Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Seoul

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Archdiocese of Seoul
Archidioecesis Seulum
서울 대교구

Myeong-dong Cathedral of the Virgin Mary of the Immaculate

Conception

Location

Country South Korea

Statistics

Area 17,349 km2 (6,698 sq mi)

Population (as of 2014)

- Total 10,143,645

- Catholics 1,472,815 (14.5%)

Information

Rite Latin Rite

Cathedral Cathedral of the Blessed Virgin Mary of the

Immaculate Conception in Seoul

Current leadership

Pope Francis

Metropolitan Andrew Yeom Sou-jeong

Archbishop

Suffragans Diocese of Chuncheon

Diocese of Daejeon

Diocese of Hamhung

Diocese of Incheon

Diocese of Pyongyang

Diocese of Suwon

Diocese of Uijeongbu

Diocese of Wonju

Auxiliary Bishops Basil Cho Kyu-man

Timothy Yu Gyoung-chon

Peter Chung Soon-taek

Emeritus Bishops Nicolas Cheong Jin-suk Cardinal Archbishop

Emeritus (2006-2012)

Map
 Website

Website of the Archdiocese

The Archdiocese of Seoul (Latin: Archidioecesis Seulum, Korean: 서울 대교구) is a particular

church of the Latin Rite of the Roman Catholic Church comprising Seoul, South Korea, whose
province comprises parts of South Korea (which has two more provinces) and all North Korea.
It Metropolitan bishop, the Archbishop of Seoul, has his cathedral episcopal see at Myeongdong
Cathedral in Myeongdong, Jung-gu, Seoul. Its other special churches, all in Seoul, are the National
Shrine Joeldusan National Shrine of Korean Martyrs, the Shrine of Saenamteo and Shrine:
Yakhyeon Church Yakhyeon Church.
The Archbishop of Seoul is also the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Pyongyang in North
Korea.
As the episcopal see is the oldest one in Korea and that of its capital city, he is often considered to
be the primate of Korea, though the title has not been granted by the Holy See.

Contents
[hide]

 1History
 2Ordinaries
 3Province
o 3.1Vicars General
o 3.2Auxiliary Bishops
 4See also
 5References
 6Source and External links

History[edit]
The see was erected on September 9, 1831 by Pope Gregory XVI, who created it as a missionary
pre-diocesan jurisdiction, theApostolic Vicariate of Corea, on territory split off from the
then Diocese of Peking.
It was renamed the Apostolic Vicariate of Seoul on April 8, 1911, when it also lost territory to
establish the Apostolic Vicariate of Taiku (now the Archdiocese of Daegu).
It lost more territory repeatedly: on 1920.08.05 to establish the Apostolic Vicariate of Wonsan, on
1927.03.17 to establish theApostolic Prefecture of Hpyeng-yang and on 1939.04.25 to establish
the Apostolic Prefecture of Shunsen.
It was renamed the Apostolic Vicariate of Seul on 12 July 1950. It lost territories again: on
1958.06.23 to establish the Apostolic Vicariate of Cheongju and the Apostolic Vicariate of Daijeon,
and again on 1961.06.06 to establish the Apostolic Vicariate of Incheon, all three now its suffragans.
It was promoted to Metropolitan Archdiocese on March 10, 1962.[1]
It lost territories again on 1963.10.07 to establish the Suwon and again on 2004.06.24 to establish
the Uijeongbu, now both its suffragans.
It enjoyed papal visits from Pope John Paul II in May 1984 and October 1989 and from Pope
Francis in August 2014.

Ordinaries[edit]
(all Roman Rite)
Apostolic Vicars of Korea

 Barthélemy Bruguière (1831.09.09 – death 1835.10.20), Paris Foreign Missions

Society (M.E.P.), Titular Bishop of Capsa(1828.02.05 – 1835.10.20), previously Coadjutor Vicar
Apostolic of Siam (Thailand) (1828.02.05 – 1831.09.09)
 Laurent-Joseph-Marius Imbert, Saint Laurent Imbert, M.E.P. (1836.04.26 – death 1839.09.21),
Titular Bishop of Capsa
 Jean J. Ferréol (1843.08.14 – death 1853.02.03), M.E.P., Titular Bishop of Belline (1838.08.14 –
1853.02.03), succeeding as former Coadjutor Apostolic Vicar of Korea (1838.08.14 –
1843.08.14)
 St. Simeon Berneux (1854.08.05 – death 1866.03.08), Titular Bishop of Capsa (1844.03.28 –
1866.03.08), succeeding as former Coadjutor Apostolic Vicar of Korea (1844.03.28 –
1854.08.05)
 St. Antoine Daveluy, M.E.P. (1866.03.08 – death 1866.03.30), Titular Bishop of Akka
(Acre) (1855.11.13 – 1866.03.30), succeeding as former Coadjutor Apostolic Vicar of Korea
(1855.11.13 – 1866.03.08)
 Felix Ridel, M.E.P. (1869.04.27 – death 1884.06.20), Titular Bishop of Philippopolis (in
Thracia) (1869.04.27 – 1884.06.20)
 Jean M. Blanc, M.E.P. (1884.06.20 – death 1890.02.21), Titular Bishop of Antigonea[disambiguation
needed]
(1877.04.17 – 1890.02.21), succeeding as former Coadjutor Apostolic Vicar of Korea
(1877.04.17 – 1884.06.20)
 August Mutel, M.E.P. (1890.09.02 – 1911.04.08 see below), Titular Bishop of Milos (Greece)
(1890.09.02 – 1923.01.31)
Apostolic Vicars of Seoul

 August Mutel (see above 1911.04.08 – death 1933.01.22), Titular Bishop

of Mopsuestia (1923.01.31 – 1926.01.11), emeritate asTitular
Archbishop of Ratiaria (1926.01.11 – 1933.01.22)
 Adrien Larribeau (1933.01.23 – 1942.01.05), Titular Bishop of Dusa (1926.12.23 – 1962.03.10),
succeeding as former Coadjutor Apostolic Vicar of Seoul (1926.12.23 – 1933.01.23);
later Apostolic Vicar of Daijeon (South Korea) (1958.07.04 – 1962.03.10), promoted Bishop of
Daejeon (1962.03.10 – 1963.11.06), emeritate as Titular Bishop of Thinis (1963.11.06 –
1974.08.12)
Apostolic Vicar of Seoul

 Paul Marie Ro Ki-nam (노기남 바오로) (1942.11.10 – 1962.03.10 see below), Titular Bishop
of Colbasa (1942.11.10 – 1962.03.10), also Apostolic Administrator of thenApostolic Vicariate of
Taiku (South Korea) (1948.05.27 – 1948)
Metropolitan Archbishops of Seoul

 Paul Marie Roh Ki-nam (1962.03.10 – 1967.03.23), also President of Catholic Bishops’
Conference of Korea (1964 – 1967), later Titular Archbishop of Tituli in Proconsulari(1967.03.23
– death 1971.03.10)
 Apostolic Administrator Victor Yoon Gong-hee (1967.03.23 – 1968)
 Stephen Kim Sou-hwan (1968.04.09 – 1998.04.03), previously Bishop of Masan 마산 (South
Korea) (1966.02.15 – 1968.04.09); also created Cardinal-Priest of S. Felice da Cantalice a
Centocelle (1969.04.30 – 2009.02.16), President of Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Korea
(1970 – 1975), President of Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences (1973 – 1977), Apostolic
Administrator sede plena of suffragan Pyong-yang 평양 (North Korea) (1975.06.10 –
1998.04.03), President of Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Korea (1981 – 1987), Protopriest of
College of Cardinals (2004.03.13 – 2009.02.16)
 Nicolas Cheong Jin-suk (1998.04.03 – 2012.05.10 surviving), previously Bishop
of Cheongju 청주 (South Korea) (1970.06.25 – 1998.04.03); also President of Catholic Bishops’
Conference of Korea (1996 – 1999), Apostolic Administrator sede plena of suffragan Pyong-
yang (1998.06.06 – 2012.05.10), created Cardinal-Priest of Santa Maria Immacolata di Lourdes
a Boccea (2006.03.24 [2006.11.19] – ...), Member of Council of Cardinals for the Study of
Organisational and Economic Problems of the Apostolic See(2007.02.03 – 2012.05.10)
 Andrew Yeom Sou-jeong (2012.05.10 – ...), previously Titular Bishop of Thibiuca (2001.12.01 –
2012.05.10) & Auxiliary Bishop of Seoul (2001.12.01 – 2012.05.10); alsoApostolic
Administrator of suffragan Pyong-yang (2012.05.10 – ...), created Cardinal-Priest of S.
Crisogono (2014.02.22 [2014.10.04] – ...)

Province[edit]
The Metropolitan's ecclesiastical province comprises his own Archdiocese and the
following suffragan bishoprics, mostly in South Korea :
 Roman Catholic Diocese of Chuncheon 춘천
 Roman Catholic Diocese of Daejeon 대전
 Roman Catholic Diocese of Hamhung 함흥 (in North Korea)
 Roman Catholic Diocese of Incheon 인천
 Roman Catholic Diocese of Pyongyang 평양 (in North Korea)
 Roman Catholic Diocese of Suwon 수원
 Roman Catholic Diocese of Uijeongbu 의정부
 Roman Catholic Diocese of Wonju 원주
Vicars General[edit]

 Peter Kang Woo-il (1 December 2001 - 28 July 2002)

 Andrew Yeom Sou-jeong (2 October 2002 - 10 May 2012)
Auxiliary Bishops[edit]

 Paul Kim Ok-kyun (23 March 1985 - 21 December 1985)

 Peter Kang Woo-il (21 December 1985 - 1 December 2001)
 Andrew Yeom Sou-jeong (1 December 2001 - 2 October 2002)
 Basil Cho Kyu-man (3 January 2006 - ...)
 Peter Chung Soon-taek (5 February 2014 - ...)
 Timothy Yu Gyoung-chon (5 February 2014 - ...)

See also[edit]
 List of Roman Catholic dioceses in Korea

References[edit]
1. Jump up^ "Archdiocese of Seoul". Catholic-Hierarchy.org.

Source and External links[edit]

 (Korean) Official homepage
 GCatholic.org, with incumbent biography links

[hide]

 v

 t

 e
Roman Catholic dioceses in Korea
  Archdiocese of Gwangju

Province of Gwangju Diocese of Cheju

 Diocese of Jeonju

 Archdiocese of Seoul
 Diocese of Chunchon

 Diocese of Daejeon

 Diocese of Hamhŭng

Province of Seoul Diocese of Incheon

 Diocese of P’yŏngyang

 Diocese of Suwon

 Diocese of Uijeongbu

 Diocese of Wonju

 Archdiocese of Daegu
 Diocese of Andong

Province of Daegu Diocese of Cheogju

 Diocese of Masan

 Diocese of Busan

 Military Ordinariate of Korea (South Korea)

Others
 Territorial Abbey of Tŏkwon
 Archdiocese of Seoul
 General
 Bishops

o
o
o
o
o
 Other Officials
 Statistics
 Activities
 Religious Congregations
 Korea
 Seoul

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 larger | smaller

The archdiocesan territory covers Seoul, an area of 605 square kilometers, and
Hwanghae province, an area of 16,744 square kilometers in North Korea. The
ecclesiastical region of Seoul comprises the Metropolitan Seoul archdiocese with
suffragan dioceses of Chunchon, Daejeon, Incheon, Suwon, Uijeongbu and Wonju.
Pyongyang and Hamhung dioceses and the Territorial Abbacy of Tokwon, all in North
Korea, are its suffragans.

In 1992, Seoul archdiocese introduced the Small Christian Community (SCC)

movement by Cardinal Stephen Kim, then Archbishop of Seoul. At that time, then
Auxiliary Bishop Peter Kang Woo-il said, each of Seoul's parishes had about 7,000
Catholics but about 90 percent lacked strong parish ties and felt alienated. To deal with
the matter, the archdiocese chose the SCC model as the core of its evangelization in
the new millennium. The archdiocese fit the SCC concept into its parish district system,
in which every parishioner belongs to one SCC in principle. Through SCCs, laypeople
can play a more active role and meet regularly to reflect on the Gospel, and Church and
social concerns.

Located in the center of the Korean peninsula, Seoul has been the capital city of Korea
since the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) moved its capital to Seoul in 1394. The name
"Seoul" comes from the ancient word "Seorabeol" or "Seobeol," meaning "capital."

Seoul is a hub of the national economy, playing a key role in the free flow of national
resources and capital. The vast majority of head and branch offices of large business
groups and multinational corporations are all concentrated in Seoul.
In Seoul, radios and many national and local TV stations are available. Most families
are also equipped with telephone and ultra high-speed Internet. Most individuals have
mobile phones.

Seoul's transportation infrastructure is well equipped. The railway system transports

people all over the nation and express train lines (KTX) carry people to Busan and
Gwangju within three hours. Also, eight lines of subway cover all of the city and Seoul's
public bus system is well known for its convenience. There is a domestic airport in
Gimpo, which occasionally operates as an international airport.
Population

In Seoul, the population is 10,528,774 at the end of 2011. (Some 20.4 percent of the
population of the whole country is 51,716,745 live in the territory.) Most residents are
ethnic Koreans, with approximate 279,000 foreigners.
Language
Standard Korean is in use. English, a mandatory subject in schools, is spoken and
understood in business and tourist areas. All traffic signs are in English, Chinese and
Korean.
Climate

Seoul falls within the temperate zone and has the four seasons of spring, summer,
autumn and winter. The yearly average temperature of Seoul is 12.2 degrees Celsius.
The annual precipitation averages 1,344.2 millimeters. Most of the rainfall is
concentrated in the rainy months (monsoon period) of June through September.
Topography

Seoul is surrounded by mountains such as the Bukhan Mountain in the north, Gwanak
Mountain in the South and Namsan (South Mountain) in the center of the city. The Han
River crosses the city dividing the it in two.
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 much of the religious conflict ahs been between
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Spiritual/ethics Transsexual community (LGBT).
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Morality & ethics Examples of past conflicts were:
Absolute truth
 Slavery vs. abolition: whether some people
should be able to own and consider other people
as property.
Peace/conflict
 Status of women: whether women should be
Attaining peace
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Religious tolerance considered on a par with men, etc. It was only in
Religious freedom 1929 that Women were considered full persons
Religious hatred in Canada who could be appointed to the
Religious conflict Senate.
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 Universal sufferage: whether women should be
allowed to vote in elections.

 Whether women should be allowed to

"Hot" topics be ordained as clergy. This topic is still being
Very hot topics debated today as the two largest faith groups in
Ten Commandments the U.S. -- the Roman Catholic
Abortion access Church and Southern Baptist Convention --
Assisted suicide remain profoundly sexist in their opposition to
allowing women to attain positions of power and
Cloning
authority. Other Christian denominations are
Death penalty
gradually accepting women. We are only aware
Environment of two religious groups in which the majority of
Same-sex marriage clergy/leaders are women. That is the Unitarian
Homosexuality Universalist Association and some neo-
Human rights pagan faiths, like Wicca.
Gays in the military
After studying past conflicts that have been partly or
Nudism
completely resolved we have noted that:
Origins
Sex & gender  Resolution of these conflicts seem to be
Sin accellerating:
Spanking
Stem cells o Slavery took centuries -- and in the case of
Transexuality the United States, a major war -- to
Women-rights abolish.
Other topics
o Debate over the existence of Satanic
Ritual Abuse (SRA) was largely resolved
over about 15 years (from 1980 to 1995).
Laws and news
o Same-sex marriage was settled -- at least
Religious laws from a legal standpoint -- in about two
Religious news decades (from 2004 to 2015).

Sponsored links  When conflicts are eventually resolved, it always

seems to be in favor of greater equality and
greater human rights for more people.

 In most cases, when a group that is

discriminated against is able to organize and
fight to attain equality, they eventually win.

 At least in recent decades, faith groups that

oppose equality and human rights are
experiencing a major loss in active membership,
particularly among youths and young adults.

Currently, most of the conflicts in North America are

sexually related, in that they involve
individual's gender, sexual orientation, and/or gender
identity.

Since about 70% of Americans and Canadians identify

themselves as Christians, this section will mainly deal
with the conflicts between some Christian sources and
other elements in society. Please be aware that we
follow a very inclusive definition of the term
"Christian." On this website, a Christian is defined as:

"... any individual or group who devoutly,

thoughtfully, seriously, and prayerfully regards
themselves to be Christian. That is, they honestly
believe that they follow Yeshua of Nazareth's (a.k.a.
Jesus Christ's) teachings as they understand them to
be."

Thus, Christian denominations include a great range of

faith groups, from the Southern Baptists to Mormons,
from theRoman Catholic Church to Jehovah's
Witnesses, from Christian Scientists to progressive
Christianity.

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topics:

 Different worldviews: One's basic,

foundational understanding of deity,
humanity, and the rest of the uiniverse. This is
the root cause of most conflicts.

 Random religious thoughts...: These are

observations by the webmaster: Important
stuff that you will probably never hear in your
church, mosque, synagogue, circle, etc.

 Basic questions that often underly many

conflicts One can often find fundamental
questions that underly active conflicts, but
which are often neglected. Yet it is often in
these ignored questions that the possibility for
consensus and resolution lies.

Religious change:
Changes in religious beliefs are very different from
changes in scientific beliefs.

 In the larger world religions, religious beliefs are

largely based upon the writings in a holy book --
the Hebrew Scriptures for Jews, the Holy Bible
for Christians, the Qur'an for Muslims, etc. The
actual text of these books is more or less fixed.
Thus, religious beliefs evolve only as the
interpretation of the texts change. This is often
a very slow process.

What the books say is fixed; how they are

interpreted is evolving.

Because of the close interaction between

religion and culture, change happens at a very
slow rate -- often over generations. For
example, in the U.S. the level of acceptance of
inter-racial marriage increased over the latter
part of the 20th century by only about 1
percentage point a year; acceptance of same-
sex marriage since 1988 has been increasing
somewhat faster -- about 1.7 percentage points
a year. Such basic changes are generational in
nature because people normally develop their
ethical and moral beliefs as older teens and
young adults and maintain them unchanged for
the rest of their life.

 In science, all beliefs are open to falsification.

Scientists know that their beliefs only
approximate reality. Their beliefs are grounded
in observations. They expect and aggressively
search out reality through observation and
study. Change can happen quickly.

 The following section and essay discuss

change:
 o How religions changed (and are
changing) their teachings on various
topics

o Notable polling results and events with a

religious connection

Past conflicts, now largely settled:

Ever since the time of the scientist Galileo, there have

been continual battles in the West between the
dominant religion (Christianity) and persons who
propose conflicting social, medical, scientific and
other ideas.

Human slavery: Slavery has been almost completely

eliminated in much of the world. However near-
slavery is still a serious problem in some areas of the
world.

Other conflicts which have been largely resolved

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Future topics which have not yet been fully

engaged:

At any time over the past few centuries, there have

been "hot" topics that are just emerging into public
debate. Now is no exception.

Transgender persons -- Equal rights and protections

for those who experience gender dysphoria. These
are individuals whose gender identity conflicts with
 the gender that they were assigned at birth. This
topic became prominent as a result of a federal bill
in the U.S. to end discrimination on the basis of both
sexual orientation and gender identity. When
the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that gay marriages
were to be available across Canada, the attention of
many religious and social conservatives rapidly
switched from opposing same-sex marriage to
opposing equal rights for transgender persons and
transsexuals. Debate on this topic is expected to
accellerate rapidly in the near future, even though
transgender persons are a very small minority among
the population.

Polygamy (a.k.a. plural marriage): Marriage is an

amazingly flexible institution. It has taken many
forms in various cultures and eras. It has not always
been restricted to a union of two spouses. The
current record holder for man with the largest
collection of wives appears to be Solomon in the
Bible. He is reported as having 700 wives and 300
concubines.

Currently active religious conflicts:

The current big four moral/ethical concerns:

Equal rights for homosexuals and
bisexuals including same-sex
marriage and homosexual references in the Bible

Abortion access including methods of reducing

the abortion rate

Capital punishment

Climate change, global warming, and the

environment
Mental and physical therapies and treatments:
Psychological and other hoaxes

CAM: "Complementary and alternative medicine"

Facilitated communication for people with Autism

and other communication disorders

Faith healing via prayer vs. medical treatment

The HPV vaccine and cervical cancer

Recovered Memory therapy (RMT)

Theophostic Counseling

Therapeutic Touch: valid healing method or hoax?

Ending discrimination in hospital visitation

Educational topics:
In the U.S.:
Religion in the public schools

School library book censorship

Condoms in the schools, sex-ed, and pre-marital

sex

Posting the Ten Commandments in public schools

In Canada:
Past abuse in residential schools for Native
students in Canada

Anti-bullying "wear pink" day

Faith-based, government financed schools

Marriage topics:
 About marriage: Changes in marriage, marriage in
the Bible, marriage amendment to the U.S.
Constitution, covenant marriages, same-sex
marriages, inter-faith marriages, handfasting,
polygamy.....

Other items (in alphabetic order):

Asexuality: a fourth sexual orientation?

Christian urban legends: really neat stories with a

Christian theme that never happened

Clergy sexual abuse of children and youth

Cloning of humans; Therapeutic cloning

Condoms in the schools, sex-ed, and pre-marital

sex

Conscience clauses: Discriminating against people

motivated by religious belief

Corporal punishment of children (Spanking)

Cremation vs. burial:

 The cremation process. Its history.

Cremation and burial in the Bible.

 Cremation among present-day Judeo-

Christians. Cremation statistics.

Embryo and stem cell research

Euthanasia and assisted suicide

Medical management of pain

Evolution vs. Creation Science

Fantasy role playing games Dungeons & Dragons,
etc.

Female Genital Mutilation (a.k.a. Female

Circumcision)

Female ordination

Freedoms: erosion of freedoms and human rights in

the U.S.

Gay/lesbian marriage (We prefer the term "same-

sex marriage" as being more inclusive)

Government vs. religion in the US

Halloween: Facts and misinformation

The Harry Potter books (children's imaginative

fiction)

Hate crime legslation

Hate groups in the U.S.

Homosexual marriages (We prefer the term "same-

sex marriage" as being more inclusive)

Individual vs. group effort: The power of

"WE:" Part 1 Part 2 Part 3

Inter-faith marriages

Intersexuality and Intersexual Genital Mutilation

Jesus' body: where is it now? In heaven or a

Jerusalem tomb

License plates with anti-abortion or pro-Christian

messages
Masturbation

Nudism, Naturism, Public Breast-feeding,

Toplessness

The "Occult"

Polygamous marriages

Priests' sexual abuse of children and youth

Recovered Memory therapy

Religion in the public schools

Residential schools for Native students in Canada

Ritual abuse

Same-sex marriage

Satanic ritual abuse

Sex related topics

Separation of church and state; Recent court

decisions

Spanking (corporal punishment) of children

Stem cell research

Suicide

The Ten Commandments; should they be posted in

public schools, etc.?

Transgenderism, transsexualism and gender

identity
 Truth and falsehood: absolute or relative?

"Spare the Rod:" an essay describing partnership

and dominator cultural models by Riane Eisler

Vouchers for religious schools

War costs in Iraq and Afghanistan

Witchcraft and Wicca

Women in the clergy: female priests, pastors,

ministers, rabbis

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Additional "Hot" Topics can be seen elsewhere on

this Web site at the following menus:

Overlap and conflicts between science and religion

Religious hatred and other not-so-spiritual matters

"Cults" - (a.k.a. New Religious Movements)

Morality
6 facts about South
Korea’s growing
Christian population
BY PHILLIP CONNOR16 COMMENTS

Pope Francis will travel to South Korea this week for Asian Youth Day, making his third
international trip as pontiff. He’ll be visiting a country that has experienced considerable
religious change in recent decades. Here are six facts about Christianity in South Korea:

1South Korea has no majority religious group . Its population

includes a plurality of people with no religious affiliation (46%) and significant shares of
Christians (29%) and Buddhists (23%). South Korea’s current president, Park Geun-hye,
is an atheist with connections to Buddhism and Catholicism, according to the Council on
Foreign Relations.
 2 In 1900, only 1% of the country’s
population was Christian, but largely through the efforts of missionaries and
churches, Christianity has grown rapidly in South Korea over the
past century. In 2010, roughly three-in-ten South Koreans were Christian,
including members of the world’s largest Pentecostal church, Yoido Full Gospel Church,
in Seoul.

3 The majority of Christians in South Korea belong to Protestant denominations,

including mainline churches such as Presbyterian, Methodist and Baptist churches as
well as various Pentecostal churches. Since the 1980s, however, the share of
South Korea’s population belonging to Protestant
denominations and churches has remained relatively
unchanged at slightly less than 1-in-5. Catholics have grown as a share of the
population, from 5% in 1985 to 11% as of 2005, according to the South Korean census.
The growth of Catholics has occurred across all age groups, among men and women and
across all education levels.
 4 Only about 11% of South
Koreans are Catholic, but a survey we conducted in March found that the population has a
positive view of Pope Francis. More than eight-in-ten South Koreans
(86%) said they have a favorable opinion of the pope, higher than
the share of Americans (66%) who had a favorable view of him in February. (Among U.S.
Catholics, 85% said they have a favorable view of the pontiff.)

5The share of Christians in South Korea (29%) is much

smaller than the share of Christians among Korean Americans
living in the U.S. Nearly three-quarters of Korean Americans (71%) say they are
Christian, including 61% who are Protestant and 10% who are Catholic.
 6 As of 2012, South Korea had low levels of
government restrictions on religion and social hostilities
toward or among religious groups, based onour most recent analysis. In fact,
religious restrictions in South Korea are lower than in the U.S., and significantly lower
than the median level of religious restrictions in the Asia-Pacific region.
Christianity in Korea
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The practice of Christianity in Korea revolves around two of its largest branches, Protestantism
and Catholicism, accounting for 8.6 million[1][2] and 5.3 million[3] members respectively. Roman
Catholicism was first introduced during the late Joseon Dynasty period. In 1603, Yi Gwang-jeong,
Korean diplomat, returned from Beijing carrying several theological books written by Matteo Ricci, a
Jesuit missionary to China.[4] He began disseminating the information in the books and the first seeds
of Christianity were sown. In 1758 King Yeongjo of Joseon officially outlawed Catholicism as an evil
practice. Roman Catholicism was again introduced in 1785 by Yi Seung-hun. Korean Christians
were subject to persecution and hardship.[5]
Many were martyred, especially during the Catholic Persecution of 1801 and later. Joseon nobility
saw the new religion as a subversive influence and persecuted its earliest followers in Korea,
culminating in the Catholic Persecution of 1866, in which 8000 Catholics across the country were
killed, including nine French missionaries. The opening of Korea to the outside world in the following
years brought religious toleration for the remaining Catholics and also introduced Protestantism. The
first Protestant church in Korea was established by Suh Sang-ryun and the first Protestant
missionary to enter Korea was Horace Newton Allen, both events occurring in 1884. Horace Allen
was a North Presbyterian missionary and American diplomat, and remained in Korea until 1890, by
which time he had been joined by many others.[6]
The growth of both was gradual before 1945. In that year, approximately 2% of the population was
Christian. Rapid growth ensued: in 1991, 18.4% of the population (8.0 million) was Protestant, and
6.7% (2.5 million) was Catholic.[7] The Catholic Church has increased its membership by 70% in the
last ten years.[8] Anglicanism in Korea has also experienced significant growth in the recent decades.
Protestantism has been a dynamic force, providing a dynamic standard against which Catholics and
Buddhists have been forced to compete. It was the inspiration for numerous sects, such as
the Unification Church, founded in 1954 by Sun Myung Moon.
The influence on education has been decisive as Christians started 293 schools and 40 universities
including 3 of the top 5 academic institutions.[9] Protestantism is seen as the religion of the middle
class, youth, intellectuals, and urbanites, and has been central to South Korea's pursuit of modernity
and emulation of the United States after the end of World War II (liberation of Korea).[10][11] In recent
years, the growth of Protestantism has slowed, however, perhaps due to scandals involving church
leadership and conflict among various sects, as well as what some perceive as overly zealous
missionary work.[12]
As of 2014, about 30% of South Korean population is declared as Christian.[13]

Contents
[hide]

 1Cultural significance
 2Growth of Christianity
o 2.1Appeal in the North
o 2.2Academic sympathy
o 2.3Lay leadership
o 2.4Hangul, literacy and education
o 2.5Christianity under Japanese occupation, 1910-1945
 2.5.1Korean nationalism
o 2.6Minjung theology
 o 2.7Social change
o 2.8Economic growth
o 2.9Evangelization
 3Political and social issues
o 3.1Seoul Free Lunch Referendum
o 3.2October 2011 by-election
o 3.3On individuals
o 3.4Creationism
o 3.5Religious conflict
 4See also
 5References
o 5.1Bibliography
 6External links

Cultural significance[edit]
Professor James H. Grayson from the School of East Asian Studies at University of Sheffield states
that Protestantism has been a dynamic force in Korean life, and had a positive impact on other
religions. It made for a dynamic competitor against which Catholics and Buddhists had to compete,
as well as the inspiration for numerous smaller sects. They adopted many of the methods pioneered
by the Protestants. The influence on higher education in Korea has been decisive as the Christians
started 293 schools and 40 universities including 3 of the top 5 academic institution.[9] Sukman
argues that since 1945 Protestantism has been widely seen by Koreans and the religion of the
middle class, youth, intellectuals, urbanites, and modernizers. It has been a powerful force
supporting South Korea's pursuit of modernity and emulation of the United States, and opposition to
the old Japanese colonialism and Communism of North Korea.[10]
Prior to the Korean War (1950–1953), two-thirds of Korean Christians lived in the North, but most
later fled to the South.[citation needed] It is not known exactly how many Christians remain in North Korea
today, and there is some uncertainty about the exact number in South Korea. It is known that by the
end of the 1960s there were around one million Protestants in South Korea, but during the
"Conversion Boom" period ending in the 1980s, the number of Protestants increased faster than in
any other country. The 2005 South Korean census showed 29.2 percent of the population as
Christian, up from 26.3 percent ten years previously.[14] Presbyterian Churches are the biggest
Protestant denominations in South Korea, with close to 20,000 churches affiliated with the two
largest Presbyterian denominations in the country.[15]
South Korea currently provides the world's second largest number of Christian missionaries,
surpassed by the United States.[16] GMS, the missionary body of the "Hapdong" General Assembly
of Presbyterian Church of Korea, is the single largest missionary organization in South
Korea.[17][18] South Korean missionaries are especially prevalent in10/40 Window nations that are
hostile to Westerners. In 2000, there were 10,646 Protestant South Korean missionaries in 156
countries, along with an undisclosed number of Catholic missionaries. According to an article
published in 2004 "South Korea dispatched more than 12,000 missionaries to over 160 countries in
comparison to about 46,000 American and 6,000 British missionaries, according to missionary
organizations in South Korea and the West".[19] According to an article published in 2007 "Korea has
16,000 missionaries working overseas, second only to the US".[20] In 1980, South Korea sent 93
missionaries and by 2009 it was around 20,000.[16][21][22][23]
Seoul contains 11 of the world's 12 largest Christian congregations.[citation needed] A number of South
Korean Christians, including David Yonggi Cho, senior pastor of Yoido Full Gospel Church, have
attained worldwide prominence. Aaron Tan, director of the Hong Kong architectural firm called
Research Architecture Design, described the night scene of Seoul as "full of glowing Christian
crosses".[24]
Growth of Christianity[edit]
Appeal in the North[edit]

South Korea is home to a growing number of Christian missionaries worldwide.

Christianity, especially Protestantism, had a special appeal to Koreans in the North. Between 1440
and 1560, there were migrations to the northern provinces designed to strengthen the border. This
created a society of mixed backgrounds without an aristocracy and without long-standing religious
institutions. However, it did have a strong and ambitious merchant class, as well as a strong military
tradition. Local elites gained administrative positions and adopted Confucian literati lifestyles but
were still unable to attain high-level positions. During Japanese colonial rule, the north became the
more industrial region of Korea. The area was highly receptive to Protestant missionaries, who
brought Western knowledge, hospitals, schools, and a window to the wider world. The middle-class
elites sent their sons to the Protestant schools and in turn the sons became strong nationalists who
saw the United States as the rallying point in opposition to Japanese colonial imperialism. In a
reversal with the south, the north then produced many influential figures in Korean history. After
1945, most of the Christians fled to South Korea[25] in pursuit of religious freedom.
Academic sympathy[edit]
Matteo Ricci's books provoked academic controversy when Yi Gwang-jeong brought them into
Korea, and academics remained critical for many years. Early in the 17th century, Yi Su-gwang, a
court scholar, and Yu Mong-in, a cabinet minister, wrote highly critical commentarieson Ricci's
works, and over the next two centuries academic criticism of Christian beliefs continued. Some
scholars, however, were more sympathetic to Christianity. Members of the Silhak (실학; "practical
learning") school believed in social structure based on merit rather than birth (see class
discrimination), and were therefore often opposed by the mainstream academic establishment.
Silhak scholars saw Christianity as an ideological basis for their beliefs and were therefore attracted
to what they saw as the egalitarian values of Christianity.[26] When Christianity was finally established
in Korea, there was already a substantial body of educated opinion sympathetic to it, which was
crucial to the spread of the Catholic faith in the 1790s.[27] An 1801 study indicated that 55% of all
Catholics had family ties to the Silhak school.[28]
Lay leadership[edit]
As a result of the influence of the Silhak school, Christianity in Korea began as an indigenous lay
movement rather than being imposed by a foreign missionaries. The first Catholic prayer-house was
founded in 1784 at Seoul by Yi Seung-hun, a diplomat who had been baptized in Beijing.[29] In 1786,
Yi proceeded to establish a hierarchy of lay-priests.[30] Although the Vatican ruled in 1789 that the
appointment of lay-priests violated Canon law, Christianity was introduced into Korea by indigenous
lay-workers, not by foreign prelates. Since Christianity began as largely a grassroots effort in Korea,
it spread more quickly through the population than it would if it had originated with outsiders with no
initial popular support.
Hangul, literacy and education[edit]
Hangul, a phonemic Korean alphabet invented around 1446 by scholars in the court of Sejong the
Great,[31][32] was used little for several centuries because of the perceived cultural superiority
of Classical Chinese (a position similar to that of Latin in Europe). However, the Catholic Church
became the first Korean organization to officially adopt Hangul as its primary script, and
Bishop Siméon-François Berneux mandated that all Catholic children be taught to read
it.[31][33] Christian literature printed for use in Korea, including that used by the network of schools
established by Christian missionaries, mostly used the Korean language and the easily learned
Hangul script. This combination of factors resulted in a rise in the overall literacy rate, and enabled
Christian teachings to spread beyond the elite, who mostly used Chinese. As early as the 1780s,
portions of the Gospels appeared in Hangul; doctrinal books such as the "Jugyo Yoji" (주교요지)
appeared in the 1790s and a Catholic hymnal was printed around 1800.
John Ross, a Scottish Presbyterian missionary based in Shenyang, completed his translation of the
Bible into Korean in 1887[34] and Protestant leaders began a mass-circulation effort. In addition, they
established the first modern educational institutions in Korea.[35] The Methodist Paichai School for
boys was founded in 1885, and the Methodist Ewha School for girls (later to become Ewha Womans
University) followed in 1886. These, and similar schools established soon afterwards, helped the
expansion of Protestantism among the common people, and Protestants surpassed Catholics as the
largest Christian group in Korea. Female literacy rose sharply, since women had previously been
excluded from the educational system.[36]
Christianity under Japanese occupation, 1910-1945[edit]
Christianity grew steadily, with the Catholic population reaching 147,000, and the Protestants
168,000 in the mid-1930s. The stronghold for both groups was the North. The Japanese-controlled
police made systematic efforts to minimize the impact of the missionaries, which had a depressing
effect during the years 1911–1919. The idealistic pronouncements of American President Woodrow
Wilson contributed to the rapid growth of Korean nationalism in the 1920s, but disillusionment set in
after the movement failed to achieve meaningful reform. In 1924, Protestants founded the Korean
National Christian Council to coordinate activities by dividing the country into regions assigned to
specific Protestant denominations. Korean Protestants also founded overseas missions to Koreans
in China. By 1937, the Presbyterian Church of Korea was largely independent of financial support
from the United States; in 1934 the Methodist Church became autonomous and elected a Korean
bishop. The most active missionaries among the Catholics were the Maryknoll order, which opened
the Maryknoll School of Nursing in Pusan in 1964; it is now the Catholic University of Pusan.[37]
Korean nationalism[edit]
South Korean president Syngman Rhee adhered toMethodism.

One of the most important factors leading to widespread acceptance of Christianity in Korea was the
identification that many Christians forged with the cause of Korean nationalism during the Japanese
occupation (1910–1945). During this period, Japan undertook a systematic campaign of cultural
assimilation. There was an emphasis on Showa, so the Koreans would revered the Japanese
emperor. In 1938, even use of the Korean language was prohibited.[38] However, the distinctly Korean
nature of the church was reinforced during those years by the allegiance to the nation that was
demonstrated by many Christians. While the subsequent constitution of South Korea guarantees
freedom of religion as well asseparation of church and state, the South Korean government has
been favorable to Christianity, regarding the religion as an ideological protection against their
Communist neighbor.
On 1 March 1919, an assembly of 33 religious and professional leaders known as the "March 1
Movement" passed a Declaration of independence. Although organized by leaders of
the Chondogyo religion, 15 of the 33 signatories were Protestants,[39] and many of them were
imprisoned. Also in 1919, the predominantly Catholic pro-independence movement called
"Ulmindan"[40] was founded, and a China-based government-in-exile was at one time led by Syngman
Rhee, a Methodist.[41]
Christianity was linked even more with the patriotic cause when some Christians refused to
participate in worship of the Japanese Emperor, which was required by law in the
1930s.[38][42] Although this refusal was motivated by theological rather than political convictions, the
consequent imprisonment of many Christians strongly identified their faith, in the eyes of many
Koreans, with the cause of Korean nationalism and resistance to the Japanese occupation.
Catholics and Methodists complied with demands to attend Shinto ceremonies.[43]
Minjung theology[edit]
Main article: Minjung theology
The Christian concept of individual worth has found expression in a lengthy struggle for human rights
and democracy in Korea. In recent years, this struggle has taken the form of Minjung theology.
Minjung theology is based on the "image of God" concept expressed in Genesis 1:26–27, but also
incorporates the traditional Korean feeling of han, a word that has no exact English translation, but
that denotes a sense of inconsolable pain and utter helplessness. Minjung theology depicts
commoners in Korean history as the rightful masters of their own destiny. Two of the country's best
known political leaders, Kim Young-sam, a Presbyterian, and Kim Dae-jung, a Roman Catholic,
subscribe to Minjung theology.[44] Both men spent decades opposing military governments in South
Korea and were frequently imprisoned as a result, and both also served terms as President of the
Republic after democracy was restored in 1988.
One manifestation of Minjung theology in the final years of the Park Chung-hee regime (1961–1979)
was the rise of several Christian social missions, such as the Catholic Farmers Movement and the
Protestant Urban Industrial Mission, which campaigned for better wages and working conditions for
laborers. The military government imprisoned many of their leaders because it considered the
movement a threat to social stability, and their struggle coincided with a period of unrest which
culminated in the assassination of President Park on 26 October 1979.[45]
Social change[edit]
Many Korean Christians believe that their values have had a positive effect on various social
relationships. Traditional Korean society was hierarchically arranged according to Confucian
principles under the semi-divine emperor. Women had no social rights,[46] children were totally
subservient to their parents,[47] and individuals had no rights except as defined by the overall social
system. This structure was challenged by the Christian teaching that all human beings are created in
the image of God and thus that every one of them is equal and has essential worth.[48] According to
Kim Han-sik, this concept also supported the idea of property being owned by individuals rather than
by families (or by the heads of families).
Christians regarded the emperor as a mere man who was as much under God's authority as were
his subjects,[49] and Christian values favored the social emancipation of women and children.[46][47] The
church permitted the remarriage of widows (as taught by the apostle Paul, not traditionally allowed in
East Asian societies),[citation needed] prohibited concubinage and polygamy, and forbade cruelty to or
desertion of wives.[citation needed] Christian parents were taught to regard their children as gifts from God,
and were required to educate them.[50] Arranged child marriages and the neglect of daughters (who
were often regarded as less desirable than sons in Asian culture) were prohibited.[citation needed]
Economic growth[edit]
South Korea's rapid economic growth in the 1960s and 1970s is usually credited to the policy
of export-oriented industrialization led by Park Chung-hee to indigenous cultural values and work
ethic, a strong alliance with the United States, and the infusion of foreign capital. Many South
Korean Christians view their religion as a factor in the country's dramatic economic growth over the
past three decades, believing that its success and prosperity are indications of God's blessing.[51]
A 2003 study by economists Robert J. Barro and Rachel McCleary suggests that societies with high
levels of belief in heaven and high levels of church attendance exhibit high rates of economic
growth.[52] Barro and McCleary's model has been influential in subsequent scholarship and, to some
observers, it supports the belief that Christianity has played a major role in South Korea's economic
success.[53][54] The study has been criticised by scholars such as Durlauf, Kortellos and Tan
(2006).[55] There is a tendency to build megachurches since 2000, that leads some churches to
financial debt.[56]
Evangelization[edit]
"In the 1960s the church reached out to people who were oppressed, such as prostitutes and new
industrial laborers. As the Korean economy was burgeoning, the issue of the industrial labor force
came to the fore as one of the most important areas of evangelization work. Churches established
industrial chaplaincies among the workers within factories. In addition, with military service
mandatory for men in South Korea, the part the chaplain's corps in the armed forces became equally
important. Many soldiers converted to Christianity during their military service."[57]

Political and social issues[edit]

There have been various political and social criticisms in the Korean Christian scene since
President Lee Myung-bak came into power. The South Korean government proposed to restrict
South Korean citizens working for missionary works in the Middle East.[58] Professor Son Bong-ho of
Goshin University criticized the president for partaking in a national-level Christian prayers' gathering
on March 2011 that signaled a potential danger of the strong Protestant influence in the secular
South Korean politics.[59] Increasing acts of hostility by Protestant Christians against Buddhism, the
largest religion in South Korea and a major influence in traditional Korean culture, have drawn strong
criticism and backlash against Protestant churches by the South Korean public and has contributed
in Protestantism's growing decline in Korea.[60]
Seoul Free Lunch Referendum[edit]
Former Mayor of Seoul, Oh Se-hoon, proposed a referendum in Seoul on 24 August 2011. Pastors
of multiple churches in Seoul were found to involve unlawfully with the lay people about the
referendum and later being penalized by the Seoul Metropolitan election Commission
(서울시선거관리위원회).[61]

October 2011 by-election[edit]

A Christian group in Seoul had been indicted by the Seoul Metropolitan election Commission for
sending politically motivated emails to the laypeople in order to vote for the conservative
candidate, Na Kyung-won, before the South Korean by-elections, 2011.[62]
On individuals[edit]
The Korean Association of Church Communication petitioned Lee Guen An (이근안) to be
stripped of his pastoral position due to his past as a torturer of Kim Geun-taeduring Chun Doo-
hwan's dictatorship.[63]
Creationism[edit]
In South Korea, Christian groups have been involved in the promotion of creationism, especially the
Korea Association for Creation Research (KACR) which advocates creation following the Book of
Genesis, and the Society for Textbook Revise (STR), an alternative translation Committee to Revise
Evolution In Textbook (CREIT).[64][need quotation to verify] It's an independent offshoot of the KACR, and has
distanced itself from the KACR doctrine.[65] In early 2008, Seoul Land, a leading amusement park,
hosted a "creation science" exhibit, organized by KACR, which was visited by over 116,000 visitors
in three months, and as of 2012, the park is in talks to create a year-long exhibition.[65]
In 2012, following pressure from STR, the Ministry of Education announced that many high-school
textbooks would be revised to remove certain examples of evolution, such as of the horse and the
dinosaur Archaeopteryx.[64][65][66] The changes were limited to removal or revision of certain
examples[67] which were the subject of some debate;[64] also, STR plans to submit further petitions to
remove evolution of humans and the adaptation of finch beaks, with the end goal of diminishing the
role of Darwinian evolution in teaching.[65]
Religious conflict[edit]
Fundamentalist Protestant antagonism against Buddhism has been a major issue for religious
cooperation in South Korea, especially during the 1990s to late 2000s. Acts of vandalism against
Buddhist amenities and "regular praying for the destruction of all Buddhist temples"[68][69] have drawn
criticism. Buddhist statues have been considered as idols, attacked and decapitated. Arrests are
hard to enforce, as the perpetrators work by stealth at night."[70] Such acts, which are supported by
some Protestant leaders,[citation needed] have led to South Koreans having an increasingly negative
outlook on Protestantism and being critical of church groups involved, with many Protestants leaving
their churches in recent years.[60][71]
In contrast, relations between South Korean Catholics and Buddhists and other faiths has remained
largely cooperative, partly due to the syncretism of many Buddhist and Confucian customs and
philosophies into South Korean Catholicism, most notably the practice of jesa.[72]
Christianity in Korea
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  v
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The practice of Christianity in Korea revolves around two of its largest branches, Protestantism
and Catholicism, accounting for 8.6 million[1][2] and 5.3 million[3] members respectively. Roman
Catholicism was first introduced during the late Joseon Dynasty period. In 1603, Yi Gwang-jeong,
Korean diplomat, returned from Beijing carrying several theological books written by Matteo Ricci, a
Jesuit missionary to China.[4] He began disseminating the information in the books and the first seeds
of Christianity were sown. In 1758 King Yeongjo of Joseon officially outlawed Catholicism as an evil
practice. Roman Catholicism was again introduced in 1785 by Yi Seung-hun. Korean Christians
were subject to persecution and hardship.[5]
Many were martyred, especially during the Catholic Persecution of 1801 and later. Joseon nobility
saw the new religion as a subversive influence and persecuted its earliest followers in Korea,
culminating in the Catholic Persecution of 1866, in which 8000 Catholics across the country were
killed, including nine French missionaries. The opening of Korea to the outside world in the following
years brought religious toleration for the remaining Catholics and also introduced Protestantism. The
first Protestant church in Korea was established by Suh Sang-ryun and the first Protestant
missionary to enter Korea was Horace Newton Allen, both events occurring in 1884. Horace Allen
was a North Presbyterian missionary and American diplomat, and remained in Korea until 1890, by
which time he had been joined by many others.[6]
The growth of both was gradual before 1945. In that year, approximately 2% of the population was
Christian. Rapid growth ensued: in 1991, 18.4% of the population (8.0 million) was Protestant, and
6.7% (2.5 million) was Catholic.[7] The Catholic Church has increased its membership by 70% in the
last ten years.[8] Anglicanism in Korea has also experienced significant growth in the recent decades.
Protestantism has been a dynamic force, providing a dynamic standard against which Catholics and
Buddhists have been forced to compete. It was the inspiration for numerous sects, such as
the Unification Church, founded in 1954 by Sun Myung Moon.
The influence on education has been decisive as Christians started 293 schools and 40 universities
including 3 of the top 5 academic institutions.[9] Protestantism is seen as the religion of the middle
class, youth, intellectuals, and urbanites, and has been central to South Korea's pursuit of modernity
and emulation of the United States after the end of World War II (liberation of Korea).[10][11] In recent
years, the growth of Protestantism has slowed, however, perhaps due to scandals involving church
leadership and conflict among various sects, as well as what some perceive as overly zealous
missionary work.[12]
As of 2014, about 30% of South Korean population is declared as Christian.[13]

Contents
[hide]

 1Cultural significance
 2Growth of Christianity
o 2.1Appeal in the North
o 2.2Academic sympathy
o 2.3Lay leadership
o 2.4Hangul, literacy and education
o 2.5Christianity under Japanese occupation, 1910-1945
 2.5.1Korean nationalism
o 2.6Minjung theology
 o 2.7Social change
o 2.8Economic growth
o 2.9Evangelization
 3Political and social issues
o 3.1Seoul Free Lunch Referendum
o 3.2October 2011 by-election
o 3.3On individuals
o 3.4Creationism
o 3.5Religious conflict
 4See also
 5References
o 5.1Bibliography
 6External links

Cultural significance[edit]
Professor James H. Grayson from the School of East Asian Studies at University of Sheffield states
that Protestantism has been a dynamic force in Korean life, and had a positive impact on other
religions. It made for a dynamic competitor against which Catholics and Buddhists had to compete,
as well as the inspiration for numerous smaller sects. They adopted many of the methods pioneered
by the Protestants. The influence on higher education in Korea has been decisive as the Christians
started 293 schools and 40 universities including 3 of the top 5 academic institution.[9] Sukman
argues that since 1945 Protestantism has been widely seen by Koreans and the religion of the
middle class, youth, intellectuals, urbanites, and modernizers. It has been a powerful force
supporting South Korea's pursuit of modernity and emulation of the United States, and opposition to
the old Japanese colonialism and Communism of North Korea.[10]
Prior to the Korean War (1950–1953), two-thirds of Korean Christians lived in the North, but most
later fled to the South.[citation needed] It is not known exactly how many Christians remain in North Korea
today, and there is some uncertainty about the exact number in South Korea. It is known that by the
end of the 1960s there were around one million Protestants in South Korea, but during the
"Conversion Boom" period ending in the 1980s, the number of Protestants increased faster than in
any other country. The 2005 South Korean census showed 29.2 percent of the population as
Christian, up from 26.3 percent ten years previously.[14] Presbyterian Churches are the biggest
Protestant denominations in South Korea, with close to 20,000 churches affiliated with the two
largest Presbyterian denominations in the country.[15]
South Korea currently provides the world's second largest number of Christian missionaries,
surpassed by the United States.[16] GMS, the missionary body of the "Hapdong" General Assembly
of Presbyterian Church of Korea, is the single largest missionary organization in South
Korea.[17][18] South Korean missionaries are especially prevalent in10/40 Window nations that are
hostile to Westerners. In 2000, there were 10,646 Protestant South Korean missionaries in 156
countries, along with an undisclosed number of Catholic missionaries. According to an article
published in 2004 "South Korea dispatched more than 12,000 missionaries to over 160 countries in
comparison to about 46,000 American and 6,000 British missionaries, according to missionary
organizations in South Korea and the West".[19] According to an article published in 2007 "Korea has
16,000 missionaries working overseas, second only to the US".[20] In 1980, South Korea sent 93
missionaries and by 2009 it was around 20,000.[16][21][22][23]
Seoul contains 11 of the world's 12 largest Christian congregations.[citation needed] A number of South
Korean Christians, including David Yonggi Cho, senior pastor of Yoido Full Gospel Church, have
attained worldwide prominence. Aaron Tan, director of the Hong Kong architectural firm called
Research Architecture Design, described the night scene of Seoul as "full of glowing Christian
crosses".[24]
Growth of Christianity[edit]
Appeal in the North[edit]

South Korea is home to a growing number of Christian missionaries worldwide.

Christianity, especially Protestantism, had a special appeal to Koreans in the North. Between 1440
and 1560, there were migrations to the northern provinces designed to strengthen the border. This
created a society of mixed backgrounds without an aristocracy and without long-standing religious
institutions. However, it did have a strong and ambitious merchant class, as well as a strong military
tradition. Local elites gained administrative positions and adopted Confucian literati lifestyles but
were still unable to attain high-level positions. During Japanese colonial rule, the north became the
more industrial region of Korea. The area was highly receptive to Protestant missionaries, who
brought Western knowledge, hospitals, schools, and a window to the wider world. The middle-class
elites sent their sons to the Protestant schools and in turn the sons became strong nationalists who
saw the United States as the rallying point in opposition to Japanese colonial imperialism. In a
reversal with the south, the north then produced many influential figures in Korean history. After
1945, most of the Christians fled to South Korea[25] in pursuit of religious freedom.
Academic sympathy[edit]
Matteo Ricci's books provoked academic controversy when Yi Gwang-jeong brought them into
Korea, and academics remained critical for many years. Early in the 17th century, Yi Su-gwang, a
court scholar, and Yu Mong-in, a cabinet minister, wrote highly critical commentarieson Ricci's
works, and over the next two centuries academic criticism of Christian beliefs continued. Some
scholars, however, were more sympathetic to Christianity. Members of the Silhak (실학; "practical
learning") school believed in social structure based on merit rather than birth (see class
discrimination), and were therefore often opposed by the mainstream academic establishment.
Silhak scholars saw Christianity as an ideological basis for their beliefs and were therefore attracted
to what they saw as the egalitarian values of Christianity.[26] When Christianity was finally established
in Korea, there was already a substantial body of educated opinion sympathetic to it, which was
crucial to the spread of the Catholic faith in the 1790s.[27] An 1801 study indicated that 55% of all
Catholics had family ties to the Silhak school.[28]
Lay leadership[edit]
As a result of the influence of the Silhak school, Christianity in Korea began as an indigenous lay
movement rather than being imposed by a foreign missionaries. The first Catholic prayer-house was
founded in 1784 at Seoul by Yi Seung-hun, a diplomat who had been baptized in Beijing.[29] In 1786,
Yi proceeded to establish a hierarchy of lay-priests.[30] Although the Vatican ruled in 1789 that the
appointment of lay-priests violated Canon law, Christianity was introduced into Korea by indigenous
lay-workers, not by foreign prelates. Since Christianity began as largely a grassroots effort in Korea,
it spread more quickly through the population than it would if it had originated with outsiders with no
initial popular support.
Hangul, literacy and education[edit]
Hangul, a phonemic Korean alphabet invented around 1446 by scholars in the court of Sejong the
Great,[31][32] was used little for several centuries because of the perceived cultural superiority
of Classical Chinese (a position similar to that of Latin in Europe). However, the Catholic Church
became the first Korean organization to officially adopt Hangul as its primary script, and
Bishop Siméon-François Berneux mandated that all Catholic children be taught to read
it.[31][33] Christian literature printed for use in Korea, including that used by the network of schools
established by Christian missionaries, mostly used the Korean language and the easily learned
Hangul script. This combination of factors resulted in a rise in the overall literacy rate, and enabled
Christian teachings to spread beyond the elite, who mostly used Chinese. As early as the 1780s,
portions of the Gospels appeared in Hangul; doctrinal books such as the "Jugyo Yoji" (주교요지)
appeared in the 1790s and a Catholic hymnal was printed around 1800.
John Ross, a Scottish Presbyterian missionary based in Shenyang, completed his translation of the
Bible into Korean in 1887[34] and Protestant leaders began a mass-circulation effort. In addition, they
established the first modern educational institutions in Korea.[35] The Methodist Paichai School for
boys was founded in 1885, and the Methodist Ewha School for girls (later to become Ewha Womans
University) followed in 1886. These, and similar schools established soon afterwards, helped the
expansion of Protestantism among the common people, and Protestants surpassed Catholics as the
largest Christian group in Korea. Female literacy rose sharply, since women had previously been
excluded from the educational system.[36]
Christianity under Japanese occupation, 1910-1945[edit]
Christianity grew steadily, with the Catholic population reaching 147,000, and the Protestants
168,000 in the mid-1930s. The stronghold for both groups was the North. The Japanese-controlled
police made systematic efforts to minimize the impact of the missionaries, which had a depressing
effect during the years 1911–1919. The idealistic pronouncements of American President Woodrow
Wilson contributed to the rapid growth of Korean nationalism in the 1920s, but disillusionment set in
after the movement failed to achieve meaningful reform. In 1924, Protestants founded the Korean
National Christian Council to coordinate activities by dividing the country into regions assigned to
specific Protestant denominations. Korean Protestants also founded overseas missions to Koreans
in China. By 1937, the Presbyterian Church of Korea was largely independent of financial support
from the United States; in 1934 the Methodist Church became autonomous and elected a Korean
bishop. The most active missionaries among the Catholics were the Maryknoll order, which opened
the Maryknoll School of Nursing in Pusan in 1964; it is now the Catholic University of Pusan.[37]
Korean nationalism[edit]
South Korean president Syngman Rhee adhered toMethodism.

One of the most important factors leading to widespread acceptance of Christianity in Korea was the
identification that many Christians forged with the cause of Korean nationalism during the Japanese
occupation (1910–1945). During this period, Japan undertook a systematic campaign of cultural
assimilation. There was an emphasis on Showa, so the Koreans would revered the Japanese
emperor. In 1938, even use of the Korean language was prohibited.[38] However, the distinctly Korean
nature of the church was reinforced during those years by the allegiance to the nation that was
demonstrated by many Christians. While the subsequent constitution of South Korea guarantees
freedom of religion as well asseparation of church and state, the South Korean government has
been favorable to Christianity, regarding the religion as an ideological protection against their
Communist neighbor.
On 1 March 1919, an assembly of 33 religious and professional leaders known as the "March 1
Movement" passed a Declaration of independence. Although organized by leaders of
the Chondogyo religion, 15 of the 33 signatories were Protestants,[39] and many of them were
imprisoned. Also in 1919, the predominantly Catholic pro-independence movement called
"Ulmindan"[40] was founded, and a China-based government-in-exile was at one time led by Syngman
Rhee, a Methodist.[41]
Christianity was linked even more with the patriotic cause when some Christians refused to
participate in worship of the Japanese Emperor, which was required by law in the
1930s.[38][42] Although this refusal was motivated by theological rather than political convictions, the
consequent imprisonment of many Christians strongly identified their faith, in the eyes of many
Koreans, with the cause of Korean nationalism and resistance to the Japanese occupation.
Catholics and Methodists complied with demands to attend Shinto ceremonies.[43]
Minjung theology[edit]
Main article: Minjung theology
The Christian concept of individual worth has found expression in a lengthy struggle for human rights
and democracy in Korea. In recent years, this struggle has taken the form of Minjung theology.
Minjung theology is based on the "image of God" concept expressed in Genesis 1:26–27, but also
incorporates the traditional Korean feeling of han, a word that has no exact English translation, but
that denotes a sense of inconsolable pain and utter helplessness. Minjung theology depicts
commoners in Korean history as the rightful masters of their own destiny. Two of the country's best
known political leaders, Kim Young-sam, a Presbyterian, and Kim Dae-jung, a Roman Catholic,
subscribe to Minjung theology.[44] Both men spent decades opposing military governments in South
Korea and were frequently imprisoned as a result, and both also served terms as President of the
Republic after democracy was restored in 1988.
One manifestation of Minjung theology in the final years of the Park Chung-hee regime (1961–1979)
was the rise of several Christian social missions, such as the Catholic Farmers Movement and the
Protestant Urban Industrial Mission, which campaigned for better wages and working conditions for
laborers. The military government imprisoned many of their leaders because it considered the
movement a threat to social stability, and their struggle coincided with a period of unrest which
culminated in the assassination of President Park on 26 October 1979.[45]
Social change[edit]
Many Korean Christians believe that their values have had a positive effect on various social
relationships. Traditional Korean society was hierarchically arranged according to Confucian
principles under the semi-divine emperor. Women had no social rights,[46] children were totally
subservient to their parents,[47] and individuals had no rights except as defined by the overall social
system. This structure was challenged by the Christian teaching that all human beings are created in
the image of God and thus that every one of them is equal and has essential worth.[48] According to
Kim Han-sik, this concept also supported the idea of property being owned by individuals rather than
by families (or by the heads of families).
Christians regarded the emperor as a mere man who was as much under God's authority as were
his subjects,[49] and Christian values favored the social emancipation of women and children.[46][47] The
church permitted the remarriage of widows (as taught by the apostle Paul, not traditionally allowed in
East Asian societies),[citation needed] prohibited concubinage and polygamy, and forbade cruelty to or
desertion of wives.[citation needed] Christian parents were taught to regard their children as gifts from God,
and were required to educate them.[50] Arranged child marriages and the neglect of daughters (who
were often regarded as less desirable than sons in Asian culture) were prohibited.[citation needed]
Economic growth[edit]
South Korea's rapid economic growth in the 1960s and 1970s is usually credited to the policy
of export-oriented industrialization led by Park Chung-hee to indigenous cultural values and work
ethic, a strong alliance with the United States, and the infusion of foreign capital. Many South
Korean Christians view their religion as a factor in the country's dramatic economic growth over the
past three decades, believing that its success and prosperity are indications of God's blessing.[51]
A 2003 study by economists Robert J. Barro and Rachel McCleary suggests that societies with high
levels of belief in heaven and high levels of church attendance exhibit high rates of economic
growth.[52] Barro and McCleary's model has been influential in subsequent scholarship and, to some
observers, it supports the belief that Christianity has played a major role in South Korea's economic
success.[53][54] The study has been criticised by scholars such as Durlauf, Kortellos and Tan
(2006).[55] There is a tendency to build megachurches since 2000, that leads some churches to
financial debt.[56]
Evangelization[edit]
"In the 1960s the church reached out to people who were oppressed, such as prostitutes and new
industrial laborers. As the Korean economy was burgeoning, the issue of the industrial labor force
came to the fore as one of the most important areas of evangelization work. Churches established
industrial chaplaincies among the workers within factories. In addition, with military service
mandatory for men in South Korea, the part the chaplain's corps in the armed forces became equally
important. Many soldiers converted to Christianity during their military service."[57]

Political and social issues[edit]

There have been various political and social criticisms in the Korean Christian scene since
President Lee Myung-bak came into power. The South Korean government proposed to restrict
South Korean citizens working for missionary works in the Middle East.[58] Professor Son Bong-ho of
Goshin University criticized the president for partaking in a national-level Christian prayers' gathering
on March 2011 that signaled a potential danger of the strong Protestant influence in the secular
South Korean politics.[59] Increasing acts of hostility by Protestant Christians against Buddhism, the
largest religion in South Korea and a major influence in traditional Korean culture, have drawn strong
criticism and backlash against Protestant churches by the South Korean public and has contributed
in Protestantism's growing decline in Korea.[60]
Seoul Free Lunch Referendum[edit]
Former Mayor of Seoul, Oh Se-hoon, proposed a referendum in Seoul on 24 August 2011. Pastors
of multiple churches in Seoul were found to involve unlawfully with the lay people about the
referendum and later being penalized by the Seoul Metropolitan election Commission
(서울시선거관리위원회).[61]

October 2011 by-election[edit]

A Christian group in Seoul had been indicted by the Seoul Metropolitan election Commission for
sending politically motivated emails to the laypeople in order to vote for the conservative
candidate, Na Kyung-won, before the South Korean by-elections, 2011.[62]
On individuals[edit]
The Korean Association of Church Communication petitioned Lee Guen An (이근안) to be
stripped of his pastoral position due to his past as a torturer of Kim Geun-taeduring Chun Doo-
hwan's dictatorship.[63]
Creationism[edit]
In South Korea, Christian groups have been involved in the promotion of creationism, especially the
Korea Association for Creation Research (KACR) which advocates creation following the Book of
Genesis, and the Society for Textbook Revise (STR), an alternative translation Committee to Revise
Evolution In Textbook (CREIT).[64][need quotation to verify] It's an independent offshoot of the KACR, and has
distanced itself from the KACR doctrine.[65] In early 2008, Seoul Land, a leading amusement park,
hosted a "creation science" exhibit, organized by KACR, which was visited by over 116,000 visitors
in three months, and as of 2012, the park is in talks to create a year-long exhibition.[65]
In 2012, following pressure from STR, the Ministry of Education announced that many high-school
textbooks would be revised to remove certain examples of evolution, such as of the horse and the
dinosaur Archaeopteryx.[64][65][66] The changes were limited to removal or revision of certain
examples[67] which were the subject of some debate;[64] also, STR plans to submit further petitions to
remove evolution of humans and the adaptation of finch beaks, with the end goal of diminishing the
role of Darwinian evolution in teaching.[65]
Religious conflict[edit]
Fundamentalist Protestant antagonism against Buddhism has been a major issue for religious
cooperation in South Korea, especially during the 1990s to late 2000s. Acts of vandalism against
Buddhist amenities and "regular praying for the destruction of all Buddhist temples"[68][69] have drawn
criticism. Buddhist statues have been considered as idols, attacked and decapitated. Arrests are
hard to enforce, as the perpetrators work by stealth at night."[70] Such acts, which are supported by
some Protestant leaders,[citation needed] have led to South Koreans having an increasingly negative
outlook on Protestantism and being critical of church groups involved, with many Protestants leaving
their churches in recent years.[60][71]
In contrast, relations between South Korean Catholics and Buddhists and other faiths has remained
largely cooperative, partly due to the syncretism of many Buddhist and Confucian customs and
philosophies into South Korean Catholicism, most notably the practice of jesa.[72]
Teaching in Korea is ‘blessing’ for seminarian
Posted by Catholic Messenger Staff on August 23, 2012 archives Add comments
Aug 232012

By Celine Klosterman

Seminarian Chris Weber poses with some of his students at Mokpo Catholic University in South
Korea, where he spent July teaching English. Most students at the university, which specializes in
nursing education, are women.

For seminarian Chris Weber, teaching English for a month at a Catholic university in South Korea
offered new perspective on culture and the Church.
Soon to begin his second year of pre-theology studies for the Diocese of Davenport, Weber spent
July teaching students at Mokpo Catholic University in Mokpo, along the southwest edge of the
Asian nation. Each weekday, he spent six hours instructing 15 young adults who hoped to improve
their conversational English. He also made cultural outings and visited with seminarians for the
Archdiocese of Gwangju.
“It gave me the experience of being a minority — a stranger who doesn’t know the culture or the
language,” he said. Simply ordering food at restaurants and communicating with taxi drivers posed
challenges. But he expects such experiences will help him empathize with Catholic immigrants when
he serves as a priest in southeast Iowa, which includes parishes with Hispanic, Vietnamese and
Burmese populations.
Weber traveled to South Korea after the president of Mokpo Catholic University asked for three
seminarians from St. Paul Seminary School of Divinity in St. Paul, Minn., where Weber is a student,
to teach English this summer. The university’s president, Father Timothy Kim, attended that
seminary in the 1970s.
“Not only did I think that it would be good for our students to meet with and learn from seminarians
from St. Paul Seminary, but also I thought it would be a good opportunity for the seminarians to
experience both Korean culture and the Catholic Church in Korea,” Fr. Kim said.
Intrigued by the opportunity, Weber joined two classmates in traveling to Mokpo. There each man
taught some of the 49 students enrolled in a summer program. He said many of the students plan to
make a service trip this winter with Missionaries of Charity to the Philippines, where English is one of
two official languages.
Classroom time was challenging, he said. The Koreans had studied English for years and could read
the language, but needed help with pronunciation and vocabulary.
Weber offered that help with “dedication, enthusiasm, a great sense of humor and a winning
personality,” Fr. Kim said. “He was very popular with our students.”
“Getting to know the students was fantastic,” Weber said.
He also spent time with a few seminarians for the archdiocese in a country that is 6.6 percent
Catholic, according to the Central Intelligence Agency’s World Factbook. (Half of South Koreans
practice no religion; 23 percent are Buddhist, and 20 percent are Protestant.)
Though a minority faith, Catholicism commands respect from Koreans thanks in part to Church
leaders’ support of pro-democracy protestors who fought military rule in the 1980s, Weber said. The
archdiocese is blessed with more than 200 priests for about 130 parishes.
Korean culture respects celibacy, whether among clergy or people in secular professions, he added.
Unlike in the United States, it’s rare for a Korean to work full-time before entering the seminary,
Weber said. Seminarians he met were surprised to hear that before studying to become a priest, he
worked for 12 years, including seven years as youth minister at Ss. Mary & Mathias Parish in
Muscatine.
One of the highlights of his time overseas was making a pilgrimage to the tomb of St. Andrew Kim
Taegon, the first Korean priest, who died in 1846 during persecution of Christians. Pope John Paul II
canonized the saint and numerous other Korean martyrs in 1984. It’s easy to think of martyrs as
Christians who died during the Roman Empire, but St. Andrew Kim shows they lived more recently,
too, Weber noted.
The trip “was an incredible blessing.”

Print PDF
Research
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ASPECTS OF KOREA-RELATED
ISSUES
The Korean economy faces both opportunities and challenges. China has become South Korea’s
number one trade partner and the most important destination for South Korean foreign
investment. Economic interdependence among the countries of Northeast Asia is increasing.
Moreover, the recently agreed Korea-US FTA could provide significant momentum for Korea to
upgrade its overall economic system. Other FTAs might follow soon, including one with the
European Union.
On the other hand, some experts in South Korea believe that their country is sandwiched between
the fast-developing and advanced countries—not yet catching up with the advanced economies
while being chased closely by the rising ones (especially China). They argue that owing to
militant labor unions and regulations, the country’s international competitiveness is declining
and is facing a crisis in technology, profits, market domination and high-tech industries. As big
economies such as China and India expand rapidly and demand grows, acquiring energy and
other raw materials in a global market becomes more expensive and difficult. This represents a
serious challenge for resource-poor countries like South Korea.
South Korea is also experiencing problems common to post-industrial societies, such as a gap
between the rich and the poor, social polarization, social welfare issues, and environmental
degradation. Low fertility is another serious challenge to the Korean economy, as is an aging
society that will contribute to a slow down in economic growth.
What are the strengths and weaknesses of the Korean economy? How will the Korea-U.S. FTA
change the Korean economy? What are the prospects of economic integration in Northeast Asia
and implications for the Korean economy? How will the increasing welfare burden affect
Korea’s economy?
The following topics will be the focus of the POSCO Visiting Fellowship:
 South Korea’s economic trends and long-term outlook
 Korea-US FTA: Issues and challenges
 Prospects of an FTA with the European Union, Japan or China
 Asian regionalism
 Social issues of South Korea, such as low fertility, aging population, social welfare, income
distribution, and environment, and their comparison with other countries
Research
POLITICAL ASPECTS OF KOREA-RELATED ISSUES
A dual transition, i.e., a transition to a consolidated democracy and an advanced market economy
represents the main challenge the Korean political and economic system currently confronts.
During the two decades since its transition to a full democracy, South Korea has faced lingering
problems, such as poor governance, lack of leadership, political conflict, social polarization,
volatile public opinion and lack of consensus on major issues. Partly because of political or
governmental failure, the country experienced a financial crisis in 1997-98. Although Korea
overcame the financial crisis successfully, the social and political consequences of the crisis
linger.
Moreover, profound generational and leadership changes have fundamentally changed the South
Korean political landscape. The new leadership has attempted to dismantle social, economic and
political structures that were formed during the Cold War and to establish a more democratic and
diplomatically independent society. Such an approach has resulted in further social and political
conflict, trials and errors in policy, political distrust, and a lingering leadership crisis. Although
Korean democracy is successfully consolidated, it is far from effective. Koreans’ expectation of
government is high but the government appears unable to deliver what the public wants. There
are profound generational cleavages over various national issues, including economic and social
policies, policies toward North Korea and national defense, and attitudes towards the United
States and China.
Such moves complicate South Korean politics. Under the circumstances, political institutions are
pushed aside, and civic organizations are dominating. The politics of new generation thus failed
to deliver what the government promised or what the people expected, making political distrust
higher, politics more unstable, Given five-year single term and with constraints of social and
political division and lack of consensus on major issues, the current Korean president might have
tried to achieve a fundamental change in the society, which appears to be difficult to do.
Nevertheless, there is a tendency in the Korean public to blame the current political leaders for
national problems. It is not unique in Korea: we see similar phenomena in Taiwan, Thailand,
Indonesia, and the Philippines. Many Koreans expect the next Korean president who will be
elected in December 2007 stabilize and improve Korean politics.
In order to understand the complex nature of Korean politics, an analysis of long-term trends in
Korean politics as well as comparative studies of Korea and other Asian democracies are
important. What are the general characteristics of the process of Korean democratization in the
last two decades? How different is the Korean case from other democracies in Asia? How can
Korea enhance political stability as well as good governance? How different is leadership among
democratically elected presidents and between them and authoritarian leaders? How is the
Korean democracy similar to or different from other democracies? What are the implications of
Korean politics on its economy and foreign relations?
The following topics are suggested for the POSCO Visiting Fellowship:

 Evaluation of Korean democracy since the 1987 democratic transition

 Comparative study of democratic consolidation and maturation in South Korea and other
countries
 Korean presidential leadership and comparison of governance between Korea and other
democracies
 Korean politics in the age of the internet
 The role of civic organizations in Korean politics
 The 2007 Korean presidential election and implications for Korean democracy

 Research
SECURITY ISSUES FOR KOREA AND NORTHEAST ASIA
The Korean Peninsula may be the last vestige of the Cold War, but the strategic environment of
the Northeast Asian region is undergoing rapid change. South Korea has become both a global
economic power and a major player in Asia-Pacific. The United States has shifted its strategic
focus to the war on terror and adopted “strategic flexibility” as a military principle; it is
restructuring and redeploying its forces in East Asia. As part of its military strategy, the US is
reducing, restructuring and relocating the U.S. forces in Korea and agreed to transfer wartime
operational control to Korea. North Korea conducted a nuclear test and declared itself to be a
nuclear state. The rapid rise of China signals a fundamental shift in the regional and global order.
Thanks to its economic power, China is rapidly enhancing its military power as well and its
economic and political influence in Asia and the world continues to grow. China and Russia are
strengthening their strategic ties. Faced with the threat of North Korean missiles and nuclear
weapons as well as China’s growing power, Japan appears to be speeding up its own military
buildup and strengthening military alliances. In addition, South Korea’s relations with the United
States and Japan have weakened. In particular, security cooperation between the US and South
Korea is weakening. On the economic front, however, ties have strengthened. A free trade
agreement between South Korea and the United States is expected to enhance overall bilateral
relations including security.
What are the implications for South Korea of these rapid changes in the security environment?
What might be the South Korean national strategy if there is a resolution to the North Korean
nuclear issue? What might be the national strategy of a unified Korea? Should it choose a
strategy of neutrality or strategic independence? What will happen to the US-South Korea
alliance? How can South Korea maintain peaceful relations with its neighbors and policies
should it adopt towards Japan, China and Russia?
The POSCO Fellowship will examine the following issues:
 Long-term security outlook of Northeast Asia and South Korea’s national strategy
 The role of South Korea in the peace and security of the Asia Pacific
 The US-South Korea security alliance
 Prospects for US-South Korea-Japan trilateral security cooperation
 The Japan-China rivalry and its implications for Korean security
 Prospects for multilateral security cooperation in East Asia and the role of South Korea


print
Summary

The Korean peninsula is in the midst of profound changes: intensification of globalization, the war
on terrorism, a changing U.S. security policy, a rapid rise of China, and emerging trend of a 'normal'
Japan, expanding regional economic cooperation, the North Korean nuclear and economic crisis, a
changing U.S.-South Korean alliance, thawing inter-Korean relations, and internal social, economic
and political changes. South Korea, which is surrounded by the world's major powers (the United
States, Japan, China and Russia), has become an increasingly important player as the country has a
robust economy and a dynamic democracy. In the era of globalization, Korean issues sometimes
become regional and global concerns and regional and global issues often have considerable impacts
on Korea. Therefore, regional and global perspectives on Korea would help better understanding of
Korean and Korea-related issue. The authors of this book, who are mostly well-known scholars from
prominent universities around the world, examine the complex dynamics of security, political and
economic changes in and around the peninsula from regional and global contexts. Thus, the book, a
product of the POSCO Fellowship Program at the East-West Center in Hawaii, will be a very useful
reference for scholars and students of Korea and Northeast Asia.
Related Staff:
LGBT people in conservative South Korea
find hope
By JULIE YOON

Sep. 15, 2015 11:51 AM EDT

101
Just after the U.S. Supreme Court legalized nationwide same-sex marriage, tens of thousands of
people gathered in front of Seoul's city hall to show their support.
"If I were to get married, I wanted to live with someone that I truly love," says Han Chae-yoon,
an organizer for the Korea Queer Culture Festival. "And that had always been a woman."
"I never imagined this day would come," said Han Chae-yoon, a 43-year-old lesbian human
rights activist.

For South Korea, however, that day probably will take substantially longer to arrive. The 2013
Pew Research Center Attitudes Survey found that just 39 percent of South Koreans believed
homosexuality should be accepted by society, a far lower number than in most other developed
nations. Still, a mere 18 percent of South Koreans said they accepted homosexuality in a Pew
survey conducted just six years earlier.

The June rally by lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people and their supporters was a shock
to many in this still conservative country. While homosexuality is not illegal in South Korea,
same-sex marriage is not legally recognized. The first attempt to acquire legal status for same-
sex marriage took place at a district court in July and the case is still ongoing.

The gay rights movement in South Korea is considered by many to have begun in 1994, much
later than in many other developed countries. It was the mid-1990s by the time Han heard about
New York's Stonewall riots of 1969, a key moment in the movement that was sparked by police
harassment of gay men.

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Nine LGBT South Koreans interviewed and photographed by The Associated Press — from a
young gay North Korean defector to a transgender female counselor — believe change is coming
and were eager to share their stories, something that would have been unthinkable not too many
years ago. Here are their stories as told to AP photographer Julie Yoon.

Edhi Park, who identifies as a transgender female, struggled to cope with her body and how she
felt in it throughout her adolescence. She found some solace in a 2007 TV show, "The 1st Shop
of Coffee Prince," in which the protagonist is a female who disguises herself as a man. "(The
show) gave me sense of hope that I could look pretty too like her and blend in," said Park, who
watched the show while serving in the military.

Now 28 and a counselor at DDing Dong, a South Korean LGBT youth crisis support center, Park
reaches out to LGBT teens and provides a safe place that she desperately needed growing up.
Kim Myung, 23, often plays the ocarina, a flute-like instrument, to cope with his feelings since
he defected from North Korea to the South in 2006. When he reunited with his mother after a
perilous, three-year-long escape, she was busy working in South Korea and left him alone at
home. Kim met his first love when he went to a Korean public bathhouse for the first time in
2006. "Back then I didn't know the word, 'gay,' or what it was conceptually. I just wanted to be
his friend and feel the warmth that I missed from my mom," Kim said. The relationship ended in
2008, and Kim for the first time asked himself, "Did I love him?"
Park Young-jae had a vague feeling in his 20s that he was attracted to men, but as a deaf man, he
didn't know how to explore the concept or where to go to get his questions answered. It wasn't
until he had access to the Internet that he discovered the vast LGBT community in South Korea,
and that he belonged in it. He said he jumped with excitement 10 years ago when he saw an
annual Seoul gay-pride parade broadcast on TV for the first time. Park, 43, has participated in
the parade ever since.

Before coming out in 2013, Heezy Yang hid his sexuality because "that was the normal way to
live a life in (South) Korea." He discovered his passion for art after dropping out of business
school three years ago. "My life until then was decided by others, so I just couldn't find any joy
or motivation in going to school or studying at all," he said. He now juggles multiple jobs:
graphic novelist, LGBT rights activist and Korean language tutor. "No matter how conservative
this country is, you will always find a way and be able to live and have friends if you try," the
25-year-old said. "For me, it was definitely worth trying."
Han Chae-yoon has helped organize the Korea Queer Culture Festival, which includes the pride
parade, since its inception in 2000. She said she didn't question her sexual orientation until after
she reached her mid-20s, the age when it is socially expected to get married. "If I were to get
married, I wanted to live with someone that I truly love, and that had always been a woman," she
said.

Seo Eun-jun, 18, came out as gay to his close friends in middle school three years ago, but
decided to come out as bisexual at his all-boys high school to mitigate any hostility. After
coming out via social media, news spread fast. Seo said his parents were devastated by the news,
but supportive. At school, he said, "some kids make rude comments behind my back but my
friends have protected me from getting bullied." After reading an article about a young gay man
who committed suicide in South Korea, Seo returned to social media and said he decided to
make a video blog to offer advice to those struggling to come out. "I wanted to encourage youth
in the LGBT community by sharing my story and sending a message of support," he said.

Kuciia Diamant was introduced to the drag community by accident while working as a waiter in
Itaewon after he completed his mandatory military service in South Korea. One day, he let a
friend give him a drag makeover out of curiosity, and the compliments followed. He now
manages his own drag transformation, from applying makeup to designing his own costumes.
The 25-year-old performs at both straight clubs and LGBT benefit shows in Seoul. Diamant has
come out as gay — but not to his family. "I need to become one of the best in the field first
because I want to be most confident when I come out to my parents," he said.
Han Ga-ram did not question his identity until he went on blind dates with girls in college under
peer pressure. "I saw an ad about a student-run LGBT organization in my school newspaper and
started to look for more information," Han said. He had dreamed of becoming a Korean literature
teacher, but upon graduation, he worked for Chingusai, a South Korean human rights group for
gay men, and revisited the possibility of becoming a lawyer. "I felt the need to gain authority to
defend the rights of LGBT people," he said. Han, 35, now works for a nonprofit law firm in
South Korea and specializes in sexual orientation and gender identity.
 You Han-sol, who identifies as bisexual, said attending an all-girls middle school and high
school made it difficult for her to explore her identity because she would be judged and shunned
by her peers. Now out to her family and friends, she considers herself fortunate, even though she
doesn't have 100 percent support from her family. "My parents still hope that I will change and
marry a decent guy and have children like most girls," the 24-year-old said.

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HOMEKOREAN LIFENOT MARRYING THE WRONG WOMAN IS BETTER (REVISITED)

Not Marrying the Wrong
Woman is Better (Revisited)
KOREAN LIFE

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04 OCT

By Jack Whitmore

Editors’ Note: 3wm is hearing stories about mental health issues of Koreans and
foreigners who are mostly living in Seoul. We re-post this story and earnestly
ask anyone who has experienced or is experiencing a difficult relationship–
which might be affected by Mental Illness–to contact 3wm about telling your
story. Confidentiality guaranteed. [email protected]
3WM also contacted the author to get an update on his life as it is today. His
response follows:
Life Goes On; That’s a Good Thing

Yes, we all face traumatic events, but it’s important to move forward. I’ve had
much time to reflect and even if the memories fade, they will never go away.
But, I’ve learned some deep truths about myself and hope others can learn from
my mistakes.

I take responsibility for entering a marriage destined to fail, but public

awareness is needed on mental health issues. When I escaped my marriage and a
few months later divorce papers were dumped on me, I found it disturbingly
ironic that I was to blame for the breakdown of the marriage, because I went to
see a psychiatrist to deal with a depression over the circumstances of my
marriage.

I felt panic, but a turning point occurred. At my first meeting with divorce
lawyers, they’ve heard it all before so nothing surprised them. But after a long
discussion, suddenly one attorney cracked jokes about my predicament and
mimicked what he would say in the courtroom: “Judge, I agree that my client
suffers from depression and this caused him to run away from his wife, which
she calls abandonment, but judge, if you were married to this psycho-b****,
you would need therapy, and flee for your life, too.”

My laughter alleviated much of the pain I felt over the years. It’s no excuse for
her behavior, but life is often unfair and to obsessively dwell over these matters,
makes your life stay at a standstill. I made the right decision to get out of the
marriage, and I stand behind what I wrote.

Many others suffer from abusive relationships and they have similar stories to
tell. Many assume it’s too unbelievable. But those who lived under similar
circumstances, know that, yes these incidents occur and usually on a frequent
basis if you stay in the destructive relationship.

But you still feel sorry for the one you previously loved. You want them to get
psychiatric help, but unfortunately in Korea, that request will simply be ignored
by the Korean-born wife. Because in the minds of a borderline woman, they
think they are the only ones not suffering from a mental health issue. They see
character flaws in everybody but themselves. Telling them otherwise, just
means you sparked another out-of-control rage episode. Of course, they will
then say, “it’s you’re fault,” and become violently abusive.

Walking away is the best solution.

*******************

Original Story
A man victimized by over five years of spousal abuse from a South Korean
woman tells his story. For reasons of his safety and that of his children he
writes under the pseudonym of Jack Whitmore and changed names, dates and
locations. Hence, Jack’s ex-wife will be identified as Lee Hae-jin, which is not
her real name.
I’ll be honest, if a woman wanted to find a man who could be an easy target for

manipulation games, it was me at

the age of 31. I was living in Seoul, lonely and in search of a soul mate so I
could get married and raise children. I was so desperate for love and
companionship that I would overlook severe character flaws to make my
marriage dream come true. In hindsight, my dream turned into a nightmare and
it was my fault, since I saw the warning signs beforehand. But I still married
her.
Let my story be a warning for any man or woman who is afraid to break off an
engagement with a partner showing signs of abusive character traits. Trust me;
these people only get worse and it’s better to leave sooner than later.

I remember the first night I met Lee Hae-jin. I got a phone call from a South
Korean friend, Mr. Park and he asked if I wanted to go drinking with him and
two women. I said I wasn’t interested, since he always brought women who
have boyfriends. He said, “Jack, don’t worry these two women don’t have
boyfriends, they’re fun girls and you’ll love drinking with them.”

Mr. Park gave an accurate description. They arrived together at the bar and one
woman was gorgeous, while her friend was average-looking. When I saw Hae-
jin (the stunning one), I saw stars in her eyes, but because I had low self-esteem,
I focused my attention on her friend. To add insult to injury, Ms. Lee’s friend
was not interested in talking to me.

I anticipated a long night until Hae-jin used Mr. Park as her translator and asked
me questions. Many women had complained that I talk too much about myself,
so I wanted to deflect the questions by asking her questions, but she said offered
little information about herself and insisted I tell my story. I felt she seemed
genuinely interested in me and she was a fantastic listener.

We were drinking heavily and she was smoking. She ran out of cigarettes and I
went and bought a pack for her. It was a cold night and when I returned she
grabbed my hands, rubbed them and placed them on her face to warm them up.
Her friend and Mr. Park were so surprised by her sudden display of affection
that they left.

So, I kissed her. At first, I thought she was drunk so I kissed her a second time.
She kissed better than any woman I had met before. The night was magical and
when it ended I thought I had found my soul mate. But, Mr. Park was in an
angry mood after the blind date.

He said he had known Hae-jin all his life and never did she show so much
affection to another man at the first meeting—it was clear he didn’t approve of
her behavior. The public display of affection had irked him. He also hinted that
her past boyfriends and suitors were emotionally wrecked by her.

But, Mr. Park called the next day and said Lee wanted to meet me again, adding
that had stopped talking to her, so I must meet her without him. I agreed. I met
her at the movies and she was late. We had another wonderful evening together.

But that night, alone in my apartment, I couldn’t sleep. I had odd nervous
shakes and I felt an impending doom. I couldn’t understand: I finally found love
and the prospect terrified me. Was I being paranoid?

I ignored the scared feelings and invited her to a

Bible Study meeting at my church a week later. When I introduced her to the
priest he whisked her way and demanded she leave the church and never see
Jack again. He claimed he had the power to see evil in the hearts of others and
believed she would destroy me. But Hae-jin ignored him and joined my Bible
Study class.
Ironically, we first had sex the night after that Bible Study class. I asked her
about her conversation with the minister and she told me the details. I spoke to
him later and he apologized but said he worried about me—since I’m a hopeless
romantic and he didn’t want me to get hurt—but promised he would never
confront her again.

Well, she was wonderful for the next few weeks and introduced her family to
me. They were wonderful people, especially her mother. But then, she changed.
One night she cooked kimbab and insisted I eat it. I have an allergic reaction to
kimbab which causes me to gag at the mere smell of it. But, she demanded I eat
her food, if I loved her. Well, I tried, but I vomited. (I have an allergic reaction
to the soy sauce ingredient in the kimbab, which causes my throat to close-up
involuntarily.)

I never saw the same Hae-jin again. Her smile disappeared and whenever we
met she was more critical than complimentary. She would scream at me inside
restaurants, in public subway stations, on the streets and become insanely
jealous.

One night, she called to say she wanted to leave me. I was scheduled to spend
Lunar New Years holidays the next day with her family. When I spoke to her
parents about the incidents, I explained I should stop seeing her. But her mother,
a wealthy businesswoman, had just one question: “Do you want a BMW or
Mercedes Benz?” I found this preposterous and brushed it off.

Nevertheless, I was invited to travel with them to celebrate the Lunar New
Years’ days. I agreed to go, but Hae-jin talked to me very little on the trip to the
rural countryside. I was planning to break-up. But a few days later, she called to
tell me she was pregnant and that I must marry her. I consented to marry her,
but a few hours later her friend called to say she wasn’t pregnant but still
wanted to marry me. “She’s been crying and worries you won’t marry her,” she
said. I told her friend, don’t worry, I’ll marry her.
But Hae-jin’s mood swings got worse. After a while, I was trying to avoid
meeting her in public. Once again, she called and claimed her parents wanted
her to move in with me at my apartment—she said her mother consulted a
psychic and was told that Jack would break the engagement unless she lived
with him before they got married. Apparently, the fortune teller failed to
mention that her emotional tirades were the real reasons why

Jack wanted to end the relationship.

She then promised to improve her behavior once we started living together.
Nonetheless, she broke yet another promise. Within days after the move, she
would start coming home late (2 a.m. or 3 a.m.) bringing friends she was
partying with. If I complained, she would fly into a rage and be physically
abusive. One night, she threw a sharp knife aimed at my head. I flinched but the
knife stuck to the wall (another time she threw a coffee mug at me).

The terror just worsened. When she cooked meals, she would continue her
tirades. In just three months, I lost about 40 pounds. I couldn’t eat. In addition,
she was obsessed about suicide. She would plead with me to kill myself. I
remember her saying, “I want to divorce you and you can go kill yourself.”
Every day she would threaten to leave and I would plead for her to stay. When
she calmed down, she would reward me with sex. This strategy worked.

Finally, enough was enough—I left the apartment and called my family to send
a one-way plane ticket to California. They did and I showed up at the airport
with no luggage which led to me being questioned. In embarrassment I had to
explain that I was escaping my partner’s abuse. They let me get on the flight.

When I got to California, my dad confronted me and said, “Lee Hae-jin is

pregnant,” while accusing me of abandonment. He ordered me to return to
South Korea. I broke down and told my story and said we must think about what
to do. Noticing my weight-loss, my family realized something was
wrong. Simply, they said to eat.

I tried to calm down in California, but I had nightmares when I was asleep and I
kept feeling her presence. My friends and family said I looked like an inmate at
a North Korean prison camp, since I was so skinny and my face was devoid of
emotions. They were shocked that a man, who loved to talk, was too afraid to
talk anymore.

My dad received daily e-mails from Hae-jin saying that she loved me and
wanted me to return. She promised to improve her behavior. After a month, I
decided to return to
South Korea. But it was a
mistake. I can’t get into any more details, because that would fill a book; but
let’s just say that the next few years were even more horrendous. I eventually
got a divorce from my wife and I will be relocating to another country to escape
from her abuse.
On a side note, I made it a habit to ask Korean husbands for advice. When I told
them my story, I got the usual response. “You obviously don’t understand
Korean women, my wife is the same, and it’s a cultural issue. Just do what we
do, which is work hard and keep finding excuses not to go home. That’s why we
got out drinking late at night so that our wives are asleep when we return home
and we leave for work before they wake up in the morning.”

________________________________________________________________
__

Editors’ note: Due to the extreme circumstances of this article 3WM followed
up with the author who had been inspired byThomas Holloway’s piece about a
relationship gone awry. Further specific details were provided to the
satisfaction of 3WM; these details have been withheld due to their possibilities
of identifying the couple and fears of litigation. 3WM includes only a snippet
from the follow-up correspondence with the author:
I agree it does sound far-fetched and that’s why it took so many years to explain
to my family that this woman does act this way. After my separation, my sisters
 attempted to negotiate with her to let me see the kids. But when they witnessed
her behavior, they realized I was telling the truth.
Print This Post
Originally ran on Oct. 11, 2010.

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