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Introduction
Indigenous communities have always developed strong links with
their territory, defined as a common heritage and as a social-ecological
system made up of the interaction between natural resources and human
communities in a place. Mining activities (by oil companies for
instance) and contemporary conservation policies aiming to protect
biodiversity have endangered the physical and cultural links between
indigenous communities and their territories. These policies have
sometimes resulted in forced displacements and, more frequently,
cultural changes (most of them related to self-government and ways of
self -provisioning) in certain areas.
The aim of this paper is to understand the conflicts inherent to such
situations (conflicts over conceptions of property rights, impacts in
terms of environmental justice, territory, the common interest, etc.) and
their consequences for indigenous communities. It is framed by the
following questions: What are the impacts of environmental
conservation and strategic resources exploitation projects on indigenous
rights and what kind of social-ecological system do they promote? What
types of social-ecological conflicts emerge from conservation and
exploitation projects and how are they solved?
In relation to this general question, this paper addresses several
important issues related to the concept of territory:
The distinction between territorial “sovereignty” and
territorial “autonomy” in the case of indigenous rights
15
The difference between the concepts of “patrimony/heritage”
and “property” in the case of natural resources?
The relationships between the concepts of “governance” and
cultural systems in the case of indigenous communities?
In order to answer these issues, our paper is divided into three parts.
The first part explores the analytical links between rights (human rights,
environmental rights, property rights) and territory. How can this bundle
of rights help to understand the coexistence of diverse conceptions of a
territory? The second part identifies tendencies (driven by global as well
as regional imperatives) of both exploitation and conservation of natural
resources such as protected natural areas and oil-mining exploration and
exploitation. These tendencies will help to illustrate the links between
these resource activities, the conflicting interpretations of a territory and
their relation with the bundle of rights. Exploitation and conservation of
strategic resources are often presented as the two opposite sides of a
large spectrum of relationship between Man and Nature, in terms of its
impact on ecosystems. However, we argue that both exploitation and
conservation of natural resources can have similar social and cultural
impacts on communities living in places where exploration and
exploitation of natural resources occur, as well as in protected areas.
Among these impacts, displacements of local populations are probably
one of the first stakes.
The last part is dedicated to the study of the “Coatí” oil exploration
project in the Cofan indigenous territory, located in southern Colombia.
The licence of exploration was delivered by the national government to
the Columbus Energy Consortium, but the latter had to begin a Prior
Consultation process with the indigenous communities because the
exploration area overlaps with the legally constituted Cofan territory.
Here we contrast the arguments of the State, the petroleum company and
the Cofan community, as manifest in public consultations for this
project. We try then to understand which conception of territory is
mobilized by each of the stakeholders and how they relate to arguments
in terms of different types or levels of interest (general interest,
individual interest, community interest) and rights. The conflict between
the concepts of property/ownership and heritage/patrimony is one way
to understand the various conceptions of a territory by different
stakeholders. We examine the outcome of the prior consultation process
by studying some of the main aspects of the decision-making process
related to exploration and exploitation activities.
Conflicting rights and interests in indigenous territories
1
Some indigenous communities are skeptical about this approach because they do not
consider themselves as demographic minorities.
1.1. Conceptual Framework of the human rights of indigenous
peoples: land, resources and territories
Defining “Indigenous Peoples”
There is no single definition of indigenous peoples in the
international human rights system. Nevertheless, the most commonly
used definition, coined by Jose R. Martinez Cobo in the Study on the
Problem of Discrimination against Indigenous Populations, defines them
as pre-colonial societies that consider themselves distinct from other
sectors of the societies now prevailing on their territories, which are
conceived at the present as “dominant”. Indigenous peoples are
determined to claim the right to their ancestral territories as the basis of
their ethnic identity2.
This definition recognizes the right of “occupation” or “settlement”
of the original – aboriginal – populations, but not the right of
“possession” or property. At the same time, it recognizes the systematic
violation of occupation of that right through conquest and/or
colonization. The second part of the definition deals with the
“determination” of indigenous peoples to preserve, develop and transmit
to future generations their ancestral territories and ethnic identity. This
implies the political decision of the indigenous peoples to vindicate their
rights in the public sphere by establishing a dialogue with the State and
other political and economic actors. In other words, the indigenous
peoples are recognized as a collectivity and political subject with their
own legitimate cultural patterns, legal systems and social institutions,
which are distinct from the rest of society3.
Lands, resources and territories
Three basic concepts in the international human rights system define
the approach to indigenous peoples´ human rights: “lands”, “territories”
and “resources”. The Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues examines
the development of these concepts throughout history. It concludes that
the international legal construct known as the Doctrine of Discovery –
since the XVth century still operating today.
The word “lands” in the Discovery Doctrine refers to empty regions,
with no human beings, and indigenous peoples were not considered part
2
E/CN.4/Sub2/476; E/CN.4/Sub.2/1982/2; E/CN.4/Sub.2/1983/21.
3
According to the Draft American Declaration on the rights of Indigenous Peoples:
“Self-identification as indigenous peoples will be a fundamental criteria for
determining to whom this Declaration applies”. It establishes that the rights of
indigenous peoples to lands, territories and resources are permanent, exclusive,
inalienable, and not prescribed or subject to embargo.
Conflicting rights and interests in indigenous territories
of this category in the papal bulls (they were not Christians). The
commercial codes and the development of property rights regimes
resulted in a new meaning. This word acquires now a commercial
connotation in the normative UN and OAS framework: the land as a
commodity subject to transaction or as a strategic good for the States
and the international community. Thus, it is subject to different kinds of
intervention with different purposes: environmental preservation or the
protection of areas and resources of special interest, exploration or
exploitation of renewable or non-renewable natural resources. This
orientation is clear in the Rio Declaration on Environment and
Development (lands include the environment of areas occupied by
indigenous peoples), The UN Convention on Biological Diversity and
the UN Convention on Climate Change (1992).
The implementation of this approach without any consideration of
the cultural framework of indigenous peoples that live in regions subject
to preservation or exploitation has affected their access to land rights4.
The permanent Forum has noticed the negative effects of large-scale
development projects on indigenous economic systems, on their cultural
heritage and on their social networks by expropriation of territories
(Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, E/c.19/2010/14).
The word “resources” in the international human rights regime is
used to refer to goods considered as “patrimony” of humanity,
distinguishing between tangible (lands, territories and resources) and
intangible (culture). In this meaning, the preservation and conservation
of resources are part of a strategy to prevent human intervention in
goods of global interest. Those goods are patrimony when they
contribute to the cultural diversity of humanity, to environmental
sustainability or to sustainable development. In this way, the
conceptualization of “resources” implies a separation between human
beings and nature which is radically opposite to the indigenous
conception of the cultural and spiritual character of territory, understood
as a system in which nature and humans interact permanently5.
4
Some indigenous peoples consider the climate change policies inappropriate because
they conceive resources as merchandises (Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues,
E/c.19/2010/7). The Draft American Declaration says that the States won´t be able to
create protected areas or conservation programs in indigenous lands without their
free, previous and informed consent (article 8, paragraph 7).
5
The Convention 169 of International Labour Organization (ILO) establishes that
indigenous people have the right to participation in the “use, administration and
conservation” of resources in their lands, resources that must be specially protected
by the States (article 15, paragraph 1). It establishes that each State will preserve the
pertinent knowledge, practices and innovations of indigenous communities to the
conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity (article 8).
When the State has the right of property over minerals, sub-soil
resources or any other resources in lands occupied by indigenous
peoples, it is necessary that governments maintain the procedures of
consultation with interested populations, before beginning any activity
in this sense. In cases where such activities have already taken place, it
anticipates indemnification or compensation for the damages caused to
indigenous peoples.
In addition to this, the UN Declaration rejects military activities in
territories of indigenous peoples unless justified by a relevant public
interest or otherwise freely agreed with or requested by indigenous
peoples concerned (article 30). In the same way, it condemns the
displacement or movement from their territories (article 10). In practice,
the public interest is not the exception but the rule in relation to the
militarization of indigenous territories because it always has to do with
national security or economic activities considered as the hard core of
national development.
The word “territory” refers to the interaction between indigenous
peoples and nature. It is associated with the right of self-government and
with the recognition of Indigenous Law (including collective forms of
property, occupation and autonomy on uses in accordance to their
traditions and cultural patterns). In this sense, the right of self-
government is broader than the concept of “governance”. The Draft
American declaration (Article IV, part 2) recognizes that collective
rights are a necessary condition of their existence.
Following this background, it is possible to identify two main
tensions in the international human rights regime. The first tension is
between the right of sovereignty of national States (not in contradiction
with the protection of human rights but in tension with the autonomy
calls of special groups as indigenous) and the right of self-
determination of indigenous peoples. The normative framework
establishes that the States are able to limit the right of self determination
when a public interest is threatened, respecting the consultation
procedures (in accordance to the Convention 169). A second tension
occurs between the equality in rights and the right of difference. This
tension has to deal with the difference between the approach to
indigenous rights by conceiving them as minorities and the approach
that conceived of them as political subjects with cultural identities that
recognizes their right to self- determination. The conflicting rights
exposed in these tensions are not solved and shows a dilemma that
results from giving the indigenous peoples the status of an independent
political entity similar to that of the Nation State or incorporate
indigenous peoples as part of the State’s regime, even though this
incorporation means, in some circumstances, that they have to resign to
Conflicting rights and interests in indigenous territories
6
NEA: Northern Ecuadorian Amazon.
Conflicting rights and interests in indigenous territories
7
Among which 3.3 million km2 are terrestrial and 200,000 km2 marine protected areas
(United Nations, World Database on Protected Areas, 2008, http://www.wdpa.org/).
Note that this figure includes all the Brazilian protected areas which are, for a large
part, outside of the western Amazon region.
Conflicting rights and interests in indigenous territories
8
Over half of all legally titled indigenous territories in the Peruvian Amazon are
covered by hydrocarbon concessions (Finer, Orta-Martinez, 2010).
9
42% of the territorial reserves, and over 60% of the proposed territorial reserves,
were covered by hydrocarbon concessions in 2009 (Finer, Orta-Martinez, 2010).
economy (…) can lead to another major threat to biodiversity conservation
(…)” (Finer, Orta-Martinez, 2010: 8-9).
The direct impacts of hydrocarbon exploration and exploitation
activities include deforestation and contamination from oil spills and
wastewater discharges. New roads built to facilitate the access to
concessions also have indirect effects such as an increase in logging and
hunting, caused by the colonization process along the oil access roads
(Finer et al., 2008).
Such impacts are well documented and oil and gas companies, are
now aware of the problems involved in mining activities, especially
impacts on local communities. As mentioned by Kimerling (2007: 449),
“It was not until 1990 that Ecuador formally recognized indigenous
land rights and began systematically granting land titles to indigenous
groups. By that time, oil development and internal colonization had
displaced native peoples from many areas, significantly reducing their
traditional territories”. That is why oil companies now try to stress the
economic and social benefits of the mining industry on indigenous
communities. For instance, the following statement by Shell is striking:
Oil and gas operations sometimes require temporary or permanent access to
areas of land or sea that were previously the basis of economic livelihood
for local people. This disruption can damage a community’s fabric or
lifestyle. In some cases, projects may require the permanent physical
relocation and resettlement of communities, which can affect social
cohesion. We recognise our responsibility to minimise these impacts and, if
relocation is required, to help communities to re-establish themselves and to
restore their livelihoods. (Shell website, consulted on May, 3, 2010).
Nevertheless, as will be shown in the next section, the huge increase
of exploration and oil extraction activities in the Western Amazon
region has important impacts on indigenous communities’ livelihoods.
The case study of a petroleum exploration process in the Cofan
indigenous territories (South of Colombia) helps to understand the key
issues at stake.
10
This case study includes some of the results of the study of sociocultural impacts
developed as part of the prior consultation process between the Cofan people and
Columbus Energy (between March and December, 2009). Marcela Ceballos Medina
participated in that study.
Conflicting rights and interests in indigenous territories
territorial conflicts are solved and what type of socio system do the
solutions promote?
3.1. Context and normative framework
Petroleum income plays an important role in the Colombian
economy and this fact has direct effects on the nature of the socio-
environmental conflicts that result from exploration and exploitation
activities in indigenous territories. Basically, it implies an association
between the State and private entrepreneurs who become allies in order
to pursue a shared interest in increasing oil production and the
associated revenues from the hydrocarbons sector (Fontaine, 2007).
Between the years 2004 and 2009, Colombia registered an increase in
petroleum activity as well as in its share in State revenues: almost half of
the national territory has been assigned – or is in preparation to be
offered – to different companies for hydrocarbon exploration and
exploitation11. In the Putumayo province alone, where our case study is
located, more than thirty petroleum blocks have been identified (See
Figure 2).
11
There are 592 identified petroleum blocks which cover 100,372,354 hectares (48.5%
of the Colombian national territory). There was an 87% increase in the areas with oil
exploration activities between the years 2003 and 2006; in the year 2009 a 200%
increase in technical evaluation areas. In 2010 the State will offer 60 million
additional hectares. Between the year 2000 and the 2009 there has been a 9,8%
average annual increase in State revenues from regalias or exploitation royalties. The
petroleum proven reserves in the year 2000 were 1,972 million barrels and in 2009
this amount reached the 2,500 millions of barrels.
Figure 2. Evolution of the petroleum land blocks in Colombia 2003-2009
Putumayo
30
Colombian legislation establishes that the subsoil is the property of
the Nation. Since 2004, the firms willing to exploit hydrocarbons have
to contract with the National Hydrocarbons Agency (NHA) (Decree
1760 of 2003)1. In Colombia, the Prior Consultation process officially
begins once the contracts between the NHA and the firms have been
signed (the contracts allow exploration activities). This practice
undermines the prior consultation principles.
On the other hand, we find that environmental legislation in
Colombia is guided by the Political Constitution:
1) The recognition of the universal right to a healthy natural
environment and the right of participation (Article 79),
2) The environment as a “common patrimony” that establishes the
need for protection and conservation actions (Article 63),
3) Sustainable development as a strategy to generate economic
growth, improve the quality of life and social well being, without
exhausting nonrenewable natural resources and the environment (Article
80).
The Colombian State is one of the Parties to the International
Convention on Biological Diversity and has a National System of
Protected Areas (SINAP) covering 10% of the national territory. This
system is managed by the Ministry of Environment, Housing and
Territorial Development2.
The 1991 National Constitution made important headway in
recognizing indigenous people’s right to territory as well as their rights
to political representation and participation. First, they included the
election of congressmen for special indigenous circumscriptions
(articles 171 and 176). Second, it made clear the national government’s
mandate for the titling of territories (resguardos) in this legal context-
historically occupied by indigenous peoples. The National Constitution
recognized these lands as collective property and their attributes as
inalienable, imprescriptible and not subject to embargo as part of the
principle of ethnic and cultural diversity3. Third, it recognized the
1
Until the year 2003, Ecopetrol was in charge of these functions (Ecopetrol currently
carries out exploration, exploitation, production, transportation and refinement of
these resources).
2
The Colombian State has signed a concession contract with Aviatur (a firm
specialized in touristic activities) for the administration of national parks. This
decision reflects the application of “market” logic based on the attraction of foreign
investment and the notion that tourism businesses will improve the profitability of
protected areas.
3
Nonetheless, resguardos with no legal titles are exposed to different methods of
intervention.
31
resguardos as political and administrative entities (cabildos) at the local
level with elections to establish their own governments (article 286).
Fourth, Law 21 of 1991 ratified the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples
Convention and Law 99 of 1993 defined the Ministry of Environment’s
competence in prior consultation processes. Thus, this institution has
been responsible for delivering environmental permits to investors as a
prerequisite to develop economic projects in protected areas4.
The courts in Colombia have had an important role in protecting
indigenous peoples’ rights by controlling national government policies
and practices. The “Auto 004 of 2009” of the Constitutional Court is
one of the most relevant decisions in order to “Protect the fundamental
rights of indigenous individuals and peoples forcibly displaced or in risk
of being displaced because of internal armed conflict” (Constitutional
Court, Auto 004 of 2009). The Court declared the State’s responsibility
in the prevention of indigenous peoples’ forced displacement and
identified exploration and exploitation of hydrocarbons in indigenous
territories, among others, as causes of this phenomenon5). Finally, the
Court declared that the territory historically occupied by ethnic groups is
a fundamental – vital – need, a sine qua non condition for its existence
and survival (Constitutional Court, Sentence T-188).
3.2. The prior consultation process and socio environmental
conflicts
Collective actors and their claims
We have identified four different types of collective actors involved
in the prior consultation process and two types of claims in the
indigenous communities: one defending the collective property,
4
When conflicts between the U´wa people and the Occidental Petroleum Company
started in the Arauca Province, the Colombian government thorough the Ministry of
Energy and Mining approved Decree 1320 (in the year 1998). This decree limited the
previous consultation to an analysis of the possible damage or impacts caused by the
exploration and exploitation of natural resources in indigenous territories. With this
decree the petroleum activities were legitimate until the indigenous people could
prove the contrary, ex post (Fontaine, 2007).
5
The United Nations system has played an important role. The report of the UN
special rapporteur for the indigenous rights and freedoms, registered several
situations that threaten the physical and cultural survival of indigenous peoples in
Colombia (UN, A/HRC/15/34/January 8, 2010). Some of them are: the absence of
mechanisms for protecting the indigenous lands and natural resources, the absence of
previous consultation in developing macroeconomic projects, the militarization of
indigenous territories including the resguardos, armed confrontation in these
territories and the murder of indigenous leaders.
32
The Governance of Transboundary Aquifers
33
recognition of life and ethnic integrity as universal values, and referring
to ecosystems and traditional knowledge as sacred resources
(patrimony). In addition, they argue for the indigenous peoples’ function
of preserving the environment as a way to ensure sustainable
development for future generations.
ASMIC has established alliances with environmental NGO’s such as
ACT (Amazon Conservation Team) and WWF. These are a part of the
second type of collective actors, who focus their local actions in relation
to a global strategy based on sustainable development. The framework
of reference includes International Conventions for the protection of the
environment and the Millennium Development Goals. They support
national governments in identifying areas subject to special protection
and have established alliances with the Ministry of Environment,
Housing and Territorial Development, through the National Unity of
Natural Parks.
The Fauna and Flora Sanctuary “Ingi Ande” in Putumayo was
created with the support of these organizations. Their objectives are in
tension with the legal titling of indigenous resguardos, basically
because the national government is in charge of the administration of
natural resources in protected areas, while the cabildos and indigenous
authorities (legally constituted) are in charge of the administration of
natural resources in resguardos –with the important exception of the
subsoil.
The third type of collective actor includes human rights NGO’s
allied with State institutions such as the Attorney General’s Office and
the Constitutional Court as well as United Nations Agencies such as
UNHCR. They demand the protection of human rights focused on civil
and political rights in a context of internal armed conflict and political
persecution. The NGO Minga Association followed the prior
consultation process and has supported the Association of Traditional
Authorities. There are tensions between this group of actors and the
second one, because some juridical actions of MINGA Association are
against the national government (related with human rights violations).
They have played a crucial role in the Association of Traditional
Authorities’ collective action against the militarization of indigenous
territories by the State and the economic intervention of the private
sector.
The fourth group includes the national government, which holds
property rights over the subsoil and which has a primary decision-
making role for the national economy. The Ministry of the Interior is an
institution in charge of certifying indigenous presence in territories
where the exploration or exploitation of natural resources is planned.
The Ministry of the Environment manages the approval of
34
The Governance of Transboundary Aquifers
7
“The non-existence of a consensus between the government and the affected
communities, or their rejection for participation in the prior consultation process,
does not affect the petroleum project’s legality, but it is necessary that its
environmental analysis takes into account – when reasonable – the observations
and objections of the affected communities” (State Council, Rad. 1708 February 2,
2006).
8
35% of the province incomes in the year 2006 came from the regalías and in the year
2008, this figure increased to 47.8%.
9
Even though the capture of public revenues is in the middle of the struggle.
35
which is subject to economic pressures over the interests of special
groups as indigenous.
The Prior Consultation Process
Phase 1: Reentry consultation
In 2005, the Ministry of the Environment authorized the re-
assignment of the “Temblón 1X” oil well to the Andean Petroleum
Operations S.A company (OPA). This oil well is located in the San
Miguel municipality, inside the Yarinal and Afilador Indigenous
Reservations of the Cofan people. After a contract signed with the
NHA, OPA began exploration activities in the indigenous territory
without any consultation process.
The “Permanent Working Group for the Cofan people and
Indigenous Cabildos of Valle del Guamuéz and San Miguel” wanted to
formalize dialogues with the company, but OPA denied the existence of
indigenous communities in this area. The Association of Traditional
Authorities then tried to talk with the Ministry of Interior and Justice
which argued that OPA was not extracting oil but water (!) and that its
activities were part of a “reentry process”10 Nevertheless, the Ministry
recognized the need for a prior consultation process.
The “Permanent Working Group for the Cofan people and
Indigenous Cabildos of Valle del Guamuéz and San Miguel” asked for a
meeting in order to clarify what was going on and how the prior
consultation process would be developed. The meeting took place in
Putumayo (Valle del Guamuéz municipality) with the participation of
the Ministry of Environment, The NHA, OPA S.A, The National
Ombudsman’s Office, The General Attorney’s Office, indigenous
governors and traditional authorities, MINGA Association and The
Colombian Commission of Jurists (NGOs). The position of the Cofan
Association was to stop all the exploration activities until the rules of
the prior consultation were clear. The Ministry of Environment asked
OPA to begin a consultation process on the 26 of July, 2006. OPA
successfully worked to reverse this decision and the Ministry of
Environment started a consensus building process – not a prior
consultation – with the indigenous communities settled in the San
Marcelino resguardo, Afilador and Yarinal reservation.
The final agreements were:
10
The first oil exploitation project in the Cofan territory began in the 1960’s in the
Orito municipality. In 1966 the Texas Petroleum Company began exploration of the
“Temblón 1” oil well, which was later closed. In the year 1982 Ecopetrol began the
drilling of “Temblón 1X” but also abandoned it.
36
The Governance of Transboundary Aquifers
37
damage in other areas located outside the area of interest but socio-
ecologically connected with it.
Figure 3. COATI Block, area of interest, indigenous resguardos and
reservations
Source: ISAC LTD (2008), Environmental impacts Study, Area of interest, exploration
phase, COATI 1.
38
The Governance of Transboundary Aquifers
39
direct relationship with Columbus Energy and a separate prior
consultation process. ASMIC promoted the constitution of the Flora and
Fauna Sanctuary “Ingi Ande” – an environmental protected area. The
Association of Traditional Authorities publicly opposed this project,
making explicit the differences between both claims and the territorial
dimension of this conflict:
We reject the constitution of the Flora and Fauna Sanctuary Ingi Ande in
Orito municipality, and the superposition with our indigenous resguardos
and reservations (…) we declare that our territories must be managed and
governed according to our usages and traditions, as part of a strategy whose
purpose is the legal recognition, constitution and expansion of our
resguardos (…)
In the background there was the dispute for the legitimacy of these
associations in representation of the “real voice” of the indigenous
peoples and communities.
This situation sharpened the divisions inside the Cofan people
because of the confrontation of two kinds of claims. The first one seeks
the constitution and expansion of the resguardos, as part of a call for the
recognition of autonomy and self-government. The second claim the
preservation of strategic areas based on the global importance of
medicinal plants.
These two types of claims have different implications in terms of
governance: the first one allows the indigenous peoples -through the
legal figures of the resguardo and cabildo, as political and
administrative entities- to exercise the functions of local government.
The second one leaves the administration and management of the whole
territory and its natural resources in the hands of the national
government (Ministry of Environment), under the legal figure of natural
protected areas. In such areas, the national government can authorize the
exploration and exploitation of subsoil resources.
Some members of ASMIC started to fail attend the meetings and
activities related with the study of socio-cultural impacts, and developed
parallel meetings. The need for experts and external consultants in
developing the study increased the tensions and divisions inside the
indigenous communities. In the middle of the process, the Constitutional
Court ordered the national government to negotiate a Safeguard Plan
with the Cofan people (Auto Number 004 of 2009). This legal
framework opened a window of opportunity for the Cofan claims,
attaching them to a more powerful and obligatory jurisprudence, by
involving a new actor: the Constitutional Court.
This position was clearly established in the study of socio-cultural
impacts (2009: 12):
40
The Governance of Transboundary Aquifers
The oil exploration and exploitation should not be in contradiction with the
Constitutional Court (Auto 004 of 2009) which establishes the urgent need
for protection of the physical, ethnic and cultural integrity of indigenous
peoples. The prior consultation must be articulated to these dispositions.
The prevention, mitigation, correction and compensation measures should
contribute to the objectives of the Auto 004 in order to guarantee the
existence and survival of indigenous peoples. In consequence, they must be
incorporated to the safeguard plan.
The Safeguard negotiation process became an additional scenario of
struggle between ASMIC and the Association of Traditional
Authorities.
3.3. The conception of territory and ethnic integrity
The meaning of territory for the indigenous peoples is associated
with the source of life. According to indigenous people, it is impossible
to understand their physical existence separate from their relation with
nature. In this context, the oil block and the area of direct influence are
meaningless categories. Columbus Energy and the national government
understand the oil block as a delimitation of the subsoil in which the
State has the sovereign right of exploitation, according to the country’s
petroleum legislation. These differences determined different
conceptions of the prior consultation process. Indigenous peoples
understand prior consultation as a decision-making process. The oil
companies and the national government understand prior consultation as
a consultation mechanism which cannot become an obstacle to the oil
activities (the contracts with the NHA are already signed).
Conflicts derived from those different conceptions of territory allow
us to say that absolute ownership over the land does not exist. The
normative frameworks´ contradictions produce an intersection of
interests and rights in a single space, which are solved in the course of
political negotiation processes.
The COATI Block is located in the legally constituted indigenous
reservations in the Valle del Guamuez and San Miguel municipalities.
The area of direct influence is located in the indigenous reservations
Santa Rosa del Guamuez, Yarinal and Afilador Campoalegre (a total
area of 25,000 hectares, part of which has been invaded by campesinos)
Only a small part of the reservations are legally constituted as
resguardos (5,000 hectares). The area of interest covers approximately
40% of the Yarinal – San Marcelino resguardo and 100% of the area
occupied by la Raya indigenous community in the reservation Afilador
Campo Alegre. Two other resguardos are located outside of the area of
interest but the communities’ access roads cross the exploration area.
41
Figure 4. Socio cultural measurement of the exploratory phase, oil well
COATI 1
11
The methodology presented here is part of the study of sociocultural impacts
(unpublished manuscript).
42
The Governance of Transboundary Aquifers
12
The Cofan census implemented during the study in Cofan communities shows that
the 42% of human rights violations that affect indigenous people correspond to
homicides. The Army and the Police are responsible for the 32% of the human rights
violations; the guerrilla groups are responsible for the 20% and the paramilitaries for
the 23%.
43
glyphosate13 used by the national government in the forced eradication
of coca crops, oil spills and oil exploitation.
The management plan did not include monetary costs of the impacts
nor compensation measures (this will be a second part of the
consultation process). The management plan included 13 programs
focused on capacity building, protection of sacred places during
exploration and mechanisms to guarantee agreement with enforcement.
The programs became projects and the final negotiation will depend on
the company budget to fund the projects.
The outcomes
The study increased the level of consciousness about the impacts on
different generations. The stakeholders involved in this study decided to
continue with the consultation - negotiation process with the company,
accepting the exploration and eventually exploitation activities in their
territories under specific conditions (according to the management plan).
The Ministry of Interior and the NHA participated in the meeting
when the Association of Traditional Authorities presented the Study of
Socio-cultural impacts. There was an agreement between the two parts
on the dimension of the impacts and the management plan. This
consensus can be explained because the indigenous peoples did not
oppose the exploration activities.
One of the main strategies used by the indigenous peoples was the
requirement of a single channel of dialogue with the national
government to face the different previous consultation processes in their
territories. Then the State was obliged to assume the indigenous
peoples´ right of participation and the responsibility of protecting their
fundamental rights (against abuses committed by the armed forces, the
companies or public employees). This strategy aimed to diminish the
companies’ political power during the process.
Conclusions
In this paper, we have argued that the diverse alliances between
private, public and collective actors, as well as the role of the State in
solving the social-ecological conflicts derived from exploitation and
13
Non selective herbicide developed to eliminate undesirable herbs in great scale
agriculture. Glyphosate is the active component of the “Roundup” herbicide,
patented by the transnational company Monsanto. It has been subject of a strong
debate about the transgenic production and its health damages. The patent of this
product has expired in the year 2000; nonetheless, glyphosate is used in many
countries with different commercial names.
44
The Governance of Transboundary Aquifers
45
If no changes take place to influence global economic structure and
ways of producing and consuming energy, indigenous peoples could
disappear as distinct cultural entities while an unstoppable economic,
military and cultural intervention continues. This calls for a multi-level
governance approach to the question of indigenous territories, and the
need to recognize and enforce, from the international to the local level,
the rights of indigenous communities with respect to their traditional
territories.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank David Tecklin for his helpful
comments and suggestions on a previous version of this paper. Some of
the ideas discussed in this paper also have benefited from a fruitful
discussion with Stephen Cornell. Of course, the usual disclaimer
applies.
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