Republic of The Philippines Baguio City en Banc
Republic of The Philippines Baguio City en Banc
SUPREME COURT
Baguio City
EN BANC
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G.R. No. 203509
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RESOLUTION
ABAD, J.:
A number of petitioners seek reconsideration of the Court's February 18, 2014 Decision that
declared invalid and unconstitutional certain provisions of Republic Act 10125 or the
Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 and upheld the validity of the others. The respondents,
represented by the Office of the Solicitor General, also seek reconsideration of portions of that
decision. After going over their motions, however, the Court sees no substantial arguments from
either side to warrant the reversal of its February 18, 2014 Decision.
The point about the legislative bicameral committee's insertions of certain provisions that were
neither in the House bill nor in the Senate bill is something that the Court is not inclined to
investigate since insertions are within the power of those committees to make so long as the
passage of the law complies with the constitutional requirements.1 The Cybercrime Prevention
Act went through both houses and they approved it. Any issue concerning alleged non-
compliance with the governing rules of both houses regarding committee insertions have to be
internally resolved by each house.
In any event, the Court will briefly address certain aspects of the decision that drew the most
objections.
Section 6 of the cybercrime law imposes penalties that are one degree higher when the crimes
defined in the Revised Penal Code and certain special laws are committed with the use of
information and communication technologies (ICT). Some of the petitioners insist that Section 6
is invalid since it produces an unusual chilling effect on users of cyberspace that would hinder
free expression.
Petitioner Bloggers and Netizens for Democracy insist that Section 6 cannot stand in the absence
of a definition of the term "information and communication technology".2 But petitioner seems
to forget the basic tenet that statutes should not be read in isolation from one another. The
parameters of that ICT exist in many other laws. Indeed those parameters have been used as
basis for establishing government systems and classifying evidence.3 These along with common
usage provide the needed boundary within which the law may be applied.
The Court had ample opportunity to consider the proposition that Section 6 violates the equal
protection clause via the parties’ pleadings, oral arguments, and memoranda. But, as the
Decision stressed, the power to fix the penalties for violations of penal laws, like the cybercrime
law, exclusively belongs to Congress.
In any event, Section 6 of the cybercrime law merely makes the commission of existing crimes
through the internet a qualifying circumstance that raises by one degree the penalties
corresponding to such crimes. This is not at all arbitrary since a substantial distinction exists
between crimes committed through the use of ICT and similar crimes committed using
conventional means.
The United Nations Special Rapporteur,4 Frank La Rue, acknowledged the material distinction.
He pointed out that "[t]he vast potential and benefits of the Internet are rooted in its unique
characteristics, such as its speed, worldwide reach and relative anonymity." For this reason,
while many governments advocate freedom online, they recognize the necessity to regulate
certain aspects of the use of this media to protect the most vulnerable.5
Not infrequently, certain users of the technology have found means to evade being identified and
for this reason have been emboldened to reach far more victims or cause greater harm or both. It
is, therefore, logical for Congress to consider as aggravating the deliberate use of available ICT
by those who ply their wicked trades.
Compared to traditional crimes, cybercrimes are more perverse. In traditional estafa for example,
the offender could reach his victim only at a particular place and a particular time. It is rare that
he could consummate his crime without exposing himself to detection and prosecution. Fraud
online, however, crosses national boundaries, generally depriving its victim of the means to
obtain reparation of the wrong done and seek prosecution and punishment of the absent criminal.
Cybercriminals enjoy the advantage of anonymity, like wearing a mask during a heist.
Petitioners share the Chief Justice’s concern for the overall impact of those penalties, being one
degree higher than those imposed on ordinary crimes, including the fact that the prescriptive
periods for the equivalent cybercrimes have become longer.6
Prescription is not a matter of procedure over which the Court has something to say. Rather, it is
substantive law since it assumes the existence of an authority to punish a wrong, which authority
the Constitution vests in Congress alone. Thus, there is no question that Congress may provide a
variety of periods for the prescription of offenses as it sees fit. What it cannot do is pass a law
that extends the periods of prescription to impact crimes committed before its passage.7
It is pointed out that the legislative discretion to fix the penalty for crimes is not absolute
especially when this discretion is exercised in violation of the freedom of expression. The
increase in the penalty for online libel creates, according to this view, greater and unusual
chilling effect that violates the protection afforded to such freedom.
But what the stiffer penalty for online libel truly targets are those who choose to use this most
pervasive of media without qualms, tearing down the reputation of private individuals who value
their names and community standing. The law does not remotely and could not have any chilling
effect on the right of the people to disagree, a most protected right, the exercise of which does
not constitute libel.
The majority of the movants believe that the Court’s decision upholding the constitutionality of
Section 4(c)(4), which penalizes online libel, effectively tramples upon the right to free
expression. But libel is not a protected speech. There is no freedom to unjustly destroy the
reputation of a decent woman by publicly claiming that she is a paid prostitute.
As early as 1912, the Court held that libel is a form of expression not protected by the
Constitution.8 Libel, like obscenity, belongs to those forms of speeches that have never attained
Constitutional protection and are considered outside the realm of protected freedom. As
explained by the US Supreme Court in Champlinsky v. New Hampsire:9
Allowing the broadest scope to the language and purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment, it is
well understood that the right of free speech is not absolute at all times and under all
circumstances. There are certain well-defined and narrowly limited classes of speech, the
prevention and punishment of which have never been thought to raise any Constitutional
problem. These include the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or
"fighting" words – those which, by their very utterance, inflict injury or tend to incite an
immediate breach of the peace.
It has been well observed that such utterances are no essential part of any exposition of ideas,
and are of such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from
them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality. "Resort to epithets or
personal abuse is not in any proper sense communication of information or opinion safeguarded
by the Constitution, and its punishment as a criminal act would raise no question under that
instrument." (Emphasis supplied)
The constitutional guarantee against prior restraint and subsequent punishment, the
jurisprudential requirement of "actual malice," and the legal protection afforded by "privilege
communications" all ensure that protected speech remains to be protected and guarded. As long
as the expression or speech falls within the protected sphere, it is the solemn duty of courts to
ensure that the rights of the people are protected.
At bottom, the deepest concerns of the movants seem to be the fact that the government seeks to
regulate activities in the internet at all. For them, the Internet is a place where a everyone should
be free to do and say whatever he or she wants. But that is anarchical. Any good thing can be
converted to evil use if there are no laws to prohibit such use. Indeed, both the United States and
the Philippines have promulgated laws that regulate the use of and access to the Internet.10
The movants argue that Section 4(c)(4) is both vague and overbroad. But, again, online libel is
not a new crime. It is essentially the old crime of libel found in the 1930 Revised Penal Code and
transposed to operate in the cyberspace. Consequently, the mass of jurisprudence that secures the
freedom of expression from its reach applies to online libel. Any apprehended vagueness in its
provisions has long been settled by precedents.
The parties' other arguments in their respective motions for reconsideration are mere reiterations
that the Court already considered and ruled upon when it promulgated its earlier Decision.
WHEREFORE, the Court DENIES with finality the various motions for reconsideration that
both the petitioners and the respondents, represented by the Office of the Solicitor General, filed
for lack of merit.
SO ORDERED.