan solely through the power of meditation, not of karma.214
Then the Blessed One, at the Cpla Shrine, mindfully and fully aware, relinquished his life-
formation.215 …
The sage let go of the formation of existence, of life [the remaining lifespan], low and high,
Delighting within and mentally concentrated, he broke the armour-like self-existence.216
(D 16.3.10/2:106 f)
Could we regard the Buddha‘s relinquishment of his life-span as suicide? Then there is the ―problem‖ of
the Buddha‘s last meal offered by Cunda the smith. The Buddha knows that the food is contaminated or
unsuitable for human consumption:
213
Lous de la Vallée Poussin (tr), L‘Abhidharma-koa de Vasubandhu, ch II, k 10.
214
For details of this discussion, see Jaini 2001:193-197.
215
See 3.10n below. See S:B 819 n366.
216
See 3.10n below.
217
Skara,maddava, see Intro (13b).
218
See n by John Strong (2001:171) in 4.18n below.
219
Cf Lamotte 1976:313 f.
220
The elder Bakkula is said to have lived to 160 years (M 124.3/3:125; MA 4:191). If Yasa Kakaaka,-
putta of the Second Buddhist Council (VA 1:33 ff; Dpv 4:45 ff; Mahv 4:9 ff) is the same as Yasa ―the son of
family‖ (V 1:16 f), converted during the first year of the Ministry, then he would be over 165 years.
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shortened by reason of climate and the food he takes (DA 2:413). In the Mahâpadna Sutta (D 14), the
Buddha declares,
My own lifespan now, bhikshus, is trifling and short, quick to pass. One who lives long (here)
lives only for more or less a hundred years‖ (mayha bhikkhave etarahi appaka yu-p,pam-
a paritta lahusa, yo cira jvati so vassa,sata appa v bhiyyo). (D 14.7/2:4)
The phrase ―more or less a hundred years‖ (vassa,sata appa v bhiyyo) is stock.221 However, be-
cause the Buddha has mastery of the four bases of spiritual power,222 he can if he wishes live a little be-
yond the normal lifespan (kappâvasesa)223 [§3.3]. No Buddha, however, dies before his dispensation is
firmly established [§3.8].
The Commentary to the Dhanu-g,gaha Sutta,224 which says that the life-formation (yu,sakhra)
runs faster than the speed at which as man could catch a flying arrow, explains that yu,sakhra refers to
the physical life-faculty (rpa,jvit‘indriya). This is what that is given up by the Blessed One.
Since the Buddha has awakened to the unconditioned (asakhata), that is, nirvana, he cannot be de-
fined in conditional or relative terms, that is to say, these four logical values (Skt catukoi) do not apply
to him: that the Buddha exists, that the Buddha does not exist, that the Buddha both exists and does not
exist, and that the Buddha neither exist nor not exist.225
On a more mundane level, we can assert that the Buddha places a high value of life, as clearly evident
from the first of the five precepts (against taking of life) (D 3:235; A 3:203, 275; Vbh 285). In fact, while
at Beluva (D 2:99), he falls seriously ill, on the point of death, and his thought is that of getting well:
Now when the Blessed One has entered the rains retreat, a serious illness arose in him, with
severe pains, as if he were about to die. But he endured all this mindfully and fully aware, and
without complaining.
Then it occurred to the Blessed One,
―It is not fitting that I should attain parinirvana without addressing my supporters and taking
leave of the order of monks. I must make an effort to ward off this illness and dwell, having
determined the life-force.‖ (D 16.2.23/2:99)
It appears that Ngasena (Miln 141) and the Sarvstivdins take this episode to mean that the Buddha is
actually at the point of dying, and by sheer will power extends his life for at least 3 more months (to the
end of the rains retreat). Note that no duration is mentioned here.226
The Commentaries however say that the Buddha did not let go of his life-formation like a ball of clay
from his hand, but for exactly 3 months he entered upon the attainment of the fruits (phala,sampatti),
thinking, ―I will not enter upon them for any longer than that‖ (DA 556; SA 3:253; UA 327).227
Just as the unawakened is ―dead‖ to awakening, even so the awakened is ―dead‖ due to his being un-
awakened. The awakened and the unawakened are worlds apart. While the unawakened habitually fall
back into a cycle of deaths, the awakened are beyond death. As such, it is meaningless to speak of an
awakened one committing suicide since he is already ―dead‖ to the world.228 For upon awakening, the
221
D 14.7/ 2:4 = S 4.9/1:108 = 15.20/2:192; qu at DA 2:413.
222
See 3.3n.
223
See 3.3 below & S 51.10/5:259.
224
S 20.6/2:265 f.
225
KN Jayatilleke, in his classic work, Early Buddhist Theory of Knowledge, 1963), says: ―Until recently it was
believed in the Western world that Aristotelian logic was the only logic and that it reflected the structure of reality
but, with the discovery of many-valued logics by [J] Lucasiewicz and [N] Lobachevsky, this view is no longer uni-
versally held. This means that our choice of a logical system is to some extent arbitrary and dependent on the needs
and nature of our discussion‖(1963:350).
226
But see 3.9.
227
For a different opinion, see Jaini 1958 (2001:193). It should be noted, however, that this life-extension is
different from the one at the Cpla Shrine [§3.3].
228
See John Strong‘s interesting remark on the arhat has both living and dead, 1992:86-90 & ―Was Channa an
arhat when he killed himself?‖ Chann‘ovāda S (M 114) = SD 11.12 (5).
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Buddha and the arhats, transcend life and death as we know them. In the Anurdha Sutta (S 3:118 f), the
Buddha declares to Anurdha:
But, Anurdha, when the Tathgata is neither truly nor actually [reliably] to be found here
and now,229 is it fitting for you to declare: ―Friends, when a Tathgata is describing a Tathgata—
the highest person, the supreme person, who has attained the highest—he describes him apart
from these four cases:
‗The Tathgata exists after death,‘
‗The Tathgata does not exist after death,‘
‗The Tathgata both exists and does not exist after death,‘
‗The Tathgata neither exists nor not exist after death.‘?‖
―No, bhante.‖
―Excellent, excellent, Anurdha! As before, Anurdha, so too now, I only point out [declare]
suffering and the end of suffering.‖230 (S 22.21/3:118 f)
In the Catu-ṭ,ṭhāna Sutta (S 22.86), the Buddha declares to Anurādha that ―when the Tathagata is not
being apprehended by you as real and actual here in this very life,‖231 it is not fitting for anyone to de-
scribe the Tathagata in terms of the states of truth: as existing, as not existing, as both, or as neither.232
There is an ancient Indian religious tradition of mahā,samādhi or ―final samadhi,‖ where the saint
would voluntarily pass away in deep meditation.233 It is possible that the tradition started with the Buddha,
or it could have been practised even before his time. Although this is not, strictly speaking, a Buddhist
practice, such a death as the Buddha would earn his great respect and holiness. This is because he is able
to predict or foresee his death. Apparently, such predictions of impending death by a saint was (and is) not
uncommon in India. [13b(5)]
229
Ettha ca te Anurdha dihe va dhamme saccato thetato tathgato anupalabhiyamano. Essentially, this
statement means that the Buddha is beyond predication: he cannot really be defined in worldly terms. In Buddhist
terms, karmic constructions (karma and fruition) do not apply to the Buddha. Bhikkhu Bodhi renders this crucial
sentence as: ―But, Anurdha, when the Tathgata is not apprehended by you as real and actual here and in this very
life,….‖ See S:B 1080 n165. On staccato thetato (D 1:4; M 1:8, 179, 2:109; S 3:112, 118, 4:384), see Harvey 1983:
45 & 52 n18.
230
Pubbe câha Anurdha etarahi ca dukkha c‘eva papemi dukkhassa ca nirodhan ti.
231
Be Ce Ke Se: Diṭṭh‘eva dhamme saccato tathato tathāgate anupalabbhiyamāne; Ee Diṭṭheva dhamme sacca-
to thetato tathāgato anupalabbhiyamāno. Cf Alaggadûpama S (M 22): ―And bhikshus, since in truth and in fact,
one can find neither self nor what belongs to a self‖ (attani ca bhikkhave attaniye ca saccato thetato anupalabbha-
māne, M 22.25/1:138,5-6 = SD 3.13) & ―one thus gone, I say, is untraceable even here and now‖ (diṭṭh‘evâhaṁ
bhikkhave dhamme tathāgataṁ ananuvejjo ti vadāmi, M 22.36/1:140,6-7).
232
S 22.86/3:116-119 = SD 49.8. See also The Person in Buddhism = SD 29.6b (8.1).
233
See eg Sushila Blackman 1997.
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for me to see him with my mind as clearly as with my eyes, night or day‖ (Sn 1144).234 In the Visuddhi,-
magga, Buddhaghosa describes the recollection of the Buddha in detail.235 The recollection of the Buddha
often involves ―visualising the Buddha,‖ which sometimes leads to visions of the Buddha. Such a practice
is apparently popular from an early time, and one of its results is that the meditator feels as if he is in the
presence of the Buddha himself (Harrison 1978; Williams 1989:30, 217-220).
What we have here [the Pratyupanna Stra] is in all probability a justification in advance (if not
also retrospectively) for the sudden appearance of Mahyna stras, ie ―dharmas hitherto un-
heard.‖ However, it is by no means to be regarded as necessarily a cynical attempt to confer a
specious authenticity on the literary confections of followers of the Mahyna. It involves rather
the proposition that meditation is a legitimate means whereby the eternal Buddha-principle may
continue to reveal religious truths to those fit to receive them, and thus throws an interesting light
on the composition of Mahyna stras in general. It is no doubt in this sense, that of a channel of
inspiration and revelation, that the author of the Pratyutpanna-stra advocated the inclusion of
the pratyutpanna-samdhi amongst the religious practices of Mahyna Buddhism.
(Paul Harrison 1978:54)
It seems certain that a text like the Pratyutpanna Stra (and perhaps other early Mahyna texts
associated with Pure Lands and buddhnusmti) describes practices which can lead to revelatory
visions, and the Pratyupanna Stra itself advocates the promulgation of the teachings thus receiv-
ed…. Indeed the Buddhist tradition in general has tended to be very cautious, even dismissive,
concerning visions seen in meditation…. But certainly some people took these revelations
seriously, and those who took them seriously were sometimes great scholars. It is often said that
the standard view of early Buddhism is that after the death of a Buddha he is beyond reference or
recall, significantly and religiously dead. From such a perspective the idea of seeing a living
Buddha in meditation is problematic. One way round this would be to claim that the Buddha
visualized is simply a Buddha who has for one reason or another not yet died.
(Paul Williams 2000:109 f)
Scholars like Gregory Schopen have argued, on archaeological and ethnographical grounds, that the
canonical texts do not always (more often do not) reflect the actual common practice amongst both the lay
and the ordained in ancient and mediaeval India.236 Schopen, for example, has argued that the Buddha‘s
relics preserved, after his passing, in stupas, were felt to be the Buddha himself. The Buddha was believed
to be present in his relics and even in places associated with his life (Schopen 1987a, 1990, 1994). His
ideas are not new, for decades before, André Bareau has said that even ―before the beginning of our era…
the stpa is more than the symbol of the Buddha, it is the Buddha himself‖ (La construction, 1960:
269).237 Through his relics, the Buddha was also treated as if in some sense present in the monastery, and
was treated by the monastery and apparently by the community as a ―legal person‖ with inalienable pro-
perty rights.
Schopen further notes that the relics are ―infused with morality, infused with concentration, wisdom,
release and knowledge and vision‖ (1994:47). These are qualities (dhamma/dharma) often also referred to
as ―the body of dharmas‖ (dhamma,kya/dharma,kya) in certain Buddhist philosophical texts (Paul Wil-
liams 1989:171).
Thus texts that say that one should take refuge not in the physical body of the Buddha but in his
dharmakya, his Buddha-qualities could be said to be indicating not just the need to become a
Buddha through expressing in oneself those qualities constitutive of a Buddha (as previously
thought). They could be indicating also the continuing presence of the Buddha, even though dead,
his presence as the dharmakya pervading his relics. Transcending death, the Buddha is present
in the monastery still. (Paul Williams 2000:258 n16)
234
Williams 2000:217.
235
Vism 7.2-67/198-213.
236
See esp his anthology, Schopen, Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks, 1997.
237
Cf Schopen, ―What‘s in a name,‖ 1996:70 f.
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The desire to meet the Buddha is still common today, especially amongst the followers of the ―Pure
Land‖ or Amitbha tradition. If one is unable to see the Buddha in this life in meditation, then one could
after death be reborn in his presence in the Pure Land where he still dwells. The earliest Pure Lands are
modelled on the heavens. Pure Land devotees believe, through recollecting the Buddha or even by merely
reciting his name (Nama Amitbhya), they would be reborn in his Purel Land, Sukhvat.238
There is always the possibility, even likelihood, in the past and even today, that certain monks, inspir-
ed by their visions in the practice of buddhânussati (Skt buddhânusmti), regard them as genuine and that
new truths or new teachings have been revealed to them. Such visions are often associated by the faithful
(especially the laity) with magical power. Paul Harrison writes that the meditation and associated powers
would have given Mahynists an edge in the crucial factor amongst the religious in ancient India—com-
petition for scarce resources. Essentially, this is a competition for donations from supporting non-religi-
ous lay believers eager for religious merit and quick answers to personal prayers, and even access to
magical power and miraculous results (Harrison 1995:66).
On the other hand, Harrison argues, the Mahyna is ―the work of a predominantly monastic order of
meditators engaged in strenuous ascetic practices, people asserting, in short, that the Buddha is to be
found in and through the realization of the Dharma, not in the worship of relics‖ (1995:62).
238
See Paul Williams 2000:110 f, 175, 181-185.
239
See Norman 1991:256 f, 261. See also SD 6.15 (2004).
240
S 12.64/2:103 f.
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would mean that he arose in some form of rebirth or ―becoming (bhava) [existence].‖ Again it
cannot be said that he ―becomes‖ in an attenuated fashion (or that part of him becomes and part is
cut off).
Nevertheless, a Tathgata does, in some atemporal sense, exist (atthi). This is because the
unsupported nibbanic via, which is his inner nature, or with which he is closely associat-
ed, still exists after death. Such a Tathgata is one ―aspect‖ of the dhamma ―seen‖ at Stream-entry
and ―won‖ at enlightenment.
…This interpretation is not to be taken as implying that a Tathgata is no different from a
metaphysical atta [self or soul], as a Tathgata lacks the essential aspect of I-ness crucial to an
atta, and is not something that exists in a person prior to his enlightenment. Similarly, though my
interpretation puts stress on a certain form of via, it is clearly different from a full-blown
Vijanavda [sic], in which everything turns out to be vijna.
(Harvey 1983:50; cf 1995:24 f; emphasis and diacritics added)
This sunbeam simile of the Atthi,rgo Sutta refers to the arhat‘s consciousness as being appatihita,
―unestablished,‖ that is, finds no support to rest on. Bhikkhu Bodhi clarifies the simile in this manner:
…I think it would be wrong to interpret the sutta as saying that after his parinibbna the arahant‘s
consciousness persists in some mode that can only be described as unestablished. The present
passage [S 12.64.17-24/2:103 f] is clearly speaking of the arahant‘s consciousness while he is still
alive. Its purport is not that an ―unestablished consciousness‖ remains after the arahant‘s parinib-
bna, but that his consciousness, being devoid of lust, does not ―become established in‖ the four
nutriments [edible food, sense-contact, mental volition, consciousness] in any way that might
generate a future existence. (S:B 775 n174)
Harvey‘s explanation (1953: 50) is helpful here, provided we remember his caveat in the last paragraph of
this excerpt. There is always the problem of language in trying to express the inexpressible. Just because a
word exists does not mean that it refers to a real thing: one cannot define something into being. One could
say ―I believe in unicorns‖ but it does not mean that they exist. Or, one could say, ―The house is not built
yet.‖ Here ―house‖ is clearly non-existent. Similarly, the word ―consciousness‖ is used after the fact to
describe a person‘s state after he is awakened, when what used to exist before (―consciousness‖), ceases
to be after he passes away.
Even Buddhaghosa sometimes stumbles (or we stumble over him) here where, in his Majjhima
Commentary on the sentence ―where consciousness is without attribute, without end, luminous‖ in the
Brahma,nimantanika Sutta (M 49.25/1:329),
takes its subject to be nibbna, called ―consciousness‖ (via), in the sense that ―it can be
cognized‖ (vijnitabba). This derivation is hardly credible, since nowhere in the Nikyas is
Nibbna described as consciousness, nor is it possible to derive an active noun from the
gerundive. (Bodhi, M:B 1249 n513)
The mentioned phrase also forms the first line of this stanza from the Kevaha Sutta (D 11):
241
Where consciousness is without attribute,242 without end, luminous243—
There earth, water, fire, air find no footing.
241
Via anidassana ananta sabbato pabha: | ettha po ca pahav tejo vyo ca na gdhati | ettha
dgha ca rassa ca anu thla subhâsubha | ettha nma ca rpa ca asesa uparujjhati | Viassa niro-
dhena etth‘eta uparujjhati. The first line occurs in Brahma,nimantanika S (M 49.25/1:329). See REA Johansson,
The Psychology of Nirvana, London, 1969:71 f.
242
―Without attribute [signless],‖ anidassana, ―invisible.‖ āananda renders it as ―non-manifesting‖ (Concept
and Reality in Early Buddhist Thought, Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 1971:59). See Bodhi‘s important n at
M:B 1249 n513.
243
―Luminous,‖ pabha, vl paha. In his Majjhima tr n, amoli takes pabha to be the negative present
participle of pabhavati—apabha—the negative-prefix a elided in conjunction with sabbato: ―The sense can be
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There long and short, small and great, fair and foul,
Name and form are totally stopped.
With the cessation of consciousness all this stop.244 (D 11.85/1:223) = SD 1.7
Some useful understanding might come from a discussion of Harvey‘s ―unsupported nibbna via‖
(appatihita vi)245 (1983:50) quoted above in the light of the Kevaha Sutta stanza above. The
verb patitihati usually means ―‗to become established,‘ that is, attached, principally on account of crav-
ing and other defilements‖ (S:B 342 n2). The arhat is said to pass away ―with consciousness unestablish-
ed‖ (appatihitena viena…parinibbuto, S 4.23/1:122), that is, without any kind of support for con-
sciousness to occur. The Vajracchedik Praj,pramit or Diamond Sutra is echoes this understand-
ing:
Whosoever, Subhti, were to say that the Tathgata goes or comes, or stands246 or sits, or lies
down—he, Subhti, does not understand what I have taught. And why is that? ―The Tathgata,‖
Subhti, is one who had not gone anywhere or who has come from anywhere. Therefore, he is
called ―the Tathgata, the arhat [worthy], the fully self-awakened one.‖
(Vajracchedik Prajpramit, ed Edward Conze. Rome, 1974:59)
The Aggi Vaccha,gotta Sutta (M 72) has the famous fire simile by which the Buddha explains that
when a fire is extinguished is goes nowhere: it is just that the conditions for a fire to occur are no more
present (M 72.19/1:487).247 Or, as the Saojana S 1 (S 12.53) puts it: when the nutriment or fuel
(hra) is exhausted, the lamp will go out (S 12.53/2:86). The word nibbuta that describes one who has
gained nirvana is also used of a fire that has gone out.248
In his article, ―On the Problem of Nirva,‖ F Otto Shrader has noted the ancient Indian belief that
―an expiring flame does not really go out, but returns into the primitive, pure, invisible state of fire it had
before its appearance as visible fire‖ (1905-05:167).249 In his paper on ―Death and the Tathgata,‖
Norman concludes:
So it is with an individual who has gained nibbna. His state cannot be described any more that
the state of a fire that has gone out can be described, 250 and the question about his future arising is
paraphrased freely by ‗not predicating being in relation to ―all,‖‗ or ‗not assuming of ―all‖ that it is or is not in an
absolute sense‖ (M:B 1249 n513). ―But,‖ argues Bodhi. ―if we take pabha as ‗luminous,‘ which seems better
justified, the [Majjhima] verse links up with the idea of the mind as being intrinsically luminous [A 1:10]‖ (id). See
D:W 557 n241. Cf A 1.10 where the mind is said to by nature radiant (pabhassara) & A 2:139 where the light of
wisdom (pa,pabha) is called the best of lights. See Bodhi‘s important n at M:B 1249 n513.
244
The Buddha makes a similar statement by way of an Udāna (inspired utterance) on the Parinirvana of Bāhiya
Dārucriya: ―Where water, earth, fire and air find no footing, | There neither brightness burns nor sun shines / There
neither moon gleams nor darkness reigns. | When a sage, a brahmin, through wisdom has known this by himself /
Then he is freed from form and formless, from joy and pain.‖ (U 9). A similar verse is found at S 1.69/ 1:15, and a
similar teaching is given by Mah Cunda to Channa 4.87/4:59. On this verse (D 11.85) see D:W 557 n242 & SD 9
(Mah Parinibbna S), Intro (9h).
245
S 3:53; appatihitena viena, S 1:122.
246
Api tu khalu puna Subhte ya kacid eva vadet: Tathgato gacchati v gacchati v tihati v nidati v
ayy v kalpayati, na me Subhte sa bhitasya artham jnti. Tat kasya heto? Tathgata iti Subhte ucyate na
kvacid,gato na kutacid gata. Tencyate Tathgato‘rhan samyaksambuddha iti (Vajracchedik Prajpramit,
ed & tr Edward Conze. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1974:59).
247
See SD 6.14 (2004).
248
As in aggi anhro (a fire without fuel), M 1:147; Sn 19; fig combined with sti,bhta (become cool), V 1:8;
M 1:431; A 2:208 = D 3:233 = Pug 56, 61; A 4:410, 5:65; Sn 593, 707; Pv 1.8.7; anupdya nibbuta (cool without
any more fuel), S 2:279: A 1:162, 4:290 = Dh 414 = Sn 638.
249
Shrader‘s fn: Vahner yath yoni-gatasya mrtir na dyate n‘aiva ca liga-nsa… = As a form of fire…is
not seen nor its seed destroyed [Norman] (vetvatara Upaniad 1.13); cf Miln 327 f (where is nirvana stored?).
See also Norman 1991:262 f.
250
Aggi Vaccha,gotta S (M 72): Sace pana ta Vaccha eva puccheyya: yo te aya purato aggo nibbuto co
aggi ito katama disa gato, puratthima v pacchima v uttara v dakkhia v, eva puho tva Vaccha
kinti vykareyys ti. Na upeti bho Gotamo (M 1:487).
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met the statement that it is not appropriate to speak of him as arising or not arising, or as both, or
as neither.251 Nothing can be said about a tathgata after death, because if whatever reason or
basis there might be for a description of him as embodied, disembodied, etc, should cease
completely, how could he be described?252 The Buddha was right to insist that the religious life
does not depend on anwers for such questions. (Norman 1991:8 =1993:262 f)
This teaching of conditionality and unconditionality, when clearly understood, frees one from the
need of other ways of understanding the nature of the Buddha. The Mahsaghika,253 for example, held a
docetic view of the Buddha (lokottara,vda). Docetism is the wrong view that the Buddha does not have
a real or natural body during his life on earth but only an apparent or phantom one. The Mahsaghika
Lokottara,vda (―Supramundane School,‖ also called Eka,vyavahra, ―One-utterance School‖),254 a
branch of the Mahsaghika, taught that a Buddha in reality is endowed with a supermundane (lokottara)
nature, omniscience, limitless power and eternal life. It also taught the docetic doctrine that any physical
manifestation or actions on earth undertaken by a Buddha are merely appearances or illusory projections
performed to save beings. Although not much of Mahsaghika literature is extant (except for the Mah-
vastu and their Bhiku Vinaya), the ideas of this school seems to have influenced to development of
Mahyna Buddhism, for example, the Trikya doctrine.255
251
Aggi Vaccha,gotta S (M 72): Eva,vimutta,citto pana bho Gotamo bhikkhu kuhi upapajjat ti kho Vaccha
na upeti…na upapajjat ti kho Vaccha na upeti…upapajjati ca na ca upapajjat ti kho Vaccha na upeti…n‘eva
upapajjati na na upapajjat ti kho Vaccha na upeti (M 1:486).
252
Sabhiya Kaccna S (S 44.11): Yo ca Vaccha hetu yo ca paccayo papanya rp ti v arp ti v sa ti
v asa ti v n‘eva sa nâsa ti v, so ca hetu so paccayo sabbena sabba sabbath sabba aparisesa
nirujjhetv, kena na papayamno papeyya rp v ti…nâsa ti v (S 4:402).
253
That is, the majority school that broke away from the Sthaviras (Elders) after the Second Council (c100-110
AB) but probably before the Third Council (c350 BCE). See Dictionary of Buddhism: Mahsaghika.
254
On the Mahsaghikas and the Lokottaravda, see Paul Williams, Mahyna Buddhism,1989:16-20. See also
Dictionary of Buddhism: Lokottara-vda.
255
See Lamotte, History of Indian Buddhism, 1988a:622-623-625 & Paul Williams, Mahyna Buddhism, 1989:
167-175. See Dictionary of Buddhism: trikya. On the Buddha‘s deification & immortality, see How Buddhism be-
came Chinese = SD 40b.3 (3.3).
256
DA 2:413; SA 2:130; AA:SHB 2:596.
257
DA 2:413, 3:736; AA:SHB 2:396.
258
Beal 1884 2:142 f.; Lamotte 1988:206.
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This tradition is found in the Chinese translations of a number of Indian texts, notably the Nandi,-
mitrâvadna, translated by Xuanzang in the 7th century. The 16 great arhats are Piola Bhradvja,
Kanaka,vatsa, Subinda, Nakula, Bhadra, Klika, Vajraputra, vapka, Panthaka, Rhula, Ngasena, Iga-
da, Vana,vsi, Ajita and Cla,panthaka (Dictionary of Buddhism, 2003:270). Such saints are believed in
the Mahāyāna, especially amongst the more traditional believers, that such saint are immortal.259
259
See Arhats who became Bodhisattvas = SD 27.6b.
260
See also Warder 1980:81.
261
See Gethin 2001:146 f.
262
For detailed studies, see SD 10.
263
André Bareau [5 above] has given a detailed analysis of the various Parinirvana traditions.
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[abandonings?], the four bases of success, the five faculties, the five powers, the seven
factors of awakening, the noble eightfold path.‖264
Gethin notes that the opening formula of this Mlasarvstivdin version ―seems to parallel in spirit
what comes at the close of the Pli passage‖ (2001:232).265 The above Mlasarvstivdin excerpt is also
found in another context, namely, that of the Buddha‘s first illness and his remarking about the closed first
of the teacher [§§2.23-25]. Gethin mentions that the lacuna in the Sanskrit manuscript here and quotes
Snellgrove‘s translation from the Tibetan to fill this gap:
nanda, I do not have the idea that the order of monks is mine, that I must cleave to the order and
lead it, so how should I have a last exhortation, even a slight one, with which to instruct the order?
Whatever teachings I have had which were relevant to the order of monks, I have already taught
them as the principles which must be practised, namely, [the four establishments of mindful-
ness, the four right efforts, the four bases of success, the five faculties, the five powers, the
seven factors of awakening, the noble eightfold path]. As Buddha I do not have the closed-
fistedness of a teacher who thinks he must conceal things as unsuitable to others.
(Snellgrove, BSOAS 36, 1973:401)
The 32 factors leading to awakening (bodhi,pakkhiya.dhamm) in the form of a set of seven teachings
as tools in the preservation of the Teaching are also found in a number of suttas, such as the Sampasda-
nya Sutta (D 28/3:99-116), the Psdika Sutta (D 29/3:117-141), the Kin,ti Sutta (M 103/2:238-243),
and the Smagma Sutta (M 104/ 2:243-251).266 Rupert Gethin‘s The Buddhist Path to Awakening (2001)
is a monograph on the 37 factors leading to awakening and he discusses them by way of these ―seven
sets‖ of teachings.
264
Mh Parinirva Stra (ed Waldschmidt) 222-224: atha bhagavn yenopasthna-l tenopasakrnta.
upasakramya purastd bhiku-saghasya prajapta ev‘sane nyasdat. niadya bhagavn bhikn mantrayate
sma. anity bhikava sarva-saskr adhruv anvsik viparima-dharmao yvad alam eva bhikava sarva-
saskrn saskritu ala virantum. tasmt tarhi bhikavo ye te dharm da-dharma-hitya savartante
da-dharma-sukhya samparya-hitya samparya-sukhya te bhikubhir udghya paryavpya tath tath dhra-
yitavy grhayitavy vcayitavy yathda brahmacarya cira-sthitika syt tad bhaviyati bahu-jana-hitya
bahu-jana-sukhya lokânukampârthya hitya sukhya deva-manuynm. katame te dharm da-dharma-hitya
savartante…tadyath catvri smty-upasthnni catvri samyak prahni catvri ddhi-pd pacendriyi
paca blni sapta bodhy-agny ryââgo mrga. Cf Divy 207 f.
265
He also notes that two other sections of this excerpt are found to parallel two passages in other parts of the
Pali Canon. He notes that this is rare. (Gethin 2002:232)
266
See 10d below & Gethin 2001:232-240 for a useful discussion.
267
The younger brother of Sriputta.
268
Amplification following DA 3:911.
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And what are the things that you should recite together? They are [the 37 factors leading to
awakening], namely, [the seven sets:]269
the four focusses of mindfulness (cattro satipahn).270
the four right efforts (samma-p,padhn).271
the four paths to spiritual power (iddhi,pd).272
the five spiritual faculties (pac‘indriyni).273
the five spiritual powers (paca,balni).274
the seven limbs of awakening (satta bojjhag).275
the noble eightfold path (ariyo ah‘agiko maggo)276 (D 29.16-18/3:127 f).
The emphasis here is on avoiding dispute and reaching clear agreement: the monks should not quarrel,
and should not allow the teaching to be distorted.277 Paralleling the four great references, the procedure
laid out by the Psdika Sutta is as follows:
278
And, Cunda, having assembled in harmony and without dissension, you should train
yourselves thus. When a certain fellow in the holy life speaks the Dharma in the assembly, if you
think that—
1. If, Cunda, some other fellow in the holy life were to speak Dharma in the assembly, if you
should think that he has both grasped the sense wrongly and worded it wrongly,279…
2. …he has grasped the sense wrongly but has worded it rightly,…
3. …he has grasped the sense rightly but has worded it wrongly,—
you should neither approve of it nor reject it, but should say to him:
―Regarding this sense, friend, this word or that is more appropriate? Regarding this wording,
this sense or that sense is more appropriate?‖
If he replies: ―This sense is surely better worded like this than like that,‖ or ―Of this wording,
this sense is surely better than that,‖ then his words should be neither be praised nor dismissed,
but you should explain the correct meaning and wording to him carefully.
4. …but if you think that he has both grasped the sense rightly and worded it rightly, you
should approve of his word, rejoice in it, saying, ―Sadhu! [Excellent!]‖ Having approved of his
word, having rejoiced in it, you should applaud and rejoice in him, saying,
―It is a fortune for us, friend, a great fortune for us, friend, that we see280 such a venerable
companion in the holy life who is well versed in both the spirit and the letter!‖
(D 29.18-21/3:129; abridged)
The Smagma Sutta (M 104/2:243-251) appears in some way to be the Majjhima Nikya version
of the Psdika Sutta of the Dgha Nikya. Both Suttas open with mentioning the Buddha dwelling among
the Sakyas, immediately after the death of ―Nigaha Ntaputta,‖ when quarrels and disagreement split
269
These seven sets are given in full in Sakul‘udy S (M 77.15-21/2:11 f) = SD 6.18 (2004) and as practised
by various monks, in npna,sati S (M 118.13/3:81).
270
See D 1:56, 339, 2:83, 290-315, 3:101; S 3:96, 153; A 2:218, 3:12.
271
See V 1:22; D 2:120; M 3:296, 2:96; A 2:74, 15 f.
272
See D 2:213, 221; M 1:103 = 2:11; A 1:39, 297, 2:256, 3:82; Vbh 213.
273
See M 1:295; S 3:46, 225, 4:168; A 2:151. See foll n.
274
See D 2:120, 239; M 2:12, 3:296; S 3:96, 153. 4:366; A 3:10, 12; Vbh 342.
275
See D 2:79, 83, 120, 302, 3:101, 128, 251, 282; M 1:11, 2:12; S 1:54, 5:83; A 1:14, 4:23; Vbh 277.
276
See D 1:256 f, 165, 312; M 1:61, 118, 3:251; It 18; Sn 1130; Vbh 235.
277
See Gethin, The Buddhist Path to Awakening, 2001:232 f.
278
Tesa ca vo Cunda samaggna sammodamnna avivadamn sikkhitabba, aataro sabrahmacr
saghe dhamma bhseyya. Tatra ce tumhka eva assa—1. attha c‘eva micch gahti, vyajanni ca micch
ropet ti…; 2. attha hi kho micch gahti, vyajanni samm ropet ti…; 3. attha hi kho samm gahti,vyaja-
nni micch ropet ti—tassa n‘eva abhinanditabba na paikkositabba. Anabhinanditv appaikkositv so eva
assa vacanyo; 4. attha ‗eva samm gahti, vyajanni samm ropet ti.
279
―Worded,‖ vyajanni…ropeti, lit ―propagated the phrase.‖ This n applies to this whole section.
280
―(We) see,‖ passma. On the significance on ―seeing,‖ see Intro (7e) above.
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the Jain community. In both Suttas, both Cunda and nanda mention the incident to the Buddha. In the
Smagma Sutta, however, nanda concludes with a more specific point, and the Buddha responds:
―This occurs to me, bhante: Let not a dispute arise in the Sangha after the passing away of the
Blessed One. Such a dispute would be to the detriment of the many, the unhappiness of the many,
the loss, detriment and suffering of devas and humans.‖
―What do you think, nanda? Those things that I have directly known and taught you, name-
ly, the four focusses of mindfulness…the noble eightfold path—nanda, do you see any two
monks who have differing opinions regarding them?‖ (M 104.4/2:245)
nanda replies no but suggests that after the Buddha‘s passing those who live taking him as their refuge
might become involved in dispute ―in connection with livelihood‖ (ajjh‘jva) and ―in connection with
the code of discipline‖ (adhiptimokkha),281 and that this would be to the disadvantage of the many. The
Buddha, however, replies:
―nanda, a dispute about livelihood or about the Ptimokkha would be trifling. But, nanda,
should there arise in the Sangha a dispute about the path or the way, such a dispute would be to
the detriment of the many, the unhappiness of the many, the loss, detriment and suffering of devas
and humans!‖ (M 104.5/2:245)
Similarly, the Kin,ti Sutta (M 103/2:238-243), focussing on the centrality of the seven sets forming
the 37 ―factors leading to awakening,‖ teaches ways of overcoming any disagreement regarding the spirit
and the letter of the Dharma. The Sutta opens with the Buddha declaring:
Bhikshus, what do you think of me? That the recluse Gotama teaches Dharma for the sake of
robes? Or, that the recluse Gotama teaches Dharma for the sake of almsfood? Or, that the recluse
Gotama teaches Dharma for the sake of lodgings? Or, that the recluse Gotama teaches Dharma
for the sake of this or that existence [different states of being]? (M 103.2/2:238)
The monks reply that the Buddha ―is compassionate, one seeks after our good; he teaches the Dharma
out of compassion.‖
―Therefore, monks, those things that I have directly known and taught you, namely, the four
focusses of mindfulness…the noble eightfold path—in these things you should all train yourself
in concord, with mutual appreciation, without disputing.
While you are training yourself in concord, with mutual appreciation, without disputing, let
not any two monks differ in opinions regarding the Dharma (abhidhamme).‖ (M 103.3-4/2:239)
The Buddha then shows how to deal with possible areas of discord: where there is disagreement about the
meaning (attha) and the wording (vyajana), that is, both together and each separately; where a monk
commits some offence (patti) or transgression (vtikkama); where argument and ill feeling exist between
groups (M 103.5-7/2:239-243).
As the 37 ―actors leading to awakening,‖ the seven sets constitute the ―path cultivation‖ (magga,-
bhvan) (V 3:93, 4:126), a fact also reflected in the Abhidharma,koa Bhya (AbhkB tr Pruden 1988:
1022 f). It is clear, therefore, as Gethin wisely observes (referring to ―the Dharma Mirror‖),282 that the
appeal to the seven sets of teachings,
is not an appeal to dhammas as ―teachings‖ or ―doctrines‖—at least not in the limited sense of a
body of teachings or doctrines that can exist apart from the actual path and way. The nature of the
appeal to the seven sets is a matter of appeal to practice and experience rather than an appeal to
theory and scripture. The appeal ultimately rests on the fact that the seven sets embrace dhammas
281
Ajjh‘jva and adhiptimokkha, see CPD which qu MA 4:38.
282
D 16.2.9/ 2:93; also Nm 1:132.
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that the bhikkhu [or practitioner] can gain personal direct knowledge of, they constitute dhamma
that is ―to be known by the wise each one for himself‖ (paccatta veditabbo vihi).
(Gethin 2001:236)
Gethin follows with an instructive discussion on the seven sets which should be fully read (2001:236-263).
This important list of dharmas forms the matrix (mik/mtk), defined thus in the Dictionary of
Buddhism:
a rubric or tabulated summary of contents used in the philosophical sections of the books of
the Abhidharma Piaka. Originally a Vinaya term, used in the singular (Pli, mik), it meant a
keyword. Used in the plural (also mik), it means the keywords for a topic, and hence a list.
In other words, they are the living essence of the Buddha‘s Teaching. The Abhidharma,koa Bhya refers
these dharmas as that aspect of the True Teaching (saddharma) pertaining to realization (adhigama). The
teachings of the Stra, the Vinaya and the Abhidharma, on the other hand are the ―traditions‖ (gama)
(AbhkB:P 1281).283 It is through the 37 factors leading to awakening that the holy life (brahma,cariya) is
able to endure and stand long (addhaniya cira-,hitika, D 3:27).
283
See Gethin 2001:56 f & K Dhammajoti, Sarvstivda Abhidharma, Kelaniya, 2002:7 f.
284
―The chapter on the groups of moral virtue,‖ comprising vol 1 of the Pali Text Society‘s ed of Dgha.
285
This usage of the term is found at D 1:51 f; Vism 215; VvA 71; VbhA 317. The Majjhima appears to use a
slightly abbreviated form of the sla-k,khandha vagga material (M 1:178-184, 267-271, 3:33-36, 134-147. See
Gethin 2001:208 for details.
286
D 3:227, 277; S 5:25; Dhs 1016; DhsA 423; Miln 344, 358; three mentioned at Kvu 112.
287
D 2:1:47-86 = SD 8.10. Gethin‘s n: ―In the slakkhandha-vagga the terminology in fact varies. The Sma-
aphala-sutta, while giving the account in full, does not explicitly divide it into three categories. This is true also of
the Kadanta-, Mahli-, Jliya-, Kevaddha- and Lohicca-suttas. (The Pohapda- and Tevijja-suttas depart from
the standard pattern after the account of the fourth jhna, inserting descriptions of the four formless attainments and
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One of the most important expressions of the progressive development of the fruits of recluseship is
the formula of progressive talk (ānupubb,kath), here given in full:
Then the Blessed One gave him a progressive talk––that is to say, he spoke on giving (dna),
on moral virtue (sla) and on the heavens (sagga). He explained the danger, the vanity and the
disadvantages of sensual pleasures (km‘dnava), and the advantages of renunciation (nekkham-
m‘nisasa). When the Blessed One perceived that the listener‘s mind was prepared, pliant, free
from obstacles, elevated and lucid, then he explained to him the teaching peculiar to the Buddhas
(buddhna smukkasik desan), that is to say, suffering (dukkha), its arising, its cessation,
and the path. (V 1:15; D 1:148; A 3:184 etc)
The stages of the fruits of recluseship also constitute the three trainings (ti sikkh)288—as moral virtue
(sla), mental concentration (samdhi), and wisdom (pa)—which are given in stock and recur nine
times throughout the Mah Parinibbna Sutta:
This is moral virtue, this is concentration, this is wisdom. Concentration, when well cultivat-
289
ed with moral virtue, brings great fruit and great profit. Wisdom, when well cultivated with
concentration, brings great fruit and great profit. The mind, when well cultivated with wisdom,
becomes completely free from the mental influxes,290 that is to say, from the canker of sensual
lust, the canker of existence, the canker of false views and the canker of ignorance.
(D 16.1.12, 1.14, 1.18, 2.4, 2.10, 2.20, 4.4, 4.12)291
We have a basic hierarchy of spiritual progress in terms of moral development, mental development and
spiritual wisdom.292 Understandably, if one tries to develop wisdom (pa), one first needs some meas-
ure of mental concentration (samdhi). If one tries to cultivate concentration, clearly one needs some
measure of moral virtue.
What this means in practice is that it is understood that someone can have developed sla but need
not necessarily have developed samdhi and pa; someone can have developed sla and
samdhi, but not necessarily have developed pa to any great degree. However, the converse
cannot be so. This is reflected in the corresponding hierarchy of religious goals. The development
of sla alone leads to a happy rebirth in the kma-loka; the development of sla and samdhi to
rebirth in the brahma-loka; by developing sla, samdhi and pa rebirth in all kinds is trans-
cended. (Gethin 2001:209)
Gethin goes on to quote this important passage from the Vimutti,magga:
four brahma-vihras respectively.) In the Ambaha-sutta the categories are just two, caraa and vijj; in the Soa-
daa-sutta just as sla and pa; in the Kassapashanda-sutta they are sla-sampad and pa-sampad; in the
Subha-sutta they are called sla-kkhandha, samdhi-kkhandha and pa-kkhandha‖ (2001:207 n79).
288
D 1:207, 3:220; A 1:229.
289
―Well cultivated,‖ paribhvito. In a stock simile, eggs are said to be paribhvitni (M 1:104; S 3:153) by a
brooding hen. According to Rhys Davids, in medicine, the word means ―charged with, impregnated with.‖ See J
1:380, 4:407; cf Miln 361, 382, 394; cf Bhagavad Gt 3.38 for this simile.
290
―Mental influxes,‖ sava, ―mental fluxes.‖ The term sava (lit ―inflow, outflow‖) comes from -savati
―flows towards‖ (ie either ―into‖ or ―out‖ towards the observer). It has been variously translated as taints (―deadly
taints,‖ RD), corruptions, intoxicants, biases, depravity, misery, evil (influence), or simply left untranslated. The
Abhidhamma lists 4 savas: the influxes of (1) sense-desire (km‘sava), (2) (desire for eternal) existence (bhav‘-
sava), (3) wrong views (dih‘sava), (4) ignorance (avijjâsava) (D 16.1.12/2:82, 16.2.4/2:91, Pm 1.442, 561, Dhs
§§1096-1100, Vbh §937). These four are also known as ―floods‖ (ogha) and ―yokes‖ (yoga). The list of three in-
fluxes (omitting the influx of views) [§43] is probably older and is found more frequently in the suttas (D 3:216,
33.1.10(20); M 1:55, 3:41; A 3.59, 67, 6.63). The destruction of these savas is equivalent to arhathood. See BDict:
sava.
291
Three trainings, see 16.1 n in the sutta.
292
See eg Subha S (M 99/2:196-209) and Kassapa Shanda S = Mah Shanda S (D 8).
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After acknowledging the Path of Freedom, through virtue he transcends the way to the states of
regress (apya); through concentration, he transcends the sense plane, through wisdom he trans-
cends all becoming [existence]. If he practises virtue to the full and practises little of concentra-
tion and wisdom, he will reach the state of Stream-entrant and stage of Once-returner. If he
practises virtue and concentration to the full [but] practises little of wisdom, he will reach the
stage of Non-returner. If he practises virtue, concentration and wisdom to the full, he will reach
the peerless freedom of the Consummate One. (Vimm:ESK 5; cf A 4:380 f)
By the end of the Nikya period (when the compilation of the four Nikyas and the Sutta,nipta were
more or less fixed), if not earlier, this threefold system has been applied to the three stages of the noble
path.293 LS Cousins, in his article, ―Samatha-yna and Vipassan-yna‖ (1984), adds this helpful
explanation related to the above remark:
This might be better expressed by saying that all ariya disciples have mastered the precepts; the
never-returner has mastered both sla and samdhi; while the arahat has mastered wisdom as
well. This corresponds quite closely to the structure of the Buddhist cosmos. One is reborn as a
deva through generosity and keeping the precepts, as a brahma through developing samdhi and
in the Pure Abodes by developing wisdom. Quite logically all brahmas are also devas but not vice
versa, while all those resident in the Pure Abodes are both devas and brahmas.
This may be termed the vertical structure of the path. An alternative view becomes very
important in the Abhidhamma. The whole of the path is seen as arising together in unity at the
moment of attainment. This we will call the horizontal structure. It is applied, for example, to the
bodhi-pakkhiya-dhammas in relation to each of the four paths (magga). On a lesser level it is
applied to the five faculties (indriya) in relation to jhna. (LS Cousins, 1984:57)
While the sliding hierarchy of the three trainings forms a neat theory, the reality of practice is rather
subtle.294 In fact, moral virtue, concentration and wisdom are inextricably bound together. This means that
the spiritual beginner should not only establish himself in moral virtue, but should also at least cultivate
some level of concentration and wisdom, and the adept at the advanced stages of the path, accomplished
in wisdom, nevertheless needs moral virtue and concentration. This is clearly reflected in Soadaa‘s
words to the Buddha who approves of them:295
Just as, Gotama, one might wash hand with hand or foot with foot; even so, wisdom is fully
cleansed by moral virtue, moral virtue is fully cleansed by wisdom. Where there is moral virtue,
there is wisdom; where there is wisdom, there is moral virtue. The morally virtuous has wisdom;
the wise has moral virtue. Moral virtue and wisdom are declared the summit of the world.
(D 4.21/1:124)
In terms of actual practice, the noble eightfold path formula is always given as sla-samdhi-paa,
as stated in the Ca Vedalla Sutta (M 44), where the nun Dhammadinn explains to the layman Vis-
kha, thus:
The three aggregates296 [three trainings] are not included by the noble eightfold path, friend
Viskha, but the noble eightfold path is included by the three aggregates. Right speech, right
action, and right livelihood: these states are included in the aggregate of moral virtue. Right
effort, right mindfulness and right concentration: these states are included in the aggregate of
concentration. Right view and right thought: these states are included in the aggregate of wisdom.
293
A 1:231-235, 4:380 f; Pug 37; cf A 2:136.
294
A number of scholars have pointed this out: H Saddhtissa, Buddhist Ethics, London, 1970:68; R Gombrich,
―Notes on the brahminical background to Buddhist ethics‖ in G Dhammapala, Buddhist Studies in honour of Ham-
malava Saddhatissa,1984:91-102; and R Gethin, The Buddhist Path to Awakening, 2001:209-212.
295
In Soa,daa S (D 4), the stages of the path are considered only as sla and pa. Implicit here is that
these two in themselves conduce to the cultivation of moral virtue.
296
Here, “aggregates” (khandha) is simply collective term, referring to the components of each state of the three
trainings.
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(M 44.11/1:301)
In the traditional arrangement of the noble eightfold path, we have the sequence, pa-sla-samdhi.
The very first of the eight factors is right view (samm,dihi), whose primacy on the spiritual path is
clearly explained in the Mah Cattrisaka Sutta (M 117). If life is a journey, then the pilgrim‘s goal is
the city of nirvana. The path leading to nirvana is the noble eightfold path (ariy‘ahagika magga). The
guide on this noble path is right view, and as long as he is ahead of others, the pilgrim is on the right
track. Conversely, one is easily lost when one is (mis)guided by wrong view. The recurring theme of this
sutta is the primacy of right view with regard to ―noble right concentration along with its support and
equipment‖ (ariya… samm,samdhi …sa,upanisa sa,parikkhara) [§§2, 3] and that ―in this
regard, bhikshus, right view comes first‖ (tatra samm,dihi pubba,gam) [§§4, 10, 16, 22, 28, 34 f] (M
117/3:71-78). In other words, the noble eightfold path deals with the three trainings in a different way.
While [the noble eightfold path] does not by way of content fully embrace the aggregates of sla,
samdhi and pa, its eight factors do collectively touch on and comprise each of these three
aspects—uniquely among the seven sets. Thus the eight factors collectively represent, as it were,
an actual manifestation of all three aspects, so that the ariyo ahagiko maggo can be seen as the
essential distillation of the aggregates of sla, samdhi and pa. The ariyo ahagiko maggo
comprises the whole of the spiritual life precisely in the sense that it is the consummation of the
development of sla, samdhi and pa. It is the path or way of life that issues from that develop-
ment. In other words, the development of sla, samdhi and pa in all its various aspects culmin-
ates in right view, right thought, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right striving, right
mindfulness, right concentration—pa, sla, and samdhi, the three essential aspects of spiritual
practice in perfect balance. It is only in this manner that the treatment of the ariyo ahagiko
maggo in the Cavedalla-sutta becomes properly intelligible. (Gethin 2001:212)
The noble eightfold path therefore does not comprise successful stages like a three-rung ladder nor
even milestones or signboards along the way. They constitute a path, not in a linear progression from start
to finish; rather, ―they embody a complete ‗way of going along‘ or ‗mode of practice‘—a paipad. The
eight factors embrace all that is essential to spiritual progress‖ (Gethin 2001:212).
In the npna,sati Sutta (M 118), the Buddha declares that there various groups of monks each
engaged in the cultivation of one of the seven sets (M 118.13/3:81). This clearly shows that the sets are all
tools for gaining the same goal. In fact, the Nikyas seem to suggest that by developing just one of the 37
methods (comprising the 7 sets) to completion, one reaches the end of the path of awakening. Yet
[t]he bringing to fulfillment of any one of the seven sets cannot be accomplished without bringing
to fulfillment all seven sets. For, as the Nettippakaraa puts it, all dhammas that lead to awaken-
ing and contribute to awakening have but one characteristic, the characteristic of ―leading out‖
[niyynika]. In other words, there exists between the thirty-seven dhammas a relationship of
reciprocity and radical interdependence. (Gethin 2001:352)
297
For a discussion on Buddhaghosa‘s ―understanding of mahâpadesa,‖ see An Yang-Gyu 2002b:61-64.
298
Ronald M Davidson 1990:300.
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‗to be collated,‘ whereas Dhammapla‘s definition results in what we can translate as ‗to be entered into
(the Four Noble Truths)‖ (An Yang-Gyu 2002b:57).
It is clear from the Vinaya that during the Buddha‘s lifetime up and within decades of his passing, the
Vinaya mahâpades were in force, towards the end of the Buddha‘s life or very soon after, the Dharma
Vinaya mahâpades were formulated to cover both monastic discipline and the teachings. This shows that
the four human sources of disciplinary and doctrinal authority were superseded by some form of canon.
In this respect, the sermon on mahpadesa might have been composed after the standard oral
texts had been compiled, even though it is ascribed to the Buddha before he attains parinibb-
na.299 This process of making a standard canon out of the oral tradition was the work of monks
when the sagha had settled into a relatively developed monastic life in a set of self-governed
colonies. (An Yang-Gyu 2002b:58)
It is obvious, as Gombrich notes, that ―from the first the institution which performed the function of pre-
serving the Buddhist texts much have been the Sangha‖ and such an endeavour ―required organization,
and that the Buddhist laity were never organized in a way which would have ensured the transmission of
the texts down the generation‖ (1988:35).
299
Buddhaghosa says that this teaching is given during the Buddha‘s last journey (AA 3:158).
300
See Nett: 37n; Gethin 2002:237-240, on which this section is mainly based; An Yang-Gyu, ―Canonization
of the Word of the Buddha,‖ 2002b.
301
Adhikaraa is also tr as ―legal question‖ (V:H 5:125-140), ―legal dispute,‖ and ―litigation‖ (M:B 855). The
4 ways of settling a legal question (adhikaraa) are: (1) a question of legal dispute (vivdâdhikaraa); (2) a question
of censure (anuvdâdhikaraa); (3) a question regarding an offence (pattâdhikaraa); and (4) a question regarding
a duty (kiccâdhikaraa). See Smagma S (M 104.12-20/2:247-250).
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The four great references (mahâpadesa) as found in the Mah Parinibbna Sutta [§4.7-11] and the
Aguttara Nikya (A 2:167-170),302 ―signifies the pointing out or citing of someone as a witness or
authority‖ with regard to some teaching (Cousins 1983:21). If one has heard and received a teaching:303
1. from the Blessed One‘s own mouth:
2. from a community [sangha] with elders, with distinguished teachers.304
3. from many elder monks who are well learned, masters of scripture, Dharma-experts, Vinaya-
experts, experts in the Summaries [Matrices]:305
4. from an elder monk who is well learned, master of scripture, Dharma-expert, Vinaya-expert,
expert in the Summaries [Matrices].306
Then, bhikshus, you should neither approve nor disapprove of his word. Neither approving nor
disapproving, his words and syllables (pada,vyajanni) should be carefully studied and checked
against (otretabbni) the Sutta307 [Teaching] and examined (for conformity) (sandassetabbni)
against the Vinaya [Discipline]. If, upon such checking [collating] and examining, they are found
to conform neither to the Sutta nor to the Vinaya, then it should be concluded: ‗Surely, this is not
the Blessed One‘s Word. It has been wrongly understood by this monk,‘ and the matter is to be
rejected. But where, upon such checking [collating] and examining, they are found to conform to
the Sutta and the Vinaya, it should be concluded, ‗Surely, this is the Blessed One‘s Word. It has
been rightly understood by this elder.‘ (D 16.4.7-11/2:123 f)
The mahâpadesa passage of the Mah Parinibbna Sutta strikingly parallels the sammukh,vinaya
passage both in form and content:
We find a striking parallelism in structure and words between mahpadesa and sammukhvinaya;
the four human sources of mahâpadesa appear in the sammukhvinaya. And the qualifications of
these human sources are described in almost exactly the same words. This sammukhvinaya treats
the Buddha as the final authority, before him a sagha, then a group of monks, and lastly a single
monk, but mahpadesa in [the Mah Parinibbna sutta] subordinates these four sources, begin-
ning with the Buddha,308 to the texts of the sutta and the vinaya. (An Yang-Gyu 2002b:61)
In a similar observation, George Bond suggests that the use of the term sammukh in the mahâpadesa
implies a reference to a sammukh,vinaya proceeding (1982:25-28). An Yang-Gyu concurs, adding
It is not unreasonable to assume that sammukhvinaya309 was practised to settle the disputes over
dhamma and vinaya during the Buddha‘s lifetime, while mahâpadesa was invented on the basis
of sammukhvinaya for the same purpose after the Buddha‘s parinibbna. I would further like to
suggest that even if there were fixed authoritative texts, they were not more authoritative than the
Buddha while he was alive. But, after the Buddha‘s death the settled texts assumed the Buddha‘s
authority. After the Buddha‘s death, monks must have needed to organize the Buddha‘s words
302
Also at Nett 21; see Nett: 37n.
303
Eko thero bhikkh…bahussuto gat‘gamo dhamma,dharo vinaya,dharo mtik,dharo.
304
Sagho…sa-t,thero sa,pmokkho.
305
Sambahul ther bhikkh…bahussut gat‘gam dhamma,dhar vinaya,dhar mtik,dhar.
306
Eko thero bhikkh…bahussuto gat‘gamo dhamma,dharo vinaya,dharo mtik,dharo.
307
―Checked against the Sutta,‖ sutte otaranti, lit ―they descend into the Sutta.‖ This unusual expression is ―best
interpreted in the light of the Peakpadesa tradition where otara is one of the sixteen hras‖ [Pek 11, 98-101,
157 etc; Nett 21 f, 63-70, 107; Nett: xl, 1, 37 n125/1] (Cousins 1983:3). Cf Jaini (ed), Abhidharma,dpa, Patna,
1977: Intro p27 on Nett.
308
An Yang-Gyu (fn): ―Surely the Buddha himself is not subordinated, but a proposal ascribed to the Buddha
is.‖
309
―The term [mahâpadesa] could simply mean ‗face to face,‘ ‗from the mouth of‘; in other contexts it is used
as part of an oath asserting the truth of a teaching or belief (eg M 3:119). Both mahâpadesa and sammukhvinaya
refer to the same procedure and criteria of authority.‖ (An Yang-Gyu 2002b:61 n30)
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into the texts, which in due course become immovable authorities. Mahpadesa is a monastic
device to make a standard canon which assumes supreme authority in the Buddha‘s absence.
(An Yang-Gyu 200b 61)
Lamotte distinguishes a two-stage of the four great references: the external and the internal. The first
stage, or ―external‖ criterion, consists in the monk‘s appeal to the four great references to support this
claim that a teaching represents Dharma, Vinaya and the Teacher‘s Teaching, that is, by way of the
―Vinaya of presence‖ mentioned above. The Vinaya contains a lengthy discussion on such cases of dis-
putes (vivdâdhikaraa) regarding the proper definition of Dharma Vinaya, and the prescribed methods
for settling them (V 2:88-104).
The second stage, or ―internal‖ criterion, according to George Bond, is the new element in the great
references, that ―the bhikkhu must apply to a saying as dhamma, vinaya and satthu ssana‖ (1982:28).
Lamotte (1947:221) rejects Buddhaghosa‘s interpretations (DA 565-568) that at the both sutta and vinaya
refer to parts of the Vinaya Piaka, with sutta referring to its ―pithy sayings‖; and that the two terms could
also refer to the two Piakas (the Sutta,piaka and the Vinaya,piaka), or to all three Piakas (where sutta
refers to both the Sutta,piaka and the Abhidhamma,piaka).
The very existence of such a formula as the great references reflects the unsettled state of the canon.
In fact, the various interpretations given by Buddhaghosa supports the purpose of the great references:
that a statement should be checked against an established body of teachings, and that only those that are
compatible with this established corpus should be accepted (DA 567). George Bond provides this insight:
Rather than implying completed texts, sutta and vinaya probably referred to essential
doctrines and basic rules which existed side by side in some form of oral tradition. The view of
what these terms might have meant is supported by another text in the Theravada tradition, the
Netti-Pakaraa. (1982:29)
S Dutt, in his Early Buddhist Monachism, remarks that the four great references of the Vinaya are
―the material sources‖ of Buddhist monastic law (2nd ed 1984:21). However, while the Buddha himself is
the ―formal source‖—that from which the rule of law derives its force and validity—the ―material
sources‖ are the Dharma Vinaya. These great references are only special provisions for deciding the
propriety of an act or situation.
310
M 103.5-8/2:239-241.
311
See Mahā Sakul‘udāyi S (M 77) = SD 16.18 Intro (1.2).
312
The four sources of doctrinal problems centre around: (1) differing about both the spirit [meaning] and the
letter [phrasing]; (2) differing about the spirit but agreeing about the letter; (3) agreeing about the spirit but differing
about the letter; (4) agreeing both about the spirit and the letter.
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trifle‖ (M 103.7/2:240). However, in the Adhikaraa Vagga of the Aguttara Nikāya, the Buddha points
out that the wrong expression of the spirit and of the letter are two factors responsible for the distortion
and disappearance of the true Dharma (A 2.20/1:59). In this light, the instruction given in the Kinti Sutta
should be understood that ―slight deviations from the correct phrasing are not necessarily an obstacle to a
proper understanding of the meaning‖ (Bodhi, M:B 1310 n972).313
Both these hermeneutical systems regard the Dharma as the final authority, and as such, functions
very much like the four great references, of which they are clearly their predecessors and, very likely,
their prototypes. The ―great references‖ comprise two aspects: the sources and the authorities. This is
clearly a device to transfer scriptural authority from the person to the text, introduced just before or soon
after the Buddha‘s passing as the Buddhist community has grown into far flung areas of northern India
where living authorities were hard to come by or might be misrepresented.314 The formulation of these
four great authorities also entails that there is some form of fixed canon or some early collection such as
the Sagti Sutta (D 33) and the Das‘uttara Sutta (D 34).315
Mahpadesa consists of two levels: the first concerns the human sources and the second provides
the two authorities which should control the sources. We can see that the three human sources, let
alone the Buddha, are all described as so well qualified that they themselves can play an authorit-
ative role. They are all under the authority of the Buddha while he is alive. However, as monastic-
ism developed after the Buddha‘s parinibbna, these human sources who used to be under the
Buddhas came under the power of the final authority, namely, a definitive collection of texts. In
effect, as these human sources are subject to the fixed texts of the Sutta and Vinaya, ―new
developments were ruled out, at least on the explicit level.‖ [Reginald Ray 1994:366]
(An Yang-Gyu 2002b:57)
]
The four great references reject the decisiveness of appeal to human authorities. Instead, they propose
that the words and the letters (pada,vyajanni) (Buddhaghosa) or the spirit and the letter (Dhammapla)
of those teachings ―should be carefully studied and checked against the Sutta and examined (for conform-
ity) against the Vinaya.‖ Such a scheme should understandably have envisaged a more cœnibitical life,
comprising of at least small communities of monks in settled dwellings.
The four great references are vital as criteria to the oral tradition of early Buddhism for winnowing
the grain of Dharma from the husk of wrong view. Without any written scripture, the early Buddhists had
to rely on a special code of cross-checking with one another through recital of the teachings—by a profi-
cient individual, or an expert group, or the community itself. The core teachings of the early Dharma is, as
evident from a number of early Suttas, the 37 ―factors leading to awakening‖ (bodhi,pakkhiya,dhamm).
Lamotte, in his paper, ‗The assessment of textual authenticity in Buddhism‖ (1983/84), reflecting on the
fact that early Buddhism lacks an agreed and fixed canon of scriptures (mainly because here the Dharma is
orally transmitted), says:
In order that a text proposed with reference to one of the four Great Authorities [mahâpadesa] be
guaranteed, it is not necessary for it to be literally produced in the Scriptures, it is enough that its
313
The scribal tradition of the Pali texts, for example, is full of variant readings and wrong readings, which
could all be resolved through careful comparative study of the various other texts (Pali, Sanskrit and various trans-
lations) and most important of all, from the living transmission of practitioners (such as forest monks and medita-
tors).
314
See An Yang-Gyu 2002b 57 f.
315
The Sagti S (D 33) opens by stating that the Buddha is staying in the mango grove of Cunda the smith at
Pv (D 33.1.1/3:207) [cf 4.13-20] and also gives the occasion for Sriputta‘s teaching was the death of Mahavra
(the founder of Jainism), following which there was a schism in the Jain order. Discounting the anachronism
problem here (Mahvra is believed to have died c 527 BC at Pv, long before the Buddha), the purpose of the sutta
is clear: to provide a list of authentic teachings. The Das‘uttara S (D 34), a record of Sriputta‘s teaching at Camp,
is mostly a rearrangement of D 33. Cf Gethin 1992:162 & An Yang-Gyu 2002b:59 f.
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general purport be in keeping with the spirit of the Stras, the Vinaya and the Buddhist doctrines in
general. (Lamotte 1983-84:4-15; see also 1988a:163 f)316
Lamotte goes on to cite the Netti-p,pakaraa in this connection. As mentioned earlier, LS Cousins, in his
paper, ―Pali Oral Literature‖ (Denwood & Piatigorsky 1983), too, suggests that that the particular terms of
the mahâpadesa passage (otaranti and sandissanti) should be understood in the light of traditions preserved
in the Peakpadesa and Netti-p,pakaraa (1983:2 f). According to these quasi-canonical texts, such
categories as the aggregates (khandha), sense-spheres (yatana), elements (dhtu), truths (sacca) and de-
pendent arising (paicca,samuppda) are to be used to analyze the contents of a discourse and place it in its
context in the teaching as a whole.
What is envisaged for sutta is not then a set body of literature, but rather a traditional pattern of
teaching. Authenticity lies not in historical truth, although that is not doubted, but rather in whether
something can accord with the essential structure of the dhamma as a whole. If it cannot, it should
be rejected. If it can, then it is to be accepted as the utterance of the Buddha. We may compare from
the later commentarial tradition: ―Whoever…might teach and proclaim the dhamma, all that is
accounted as actually taught and proclaimed by the Teacher.‖ (Cousins 1983:3)
316
In an earlier translation work, the Le Traité de la grande vertu de sagesse de Ngrjuna, Lamotte notes that
in later Buddhism [esp the written tradition of the Mahyna] that it is increasingly the intrinsic merits of the text
itself that determines its acceptance or otherwise as the authentic Buddha Word (1944-70 1:80), qu an Aguttara
passage: ―Whatever is well said, all that is the Blessed One‘s word‖ (ya kici subhsita sabba ta bhagavato
vacana, A 4:164) (id 84 n2).
317
For a discussion on these ―four refuges,‖ see Piya Tan, Teaching Methods of the Buddha 2002: 22.
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318
See Jotiya Dhirasekera, Buddhist Monastic Discipline,1981:165-170. See also Piya Tan, The Buddha and
His Disciples, ch 6 ―The Buddha‘s Image and Shadow,‖ 6.28; & Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, ch 6
―The Buddha‘s Image and Shadow,‖ 6.28.
319
This is in fact the 3rd of the 7 conditions of non-decline (aparihniya,dhamm) [1.6b(3)].
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The same text goes on to account that the recalcitrant ―group of six monks‖ (cha-b,baggiya bhikkh) were
the avid proponents of the abolition of the lesser and minor rules, and were most disappointed when this
did not occur (id).
Having considered these important reasons and explanations with regards to the Buddha‘s allowance
for the abrogation of the lesser and minor rules, it might be safely said that it is a late tradition interpolat-
ed into the Mah Parinibbna. In fact, Jotiya Dhirasekera suggests in connection with the stratification of
the Vinaya Khandhakas,320 it is possible that such discordant traditions could have been recorded ―either
out of choice or under pressure from within and without‖ (Dhirasekera 1981:170).
320
That is, the Cullavagga and the Mahvagga (V vols 1-2), the historical sections of the Vinaya.
321
In the suttas, Cunda is called a ―smith‖ or ―metal smith‖ (kammra,putta). Comys however say that he is a
worker in gold (suvaa,kra,putta), a wealthy householder who has become a streamwinner at first sight of the
Buddha, and builds a residence (vihra) for the Buddha and the monks in his mango grove (DA 2:568; SnA 159;
UA 399). This event evidently occurred before those of Mah Parinibbna S. The Aguttara has the relatively long
Cunda Kammra,putta S (A 10.176/5:263-268), where Cunda takes refuge.
322
See Matthew Dillon‘s insightful comparison of the deaths of the two great men in ―Dialogues with Death,‖
Philosophy East and West 50,4 Oct 2000:525-558.
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The last offering of food is of great advantage because of the Tathgata‘s attainment of
parinibbna. It was not because of the food that the illness fell upon the Blessed One but because
of the extreme weakness of his body and the proximity of death. These two offerings of food
were of great and incomparable merit because of the attainment of the nine successive dhyanas in
forward and reverse order which the Tathgata gained after partaking of that food.
(Miln 174-178; Miln:P 50 f. Pesala‘s abr tr)
323
Cf D:W 571 n417.
324
Cf Lamotte 1976:313 f.
325
Tattha pana dvi,sahassa,dīpa,parivāresu catūsu mahā,dīpesu devatā ojaṁ pakkhipiṁsu (DA 2;568).
326
According to late accounts, in Phussa Buddha‟s time, the Bodhisattva reviled monks for eating good food
and told them toeat barley (yava) instead. As a result of this, he has to eat barley himself for 3 months (of the rains)
at Verañja (Ap 1:300 f; UA 265).
327
The two most meritorious almsgivings to the Buddha are (1) Sujātā‟s sweet milk-rice (last meal before the
Great Awakening), and(2) Cunda‟s sūkara,maddava (just before the Great Parinirvana) (Miln 174-177; UA 405).
328
V 1:244; DhA 1:158, 323, 397; SnA 322; VvA 147.
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(5) mushrooms that arose at a spot where pigs had trampled upon. (UA 399)
In short, the ancient Commentators are not sure of the exact meaning of skara,maddava.
In the Sarvastivadin account of the Buddha‘s last days from the Chinese Āgama, there is no account of
the kind of food the Buddha took, but in another version there is an addition after the statement about the
meal:
Cunda had especially cooked sandal-mushrooms, which were looked upon all the world as a
wonderful rarity, and offered these only to the Lord. The Lord said to Cunda, ―Give not of these
mushrooms to the monks.‖ Cunda accepted the order, and did not venture to give them.329
This does not settle the question as to what the food really was, but only shows that the Chinese translator
understood it in the same sense as some of the Pali Commentators (EJ Thomas, The Quest for Enlighten-
ment, 1950:70).
3 The PED (sv ―Sūkara‖), in agreement with RO Franke, takes the term skara,maddava to be ―soft
(tender) boar‘ flesh‖ but Rhys Davids suggests ―quantity of truffles,‖ saying that it is important that the food
prepared by Cunda and eaten by the Buddha is called bhatta, a term which is not used elsewhere of meat.330
An ancient Chinese translation of the Sutta renders the term as ―the stew of the ear of the sandalwood tree‖
(a kind of wood-fungus).
Some modern scholars tend to favour ―truffles‖ (a kind of underground edible fungus) as the trans-
lation of skara,maddava, but this is not without its critics. The main problem is that it is a misnomer, as
truffles are not found in Bihar. Furthermore, Trevor Ling, in his The Buddha‘s Philosophy of Man (an
unauthorized revision of Rhys Davids‘ translation), comments on Rhys Davids‘ footnote on sūkara,mad-
dava (D:R 2:137 n31), thus:
This explanation seems intended to avoid offence to vegetarian readers or hearers. Rhys
Davids‘s statement that Buddhists ―have been mostly vegetarians, and are increasingly so,‖ is
difficult to accept. (1981:218 n31)
Walshe adds, in a charged note, saying:
Be that as it may (and in fact Eastern Theravda Buddhists have rarely been vegetarians, though
some are now, almost certainly under Western influence!), the question of vegetarianism has fre-
quently been raised in the Buddhist field. (D:W 572 n417)
4 Although Rhys Davids notes that ―it is important that the food prepared by Cunda and eaten by
the Buddha is called bhatta [D 2:127]: this is not used elsewhere of meat‖ (D:R 2:137 n31), the term
bhatta probably refers to the food offering as a whole (that is, including, but not only, the skara,madda-
va). Moreover, in reply to Devadatta‘s proposal that the monks should take neither fish nor meat all life
long, the Buddha declares that ―fish and meat are pure in respect to three points: if one has not seen, heard
or suspected (that they have been killed on purpose for one)‖ (V 2:197). In other words, vegetarianism is
an option, not the rule, for the early Buddhist monastics.331
In the case of the Ugga, the householder of Vesālī (A 5.44), the foremost of those who give pleasant
gifts,332 it is clear that amongst his gifts is ―pork (skara,maṁsa) with a generous serving of jujube fruit‖
(A:W 3:41n) which the Buddha accepts ―out of compassion‖ (A 3:49). However, it should also be noted
that the Pali text is only one of two texts, out of all the early sources (Sanskrit, Chinese, Tibetan) that spe-
cifically mention the kind of food prepared by Cunda for the Buddha.333
329
Unlike the mycophobic Indians (they regarded mushroom and similar growths as being impure), the myco-
philic Chinese (they love all kinds of edible mushrooms), have no difficulty in accepting that the Buddha‟s last meal
comprises this delicacy.
330
D:R 2:137,1; also Miln:R 1:244.1.
331
For a discussion on the meatless diet, see magandha S (Sn 2.2) = SD 4.24 Introd.
332
A 5.44/1:25.
333
For a discussion on the Buddha‘s last meal and references, see John S Strong, The Buddha: A short bio-
graphy, 2001:134-135.
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334
For a long list of refs on scholars who discussed the identity of this mysterious dish, see Gordon Wasson &
Flaherty 1982:591 n1.
335
Gordon Wasson & Flaherty 1982:600.
336
Identified as the entheogenic (previously, hallucinogenic) mushroom, Amanita muscaria or fly agaric. See
Gordon Wasson & O‟Flaherty 1958:600 f, 603.
337
See Gordon Wasson & O‟Flaherty 1982:596.
338
Santali is the dialect of the Santal, who number in some millions, living in villages scattered in the Santal
Parganas, in eastern Bihar, in the western north-south strip of West Bengal, and in Orissa as far south as teh Simlipal
Hills. See Gordon Wasson & O‟Flaherty 1958:594 f.
339
By the beginning of the Common Era, the Manu,smṛti (Laws of Manu), chs 4-5 listed “garlic, leeks, onions,
mushrooms and whatever that arises from filth are unfit to be consumed by the twice-born.”
340
It should be remembered that Cunda, family and assistants spends the whole night preparing for the meal
[§4.17].
341
See eg Sushila Blackman 1997.
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Buddha lived, ate and died, is instructive in our accepting him as a human being who is able to transcend
both humanity and divinity into an unconditioned state of spiritual freedom. It reminds us that despite our
frailties, we are capable of rising above ourselves.
14 Dhamm‘rma
A short but inspiring episode is found in the Dhammapada Commentary in connection with the
Buddha‘s statement on the ―supreme worship‖ [§5.3b]. The Dhammapada story opens in this manner:
From the day when the Teacher announced, ―Four months [sic] hence I shall pass into pari-
nirvana,‖ monks by the thousands spent their time attending to the Teacher and following him
around. Those worldling monks wept. They who had destroyed their mentral influxes, felt
Dharma-samvega. But all went about in groups, saying, ―What shall we do?‖342 (DhA 4:93)
But, one monk, by the name of Dhamm‘rma (Skt Dharm‘rma), which means ―one who delights
in the Dharma,‖ kept to himself. And when they asked him, he gave them no answer. He thought to him-
self: ―The Teacher has announced that four months hence he will pass away into nirvana, and I have not
yet freed myself from the bondage of desire. Therefore so long as the Teacher remains alive, I will
struggle and attain arhathood.‖
The monks reported Dharm‘rma‘s aloofness to the Buddha and he was summoned. When the
Buddha asked him if it was true that he was being aloof, Dharm‘rma explained that he was trying hard
to attain arhathood while the Buddha was yet alive and before he passed away into parinirvana. The
Buddha applauded him.
Bhikshus, every other monk should show his affection to me just as Dhamm‘rma has done.
For they honour me with garlands, perfumes and the like, honour me not; but they that practise
the Dharma in accordance with the Dharma, they alone truly honour me. (DhA 4:94)
Having said that, the Buddha pronounced the following Dhammapada stanza
The monk who dwells delighting in the Dharma,
Who reflects on the Dharma,
Who remembers the Dharma,
Does not fall away from the True Dharma. (Dh 364)
At the conclusion of the discourse, Dharm‘rma was established in arhathood, and the assembly, too,
profited from the discourse.
It is curious that the Dhammapada story mentions that the Buddha‘s announcement of his impending
parinirvana is made ―four months‖ instead of three month before the Parinirvana (as mentioned in the
Mah Parinibbna Sutta). There are two possibilities: the Buddha had made an earlier announcement, or
the Dhammapada Commentary (Buddhaghosa) errs.
15 Aspects of (pari)nirva
It should be noted that parinirvna as used throughout this Sutta refer to the Buddha‘s ―final passing
away.‖ This passing away is ―final‖ in that there is no more rebirth for the Buddha (or any fully awakened
being). However, the term parinirvana is not always used in this sense. The oldest Pali texts343 mention
two aspects of nibbna/nirva and of parinibbna/parinirva, where both the terms—nirva and
parinirva—are identical in meaning. Partly due to the usage of the term parinibbna in this Sutta,
where it describes the Buddha‘s final passing away—the ―final nirvana‖—the term is often associated
342
Satthr kira ―ito me catu,ms‘accayena parinibbna bhavissat ti rocitre aneka,sahass bhikkh satth-
ra parivretv vicarisu. Tattha puthujjan bhikkh assni sandhretu nâsakkhisu, khâsavna dhamma,-
savego uppajji. Sabbe‘pi ―kin nu kho karissm ti vagga,bandhanena vicaranti.
343
Cf DhA 2:163.
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(exclusively) with the ―death‖ of the Buddha or an arhat.344 Moreover, Rhys Davids‘ Pali-English Diction-
ary perpetuates this error.345 EJ Thomas346 remarks that ―Even the Buddhists of Ceylon have the same
idea [that parinirva means final nirva or nirva attained at death with the complete dispersal of the
skandhas], probably because they follow Rhys Davids [ie the Pali Text Society‘s Pali-English Dictionary]
more closely than the Pali texts.‖
Some scholars have also endorsed this error: AK Warder,347 for example, says that ―The prefix pari
is generally used when referring not to nirva itself as a state, but to the event of an individual‘s (final)
attainment of it at the end of his worldly life.‖ Modern scholars like FUJITA Ktatsu,348 KR Norman,
Bhikkhu Bodhi349 and Jan Nattier350 are well aware of this problem. KR Norman disagrees with Warder
and prefers Thomas‘ view, but agreeing that ―the difference between nibbna and parinibbna is a gram-
matical one.‖ (1995:216 f.)
[EJ Thomas] clarified the relationship between nibbna and parinibbna long ago, refer-
ring351 to E Kuhn‘s explanation [untraced] that ―pari compounded with a verb converts the verb
from the expression of a state to the expression of the achievement of an action.‖ He states,
―Nirva is the state of release; parinirva is the attaining of that state. The monk pari-
nirvti ‗attains nirva‘ at the time of enlightenment as well as at death‖….
Thomas…elaborated the same explanation,352 ―He parinibbyati, attains the state, and then
nibbyati, is in the state expressed by nibbna.‖ (KR Norman, 1995:217; my emphasis)
―It is clear, therefore, that the difference between nibbna and parinibbna is not that of nibbna in life
and parinibbna at death‖ (Norman, 1995:216).
Later, medieval scholars expanded the usages of the term parinibbna. Buddhaghosa, in his Dgha
Commentary, for example, speak of three kinds of parinirva connected with the Buddha, namely, that of
the defilements (kilesa parinibbna), that of the aggregates [literally, ―groups‖ of aggregates]353 (khandha
parinibbna), and that of his bodily relics (dhtu parinibbna) (DA 899 f).354 The first, also known as
―nirvana with remnants of clinging‖ (sopdi,sesa nibbna), according to Buddhaghosa, took place under
the Bodhi tree during the Awakening (It 41). The second, or ―nirvana without remnants of clinging‖ (niru-
pdi,sesa nibbna) (It 41; A 4.116), is the parinirvana at Kusinr (a view, as have seen, differing from
that of the early texts).355 The third kind of parinirva refers to the end of the Dispensation, that is, the
final disappearance of the Buddha‘s Teaching.356
The Pali term updi (―clinging,‖ from upa + + d ―to take‖) is often confused with the Buddhist
Hybrid Sanskrit updhi (meaning ―remnant, substrate,‖ or better, ―birth-basis‖ or ―accumulation,‖ attach-
ment to which leads to rebirth).357 Despite the subtle but important difference in meaning, most modern
344
KR Norman, ―Mistaken Ideas about Nibbna.‖ In The Buddhist Forum 3, ed Skorupski & Pagel, London,
1995:216. This section is a summary of the salient points in this insightful article.
345
PED 427, under Parinibbna.
346
EJ Thomas. ―Nirva and Parinirva,‖ in India Antiqua (Festschrift for Jean Philippe Vogel), Leiden, 1947:
294 f. See also R. Gombrich, Precepts and Practice, Oxford, 1971:70 n14.
347
AK Warder, Introduction to Pali, London, 1963:49 n1.
348
FUJITA Ktatsu, ―Genshi bukky ni okeru nehan—nibbna to parinibbna.‖ Indogaku bukkygaku kenky
1988 37,1:1-12.
349
S:B 1:49-52.
350
Jan Nattier, A Few Good Men, Honolulu, 2003:148 n26.
351
EJ Thomas, The History of Buddhist Thought, London, 1933:121 n4.
352
EJ Thomas. ―Nirva and Parinirva,‖ 1971:294 f.
353
The Groups here comprises those of form, feeling, perception, dispositions, and consciousness. See n1.
354
Cf DhA 2:163 where 2 kinds of parinibbna are distinguished.
355
Norman: ―The Buddha was a tathgata; he had attained nibbna, but he was still alive and with his followers,
ie the attainment of this state made no obvious difference to his physical state. Perhaps it was as the result of diffi-
culties such as this that the idea of two nibbnas arose‖ (1991:2 = 1993:253). See Thomas 1933:131 f.
356
On the disappearance of the Dharma, see Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:6.22.
357
See SD 28.11 Intro (3.2).
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commentators regard them as synonymous, and do not try to explain how and why the difference arose.
(Norman 1995:215)358
16 Political conditions
(16a) The 16 Great States (mahā,janapada)
Now we will look at the general political conditions of north central India (especially the Gangetic
Basin). The territorial organization of the state is often described as comprising villages (gāma), market
towns (nigama), the countryside (janapada), the city (nagara), and the frontier (paccanta). The frontier‘s
security was often a matter of anxiety for the rulers as it was often in a state of unrest. A ―village‖ (gāma)
ranged from a single household of an extended family to several hundred households of many families,
whose main occupation were agriculture, arts and crafts for manufacturing tools. A ―market town‖
(nigama), here generally referred to a trading village or town, whose main activity was the bartering or
sales of commodities.359
358
See The Unconscious = SD 17.8b(4.4).
359
See Gokhale 1994:51 f, 125; Chakravarti 1987:19, 22 f.
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During the 8th through 6th centuries BCE, north central India was going through economic growth and
urbanization, as reflected in the terms, mah janapada and janapada. The term janapada assumed a new
broader meaning and connotes ―both a territory and its people and may be translated as a realm, state,
domain, nation, geopolitical region, or simply region.‖360 Of these regions, sixteen of them—the mah
janapada or ―great states‖—wield significant political power or sovereignty. Most of these great states
are mentioned in the Pali Canon and Commentaries (compiled in Sri Lanka),361 and also mentioned in
earlier sources, such as the Late Vedic texts or the Jain sources or both.
Some of these sixteen great states (soas mah,janapad), such as Ks, Kosala, Kuru-Pacla,
Maccha (Skt Matsya), Gandhr and Kamboj, had existed long before and were mentioned on the
Vedic literature. The rest, such as Aga, Magadha, Vajj (Skt Vj), Malla, Ce, Vas (Skt Vats),
Srasena, Assaka (Skt Amaka) and Avant, were new states that arose from declining old ones or new
areas coming into prominence. By the time of the Buddha, most of these regions were settled cultural
entities in the face of dynamic political developments.
The crucial element in this process [the evolution and development of regional identities of
peoples and the growth of regional powers] was the permanent settlement of various tribes, clans,
colonizing families, and individual cultural regions. These were designated according to a variety
of criteria: after the name of the tribe (eg, Kamboja, Gandhra, Malla), after branches of tribes or
clans (eg the Vasa of the Kuru), after the confederate character of the tribes (eg, Kuru-Pacla
and Vajj), or after the name of some original colonizing hero (eg, Videha, Aga).
(Schwartzberg 1992:166)
(16b) Monarchies and confederacies
There were two forms of political regions in the Middle Country.362 Monarchies formed the central
regions, while the oligarchic republics were generally found on the periphery of the Middle Country.
Among the reasons for the change from kingdoms to oligarchies was opposition to the increasing
demands of the king for obedience, taxation, and other property contributions and of the entrench-
ed Brahman priesthood for conformity to hierarchical, rather than egalitarian, sociocultural insti-
tutions and support of sacrificial religion. Moreover, religious sacrifices involving the slaughter
of animals were injurious to the expanding cultivation economy of the Ganga Plain, in which
cattle were needed as draft animals. Pastoralism, by contrast, was declining. Food preferences
were changing in the direction of vegetarianism, and so cattle sacrifices were no longer desire for
communal feasting.
The role of the northeastern republics is particularly significant in that they gave vent to their
opposition to monarchical authoritarianism and priestly orthodoxy by espousing Buddhism, Jain-
ism, and other heterodox sects that grew within their milieu and that advanced democratic social
organization. (Schwartzberg 1992:167)
Late in the 6th century BCE, Kosala, Magadha, Vas and Avant were the four great monarchies,
and together with the republican Vajj confederacy, composed the major regional powers of the Middle
Country (Majjhima,desa, Skt Madhya,dea) and the ―Southern Route‖ (Skt Daki,patha, or modern
360
Schwartzberg 1992:166.
361
On the contents of the Pali Canon and Commentaries, see the Textual Conventions (SD Epilegomena). On
the formation and nature of the Pali Canon, see KR Norman, A Philological Approach to Buddhism, 1997. The
Canon and the earliest Commentaries may have reached Sri Lanka by the 3 rd cent BCE. Between then and the 1st
cent CE, they were translated into Sinhalese, and others were written in that language. In the 5 th cent the greatest of
the commentators, Buddhaghosa, reworked into Pali much of the earlier material, adding Dravidian commentaries
and Sinhalese traditions. Within a century or two, others, notably Dhammapla (south India), produced similar
works on parts of the Canon that Buddhaghosa had not covered. See http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahajanapadas.
362
See Schwartzberg 1992: plates III.B.1-4.
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Deccan). The Ikvku (related to the P Okkka)363 kings of Kosala, by ceding Ks, initiated a new
process of territorial expansion
…marked by the organization of a regular army, usually under the command of the crown prince
or a subordinate chieftain. This process reached its climax under the Magadhan kings, whose
administrative machinery rivalled their highly developed military organization, enabling them to
triumph in the struggle for empire that lasted about one hundred years in the central Ganga Plain.
(Schwartzberg 1992:166; see esp plate XIV.1 map(a))
As such, around or just before the Buddha‘s time, a process of integration364 was slowly gathering
momentum amongst the great states (mah janapad), as is revealed in the pairing of their names in
Buddhist sources, for example, Kuru-Pacla, Ksi-Kosala, Malla-Vajj, Aga-Magadha, Ced-Vasa
and Maccha-Srasena. Similarly, Avant was recognized as having two divisions at Ujjayin and Mhis-
mat. As these states were merging, old monarchies began to decline internally. Some, such as Kuru and
Pacla reverted to their previous form of oligarchic confederation (sagha,raja, Skt sagha.rjya). At
the same time, new authoritarian monarchies (such as that of Ajta,sattu, r 494-461) gained ascendency.
The India of Buddha‘s time was one of dynamic social changes with powerful monarchies displacing
the old tribal confederacies. An agrarian village-based economy was being taken over by the growth of
large towns and cities as mercantile and military bases. With the rise of cities, work and occupation be-
came more specialized and people had more leisure. Such concentration of people with more free time
and surplus income encouraged them in exchanges of ideas and the search for meaning in the social up-
rootedness.
It is significant that none of the gaa,sagha or tribal republic (such as the Sakyas) are listed amongst
the sixteen great countries. While the monarchies (āā,cakka) were politically better organized, hence
more stable, these republics had simpler socio-economic organization, and did not produce a wide range
of goods. ―But a more important reason for none of the cities of the gaa-saghas being listed as a mahā-
nagara was that the gaa-saghas were suffering from problems of internal collapse.‖ (Chakravarti 1987:
21 f). With such combined social, economic and political factors, understandably the Buddha‘s teaching
of dukkha or existential angst captured the attention of many of his day.
363
Okkka is mentioned in such suttas as Ambaha S (D 1:15 f/1:92) and Brhmaa,dhammika S (Sn 284-
315/52 ff); see also DA 1:258; AA 438, 4:69. ―Although the Sanskritised form of the Pli name is Ikvku, it is
unlikely that Okkka is identical with the famous Ikvku of the Puras, the immediate son of Manu, son of the
Sun. The Pli is evidently more primitive, as is shown by the form Okkmukha, and the name Ikvku looks like a
deliberate attempt at accommodation to the Purnic account‖ (DPPN 462). See Thomas, The Life of Buddha as
Legend and History, 1949:5-7.
364
―Ironically, the contradiction between the republican way of life on the one hand and monarchy on the other
was resolved in the emergence of the universal and autocratic empire of Magadha with its bureaucratic approach to
regional integration. The new synthesis was consummated through a systematized land revenue policy and the pro-
mulgation, under Aoka, of a universal moral code. The former regulated local property arrangements and sublimat-
ed kinship identities, while the latter stressed individual or family social and moral responsibility.‖ (Schwartzberg
1992:167)
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however, was for a time prevented by the formidable Vajj confederacy and its allies, the Mallas, together
with their Kosala overlords.
To further his military plans, Ajtasattu fortified Pali,gma and launched a series of ruthless and un-
scrupulous subversion of the enemy‘s strength before going into open war.365 The Vajjs were conquered
after a protracted struggle, and a Magadhan minister controlled the recourses from Vesl. The Mallas,
too, were conquered in the same manner. After conquering Kosala and its dependencies including Ks,
Magadha became the master of the central Ganges Plain. It was almost the richest, most populous and
most technologically advanced area of India then.
Its control of prosperous and strongly fortified cities, trade routes, and navigation facilities, and
its succession to the legacy of southern political and economic dominance from both K and
Kosala, raised Magadha to paramount status in the mid-5th century BC. This achievement was due
to the successful Magadhan practice of Realpolitik, to their relatively advanced political and mili-
tary machinery, and to their keen appreciation of the nature of local political constraints.
(Schwartzberg 1992:167 )
365
See eg Vassakra‘s spy mission into Vajj country and sabotage of the republic [1.1 n].
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Source: http://www.aimwell.org/Photos/India/india.html
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— — —
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The Discourse on
The Great Parinirvana
(Dgha Nikya 16/2:72-167)
Chapter 1
(First Recital, pahama bhavra)
1 [72] Thus have I heard :
1.1a At one time the Blessed One was staying on Mount Vulture Peak at Rjagaha.366
MAGADHA
Ajta,sattu
1.1b Now at that time,367 the rajah Ajta,sattu Vedehi,putta368 of Magadha,369 wished to wage war
against the Vajjs.370 He said thus:
―These Vajjs, powerful and glorious as they may be, I shall uproot them, I shall destroy them, I shall
bring upon them loss and misfortune!‖371
1.2 Then, the rajah Ajtasattu Vedehi,putta of Magadha addressed the brahmin Vassa,kra, chief
minister of Magadha,372 thus:
366
Mah,parinibbna S opens with the Buddha staying on Mt Vulture‘s Peak (Gijjha,ka/Gdhra,ka) at
Rja,gha, the capital of Magadha and one of the six main cities of India (D 2:147). It has been identified as mod-
ern Rajgir in the Nalanda district of Bihar about 21 km (13 miles) southwest of Bihar-Sarif. Its southern flank is pro-
tected by five hills: Vebhra (Vaibhra), Vepulla (Vaipulya), Isigili (i,giri), Paava (Pava) and Gijjha,ka
(Gdhra,ka). As evident from Gopaka Moggallna S (M 108), it is probable that king Ajtasattu was fortifying
Rjagaha around this time (or earlier) because he is worried that king Caa Pajjota of Avant might attack him (M
108.2/3:7). The sutta Comy says Ajtasattu, knew that Pajjota was Bimbisra‘s good friend and was worried that
Pajjota might avenge Bimbisra‘s death at his hands by attacking him (MA 4:71). On the middle country and the 16
great states, see Intro (16a). On this following episode, see M Pye, The Buddha, 1979:63-71 (ch 7).
367
This would probably be about a year before the Buddha‘s parinirvana.
368
Vedehī,putta (Skt Vaidehī,putra, Avdś 1.57.2 ff). Ajāta,sattu (Skt Ajāta,śatru) (r 494-461) was called Vaide-
hi,putra because his mother was from Videha, whose capital was Mithil. But Buddhaghosa explains that Vedehī
here refers to a ―wise woman‖ and not the ―Videha lady,‖ since his mother is the daughter, not of a Videha king, but
a Kosala king (J 3:121, 4:342). The Jtakas know her as Kosala,dev, the daughter of Mah Koala and sister of
Pasenadi (Skt Prasenajit) (J 2:273, 403, 3:121 f). For details, see Sāmañña,phala S (D 2) = SD 8.10 Intro (4).
369
Magadha was separated from Aga by the Camp river, and its territory extended westward to the Son river,
corresponding approximately to the present Patn and Gay districts of South Bihar. See Finegan 1989:85-90.
370
Ajtasattu, having come into power, decides to conquer the Licchavs of Vesl/Vail and the Vajj/Vj
confederacy (especially the Licchavs of Vail and the Mallas of Kusinr/Kuinagar and Pv/Pp). Before
embarking on his venture, Ajāta,sattuwishes to know what outcome the Buddha would foresee. Consequently, he
despatches his chief minister, the brahmin Vassakra/Varakra, to consult the Buddha. On the political condition of
India at that time, see Intro (16b).
371
The Vassakra S (A 7.20/4:17-21) relates how Ajāta,sattu applies his cunning through his chief minister,
Varakra, who pretends that he has barely escaped with his life from Ajtaatru. Having been given refuge and
hospitality at Vail, Varakra lived there for three years, secretly sowing dissension amongst the Vjs. However, it
was only after 16 years that the Vjs finally fell under his sway. Since then, the most important Vj tribe, the
Licchavs, remained subdued for many centuries until the 4th century CE, when they would regain their power
under the Imperial Guptas, with Candragupta I marrying Kumra,dev, a daughter of the Licchavs and becoming the
mother of Samudragupta (DA 99; JASB 17 1921:269-271). For details, see Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples
(2004) ch 8 ―The Thundering Silence‖ 9b.
372
Vassa,kra, often paired with Sundha: see 1.26. ―Chief minister,‖ mahâmatta (cf Skt mah,mtra) =
mah macca? PED: ―A king‘s chief minister [evidently more than one of them]: he is the prime minister ‗who was
the highest Officer-of-State and real Head of the Executive‘ (Banerjea, Public Administration in Ancient India,
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―Brahmin, go to the Blessed One and bow your head at the Blessed One‘s feet on my behalf, and wish
him good health, mental ease, vigour, strength and comfort;373 then say thus:
‗Bhante, the rajah Ajtasattu Vedehi,putta of Magadha bows his head at the Blessed One‘s feet, and
wishes him good health, mental ease, vigour, strength and comfort,‘ and then say: ‗the rajah Ajtasattu
Vedehi,putta of Magadha, desires to wage war against the Vajjs. He says thus: ―These Vajjs, powerful
and glorious as they may be, I shall uproot them, I shall destroy them, I shall bring upon them loss [73]
and misfortune!‖‗ And whatever the Blessed One should answer you, bear it well in mind and report to
me—for the Tathgata [Thus Come] do not speak falsely.‖
1.3 ―Yes, sire,‖ the brahmin Vassakra, chief minister of Magadha, replied to the rajah Ajtasattu
Vedehi,putta of Magadha. Then, having ordered a number of magnificent state carriages, he mounted one
of them, and leaving Rjagaha, headed for Mount Vulture Peak.
He went in his carriage as far as the ground would permit, dismounted and went up to the Blessed
One, and exchanged greetings with him. When this courteous and amiable exchange was concluded, he
sat down at one side. Sitting thus at one side, the brahmin Vassakra, chief minister of Magadha, said this
to the Blessed One:
―Master Gotama,374 the rajah Ajtasattu Vedehi,putta of Magadha, bows his head at the Blessed
One‘s feet, and wishes him good health, mental ease, vigour, strength and comfort, and the rajah Ajta-
sattu Vedehi,putta of Magadha, desires to wage war against the Vajjs. He says thus: ‗These Vajjs,
powerful and glorious as they may be, I shall uproot them, I shall destroy them, I shall bring upon them
loss and misfortune!‘‖
1916). His position is of such importance, that he even ranges as a rj or king: V 3:47 (rj…akkhadass
mahmatt ye v pana chejjabhejja anussanti ete rjno nma). — Note. An acc sg mah-mattna we find at
A 1:154 (formed after the prec rjna). See V 1:74 (where 2 ranks of mahâmacca are given: sen-nyaka ~a the
minister of defence, and vohrika ~a those of law); also D 1:7, 3:88, 3:64 (here with ep khattiya): A 1:154, 252, 279,
3:128; V 4:224; Vism 1:21; VbhA 312 (in simile of 2 ~), 340; PvA 169. Cf Fick, Sociale Gliederung 92, 99, 101.‖
See also VA 2:294, 5:1095; DA 2:540. Below, Vassakra is mentioned with Sundha [1.26].
373
App‘bdha app‘taka lahu-,hna bala phsu,vihra…puccha, lit ―ask (if) he is free from sick-
ness, free from illness, in a state of lightness, having strength, dwelling in comfort.‖ This is stock: D 1 204, 2:72; M
2:91, 108, 125, 141.
374
Note that Vassakra addresses the Buddha as bho Gotama, in a manner different from Ajtasattu‘s instruct-
ion (where bhante is used). Evidently, Vassakra shows only nominal respect to the Buddha. See 1.29n. The
Majjhima Comy (to the Gopaka Moggallna S, M 108) has a curious story about Vassakra: once, seeing Mah
Kaccna descending Mt Vulture Peak, he remarks that Mah Kaccna looked just like a monkey. Hearing this, the
Buddha remarks that unless Vassakra asks for the elder‘s forgiveness, he would be born as a monkey in Veu,vana.
Vassakra, fearing the Buddha‘s prophecy coming true, had various fruit trees and other trees planted in Veu,vana,
to be of use to him as a monkey. After his death, he was actually reborn as a monkey who answered to the name
Vassakra! (MA 4:73)
375
The traditional texts (such as the CSCD) call this section rja aparahniya,dhamm, ―the king‘s conditions
for non-decline.‖ See Intro (10a) above.
376
The Pali Canon records are at least six instances of a monk fanning the Buddha: (1) Nga,samla (Mah
Sīhanda S, M 12.64/1:83); (2) Sriputta (Dīgha,nakha S, M 74.14/ 1:501 f); (3) Ānanda (2 instances): Mah
Parinibbna S (D 16.1.4/2:73) & Vassakra S (A 7.20.2/4:18); (4) Upava (2 instances): Psdika S (D 29)
mentions Upava fanning the Buddha, ie, just after the Buddha has given Cunda Sama‗uddesa an instruction on
the 4 satipatthanas (D 29.41/3:141), which is probably on a different occasion from the instance reported in Mah
Parinibbna S (D 16.5.4/2:138), when again he fans the dying Buddha. Comy says that although the Buddha is
fanned, he feels neither warm nor cold (AA 4:14). Analayo notes that while the Majjhima rarely mention a monk
fanning the Buddha, the Madhyama Āgama (in Chinese tr) regularly depicts the Buddha being fanned, eg MĀ 33 =
T1.474a19 || M 106; MĀ 204 = T1.775c17 || M 26; MĀ 205 = T1.779a10 || M 64; MĀ 212 = T1.793a1 || M 90; MĀ
213 = T.1.797b19 || M 89 (2005:54 n83). Cf Thich Minh Chau, The Chinese Madhyama Āgama and the Pli Majjhi-
ma Nikya, 1991:30.
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(1) ―What now, nanda, have you heard that the Vajjs gather regularly and that their gatherings
[assemblies] are well attended?‖
―Bhante, I have heard that the Vajjs gather regularly and that their gatherings are well attended.‖
―nanda, so long as the Vajjs gather regularly and that their gatherings are well attended, their
growth is to be expected, not their decline.‖
(2) What now, nanda, [74] have you heard that the Vajjs assemble in fellowship, disperse [ad-
journ] in fellowship and conduct the Vajj duties377 in fellowship?‖
―Bhante, I have heard that the Vajjs gather in fellowship, disperse [adjourn] in fellowship and do the
Vajj duties in fellowship.‖
―nanda, so long as the Vajjs gather in fellowship, disperse [adjourn] in fellowship and do the Vajj
duties in fellowship, their growth is to be expected, not their decline.‖
(3) ―What now, nanda, have you heard that the Vajjs do not authorize what has not been authoriz-
ed, and do not abolish what has been authorized, but conduct themselves in accordance with the ancient
Vajj Dharma?‖378
―Bhante, I have heard that the Vajjs do not authorize what has not been authorized, and do not
abolish what has been authorized, but conduct themselves in accordance with the ancient Vajj Dharma.‖
―nanda, so long as the Vajjs do not authorize what has not been authorized, and do not abolish what
has been authorized, but conduct themselves in accordance with the ancient Vajj Dharma, their growth is
to be expected, not their decline.‖
(4) ―What now, nanda, have you heard that the Vajjs honour, respect, esteem and venerate the
Vajj elders and consider it worthwhile to listen to them?‖
―Bhante, I have heard that the Vajjs honour, respect, esteem and venerate the Vajj elders and
consider it worthwhile to listen to them.‖
―nanda, so long as the Vajjs honour, respect, esteem and venerate the Vajj elders and consider it
worthwhile to listen to them, their growth is to be expected, not their decline.‖
(5) ―What now, nanda, have you heard that the Vajjs do not forcibly abduct women and maidens
of family, compelling them [the women] to live with them?‖
―Bhante, I have heard that the Vajjs do not forcibly abduct women and maidens of family,
compelling them [the women] to live with them.‖
―nanda, so long as the Vajjs do not forcibly abduct women and maidens of family, compelling
them [the women] to live with them, their growth is to be expected, not their decline.‖
(6) ―What now, nanda, have you heard that the Vajjs honour, respect, esteem and venerate the
Vajj shrines, both those within the city and outside it, and do not neglect the due offerings as were given
and made to them formerly?‖ [75]
―Bhante, I have heard that the Vajjs honour, respect, esteem and venerate the Vajj shrines, both
those within the city and outside it, and do not neglect the due offerings as were given and made to them
formerly.‖
―nanda, so long as the Vajjs honour, respect, esteem and venerate the Vajj shrines, both those
within the city and outside it, and do not neglect the due offerings as were given and made to them
formerly, their growth is to be expected, not their decline.‖
(7) ―What now, nanda, have you heard that the Vajjs duly protect and shelter the arhats [worthy
ones] so that they who have not yet come (to the Vajj country) would come, and that they who have
come would dwell in comfort?‖
―Bhante, I have heard that the Vajjs duly protect and shelter the arhats [worthy ones] so that they
who have not yet come (to the Vajj country) would come, and that they who have come would dwell in
comfort.‖
377
―Vajj duties,‖ Vajj,karay, lit ―that which should be done by the Vajjs,‖ ie their affairs of state and their
civil and common duties.
378
―Vajj Dharma,‖ Vajj,dhammo,or ―the Vajj code,‖ eg a criminal (such as a thief) is not summarily judged,
but goes through stages of adjudication, until he is found guilty beyond reasonable doubt (DA 2:519).
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―nanda, so long as the Vajjs duly protect and shelter the arhats [worthy ones] so that they who have
not yet come (to the Vajj country) would come, and that they who have come would dwell in comfort,
their growth is to be expected, not their decline.‖
379
The Srandada Shrine (Srandada cetiya) was dedicated to the yaksha Srandada (D 2:75, 102; U 6.1/62;
DA 2:523; AA 4:9; UA 323; cf A 3:167, 4:16). See also 3.1n on shrines.
380
Aparihniya,dhamm. This teaching is also found in Srandada S (A 7.19/4:16 f). The following Vassa-
kra S (A 7.20/4:17-21) records how Ajtasattu sends Vassakra into Vajj country as a saboteur [1.1n]. It should be
noted here that the Buddha‘s remark here obliquely refers to his compassion towards the Vajjs, and hence tacitly
admonishing that they should not be harmed.
In Kaligara S (S 20.8), the Buddha speaks of the strengths and weaknesses of the Licchavs, hinting at their
eventual conquest by Ajtaatru, and warns the monks of their own future:
Monks, now the Licchavs dwell using blocks of wood as pillows. They are diligent and ardent in
exercise (upsana). The rajah Ajtasattu Vedehi,putta of Magadha cannot find their weakness nor have a
hold on them. But in the future, the Licchavs will become delicate, with soft and tender hands and feet;
they will sleep on soft beds with pillows of cotton until sunrise. Then Ajtasattu will find their weakness
and have a hold on them.
Monks, now the monks dwell using blocks of wood as pillows. They are diligent and ardent in
striving. Mra the Evil One cannot find their weakness nor have a hold on them. But in the future, the
monks will become delicate, with soft and tender hand and feet; they will sleep on soft beds with pillows of
cotton until sunrise. Then Mra will find their weakness and have a hold on them.
Therefore, monks, you should train yourselves thus: ―Using blocks of wood as cushions, we will dwell
diligent and ardent in striving.‖ Thus you should train yourselves. (S 20.8/2:267 f)
381
―Internal discord,‖ mithu,bheda, Vassakra is thinking of sowing disunity amongst the Vajjs through sabo-
tage. The Dgha Comy relates how Vassakra later conspires with Ajta,sattu, who feigns to expel him from his
kingdom on the charge that he favours the Vajjs in the assembly. Welcomed by the unsuspecting Licchavs, Vassa-
kra is appointed teacher to their children. Through his cunning, he caused the children to quarrel amongst them-
selves, and the conflict later spread amongst the elders. In three years, the Licchavs were completely disunited so
that Ajtasattu overran their land without resistance (DA 522 f). See prev n.
382
Yassa dni tva brāhmaṇa kla maas ti, lit ―Please do what you think it is now the time to do.‖ This is
stock: Sāmañña,phala S (D 2.103/1:85 = SD 8.10); Mah Parinibbna S (D 16.3.6/2:104 = SD 13), Sekha S (M
53.3/1:354 = SD 21.14), Kaaka-t,thala S (M 90.17/2:132 f = SD 10.8); Pu’ovda S (M 145.6/3:269 = S
35.88/4:62,31 = SD 20.15), Avassuta S (S 35.243/4:183,15, 30), Khem Therī S (S 44.1/4:379,29), Veslī S (S
54.9/5:321,16, 17) & Thapatay S (S 55.6/5:348,27). See Joy Manné, “On a departure formula and its translation,”
Buddhist Studies Review 10, 1993:27-43.
383
Here again we see Vassakra‘s aloofness towards the Buddha as contrasted against how Ajtasattu himself
takes leave of the Buddha in Smaa,phala S (D 2): ―The rajah Ajtasattu Vedehi,putta of Magadha, joyfully
approving of the Blessed One‘s words, rose from his seat, bowed down to him, and, keeping the Buddha to his right,
departed.‖ (D 1:85/2.101).
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384
It is interesting to note that here only the ―monks‖ are addressed but not the nuns who by this time number
considerably: see 3.8 f below where all the 4 assemblies are mentioned. Either ―monks‖ here is used inclusively for
―monks and nuns‖ or no nuns followed the Buddha on his final journey. It is possible that the texts were edited later
(after the Buddha‘s passing) to tone down the references to nuns due to external social pressures (where the position
of women were lower). A study of the social conditions of India after the Buddha and how they affected the monas-
tics would yield interesting results.
385
This teaching is also found in (Aparahniya) Bhikkhu S (A 7.21/4:21 f). On the conditions of non-decline
for th Sangha, see Intro (10a) above.
386
raakesu sen‘sanesu sâpekh, lit ―one who has a fondness for the dwellings in the forest.‖
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387
This teaching is also found in (Aparahniya) Kamma S (A 7.22/4:22). Cf (Parihniya) Sekha S (A 4.26/
4:24 f).
388
Na kamm‘rm bhavissanti na kamma,rat na kamm‘rmata anuyutt. Comy glosses kamma here as
katabba,kamma, ―work that should be done,‖ ―work duties‖ (DA 2:528). The meaning here is that a monk should
not be caught up in worldly business and busyness so that they can devote themselves to spiritual development to the
teaching others the Dharma, or in the words of Metta S: ―Having little busyness and living a simple life‖ (appa,kic-
co ca sallahuka,vutti) (Sn 144 = Kh 9.2).
389
In Mah Suat S (M 122), the Buddha says that a monk who delights in company does not ―shine‖ (so-
bhati) in his teaching (M 122.3/3:110) = SD 11.
390
Na ppa,mitt bhavissanti na ppa,sahy na ppa,sampavak. Of the modern English trs, apparently only
Rhys Davids (D:RD 2:82) renders it correctly.
391
Yvakiva ca bhikkhave bhikkh na oramattakena visesâdhigamena antar vosna pajjissanti, lit ―Monks,
so long as monks do not, on their quest for excellence, come to a stop with an insignificant measure…‖ In other
words, a practitioner should not relent until awakening is attained. This statement relates directly to nanda‘s spirit-
ual status [§5.13]. Rhys Davids thinks this is an interesting analogue to Philippians 3:13 of the Bible.
392
This teaching is also found in (Aparahniya) Saddhiya S (A 7.23/4:22 f).
393
Comy here (DA 2:529) mentions 4 kinds of faith:
(1) faith through attainment (gamanya,saddh, other Comys: gamana,saddh), that is, the faith of the ―omni-
scient‖ Bodhisattva [one bound to become a fully self-awakened one] by mastering it since his firm resolve (to be-
come Buddha) (sabba,bodhisattna saddh abhinhrato pahya gatatt);
(2) faith through realization [understanding] (adhigama,saddh), that is, the attainment of the noble saints
through realization [understanding] (ariya,svakna paivedhena adhigatatt);
(3) faith by conviction (okappana,saddh), that is, conviction by way of unshakability [unshakable faith] when
it is said [when he hears the words], ―Buddha, Dharma, Sagha‖ (Buddho dhammo sagho ti vutte acala,bhvena
okappana);
(4) faith of calm joy [―confidence of trust‖ (Gethin 2001:115 n51)] (pasda,saddh), that is, the arising of calm
and joyful faith (pasd‘uppatti). (DA 2:529; MA 3:325 f = AA 3:257)
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(7) …would cultivate the perception of ending (of suffering),401 then, bhikshus, growth for the monks
is to be expected, not their decline. [80]
Bhikshus, so long as these seven conditions for non-decline endure amongst the monks, then,
bhikshus, growth for the monks is to be expected, not their decline.
400
Virga also ―fading away [of lust]‖ or ―dispassion‖ (see §21).
401
That is, ―cessation of suffering‖ (nirodha) (see §21).
402
These 6 conditions are also called ―conditions of conciliation‖ (sraya,dhamm, D 3:245; A 6.11/3:288 f).
These 6 qualities endear one to others and causes others to constantly recall (sraya) one with respect, joy and
love. As such, they also conduce to social and communal harmony, solidarity and progress. See Sama,jvi S (A
4.55), where those living the spiritual life are said to be compatible (sama) in faith (saddhā), moral virtue (sla),
charity (cāga), and wisdom (paā) (A 4.55/2:61 f) = SD 5.1 Introd. On sraya, see DPL 463.
403
―Mutually share,‖ sdhraa,bhog, lit ―those who share commonly.‖
404
―Even,‖ antamaso.
405
―Enjoying those gains without thinking of apportioning them,‖ tath,rpehi lbhehi appaivibhatta,bhog
bhavissanti. The word appaivibhatta tr as (1) not divided in a biased manner; (2) = sdhraa, common, ie to be
enjoyed in common. It is the opp of paivibhatta, ―divided in a biased manner.‖
406
Yvakva ca bhikkhave bhikkh ye te lbh dhammik dhamma,laddh antamaso patta,pariypanna,-
mattam pi tath,rpehi lbhehi appaivibhatta,bhog bhavissanti slavantehi sa,brahmacrhi sdhraa,bhog,
vuddhi y‘eva bhikkhave bhikkhuna pikakh no parihni.
407
―Moral virtues unbroken,…giving rise to concentration,‖ slni akhani acchiddni asabalni akamms-
ni bhujissni viññûpasahni aparmahni samdhi,savattanakni (D 2:80, 3:245; M 1:322, 2:251; S 5:408; A
3:134, 3:289, 290; Pm 1:44; Nett 56). These are said to be ―virtues dear to the noble ones,‖ ariya,kantni sīlni (S
5:364, 382, 386, 396, 408; A 3:36). The virtues of the noble one are explained at Vism 221 f. SA says that the noble
ones do not violate the five precepts; hence, these virtues are dear to them (SA 2:74). See UA 268. On the phrase,
akhani acchiddni asabalni akammsni (―unbroken, untorn, unmixed, spotless‖), DA (speaking of the seven
groups of monastic offences, V 5:91) explains that when one commits the first or the last of them, one is said to be
―tattered‖ (khada), like one whose robe is torn all around at the edges; if he commits one of the middle offences,
he ―rent‖ [holed] (chidda) like one whose robe that is rent [with a hole] in its middle; if one commits two or three
successive offences, one‘s conduct is ―mottled‖ (sabala), like a cow with red or black pigments, with a different
colour rising upon its back or belly; or, if one transgresses now and then, one‘s conduct is said to be ―blotchy‖
(kammāsa), like a cow with coloured spots here and there. (DA 2:536)
Cf hānāni S (A 4.92) = SD 14.11b.
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their companions in the holy life, both openly and in private, then, bhikshus, growth for the monks is to
be expected, not their decline.
(6) Bhikshus, so long as monks would dwell compatibly accomplished in the right view that leads to
the noble liberation, conducing to the utter destruction of suffering, dwelling in such manner with their
companions in the holy life both openly and in private, then, bhikshus, growth for the monks is to be
expected, not their decline. [81]
Bhikshus, so long as these six conditions for non-decline endure amongst the monks, then, bhikshus,
growth for the monks is to be expected, not their decline.‖
AMBA,LAṬṬHIKĀ
408
This stock summary repeats 8 times [1.12, 1.14, 1.18, 2.4, 2.10, 2.20, 4.4, 4.12], attesting to the importance
of the three trainings. In Ca Vedalla S (M 44), the nun Dhammadinn explains to the layman Viskha that ―the
three aggregates [three trainings] are not included in the noble eightfold path, friend Viskha, but the noble eightfold
path is included in the three aggregates. Right speech, right action, and right livelihood states are includeed in the
aggregate of moral virtue. Right effort, right mindfulness and right concentration states are included in the aggregate
of concentration. Right view and right thought are included in the aggregate of wisdom‖ (M 44.11/1:301). Unlike in
the term paca-k,khandha, ―aggregates‖ (khandha) here merely refers to a grouping without clinging. Mrs CAF
Rhys Davids (What was the original gospel of Buddhism? 1938b: 60), noticing the ―omission‖ of the noble eightfold
path in the Ahaka Nipta (Book of Eights) of the Aguttara Nikya, conjectures that the noble eightfold path is a
later (post-Buddha) teaching. Her conjecture has led other scholars like GC Pande (Studies in the Origins of
Buddhism, 1974:518) to hold a similar opinion. What we have here is an ―academic problem‖ where truth is judged
by the text rather than by insight, as in the case of the practitioner benefiting from the oral tradition of living Dharma
teachers. The academic tradition, dry and professional as it is, helps to test the truth and worth of what is purported
as Dharma—and yet the test of the dish is in one‘s eating it! On the tension between the cold academic and the
spiritual practitioner, see Sungtaek Cho, ―The rationalist tendency in odern Buddhist scholarsgip: A revaluation,‖
Philosophy East and West 52,4 Oct 2002:426-440. See Intro (10d).
409
Iti sla iti samdhi iti pa, sla,paribhvito samdhi maha-p,phalo hoti mahânisaso, samdhi,paribh-
vita pa maha-p,phal hoti mahânisas, pa,paribhvita citta sammad eva savehi vimuccati, seyyath-
da km‘sav bhav‘sav dih‘sav avijjâsavâ ti.
410
―Come,…let us go,‖ yma, imp 1 pl of yti, meaning (1) ―he comes, arrives, approach, reach, attain, re-
turn‖ (V 1:30; D 3:19; S 1:43); sometimes contextually = gacchati, ―he goes‖ (SnA 2:480,16 ad Sn 669; gacchma,
SnA 2:463,7 ad Sn 116). The imp often means ―he goes‖ rather than ―he comes,‖ eg imp 1 pl yma, ―come, let us
go!‖ (V 3:10; D 16 §1.13/2:81, §1.15/2:81, §1.19/2:84, §2.1/2:90, §2.5/2:91, §4.5/2:123 (x4), §4.13/2:126, §4.38/-
2:134, §5.1/2:137). (2) ―he gets into, passes into, falls into, meets with, becomes‖ (yoga yanti maccuno, S 46/1.20
/1:11,23; kodho vo vasam ~tu, S 1:140,1*; ksam indriyni sakamati ~anti, S 3:207,4). See Khandha S (S 22.48)
= SD 17.1 Intro (5).
411
Amba,lahik, Skt mra,yaik (or Veu,yaika, Lamotte 1988a:22), was located halfway between Rja-
gha and Nland, on the Buddha‘s first lap of the northbound final journey. It was a royal park, surrounded by a
rampart and the royal rest-house is adorned with paintings (DA 1:14). See foll n.
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NĀḶANDĀ
Pāvārikā mango grove, Nāandā
1.15 Now when the Blessed One had stayed at Amba,lahik for as long as he thought fit, he
addressed the venerable nanda, thus:
―Come, nanda, let us go to Nand.‖413
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
Then the Blessed One with a large company of monks arrived in Nand.
There the Blessed One stayed in the Pvrik mango grove at Nand.
Sriputta‘s lion-roar
1.16 414Then the venerable Sriputta went up to the Blessed One, and having saluted him [82] sat
down at one side. Seated thus at one side, the venerable Sriputta said this to the Blessed One:
412
―The rajah‘s lodging,‖ rj‘graka. As in Brahma,jla S (D 1.1.2/1:1) where Comy says that the king had
built there a well-crafted building for his sport (DA 1:14). See prev n.
413
Nland, located on the outskirts of Rjagha, has been identified by Cunningham on the basis of distances
and directions given by the Chinese pilgrims and some image inscriptions discovered at the ruins of the village of
Bargaon near the Nland railway station of the Bakhtiarpur-Bihar branch line of the Eastern railway. There is a
high road that starts from Rjagha passing through Nland and goes up to Paligrmaka (D 2:48). According to
the Mahvastu, Nland is the birthplace of riputra (Mvst 2:56), who visits the Buddha there.
414
The events of this section [§1.16] are greatly expanded in Sampasdanya S (D 28) = (Nland S, S 47.12/
5:159-161, but without the last para). This is Sriputta‘s last meeting with the Buddha. Knowing that he will die in
7 days, he takes leave of the Buddha and visits his mother, and predeceases the Buddha on the full moon day of
Kattik (Oct-Nov) (Tha 1158-61; DA 2:549 f; SA 3:214-221; J 1:391). Moggallna, his closest friend and the
Buddha‘s left hand monk, passes away a fortnight later on the new moon day. On assassins‘ attempts on Moggallā-
na‘s life, see J 5:125 ff; DhA 3:65 ff. Both Sriputta and Moggallna are older than the Buddha (DhA 1:73). The
Buddha reminisces about the two chief disciples in Ukkacelā S (47.14): see §3.1n below.
Chronological problem: ―The event related in this [Cunda S, S 47.13/5:161-163] poses a problem for the
traditional chronology of the Buddha‘s life. In the Mahparinibbna S, Sriputta‘s lion roar [Nland S, S 47.12]
takes place during what appears to be the Buddha‘s final journey along the route from Rjagaha to Vesl. From
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―It is thus clear to me [Such is my faith],415 bhante, that there never has been, there will never be, and
there is now no other recluse or brahmin who is better or wiser than the Blessed One, that is to say, as
regards self-awakening!‖416
―Lofty indeed, are the words you utter, Sriputta, and lordly as a bull, too! You are absolutely caught
up in a lion-roar,417 saying, ‗It is clear to me [Such is my faith],418 bhante, that there never has been, there
will never be, and there is now no other recluse or brahmin who is better or wiser than the Blessed One,
that is to say, as regards self-awakening!‘
Well now, Sriputta, were you with the arhats [worthy ones] fully self-awakened ones of past times,
so that with your mind you have grasped the minds of all the Blessed Ones thus, ‗Such is the moral virtue
of the Blessed Ones, such is their nature, such is their wisdom, such is how they live, such is their libera-
tion‘?‖419
―No, bhante.‖
―Well then, Sriputta, will you be with the arhats [worthy ones] fully self-awakened ones of future
times, so that with your mind you will grasp the minds of all the Blessed Ones thus, ‗Such is the moral
virtue of the Blessed Ones, such is their nature,420 such is their wisdom, such is how they live, such is
their liberation‘?‖
―No, bhante.‖
―Well then, Sriputta, do you know me as the arhat [worthy one], fully self-awakened one, so that
with your mind you have grasped my mind thus, ‗Such is the moral virtue of the Blessed One, such is his
nature, such is his wisdom, such is how he lives, such is his liberation‘?‖
―No, bhante.‖
―So then, Sriputta, you do not have the knowledge of the minds of the arhats [worthy ones], fully
self-awakened ones of the past, the future and the present! But then, Sriputta, why do you utter lofty [83]
and lordly words; why are you absolutely caught up in a lion-roar, saying, ‗It is clear to me [Such is my
faith], bhante, that there never has been, there will never be, and there is now no other recluse or brahmin
who is better or wiser than the Blessed One, that is to say, as regards self-awakening!‘?‖421
Vesl the Buddha heads for Kusinr without returning to Svatth, some 200 km to the west. Yet the present sutta
shows the Buddha residing at Svatth when he receives the news of Sriputta‘s death. To preserve the traditional
chronology, the Comys (SA here & DA 2:550) have the Buddha make an additional side trip to Savatth following
his rains retreat at Beluva,gmaka [D 16.2.21-26/2:98 f], an excursion not mentioned in Mah Parinibbna S. Sri-
putta accompanies him on this trip to Svatth, later takes his leave and returns to his native village Nlaka,gma,
where he falls ill and dies.‖ (S:B 1923 n157). On Sriputta‘s parinirvana, see Nyanaponika & Hecker, Great Disci-
ples of the Buddha, 1997:47-59; also Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:5.26. On Moggallna‘s pari-
nirvana, see Nyanaponika & Hecker 1997:100-5; also Piya Tan 2004:5.35.
415
Evam,pasanno.
416
Cf. Prasenajit‘s remarks about arhats, S 3.11/177-79 = Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, ch 8 ―The
Thundering Silence‖ 14.
417
Ekaso gahito sha,ndo nadito.
418
―It is clear to me,‖ evam passano.
419
Kin nu Sriputta ye te ahesu atta addhna arahanto samm,sambuddh, sabbe te Bhagavanto cetas
ceto paricca vidit, eva,sl te Bhagavanto ahesu iti pi, eva,dhamm evam,pa eva.vihr eva,vimutt te
Bhagavanto ahesu iti p ti.
420
―Such is their nature,‖ eva,dhamm. D:W renders this as ―such was their teaching,‖ which is problematic
as obviously all the Buddhas teach the same Dharma, and as such Sriputta would clearly then know this. Moreover,
it is evident from the flow of ideas and context, that the Buddha is referring to the future Buddha‘s spiritual qualities.
421
Nina van Gorkom makes a sobering note here: ―How can we find out who is an ariyan [saint]? There is no
way to know who is an ariyan, unless we have become enlightened ourselves. It cannot be known from someone‘s
outward appearance whether he is an ariyan or not. People who are very amiable and peaceful are not necessarily
ariyans. However, we can take our refuge in the ariyan Sangha even if we do not personally know any ariyans. We
can think of their virtues, no matter whether they are in this plane of existence or in other planes. The ariyans prove
that there is a way to the end of defilements. We should know what the condition is for the end of defilements: the
cultivation of wisdom. The monks, nuns, men and women layfollowers who were ariyans in the Buddha‘s time
proved that what the Buddha taught can be realize in daily life. The Buddha did not teach abstract ideas, he taught
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1.17a ―No, bhante, I have no knowledge of the minds of the worthy fully self-awakened ones of the
past, of the future or of the present. But it is known through the drift of the Dharma.422
Parable of the frontier city
1.17b Bhante, it is just as if there were a royal frontier city with strong bastions and a strong wall
with an archway that has a single gate, where a wise gate-keeper, skilled and intelligent, who keeps out
strangers and lets in only those he knows. And he, constantly patrols and follows along a path, so that he
would see any fissure or cleft in the walls (large enough) for even a cat to crawl through. But whatever
larger creatures that enter or leave the city, must all enter or leave through this very gate.423
Even so, bhante, is the drift of the Dharma known to me.
Bhante, whatever arhats [worthy ones], fully self-awakened ones, there were of past times, all these
Blessed Ones,
having overcome the five mental hindrances424 that are mental impurities that weaken wisdom,
then placing their minds firmly in the four focusses of mindfulness,425
then cultivating the seven awakening-factors426 according to reality,
attain to the peerless full self-awakening.427
reality. Should those who want to realize the truth not walk the same Path they walked, even if they still have a long
way to go?‖(Buddhism in Daily Life, 1977:76) http://www.dhammastudy.com/outlook.html
422
―The drift of the Dharma,‖ dhamm‘anvaya (D 2:83 = 3:100), ie by inference through the Dharma. CPD gives
these meanings of anvaya: (1) series, lineage, succession; (2) successor, next, following; (3) ifc: following, descend-
ed from, dependent on; (4) (logical) connection, reasoning, inference, conclusion, consequence; (5) ―positive con-
comitance.‖ I here follow the tr of PED 338b & Walshe, and guided by Comys which gloss anvaya as anumna
(inference) (DA 3:880, MA 3:352, SA 3:210). Sriputta means that his lion-roar is based on his understanding and
realization of the Dharma. This episode is expanded in Sampasdanya Sutta (D 28).
423
This is a beautiful parable for mental cultivation. Cf another ―frontier city‖ parable for mental cultivation in
Kisuka S (S 35.245/4:194 f) = SD 2.17.8 (2003) where the Buddha explains the imageries he uses. See the very
important Nagara S (S 12.65) = SD 14.2.
424
The 5 mental hindrances (paca nvara) are: (1) sensual desire (kma-c,chanda); (2) ill will (vypda);
(3) sloth and torpor (thīna,middha); (4) restlessness and worry (uddhacca,kukkucca); (5) persistent doubt (vicikic-
ch). See (Nvara) Sagrava S (S 46.55/5:121-126).
425
The focusses of mindfulness (satipahna) are: (1) Contemplation of the body (kāyânupassanā), compris-
ing 14 exercises: the 4 postures, full awareness, reflection on foulness, the 4 elements [§§12-13], and the 9 ―corpse‖
meditations; (2) Contemplations of feelings (vedanā‘nupassanā), 1 exercise, considering feeling in terms of the
affective quality—as either pleasant, painful or neutral—with each being examined again as being either carnal or
spiritual; (3) Contemplation of the mind (or mind-consciousness) (cittîânupassanā), 1 exercise, examining 16 states
of mind coloured by their concomitants—Pubba S (S 51.11/5:263-266); (4) Contemplation of mind-objects (or ―the
nature of things‖) (dhammânupassanā) [§§36-45] is the most diversified exercise involving these 5 schemes: the 5
hindrances, the 5 aggregates, the 6 sense-bases, the 7 factors of awakening, and the 4 noble truths. See Mah Sati-
pahna S (D 22), Satipahna S (M 10), nāpānasati S (M 118) and Mahā Rāhul‘ovāda S (M 62).
426
The 7 factors of awakening (satta (sam)bojjhaga) are: (1) awakening factor of mindfulness (sati samboj-
jhaga); (2) awakening factor of mental investigation (dhamma,vicaya sambojjhaga); (3) awakening-factor of
effort (viriya sambojjhaga); (4) awakening-factor of zest (pīti sambojjhaga); (5) awakening-factor of tranquillity
(passaddhi sambojjhaga); (6) awakening-factor of concentration (samdhi sambojjhaga); (7) awakening-factor of
equanimity (upekkh sambojjhaga) (D 3:251, 282; Vbh 277).
427
After a long intervening passage, Sampasdanya S (D 28.21/3:116) and Nland S (S 47.12.10/5:161)
close with the Buddha saying: ―Therefore, Sriputta, you should repeat this Dharma exposition frequently to the
monks and the nuns, to the layman followers and the laywoman followers. Even though some foolish people may
have doubt or uncertainty regarding the Tathagata, when they hear this Dharma exposition their doubt or uncertainty
regarding the Tathagata will be abandoned.‖ The underscored passage refers to the comprehensive meditation
practice leading to awakening: see The Satipahna Ss = SD 13.1(6b).
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―This is moral virtue, this is concentration, this is wisdom. Concentration, when well cultivated with
moral virtue, brings great fruit and great profit. Wisdom, when well cultivated with concentration, brings
great fruit and great profit. The mind, when well cultivated with wisdom, becomes completely free from
the mental influxes, that is to say, from the canker of sensual lust, the canker of existence, the canker of
false views and the canker of ignorance.‖
PĀṬALI,GĀMA
The lay followers of Pali,gma
1.19 Now when the Blessed One had stayed at Nand for as long as he thought fit, he addressed the
venerable nanda, thus:
―Come, nanda, let us go to Pali,gma.‖428
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
Then the Blessed One with a large company of monks arrived in Pali,gma.
1.20 429Now at Paligma, the lay followers said, ―It is said that the Blessed One has arrived in
Paligma!‖ Then the lay followers of Paligma went to the Blessed One, and having saluted the
Blessed One, sat down at one side. Seated thus at one side, the lay followers of Pali,gma said this to
the Blessed One:
―May the Blessed One consent to stay at our rest-house!‖
And the Blessed One consented by his silence.
1.21 Then, the lay followers of Pali,gma, knowing that the Blessed One had consented (to their
invitation), rose from their seats, saluted the Blessed One and keeping their right side to him, departed.
They went to the rest-house, fully prepared it for occupation, preparing the seats, setting up the water-pot,
and filled the oil-lamp.
Then they went to the Blessed One, and having saluted him, stood at one side. Standing thus at one
side, the lay followers of Pali,gma said this to the Blessed One:
―Bhante, the rest-house is fully prepared for occupation: the seats are prepared, the water-pot set up,
and the oil-lamp filled. Now is the time for the Blessed to do as he thinks fit.‖ [85]
1.22 Then, the Blessed One, having dressed himself, taking robe and bowl, went with the monks to
the rest-house. After arriving, he washed his feet,430 and then sat down facing the east resting against431
the middle pillar.
The order of monks, too, having washed their feet, went in and sat down with their backs to the west
wall, with the Blessed One before them.
The lay followers of Pali,gma, too, having washed their feet, sat down with their backs to the east
wall facing the west, with the Blessed One before them.
428
Pali,gma (Skt Pali,grmaka), 100 km (62 miles) from Rjagha. This fortress would later become the
capital of the Magadhan empire. Later on, it was called Pupa,pura or Kusuma,pura, and during Asoka‘s time,
Pali,putra. It was located in the villages of Kumrahar, Bulandibagh, in the outskirts of modern Patna in Bihar, near
the confluence of the Ganges and the Son (though the Son has now somewhat changed its course). Due to high water
level and because the modern city is located over much of the ancient one, excavation of Paliputra has been limit-
ed. See Finegan 1989:90. See also Intro (7c) above.
429
The following [1.20-34] are found in V 1:227 (elaborated), D 3:209, S 4:183, U 8.6.
430
―He washed his feet,‖ pde pakkhletv (V 1:227, 3:35; D 2:85, 204, 3:204; M 1:354; S 1:107, 4:183; A
3:320; U 59, 86). Although pakkhletv (fr pakkhleti; cf khleti) is active, it is likely here that the Buddha‘s feet
―were washed,‖ upon his arrival, by a lay follower. Even today it is customary amongst traditional Sinhalese Buddh-
ists to wash the feet of monks who have come for offerings (dna, Sinh dne).
431
―Resting against,‖ nissya, fig ―leaning against.‖ It is likely that the Buddha, in his advanced age, would be
resting his back against the wall. However, due to the large number of monks and lay followers (in the next two
paragraphs), it is unlikely that all of them could be resting their backs against the wall.
432
This whole section also found at V 1:226-228; cf D 1:126; DA 2:473; UA 242, 361, 384.
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Householders, there are these five disadvantages of being immoral, of moral failing. What five?
(1) Here, householders, the immoral, one of moral failing, suffers great loss of wealth through being
heedless in managing his affairs. This is the first disadvantage for the immoral, one of moral failing.
(2) Furthermore, householders, for the immoral, one of moral failing, a bad report of his reputation
will spread about. This is the second disadvantage for the immoral, one of moral failing.
(3) Furthermore, householders, for the immoral, one of moral failing, whatever assembly he goes to,
whether of kshatriya [nobles], of Brahmins [priests], of householders or of recluses, he approaches with-
out confidence, troubled. This is the third disadvantage for the immoral, one of moral failing.
(4) Furthermore, householders, the immoral, one of moral failing, dies confused. This is the fourth
disadvantage for the immoral, one of moral failing.
(5) Furthermore, householders, the immoral, one of moral failing, after death, when the body has
broken up, re-appears in a plane of misery, an evil destination, a lower realm, in hell. This is the fifth
disadvantage for the immoral, one of moral failing.
These are the five advantages in being virtuous, of success in moral virtue. [86]
1.24 Householders, there are these five advantages of being virtuous, of moral success. What five?
(1) Here, householders, the virtuous, one of moral success, gains a great store of wealth through
being heedful in managing his affairs. This is the first advantage for the virtuous, one of moral success.
(2) Furthermore, householders, for the virtuous, one of moral success, a good report of his reputation
is spread about. This is the second advantage is for the virtuous, one of moral success.
(3) Furthermore, householders, for the virtuous, one of moral success, whatever assembly he goes to,
whether of nobles, of priests, of householders or of recluses, he approaches with confidence, untroubled.
This is the third advantage is for the virtuous, one of moral success.
(4) Furthermore, householders, the virtuous, one of moral success, dies unconfused. This is the fourth
advantage for the virtuous, one of moral success.
(5) Furthermore, householders, the virtuous, one of moral success, after death, when the body has
broken up, re-appears in a state of joy, in a happy destination, in heaven. This is the fifth advantage for the
virtuous, one of moral success.
These are the five advantages in being virtuous, of success in moral virtue.
1.25 The Blessed One then instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened433 the lay followers of
Pali,gma with Dharma talk for most of the night.
Then he dismissed them, saying,
―Householders, the night is far spent. Now is the time for you to do as you think fit.‖
―Yes, bhante,‖ the followers of Pali,gma replied in assent to the Blessed One. Having risen from
their seats, they saluted the Blessed One, and keeping their right side to the Blessed One, departed.
Then not long after the lay followers of Pali,gma had left, the Blessed One went into solitude
[meditated and entered dhyana].434
433
This action sequence—instructed (sandassetv), inspired (samdapetv), roused (samuttejetv) and glad-
dened (sampahasetv)…with Dharma talk—reflects the basic structure of the Buddha‘s teaching method: (1) the
Dharma is shown; (2) the listener/s are filled with enthusiasm; (3) they are fired with commitment; and (4) filled
with joy. Comys (eg DA 1:293; UA 242; cf VA 1:65; MA 2:35) explain that by instructing, the Buddha dispels the
listener‘s delusion; by inspiring him, heedlessness is dispelled; by rousing him, indolence is dispelled; and by glad-
dening, brings the practice to a conclusion. In short, when we teach Dharma to benefit others, we should do our best
to bring instruction, inspiration, motivation and joy to the listener. These 4 qualities are, in fact, the sixth or last of
the ideal skills of a Dharma speaker. See SD 11.4 Intro (4) & also LS Cousins, in his review of The Middle Length
Discourses of the Buddha (tr amoli) in JBE 4 1997:272, where gives a slightly different listing of the above. See
also Kalupahana, A History of Buddhist Philosophy, 1992:65-67. See 2.14 below.
434
―Entered into solitude,‖ suñ‘gre pvisi (lit ―entered an empty building‖). See D:RD 2:92 (―entered into
his private chamber‖). The expression su‘gre abhirati, ―he delights in solitude‖ occurs 6 times in the Old Com-
mentary on the Prjika 4 (V 3:91-93) and 5 times in the Old Commentary on the Pcittiya 8 (V 4:25 f). See V:H
1:125 n5. D:W has ―spent the remainder of the night in the rest-house left empty by their departure‖ is an unmarked
amplified tr Vajir & Story has ―retired into privacy.‖ It is remarkable here to note that the early Western translators
were right on the mark in their tr Apparently here, the Buddha rests for the night (around 2.00-4.00 am) by dwelling
in the 4th dhyana (SA 2:230).
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The Ganges
1.32 At that time, Sundha and Vassakra, chief ministers of Magadha, following closely step for step
behind446 the Blessed One, said:
―The gate by which the recluse Gotama leaves today shall be called the Gotama Gate (Gotama,-
dvra),447 and the spot where he crosses the Ganges river shall be called the Gotama Crossing (Gotama,-
tittha).‖448
1.33 Then the Blessed One reached the Ganges river. At that time the Ganges river was full and over-
flowing its banks so that a crow could drink from it. Wishing to cross over to the other side, some people
441
Note here that the phrase ―by the end of the night‖ (tass rattiy accayena) is missing, but found in other
contexts [§§3.19a, 4:17]. See prev n where Sundha and Vassakra addresses the Buddha by name.
442
PTS ed misnumbers para here as ―27.‖
443
―With their own hands,‖ sa,hatth. Omitted in Walshe (D:R) and Vajir & Story.
444
It is interesting to note here that the Buddha does not give a Dharma discourse. According to the Sarvsti-
vda version, the chief minister expresses his wish that through his alms offering to the Order, the deities of the city
may long prosper and be happy, dedicating the gift in their name. Winternitz thinks that these stanzas and others in
this Sutta are original and ―are the first beginnings of a poetical version of the life of Buddhas (in the form of sacred
ballads)‖ (1972:40 n1 original italics). However, not all the stanzas here are found in the Tibetan or the Chinese
translations. This probably means that either such stanzas are late or were interpolated later.
445
Y tattha devat assu tsa dakkhia dise. Here dakkhia (giving) refers to the religious offerings made
to the devas, but this could also refer to dedication of merit to the devas. In later times, this is reinterpreted in popu-
lar Buddhism (esp amongst Sinhalese Buddhists) as ―transference of merit.‖ See Jusso S (A 10.177/5:269-273)
and Tirokua S (Kh 7) = SD 26-7 (2003). On the age of this stanzas and others here, see prev n [§1.31].
446
―Following closely step for step behind, pihito pihito anubaddh, lit ―followed right behind…‖ Vassakāra
as we know is a very calculatively political person, and what we have here is an example of close physical proximity
but great spiritual distance. Cf 3.1 (D 2:102). See Brahma,jāla S (D 1.1/1:1) = SD 25.3(1.8).
447
According to the Sarvstivda version, the Buddha leaves by the west gate.
448
―Crossing,‖ tittha, usu rendered ―ford‖ but here the river is too wide and deep, as evident from the next para.
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were looking for a boat, some people were looking for a wooden raft, some people were binding together
a log raft.449
Then the Blessed One, just as a strong man would stretch out his bent arm, or bend back his out-
stretched arm, vanished with the order of monks from the near bank of the Ganges river and landed on the
farther bank.450
1.34 When the people saw the Blessed One (on the other side), some, wishing to cross over to the
other side, some were looking for a boat, some were looking for a wooden raft, some were binding toge-
ther a log raft. And the Blessed One, knowing their intention, uttered this verse of uplift:451
When they want to cross a sea, a lake or a pond,
People make a bridge or raft––the wise have already crossed.
Chapter 2
(Second Recital, dutiya bhavra)
VAJJĪ (VṚJĪ)
Koi,gma 452
[90] 2.1 Then the Blessed One addressed the venerable nanda, thus:
―Come, nanda, let us go to Koi,gma.‖453
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
Then the Blessed One with a large company of monks arrived in Koi,gma. The Blessed One stayed
(among the Vajjs)454 in Koigma.
2.2a 455There, the Blessed One addressed the monks thus:456
―Bhikshus, it is through not understanding, not penetrating the four noble truths that we have had to
run for so long, to wander for so long, on this weary path of samsara [birth and death], both you and I.
And what, bhikshus, are the four?
Bhikshus, it is through not understanding, not penetrating the noble truth of suffering that we have
had to run for so long, to wander for so long, on this weary path of samsara, both you and I.
Bhikshus, it is through not understanding, not penetrating the noble truth of the arising of suffering
that we have had to run for so long, to wander for so long, on this weary path of samsara, both you and I.
Bhikshus, it is through not understanding, not penetrating the noble truth of the ending of suffering
that we have had to run for so long, to wander for so long, on this weary path of samsara, both you and I.
449
A wooden raft (uumpa) here has its beams bound together by ropes of cloth (V 3:63); VA 1096 however
says that it is nailed together. A log raft (kulla) is a roughly made float whose parts are tied together with creepers,
etc (V 1:230; M 1:135; U 90).
450
The various texts differ regarding the details of the Buddha‘s crossing the Ganges. They however agree that
he uses his psychic power to teleport himself and the order across the river. The redactors added this episode despite
the Vinaya rule against the public display of psychic powers (Pāc 8 = V 4:25): see Kevaḍḍha S (D 11) = SD 1.7
Intro (3.3). The Pali texts apparently regard the episode as ―symbolic of the Buddha‘s attainment of the ‗other side‘
of transmigration, ie extinction (nirva), by the power of meditation‖ (Warder 1970:71).
451
According to the Sarvstivda account, only the Buddha crosses the Ganges by his own power. The monks
swim across while other disciples build a raft (Waldschmidt 1950-51:158). The imagery here is obvious: the Buddha
has crossed the ocean of suffering; his immediate disciples, the monks, crosses the river of suffering using their own
effort; and the lay disciples are working at their own means of the salvation, the raft. On this verse, cf Dh 85.
452
On this section, see 2.14 n by Rhys Davids on possible interpolation.
453
Koi,gma (Skt Koi,grmaka or Kui,grmaka), a village of the Vjs (Koi,gma S 1, S 5.431), located in
the vicinity of Bhaddiya,nagara, about 1 gvuta from the Ganges (Mahv 560). A gvuta is a quarter yojana. A
yojana is about 11.25 km (7 mi). As such, a gvuta would be about 2.8 km. Buddhaghosa says that the village was
so called because it was built near the dome (koi or thpik) of Mah Panda‘s palace, said to have been located and
submerged in the middle of the river (J 2:332 f; ThaA 1:287; Mahv 31.5 f).
454
Koi,gma S 1 (S 56.21/5.431).
455
The foll [2.2-3] are found in V 1:230 f, S 5:432 & Nett 166.
456
D 2:90 = S 5:431= V 1:231 = Nett 166; Waldschmidt 1950-51:136.
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Bhikshus, it is through not understanding, not penetrating the noble truth of the path leading to the
ending of suffering that we have had to run for so long, to wander for so long, on this weary path of
samsara, both you and I.
2.2b Bhikshus, it is through understanding, penetrating the noble truth of suffering, through under-
standing, penetrating the noble truth of the arising of suffering, through understanding, penetrating the
noble truth of the ending of suffering, through understanding, penetrating the noble truth of the path
leading to the ending of suffering that craving for existence is has been rooted out, that which leads to
existence has been destroyed, that there is no more rebirth here.‖
2.3 Thus said the Blessed One. Having spoken this, the Sugata [well-farer],457 the Teacher further
said this: [91]
Not seeing the four noble truths as they really are,
Long is the weary path of samsara [birth and death], life after life.
Having seen them, one pulls out that which leads to existence,
Having uprooted sorrow‘s root, there is no more rebirth.
NDIK
Lay saints
2.5 458Now when the Blessed One had stayed at Koigma for as long as he thought fit, he addressed
the venerable nanda, thus:
―Come, nanda, let us go to Ndik.‖459
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
Then the Blessed One, together with a large company of monks, arrived in Ndik, where the Blessed
One stayed in the Brick House.460
2.6 461Then the venerable nanda went to the Blessed One and having saluted the Blessed One, sat
down at one side. Seated thus at one side, the venerable nanda said this to the Blessed One:462
457
KR Norman regards sugata ―as having the same relationship to sugati as duggata has to duggati, ie the
implied -gati is not being used in its technical sense of ‗(category of) rebirth.‘ So duggata is used in a general sense
‗(one who is) in a bad way‘ = ‗poor,‘ whereas Sugata is used in a very specialized sense ‗(one who is) in a (parti-
cularly) good way‘ = ‗Buddha‘‖ (1990:154 = 1993:162 f).
458
The events of the following 3 sections [§2.5-7] are expanded in Jana,vasabha S (D 18).
459
Ndik or tik (according to Buddhaghosa, two villages of the same name on the same river bank) was
on the highroad between Kuigrmaka and Vail (V 1:230 ff; D 2:90 f, 200; M 1:205). The Buddha‘s instructions
to nanda given here are also recorded in the Sayutta, which has tika as the place-name (S 5:356 ff.). The
Commentaries to both the Dgha and the Sayutta confirm it as ―tika,‖ explaining that ―There were two villages
close by the same pond, inhabited by the sons of two brothers. Thus, both of them were called tika (‗of the relat-
ives‘)‖ (DA 2:543; SA 2:74).
460
The Brick House (gijak‘vasatha, D 1:91, 2:96; M 1:205; V 1:232), specially mentioned here because
generally other buildings are made of wood (MA 2:235).
461
The foll [2.6-9] are found in S 55.8/5:356.
462
This section and the following [§§2.6-7]—on the Mirror of the Dharma—are also recorded in two Sayutta
discourses: Gijak‘vasatha S 1 (S 55.8/5:356 f) and Gijak‘vasatha S 3 (S 55.10/5:359 f). In Gijak‘vasatha
S 2 (S 55.9/5:359), nanda questions the Buddha regarding the destiny of the monk Asoka, the nun Asok, the lay-
man Asoka, and the laywoman Asok.
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―Bhante, the monk named Sha has died in Ndika: what is his destiny, what is his future state?
Bhante, the nun named Nand has died in Ndika: what is her destiny, what is her future state?
Bhante, the layman [92] named Sudatta has died in Ndika: what is his destiny, what is his future
state?
Bhante, the laywoman named Sujt has died in Ndika: what is her destiny, what is her future state?
Bhante, the layman named Kakudha [Kakkaa]463 has died in Ndika: what is his destiny, what is his
future state?
464
Bhante, the layman named Kliga…
Bhante, the layman named Nikaa...
Bhante, the layman named Kaissabha [Kaissaha]465…
Bhante, the layman named Tuha…
Bhante, the layman named Santuha…
Bhante, the layman named Bhadda…
Bhante, the layman named Subhadda has died in Ndika: what is his destiny, what is his future state?‖
2.7 ―nanda, the monk Sha, having right here and now realized for himself through direct know-
ledge, upon attaining the liberation of mind and the liberation by wisdom466 that are influx-free with the
destruction of the mental influxes, dwelt therein.467
nanda, the nun Nand, having totally destroyed the lower five mental fetters,468 has gained spontan-
eous rebirth [in the Pure Abodes as a non-returner],469 and without ever returning from that world, will
gain parinirvana there.
463
Gijak‘vasatha S 3 (S 55.10/5:359 f).
464
From here on [§§2.6-9] as at S 55.10/5:358-60.
465
Gijak‘vasatha S 3 (S 55.10/5:359 f).
466
―Liberation of mind and liberation through wisdom,‖ respectively, ceto,vimutti (or, liberation by concen-
tration, ie through destruction of the mental hindrances) and paññ,vimutti (liberation through insight) (A 1:60).
One who is liberated by wisdom ―may not have reached the 8 liberationr or deliverances (vimokkha = jhna) in his
own body, but through seeing with wisdom, his mental influxes are destroyed‖ (M 70.16/1:478). All arhats are per-
fectly liberated in the same way from ignorance and suffering, but are distinguished into two types on the basis of
their proficiency in concentration. Those who can attain the 8 liberations (aha,vimokkha), which include the four
formless attainments and the attainment of cessation, are called liberated both ways, that is, liberated from the phy-
sical body by means of the formless dhyanas, and from all defilements by the path of arhathood [§3.33]. Saha, like
the arhats Sriputta and Moggallna, is ―liberated both ways‖ (ubhato,bhga,vimutta). The differences between the
two types of liberation are given in Mah,nidna S (D 2:70 f) and Kgiri S (M 1:477 f). For full list of the 8
liberations, see Mah Nidna S (D 15.35/2:70 f) = SD 5.17.35. See also D 3:262, 228; Vimokkha S, A 8.66/4:306;
also M 120.37/3:103 = SD 3.4.37. See also Aṭṭha Vimokkha (SD 62.5) & Analayo 2009:141-148.
467
“With the destruction of the mental influxes destroyed,” khī’sava. The term sava (lit “inflow, outflow”)
comes from -savati “flows towards” (ie either “into” or “out” towards the observer). It has been variously trans-
lated as taints (“deadly taints,” RD), corruptions, intoxicants, biases, depravity, misery, evil (influences), or simply
left untranslated. The Abhidhamma lists 4 sava: the influx of (1) sense-desire (km’sava), (2) (desire for eternal)
existence (bhav’sava), (3) wrong views (dih’sava), (4) ignorance (avijjâsava) (D 16.2.4, Pm 1.442, 561, Dhs
§§1096-1100, Vbh §937). These 4 are also known as “floods” (ogha) and “yokes” (yoga). The list of 3 influxes
(omitting the influx of views) is probably older and is found more frequently in the Suttas (D 3:216, 33.1.10(20); M
1:55, 3:41; A 3.59, 67, 6.63). The destruction of these savas is equivalent to arhathood. See BDict under sava.
468
There are 10 fetters (sayojan): (1) personality view (sakkya,dihi), (2) spiritual doubt (vicikicch), (3)
attachment to rules and rites (sla-b,bata,parmsa), (4) sensual lust (kma,rga), (5) repulsion (paigha), (6) greed
for form existence (rpa,rga), (7) greed for formless existence (arpa,rga), (8) conceit (mna), (9) restlessness
(uddhacca), and (10) ignorance (avijj) (S 5:61, A 5:13, Vbh 377). In some places, no 5 (kma,rga) is replaced by
illwill (vypda). The first 5 are the lower fetters (orambhgiya), and the rest, the higher fetters (uddhambhgiya).
The abandonment of these 5 constitutes the state of the non-returner (opapātika or anāgāmī) (see nāpānasati S, M
118.9-12/3:80 = SD 7.13). This verse evidently refers to the non-returner and seems to out of place in this section on
the arhat.
469
The Pure Abodes (suddh‘vsa) form the five highest heavens of the form world (rūpa,loka) inhabited only
by non-returners who assume their last birth to become arhats and attain nirvana. These worlds are viha (―Non-
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nanda, the layman Sudatta, having destroyed the three fetters470 and diminished lust, hate and delus-
ion, is a once-returner, returning only once to this world to make an end of suffering.
nanda, the laywoman Sujt, having totally destroyed the three fetters, is a streamwinner, not bound
for the lower world,471 destined for awakening, sure of liberation, bound for awakening.
nanda, the layman Kakudha, having totally destroyed the lower five mental fetters, has gained spon-
taneous rebirth [in the Pure Abodes as a non-returner], and without ever returning from that world, will
gain parinirvana there.
nanda, the layman Kliga,…
nanda, the layman Nikaa,…
nanda, the layman Kaissabha,…
nanda, the layman Tuha,…
nanda, the layman Santuha,…
nanda, the layman Bhadda,…
nanda, the layman Subhadda, having totally destroyed the lower five mental fetters, has gained
spontaneous rebirth [in the Pure Abodes as a non-returner], and without ever returning from that world,
[93] will gain parinirvana there.
nanda, there are more than fifty laymen from Ndik who have died, having totally destroyed the
lower five mental fetters, have gained spontaneous rebirth [in the Pure Abodes as a non-returner], and
without ever returning from that world, will gain parinirvana there.
nanda, there are more than ninety laymen from Ndik who have died, having destroyed the three
fetters and diminished lust, hate and delusion, are once-returners, returning only once to this world to
make an end of suffering.
nanda, there are more than five hundred laymen from Ndik who have died, having totally destroy-
ed the three fetters, are streamwinners, not bound for the lower world, destined for awakening, sure of
liberation, bound for awakening.
declining‖), tappa (―Unworried‖), Sudassā (―Clearly Visible‖), Sudassī (―Clear-visioned‖) and Akaihā (―High-
est‖) (D 3:237, M 3:103, Vbh 425, Pug 42-46).
470
The (first) three fetters: see n18.
471
Avinīpāta, alt tr ―not fated for birth in a suffering state‖; opp of vinīpāta, ―the world of suffering,‖ another
name for the 4 woeful courses (duggati) or the 4 lower worlds (apāya) (Vism 13.92 f). Sometimes 5 woeful courses
(pañca,gati) (D 3:234=33.2.1, A 11.68) are mentioned: the hells (niraya), the animal kingdom (tiracchāna,yoni), the
ghost realm (pitti,visaya), the human world (manussa) and the heavenly world (deva). Of these, the first three are
woeful, with the asura-demons (asura,kāya) as the fourth woeful course. The remaining two are ―happy courses‖
(sugati). For a discussion, see Nyanaponika & Bodhi (tr), Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 1999:14-19.
472
The Dharma Mirror (dhamm‘dsa/dharm‘dara) is elsewhere called ―the limbs of a streamwinner,‖
sotâpannassa agni (D 33.1.11(14)/3:227), ie the qualities of one who has attained streamwinning. For a shorter
statement on the limbs of a streamwinner, see Ogadha S (S 55.2/5:343 On the faith of the streamwinner, see Gethin
2001:116. The preliminary practices that lead to the attainment of streamwinning are called ―the limbs for stream-
winning‖ (sotpatti-y-agni: cf above) (D 33.1.11(13)/3:227; Pm 2:189 f). The (Sotpatti) Phala S (S 55.55) lists
the following as conducing towards gaining streamwinning: association with true persons (sappurisa), ie true practi-
tioners; hearing the True Teaching; skillful attention; and practice of the Dharma in accordance with the Dharma (S
55.55/5:410 f). The qualities of a sappurisa are given at D 33.2.3(6)/3:252, 34.1.8(7)/3:283; M 113; A 7.64/4:113,
8:38/4:144 f & at M 110.14-24/3:23 f.
In Paññ,vuhi S (A 5.246) these same 4 qualities are called vuhi,dhamma, ―virtues conducive to growth‖
(A 5.246/2:245); cf the 5 Factors of Noble Growth (ariya,vuhi), A 3:80.
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‗Destroyed is hell for me! Destroyed is the animal birth for me! Destroyed is the realm of the depart-
ed for me! Destroyed is the plane of misery, the evil destination, the lower realm! I am a streamwinner,
not bound for the lower world, destined for awakening, sure of liberation, bound for awakening!‘
2.9 And what, nanda, is this Dharma Mirror, by which an accomplished noble disciple, if he wishes,
could by himself discern of himself, thus:
‗Destroyed is hell for me! Destroyed is the animal birth for me! Destroyed is the realm of the depart-
ed for me! Destroyed is the plane of misery, the evil destination, the lower realm! I am a streamwinner,
not bound for the lower world, destined for awakening, sure of liberation, bound for awakening!‘?
THE LIMBS OF A STREAMWINNER:
(1) Here, nanda, the noble disciple is accomplished in wise faith473 in the Buddha thus:
‗So too, is he the Blessed One:474 for, he is arhat, the fully self-awakened one, accomplished in wis-
dom and conduct, well-farer, knower of worlds, peerless guide of tamable persons, teacher of gods and
humans, awakened, blessed.‘
(2) He is accomplished in wise faith in the Dharma thus:
‗Well-taught is the True Teaching of the Blessed One, to be self-realized, timeless, for one to ―come
and see,‖ leading onward, to be personally known by the wise.
(3) He is accomplished in wise faith in the Sangha thus:
‗Of good conduct is the Blessed One‘s holy community of disciples; of upright conduct is the Blessed
One‘s holy community of disciples; [94] of right conduct is the Blessed One‘s holy community of disci-
ples; of proper conduct is the Blessed One‘s holy community of disciples. These four pairs of persons, the
eight Individuals are this Blessed One‘s holy community of disciples: worthy of offerings, worthy of
hospitality, worthy of gifts, worthy of salutation with the lotus-palms, an incomparable field of merit for
the world.‘
(4) He is accomplished with moral virtues dear to the noble ones,475 unbroken, untorn, unmixed,
spotless, liberating, praised by the wise, untarnished, giving rise to concentration.476
This, nanda, is the Dharma Mirror, by which an accomplished noble disciple, if he wishes, could by
himself discern of himself, thus:
‗Destroyed is hell for me! Destroyed is the animal birth for me! Destroyed is the realm of the depart-
ed for me! Destroyed is the plane of misery, the evil destination, the lower realm! I am a streamwinner,
not bound for the lower world, destined for awakening, sure of liberation, bound for awakening!‘‖
473
―Wise faith,‖ avecca-p,pasda. There are 2 kinds of faith (saddh): (1) ―rootless faith‖ (amlaka,saddh),
baseless or irrational faith, blind faith. (M 2:170); (2) ―faith with a good cause‖ (kravati,saddh), faith founded on
seeing (M 1:320,8, 401,23). ―Wise faith‖ is syn with (2). Amlaka = ―not seen, not heard, not suspected‖ (V 2:243
3:163 & Comy). The streamwinner‘s faith is defined in Vmasaka S (M 47) as ―his faith is strong, supported by
reasons, rooted in vision‖ (ākāra,vat saddhā dassana,mlikā dahā, M 47.16/ 1:320). On kinds of faith, see 5.8c n.
474
Alt tr: ―For the following reasons, too, he is the Blessed One [the Lord]…‖ On the meaning of iti pi so, see
Buddhânussati = SD 15.7 (2.2) & n.
475
―Virtues dear to the noble ones,‖ ariya,kantni sīlni. The virtues of the noble one are explained at Vism 221
f. SA says that the noble ones do not violate the five precepts; hence, these virtues are dear to them (SA 2:74).
476
―Unbroken,…giving rise to concentration,‖ akhaehi acchiddehi asabalehi akammsehi bhujissehi viññû-
pasahehi aparmahehi samdhi,savattanakehi. See UA 268. For details, see Vism 1.143-161/51-58.
477
These 2 sections [§§2.10-11]—the Brick House & Ambapl‗s grove—are unique to this Sutta.
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VESĀLĪ (VAIŚĀLĪ)
Amba,pl‘s grove, Vesāl
2.11 Now when the Blessed One had stayed at Ndik for as long as he thought fit, he addressed the
venerable nanda, thus:
―Come, nanda, let us go to Vesl.‖478
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
Then the Blessed One with a large company of monks arrived in Vesl, where the Blessed One
stayed in Amba,pl‗s grove.
2.12 479Then the Blessed One addressed the monks:
―Bhikshus, a monk should dwell mindful and fully aware: this is our instruction to you.
And how, bhikshus, is a monk mindful?
Here,480 bhikshus, a monk, having put away481 covetousness and displeasure482 in the world,483
(1) dwells exertive, fully aware, mindful,484 observing body in the body, [94]
(2) …he dwells exertive, fully aware, mindful observing feeling in the feelings.
(3) …he dwells exertive, fully aware, mindful, observing mind in the mind.
(4) Having put away covetousness and displeasure in the world, the monk dwells exertive, fully
aware, mindful, observing mind-object in the mind-objects.
This, bhikshus, is how a monk is mindful.
2.13 And how, bhikshus, is a monk fully aware?
Here, bhikshus, a monk
(1) while going forward or back, he is fully aware of what he is doing;
(2) while looking forward or back, he is fully aware of what he is doing.
(3) while bending or stretching, he is fully aware of what he is doing.
(4) while carrying his upper robe, outer robe and bowl, he is fully aware of what he is doing.
(5) while eating, drinking, chewing and tasting, he is fully aware of what he is doing.
(6) while voiding or peeing, he is fully aware of what he is doing.
478
Vesl (Skt Vail), the metropolis of the Licchavis, was the capital of the Vj confederacy. It was already
famous as the seat of a Solar dynasty and an important city in the Rmyaa. Mahvra, the founder of Jainism, was
born in Kundagrma (or Kundapura), a suburb of Vail (Stra Ktaga 1.2.3) and the residence of the at or Na
clan to which he belonged. This suburb was divided into a northern sector that was katriya and a southern sector
that was brhmaa. Vail has been identified with modern Besarh, 35 km (20 mi) north of Hajipur, in the Muzaf-
farpur district of Bihar. The site of the ancient city is called Rja Vial ka garh. Excavations have revealed pottery,
terracottas, clay seals, and other objects, confirming the location of Vail, and attesting occupation during four
periods between 500 BCE and 500 CE. (J Finegan, An Archaeological History of Religions of Indian Asia, 1989:83).
479
As at 2.26. The following sections [§§2.12-13] as at Sato S (S 47.2/5:142), whose teaching is also found in
Gelaa S 1 (S 36.7/4:211). The Mahparinirva Stra (with a touch of humour?) inserts this episode as the
Buddha‘s admonition to the monks as mrapl approaches (MPS:Waldschmidt 10.7-15).
480
See 2.26 where this same passage explains the meaning of ―taking yourself as refuge.‖
481
Vineyya, this means that the five hindrances have to be abandoned prior to practising satipahāna. This is
because the hindrances, in the form of mental impurities (cetaso upakkilesa), weaken wisdom (paññāya dubbalī,-
karae) (D 2:83, 3:49, 101, A 2:211, 3:93, 100, 386 f, Vbh 245, 256).
482
―Covetousness and displeasure,‖ abhijjhā,domanassa. MA says that covetousness and displeasure signify
the first two hindrances—sensual desire and ill will—principal hindrances to be overcome for the practice to suc-
ceed. They thus represent the observion of mind-objects, which begins with the five hindrances.
483
―World‖ (loka). The Vibhaga says: ―This very body is the world, and the five aggregates of clinging (i.e.
form, feeling, perception, formations and consciousness) are the world—this is called the world.‖ (Vbh 195).
484
―Exertive, fully aware, mindful,‖ tp sampajno satim (D 3:58, 77, 141, 211, 276 = M 1:56 ff (MA
1:243), 2:11 = S 5:141-143 (SA 3:180) = A 4:300, 457 = Pm 41 (PmA 175) = Vbh 193 f (VbhA 219 f). These stock
terms are def at Vbh 194, 196 = 202; Vism 3; DA 363; MA 1:244; SA 1:204; AA 2:42; ItA 1;105; SnA 157; ApA
310. tp refers to right effort: (1) preventing negative states (savara,padhna); (2) overcoming them (pahna,-
padhna); (3) cultivating wholesome states (bhvan,padhna); (4) maintaining them (anurakkhan,padhna) (A
2:74, 16, 15).
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(7) while walking, while standing, while sitting, while asleep, while awake,485 while talking, or while
remaining silent, he is fully aware of what he is doing.
This, bhikshus, is how a monk is fully aware.
Bhikshus, a monk should dwell mindful and fully aware: this is our instruction to you.
Amba,pl
2.14 486Then the courtesan Amba,pl487 heard that the Blessed One had arrived in Vesl and was
staying there at her mango grove.
Then the courtesan Ambapl, having had magnificent carriages prepared, mounted a carriage, left
Vesl with the magnificent carriages and headed for her park. Having gone in her carriage as far as the
ground would permit, she alighted from her carriage and went on foot to where the Blessed One was.
Having approached the Blessed One and saluted him, she sat down at one side. When the courtesan
Ambapl was thus seated at one side, the Blessed One then instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened
her with a Dharma talk.488
Then the courtesan Ambapl, having been instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened with a Dharma
talk of the Blessed One, said this to the Blessed One:
―Bhante, may the Blessed One together with the order of monks accept a meal from me tomorrow.‖
The Blessed One consented by his silence.
Then, the courtesan Ambapl, understanding that the Blessed One had consented (to the invitation),
rose from her seat and left.
Ambapl‘s lion-roar489
2.15 Now the Licchavs490 of Vesl heard that the Blessed One [96] had arrived in Vesl and was
staying in Ambapl‗s grove.
485
―When asleep, when awake,‖ sutte jgarite = Satipaṭṭhāna S (M 10.8/1:57) = SD 13.3. Comy glosses sutte
as sayane, ―lying down, sleeping.‖ Sutte is often erroneously rendered as ―falling asleep,‖ which is nidda okkamati.
Similarly, jgarite refers to the state of being awake, not to ―waking or rising from sleep‖ (pabujjhati). ―The practice
of mindfulness focused on sleeping means one uses the old experience, now past, of having been asleep as the focus
of superpower mindfulness now. It is mindfulness taking an old experience as it object. This may sound pedantic to
you now, but it becomes crucially important, as you will see when I explain the focus of mindfulness on the citta
(mind-consciousness).‖ (Brahmavamso 2002:26, 32-34). See header §C n.
486
The foll [2.14-19] as at V 1:231-33 but differs as to location. Rhys Davids notes: ―From this point down
to the words ‗he rose from his seat,‘ in [2.19, RD errs, giving it as ‗II, 24‘] is, with a few unimportant variations,
word for word the same as Vinaya, vol I, pp 231-3. But the passage there follows immediately after the verses trans-
lated above I, 34, so that the events here (in 14-18) localized at Vesl, are there localized at Koigma. Our II,5
is then inserted between our sections II,18 and II,19; and our section II,11 does not occur at all, the Exalted One only
reaching Ambapli‘s grove when he goes there (as in our section II,19) to partake of the meal to which he had been
invited. Buddhaghosa passes over this apparent discrepancy in silence.‖ (D:RD 2:102 n1; emphasis added.) In other
words, the V account here puts the Ambapl episode at Koigma (after which the Buddha heads for ik or
Ndik). It could be conjectured here that 2.1-13 have been interpolated, probably after Buddhaghosa‘s time.
Even so, it does not mean that these passages are unhistorical. Alternatively, it is possible that the Vinaya reciters
have the wrong location.
487
Amba,pl is Vesl‗s celebrated courtesan or geisha (gaik or gaak). She has a son Vimala Koaa
who becomes a monk and arhat, after listening to whom she joins, too, joins the order (Th 252-270; ThA 206 f).
See Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:9.14-15.
488
See 1.25 n above.
489
This episode of Ambapl‗s encounter with the Licchavs [§2.16] is absent from the Tibetan Dulva version,
where the Buddha, on seeing Amrapal approaching in the distance, warns, ―Bhikshus, Amrapal is coming! Be
mindful, wise, and thoughtful.‖ The Licchavs separately visit the Buddha. (Rockhill 1884:128 f).
490
The Licchav was one of the main tribes, the most important and powerful, forming the Vj confederacy.
They were the founders of Vail. On their qualities that kept them strong and successful as a people, see 1.4 &
also Kaligara S (S 20.8/2:267 f). See DPPN: Licchav.
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Then the Licchavs of Vesl, having had magnificent carriages prepared, mounted their carriages, left
Vesl in the magnificent carriages. Now, some of the Licchavs were blue, blue in colour, dressed in blue,
with blue ornaments; some of the Licchavs were yellow, yellow in colour, dressed in yellow, with yellow
ornaments; some of the Licchavs were red, red in colour, dressed in red, with red ornaments; some of the
Licchavs were white, white in colour, dressed in white, with white ornaments.491
2.16 Then the Licchav youths rode [racing and knocking each others‘ carriages] axle to axle, wheel
to wheel, yoke to yoke against the courtesan Ambapl. Then the Licchavs said this to the courtesan
Ambapl:
―Hey,492 Ambapl, why are you riding axle to axle, wheel to wheel, yoke to yoke against Licchav
youths?‖493
―Because, young sirs, I have invited the Blessed One together with the order for a meal tomorrow!‖
―Hey, Ambapl, give up this meal (to us) for a hundred thousand (pieces of money)!‖494
―Young sirs, even if you were to give me Vesl with all its territories,495 I would not give you such a
great meal!‖
Then the Licchav youths snapped their fingers,496 saying:
―Alas! We have been beaten by this Ambak!497 Alas! We are defeated by this mango woman!‖
Then the Licchav youths headed for Ambapl‗s grove.
2.17 Now the Blessed One saw the Licchavs coming from afar, and he said this to the monks:
―Bhikshus, those who have never seen the Thirty-three gods, just look498 at [97] the troop of
Licchavs. Look499 at them, and you will have a good idea500 of the host of the Thirty-three gods!‖501
491
These colours are also those of the devas of Susma‘s host: see Susma S (S 2.29/1:64 f) as mentioned it is
Sayutta Comy (SA 1:125): cf SD 12.12 Introd. These colours probably represented the various Licchav clans.
Dgha Comy notes that the whole Licchav tribe would join in any ceremony held in the Licchav house, and that
they would all unite in honouring any distinguished visitors to their city (DA 2:521): see ―condition for non-decline‖
(aparihniya,dhamma) no 7 [§1.4]. This is probably the reason for the enthusiasm of the Licchav youth in
honouring the Buddha and the order with a meal offering.
492
―Hey,‖ je, exclamation: Oh! Ah! Now then! (V 1:232, 292 gaccha je; M 1:126; DhA 4:105; VvA 187, 207. It
is possible that je is cognate with jaya (Success! Victory!) or modern Hindi jai. As such, it is a cordial greeting.
Here I follow M:B 220 (M 21.9/1:126).
493
Note a tone of pride in the speech of the Licchav youths.
494
It is interesting why the Licchavs do not opt for another day, say the following, to invite the Buddha for
alms. Perhaps they are vying for the first alms offering to the Buddha in Vesl on this occasion. It is also likely that
the Buddha would leave Vesl the day after Ambapl‗s alms offering.
495
―With all its territories,‖ s‘hra = sa hra (D 2:96), possibly, ―with all its tributary states.‖ Comy gloss-
es it as sa,janapada, ―with its states/regions‖ (DA 2:545). At Bja S (S 22.54/3:54) via~, ―consciousness with
its food/nutriments‖: see ―The Radiant Mind,‖ SD 8.3.9. PED here: ―with its subject territory.‖ BHSD gives ―(3)
district, province: My 28 [Mvy 28?]; see Hultzsch, Aoka, 163 n11.‖
496
―(They) snapped their fingers,‖ agul pohesu, which Buddhaghosa glosses as agul clesu, ―they
shook their fingers‖ (VA 1097 = DA 2:545). DPL (Childers), under poheti, defines aguliyo poheti as ―to snap the
fingers as a token of pleasure‖ (qu James D‘Alwis, An Introduction to Kaccyana‘s Grammar of the Pali Language,
Colombo, 1863, 1:75). Agul is clearly ―fingers,‖ so CPD def of aguli,poha as ―clapping the hands‖ (J 5:67) is
problematic; but under agul pohesum (D 2:96) gives ―snapped their fingers.‖ BHSD defines the Buddhist Skt
cognate spho as ―snap of the fingers‖ (Saddharma,puarka, ed Kern & Nanjio, 1912:388.9 prose). It might be
surmised here that the Licchav youths (being youthful) are responding to their ―failure‖ by good-natured snapping
their fingers rather than reacting dismally. After all, considering their youthful and tribal pride, it is very likely they
regard making an offering to the Buddha as a matter of prestige than an act of merit. But cf 2.15n above on the
Licchavs.
497
Ambak, ―mango woman‖ (D 2:96; V 1:232; A 3:349) and is related to amb (= amm), ―mother‖(Abhp 244;
Kaccv 115, Sadd 652, Moggv 2:63). This word is mentioned twice here and is clearly a word play. As such, I have
used the Pali in the first instance, and tr it in the second. The word is also found in satt‘ambak cetiya, the Shrine of
the Seven Women [§3.2].
498
Oloketha, ―Look!‖
499
Avaloketha, ―Look! Regard!‖ Avaloketi also tr ―he looks back (at).‖ This verb is more common than oloketha.
Cf apaloketi, ―he look back (at)‖ [§4.1 & n].
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2.18 Then the Licchavs, having gone in their carriages as far as the ground would permit, alighted
from their carriages and went on foot to where the Blessed One was.
Having approached the Blessed One and saluted him, they sat down at one side. When the Licchavs
were thus seated at one side, the Blessed One then instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened them with a
Dharma talk.
Then the Licchavs, having been instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened with a Dharma talk of the
Blessed One, 502 said this to the Blessed One:
―Bhante, may the Blessed One together with the order of monks accept a meal from us tomorrow.‖
―Licchavs, we have consented to a meal from the courtesan Ambapl tomorrow.‖
Then the Licchav youths snapped their fingers, saying:
―Alas! We have been beaten by this Ambak! Alas! We are defeated by this mango woman!‖
Then the Licchavs, having rejoiced in the Blessed One‘s word and approved of it, rose from their
seats, and keeping their right side to him, left.
2.19a Then the courtesan Ambapl, by the end of the night,503 having prepared excellent foods, hard
and soft, announced to the Blessed One that it was time:
―Bhante, it is time for the meal.‖
Then, the Blessed One, having dressed himself in the morning and taking robe and bowl, went, along
with the order of monks, to Ambapl‗s house, and sat down on the prepared seat. Then the courtesan
Ambapl, with her own hands, served the order of monks with the Buddha at its head, with excellent
foods, hard and soft, and waited on them.
Then when the Blessed One had finished his meal and taken his hand out of the bowl, the courtesan
Ambapl took a low seat and sat down [98] at one side.
2.19b And when the courtesan Ambapl was seated thus, she said this to the Blessed One:
―Bhante, I give this park to the order of monks with the Buddha at its head.‖504
The Blessed One accepted the park.
Then after the Blessed One had instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened the courtesan Ambapl
with a Dharma talk, she rose from her seat and left.
BELUVA
The Buddha‘s last rains retreat
2.21 Now when the Blessed One had stayed at Ambapl‗s park for as long as he thought fit, he
addressed the venerable nanda, thus:
500
―Have a good idea,‖ upasaharatha fr upasaharati; here meaning ―compare.‖ See its range of meanings in
CPD.
501
This comparison also at DhA 3:280.
502
At this point, the Tibetan Dulva version adds that ―When he had finished speaking, a Brahman youth called
Kapila (Ser-skya) rose up (f 559a) and said, ‗Blessed One, may I venture; Tathgata, may I give vent (to my feel-
ings)?‖ When the Buddha permits him, Kapila sings 3 stanzas praising the Buddha. The Licchavs are so pleased
with him that each of them gives him the cloak they are wearing. Again the Buddha instructed them the Dharma.
Gladdened at the Buddha‘s word, the Licchavs invite the Buddha for the meal on the morrow, but the Buddha tells
them of his prior acceptance of Amrapal‗s invitation. Having saluted the Buddha, the Licchavs then leave.
503
Cf 1.30a n above.
504
The Sarvstivda version & Tibetan Dulva do not mention this, only saying that the Buddha praises the meal.
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505
That is, the hamlet of Beluva, Beluva,gma (Skt Bilva,grmaka) or Veuva (Skt Veu,grmaka), near Vesl
(Skt Vail).
506
Buddhaghosa, probably aware of the discrepancy of dates, assigns this episode to the 10th month before the
Buddha‘s parinirvana (DA 2:547 = SA 3:202). The SA Poraa k says that the Buddha went into ―fruition attain-
ment (phala,sampatti) [Vism 23], by which life is vitalized, sustained, prolonged… He entered the attainment with
the determination, ‗Let the pain not arise for another ten months,‘ and the pain, suppressed by the attainment, did not
arise for another ten months‖ (qu at S:B 1920 n138). BDict: Phala, as ―path-result‖ or ―fruition,‖ it denotes those
moments of supermundane consciousness which flash forth immediately after the moment of path-consciousness
and which, till the attainment of the next higher path, may during the practice of Insight (vipassan) still recur in-
numerable times. If thus repeated, they are called the ―attainment of fruition‖ (phala,sampatti). Cf 2.23 n. On the
discrepancy of the dates of the Buddha‘s parinirvana, see Intro (9d) above.
507
The foll [2.22-26], with a slightly modified narrative introd, is found in Gilna S (S 47.9/5:152-54).
508
The Buddha spends his last rains retreat here. As it is the month of sha (ha, June-July), with the
rains approaching, the Buddha and the order enter the rains retreat (his last) at Beluva. The Buddha instructs the
monks to spend retreat in groups in different places all around Vesl. According to the Sarvstivda version &
Tibetan Dulva, this is in response to a bad famine that has occurred there. The Pali version, however, makes no
mention of any famine. The Commentary simply states that the small village where the Buddha spends retreat is
neither able to accommodate nor feed so many monks. (DA 2:546)
509
This whole section [§§2.23-25] has the following in the Tibetan version: ―nanda, I do not have the idea
that the order of monks is mine, that I must cleave to the order and lead it, so how should I have a last exhortation,
even a slight one, with which to instruct the order? Whatever teachings I have had which were relevant to the order
of monks, I have already taught them as the principles which must be practised, namely, [the four establishments of
mindfulness, the four right efforts, the four bases of success, the five faculties, the five powers, the seven factors of
awakening, the noble eightfold path]. As Buddha I do not have the closed-fistedness of a teacher who thinks he must
conceal things as unsuitable to others.‖ (Snellgrove, BSOAS 36, 1973:401)
510
The ―severe illness‖ here [as at §4.20] shows symptoms of dysentery. Winternitz (1939:9) says that this
section [§2.23] is amongst those that ―bear the stamp of the greatest antiquity.‖ At 3.10 the Buddha however relin-
quishes his lifespan. See also 2.25 & 5.13 f.
511
Atha kho Bhagavato etad ahosi: Na kho me ta pairpa yo‘ha anmantetv upahke anapaloketv
bhikkhu,sagha parinibbyeyya. Yan nun‗ha ima bdha viriyena paippametv jvita,sakhra
adhihya vihareyyan ti. It appears that Ngasena (Miln 141) and the Sarvstivdins take this episode to mean that
the Buddha is actually at the point of dying, and so by sheer will power extended his life for at least 3 more months
(to the end of the rains retreat). Note, however, that no duration is mentioned here, but see See 2.22 n where this
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episode is said to be 10 months before the parinirvana; cf 3.9. The Skt texts says that the Buddha extends his life
here so that Supriya and Subhadra could meet him: see Intro (9e) above.
Comys, however, say that the Buddha did not let go of his life-formation like a ball of clay from his hand, but
for exactly 3 months he entered upon the attainment of the fruits (phala,sampatti), thinking, ―I will not enter upon
them for any longer than that‖ (DA 556; SA 3:253; UA 327). For a different opinion, see Jaini 1958 (2001:193). It
should be noted, however, that this life-extension is different from the one mentioned at the Cpla Shrine [§3.3].
See also Intro (9).
512
This whole episode missing in the Tibetan Dulva version.
513
―In the shade of the dwelling,‖ vihra,pacchyya. D:W renders it as ―in front of his dwelling,‖ probably
from misreading pacch (behind, back, after, afterwards, westward). Actually the word here is pacchy (shade, a
shaded place) (V 1:180, 2:193; D 1:152 = chy, DA 1:310, 2:205; A 3:320).
514
―My body…is as if drugged,‖ me…madhuraka,jto viya kyo. nanda expresses the same sentiments at the
parinirvana of Sriputta (Cunda (Sama‗uddesa) S, S 47.13/5:162), reflected in his Thera,gth: ―All the quarters
have become dim; the teachings are unclear to me. | My spiritual friend has gone, and everything is cast in darkness‖
(Tha 1034). ―The old ones have passed away. I do not get on with the new ones. | Today I meditate all alone, like a
bird gone to its nest‖ (Tha:N 94 = Tha 1036). DPL says that madhuraka is ―the Jvaka plant,‖ quoting Abhidhnap-
padpik (ed W Subhti), 1865:594. This probably led Rhys Davids to render it here as ―my body has become weak
as a creeper,‖ but PED (W Stede?) rejects as erroneous (sv Madhuraka), saying that the usual tr has been ―become
languid or weak.‖ Comys paraphrase madhuraka as: ―it has become heavy‖ (sajta,garu,bhvo, AA 3:259); ―it has
become unwieldy, as if heavy‖ (sajta,garu,bhvo viya akammao, SA 2:309); ―it has become unwieldy, stiff,
like a person impaled with a stake‖ (sajta,garu,bhvo sajta,thaddha,bhvo sle uttsita,puriso viya, DA 2:547,
SA 3:203; Madhuraka also means ―sweet, pleasant, charming,‖ but PED gives it as ―full of sweet drink, intoxicat-
ed.‖ For madhuraka viya kāya, see D 16.2.24/2:99; S 22.84/3:106 f, 47.9/5:153, 47.13/5:162; A 5.56/3:70 f (ma-
dhuraka c‘eva kāya); also UA 246. See also S:W 3:90 n2 & S:B 1078 n149.
515
Disā’pi me na pakkhāyanti, dhamm pi ma na paibhanti bhagavato gelaena: D 16.2.24/2:99; S 22.84/-
3:106 f, 47.9/5:153, 47.13/5:162; A 5.56/3:70 f (madhuraka c‘eva kāya); also UA 246. See also S:W 3:90 n2 & S:B
1078 n149. On ―things are unclear to me,‖ dhamm pi ma na paibhanti, cf A 5.56/3:69. For a psychological expl
on Ānanda‘s reaction, see Udakûpama S (A 7.15) = SD 28.6 Intro (1.2.5).
516
Winternitz (1939:9) says that this section [§2.25] is amongst those that ―bear the stamp of the greatest anti-
quity.‖ See also 2.23 & 5.13 f.
517
Comys: ―Making no distinction between inner and outer,‖ anantara abhira karitv. Comys explain it as
making no distinction of either inner or outer by way of the Dharma or by way of persons. Making an ‗inner‘ of the
Dharma means to teach, thinking, ‗This much Dharma I will not teach others.‘ Making an ‗outer‘ of the Dharma
means to teach, thinking, ‗I will teach this much to others.‘ Making an ‗inner‘ of the person means to teach, thinking,
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If there is anyone who thinks: ‗I (aha) shall take charge of the order,‘519 or ‗The order should refer
to me (ma),‘520 then let him make some statement about the order. But, nanda, it does not occur to the
Tathgata, to think, ‗I shall take charge of the order,‘ or ‗The order should refer to me.‘ So why should the
Tathgata make a statement about the order?
2.25b nanda, I am now old, worn out, burdened with years, my journey done, I have reached the
sum of my days, I am turning eighty. nanda, just as an old cart is kept going by being held together with
straps, even so the Tathgata‘s body is kept going by being strapped up.521
nanda, it is only when the Tathgata pays no attention to all the signs and by the ending of certain
feelings, enters and dwells in the signless concentration of mind,522 that the Tathgata‘s body knows
comfort.
Self as refuge
2.26 Therefore, nanda, dwell with yourself as an island, with yourself as refuge, with no other
refuge—dwell with the Dharma as an island, with the Dharma as refuge, with no other refuge.523
And how does a monk dwell with himself as an island, with himself as refuge, with no other refuge.
And how, nanda, does a monk dwell with the Dharma as an island, with the Dharma as refuge, with no
other refuge?
Here,524 nanda, a monk, having put away covetousness and displeasure in the world,
(1) dwells exertive, fully aware, mindful, observing body in the body,
(2) …dwells exertive, fully aware, mindful observing feeling in the feelings.
(3) …dwells exertive, fully aware, mindful, observing mind in the mind.
(4) Having put away covetousness and displeasure in the world, the monk dwells exertive, fully
aware, mindful, observing mind-object in the mind-objects.
‗I will teach this person.‘ Making an ‗outer‘ of the person means to teach, thinking, ‗I will not teach this (person).‘
Thus he teaches without making a distinction. This is the meaning.‖ (DA 2:547 = SA 3:203). On these twofold
distinction, see Miln 1145 f, 159 f. See foll n.
518
N‘atthi cariya,muhi. Comys: ―The teacher‘s fist is found amongst outsiders who do not tell certain things
to their pupils when they are still boys (dahara,kle), who keep certain teachings for their beloved and favourite
pupils, telling it to them only at the last moment from their deathbed. The Tathgata does not hold back anything,
keeping a closed fist, thinking, ‗I will teach this in my old age, at the last moment.‘‖ (DA 2:548 = SA 3:203 f)
519
Aha bhikhu,sagha pariharissm ti. On how the Buddha addresses him, using tathgata and aha, see
Ca Mlukya,putta S (M 63) = SD 5.8 Intro (3).
520
Mam‘uddesiko bhikkhu,sagho ti.
521
―By being strapped,‖ veha,missakena, following Norman and Bodhi. See Tha:N 143 n & S:B 1920 n141.
Bodhi also notes that if Comys (SA 2:425; ApA 58, 358; J 1:63) were right in saying that nanda was born on the
same day as the Bodhisattva, this passage would hardly make sense, ―for the Buddha would not need to insist on the
frailties of old age if nanda too was an old man‖ (S:B id). Bodhi thinks that nanda ―must have been considerably
younger that the Buddha, perhaps by as much as thirty years‖ (S:B 804 n296). It is interesting that the Tibetan
sources (eg the Dulva or Vinaya) says that nanda is the same age as Rhula (Rockhill 57), which should be a
good age for one to be the Buddha‘s life-long personal attendant. On the differences of opinion regarding nanda‘s
age amongst the early Buddhist schools, see C Witanachchi, ―nanda,‖ Encyclopaedia of Buddhism 1:529. See also
Thomas 1949:123; Rhys Davids‘ article on ―Devadatta‖ in ERE; DPPN 1:268.
522
―The signless concentration of mind,‖ animitta ceto,samdhi. Bodhi notes that this samadhi ―must be dif-
ferent from the one with the same name mentioned at [Animitta S, S 40.9/4:268 f]‖ (S:B 1921 n141). The Sayutta
Comy (SA 3:90) on Animitta S explains it as deep insight concentration, the present one as fruition attainment (pha-
la,sampatti), which would then identify it with the animitta ceto,samdhi here. Comy of Mah Parinibbna S
simply says it is ―fruition attainment‖ (DA 2:548). On the Buddha‘s first serious illness, see 2.23 n.
523
Tasm-t-ih‘nanda atta,dp viharatha atta,sara anaa,sara, dhamma,dp dhamma,sara anaa,-
sara (D 16.2.26/2:100 = 26.1/3:58, 26.27/77; S 22.43/3:42, 47.9/5:154, 47.13/5:163, 47.14/5:164): many of them
at different venues and to different interlocutors. On the tr of dpa here as ―island‖ or as ―lamp‖ & discussion, see
Intro (6a) above.
524
As at 2.12. This well known passage is from Mah Satipahna S (D 22.1/2:290) and Satipahna S (M
10.3/ 1:55). At 2.12 this passage defines ―how a monk is mindful.‖ See nn there.
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That, nanda, is how a monk dwell with himself as an island, with himself as refuge, with no other
refuge—dwell with the Dharma as an island, with the Dharma as refuge, with no other refuge. [101]
nanda, those who now in my time or after me, would dwell with himself as an island, with himself
as refuge, with no other refuge; dwell with the Dharma as an island, with the Dharma as refuge, with no
other refuge—they become the highest,525 but, Ānanda, they must be those who desire to learn [who have
desire for training].526
Chapter 3
(Third Recital, tatiya bhavra)
CĀPĀLA SHRINE
525
―The highest,‖tama-t-agge (―the highest‖). Bodhi notes that the words are not found in the fragments of the
Turfan Skt version, but the Tib and Chin parallels, probably based on Skt texts, point to a meaning as ―the highest‖
(S:B 1921 n143). See also Vajira & Story n20.
526
Ye keci sikkhā,kāmā ti, D 2:101/3:58, 77; S 3:42, 5:154, 163, 164.
527
This episode of the Buddha‘s relinquishment of the rest of his lifespan at the Cpla shrine [§§3.1-10] is
found in Cetiya S (S 51.10/5:258-263)—SA 3:251-255 parallel DA 2:554-558—and yu,sama S (U 6.1/62-64),
commented on at UA 322-330; also at Nett 60. This episode and the subsequent earthquakes (bhmi,cla) [§§3.1-20]
are found in Bhmi,cl S (A 8.70/4:308-313).
528
Comy says that the Buddha has just left Ukkacelā and here enters Vesālī. Ukkacelā is not mentioned any-
where in this sutta. Comy also implicitly says that the teachings given here are recorded in Ukkacel S (S 47.14/-
5:163-165; SA 3:225; J 1:391). (DA 2:554)
529
―Cpla Shrine,‖ Cpla,cetiya. The Aguttara Comy says that during the first 20 years of the Buddha‘s
ministry, he used to stayed the various shrines—the Cpla shrine, the Udena shrine, the shrine of Seven Mangos,
the shrine of Many Sons, the Srandanda shrine [3.2]—mentioned here (AA 2:373). All these shrines were said to be
beautiful spots (D 2:102 f, 118, 3:9; S 5:159, 260; A 4:309; U 62). They were tree shrines (rukkha,cetiya) where
people sought refuge when they were in fear or where they prayed to have their wishes fulfilled (DhA 3:246). The
Buddha has lived much of his live in the open and encourages his disciples to live the solitary forest life to expedite
their spiritual practice. The Cpla Shrine was once the haunt of the yaksha Cpla, but later a residence (vihra)
was built there for the Buddha‘s use (UA 323). Faxian found a pagoda there and relates a story in connection with it
(Travels of Fa Hsien [Foguoji:G], tr HA Giles, Cambridge, 1923:43). The Udena Shrine, on the east of Vesl, was
dedicated to the yaksha Udena (DA 2:554; UA 323). The Gotamaka Shrine, on the south of Vesl (D 3:9), was
dedicated to the yaksha Gotamaka (AA 2:373). It is here that the Buddha lays down the rule allowing the use of
three robes (V 3:195): the three robes are used to keep the monks warm of cold days (V 1:288). The Shrine of
Seven Women (satt‘ambaka cetiya), to the west of Vesl, was so called after seven princesses, the daughters of
Kiki, king of Benares, experience religious urgency (savega), left the palace and carried out spiritual practice here
(UA 323). The Vessantara J (J 522) says king Kiki lived during the time of Kassapa Buddha (the just Buddha be-
fore ours) and that the women were reborn in our Buddha‘s time as Khem, Uppalava, Pacr, Gotam, Dham-
ma,dinn, Mahmy and Viskh (J 6:481).The word ambak here means ―woman‖ (V 1:232; D 2:96 in ref to
Ambapl [§2.16]; A 3:349) and is related to amb (= amm), ―mother‖ (Abhp 244; Kaccv 115, Sadd 652, Moggv
2:63). The Shrine of Many Sons (bahu,putta cetiya), to the north of Vesl, had a banyan tree with numerous bran-
ches, to which people who wanted to have children would come to pray for it (U 6.1/62 f; DA 2:102, 3:10; SA 5:259
f; UA 323). On the shrine (cetiya), see Intro (7c).
530
―For the midday rest,‖ diva,vihrya. The term diva,vihra, lit ―day residence‖ has sometimes been tr as
―siesta‖ (D:W 246),but the word suggests that it is a time for a nap. The Buddha often speaks against monastics
sleeping in the day time (D 3:185*; cf V 1:295). There are many references to monks and nuns resting in meditation
during such a midday rest (S 1:128 f, 130, 131 f).
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―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One. Holding the mat, the
venerable nanda followed the Blessed One as he walked.531
3.2 Then the Blessed One, having arrived at the Cpla Shrine, sat down on the prepared seat. Then
the venerable nanda, having saluted the Blessed One, sat down at one side. When the venerable nanda
was thus seated at one side, the Blessed One said this to him:
―nanda, delightful532 is Vesl, delightful is the Udena Shrine, delightful is the Gotamaka Shrine,
delightful is the Satt‘ambaka Shrine [of the Seven Women], delightful is the Bahu,puttaka Shrine [of
Many Sons], delightful is the Cpla Shrine.533 [103]
531
―Followed…as he walked,‖ pihito pihito anubandhi. See 1.32 (D 2:89).
532
―Delightful,‖ ramay, alt tr ―beautiful, charming.‖ This shows that the Buddha appreciates natural beauty,
here def as any quality that conduces to mental peace, stability and clarity uninfluenced by greed, hate or delusion.
See Vedanā = SD 3.2.
533
On each of these shrines, see 3.1n.
534
The 4 bases of spiritual power (iddhi,pda;Skt ddhi,pda): will or intention (chanda), energy or effort (viri-
ya), consciousness or mind (citta) and mental investigation (vmasa) (D 3:77, D 3:213 = M1:103 = 2:11; D 3:221;
Vbh 216). See Intro (9b)3 & also Gethin 2001:94-97.
535
―Cultivated and developed…made very well even,‖ bhvit bahul,kat yni,kat vatthu,kat anuhit pari-
cit susam-raddh (D 2:104 5 refs, 115-118 9 refs, 3:248 f 5 refs; S 1:116, 2:264 f 4 refs, 4:200, 5:170, 259 f 4 refs;
A 3:290-292 5 refs, 4:300 2 refs, 309 3 refs; U 62 f 4 refs). All the terms are defined at Pm 1:172, here paraphrased:
cultivated (bhvit): perfected by way of embracing dhyana, insight and path; developed (bahul,kat): thoughts
(dhamm) do not arise in excess; made them a vehicle (yani, kat): his calm and insight is ever ready; made them
the ground (vatthu,kat): mindfulness is well-established; attended to them (anuhita): able to guide his mind; rein-
forced them (pari,cit), lit well-accumulated: able t conquer evil mental states; made them well even (susam-rad-
dha), lit ―making beauty arise‖: overcoming defilements and attaining the goal. (Pm 3.173 f/1:172)
536
―For a lifespan…or for the rest of a lifespan,‖ kappa v…kappâvasesa v (D 2:103; S 5:259; U 62; cf
Kvu 45). On the Buddha‘s lifespan, see Intro (9ab) & on the kappa, see Intro (9c) above.
537
This lifespan extension is clearly different from the earlier one [§2.23], but see Intro (9).
538
Yath ta Mrena pariyuhita,citto. Comys say that Mra is able to seize any mind that has not totally given
up all mental perversions (vipallsa), and nanda has not done so. Being a streamwinner, he is still subject to the
perversion of perception (sa,vipallsa) and of mind (citta,vipallsa), though not of views (dihi,vipallsa). Mra
seized his mind by displaying a terrifying form, and when the elder sees it he is unable to catch the hint dropped by
the Buddha (DA 2:555 = SA 3:252). On the perversions, see Satipaṭṭhāna Ss = SD 13.1 (4.1a) & Vipallsa S (A
4.49/2:52; Vism 22.68) = SD 16.11.
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nanda, whoever has cultivated and developed the four bases of spiritual power, made them a vehicle,
made them the ground, attended to them, reinforced them, and made them well even, could, if he so
wishes, remain for the life-span or for the rest of a lifespan.
nanda, the Tathgata is one who has cultivated and developed the four bases of spiritual power,
made them a vehicle, made them the ground, attended to them, reinforced them, and made them well
even,539 could, if he so wishes, remain for the life-span or for the rest of a lifespan.
nanda, if the Tathgata so wishes, he could remain for the life-span or for the rest of a lifespan.‖
But even though the venerable nanda was given such a clear sign by the Blessed One, though he
was given such a broad hint, he was unable [104] to understand it. He did not beseech the Blessed One,
―Bhante, let the Blessed One stay on through the lifespan, let the Sugata [Wellfarer] stay on through the
lifespan for the benefit of the many, for the happiness of the many, out of compassion for the world, for
the benefit and happiness of gods and humans‘—to that extent his mind was seized by Mra.
3.6 Then Blessed One addressed the venerable nanda:
―You may go, nanda! Now is the time for you to do as you think fit.‖540
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda answered the Blessed One. Having risen from his seat and
saluted the Blessed One, keeping his right side to him, he sat down under one of the trees nearby.
Mra‘s invitation
3.7 Then, not long after the venerable nanda had left, Mra the evil one went up to the Blessed
One and stood at one side. Standing thus at one side, Mra the evil one said this to the Blessed One:
―Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain pari-
nirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana! For, bhante, these are the words spoken by
the Blessed One:541
‗Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until I have monk disciples542 who are accomplished, trained,
skilled, learned, bearers of the Dharma, trained in accordance with the Dharma, correctly trained and
walking the path of the Dharma, who will pass on what they have gained from their own Teacher, teach it,
539
―Cultivated and developed…made very well even,‖ bhvit bahul,kat yni,kat vatthu,kat anuhit pari-
cit susam-raddh (D 2:104 5 refs, 115-118 9 refs, 3:248 f 5 refs; S 1:116, 2:264 f 4 refs, 4:200, 5:170, 259 f 4 refs;
A 3:290-292 5 refs, 4:300 2 refs, 309 3 refs; U 62 f 4 refs). All the terms are defined at Pm 1:172, here paraphrased:
cultivated (bhvit): perfected by way of embracing dhyana, insight and path; developed (bahul,kat): thoughts
(dhamm) do not arise in excess; made them a vehicle (yani, kat): his calm and insight is ever ready; made them
the ground (vatthu,kat): mindfulness is well-established; attended to them (anuhita): able to guide his mind;
reinforced them (pari,cit), lit well-accumulated: able to conquer evil mental states; made them well even (susam-
raddha), lit ―making beauty arise‖: overcoming defilements and attaining the goal. (Pm 3.173 f/ 1:172)
540
Yassa dni tva kla maas ti. This is stock: Smañña,phala S (D 2.101/1:85 = SD 8.10), Mah Pari-
nibbna S (D 16.3.6/2:104 = SD 13), Sekha S (M 53.3/1:354 = SD 21.2=14), Kaaka-t,thala S (M 90.17/2:132 f
= SD 10.8), Pu‘ovda S (M 145.6/3:269 = S 35.88/4:62,31 = SD 20.15), Avassuta S (S 35.243/4:183,15, 30),
Khem Therī S (S 44.1/4:379,29), Veslī S (S 54.9/5:321,16, 17) & Thapatay S (S 55.6/5:348,27). See Joy Manné,
―On a departure formula and its translation,‖ Buddhist Studies Review 10, 1993:27-43.
541
Mra is here reminding of this declaration the Buddha has made during the 5th week after the Great Awaken-
ing while he was enjoying the bliss of awakening under the Goatheard‘s Banyan tree: see S 4.24/1:122-124; A 5:46;
J 1:78 f; DhA 3:195 f). It is interesting that this early conversation between the Buddha and Mra is not recorded
elsewhere in the Nikyas. See 3.34 below, where the Buddha relates this incident to nanda. On Mra‘s attempts
to prevent the Buddha from teaching, see Brahma,nimantanika S (M 49) = SD 11.7(2a).
542
Bhikkh…svak. D:W renders this as ―monks and disciples,‖ but it seems out of context. I take it as a tat-
purusha (P tappurisa cpd: see Warder, Introduction to Pali, 1974:77 f), or more exactly a ―split tatpurusha,‖ ie as
bhikkhu,svak, and also bhikkhu,svik, upsak,svak and upsik,svik. Following this, EM Hare‘s alt tr is
―till my monks <nuns, laymen, laywomen> shall be disciples…‖ (A:H 4:207 f ad A 4:310 f). If we accept Walshe‘s
tr, then ―monks‖ (bhikkhū) here would refer to the ―worldings,‖ that is, those still outside the path to awakening,
while ―disciples‖ (svaka) refers to those monks on the path, that is, one of the eight types of Saints. This categor-
ization similarly applies to the other three pairs of ―followers and disciples.‖ However, I think the context here refer
only to the 4 types of noble saints (ariya,svaka)—ie the sainthood of the monastic and the lay—and not to the
worldly Sangha or unawakened lay assembly. It is important to note here that the Buddha is clearly not referring to a
statistical population, but a spiritual community of those who have gained the path.
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declare it, establish it, expound it, analyse it, make it clear; until they shall be able by means of the
Dharma to refute false teachings that have arisen, and teach the Dharma in all its wonder.‘543
3.8a But now, bhante, the monk disciples of the Blessed One are accomplished, trained, skilled,
[have found safety from the yokes]544 learned, bearers of the Dharma, [105] trained in accordance with
the Dharma, correctly trained and walking the path of the Dharma, who will pass on what they have gain-
ed from their own Teacher, teach it, declare it, establish it, expound it, analyse it, make it clear; until they
shall be able by means of the Dharma to refute false teachings that have arisen, and teach the Dharma in
all its wonder.
Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain pari-
nirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!
3.8b For, bhante, these are the words spoken by the Blessed One:
‗Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until I have nun disciples who are accomplished….‘
But now, bhante, the nun disciples of the Blessed One are accomplished,….
Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain pari-
nirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!
3.8c For, bhante, these are the words spoken by the Blessed One:
‗Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until I have layman disciples who are accomplished….‘
But now, bhante, the layman disciples of the Blessed One are accomplished,….
Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain pari-
nirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!
3.8d For, bhante, these are the words spoken by the Blessed One:
‗Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until I have laywoman disciples who are accomplished,
trained, skilled, [have found safety from the yoke,] learned, bearers of the Dharma, trained in accordance
with the Dharma, correctly trained and walking the path of the Dharma, who will pass on what they have
gained from their own [106] Teacher, teach it, declare it, establish it, expound it, analyse it, make it clear;
until they shall be able by means of the Dharma to refute false teachings that have arisen, and teach the
Dharma in all its wonder.‘
But now, bhante, the laywoman disciples of the Blessed One are accomplished,….
Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain pari-
nirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!
3.8e For, bhante, these are the words spoken by the Blessed One:
‗Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana as long as this holy life has not flourished, prospered, spread
wide, well known to the many, spread amongst the masses, as long as it has not been well proclaimed
amongst human beings.‘
But now, bhante, the Blessed One‘s holy life has flourished, prospered, spread wide, well known to
the many, spread amongst the masses, and well proclaimed amongst human beings.545
543
Na tvâha ppima parinibbyissmi yva me bhikkh na svak bhavissanti viyatt vint visrad
[patta,yoga-k,khem]* bahu-s,sut dhamma,dhar dhammânudhamma,paipann smci,paipann anudhamma,-
crino, saka cariyaka uggahetv cikkhissanti desessant papessanti pahapessanti vivarissanti vibhajis-
santi uttni,karissanti, uppanna para-p,pavda saha dhammena suniggahta niggahetv sappihriya
dhamma desessant ti. *This phrase is omitted here but found in A 4:311.
544
Patta,yoga-k,khem, found in D 3:125, A 4:311 & S 5:259 (1 MS, see S:W 5:232 n3) but omitted in D
2:104-106, S 5:261 f, U 63 f and Comy; cf A 2:8. Yog = ogh (floods) = sav (mental influxes). The term sava
(lit ―inflow, outflow‖) comes from -savati ―flows towards‖ (ie either ―into‖ or ―out‖ towards the observer). It has
been variously translated as influxes, taints (―deadly taints,‖ RD), corruptions, intoxicants, biases, depravity, misery,
evil (influence), or simply left untranslated. The Abhidhamma lists four sava: the influx of (1) sense-desire (km‘-
sava), (2) (desire for eternal) existence (bhav‘sava), (3) wrong views (dih‘sava), (4) ignorance (avijjâsava) (D
16.2.4, Pm 1.442, 561, Dhs §§1096-1100, Vbh §937). These four are also known as ―floods‖ (ogha) and ―yokes‖
(yoga). The list of 3 influxes (omitting the influx of views) [§43] is probably older and is found more frequently in
the suttas (D 3:216, 33.1.10(20); M 1:55, 3:41; A 3.59, 67, 6.63). The destruction of these savas is equivalent to
arhatship. See BDict under sava.
545
Etarahi kho pana bhante bhagavato brahma,cariya iddha c‘eva phīta ca vitthrika bahu,jañña
puthu,bhta yva-d-eva manussehi suppaksitan ti = U 64,16-19, commented at UA 332-330. This passage is also
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Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain pari-
nirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!‖
at Cpla Cetiya S (S 51.10/5:262,9-14) & Nagara S (S 12.65/2:107,2-5 = SD 14.2), where (in both cases) etarahi
kho pana bhante is replaced by tayida bhikkhave, and where SA parallels DA 2:554-558. The underscored phrase
reads thus at D 16.3, S 12.65, S 51.10, & U 64; but vl & SA has yva deva,manussehi, & Divy deva,manuyebhya.
Bodhi: ―I follow SA in its explanation of yva deva,manussehi suppaksita. The point is that, despite the use of
the instrumental form –ehi, the Dhamma is not proclaimed by devas and humans, but ‗throughout the region (inha-
bited) by devas and humans in the ten-thousandfold galaxy, within this extent it is well proclaimed, well taught, by
the Tathgata‘ (yva dasa,sahassa,cakkave deva,manussehi paricchedo atthi, etasmi antare suppaksita su-
desita tathgatena). It is possible –ehi here is a vestigial Eastern locative plural: see Geiger, Pli Grammar §80.3.‖
(S:B 779 n182). Be that as it may, the Dharma is truly spread only when it is ―well spread,‖ and as such this applies
to ―gods and men,‖ too. The life of the Dharma lies in its being well proclaimed and well realized, and well pro-
claimed by such beings. This is clear from this passage‘s context in Mah,parinibbna S here.
546
―At the end of [With the passing of],‖ accayena. The word can be rendered either way: (1) at the end of three
months; (2) after three months. Could the Buddha be pulling Mra‘s legs here, and lived an extra 6 months to pass
away the following Veskha full moon—in which, however, it would appear that the Buddha had extendedhis life
further than 3 months.
547
Appossukko tva ppima hohi, na cira Tathgatassa parinibbna bhavissati, ito tia msna acca-
yena Tathgato parinibbyissat ti. On the question whether the Buddha passes away on Vesak Day, see Intro (9d)
above.
548
―Life-formation‖ (yu,sakhra; elsewhere jīvita,sakhra) (M 1:295, 296; S 2:266; J 4:215). Cf 2.23
where the Buddha willfully extends his life. See S:B 819 n366. See Intro (9b) on the Buddha‘s lifespan, (9c) on
kappa, & (9f): Did the Buddha commit suicide?
549
A similar phenomenon (dhamma,niyma) follows immediately after the Buddha passes into parinirvana
[§6.10].
550
Tulam atula ca sambhava bhava,sakhra avassaj mun | Ajjhatta,rato samhito abhida kavacam
iv‘atta,sambhava. This difficult stanza has the same comy—SA 3:254 f = DA 2:557 f = AA 4:153 f = UA 329 f—
that offer two alternative explanations: one taking tula and atula as contrasted opposites, the other taking tula
as a present participle and atula and sambhava as the contrasted opposited. Cf Sn 85b where atulyo describes a
teacher of the path (magg‘akkhy), probably the Buddha; Sn 683a, where it is used to qualify the Bodhisattva; Th
201a atuliya describes the akampita dhamma, ―the unshakable state,‖ presumably nirvana. Cf U 6.1; S 5:263;
Divy 203. Nettippakaraa takes tula as the sakhra,dhtu (the totality of conditioned things), and atula as the
nibbna,dhtu (Nett 61): on the 2 elements (dhtu) of nirvana, see It 2.2.7/38. See Bhikkhu important and detailed
n, S:B 1941 n255.
551
The previous episode (the relinquishment of the Buddha‘s lifespan) [§§3.1-10] and this episode on earth-
quakes (bhmi,cla) [3.1-20] are found in Bhmi,cl S (A 8.70/4:308-313) and in Ekttar‘gama 42.5 (T 125
753c 11-754a 11). In his tr, Rhys Davids makes this n: ―The narrative is now interrupted by the insertion of para-
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3.12 Then the venerable nanda approached the Blessed One, and having saluted him, sat down at
one side. Seated thus at one side, the venerable nanda said this to the Blessed One:
―It is wonderful indeed! It is marvellous indeed! What a great earthquake that was, terrifying and
hair-raising, and thunder-peals [the sky-drums bursting forth]. What now is the reason, what is the cause
[condition], for such a great earthquake?‖
3.13 ―nanda, there are these eight reasons and conditions for the occurrence of a great earth-
quake. What are the eight?
(1) Here, nanda, the great earth rests on water; the water on wind; the wind on space. And when the
mighty wind moves, it disturbs the water, and through the disturbance of the water, the earth quakes.552
This, [108] nanda, is the first reason, the first condition, for the occurrence of a great earthquake.
3.14 (2) Furthermore, nanda, a recluse or brahmin of great power, accomplished in mental powers,
or a devata of great power and great glory, but whose earth-consciousness is weakly developed, but his
water-consciousness is immeasurable, and he makes the earth shudder and shake violently.
This, nanda, is the second reason, the second condition, for the occurrence of a great earthquake.
3.15 (3) Furthermore, nanda, when the Bodhisattva, having left Tusita heaven and, mindfully and
fully aware, descends into the mother‘s womb, this earth shudders, trembles and shakes.
This, nanda, is the third reason, the third condition, for the occurrence of a great earthquake.
3.16 (4) Furthermore, nanda, when the Bodhisattva, mindfully and fully aware, leaves the mother‘s
womb, this earth shudders, trembles and shakes.553
This, nanda, is the fourth reason, the fourth condition, for the occurrence of a great earthquake.
3.17 (5) Furthermore, nanda, when the Tathgata awakens to the supreme full self-awakening, this
earth shudders, trembles and shakes.554
This, nanda, is the fifth reason, the fifth condition, for the occurrence of a great earthquake.
3.18 (6) Furthermore, nanda, when the Tathgata turns the peerless Wheel of Truth, this earth
shudders, trembles and shakes.555
This, nanda, is the sixth reason, the sixth condition, for the occurrence of a great earthquake.
3.19 (7) Furthermore, nanda, when the Tathgata, mindfully and fully aware, relinquishes the life-
formation, this earth shudders, trembles and shakes.
graphs which at first sight seem to be quite out of place. But the connexion, or want of connexion, between them and
the main story is very suggestive as to the way in which the Suttanta was put together. The whole chapter is an
answer to a possible objection, either from outsiders or from weaker members of the fold, that if the Buddha were
really so great why did he die at all. The suggested answer is that he could have lived on if he had so wished; but he
did not wish because he had certain kinds of power and insight and self-mastery which prevented him from doing so.
For the purpose of this answer these paragraphs, already in existence among the Suttas current in the community,
and dealing with these powers, are here repeated without any such connecting argument as we should find under
similar circumstances, in a modern (written) book of apologetics. The argument suggested by them follows exactly
the same lines as that in the Mahli S…‖ (D:RD 2:113 n3; emphasis added).
The Madhyam‘gama (Ma 36 = T 26 477b 21-478b 12), the Mlasarvstivdin version (22, 1-23, 8) and the
Tibetan Dulva (f 573a-577a = Rockhill 1884:132 f) mention only 3 natural causes of an earthquake. It is here,
according to the Dulva, that the Buddha teaches ―the three great references‖ (f 573 a-577a) ―but it is more developed
than the Pli version, and gives many more rules‖ (Rockhill 1884:132 n1). The 4 great references are at 4.7 below.
The 8 causes of an earthquake is found in all versions, and as such most likely forms an original part of the sutta, but
is a borrowing from Bhmi,cl S (A 8.70). However, the set of 3 causes (due to its number) is probably much
older. Whether these earthquakes actually occurred or not, it is more important to understand their significance: they
are ―a literary device of showing that the Buddha‘s abandoning of his will to live on affects the entire cosmos, not
only the human world‖ (Ray 1994:51). In fact, ―all the events of Buddha accompanying an earthquake have a
religious meaning which is more important than mere historical or biographical part to which they are related‖ (Pye
1979:106). See An Yang-Gyu 2001:59-64.
552
This clearly refers to the tectonic movement of the earth causing earthquakes.
553
This refers to the Nativity, that is, when the Bodhisattva is born at Lumbin (J 1:52).
554
This refers to the Great Awakening at Buddha,gay (J 1:76). See Ariya,pariyesan S (M 26.18/1:167), SD
1.11 (2003).
555
This refers to teaching of the First Discourse at the Deer Park, Isi,patana (V 1:10-12; S 56.11/5:420-424; DA
1:2; J 1:92). See Dhamma,cakka-p,pavattana S, SD 1.1 (2003).
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This, nanda, is the seventh reason, the seventh condition, for the occurrence of a great earthquake.
3.20 (8) Furthermore, nanda, when the Tathgata enters into parinirvana, [109] the remainderless
nirvana-element, this earth shudders, trembles and shakes.556
This, nanda, is the eighth reason, the eighth condition, for the occurrence of a great earthquake.
These, nanda, are the eight reasons and conditions for the occurrence of a great earthquake.557
556
According to Tibetan beliefs (based on the early Buddhist teachings on the primary elements), in a dying
person, the ―earth element‖ dissolves first (the body loses strength), then the ―water element‖ dissolves (loss of
control of bodily fluids), then the fire element dissolves (mouth and nose dry up; body loses warmth), and then the
air element dissolves (difficulty in breathing). See for example Sogyal Rinpoche, The Tibetan Book of Living and
Dying, 1994:251-253.
557
Milinda,paha (Miln 113-119) discusses the ninth cause of a great earthquake, ie, when Vessantara made
his great offering and the earth shook seven times (J 1:74, 547). Ngasena actually evades the answer by recounting
Vessantara‘s virtues. This question, I think, can be resolved by the fact that the 8 causes of a great earthquake is a
canonical list while the Vessantara J is commentarial.
558
Foll [3.21-23] also in Paris S (A 8.69/4:307 f) and nearly identical to a passage in Maha Shanda S
(M 12.29/1:72). Apparently, the passage on the ―8 causes of earthquakes‖ attracted 3 more ―eights‖ [§§3.21-33],
directly connected with the Teaching. These passages have been interpolated here apparently because such vital
teachings reflect the urgency of the moment.
559
For an evidently older listing, see Dhammaññū S (A 7.64.9/4:116) = SD 30.10.
560
―Then,‖ tattha, lit ―in that place.‖
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And having instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened them with Dharma talk, I disappeared. And
when I have disappeared, they wondered, ‗Who is this who has disappeared? A deva or a human?‘
These, nanda, are the eight assemblies.561
561
This teaching here concerns Buddhist missiology, the discipline and art of teaching and spreading the Bud-
dha Word. From the Buddha‘s statement here, it is clear that he is capable of blending with the crowd and effectivey
communicating with his listeners at their level. Cf the 6 qualities of an ideal Dharma speaker given in Ala S (A
4:296-299), Uday S (A 3:184) and Piya Tan, The Teaching Methods of the Buddha, 2001 (unpublished MS):
http://pali.house.googlepages.com/TeachingMethodsoftheBuddha.pdf. Also to be seen here are the roots of an omni-
present and protean Buddha or Mahyna Bodhisattva ideal.
562
―Bases of mastery‖ or ―spheres of transcendence‖ (abhibh’yatana, Skt abhibhv-yatana = abhibh + ya-
tana, D 16.3.24/2:110, 33.3.1(10)/ 3:260; M 77.23/2:13 f; S 35.96/4:77; A 8.65/4:305 f, 8.90/349; Nm 143; Dhs
235-247; DhsA 191). This teaching was given to Udyi in Mah Sakul‘udyi S (M 77.23/2:13 f). These are
powers gained through kasia (Skt ktsna) meditation as means of transcending the sense-sphere. In Parihna
Dhamma S (S 35.96), the term is applied to 6 ―mastered bases‖ (cha abhibh‘yatanni) and refer to the mastery of
the senses: when a sense-object impinges on the sense-base, ―there do not arise in him evil unwholesome states, nor
any memories and intentions connected with the mental fetters‖ (S 35.96/4:76 f). See Buddhist Dictionary: abhi-
bhyatana & Ency Bsm, sv; also Shaw, Buddhist Meditation, 2006: 93.
563
Ajjhattaṁ rūpa,saññī eko bahiddhā,rūpāni passati parittāni suvaṇṇa,dubbaṇṇāni.
564
On blue (nīla) kasia, and yellow (pīta), copper-red (lohita) and white (odāta), see Bhāvanā = SD 15.1(9.2).
565
Ummā,puppha, Linum usitatissimum, a plant of the family Linaceae. It is a herbaceous annual, when densely
planted for fibre, averages 3-4 ft (0.9-1.2 m) in height, with slender stalks, and with branches concentrated at the top.
The flowers, born on stems growing from branch tips, have five petals, usu blue in colour but sometimes white or
pink. The Pali nīla refers to colours ranging from blue, dark-blue, green, dark green, blue-green, grey, blue-black,
and sometimes black; in meditation, however, it refers to the indigo or dark-blue of the linseed or flax flower (ummā
puppha) (V 4:120; D 16.3.29/2:110; M 2:13 = A 5:61; Ap 258; Tha 1068): see PED: ummā & CPD: ummā-puppha.
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566
―Cassia,‖ kaikra or kaikra (Skt karikra) (PED: Pterospermum acerifolium, but this is not the cassia
tree), the tree (J 5:295,
Hibiscus 420, 422, 6:269; Ap 167, 183; B 17.19; Mahv 73.123), or ~puppha, its flower (D 3:111 = M
(bandhu,jvika)
2:14 = A 5:61; J 2:25; Vism 173). The karikra, also called cassia, pudding-pipe, golden shower tree, or kinihirimal
in Sinhalese, has long drooping pods and large racemes or clusters of star-shaped yellow flowers. It is often featured
in ancient Indian literature, such as the Buddha,carita. Almost every part of the cassia tree is useful. The leafy
shoots are cut and steamed as a fresh vegetable. The leaves steeped in water provide a laxative tea, or ground into a
paste soothe skin irritations, and 4 grams of the sticky black seeds boiled in salted water drunk before bedtime is
said to relieve ―heart congestion.‖ Its bark when macerated becomes a good leather cleaner. This beautiful tall hard-
wood is also used in construction, and is so durable that it can be made into the spokes of wheels and handles for
plows. Indians often plant a karnikara for each child born to the family as an investment for their future, but also as a
kind of sympathetic magic, that the child would grow tall and strong like the tree.
567
Bandhu.jvaka (PED: Pentapetes phœnicea, but prob Hibiscus rosa-sinensis) (D 2:111; M 2:14; J 4:179;
Vism 174; VvA 43, 161; DhsA 14). The hibiscus or red hibiscus, belongs to the Malvaceae family (a large group of
dicotyledonous flowering plants), and is also called Chinese hibiscus or ―shoe flower.‖ The Sinhalese call it bandu.
It is a shrub common in tropical Asia, now widely planted, frequently as a hedge. When crushed, the red flowers
turn black, yielding a dark purplish dye that is used in India for blackening shoes. In China, the dye is used for the
hair and eyebrows. It is also used to color liquor and to dye paper a bluish purple tint that reacts with litmus. Hawaii-
ans eat raw flowers to aid digestion; the Chinese pickle and eat them.
568
Osadh,traka, lit ―the medicine star‖ (D 2:111; M 2:14; S 1:65; J 1:23). Also tr as ―the star of healing.‖
Osadhsa is the moon (Abhp 52; Sadd 380), which Indian mythology regards as the lord of healing. DPL says this is
Venus (but without evidence).
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The 8 liberations
3.33 nanda, there are these eight liberations.569
What are the eight?
(1) One with physical form sees physical forms.570
569
―The eight liberations‖ (aha,vimokha, Skt aa,vimok, D 2:70 f, 111 f, 3:262, 288; A 4:306, 349). The
first 3 liberations are kasia meditations, expl in some detail in Mahā Sakuludāyi S (M 77.23/2:13), but in greater
detail in Paisambhidā,magga (Pm 2:38-40). Comy on Mahā Sakuludāyi S (M 77.22/2:13) says that these libera-
tions (vimokkhā) are the mind‘s full (but temporary) release from the opposing states and its full (but temporary)
release by delighting in the object (MA 3:255, cf 255-259).
Liberations 1-3 have to do with the ―bases for mastery‖ (abhibh‘āyatanā) [§§3.24-32]; liberations 4-7 are the
dhyanas; and the last is the cessation of perception and feeling (nirodha,sampatti). The 8 liberations are as follows:
(1) The 1st liberation is that of one with physical form sees physical forms (rp rpāni passati). This libera-
tion is the attainment of the 4 dhyanas using a kasia (meditation device) derived from a coloured object on one‘s
own body. Perceiving form in one‘s own body, one sees forms externally. This is said in connection with kasia
meditation and is one of the ―bases for mastery‖ (abhibhāyatana), ie, powers gained through kasia meditation as
means of transcending the sense-sphere; see D 2:110; M 77/2:13; A 8.675/4:305, 10.29/6:61. MA explains that the
meditator does the preliminary exercise (parikamma) on an internal form (in one‘s own body), for example, the blue
of the eyes for a blue kasia, the skin for a yellow kasia, the blood for a red kasia, the teeth for a white kasia, but
the concentration sign (nimitta) arises externally (MA 3:258 f). The ―transcending‖(abhibhāyatana) of the forms is
the attainment of absorption together with the arising of the sign. On emerging from the absorption, he considers, ―I
know, I see.‖
(2) The 2nd liberation is that of one who does not see physical form internally, but sees physical forms exter-
nally (ajjhatta arpa,sa bahiddhā rpāni passati). This second liberation is the attainment of dhyana using a
kasia derived from an external object and the arising of the concentration sign externally. The formulation of the
second vimokkha ―suggests that it is a shorthand for all the eight abhibhāyatanas which consist of variations on the
theme ajjhatta arpa-sa eko bahiddhā rpāni passati‖ (Gethin 2002:267 n7).
(3) The 3rd liberation is that of one liberated after contemplating the idea of the beautiful (‗subhan‘ t‘eva
adhimutto hoti). Subha (―beautiful‖) here refers to the perception of either a very pure and beautiful coloured kasia
or the 4 brahma,vihr. This is said in reference to the attainment of form absorption (rpa jhāna) by means of
concentrating the mind on very pure, bright and beautiful colours as the kasia-object. Paisambhidā,magga says
that this mental state is also produced through the cultivation of the divine abodes (brahma,vihāra), as a result of
which all beings appear perfectly pure and glorious, and thus the mind turns to the beautiful (Pm 5.20/2:39).
These first three are said in connection with kasia meditation by way of the ―bases of mastery‖ or ―bases for
transcendence‖ (abhibhāyatana), ie, one of the 8 stages of mastery over the senses through absorption. See Mahā
Parinibbāna S (D 16.3.24/2:110), Mahā Sakuludāyi S (M 77.22/2:13); Abhibhāyatana S (A 8.65/4:305), Kosala S
(A 10.29/5:61). Dhamma,saga apparently regards the abhibh‘āyatanā as being ―concerned with the mastery and
facility in certain aspects of jhāna practice‖ (Gethin, 2001:267). See Dhs 45-52 where the 8 abhibhāyatanā (with
slight variations from the Nikāya formulation) are treated as an aspect of jhāna that is of the form realm (rpāvaca-
ra); cf DhsA 187-190.
The next four (4-7) are the formless attainments (arpa samāpatti):
(4) The sphere of the infinity of space.
(5) The sphere of the infinity of consciousness.
(6) The sphere of nothingness.
(7) The sphere of neither-perception-nor-non-perception.
(8) The cessation of perception and feeling. This last stage requires both concentration and insight, and can be
attained only by non-returners and arhats who have mastered the formless attainments. See Bodhi, The Great Dis-
course on Causation [Mah,.nidāna Sutta tr & exegeses]. Kandy: BPS, 1984:47-51.
See discussion in Maha Nidna S (D 15.35/2:70 f) = SD 5.17 Intro (10). See also Analayo 2009: 141-148.
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570
Rp rpāni passati. This first liberation refers to the attainment of the 4 dhyanas using a kasia (meditation
device) derived from a coloured object on one‘s own body. See 3.33 n on ―the eight liberations.‖
571
Ajjhatta arpa,sa bahiddhā rpāni passati. This second liberation is the attainment of dhyana using a
kasia derived from an external object and the arising of the concentration sign externally. See 3.33 n on ―the eight
liberations.‖
572
‗Subhan‘ t‘eva adhimutto hoti.This third liberation refers to the attainment of the perception of either a very
pure, bright and beautiful (subha) coloured kasia or of the 4 brahma,vihr. See 3.33 n on ―the eight liberations‖
& Analayo 2009: 146 f.
573
―The cessation of perception and feeling,‖ saā,vedayita nirodha. This anomalous state, fully described in
Visuddhi,magga (Vism 23.16-52702-709), is a combination of deep meditative calm and insight where all mental
states temporarily shut down (Vism 23.43/707 f): see Sappurisa S (M 113) = SD 23.7 Intro (2); Mahā Vedalla S
(M 43) = SD 30.2 Intro (3).
574
After the interpolation of the doctrines of 8‘s, the narrative resumes here from 3.10. The following sections
[§§3.34-42]—the Buddha tells nanda about Mra‘s visits in the past and present; the parinirvana in 3 months‘ time;
nanda‘s belated invitation and rebuke by the Buddha—are all unique to this Sutta.
575
Bhikkh…svak. On the analyses of this word and the other 3 key words here, see above 3.7a n.
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‗Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until I have laywoman disciples who are accomplished,
trained, skilled, learned, bearers of the Dharma, trained in accordance with the Dharma, correctly trained
and walking the path of the Dharma, who will pass on what they have gained from their own Teacher,
teach it, declare it, establish it, expound it, analyse it, make it clear; until they shall be able by means of
the Dharma to refute false teachings that have arisen, and teach the Dharma in all its wonder.‘
3.36a And today itself, nanda, just now, Mra the evil one approached me at the Cpla Shrine.
Having approached me, Mra the evil one stood one said. Standing thus at one side, Mra the evil one
said this:
3.36b ‗Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain
parinirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana! For, bhante, these are the words spoken
by the Blessed One:
―Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until [114] I have monk disciples who are accomplished,
trained, skilled, learned, bearers of the Dharma, trained in accordance with the Dharma, correctly trained
and walking the path of the Dharma, who will pass on what they have gained from their own Teacher,
teach it, declare it, establish it, expound it, analyse it, make it clear; until they shall be able by means of
the Dharma to refute false teachings that have arisen, and teach the Dharma in all its wonder.‖
But now, bhante, the monk disciples of the Blessed One are accomplished, trained, skilled, [have
found safety from the yokes],576 learned, bearers of the Dharma, trained in accordance with the Dharma,
correctly trained and walking the path of the Dharma, who will pass on what they have gained from their
own Teacher, teach it, declare it, establish it, expound it, analyse it, make it clear; until they shall be able
by means of the Dharma to refute false teachings that have arisen, and teach the Dharma in all its wonder.
Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain pari-
nirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!
3.36c For, bhante, these are the words spoken by the Blessed One:
―Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until I have nun disciples who are accomplished….‖
But now, bhante, the nun disciples of the Blessed One are accomplished,….
Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain
parinirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!
3.36d For, bhante, these are the words spoken by the Blessed One:
―Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until I have layman disciples who are accomplished….‖
But now, bhante, the layman disciples of the Blessed One are accomplished,….
Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain pari-
nirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!
3.36e For, bhante, these are the words spoken by the Blessed One:
―Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana until I have laywoman disciples who are accomplished,
trained, skilled, [have found safety from the yoke,] learned, bearers of the Dharma, trained in accordance
with the Dharma, correctly trained and walking the path of the Dharma, who will pass on what they have
gained from their own Teacher, teach it, declare it, establish it, expound it, analyse it, make it clear; until
they shall be able by means of the Dharma to refute false teachings that have arisen, and teach the
Dharma in all its wonder.‖
But now, bhante, the laywoman disciples of the Blessed One are accomplished,….
Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain
parinirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!
3.36f For, bhante, these are the words spoken by the Blessed One:
―Evil One, I shall not enter parinirvana as long as this holy life has not flourished, prospered, wide-
spread, well known to the masses, widely spread, as long as it has not been well proclaimed amongst
human beings.‖
But now, bhante, the Blessed One‘s holy life has flourished, prospered, widespread, well known to
the masses, widely spread, as long as it has been well proclaimed amongst human beings.
576
Patta,yoga-k,khem, found in D 3:125, A 4:311 & S 5:259 (1 MS, see S:W 5:232 n3) but omitted in D
2:104-106, S 5:261 f, U 63 f and Comy; cf A 2:8.
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Bhante, may the Blessed One now attain parinirvana! May the Sugata [Well-farer] now attain
parinirvana! Now is the time for the Blessed One‘s parinirvana!‘
3.37 nanda, when this was spoken, I said thus to Mra the evil one:
‗Worry not, evil one, it will not be long before the Tathgata‘s parinirvana. At the end of [or with the
passing of]577 three months from now, the Tathgata shall enter parinirvana.‘
Then, nanda, the Blessed One, right here at the Cpla Shrine, mindfully and fully aware, relin-
quished his life-formation.‖ [115]
577
―At the end of [or with the passing of],‖ accayena. See above 3.9n.
578
See 3.3n.
579
One might ask here: why does the Buddha need to throw a broad hint to nanda regarding the Buddha‘s
ability to extend his lifespan? Why not the Buddha himself simply live out his full life-span for the benefit of all
beings? There are two possible answers. The first is that the Buddha does not really need to live out his full life-span
as the fourfold community has been established: his work is done. The ―broad hint‖ is a bonus that nanda fails to
accept. But the second reason is more likely: this curious episode was interpolated some time before the Canon was
closed and does not form a vital part of the sutta. Whether the Buddha lives on or not, he would eventually have to
pass into parinirvana.
580
This is the first of 16 such occasions [§§3.41-47]! The rest follow hereon. See Intro (9b) above.
581
Cf 3.2 on the delightful Cpla Shrine and others.
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nanda, whoever has cultivated and developed the four bases of spiritual power, made them a vehicle,
made them the ground, attended to them, reinforced them, and made them well even, could, if he so
wishes, remain for the life-span or for the rest of the lifespan.
nanda, the Tathgata is one who has cultivated and developed the four bases of spiritual power,
made them a vehicle, made them the ground, attended to them, reinforced them, and made them well even,
could, if he so wishes, remain for the life-span or for the rest of the lifespan.
nanda, if the Tathgata so wishes, he could remain for the life-span or for the rest of the lifespan.‘
Then, nanda, even when you were given a broad hint, when you were given a clear sign, you did not
beseech the Blessed One (then):
‗Bhante, may the Blessed One live out the lifespan! May the Sugata [Wellfarer] live out for the
lifespan, for the welfare of the many, for the happiness of the many, out of compassion for the world, for
the good, welfare and happiness of gods and humans!‘
If, nanda, you had asked the Blessed One, he might have twice refused you, but the third time, he
would have consented. Therefore, nanda, yours is the wrongdoing; yours is the fault.
3.42 Once, nanda, I was dwelling in the (Gotama) Banyan Park near that very same Rjagaha….
…I was dwelling at Cora Papta [Robbers‘ Cliff] near that very same Rjagaha….
…I was dwelling in Satta,pa Guha [the Cave of the Seven Leaves] at Vebhra Passa [Vebhra
Rock] near that very same Rjagaha….
…I was dwelling at Kla Sila [the Black Rock] on the Isigili slope near that very same Rjagaha….
…I was dwelling in the hill cave at Sappa,soika [the Snake Pool] in Sta,vana [the Cool Forest]
near that very same Rjagaha….
…I was dwelling at the Tapod Park near that very same Rjagaha….
…I was dwelling at the Kalandaka Nivpa [the Squirrels‘ Feeding Ground] in Veu,vana [the Bamboo
Park] near that very same Rjagaha….
…I was dwelling at Jvaka Amba,vana [Jvaka‘s mango grove] near that very same Rjagaha….
…I was dwelling at the Deer Park in Madda,kucchi [Belly Crunch] 582 near that very same Rja-
gaha….
3.43 583Now there, too, nanda, I addressed you,
‗Delightful, nanda, is Rjagaha…
Delightful is Mount Vulture Peak…
Delightful is the Gotama Banyan (Park)…
Delightful is Robbers‘ Cliff…
Delightful is the Cave of the Seven Leaves on Vebhra Rock…
Delightful is the Black Rock on the slope of Isigili…
Delightful is the Snake Pool in Cool Forest… [117]
Delightful is Tapod Park…
Delightful is the Squirrels‘ Feeding Ground in the Bamboo Park…
Delightful is Jvaka‘s mango grove…
Delightful is the Deer Park in Madda,kucchi….
3.44 584nanda, whoever has cultivated and developed the four bases of spiritual power, made them a
vehicle, made them the ground, attended to them, reinforced them, and made them well even, could, if he
so wishes, remain for the life-span or for the rest of the lifespan.
nanda, the Tathgata is one who has cultivated and developed the four bases of spiritual power,
made them a vehicle, made them the ground, attended to them, reinforced them, and made them well even,
could, if he so wishes remain for the life-span or for the rest of the lifespan.
582
At the foot of Mount Vulture Peak (V 2;193 f; DhA 2:164 ff; J 4:430; Miln 179). It was here, Comys say, the
queen of Bimbisra, and mother of Ajtasattu, tried to abort the latter on learning that he would in due course kill his
own father. She went to the park and violently massaged (madda, ―crushed‖) her belly (kucchi) hoping of bringing
about a miscarriage but failed (SA 1:77; cf J 3:121 f).
583
This [§3.43] is qu at Kvu 559.
584
The following sections [§§3.44-51]—the rebuke of nanda (continued); the Hall of the Gabled House; the
parinirvana in 3 months‘ time announced—are all unique to this Sutta.
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nanda, if the Tathgata so wishes, he could remain for the life-span or for the rest of the lifespan.‘
Then, nanda, even when you were given a broad hint, when you were given a clear sign, you did not
beseech the Blessed One (then):
‗Bhante, may the Blessed One live out the lifespan! May the Sugata [Wellfarer] live out for the
lifespan, for the welfare of the many, for the happiness of the many, out of compassion for the world, for
the good, welfare and happiness of gods and humans!‘
If, nanda, you had asked the Blessed One, he might have twice refused you, but the third time, he
would have consented. Therefore, nanda, yours is the wrongdoing; yours is the fault.
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If, nanda, you had asked the Blessed One, he might have twice refused you, but the third time, he
would have consented. Therefore, nanda, yours is the wrongdoing; yours is the fault.
3.48 nanda, have I not told you before: All those things that are dear and pleasant to us must
suffer difference, separation and change [becoming other]?585 What else do you expect? Whatever is
born, become, formed [compounded], is liable to decay––that it should not decay is impossible.586
nanda, it has been given up, rejected, thrown away, abandoned, forsaken by the Tathgata, that is,
the life-formation has been relinquished. This is spoken by the Tathgata with absolute certainty:
‗In no long time, the Tathgata will attain [119] parinirvana. The Tathagata will attain parinirvana in
three months‘ time.‘
That the Tathgata should go back on his word for the sake of life [living on]—that is impossible.
Come now, nanda, let us go to K‘gra Sl [the Hall of the Gabled House] in Mah,vana [the
Great Wood].‖
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
MAHĀ,VANA
That the teachings may endure
3.49 587Then the Blessed One, along with the venerable nanda, went to the Hall of the Gabled
House588 in Mahāvana [the Great Wood]. Having reached there, he addressed the venerable nanda:
―nanda, go to all the monks living in dependence on Rjagaha. Have them all gather in the assembly
hall.‖
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One and then he had all the
monks living in dependence of Rjagaha to gather in the assembly hall. Then he approached the Blessed
One, and having saluted him, stood at one side. Standing thus at one side, he said this to the Blessed One:
―Bhante, the order of monks is assembled. Bhante, now is the time for the Blessed One to do as he
thinks fit.‖
3.50a Then the Blessed One, along with the venerable nanda, went to the Hall of the Gabled House
in the Great Wood. Having reached there, he sat down on the prepared seat. Thus seated down, the
Blessed One addressed the monks:
585
This famous sentence is stock: D 2:118=114=158=163; Mah Sudassana S (D 2:192=194); Cunda S (S
5:163); Nm 1:123 qu D 16.5.14/2:144. Cf Abhiha,paccavekhittaba S (A 3:74).
586
Na nu eva nanda may paigacc‘eva akkhta, sabbeh‘ eva piyehi manpehi nn,bhvo vin,bhvo
aath,bhvo? Ta kut‘ ettha nanda labbh? Ya ta jta bhta sakhta paloka,dhamma ta vata m
palujj ti n‘eta hna vijjati. This quote is stock: D 16.3.48/2:118=16.5.14/144=16.6.11a/158=16.6.20/163. The
sentence, Ta kut‘ ettha nanda labbh? lit tr ―What can you get here, nanda?‖ As at 5.6, 6.11 below.
587
The events of this section [§3.49] are expanded in Kaligara S (S 20.8/2:267 f).
588
―The Hall of the Gabled House,‖ k‗gra,sl. See DPPN: kgrasl. See below 3.51n on the Invita-
tion.
589
On this mik (matrix) of the seven sets, see Intro (10bc) above.
590
See D 1:56, 339, 2:83, 290-315, 3:101; S 3:96, 153; A 2:218, 3:12.
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These, bhikshus, are the teachings that have been shown to you by me through direct knowledge, you
should learn them well, associate with them, cultivate them, develop them, so that the holy life will last
long, so that it will stand long, for the welfare of the many, for the happiness of the many, out of compass-
sion for the world, for the good, welfare and happiness of gods and humans.‖597
3.51 Then the Blessed One addressed the monks:598
―Come now, bhikshus, this I say to you:
Formations [creations] by nature pass away! Strive on heedfully!599
In no long time, the Tathgata will attain parinirvana. The Tathagata will attain parinirvana in three
months‘ time.600
Ripe am I in years. Little of my life remains.601
591
See V 1:22; D 2:120; M 3:296, 2:96; A 2:74, 15 f.
592
See D 2:213, 221; M 1:103 = 2:11; A 1:39, 297, 2:256, 3:82; Vbh 213.
593
See M 1:295; S 3:46, 225, 4:168; A 2:151. See foll n.
594
See D 2:120, 239; M 2:12, 3:296; S 3:96, 153. 4:366; A 3:10, 12; Vbh 342.
595
See D 2:79, 83, 120, 302, 3:101, 128, 251, 282; M 1:11, 2:12; S 1:54, 5:83‘ A 1:14, 4:23; Vbh 277.
596
See D 1:256 f, 165, 312; M 1:61, 118, 3:251; It 18; Sn 1130; Vbh 235.
597
On the central importance of these 7 sets, see Intro (10c) above.
598
The future of the Licchavs. The Buddha then makes a prophecy, not recorded in Mah Parinibbna S, but
in Kaligara S (S 20.8), where he declares the strengths and weaknesses of the Licchavs, hinting at their eventual
conquest by Ajtaatru, and warns the monks of their own future:
Monks, now the Licchavs dwell using blocks of wood as pillows. They are diligent and ardent in
exercise (upsana). King Ajtasattu Videhi,putta of Magadha, cannot find their weakness nor have a hold
on them. But in the future, the Licchavs will become delicate, with soft and tender hand and feet; they will
sleep on soft beds with pillows of cotton until sunrise. Then Ajtasattu will find their weakness and
have a hold on them.
Monks, now the monks dwell using blocks of wood as pillows. They are diligent and ardent in
striving. Mra the Evil One cannot find their weakness nor have a hold on them. But in the future, the
monks will become delicate, with soft and tender hand and feet; they will sleep on soft beds with pillows of
cotton until sunrise. Then Mra will find their weakness and have a hold on them.
Therefore, monks, you should train yourselves thus: ―Using blocks of wood as cushions, we will dwell
diligent and ardent in striving.‖ Thus you should train yourselves. (S 20.8/2:267 f)
Comy explains that in the first period of the Buddha‘s Ministry, the monks would practise meditation from the time
they finished their meal (before noon) through the first watch of the night. They would sleep in the middle watch
(10.00 pm to 2.00 am), resting the head on a piece of wood. Then they would rise early and resume their walking
meditation. (SA 2:230)
599
Vaya,dhamm sakhr, appamdena sampdetha.
600
Invitation Day (pavra/pravra). It is curious that Mah Parinibbna S, with all its detailed treatments,
fails to mention an important annual ceremony of the Sangha, that is, the Invitation, held on the last day of the rains
retreat. It is highly unlikely that the gathering in the Hall of the Gabled House in the Great Wood was the Invitation
assembly [§§3.50 f] because it was ―three months‖ before the parinirvana [§3.51] (which would be in Veskha/-
Vaikha or May-June of the same year) [cf §5.7]. That would put the Great Wood assembly in Mgha (Feb-Mar).
In modern times, Mgha is highlighted by Sangha Day, commemorating the spontaneous assembly of 1250
arhats in the Buddha‘s presence. The first 1000 monks were enlightened upon listening to the Buddha, and the re-
maining 250 were Sriputta (riputra) and Moggallna (Maudgalyyana) and their following (from Sajaya‘s
ashram). To mark the occasion the Buddha delivered the Ovda Pimokkha (Avavda Prtimoka), ―The Admoni-
tion Code‖ (the first proclamation of a monastic conduct, comprising Dh 183-185) (VA 186 f; Kkhv 9 f; MA 2:209;
UA 298), and delivered during the 1st year of the Ministry in the Bamboo Grove soon after Sriputta‘s gaining of
arhathood and Dgha,nakha‘s attaining of the Dharma Eye (M 1:501). See Piyasilo, Buddhist Law, 1988b:40 f.
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Chapter 4
(Fourth Recital, catuttha bhavra: the ra cycle)
AṄGA
The elephant look 602
[122] 4.1 Then the Blessed One, having dressed himself in the morning and taking robe and bowl,
entered Veslī for alms. Having gone into Veslī for alms, he walked to collect almsfood and then finish-
ed his meal.603 While returning from his almsround, he turned around and, looking at Vesl with the
elephant gaze,604 addressed the venerable nanda:
―nanda, this is the last time the Tathgata will be looking at Vesl. Come, nanda, let us go to
Bhaa,gma.
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One. Then the Blessed One
together with a large order of monks arrived in Bhaa,gma. The Blessed One stayed there in
Bhaa,gma.
4.2 Then the Blessed One addressed the monks:605
―Bhikshus, it is through not understanding, not penetrating four teachings, that you and I have long
been running and wandering on this long journey in this manner.
What are the four?
(1) It is through not understanding, not penetrating the noble moral virtue [the moral virtue of the
noble ones], that you and I have long been running and wandering on this long journey in this manner.
(2) It is through not understanding, not penetrating the noble concentration [the mental concentration
of the noble ones], that you and I have long been running and wandering on this long journey in this
manner.
(3) It is through not understanding, not penetrating the noble wisdom [the wisdom of the noble ones],
that you and I have long been running and wandering on this long journey in this manner.
(4) It is through not understanding, not penetrating the noble liberation [the liberation of the noble
ones], that you and I have long been running and wandering on this long journey in this manner.
Bhikshus, it is through penetrating, through understanding this noble moral virtue, [123] through
penetrating, through understanding this noble concentration, through penetrating, through understanding
this noble wisdom, through penetrating, through understanding this noble liberation, that craving for
existence is uprooted, the rope of existence is broken, that there is no more rebirth here.‖
4.3 The Blessed One said this. Having said this, the Sugata [Wellfarer], the teacher, further said this:
Moral virtue, concentration, wisdom and peerless liberation—
601
Paritta mama jvita, lit ―my life is little.‖
602
This whole episode is not found in the Tibetan Dulva, which only says that the Buddha ―[p]roceeding then
from Bhoga-nagara, and journeying in the Mallas country (Malya in the text), he came to ‗the village of the Earth,‘
and stopped in the Jalk mahvana (Dza-lu-kai ts‘al-mang-pa) (f 579a),‖ where Cunda the smith visits him (Rock-
hill 1884:132 f).
603
That is, the Buddha had his meal (eating from his almsbowl) in Vesl itself.
604
―Looking at Vesl with the elephant gaze,‖ ngâpalokita Vesli apaloketvā. The Buddha turns his whole
body around––the ―elephant gaze‖ (ngpalokita)––to look at Vesl as a final farewell gesture. The verb apaloketi
is sometimes wr as ava-loketi through o-loketi (see 2.17 & n on avaloketha).
605
As at A 4.1/2:1 f, 7.62/4:105 (qu at Kvu 1.5.15/114 in a different context).
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Sojourns
4.5 Then the Blessed One, having stayed at Bhaa,gma for as long as he saw fit, addressed the
venerable nanda:
―Come, nanda, let us go to Hatthi,gma…‖
―...Amba,gma…‖
―…Jambu,gma608…‖
―Come, Ānanda, let us go to Bhoga,nagara.
4.6 ―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One. Then the Blessed One,
together with a large order of monks, arrived at Bhoga,nagara.609
606
―By the famed Gotama,‖ Gotamena yasassin. The whole stanza containing this phrase occurs at A 2:2,
4:105 & Kvu 116. The phrase occurs in Sarabhaga‘s Theragth (Tha 488). This stanza, in the 3rd person, is clearly
added by the Reciters or later elders.
607
―Utterly cooled,‖ parinibbuto. On the meaning and usage of this word, see Intro (15) above.
608
Jambu,gma (Skt Jambu,grma), a village near Camp, the Aga capital. There is another Jambugrma on
the high road between Vail and Kuinagar.
609
Bhoga,nagara, the city of the Bhogas, a constituent tribe of the Vajj confederacy, lying midway between
Vesl and Pv.
610
Foll [4.7-22] appear as at Mahâpadesa S (A 4.180/2:167-170).
611
The four great references (mahpadesa) serve as the criteria for the true teaching. See Intro (11).
612
This statement is clearly in reference to Pura, who visits Rjagaha after First Council but when asked to
accept its resolutions gives this reply (Cuv 11.1.11 = V 2:288 f): see 3.11n. It is possible that the 4 great references
were formulated on account of Pura here and inserted into the sutta. The Mah Kamma,vibhaga S (M 136)
relates how the wanderer Potali,putta falsely claims to have heard teaching directly from the Buddha himself, and
presents wrong views which the novice monk (navaka,bhikkhu) Samiddhi is unable to put right (M 136.2/3:207).
See S Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism,1984:18 f.
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But where, on such checking and examining, they are found to conform to the Sutta and the Vinaya, it
should be concluded, ―Surely, this is the Blessed One‘s Word. It has been rightly understood by this monk.
Bhikshus, remember this as the first great reference.
4.9 (2) Here, bhikshus, a monk might say this: ‗Friends, in such and such a place, there is a commun-
ity [sangha] with elders, with distinguished teachers.613 I heard and received this teaching directly from
[from the mouth of] that community: ―This is the Dharma, this is the Discipline, this is the Teacher‘s
Teaching.‖‗
Then, bhikshus, you should neither approve nor disapprove of his word. Neither approving nor dis-
approving, his word and expression should be carefully studied and checked against the Sutta [Teaching]
and should be examined (for conformity) with the Vinaya [Discipline].
If they, on such checking and examining, are found to conform neither to the Sutta nor to the Vinaya,
then it should be concluded: ‗Surely, this is not the Blessed One‘s Word. It has been wrongly understood
by this monk,‘ and the matter is to be rejected.
But where, on such checking and examining, they are found to conform to the Sutta and the Vinaya, it
should be concluded, [125] ‗Surely, this is the Blessed One‘s Word. It has been rightly understood by
this community.‘
Bhikshus, remember this as the second great reference.
4.10 (3) Here, bhikshus, a monk might say this: ‗In such and such a place, there are many elder
monks who are well learned, masters of scripture, Dharma-experts, Vinaya-experts, experts in the Sum-
mary Lists [Matrices]:614 ―This is the Dharma, this is the Discipline, this is the Teacher‘s Teaching.‖
Then, bhikshus, you should neither approve nor disapprove of his word. Neither approving nor dis-
approving, his word and expression should be carefully studied and checked against the Sutta [Teaching]
and examined (for conformity) against to the Vinaya [Discipline].
If they, on such checking and examining, are found to conform neither to the Sutta nor to the Vinaya,
then it should be concluded: ‗Surely, this is not the Blessed One‘s Word. It has been wrongly understood
by this monk,‘ and the matter is to be rejected.
But where, on such checking and examining, they are found to conform to the Sutta and the Vinaya, it
should be concluded, ‗Surely, this is the Blessed One‘s Word. It has been rightly understood by these
elders.‘
Bhikshus, remember this as the third great reference.
4.11 (4) Here, bhikshus, a monk might say this: ‗In such and such a place, there is an elder monk
who is well learned, master of scripture, Dharma-expert, Vinaya-expert, expert in the Summaries
[Matrices]:615 ―This is the Dharma, this is the Discipline, this is the Teacher‘s Teaching.‖
Then, bhikshus, you should neither approve nor disapprove of his word. Neither approving nor dis-
approving, his word and expression should be carefully studied and checked against the Sutta [Teaching]
and examined (for conformity) with the Vinaya [Discipline].
If they, on such checking and examining, are found to conform neither to the Sutta nor to the Vinaya,
then it should be concluded: ‗Surely, this is not the Blessed One‘s Word. It has been wrongly understood
by this monk,‘ and the matter is to be rejected.
613
Sagho…sa-t,thero sa,pmokkho.
614
Sambahul ther bhikkh…bahussut gat‘gam dhamma,dhar vinaya,dhar mtik,dhar. Māṭikā start-
ed off as a Vinaya term, where it refers to the Pāṭimokkha, eg in the stock phrase: dhamma,dhara, vinaya,dhara,
nāṭikā,dhara (see Hinüber 1994). The Sutta materials are not arranged in a very systematic order, in spite of some
early attempts (such as the last 2 suttas of D, ie D 33-34), esp Das‘uttara S (D 34), containing lists on different
concepts of the Dharma. The Comys call this text a māṭikā (DA 1054,29). The above usage [§4.10] of māṭikā prob
refers to either such Vinay texts or such Sutta texts, or both. In post-Buddha times, the term maṭikā refers to lists or
summaries of Abhidhamma teachings, serving as lemmata (headwords) which are then explained in the text: see
Mohv:W xix-xxvii. These māṭikās arose once the early Buddhists ―tried to go beyond the simple collection of dis-
courses of the Buddha and began to arrange the main points if his teaching in a systematic form which at the same
time could be easily memorized [see Frauwallner 1964:59 f]. | The lists thus created needed, just as the late Vedic
Sūtra texts are hardly understandable without a commentary. Thus the mātikās may be the Buddhist answer to the
Vedic Sūtras [Frauwallner 1971b:104].‖ (Hinüber 1996:65).
615
Eko thero bhikkh…bahussuto gat‘gamo dhamma,dharo vinaya,dharo mtik,dharo.
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But where, on such checking and examining, they are found to conform to the Sutta and the Vinaya, it
should be concluded, [126] ‗Surely, this is the Blessed One‘s Word. It has been rightly understood by this
elder.‘
Bhikshus, remember this is the fourth great reference.
Bhikshus, remember these four great references.‖
616
From here [§4.13] until 4.25 = U 8.5/81-85. The Sarvastivadin version has this prose introduction based on
E. Waldschmidt‘s version (Beitrage zur Textgeschichte des Mahaparinirvanasutra, Gottingen, 1939):
―Then the Blessed One, having early robed himself, took his bowl and went with the Great Order to the meal
(given by Cunda). The Blessed One and the Order sat on the appointed seats. When Cunda saw that all had taken their
places, he took foods with his own hands and set them before the Blessed One and the noble Order. At that time there
was an evil monk, who then stole a copper bowl [SnA 159 says ―golden vessel‖] by hiding it under his armpit. The
Blessed One by his psychic power caused it not to be seen by the people. Only the Buddha and Cunda saw the wrong
deed. When Cunda perceived the Blessed One and the Order were fully satisfied, he caused pure water, powder, and
tooth-sticks to be passed around, and after they had laid their bowls aside and had washed and rinsed their mouths, then
Cunda took a low seat, sat down before the Blessed One, and reverently questioned the Blessed One with a verse.‖
(Cunda S, Sn 1.5 = vv 83-90 then follows.) This account parallels that of U 8.5/82 & SnA 159. The Sarvastivadin
tradition further has the following verses and prose to close the Cunda S:
Whereby that stupid person commits an evil deed | Such a one causes doubt all round among the good;
Trust not on outer signs when one stands before you, | Depend not such a one after short acquaintance.
Common people often make fallacious show, | And ever through the world they go deceiving. ||
Even as an earring overlaid with gold, | But underneath is copper, base and worthless,
One who is false within, but seeming real, | Draws to one pupils and misleads the good. ||
At this time, the Lord seeing the bounty (of the meal offerred by Cunda) set forth his merit in a verse:
Of one who gives, the merit grows. | Of one restrained, no anger arises.
The good person puts aside base actions. | With lust and hate and delusion gone such a one has nirvana won.
(Cf Dh 224 f).
[From The Mula-sarvastivadin Vinaya, E Waldschmidt, p66; qu by EJ Thomas, The Quest for Enlightenment,
1950:72 f. The above translation has been revised by the author.]
617
According to Comy, Pva (Pp) is 3 gavutas (about 8 km or 5 miles) from Kusinr (Kuinagar), ie
modern Kasia [5.1n]. Modern fieldwork has variously located Pv at Padrauna, 19 km (12 mi) north of Kasia, or at
Sathiyamva Fazilanagara, 14 km (9 mi) southeast of Kasia in the Meveris district of North Bihar. Walking that
distance with great effort and sitting down at 25 places on the way, the Buddha reaches the sal grove when the sun
has already set (DA 2:573). See 4.21, 39, 5.1, where the Buddha complains of his weariness.
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Skara,maddava621
4.18 Then, the Blessed One, having dressed him-
self in the morning and taking robe and bowl, went,
along with the order of monks, to Cunda the smith‘s
house, and sat down on the prepared seat. Seated thus,
the Blessed One addressed Cunda the smith:
―Cunda, serve me the skara,maddava622 that has
been prepared, but serve the order of monks with the
other hard and soft foods that have been prepared.‖623 The last meal (Thai temple mural painting)
―Yes, bhante,‖ Cunda the smith replied in assent to
the Blessed One, and he served the Blessed One the skara,maddava that has been prepared, but
served the order of monks with the other hard and soft foods that have been prepared.
4.19 Then the Blessed One address Cunda the smith:
―Cunda, as for the rest of the skara,maddava, bury it in a pit. Cunda, I can see no one in the world
with its devas, Mras and Brahms, in this generation with its recluses and brahmins, its princes and
people who, if they were to eat it, could thoroughly digest it except the Tathgata.‖624
―Yes, bhante,‖ Cunda the smith replied in assent to the Blessed One, and then buried the rest of the
skara,maddava in a pit.
618
On Cunda, see Intro (13). It is stated at the opening of Sagti S (D 33) that it is taught by Sriputta here: see
Intro (11c).
619
See 1.25 n above.
620
See 1.30a n above.
621
There is no mention of skara,maddava in the Tibetan Dulva account.
622
On skara,maddava, see Intro (13b).
623
John Strong, in his notes to The Buddha: A short biography (2001:171), highlights the curious omission in
the Pali account of an episode that is found in all the other versions of the Buddha‘s last meal, that is, the mysterious
and confused account of the ―evil monk‖ who steals the bowl of food intended for the Buddha, thus forcing Cunda
to prepare a second special meal, or who steals a bowl containing the leftovers of the meal (Bareau 1970-71:258-
264).
624
Cf Lamotte 1976:313 f.
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Then he approached the Blessed One and having saluted him, sat down at one side. And as Cunda the
smith sat at one side, the Blessed One then instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened him with a Dharma
talk.625 Then rising from his seat, he left.
4.20 Then the Blessed One, on account of having eaten the food prepared by Cunda the smith, a
serious illness arose in him, severe pains with bloody diarrhoea, with sharp pains as if he were about to
die.626 But he [128] endured all this mindfully and fully aware, and without complaint.
Then the Blessed One addressed the venerable nanda:
―nanda, let us go to Kusinr.‖627
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
After eating Cunda the smith‘s food, I heard,
A serious illness fell upon the wise one, with sharp pains as if bringing death.
And the skara,maddava that was eaten
By the Teacher brought him a serious illness,
Having purged, the Blessed One then said,
―I am going to Kusinr town.‖628
4.21 Then the Blessed One came down from the road and went to the foot of a certain tree, and then
addressed the venerable nanda:
―Please,629 nanda, spread the upper robe [sanghati], folded in four,630 for me. I am tired, nanda,
and would like to sit down.‖631
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One, and he spread the upper
robe, folded in four, for him.
KAKUṬṬHĀ RIVER
The clearing of the water
4.22 The Blessed One sat down on the prepared seat. Seated thus, the Blessed One addressed the
venerable nanda:
―Please, nanda, bring me some water. I am thirsty, nanda, I wish to drink.‖
When this was said, the venerable nanda said this to the Blessed One:
―Just now, bhante, at least five hundred carts have crossed over it. The shallow water, disturbed by the
wheels, flows murky and dirty. Bhante, this Kakutth river, not far off, has clear, [129] sweet, cool and
clean water, easy to ford and delightful.632
4.23 For the second time, the Blessed One addressed the venerable nanda:
625
Evidently, the Buddha‘s teachings to Cunda at this point, though nothing is mentioned here, is recorded in
the Sutta Nipta as Cunda S (Sn Sn 1.5 = vv 83-90) [4.13n]. The Aguttara has the relatively long Cunda Kamm-
ra,putta S (A 10.176/5:263-268), where Cunda takes refuge. See 1.25 n above.
626
This is the second attack of dysentery. The first attack mentioned at 2.23. On whether the Buddha was
poisoned, see Intro (13a).
627
Kusinra (Skt Kui,nagar) is about 80 km southeast of Pv.
628
Comy says that these verses (like those at 38 & 41) are probably those of the Council elders (cf DA 615).
629
Igha, alt tr, ―come now!‖
630
On “folded in four” (catu-g,guṇaṁ), see §4.39 n.
631
According to Comy, Pva (Pp) is three gavutas (approximately 8 km or 5 miles) from Kusinr (Kuinaga-
r). Walking that distance with great effort and sitting down at 25 places on the way, the Buddha reaches the sal
grove when the sun has already set (DA 2:573). Thus illness comes to a man, crushing all his health. As if he wants
to point to this fact, the Buddha speaks these deeply moving words: ―I am weary, nanda, and wish to sit down‖
(kilanto‘smi nanda nisdissmi) here [§4.21]. On reaching the Upavattana sal grove near Kusinr, the Buddha
says, ―I am weary, nanda, I wish lie down (nipajjissmi)‖ [§5.1]: see 4.39, where he says the same to Cundaka.
632
Acchdik [elsewhere acchdak] stdak stdak setak supatihit ramay (D 2:128; M 1:76 = 283 =
S 1:91 = A 3:190; A 3:238). CPD (acchdaka): Kakuttha acchdi,stdika,vippasanna,D 2:135*, is a haplology
(accidental omission) as in somana,domanassa, Sn 67, see Sadd 3:158.
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Pukkusa Malla,putta
4.26 634Now at that time, Pukkusa Malla,putta635 a disciple of ra Klma,636 was going along the
highway from Kusinra to Pv. Then Pukkusa Malla,putta saw the Blessed One sitting under a certain
tree. Having approached the Blessed One, he saluted him and sat down at one side. Sitting thus at one side,
Pukkusa Malla,putta said this to the Blessed One:
―It is wonderful, bhante! It is marvellous, bhante! How those gone forth, bhante, dwell in peace!
4.27 PUKKUSA‘S STORY OF ĀḶĀRA. Once, bhante, ra Klma, going along the highway, came
down from it and sat down under a certain tree for the midday rest. Then, bhante, at least five hundred
carts passed very close by him. Then, bhante, a certain man following close behind the caravan of carts
approached ra Klma, and then said this to him:
‗But, bhante, did you not see that at least five hundred carts had passed by?‘
‗No, friend, I did not see them.‘
633
The Tibetan Dulva version says that at nanda‘s request, the Buddha does not drink the water of the Kaku-
sthana [Kakuttha] river, but only washes his body with it (f 582 a) (Rockhill 1884:134).
634
The following sections [§§26-38]—Pukkusa‘s offer of the golden robes and the transfiguration—are unique
this Sutta.
635
Pukkusa Malla,putta (Skt Putkasa Malla,putra/Mālya,putra) (M 2:152; A 2:85; J 4:205, 306; Lalv 21.17.
Comy says that Pukkusa is probably a name (not a tribe or caste), as the Mallas were kshatriyas. Pukkusa was the
owner of the 500 carts that had just passed by (DA 569). If Pukkusa has met Āḷāra himself, he (the former) must be
more than 45 years old, perhaps 65 (if he meets Āḷāra when he is 20), in which case Malla,putta cannot be tr as ―the
young Malla.‖ Perhaps ―the Malla noble‖ would be more appropriate. Āḷāra is said to have died ―seven days ago‖
(M 26.22/1:170 = SD 1.11), ie counting from the time the Buddha decides to teach the Dharma (V 1:7; M 1:170; S
1:138; D 2:39 Vipass Buddha; Mvst 3:318; cf. S:B 1:233 n372; also Sn 1146c): see Why the Buddha ―hesitated‖
= SD 12.1(2-3).
636
ra, one of the Bodhisattva‘s early teachers, taught him meditation up to the sphere of nothingness (ki-
ca‗yatana). Buddhaghosa says that ra was also called Dgha,pigala; Klma was his family name (DA 2:-
569 = MA 2:171). The story of the Bodhisattva‘s first two teachers is found in Ariya,pariyesan S (M 26.15/1:163-
168), Mah Saccaka S (M 36/1:240; Sagarva S (M 100/2:212); Madhyam‘gama of the Sarvstivda (T26.-
776b5-777a4; Vinaya of the Dharmaguptakas (T1428.780bt-c19); cf J 1:66; DhA 1:85; ApA 71; BA 6; DhsA 34;
Mahvs 66. See SD 1.11(15) (Ariyapariyesan S).
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637
4.30 here as at V 1:249 f (story of Subhadda, ―one gone forth in old age‖ [§5.23]).
638
The threshing house near tum. It was here, says the Vinaya, on account of the Subhadda, ―one gone forth
in old age‖ that the Buddha laid down two rules entailing wrong-doing (dukkaa). On hearing of the Buddha‘s pass-
ing, expressed his relief [§6.20]. See V 1:249 f. See 6.20n below.
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639
This makes Pukkusa the last layman to take refuge before the Buddha himself.
640
―A pair of gold-coloured robes, ready for wearing,‖ sigi,vaa yuga maa dhraya. These two
robes are probably the outer robe (uttarâsaga), covering the whole body and the upper robe (saghi), worn fold-
ed over the left shoulder: cf V 1:94. The upper robe is doubled up with the outer robe for keeping oneself warm, or
folded up as a seat [§4.21] or for lying on [§4.29], or used as an outer robe when the soiled robe is washed and dried.
The two robes are identical in form. However, the text here does not mention what kind of robe ―the pair‖ are.
641
―Reverend sir,‖ bhante. Here the man is addressing Pukkusa, who was obviously a man of means. See Dh-
najni S (M 97.27a/2:192): SD 4.9 27a n.
642
Upanmesi, fr upanmeti, ―he offers; he arranges or places.‖ See 4.37.
643
Tena hi Pukkusa ekena ma acchdehi ekena nanda. That is, nanda is simply keeping the robe on the
Buddha‘s behalf.
644
Ekena Bhagavanta acchdesi, ekena yasmanta nanda. If we take it that nanda is the recipient one
of the two robes, it is clearly problematic in that nanda is receiving a share of choice robes, when the very first
condition that nanda sets for becoming the Buddha‘s personal attendant is is ―the Buddha should never pass on to
him any choice robes he has received‖ (J 4:96; ThaA 3:112): see Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:6.3.
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4.36 Then the Blessed One instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened Pukkusa Malla,putta with
Dharma talk. Having been instructed, inspired, roused and gladdened with a Dharma talk by the Blessed
One, Pukkusa Malla,putta then rose from his seat, and having saluted the Blessed One, left.
The transfiguration
4.37 Then not long after Pukkusa Malla,putta had left, the venerable nanda arranged645 the pair of
gold-coloured ready-to-wear robes on the Blessed One, and as he did so, it appeared to have lost its
radiance.
Then the venerable nanda said this to the Blessed One:
―It is wonderful, bhante! It is marvellous, bhante! How exceedingly clear [pure] and bright, bhante, is
the colour of the Tathgata‘s skin! Bhante, when this pair of gold-coloured ready-to-wear robes [134] is
placed on the Blessed One‘s body, it appears to have lost its radiance!‖
―Such it is, nanda. There are two occasions, nanda, when the colour of the Tathgata‘s skin
appears exceedingly clear and bright. What are the two? On the night when the Tathgata awakens to the
supreme self-awakening, nanda, and on the night when he attains to the remainderless nirvana-element
at his final passing.646
4.38 nanda, in the last watch647 tonight, the Tathgata‘s parinirvana will occur between the twin sal
trees in the sal grove of the Mallas in Upavattana [Upavattana Wood] near Kusinr.
Come, nanda, let us go to the Kakutth river.‖648
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
See D:W 573 n421: ―This ridiculous story is probably a late insertion.‖ However, it should be noted that after
Pukkusa had left, nanda arranged the second robe on the Buddha.
645
Upanmesi, see 4.35n.
646
On the term parinibbna, see Intro (15) above.
647
Traditionally, the Buddha‘s day is divided into five periods: the forenoon, the afternoon, the first watch, the
middle watch, and the last watch. Rising early (ie about 4-5 am), the Buddha rouses in himself the attainment of great
compassion (mah,karu,sampatti) and surveys the world with his divine eye to see whom he can help. Forenoon:
During the early hours of dawn, the Buddha attends to his bodily needs and toilet. Then he sits down in solitary medita-
tion or retreat (paisallna), after which he (DA 1:45). Afternoon: After his noon meal, he surveys the mental disposi-
tions of his audience and delivers a discourse, advising them on the Dharma and its practice, and establishes them in the
Refuges and the Precepts. During the third part of the afternoon, towards evening, the people dwelling nearby, who
have given alms in the morning, having dressed and groomed themselves, and bringing perfumes, garlands and other
offerings, assemble in the monastery. The Buddha sits on his special seat in the assembly hall and teaches the Dharma
in a way fitting to the occasion and audience.
After his afternoon activities, the Buddha returns to his cell to spend a period of solitary retreat. The first watch
of the night (pahama- or purima,yma), extending from 6 to 10 pm, is exclusively reserved for the instruction of
the order members who have arrived from various directions to attend upon the Buddha. Some ask questions, some
inquire about points of Dharma, some request meditation subjects. After the order members have dispersed, during
the middle watch (majjhima,yma), extending from 10 pm to 2 am, heavenly beings approach the Buddha to
consult him. The last watch (pacchima,yma), lasting from 2 to 6 am, is divided into two sessions (DA 147). Be-
cause his body aches from sitting for long periods since early morning, the Buddha spends the first portion of the
last watch mindfully pacing up and down (cakamana) to dispel the discomfort. During the second part of the last
watch (ie around 3 to 5 am), the Buddha enters the Fragrant Cell and mindfully sleeps, experiencing nirvanic or
dhyanic bliss. In other words, the Buddha sleeps only about two hours daily. Finally, during the third part of the last
watch, just before dawn, he rises, takes a seat and rouses in himself the attainment of great compassion. Cultivating
thoughts of lovingkindness towards all beings, he surveys the world with his Buddha-eye and seeks out those who
have observed their duties (eg giving alms and keeping to the Precepts in the presence of past Buddhas) and to
whom he can assist spiritually.
648
The Kakuha River divides Kusinr (Kuinagar) and Pv (Pp) (D 2:129, 134 ff; U 7.5). It is called
Cocouthes by the ancient Greek writers. Today the river is called the Kuku. Some scholars, however, identify it with
the modern Ghg, a small stream flowing into the Little Gandak, about 3 km (2 miles) to the west of Chitiyaon in
the Gorakhpur district.
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Pukkusa brings a pair of gold-coloured robes, burnished and ready for wear,
When the Teacher dons it, his gold-hued skin shines forth bright.649
649
TW Rhys Davids notes in his tr: ―We have here the commencement of the legend which afterwards grew into
an account of an actual ‗transfiguration‘ of the Buddha. It is very curious that it should have taken place soon after
the Buddha had announced to nanda his approaching death, and that in the Buddhist Sutta it should be connected
so closely with that event; for a similar remark applies to the Transfiguration mentioned in the Gospels.‖ (D:RD
2:146 n1). It is said of Jesus Christ that ―his garments became glistening, intensely white, as no fuller on earth could
bleach them‖ (Mark 9:2-8; Matt 17:1-13; Luke 9:28-36; RSV). In the case of the Buddha, it is his whole body that
radiates greatly, some 500 years (or at least 200 years in terms of the recorded tradition) before the biblical story. See
Miracles = SD SD 27.5(2.1.3+4)
650
Foll [4.39-43] as at U 8.5.
651
It is possible that this Cundaka or Cunda (see next sentence) is the same as Mah Cunda and Cunda Sama-
‗uddesa, the younger brother of Sriputta.Cunda Sama‗uddesa appears in both Psdika S (D 29) and Smagma
S (M 104). It is significant that in Psdika S, the Buddha, at the height of his instruction, tells him, ―But now I am
an elder teacher of long standing, Cunda, one long gone forth, whose journey is done, my life is coming to a close‖
(aha kho pana Cunda etarahi satth thero ratta cira,pabbajito addha,gato vayo anuppatto) (D 29.14/3:125). It
is possible that these two Suttas record events occurring at this point in our Sutta here in connection with Cunda.
There is an anachronism, however: Mahvra predeceases the Buddha, dying in 527 BCE; the Buddha dies in c405
BCE (traditional date: 543 BCE). AL Basham, in his History and Doctrine of the jvikas, London, 1951, thinks that
Makkhali Gosla may be meant here. See DPPN: 2. Cunda.
652
Iṅgha me tvaṁ cundaka catu-g,guṇaṁ saṅghāṭiṁ paññāpehi, kilanto’smi cundaka nipajjissāmî ti. Here,
“folded in four” (catu-g,guṇaṁ) means that the robe is folded twice over, ie, it is stretched lengthwise along the
“fold” (vivaṭṭa), comprising the “neck half-circle” (aḍḍha,maṇḍala, gīveyyaka) and the “knee folding circle” (maṇ-
ḍala vivaṭṭa, jaṅgheyyaka) (V 1:287), ie, folded halfway by, say, two persons, holding it lengthwise by its top
corners, and then one more similar fold. This length however would reach just above the ankles, or one could use
some sort of pillow for the head and let the robe-length reach under the feet. See CS Upasak 1975:89.
653
―Mentally noting the time for rising‖ when one is going to sleep is an example of ―sleeping mindfully,‖
mentioned in Sati,pahāna S (M 10.8(7)/1:57). In Pacalā S (A 7.58), the Buddha exhorts, ―Moggallāna, mindful
and fully aware, you should lie down lion-like on your right side, placing foot on foot, keeping in mind the thought
that on awakening, you would get up quickly, thinking, ‗I will dwell without indulging in the pleasure of sleep, or in
the pleasure of reclining, or in the pleasure of drowsiness‘‖ (na seyya,dukha na passa,sukha na middha,sukha
anuyutto) (A 7.58/4:87) = SD 4.11. On this mental noting of rising up again, see also n at 5.1.
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Exoneration of Cunda
4.42 Then the Blessed One addressed the venerable nanda:
―It might be, nanda, one might cause remorse in Cunda the smith, saying, ‗It is your loss, friend
Cunda, it is by your failure [defeat] that the Tathgata attained parinirvana after taking his alms-meal from
you!‖654
But Cunda‘s remorse should be dispelled in this way:
‗This is your gain, Cunda, it is your great gain [victory], that the Tathgata attained parinirvana after
taking his last alms-meal from you! For, friend Cunda, I have heard and understood from the Blessed
One‘s own mouth that these two alms-meals [136] are of the very same fruit, of very same result, and
more fruitful and more profitable than any other. Which two?
The one is the alms-meal after eating which the Tathgata awakens to supreme awakening655 and the
other, after which the Tathgata attains the remainderless nirvana-element at his final passing. These two
almsgiving are of the very same fruit, of very same result, and more fruitful and more profitable than any
other.
By Cunda the smith is piled up karma conducive to long life.
By Cunda the smith is piled up karma conducive to beauty.
By Cunda the smith is piled up karma conducive to happiness.
By Cunda the smith is piled up karma conducive to fame.
By Cunda the smith is piled up karma conducive to a heavenly life.
By Cunda the smith is piled up karma conducive to greatness [lordship].‘
In this way, is Cunda the smith‘s remorse to be expelled.‖
4.43 Then the Blessed One, knowing the purpose of the moment, uttered this verse of uplift:
Chapter 5
(Fifth Recital, pacama bhavra: the Hiraavat)
KUSINĀRĀ: THE FINAL HOURS
The Upavattana Sal Grove
[137] 5.1 656Then the Blessed One addressed the venerable nanda:
―Come, nanda, let us go to the Upavattana sal grove of the Mallas on the banks across the
Hiraa,vat river, near Kusinra.657
654
See 4.18-20.
655
That is, the gift made just before the great awakening at Buddha,gay, but no mention is made of its giver—
according to the Theravada tradition, it is the lady Sujt: see Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004 2.18.
656
The following sections [§§5.1-11]—the sal grove; Upava; the devas‘ lamentations; the 4 holy places;
monks‘ attitude to women; treatment of the Buddha‘s remains—are all unique to this Sutta.
657
The Hiraa,vat (Hiraya,vat) river runs by the Upavattana (Skt Upavartana = recreation ground) sl
grove of the Mallas of Kusinr (Kuinagar), the Malla capital (D 2:137). Crossing the Hiraa,vat (Skt Hiraya-
vat), the Buddha reaches the Upavattana sal grove of the Mallas (D 2:146, 170; S 1:157 = A 2:79; J 1:392, 5:278;
Divy 152 ff.). The Hirayavat river is today called the Little Gandak, flowing through district of Gorakhpur about
13 km (8 miles) to the west of the Great Gandak and falls into the Ghogra. Kusinr is located near modern Kasia in
the district of Deoria, Uttar Pradesh. The site of Kusinra is certainly to be in the extensive ruins near the present
village of Kasia at the junction of the Rapti river and the Little Gandak river (the ancient Hirayavat, a tributary of
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―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
Then the Blessed One, together with a large order of monks, went to the Upavattana sal grove of the
Mallas on the banks across the Hiraa,vat river, near Kusinra.
Then he addressed the venerable nanda:
―Please, nanda, prepare a couch for me, with its head to the north,658 between the twin sal trees. I am
tired, nanda, I wish to lie down.‖
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One, and he prepared a couch for
the Blessed One, with its head to the north, between the twin sal trees. Then the Blessed One laid himself
down on his right, lion-like, resting foot on foot, mindful and fully aware.659
5.2 660Then at that time, the twin sal trees burst forth in full blossom and fruit, albeit untimely, the
blossoms falling on the Blessed One‘s body, showering down upon it, covering it up, in homage to the
Tathgata. Heavenly mandrava [coral tree] flowers fell from the sky, heavenly sandalwood powder fell
from the sky, showering down upon the Blessed One‘s body, [138] covering it up, in homage to the
Tathgata. Heavenly music resounded through the sky in homage to the Tathgata. Heavenly songs waft-
ed through the sky in homage to the Tathgata.
the arayu or Ghaghara), 60 km (37 mi) east of Gorakhpur and on the border of North Bihar. The Mallas of Kusi-
nr and the Mallas of Pv were located to the east and south of the Koliyas. See J Finegan, An Archaeological
History of Religions of Indian Asia, 1989:81 f.
658
In other words, the Buddha is lying down in a north-south alignment in harmony with the geomagnetic flow
of the earth, as it were. It is probable that the Buddha lies on his right lion-like, and so faces the west (the setting
sun), unlike when he awakens to the supreme self-awakening when he faces the east (the rising sun) (J 1:71). Lying
in this manner, too, would be proper as the setting sun would shine in his face. Anyway, Comys did not attach any
special meaning to uttara,ssaka (with the head to the north), only noting that it is traditionally said that there was a
row of sal trees at the head (ssa) of the couch, and another close to it foot. The twin sal trees were so called because
the two trees were equally grown as regards roots, trunks and branches and foliage. There was a couch (or bench) in
the park for special use of the Malla chief, and it was this couch that the Blessed One instructed nanda to prepare.
(DA 2:573). The 7th cent sub-commentator, Dhammapla, in fact, rejects the view of some that the Buddha wanted
to lie down facing the east, and attached no special significance to the couch arrangement (DAT 2:224). Rhys
Davids notes that the uttara,ssaka ―may have been the name for a slab of wood or stone reserved on great occasion
for the use of the leaders of the neighbouring republic, but available at other times to passers-by‖ (D:RD 2:149 n1).
659
Atha kho Bhagav dakkhiena passena sha,seyya kappesi pde pda accdhya sato sampajno. Note
that the phrase, uhna,saa manasikaritv, ―mentally noting the time for rising,‖ is omitted here. Elsewhere, the
stock phrase for the Buddha‘s act of lying down to rest reads, ―Then the Blessed One lay down on his right side,
lion-like, with one foot on top of the other, mindful and fully aware, mentally noting the time for rising‖ [§4.40].
Here, however, the Buddha is lying down for the last time and will pass away in this posture. As such, he makes no
mental note to get up in due course.
660
This miraculous episode not mentioned in the Tibetan Dulva (Rockhill 1884:135).
661
Sabba,phliphull kho nanda yamaka,sl akla,pupphehi Tathgatassa sarra okiranti ajjhokiranti
abhippakiranti Tathgatassa pjya. Dibbni pi mandrava,pupphni antalikkh papanti, tni Tathgatassa sar-
ra okiranti ajjhokiranti abhippakiranti Tathgatassa pjya, dibbni pi candana,cuni antalikkh papanti, tni
Tathgatassa sarra okiranti ajjhokiranti abhippakiranti Tathgatassa pjya. Dibbni pi turiyni antalikkhe
vajjenti Tathgatassa pjya. Dibbni pi sagtni antalikkhe vajjenti Tathgatassa pjya. This identical passage
[§5.3a] appears in the previous para [§5.2], but I have rendered it here differently according to English idiom. The
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5.3b But, nanda, this is not the way to honour, respect, revere, worship, or esteem the Tathagata.662
nanda, whatever monk, nun, layman or laywoman663 practises the Dharma in accordance with the
Dharma, properly practising, living in accordance with Dharma, he honours the Tathagata, respects him,
reveres him, worships him with the supreme worship.664 Therefore, nanda, consider thus:
‗We will practise the Dharma in accordance with the Dharma, properly practising, dwelling in accord-
ance with the Dharma!—this is how you should train yourself.‖665
versatility of Pali syntax in terms of tense (both using the historical present) is evident here, but not reflected in the
English tr
662
See Cūḷa Saccaka S (M 35), where the arhat is said to do all this by declaring that the Buddha is ―awakened-
…; mentally tamed…; stilled…; crossed over…; quenched…‖ and ―teaches the Dharma‖ for the same of these (M
35.26b/1:235) = SD 26.5.
663
Note here that this important exhortation on the ―supreme worship‖ is addressed to all the four companies
(monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen). However, there is evidence of a monastic-lay distinction here in Buddhagho-
sa‘s commentary: see Intro (7b).
664
―Supreme worship,‖ param pj, alt tr ―highest homage,‖ ie the highest puja: see Intro (7b) above. On the
story of Dhamm‘rma, see Intro (14). Cf Cūḷa Saccaka S (M 35), where in a similar connection, the arhat is said to
accomplished in the 3 supremacies (anuttariya) (M 35.26b/1:235) = SD 26.5.
665
Tasmt ih‘ nanda dhammânudhamma,paipann viharissma samci,paipann anudhamma,crin ti,
eva hi vo nanda sikkhitabban ti. Comy‘s explanations of the key words here, see Intro (7b).
666
In the Tibetan Dulva account, this Upava episode is inserted after the Mah Sudassana story [§5.18].
667
Devahita S records how Upava, as the Buddha‘s attendant, attends to him when he was suffering from
wind illness (S 7.13/1:174 f). In Upava S (S 35.70), he asks the Buddha on the meaning of sandihika (directly
visible; seen for oneself) which the Buddha explains it as that of direct awareness of lust as it arises through sense-
experience (S 35.70/4:41-44).
668
See above §1.4n where Ānanda fans the Buddha.
669
―Dismissed,‖ reading apasreti (Be), which Comy glosses as apanesi (DA 2:579); vl apasdeti, ―he re-
bukes‖ [PTS apasdesi, 2nd sg].
670
―Personal attendant…available,‖ upahko santikâvacaro sampa,cr, lit ―a personal attendant who moves
in the vicinity, who wanders nearby.‖
671
―Ten world-spheres,‖ dasa loka,dhtu, here Comys gloss as dasa,sahassa,cakkava (the ten-thousandfold
universe) (DA 2:678; SA 1:74). Cosmology: ―The world (loka) in its broadest sense includes the whole cosmos, but
within this there are smaller units known as ‗world-systems‘ (loka,dhtu), which corresponds roughly to solar sys-
tems. Such a unit consists of the sun and moon, Mt Meru, four continents, four oceans, the four great Kings (loka,-
pla, catur.mah,rja), and the sevenfold heavenly spheres. One thousand of these units together forms a ‗small
world system,‘ and the ‗medium‘ and ‗large‘ systems are each one thousand times greater than the one below. These
larger world systems correspond to the modern concept of a galaxy. The cosmos is believed to be infinite in space
and also in time, although it passes through immense cycles of revolution and decline. In the post-canonical period
of Pli literature, the term loka,dhtu is replaced by cakka,va (Skt cakra,va), and more elaborate details are add-
ed to the traditional accounts.‖ (Dictionary of Buddhism, 2003).
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Kusinr, there is not a spot even the size of the pricking tip of a hair that is not filled by a mighty deva-
ta.673 nanda, the devatas are upset [murmuring in protest], saying:
‗We have come from afar just for the sight of the Tathgata. Very rarely674 do the Tathgatas, the
arhats [worthy ones], the fully self-awakened ones, arise in the world, and tonight in the last watch, the
Tathgata will attain parinirvana. But this mighty monk675 stands right in front of the Blessed One,
obstructing the view. We will not be able to have a darshan [seeing] of the Tathgata for the last time [in
his last hour]!‖ Thus, nanda, the devatas are upset [murmuring in protest].‖
672
―Leagues‖ (yojana). A yojana is the yoke of an Indian plough (J 6:38, 42). As distance, it is as far as can be
covered by a yoke of oxen, ie, about 11.25 km or 7 mi (DhA 1:108, 2:13). Thus, ―twelve yojanas‖ is about 130 km =
84 mi..
673
In Sama,citta Vagga of the Aguttara, the Buddha tells Sriputta that ―ten, twenty, thirty, forty, fifty, sixty
devas‖ could comfortably stand on the end of a hair (A 2:65, qu at DA 2:579). Cf A 3:402; SA 1:74. ―It is most
curious to find this exact analogy to the notorious discussion as to how many angels could stand on the point of a
needle in a commentary written at just that period of Buddhist history that corresponds to the Middle Ages of Chris-
tendom.‖ (D:RD 2:151n). The actual quote is ―how many angels can dance on the point of a very fine needle, with-
out jostling one another.‖ Amongst the earliest to quote this were Protestants a Safe Way to Salvation (1638, repr
1972, 12th unnumbered p of pref) & Isaac D‘Israeli (―Curiosities of Literature,‖ 1791).
674
―Very rarely,‖ kadci karahaci, lit ―perhaps sometimes.‖
675
Comy says that the devatas are unable to see through Upava because the elder‘s ―greatness and abundance
of teja (‗heat, radiance, glory‘),‖ that were a result of the fact that in a former life he was a guardian devata of the
caitya of the relics of Kassapa Buddha (DA 579 f). On darshan, see Intro (7e) above.
676
This whole section repeats in 6.11, in Anuruddha‘s mouth.
677
―Devatas who perceive earth in the sky,‖ devat kse pahav,sainiyo. Comy: Having perceived earth,
they project earth right there in the air (kse pahavi mapetv tattha pahav,sainiyo, DA 2:579). See n in 5.6b
below. This is a difficult passage to translate: see eg Ray 1994:362, where Reginald Ray tr pahavi,sainiyo as ―of
worldly mind.‖
678
―As if their feet have been cut off,‖ reading chinna pda viya papatanti throughout following Se. PTS
has chinna,paptam papatanti throughout (D 16.5.6/2:140, 6.10/2:157, 6.11/2:158). Cf chinna,pd (J 6:301, 303).
679
―The Eye in the world,‖ cakkhu loke. See Intro (7f) on ―the 5 eyes.‖
680
They are devas like the Brahms who are unable prop themselves up when appearing on earth. Comy (DA
2:581) mentions the (Brahm) Hatthaka (A 3.125) that relates an incident when the devaputra Hatthaka is unable
to stand in the presence of the Buddha. The Buddha instructs him to project a gross (orika) body form so that the
earth could hold him up. Similarly, Jana,vasabha S (D 18.17) relates the case of the Brahm Sana,kumra,
whose form was too subtle to be perceived by the devas of the Heaven of the Thirty-three. So he had to assume a
gross form so that they could see him (D 18.17/2:210).
681
See n at 5.6a above.
682
Ta kut‘ ettha labbh? Lit, ―What can you get here?‖ As at .3.48, 6.11 below.
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No pavra ceremony683
5.7 [nanda:] ―Before, bhante, the monks who have spent their rains residence in various districts
would come for a darshan [seeing] of the Tathgata, and we would receive them, we would receive those
esteemed684 monks who have come for a darshan [seeing the Tathgata] and wait upon them.‖685
683
The following section [§§5.7-9] are not found in the Tibetan Dulva account.
684
“Worthy of esteemed” and “esteemed,” mano,bhāvaniyā or -bhāvanyā, often used in apposition with bhik-
kh (D 2:140; M 2:23, 3:36, 3:261; S 3:1, 5:369, 371; A 3:317-322 (22), 5:185, 189; Vv 34.13/49; Miln 129); used
of the Buddha, mano,bhāvanya buddha, at Sovaa,kattarika Ap (Ap 427.1/2:389). SA comments that “those
great elders such as Sāriputta and Moggallāna are called „worthy of esteem because the mind grows in wholesome
qualities whenever they are seen” (SA 2:249 f). See DA 3:832; MA 3:17, 266. Bodhi notes that “the expression is a
gerundive meaning literally „who should be brought to mind,‟ ie who are worthy of esteem” (S:B 1043 n2). Sadda,-
nti (Dhtu,ml), however, gives both meanings of mano,bhvanīya: (1) one who is worthy of being greeted and
asked after his health; (2) one who develops his mind (Sadd:Be 330).
685
Here nanda is referring to the most common event after Invitation, that ends the rains residence on the
following dawn, when the monks would leave their rains residence and if the Buddha was nearby, visit him. Interest-
ngly, no Invitation ceremony is mentioned in Mah Parinibbna S. See 3.51n on the Invitation.
686
This [5.8] as at Savega S (A 4.118/2:120), addressed to ―monks.‖
687
Cattr‘ imni nanda saddhassa kula,puttassa dassanyni savejanyni hnni. On samvega, see Intro
(7f) above.
688
The following are the four holy places ―that arouse samvega [spiritual urgency]‖ (savejanya-,hna/sa-
vejanya,sthna) that are worthy of pilgrimage are: Lumbin (modern Rummindei, Nepal), Uruvela/Uruvilv (Bud-
dha Gay), Isipatana/ipatana (modern Sarnath) and Kusinr/Kuinagar. In the account of the 8 causes of earth-
quakes (D 2:107-109) [§§3.11-20], causes 4, 5, 6, and 8 are respectively those in connection with the events of the
four holy places [§§3.16, 17, 18, 20], that is, (4) Lumbin (J 1:52), (5) Buddha,gay (J 1:76), (7) Isi,patana (V 1:10),
and (8) Kusinr (D 2:137). Faxian records that there was a great pagoda at each of these four sites, that is, about the
5th century CE (Giles tr, 1923:56). On pilgrimage, see Intro (7g).
689
―The remainderless nirvana-element‖ (anupdisesa nibbna,dhtu), ie the final passing away of an arhat
without any remnants of the five aggregates, where all physical and mental processes truly do not further arise. See
Intro (15) above.
690
―With a calm and bright heart of faith,‖ pasanna,citta, alt tr ―with a clear mind of faith.‖ On pasanna,citta,
see Intro (7h).
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Women
5.9 692―Bhante, how are we to conduct ourselves towards women?‖
―By not looking at them, nanda.‖
―But if we see them, bhante, how should we behave?‖
―By not speaking to them, nanda.‖
―But if they speak to us, bhante, how should we behave towards them?‖
―Then, nanda, establish mindfulness!‖693
691
―While making a pilgrimage of these shrines,‖ cetiya,carika hiant,lit ―while wandering on a walking-
tour of these shrines.‖ ―Shrines,‖ cetiy. We have here what some would regard as the basis for stupa worship: see
Intro (7c) for the nature of stupa worship & (7h) for its benefits. Cf Vatthûpama S (M 7.20/1:39) = SD 28.12: see
Intro (7h).
692
This episode is apparently an arbitrary and incongruous interpolation in the otherwise smooth narrative flow
of the sutta. The Skt & Tibetan versions do not have this episode, attesting to its lateness. On a more positive note
regarding women, see (Piṇḍola) Bhradvja S (S 35.127 = 4:110 f) = SD 27.6a.
693
Sati nanda upahpetabbâ ti, lit ―Mindfulness, nanda, should be set up.‖ On mental training to deal with
sexuality, see Saoga S (A 7.48/4:57-59): sense-desire is not in the attractions out there but within ourselves;
Kothita S (S 35.232/ 4:162-165): lustful desire is not in any of the six senses, but in how we engage them. On
ordination of nuns, see Harvey, An Introduction to Buddhist Ethics, 2000:383-391. On position of women in early
Buddhism, see Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004: 9.5-6 & SD 1.9: ―Nuns before Mah Pajpat?‖
(2003).
694
Katha maya bhante Tathgatassa sarre patipajjm ti. ―Bodily remains,‖ sarre, neut acc pl: see 5.11a
n. ―The ‗we‘ here would appear to refer to some, if not all, of the Buddha‘s fellow renunciants‖ (Trainor 1997:52 f).
Cf nanda‘s next question which is more impersonal [§5.11 & n]. On defs of sarra, see Intro (7d) above.
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―Do not worry yourselves about the funeral rites [relic worship],695 nanda. Come now, nanda,
you should strive for your own good, devote yourselves to your own good, and dwell with your minds
tirelessly, zealously devoted to your own good.696 There are wise kshatriyas, wise brahmins and wise
householders who are devoted to the Tathgata: they will take care of the funeral rites.
5.11a 697―But how, bhante, should the Tathgata‘s bodily remains be treated?‖698
―nanda, treat the Tathgata‘s bodily remains like those of a wheel-turning king‘s.‖699
5.11b ―But how, bhante, are the bodily remains of a world-turning king to be treated?‖
―nanda, the body700 should be wrapped alternately with new unbleached cotton cloth and then with a
layer of teased cotton.701 [142] It should be done in this manner to the length of 500 yugas [plough-
lengths],702 and then the body is placed in an oil-vat of iron.703 This should be covered with an iron lid.
The pyre should comprise totally of fragrant material, and then cremate the body. Then a stupa [cairn or
burial mound] should be built for the wheel-turning king at the crossroads [where four highways meet].704
5.11c nanda, just as one treats the remains of a wheel-turning king, even so, one should treat the
remains of the Tathgata. Then a stupa [cairn or burial mound] should be built for the Tathgata at the
crossroads [where four highways meet].705 And they who offer a garland, scent, or perfume powder, or
695
―Funeral rites,‖ sarra,pja, lit ―worship of the bodily remains.‖ The Buddha here is indirectly reminding
nanda of the need of his own spiritual cultivation (ie to gain arhathood since he is still a streamwinner). However,
the general tone of the Buddha‘s reply, as is clear from the next sentence, is that all monastics should not be con-
cerned with such rituals. See Intro (7a).
696
―Your own good,‖ sad-atthe. Be sr‘atthe, ―the essence of good; the essential goal‖ nanda is still only a
streamwinner, and the Buddha is here urging him to work towards arhathood, ie the ―highest good‖ (uttam‘atthe
arahatte ghaetha) (DA 2:583).
697
This [11] as at 6.17 (D 2:161) below where the Mallas as for instructions from nanda regarding how to
treat the Buddha‘s remains.
698
Katha pana bhante Tathgatassa sarre patipajjitabban ti. ―Bodily remains,‖ sarre, neut acc pl: see 5.10
n. Note that maya (we) has been omitted here and the question is impersonal (―an unspecified agent,‖ Trainor
1997:53). Comy says that nanda asks this question because he knew that the kshatriyas, brahmins and household-
ers would ask him what to do (DA 583): and in fact they did [§6.17].
699
On the wheel-turning king, see 5.18 below.
700
―Body,‖ sarra, here neut nom sg. See 6.23.
701
Ahatena vatthena vehetv vihatena kappsena vehenti (D 16.5.11/2:141). See Intro (7a).
702
Etena upyena pacahi yuga,satehi (D 16.5.11/2:142). A yuga is about 1.8 m (5.9 ft), and 500 yugas would
be 900 m (984 yd). See 6.13b above & Intro (7a). Apparently, all the better known English trs (Rhys Davids,
Walshe, Vajir & Story, and hanissaro) overlooked or mistranslated yuga. See 6.13 below.
703
―Iron,‖ ayasa, vl yasa. In Skt, it means ―gold,‖ so glossed by Comy (DA 2:583). However, it is only here
that ayasa is rendered as ―gold.‖ This could be because, due to the popularity of Sanskrit in his times (5th cent),
Buddhaghosa was influenced by it. As regards the dimension of the iron vat, understandably, the final size of the
remains wrapped in alternate layers of cotton cloth and teased cotton should fit this iron vat and then closed with its
lid.
704
Ctum,mah,pathe rao cakkavattissa thpa karonti. Note that neither sarra nor sarre is mentioned:
see foll n. The ref to crossroads [―where four highroads meet‖] (ctum,mah,pathe) has at least two levels of mean-
ing. The first meaning has been discussed by RA Gunatilaka in ―Ancient Stpa Architecture: The significance of
cardinal points and the ctummahpatha concept‖ (1975:34-48), where the allusion is to the universal hegemony of
the cakkavat or wheel-turning king. Here ―where the four highroads meet‖ refers to the city centre where the high-
ways converge; as such, this is the city‘s most prominent spot. In the Dharma sense, the Buddha is a ―wheel-turner‖
but the wheel is the Dharma,cakra (dhamma,cakka), the wheel of truth, and not the j,cakra (,cakka), the
wheel of power. The second meaning is more common in the suttas. In Dhamma,cetiya S (M 89), for example, the
rajah Pasenad praises the Buddha regarding how the Sangha members are so well disciplined ―with neither rod nor
sword‖ (M 89.13/2:122). In Agulimla S (M 86), the rajah again makes the same praise in reference to how the
Buddha has tamed the bloodthirsty bandit, Agulimla, ―with neither rod [fear] nor sword [force]‖ (M 86.14a/2:102).
This is an example of the difference between the ―wheel of power‖ (,cakka), ie the sphere of political power, and
the ―wheel of truth‖ (dhamma,cakka), the realm of the Dharma (VA 10 = KhA 1:95; MA 2:278; ThaA 3:48).
705
Ctum,mah,pathe Tathgatassa thpa karonti. Note again that here too neither sarra nor sarre is
mentioned, in other words, no relics are mentioned as interred in such a stupa: see prev n. In the Tibetan Dulva
account, this episode comes after the Upava episode (after the Mah Sudassana story), and where it says that the
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bow down there, or brighten their minds with faith there, it will be for their profit and welfare for a long
time to come.
NANDA
nanda‘s grief
5.13 711Then the venerable nanda went into the monks‘ lodging [vihara]712 and stood lamenting,
leaning against the door-post, weeping:
cakkavatti‘s pyre should be put out with milk, and only a Buddha and a cakkavatti are worthy of a stupa (Rockhill
1884:137).
706
This [12] as at A 2:245 f.
707
On the stupa, see Intro (7c) above.
708
Pratyeka Buddha, pacceka,buddha. A ―solitary‖ ir ―hermit‖ Buddha, who usually remains in seclusion and
does not teach the Dharma to others. The wisdom of the fully self-awakened one (samm,sambuddha) is far greater
than that of the Pratyeka Buddha, who usually arise during a time when there is no fully self-awakened one.
709
On the ―wheel-turning monarch‖ (cakkavatti), see SJ Tambiah, ―The Buddhist conception of universal king
and its manifestations in south and southeast Asia,‖ 1987.
710
While stupas could and had been built for the Buddha and his saint disciples (from archaeological finds), it is
difficult to imagine building stupas for pratyeka Buddhas and a wheel-turning king. The former only appear when
there are no fully self-awakened Buddhas, in which case it would be difficult (though not impossible) to recognize
them then. As for wheel-turning kings, it is almost impossible to find one in real life. Clearly this is a late interpolat-
ion. It is useful here to reflect on the Buddha‘s stanzas to Sundarika Bhradvja (Vatthpama S, M 7.20/1:39): see
Intro (7h) above.
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―Alas! I am still a learner713 with much more to do! And the Teacher is attaining parinirvana––he who
is so kind to me!‖
Then the Blessed One addressed the monks,
―Where, bhikshus, is nanda?‖
―Bhante, the venerable nanda is in the monks‘ lodging [vihara], standing lamenting, leaning against
the door-post, weeping.‖
Then the Blessed One addressed a certain monk:
―Go, monk, and call nanda in my name, saying:714
‗Avuso,715 the Teacher calls you.‘‖ [144]
―Yes, bhante,‖ the monk replied in assent to the Blessed One. He approached the venerable nanda
and then said this to the venerable nanda:
―Avuso, the Teacher calls you.‖
―Yes, avuso,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the monk.
The venerable nanda approached the Blessed One, and having saluted him, sat down at one side.
711
Winternitz (1939:9) says that these 2 sections [§5.13 f] are amongst those that ―bear the stamp of the greatest
antiquety.‖ See also 2.23 & 2.25.
712
Although vihra may be an abstract n referring to a way of dwelling, here it refers to a physical residence, eg,
a hut or cottage. As the scene here is in the Upavattana sal grove, it ―would seem to point to the fact that this episode
originally stood in some other connexion‖ (D:RD 2:157 n2). Buddhaghosa explains that vihra here refers to a
maala,mla (DA 2:584), ie, ―a circular house or hall with a peaked roof, a pavilion‖ (DPL), where the clan
performs its communal ceremonies.
713
―Learner‖ (sekha), ie a saint who has not attained the arhat-path (ie one is a streamwinner, a once-returner, or
a non-returner). nanda is still a streamwinner. See the conditions of non-decline at 1.7(7).
714
Ehi tva bhikkhu mama vacanena nanda amantehi, lit ―Go you, monk, addres nanda with my word.‖
715
Āvuso: see §6.2 n.
716
This famous sentence is stock: D 2:118=114=158=163; Mah Sudassana S (D 2:192=194); Cunda S (S
5:163); Nm 1:123 qu D 16.5.14/2:144. Cf Abhiha,paccavekhittaba S (A 3:74).
717
This nested quote is stock: D 16.3.48/2:118=16.5.14/144=16.6.11a/158=16.6.20/163.
718
―In the Tathgata‘s presence ever ready to serve,‖ Tathgato paccupahito. nanda has served the Buddha
for 25 years at this point.
719
―Helpfully, happily, forthrightly and unstintingly,‖ hitena sukhena advayena appamena.
720
It is interesting to note that in Upatissa S (S 21.2), Sriputta actually hints to nanda regarding the passing
away of the Buddha:
vuso, even if the Teacher himself were to undergo change and become other, still sorrow, lamentation,
pain, displeasure and despair would not arise in me. However, it would occur to me: ―The Teacher, so influ-
ential, so powerful, so mighty, has passed away. But if the Blessed One had lived for a long time, that
would have been for the welfare of the many, for the happiness of the many, out of compassion for the
world, for the good, welfare and happiness of devas and humans!‖ (S 21.2/2:274)
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Valediction to nanda721
5.15 722Then the Blessed One addressed the monks:
―Bhikshus, all those who were arhats [worthy ones], fully self-awakened ones in the past have had no
better attendants, that is to say, just like nanda. So too will those arhats [worthy ones], fully self-
awakened ones to come will have no better attendants, that is to say, just like nanda.723
Bhikshus, nanda is wise.724 He knows,
‗This is the right time for the monks to come for a darshan [seeing] of the Tathgata‘;
‗This is the right time for the nuns to come for a darshan [seeing] of the Tathgata‘;
‗This is the right time for the men lay-followers to come for a darshan [seeing] of the Tathgata‘; [145]
‗This is the right time for the women lay-followers to come for a darshan [seeing] of the Tathgata‘;
‗This is the right time for the kings, the ministers, the outside teachers, the disciples of outside
teachers, to come for a darshan [seeing] of the Tathgata.‘
nanda‘s charisma
5.16 725nanda, bhikshus, has these four wonderful and marvellous qualities. What are the
four?726
(1) If a company of monks comes to see nanda, they are pleased at the sight of him;
and if nanda talks on the Dharma to a company of monks, they are pleased with the talk;
but when nanda is silent, they are disappointed.
(2) If a company of nuns….
(3) If a company of men lay-followers…
(4) If a company of women lay-followers comes to see nanda, they are pleased at the sight of him;
and if nanda talks on the Dharma to a company of women
lay-followers, they are pleased with the talk;
but when nanda is silent, they are disappointed.
These four wonderful and marvellous qualities, bhikshus, are those of a wheel-turning king [a just
world ruler]:
if a company of kshatriyas….
if a company of brahmins….
if a company of householders….
if a company of recluses visits a wheel-turning king, they are pleased at the sight of him;
and if the wheel-turning king talks, they are pleased at the talk;
but when the wheel-turning king is silent, they are disappointed. [146]
Even so, bhikshus, these four wonderful and marvellous qualities are found in nanda:
If any of the fourfold companies comes to see nanda, it would be pleased to see him, it would be
pleased when he talks on Dharma, but would be disappointed if he is silent.
Bhikshus, these are four wonderful and marvellous qualities found in nanda.727
721
The next 3 sections [§§5.15-17] are not found in the Tibetan Dulva version.
722
The 2 parts of this section (D 16.5.15-16/2:144 f) are found separately in Abbhuta Dhamma S 3 (A 4.129/
2:132) on nanda‘s charisma & Abbhuta Dhamma S 4 (A 4.130/2:133) on the charisma of the wheel-turning king.
Cf teachings on spiritual friendship at S 5:16.
723
In other words, nanda is the ideal Buddha attendant. The Buddha‘s loving but ironic humour is evident
here. There is only one Gotama Buddha and only one Ānanda, and as such, he we are not going to see another on
with the likes of him.
724
Although nanda is here stated as being wise in public relations and protocol, he is also the foremost
amongst monks who are learned (bahussuta) (A 1:24). See eg (nanda) Adhamma S (A 10.115/5:225-229). On
nanda‘s wisdom, see also SA 2:94 f.
725
This [5.16] is found in Abbhuta Dhamma S 3 (A 4.129/2:132); but not found in the Tibetan Dulva.
726
It is highly probable that nanda is declared the foremost amongst monks who are gatimantna in this
connection (A 1:25). As such, we can tr gatimanta or gatim is ―one who knows the course of things,‖ ie perspica-
cious in protocol.
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727
Very likely it is such passages [§§5.15-16] that constitutes “marvels” (abbhuta,dhamma), rather than mira-
culous stories: see eg Abbhuta,dhamma Ss mentioned in the §§ nn. It is possible to incl lion-roars (sīha,nāda) here,
too: see SD 36.10 Intro (3). See also Ency Bsm: Aṅga (under abbhutadhamma).
728
The foll 2 [5.17-18] are as at Mah Sudassana S (D 17.1.1-3/2:169 f), where the are expanded on.
This episode is not found in the Tibetan Dulva version.
729
This incident of nanda‘s remark regarding Kusinr is recounted in the Intro to Mah Sudassana S (M
17.1-3/2:169 f) & Mah Sudassana J (J 95/1:391). Mah Sudassana is referred to as a ―head-anointed kshatriya
rajah‖ (rj…khattiyo muddhâvasitto) in Gomaya S (S 22.96/3:144).
730
Janapada-t,thvariya-p,patto, see DA 1:250, 2:443; MA 3:365; SA 1:167; SnA 2:449.
731
On the 7 treasures (ratan) of the wheel-turning king—the wheel treasure, the elephant treasure, the horse
treasure, the jewel-treasure, the woman-treasure, the householder treasure, the advisor treasure—see Bla,paita S
(M 129.33-41/3:172-176) = SD 2.22 (2003).
732
About 135 km (84 mi) either way, ie 270 km (168 mi) long.
733
About 79 km (49 mi) either way, ie 158 km (98 mi) wide.
734
Rao nanda Mah,sudassanassa aya Kusinr Kusvat nma rjadhni ahosi, puratthimena ca
pacchimena ca dvdasa yojanni ymena, uttarena ca dakkhiena ca satta yojanni vitthrena.
735
akamand was the royal city of Kuvera, the king of Uttara,kuru, the northern continent (D 3:201). It is
possible that this was an allusion to Alexandria, of which there were at least 11 ancient cities founded by Alexander
the Great in the course of his campaigns (334-323 BCE). Alexandria on the Indus, founded in 325 near the conflu-
ence of the Indus river with the Hydaspes, Acesines and Hyphasis rivers, perhaps identifiable with Uch, in Bahwal-
pur (Pakistan). Alexandria in Gedrosia, founded in 325: the modern Bela, in Pakistan. Both of these cities were
―north‖of the Gangetic plain. If this allusion were made, than this portion of the sutta was added just before or
during Asoka‘s reign (c 265-238 BCE or c 273-232). Cf Cakka,vatti Shanda S (D 26) prediction of India and
Ketu,mat in the distant future (D 26.23/3:76).
736
―Mirutangkam,‖ mudiga, vl mutiga (Skt mdaga, lit ―body of clay‖), a double-headed Indian barrel drum,
the modern mridanga. As at Smaa,phala S (D 1.2.90/2:79), where bheri…mutiga are mentioned. A mdaga
is a barrel-shaped drum played horizontally with the hands beating both ends. Comy says that the drum, made from
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sound, the sound of singing, cymbal sound, gong sound, and the sound of ‗Enjoy! Drink! Eat!‘ [‗Eat,
drink and be merry!‘]. These are the ten sounds.738
the claw of a giant crab, made a sound that could be heard for 12 leagues (135 km) around to summon the people to
assemble on festival days (SA 2:228). The mridangas have stretched skin with a central circle of black paste that
gives a different playing surface. In north India, it is called pakhwaj. The mridangam is today used in most Carnatic
(south of Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh) concerts as accompaniment to both vocal and instrumental performances.
Also called sagta maddala, it is believed to be the oldest of all percussion instruments. A bheri is a small conical
drum. See S (S 20.7/ 2:266 f) = SD 7.7 for n & picture.
737
―Vina,‖ v, Hindi ―bn,‖ a family of Indian stringed instruments, basically stick zither, having a narrow
neck, neckless, non-resonating body with strings running the entire length. Vinas, usually 7-stringed and fretted,
appear in many sizes and shapes. The classical vina of northern Indian (Hindustani) music, a difficult solo instru-
ment, has a large resonating gourd under each end of body and high, movable frets. Vina may also refer generically
to stringed instruments. Before about 1000, it may have referred to an arched harp. (Ency Brit 15 th ed)
738
In the Tibetan Dulva account, the Upava episode in inserted here (Rockhill 1884:136 f) where Upava‘s
former life is recounted (f 608-609).
739
The following sections [§§5.19-26]—the impending parinirvana announced to the Mallas & Subhadda‘s
visit—are unique to this Sutta.
740
Vseha (Skt Vsiha). This was the gotra (gotta) or clan name of the Mallas of Kusinr and of Pv. The
clan was held in high esteem (V 4:8). The clan probably traced its descent to the sage Vsiha (V 1:245; D 1:104;
M 2:164, 200).
741
―Come out…come out!‖ abhikkamatha…abhikkamatha (PTS abhikkhamatha is wr), or ―approach…ap-
proach!‖; also tr as ―advance… advance!‖ This is stock phrase for summoning someone: abhikkama (imper 2nd sg):
V 2:156; D 1:50, 3:17; M 3:133; S 1:211; Nm 1:172; abhikkamatha (imper 2nd pl) (V 1:351; D 2:147, 3:16; M
1:205.
742
Mā pacchā vippaisārino ahuvattha), also occurs at §§5.20 & §6.5 x3 (the Buddha‘s last words) = Kusinārā
S (A 4.76/2:79 f); Devatā S (A 9.19/4:392). For comy, see MA 1:195 f, SA 3:111 f, 266 f.
743
―As if their feet have been cut off,‖ reading chinna pda viya papatanti throughout following Se. PTS
has chinna,paptam papatanti throughout (D 16.5.6/2:140, 6.10/2:157, 6.11/2:158). Cf chinna,pd (J 6:301, 303).
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Then the Mallas, the sons of the Mallas, the daughters-in-law of the Mallas, and the wives of the
Mallas, grieving and saddened, afflicted at heart, went to the Upavattana sal grove and approached the
venerable nanda.
5.22a Then this occurred to the venerable nanda,
―If I were to allow the Mallas of Kusinr to salute the Blessed One one by one, the night would have
passed before they have all paid homage. What if I were to let them pay homage family by family, saying,
‗Bhante, the Malla named so-and-so with his children, with his wife, with his servants, with his
companions, pay homage with their heads at the Blessed One‘s feet.‘ 744
5.22b Then the venerable nanda, let the Mallas of Kusinr pay homage to the Blessed One, family
by family, saying,
―Bhante, the Malla named so-and-so with his children, with his wife, with his servants, with his
companions, pay homage with their heads at the Blessed One‘s feet.‖
And so by this means, the venerable nanda had the Mallas of Kusinr pay homage to the Blessed
One during the first watch.
744
The desire to have one‘s name announced to a holy person appears to have been a part of pre-Buddhist
devotional practice of seeing (dassana; Skt darana) a holy person. Elsewhere, the stock passage reads: ―Then <so
and so> went up to the Blessed One. Some exchanged greetings with him; some greeted him with their palms toge-
ther; some announced their name and clan before the Blessed One—and then sat down at one side. Some kept silent
and sat down at one side‖ (D 1:151, 2:356, 3:208; M 1:229, 401; 3:291; S 5:353; A 1:181). It is customary that those
well-disposed to the Buddha would announce their names when visiting him. This passage here and others in the
Pali Canon indicate that it was quickly adopted by the Indian Buddhists. It continued in the Buddhist custom of
having the donor‘s name inscribed in bas-reliefs near or on a stupa, even in locations where the name would not be
directly visible to human eyes.
745
Subhadda was from a high-caste wealthy brahmin family (udicca.brhmaa.mah,sl) (DA 2:588; cf DhA
3:376 f). It is interesting that in the past, Subhadda and Ata Koaa—the first saint (a streamwinner) after the
Buddha (S 56.11.16/1:423), and then arhat (S 22.59.24/3:68)—were brothers (DA 2:588). According to the Tibetan
Dulva, Subhadra (Rab-bzang) is 120 years old, greatly respected by the people of Kusinr. After attaining arhat-
hood, Subhadra performs miracles and converts the Mallas, and then passes away before the Buddha (Rockhill 1884:
138). The Sanskrit Mah Parinirva Stra adds an interesting detail: the Buddha, before relinquishing his life-
formation, lives on long enough so that the two persons, namely, Supriya, the king of the Gandharvas, and Subhadra
the wanderer, who could benefit from being taught by the Buddha himself, would gain spiritual maturity within
three months. See Intro [9e].
746
―Very rarely,‖ kadci karahaci, lit ―perhaps sometimes.‖
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And there has arisen in me this doubt regarding the Dharma [truth]. Now since I have faith in the
recluse Gotama, I am sure that the recluse Gotama will show me the Dharma so that I would overcome
this doubt regarding the Dharma.
Master nanda, I would like to have a darshan [seeing] of the recluse Gotama.‖
5.24b When this was said, the venerable nanda said this to the wanderer Subhadda:
―Enough,747 friend Subhadda, trouble not the Tathgata. The Blessed One is tired.‖
For the second time, the wanderer requested.
For the third time, the wanderer said this to the venerable nanda:
―Now I have heard this being said amongst teacher after teacher, mature and aged,
‗Very rarely do the Tathgatas, the arhats [worthy ones], the fully self-awakened ones, arise in the
world.‘
And the parinirvana of the recluse Gotama will occur tonight. [150]
And there has arisen in me this doubt regarding the Dharma [truth]. Now since I have faith in the
recluse Gotama, I am sure that the recluse Gotama will show me the Dharma so that I would overcome
this doubt regarding the Dharma.
Master nanda, I would like to have a darshan with the recluse Gotama.‖
For the third time, too, the venerable nanda said this to the wanderer Subhadda:
―Enough, friend Subhadda, trouble not the Tathgata. The Blessed One is tired.‖
747
―Enough,‖ ala, in contemporary parlance, ―I‘m sorry!‖
748
Ala nanda, m Subhadda vresi, labhata nanda Subhaddo Tathgata dassanya. Ya kici ma
Subhaddo pucchissati, sabban ta a,pekho ‗va pucchissati no vihes,pekho, ya c‘assâha puho vykarissmi
ta khippa eva jnissat ti.
749
―The head of an order…etc…advanced in years,‖ saghino gaino ga‗cariy to yasassino titthakar
sdhu,sammat ca bahu,janassa. Similar stock passage at D 2.2/1:47.
750
These are the six non-Buddhist teachers (titthiy) who are all recluses (sama), ie members of the reform
movement against the brahminical tradition. Summary of teachings: Praa Kassapa: antinomian ethics; Makkhali
Gosla: fatalism or determinism; Ajita Kesambal: materialism; Pakudha Kaccyana: atomism; Sajaya Belahi,-
putta: agnosticism; and Nigaha Ntha,putta: the fourfold restraint. For details, see Smaa,phala S (D 2:16-
33/1:52-59) & Jaini (1970) 2001:57-61.
751
―Realized direct (higher) knowledge,‖ abbhaasu, aor 2nd pl from abhijnti.
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752
This [5.27] is qu at Kvu 601. On this whole section [§5.27], see Gethin 2001:260 f.
753
The next two paras at M 1:63 f & A 2:138.
754
This declaration should not be interpreted as a triumphalist and exclusivist statement, but merely reflecting
the religious conditions of the Buddha‘s time. It should be balanced with the Buddha‘s declaration in Puppha S (S
3:138): ―I do not quarrel with the world, monks, but the world quarrels with me. One who speaks Dharma does not
quarrel with anyone in the world. Of that to which the wise men of the world do not assent, I too say that it is not so.
Of that to which the wise men of the world assent, I too say that it is so‖ (S 22.94/3:138). ―Here the Buddha emphas-
izes that he does not reject all ontological propositions, but only those that transcend the bounds of possible experi-
ence‖ (S:B 1085 n185). See also Gethin 2001:261.
755
This [5.28] (on the probate who is from another religion) is found at V 1:69, 71, D 1:176, M 1:391, 494, S
2:21.
756
This section [§§5.28b-29], as at Kassapa Shanda S (D 8.24/1:176), Mahā Parinibbāna S (D 16.5.28b-29)
= SD 9, Acela Kassapa S (S 12.17/2:18-22) = SD 18.5, & Sabhiya S (Sn 3.6/p102).
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months.757 At the end of the four months, the monks who are satisfied758 would give him the going-forth
[novice initiation] and ordain him into monkhood [higher ordination].
However, I see a difference amongst individuals here.‖759
5.29 ―If, bhante, anyone who was previously a follower of an outside teaching and wishes to go forth
in this Dharma and Vinaya, and wishes for the ordination, has to go on a probation of four months,…I
will take that probation for four years! At the end of the four years, let the monks who are satisfied give
me the going-forth [novice initiation] and ordain me into monkhood [higher ordination].‖760
Then, the Blessed One addressed the venerable nanda:
―Then, nanda, let Subhadda go forth!‖761
―Yes, bhante,‖ the venerable nanda replied in assent to the Blessed One.
5.30 Then the wanderer Subhadda said this to the venerable nanda:
―It is a gain for you, nanda, a great gain, that you have been anointed here before the Teacher [by
his own mouth] with the pupil‘s anointing [the discipleship consecration].‖762 [153]
Then the wanderer Subhadda received the going forth and the ordination before Blessed One himself.
And not long after his ordination, dwelling alone, aloof (from society), heedful, ardent, and resolute, in no
long time, he reached and remained in the supreme goal of the holy life, for which sons of family rightly
go forth from home into homelessness, knowing and realizing it for himself right here and now.
He directly knew: ―Birth is destroyed, the holy life has been lived, done what had to be done, there is
no more for this state of being.‖
And the venerable Subhadda became one of the arhats.
He was the last direct disciple of the Blessed One.763
757
This rule and procedure are found at Mv 1.38 = V 1:69; see also D 1:176; M 1:494, 512; S 2:21; Sn p101 f.
758
―Satisfied,‖ raddha,citta, ie satisfied that the probate has fulfilled all conditions as stipulated at Mahvagga
1.38 = V 1:69 (VA 5:990; DA 2:363; MA 3:106; SA 2:37; SnA 2:436).
759
Api ca m‘ettha puggala,vemattat vidit ti. Sakhitta S 2 (S 48.13) explains that ―the difference in indivi-
duals‖ (puggala,vemattat) is due to one‘s level in cultivating the 5 spiritual faculties (indriya)—faith, effort, mind-
fulness, concentration, wisdom—―Thus, monks, due to a difference in the faculties there is a difference in the fruits;
due to a difference in the fruits, there is a difference among individuals‖ (S 48.13/5:200). In other words, the Buddha
takes exception of him, as he did in the case of the fire-worshipping matter hair ascetics (the 3 Kassapa brothers)
(V 1:34 f; J 1:82, 4:180) and Acela Kassapa (D 8.24/2:176 f); see SnA 2:436. The wanderer Sabhiya, however, had
to observe the 4-month probation (Sn 3.6/p102). The Buddha knows whether a non-Buddhist convert needs proba-
tion or not (DA 2:362), and Subhadda does not, apparently because his 5 spiritual faculties are well developed.
Comy says that after the Buddha has granted Subhadda permission to join the order, nanda takes him aside, pours
water over his head, teaches him the ―meditation with skin as fifth‖ (taca,pacaka kammahna), then shaves off
his hair and beard, clads him in the saffron robes, and then administers to him the three refuges. Then he leads him
back to the Buddha who gives him a meditation subject. Subhadda immediately goes into solitary practice, walking
in meditation and wins arhathood that same night, and comes down to sit beside the Buddha (DA 2:590). Subhad-
da‘s ordination is said to be the Buddha‘s last act before his parinirvana (KhA 89). For the case of Seniya, the dog
ascetic, see Kukkura,vatika S (M 57.14-15/3:391) = SD 23.11.
760
Subhadda‘s reply here is the same as that of Acela Kassapa, as in the Buddha‘s following reply (D 8.24/
2:176 f). However, Subhadda‘s case is unique in that he wins arhathood on the same night.
761
This statement of the Buddha‘s clearly shows that Subhadda is not personally ordained by the Buddha him-
self. Moreover the Buddha is not physically capable of doing so since he has lain down without the thought of rising
again [§5.1].
762
Lābhā vo āvuso ānanda, suladdhaṁ vo āvuso ānanda, ye [Ce yo] ettha satthu [Ce satthari] sammukhā ante-
vāsâbhisekena abhisittā ti. Comy says that Subhadda makes this statement from his erstwhile non-Buddhist practice
(DA 2:590).
763
This line added by the Council fathers (sagti,kr) (DA 2:590). ―Direct disciple,‖ sakkhi,svaka, lit ―the
disciple who witnesses (the Buddha).‖ Subhadda‘s ordination is most interesting as there is no mention of the ―act
with the motion as the fourth‖ (atti,catuttha kamma,vc, Mahvagga 1.38 = V 1:69). Without such a ceremony—
ie the Buddha ordaining Subhadda himself—leads Rhys Davids to surmise that ―it is otherwise probable that no such
ceremony was usual in the earliest days of Buddhism‖ (D:RD 2:170). This may mean that the Vinaya ceremonies as
we have them are possibly post-Buddha institutions.
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Chapter 6
(Sixth Recital, chah bhavra)
THE BUDDHA‘S FINAL INSTRUCTIONS
The Dharma-Vinaya as teacher
[154] 6.1 Then the Blessed One addressed the venerable nanda:
―nanda, it may be that you would think:
‗Gone is the Teacher‘s word! We have no teacher.‘
It should not be seen thus, nanda, for the Dharma and the Vinaya [the Teaching and the Disci-
pline] that I have taught and explained to you, will, at my passing, be your teacher.764
6.2 nanda, now the monks address one another as ‗vuso‘ [friend],765 but after my passing, they
should not address one another so. nanda, the more junior monks should be addressed by the more
senior monks by name, or by clan [gotra] or as ‗vuso.‘ The more senior monks should be addressed by
the more junior monks as ‗Bhante‘ [Bhante] or as ‗yasm‗ [Venerable].766
764
The Grava S (S 6.2/1:138-140 = SD 12.2) relates how the newly-awakened Buddha declares that the
Dharma is his teacher, worthy of his reverence. The above may be said to give the essence of the MPS. The term
satth (teacher) is here redefined: while the Buddha lives, he is teacher; after his passing, the role is found in the
Dharma and Vinaya. With the Buddha‘s passing, Buddhism ceases to be a cult (where the teacher or leader is the
final authority) and becomes a spiritual system or teaching-centred religion. In this sense, it may be said that the
MPS is the Buddha‘s last will and testament to his spiritual heirs. On the other hand, while the religious and faith-
inclined here accept that the Buddha‘s authority and presence have been spiritually transferred to the Dharma and
Vinaya, they may also perceive that he is ―physically‖ transferred into his relics, the stupa and the Buddha image.
See Ray 1994:348-352, 364. On Gopaka Moggallna S (M 108), see foll §6.2 n.
765
Āvuso, meaning ―Friend!‖ ―Sir!,‖ a polite vocative for monks equal in ―rains‖ with the speaker, or to juniors;
prob derived from *vusso < *yumas (cf Whitney, A Sanskrit Grammar, London, 3rd ed 1896 §454); cf BHS
āvusa. āyuṣman. Uses: (1) by and to non-Buddhists (V 1:8, Upaka; D 2:130, Āḷāra Kālāma; M 1:372, nirgrantha;
Tha 1196; J 2:448, 3:230); (2) by monks and nuns (a) to laity (V 1:84; M 1:299, to Visākha; J 3:191, 4:244; (b) to
each other (but not to the Buddha), later only by a senior monk to a junior (āvuso,vādā) (V 1:9; D 2:154; UA 311):
see RO Franke, ―The Buddhist Councils at Rājagaha and Vesālī,‖ Journal of the Pali Text Society, 1908:18-44. See
CPD & DP sv.
766
The reason here is clearly to prevent fraternizing and disrespect, and to inculcate due respect to seniority, so
that proper authority is acknowledged and harmony maintained, hence promoting solidarity in the order. In this way,
the Dharma protects the order. In Gopaka Moggallna S (M 108), the Magadha chief minister, Vassakra, quest-
ions nanda on authority and succession of power in the order, and nanda answers that no one person holds such
an authority or power, but that the order has ―the Dharma as our refuge‖ (D 108.9/3:9), that they are guided by the
Ptimokkha (D 108.10/3:10), and that an individual monk is respected not for his position but for his spiritual quail-
ties (D 108.11-23/3:10-12) = SD 33.5.
767
The lesser and minor rules (khuddaknukhuddak sikkhpad). See Intro (12) above.
768
A monk named Channa (Skt Chandaka) is depicted at several places in the Vinaya as despising all other
monks on the grounds that ―the Buddha is mine; the Dharma is mine! It was by my young master that the Dharma
was realized‖ (Sagh‘di,sesa 12 = V 3:177 f.). This would fit in with the post-canonical tradition identifying
Channa as the horseman who accompanied the young Prince Siddhartha on the night of the latter‘s Great Renuncia-
tion. Two rules in the Vinaya—Sanghadisesa 12 & Pacittiya 12—depict him as devious & impossible to admonish.
He counter-questioned his examiners during another Sagh‘di,sesa proceeding against him (Saghdisesa 12 = V
4:35 ff.). Going in search of grass and sticks for his lodging, he damaged the cornfield of a certain brahmin (Pcit-
tiya 19 = V 4:47). He once cut down a tree shrine revered by the people to make space for a residence (Sagh‘di,-
sesa 7 = V 3:155 f.). He was generally disrespectful to others (Pcittiya 54 = V 4:113).
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As defined by the Buddha, the supreme penalty (brahma,dada) is effectively a total boycott by the order. The
closing of Culla,vagga 11 of the Vinaya records how when nanda conveys the supreme penalty to Channa at
Ghoit‘rma (in Kosamb), he faints at the thought of being boycotted by the Order. He then goes into retreat to
develop himself (V 2:292). Channa S (S 22.90) records in a humorous tone, how he attempts to seek Dharma
instruction from other monks, and how nanda admonishes him (S 3:133 ff.). Apparently, no monk actually boy-
cotts him, since they try to answer his questions, albeit careful to not offend him. As nanda then explains in that
passage, the supreme penalty is automatically lifted at the moment of Channa‘s final attainment.
Channa S (S 22.90) tells a different version of how Channa corrects himself—nanda gives the teachings of
the Kaccna,gotta S (S 12.15/2:17) on how dependent arising counters the two extreme views of eternalism and
annihilationism, and how self-view is replaced by the realization that it is only dukkha that arises and ceases—and
he breaks through to the Dharma (S 3:132-134). Cf D 1:96 where brahma,daa is used differently.
769
This [5] is found in Kusinr S (A 4.76/2:79 f).
770
Mā pacchā vippaisārino ahuvattha), also occurs at §§5.19+20, & here x3 (the Buddha‘s last words) =
Kusinārā S (A 4.76/2:79 f); Devatā S (A 9.19/4:392). Elsewhere, it forms the well known call to meditate: see
Araka S (A 22.70.4/3:139) = SD 16.17 & n. For comy, see MA 1:195 f, SA 3:111 f, 266 f.
771
According to the Vinaya—see 6.20n on the old Subhadda below—the Buddha was journeying with 1250
monks (V 1:249 f) when he was visited by the old Subhadda at Atum [§4.30]. There appears a discrepancy in the
number of monks here. However, it is possible that the 1250 refers to a total number of monks accompanying the
Buddha, but the 500 refers only to the saints sitting close to the Buddha. It is unlikely that the entourage had started
with 1250 but dwindled to 500 at this crucial point.
772
Avinīpāta, alt tr ―not fated for birth in a suffering state‖; opp of vinīpāta, ―the world of suffering,‖ another
name for the 4 woeful courses (duggati) or the 4 lower worlds (apāya) (Vism 13.92 f). Sometimes 5 woeful courses
(pañca,gati) (D 3:234=33.2.1, A 11.68) are mentioned: the hells (niraya), the animal kingdom (tirachāna,yoni), the
ghost realm (pitti,visaya), the human world (manussa) and the heavenly world (deva). Of these, the first three are
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woeful, with the asura-demons (asura,kāya) as the fourth woeful course. The remaining two are ―happy courses‖
(sugati). For a discussion, see Nyanaponika & Bodhi (tr), Numerical Discourses of the Buddha, 1999:14-19.
773
The foll [6.7-10] are at Parinibbna S (S 1:157-159) but differs as to order of sentences.
774
Vaya,dhamm sakhr, appamdena sampdeth ti. In Parinibbna S (S 6.2), this is reversed: appamd-
ena sampdetha, vaya,dhamm sakhr ti (S 6.2/1:158). However, Bhikkhu Bodhi appears not to have noticed this,
rendering it like in Mahparinibbna S (S:B 251). The Sarvstivda ed omits appamdena sampdetha. The Chinese
versions vary, T1 eg gives a more elaborate exhortation here.
775
As at Parinibbna S (S 6.15/1:157 f) but it omits nanda‘s remark that the Buddha (while in cessation) had
passed away, and Anuruddha‘s reply. It also omits mention of the earthquake and thunder. In Parinibbna S, nan-
da‘s stanza precedes Anuruddha‘s (which is last, showing its importance) but in Mah Parinibbna S Anuruddha‘s
stanza comes first, and nanda‘s stanza is last.
The parinirvana process that follows here is evidently noted by Anuruddha, the foremost of the monks, through
his ―divine eye‖ (dibba,cakkhu), ie clairvoyance (A 1:23). See foll [6.9]. Interestingly, Apadna describes Mah
Pajpat Gotam‗s parinirvana in similar terms (except for the cessation of perception and feeling):
Having sent them all away, she attained to the supreme state,
To the first dhyana, and the second and the third and the fourth. (145)
Then she attained to the realm of (boundless) space, and of boundless consciousness, too;
To the realm of nothingness, and to neither perception (nor non-perception) in stages. (146)
Then Gotam attained to the dhyanas in reverse; then from the first as far as the fourth dhyana.* (147)
Having risen from there, free from the influxes, she went out like a lamp.
The great earth shook, lightning fell from the sky. (148)
Tato st visajjitv, pahama jhnam uttama; | Dutiyañ ca tatiyañ ca, sampajji catutthaka.|| 145
ks‘yatanañ c‘eva, viññac‘yatana tath; | kiñca n‘eva saññañ ca, sampajji yathkkama. || 146
Pailomena jhnni, sampajjittha gotam; | Yvat pahama jhna, tato yva catutthaka.* || 147
Tato vuhya nibbyi, dpac,c-va nirsav. | Bhmi,clo mah si, nabhas vijjut pati. || 148 (Ap 145-48)
[*Cf JS Walters, ―Gotam‗s Story,‖ 1995:133 f, where he apparently errs in his tr of Ap 147d.]
Sagti S (D 33.3.2(6)) says that by attaining the 1st dhyana, sensuous perception (kma,saa) stops; by attain-
ing the 2nd dhyana, initial application and sustained application stops; by attaining the 3rd dhyana, zest stops; by
attaining the 4th dhyana, in-and-out breathing stops (D 33.3.2(6)/3:266, 290). On dhyana, see SD 8.4 (2005). On
nirodha, see SD 1.1 Intro (6). See S:B 441 n441.
776
―The cessation of perception and feeling,‖ saā,vediyita nirodha. This anomalous state, fully described in
Visuddhi,magga (Vism 23.16-52/702-709), is a combination of deep meditative calm and insight where all mental
states temporarily shut down (Vism 23.43/707 f), ―devoid of even subtle feeling and cognition, due to turning away
from even the very refined peace of the fourth formless level.‖ (Harvey 1993:10 digital ed). Here the heart-beat and
breathing stop (M 1:301 f), but a residual metabolism keeps the body alive for up to 7 days (Vism 23.42/ 707). Only
an arhat or a non-returner can experience this cessation (A 3:194; 23.18/Vism 702, 23.49/708). On emerging from
cessation, they experience the fruit of their respective attainment (Vism 708). ―It is thus one possible route to experi-
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encing Nibbāna‖ (Harvey 1993:10 digital ed). While a dead person has neither vitality nor heat, and their sense-
organs are ―broken up,‖ a person in cessation still has vitality and heat, and his sense-organs are ―purified‖ (M 1:296;
D 2:334; Vism 23.51/709). According to Buddhaghosa, cessation is ―the non-occurrence of the mind (citta) and
mental states as a result of their progressive cessation‖ (Vism 23.18/ 702). Such a person is ―without mind‖ (Vism
23.43/707). Even the sub-conscious (bhavaga), present in dreamless sleep, is absent; such a person is effectively
only body without any mental states whatsoever. In modern terms, ―deep hibernation‖ or ―suspended animation‖
might give some idea of this state of cessation. See §3.33 n above. On the philosophical problems related to how the
meditator emerges from cessation, see Griffiths 1986. On ―the progressive cessation of formations‖ (anupubba,sa-
khārāna nirodha), see S 36.11/4:217.
777
nanda, assuming that the Buddha has passed away, addresses Anuruddha, his senior, as ―bhante,‖ in line
with the Buddha‘s instructions [§6.2].
778
This [9] as at Vihra S 2 (A 9.33/4:410 ff).
779
Samanantar. Sayutta Comy: Here there are 2 kinds of samanantar: immediately after dhyana and im-
mediately after reviewing. In the former case, one emerges from the 4 th dhyana, descends into the life-continuum
(bhavaga) and attains parinirvana. In the latter case, one emerges from the 4 th dhyana, reviews the dhyana factors
again, then descends into the life-continuum and attains parinirvana, as in the case of the Buddha. But Buddhas,
Pratyeka Buddhas, noble disciples, and even ants and termites, pass away, by way of the noble truth of suffering,
with a karmically indeterminate bhavaga consciousness (SA 1:224).
780
These stages that the Buddha passes through in his very last moments—the 4 dhyanas (jhna), the 4 formless
attainments (sampatti) and the cessation of perception and feeling (sa,vedayita,nirodha)—are known as ―the 9
successive abodes‖ (anupubba,vihra) (D 3:265, 290; cf 2:156); A 4:410, 414; S 2:216, 222; U 78; Pm 1.5, 2.30;
Miln 176). They are also called ―the 9 successive cessations‖ (anupubba,nirodha) (D 33.3.2(6)/3:266, 290; A 9.31/
4:409, 456; Pm 1.35). The (Anupubba) Vihra S 2 calls them ―the successive attainments‖ (anupubba,sampatti)
(A 9.33/4:410-414). On ―the progressive cessation of formations‖ (anupubba,sakhārāna nirodho), see Rahogata
S (S 36.11/4:217). There are 2 possible explanations why the Buddha passes away in the 4th dhyana rather than in
any other meditative plane; (1) he still has a physical body, (2) the formless dhyanas do not provide any avenue out
of samsara, serving only as highest states of meditative bliss in samsara. Hence, we see the pre-eminence of the four
form dhyanas for the Buddhists. For Buddhaghosa‘s views, see DA 594 f = Yang-Gu An (tr). The Buddha‘s Last
Days, 2003:185-187.
The German Tibetophile, calling himself Lama Govinda, for some strange reason, thinks that this event ―con-
firms our assumption that the death-consciousness coincides with the fifth jhna from where two ways are open to
the meditator: that of remembrance of former lives or that which leads to the four arpaloka-jhnas‖ (The Psycholo-
gical Attitude of Early Buddhist Philosophy, 1961:131). Are we to understand that at the moment of dying all beings,
or at least human beings, would attain the four (Abhidharma ―fifth‖) dhyana? On Govinda, see Lopez, Jr, Prisoners
of Shangri-La, 1998:7, 59-63.
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781
Parinibba S of the Brahma Sayutta (S 1:158) contains the first verse since it is attributed to Brahm.
The second is Sakra‘s. The last two verses are there put into the mouths of nanda and of Anuruddha respectively,
perhaps because Anuruddha‘s verse forms a more fitting conclusion (S 1:158). In the Dgha, however, nanda‘s
verse comes last, ―either in deprecation of nanda (which is scarcely probable), or more probably the way in which
the early Buddhists regarded the passing of the Buddha. These four speakers are ‗four representative persons‘:
Brahm, the exalted god of the brahmins; Sakra (akra), the king of the gods, popular with the Buddhists; Anu-
ruddha, the holy, thoughtful arhat; and nanda, the loving, childlike disciple‖ (D:RD 2:71, 73). The Chinese Mah
Parinirvna Stra of the Drgh‘gama Stra (Nanjio no 545) records 18 speakers uttering stanzas on this occasion
(see Sino-Indian Studies 1,4 1945).
782
Brahm Sahampati (who had just after the Great Awakening invited the Buddha to proclaim the Dharma)
(V 1:5-7 = M 1:169 = S 1:138 f). See Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples, 2004:4.2.
783
―At that very moment,‖ free tr of saha parinibbn. See n on the 1st line here.
784
Bala-p,patta, here refers to the Buddha‘s 10 powers: see Mah Shanda S (M 12.9-20/1:69-71).
785
This [6.10] as at Tha 905, 1046, A 1:236; cf Tha 905
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(2) And when the Blessed One had passed into parinirvana, Sakra, the kings of the devas, uttered
this stanza at that very moment:789
Impermanent, alas, are all compounded things!
It is their nature to rise and fall;
Having arisen, they pass away––
Happy it is when they are stilled!
(3) And when the Blessed One had passed into parinirvana, the venerable Anuruddha uttered this
stanza at that very moment:790
There is no more in-breath and out-breath in the one whose mind is steady;
The wise sage [silent sage], unstirred, bent on peace, passed away.
With mind unshaken, he endured the feeling [the pain]:
Like a lamp extinguished, his mind is freed.
(4) And when the Blessed One had passed into parinirvana, the venerable nanda uttered this
stanza at that very moment:791
Then there was terror, then there was hair-raising fear,
When the self-awakened one, perfect in all excellent qualities, attained parinirvana.
786
Traditionally, it is said that the Buddha passed away in the early hours of the full-moon day of the month of
Vaikha, 543 BC (or, according to modern scholars, c. 483 BCE) at the age of 80. To remember the Buddha and
mark this important occasion, south and south-east Asian Buddhists calculate their respective Buddhist calendars
from this year (that is, by adding the number 543 to the Common Era). On whether the Buddha actually died on
Vesak day, see Intro (9d).
787
The phrase in the sentence thus far: Parinibbute Bhagavati saha parinibbn.
788
A similar phenomenon (dhamma,niyma) follows immediately after the Buddha relinquishes the rest of his
lifespan [§3.10].
789
Sakra, the king of the gods, utters this popular ancient verse, said to be a remnant from the teaching of the
previous Buddha that only he remembers. This well known stanza concludes Mah Sudassana S (D 17). See D
2:157 = 199 = J 1:392 = S vv 21 (1:6), 609 (1:158), 776 (1:200) = 15.10/2:193 (Buddha) = Tha 1159 = DhA 1:71;
DA 3:748; MA 1:235.
790
As at Tha 905 f, but with an additional stanza: ―These now are the sage‘s last sense-impressions, with touch
as the fifth;* no other mental phenomena will there be, the awakened one is cooled‖ (Tha 907). [*The other 4: feel-
ing, perception, volition, consciousness.] In Parinibbana S (S 1:158), Anuruddha‘s stanza here appears last, after
nanda‘s, showing its importance.
791
See prec n.
792
―As if their feet have been cut off,‖ reading chinna pda viya papatanti throughout following Se. PTS
has chinna,paptam papatanti throughout (D 16.5.6/2:140, 6.10/2:157, 6.11/2:158). Cf chinna,pd (J 6:301, 303).
793
Ta kut‘ ettha labbh? Lit, ―What can you get here?‖ As at 5.6, 6.11.
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What else do you expect? Whatever is born, become, formed [compounded], is liable to decay––that it
should not decay is impossible.‘794
Avuso, the devas are grumbling [protesting against your lamentation]!‖
794
This nested quote is stock: D 16.3.48/2:118=16.5.14/144=16.6.11a/158=16.6.20/163.
795
This whole section repeats in 5.6, in the Buddha‘s mouth.
796
The following sections [§§6.11-15]—Anuruddha consoles nanda, instructs him to announce the Buddha‘s
passing to the Mallas, and the laying in state—are unique to this Sutta.
797
See n in 5.6b above.
798
―As if their feet have been cut off,‖ reading chinna pda viya papatanti throughout following Se. PTS
has chinna,paptam papatanti throughout (D 16.5.6/2:140, 6.10/2:157, 6.11/2:158). Cf chinna,pd (J 6:301, 303).
799
See n in 5.6b above.
800
―As if their feet have been cut off,‖see n at 6.11a.
801
This whole 6.12 is similar to 5.19-21 when the Mallas of Kusinr were informed of the Buddha‘s im-
pending parinirvana.
802
―As if their feet have been cut off,‖ reading chinna pda viya papatanti throughout following Se. PTS
has chinna,paptam papatanti throughout (D 16.5.6/2:140, 6.10/2:157, 6.11/2:158). Cf chinna,pd (J 6:301, 303).
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803
―Come now,‖ bhae, PED: (1st sg med of bhaati), ―I say,‖ used as an interjection of emphasis, like ―to be
sure,‖ ―look here.‖ It is a familiar term of address, often used by a king to his subjects (V 1:240, 241; Miln 21).
804
First mentioned at §5.11b above; again at §6.17 below.
805
See 5.11 above. No ―teased cotton‖ is mentioned here: see 6.17-18 below.
806
Maya Bhagavato sarra naccehi gtehi vditehi mlehi gandhehi sakkaront garukaront mnent
pjent, dakkhiena dakkhia nagarassa haritv bhirena bhira dakkhiato nagarassa Bhagavato sarra
jhpessmâ ti. Cf 6.15 n. The Mallas are probably keeping to some ancient taboo against ritually polluting the city
with a dead body. So they have to skirt the city and also take an inauspicious direction for a funeral. The devatas
however think otherwise [§6.15]. Cf 6.23a & n. See D:RD 2:182 n1. On the ancient Indian notion of ritual impurity
of death, see Gombrich 1988:123 f.
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exit through the city‘s east gate, go east of the city to the Malla shrine called Makua Bandhana,807 and
there we will cremate the Blessed One‘s remains.‖808
―If that is the devatas‘ intention, bhante, let it be so!‖809
6.16 Now at that time, even the rubbish-dumps and sewers of Kusinr were covered knee-deep in
heavenly mandarava [coral-tree] flowers. Then the devatas and the Mallas of Kusinr, honouring,
respecting, esteeming and venerating the Blessed One‘s remains with heavenly and human [161] dancing,
music, singing, garlands, and scents, bore the Blessed One‘s remains to the north of the city, entered the
city through the north gate and bore the Blessed One‘s remains around the middle of the city, exitted
through the city‘s east gate, went east of the city to the Malla shrine called Makua Bandhana. And there
they put down the Blessed One‘s remains.
MAHĀ KASSAPA
Mah Kassapa‘s last respects
6.19 812Now at that time, the venerable Mah Kassapa was journeying on the highroad from Pv to
Kusinr with a large community of monks, numbering some 500. Then the venerable Mah Kassapa
stepped down from the highroad and sat down under a certain tree.
807
This location, where the Buddha‘s remains are cremated, is believed to be marked today by the Rmabhr
Stpa (about 15 m or 50 ft high), located about 1.5 km from Mth-kur Shrine.
808
Maya Bhagavato sarra dibbehi naccehi gtehi vditehi mlehi gandhehi sakkaront garukaront mnen-
t pjent, uttarena uttara nagarassa haritv, uttarena dvrena nagara pavesetv, majjhena majjha nagar-
assa haritv, puratthimena dvrena nikkhamitv puratthimato nagarassa Makua,bandhana nma Mallna
cetiya, ettha Bhagavato sarra jhpessmâ ti. Cf 6.14 n.
809
Yath bhante devatna adhippyo tath hot ti, lit ―Bhante, whatever the devatas‘ intentions, let them be.‖
810
This whole section parallels 5.11 (D 2:141 f).
811
See §5.11b nn.
812
There are two canonical versions of the next 2 sections [§§6.19-20]: the Dgha version (Mah Parinibbna S)
gives in narrative form (as before), and the Vinaya version (V 2:284-308 = Cullavagga 11), put into the mouth of
Mah Kassapa himself. An interesting point here is that in the Dgha version, Mah Kassapa‘s speech is put after
the outburst of the old Subhadda (different from the newly ordained Subhadda) [§§5.23-29]. The Vinaya, however,
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Now at that time, a certain naked ascetic [ājvaka],813 holding a mandarava [coral-tree] flower, was
journeying along the highroad from Kusinr to Pv. The venerable Mah Kassapa saw the naked ascetic
coming from afar. Seeing the naked ascetic, the venerable Mah Kassapa said this to the naked ascetic:
―Friend, do you know our Teacher?‖
―Yes, friend, I do know. Seven days ago today the recluse Gotama attained parinirvana. For that
reason, I found this mandarava flower.‖
Then, some of those monks who were still not free from lust lamented, with arms outstretched; fallen
to the ground as if their feet have been cut off,814 rolling to and fro, crying:
―Too soon has the Blessed One entered parinirvana! Too soon has the Sugata [Wellfarer] entered
parinirvana! Too soon has the Eye in the world disappeared!‖
But those monks that were free from lust accept it mindfully and fully aware,
‗Impermanent are conditioned things! How else could it be?‘
puts it before the old Subhadda‘s remark––that is, the last two paragraphs in the Dgha are transposed in the Vinaya
(D:RD 2:75). Hermann Oldenberg was the first western scholar to point out (Vinaya Texts, 1881:xxvi-xxviii) the
parallel between the two texts. He suggests that the change is due to the position occupied by this episode in the
Vinaya. It is there used as an introduction to the account of the Council of Rjagha held, according to the Thera-
vāda, to counteract such sentiments as were expressed by the old Subhadda‘s outburst. It was considered more
appropriate, therefore, that in that connection, Subhadda‘s words should come last, to lead up to what follows. The
whole story is then interpolated from our sutta. But the last paragraph is transposed, and the whole is put into Mah
Kassapa‘s mouth, on whose advice the Council is said to have been convened. RO Franke, in his article, ―The
Buddha councils at Rjagaha and Vesl,‖ gives various details showing how Cullavagga 11 of the Vinaya is
heavily dependent on the MPS (1908:8-18). Unlike Oldenberg and Franke, however, TW Rhys Davids rejects the
notion that Cv 11 borrowed from MPS, suggesting that ―the Subhadda story may have been in existence before
either Dgha or Vinaya was put into its present shape. If so, it was doubtless current in the form now preserved by
the Dgha; and was changed by the compilers of the Vinaya…it is quite possible that the two books—Dgha and
Vinaya—may have been put together, as we now have them, at the same time‖ (D:RD 2:76 n1). See An Yang-Gyu,
―The date and the origin of the Mahparinibbna-suttanta,‖ 2001:64-66 & Piya Tan, The Buddha and His Disciples,
2004:6.27.
813
jvaka. The naked ascetics (V 1:291, 2:130) are followers of Makkhali Gosla (the teacher of fatalism or
determinism), and regarded as the worst of the non-Buddhist religious. See Mah Saccaka S (M 1:238) and also S
1:66. Upaka was a naked ascetic who converted when he met the newly awakened Buddha (V 1:8; M 1:71; J 1:81;
DhA 4: 71 f).
814
―As if their feet have been cut off,‖ reading chinna pda viya papatanti throughout following Se. PTS
has chinna,paptam papatanti throughout (D 16.5.6/2:140, 6.10/2:157, 6.11/2:158). Cf chinna,pd (J 6:301, 303).
815
The old Subhadda (Subhadra). The Mah,vagga of the Vinaya has an interesting story of ―a former barber,
one gone forth in old age‖ (vuha,pabbajito nahpita,pubbo) who, on learning that the Buddha and 1250 monks
are coming to tum [§4.30], instructs his two sons, ―sweet-voiced, witty, skilled, skillful in their craft in the
profession of their own teacher,‖ to go from house to house to beg for ―n measures of offerings, and collect salt
and oil and husked rice and solid food‖ (begging for such things are not allowed by the Vinaya) to prepare conjey
for the Buddha and the monks. On learning of this, the Buddha laid down two rules entailing wrong-doing (dukkaa):
(1) ―One who who gone forth should not make cause (others) to take what is not allowable.‖ (2) ―One who was
formerly a barber should not carry about a barber‘s equipment.‖ (V 1:249 f). On ni (a measure), see V:H 1:12 n2.
Buddhaghosa (DA 2:599) identifies the ―one gone forth in old age‖ as the old Subhadda (then a novice, smaera)
mentioned in Mah Parinibbna S as being relieved at the Buddha‘s passing (D 16.6.20/2:162), and refers to the V
episode at length (DA 2:599). In neither passage, he was mentioned as ―venerable‖ (yasm), as at the time of the
Buddha‘s visit to tum, he was a novice (smaera) (DA 2:599). Dullabha S 1 (A 5.59/3:78) & Dullabha S 2 (A
5.60/3:78 f) each lists 5 things difficult to find in one gone forth in old age.
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816
―We were harassed,‖ PTS uppadut wr for upaddut (Be Ce), pp of upaddavati,‖he oppresses, assails,
harrasses, tyrannizes.‖
817
In Cullavagga (V 11.1/2:284), Mah Kassapa cites this statement as good reason to hold a council for stand-
ardizing the Dhamma & Vinaya ―before what is not Dharma shines out and Dharma is obscured, before what is not
Vinaya shines out and Vinaya [discipline] is obscured; before those who speak what is not-dhamma become strong
and those who speak what is Dharma become weak; before those who speak what is not-discipline become strong
and those who speak what is Vinaya become weak.‖ Thus the First Council was held during the Rains Retreat
following the Buddha‘s parinirvana.
818
This nested quote is stock: (D 16) 3.48 = 5.144= 6.11a = 6.20.
819
It is interesting to note that neither Mah Kassapa nor any other monks responded to the old Subhadda‘s rude
remark. Buddhaghosa unconvincingly explains that Kassapa was silent fearing that his reproaching Subhadda could
reveal to the local people that the Sangha quarrelled in the Buddha‘s absence (DA 2:601). The Skt texts and the
Chinese trs give various accounts. The Skt version say that when a certain old monk makes an evil remark, the gods
do not allow Mahā Kāyapa‘s pupils to hear it, only Kāyapa himself hears it. The Yo-hsing-ching (T 1.28c13) says
that when Subhadra makes his remark, Kāyapa is disappointed. The Pan-ni-hung-ching (T 1.189b24) similarly
says that Kāyapa is disappointed but makes not response. The Fo-pan-ni-huang-ching (T 1.174c25) says that
when a certain makes the evil remark, all the monks present censure him and report him to the gods, who remove
him from the Sangha. Interestingly, Kāyapa is silent here. Does this imply that Kāyapa does not know of the inci-
dent? The Ta-pa-nieh-pan-ching (T 1.206c19 ff) similarly say that Kāyapa and his followers do not respond at all,
and when the ―three baskets‖ have been compiled, he does not make any mention of the incident either. In the
Mlasarvstivdin version (T 24.401a17), the gods intervene, allowing only Kāyapa to hear Subhadra. Kāyapa
stops his journey to admonish Subhadra on impermanence. Then he says, ―Enough, stop talking about this incident.
We should go quickly!‖ Then, Kāyapa, realizing that the long-lived gods‘ concern that the ―three baskets‖ might be
reduced to ashes unless their compilation is made, proposes their compilation (T 24.402c9). Here however, it is the
god‘s foreboding, not Subhadra‘s remark that moves Kayapa to hold the recital. In summary, then, we can conclude
from the various versions that Kayapa does not ignore Subhadra‘s remark, and that he does not fall back on this
incident to hold the first council. However, it is curious that no mention of the First Council is made at all in this
sutta: see George Bond 1982:18-22.
An Yang-Gyu: ―In my view of the incident, as it really took place by chance around the time of the Buddha‘s
parinibbna, the author of the Proto-MPS could not help recording it. He might think it worth recording, because
this incident enables listeners to lessen their too excessive grief at the loss of the Buddha, by feeling resentment
against the corrupt monk, and concern about the preserving of the Buddha‘s teaching and the unity of his community
in his absence‖ (2001:71). See An Yang-Gyu, ―The date and origin of the Mahparinibbna-suttanta,‖ 2001:53, 69-
72.
820
The following sections [§§6.21-26], on the Buddha‘s cremation and distribution of his relics, are unique to
this Sutta.
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‗The venerable Mah Kassapa is journeying on the highroad from Pv to Kusinr with a large
community of monks, numbering some 500. So long as the venerable Mah Kassapa had not bowed his
head at the Blessed One‘s feet, you would not be able to light the Blessed One‘s pyre.‖
―If that is the devatas‘ intention, bhante, let it be so!‖
6.22 Then the venerable Mah Kassapa approached the Makua Bandhana shrine of the Mallas out-
side Kusinr, and went up to the Blessed One‘s pyre. Arranging his upper robe to one side [baring the
right shoulder], putting his palms together lotus-like, he thrice circumambulated the pyre rightwise. The
Blessed One‘s feet protruded (from the pyre) and he saluted them.821
The 500 monks, too, arranging their upper robes to one side [baring the right shoulder], putting their
palms together lotus-like, thrice circumambulated the pyre rightwise, and then saluted the Blessed One‘s
feet.
As soon as the venerable Mah Kassapa and the 500 monks had done their salutation, the Blessed
One‘s pyre, of its own accord, burst into flames.
6.23a Of the Blessed One‘s burnt up body, there was to be seen no skin, nor tissue,822 nor flesh, nor
sinew, nor synovial fluid; not even soot—only the relics [burnt bones]823 remained.
Just as when ghee or oil is burned, neither ash nor soot remains, even so, there was to be seen no
skin, nor tissue, nor flesh, nor sinew, nor synovial fluid; not even soot—only the relics remained.824
Of the 500 rounds of cloth,825 both the innermost and the outermost all burned up.826
And when the Blessed One‘s body had burned up, streams of water fell from the sky and put out the
Blessed One‘s pyre. Water from the ground and sal trees,827 too, shot forth putting out the Blessed One‘s
pyre. The Mallas of Kusinr, too, put out the Blessed One‘s pyre with all their fragrant water.828
821
Buddhaghosa says that Mah Kassapa enters the 4th dhyana and uses it as the basis for a psychic feat so that
the Buddha‘s feet would appear out of their extensive wrappings (DA 2:603). The Dulva, however, says that Mah
Kayapa uncovers the body and worships it. Then he changes the garments that enshrouded the Blessed One with
those from his own store. And when the coffin cover is replaced, fire bursts forth from the pile and consumes the
body (Dulva 645b = Rockhill 144). See D:RD 2:186 n1 (qu Spence Hardy): ―Just before a Jew is taken out of the
house to be buried, the relatives and acquaintances of the departed stand around the coffin; when the feet are un-
covered; and each in rotation lays hold of the great toes, and begs pardon for any offence given to the deceased, and
requests a favourable mention of them in the next world‖ (A Manual of Buddhism, 1853:348).
822
―Tissue,‖ camma, lit ―hide,‖ but here refers to the subcutaneous layer next to the bone, ―integument‖ (S
2:238 = A 4:129; PvA 68). Here I have used a free tr, following Vajir & Story (1998).
823
Prior to this, the Buddha‘s body is referred to as sarra (singular) [§5.11]. Here the plural is used (sarre),
meaning ―relics,‖ and so remains for the rest of the text. On the significance of these relics, see Schopen, ―Monks
and the Relic Cult in the Mahparibbna-sutta,‖ 1997:99-113 & Wynne, ―How old is the Suttapiaka?‖ 2003:5-8.
824
This important passage clearly states what remains of the Buddha‘s body: one wonders how to explain the
recent claims in Singapore and Malaysia of ―relics‖ of the Buddha‘s blood, veins and skin! Comy describes the
Buddha relics as follows: ―the relics are like jasmine buds, or washed pearls, or gold‖ (sumana,makua,sadis ca
dhota,mutta,sadis ca suvaa,sadis ca dhtuyo) (DA 2:603 f). On the authenticity of relics, Trainor notes, ―I
have never come across a textual account from the Theravda tradition of any effort to distinguish authentic relics
on the basis of their appearance. The relics I saw in Sri Lanka varied in appearance. Some had the brownish color
and irregular surface texture that one would expect to see in old bones. Others were smoothly polished and pearly in
appearance‖ (1997:120 n80). On relic authenticity, see Intro (7j) above.
825
See 6.18 & Intro (7a).
826
Tesa ca pacanna dussa,yuga,satna dve ca dussni ayhisu ya ca sabba,abbhantarima ya ca
bhira.
827
Udaka,slato (Be Ee & Be at DA 604); vl -slake in DA:Ee 604; these are wrr for udaka slato (Ce, Se)
(DPL). Comy gives 2 possible explanations of udaka,sl: (1) the sal tree around rained miraculously from their
trunks, branches and leaves; (2) water burst forth from the ground and formed a sort of ring ―like a crystal diadem‖
(phalika,vaasaka,sadis) around the pyre (DA 2:604). See Waldschmidt, Das Mahparinirvana Stra, 1944-
48:430 & Überlieferung vom Lebensende des Buddha, 1950-51:430; also RO Franke, D tr: Dghanikya…in Aus-
wahl übersetzt, Göttingen, 1913:251 n5.
828
The description given in this reflects the ritual purity of the Buddha‘s death. See 6.14n above.
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829
―The sanghas and groups,‖ saghe gae. ―Sangha‖ here refer to all those who have come to have a share of
the relics, except for Ajtasattu‘s representative, here referred to as ―group.‖ ―Sangha‖ here refers to the ancient
republics of the Licchavis, Mallas, etc. There is a hint of tension here, esp evident in 6.25 where the Mallas of
Kusinr refuse to give away any Buddha relics. The imminent danger of war over the relics is depicted in the bas-
reliefs of the Sac stupa: Marshall & Foucher, Monuments of Sch, 1940 1:112-119, 214 f, pls 15, 61. The appeal
of relics is clearly not just spiritual, but also mundane due to their portability and promise of power. See Intro (7j).
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830
―A speaker [teacher] of patience,‖ khanti,vd, an allusion to Khanti,vd J (J 313) where the Bodhisattva
shows the highest patience and lovingkindness against the extreme cruelty of a king against him.
831
This is the first incident of a relic theft in the Canon. See Intro (7j).
832
The Buddha relics of Rma,gma (situated on the Ganges bank) has a fascinating history/mythology be-
hind it, as recorded in Thpa,vasa, a late Pali hagiographical chronicle of Sri Lanka (13 th cent). It recounts how
the Rmagma relics were washed into the waters during a great flood. The naga-king, Mah,ka, saved the relics
and enshrined them in great splendour in his Majerika nga abode, worshipping them with lavish offerings. See
Trainor 1997:124-135.
833
This seems to be the original end of sutta, and Buddhaghosa‘s comy ends here. Comy says that these stanzas
are those of the elders at the Third Council. Comy makes no remark on the following stanzas, except saying that
they were added by the elders in Lanka (DA 2:615). Rhys Davids notes that the additional verse found in the Phayre
MS is in the same way probably added in Burma (D:RD 2:191).
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— eva —
834
This stanza is added by the elders in Lanka (Tambapai,therehi vutt, DA 2:615). Interestingly, the Dulva
(Tibetan Vinaya) stanza agrees closely here with regards to the 4 eye-teeth (Dulva f 652b; Rockhill 147). It is possi-
ble that the Sinhalese elders learn of this from the Mahyna (Vaipulya) tradition in Sri Lanka and incorporated it
into our Sutta for the sake of completeness.
We have here two relic lists, which ―bear witness to an expanding textual tradition that has recorded and
thereby authenticated the dispersion of relics as new devotional centres have arisen claiming to possess relics of the
Buddha‖ (Trainor 1997:121). Trainor uses ―textual‖ here ―in an extended sense to include a relatively fixed, orally
transmitted composition‖ (id fn). See prec n.
835
―Eye-tooth,‖ dh (f), ie a canine.
836
―The Three Heavens,‖ ti,diva, poetic form for Tvatisa (heaven of the 33 devas) (D 2:167, 272; S v430/
1:96, v699/1:181).
837
The Dāhā,vasa is a hagiology of how this eye-tooth that is said to have been taken to Sri Lanka by a
brahmin woman in 4th cent during the reign of Sirimeghavaa, and is now kept in the Tooth Relic Temple, Kandy.
838
On whether the Buddha is still living, see Intro (9g) & is he really dead? See Intro (9h).
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3 Monastic business
After the Buddha‘s passing, especially with the rise of the more liberal Mahsaghika, we see the
growing laicization of monastic life. Archaeological field work and scholarly analyses since John
Marshall (mid-18th century), Alexander Cunningham (1920s), up to Gregory Schopen in our times, have
shown that the monasteries openly collected money, traded, loaned money, charged interests and made
―merit-making‖ an important part of their lives. Translated into our own times, this would refer to monas-
tics having bank accounts, credit cards, property, expensive cars, and affairs. Perhaps they are emulating
the Bodhisattva Siddhartha living in the pleasure palaces of the three seasons replete with lotus ponds.
Perhaps they have yet to see the four sights. So nothing is new.
These scholars, looking at artifacts and ancient sites left behind by the worldly monastic past, have
given us valuable historical evidence to mull over the fate of post-Buddha Buddhism (or at least Indian
Buddhism). If such archaeology and scholarship have opened a dark window to our religious past—one of
dead monks, bones, stones and monastic business—our spirituality directs us to open a different window,
a bright one, indeed a door, to the Buddha‘s living word of inner peace and liberating wisdom. For
spirituality is not transmitted through relics, stupas, monasteries or worldly artifacts, but flows as spiritual
lifeblood through living teachers and practitioners.
4 The Dharma has ended for some, but not for others
Gregory Schopen‘s research and writing methodology give us some insights into modern Buddhist
sociology and missiology, especially in regards to modern fieldwork in Buddhism in Malaysia and in
Singapore where Sinhalese Buddhism has had great social success amongst the English-speaking Buddh-
ists and yet dismally fails to nurture local vocations even after a century of mission—in other words, the
Sinhalese mission still remains a ―mission,‖ unlike say, the Theravada Buddhism in the US or the UK
where local vocations are growing with much shorter history.839 It is important to remember that when the
arhat Mahinda came to Sri Lanka,840 he ordained native Sinhalas, Mah Ariha and 55 of his brothers
into the Order at Cetiya,giri.841 In due course, Anul and her 500 companions were ordained as nuns by
Sagha,mitt at the Upsik,vihra in Anurda,pura.842 With these events, the Teaching (ssana) was
established in Sri Lanka and Sinhala Sangha grew.
839
HL Seneviratne, in his The Work of Kings (1999), asserts that a significant number of Sinhalese monks
often use social service as a cover for questionable activities, ―going overseas and establishing themselves in foreign
lands, facilitated by both philanthropists of those lands and by expatriate communities of Buddhists. A few of these
monks control vast revenues and live the life of busy executives, replete with symbols like Mercedes Benzes and
BMWs and cellular phones. These monks have a foothold both in the country of their adoption and in Sri Lanka, and
hold immigrant status in several countries. At the lower end of this financially comfortable class are the salary-earn-
ing monks, mostly graduates, who, especially if they also have support from laity as well as productive land, are able
to invest money in business[es] like repair shops, taxi services, rental properties and tuition classes. A small minor-
ity also commercially practice astrology, medicine and various occultisms, the ‗beastly arts‘ that are taboo for
monks. Throughout history there were monks who practiced these, but they now do so with a new sense of legitim-
acy and commercialism. These come from the new definition of monk‘s role as social service‖ (1999:336).
An important example suffices. The Sinhalese mission (mostly of the goyigama-caste Siyam Nikya) in Malay-
sia often appears to be foreign business ventures where the local Chinese faithfuls are regarded as a rich source of
religious funds and this market, nurtured and secured with a ―Dale Carnegie‖ (win friends and influence people)
approach to Buddhism. Either these missionaries deem the local followers as being incapable of learning Buddhism
beyond the prescribed and popular texts or that the limited knowledge of the congregation serves their purposes
better. A third possible reason, a corollary to the finance-centred goals of such missions, is that these missionaries
lack the spirituality to attract and nurture such vocations. The worldliness and problems attending such a Buddhist
business is reported in such works as the Young Buddhist magazines (1970s-80s) published by the Singapore Bud-
dha-yana Organization and edited by nanda Magala (1917-1986, a Sinhalese monk of the Amarapura Nikya),
and more recently in works like HL Seneviratne, The Work of Kings (1999). A proper socioanthropological study of
this situation would surely reveal interesting living parallels to Gregory Schopen‘s own archaeological fieldwork on
the ancient monasteries of India (see biblio).
840
Dpv 7.18-19, 12.39-54; Mahv 5.195, 13, 14; VA 61-105.
841
Mahv 16.10 f; VA 82 f.
842
Dpv 15.73 ff; Mahv 15.18 f, 19.65; VA 90 f.
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Such historical realities of Buddhism should be comparatively studied with the ―accommodation‖
method of the Jesuit missionary, Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) (whose work would have converted much of
China if not for papal bungling) and with the ―Nevius method‖ of the Protestant missionary John Nevius
(1829-93) (whose work has produced phenomenal success in church growth in Korea, making it one of
the largest Christian communities in Asia).843
The dead, bones, stones, and monastic businesses and affairs are still alive and well all around us
today. Perhaps this is a religious response to worldly wealth, power and pleasure that religion has always
been associated with throughout its history. Perhaps it is simply out of pure greed, lust and desperation
that people turn to religion. However, greed, lust, desperation and their likes, are older than religion, but it
is because of them that Buddhas and spiritual teachers have arisen in the world. The Dharma-ending age
may have descended upon many, but for many of those who are islands unto themselves, the Dharma
still guides them just as the Buddha himself would. It is just a matter of which direction we choose to
look to.
The Mah Parinibbna Sutta is the Buddha‘s last will and testament to the world. Throughout the
sutta we see the Buddha as a humane being, exhorting us to keep to the timeless path of the Dharma. Even
in the face of miraculous reports, we see the Buddha admonishing us to look to our inner goodness and
self-power. The supreme worship is not our adoration for the Buddha, but practising the Teachings. If we
like the cook‘s food, our hunger is never satiated by building an altar to worship the cook, whether out of
gratitude or the desire for more, but to learn how to prepare that food (and share it with others), and most
importantly, to eat it and live a healthy life. Without partaking of this spiritual food, one would be ever be
spiritually hungry or at least under-nourished.
843
On the success of Ricci and Nevius, see eg David Ching, Syncretism: The Religious Context of Christian
Beginnings in Korea: State University of New York Press, 2002 esp ch 5.
844
Jackson, Roger & John Makransky (eds), Buddhist Theology: Critical reflections by contemporary Buddhist
scholars. Curzon, Richmond, Surrey, 2000.
845
Journal of Global Buddhism 1, 2000:56-60. http://www.globalbuddhism.org/1/griffiths001.html.
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This approach is of at least two advantages for Buddhism and one for other religions. The interest that
people have shown in Buddhism is precisely because of its ―truth and transformative value‖ (id). More-
over, as ―Buddhist theology,‖ Buddhist scholars of Buddhism
can now increasingly appropriate the academy‘s critical tools for the use of Buddhist tradition: to
shine new light upon its historically conditioned patterns of thought and practice, to learn better
how those inherited patterns have worked to communicate, or sometimes obscure, the truth and
transformative power of Dharma, and thus, in what new ways the Dharma may need to be under-
stood and expressed in our time.
The larger and growing number of people in contemporary cultures with serious interest in
Buddhism do not look to it primarily as a basis for fascinating discussions (a primary criterion of
topics selection for Religious Studies forums), but for its truth and transformative potential. They
include not only those who may identify themselves as contemporary Buddhists, but prominently
also Christians, Jews and others who find that Buddhist teaching or practice sheds further light for
them upon the truth of their own traditions, or upon possibilities for integration of those truths
into life. (Jackson & Makransky, op cit)
In other words, when Buddhist scholars of Buddhism study and discuss it with a significant level of
academic discipline, its truth and transformative value would reach a wider audience and benefit a greater
number, whether they call themselves Buddhist or not.
To keep this high academic standard, Buddhists themselves have to show a moral responsibility in
their learning and teaching of the Buddhism. Buddhists have to be more aware of the implications of their
historical consciousness for their own self-understanding. Very often, sadly, this is not case, Makransky
observes,
For example, many of the most learned Asian Mahyna teachers continue to speak as if the
historical Buddha personally taught the Mahyna Buddhist scriptures, in spite of much evidence
to the contrary…and to do this is to deny the historical evidence…‖
(Jackson & Makransky, op cit)
Such notions fit in snugly with my own understanding of Buddhism today as ―a family of Buddha-
inspired religions,‖ each member with their own memory of the father and their own way of enjoying
their spiritual inheritance. No sibling in such a family should pontificate that his or her memory of the
teacher is the only right one, or that the inheritance should be used in only their prescribed way. The ―one
way‖ is not a Procrustean bed of fitting fellows, but a partnership of pilgrims humbly walking towards the
same goal, that is, the ―one way‖ of spiritual transformation.
We should therefore get out of the habit of inserting our own current systematic perspective
into kyamuni Buddha‘s mouth in the mistaken attempt to force such conformity.
Such has been the repeated misuse of our reverence for kyamuni Buddha. Accomplished
members of practice communities in all Buddhist cultures past and present are the actual source
of our wisdom through history, yet each of our traditions has repeatedly submerged or erased
many of their voices, voices of the trans-historical Buddha, for ahistorical reconstructions of
kyamuni that support our own exclusive understanding of the moment. (Makransky,2000: 19)
In other words, there is so much we can use from the wealth of our past and present, from our in-
numerable teachers, and even from past and present of other faiths so that we have a better understanding
of our own until the moment of our own spiritual awakening. With the Buddha‘s passing, the Dharma and
Vinaya become the veritable transhistorical Buddha, the living teacher in our presence even as we keep to
the Dharma and Vinaya. Why limit the Buddha‘s presence to curious relics, stony stupas and silent
images when we can find his liberating ―presence‖ in the all into which we look deeply enough? ―One
who sees the Dharma, sees me; one who sees me, sees the Dharma‖ (S 22.87.13/3:120).846
846
What is meant here is not some kind of pantheistic immanence of the Buddha, but our vision into the true
nature of reality (yath,bhta) where ―seeing is not by the eye but by insight‖ (DhsA 350). For an interesting sutts in
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this connection, see Vakkali S (S 22.87/3:119 -124) & Vakkali-t,thera Vatthu (DhA 25.1/4:118 f), both of which
are found in Early Buddhist Suttas (P102 Diploma in Buddhist Psychology class text), 2003: ch 5.
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