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The Colonization of The Middle States and Maryland
The Colonization of The Middle States and Maryland
The Colonization of The Middle States and Maryland
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The History of North America: The
colonization of the Middle States ...
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THE HISTORY OF NORTH AMERICA
VOLUME FOUR THE COLONIZATION OF
THE MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAND
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Copyright, 1904, by George Barrib Sc Soms
EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION
Trb
history of Amefkftn colonication is to most persons
therecord of the activities of the Cavalier and the Furitani
Litde thou^t is given to the story of the Dutchmen who
strove to create a New Netherland, or to that of the Swedes
who wund with the Dutch and dte English in the Dela-
ware country, nor, indeed, is much general interest shown
in accounts of the foundation of New Jetacj, Delawaie^
the
or Maryland.
True, there is existent more or less local interest in sec-
tional history, and certain of the sons and daughters of the
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1•
MIDDLE STATES AND MARTUUfD
aijd w c.ilrhier town^ ilian that of the Middle colonics But '
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EDITOR'S INTRODUCrwN
tan, but few are thev u ho know the history of the Quaker
or that of those sturdy culonists vvhu fuliowed the Dutch on
the Hudson or brought to naught the plans of Calvert.
This paiticularization of section is unfortunate, for if the
foundation of Boston isimpoitant, so is that of New York;
and if New Haven is the basis of history, so, too, is Balti-
more. If Massachusetts has daim upon the attention of
the Pennsjlvaman, how much more so has Pennsylvanu
itself or Citdaware or New Jersey ? And what more profit-
able historical study to a native of New York than the record
of the growth of his own Bute? In fact, the Middle colo*
nies have as much claim to general study as any of those
communities which before 1776 fringed the Atlantic sea-
board. But the men of the Middle colonies have left their
deeds to be related by others, and these have not f^ivcn their
heart to the task. Those men who laid the foundations of
New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, New Jersey, and Dela-
ware were too busy with their personal work, too busy with
their labor in advancing colonial, and, later, national, inter-
ests to spread abroad praise of themselves or to contest with
their neighbors to the south or east for control or place.
The descendants of the colonists have in great measure
followed the example of tfaeur ancestors.
This must not be understood as disparaging the work of
the historical students of the Middle States, which has claims
to serious attention and high praise. But, though scholarly,
this work has not aroused that popular interest which has
been created by the work of the men of New England,
neither has it spread abroad the fame of the Middle cdbniet
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EDITOR'S JNtRODUCriON
aft the fame of New England and tbe South has been di8»
seminated through the nation and the world.
To-day there are signs of a revival of interest in the
histoij of the colonization of the Middle States. Readers
are turning to its record, but thef search and find not, for
the literature of the colonization period is all too scanty*
Tht-rc seems to he lacking a work that gives a detailed,
comprehensive, and readable descripticMi of the colonization
period in the terntory from which has been created the
states of New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania,
and Maryland. In view of this fact, the plan of The
History of North America allowed gi crous space to
i
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AUTHOR'S PREFACE
Arc oRDTvn to the charter of the great joint-stock com-
pany granted by James 1. in 1606, the jurisdiction of the
London branch, or Virginia Company., was to extend from
thirty-four to forty-one degrees of north latitude, while that
of the Plymouth branch, or North Virginia Company, was
to from forty-five down to thirtv-eieht degrees.
stretch
The between the tliirty-eightii aiui tiie tuity-first
region
parallels was thus open to colonization by both companies,
with the stipiUatioti that neither company should establish
a settlement within one hundred English miles of a pre-
vious settlement made by the other. Roughly speaking,
thisdomain included all that part of the Atlantic seaboard
extending from the latitude of the extreme southern boun«
dary of Maryland (thirty-seven degrees fifty-three minutes)
to that of the southernmost boundary of Connecticut (forty-
one degrees). The only colonial settlements of impor-
tance within the present jurisdiction of the Middle States
and Maryland that were not approximately within these
limits were the towns and villages situated in the Hudson
and Mohawk valleys, and at the extreme eastern end of
Long Island. Of these, Albany, Schenectady, I'^sopus, and
Southold were of the most consequence during the colonial
period. The historv of the Middle States and Maryland is
thus identical, for the most part, with an account of the
development of this belt of debatable land.
The colonies within this zone, since they lay between
New England on the north and east and Virginia on the
\ xi
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Xll MIDDLE STJTSS AND MARTLAND.
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AUTHOR'S PREFACE xiii
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CONTENTS
CHAPTRH PACKS
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xvi MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
CHAPTER fAGBS
charters Swedish West India Company. Chancellor Oxen-
stiem draws up a plan for a company to settle and trade with
America. WUliam U&selincx appointed first director. Oxen-
Btiem forms tlie Swedish South Company. Peter Minuit
commissioned governor of the Swedish colony on the Dela-
ware. Fort Christina. Swedes discouraged. Timelv arrival
of a relief expcUiiiun. Dutch coiuiui^u under Swedi^li tiag.
English attempts at settlement on the Delaware. Failure of
the New Haven attempt. John Printz, Governor of New
Sweden. Lutheran, the established church of New Sweden.
John Campanius. Dutch and Swedes clash on the Delaware.
Peter Stuyvc&aiit assumes coutrul ut Dutcli aiikiis.
CHAFTBK FACIS
of Dutch, Swedes, and English as to the validity of their terri-
Uaml claims in America. Want of unity on the put of die
English colonics. Dissensions bttwecn tlie colonies com-
prising tlic United Colonifs of New England. Summary of
reasons for the delay in the outbreak of hostilities between
^ Dutdi, Swedes, and English in Arocriet.
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1685 147-178
New Netherland an
Capture of act of English spoliation.
New Amsterdam occupied by English. **The Duke's
Laws.*^ Hostilities again precipitated between Holland and
England. Peace of Breda formally cedes New Netherland
to English. Witchcraft delusions. Determination of boun-
daries. Abolition of ** burgher" distinctions. Troubles
with the English towns on Long Island. War between Hol-
land and England. Dutch fleet appears before New York.
Colony recaptured by the Dutch. New Netherland prepares
for an attack by New England. New Netherland restored
to the English. New patent issued to the Duke of York.
Mail route established. Andros lays claim to part of Con-
necticut. End of King Philip's wrar. Disaffection of the
Iroquois. Andros clashes with Philip Carteret as to sover-
eignty over East Jersey. A
legislative assembly summoned.
"The Charter of Liberties and Privileges." New Y6rk
divided into twelve counties. Establishment of courts.
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CONTENTS xix
CHAPTER PACES
Freedom of worship. Pennsylvania, the stronghold of Lu-
theranism. Torkillus. Cariipanius. Muhknherg purifies
and reorganizes the sect, Jt'^vs —
Settle principally in New
York and Philadelphia and seaport towns. Haym Salomon.
Immigration of Portuguese Jews from Brazil ; from Dutch
Cura(,()a. Finally pcrmittt-d to settle in New Nctherland.
Granted civil rights. H'aliieftses — Settle on Staten Island,
ScttlemcDts in Pennsylvania.. Labadists — lUicir doctrines.
Colony settles in Maryland. Roman Catholics Settle ~at —
SE Mary^s, Mar)-land. Adverse legislatif)n against the Roman
Catholics. Maryland.
Jesuits in Roman Catholics disfran-
chised in Maryland. Pdlntmes —
Located on the Huilson.
Removal to Schoharie and Mohawk valleys. P:datine Bridge.
German Flats. Settlements in Maryland. The "Pennsyl-
vania Dutch. AcaJians —
Exiled and distributed among
colonies. The exiles in Maryland. Moravians Settle first —
in Georgia. Found Bethlehem and Nazareth, Pennsylva-
nia. Tankers —
Settle at Gern^antovvn, Pennsylvania. The
*« Harmless People.'*
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CONTENTS xxi
CHAPTER PAGBS
Council. Dissensions in the province. Thomas Lloyd im-
peached ; elected president of the Council. Dissatisfaction
in Lower Counties i they are separated from the province.
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CONTENTS
CHAPTER M
Good win betwem the govcrrior nnd the AssemMy, New
issues of paper money. John Penn visits the colony. Boun-
dary dispute with Maiyland becomes critical. The Scotch-
Iriu. Quaken opptmt waat mcanuci. Bo^niiin Fnmklin.
Favors paper money. Pennsylvania Gaxette and Poor Rich-
nrd" s Almanac, University ot Pennsylvania founded. The
iiraolords and printing. More bills of credit issued. Scruples
cf the Quakers against war. French inyade Pennsylvanhu
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THE COLONIZATION
OF THE
MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAND
JONES
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CHAPTER I
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4 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
She was the carrier of the larger part of the world's com-
merce; consequently she was the first to see the anomalies
of the commercial principles of mercantilism. While Eng-
land and other countries were making ineffectual laws pro-
hibitory of the exportation of the precious metals, Holland
was removing all restrictions to their natural flow. It was
perfectly evident to her that commerce was not a gambling
scheme by which one country lost and the other gained ; or
that the gain or loss depended upon the astuteness or the
reverse of the gambling nations. It soon became evident
to a commercial nation like Holland that commerce was an
advantage to both trading nations; that one received fair
value for its superfluity of c niniudities while, at the same
time, it received those commodities from abroad which were
in great demand.
It was perfectly reasonable then that Holland, the des-
tined carrier of the world's commerce, should take early
advantage of the discoveries of the Spanish, Portuguese,
English, and French explorers of the century succ^ding
the landfall of Columbus. During the years 1 49 7 and 1498,
John and Sebastian Cabot, having discovered Newfound-
land, saUed along the coast of North America from Labrador
past what was to become the port of New York, and may
have proceeded as far south as the coast of what is now
Florida. They claimed for their sovereign, Henry VII.
of En^and, under whose commission they sailed, the entire
territory which they occasionally saw at a distance." This
discovery became the sole historical basis for the English
claim to the Hudson River valley in the struggle of the
nations that took place during the third quarter of the seven-
teenth century.
In the spring of 1524, the Florentine, Giovanni da Verra-
zano, coasting north from the Carolinas under the French
flag of Francis I., probably entered the harbor of what is
now New York. He gives a very interesting description
of that bay, but made no landing. The first Dutch ships
to venture upon American seas were sent out in 1510. In
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EARLT DUTCH S£rrL£MMI^TS 5
th.it year, 1 hailes V. had granted an island in America to
the bicur licvercn, who "dispatched two armed vessels in
search of his new estate.*' 151 2, Anthony
furthermore, in
Molock ventured to the Cape Verd Islands in a Dutch
vcnel. Wemay say, in fact, that by the time Oiarles V.
came into poMeaaion of the Low Countries, Dutch vetsels
were no uncommon aig^t on the waters of the New World.
The year 1566 was a veiy important one for Holland,
commercially as well as politically. That year, Philip II.
of Spain determined to root out die Reformation from the
Low Countries. As a result, in 1567 seven of the eleven
provinces of the Spanish Netlierlands revolted. This lost
to Holland the advantages she had enjoyed as a part of a
great and powerful commercial nation. For, by an edict,
the subjects of Spain and Portugal were prohibited from
trading with the rebellious provinces.
The loss to the Low Countries was only temporary, how-
ever, for in the end it led to the development of the Dutch
East India trade. This, in turn, was largely instrumental
in causing ventures to be made in the western seas. In
fact, two citizens of Amsterdam sent several vessels to the
West Indies in the latter part of 1597. The next vear
the city of Amsterdam despatched more ships to the same
welters. Furthermore, it is held that in the same year several
Dutchmen in the employ of the Greenland C^ompany actu-
ally builttwo small torts for protection against the Indians
during the wuuer months on territory destined to become
iN'ew Netherland. One of these forts is said to liavc been
built on North River and the other on South River that is, —
on what are now Hudson and Delaware Rivers.
In 1602, the &ates General obliged the various tradbg
companies to incorporate under the title of the East India
Company. This was done for political as well as com-
mercial reasons. And what is more to the purpose, its
incorporation was one of the most important reasons for
the formation of that later trading association, the Dutch
West India Company. It was not until the early fiill
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6 MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAND
,
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EARLY DUTCH SETTLEMMNTS 7
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10 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
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MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
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BARLr DUTCH SETTLEMENTS
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l6 MIDDLE STJTSS AND MJRTUND
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. •'•v^^Ti jr«4*^?^* >4M.fcV^ ^^^ZxuV •Me.^QiSfttfll/
<«A)W way •
the " wild men" for the value of sixty guilders, trom the original in
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SJRir DUTCH SBTTlBBONrg 17
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l8 MIDDLE STATES AND UAKTLAND
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&AKLY DUrCU SETTLEMENTS 19
exports were furs. The Company saw that its sole source
of income was from the fur trade. That state of atFairs was
unsatisfactory when it was realized what an extremely fertile
and well-favored country New Netherland was. The cost
of the establishment was out of proportion to the returns,
and the internal al&irs of the colony were exceedingly
irregular.
These had heen before the Assembly of the Nine^
facts
teen, the governing body of the Company, for some time,
and colonial, seignioral, and manorial schemes for develop-
ing the colony and making it a more prosperous investment
were discussed at some length and with much heat. At
one of the meetings, when the commissioners for the States
General and other notables were in attendance, a draft of
a "charter of privileges and exemptions" was drawn up
which wns considered advantageous to all parties interested
or who might become interested as colonizers. The report
was referred to a committee for exaniinaiion and for later
reference to the Nineteen. Heym's victory occurred just at
the right time. By it the committee was greath inHucnccU
in its consideration of the draft. Finally, aiter numerous
amendments and frequent references to the committee.
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EARLY DUTCH SETTLEMENTS 21
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24 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
The
patroon system soon brought on a conflict with the
Company. Van Rensselaer formed a stock company to
develop his holdings. By agreement he was to have no
rank or authority superior to his associates except such as
went with the title patroon.*' His partners were bound
to do fealty and homage for the fief on his demise in the
name and on behalf of his son and heirs." The object of
the patroons seems to have been, at this time, the develop-
ment of the Indian trade rather than the development of the
country. By the fifteenth article of their charter they claimed
the right to trade with the Indians, not only along the coast,
but in the interior —
in fact, at any point where the Com-
pany did not have representatives at the time the charter was
granted in 1629. The fur trade was simply irresistible to
the patroons. They were shortly accused of trading in fur
on their own private account and thus interfering with what
the other directors clanncd to be their "vested rights."
Mutual ICC nininations followed, until the competition forced
a revision of the Articles of Freedom. As a result the privi-
leges of the patroons were somewhat curtailed. This did
not settle the difficulties. The patroons continued to en-
croach upon the rights of the Company, and, in the end,
blocked the attainment of the very object for which the
—
patroon system had been created that is, the growth of an
agricultural colony.
The quarrel was referred to the States General, and inci-
dentally Director*<general Peter Minuit was recalled in 1631.
This was due, no doubt, in part to the fact that the vast
alienations of the public domain had taken place during
his administration. He was
thought to be too favorably
disposed toward the patroons. Minuit looked upon his
recall as imfair and unwarranted treatment. 1 he struggle
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SAtLLT DUTCH SETTLEMENTS
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EARLY DUTCH SBTtLSMEifrs
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MIDDLE STATES AND MAEYLAND
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«
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EdUr DUTCH SSTTLBMENTS
guns. heard no more the dies of the Indians.
I They
were butchered in their sleep!"
Eighty Indians were slaughtered at Pavonia and forty at
Corlear's Hook by the second party. " Sucklings were torn
from their mothers' breasts, butchered before their parents'
eyes, and their mangled limbs thrown quivering into the
river or the flames. Babes were hacked to pieces while fas-
tened to little boards, — —
others were
their primitive cradles,
thrown alive into the river, and when their parents, impelled
by nature, lushed m to save them, the soldiers prevented
them landing and thus both parents and offspring sank into
one watery grave. Children of half a dozen years; dc-
crepit men of thfeescm and ten, shared the same fate.
Those who escaped and begged for shelter next morning,
were killed in cold blood, or thrown into the river." ^ Some —
came running to us," says De Vries, ^from the country,
having their hands cut off; some lost both arms and legs;
some were supporting their entrails with their hands, while
others were mangled in other horrid ways, too horrible to
be conceived. And these miserable wretches as well as
many of the Dutch were all the time under the impression
that the Jittack had proceeded from the terrible Mohawks."
This crime has hardly a p;iialle1 in the annals of savage
atrocities —
directed, as it was, upon friendly villages of harm-
less, unsuspecting Indians. The massacre of the sleeping
Dutch of Schenectady forty-seven years later by French and
Indians was not its equal. There, sixty persons were killed.
Peter Schuyler, Mayor of Albany at the time (1690), made
a mistake when, writing to Massachusetts for aid, he said
"it was a dreadful massacre and murder, the like of which
has never been committed In these parts of America." He
had either foigotten or refused to recall the massacre of the
Indians at Pavonia and Corlear's Hook by men of his own
race just forty-seven years before.
The eleven river tribes immediately combined and retali-
ated upon the Dutch. Property was destroyed, colonists
were put to death, and the actual destruction of the province
MIDDLE STJTMS AND MARYLAHD
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SIRir DUTCH SErriSMlHTS
his sermons, "are the great men of this country but vessels
of wrath and fountains ot woe and trouble? They think of
nothing but to plunder the property of others, to dismiss, to
banish, to transport to Holland." Kieft accused the dominie
of drunkenness and sedition, and attempted to drown his
voice by the mttle of drum and the firing of cannon.
Upon the arrival of his successor, Kieft handed over
die administration of the colony amid universal rejoicings.
His administntion had ended prutically in 1646, although
it was 1647 l^fi^e he was superseded. Serious complaints.
36 MIDDLE srirSS AND MJRTLAND
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£JRLr DUrCH SETTLEMENTS
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MIDDLE StAtSS AND MARYLAND
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DUrCH AND SWEDISH ON THE DELAifJRE 41
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DUTCH AND SWBDISH ON THE DBLAU^ARB 43
patroons had great confidence, a second expedition was fitted
out. But before it sailed ncu w:is received of an appall-
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DUTCH AND SWEDISH ON THE DELAWARE 45
PafL of this land had alrcaJy been sold eight years before
by the Indians to Godyn. In fact, Dc Wies's unfortunate
colony of Zwaanendal was within the boundaries of the
grant.
The Swedish colony prospered during the first year, in
spite of the Dutch opposition. Thirty thousand skins were
exported, and the Dutch were constantly undersold. Within
two years came a change, and the little colony became dis-
couraged. The Swediw Company had fiuled to send addi-
tional supplies for the Indian trade, provisions were exhausted,
tiade declined, and sickness prevailed. In the spring of 1 640
the colonists resolved to remove to New Amsterdam. The
day before their contemplated departure, however, tlic Dutch
ship Fredenburg arrived from Sweden with supplies. The ship
sailed under the Swedish flag, although her passengers and
crew were HoUanders^Jacob Powelson being the captain.
The succor was most unexpected. The prosperity of the
Swedish colony had attracted notice in other parts of Europe,
and a company had been formed in Holland to make settle-
ments under the patronage of the Swedish Company The
Fredenburg had been sent out by this Dutch company. She
sailed from Holland in January and arrived in South i^ver
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DUtCH AND SWEDISH ON THE DBUWJRB 47
aome time during the ktter part of April or the Arst of May.
She was freighted with colonists, stock, and all supplies
necessary for a colonial establishment. A despatch was
produced from Chancellor Oxensuem and his brother, re-
questing the colonists to receive the emigrants in a frienflly
manner. Inf()rm:itionwas given at the same time that two
other would be sent out in the spring.
vcsslIs.
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48 MIDDLE STATES AVD MARrUND
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DUTCH AND SfTMDl^H ON THE DEUITJRX 49
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MWDLS STAfBS AND MARTUND
So important had New Sweden become in the estimation of
the home on August i6, 1642, John Printz,
authorities^ that
a heutenant-colonelof cavalry, was appointed governor.
His instructions ^vere dated at Stockholm a day earlier,
and in them tlu oundaries of New Sweden were stated to
1
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DUTCH Am SWEDISH OH tHB DELAWARE 51
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MIDDLE STAtES AND MARYUND
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DUTCH AND S9FEPJSM ON THE DELAWARE 53
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CHAPTER III
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6o MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
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CLASH OF NATIONALITIES ON THE DELAIVARE 63
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64 MWDLB STATES AND MARYUND
brought to New Amsterdam. The English improvements
were to be levelled ^on the spot," but care was to be had
that no personal property was injured. An accurate inven-
tory of the personal property was to be taken in the presence
of the English.
Jan Jansen undoubtedly carried out his instructions and
expelled the English from the Schuylkill. The New Haven
records declare that in spite of the English purchases on
both sides of the river, Governor Kieft sent armed men
without warning or protest and forcibly burned the trading
house. Furthermore, that their goods were seized and held
for a while and that they themselves were kept prisoners.
The damage done was estimated at ;^ioo, for which no
satisfaction could be secured as late as 1650.
As we have seen, no sooner had Printz become settled
as governor of the Swedish colony than he proceeded to
expel the culonibis of New Haven under Lamberton from
their remaining settlements upon the Delaware. Testimony
to this etfect was given before the court of New Haven
(August 2,1643) by John Thtckpciiny, one of the colo-
nists who had been a.rrci)ted with Lamberton. According to
Thickpcnny's deposition, this expulsion of the English from
Varkin*s Kill was not unaccompanied with treachery. While
Lamberton's pinnace, the Cock^ was anchored about three
miles above Fort Elsinburg, a letter arrived from Printz.
The letter was brought by two Swedes, Tim the barber
[surgeon] and Godfrey the merchant's man, Printz stated
that the Indians had stolen a gold chain from his wife.
That, as those Indians were about to trade with Lamber-
ton, he desired his good offices in getting the chain back.
Lamberton was requested to stay on board until the next
morning, when he would fecognize the thief by a certain
mark on his face. No Indians came aboard. But when
Lamberton called upon Printz at the tatter's request, in
company with John Woollen, the Indian interpreter, and
John Thickpenny, all three were arrested. Woollen was
placed in irons. Printz's wife and Tim the barber tried
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66 MIDDLE SIAIES AND MARYLAND
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CLASH OF NdnONAUriBS ON tHM DMLAITJRB 67
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70 MIDDLE STATES AUD MARYLAND
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CLASH OF NAnONAUriES ON THE DELAWARE 71
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MIDDLE STAtBS AND MAHYLdND
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CLASH OF HAnOHAUnSS Olf TH£ DELAWARE ^3
inception to 1653, when becomes nier]ged into the greater
fight for the possession of the wh<de of New NetherlancL
A thoiou^ knowledge of the facts is indispensable in getting
a correct idea of the case made out by both the English and
the Dutch in support of their titles to the territory included
within the bounds of New Netherland, The subject will
be taken up again for consideration when we come to treat
of the English conquest of New Netherland.
I
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CHAPTER IV
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^6 MIDDLE STATES AND MAKTUND
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78 MWBLE STATES AHD UARTZAND
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MAWrENANCE OF THE StJTUS
atrocities, anil the schemings of Philip IL, not only failed
to extirpate Protestantism from the Netherlands but caused
it to take still deeper root* The declaration of Dutch
Independence was formally issued at The Hague on the
26th of Jul/) 15^^) ^nd was followed by the great pros-
perity of the United Provinces. At length, April 9, 1609,
a truce for twelve years was agreed to between the Dutch
Republic and Spain. The former's freedom and inde-
pendence were unconditionally recognized. There were no
conditions concerning religion. Thus, at the beginning of
Dutch colonization in America, Protestantism was firmly
established in Holland. The end of the twelve years' truce
brought on war, but the supremacy of the Protestant faith
was never threatened for a moment in the Netherlands.
The final negotiations of peace between Spain and the
United Provinces toolc place in 1648 and were followed
shortly by the prosperity and preeminence of the Dutch
Republic.
Luther's doctrines were first introduced into Sweden in
1519, by two brothers, Olaus and Laurentius Petri, who had
studied under the "great apostle of reform "at Wittenberg.
Through the Petris, Gustavus Vasa entered into a corre-
spondence with Luther, and at the ereat Diet at Westerns
in 1527 the Reformation was formally inirotluced. There
were several reactions in Sweden toward Roman Catholi-
—
cism, especially during the reign of John III. (i 568-1 592),
— but in every instance the reaction was in connection with
the prospective union with Poland. The accession of Gus<>
tavus Adolphus, in 161 1, assured the firm establishment of
Protestantism in Sweden.
This review of ecclesiastical conditions in England, Hol-
land, and Sweden during the period of the rivaliy of the
three nations for the possession of the Delaware and Hud-
son valleys emphasizes the importance of Stuyvesant's first
reason for the necessity of peace and union. It may be
held very justly, however, that it was not so much unity
of faith" that made these nations tolerant of each other as
8o MIDDIS STATES JND MARrUND
—
bors of foreign nationality the colonial governments did not
move upon their own initiative. For this reason, whatever
attitude the English, Dutch, and Swedish colonial govern-
ments assumed toward each other, it was the result of the
policy determined by their respective home governments.
It was the political, religious, and economic conditions of
aiiairs in Europe that determined their policies. The wars
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Copyrighty iqoj, h C
J Google
Orge Barrie & Sons.
ibrr, 1661. The earliest exuint English map of New \'ork, known
tisia/ and Topographical Collection in the British Museum.
MAINTENANCE OF THE STATUS 8i
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MAWTBNANCB OF THE STATUS S^O 83
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84 MIDDLE STATSS AHD MARYLAND
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88 MIDDLE STJtXS AND MARTLASD
tor unihcation.
In the third place, there were dissensions between the
four culuiHcs comprising the United Colonies of New Eng-
land. These colonies united were strong enough without
the help of the oihei colonies to wage a successful war
of conquest against the Dutch and the Swedes. The
New England Confederation was formed at Bostoii in
^Axf^ 1643, <lclcgates from Plymouth, Massachusetts
Bay, ConiMcticut, and New Haven C<4Qnies. From that
time until its practical dissolution in 1684, the records of
the United Colonies are full of evidences of the disagree*
ments, jealousies, and mutual recriminations of these four
Puritan colonies.
The facts that have heen thus brougjht forward In the
course of this discussion should go a long way toward
answering satisfactorily the questions asked at the begin*
ning of the chapter. Namely, why, prior to 1655, did not
the Dutch, the English, and the Swedes resort to open and
declared warfare in their triangular contest for the posses-
sion of the Delaware valley ? Why
did not the Dutch of
New Netherland declare war upon the Swedes of New
Sweden and exterminate them? Why did not the Enelish
wage war against the Dutch? Why was each of the three
colonial tM)vcrnments so tolerant of the other two ? Answers
to these questions have been found in the seven reasons
just adduced, namely: first, their unity of faith; secondly,
the traditional political union of their respective home coun-
tries—especially as between the English and the Dutch;
thirdly, their common danger from their common enemies;
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CHAPTER V
DVrCH CONGEST Of NEW SIFSDEN, 1647-1655
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from the source of his military supplies, and had but a hand- |
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DUTCH CONi^ffESr OF NBW SWIDBN 93
his return to Europe for surgical aid that he was pboed in
charge of New Netherland while still retaining his former
commission. His very first speech, as weU as his whole
personal bearing, was indicative of what manner of man he
was* shall govern you as a father his children, for the
advantage of the chartered West India Company, and these
btirjrhers, and this land/* said he, in summing up his view
of the situation and his relation to it. It is said that he put
on airs and strutted about, like a peacock, with great state
and pomp. Some of the representative citizens on going to
welcome him were left to wait for several hours bareheaded,
while he "as if he were the Czar of Muscovy remained
covered." The transmission of the government from Kieft
to himself was made as spectacular as possible. Tile wiiuie
community was called to witness the ceremony.
Stuyvesant was bom about 1602, land was the son of a
deigyman, the Rev. Balthazar Stuy vesant. He had a college
education and considered himself well versed in Latin. Upon
leaving college, he entered the army. He married Judith
Bayard, the granddaug^iter of a French Protestant clergyman.
This clergyman was Nicholas Bayard, who, after the Mas-
sacre of St. Bartholomew's, in, 1572, escaped to the Nether-
lands. As to Peter Stuyvesant's personality, we have an
admirable description by the veracious Diedrich Knickei^
bocker : ^^A valiant, weather-beaten, mettlesome, obstinate,
leathern-sided, lion-hearted, generous-spirited old governor."
His manner was most autocratic and his speech was very
abrupt — often offensively so. He was diligent m furthering
.the interests of his superiors; and when he had decided as
to what those interests were, he was verv prompt in action.
He was not the one to brook opposition, aiid his arbitrary
conduct again precipitated the old struggle between the set-
tlers and the director-general.
His lirst act was to organize his council, and almost his
second act was to begin issuing proclamations. This he did
with quite as mudi zeal as Kieft had shown. Sabbath break-
ing, brawling, and drunkenness were forbidden. Liquors
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MWDLE STATES AND MARTIAND
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96 MIDDLE STATBS AND BURTUm
Stityvcnnt so oonttnicted the charter that thejr mig^ fill
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DUTCH CONGEST OF NEW SWEDEN 97
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DUTCH CONi^ESr Of NEiV SiVEDEN 99
shadowy power of the States Geneial and much more heed to
the very material power of the West India Company. The
patroons were of the character of feudal chiefs, over whom
the director-general was required to assert ^an authority
which they refused to acknowledge." The interests of the
Company were Stuyvesant's first concern, and whoever or
whatever opposed these interests he attacked most uncom-
promisingly. In this he was no respecter of persons, as is
evidenced hy his frequent clashes with those hig|i in offi-
cial power. This is very aptly illustrated in an incident
that occurred on his voyage to New Netherland to assume
the directorship. His little fleet had captured a Spanish ship
and he invited Van Dincklagen, his vice-director, to consult
with him as to the best disposal of the prize. Van Dyck,
the treasurer, very naturally supposing his attendance was
expected, entered the cabin. But no sooner had he put his
foot inside than Stuyvesant gave him a push none too gentle,
at the same time exclaiming; "Get out of here! when I
want you I'll call for you!"
From themoment when the patroons first phiiued colo-
nies m NewNetherland, jealousies arose between them and
the directors of the West India Company. The continuance
of the patroon colonies was opposed. They wxTe consid-
ered injurious to the country. For this reason, Pa\ onia and
Zvvaanendal were repurchased in 1634 and the patroon of
Rensselaerwyck was requested to cede to the Company his
privileges and possessions. Failing to secure Rensselaer-
wyck, the ducctors next attempted to circumscribe the
jurisdictions and to weaken the power of the patroons.
The two representatives of these conflicting interests of the
Company and the patroon were respectively Stuyvesant and
Brant van Slechtenhorst. To the latter was intrusted the
immediate management of Rensselaerwyck, with the official
titlesof Director of the Colony, President of the Court of
Justice, and ^Superintendent of all the bouweries, farms,
mills and other property belonging to the patroon." He
knew full well the chartered prerogatives of his patroon.
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the " Heer General" upon his departure with divers young
fowls and [n u
Van ^icL lUciiliorst was summoned before the director-
general and charged with infringing; the Company's sover-
eignty. 1 he former was a foe man worthy of the old
general's steel. He replied: "Your complaints arc unjust;
I have more reason to complain, my patroons,
on behalf of
againtt you." In answer to Stuyvesant di«w up a
this,
long list of protests and ordered Van Slechtenhorst to cor-
rect all the abuses mentioned. The latter denied iir ttu
the director-general's right to interfere in the affiurs of the
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neither his children, bis master, nor his friends, were allowed
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102 MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLdSD
to speak to bim," whilst ^ his furs, bis clothes, and his meat
were left hanging on the door-posts, and his house and papeis
were abandoned to the merqr of his enemies," He was
then carried to New Amsterdam, **to be tormented, in his
sickness and old age, with unheard-of and insuficiable perse>
Gutions, by those serving a Christian government, professing
the same religion, and living under the same authority."
The patroon and co-directors of Rcnsselaerwyck sent on
December 1 6, 1 65 2, a vigorous protest to the Amsterdam
Chamber, complaining of what they termed Stuyvesant's
high-handed measures. The directors replied in vague
tenns, and the patroon immediately addressed a memorial
to the States General, demanding justice and redress. The
Amsterdam Chamber, after considerable delay, replied to
some of the charges brought against Stuyvesant, their
agent in New Netherland. The directors then taking
the offensive made counter charges against the agents
of the patroon. In the end, the dispute was settled entirely
to the satisfaction of ihe director-generaL He was sustained
at even' point.
While these events were occurring on North Ri\ cr, Dutch
interests on South River were not altogether neglected hy
the authorities at New Amsterdam. The Dutch settlements
on South River, however, might have fallen into a state of
utter decay had it not been for the loyal efforts of one man,
Commissan' Hudde. He, as we have seen, infused great
acti\ ity into affairs in that quarter and appears to have made
fvcrv endeavor to extend Dutch influence and dominion.
He found it bv no means an easv task, however, for in that
vicinity the Swedish Company was more powerful than the
Dutch Companv. '1 he Suedes were extremely arrogant
and evidently desired to pick a quarrel, with the end in \ iew
of driving the Dutch from the river. Printz, the Governor
of New Sweden, was as zealous in the interests of the
Swedes as was Hudde in the interests of the Dutch. He
had been tampering with the Minquas and had endeavored
to obtain their consent to the erection of a fort in their
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DUTCH CONGEST OF HEW SWEDEN
country, by means of which he expected to tecure from
thirty to forty thousand beavers annually.
With this end in view he had fortified the mouth of the
Schuyikil] — the highway to the Minquas* territory. On
hearing this, the Indians of Passavunk invited the Dutch to
build j. tradins: post at that [> urtlicrniore, to show
1'
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MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
very time to purchase from him the lands upon which the
Swedes were settled. Printz had maintained that he had
already purchased these lands. The Indians thereupon con-
veyed to Stuyvcsant, whom they cnllf-d "the (jrand Sachem
of the Manhattans," the title to the lands in dispute.
Stuvvesant succeeded in doing little toward carryiiiL: out
his mission except calling a council of Indian chiefs to meet
at Fort Nassau. After a solemn conference, the chiefs
pr<;sentcd to the Dutch "as a free gift " large tracts of land.
The only conditions made were by Chief Pcmenatta, who
insisted that the Dutch should repair his gun when out of
order and give the Indians a little maize when they rt4uired
it. Fort Nassau, situated on the Jersey shore, being incon-
veniently far up the river, was demolished and a new fort
called Casimir was erected on the opposite bank of the
river, about four miles from Fort Christina. Printz pro-
tested most vigorously against the erection of the new
fort, but was nevertheless willing to arrive at some friendly
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106 MIDDLE STJTSS AND MARYUND
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DUTCH CONGEST OF NEW SWEDEN 107
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I08 MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAHD
shot were fired over the fort as a signal, and almost at the
same time Swen Schttte rushed into the fort at the head of
twenty or thirty men and took possession of it. Bikker
offered no resistance whatever, but instead welcomed them
as friends and struck his flag. The Dutch soldiers were
then driven from the fort, and their goods, together with
those of Bikker, were confiscated. Practically eveiything in
the fort was taken. Bikker, in a letter to Stujrvesant, said
^^I could hardly, by entreaties, bring it so far as to bear
that I with my wife and children were not likewise shut
out almost naked." Van Tienhoven and another com-
missioner were permitted to go to Rysingh to demand an
explanation of his conduct. Rysingh replied most curtly
that he had acted in pursuance of orders from the cn>\vn
of Sweden; that the Swedish ambassadors at The Hague
had been assured by the States General and the West India
Company that the erection of the Dutch fort on Swedish
soii had not been authorized; and that if the Dutch were in
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DUTCH COH^BST Of IfSIT SWMDMif
Amsterdam. Stu^veMnt was in the midst of his prep8i»-
tions for the defence of New Netherknd ag^st an ex-^
pected attaclL by the English. Consequently, he was not
able to retaliate immediately. This bit of Swedish folly
had, however, as a sequel the overthrow of New Sweden
and the appropriation of the territory by the Dutch. Stuy-
vesant did retaliate shortly by capturing a Swedish ship, the
Golden Shark^ in charge of Hendrick van Elsvvycic, and
bound for South River. The ship had entered the harbor
of Manhattan by mistake, and the captain had sent a boat
to Manhattan to secure a pilot to take him to South River.
Van Klswyck was sent to South River to invite Rysingh to
visit New Amsterdani to corUlr with Stuyvcsant for the
settlement of " unexpccLcd ditkrc iic( s," He was promised
a cordial reception, comfortable lodging, and touiteous
treatment. He declined the invitation and failed to send a
representative, although especially requested to do so. Stuy-
vesant then ccmfiscated the vessel and caigo, notwithstanding
a formal protest from Van Elswyck.
The news of the treacherous capture of Fort Casimir
soon reached HoUand. On November i6, 1654, the Am-
sterdam directors ordered Stuyvesant to *^ exert eveiy nerve
to revenge that injury, not only by restoring afiairs to their
former situation, but by driving the Swedes from every side
of the river, as they did with us.'' Two armed ships, the
King Sfkmm and the Great Christopher^ were fitted out, and
the drum was beaten daily in the streets of Amsterdam to
invite volunteers to embark in them on the proposed expe-
dition for the conquest of New Sweden, Stuyvesant was
likewise civen permission to press into service a sufficient
nam her of ships to complete the expedition. He was in-
structed to leave nothing untried to apprehend Bikker, for it
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DUTCH CONGEST OF NEfF SWEDEN 1 1 j
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112 MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAND
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Peter Stuyvesant.
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DUTCH CONS^BSr OF NEW SWMDEH 113
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11^ MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAUD
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DUTCH CONs^UESr Of NEIT SH^EDEN 115
L.
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CHAPTER VI
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Il8 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
who had recently turned out the Long Parliament, was very
glad to close a war between two Protestant powers that had
so many things in common. The treaty was signed in
1654, and Denmark, the Hanseatic towns, and the Swiss
provinces were parties to it. The supremacy of the Eng-
lish flag in the British sea^ was recognized the Navigation
;
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ENGUSH CONGEST Of NEIV NETHERLAND 127
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128 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
Stuy vesant. A
categorical answer he did not return^ but
did vouchsafe a long reply bristling with sarcastic remarks
and weired down by evasions, subterfuges, and insidious
attempts to create national prejudices. He held that
Breukelen, Midwout, and Amersfoort were without juris-
diction and had no right to send delegates to a popular
convention. That the other members were a few unquali^
fied delegates who had no right to address the director or
anybody else. That the colonies of Manhattan, Rensse-
laerwyck, Staten Island, and the settlements of Beverwyck
and South River had been too sensible and prudent to
"subscribe to all that had been projected by an English-
man." In fact, he did not beiicN e George Baxter himself
understood what he meant. What did they know about
arbitrary government? "If their rule were to become a
cynosure — if the nomination and electioji of magistrates
were to be left to the populace, who were the most inter-
ested, then each would vote for one of his own stamp-—the
thief for a thief ; the rogue, the tippler, the smuggler, for a
brother in iniquity, that he might enjoy greater latitude in
his vices and frauds."
The delegates were not to be silenced by this tirade.
In
a rejoinder, they appealed to the ^Law
of Nature" which
permits all men to assemble for the protection of their
liberties and their property. They asserted, furthermore,
that unless the director answered categorically the six points
of their remonstrance, they would appeal to the States
General and the West India Company.
The old general's wrath now waxed hot. He held the
act of the convention ^ smelt of rebellion," and ordered
the delegates to disperse on pain of his highest displeasure.
What had the "Law of Nature" to do with public meet-
ings for the protection of pubhc liberty! only muLnstrates,
not conimon people, had a right thus to assemble. "We
derive our authority from God and the Company, not from a
few ignorant subjects, and we alone can call the inhabitants
together." This was Stuyvesant's farewell slap.
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its government.**
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ENGUSH CONQUEST OF NEW NSTHSRLAND 1
31
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ENGUSH CONGEST OF NEff^ NETHERLAND 133
land. This was not done, and the matter remained in sus-
pense until the restoration of Charles 11. Although the
treaty was decidedly in the interests of New England as
against those of New Netherland, yet there is no doubt
but that Stuyvesant did the best he could under the circum-
stances. Had the treaty not been negotiated, it is altogether
probable that New Amsterdam would have fallen before
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ENGLISH CONGEST OP NEW NETHEELdND ijy
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ENGUSH CONGEST OP HEW NSTHERUND 1
39
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aWDLS STMTBS AND MUHrUND
English ftatetmen that the nKsmcnt for the employment of
a ftronger colonial policy had arrived. The colonies were
ordered to carefully and £uthfully execute" the Navigation
Act. The colonies antweied that this could not be done
so long as the Dutch were in control of New Netherland.
The Dutch possessions were central and separated the
English possessions like a wedge. The New England
colonists coveted the lucrative fur trade of the Hudson.
Furthermore, control of the region was necessary for the
military command of the eastern part of the continent. Ail
these arguments were presented to Charles by busy intriguers
with the ardor horn of inuividual interest.
Connecticut now hegan to plan tor the acquirement of
allof the rights and privileges granted by its new charter.
The West liuiia Company sau cli arly the trend ot arfairs,
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ENGUSH CONGEST OF NSW NETHERUND 141
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MHGUSH CONGEST OF NMIF HBTHBtLUHD 143
**Mr. Winthrop:
"As to those particulars you spoke to me, I do assure
you that it the Manhadoes be deHvered up to his Mairstv,
I shall not hinder, but anv people from the Netherlands
may freelv come and plant there or thereabouts; and such
vessels of their own country may froelv come thither, and
any of them may as freely return lu>me, in vessels of their
own country; and this and much more is containrd in the
privilege of his Majesty's English subjects; and thus murh
you may, by uliat means you please, assure the Governor
from, Sir, your very affectionate servant,
"Richard Nicolls.**
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MWDLM STATES AND MARYIAND
last treaty of peace was entered into between the Dutch and
the Algonquins.
These Indian wars, covering as they did nearly ten years
of Stuyvesant*s administration, somewhat retarded the rapid
growth of the province. Nevertheless, New Netherhnd
experienced unexampU d prosperity, and the bad effect of the
wars was negative ratlier than positive. The war that Kieft
provoked in 1643 had imperilled the existence of the prov-
ince, but these later wars had merely slackened its growth.
Settlers were planting homes north and west of Fort Orange.
In 661, Arendt van Corlear was authorized to buy the
1
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rHE DUTCH VHDER BSGUSH RULE
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MWDLt aiAlta AND MARYLAND
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THE DUTCH UNDER ENGUHH RULE 163
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THE DUTCH UNDER ENGUSU RULE 165
levy one to support the garrison and they knew not what
else. Southold, Southampton, and Easthampton agreed to
contribute provided they might have the privilege enjoyed
by the king's tubjects in New England. Huntingdon re>
fiiaed becaiiae it was deprived of the liberties of English-
men. Jamaica held the tax inconsistent with the British
Constitution, but declared its willingness to bear the tax in
patience if it was the king's express purpose to "disprivilege"
it. Flushing and Hempstead concurred with Jamaica.
These remonstrances were adjudged "false, scaiulalous,
illegal, and seditious, teruimg only to disatfect all the peace-
able and well-meaning subjects" of the king in the province.
Lovelace ordered the remonstrances burned publicly before
the town hall in the citv of New York, and at the same
time ordered criminal proceedings to be begun against the
pnncipal seditionaries. It was easier to burn ^.cciitious**
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X66 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
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rU£ DUTCH UNDER MGUSH RULE
result. On the 9th of August, after shots had tucn ex-
changed between the fleet and Fort James, New \ork was
formally surrendered to the Dutch.
There was once more a gener.il change of names and a
reestablishment of old h<)undar\ lines. "New Netherland"
was restored Fort James was changed to^Willem Hcn-
i
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THE DUTCH UNDER ENGLISH RULE 169
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170 MIDDLE STATES dUD MAKTLdHD
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THE DUTCH UNDBR BNGUSH KUIB.
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CHAPTER VIII
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l84 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
enemies the opportunity for which they had been long Icok-
ing. Bennett and Claiborne placed themselves at the head
of a party of men from Virginia and Maryland. They
forced the governor, Stone, to resign, and pat in his place a
Captain William Fuller, who, with a Puritan Council, was
to administer affiiirs. Then followed a r^me of intoler-
ance. An Assembly was called, but no Roman Catholic
was eligible to office or could cast a vote. The Toleration
Act of 1649 was repealed, and another, called ^An Act
Concerning Religion,'* was proclaimed. This act dented
protection to all Roman Catholics in the exercise of their
religion. Later, Brownists, Quakers, Anabaptists, and other
miscellaneous Protestant sects" were included within the
operation of the act. In fact, none but the Puritans could
look for protection from the newly established government.
The Reformation in France from the veiy beginning had
gained steadily, until not only many of the middle classes
but many of the aristocracy and even some of the clergy
supported it. They built schools and churches of their
own, and increased numerically in spite of persecution. The
Huguenots, whose greatest strength lay m the class com-
posed of skilled artisans, scholars, and merchants, were the
most moral, industrious, and intelligent of the French popu-
lation. They had found a friend in Henry IV., who in
1598 proclaimed the Edict of Nantes, which granted them
many privilcires and more especially freedom of conscience.
This edict remained in force until its revocation in 1685,
during the reign of Louis XIV.
The migration of French Protestants had been going on
for several years \ it now became so vast that the industrial
welfare of the nation was threatened. Louis forbade all
Protestants Co leave the country. In spite of this decree, how*
ever, the exodus was veiy little diminished. Protestants fled
in di^ise; and many Catholics, pitying them, helped them
on their way. The neighboring Protestant nations eagerly
opened their arms to their oppressed brethren. Money was
raised to assist them to reach an asylum. Holland exempted
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MlGRAtlON OF tHB OPfRMSSMD 185
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i86 MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAND
departed from the Church service, and that at that time it was
nothing more than a shell. These things greatly distressed
him. He felt something must be done, but knew not what.
The friends to whom he applied for advice and enlighten-
ment gave him no One advised him to get married,
aid.
—
mind; another a priest told him to
in order to soothe his —
use tobacco and take to the singing of psalms. His friends
giving him no comfort, his trouble increased, but in the
midst of all the darkness he says he heard a voice which
said: "There is one, even Christ Jesus, that can speak to
thy conditions." From that time on, he felt that he was the
man called of God to awaken men from thdr lifeless forms
and dogmas to a sense of the vital importance of an inward,
living, spiritual, religion."
He did not intend to found a new sect, but only wanted
to purge the Church of England of its falsities. He re-
fused to take oaths, quoting the Bible injunction "swear
not at all "; neither would he raise his hat as was the custom,
contending that at the name of God alone should that be
done. Also, he refused to address any man with the plural
pronoun, believing it incompatible with the Biblical idea of
simplicity and truth. Because of these things he gave great
offence to his fellow men, and for preaching them he fre-
quently found himself imprisoned. Upon one occasion,
when arrested, having admonished Justice Bennett, before
whom he was brought, "to tremble at the word of the
Lord," the dubbed Fox and his fol-
justice, tradition avers,
lowers "Quakers." Although persecuted for their own
peculiarities, the Quakers frequently had to answer for the
absurdities of other newly risen sects. But persecution did
not disturb themj in fact, "they courted it."
The news of the new sect reached America, where the
movement was watched with alarm. In Massachusetts, it
is said, a day of fast and prayer was held "on account of
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refusing to take the oath of fidelity. Later, on "account
of their insolent behavior, in standing presumptuously cov-
ered," they were forever banished. Also, an t^rder was
passed that all Quaker " vagabonds and idlers " should leave
Maryland, and if they ventured to return sh ould be whipped
from constable to constable out of the pr()\ ince. Those
who had entertained Cole and 1 hr ujjtun, together with a
man who had refused to assist in the anrett of the latter,
whi|»ped. This order, howev«r, was in force only
during FendaU's nde. There is no record of Quakers
having been whipped later. Although they were fined for
refusing to bear arms or to contribute funds toward the
militia, they were treated for the most part leniently and
found comparative comfort in the Maryland colony. They
increased so rapidly that in 1661 they had stated times for
meetings, and in 1672 were visited by their founder, George
Fox, who attended several of their meetings.
It is probable that the first settlement of Friends in New
Jersey was made along the banks of Raritan River in 1663.
In 1670, a meeting house was built at Shrewsbury. The
proprietorship of New Jersey had been held jointly by
Lord John Berkeley of Stratton and Sir George Carteret,
but in 1673 the latter sold out his interest in the colony
to a Quaker, John Fenwick, in trust for another Quaker,
Edward Byllinge. Trouble arose between the two Friends
on account of the transaction, which was finally referred to
William Penn for settlement. To Fenwick, Penn granted
one-tenth of the land and a sum of money, and he was to
hand over to Byllinge the remaining nine-tenths of the pur-
chase. After considerable hesitancy, Fenwick finally yielded
to Penn*s decision and surrendered to Byllinge his nine-
tenths. He himself, in company with some other emigrants,
sailed to Delaware River, and on its eastern shore founded
the town of Salem, June, 1675. For this he was subse-
quently put in Fort James, by Andros, for poaching on the
Duke of York's territory. Edward Byllinge had now be-
come iinanciaily embarrassed, and surrendered his share in
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the country. Thousands fled to other parts of Kurope. The
Palatinate was laid waste. During the War of the Spanish
Succession the Palatinate again suffered desolation. In fact,
the depredations of Marshal MUars, in 1707, were so wide-
spread that the inhabitants could no longer exist upon the
land. It was then that the great exodus began that brought
so inanj Pkladnet to America.
The exodus was conducted as secretly as possible, for the
elector opposed the movement. As a result, we have no
trustworthy account of the first emigntionsi but it is quite
probable die fugitives went to New Jersey. Among the
first pioneers, howc vcr, was a noteworthy company of forty-
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being inhuman.
This mass of German settlers in Pennsylvania, being
thrown so close together, naturally retained their customs.
Being so fxx from the place of their birth, their language
—
soon degenerated into a patois a mixture of South Ger-
man with £nglish. This dialect or patois is commonly
called " Pennsylvania Dutch." It is still spoken by some
of the inhabitants of central Pennsylvania. It flourishes
around the cities of Lancaster, York, Reading, AUentown,
Easton, Lebanon, and Harrisburg.
Jonathan Dickson, in writing about the Palatines, says:
"We had a parcel," —
meaning the Palatines, "who came—
out about five years a^o and proved quiet and industrious."
The Palatines, and liltewise the other German settlers, were
industrious, economical, patriotic, and religious. 1 lieu eager-
ness to work overcame all opposition to their migration into a
country. They possessed moral earnestness, soberness of
mind, persistency, and staying qualities* Tliej were deter-
mined to improve themselves. afnl their fortune, and to enjoy
freedom of worship, Benjamin Franklin, in 1766, said the
Germans made up one-third of the one hundred and sixty thou-
sand whites in Pennsylvania. Furthermore, that they were
" a people who brought with them the greatest of all wealth
industry and integri^ and characters that had been supervised
and developed by years of sufiering and persecution."
Governor Thomas, in his address to the Council, said:
"This province has been for some years the asylum of the
distressed Protestants of the Paiatmate and other parts of
Germany, suid I believe it may with truth be said that the
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Charles Calvtrt, third Lord Baltimore. From the painting hy
Thomas Sully after an original attrihuteJ to Fan Dyke hut probably
by Kneller, no-iv in the Philadelphia AcaJemy of the Fine Arts. The
Sully is no-xv in possession of the Maryland Historical Society.
MIGRjnON OF THE OPPkBSSED
We have thus shown to what a great extent the Middle
colonics furnished the oppressed of nanj lands and many
creeds a safe retreat from the persecutions to which they
had heen subjected in their native countries. In no other
part of North America was liberty of conscience granted to
the same degree during the colonial period. The victims
of a relentless persecution for the sake of their religious
beliefs, the Dutch had adopted a policy of hroad toleration
for all sects. They made it the policy ot the govern-
ment of New Netherland, and the English followed their
good example after the conquest of that province. In
consequence, New ^"ork harbored a mixed population of
—
manv creeds, Walloons, Puritans, Huiriunuts, Quakers,
Lutherans, Jews, Waldcnj.es, Roman Catholics, and Pala-
tines. Lord Baltimore's experiment was in behalf of the
persecuted Roman Catholics j but other colonists were wel-
comed, and we find settled within the borders of Mary-
land, Labadists, PuritanSf and Palatines. William Penn's
'^Holy Experiment" was primarily in behalf of the op-
pressed Friends; but the persecuted of all creeds were
invited to Pennsylvania upon an equality with the followers
of George Fox. Accordingly, Mennonites, Lutherans,
Waldenses, Palatines, Moravians, and Tunkers came in
great numbers. Likewise, New Jersey was settled largely
by the Friends, but the oppressed of other colonies were
welcomed within its borders. Undoubtedly there were
some persecutions, as we have shown in the case of Stuy-
vesant against the Quakers, the Lutherans, and the Jews,
and the Puritans against the Roman Catholics in Maryland.
For the most part, however, such oppression was decidedly
the exception to the rule and attracts our attention because
of that fact. Nothing, therefore, we may say, is more
characteristic of the Middle colonies during the period under
consideration than the uniform toleration of the religious
beliels of all classes of the population. The Middle colo-
nics in this respect present a plcasuig contrast to the other
sections of the country during this period.
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CHAPTER IX
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LORD BAirmORE S EXPERIMENT
Virginia colony. On
October i, 1629, he arrived at James-
town with and several children and some forty
his wife
colf)nists, in search of a desirable situation to make a settle-
ment. The colonists there gave hmi by no means a cordial
reception, having, no duubt, received some intimation of his
colonial designs. He was tendered the oaths of supremacy
and allegiance, but being a Catholic he refused to take them.
He recognized only the Pope as spiritual head. Never-
theless, to avoid provoking bad feeling, he offered to take a
modified form of the oath. They were unwilling to accept
this offer. The Virginia Council could not admit one to
their settlement who would not acknowledge all the preroga-
tives of his majesty, and so requested him to depart in the
next ship. He was offered insults and some of the rabble
even attempted to do him personal violence.
Disappointed in finding a residence in Virginia, Lord
Baltimore now turned his attention to the neighboring terri-
toiy. His eyes fell upon the region along Chesapeake Bay,
as yet unsettled. Its situation and fertility led him to a
closer inspection. Here he decided to try to obtain a home
for religious freedom. He left for England, leaving his wife
and children behind. Upon his arrival, he found a letter
frpm the king advising him to "desist from further prose-
cuting his designs and to return to his native country.**
The king would not permit him to return to America, but
granted him permission to send for his wife and children.
The vessel on which they sailed was cast away and they
were lost.
On his return to England, Lord Baltimore had made an
application for a grant of territory lying to the southward of
James River, in Virginia, between that river and the bounds
of Carolina. Charles grained his leijuest, on account of
his past services, his unimpeachable reputation, and the
favor with which he was held by himself and his father,
James L, before him.
The charter was prepared and signed in February, 1631.
The territory comprised the northern part of North Carolina
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LORD BALTIMORE'S EXFERIMENT 215
sula to the ocean ; its eastern boundary was the ocean, and
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was not until the next session chit the ^colony was equipped
with all the machineiy of a representative popular govern-
ment" (Biowne)*
In the meantime, the colbnj increased rapidly in popula-
tion. New colonists came in a steady stream and tooJc up
new manors, plantations, and homesteads. As soon as the
population of a district had increased sufficiently, it was
erected into a hundred. Such, for instance, was St. George's
Hundred, established in January, 1638^ and placed under
the command of a high constable. Many of the settlers
came as "servants" and paid for their passage by terms
of service of from three to hvc years. Most of them were
farmers and artisans, but not a few of them were men
of good families. At the expiration of their terms of ser-
vice, "servants" acquired all the rights and privileges of
freemen. In addition, many craftsmen crime out at their
own expenseand received land aliuuiicnts larger than
those received by the others. It may be said, in general,
that the character of the majurity of these early settlers in
Maryland was much above the level of the average colonists
in America at this time. They were for the most part of
the kind most beneficial to a young and struggling colony.
Some came with their entire fiunuies, intending to settle
upon the land permanently. The younger men came with
the determination of making a place of responsibility for
themselves in the colony. The terms of colonization were
exceedingly liberaL No extraordinary ielig|k>us or political
tests were required of anyone.
In 1649, ^ i*'^^^ settlement to St. Mary's was established
within the bounds of Baltimore's grant. The Congrega-
tional or Independent Church had been established in Vir-
ginia in 1642. Notwithstanding the laws made against the
members of this denomination, they increased in numbers
until they had about one hundred and eighteen members.
Thinking they were increasing too rapidiv, the Virginin
authorities broke up their conventicle and scattered their
membersiup. Their pastor, Mr. Harrison, went to Boston,
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MWDIS StAtBS AND MARTUND
otben were condemned to death, but through the interces-
gionfl of the toldien and some of the women their lira
were tptred. Stone, though severely wounded, was kept
in confinement for some time. The Puritans seised the
great seal and the records and confiscated the propeitjr of
the conquered force.
The whole question of the rights of Baltimore was again
referred to the Protector and the Commissioners for Planta-
tions, and a decision was once more rendered in the pro-
prietary's favor. He now, in turn, lodged a complaint
against Bennett and Claiborne for the massacre at Prov^
dience* Baltimore was fully sustained in all his rights,
sovereign and territorial, and his authority throughout the
province was reestablished. The Toleration Act of 1649
was reenacted and this time was made perpetual. The
agreement was signed and sealed on March 24, 1658. A
general pardon was cm n ted to all those who had supported
the insurrection, and for the oath of fitlelity was substituted
mcrc1\' an obhgation to be loyal to the government of the
proprietary. This obligation read as follows: "I, A. R.,
do promise and engage to submit to the aurharity of the
right honourable Cecilius Lord Baltimore and his heirs,
within this province of Maryland, according to his patent
of the said province, and to his present lieutcn;iiU and other
officers here by his lordship appointed, to whom I will be
aiding and assisting, and will not obey or assist any here in
opposition to them." Those wlio did not care to take the
obligation upon themselves were acc<iidcd the privilege of
leaving the province within a year. All cabcs 111 dispute
were referred to the Lord Protector and the Council. No
one was to rest under a disability of any kind for taking part
in the recent troubles. The turbulent Claiborne, from this
time, drops out of the history of Maryland.
Prior to this final happy adjustment of the dispute, Captain
Josiah Kendall had been appointed Governor of Maryland by
Lord Baltimore. Philip Calvert, Lord Baltimore's brother,
was appointed secretary of the province, and instructions
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EFOLUnON OP NEW JERSEY 243
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This policy was undoubtedly a good one, for there was very
little trouble between the Indians and the whites in New
Jersey.
On the other hand, much trouble arose about the Mon-
mouth Patent, which included Middletown, Shrewsbury,
and other settlements. By Nicolls's grant, these settle-
ments had pow^r to pass such laws as they thought wise.
In pursuance of this privilege, they held a local Assem-
bly, June, 1667. They refused to recognize laws passed
of the General Assembly. Furthermore,
at the first session
the deputies refused to swear fidelity and allegiance to the
New Jersey proprietors, and when commissioners tried to
collect assessments they met with a prompt refusal. The
settlements demanded exemption from any such claims,
citing their grants from Nicolls in support of this conten-
tion. At a meeting of the General Assembly, November,
1 67 1, Middletown and Shrewsbuiy were declared guilty of
contempt.
The trouble, unfortunately, did not stop here. On
May 14, 1672, the representatives of Bergen, Newark,
Woodhridn;e, Elizabcthtown, nnd Piscataway met to elect
a president. This meeting was not in accord with Philip
Carteret's wishes. The choice of president of this Assem-
bly fell on James Carteret, said to be an illegitimate son of
Sir George Carteret. He claimed to have a warrant from
his father. This meeting declared him not only president
of the Assembly but of the whole province. This was
open and declared rebellion. Governor Carteret then ac-
cepted his Couiicii's advice to depart for England, leaving
John Berry in charge. When the governor arrived in
England, he stated die condition of afiairs to the Lords
Proprietors. As a result, James Carteret was ordered imme-
diately to Carolina; and the New
Jersey authorities were
required to recognize Nicolls*s grants to the insurgent set-
tlements. As a of the publishing of these orders,
result
1674 peace was soon established
after Carteret's return in
throughout the province. In July, 1 674, Lord Berkeley was
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SFOLUnON OF NEW JERSEY
Reference has been made to the decision of the crown
lawyers that the provinces belonging to the Duke ot York
before the Dutch Conquest reverted to the king after the
Treaty of Westminster. Charles TT., however, June 29,
1674, issued a new patent to his brother. Chalmers claims
that the Duke of York was really pleased with this decision,
because he got back New jcrsc\ the loss of which was
,
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Augustine Hermann. From the original painting in possession of
Mrs. Hermann Massey.
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BVOLUnOH OF NEfT JBRSBT
London, having as their object the purchase of land in the
New World for settlement purposes. In 1677 the pro*
prietors sent commissioners to buy land from the natives,
and same year members of both companies, together
in the
with others, sailed on the ship Kint from London. It is
said that Charles IL, while cruising for pleasure on the
Thames, came across them while they were on the point
of embarkation to America. On learning who they were
and what was their purpose, he gave them his blessing. The
expedition reached New Castle, August 16, 1677, ^'^^ P''^"
ceeded thence to Raccoon Creek, where a land in was made. 2:
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CHAPTER XI
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hb son out of doors. Afterward father and son became
reconciled through the entreaties of Lady Penn and the
representations of influential friends who admired in the
young man his lofty character and his dauntless courage.
Sir William died in 1670.
Penn's accession to the Quakers was a great help to that
sect. He was well bom, well educated, eloquent, and pos-
sessed of a considerable fortune. He did much to differ-
entiate the sect from the fanatical rabble with which it had
been unjustly confused, and in other ways he used all his
inftu("nce to better the condition of the Kriends. He often
pleaded with the Icing and judges to release them from prison,
and at times was successful, but, as a rule, the persecution
was as vigorous as ever.
Penn had often thought of estabhshing a colony for the
Quakers in America, and it was with this end in view that
he had obtained a part of the New Jersey grant. Friends
(locked to this colony in large numbers, and so successful
did the venture prove that Penn thought even more seriously
than ever of establishing an asylum of his own in the New
Worid. The government, which owed his father 16,000,
failing to satisfy the debt, Penn proposed that he be granted
a province in America by way of settlement. This propo-
sitionwas accepted and the terms of the charter were drawn
up and signed by the king on March 4, 1681.
Penn dius became proprietor of a large domain. He
drew up the charter himself in imitation of that of Mary-
land, although in at least two very important respects it
differed from it. Unlike the Maryland charter, this did not
grant exemption from crown or Parliamentary taxation.
Also, laws enacted by the Pennsylvania legislative body
were required to be sent to EngUmd for the royal approval,
while those of Maryland when confirmed by the proprietor
were not subject to this revision. The eastern bmindan- of
Penn*s province was the Delaware. The line began twelve
miles north of New Castle and, extending northward to the
forty-third degree of latitude, ran westward hve degrees.
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P^A^A' \y «
HOL r EXPERIMENT '
267
and though I much opposed it, and went to the king to have
it struck out and altered, he said it was past, and would
take it upon him; nor could twenty guineas move the under*
secretaries to vary the name, for I feared lest it should be
looked on as a vanity in me, and not as a respect in the
king, as it truly was, to my iather, whom he often mentions
with praise."
In the autumn of 1681, a vessel from London and one
from Bristol started out for Penn's province, with colonists
and three commissioners aboard. A third vessel the Amhy^—
from London — did not leave England until April of the next
year. The ynhn and Sarah^ from London, was the fii st vessel
to arrive, and the Bristol Factor soon followed on Decem-
ber The latter vessel anchored at what is Chester
now, but then called rpiaiid. That night the vessel was
c:iu<;ht in (he lee, and the emigrants were compelled to land
and spend the winter at that place. The inhabitants offered
them the best hospitality they could.There was not, how-
ever, sufficient nx)in for all, and some were compelled to
find shelter by digging caves in the ground 01 by making
earthen huts. Some of the colonists were still living in
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ilate was the first niouth. The first s( c tioji contained the
celebrated provision ibr " liberty of conscience." It read, in
pari, as follows:
" It is enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no person
now or at any time hereafter living in this province,who shall
confess and acknowledge one Almighty God to be the creator,
upholder, and ruler of the world, and that professeth him
or henelf olil%ed in conadence to live pocetUy and justly
under the civU government, shall in anywise he molested or
prejudiced for his or her conscienttoos persuasion or prac-
tice, nor shall he or she at any time he compelled to frnjuent
• or maintain any religious worship, place, or ministry what-
ever, contnuy to his or her mind, hut shall freefy and fully
enjoy his or her Christian liberty in that respect, without
any interruption or reflcctioai and if any person shall abuse
or deride any other for his or her difierent persuasion and
practice in matter of religion, such shall be looked upon as
a disturber of the paace, and be punished accordingly."
Every Christian twenty-one years old and unstained by
crime " was an elector, and was eligible for election to the
Assembly. Every child twelve years old was to be taught
some useful trade. Legal fees were to be low and published
in every court of justice. Persons wron^uUy imprisoned
were to have double damages from the prosecutor.
After a visit to Lord Baltimore, when an ineffectual at-
tempt was made to negotiate a settlement of the boundaries
between the provinces of Pennsylvania and Maryland, Penn
made preparations for the second Assemblv. In addition to
convoking the Assembly, he ordered the election of twelve
men from each county to serve as delegates in the Provincial
Council to be held at Philadelphia. The people departed
from a literal obser\'ancc of the writ by electing twelve
men in all from each county. They petitioned at the same
time that three of these might represent ihem in the Coun-
cil and nine in the Assembly. Although Pcnn granted the
petition, yet the change was not agreeable to at least one
member. Nicholas Moore nLdiii umcd that the change was
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CottDcil. Lloyd fint assumed tbat official dignity at a
meeting of the Council at New Castle, August k8, 1684.
At the pfeceding mcetiiigy held in Sussex Countjr on the
14th, Penn himself presided. William Markham was made
aearetaiy, and a surveyor-geneial, commissioners of the land
office» and piovtncial judges were selected. Penn had not
been absent long before troubles and quarrels arose in the
province. Chief Justice Moore had been impeached by
the Assembly for violence, partiality, and negligence, but
had been acquitted on a technical error in the form of pro-
cedure. Nevertheless, the Assembly succeeded for the time
being in having all places of trust closed to him. Patrick
Robinson, clerk of the Provincial Court, was declared a
public enemy for having refused to produce the minutes of
the Assembly. An ineffectual attempt was made to dis-
qualify him for office. A justice of the peace was dismissed
from office, charged with uttering trcnsonnhle words against
the king, ruid other officials were accused of extortion. It
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CHAPTER XII
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gcxid will, was not to be included in the union. But all tbe
rest of British North America, between Delaware Bay and
Fiassamaqubddjr Bay, and stfetching across the continent from
the Atlantic to tbe Pacific, was to be made a political iHiok
under the govemofBhip of one man, to be chosen by the
kins. Later, action was taken likewise agunst the charters
of Maiyland and Ckiolina, but the proceedings in these
cases were not carried to an issue.
With this end in view, James revoked New York's half-
granted charter and annexed that colony to New England.
Dongan was notified of the change, and instructed to de-
liver to Andros the seal and recoids of the province. The
former was assured that James was entirely satisfied with
h» services in the ^most important British possesrion in
America,'* and that he would be rewarded upon his return
to Engbuid. On Saturday, the iith of August, 1688, the
new governor-general reached New York in state. He was
received by Colonel Bayard's regiment of foot and a troop
of horse. The king's new commission was read in Fort
James, and then published at the City Hall. Immediately
afterward, Andros sent for and received from Dongan the
sea! f>f the late goverjinieiu cjf New York. This he broke
in the presence of the members of the Council, accordmg
to the king's instructions. In its stead, the great seal of
United New England was thenceforth to be used. A proc-
lamation was at once issued retaining in office all persons not
removed by order of the king, and directmg that the taxes be
continued.
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and James, seeing the injury his viceroy was lKj iil^ h in m
New Kngjaiui, was uMignJ to rebuke his cxcci»sive ^eal.**—
(Broadhtad, Histofj of Xiiv York^ ii, 526—527.)
Shortly after William's accession to the throne, he pre-
pared a short letter addressed to the American colonies,
enjoining them to retain all James's arrangements undis-
turbed until he should have the opportunity of putdng into
operatbn his own plans. Thii did not pIcMe lamaie
Mather, who saw thiit if the letter was delivered pioaiptly
it might result in sustaining Andros in power for a lo^er
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296 MIDDLE STAtSS AND MAKYLAHD
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ms RSFoiunoN of im
Leiiier captain of die fort at New York untU further oiders
fiom £ii|^d. Furthennoie, the people of the city and
county^ were required to render him all aid and assistance in
iupi^essing any foieign enemy and in preventing all disorders
which mig^t develop.
Lcislcr, having succeeded in placing himself at the head
of aflfairs in New York, next tried to assume authority over
the inhabitants of other parts of the province. He met with
resistance at Albany. The people of that town readily pro*
claimed William and Mary, but refused point-blank to
recognise X^eisler's authority. They declared ^nhey were
not in any wise subordinate to the city of New York, nor
the power then exercised therein." Letsler, galled at this
defiance of his authority, sent Jacob Milbome with an armed
force to take possession of the fort at Albany. He arrived
on November 9, 1689, demanded admission to the fort.
This was refused by Mayor Schuyler, who had been placed
in command of the fort. For two days Milborne occupied
his time making speeches in the City Hall, on the streets,
or, in fact, in anv place where he could get people to listen to
him. He declared he had been appointed by the authorities
ot New York assume charge of afiairs at Albany.
to His
spceche*; ha\ effect on the people, he determined to
iiig little
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though the time wis too short to convene the Astembly
for the purpose of appointing a commissioner, yet he prom-
ised the aid of that colony to the utmost of its ability to
resist the French and Indians. The head of the conven-
tion of Maryland wrote that it was the design of the Assem-
bly to send arms and men to aid in the general defence.
President Bacon, of Virginia, replied that the proposition
would require the action of the Assembly, and that noth-
ing could be done until the arrival of the daily expected
governor. Commissioners from Massachusetts, Plymouth,
Connecticut, and New York colonies met at New York,
The results of the congress were unanimously efiected.
On Ma)r zst an agreement was ngned by five colonie^^
—
Maryland promising to cooperate to raise dg^t hundred
and fiftyofive men to strengthen Albany and, ^by the help
of Alm^ty God," to subdue the French and Indian ene-
mies. Of this force, New York was to furnish four hun-
dred; Massachusetts, one hundred and sixty; Plymouth,
sixty; Connecticut, one hundred and thirty-five; and Mary-
land, one hundred. In addition, the Iroquois sachems were
to equip one thousand eight hundred warriors. Massachu-
setts was to provide most of the naval armament. The
lieutenant-governor of New York was to name the com-
mander of the force, and that force was not to be employed
on any other service without the consent of the five colo-
nies. Officers were to preserve among their men good
order, punish vice, keep the Sabbath, and maintain the
worship of God. Efforts were made to obtain addiiional
aid from New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Rhode Island. No
proposition seems to have been entertained for a permanent
ofganization.
Another direct though temponuy result of the massacre
of Schenectady was the strengthening of Ldsler^s power, as
is evidenced by the final surrender of Albany to his authority.
But the untenable character of his position was exposed, as
we have seen, upon his attempting to summon a legislature
for the purpose of raising money for the expenses of the
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and defied him on the street, and the mob threw stones
at him and called him * Uog Driver,' * Deacon Jailer,*
M^ittle Ciomwell,* 'General Hog,' and other choice epi-
thets." It waj» evident that the great demagogue had fallen
from honor.
On September 2, 1689, the king appointed Colonel Henry
Sloughter Governor of New York. Sloughter probably se-
cured this post througii the influence of some of Williun't
comipc coiiftien, for it has been said that he was utterly
destitute of every qualification for govemment, that he was
licentioiis in hb mofib, mviridoiiSt and poor.
Finally, after a great many delays, on December 1690,
Sloughter set sail for New York in the fr^ate Arihmngel^
which was to convoy tlie Bunnty the Cmmrtmy^ and the
stoieship Johnand Jmntt* Two conipanics of stddiers were
one under the command of Sough ter, and
in the expiedition,
the other under the command of Major Richard Ingoldsby,
the lleutenant'^venior,**a rash, hot-headed man," who had
formerly served in Holland and had just returned from vic-
torious service under William in Ireland. The little ieet
WIS separated by severe storms, and the Archanfjd^ carrying
the governor and his company, ran ashore on one of the
Bermuda Islands. This necessitated a delay for repairs.
The other three ships, however, were aUe to proceed to
their destination. On the 29th of January, Ingoldsby
arrived in New York. He immediately sent a message to
Leisler, demanding the fort and its stores for the king's
soldiers. Leisler refused to yield the fort unless Ingoldsby
should produce written orders from the king or the governor.
The licutenant-cr<^vcrnor had no documents in proof of his
official standinjj;, thc\' being; on hturcl the Archangel. Leisler
took him tu br a Cathobc cdnspiratni w ho wanted to set/.c the
colony for James. Ingoldsby quartered his troops in the City
Hall, and wrote to the New England governor for advice.
He was urged to bear with Leisler until the governor should
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It has been said that the governor was offered large sums
of money to sign the death warrants, and that his wife, from
sheer covetotisness, forced him to do it. The historian Smith
says Sloughter was a guest of the worst enemy of Leisler,
Colonel Bayard, and when overcome with wine was pie*
vailed upon to sign the death warrants, and before he recov-
ered his senses the prisoners had been executed* This can
hardly be true, inasmuch as the warrants were signed on
I'hursday and the execution took place on the Sunday fol-
lowing. Dominic Schyns was the messenger sent to break
the trrrihlc news to the unhappy men. They petitioned
Sloughter lor a reprieve, but it was not granted. On the
15th of May, 1 69 1, Leisler and Milborne were hanged
near old Tammany Hall, in New York.
The event was variously judged. Some jurists pro-
nouju cd the whole proceedings perfectly lawful. Others held
that there were extenuating circumstances which were not
allowed to appear at the trial. Concerning Leisler himself,
opinions differ just as widely. He has been held up as a
champion of Dutch democracy against English aristocracy,
of Protestantism against Romanism, of republicanism ag^st
monarchism. On the other hand, Broadhead can see no
good in Leisler, and stamps his efforts as ^ the selfish attempt
of an upstart demagogue to obtain a local importance, which
neither his own character nor the circumstances of the
province warranted." In spite of these conflicting opinions,
however, there can be little doubt as to the honesty of
Leisler's purpose. He may have been arbitraiy and tyran-
nical, and the hatred of him may have been vexy well
founded, but to say that he was an upstart demagogue'*
is not at all consonant with the facts in the case. Regarded
in the light of those disturbed months immediately follow-
ing the arrest of Andros and the flight of Nicholson, the
conduct of Leisler may be satisfnrt(>rily explained, if not
altogether condoned. He very naturally assumed that the
deposition of James U. and the accession of William IH.
meant the overthrow of the government of the former in
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I
CHAPTER XIII
was driven out of England, hut 1688 itself was but the
continuation and consummation of the great revolution
under CromwelL Leisler had all the bigotry of Cromwell
and none of his breadth of character. Both were fiuiat-
ically religious, and both hated the Roman Church. Both
started out hf being democratic and ended by being tjrran*
nicaL They were creations of the times, and the times
demanded such creations. X/dsler lost his life, and Crom«
well did not, but we do not know what would have happened
had the latter lived a decade longer. But to draw a pandld
between Leisler and Cromwell is like comparing a frog pond
to the gnat Atiantic^-one neither shows the importance of
the former nor the greatness of the latter. Leisler had, no
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AFTSR THE FUGHT OF fAMBS II 3"
presented to the Indians with the pomp and ceremony sug-
gestive of a much more formidable list of valuables than
die following: one dozen stockings, six shirts, three hags
of powder, sixteen bars of lead, thirty strings of wampum,
three runlets of rum, three rolls of tobacco, and some coats
of duffels to the "chief on the sly."
To restore the confidence of the Indians, an aggressive
campaign into Canada was decided upon. Mayor Schuvler
was put in command of the expedition and left Albany on
the 2 Tst of June with four hundred men. Five-sixths of
the sc were Indians. The expedition, though gallantly con-
dui ted, met with only negative success, save that it stimu-
lated the Iroquois to further aggressive efforts against the
French.
When the expedition left Albany, Sloughtcr left also
but 111 the opposite direction. While the valiant Schuyler
and his were fighting the French and Indians,
forces
Sioughter no doubt was making vigorous and repeated as-
saults upon his rum barrels. In this he excelled, for in the
midsummer of 1691 he died in the agonies of a complaint
resembling delirium tremens.
Chief Justice Dudley, the person to assume control of
affairs in an emef]^c7 of thb kind, was in Cura^oa, and
the Council declared Ingoldsby commander-in-chief until
the king's pleasure should be known. About the only good
accompHshed by Sioughter was the establishment upon a
firm foundation of a representative body. The first thing
he did after the arrest of Leisler, in fact, was to issue writs
for the election of an Assembly. It was made up of the
—
pronounced opponents of Leisler of the party of aristo-
crats. It met in a tavern on Pearl Street, on the 9th of
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3l6 MWDIE STATES AND MARYLAND
more pleasing in his manner. Besides, he was skilful in
debate, and championed popular rights. TJoyd and his
party accused Logan of trying to deprive the people ot their
rights, and articles of impeachment were drawn up, but they
failed in their issue. Governor Evans was next attacked for
his immoral conduct. Unfortunately, most of the accusa-
tions were true, and it was necessary for Penn to admonish
his representative before the latter mended his ways.
The admuHstratiun next attempted to turn the tables upon
Lloyd, who had just been reelected speaker of the Assem-
bly of 1 709. This time, i^ugan, through Governor Charles
Gookin, the successor of Evans, preferred char]ges ag^st
Lloyd for certain alleged misdemeanors. But the charges
were examined into and declared false. Matters finally
came to a crisis when Logan was arrested by order of the
Assembly, but was released by the governor on the ground
that the Assembly had no authority to make arrests outside
its own body. Later, Lc^an went to London, where he
favorably presented his case to the proprietary. These
petty disputes so vexed Penn that he threatened to sell out
to the government unless the Assembly showed a disposi-
tion to improve. The people then redized their danger,
and in the following election not a single member of the
old Assembly was returned, not even Lloyd. This Assem-
b!v, without Lloyd, it is said, "ceased to ]i\e on quarrels."
Nevertheless, Lloyd was returned by the voters soon after,
and was even elected speaker, but it was as a chastened
man. His defeat had taught him the emptiness of popu-
larity. He ever afterward worked in the interests of the
public, and after his death, when critical measures came
up before the Assembly, that body felt deeply the loss of
Lloyd's wise counsels.
The Lower Counties or " 1 crritories" on the Delaware
had never worked harmoniously with the main province
of Pennsylvania. At this time the Territories and the
main province each comprised three counties. To preserve
the balance of power between the two sections, each had
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likewise agreed that the latter should pay £^^TS and the
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every day wasting, and his ship beg^ui to need repairs very
seriously.
At first it docs not appear that he had the least design of
turning pirate. His first depredation was at a place called
Mabber, on the Red Sea, where he took some "Guinea
corn" from the natives by force. After this he is said to
have acceded to his starving crew's demands to turn pirate.
Happening to talk of the Mocha fleet, it is claimed he said:
*'We have been unsuccessful hitherto; but courage, my
boys, we'll make our fortunes out of this fleet." Si)un the
fleet appeared, convoyed by one English and one Dutch
man-of-war. This he attacked, though without success.
One attack led to another, until he and his crew impercepti-
bly took up the life of pirates. However, for a while they
confined themselves to attacking the vessels of the heathen,
but afterward those of Christian nations were likewise
attacked.
The Advtntwre proving old and leaky, Kidd transferred
his goods to a captured Moorish merchantman, the ^utda^
but lost all except forty of his men —
some going with the
Resobaion^ another pirate ship, ^d others deserting. He
next touched at Amboyna, one of the Dutch spice islands,
where he received the unwelcome intelligence that he had
become notorious in £ngland and had been declared a
pirate. His piracies, in fact, had so alarmed the English
merchants that a motion passed Parliament to inquire into
his commission and to discover the persons who had fitted
him out.
In the tneantime, a royal proclamation was issued grant-
ing pardon to all pirates who would surrender themselves.
Kidd and another pirate, Avery, were excepted. This was to
throw ofF all suspicion that his partners, well-known in Eng-
lish and American politics at that time, might incur. The
Tories exaggerated Kid*J's deeds for the purpose of under-
mining the influence of the Lord Chancellor, who was a
Whig. When ICidd left Amboyna he knew nothing of
this prodamation, otherwise he would surely never have
326 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
Kidd was arrested a few days later and finally was sent to
London. Here he was imprisoned more than a year, while
evidence was being collected against him in the East Indies.
Kidd was tried in May, 1 701, at the Sessions of Admi-
ralty held at the Old Bailey, on the two charges of piracy
on the high seas and the murder of one William Moore, a
gunner. When Kidd was asked what he had to say why
sentence should not be passed against him, he answered
that *^ht had nothing to say, but that he had been sworn
against by peijured, wicked people." When sentence was
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In the late autumn of 1703, Cornbury met the New
Jeney Assembly at Perth Amboy. He explained the con-
stitution and stated his purposes to the Council and Assem-
bly. He then demanded a revenue for the government.
The Assembly thanked him for his kind expressions, but
refused to comply wirhhis demands with reference to the
revenue. The governor thereupon prorogued the Assembly,
declaring that it would not legislate for the good of the
pr()\ incc. Practically the same farce was repeated the next
year, when the Assembly met at Burlington. This time,
however, the governor demanded an appropriation for the
defence of the province. He bad already asked for ;^2,ooo
per annum for twenty y^un to defray the current expenses
of the government. The Assembly agreed to g^t but
j(i,300 per annum for three years, and was forthwith dis-
solved for its contumacy. By having three of the new
representatives who opposed him rejected, Cornbury secured
a more pliant Assembly in November of the same year.
The ^2^000 was voted, a militia established, and the rigjhts
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333
veto by the crown did not, unforuniatcly, benefit the- Roman
Catholics. They were denii J the privilege of celebrating
Mass publicly. Furthermore, no teacher of the young could
be a Ron^aii Catholic, and very often the property of members
of that faith was confiscated.
During the whole period that Ma:)land w is a royal
province the Assembly enjoyed a most unusual degree of
power. The delegates refused to establish a permanent
reventtCy and put a tax on imported negroes for the purpose
of obfltnicting tfadr unpoftatioii. The Antmhlj was not
successful, liowerer, in engrafting English rights and liber-
ties on the colony. Several times the attempt was made, but
on every occasion it met with scant courtesy at the hands
of the crown. Free schools and libraries were esublished.
In 1 7 10 there were nearly thirty thousand free persons in
the province, hut progress was by no means rapid.
Before leaving this period, let us turn for a moment to a
considenttion of what was at times called the negro insur-
rection of 1 7 12, to distinguish it from the more serious plot
of I74i« The importation of negroes at this date was per-
haps more lucrative than any other kind of commerce. The
importance of the traffic is clearly evidenced by the est ah
lishment of a slave market at the foot of what is now Wall
Street, an New York. The traffic continued to prosper
until, as a result, right in the midst of the despair caused
by the failure of a second Canadian expedition, alarming
symptoms began to manifest themselves. Nearly half the
population of New York City in 171 2 — then about six
thousand — was " black." All the wealthy families owned
slaves, there being in some establishments as many as fifty.
The ir^nrirancc nncl stupidity of the slaves nnd the lack of
unity among them srcniccl to preclude most clteciually any
possible danger fioni them. It is claimed however, that a
number of thc x- ru iroes who had received some hard usage
from their masters planned a scheme of revenge. They
were to kill as many citizens as possible, without regard to
whether they had been injured by them or not. Meeting
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CHAPTER XIV
GROiVrH OF AN ARIsroCRATIC COLONY, 1714-17^4
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t(j alcts.
\ The slaves appear to have been fairly well treated
and were not overworked. Mrs. Grant asserts, in her
Memoirs of an American Lady (i, 51), that among the people
of Albany ^^even the dark aspect of slavery was softened
into a smfle." The ^dstence of the ^bad" negro made it
necessaiy, however, to enact laws restricting considerably
the privileges of ali the others. They were not permitted
to congregate in numbers exceeding four, and they could
not cany weapons of any description, under a penalty of ten
lashes at the whipping post. Another act provided that no
slave could go about the streets after nightfall anywhere
beyond a certain limit without a lighted lantern, "so as the
light thereof may be plainly seen," In 1746, New York
City had a population of eleven thousand seven hundred and
twenty-three, and of this number two thousand four hun>
dred and forty-four were slaves. John Cruger, a slave dealer
from 1 712 to 1 733, was an ex-alderman of New York, and
afterward served four consecutive terms as mayor of the
city. This shows hov/ the traffic was viewed in New York
at this period. Tlic negro slave trade was regarded some-
what in the same light as we consider the immigration traffic
of to-day. The profits from the trade were too great and
the social odium incurred in engaging in it too insignificant
for the thrifty New York merchants to resist the temptation
of embarking in the business. There were, in addiuun to the
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result in general wc know, (he result in New York we shall
see in due time. We may repeat, therefore, that the
troublesGovernor Hunter experienced were neither unusual
nor due to his own peculiarities. In many respects he was
the best governor New York had had for years.
Early in 1719, Hunter hcg:an to make preparations to
return to England. He did this quierlv, because he greatly
feared that the news of his intention miirbt occasion in-
trigues, if it known that he was to rc sign his gov-
should be
ernuiciit. No one knew of his decisn until June 24th, ji
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MIDDLE STJTM AND MA&TLAND
tins visit that the Iroquois warriors came upon the half-
starved Palatines and out of sympathy and commiseration
offered them some of their lands along the Schoharie.
Schuyler's arguments were heeded by the British court, but
out of neglect or jobbery on the part of the ministry the
expedition fitted out at that tune proved a failure. Later,
however, his policy was carried to a triumphant end.
Among the noted families into which the Schuylers had
married was that of the Livingstons* Robert Livingston
was closely allied to Schuyler in his opposition to Leisler,
and favored Leisler*s execution. He received the manor
of Tjvingston thnnigh a grant obtained from Governor
Dongaa and confirmed by George I. in 1 7 15. He after-
ward became Mayor of Albany, was a member of the Pro-
vincial Council, and often sat in the General Assembly.
His descendants have played an active part in the afiarrs
of the country.
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Cosby never recovered any of the niDnry. But the procc ed-
ings created two vioiciit parties »uid tlie most bitter teelmgs.
The democratic, or popular, side was with Van Dam, while
the arittociadc side was with Co«by. The opposition to
Cosby took head rapidly, and in 1734 it was decided to send
Morrii to England with the object of securing the removal
of the governor. The utmost secrecy was deemed advisabie.
Out of the Van Dam-Cosby dispute grew another tiial,
which excited interest throughout the English colonies and
stirred New York from centre to circumference: namely,
the trial of John Peter Zenger for publishing a libel.
In 1693, ^iiiis^ni Bradford came from Philadelphia and
brought with him the "art of printing." He was horn in
Leicestershire, England, Mnv 20, 1663, and sailed with
Penn for America, St ptcmhci i, 1682. The first sheet
printed by Bra^lH id in i^hdadelphia was an almanac in 1685,
and the first b ook w as written by George Keith, teacher of
the first school establishment in Pennsylvania. This book
reflected upon the Quakers, and their wrath drove the printer
to New York. Here, October 16, 1725, he commenced
the first newspaper published in that province. It must be
borne ui mind that the earlier governors sent from Kiig
land had instructions not to permit to be erected such a
^pestiferous engine" as a printing press, Bradford became
printer for the governor, and his newspaper was, to some
extent, a government organ.
One of Bradford's apprentices was John Peter Zenger,
born in Germany in 1697. He came from the Palatinate
with his widowed mother, a brother, and a sister, in 1710.
He was one of the partv of Germans hrnnrrht r)i,'cr In* Cjov-
ernor Hunter at the expense of Qiireu Anne's go\ cmnicnt.
In 171 1, he was apprenticed to Bradford, whose paper was
called the New I'otk Gazette. Later, November 5, 1733,
Zenger started an opposition paper, calling it the Ntw I'ork
Weekly Journal, Bradford's paper was in the hands of the
governor and his friends exclusively. ZengePs paper was
—
taken up by the patriots" the supporters of Van Dam
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GROWTH OF AN ARSSTOCRATK COLONT 34;
and Moms. The Journal was with witticisms directed
filled
against the government officials. Bradford replied in the
Gaxette^ but he was not equal to his adversary in sarcasm.
Cosby and his councillors were driven almost to madness.
Further trouble was caused by Zenger's paper tnking up
the accusation afrainst Francis Harrison, one of the coun-
cillors. Harrisdii was accused of having written a letter
thnatcning James Alexander and his familv with bodily
injury unless a certain sum of money were paid. Harrison
indignantly denied the imputation, but suspicion continued
to rest upon him, though he was exonerated by his fellow
counciUoft, The afikir was industriously fomented by the
Jounuil^ and out of it, in part, greir the Imprisonineiit and
trial of John Peter Zenger.
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of the grand jury. The trial excited the attention of all
America. It b^an in July and occupied the entire sum-
mer. It wzs an important feature in the early history of
the press of New York. It has been styled " the germ
of American freedom and the morning star of that liberty
which subsequently revolutionized America."
The specific libel which brought Zenger mto trouble
was his declaration that "the people of New York think,
as matters now stand, that their liberties and properties are
precarious, and that slavery is likely to be entailed on them
and their posterity, it some things be not anicrulfd." Cosby
was particularly rclerrcd to when the 'Journal lurther de-
clared "
: We see men's deeds destroyed, judges arbitrarily
displaced, new courts erected without consent of the legis-
lature, by which, it seems to me, triab by juries are taken
away when a governor pleases; men of known estates de»
nied their voces, contnuy to the received practice of the
best expositor of any law. Who is there in that province
that can call anything his own, or enjoy any liberty longer
than those in the administmtion will condescend to let hun
do it?"
Zenger was defended by James Alexander and William
Smith, of New York, and Andrew Hamilton, of Philadel-
phia, three of the most prominent lawyers in America at
that time. The services of Hamilton were not actually
enlisted until after the other two counsel for the defence
had been disbarred by Chief Justice De Lancey. Alexander
and Smith imnu diatplv attacked the jurisdiction of the court
itself by aiming at the legality of the commissions of Chief
Justice De Lancev and Judge Phillipse. These lawyers
claimed that the commissions of the judges read "during
pleasure" instead of "good behavior" and had been granted
by the governor independently of the Council. These facts,
they maintained, made the commissions void. This attack
upon their commissions was considered a gross contcnipt
of court, and Chief Justice De Lancey, addressing Smith,
said: *^You have brought it to that point, sir, that either
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mnAc like chafF. They returned a verdict, after only a few
minutes' deliberation, of " not guilty.** A great shout of
applause went up after the verdict was known. This an-
gered the judges, and one of them indiscreetly threatened
the leader of the tumult with inipn>onincnt, if he could be
discovered. Captain Norris respoiulcd that huzzas were
cunimon in Westminster Hall, mid were somewlut k>ud at
the uiiie of the acquittal of the Seven Bishops. 1 he next
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MiDDLB STATES AND UAKYUHD
were believed to be particularly despenCe chanclen. Thejr
had been free negroes, but bad been captured and sold into
slavery and were, in consequence, very restive in their
captivity. A rumor that these slaves had determined to
rebel added considerably to the general state of uneasiness.
Another cause foralarm was given by a report that the
Jesuit priests in Canada were inciting the Indians on the
northern borders of the province to revolt j furthermore,
that they were to be aided by a negro revolt in all the towns,
the idea being the subjection of the colony bv the French.
The fright while it Wtcd was indeed real, and inany people
left town. As a consequence, the abandoned houses were
robbed of wbat goods bad been left behind* At the same
time, gangs of roughs insulted respectable citizens or in-
dulged in street fights with each other* The ««Fly Boys*'
and the ^Long^ridge Gang," for example, had frequent
battles on the neutnil grounds of the common, now Ci^
Hall Park.
On April 21, 1741, a most notable giroup of the mer-
chants of New York was called to compose die gnmd
Jury. Mr. Philllpse was the foreman of the jury and
charged it to summon the arch-disturbers of the peace.
Mar}' Burton, her former master, the innkeeper Hughson,
and the unfortunate outcast Peggy Carey were summoned
to appear. The testimony against the negroes proved them
dishonest, but not conspirators. Nevertheless, two negroes
were condemned to be hanged on Monday, May ii, 1741.
These were Prince, who had led such a disorderly life that
the community was undoubtedly well rid of htm, and Cesar
Roosevelt. The latter was hanged on the gibbet near the
present site of the intersection of Centre, Chatham, and
Peail Streets. Other trials followed during the whole
summer of 1741, and thirteen negroes were burned at the
stake, eighteen hanged, and seventy transported. The tavern
keeper Hughson, his wife, and maid were convicted of being
receivers of stolen goods and of keeping a thieves' meeting
place. A French priest and school teacher, John Uiy, owed
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358 MtDDLS STJTSS AND iUkrUND
than Indian."
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CROiVl H OF AN JRISTOCRATJC COLONT
then return it, but at the same time he would secretly advise
the ministry to give in to the people. This it did finally,
September 24, 175^, through Sir Charles F^ardy, who suc-
ceeded Osborne as governor in September, 1755. Thus
through De Lancey 's tact the Assembly won a most im-
portant legislative victory.
Before bringing the account of New York during this
period to a close, reference should be nuidc to an important
event in the histor)' of educ.uiun. A bill passed the Assem-
bly on October 22, 1746, granting permission to estabhsh a
college by means of the lottery system then much in vogue.
The raising of £230 by lotteiy was the humble start of
King's College, now blown as Cdumbia University. In
November, iJS^y (vmiB thus collected were vested in a
board of trustees. In 1752, the college was enlarged hj
a gift of land from Trinity Church. In November, ^753^
Dr. Samuel Johnson, of Connecticut, was invited to be its
president, which position was accepted by him, but not until
after the passing of the charter. This took place in 1754,
and in July of the same year instruction of the youth was
begun in the schoolhouse belonging to Trinity Church.
The charter was definitely granted on October 31, 1754,
from which time the existence of the college is to be prop-
erly dated. The carl\ histnr vof the institution was marked
by an unfortunate controversy between the Presbyterians
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CHAPTER XV
GROITTH OF A DEMOCRA I JL tKOkiNLt, J 7 14-/734
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New Jersey because of its dependence upon New
to settle in
York. Furthermore, salaries paid to officials in New York
were spent outside of New Jersey. Very often writs were
delayed in execution, and meetings of the Council were not
held in New Jersey. Finally, the petitioners summed up
their aiguments in the following words: ^^The heart burn-
ings among the Inhabitants, and the Grievances of the
Countf}' are not known and understood, or at least never
res:arded, the governor being free from the Noise and Clam-
mor of them, at New York." The petition was granted,
and in the summer of 1738 a commission came to New
Jersey and separated that province from New York. Lewis
Morris was appuiiucd (iovernor of New Jersey. He pub-
lished his commission at Amboy on the 29th of August,
1738, and at Burlington sex era! days later.
The appointment oi Murris was received with great en-
thusiasm on the part of the popular party. Nevertheless,
he constantly comphined of the insincerity and ignorance
among the people," and objected to what he termed the
^meanest of citizens" trying to direct the government in
its afiairs. It was not long before he quarreUed with the
Assembly about money matters. That body refused to sup-
port the government, unless he acceded to its demands.
Before a compromise could be eilected, Morris died on the
2ist of May, 1746, and was succeeded by John Hamilton,
at that time president of the Council. Before a commis-
sion could be issued to a new governor, Hamilton died on
June 1 7, 1 747, and his place was taken by John Reading,
the next oldest councillor. Reading; held the office until the
summer of 1747, when Jonathan Belcher arrived as com-
missioned governor.
Belcher had been Governor of Massachusetts. He was
a scholar and a man of affairs, but his views were of the
Puritan type. He published his commission in Amboy,
but resided at Burlington for several years. He was a fol-
lower of George Whitelicld. lie refused to worship in
Burlington on Sundays, on account of that town's ungodly
MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
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376 MIDDLE STJTES AND MARYLdm
Education at that time was quite as much religious as secu-
lar. No doubt, however, many New Jersey youths attended
the Collegiate Church School founticd at New Amsterdam
in 1633, which afforded secular instruction. The first
school in New Jersey of which we have record was estab-
lished at Beigen in 1664. Engelbert Steenhuysen, a church
clerk, was the schoolmaster. Instruction was given from
eight o'clock until eleven in the forenoon, and from one
o'clock until four in the afternoon. Steenhuysen tau^t
reading, writing, spelling, and even arithmetic when the
maturity of the student's mind permitted such an intel-
lectual pursuit." The Swedes along the Delaware also
furnished secular instruction, but as their efforts to colonize
New Jersey were never successful they played but a minor
part in the instruction of New Jersey youth. Each nation-
ality in the province endeavored to confine its children to the
language of the mother countn'. The Dutch were partially
successful in thi<> attempt; the Swedes failed utterly. The
Bible and the Catechism were the chief sources of educa-
tional mspiration. A "little Latin and less Greek" perhaps
topped off the student's elementary knowledge. Scientific
studies were little taught, and, in fact, were even tabooed,
btcause in certain minds they were associated with witch-
craft and the occult arts.
The progress of the educational movement was greatly ac-
celerated by the coming of the Scotch and English colonists.
In 1664 we find Governor Carteret's charter to Bergen con-
taining a provision for a church and ^^free school." They
were to be supported from the proceeds realized from a
tract of land exempted from taxation. In other towns land
was set aside, the income from which was to be applied to
die support of schools. The East Jersey legislature first
made provision for education in 1693, declaring that *^the
cultivation of learning and good manners tends greatly to
the good and benefit of mankind." Towns were accorded
the privilege of electing three men, who should determine the
schoolmaster's salary and iix other rates.
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380 MIDDLE STATES AHD MARTZAND
the needed fest for the arduous duties of the next day.
Carpets were a luxury, as were also wall paper and curtains,
while in all New Jersey there was probably not a bath tub.
The "best" room of farmhouses was kept dark and tight
and opened only to visitors, or when a funeral or a marriage
occurred in the family. The farmers worked hard during
the summer, but the coming of winter brought them re-
laxation. Early rising was considered one of the cardinal
virtues. Salted meat, especially pork, and vee;etables formed
the principal diet, while rum, gin, tea, and coffee afforded
them ample liquid refreshments. An icehouse was con-
sidered a luxury. monotony of the
Naturally, the dull
farms soon became distasteful to the youth, who frequently
sought employment in the merchant marine or entered
counting houses in the towns and cities.
In the towns, the ubiquitous tavern was the place of
rendezvous every evening for the men. Frequently, the
keeper was a man of considerable influence in his neighbor-
hood. Sometimes he acted as an arbitrator in disputes. He
was intimate with the lawyers and was the fountain head
of information on current events and incidents around
town. He kept his eyes open for runaway slaves. The
choicest viands of the season, such as venison, bear, and
wild fowls, were served at his table. Legislative acts made
it compulsory for towns to have inns thro!ic;h which to
supply the needs of strangers. Inns were centres of drunken-
ness, swearing, and general disorder, and it became neces-
sary for the lc(_i:islature to enact a set ot restrictive acts.
Ever\ innkeeper was required to take out a license, and none
was permitted to retail more than two gallons of liquor at a
time to any one person except under a special license.
The colonistswere sociable in their instincts and lively
in their manner. There were weekly evening clubs in
the village, and balls and concerts in the cities. French
influences and taste were particularly noticeable in those
parts of the province inhabited by the Huguenots. They
stimulated the growth of the Protestant religion, and brought
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tyc towsrd Penntjrlvania* Haniidi Penn finally per- wu
suaded to appoint him governor on the recommenditions
of the Provincial Council^ of William Penn the Younger,
and of Secretary Logan. This support was seconded like-
wise hf the chief inhabitants of Philadelphia and their Lon-
don fiiends. She was probably also influenced by Keith's
professed interest in the proprietor's affairs*. She said of
him in a letter to Logan : ^He has g^ven me such assurance
of his care and zeal in our affairs as give us room to hope
you may safely consult with him for your own ease and our
benefit in cases of property,"
Keith had hardly been settled in his new position, when
news came of the approaching end of the proprietor. Wil-
liam Penn was then 7 H) over seventy-three years old, yet
( i 1
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GROWtH OF A SltJAKSR COUMOHW^VtH 393
Keith showed his insight into the Indian character and illus-
trated his tact and diplomacy by using all the pomp and
ceremony he could devise. He set out upon the journey
accompanied by seventy horsemen, with the intention of
impressing the natives. He was altogether successful in his
mission.
Keith's great popularity made it possible for him to float
another important measure, a militia law. This had always
been repugnant to the Assembly, which had constantly op-
posed militaiy measures $ but there was now a rteal and
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GkOfytH OF A i^AKEK COMMONIVEALrU 395
convicted and sentenced to death by a jury, eight of which
were Quakers, Finally, the colony became thoroughly
alarmed at this critical condition of affairs, and the Assem-
bly became eager to obtain any regular administration of
justice consistent with its fundamental rights. At the sug-
gestion of Keith, an act was passed adopting those penal
Statutes of England best adapted to the existing needs of
the province. This act likewise contained a provision se-
curing the riglit of affirmation to those who were conscien-
tiously opposed to taking an oath. In addition to unnatural
crimes, high and petit treason, murder and manslaughter,
<^ witchcraft and conjuration," robbery and burglary, rape
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396 Ma>t>LE sTAtss Aim UAktum
of two wttnettes. After conviction, execution was stayed
until the executivehad had the opportunity of carefully le-
vtewing the case. Should he deem it advisable, he could
pardon the offender or commiitc the punishment.
The provisions of Pcnn's charter required that all laws
enacted by the Assembly should be transmitted to England
within five years for the royal approval or veto. The
queen in Council vetoed every one of the provisions of
Penn's criminal cuJc. 1 he Assembly, however, rcenacted
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remunerative business. A law was passed making the penalty
for counterfeitiiig the clipping of ears, flogging, and fine,
which, if not paid, made the offender liable to be sold for a
period of seven years to anyone who would pay for his labor.
Of course, this did not stop counterfeiting, and in 1753 the
punishment was made "death, without beneht of tiergy."
To keep the paper currency out of the hands of the specu-
lators, the act provided that the lands could not be divided
and that no fictitious titles could be created. Every proper
precaution was taken to protect the currency, both in the
examination of titles and in the rigid adherence to the pro-
visions of the law governing loans to individuals. The loans
made to the province toward the payment of the public debt
were to be liquidated from the customs and excise tax. The
counties were to repay their loans from the proceeds of an
annual tax of a penny a pound added to the customaiy
county rate. Within a few months the thing happened
that usually characterizes the issuance of bills of credit.
The bills were so popular that ^^30,000 more were soon
emitted, under an act which extended the maximum period
of maturity to twelve years. Stmic few changes were made
in the provisions of this second act, but in ail essential
principles the changes were unimportant.
Logan, as we have seen, protested vigorously against the
issuance of paper money, and atter that measure had been
passed he watched the results with keen interest. Although
he had ceased to be a member of the Council, he was still
clerk of that body and secretary of the province. He and
the governor watched each other closely, knowing full well
that a conflict between them was inevitable and that open
hostilities might be precipitated at any moment. An error
on the part of Logan furnished the governor with the
opportunity which he had been eagerly awaiting for some
time. The former assumed the personal responsibility of
inserting in the minutes of the Council an account of its
proceedings which had not been formally approved. Keith
thereupon removed him from his office. The afiiur did
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400 MWDLM STATES AND MARYLAND
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Patrick Gordon, Governor of PcnnsyK'ania. From the painting noiv
in possejsion of the Historical Society of Pennsyl vania.
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him when they were convinced that the end of his power
was at hand. The AsseniMy refused him anything more
than a half-hearted vote of confidence. His stipend for
the current year was cut more than in half, and the £^00
that the Assembly allowed him was voted in a grudging
manner.
Keith was finally removed in 1726, after having been in
office more than nine years. He clung to the hope that he
would be ultimately recalled, and as there were still many
of the colonists who suppui ud lum liis hopes were not w ith-
out seeming foundation. He became the centre of the oppo-
sition to the new administradoAy and let no opportunity pass
without adding to its difficulties. He was elected to the
Assembly, and at first exerted considerable influence upon
its deliberations. Later, however, upon the exposure of
what were supposed to be his ulterior motives, either to
secure his reappointment or the overthrow of the proprietary
government, his influence was reduced to almost zero.
Keith's sole ambition was to be popular, and he tried to
accomplish this in every way possible, either by fair or foul
means. He made promises when cornered which he knew
he could not keep. This plan for a while proved success-
ful, but in the end brought about his ruin. Success turned
his head so complete) v that he fancied himself not only
superior to Logan in ability but even more powerful than
the proprietary itself. His disputes with Logan brought
about his downfall, and after his sceptre had departed his
popularity soon folio wed.
Ke ith remained in the province until the spring of 1728,
wlK-n he was obliged to leave secretly to avoid prosecution
for debt, into which his lavish style of living had involved
him. Shortly after his return to England, he published a
pamphlet on the state of the colonies. He is said to have
been the first person to suggest to the crown the advisability
and practicability of taxing the American colonies. This
was in 1 739. A sad end overtook the ex-govemor. He died
in the Old Bailey, where he had been imprisoned for debt.
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GRUtt^lH OF A }^JK£R COMMONtVEALlH 403
Huvvtvcf severely we may condemn Keith's personal
failings, we are compelled to recognize the tact that the
colony prospered under his zealous support of the popular
party as h had never prus^iered before. He has been con-
— —
deouied aeveiely and justly to by Pennsylvania historians
for his treacherous conduct of the proprietaiy's interest
in the province. But in their eagerness to bbu:ken his
chancter, they have £uled either to give him the little
personal credit that is due or to recognise the beneficent
results of his alliance with the popular paity. Keith un«
doubtedly had selfish interests to serve in assuming the
championship of the popular cause, but we cannot believe
that his attitude toward that cause was one totally devoid
of principle. He was ambitious, he was selfish, and he was
not always particular as to the means he adopted to accom-
plish his ends; hut his faults were committed in the defence
of the popular rights rather than in thi.- enhancement of the
aristocratic power. That fart docs not by any means excuse
his errors, but it docs put him in a relatively better light
when he is compared with other colonial governors who
shared his faults but, unlike him, did nothing for the cause
of popular government.
Patrick Gordon, who succeeded Keith (i 726), was most
successful in winning the respect of the people. He had
been a soldier in the English army and had served from his
youth to the close of Queen Anne^s wars. He was bom
in the same year as William Penn, 1 644, and had fought in
Europe at a time when the English annies were commanded
by Mailboroi^. In his first address to the Assembly, he
assured the members that the frankness acquired in the
camps would be continued in the executive chair* He dis-
claimed any intention of resorting to refined or artful"
politics in the discharge of his duties and reiterated his deter-
mination to be candid in all his dealings with the Assembly.
As Keith profited by the mistakes of his predecessors, so, as
the sequel proved, (jordon profitr ci by the errors of Keith.
He restored the Council to its former prerogatives and struck
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ships had been built j and the currency itself, far from depre-
ciating in value as it had in the other colonies, had actually
risen in value. He showed, likewise, that the drain of gold
and silver to England had been somewhat checked by the
establishment of iron furnaces and by the cultivation of
hemp; that these, likewise, would enhance the value of the
paper money and make it secure imtil it could be dispensed
with altogether. For this reason, he thought the Privy
Council would overlook any little breach of its instructions.
In fact, there was already a noisy demand for another
issue of the currency. The colonists thought it a great
convenience to trade, and credited the existing stagnation
of business to the fact that many of the bills had been
redeemed and that the supply was not equal to the drain
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GROIf^rH Of A ^AKER COMMONIfMALTU 407
dead and the regard which had been shown for him and his
family had disappeared. In its place had grown up indif-
ference and even disregard, while the Assembly felt under
no obligation to anyone for anything. The supremacy of
the people was thoroughly established. The representatives
made the laws and consulted no interest 'other than that of
the people.. The only check to the Assembly's complete
control of all legislative matters was the veto power of the
governor and the Privy Council.
This condition of affairs was due to the fact that genera-
tions that knew not Penn or his family had sprung up in the
province. The attractions the colony had to offer, reli-
and material, were such that wave after
gious, political,
wave of emigrants came from many countries of Europe.
Most of them had never heard of Penn, and those who had
heard of him did not cherish any particular sentiments with
respect to him or his family. They knew of no reason
why thev should act differently toward his family than they
did toward others of the proprietary class. Ry far the most
numerous of the people who finally settled in Pennsylvania
were the (lermans. We have already recurred to the fact
that the Germans, oppressed and persecuted at home, learned
with delight from Penn of his project to found a colony
where all should be free. Most of tlicni came to Penn-
sylvania, and prominent among them was Francis Daniel
Pastorius, who, as agent of the Frankfort Land Company,
composed of wealthy persons, chiefly Pietists, in Germany
and Holland, settled a colony at Germantown in 1683.
German settlers increased rapidly,
After that, the number of
many of them coming from Heidelberg. They knew more
about Pennsylvania, because Pastorius had written concern-
ing the colony in his circulars, which had been spread broad-
cast throughout the old country. Profiting by the unhappy
experience of the Palatine Germans during the administration
of Governor Hunter, many of the later emigrants avoided
New York 2nd came directly to Pennsylvania. The Men-
nonites, persecuted at their homes in the cantons of Zurich,
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GKOWtH OF A S^AKSK COMMONWBALtH 409
lin had appeared before the public, but it was the Erst time
he had contributed to the province a real service. Bom
in Boston, January 17, 1706, he was apprenticed to his
brother James, who was a printer. During his apprentice*
ship he contributed to his brother's paper several anonymous
articles that were warmly commended. Having quarrelled
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MiDDLB STATJBS AND MJRTUND
who possessed hnd shottld have the privilco;c of coininp: it into
the new Franklin argued, likewise, that the land
currency.
pledged as security should be "coined'* up to its full value.
He held that there was no dajigcr m this radical action, be-
cause land in Pennsylvania was steadily increasing in value.
Also that the issuance of the bills on the pledged lands, by
stimulating trade and industry, in turn augmented the value
of those lands. It was a species of financial reasoning in a
circle tintwat well wortliy of the times, but not of die man.
He showed a woeful lack of insight into human nature
arguing that no man would be so foolish as to borrow more
of the paper money than his land was worth and thereby
impair the value of the very money he was borrowmg*
Franklin did not go to the extreme of advocating an un-
limited issue of paper money, but he did believe it should be
issued in very larg^ amounts and that it should be kept equal
at least to the advancing value of land. This he considered
the very acme of conservatism and far within the limits of
safety. Franklin always hrlieved the pamphlet exerted a
^rcat mfiuencc upon the people at that time and had much
weight in the hnai decision of the matter, it may have
had some influence upon those of the rank and file of the
colonists who
cherished the fond delusion that something
could he created out of nothing and that they themselves
were to become the happy recipients of the wealth thus
created. The
pamphlet had probably no influence what-
ever, either upon the members of the Assembly or upon the
influential people in private life. By these classes it was
either ignored entirely or its faults excused *^for the sake
of a certain power of statement it displayed, which gave
promise of better things." In a part of his autobiography,
written in 1771, Franklin himself, writing of paper money,
admitted that he had arrived at the opinion that there are
limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful."
In 1730 Franklin married Miss Deborah Read, with
whom he had become acquainted before his departure for
England. The year before, he had become the editor and
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proprietor of the Pennsyhania Gaxette^ of which he made a
decided sucGCfc In 1732 he began the publication of what
WIS conmioiily called fitr Ruhm^*s Abumac, It was pur-
ported Co be by Richard Saimdeia.'* Both the almanac and
the paper he sougjht to make vehicles of useful infonnatioii
lor the people. They inculcated especially the virtues of
bvffJdtj and industry. Whatever may have been the finan-
cial heresies of his youth, Franklin was always on the side
of eveiy enterprise which in his judgment would make for
the public good. Both to his personal efibrts and to his
pen is due the credit of the foundation of the Philadelphia
Library in 1731. His wisdom, foresight, and public spirit
gained an almost immediate recognition. ^ By his talcmts,
prudence, and integrity, he continued to rise in the estima-
tion of the community in which he lived, until he was
dccTiud worthy of the highest honors which the country
could bestow."
In 1736 Franklin bccaiue clerk of the Assembly, which
office he accepted probably from the "double motive of
serving the public and also himself." By accepting; the
political oiiicc he thoii(j;ht some of the public printing n^ight
fail to his lot.- He was not disappoiiiicd in his hopes. He
was chosen same position the following year, though
for the
at first oppoaed by a member of the Assembly, who put
forward a candidate *«wliose merits were compared with
Fianklin's failing^'* FianUin gained the support of this
member by borrowing and dvfy retumtng a curious book.
The member through this means became better acquainted
with Fianklin, and later became his firiend. Franklin was
made postmaster of Philadelphia in 1737, and deputy post-
master-geneial for the British Colonies in 1753. In 1757
he was sent to £ngtand as agent of the Assembly to ploid
the cause of the people in opposition to the claim of ex-
emption from taxation on the part of the proprietaries.
He was entirely successful in his arguments before the
Privv Council, which decided that the estates of the pro-
prietaries should bear their due proportion of the public
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that Viipnia soil only had been as ytt invaded and that the
Virginians should be left to attend to their own afFain.
Washington was delcated at Fort Necessity, and Hamilton
ag^ made a ihiitless appeal for an appropriation. This time
he would have secured it had he been tactful. In fact, the
Assembly voted an appropriation b\jt upon the governor's
;
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CHAPTER XVII
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DEFSIOPMEHT OF MARtLAND
The entire boundary line between Main land and the Lower
Counties (/. e.^ Delaware) was to be settled. By the terms
of agreement of 1732, the transpeninsular line was to begin
at Cape Hcnlopen. This, of course, precipitated the vexed
question as to the exact location of this cape —
whether it
was where Cape Henlopen is now situated or on Fenwick's
Island. A difference in the method of spelling the name
of the cape gave rise to this controversy. By the early
Swedish settlers the cape now known as Henlopen was
called "Inlopen," and the «^ exterior or folse cape" at Fen-
wick's Island Henlopen " or *^ Hinlopen." The Swedish
aspirate letter*^ H
" prefixed to the word *^ Inlopen" changed
it from ^interior" to ^exterior" cape. The matter in dis-
pute was referred to the Lord Chancellor of England, who
decided that the terms of agreement should be interpreted as
fixing the beginning of the line at the exterior cape, or Fen-
wicJc's Island. In this manner the long-standing boundary
dispute was definitely settled.
The line was not surveyed, however, without much diffi-
culty, not to speak of danger and privation. These difficul-
ties are recorded by one John Watson in a most interesting
manner. He was one of the surveyors appointed by the
Pennsj lvaiiia commissioners to assist in the survey of 1750.
He kept a catcful diaiy, and it is from this diary that we get
some interestmg information with regard to the details of
the survey. In the first place, he tells of the ridiculous
controversy that arose between the commissioners concern-
ing the manner in which the twelve miles' radius establishing
the northern boundary of what is now Delaware should
be measured. The Maryhmd representatives held that it
should be measured upon the surface of the earth, while
those from Pennsylvania held just as stoutly that it should
be made by " horizontal measurement,'' and not by follow-
ing the inequalities of the earth's surface. The former
method would have been, of course, to the advantage of
Maryland, and the latter to the advantage of Pennsylvania.
This was the occasion of the scholastic dispute. The
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DEf'ELOPMENT OF MARYLAND 435
question was referred to the courts, and the Pennsylvania
point of view was sustained.
What concerns us more particularly in this place is
Watson's account of the difficulties and inconveniences the
surveyors experienced in projecting the boundary line from
Fenwiclc's Island to Chesapeake Bay. It seems that they
were frequently in imminent danger of drowning by the
tide overflowing " Phoenix Island " [Fenwick's Island] while
they were encamped upon it. This can be readily under-
stoodwhen we reral! the fact that in 831 1 a great tidal
wave swept over the iDiire island, drowning all the cattle
as well as several persons who happened to be upon it at
tlie time.
After much wrangling was begun
as to details, the sun'cv
and the line But un January 8,
projected several miles.
1 750, the surveyors were compelled to discontinue work by
reason of the great accumulatk>n of ice on the marshes and
lowlands. The next spring, on April 29, 1 75 1 9 the work
was resumed, and the line was advanced thirteen miles.
Then an unexpected obstacle was encountered. The men
assisting the surveyors struck for higher wages. The work
was delayed, but in the end the surveyors were compelled
to accede to the demands of the strikm, for it was impos-
sible to secure other assistance. The work was thereupon
continued without further delay, except that incident to the
swampy condition of the soil. On June 15, 1751, the line
was completed to Chesapeake Rav, a distance of sixty-nine
miles t^v^ hundred and ninety-eight perches from the starting
point on yenu-ick's Island.
The long strip of coast line, fortified by sand dunes and
backed by Assawoman Bay and broad stretches of marsh,
called Fenwick's Island is indeed an island. But this was
not the case in former years. In 1682, when William Penii
assumed possession of his purchase in the peninsula, this
strip of territory was connected with the mainland. During
the early port of the nineteenth century, however, a ditch
was dug on its landward side. Through the action of the tide
436 MIDDLE srJTES AND MARYUND
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recalled that his grant lay at the centre of that territory the
possession of wluch was hotly disputed by Lord Baltuaore
and William Penn. Under the proprietorship of the latter,
Fenwick held the positions of sheriff and notary public, and
filled seven! minor offices. During the latter part of his
life he took up his residence at Lewestown, DeUware,
where he died and is supposed to have been buried. At his
death the island passed into the possession of his daugliter^
Mary, who married William Fassett about 1735.
Tliis Fassett waa a bold, seafaring man, and in one of
his ventures was captured by the pirates that thickly in-
fested the coast during the latter part of the seventeenth
and the early part of the eighteenth centuries. These
pirates made coastwise traffic dangerous and frequently made
raids upon the coast, as several chainballs discovered on
Fenwick's Island earlv in the last century testify. When
just off this Inland, and not far from shore, the pirates threw
Fassett overboard to avoid the expense of keeping him.
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440 MIDDLE StATBS AND MARTLAND
There were the county scats, where the courts met and
where men gathered together and exchanged ideas. Here
they discussed the latest news and reviewed experiences
conccrnine many things. This, of course, had a tendency
to develop tile social side of their natures and to make them
something more than the isolated planters of former years.
Like some af the other provinces, Maryland was settled
by different nationalities. Not only did the English come,
but likewise the Germans, Swedes, Italiails, and French,
drawn there no doubt by the mild climate and by the
absence of religious persecution. Some of them were edu-
cated and some were not. Many of them were ^ indented
servants," who, after their term of service, became free,
took up land, and mingled to a certain extent with the other
inhabitants. This varied population undoubtedly presented
strongly marked peculiarities. There was a fairly well-
marked contrast and distinction in classes, which developed
an aristocracy, somewhat tempered and subdued, however,
by the constant infusion of material derived from the re-
demptioners. The aristocratic landholder kept somewhat
aloof from the lower classes and did not mingle with them
socially. There was some little distinction, even in dress.
Nevertheless, uiidei neath all this class distinction there seems
to have been a general sense of equality.
Although a few of the first were educated, that
colonists
was not, generally speaking, characteristic of the province
as a whole during the colonial period. Those who wanted
their children educated and could bear the expense usually
sent them to England. There were veiy few libraries, even
among the higher classes. William Rind kept a circulating
library at Annapolis, in 1 764, but it was not well patronized.
Among the swamps and in the backwoods illiteracy was
particularly prevalent. Governor Nicholson took the lead
in affording the opportunities of a better education. His
zeal for education had led him to found William and Mary
College in Virfrinia. He had no sooner taken up the duties
of the executive in Maryland than he urged the Assembly
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CHAPTER XVUI
TH£ FRMHCH AHD INDUN WAR,
The Peace of Atx->b-Oii|ieUe» which had been con-
cluded in October, 1 748, was not satisfactoiy to cither the
French or the English. The English Goloaies were paurtku-
larly dissatisfied because Louisburg remained in the posses-
sion of the Frcnrh. They realized fully that as long as this
was the case Kngiisvh trade and fisheries on the northeast
coast would be in jeopardy. Nor were the French, on the
other hand, better satisfied, for one of the stipulations of
the treaty was the removal of the people of Acadia. This,
indeed, was a ww
bitter draught for the French. It is not
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THE FRENCH AND INDIAN ffAR 447
The convention at Aihuiiy tiict at the prompting of the
fioard of Trade, which instructed the royal governors to
treat with the Six Nations and concert genend measures
of defence with reference to the impending French war.
The convention met on June 19, 1754, and its sessions
continued until the 21st of September following. New
Hampshire^ Massachusetts Bay^ Rhode Island, Connecticut,
New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland were represented
in the convention by twenty-five delegates. Virginia was
represented by TJeutenant-governor James De Lancey, of
New York. In addition to the desire to treat with the Six
Nations with regard to a mutual defence against the French,
there was likewise a somewhat vague expectation on the
part of the dc legates that plans for a closer union between
the English colonics in North America would be presented.
The avowed purpose of the union would be, of course, the
stronger defence of the colonies against all enemies, espe-
cially the French j and the better negotiation of treaties
with the Six Nations.
The representatives of the Six Nations were slow in
arriving, but quick at rebuking the English for their neglect,
and, worse, their bad treatment of them. They favored
union and peace, nevertheless, but found fault with the
colonists for their lack of action. ^You desire us to speak
from the bottom of our hearts, and we shall do it," said
Hendrick,the great Mohawk chief. '^Look at the French,
they are men, they are fortifying everywhere —
but, we are
ashamed to say it, you are all like women, bare arid open,
without any fortifications. *Tis your fault, brethren, tliat
we are not strengthened by conquest, for we would have
gone and taken Crown Point, but you hindered us. We
had concluded to go and take it, but we were told it was
too late, and that the ice would not bear us. Instead of
this, you burnt your own fort at Saratoga and ran away
from it, which was a shame and a scandal to you. Look
about your country and see : you have no fortifications about
you, no, not even in this city; 'tis but one step from
448 MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAND
Canada hither, and the French may easily come and turn
you out of your doors." The disaffection of the league
of the Six Nations was inversely as the number of their
representatives in attendance at the conference. Although
the colonict had provided pretentt in great abundance and
had invited all the tribes, yet there were but one hundred
and fifty warrioiB pieaent. Half of the Onondagas had been
won over to French influence, and even the Mohawks were
in a disaflccted mood. The convention prepared a veiy
careful address, which was delivered to the Indians. It
seems to have had the desired efiisct, for they left in a much
better ftame of mind than they came.
Never had the colonies witnessed an assembly of more
prominent men. There were present from New York,
Lieutcnnnt-<!;ovcrnor James De Lancey, who acted as presi-
dent of the ctjiivention, Joseph Murray, John Chambers,
William Smith, Colonel William Johnson, and Colonel
Myndert Schuyler, cliairman of the Indian commission.
From Massachusetts Bay there were Thomas Hutchinson,
Samuel Wells, John Chandler, Oliver Partridge, and John
Worthingtonj from Connecticut, Lie utcnant-govcrnor Wil-
liam Pitkin, Elisha Williams, and Roger Wolcott; from
New Hampshire, Theodore Atkinson, Richard Wibbird,
Meshach Weare, and Heniy Sherburne, Jr.; from Rhode
Island, Stephen Hopkins and Martin Howard, Jr. Mary-
land sent Benjamin Tasker and Abraham Bmt$i whUe
Pennsylvania sent John Penn, Richard Peters, Isaac Norris,
and Benjamin Franklin, the ^ most benignant of statesmen."
At the Friday morning session, June 2ist, De Lancey sug-
gested that to avoid all disputes about the precedency of the
colonies, they should be named in the minutes according to
their situation from north to south. This sugfrestion was
accepted unanimously. Tt is said, however, that in the
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THE FREHCH JND INDIAN ITAR 449
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force fur three years, but should never exceed seven, nor
be less than two, for each colony. Phibulelphia was to be
the tempoiaiy seat of the proposed federal government, on
account of its central location. It was thought that the
representatives could reach Philadelphia even from New
Hampshire and South Carolina in fifteen or twenty days.
The time of the meeting was left to the president-general.
There was to be an election for the Grand Council every
three years. That body was to meet once a year, but oftener
if the executive head should deem it necessaiy. It was to
choose its own speaker and was not to sit longer than six
weeks at any one time, except by its own volition or by
the special command of the crown. Nor could it be pro-
rogued or dissolved, except in the same way. Each mem-
ber was to be paid ten shillings sterling per day while the
Assembly was in session. Likewise, during the joui jicy to
—
and from the place of meeting twenty miles being reck-
oned as a day's journey. In case of the president-general's
death, the speaker of the Giand Council was to act in' his
place until the down appointed a successor. The sepa-
rate duties of the president-general and Grand Council, and
likewise their mutual duties, were carefully oudined.
The provisions of the plan presented a compromise be-
tween the prerogative and popular power. The president-
general was to have a negative on all laws, but the origination
of ail bills was left with the Grand Council. The repre-
sentation of each colony in the Grand Council depended
upon its contributions, but, as we have seen, a maximum
and a minimum representation were established. All mili-
tary officers were to be nominated by the president-general,
subject to the advice of the Grand Council. All civil offi-
cers, in turn, were to be nominated by the Grand Council.
It required the joint order of the prcsident-2;cneral and
the Grand Council before money could be issued. It was,
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MWDIS STATES AND MARTUND
The £nglish government, aroused by the defeat of Wash-
ington in the Ohio country and his capitulation to the
French on July 4, 1754, had determined to take more v!g;or-
ous means of protecting itself against the encroachments
of the P rench. It sent two regiments to America under the
command of Major-general Edward Braddock. He sailed
from the Downs on the 21st of December, in
for Virginia,
the Centurion^ a ship almost as famous among English sailors
as Nelson's Victory, It was to be followed as soon as pos-
sible by the main body of the fleet. The intelligence of
Braddock's arrival was at first received with enthusiasm by
the colonies of Maryland, Virginia, and Pennsylvania as the
signal for speedy defeat of the French. Braddock was a
thoroughly well-seasoned soldier, but knew as little about
the methods of warfare with savages as he knew much
about the set forms of continental warfare. His first official
act on reaching Virginia was to summon the governors of
the colonies to meet him in congress at Alexandria. Here,
the governors of New York, Massachusetts, Pennsyhnnin,
Maryland, and Virginia assembled in April, pursuant to
the call, and proceeded to discuss plans for the summer's
campaign. Mucli indignation was expressed by Braddock
at the failure of the Assemblies to raise the money required
for the campaign. The governors explained the difficulties
they always experienced in persuading the Assemblies to
appropriate money for the common defence. They further-:
more volunteered the opinion that the people would not take
action of their own accord, but would acquiesce in a tax
laid upon them by Parliamentary act. Inasmuch as the
£nglish government had long since determined upon the
policy of raising in the colonies a general fund for the im-
mediate necessities of the impending war, this advice of the
governors is extremely significant when viewed in the light
of subsequent events.
Braddock seemed to be incapable of acting in a tactful
manner. Every move he made was well calculated to
arouse the resentment of the colonists. One of the most
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THE FRENCH AND INDIAN »'AR
455
fertOe causes of disa^Ktion was bis cnfoiccnient of a ivgu*
]adoii that bad been promulgated before bis arrival. It was
that the general and lidd officen of the American milhta
should have no rank when those of the cegMlar Eritisb
army were in the Held. He liltewise dedaied that the sav-
ages might put to fligbt the raw American troops, but that
they would make no impression upon the seasoned, well-
disciplined British regulars. This attitude on the part of
Braddock was not calculated to bring harmony into the ranks
of his forces. He also found considerable fault because
progress had not been made on thc^ r md which he expected
would be cut from the SusquclKiii iia, lu low the junction of
the Juniata to tlie He was de-
forks of the YolJli:hlo^lK nv.
peruliiK';upon this road for the transportation of flour and
other stores from Philadelphia for the support of the army.
I inally, the Pennsylvania Assembly, realizing the advan-
tage it would be to have direct commuiucation with Fort
Du Quesne, began the work of construction. Even then,
however, the Assembly was not willing to pay half the
amount it cost to construct the road.
Braddock now proceeded to prepare a plan for the cam-
paign. The troops were to be mobiliaed at Fort Cum-
berland, and it was expected that the Forty-fouitb and
Forty-eighth Regiments would be incieased to seven hun-
dred each 1^ enlistments from Pennsylvania. This expecta-
tion never materialized. Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania,
was requested to ofier a bounty of to eveiyone that
enlisted. The governor did what he could to assist the
campaign, but he was greatly handicapped by the half-
hcrirtedmeasures adopted by the Assemblv. For this reason,
matu of the Pennsylvanians enlisted under northern com-
manders or offered themselves for service in Virginia and
New York.
Before startintj out f>n hfs ampaign, Braddock carefully
c
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THM FRENCH AND INDUN mjR
the provisions were nearly exhausttcl, Forbes decided to send
Washington to take the fort. The French, of five hundred
men, finding themselves far outnumbered and destitute of
means to defend themselves against a siege, set fire to the
fort and decamped. When Washington arrived the next
day, there was nothing left htit a smoldering ruin. A stock-
ade was then built and all the provisions that could be spare d
were collected, and two hundred men were detached from
the troops and left behnid to take charge of the fort, which
Forbes had renamed Fort Pitt. Early in December, Forbes
began his march eastward. He succeeded in reaching Phiia-
dclphia, but died in the following March.
Braddock's defeat was indirectly responsible for the fail*
uie of a contemplated expedition ag^st the French fortress
at Niagara. This fort was weak and partly dismantled,
but owing to its strategic situation it was important that it
should fiJl into the hands of the Eng^sh, It was a centre of
the lur trade and touched hands widi both the east and the
west. To William Shirley was assigned the duty of taking
the fort, and it was expected that, after a victory at Fort
Du Quesne, Brad Jock's army would join him at that place.
Braddock^s defeat, however, combined with obstacles in the
way of the project, both natural and artificial, led to the
abandonment of the attempt in October, 1755* Oswego
was rebuilt and garrisoned.
The reverses of 1755 were partly balanced by the suc-
cesses of William Johnson. Hi-^ objective was the capture
of Crown Point, which comniaiKlcd the highway into New
France. The Marquis dc Vaudreuil, realizing the impor-
tance of holding Crown Point, gave Dieskau seven hundred
regulars, one thousand six hundred Canadians, and seven
hundred Indians for a garrison. Johnson had about three
thousand four hundred raw colonial troops and Indians.
The opposing forces met on September Sdi, on the shores
of what is now known as Lake George, but at that time
Lac Saint-Sacrement. Only one thousand four hundred of
the French and one thousand of the English were in the
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46a MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
18 attempted. We
have lost all the waters; we have not a
boat on the lake. Eveiy door is open to France." The
French controlled most of the continent. Upon Loudon's
recall,Abercrombte, the second in command, took his place.
Aided by Wolfe and Amherst, he was to conduct the
operations in the north. Louisburg was to be reduced,
and this success was to be followed up by the capture of
Quebec. Ticonderoga was to be destroyed, thus relieving
the northern colonies of the constant danger from invasion,
and the way westward was to be opened by the capture of
Fort Du Qijcsne.
The man who infused this new life into English colo-
nial was William Pitt.
affairs In 1757, he had strongly
opposed the Hanoverian policy of the king and was de-
prived of office. But king, aristocracy, and people soon
discovered that the nation could not do without him, and
he was ag^in placed in power. The people enthusiastically
supported him, because he stood for everything opposed to
the narrow, venal policy of the Duke of Newcastle, and
because he had constantly in mind the interests of the
people and the welfare of the nation. He laid his plans for
the betterment of afiiurs in America, and a change was soon
apparent. As we have seen, he immediately placed capable
men in charge of the war in the colonies.
Pitt rejected the coercive policy adopted by his prede-
cessor toward the colonies, and invited New England, New
York, and New Jersey to raise as many troops as possible.
He expressed himself as believing that they were well able
to furnish at least twenty thousand for the expedition against
Montreal and Quebec. Pennsylvania and the Southern
colonies were to assist in the conquest of the west. It was
thought that England would provide arms, ammunition, and
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THE FRENCH JND INDIAN IFAR
The
— —
Seven Yean' War of Europe, the Fiench and In-
dian War of America^ ^which had cott to much money
and to many lives, was brought €o a formal cloae by the
Tieatj of Firis. The Bricijh nation, on the whole, was
opposed to' its terms* Pitt fought ag^nst the clause that
g^ve Fiance a shaie in the fisheries of Newfoundland and
the St. Lawrence. In fact, he was strenuously opposed to
anything that mig|it possibly result in the restoiation of
French maritime power. The terms of the treaty were
briefly as follows first, all Canada was ceded to the British \
:
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CHAPTER XIX
ASSUUPnON OF PJRLUMENTJRr CONTROL, 1763-1/63
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The fight was kept up, as we have seen, during the French
and Indian War, when it caused much hard feeling between
the rrprescntativcs of the mother country and the colonial
legislatures. There was lack of interest on the part of the
Southern colonies, almost criminal negligence on the part
of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and a stubborn liberality by
New York, New Jersey, and New England. To undis-
cerning persons, the close of the war seemed to promise a
cessation of the struggle of the people for the control of
their revenues. As a matter of fact, however, the war was
the most important cause of its cuntiiiuaLion. Indeed, the
struggle grow even more bitter than before and was
was to
to lead shortly to the greatAmerican Revolution. Instead
of conteiting with royal and proprietary governors, the
eolonies had now to deal with Parliament itself. The colo-
nial side of the dispute also became changed. The great
question at issue tended to bring the colonies closer together,
and Parliamentary tyranny brought about a umon between
them. Formerly, the colonies fought their battles individu-
ally,because the power that essayed to infringe upon what
they termed their inalienable rights differed in the seveni
colonies. But after the Seven Years' War, the one gjreat
threatening power was Parliament ; and the colonies, realiz>
ing this, slowly but surely united in their opposition to its
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dssuumoH or pJkLUMSNTJRr cohtrol 4;;
To reimburse the colofiiet for at least part of the losses
they had sufoed, Parliament passed an act appropriating
j^l 50^)00 in specie for distribution among the colonies,
Pennsylvania receiving ;^26,ooo as her firK year's grant.
The As^mbly of that colony sent a resolution to its gov-
ernor, continuing Franklin and Charles as its agents in Eng-
land and enabling them to receive the money. The governor
refused to arirrc to the clause authori/ing the irjcnts to'
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478 MIDDLE STATES AND MARTUND
were to
royal officers, not inferior in r:ink tu the executive,
be subject to the will of the king. The crown was to ap-
point diem and fix their salaries. They were to sustain the
authority of Great Britain. The Navigation Acts were to
be rigidly enforced. Finally, it was determined that twenty
regiments should be maintained in America, to be supported
by the crown the first year, but afterward by the colonies.
These various policies toward the American colonies
caused several political parties to spring up in England. At
first there were two Whig factions, but when in 1762 Lord
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4So HUDDLE STATSS AND MARTLAND
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ASSUMPnOH OF PARUAMESTARr CONTROL 481
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482 MIDDIB STATES JND MAkTLAKD
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ASSVMFrWN OF PAKUAMEMtJRr CVNTKOL ^gj
parts vielcJccl all its iittie savings to your emolument. And
believe —
me remember I this day told you so the same —
spiritof frecdoin which actuated that people at first will
accompany tfaem stUL But prudence forbkU me to explain
myself ftiitlier. God knows that I do not at this time
speak from motives of party heat; what I deliver are the
genuine sentiments of my heait. However superior to
me in genend knowledge and experience the respectable
body of this House may be, yet I claim to know more of
America than most of you, having seen and been conversant
in that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal
as any subjects the king has ; but a people jealous of their
liberties and who will vindicate them, if ever they should
he violated. But the subject is too delicate $ I will say no
more."
The speech was extemporaneous, and was regarded as
merely a hit at Townshend. In the gallery sat Jared Inger-
soll, the agent of Connecticut. He sent a report of the
speech to New London. It was printed in the newspapers
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484 MIDDLE STATES AND MARTLAND
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JSSUMPTJON Of PARLUMBHrARY CONTROL
stroke has lost Great Rritain the afFcctiiin of all her colonies;
what can be expected but discontent for a while, and in the
end open opposition?** John Watts voiced the same sen-
timent when he said *' The task may seem easier in theory
:
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4^6 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
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JSSUMFTJON Of FARUAMEHrARr CONTROL 487
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ASSUMFTION OF PJRUJMBNTJRr CONTROL 489
These were bold words, for, in the mc nntimc, the Sons
of Liberty had been at work. So well had their task been
done, that on the 7th of October, 1765, the Stamp Act Con-
gress assembled in the City Hall at New York. Its delibera-
tions lasted through nearly three weeks. Colden declared
the congress "unconstitutional, unprecedented, and illegal."
Ships of war were moored at the wharves, and the fort was
ordered to prepare for any emergency. The commander
of the fort, Major James, rashly declared he ^ would cram
the ttamps down the throats of the people with the end of
hift tword/* But it is well said that while he was giving
iittennce to such bellicose expressions^ the people were
splitting those same throats with the jrell : ^ Unite or Die I
— 4aken from a motto on a device representing a snake cut
into parts, to represent the colonies. Funhermore, it was
not long before James was compelled to swallow his own
words througjh the force of public indignation. Colden
fumed with rage at what he considered the lawlessness of
the people, but to no avail. The merchants displayed won-
derful self-possession and quietly prepared an agreement to
send no new orders for goods or merchandise, to counter-
mand all former orders, nnd not even to receive goods on
commission, unless the Stamp Act were repealed.
Judge Robert R. Livingston, Major John Cruger, Philip
Livmgston, Leonard Lispenard, and William Bayard repre-
sented New York in the Stamp Act Congress. Deleg^ates
were present at the congress from nine of the colonies.
Four of the colonies sympathized with the movement,
though they did not lind it convenient to choose repre-
sentatives. These were Virginia, New Hampshire, North
Carolina^ and Geoigia. ^ Here," says Frothingham (Rhe
rftht RipAUt rfthf Vrnttd States)^ '^sevefal of the patriots,
who had American question in their locali-
discussed the
. ties, met for the time.
first James Otis stood in this
body the foremost speaker. His pen, with the pens of the
brothers Robert and Philip Livingston, of New York, were
summoned to service in a wider field. John Dickinson,
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MIDDLS STATES JND MARYUND
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ASSUMPTION Of PARUAMEHrdRT CONTROL 491
Pro Patria
The lint Man that either distributes or
makes use of Stampt Paper, let him take
care of his House, Person, and Flifects.
Vox Populi.
We dare.
There was no mistaking the temper of the people now
allwere determined to resist the landing of the stamps, come
—
what might. The congress still in session said: **We —
will no more submit to Parliament than to the Divan of
Constantinople/* Colden knew not what to do, and in
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492 MIDDLE STAtES AND MARYUND
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J
JSSUMFnON OF PJRUAMBNTJRr CONTROL 493
to send for no more British manu-
Mefchantt bave resolved
ghopkeqim will huj none, gentlemen will wear
ftcturef,
none our own are encouraged, all pride in diets seems to
;
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MIDDLE STATES AND MARYUND
lence should end here, but no mob ever stops where the leaders
intend it should stop. The rioters became unmanageable.
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JSSUMPnON OF FARLUMSNTJRr COMTROL 495
They broke into the house of Major James, who had been
unwise cnoutrh to bon?t what he would do under jrivtMt condi-
tions, brought out e\c! thing that was in the house, :ind
\
burned the whole in from of the door. They broke into his
wine cellar, and drank to the dregs all ir Ck iita ned ; the doors,
pariiiions, and windows were knoi kt^i t pieces. Xhey de-
>
stroyed his conser\ atorv and trampled Jown his fine gardens.
This practically ended the violence of the night. But
next day the Ueutenant-governor was infbrmed that unless
he sunendered the stamps the Ibrt woiJd be attacked that
evening. He &uXfy agreed that he would distribute no
stamps but would Inve the matter to be regulated by the
governor. Sir Heniy Mooiew He stated, likewise, dmt he
was willing to place them upon a man-of-war, if
Kennedy would receive them. Hiis the captain
to do,not wishuig to offend the people. In a speech to the
mob. Sears said: •* Wc will have the papers within twenty*
four hours." An assault was planned ka Tuesday, Novem-
ber 5th, and the notices of such an assault were signed 1 he
Sons of Neptune." Thev were going to attack the fort.
Colden summoned Mavor Crugcr and some of the more
prominent citizens to the fort. A conference was held, and
as a result the ibilowing placard was posted conspicuously:
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JSSUMPTIOU OF PARUAMKHTARr CONtROL 497
opposed the act. Zachariah Hood, a native of the colony,
while in England had been appointed stamp distributor.
When he arrived at Annapolis, he received much the same
reception that stamp distributors had met with in other colo-
nies. He was " flogged, hanged, and burned in effigy " in
several towns and in other ways insulted. In spite of this
unmistakable evidence of the temper of the people, Hood
persisted in retaining the office, i'he mob tore down his
house in Annapolis, and he was compelled to flee to New
York. Govcrjior Sharpe admitted to Lord Halifax that it
would require a military force to protect Hood and that if
the stamps were then to arrive an attempt would be made
to bum them.
Sharpe asked military protection of General Gage for the
stamp distributor, but the Sons of Liberty moved more
rapidly than the governor. Hood was captured and taken
before a roagistntte. He was made to swear to resign and
never take part in the execution of the Stamp Act. The
stamped paper for Maryland arrived shortly afterward on
the sloop-of-war Hawkey but as there was no authorized
person to receive it, and as the populace was threatening, it
was shipped back to England.
Sharpe next called an Assembly. A proposition from the
Assembly of Massachusetts for a general congress of repre-
sentatives from the colonies to consider the existing state of
affairs and join in a memunal to England was unanimously
approved by both houses aiid the governor. Furthermore,
on the 28th of September, a committee of the Assembly
reported a set of resolutions in the nature of a bill of
ri^ts. It was declanitoiy of <*the constitutional rights and
privileges of the freemen of the province." There is no
mistaking the drift of these resolutions. They are short,
but right to the point, and assert unequivocally the claim of
the colonists of Maryland to the privileges and immunities
of British subjects guaranteed in 1632 by the charter of
Charles I. to Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore. We
have
omitted the lengthy quotations from this charter appearing
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498 MIDDLE StATMS AND MARYUND
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ASSUMPTION OF PARLUMENTARr LOtilKOL 499
VIL RiMohud^ wiammHttfy^ Tliat his Majesty's liege
people of this ancient piovince have always cnjuycd the
right of being governed by kws to which they themselves
have consented, in the articles of taxes and internal polity
and that the same hath never been forfeited, or any other
way yielded up, but hath been constantly recognized by the
king and people of Great Britain.
VIII. Resolvid^ That it is the unanimtm opinion of this
House, that the representatives of the freemen of this prov-
ince, in their legislative capacity, together with the other
part of the legislature, have the sole right to lay taxes and
impositions on the inhabitants of this province, or their
property and effects and that the laving, imposing, levying
;
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MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
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JSSUMPTION Of FARUAMENTARr CONTROL 501
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502 MIDDLB StJtSS AND MAHTLAND
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ASSUMPTION OF PARUAMENTARY CONTROL 503
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504 HWDLM STATES AND MARYLAND
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jmmptJOH or PAkUdUBHtMr control 505
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JSSUMFTIOH OF PJkUAMENTART CONTROL 507
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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
DATE PAGE
1609. Hudson entered North River of New Netb-
erland 6
1610. Dutch fur trade established on the Hudson . 7
Sir Samuel Argall visited and named Delaware
Bay 40
161 1. Block established a trading station on Man-
hattan Island 7
1 61 3. Dutch title to Manhattan first disputed by
England 8,60
1614. "New Netherland" named
first so . ... 8
forts Nassau and Amsterdam erected in the
Hudson 9
Trade monopoly granted to United New
Netherland Company ...... 40
1617. Treaty of peace made between the Dutch and
the Five Nations 10
Bergen, New Jersey, founded 242
1620. New Jersey included tn the patent of the
Council for New England 241
1 62 1. England disputed Dutch occupancy of the
Hudson and Delaware valleys .... 60
1 623. Fort Nassau (Gloucester, New Jersey) erected 1
Dutch established a colony on the Delaware 41
The Walloons settled in New Netherland 15, 180
1625. Negro slaves first imported into New Am>
stcrdam 336
1626. Manhattan island purchased by the Dutch . 16
509
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5IO MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
DATE PAGE
1626. The Dutch attacked by the Mohawks . . . 12
1629. Patroonship established in New Nether-
land 21, 41
1630. Staten Island purchased 23
1 63 1. Dutch settlements on the Delaware destroyed 235
1632. Charter granted to Lord Baltimore of Dela-
ware and part of Pennsylvania ... 60
Charter of Maryland granted to Lord Balti-
more 214.
1633. Roman Catholic colony settled by Lord Bal-
timore in Maryland iq6
1 634. Troubles between the Dutch and the Raritan
Indians composed by treaty .... 2h
Charter of Long Island, New Jersey, Mary-
land, Delaware, and Pennsylvania granted 61
The first colonial settlement made in Mary-
land, at St. Mary*s 217
New Jersey included in the Palatine grant of
New Albion 241
1 635. First naval engagement fought on inland waters
of America 221
First Assembly of Maryland met .... 224
1638. Swedish colony established on the Delaware
at Christina (Wilmington) 45
New Haven colonists founded Milford (New-
ark) New Jersey 248
1640. Dutch colony under Swedish patronage
settled
on the Delaware (New Castle County)
New Haven colonists acquired lands on the
^
Delaware 243
1 64 1. Colony of New Englanders settled on the
Delaware at Varkin's Kill (Salem) and
Passayunk (Philadelphia) ....
4^ 63
Jesuits discriminated against in Maryland . . 197
1642. The Dutch expelled the English colonists on
the Delaware and the Schuylkill ... 63
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 511
DATE PAGE
1642. Puritan refugees from New England migrated
to New Netherland 183
1643. Pavonia and Corlear*s Hook slaugh-
In<ii^ns at
tered by the Dutch 33
1645. Peace treaty signed by Dutch and Indians at
Fort Amsterdam 35
Baltimore's government overthrown in Mary-
land 223
1646. First Swedish church erected in America, on
Tinicum Island 52
First Lutheran church Pennsylvania
built in . 192
Lord Baltimore regained government of Mary-
land ... 229
1647. Popular representation established in New
Netherland 94
1648. The Swedes attacked the Dutch settlement
on the Schuylkill 103
1649. Roman Catholic worship prohibited in Mary-
land 198
Providence (Anne Arundel) settled by Con-
gregationalists 2_zS
Toleration Act passed in Maryland . . . 229
1650. Treaty made between New Netherland and
New England as to rights of settlement
on the Delaware 69
New Netherland gained popular rights from
the States General 124
Boundary between New Netherland and New
England defined 132
Bicameral legislature established in Maryland 233
1 65 1. New Haven Delaware colonizing expedition
arrested by Dutch at New Amsterdam 69^ 8^
Lord Baltimore's rights to Maryland disputed
by Cromwell . 230
1653. Municipal government established for New
Amsterdam 125
512 MIDDLE STATES AND MARYLAND
DATE FACE
1654. The Swedes captured Dutch fort (Casimir)
on the Delaware 107
1655. The Swedish power on the Delaware over-
thrown by the Dutch 1 1
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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 513
DATE PAGE
1667. New Nctherland finally ceded to English by
Treaty of Breda
1668. The Dutch "burgher" distinctions abolished
in New York province 16*^
FirstAssembly of New Jersey met . . . 250
1670. Long Island towns rebelled 165
1672. Mail service established between New York
and Boston 170
1673. New York surrendered to the Dutch . . . 167
Quaker proprietorship of New Jersey acquired 188
New Netherland obtained New Jersey settle-
ments 2^2
1674. New York province restored to England . . 169
Retrocession of New Jersey settlements to
England 252
Sir George Carteret received new grant of
New Jersey 253
Penn and his associates acquired half-interest
in West Jersey 254
1675. Salem, New Jersey, founded 188
1676. East and West Jersey created independent
provinces 252, 2SS
1677. Burlington, New Jersey, founded by Quakers 189
Popular government established in West Jer-
sey 256
1680. New York claimed control of New Jersey . 241
Duke of York relinquished all claim to New
Jersey 253
The Jerseys became independent of New
York 2i9
1 68 1. Charter of Pennsylvania granted to Penn 189, 265 .
DATE PAGE
1682. Penn's government established . . . 269,
. 270
Penn*s treaty made with the Delaware Indians 27^
Penn*s first Assembly held at Chester . . . 274
1 683. First legislature met in New York province 155, 176
Firstpermanent Society of Friends in North
America established at Germantown .
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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
DATE PAGE
1 69 1. Maryland transferred to the crown of Eng-
land 239
Leisler and Milborne executed in New York 304
New York engaged in military operations
Canada
against 311
1693. Pennsylvania and Delaware politically an-
nexed to New York 312
East Jersey enacted a general school law 328, 376 .
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MIDDLB STATES AND MARYLdND
DATB FAGB
1 Trading post egcablished at Oswego . • •
722« 342
Confciencc of colonial governors with sa-
chems of Five Nations at Albany . • 342
1725. First newspaper published in New York • • 416
1729. Public library established in New York City . 343
Franklin advocated a paper currency . . . 411
" Baltimore Town " founded ..... 427
1730. New city charter granted to New York . .
343
1731. Connecticut and New York boundary set-
tled 344
Philadelphia Library founded 413
1732. Franklin began the publication of Poor Rich-
ard'i Mnanae 413
1734. Moravian settlement made in Georgia . • • 208
1735. Freedom of the press vindicated in the trial
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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
DAT! nun
1 75 1. The British FvUameat reicricted the ittutng
of UUs of credit in die northern cobniet 416
Boundary disputes between Maryland and
Pennsylvania adjusted 434
1752. Population and houses of Baltimore . . • 428
1754. King's College (Columbia Univeni^) char-
teied • • • 365
Conference of colonial governors with Six
Nations at Albany 447
A plan of colonial union adopted at Al-
bany 450
French victory over British under Washing-
ton at Fort Necessity 454
1755. The Acadians removed to Maryland . . . 207
Braddock defeated at Monongahcla River . .
457
French defeateii at Lake George .... 460
1757. College of New Jersey finally located at
Princeton 366
Massacre of the garrison of Fort William
Heniy • • • • . 46i>
1758. Treaty with Indians made by Governor of
New Jersey at Easton, Pennsylvania , 374
Fort Du Quesne captured from the French . 458
Louisburg captured 463
1759* ^ort Niagara captured 465
Quebec surrendered 465
Ticonderoga and Crown Point evacuated by
the French 465
1760. Montreal surrendered 466
Boundary settlement made between Pennsyl-
vania and Maryland 469
1763. Mason and Uixon line surveyed .... 470
Plan of taxation of American colonies con-
si(k ri ll In' British Cabinet 479
Culoiual aj^ciiLs aJv ised of proposeti taxation
of colonies 480
^iJJ MIDDLE HI ATEH AND MARYLAND
DATE FAGS
1764. News of proposed Stamp Act reached the
colonies . * • 481
New York Assembly protested against the
proposed Stamp Act 481
Franklin sent to England to protest against
Stamp Act legislation 499
1765. Census of churches in hfew Jersey • • . 378
American Stamp Act passed 484
Middle and Southern colonies opposed the
Stamp Act 488
The New England stamp distributors forced
to resign 488
Stamp Act Congress assembled New York
in 489
Non-ini[K)ttatioii agreement signed by New
Wiik merchants 492
Philadelphia and Boston merchants signed
non-importation agreement .... 493
Citizens of New York compelled the lieu-
tenant-goyemor to surrender the stamps 496
The Maiyland Assembly answered the Stamp
Act by a declaration of rights . . • 497
1766. Charter granted for Queen's College (Rutgers) 367
The Stamp Act repealed 503
George III. and Pitt honored by statues in
New York in commemoration of repeal
of Stamp Act ........ 504
1769. Law enacted in Maryland as to transported
felons 444
1782. First Bible printed in America, at Philadelphia 416
1797. Baltimore incorporated as a city . . • • 428
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
VOLUME IV
m
Haaaah Pom. J^itr tkt original painting by Joseph
ImdtptaJiMtt HmU, PkUaMpkim
Wr^ki
M
"VnmSam Pcmu 4fier Am original painting by Joseph IVright m
bdtptmdtU9 fUU^ PMImdt^ia tHh
Letter ttetiBg dm Msnhsttan Ufauid hid been puicheiecl fiom
the ** wild men for the value of «xty gntlacrs. From tkt
wHguuU mtkt R»fmi Jhtkhfts eU Tht H/^km^ HMamd • . i6
Early issues of New Jersey, New York, and Delaware paper cur-
rency, including an indented bill. From the originals in the
New fork Public Library ^ Lenox Branch . . . . , 35*
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lisr OF iLLvsrtLdnoits 52
FACIHOnUM
Map of the frontiers of tlie northern colonies, witii the boundary
line established between them and the Indians in the treaty
made hf Sir WiUkm Johmon at Foct Stanwix in 1761.
Brm mi tMt^m 9f Gttrgi Bmrrkf ..... . 43a
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f f ^ ^
+
UNWBWTY OF IMCHOAN
1^
Q
DO NOT REMOVE
OR
MUTILATE CARD
Google
M
M
+ + + +
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