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China and Charles Darwin
China and Charles Darwin
C H IN A A N D C H A R L E S D A R W IN
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Contents
P A R T O N E: F A IR W A R N IN G -D A R M N ’S EN TR Y INTO
CHINA___________________________________1
2 E N T E R D A R M N ___________________________________________ 49
Whence Strength? 50
Ask Danvin 59
Beware, but Take Heart 75
P A R T TW O : D A R V İN FQ R R t FORM ____________________ 81
viii Contents
4 D a r w in i n H i i n an ______________________________________ 122
Social Danvinism__ İM
Confucian Optimism i 62
Confudamsm in Action__ 1_M
P A R T İ K R E E : P A R WIN FO R R E V O L V T IO N -A N D
DARWTN A G A IN S T IT ___________________122
ı T h e R e a l R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s ___________________________ 317
NOTES 463
Bt b u o g r a p h y 507
Gl o s s a r y 517
tNDEX________________________________________ 527
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A cknoıvledgm ents
The thesis from which this book has come took seven years—lean
or fat, a long time. But I owe my thesis advisors, Professors Benja-
min I. Schvvartz and John K. Fairbank, thanks for many more than
seven years’ good advice, inspiration, help, and friendship, Pro
fessor Schwartz’s own work more than that o f any other helped
excite me tovvards my topic. Professor Faİrbank’s staggering ef-
ficiency at reading manuscripts and sending missives of encourage-
ment to keep going kept me going.
Somehow six more years have now slipped by, and the üst of
people who have helped me with what İs at last a book has length-
ened. But stili at the head of that list must surely come my now,
alas, late father-in-law, Professor Wang Teh-chao, who helped me
tremendously in Hong Kong, vvhere I did the bulk of my research,
and who continued to help thereafter, sending materials, ansvver-
ing queries, and solving infurİating footnote puzzles. He read the
thesis; vvould that I had vvorked fast enough to give him a copy of
this book.
I am also most grateful to my mother-in-law for that splendİd
year in Hong Kong and for much help since, sending books (and
Chinese Çare packages). My uncle-in-law, Mr. Wang Tzu-liang, also
sent me very useful books, from Taİpei.
I owe most special thanks to Professors Nicholas R. Clifford and
Yü Ying-shih for more things than I can here enumerate. I know 1
did not manage to follovv ali their suggestions, so I want to state
most sİncerely that neİther they, nor my father-in-law, nor anyone
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x Acknoıvledgments
C r " ” fighte^ r~
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A cknoıvledgm ents xi
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Part One
Fair Waming—D arw in’s Entry into China
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The Beagle never reached the China Sea, and Charles Darwin never
got to China. But part of Danvin’s “ ism” sailed the China coast
and inhabİted her harbors before “ Daminism” was a term, and in-
deed before The Origin o f Species was ever written. It did so in
the minds of men like Rutherford Alcock, British Consul. Born
the same year as Darwin, 1809, Rutherford Alcock, after ten ex-
citing if exasperating years of service half inside the Gates of China,
wrote in 1855 from Shanghai of “a natural and moral law which
governs the life, and growth, and decay of nations, as clearly as it
does the life of man. . . . Man’s efforts at cİvilization,” he an-
nounced, “ invariably—when the race to be benefıted is İnferior
and vveaker, İntellectually and physically, than the nation civiliz-
İng—have had but one result: the weaker has göne down before
the stronger.” 1
This grim law, which seemingly gave Alcock great hope, was
written four years before The Origin o f S pecies, and forty years
before The Origin o f Species was really introduced to China, but
it was precisely the law that the Chinese first thought Danvin’s
book proclaimed: The weaker go down before the stronger, the
weaker nation, the weaker race. And it was precisely the presence,
by then far too far within the gates, of men like Alcock, backed
by “barbarian” hordes of merchants, missionaries, and men at
arms, that made the law so foreboding.
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ences, in 1877, 1884, and 1891. But ali were very brief. None at-
tacked Danvin, but none mentioned the religious havoc his tbeory
was wreaking İn tbe West, and none mentioned the most vital
concept of his theory—the struggle for existence. None stirred up
intellectual ferment,4
Reformer missionaries like Timothy Richard, Young J. Ailen,
and W.A.P. Martin helped prepare the way for evolution by
preaching Science and progress as they tried to preach Christianity,
but none of them gave enough news of evolution for Chinese to
grasp it. Not even Allen’s famous periodical Wan ku o kung p a o
(The globe magazine) can claim to have widely publicized Danvin’s
theory before Yen Fu. Danvin’s name, before Yen Fu, made only
odd appearances, some very odd İndeed. A foreign military adviser
in the 1880s commented that a band of Chinese troops drilled
with such spirit “they must have heard of some of Danvin’s theo-
ries about the survival o f the fittest.” But that was unlikely.5
Perhaps Danvin’s name spread through the uncertain networks
of private conversation. Yen Fu himself had fıfteen years to talk
before he wrote. But, when at last he did write, he wrote of
Danvin as of an unknown, In the end, the essential fact is that,
even if there were other introducers of Danvin, they have been
universally forgotten. Yen Fu’s own generation, and that İmmedi-
ately following, both acknowledged Yen Fu as China’s first Dar-
winian.6 Only Sun Yat-sen, educated as he was İn a Church of
England school in Hawaii, could claim to have learned of Danvin
first from any source closer to the horse’s mouth.7
There is another reason, however, why Danvinism did not strike
fire in China until 1895. That year saw a new national mood, of
unparalleled apprehension, frustration, and anger, caused by what
fînally caused Yen Fu to write—China’s shattering defeat in the
Sino-Japanese War.
It did not, of course, take that defeat to make China feel threat-
ened. Fifty years after the Opium War, it took no new defeat and
certainly no new biological theory or cosmic vision to see that na
tional strength was of the essence and that the stakes were high.
The great essayist Feng Kuei-fen, one of the first in modern times
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with modifıcation.” There were his cousins and his uncles and his
aunts. There indeed was ali life distantly related. But what a fam-
ily! What weİrd relatİons! Compared with his earliest ancestors,
man might well embrace the common prİmate ancestor he shared
with the orang-utan as a sympathetic friend. And what a monstrous
multitude of minuscule changes it had taken to bring hım about,
and through what eons o f time! How, men wondered, and vvonder
stili, could it ali be by design?
It is ironic that originally both those who believed and disbe-
lieved in design, those who sought and those who denied the work-
ings of God’s hand in nature, were looking for natural order. Kant
believed in “ providence” rather than accepting an “aimlessly play-
ing nature,” 23 while others, to protect their systemsof unbreakable
laws, rejected any “ providence” that could interfere in such a
System even if it was his dwn. But Danvin, also seeking order,
found it in natural laws that, however unbreakable, did seem aim
lessly playing.
İn his usual kindhearted manner, he seemed to be absolving God
of any blame for having created mosquitoes, when he contended
that “ it is derogatory [to say] that the Creator of countless Sys
tems of worlds should have created each o f the myriads of creep-
ing parasites and slimy worms which have swarmed each day of
life . . . on this one globe,” 24 but, by demonstrating that man
himself was a product of the same forces, chance mutation and
natural selection, that produced this endless variation of slimy
worms, he made İt hard, for many, to believe that man was not an
accident.
In so doing, he should also have made it hard to believe in pro-
gress, for if ali that is has come into being and survived sotely
thanks to chance mutation and fortuitous suitability to environ-
ment, plus, o f course, a (quite mysterious) will to live, then how
was one such accident better than another? Progress is a value
judgment, and it is hard to find a criterion of value even in an “ or-
derly” world of chance. If being was its own excuse for being,
then what else could “ success” be measured in than in the terms
o f the Origin’s subtitle: The preservation o f fa v o red races in the
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ple could fail in love with them nonetKeless. Westerners could, and
so could Chinese.
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18 l*rogress
the world that way. Nor did he think o f himself as its only savior.
He was not, it is true, above referring to himself as “ K’ang Tzu,” 3S
appropriating the suffix reserved for only the greatest philosophi-
cal teachers, of whom the greatest was “ K’ung Tzu,” Confucius;
but he never tried to supersede Confucius, and he certainly never
tried to cali himself anything like Comte’s title for himself, “ Le
Fondateur de la religion üniverselle, Grand PrĞte de l’Humanite” 36
—not even after Liang Ch’i-ch’ao later called him “Confucianism’s
Martin Luther.” 37 The salvation of the world would come, but it
was somethİng one and many had to work for.
K'ang Yu-wei was not, then, a fanatic, but he had great religious
zeal. He truly felt compassion for the world and a sense of mission
to help it. It was no coincidence, therefore, that he was later so
impressed by the spirit of Western missionaries, whom he saw in
China and read about in history. He was of the same temperament.
The most significant thing about K’ang Yu-wei’s missionary
spirit, however, was that he was not out to save men’s souls but
their society. When he declared that he would give his ali to help
“bring ali creatures to the vvorld of Infinite Happiness,” 38 he was
using a Buddhist name for a Paradise completely above and be-
yond the ıllusory world of man; but he had come to make the same
subtle shifting of his sights that so many Christians or Christian
renegadcs had made in Europe before him. His Paradise was to be
a Heaven on earth. It was to be the truly great society, the Ta
t ’urıg, the Great Unity, One World, with happiness for ali. Thus,
just as nineteenth-century Western utopias were often seculariza-
tions o f Christian visions, K’ang Yu-wei’s was a secularization of
a Buddhist one. The salvation of the vvorld was the salvation of
this vvorld. It was for humanity in the flesh.
By 1885, when he was only tvventy-seven, K’ang Yu-wei had
vvritten a good enough draft of his utopian vision, his Ta t ’ung shu
(The Great Unİty), vvhich he then called Jeu -lei kutıg-li (The nat-
ural lavvs of humanity), to allovv himself to take cheer even in the
face of an attack of excruciating headaches, vvhich he fully thought
vvould kili him. Echoing Confucius, vvhose true Way he thought he
had resurrected, he could sigh resİgnedly that, “ having heard the
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share the samc humarı form. Ali are of on e race. Ali are perfectly
equaL And yet, in far antiquİty, men set themselves up in selfısh-
ness.” 40
Önce again it happened. Man, the primeval Humpty Dumpty,
somehow had a great fail, although why, as always, Heaven only
knew. Man fell to pieces, and selfıshly started drawing lines about
those pieces, lines that were boundaries, that became barriers, that
ruled off one man from another and so caused men’s suffering.
But K’ang Yu-wei was somehow convİnced that Man could put
himself together again, although he might in the process have to
ask most of the king’s horses and men, and eventually the king
himself, to step aside. For, as the barriers that K’ang Yu-wei saw
were largely artifıcial, they were unnecessary and could be torn
down.
After thİrty-nine pages o f painful description of thirty-eight
types o f human suffering, K’ang Yu-wei concluded that, “when we
gather together the sources of these afflictions, we fınd they are
caused by just nine barriers” —of nation, class, race, sex, family,
occupation, species, disorder, and pain.41 If these barriers were
abolished, then men would be able to live in complete peace, har-
mony, and happiness. K’ang Yu-wei obviously believed such bar
riers could be abolished and indeed would be. The rest of his book
is a detailed description of what the world would be like without
them, and of how it will come to be without them. There was one
redeeming factor in the present alienated world that would make
the Great Unity possible, and that was stated in the First subtitle
of the first chapter: Men have com passion ate hearts. This, of
course, was the famous position of Mencius, expressed negatİvely
in Chinese as, “Men have hearts that cannot bear [that others
should suffer].” 42 The positive virtue that this negative reaction
proves is jen (compassion, love, or benevolence), and for K’ang
Yu-wei it was a force innate in ali men, which they would one day
learn to extend to ali men, and in yet a later day to ali creatures.
Obviously, having already admitted that the barriers responsible
for man’s suffering were the result of man’s own selfishness, the
introduction of man’s “ compassionate heart” set the stage for a
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24 Progress
are not necessarily any higher than those of savages.” Stili, with
the recent interest in universal education, the Chamberses saw hope
that real civilization could be reached.51
Civilized society was to be a further refınement of Britisb soci-
ety. Thus the bulk of Tso chih c h ’n y en turned out to be a justifı-
cation for law, democracy, free trade, private property, capitalism,
and competition. But competition was not to be ruthless. The law
of the jungle was outlawed.s2 The ideal of competition was an
idealized version o f British ffee enterprise, without any social Dar-
winian justifıcation for its harsher aspects, and indeed without any
acknowledgment that such harsher aspects need occur, Competi
tion was defınitely a good thing: “Within a country not only
should the people not be forbidden to struggle to get ahead and
strive after fame and wealth; they should be urged and encouraged
to do so, so that ali may be their own masters and seek wealth and
fame with their own talents and energies. But there is a limit to ali
this, and there is no choice but to repress those who seek profit
without any sense of this limit. . . . [those who] seek only to ben-
efit themselves, without even askİng vvhether or not their actions
injure others.” 53 it was true that “on earth men have similarities
and dissimilarities. They have greater and lesser natural endow-
m ents. , , but a civilized country must see to it that ali types of
men gaİn basic equality. There can be no strife betvveen strong and
weak.” S4
Equality, hovvever, did not mean economtc equality. The right
of private property was a natural right, perfectly understood even
by uncivilized savages: “ Even animals have property.” What was
more, private property was for the good of ali, “for as the poor are
largely supported by the rich, if the rich could not accumulate
property, the poor would have even less on which to rely.” 55 True,
certain Frenchmen, “ fooled by their own abstract terms, claimed
that to equally distribute property was to be equally humane to
ali. They gained by this a certain notoriety, to be sure, but they ig-
nored the question of the feasibility of such a plan. They wrote
frequent tracts, well designed, indeed, to strike the reader’s fancy,
but önce their theory was out, the stupid and harebrained in the
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stronger. The change from sail to steam, vvlıich, however sad aes-
thetically, must certainly be considered one o f the greatest techni-
cal advances in history, took place at China’ s very doorstep,
while China was stili looking in envy at the ciipper ships. Western
ships and Western guns, and Western medicine to patch up the
gun’s handiwork—everything seemed to be getting better and bet-
ter. Trains and telegraphs—when the foreigners fırst ruffled China’s
calm, they themselves had not yet dreamt of such things. İt was
dİscouraging to vvatch the West charge ahcad, but what a world it
was, and why could not China nıove too? Thus, K’ang Yu-wei
must have been angered and excited. Witlı this demonstration
going on before him, and with his sensitivity to human suffering,
his long-felt will to save the world, and his passionate desire to
save China and insure that she be part of that world, how could he
not believe in progress? He wanted to believe İn progress,
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Huang would not even have found the book worth burning. It is
an almost inconceivably terse record of selected happenings in the
State o f Lu from 722 to 481 B.C.; even if one can accept the tra-
ditional belief that Confucİus hid in İt moral judgments of those
happenings, through subtle varİants of vocabulary, it must surely
be considered one of the least pregnant inspirational tracts in ali
literatüre.
İn the present instance the work positively outdoes İtself, and
the commentary, and the commentary to the commentary are
corresponding tours de force, to which K'ang Yu-wei’s is only one
more in the series. Ali that “Confucİus” actually saİd was, “Wİnter.
The tvvelfth month. Chi Po came.” The commentary, hovvever,
quickly enquires, with wily astuteness, “Why did he not specify
the day?” and then ansvvers its own question, “İt was too long ago.
He (Confucİus) uses different words for what he witnessed, for
what he heard teli of, and for what others heard teli of.” It was
from this enticing begİnning that Ho Hsiu was able to delineate
three ages (As Tung Chung-shu had before him),63 but his Three
Ages were simply a division o f Confucius’s chronicle into three
parts. What Confucİus had seen himself, of course, were the events
of his own time. What he had heard of were the events of his
father’s time. What others had heard of and passed on to him were
the events of his grandfather's and great-grandfather's time. This
was a helpful clarification but hardly breathtaking. The excite-
ment, hovvever, came when Ho Hsiu took it upon himself to go on
and describe those times:
İn the age others had heard described, rııle first rose out of the midst
of disorder. Men’s thinking was stili unrefined and each kingdom thus
took itself as the çenter and looked upon ali other Chinese kingdoms as
outsiders. . . . In the age Confucİus himself heard described, rule be-
came relatively peaceful. Ali Chinese kingdoms were considered together
as the inside, and only barbarians were thought to be outsiders. . . . In
the age Confucİus actually witnessed, rule reached complete peace. Bar-
barians came into the fold and were ennobled. Ali under Heaven, far
and near, great and small, were as one. Men thought deeply and careful-
ly and came to value righteousness and good'rtdll.64
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30 Progress
Here was a vision. Here was progress. But it was progress in the
past, not a prophecy for the future. And did K’ang Yu-wei not see
what it really was? Ho Hsiu’s Three Ages were a far better descrip-
tion o f the rise o f the Han than of the decline of the Chou, which
is ali that Confucius and his forefathers had really witnessed. Con-
sciously or unconsciously, Ho Hsiu’s Three Ages were a descrip-
tion o f the Warring States, o f Han unity, and o f the great Han
Empire; and K’ang Yu-wei, consciously or unconsciously, was thus
inspired by a Han imperialist vision, not by any vision of Confu-
cİus’s, except, of course, İnsofar as the Han vision was itself Con-
fucian. This, to be sure, it partly was. The world was to be united
by righteousness and love, but Ho Hsiu’s model for “ the Great
Peace” was the (<Pax Sinİca” o f his own dynasty, which had hardly
come into being through love and righteousness alone.
Ho Hsiu drew a picture of progress as a nineteenth century En-
glishman or American would have, out of prİde and a sense of his
country’s accomplishment and superiority. He projected his pic
ture of progress into the past, o f course, to see progress in the time
of Confucius, but his belief in progress was founded on the glory
of the Han. K’ang Yu-wei, on the other hand, caught as he was in
what seemed to be China’s hour of greatest vveakness, believed in
progress “with a vengeance” and thus projected his Three Ages in
to the future. But there how neatly the old Han dream stili fit!
Again there were Three Ages: China divided against itself by petty
selfıshness, China united in resistance to the new barbarians, and
China triumphant, as the inspiring genius of One World, to which
ali barbarians would voluntarily flock in peace.
Those who would see in K’ang Yu-wei’s scholarship only the
clever machİnatİons of a master politician (which he was not) will
object that he could not possibly have really believed that Ho
Hsiu’s Three Ages were actually Confucius’s own hidden plan for
future salvation. İndeed anyone may well object that, had Confu
cius only had a better date, there never would have been Three
Ages. But, although the latter objection is perfectly justifiable, the
former does not follow from it. K’ang Yu-wei’s revelation was
quite blinding enough for him to believe what he said he did. The
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restaurants, banks, and shops, and into the brand names o f pro-
ducts of every description. Even today, millions of Chinese in
Taiwan and Hong Kong, and probably half those in America, give
thanks for their daily rice to Ta t ’ung electric rice-cookers,though
few if any stili do so with utopian dreams of the future.
But what does or did Ta t’ung really mean? Like so many great
slogans, it is beautifully vague and defıant of translation. The
Great Vnity is fairly literal and certainly vague enough, but it
takes something like One Worîd to convey the attractive ring of
the original. The only trouble with that is that Ta t’ung was used
as often by nationalists as by true internationalists or universalists.
Indeed almost ali who used it thought fırst of China, and most
were convinced that Ta t ’ung society could be realized in China
before it was realized in the world at large. What counts, of course,
is what Ta t ’ung meant for those who believed in it, and we must
let them define it in their different ways. The only unity in their
defınitions was that the Ta t ’ung was to be a way out of China’s
troubles. in that sense it was a Promised Land—but of course there
was ali the room in the world for people to disagree, and violently
disagree, on what it would or should be, where it was, and how to
get there.
It is not surprising, therefore, that although the great “reform-
er,” K’ang Yu*wei, rediscovered the “ Li yun” chapter for his gen-
eration and was hence ultimately responsible for bringing the
Ta t ’ung to his generation’s mİnd, it was the revolutionary, Sun
Yat-sen, who turned the Ta t ’ung into a political slogan shouted
throughout China. He too pickedup the “Li yun’s” paragraph-long
description of the Ta t ’ung as his favorite classical text, but he
made it the goal of his revolution, the socialist goal to vvhich
the Three People’s Principles were supposed to lead. As the
Republic of China’s “national” anthem, originally a Kuomintang
party song, stili puts it: “The Three People’s Principles shall be
our guiding faith, to build the Republic and advance to the Ta
t ’ung.” Indeed the whole “ Li yun” description of the Ta t ’ung was
made a song, stili sung by the school children of Taiwan on Con-
fucius’s birthday, and Sun Yat-sen’s inscription of the text has
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ali o f the old were cared for till death, that those in their prime were
gİven useful work, that the young were carefully brought up, and that
ali widows and widowers, orphans and the childlcss, cripplcs and in-
valids were helped in their afflictions. Each man had his work and each
woman her home. People hated to see thİngs thrown away and wasted,
but ielt no need to hoard things for thcmselves. When there was work
to be done, people loved to be the first to do it, but did so not for their
own rewards. Hence there were no plotters or crooks, no thieves or
brigands, and people never locked their gates. Such was the Ta t ’urtg,
the Great Unity.68
It is this last paragraph that was set to music, and what a song
it made. If translated into the future tense, as it perfectly well can
be, out of context, could not Turgot and Condorcet, St. Simon
and Comte, Fourier and Robert Owen, Kari Marx and the archi-
tect o f the Chinese communes ali have joined in chorus wİth K’ang
Yu-wei and Sun Yat-sen, or, more likely, sung it each as his own
solo? And yet the song sings actually not of any o f their ideal
worlds, for their ideal worlds have ali inspired some and frightened
others, and this world could frighten no one. It is the ideal ideal,
for İt spells out no extremes and mentions no price, It telis no one
that his cake must be given up on the eating. As long as one could
be unrestrictive in one’s İnterpretatİon o f “Each man had his work
and each woman her home,” who would not long for such a
world?
To modern man, as to Sun Yat-sen, the Ta t’ung may well
sound “socialist,” but that is historical accident. In reality, it was,
as K’ang Yu-wei protested ali along, Confucian. Great Unity, One
World, governors “ chosen ffom the able and the good”—these
were ancient Chinese dreams, aspired to by Confucius and approx-
imated in his name, if not in his Way, in the unity of the Han, and
pursued forever after. The Middle Kingdom, after ali, was sup-
posed to mean the middle of One World, the hub o f the universe,
the hub o f Great Unity. And the Ta t ’ung vision of a society based
on an extension o f Confucian family relationships—that too was
truly “Confucian” for, although Confucius may indeed have been
a man who believed in putting first things fîrst, he never meant to
stop there. Just as self-cultivation was simply the first step towards
36 I^rogress
peace on earth, so fılial piety and parental love were only the nat-
ural beginnings of universal brotherhood. They were to be exalted
and cultivated precısely in order to be extended. They were the
hope of the world, not the end of it.
But what of the fact that the Ta t’ung lay in the past? İt was in
the past, yes, but it was not forever lost there. It was easy to see İn
the 7'u t ’ung a önce and future kingdom, a önce realized ideal ever
vvaiting to be realized yet again. One of K’ang Yu-vvei’s disciples,
in what must have been one o f the fırst Columbia University PhD
theses vvritten by a Chinese, maintained that his master’s doctrine
of the Three Ages and the Ta t ’ung “is the principle of progress;
[it teaches us that] we must look for the Golden Age in the fu
ture. ” 69 But in terms of the present, the Golden Age’s existence in
the past or in the future is really somewhat o f an academic ques-
tion, as long as it is attainable, or reattainable, as Confucius, de-
spıte his sighs, persistently maintained it was. As a spur to action,
a belief that one can progress back to a goal önce reached is as
good as a belief that one can progress to a goal never yet attained.
Time being what it is, men have to go fonvard even to get back to
where they werc.
But there is a psychological difference. Might not Confucius’s
sense of progress back to the glories of the past lead one to pro
gress only with a lessening sense of inferiority towards the ancients
rather than an ever-growİng sense of superiority över them? Could
climbing back to the peaks from which we fell ever be as exciting
as scaling new heights? It might be easier to become defeatist and
quit.
In one sense, the Golden Age of the past might seem to be a
closer goal than that of the future. If one believed in it, one at
least had historical “ proof” that it was possible. Moreover, as its
attainment seemed to depend on an ever possible moral change of
heart rather than any long-term development of history, it should
have been available for any generation wİİling to turn över a new
leaf, and not reserved only for the present generation’s descendants’
descendants. But it was not that simple, of course, for Confucius.
The possibility of attaining the goal did vary according to the
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38 Progress
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men. The end of history may have been human knowledge of God,
but “ the Spirit of man knowing God,” said Hegel, “ is only God’s
own Spirit.” 74
K’ang Yu-wei’s Heaven was not so narcissistic, and therefore
K'ang Yu-wei’s teleology was much more down to earth. There
was a heavenly plan at work in human history, but it was working
for man. The Tao was trying to prevail for man’s sake not its own,
Heaven was “providence.” Only nominally non-anthropomorphic,
It would provide, only It was bent on providing for the fu tu re of
ali mankind, not for the present of believers.
Hegel, for his part, would have agreed with K’ang Yu-wei that
the windings of the Tao were observable in past history, but he
wa$ not as confıdent that, in tracing the progress of the T ao to
date, one could predict where it was going. K’ang Yu-wei knew
where it was going, thanks both to history and to his new doctrİne
of Confucian revelation: “As Yang Tzu said, The Sage is Heaven's
voice.’ Heaven ordained that Confucius create his system and es-
tablish his morality. For Heaven cannot speak, and so caused Con
fucius to speak for It. The words of Confucius, therefore, are not
the words of Confucius, but the vvords of Heaven.” 75
K’ang Yu-wei thus transformed Confucius into a prophet as
Heaven-sent as any in the West’s Old Testament. What Heaven was
K'ang Yu-wei could never really say. It was “the great father of ali
things,” 76 and it was natural law, the subject of active verbs, and
the way of the physical universe. But in his very confusion över
the term, K’ang Yu-wei showed how really close he was to the
many European prophets o f progress. For they too, through their
vvildly indiscriminate use of the words G o d , Providence, and Na-
ture led many to the logically baffling belief, nominally quite athe-
istic, that “ nature” had a purpose,
K’ang Yu-wei claimed to know that purpose. İt was the Ta
t ’ung, the Way of Heaven revealed through Confucius, that would
“arrive with the necessity o f natural law,” 77 He thus became
modern China’s fîrst determinist, a Confucian determinist oddly
reminiscent of Christian determinists, who was to help others be-
come ali sorts o f Darwinian and later Marxist determinists. In so
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4O Progress
Long, long ago, before the first kings had their palaces, men lived in
the winter in earthen laİrs, and in the snmmer in huts of branches. They
had no fire for cooking, but lived on fruits and berries and the raw flesh
o f birds and beasts—blood, fur, and ali. They had no hempen cloth or
silk, but clothed themselves in skins and feathers. İt was only after-
wards, after later Sages emerged and showed men how, that men
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learned the use of fire, how to work mctaJs, and fire clay, how to build
towers and pavilions and palaces with doors and windows, how to bake
and roast and boil and broil, how to ferment wines, and weave hemp
and silk for cloth and sat in s. The ways of nurturing the living and giving
funerals to the dead, o f serving the gods and spirits and the Lord on
High, ali of them began thus.79
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42 Progress
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44 I*rogress
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best account to date of his theory of progress. But it was not pub-
lished until three years later.
Thus, in 1895, the year Yen Fu first wrote of Darwin, K’ang
Yu-wei’s Chinese proof of progress was not well known. Indeed, if
there was any stated proof of progress that was well known, it
was a Western one, expressed in Timothy Richard’s translation of
Robert Mackenzie’s The î 9th Century (translated as T ’ai hsi hsin
shih lan y a o [The essentials of recent Western history]), widely
read in China in 1894.
Corning with perfect timing, İn the middle of the Sino-Japanese
War, T he 19th Century was the perfect work to whet the interest
of men who in the very next year would be impressed by both
K’ang Yu-wei and Darwin. It was perfect background reading for
the intellectual endeavors o f the next twenty years. Written with a
goodly measure of British self-satisfaction, tempered though it
was with British good humor, the bulk of the book was a most
colorful description of the fantastic fonvard strides England (and
even other places) had made in the last century. Ebulliently con-
fıdent that Britain now stood first on the threshold of an un*
dreamt-of new level of civilization, Mr. Mackenzie reveled in
depicting the darkness out of which she had so recently come, for
the darker that darkness the more brilliant shone Britain’s
progress—and, by extensİon, the progress of mankind.
It was, indeed, progress that The 19th Century was meant to
prove: human history is a record o f progress-a record of accumu-
lating knowledge and increasing wisdom, of continued advance-
ment ffom a lower to a higher platform of İntelligence and well-
being. But as Mr. Mackenzie fınished his book with that happy
conclusion, he introduced, almost as an afterthought, one elabora-
tion that was not so happy:
The rate of progress, as the eye of man deciphers ît, is irregular and
even fitful. Now it seems to pause, and the years seem to repeat them-
selves unalterably, Now it bursts forth in sudden ameliorations, in the
violent overthrow of evils, which had been quietly endured for genera-
tions.
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46 frogress
No one in China had yet said that progress required violence. And
no one had yet said that the cnemy of progress was despotism. But
Robert Mackenzıe said so very clearly:
Gentle as Mr. Mackenzie might seem, for China in 1894 that was
revolutionary rhetoric. But the Chinese never heard it. Timothy
Richard’s translation had no words for progress or vioient over-
throıv, or despotism , or liberty. In Chinese, Robert Mackenzie
simply said, “The life of man begins in infant weakness, grows to
maturity, and then declines. And so it is for countries; as they
flourish so must they decline. Only the earth [ti-ch’iu] grows
without getting old and flourishes without declining. . . . [For]
the ways [ fa ] of former times have been passed on to later people
who have passed whatever new ways they could add to them on to
people later stili.” Human institutions might “sometımes appear
stuck.” They might sometimes be “like a chronic illness of many
years that cannot be healed.” But Mr. Mackenzie gave no Chinese
prescription for cathartic violence. Instead he simply said that
“sometimes with a sudden change ali is clear and a new world
forms.” For “there is a great Way encompassing ali nations,” and
“it is the will of Heaven that men should become ever better than
before, until they gradually approach the perfect virtue of Heaven
above.”
The Chinese text calmed Mackenzie’s progress. Yet the Chinese
text stili had a force of its own. Certain of its phrases could pro-
vide ample food for thought for the despot, for “the most ardent
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reformer” (although that term too was missing)—or for the revolu-
tionary:
Of old, those who wielded power and influence long obstnıcted the
people and did not let them put forth any new ways, . . . İn this last
one hundred years, the great nations of this carth have already götten
rid of the great evil of power and privilege, and their people enjoy great
peace and prosperity. . . . Therefore the greatest evil in the world lies in
men without vision, who know only that they themselves exist, and
who can thus use their power and privilege, with perfect equanimity, to
oppress others, and keep the common people from maturing and ad-
vancing. But the people o f the future, önce they have escaped the bitter
bonds of imperial and royal authority, will move in accord with Heav-
en, and ali enjoy boundless bounty.” 87
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TWO
Hnter Danvin
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50 Enter Darıvin
WHENCE STRENGTH?
The basic problem in 1895 was the same problem that had plagued
China since the Westerners fırst arrived. Before that time, wrote
Yen Fu, “We thought that of ali in the human race none were
nobler than we. And then one day from tens of thousands of
miles away came island barbarians from beyond the pale, with
bird-like language and beastly features, who floated in and pounded
on our gates requesting entrance and, when they did not get what
they asked for, they attacked our coasts and took captive our of-
fİcials and even burned our palaces and alarmed our Emperor.
When this happened, the only reason we did not devour their flesh
and sleep on their hides was that we had not the power.” 2
Power was the problem—by far the more immediate half of the
goal of “wealth and power” already voiced in a thousand essays.
And the corollary question, now asked wİth more urgency than
ever before, was quite naturally, where did the Westerners get their
power? What was their accursed secret?
The Chinese, of course, had long since admitted that something
would have to be changed if China was to handle the Westerners.
They had admitted that much, although reluctantly, after they
had failed to change the Westerners themselves and make them act
as respectful vassals according to the protocol o f the Middle King-
dom. So they tried the traditional method o f changing their own
men, and in so doing found in time a team o f formidable men in-
deed. But they also found that new men were not enough, and the
new men themselves demanded further change, a change o f weap-
ons and technology. It was when that too proved not enough that
the Chinese turned in desperatıon to institutions.
That is where they were in 1895, when K’ang Yu-wei and hun-
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Wlıencc Strcngth? 51
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52 linter Darıvin
o f us, and yet, if we cannot, how can it be our beliefs and actions
that make us strong or weak?
Yen F u ’s very fîrst step thus took hım in över his head. We
should not, of course, fault him for this, for being İn över our
heads is perhaps our natural condition, but we must note that Yen
Fu ’s particular contradiction, here at the very beginning of his
work, is one o f the most persistent confusions in ali modern Chi-
nese thought, one that runs from K’ang Yu-wei to Mao Tse-tung.
It is a confusion “fated” to ali would-be determinists who want
also to believe that human determination is a determining factor in
human history.
Yen Fu, perhaps like most serious thinkers, was tormented by
the desire both to have his cake and eat it too or, in the Chinese
variant, to have both fish and bear’s paws.6 He did believe that the
Westerners’ attitude made them strong, and he believed it not in
the rclativİstİc way in which K ’ang Yu-weİ for a time believed that
the Westerners’ strength lay in their faith in Christianity, and that
Chinese could be as strong if they vvould only believe in Confu-
cianism with similar fervor. K’ang Yu-wei, in his own confusion,
and quite to the detriment of his contention that Confucius’s
Way was true, fell into the trap of lauding the power of religion
not as truth but as a force o f social unifıcation, which in the end
meant that it was not a particular belief but simple solidarity that
was strength.7 Certainly the possible psychological power of any
faith is easily disccrnible (if unexplainable) in history, however
many have, like the Boxers, learned that one cannot survivc on
faith alone. But the pyschological povver of faith was not Yen Fu ’s
poİnt. The Westerners’ belief, not İn Christianity but in progress,
gave them povver because it was based in truth. There was prog
ress.
But here he got into trouble. Yen Fu wanted to laud the West-
erners for holding the correct vvorld vicw, and for acting upon it.
He vvanted to commend their endeavor to act realistically, but he
also vvanted to believe that it was actually the univcrse that ran
everything, so that those vvho endeavored to act unrealİstically
vvere doomcd to dcspair. The real power of human action, vvhich
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Whence Strength? 53
54 Enter Dartvin
could possibly have passed up such a chance to shout out that the
Sages’ ancestors, and even our own, probably did have fur, if not
feathers, and only began to lose İt after they stopped needing it.
The fact that he did not is our fırst proof that, from the beginning,
his excitement över Darwin was political and sociological, not an-
thropological or biological. Later, others who were more curious
about man’s flesh-and-blood beginnings would look again at Han
Yü’s ill-flt and ill-feathered friends, but, in this essay, Yen Fu had
not the time, for his purpose was quite political. He wanted to
discredit the Sages because of the harm he felt beüef in them had
inflicted and was inflicting on China. He wanted to destroy forever
the idea that progress had been spoon-fed to mankind by near
supermen, for he wanted to prove that progress comes out of the
people.
But here, arguing back and forth, he outran his logic in two di-
rections. First, when he turned to destiny to crush the myth of
Sage-power, he grasped a force that was logically just as devastat-
İng to people-power, But then, scarcely three paragraphs further
on, he suddenly devastated destiny, by giving back to the Sages
the awesome negative power of being able to hold back destiny for
two thousand ycars. Not content to take away the Sages’ credit
for China’s progress, he insisted on heaping blame upon them for
China’s lack of progress. But, in so doing, he empowered them
anew.
Who were these Sages anyway? In context, they suddenly
seemed to be not only the philosopher-kings and the philosophers
but ali China’s rulers, so that Yen Fu’s outburst was not only
Confucian blasphemy, but something perilously close to treason.
Chou unity, the Ch’in’s melting down of weapons and burning of
books, and in the same breath the great examination system, ali
were “sagely” ways o f “preventing conflict,” and thus progress.
“Alas!” crİed Yen Fu, “here indeed we see the artistry wİth which
the Sages bridled our empire, put down contention and quelled dis-
order. And it is because of such artistry that our people’s knowl-
edge has steadily decreased and their power day by day declined.
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Whence Strength? 55
The Sages never realized that in the end they might render us in-
capable of contending with foreign nations for another day’s
existence,” 10
The Sages dİd us İn. They told us not to struggle, said Yen Fu in
his fîrst protestation that struggle was necessary, natural, even
good for one. And the reasons he gave were Malthusian, although
he failed to mention Malthus. ‘T he produce of Heaven and earth
is limited,” he announced, “but human desire knows no bounds.
Men keep multiplying, cultivation İs ever extended, and in the end
there is not enough. And, when there is not enough, men contend.
But contention was a great ‘erime against humanity. * So our Sages
chose instead to teach contentment with bare neeessities, so that
everyone would be satisfied with low and ignorant simplicity, and
till the soil to serve his betters.” 11
Small wonder that Yen Fu looked so coolly on K’ang Yu-wei’s
later shoutings to “ preserve Confucianism” {pao ch iao). For here
he made an almost Nietzschean attack on Confucian morality, or a
part of it, as the cause o f China’s backwardness. He dared de-
nounce the ancient virtue of shou p en fe n (“Accept your lot,” or
“Keep in your proper place”) for having kept China too well in
one place, Before he ever preached of Darwİn, China's first Dar-
winian had already had doubts about Confucian goodness that
were strangely elose to those in Nietzsche’s stabbing question,
“What if the ‘good’ man represents not merely a retrogression but
even a danger, a temptation, a narcotic drug enabling the present
to live at the expense of the futurc? More comfortable, less haz-
ardous, perhaps, but also baser, more petty—so that morality itself
would be responsible for man, as a species, failing to reach the
peak of magnifıcence of which he is capable?” 13—or for China
failing to retain her rank as the Middle Kingdom.
Dark doubts indeed, held a quarter of a century before it be-
came “ the thing” to seream, “Down with Confucius and Sons!” 13
But for now, let us simply note in what an awkward position Yen
Fu finally left the Sages and, by extension, ali mankind. On the
one hand, he quoted Kuo Sung-t’ao, with whom he had first
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Whence Strength? 57
The largest animals are the camel, the elephant, the mtıle, the horse,
and the ox. Ali are of tremendous size, al) sevcral times as big as man.
And yet men corral them, bridle them, break them, and ride them.
They even slaughter and roast them. Camels, oxen, and horses try to
voice their suffering. . . but, despite their cries, no one saves them, no
one redresses their wrongs. Why? Becausc they are weak. Oxen and
horses are guiltless, they are innocent, yet, however hard they toil and
slave, they cannot escape the butcher. Why? Because they are stupid.
The B ook o f Hİstory say s, “ They attack the stupid and annex the
weak.” If one is stupid and weak and so invites annexation and attack,
then what can one expect?16
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58 Enter Danvin
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Ask Darwin 59
ASA DARWIN
“Do those now madly talking about Western learning and foreign
affairs have any idea what it is Westcrners havc bcen ceaselcssly
pursuİng for the last fifty years, that in accord with which they are
able not only to order and protect thcir own lives, but also to
govern their countries and enrich their people?” 21 Yen Fu chal-
lengcd. What Westerners had been pursuing were ways to fit the
truth of Charles Darwin:
I
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60 Enter Darıvin
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62 Erıter Darwin
struggle and strength were bad, but that they were bad for you:
“You wül object,” wrote Yen Fu, “that 'strength leads to death,’
but you do not realize that [if it does] . . . there are reasons. . . .
if o ne is good at preserving one's strength, then strength is precise-
ly what insures one’s survival. If one is not good at using one’s
softness, then softness is exactly that which will speed one’s
death.” 37
“ Lao Tzu’s talk of using the power of female passivıty,” he
went on, “is a masterful technique for sagely wisdom, but that
does not mean that one should ‘not apply oneself, but let things
come out as they will.’ . . . For has Heaven ever lessened the cold
for those who wİll not weave, or lessened the hunger of those who
will not plow?” 38 So, with apologies to Lao Tzu, Yen F u ’s exhor-
tation, backed up by Darwin, was for China to get in there and
fight.
That message, even with its “scientific backing,” was shocking,
but it was also electrifying—because many Chinese intellectuals
wanted to fight. If Darvvinism had been introduced to China in an
age of peace, in a secure age o f inner and outer harmony, there
might have been an immediate moral hue and cry somevvhat more
akin to the instant odiıım theologicu m so loudly voiced in the
West.39 But in the charged atmosphere following the Sino-Japanese
War, traditional moral aversion to the word struggle was mo-
mentarily put aside.
Stili “Get in there and fight,” in Darwinian terms, was nosimple
message. Even in this first introduction, Darwinism, önce let in,
proved a Pandora’s box of deep and disturbing questions. The
amazing thing was that Yen Fu in “Whence Strength?” touched on
so many of them, even though he failed to ask them outright. Ben-
jamİn Schwartz has well called “Whence Strength?” a prolegom-
enon to the whole o f Yen F u ’s thought.40 It might equally well be
called a prolegomenon to Chinese thought in general for the thirty
years that follovved. For, with remarkable prescience, Yen Fu
raised almost ali the majör themes his contemporaries were to
argue about and finally fight about so heatedly.
The first and most important theme was solidarity. “Whence
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Ask Darwin 63
64 Enter Dartvin
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Ask Darwin 65
“ if a people is stupid and afraid, wİth each İndividual out for him-
self, then its ch ’ün will fail apart, and, if a c h ’ürt that is falling apart
meets a people that is fıerce and has much knowledge, that loves
its country and protects its race, then at very best it will be en-
slaved; at worst—it will be exterminated.”50 Thus dİd Yen Fu, only
a few short paragraphs after his introduction o f Darwin the natu-
ralist, leap immediately to the realm of Social Darwinism: the
world not just of warring States, but o f warring organisms, warring
social oıganisms, of which only the fit would survive.
Then how was one’s social organism to be made fit, to be made
healthy and strong? The only way lay in cultivating the three peo-
ple’s strengths, min li, min chih and min te, “the people’s physical
prowess, the people’s knowledge and intelligence, and the people’s
virtue.” 51 These three, o f course, represented Yen Fu’s version of
Spencer’s three energies, the physical, intellectual, and moral,52 ali
of which had to be developed before a people could be secure.
At fırst glance, it would seem that Spencer’s facile inclusion of
morality in his scientific analysis o f strength would make it a most
suitable doctrine for “Confucian” Chİna. Indeed it İs odd that the
Confucian revivalist K’ang Yu-wei should have neglected to in-
clude morality in his own analysis of strength, recognizing only
“ physical strength and intellectual strength.’’53 It is very odd, for
his analysis was obviously based on the above-mentioned passage
from Hsun Tzu, in which man’s ultimate source of strength was
said to lie not İn his physique or “know-how,” but in his morality.
That, o f course, was the Confucian argument, that right was
might, that virtue worked, that it was the Way to peace and prosper-
ity. With virtue, Confucius, Mencius, and Hsun Tzu each insisted,
the smallest and vveakest State could hope not only to survive but
to conquer.54 By virtue alone, it could hold the world in sway.
The reason neither K’ang Yu-wei nor Yen Fu quoted this part
of Hsun Tzu’s argument was probably because they no longer be-
lieved it. They were, in effect, making precisely the opposite argu-
ment, that morality in itself was not enough, Physical and mental
strength were also essential. İt was no time to sit back and rely on
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66 Enter Darwin
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Ask Danvin 67
other. And yet he was not shouting “My country right or wrong.”
He did not conceive of his country’s being wrong.
Yen Fu probably wou!d have been shocked if someone had ac-
cused him of claiming that the end justifies the means, that the
need for survival could justify anything. By temperament Yen Fu
was no more a ruthless and callous Social Darwinist than Danvin.
He would have shared the sense o f shock, if not the amusement,
that Darwin revealed in a letter to his friend and mentor, Sir
Charles Lyell: “ I have received in a Manchester newspaper rather a
good squib, showing that 1 have proved ‘might is right,’ and there-
fore that Napoleon is right, and every cheating traaesman is also
right.” 58 Yen Fu would not have believed such a “squib” any
more than Danvin did, but, like Danvin, he would have been hard-
pressed to prove Danvin had not proved what the squib saİd he had.
Actually, Yen Fu had simply not yet seen or addressed himself
to the philosophical problem inherent in the unpleasant possibility
that, although right might be might, and might might be right,
right also might not be might, and might might well be wrong. Yen
Fu’s enthusiastic acceptance o f Spencer’s inclusion of morality in
the make-up of group strengtlı revealed no appreciation o f the per-
pîexing problems that morality raised for Social Danvinism. Moral
ity as the great stumbling block of Social Danvinian thinking as
yet lay unforeseen.
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68 Etıter Danvin
never made perfectly clear, but Yen Fu laid great stress on the
word race, in order to refute an imagined critic who protested that
China was not in danger of extinction. She was not in danger, be-
cause no conqueror could kili her. She had been conquered by
alien races before and yet stili survived, for inevitably her culture
conquered her conquerors. It swallowed them up vvhile they were
stili İn povver. To thİs old chestnut, Yen Fu replied, “Yes, yes . . .
[but] you are, as they say, ‘clear about the past and muddled
about the present’.” The question is what is an alien race? “Now
on earth there are only four great races: the yellovv, the white, the
brown, and the black, . . . The Manchus, Mongolians, and Han Chi-
nese of today are ali of the yellovv race. . . . Therefore China from
of old has been ruled by one race only. It has never actually fallen
to an alien kind.” S9
Thıs statement had two implications. The fırst was that inter-
racial conflict was much worse than intra-racial conflict. For
China, as a segment of the yellovv race, to fail to a pcople of the
vvhite race would mean either death or a slavery far vvorse than
death, a slavery that indeed would mean only a slovver death, that
vvould keep the yellovv race, like the black and the brovvn, hover-
ing alvvays on the verge of extinction.60 In vvarning his countrymen
of the Western threat, Yen Fu thus raised the specter not only of
International warfare but of racial vvarfare, which, in the Danvin-
İan context in vvhich he placed it, was an omİnous specter İndeed.
He sounded a vvarning of the “vvhite peril.”
The second implication, in perfect keeping with Yen Fu’s con-
viction that solidarity was strength, and that a social organism to
be healthy must act as one body, was that the Manchus and the
Chinese were of one race and hence should fight as one against the
whites, not against each other. Others, of course, vvould soon pro-
test that the Manchus were a different race, and that the “Chinese
race” could not resist the vvhites until it had freed itself from the
Manchus. But Yen Fu refused to say so, despite the fact that, by
extension, he did indeed speak in dangerously disparaging terms
about the Manchus. The Chinese, he said, were an “advanced peo-
ple.” 61 Those who conquered them were wild, unadvanced no-
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A sk Dartvitt 69
mads, who conquered, as the poet Su Tung-p’o had long since said
the Hsiung-nu conquered, thanks not to their civilization but to
their lack o f it.62 But, in the end, said Yen Fu, now adopting his
fıctitious critics’ argument, ali such peoples succumbed to Chinese
culture, and were, in fact, ruled by it. Thus, the Manchus, China’s
rulers, were in ali that counted Chİnese. They were part of the
c h ’ün—which white rulers could never be.
Yen Fu again looked outside China for the true fıeld o f Darwin-
ian struggle. Even though it had been China’s defeat at the hands
o f another member of the yellow race, Japan, that had prompted
him to write in the fırst place, Yen Fu looked beyond struggles
within his race to a struggle that for him was far more frightening,
the “ ultimate” struggle between races o f different colors.
But why in foretelling such a struggle did he mention only the
yellow and white races? He did not say much about the others
except to suggest that they were vırtually already out of the strug
gle. But in his very lack of concern in what he did say, there lay an
ominous hint o f contempt, that in the writings o f other patriots
would soon develop into a full-fledged intelleetual prejudice—
against any race darker than the Chinese. Yen Fu, in his list of
races, listed the brown race and the yellow and the white, and
then said, “lowest is the blackrace . . . the so-calledblackslaves.” 63
Loıvest, for Yen Fu, meant “furthest south.” For others, however,
it was soon to mean “lowest on the scale of human evolution.”
But Yen Fu was not yet interested in any scale of human evolu
tion. He was interested in China’s immedİate struggle for exİstence,
and he had not yet entertaİned the chilling thought, which would
soon strike others, that the outeome of that struggle might already
be determined, that races might have evolved so unequally that
eventual white supremacy was inevitable. For Yen Fu the fight
was stili free. Ali China really needed was the vvill to struggle.
Without asking how will could possibly fit into the Darwinian
seheme, Yen Fu seemed perfectly convinced of the faith later so
strongly held by the would-be materialİst Mao Tse-tung, that “if
there’s a will there’s a way.” It was this belief, together with his
conviction that the real struggle wa$ not between governments but
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74 Ettier Danvin
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then paper tigers (like dinosaurs) were the underdog’s only hope.
if China accepted Darwirı, she had to believe in paper tigers for,
if the wor!d was only a great arena, and the West was n ot a paper
tiger, then China’s life was över.
Yen Fu did not think China’s life was över. He did not, of
course, suggest that China could afford to sit back and wait for the
West to wither; he only used his hothouse plant to gain time, to
suggest that the West was just enough o f a paper tiger so that
China, if she would only pull herself together and struggle, had a
chance of catching up. But he did thus offer China hope: the
world was a savage place, but the struggle for existence was a long
one, and those who seemed the fıttest now were not necessarily as
fit as they might seem.
BEW ARE, BU T TA K E H E A R T
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76 Enter Darıvin
seemed to say, that the “ evils” that beset China were not evils, but
simply a part of the natural order, Indeed disorder was the natural
order.
Now it should have been every bit as cataclysmic for a Chinese
scholar İlke Yen Fu to be told that the order was disorder and that
struggle was the Way, as it was for Bishop Wilberforce to be told,
or to think he had been told, that man owed his existence to an
ape, or that the world and ali its vvonders had come into being by
chance, not design. For nature was order in Chinese, and disorder
was “ unnatural,” perverse, and evil. And yet Yen Fu was not un-
duly shocked by Danvinian disorder, first because the obviousness
of world disorder in the nineteenth century, and the intense desire
among most Chinese intellectuals for China to struggle in that dis
order, made a cosmic theory that justified such action attractive,
and second because, from the very beginning, Yen Fu had fused
and confused in his mind the concepts of evolution and progress.
Just as Danvin himself had done in T he Origin o f S p e c ie s f3 and as
so many other Westerners had done after him, with equal lack of
scientific evidence, Yen Fu assumed that evolution was for the
good, that things evolved upvvards. And therefore he could believe
with Andrew Carnegie that “ ali is well since ali grows better.” 84
He could believe that, for ali its seeming disorder, evolution stili
was natural order, that it was a great and good process, that it was
indeed the Way.
Yen Fu, therefore, almost did just what the fırst Christian
converts to evolution did: he endowed evolution with design, al-
though in age-old Chinese fashion he managed to conceive of
design without a designer. Just as Asa Gray, believing that “a for-
tuitous cosmos is simply inconceivable,” could “iıısist that, for ali
that yet appears, the argument for design, as presented by the
natural theologians, is just as good now, if we accept Darwin’s
theory, as it was before that theory was promulgated,’’85 so Yen
Fu could insist that the Tao in ali things stili prevailed. With al
most religious excitement Yen Fu seized upon Spencer’s “the un-
knowable,” that mystery which Spencer alIowed into his systcm
and then ignored, which Yen Fu translated with an ancient Bud-
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78 Hnter Darıvin
(tzu hsiu), China could make herself fit by cultivating her people’s
strength, knowledge, and virtue.
By extension, working back into biological evolution, Yen Fu
seemed to be giving the leopard credit for his spots. Why, we may
wonder, did no one ask hım jııst how strong, knovvledgeable, and
virtuous the arctic hare was? No one dİd ask him, and he did not
ask himself, for he was not interested. Spencer saw survival resting
on strength, intelligence, and virtue, and he ought to know. As
Yen Fu read Spencer, with knowledge of the way the worId
worked and the will to work in the world’s way, one could work
out one’s own salvation.
It İs remarkable how dİfferently people could interpret Spencer.
Richard Hofstadter quotes Edward Livingston Youmans, one of
Spencer’s most ecstatic American disciples, as replying to Henry
George, when asked what he intended to do about the social evils
of New York, “Nothing! You and I can do nothing at ali. It’s ali
a matter of evolution. We can only waİt for evolution. Perhaps in
four or five thousand years evolution may have carried men be-
yond this State o f things.” 89
Not even in his most conservative old age would Yen Fu have
accepted gradualism, or evolution, at that price. Yen Fu was for
reform. He vvrote of Darwin and Spencer in the interests of re
form. İt was therefore a good thing he read Spencer and not You-
mans. For, as Benjamin Schwartz has so well proven, Yen Fu had
just as logical a right as Youmans to cali himself Spencerian.90
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many o f the dragon’s teeth that vvould bloom into the thought of
Mao Tse-tung. Indeed his very emphasis on the power of ideas
would Help m ah e İt easier for Chinese one day to believe—for a
while—that “the Thought of Mao Tse-tung, when fully grasped by
our great masses, will become an infınite power . . . an İncompara-
bly powerful spiritual atomic bomb.” 91
And yet, with double irony, Yen Fu, famed introducer of West-
ern ideas, would make that belief easier by making certain Western
ideas in his well-meaning introductions very difficult to under-
stand. He would make it very difficult, for example, for many to
understand what the Western liberal tradition meant by “individ-
ualism,” because his own understanding was so clouded by his
“ch ’ii«-ism,“ his miütant belief in the primacy of the group. It was
not that Spencer had single-handedly led him to believe that the
indİvİdual was just a celi İn a social organİsm. Yen Fu had seized
upon Spencer’s notion of the social organism “naturally,” because
something deep in the Chinese tradition had predisposed him to,
something deep enough, probably, already to have so predisposed
Hsun Tzu, some two millennia before.
So it was not strange that Yen Fu in introducing Darwin should
overlook one fact of life that the discredited proto-Daıwinian and
“natural theologian” William Paley did get right: “Although we
speak o f communities as o f sentient beings, although we ascribe to
them happiness and misery, desires, interests and passions, nothing
really exists or feels but individuals.” 9*
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Part Two
Darıvin fo r R eform
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THREE
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cials and the whole multitude of would-be scholars learned for the flrst
time that there were “current affairs.” One cannot say that t his was not
an aid in the education of men vvho wanted to help their country.2
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her would-be saviors, and if the country seemed doomed in the in-
ternational arena, then how comforting to believe that countries
did not matter, that the whole abhorent concept of nation-states
was backward, passe, itself doomed. K’ang Yu-wei’s universalism
could üft China out of the whole wretched İnternatıonal picture,
which Chİna, so rudely shocked out of her old One-World security,
had been so loath to accept in the fırst place. By redefıning the
boundaries of t ’ien-hsia (ali under Heaven), international strife
could be outlawed. And, even if China then lost itself in a new
One World, it would stili have been a Chinese, K’ang Yu-wei, who
saved that world, with the long-lost vision of a Chinese Sage, Con-
fucius.
Despite such brave talk, of course, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao could not
really forget China. And yet, when he said, “ I do not understand
by what means one can hope to save China, if one’s learning is in-
complete,” 6 he probably meant it, for throughout his long career
he kept insisting that China had to make itself ready before at-
tempting any dramatic step fonvard. He kept stressing the need
for education fırst and action second. And yet in his own action
he obviously compromised, for he was bothered by the argument
of the friends who had laughed at him: “Our land is about to per-
ish, and you’re ready to go off into the mountains. Who can waİt
for you?” 7 Thus he went ahead wİth preparatİons for his Shih-tvu
p ao, although apologizing to K’ang Yu-wei: “I feel my knovvledge
is not enough, and I have greatly desired to retreat into the moun
tains for several years, but I cannot yet abandon ali that has al-
ready begun.” 8
He was stili apologizing in his first known letter to Yen Fu, who
had also apparently urged him on to further study and more cau-
tious writing, lest he later regret what he now publİshed, İndeed
lest “a miniscule error, loosed in the mind of the masses, become a
thousand-mile misconception.” 9 But by this time, after several
months of publishing the Shih-wu p ao, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao had ration-
alized his defense. He had no illusions that his paper could solve
everythİng, but it was a beginning, however crude, on which greater
men could later build.10
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ENTER T ’IEN-YEN LUN. It was in this same letter to Yen Fu, prob-
ably vvritten in spring 1897* that LiangCh’i-ch’ao first revealed that
He Had read THen-yen hm, vvhich Yen Fu had fınished translating
the previous fail. Yen Fu had apparently sent him a draft copy,
which he İn turn showed to his teacher, K’ang Yu-wei, and to his
best friend and fellow discİple, Hsia Tseng-yu. Ali three, said Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao, were infinİtely impressed. Hsia Tseng-yu expressed“inex-
pressable” respect for Yen Fu, and K’ang Yu-wei “said that he had
not seen a man of such calİbre,” although there were, he added, a
few o f Yen Fu’s points with vvhich he could not totally agree,11
Actually, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao claimed that he and his fel!ow stu-
dents had heard of some of the ideas in THen-yen îun from K ’ang
Yu-wei hİmself, but had never before had the complete story. This
again raises the question of whether or not K’ang Yu-wei knew of
Darwin before he knevv of Yen Fu; again* one can only say that, if
he did* he did not know very much. Several years later, in his own
description of what he had taught his disciples, he wrote, “ I taught
them that man gave bırth to the horse, and the horse gave birth to
man, and that man was a transformatİon from the ape, and they
believed and could prove İt.” 12 K’ang Yu-wei had not come upon
an illustrated Tartar history of Ixion and his brood of centaurs, or
any other exotİc manual of NVestern horsemanship. His horse story
came from a slightly misquoted line from Chuang Tzu, which in
the original, only barely less bewildering, stated that an insect
(some say a leopard!), not man, gave birth to the horse.13 But how
Chuang-tzian horse and Darwinesque ape Fıtted into the same
story K’ang Yu-wei did not say. Nor, alas, did he reveal the peda-
gogical secret by which he convİnced his students to believe him.
The true depth of his Western learning, and scientific spirit, is
best seen in his account of a moment of personal, cvolutionary
revelation that came to him as he pored över accounts of ancient
rituals in an attempt to fınd suitable rites for Confucian worship in
his academy:
As I was worrying över the fact that the ku ei-ch’İh, one of Hsun
Hsu’s twelve flutes, was so long that one’s fıngers could not stretch far
enough to play ali the notes, it suddenly came to me that the ancients
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must have had extremely long bodîes. That İs why they had long flutes.
This was because they were not yet far removed in time from the pe-
riod of the giant beasts, and the heat of the earth was stili great. Today,
after more than two thousand years, the earth has gradually spun further
away from the sun, its heat has gradually lessened, and human bodîes
have gradually shortened. Therefore, we can predict that, İn another
two thousand years or more, today’s flutes will be equally unsuitable
for the people of that age. And in ten thousand years, people will be
small indeed. [By which time, Mao Tse-tung, had he lived the ten thou
sand years his people wİshed him, would have truly been a giant, a ver-
itable “stork among chickens.” ] 14
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“with three hundred million people, the Western natıons are ali
unwillİng to be bothered ruling her.” 48
Even the foreİgner above who was so disdainful of Chinese
power and so sure that England could rest assured had snidely re-
marked that, although China was already quite at the mercy of the
Western powers, since the two greatest of those powers, England
and Russia, did not yet want to partition China, China’ssovereignty
might yet be preserved, It was “stili not too late.” 49
That last assurance, hovvever, was ali Liang Ch’i-ch’ao needed to
İnsure his cry for action. China had a chance. It was up to her. Time
was short, but she could do it if shc would. It was at this point that
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao brought in Danvin’s doctrine to help show her how.
Although Yen Fu had been listed on the last page of the eİghteenth
issue of the Shih-wu p a o as a contributor of a hundred “dollars” 50
(the eighteenth issue, published on February 22, 1897, was also
the issue in which the journal added the English name, The Chi
nese Progress), İt was not until the twenty-third issue, of April
12, 1897, that he was formally introduced, in a footnote, as the
translator of T ’ien-yen lun, which was likewise there introduced
for the first time (a rather humble entry for such an influential
bookj. In the same issue, Yen Fu’s article “in Righteous Refuta-
tion of Han Y ü ,” apparently thought more radical than T ’ien-yen
İun because of its espousal of democracy, was reprinted under a pen
name. The article caused trouble—it made Chang Chih-tung so angry
he ordered T ’u Jen-shou to write a rebuttal, which was published
(probably quite reluctantly) in the thirtieth issue, two months
later. Apparently it almost got Yen Fu into serious trouble.sı The
book, however, as introduced by Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, did not.
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Western scientists who have investigated the principle behind the suc-
cessive progression of animal species and the races of man say that
in ali organic creatures there is that which dies and that which does not
die. . . . That which does not die leaves the mother and gocs with her
child, över and över in unbroken succession. This is called transmitting
the seed [ch’uan churtg—The word chung, besides meaning seed, means
also race, kind or species]. . . . Yet, after the meeting of the sexes, there
İs the possibility of influence and change that can cause the species to
steadily improve. From apes and monkeys there is an advance to man.
From wild savages and lowly breeds there is an advance to civilized and
noble races. The process began vvith the infınitesimal, but the final re
sul t shall be tremendous. 52
Here was the clearest statement to date (clearer than the factj
that man had both descended and ascended from the ape. But
here also, alas, was the clear assumption that the difference be-
tween man and ape was parallel to the difference betvvcen civilized
man and savage, betvveen “noble race” and “lowly” (kuei-chung,
chietı-chung). The potentially fearsome prospect of racial inequal-
ity, however, was mitigated for Liang Ch’i-ch’ao by his second as
sumption: that men could “themselves improve their race.” 53
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao had missed Huxley’s scorn for people who be-
lieved that “the pigeons . . . [could] be their own Sir John Se-
bright,” 54 but he did not, lest we exaggerate, yet have any fanatical
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1897, the true Science of genetİcs did not really yet exist. But Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao had precious little idea even of what Darwin had said
about inheritance and evolution. Ali he saw of importance at this
point in the fact that inheritance was somehow part of evolution
was that heredity was therefore not a trap. One was not doomed
to be forever like one’s ancestors. The race could yet improve.
There was, therefore, hope. He did not realize what a terribly com-
plicated picture he was stepping into. He suggested that animal
species and the races of man were part of one long progression, at
the pinnacle of which would be truly civilized man; but, although
individual species and races appeared thus to be different stages,
he could not bear to believe that they were cast-off stages, doomed
by heredity to remain such forever, immutable. And yet, if “races”
could improve, could “lower species” ? Could apes become ape-men?
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao did not yet ask such questions. Ali he said was
that the Chinese race needed to improve, although he character-
istically added, in his letter to Yen Fu, that “it is not only the yel-
low race that ought to seek improvement; even the white race
should seek to improve.” 64 In stating the reason why the Chinese
race in partİcular and ali races in general needed to improve, how-
ever, he invented a Darwinesque law that was highly un-Darwinian,
but which proved to have most powerful survival value among
Chinese Social Danvinists. He stated that “one must cause one’s
race [or species] to progress before one can preserve İt.” 6S
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With animals, Danvin went on, the situation was very different:
“When they migrate into a colder climate, they must become
clothed vvith thicker fur or have their constitutions altered. If they
fail to be thus modified they will cease to exist.” 73 On the one
hand, “great power of adapting,” on the other, the necessİty of
“being modified”—there was a world of difference, almost beyond
analogy, between the active and the passive voice. Wallace’s vision,
vvhich Darvvin seemed to accept, almost had evolution creating
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man only to set him free, above “the changing universe,” again in
the super-natural.
Darwin, of course, had precious little place for the super-natural,
at least by the time he vvrote T he D escent o f Man, and yet, in the
very chapter in which he included the above passages, he himself
came perilously close to placing man there. He wanted to prove
that man’s intellectual and moral faculties were both products of
evolution, and indeed of natural selection, but, İn so doing, he ac-
knowledged that man’s “instinct of sympathy, vvhich was originally
acquired as part of the social instİncts,” and vvhich was now “ the
noblest part of our nature,” had developed to such a point that
man had no choice but to “bear the undoubtedly bad effects of
the weak surviving and propagating their kind.” 74 But, if the fit
and unfit ali survived, then what had happened? And what vvould
happen? Had evolution turned against itself? Had nature selected
from itself by natural law a creature that could outlaw natural se
lection? And, if it had, then what vvould be the “ undoubtedly bad
effects” ? Would morality make man regress, or keep him down
(shades of Nietzsche), or simply stop his evolution? if it wasreally,
as Huxley said, that “after the manner of successful persons, civi-
lized man would gladly kick down the ladder by vvhich he has
climbed,” 75 vvould he, then, climb no more?
Darvvin, in 1871, was very close to the position that Huxley
vvould take tvventy years later, that for better or for vvorse—and
Huxley thought for better—“the ethical process İs in opposition
to the principle of the cosmic process” vvhich gave it birth. Darvvin
never put it quite so baldly, and so vvas spared, perhaps, the head-
ache of vvondering hovv such a thing could be. Huxley vvas not
spared, but concluded in the end that, if such an antagonİsm vvas
“logically absürd, I am sorry for logic.” 76
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao vvas singularly unperturbed by the logical prob-
lems of human freedom and evolution. He had obviously not yet
thought of them. In bringing things back to earth, hovvever (vvhere
he had been ali along), he vvas stili momentarily on rather good
Darvvinian ground. For Darvvin had suggested that natural selec
tion vvas in danger of being thvvarted only within civiîized nations.
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c h ’ün) was the group for which ali others should cohere. Self*
interest, he implied, on any other level was not İn the group’s
interest.
Curiously, however, at the very end of his argument, Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao almost sabotaged the sanctity of the “national group” that
he had just established. Again he swept away the primary impor-
tance of the nation by waving the banner o f the Ta t ’ung. He had
seemed to be building up to the rather pessimistic conclusion that
Chinese society, with each element out for itself, could not hope
to survive by simply İmitating the outward actions of Western peo-
ples, who were truly united. For China would then be only “a
sheep in tiger’s clothing.” Some basic spiritual change would have
to be effected. But then he suddenly thrust the whole gloomy
prospect away from him and said: “But I have heard that there are
national groups, and there is the group of ali under Heaven ( t ’ien-
hsia c h ’ün). Western administration for national groups is unsur-
passed, but they are not yet able to apply it to the universal group.”
Then he quoted the I ching and the Spritıg and Autumn Annals
(that is, the commentary thereto) on world unity, and finished
with the “ Li yun” paean to the Ta t ’ung. “Is not thİs the group of
ali under Heaven?” he asked, “Is not this the group of ali under
Heaven?” 81
Here, surely, is an especially obvious example of the Ta t ’ung
providing an emotional escape from the depressing fact of China’s
ignominious position in the ranks of international competition.
But, to be fair, we must admit that it is not only that. The Ta
t ’ung was an ancient Chinese ideal, approximated, at least, in the
Chinese Empire, in China’s own world order. The supposed Dar-
winian picture, of a perpetual succession of warring States, was
not. No Chinese could really accept unending struggle as the Tao.
That is why “evolution” was so quickly fused with “progress.”
Struggle was only good because it was movİng man towards the
end of struggle. Therefore, the national group, and international
struggle, were of prime importance only “at the present stage.”
A Fighting Stage. The first in the Shih-unt p a o conscious-
ly to use a stage theory as a philosophical analogy for mİlitant
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boding. For if the Western precept “Only the strong survive” was
frightening to the Chinese, İt should have been twice as frightenİng
to the Manchus.
Actually, the growing Darwinian influence in the Shih-wu p a o is
novvhere more clearly seen than in the ever-swelling current of
Darwinesque racism that eventually helped puü Chinese and Man-
chu apart. Such racism, as we have seen, developed largely in re-
sponse to Western racİal İnsults against China. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao
said that Westerners consciously conducted viliFıcation campaigns
against other peoples and governments as a First step towards
taking them över. They called others savages to inspire “virtuous
men” to “rescue” them from their savagery. Labeling such insults
ploys, however, did not take the sting out of them. Complaining
that Chinese had recently been subjected to a veritable barrage of
vile slander, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao said: “We have translated a lot of
such stuff in the Shih-wu p ao, but there is much, much more that
we dare not translate, lİke [one piece] . . . that said, ‘The Chinese
people have not only already died, they are stinking rotten.’ Such
talk is really unbearable.” 96
His answer was to shout, “The Westerners are wrong! China is
no India or Turkey.” 97 But in so shouting, only ten months after
his universal-humanity arguments, he himself chose to deliver a
barrage of racial insults which we, İn turn, almost “dare not trans
late.” “ India’s failure to rise,” he wrote, “is due to limitations of
the race. Ali black, red, and brown peoples are in the micro-
organisms of their blood and the slope of their brains quite in-
ferior to white men. Only the yellovvs and the whites are not far
removed from one another. Hence anything vvhites can do, yellows
can do also.” 98
But, not content with the Chinese being only one of the top
two races, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao gave in to visions of even greater gran-
deur. He dreamt of Chİna’s beating the white men at their own
game. He became one of the fîrst to voice the hope that China
wouId one day be the greatest of colonialist powers. But this
dream was even more obviously held at the expense of the “ inferior
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races.” The white men, he said, were strong because of their colo-
nialism. But the world was too big for them. There were vast ex-
panses of the globe that the white men were unable to touch.
They were not up to the task of holding dominion över ali the
earth. Why? Because (and only a Chinese could have said this with
such condescension) “there are only so many vvhite men, and they
are certainly not enough to monopolize the vvorld’s vvealth.” What
then? The ansvver was obvious: “in ali the earth there are only fîve
races of human beings. The white race is as described. The red race
is about to expire. The brown and black races are stupid and lazy.
They are not able to order their lives. They are not vvilling to work
hard. They multiply, but they are always as before. They are like
vvalking corpses, and there is no talent to be had among them.
Thus, to cultivate the virgin vvastclands and to clear up the entire
globe, unless it be done by us yellow men, there is no way.” 99
It will come as no surprise to learn that these sentiments were
expressed in an article entitled “China Will Be Strong.” Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao and ali too many of his confederates accepted the doctrine
of racial inequality to disassociate themselves forever from ali
races subjugated by the vvhite man. (“Third World Solidarity” was
a long way avvay.J They insisted that Chinese were not to be
classed with Africans or Indians, red or brown. Chinese were in a
class by themselves. In the vvords of an ancient epithet, Chinese
were “descendants of the gods.1,100 China was a huge land, with a
perfect climate, innumerable kinds of produce, and a people of ex-
ceptional intelligence:101 “Of the ten thousand nations, where is
there an equal?” 102 Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, forgetting for a moment his
oft-repeated vvarnings, insisted that “there is no way for China to
perİsh;she must be strong.” 103
The dreadful discrepancy betvveen China’s natural superİority,
so fervently believed in, her “natural right” to pre-eminence, and
her inferior positİon in present realİty created a pressing need for
a theoretical expianation. The search for one, however, led, in
only two short steps, to a point whence one could fınd light in
Social Darvvinism.
The first step was taken by Mai Meng-hua in a significant essay
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one must evolve in such a way). Democracy was the prize for the
survivors. But political evolution, through Three Ages, to democ
racy within a nation was evolution parallel to a greater evolution
towards democracy amotıg nations. The world with national units
as its actors was itself evolving from an age of many rulers, to an
age of one, to an age of none.
The troubie was, the overpoweringly ominous truth was that, al-
though individual countries had run their proper course and were
nearing the threshold of the glorious third age of their evolution,
the world as a whole was frîghtfully backvvard, It was stili at the
beginning, so that Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, at the end of his essay, could
only cry, “Alas, the five continents and ten thousand countries are
nothing but one great world of tribal chieftains.” The prophecy of
the Ta t'ung and the B o o k o f C hatıges’ auspicious omen of a herd
of dragons without a leader “ probably speak of a world yet a hun-
dred thousand years away.” 120
That is why the struggle for existence was stili so brutal, and na
tional strength so vital. If evolution went from many rulers to one
to none, would the world on its way to One World have to bow
for a time to one conqueror? Were the tribal nations finally enter-
ing a fight to the finish? The vision that soothed the reader’s mind
at the start of Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s essay, of ali nations evolving
peacefully together towards the great society, even though at dif-
ferent speeds, faded before a picture in whİch democracy withİn a
nation meant only strength, the strength necessary for that nation
to have even a chance of survival in an unavoidable, bloody contest.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, like Yen Fu, abandoned his readers in the un-
comfortable ground between two visions, one optimistic, one
pessimistic, visions half-connected but stili conflicting. Moreover,
he soon abandoned them literally as well. Believing that democracy
was the way to strength and that education was the way to democ
racy, he decided to try his hand at classroom teaching, and thus
accepted the invitation of Huang Tsun-hsien, Hsiung Hsi-ling, and
T ’an Ssu-t’ung to be chief lecturer at the Shih-wu hsueh-t’ang
(Academy of Current Affairs) that they had founded at Changsha.
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D arw in in H u n a n
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more ugly than the orang-utans one sees in Malaya, and their skills
and intelligence are no better either,” to which “P’ing-p’i-tzu”
kindly added, “ If you give them wine, they get drunk on one
drink. They sleep in the mud like vvallovving pigs. The males work
their females like beasts and kili them in fîts of anger. Actually
they are not the equals of orang-utans.” 14
The most damning evidence, however, and our fırst example of
native, eye-witness, racial prejudice, came from a quoted report of
Hsueh Fu-ch’eng, a respected “ foreign expert” who had served
from 1890 to 1894 as Chİna’s Minister to England, France, Italy,
and Belgium. Hsueh Fu-ch’eng had taken the Southern route west
to Europe, but, if he was diplomatic önce he got there, he definitely
was not in his appraisal of the peoples he had met alongthe way. “I
went toSaİgon, Singapore, and Ceylon,” he wrote, “and the natİves
were ugly and primitive, no different from deer and swine. Indeed,
the various peoples of Vietnam, Burma, India, Malaya, and Arabia
are ali black-faced, squat, and coarse-looking. They are as far from
the elegant refinement of the Chinese people and the surpassingly
healthy vvhiteness of the Europeans as earth is from heaven.” 15
In a line-up of the world’s races, the Chinese wanted to stand
with the whites, not with the “oppressed peoples of the world” or
with the “victims of Western imperialism,” for they did not want
to be victims of Western imperialism. If it could be argued that
they had already been victimized enough to owe a measure of
sympathy to other victims, “ P’ing-p’i-tzu,” and many others, had
a ready reply: “Heaven does not pity Indians, and I have no time
to pity them either” (either Indian Indians or American).16 He
was too busy vvorrying about China.
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Chİnese were the first people on earth, and ali others were descend-
ed from them ,17 Europe had been opened up “only a little later”
than China; her people had moved to Europe from Asia, and Euro-
peans were thus alm ost a match for the Chinese—but no other peo-
ples came close.18 As Chinese and Europeans were from one
source, there was obviously “no reason for them to harm one
another.” 19 Chinese and Europeans were both spreading into South-
east Asia.20 In Singapore and Honolulu, their races were winning
out över ali others.21
But these arguments did no good. The assertion that yellow and
white were better than red, black, and brown could never prove
that yellow equaled white. So what if yellow and white were supe-
rior? Were they equaily superior? İf not, what good would it do to
establish that China was number two, if number two meant num-
ber-one slave?
“P’ing-p’i-tzu’s” evidence vvas largely gathered in vain. Even if
one accepted it as proof of the “equal superiority” of the Chinese
and the Europeans, that equality did not prove that there would
be no uîtimate contest between the two or that the result of such
a contest would be a draw. Despite his quoting of the pious state-
ment that yellow and vvhite had no need to fight, being—ab orig-
in e—from one house, “P’ing-p’i-tzu” elsevvhere seemed convinced
that they would fight, indeed that they must. For Danvin told
him so. “ In far antiquity,” “P’ing-p’i-tzu” explained, “human
beings fought with beasts and won, because they grouped together
and the beasts did not. In mid-antiquity the Han (Chinese) race
fought aboriginal races and won, because it was intelligent, and the
aboriginal races were stupid. When such races were controlled, racial
conflict in Asİa ceased. But now, suddenly, the races of Europe
have begun to compete with the races of Asia, and if the Asians
show the slİghtest weakness . . . ,” 22 the result would be unspeak-
able. After centuries of struggle, the Chinese had emerged as the
fittest in their world. The trouble vvas that they had thought they
were the fittest in the world. But they were only the fittest in the
East. The world championships had yet to be held.
The question of why the Chinese and the Europeans had won in
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treatm ent, then we must change our calendar and our mode o f
dress. Ali our institutions must follow the West. We must enter
the International league o f nations, and we must obey Interna
tional law.” 43
Such a proposal had every right to be called Darvvinian, if one
took it to mean that China could survive by “ fitting in” to the
Western world; but, as Darvvin’s message was then understood, it
was un-Darwinian, for it claimed that China’s survival could be won
vvithout struggle. And that contention was soundly voted down.
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S u r v iv a l a n d r e l ig io n
There was only one more thing China needed to survive, in the
eyes of the Reformers’ leader, K’ang Yu-wei, and that was a religion.
In his eyes, of course, China had a religion, Confucianism, but it
needed to be reformed, institutionally, so that it would resemble a
Western religion, and so be able to compete with Western reli-
gions.62 For there was a struggle for survival among religions as
well as nations, and that struggle affected nations. As Ho Lai-pao
said, “There has never been a country that has survived after its
religion has perished.’*63
T ’ang T s’ai-ch’ang raised the stakes even higher: “If Confucian-
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ism perİshes, the yellow race Kas not a chance for survival.” 64
Thence arose the slogan “ Preserve the religion to preserve the
nation,” with its possible extensİon, “Preserve the religion to pre
serve the race.” To be preserved, the religion had to be reformed,
to be spread by Western-style missionaries,65 and, in T ’ang Ts’ai-
ch’ang’s opinîon, to be subjected to a process ofartificial selection,
as recommended by the “evolutionists” (t ’ien-yen-chia), so that it
could be strengthened before it was naturally selected o u t.66
These are the frightened vvords of stupid scholars, the snide remarks
of little mİnds. Good men who know the times do not speak thus. . . .
There is no better way to preserve our race than for our princesses to
be married to the aristocracy of Europe and for our princes to marry
princesses of Europe. Indeed, there should be an order encouraging any-
one vvho so vvishes, be he gentleman or commoner, to wed his daughter
to a Westerner or take a Western wife. The most valuable thing in inter-
national marriages will be to choose Westcrners of great intelligence.
. . . This is what is meant by “ using the power oflovc to draw out onc’s
country’s destiny,” and by “prolonging a noble race through transfor-
mation.” A union of two of the same kind produces few offspring. Mar
riages between people with the same surname have been forbidden
throughout the ages. Westerners, too, say the children of consanguineous
couples are often epileptics. That is why China has forbidden marriages
betvveen cousins. But, if yellovvs vvould mate with whites, the children
they vvould bear vvould necessarily be big and strong, healthy, good-
looking, and intelligent.72
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This was carrying the admonition “ if you can’t lick ’em, join
’em” too far: “Can this talk of mixing our race to preserve our
race—as if out of several hundred million Chinese children there is
not one fit to transmİt his seed—be anything else,” crİed Yeh Te-
hui, “ than the deranged yapping of a mad dog?” 75 The idea might
be mad, but together with the idea of integrating the religion it
was more pernicious than even the doctrines of institutional re
form, equality, and democracy, for which K’ang Yu-wei and Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao were more commonly attacked.76
H ERESY. Just how much and for how long Liang Ch’i-ch’ao ever
shared his teacher’s hopes for the whitening of China is unclear.
Perhaps, in telling his students that the wave of the future was
coming from the West, he did, as Yeh Te-hui claİmed, inspire some
of them “to wish to throw away the purity of body they received
from their parents and merge with the whites.” 77 But he has left
no writings that come close to those of K’ang Yu-wei or I Nai on
the subject. Before, during, and after his Hunan teaching, he wrote
essays protcsting that racially the Chinese were every bit the
equals of the whites, so that, if he ever did believe in the necessıty
of mbcing the race to preserve it, it must have been only briefly.
Lİang Ch’i-ch’ao was, hovvever, “guİİty” of professing another
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doctrine, which in Yeh Te-hui’s eyes lay even closer to the heart of
the K’ang-Liang “ heresy,” the doctrine, as Yeh Te-hui put it, “ that
human nature will not he good untıl the human race has im-
proved.” 78 LiangCh’i-ch’ao had indeed said this, and he haddirectly
related the idea to the VVestern theory of evolution, even though he
gave credit to Confucius for having first divined it. In an argument
sublimely unsuilied by any textual backing, he declared that Con
fucius had said (or meant) that human nature would progress, or
evolve, from the evi! to the both good and evil to the good, in neat
congruence with society’s progressİon through the ages o f Disorder
and Ascending Peace to that of Great Peace. The theory of evolution
had substantiated Confucius’s teaching. Westerners vvere promoting
studies towards the improvement of the race, and, when such studies
bore fruit, Confucius’s prophecy would be accomplished.79
Yeh Te-hui, totally unmoved by Liang’s Confucian “scholar-
ship,” seems to have been one of the first to realize that, so inter-
preted, the theory of evolution aimed a potential death blow at
the very heart o f at least the orthodox Mencian strain of the Con
fucian faith. The fact that Liang Ch’i-ch’ao chose to propound his
“Confucian” theory of the evolving goodness of human nature in
an essay expressly intended to reinterpret Mencius only suggests
that he had probably come to the same conclusion even sooner.
For Mencius had, in fact, never even hinted that human nature
might be evolving. The Mencian argument was that human nature
was—aîready—basically good, that is, that human nature already
had wİthin İt that which it takes to be good, the full potential to
be good. This potential, vvhich was ali that really mattered, was
complete in every man80—and the whole Mencian-Confucian moral
impcrative depended on it. Yeh Te-hui could not believe that the
human race had been struggling under a hopeless handicap, that
the Confucian dream of peace on earth had hence been a mirage
from Confucius’s day to this, and that it vvould remain one until
man had changed his very self. He believed with Confucius that
goodness had always been at hand,81 and that it was stili at hand,
if only men vvould grasp it. Goodness was at hand, and order was
at hand. There was no waiting on evolution.
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Charles Darwin had taken part. She had not turned on K’ang Yu-
wei and Liang Ch’i-ch’ao in order to stamp out the Darwinian
heresy. She had not done so to placate angry Confucians like Yeh
Te-hui, although knovvledgc of their anger must have added to her
confidence as she measured the chances for success in her coup.
Most probably, she did not even remember Darvvin’s name. And
yet that name, because of her actions, would coıne back in a far
more frightening form to haunt her to the end of her days.
Darvvin’s loudest champion, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, fled with Darvvin’s
banner to Japan. But önce there, Darvvin’s banner was torn in two.
The Revolutionaries claimed Darvvin as their own. And in their
tracts they sent him back to China in their behalf. The Empress
Dovvager had not vvittingly attacked Darvvin, but Darvvin vvould
attack her. Through the mouths of revolutionaries he vvould
shout, or be forced to shout, “You and your race are unfıt. You
vvill perish through natural selection. Evolutİon vvill svveep you
aside.”
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FIVE
A G o o d B o o k f o r B ad Times
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A G o o d B o o h f o r B ad Tim es 157
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SOCIAL DARWINISM
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CONFUCIAN OPTIMÎSM
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force behind cyclical change but the constant force behind Pro
gressive change (chin-hna). As Yen Fu translated aline from Hux-
ley in the opening passages of T'ien-yen hm, “Although nature
ever changes, there is something changeless moving within it. What
is it that is changeless? It is called evolution.” 30
Taoism, therefore, helped explain the mysterious force of evo
lution. But it was Confucianism that helped “socialize” İt. The
evolving Tao was not only pushing our species forward; it was
pushing our society forward as vvell. The Confucians had always
protested that men should be able to live in perfect lıarmony, that
perfect order had indeed önce reigned under Sage rule, and that it
could do so again. Now, the Confucian side of Yen Fu could shout
in exultation that Darwin, and Spencer, had proved that the T ao
was at this very minute irreversibly bearing our society tovvards
that harmony.
It is not surprising that Yen Fu labeled the chapter in vvhich
Huxley ridiculed “modern speculative optimism” as “his vvorst,” 31
nor that he then cited a long Spencerian argument in support of
the theory that perfect order could be reached.32 İt is true that the
Taoist element in Yen Fu’s mind surfaced önce again, this time to
force him to admit that it would be presumptuous to say that one
could literally know the destination o f the Unknovvable, but he
showed his faith, nonetheless, in his own “guarded” conclusion:
“What we can know is that the way o f the vvorld must progress,
and that what comes will be better than what is.” 33
With such a faith, he was not to be dismayed with Huxley’s ar
gument that the Golden Rule would not work İn our world, or
that the contradiction between selfishness and selflessncss was
necessary. Hİs belİef in ultimate perfcction made it easy for him to
accept such imperfection along the way, and so did the ancient
Confucian doctrine of the cosmic correctness of the middle way,
of the Golden Mean, vvhich had alvvays acknovvledged and ac-
cepted the existence of imperfection on its either side.
Yen Fu could casually dismiss Huxley’s distress at the “failure”
of the Golden Rule with the comment that in neither its Western
nor Eastern form was the Golden Rule “sociology’s final formula
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for perfect peace. The formula for perfect peace İs this: ‘Every-
man’s freedom shall be bound by the freedom of others.’ If one
uses this formula, the above error will be corrected.” 34 But he was
ablc to believe that this ideal was a vvorkable substitute thanks
largcly to his Confucian faith that reasonable men could indeed
walk the middle path. Everything could, like the little bear's por-
ridge, be just right. One could be perfectly free wİthout being too
free. One could be self-interested without being too self-interested.
A Western slogan again happily fit the Confucian spirit. Of course
a measure of selfishness was necessary, a measure of self-assertive-
ness. Of course one had, to some degree, to pursue one’s self-
interest. But ali that was perfectly ali right, as long as one pursued
“vvhat the Westerners cali . . . ‘enlightened self-interest.’ Enlight-
ened self-İnterest does not go against morality.” 35 Enlightened
self-interest was just enough. It was the middle path.
Similarly, Yen Fu was not disheartened by Huxley’s Darvvinian
proof of orİgİnal sin. For Yen Fu had again the protection of two
thousand years of this-worldly Confucian optimism. Huxley, of
course, had had the protection o f two thousand years of other-
vvorldly Judeo-Christian optimism, but that was based on a belief
in a God Huxley though Darvvin had disproved. Even worse, poor
Huxley, unlike so many of his simple-minded contemporaries, for
some reason found it impossible to secularize that Judeo-Christian
optimism and sec in evolution the promise of a Heaven on earth.
Consequently, he was caught wİth wlıat in effect was a biblical
evaluation of human nature, long after he had lost his biblical faith
in that nature’s possible redemptİon.
For Yen Fu the problem was different. Good Confucians, of ali
persuasions, had always believed in the possibility of the Tao pre-
vailing on earth. And they had believed—whatever they thought of
man’s original nature—in the perfectibility, again on earth, if not
of man at least of men. No confrontation with “the reality at the
bottom of the doctrine of original sin” could shake that belief, at
least not for a Hsun-tzian Confucian, for even Hsun Tzu had be
lieved—indeed just as strongly as Mencius—that everyman could
be a Sage.36 Every man could so better himself or so get the
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He translated Tennyson’s lines into verse that had the ring of the
B o o k o f Odes, and he let them stand virtually vvithout comment as a
fıtting end for T ’ien-yen lun:
To the poem he added only one last line of prose: “ I wish to join
with ali men o f conscience in the world in swearing to this re-
solve.” 41
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C o n f u c ia n is m i n a c t io n
This shared belief in the necessity for resolute human action finally
resolves “the enormous paradox” of the “Social Darwinian” Yen
Fu choosİng to translate an “ anti-SociaTDarwinian” book as a
Darwinian guide to survival for a beleaguered China. Yen Fu, after
ali, had chosen to act himself, in vvriting his essays and translating
T ’ien-yen lun, because he vvanted action. He wanted his govern-
ment to act immediately, to get his people started acting on the
long, hard course of action that alone could bring them the physi-
cal, İntellectual, and moral fitness necessary to survive. Yen Fu
wanted action, and Huxley gave a cali for action—much more
clearly than did Spencer. Yen Fu might see prescriptions in Spen-
cer’s descriptions of evolution, but he could not find in Spencer
any Tennysonian poems that cried out for “work of noble note.”
Huxley appealed to Yen Fu ’s Confucian conscience, even though
he offended Yen Fu’s Taoist faith. This may seem paradoxical,
but it is fact, made possible by the Taoist-Confucian conflict in
Yen Fu’s head.
For Huxley, without realizing it, was writing about the very
same Taoist-Confucian conflict that so divided Yen Fu’s “pro-
clivities.” Huxley’s whole book was unwittingly a modern recast
of the classic Taoist-Confucian argument över the proper rela-
tionship between jen w ei (human action) and t ’ien hsing (the cos-
mic process). Indeed the “classic” nature of the argument was one
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the comfort of the Taoist side with its claim that the Way was pre-
vailing, and he felt the need for the Confucian side, for he felt
that China had to do something. He had faith in the Tao, whiclı
now, thanks to Darwin and Spencer, he identified with progress
and evolution, and he took comfort in the faith that the T ao was
bearing mankind upwards. But he also believed that individuals,
men or countries, had to struggle to survive, that they had to act.
He believed in the necessity of Huxley’s “lıorticultural process.”
He believed in Confucian self-cultivation, and he believed in China’s
self-cultivatİon. He did not believe in leaving China’s garden up to
God.
Yen Fu refused to see in these beliefs any conflict. He saw no
paradox in his having at önce both Confucian and Taoist beliefs,
or in his being drawn at önce to both Huxley and Spencer. For, in
his own mind, he had resolved tlıeir conflicts, indeed, denied their
conflicts. He knew that Huxley thouglıt that he and Spencer were
in conflict, but he thought that Huxley was wrong to think so,
for he could see that the "ethical process” and the “cosmic pro
cess” were not in conflict. Yen Fu’s quarrel with Huxley was not
with Huxley’s cali for ethical action but simply wİth Huxley’s “un-
fortunate” notion that such action was unnatural, that it went
against the Tao. Yen Fu applauded Huxley’s ethical process. It was
just what the c h ’ün needed to pull itself together and survive. But
he refused to say that this ethical process was at odds with the cos
mic process, because, as he saw it, the ethical process was simply a
part of the cosmic process. Yen Fu’s proto-Kropotkinism preserved
the good name of the Tao. The ch ’n'n-ing instincts were the prod-
uct of evolution, as was man’s ability to harness both nature, with
a smali n, and himself. Thus the would-be man of virtue did not
have to rebel against the universe, for the universe itself was
evolving virtuous men.
Wu Ju-lun, who wrote the opening preface for T ’ien-yen lun,
understood perfectly Yen F u ’s position: “Huxley arose and com-
pletely changed the earlier theory, claiming that nature [lit.
“Heaven” ] could not be given free reign, but that man must resist
nature. Man must resist nature, using to the full his naturally
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there was onc note that surely he did not rcsolve, a deep, quiet
almost ever-present note—Huxley’s sadness.
Huxley wept at the p rice of evolution. Even if he could have
convinced himself that evolution was stili working for our good,
he would have rcmained saddencd at the way it vvorked, at the toll
it took. For him, evolution was something “ full of wonder, full
of beauty, and at the same time full of pain.” sı As a younger
man, the wonder and beauty had almost blinded him to the pain,
but in the end he found no way to overlook it. It kept him from
worshiping evolution. It spoiled his scientist’s joy. He had a tragic
sense that there was something ineffably wrong with the universe,
and he could see no way it could be put right.
Yen Fu was not a man without feeling. When he First explained
the process of natural selection, he vented at least one heartfelt
“Alas! That living things should produce so many seeds, and that
so few should survive.” 52 And he cried, “Alas!” again when he
told of aboriginal races disappearing from the earth.53 But some-
how his sighs did not stay vvith him. Unlike Huxley, he seemed
able to forget evolution’s prİce, or to accept it. Undoubtedly his
Taoism did much to help him. When, later, he annotated Lao
Tzu’s Tao te Ching, he excitedly saw in the famousline, “Heaven
and earth are not humane; they use the ten thousand things as
straw dogs,” the “opening idea of the evolutionary school.’,S4
Heaven and earth worked naturally. They did not have favorites.
They did not “interfere” vvith their system. They were not “soft-
hearted,” because they were great and up to great things. Heaven
and earth worked at a level “beyond the humane and the inhu-
mane.” 55 And yet, vvithout questİon, Heaven and earth, the Tao,
and, for Yen Fu, evolution, were good, for they were the force
of perfection. Evolution’s lack of “humanity” was a case of
“benign neglect.”
In the end, it was Yen Fu’s visİon of progress that preserved
him, for better or for worse, from Huxley’s sadness. He him
self was neither brutal nor ruthless. The necessary action he
imagined was a gentle cultivation that vvould aid grovvth, not a
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Part T hree
Dartvİn f o r R evoîu tion —and Darwin Against It
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sıx
While scholars and school boys read T ’ien-yen iun, after the failure
of the Reform Movement of 1898, the watchword pien -fa (reform)
began to lose out to the word ko-m ing (revolution) in the struggle
for survİval of political ideas. Ko-m ing came to dominate Chinese
rhetoric in the first decade of the twentieth century; it stili does.
However ill-defmed, it was and is a vvord to be reckoned wİth.
Until mid-1903, however, the man in China who did most to
promote revolution was not Sun Yat-sen or any other revolution
ary but Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, the arch-reformer. For one thing, before
the famous Su p a o {The Kiangsu journal) incident of June 1903
and the publİcation a bit earlier o f Tsou Jung’s Ko-m ing chün (The
revolutionary army) and the radical journals, Che-chiang c h ’ao
(Tides of Chekiang) and Kiangsu, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao had Chİna’s
reading public virtually to himself. His new journals, C h ’İng i p a o
(Honest criticism, December 1898-December 1901) and its suc-
cessor, H sinm in t s ’u n g p ao (A new people, February 1902-Novem-
ber 1907), published in Japan and smuggled back into China
through the treaty ports, were the things to read. But Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao was a political exile, a “rebel” with a price on his head,
angrier than he had ever been in his life, furious at the Manchu
concubine, now Empress Dowager, who had ruined his dreams of
reform and murdered his comrades. His writing, therefore, in the
first years after the Empress Dowager’s coup, was more radical and
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R a c ja l R e v o l u t io n
On the surface, this was nothing new. Both Liang Ch’i-ch’ao and
Yen Fu had been trying to frighten their country into action vvith
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över. Darwin had stated ali too clearly what happened to İieh
chung. One way or another, the Manchus were about to be weeded
out by evolution.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao himself did not keep up a steady campaıgn of
anti-Manchu insults. Indeed, he soon spent much of his time at-
tacking the idea of a revolution based on a desire for racial ven-
geance. Nevertheless, his low opinion of the Manchus continued to
shp out on occasion in his articles, and he continued to allow
others to insult the Manchus in his journals.
The following poem by Chiang Chih-yu, for example, proves
how thin the line was at this time between Reformers and Revolu-
tionaries. In 1903, Chiang Chih-yu’s poem was gleefully included
by Tsou Jung in his infLammatory pamphlet, “ A Revolutionary
Army,” but it was first published on July 26, 1901, in Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao’s C h ’ing i p a o l
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D e m o c r a t ic r e v o l u t io n
If Liang Ch’i-ch’ao in the end shied away himself from taking the
racİal stand he so clearly helped set up for the followers of Sun
Yat-sen, he did not shy away from lambasting his countrymen for
nurturing a “slave mentality” (nudi hsing). Över and över again, he
echoed Chiang Chih-yu’s hatred and scorn for the servile spirit, in-
herited from the past, and bad at the best of times, but now un-
speakably tragic, as it blinded the Chinese to an unprecedented
danger:
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Ch’i-ch’ao, who, as usual, was one o f the fîrst to use the new word,
used it in the beginning almost exclusively as a good word. Indeed,
for several years İt seemed his favorite word.
One o f his most important vvritings, begun for the Ch ’ing i p ao,
was a long series of short essays published one or two at a time,
with İndividual titles, under the collective title Tzu-yu shu (On lib-
erty). Perhaps Liang Ch’i-ch’ao had already seen a manuscript
copy of Yen F u ’s translation o f Mill’s On Liberty, finished but not
yet published by 1 8 9 9 .19 Perhaps, instead, he had read Mill’s book
in a Japanese translation, or read just quoted bits and pieces. At
any rate, he acknowledged that the inspiration for his title came
from one of Mill’s sentences: “I have named my book from the
words o f the Western scholar John Stuart Mili: ‘Nothing is more
important to the progressive evolution (chin-hua) of human groups
(jen c h ’ün) than freedom of thought, freedom of speech, and free-
dom of publication.’ ” 20
So tzu-yu was the key to chin-hua; freedom was the sine qua
non of progressive evolution. Progressive evolution was the secret
to survival. Despotism, by defınition the enemy o f freedom, was
therefore the enemy of evolution. As such, it was public enemy
number one. The monarchy would have to go.
It mattered not at ali that monarchy was itself the product of
evolution. That was how evolution worked. The fit of today were
the fat o f tomorrow. And monarchy was the fıttest o f yesterday.
Liang Ch’i-ch'ao had long since leamed, from both K’ang Yu-
wei and Yen Fu, to love stage theories of history, and he now
brought forth an amazing array of such theories, some borrowed
some invented, to prove that democracy was the wave o f the
future. One of these, vvhich showed both his new love of the word
fr e e d o m and his now constant reliance on “Danvinian” dynamics,
established a four-stage scheme of social evolution. Human societies
progressed from an “age of barbaric freedom” to an “age of
aristocratic autocracy” to an “age o f complete autocracy,” to an
“age of civİlized freedom,” in which “ the whole people would rise
up and take back their political power.” These stages were the
same for “every country and every race,” everyone o f which would
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Europe today and for the powers' daily advance in civilization be-
longs to the study of history,” 58 because a true study of history
made men conscious not o f self but of group. “What is valuable
about written history,” he wrote, “is its ability to make clear the
way inwhich the members o f a group interact, compete, and write,
the way they live and grow and advance (chin-hua) as one body. It
is this revelation that brings to the reader an outpouring of feeling
of love and admiration for his c h ’ün.” i9
There was also a more scientific purpose of history, “ to describe
the phenomenon of the progressive evolution o f human groups so
as to seek out the natura! laws thereof ” 60—so that one’s group
could be taught to follow them. It was in this way that the study
of history was to “use past progress to lead to future progress.” 61
But love o f group was an İntegral part of that process: “The duty
of every historian is, in accordance with the great principle of
progresive evolution, to show proof o f that principle in the reality
of past events, in order to evoke a nationalistic spirit.” 62 For the
necessity of a nation’s having national spirit to be fit was one of
the fırst “natural laws” o f evolution that history taught, at least
that “good” histories taught. The trouble, of course, thought Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao, was that “ for thousands of years our China has had no
good histories,” 63 no histories that understood evolution or that
wrote of the people. Indeed, he said, “it would be no exaggeration
to say that, before now, China has had no histories.” 64 That is
why he so fervently cried out for “A New Study o f History.” That
is why he so angrily moaned, “ Alas, if there is no historical revolu-
tion, our country can not be saved.” 6S
Th e R e v o lt A g a in s t th e a n c e st o r s
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“the Grand Historian,” Ssu-ma Ch’ien, on, “badgers from the same
mound,” 66 he was insulting fıgures second in esteem only to the
greatest philosophers in China’s intellectual tradition. When he said
that China’s “stacks upon stacks of historical works are ali lifeless
as effigİes in a waxworks,” 67 he was repudiating books deemed
second only to the Cİassics in serious social value. And he was tell-
ing his fellow intellecutals that at least half their vaunted education
had been worthless—worse than vvorthless. Of the twenty-one
official dynastic histories, written in imitation of Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s
Shih chi, heasked, “How could their slavishness reach such depths?
They are like lutes ali playing one note, Who can bear to listen?
Whenever one reads them the only battle is to keep awake. That is
why thought does not advance.” 68 But it was not just that “read-
ing them is a waste of brain povver.” The real trouble was that
“China’s histories have been instruments not to increase our
people’s knowledge, but to decrease it.” For, “as it has been said,
‘to know the past and not know the presem’ is ‘to be sunk in stupid
ignorance.’ Surely the blame for sinking our people in stupid
ignorance must be borne by our historians.’’69
Yen Fu had blamed the Sages; Liang Ch’i-ch’ao now blamed the
historians. Between them they denounced almost their entire
scholarly tradition. They denounced and renounced some of their
most illustrious intellectual ancestors.
This was revolutionary. In a land in which ancestors, intellectual
or otherwise, had been revered, if not worshiped, since before the
dawn o f history, cursing one’s ancestors was a mortal sin, a revolt-
ing sin. For millennia, “good” Chinese had looked back to their an
cestors with reverence, thanks, and a sense of continuing fîlial
obligatİon. Yen Fu and Liang Ch’i-ch’ao looked back in anger—and
vvith a sense of shame—as they searched for the culprits who had
led their country to the brink of Danvinian disaster.
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confidence of his ancestors. Far from it—he said that China should
cali itself Chung-kuo because, “even though the name is a bit
arrogant, it is common practice in today’s world for each people
to show pride in their country.” Moreover, “if our fellow country-
men seriously examine the difference between name and fact, it
may yet prove a way to stir up some spirit. ” 70 The first reason was
almost as sad as Chang Chİh-tung’s final reason why Chinese should
study Confucius: because “Western nations consider the preserva-
tion o f the Classics to be very important.” 71 The second merely
admitted the sad fact that China no longer w as the Chung-kuo.
That admission, painful enough in the realm of politics, was
devastatingly painful in the realm of culture. Politically, after
ali, China had been weak many times in history, but culturally
never. Cultural self-doubt threatened a deathblow to Chinese self-
confidence.
After the Opium War, Chinese had very slowly come to feel that
China’s armaments were inferior. Later, many had come to feel
that China’s political institutions were inferior. But now Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao and Yen Fu said that China’s historians, philosophers,
and scholars were inferior, seemingly that China’s whole civiliza-
tion was inferior—because China’s “ancestors” were inferior. This
was a loss of “ faith in our fathers” probably more traumatic for
Chinese than the post-Darwinian loss o f “faith o f our fathers” was
for so many nineteenth-century Westemers.
Darwin, of course, was the great discreditor of ancestors for ali
peoples, indeed for ali people. He had said, with a we that certainly
included both Englishmen and Chinese, that “there can hardly be
a doubt that we are descended from barbarians. ” 72 Worse yet, he
had held that “the ancestors of man were, no doubt, inferior in
intellect and probably in social disposition to the lowe$t existing
savages.” 73 We had, indeed, “ape-like progenitors.” 74 Our ancestors
were rather rough, and we ourselves, Darwin had added, “are not
•removed by very many generations” from their “savage State.” 75
It was this last allegation that hurt the Chinese. Most Chinese
probably found it easier than most Westemers to accept Danvin’s
thesis that man was the product of a myriad natural transformations.
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Most Chinese would also readily have admitted that their fa r dîs-
tant ancestors Kad existed in a savage State. But those far distant
ancestors had supposedly been transformed from that State thou-
sands of years ago. Their recent ancestors had been “ fully civilized”
for countless generations. It was this article of faith that Western
power and Danvin’s theory so irreverently chaUenged.
Stili, Danvin’s theory provided a rationale that should also have
prevented the loss of that faith from being so traumatic. For Dar-
win, if he was the great discreditor of ancestors, was also the great-
est liberator of descendants, the great absolver of descendants
from ali responsibility for their ancestors (a logically ludicrous
concept with or without DanvinJ. He himself was not in the least
dismayed by the brutish portraits he painted of our forefathers:
“Unless we willfully close our eyes, we may, wİth our present
knowledge, approximately recognize our parentage; nor need we
feel ashamed of it.” 76 On the contrary, “Man may be excused for
feeling some pride at having risen, though not through his own
exertions [a phrase al most universally ignored] to the very summit
of the organic scale.” 77
It İs true that Darwin occasionally sounded as if he meant that not
“men” but “white men” alone stood on “ the very summit of the
organic scale,” and he also sounded, at least önce, as if he found it
easier to accept inhuman ancestors than some of his human ones:
He who has seen a savage in his native land will not feel much shame
if forced to acknowledge that the blood o f some more Humble creature
flows in his veins. For my own part, I would as soon be descended from
that heroic litde monkey who braved his dreaded enemy in order to
save the life of his keeper, or from that old baboon, who, descending
from the mountains, carried away in triumph his young comrade from a
crowd of astonished dogs—as from a savage who delıghts to torture his
enemies, offers up bloody sacrifices, practices infanticide vvithout re
m örse, treats his wive s like slaves, knows no decency, and is haunted by
the grossest superstitions.78
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Biologists teli us, “ Men and monkeys are in no way very different.
Men and monkeys are cousins.’' But why did men become men, and
monkeys remain monkeys? This was sımply because monkeys were un-
willing to change—they liked to walk on ali fours. Perhaps there w as
önce a monkey who stood up and tried to walk on two feet, but the
other monkeys must have said, “Our ancestors have alvvays crawled,
you are not permitted to stand,” and they must have bit him to death.
They were not only unwilling to stand up, they were unwilling to leam
how to speak—because they were conservative. But men were different.
They finally did stand up, and spoke, and so finally were victorious.85
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very least the sine qua non of the struggle for existence. But even
so, evolution was not the result o f “the will to live” ; İt was the re-
sult of “favorable” mutations among “ creatures” who wided to
live, mutations that, as far as Darwin could teli, came not through
will but by chance.
In modern times, at least one orthodontist has suggested that
the human race is gradually losing its vvisdom teeth.90 But, if this
is true, it is certainly not because generations of forward-mİnded
dentists have been pulling them out (the inheritability of de-
acquired characteristics), and it is even less because generations of
wise parents have simply not willed their wisdom teeth to their
children. It would be more accurate, therefore, if one rules out
desİgn, to say that man was the product of innumerable reproduc-
tive malfunctions than to say that he was the product of ever-
ascending aspiratİons. Evolutionary offspring may indeed have
been “unfilial,” but not because they wanted to be.
Lu Hsun’s argument, therefore, was based on a totady false
analogy, for he was arguing that, as man tvas the product of un
filial conduct, progressive men shou îd be unfilial, that, as man’s
very being was the product of evolutionary “revolution,” revolu-
tion, against family, society, and State, must be a good thing—and
always would be. Like Liang Ch’i-ch’ao he was trying to make
“revolution” sound “natural”:
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Superior peoples mature late,” and “the age at which they marry
varies accordingly.” Therefore it was common for Indians (Indian
Indians) to bear children at age fîfteen, while it was common for
Europeans (“especially the Teutons”] stili to be unmarried at age
thirty. As a con sequ en ce, it was the Indians who “age especially
quickly,” while the Europeans “remain strong, healthy, and vigor-
ous even in old age.” 109
Chinese married later than Indians, but earlier than Europeans.
Therefore, as “one need only look at marriage customs to deter-
mine the degree to which a people is civilized,” China’s degree of
civilization was clearly worrisome, especially because relatively
early marriage was not only a sign o f relative cultural backward-
ness, but also a cause of relative racial unfitness. Worse yet, if early
marriage went unchecked, it could lead only to increasing unfitness.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao was convinced that early marriage was injurious
both to the early married and to their early offspring. Adolescent
newlyweds, immature of body and certainly o f mind, were ali too
“often apt to drown themselves in the momentary delights of sex-
ual desire, mindless of the [resulting] pain of a lifetime of ili
health.” Such youthful dissipation, he protested, “at worst will
lead to early death, at best to decrepitude by middle age.” Early
marriage, therefore, amounted either to “suicide” or to an almost
criminal “infringement of one’s future freedom.” Surely İn either
case, early marriage was a erime against one’s c h ’ün, for, “if every-
one in a ch'ün should kili himself or infringe upon his freedom,
would not the effect on the c h ’ün be indeseribable?” He found it
possible, nonetheless, to deseribe the present condition of his
c h ’ün: “Our Chinese race has no spirit, no courage, no power of
heroic determination, The reasons for this are many, but surely
early marriage must share the blame.” 110
What really frightened Liang Ch ’î-ch ’ao was the thought that his
race was not only weak but getting weaker, for he had convinced
himself that early marriage led not only to degenerate parents but
to the biological degeneration of their descendants. Dissipation
vveakened one’s seed, and vveakened seed weakened the breed. The
proof lay in American and Japanese statisrics shovving that, “among
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the people o f any country, the vast majority of those who die
young and of the crippled, the sickly, the weak, the stupid, and
the criminal, are children of parents who married early.” There-
fore, lamented Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, “if I, because of early marriage,
produce a weak son, my son wiU be weaker than I, and if he, again
because o f early marriage, produces a weak grandson, then my
grandson will be even weaker than my son, and if this goes on with
each generatİon getting weaker and weaker . . . then one’s family
would fail, and one’s country would perish.111
The fact that “Chİnese are world famous for being good at re-
production” brought no comfort, for, after a description of “the
ruthless destruction of natural selection” in the biological vvorld,
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao proved that numbers alone were no guarantee of
survival.112 Indeed, almost for the fırst time, he showed himself to
be singularly unimpressed with the fact of China’s millions:
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From now on, if we do not eliminate our weak seed and propagate
only the strong, there will be no way to continue the sacrifıces to our
ancestors, already so near the brink of extinctİon. This is exactly what
the Sage [Mencius] was talking about of old, when he said, ‘‘Of the
three unfilial acts, leaving no posterity is the w o rst,"1,7 It is erime
enough for a elan or a fam il y to leave no descendants, but what of a
country? If we wish our country to have descendants, we m us t begin by
forbidding early marriage,1,8
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in the very first years of this century in the journals of Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao. And Charles Darwin was deeply if confusingly involved in it
from the beginning.
Kao Hou’s Danvinian poem was already in revolt against Confu-
cius in 1904, not openly, but devastatingly nevertheless. For a
derisive attack on fılial piety could not help but be an attack on
the Sage that had made it China’s foremost virtue. So too, ali of
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s arguments in favor o f revolution (whatever he
meant by the word) undermined the Sage’s sageliness by ünden
mining the second Cardinal Confucian virtue of chung, loyalty to
the king. if the two great virtues, chung and hsiao, could both be
attacked as virtues “outmoded” by Danvinian social evolution,
how could Confucius survive as a “ model for ali time” (wan shih
shih p ia o )?
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the ten thousand things were already complete, but Confucius dis-
covered it b efo re they were complete. Is it not amazing?” 126 Amaz-
ing it was, but, in the long run, no praise could have been more
damaging. For to “ preserve” Confucius as a proto-Danvinian was
to preserve him in formaldehyde. If Confucius was a foremnner, if
“the present surpassed the past,” if Darwin and Spencer were of
the present, and if they spoke, as they did, in more detail, then
why not just respectfully shelve Confucius and follow Darwin
instead?
It was Darwinism not Marxism, therefore, that first shelved
Confucius, that first revoked his epithet, “a model for ali time.”
K’ang Yu-wei’s own proto-Darwinian theory of progress had
helped, of course. For K'ang Yu-wei had reduced Confucius to the
model of a man who believed in a progress that would leave him
behind. But it was Darvvinism that brought “scientifîc proof” that
Confucius was right in that belief. Of course, the New Confucius
did have the Ta t ’ung vision, which might have brought new life to
his epithet. K’ang Yu-wei had given him a ne w claim to fame as
the provider o f a blueprint for the future, but the Great-Unity
blueprint was so sketchy (K’ang Yu-wei’s own elaborately detailed
blueprint was not yet published) and so obviously only for the
future, and for the far distant future at that, that it stili left Con
fucius wıth nothing to say to the present—as a model for som e
time, perhaps, but not for this. Here again, Darwin hurt the New
Confucius. For he reinforced with “science” the stark conclusİon
that Chinese ali too easily came to on their own, that the only
“Great Unity” possıble in their time of ruthless İmperİalism was the
dread unity that would come with a white man’s world conquest.
But Darwin dealt yet another blow to the New Confucius, when
he attacked (or seemed to attack) “religion.” For K’ang Yu-wei
had just decided that the only way to “ preserve” Confucius was to
establish him as a “ religion founder,” a chiao-chu. Smarting under
the taunts o f Western missionaries that China had no religion, he
insisted that it did, that Confucianism was a religion, that Confu
cius ranked with, and indeed above, Sakyamuni, Jesus, and Mo-
hammed, that the Chinese, therefore, were not “to be classed with
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But there were no models for ali time, said Liang Ch’i-ch’ao.
Only two weeks after he had published his essay attacking K ’ang
Yu-wei’s cali to “protect the religion,” he published an essay, “On
Public Morality,” in which he fınally let Danvin demolish Con
fucius’s epithet. “Morality,” he wrote, “ is not something that,
önce established, never changes. It is not something that the an-
cients o f thousands of years ago can set up in fıxed form to en-
compass ali the world for ali time. . . . For morality comes half
from nature, half from man, and it develops and progresses in
accordance with thelaws o f evolution.” For the good of our c/i ’üm,
he went on, “we cannot hem ourselves in with a few words of the
former kings and philosophers, so that we dare not advance. . . .
The former philosophers are not alive today. How can they set a
morality that is fit for today? if Confucius and Mencius were to
arise again, they would have to revise their views.” 14S
“You may threaten me with boiling or dismemberment,” said
Liang Ch'i-ch’ao, “but I will stili dare State without fear that each
and every one o f the ethical principles o f the Four Books and the
Six Classics is not suitable for our use today.” 146 “We must not be
slaves o f the ancients! . . . If Confucius had been a slave to Yao
and Shun, there would have been no Confucius to survive through
later generations. Do you fear my words? Just think of the destiny
of the world. It advances ever upwards, and hu man knowledge gets
ever dearer and more profound. Therefore the greatest of philos
ophers can speak only to the ills of one age; he can benefit only
his own time. No one is great enough to set rules for the people of
millions of years to come.” 147 Not even Confucius.
So Confucius was put in his place. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao stili praised
him as the wisest man of his day—but only of his day. As far as
any timeless wisdom was concerned, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao could only
praise him for his alleged belief in progress and his commitment to
freedom. Therefore, ali Confucius seemed to have to say to the
Chinese of Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s time was, “ Farewell. Be free. Pro
gress.” Liang Ch’i-ch’ao had succeeded in doing to Confucius what
Confucius had done to ghosts and spirits—he had “respectfully put
him at a distance.” 148
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But the revolution against Confucius did not stop there. “We
must not be slaves of the ancients” might already seem a revolu
tionary cry, but it was not yet an accusation against the ancients,
not a denunciation of them. Accusations and denunciations, how-
ever, were soon to come. Confucius was to be dragged from his
sorry enough new position of very distant respect to be soundly
thrashed, long before either “the new youth” or the Communists
were yet on hand to get their hands on him.
Beating and Loss. It was probably Yen Fu who first set out on
this darker side of the revolution against Confucius. He, at least,
first gave Confucius a specifıc label that for the first time treatened
to make him a scapegoat for ali modern China’s ills. Yen Fu vvrote,
in the preface of his 1904 translation of Edvvard Jenks’s History o f
P olitics, that “Confucius was the Sage of a patriarchal society. It is
his moral pronouncements that have influenced our people the
longest and penetrated their hearts and minds the most deep-
jy »i49 was no bland footnote. Nor was it praise. It was
labeling with a vengeance, for patriarchal was becoming for Yen
Fu as damning a word as feu d a l was to become to Chinese Marx-
ists, and for the same reasons. Patriarchal was to make Confucius
a “reactionary.”
Yen Fu had just accepted Jenks’s theory of social evolution.
“The peoples o f the vvorld,” he vvrote, “if we examine the stages
of their evolution, begin without exception in totemism, proceed
to patriarchy, and come to completion in the nation-state. . . . The
certaİnty of this sequence is like that of the four seasons, or like
that of human life, asit passes from infancy, youth, and adulthood
to old age. The stages may be long or short, but they can never be
confused.” 150
Evolution’s stages could never be confused. Therefore China’s
evolution vvas the same as Europe’s. There was only one Way. But
what, then, had göne vvrong? Yen Fu looked at the militant, up-
start nation-states o f Europe and then at China, the oldest civiliza-
tion in the vvorld, and cried out in anguish: “We are stili only a
patriarchal people! That stage of evolution has dragged on and on
and has never left us. It has been in our land for över four thou-
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[These scholars], being dissatisfıed vvith the old ethics, say that
Confucianism made the family-clan its basic unit, and that therefore it
was Confucius who so bound our country to a patriarchal form of
society that it could not advance to a national-democratic one. They
say that Confucius granted authorİty to the monarchs, and that there
fore it was Confucius who served the people-ravagers of two thousand
years as a protective charm .158
Reading only that far, one would conclude that Liang Ch’i-ch’ao
disagreed with the above thesis, but his very next sentence read,
“Granted, this is so!” Suddenly it became clear that his only ob-
jection was that these “one or two scholars” stressed only one side
of Confucianism, ignoring most unfairly the other side, the lost
(and alleged), progressive, Ta t ’ung side. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao lamented
that Yen F u ’s argument was leading “ fanatical youths” to lose ali
respect for Confucius, but he admitted Yen Fu ’s argument!
His admission proved much more powerful than his lament.
This was cqually true o f his admission that he had “cast aside the
superstitious belief in protecting the religion,” which followed his
lament that the young did not appreciate K’ang Yu-wei.159 Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao did appreciate K’ang yu-wei, and he stili revered Con
fucius. He also felt guilty about hurting them both. But his late
defense did little good to either.
“It is as clear as fire in a cave,” he exclaimed in exasperation,
“that hereafter the thought of our people can never again be tied
down by two-thousand-year-old books. Therefore Confucius’s
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as did one, Ma Hui, “Alas, the day Han Wu Ti exalted the study of
Confucius was the day China tumed from progress to regress.” 167
Lİang Ch’i-ch’ao might plead with China’s youth to leave the Sage
alone, but when he and Yen Fu had decided to abandon the effort
to p a o chiao (preserve Confucianism), he had openly agreed to
stand back and abandon Confucianism and Confucius to trial by
evolution. How then, after ali his arguments, could he be surprised
that “fanatical youths” should decide that China, to progress,
must fırst p ’ai K ’ung?
“P ’ai K ’ung, ” “P7 K ’ung,” the cry was in the air. The revolu-
tionary Liang Ch’i-ch’ao might have his second thoughts about
revolution, but the revolution agaİnst Confucius had begun.
But what did it matter?
It mattered more than anyone can say, and more than Western-
ers, perhaps, can ever appreciate, for the revolution against Confu
cius really did lead most Chinese to lose the faith of their fathers.
Westemers en masse have not been forced from their faith since
the Christian conquest of Europe. They have known what it is Iike
to lose the faith of their fathers as individuals, but never as a
people.
The Darwinian revolution was supposed to have led Westerners
to such a fate, of course, but, when ali was said and done, it never
did. The great challenge to Christianity proved a false alarm. The
Darwinian deathblow to the Bible never struck home, for Jews or
Christians. Darwinism revolutionized the way that most people
would thereafter read the Bible, but it never caused Westem civili-
zation to throw the book away. After the initial Darwinian shock,
most would-be believers happily found God as unprovable and as
undisprovable as ever, and most concluded that they could have
their faith and Darwin too. Darwin did, o f course, shatter the faith
of many. He shatteredhis own, almost (although he never shattered
his wife>s). But these “shatterings” were rarely traumatic. Western-
ers who lost their faith because of Darwin did not go on to lose
their faith in themselves, in their people, in their civilization. On
the contrary, proud Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans, and Amer-
icans could, thanks to Darwin {or so they thought), have even
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İn ancient times, when men first lived, before there was yet any gov-
emment or law, it is said that men had different views of what was right.
One man had one view. Two men had two views. Ten men had ten
views. There were asmany vİews as there were people. For each thought
his own view correct and the views o f other men false. So each con-
demned the other. Even within the family, fathers and sons, elder
brothers and younger brothers, ali came to hate each other, and so
broke apart, unable to live in concord. And the people at large took up
fire and water and poison to do each other injury.. . . The world was as
anarchic as the worId o f birds and beasts.171
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vinced that he must launch a search for new morality and start a
morality revolution, because the law of the survival of the fittest
demanded it—Darwin demanded it.
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One of the things our people most sorely lack is kung te, What is
kung te? It is that which makes a ch ’ün a ch ’ün, and a nation a nation.
It is the morality on which ch ’ün and nation stand. Man is an animal
good at grouping (this is a saying of the Western scholar Aristotle). If
men do not group, how are they better than birds and beasts? But suc-
cess in grouping does not befall those who simply raise empty shouts of
“Group! Group!" There must be something that runs through a group
and ties it together before the actuality of a group can appear. That
thîng I cali kung te . 180
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cruel, but because it was unfit. Again he was blinded by the c h ’ün,
so concerned with his People's plıght that he showed little concern
for the plight of his people. His revolt against the old morality,
therefore, seems far more utilitarian than moral.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s new morality, however, was utilitarian not
only in practical inspiration but also in theory, which should
somewhat absolve him from the above complaint. It was utilitarian
both in its ultimate Standard of right and wrong and in its basic
explanation of what morality in general was and where it had
come from. “Do you know,” asked Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, “whence
arose morality? Morality was established to benefit (li) the c h ’ün.
Therefore, although moralities that are suitable to different degrees
of barbarism or civilization are often not the same, each, neverthe-
less, in the last analysis comes back to that which is able to strength-
en its ch'ün, make virtuous its ch'ün, and advance its c h ’ü n .”
Therefore “That which İs of benefit to one’s c h ’ün is good, and
that which is not o f benefit to one’s c h ’ün is evil.” 195
China had probably not heard such an unabashedly utilitarian
theory of morality since Mo Tzu tried to seli “ universal love” to
the warring Chinese of the fifth century, B.C. Mo Tzu, of course,
believed that there was more to morality than human ideas of
utilİty. He believed that morality was the will of Heaven. But,
when critics said of his beloved theory of universal love, “Granted
it is good, but how can we possibly use it?” he replied, in exasper-
ation, “ If it would not work if we used it, even I would be against
it, but where is there any good that cannot be used?” 196
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, too, seemed to be saying that the good was
the use ful and that the useful was the good. Indeed, he seemed to
be saying that the who!e idea of “goodness” had been “set up”
(and most significantly in his case by man, not by Heaven) because
it seemed useful. The trouble was that he dİd not say what he
meant by use or b en efit. In his essay on kung te (public morality),
he was woefully negligent in defining his terms. He did not even
show that he recognized that to say that the g o o d is the g o o d f o r
is meaningless unless one makes crystal clear “the good for what.”
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Did he mean when he saidg o o d f o r the c lı’ün, good for its stomach
or good for its “soul” ? G o o d f o r could cover a multitude of vir-
tues (or sins).
Ali that Lİang Ch’i-ch’ao did to clarify what he meant by “that
which is of benefit to one’s c /i ’ü m ” was to imply that it meant
“that which is of benefit to one’s clı ’tm’s strength, virtue, and
progress.” But even here he did not admit any possibility of con-
flict between these “goods.” Nor again did he define them. Strength
and progress were undefined enough. Vİrtue in his formula was a
positive puzzlement. How could the statement that “ that which is
good for the c h ’ün is that which makes good the c h ’ün” help any-
one understand either what ıvas good for the ch ’iin or what “good”
was, or w ky “good” was good?
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao did offer a little help in a second essay, sought
ffom Jeremy Bentham, whom he quite competently introduced in
September 1902, along with, for the first time, Bentham’s English
word utiiitarİanism (which Liang Ch’i-ch’ao chose to translate as
le-li-chu-i, “pleasure-and-benefit-ism” ), Liang Ch’i-ch’ao seemed to
accept Bentham’s choice of pleasure, or happiness, as the ultimate
Standard o f good: “Bentham, in asking by what one should deter-
mine a Standard of good and evi! for ali human moral action, has
said that ‘that which increases people's happiness is “good,” and
that which hinders or diminishes people’s happiness is “evil.” ’ This
is a doctrine that will hold true anywhere across the four seas.” 197
And, to cement the importance of Bentham’s theory, Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao claimed that “in the last hundred years one of the most
forceful dictums in society has been the phrase ‘the greatest happi
ness of the greatest number.’ its influence on ali intellectual theories
has probably been as valuablc as that of the dictum ‘Things contend;
Heaven chooses. The superior wins; the inferior loses.’ ” İ9B
This time, however, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao did show an awareness,
which he probably owed directly to Bentham, of the awful com-
plexity o f utİlitarian moral standards, indeed of the unwieldiness
of even such a pleasant-sounding Standard as “ happiness.” He
quite faithfully gave a summary of Bentham’s elaborate system of
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wrote, “İs the great source from whİch a c h ’ün is formed. We culti-
vate it and nourish it every day, stili fearful that it may not take
root, Why should we now wipe it out and make it a mere append-
age o f egoism ? The people who advocate this theory are apparent-
ly afraid that the human race does not know how to be selfish and
must be taught to do evil!” 217 Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, of course, knew
that that was n ot what Bentham and Katö meant, but he was afraid
that» if people were simply told to pursue their own interest, with-
out being taught how to reckon it, they and their country would
come to grief. “There are too many people in the world who are
no good at mathematical calculations,” he wrote. “ By nature, they
are greedy for pleasure and avid for profit, but they do not know
where real pleasure and real profit lie. if önce they hear of utilitar-
ianism, they will use that theory as an excuse and drown them-
selves in pursuit of what the shallow and addlepated cali profit,
and from that pursuit shall flow endless ills.” Therefore, he con-
cluded, “until education is universal, we must on no account advo
cate utilitarianism.” 218
But, in the end, if he did not actually “advocate” utilitarianism,
he at least overcame his fears enough to introduce it with great
praise, lending it the full power o f his prose even as he claimed, “I
am under no obligation to exhaust myself in its defense.” 219
“How,” he asked, “can our young intellectuals afford not to study
the words of a great teacher whose influence has already extended
över a hundred years and changed the entire worid?” 220 For his
part, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao was obviously convinced that, rightly İnter-
preted, utilitarianism made very good sense indeed, and he accord-
ingly made it a part o f his morality revolution.
But was a switch to a utilitarian Standard revolutionary? And,
even if İt was, did it matter? Utilitarians (cynically?) believe that
ali moral standards are, and always havebeen, utilitarian. Therefore
they would argue that Liang Ch’i-ch’ao was morally revolutionary,
if at ali, only in his accep tan ce of utilitarianism (a contention
which, if true, would stili make him significantly revolutionary).
Modem sociologists, moreover, mindful of “the Chinese family
system,” “ the Chinese social system,” and “Chinese religion,”
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The Buddha knew that earthly pleasure İs transient and that being
transient it would be followed by pain made thereby ali the greater.
Therefore he thought it better to break the roots of mental anguish and
endure a lesser pain for an everlasting joy. . . . Hence the Buddha is the
best at mathematics, the best at usîng Bentham's methods of calcula-
tion,226
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urged king after king to adopt the moral way. For “those who go
with Heaven,” he promised, “survive. Those who go against it
perish.” 236
Even in the realm of private ethics Confucius and Mencius could
sound utilitarian. The Confucian version of the Golden Rule, “Do
not unto others what you would not have them do unto you,”
could as easily be made to sound utilitarian as the Christian ver
sion. Mo Tzu's version made that perfectly clear. Describing the
road to success for a filial son, he announced, “I must first set my-
self to loving and profiting the parents o f others, and then they
will repay me by loving and profiting my parents.” 237 The Golden
Rule could appear a ploy.
But Mo Tzu missed the point (if he was not merely lowerİng
himself to the level of his opposition). Neither Confucius nor
Christ meant their Golden Rules to be ploys. They were not
reasons for doing good but “ rules of thumb,” for people who
wanted to do good. Utilitarianism was not the spirit of Confucian-
ism, however much utilitarianism utilitarians might find there.
The word İi (benefıt, advantage, profit), which Liang Ch’i-ch'ao
used in his translation of utilitarianism, was a bad word for both
Confucius and Mencius, used almost always in opposition, not
apposition, to moraîity. •
The book of Mencius actually opens with an attack on li:
Mencius had an audience with King Hui of Liang, and the King said,
“Old gentleman, you have not deemed a thousand miles too far to
come. Have you something with which to profit my country?”
And Mencius replied, “ King, why must you say profit? Moraîity is
enough.” 238
Mencius was only echoing the teachings of his master, for Con
fucius had said, “The noble man knows what is right, the petty
man knows what is profitable.” 239 Of course one could argue that
Mencius meant to profit the King’s country with moraîity, but he
himself would surely have objected if the King had come back
with an “Aha! So you think moraîity will prove profitable, do
you?” Mencius did not think that way. He did think that moraîity
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would say that it was precisely what was meant by a “love for
others” which was a “transformed love of self.” It was the kind of
“İnstinct” inserted into the individual by evolution for the good of
the ck ’tirı, but it was also the kind o f “ social instinct” that worked
to the good of each member of society, and that had only come
about thanks to a primeval identification of self-interest with the
interest of the group. Kropotkin, without realizing it, had already
written a parody o f the Mencian parable to establish this new
thesis:
It is not love to my neighbor—whom I often do not know at ali—
which induces me to seize a pail of water and to rush towards his house
when I see it on fire; it is a far wider, even though more vague feeling or
instinct of human solidarity and sociability which m ove s me. So it is
also with animals. It is not love, and not even sympathy (understood in
its proper sense) which induces a herd of ruminants or of horses to
form a ring in order to resist an attack of wolves; not love which in
duces wolves to form a pack for hunting;. . . It is a feeling infİnitely
wider than love or personal sympathy—an instinct that has been slovvly
developed among animals and men in the course o f an extremely long
evolution, and which has taught animals and men alike the force they
can borrow from the practice of mutual aid and support, and the joys
they can find in social life.24s
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tioned them again, in a line that Kas become gospel for the Chinese
Communists: “ Philosophy . . . has fonly] two great schools, the
materialist school and the İdealist school.” 248 But as he went on,
in the fascinatingly confused article in which he presented this
“either/or” phİlosophİcal choice, İt became clear that his purpose
wasto laud idealism, not materialism—even though he again implied
that materialism was closer to the truth—for idealism, he said, led
to action.
“idealism” for Liang Ch’İ-ch’ao (his concept of the term was
very obviously strongly colored by the Buddhist “consciousness
only” [tvei-shih] connotations of the term in Chinese)249 was
“something close to religion.” 250 Indeed, he seemed to praise it as
if it meant “religion without superstition,” which in tum seemed
to mean “religious spirit,” püre and simple. Whatever that might
be, it was a “spirit” that got things done, and that şort of spirit he
had long wanted China to have.
In this essay in defense of idealism, in his openly expressed wor-
ship of “religious spirit,” Liang Ch’i-ch’ao seemed to revert to a
position he had repudiated ten months before, to his K ’angian—if
utilitarian—p a o chiao belief that there was something about religion
that “worked.” But this “reversion” too was not that much of a
reversion. For he could admire “religious spirit” without admiring
“ali the rest” o f religion. The “religious spirit” he worshiped was
surely nothing more than “the human spirit” (whatever that is),
and it was an idealistic constant in his thought just as it would be
in the Thought of Mao Tse-tung.
Worship of “the human spirit” perhaps should simply prove that
Liang Ch’İ-ch’ao and Mao Tse-tung (Confucians both) were idealists,
not materialists, but at least it proves that there are deep and simi-
lar contradictions in the thought of both men. Faith in “the human
spirit,” or in “human will power,” clearly threatens to contradict
the militantly self-proclaimed materialism of Mao Tse-tung, but it
also contradicts the unproclaimed materialism of Liang Ch’i-ch’ao.
For, except for Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s strange defense of idealistic
spirit, the rest o f his moraîity theory, not to mentİon the rest of his
Darwinian world outlook, clearly poİnted towards materialism.
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Liang Ch’i-ch’ao was telling China that man and his morality
were both products of purely natural forces. Human truth, moral
as well as any other, w as solidly down to earth, as natural as the
truth o f sticks and stones and animal bones. Nor did he let his
praise o f religious spirit challenge that contentİon, for his praise
was archly backhand. He wrote: “In the past when discussing
leaming, I have most disliked religion, because it has held t o super-
stition and obstructed truth, but nonetheless, although men of
religion are not up to philosophers in truth-seeking, in doing things,
philosophers are not up to men of religion.” 251 Similarly, “materi-
alists,” he said, “can only produce leaming. Idealists can some-
times produce men as well.” 252 In both cases, the implication was
that idealists and men of religion “had something,” but that philos
ophers, and especially materialist philosophers, “made more sense.”
This was obviously the case in one o f his examples of a man of
spirit, William Gladstone: “Gladstone was a heroic figüre İn nine-
teenth-century England. The depths of his superstition were un-
paralleled. (On every holy day, Mr. Gladstone went to church
without fail, throughout his entire life. Moreover, although he
önce conversed for an entire day with Darwin, and although Dar-
win tirelessly expounded his new biological theory, Mr. Gladstone
apparently understood not a whit of its significance.) But it was
religious thinking that made him able to persİst with his program,
move public opinion, and reform his country.”253 Surely the les-
son was that to be truly powerful China should embrace Darwinian
sense and Gladstonian spirit.
Therein lay the significance—or part o f it—of Liang Ch’i-ch ’ao’s
revolutionary theory of morality. Despite his abiding—and quite
metaphysical—faith in “the human spirit,” he pointed the way to
the present day in which the word m etaphysics, in China, means
“nonsense.” His utilitarian and materialistic new theory of moral
ity did not necessarily, in practice, make Chinese any more “utili
tarian” or “materialistic” than they had ever been, but made it
easier for Chinese to accept other theories that were also—in theory
—utilitarian and materialistic. His theory made it easier for later
Chinese to accept Mantism. And the fact that his theory—logic be
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such a code against fast and furious men who would attack you
like hawks and tigers—that woııld be like discussing ethical subtle-
ties with a robber who has broken into your house and has a knife
at your throat. Not only would it not be fitting for survival, it
wou!d only add to your shame.” 262 Chinese would have to leam
the “virtue” of fighting back.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s implication that n ot fighting back might have
been a “viable virtue” önce, but was one no longer, seems at fîrst
glance a rather un-Darwinian echo of Han Fei Tzu’s thİrd century
B.C. statement (equally strongly un-Legalist), “ Morality worked in
ancient times, but will not work today.” 263 A “demoralizing”
struggle for existence should not have cropped up only in modem
times. Barring Eden, it should have been there from the beginning.
But, as Darwin surely believed that the intensity of the struggle for
existence could vary greatly in different periods, perhaps Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao did not have to endorse an un-Darwinian fall-of-man
theory to believe that his period—like that of Han Fei Tzu— was a
warring-states period o f such unusual İntensity that human niceties
that had önce proved compatible with survival, and might one day
prove so again, were definitely not compatible with survival in the
present. His first moral argument, after ali, had been that morality
must fit the times. And the Darwinian lesson for his times he felt
was clear: In the tvventieth-century struggle for existence, one
could not afford to tum the other cheek, or love one’s enemies.
The only “good” thing to do, was to fight with ali one’s might.
Now surely Chinese had known how to fight before Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao started giving lessons, and surely Chinese before Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao had called “ fighting back” a noble virtue. Throughout their
long history, Chinese were no more famous than anyone else for
tuming their cheeks or loving their enemies. When Mao Tse-tung in
1942 said, “We cannot love our enemies,” he was able to add im-
mediately, “That is everyday common sense.” 264 For he knew that
it was a “ common sense” that went back throughout ali human
history to the beginning of time. Ad hoc appeals to “ the right of
self-defense,” with its corollary, “ the right to shoot before one’s
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shot” (“it was either them or us” ), must be old er than many of
the hills. In that regard, the new morality was not that new.
And yet the Darwinian justification for the virtue of self-defense
was new, and raised it (or lowered it) to a new level. Self-defense
was no longer a İast-resort excuse for violent action; it was now
the scientific ultimate in modern moral theory, cause for pride,
not apology. And therefore it gave “common sense” an uncom-
mon power.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao ’s new Darwinian virtue of fighting back would
become an all-important virtue in the new morality of Mao Tse-
tung. The Communist Party’s attitude, Mao Tse-tung wrote in
1939, is that, “if any trespass against us, we will certainly trespass
against them.” 26S Mao Tse-tung’s basic argument was the same as
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s: The old-time morality was suicidal. “We are
not like Duke Hsiang of Sung [an ancient general who refused to
sound the charge until his enemy’s troops were ali out of the river
and ready for battle, and was then wiped o u t]. We do not want
any such stupid-pig type of virtue and morality.” 266 Mao Tse-tung
was tough, and his reasons for being tough were Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s
Danvinian reasons: it was a tough world. “We must study Wu Sung
of Chin-yang Ridge,” he wrote, . . Either beat the tiger to death
or be eaten by him. It must be one or the other.” 267
There was nothing odd or even important about these state-
ments, written as they were during war time. But dİsciples stili be-
lieve that the world is a Danvinian jungle, “peopled” by tigers, in
the guise of countries or classes or both, Chairman Mao’s paper-
tiger argument notwithstanding.
But making a virtue out of fighting back is not the same thing as
makİng a virtue of fighting. Before Mao Tse-tung saİd, “if any
trespass against us, we will certainly trespass against them,” he
said, “If people do not trespass against us, we will not trespass
against them,” and he added, “We occupy a strict position of self-
defense.”268 How strictly he occupied that position in practice is
öpen to question, but in theory his position was clear, and so too
in gen eral was the theoretical position of Liang Ch’i-ch’ao.
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shield or borne upon it,” 273 but here were words more glorious
stili. But they only made him bewail, of course, the “spirit” wİth
which Chinese went off to war: “Chinesesongs andpoems through-
out the ages have ali spoken of the agony of joining the army.
Japanese songs and poems ali speak of the joy.”And he quoted Tu
F u ’s “War Chariot Ballad” :
“Now compare this with the banner’s words, ‘We pray that we
may die in battle.’ Could anything be more opposite?” 274 And it
was Tu Fu, alas, who was supposed to suffer by comparison.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s scorn for Tu F u ’s poem, however, reflected a
respect for militarism that threatened this time to go considerably
further than a respect for self-defense. For the poem he rejected
rejected imperialism. He did not choose to quote Tu Fu ’s later
lines: “Blood enough has flowed at our borders to form an ocean,
yet stili would our martial Emperor extend them.” 275 Liang Ch’İ-
ch’ao rejected the poem and praised the martial Emperor of
Germany.
He was no longer, therefore, simply praising those who “would
not refuse competition” 276 if it were thrust upon them, or those
who would “resist with ali their strength and struggle with might
and main to defend themselves,” because they knew that “the
slightest show o f fear or the slightest step backward would lead to
defeat with no hope of survival.” 277 When he damningly praised
“ali the peoples who embrace Christianity” for their “fierce love
of warfare,”278 he not only made doubly clear, with unintended
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The “proof” of ali this lay, as usual, in the West: “There is more
than one reason why European peoples are stronger than the
Chinese, but the most important is that they are richly endowed
with a daring and aggressive spirit.” 282 Liang Ch’i-ch’ao had made
that point before: “Why are whites better than other races? Other
races love tranquility. The whites love action. Other races are
addicted to peace. Whites do not avoid conflict. Other races guard
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what they have. Whites go out for more [chin -ch’ü ], Therefore
other races can only produce their civilizations. The whites can
propagate theirs.” 283
“White virtues,” therefore, were n ot defensive virtues. They
were aggressively self-assertive. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, in embracing
them, did seem to be embracing the very self-assertiveness, that
Huxley so deplored. And yet, when he introduced his next virtue,
i-li (perseverance), which he felt to be an indispensable concom-
itant to the “gladiatorial virtues” described above, he relİed heavily
on Huxley, borrowing an argument from T ’ien-yen İun almost in
Yen F u ’s own words:
that which he, like Yen Fu, most admired in Huxley—his willing-
ness to persevere in an uphill—or upstream—fight.
For Liang Ch’i-ch’ao was at the moment not talking about
where the battle was, or “where the game was being played.” He
was talking about what virtues would lead to victory, and he agreed
with Huxley that no virtues could lead there without perseverance.
It was as a paean to perseverance, therefore, as well as to aggres-
siveness and daring, that he offered the following appalling poem
{in English, without translation, and, humanely, anonymous):
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I have heard that our country has pursued a militaristİc policy for
several decades. [Our offıcials] have bought ships and trained soldiers,
established factorİes and manufactured weapons, reorganized armies
and planned for vvar, ali most diligently and for a long time. And yet, in
the end, ali went up in the smoke of one defeat. Why? Because what
they meant by militarism was form. What I mean by militarism is spirit,
If you have not the spîrit but only the form, then you send sheep in
tiger skins out to fıght with wild beasts. You only serve them up to be
pounced on and devoured.291
makings of a Chinese soul into a real one: “Today our most press-
ing task is to fashion a Chinese soul. What do I mean by a Chinese
soul? I mean a soldier’s soul. For only if we have soldiers with
souls will we have a country with a soul.” 293 And a soldier’s soul,
he said, could only come from a heart that loved country as well
as self.
if Chinese were to have a national soul, therefore, and become a
people with spirit, they needed militant patriotism—something
that foreigners, scornful enemies and exasperated friends alike,
had repeatedly told them they did not have. They also needed two
more ingredients which foreigners also said they did not have, self-
respect and self-confidence. These too were “new virtues” in
praise of which Liang Ch’i-ch’ao vvrote impassioned essays. Al-
though his readers might well have wondered whether or not he
was confusing cause and effect, he marshaled a hoşt of evidence
from the current scene to prove that self-confidence led to success
and that self-respect led to the conquest o f positions o f power that
could demand respect. His examples read like a Who ’s Who of
world imperialism: England, Russia, France, Germany, America,
Japan—“Self-respect,” he vvrote, “is the source of these six nations’
great power.” 294 And he added his usual lugubrious vvarning, this
time in a pathetİc line that would have seemed ludicrous a century
or even half a century before: “How sad that we Chinese have no
natural self-respect. . . . For a country without self-respect has
never been able to stand.” 295
But he had no way to teli Chinese how to gain or regain self-
respect and self-confidence. Ali he could offer, and here again he
sounded like a high-school coach, were the moral imperatives “Be
confident!” “ Show self-respect!” This was true of his whole new
virtue o f “spirit.” He could not say how to get it. He could only
say, “Have it!” or at most, “Will it!”
For, intheend, “spirit” came down to “will,” the “will to win,”
as he had made perfectly clear at the very beginning o f his essay,
“On Self-Respect” (“Lun tzu-tsun”): “A Western philosopher has
said, ‘Each man stands where he vvants to stand.’ And Yoshida
Shöin has said, ‘If a man born today vvants to be a willow, then he
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Today, anyone with even a little modern knowledge knows the Dar-
winian slogans, “The superior win, the inferior lose,” and “The fit sur-
vive,’’ and so on. These seem to make survival a matter of fate. And yet
urging oneself on to be superior and fit so that one can avoid being
eliminated with the losing unfit is purely a matter of effort [/i]. İt has
absolutely nothing to do with fate, The animals of the desert were not
necessarily ali yellow in the beginning, but the yellow ones have sur
vived while the non-yellow ones have become exti nc t. . . The difference
between survival and extinction might seem a matter of fate, but, if one
really gets right down to it, why should others be able to become yel-
low while I alone should not? . , . Because I did not expend effort
enough!297
Ch’i-ch’ao, that it was will power that makes the world go round—
and mangrow up. What was new here was simply his öpen espousal
of will, indeed of desire, as a virtue. He ran ali över both the
religious and philosophical lots to prove that, contrary to popular
belief, desire was not the enemy of morality. For ali great moral-
ists—Confucius, Mo Tzu, Moses, Luther, even Sakyamuni—had
been men, to their greater glory, full of desire: “Did not Confucius
say, ‘If I desire goodness, then goodness will aniye?’299 Then I ask
you, did Confucius have desire? The answer is Confucius had more
desire and greater desire than anyone in the world.” 300
In what was obviously a good day for Confucius (vvhich was
only fıttİng, as Liang Ch’i-ch’ao did İndeed owe his own voluntar-
ism to him) Liang Ch’i-ch’ao even patched up the Mencian-Hsun-
tzian contradiction över desire:
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carry on with, “Push ’em back! Push ’em back! Way Back! Hit ’em
again! Hit ’em again, harder, harder!” )
Were the new virtues not, then, tbe “gladiatorial” virtues? Was
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s new morality not the ethic popularly ascribed
to be that “implicit in Social Danvİnism” ? Did it not offer justifi-
cation for the “ruthless self-assertion” Huxley feared? And did
that not mean that Huxley’s warning) despİte (or because of) T ’ien-
y en lun had göne unheeded?
The answer to ali those questions is “yes”—on the national level,
but on the individual level, decidedly “no.” For there was one
all-important qualification of Liang Ch'i-ch’ao’s espousal of the
self-assertion virtues that brought him charging back to Huxley.
Liang Ch'i-ch’ao was for self-assertion, but for country not self.
What Liang Ch’i-ch’ao really wanted was for China to assert itsel/
and therefore, and only therefore, he wanted individual Chinese to
assert themselves—not for themselves, but for China. He would
have said, of course, that “for China” was “ for themselves,” but
that was the only kind of self-assertion “for themselves” that he
would have called good self-assertion. His new morality—to an
almost frightening degree—was for “selfless self-assertion.” “ Self-
ish self-assertion” was the very opposite of virtue.
Self-Restraint. When Liang Ch’i-ch’ao praised the “struggle
virtues,” he was almost always thinking of struggling countries or
struggling races. When he cited, as he often did, the Western adage
“Heaven helps those who help themselves,” he was almost always
talking about peoples, not people. When he extolled the virtue tzu
li (self-effort), what he usually had in mind was collective self-
effort. When he congratulated the self-yellowing animals of the
desert for their tzu li, for example, he was congratulating species,
not individual lîons or camels. So too when he quoted Yoshida
Shöin’s protestation that any man could be a pine, he was not
thinking, as Confucius had been thinking, of the individual stand-
ing firm in an evil world (the pine standing green while the crowd
—the ch ’ün —turned yellow); he was thinking of his croıvd standing,
while others fell, standing on its own ten hundred mİllion feet,
thanks to its own tzu li. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao could have invoked the
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Danvinism could be misused was a very early one for China [Octo-
ber 31, 1 9 0 2 ], undoubtedly inspired by the “revolutionary mis-
use”—thanks to many of Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s own argumerıts—that
Danvinism was beginning to suffer at the hands of Sun Yat-sen
and Company.) Huxley and Liang Ch’i-ch’ao were agreed, there-
fore, that within a society selfish self-assertion was public enemy
number one. They were also agreed that morality was the answer
to that enemy, the kind o f morality that Liang Ch’i-ch’ao thİs time
called ssu te (private morality).
But their reasons were different. Their concerns were different.
Their goals were different. In his essay “On Private Morality”
(“ Lun ssu te” ), in a section on “The Need for Private Morality,”
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao made it absolutely clear that the ultimate need
for private morality came from the need for the solidarity neces-
sary for success in the outside struggle. “What do we rely on to
vanquish our enemies?” asked Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, “On our ability to
band together [and here he used, I think for the first time, what
was to become the classic Communist term for “solidarity”—f'uafi-
chie] into a fırm and powerful organism, and on nothing else. . . .
If we want to become [such an organism], what way is there ex-
cept through morality?” 306
Huxley might have agreed with Liang Ch’i-ch’ao that “internal
disorder is the most inauspicious thing there is,” 307 but, for Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao, “inauspicious” seemed to mean only one thİng, “suici-
dal in the struggle for existence,” for it was “a law of sociology,”
he pronounced, “that only those with internal solidarity can com-
pete externally.” 308 Surely, Huxley had said as much. He had saİd
of his “ ethical process” that “it tends to make any human society
more efficientin the struggle for existence with the State of nature,
or with other societies,” 309 and he had said of Western colonists
{without advocating colonialism), “If they waste their energies İn
contests with one another, the chances are that the old State of
nature will have the best o f it. The native savage will destroy the
immigrant civilized man.” 310 But the solidarity survival value of
morality, or of the ethical process, was not Huxley’s main point.
This was Huxley’s main point:
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win. What was peculiar was his enthusiasm for Kidd’s principles of
winning, for they were peculiar even by late-nineteenth-century
standards, and they were not in actuality just what Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao was looking for, however much he seems to have thought so.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s enthusiasm for Kidd could only have come from
hasty reading, misreading, or very selective reading.
He would, it is true, have been excited by Kidd’s basic premise,
with which he was in complete agreement: “The law of life has
been always the same from the beginning. . . . ceaseless and inevit-
able selection and rejection, ceaseless and inevitable progress.” 33*
He would also have agreed with the next proposition, perhaps,
though reluctantly, even with its final contention: “Ali this, the
conflict of races before referred to, the wasting of the weaker,
nonetheless effective even when it is silent and painless, the sub-
ordination or else the slow extinction of the inferior, is not a page
from the past or the distant; it is ali taking place today beneath
our ey es in different parts of the world, and more particularly and
characteristically within the pale of that vigorous Anglo-Saxon
civilization of which we are so proud, and which to many of us is
associated with ali the most worthy ideals of liberty, religion, and
government that the race has evolved."336 And he would have
agreed with great excitement with Kidd’s conclusion: “We have in
the altruistic development that has been slowly taking place
amongst the European peoples the clue to the effıciency of our
civilization.” 337
Here Kidd seemed to be sayingjust what Liang Ch’i-ch’ao wanted
to say, that it was morality that madc a people fit, that it was altru-
ism, li-t’a-hsin, that restrained each person’s devisive egoism, li-chi-
hsin, and kept one’s ch'ün together. But, ıf Liang Ch’i-ch’ao thought
he had found in Kidd a perfectly kindred spirit, he must have
missed or misunderstood Kidd’s peculiar use of the word “altruism.”
Kidd liked altruism. It was one of those “ most vvorthy ideals’’
that distinguished the Anglo-Saxon race. Therefore he did not like
the argument of certaİn Spencerİans that altruism killed competi-
tion, and hence progress. But neither did he like Huxley’s conten
tion that altruism sh ou îd kili competition, or at least a good part
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The good for whİch things have life cannot be in their own persons.
Things have life only to be bridges to that great goal (the complete
future). Death too exısts as an İmportant device for the reaching of that
great goal. Therefore death is the great source of evolution.360 . . . Death
is the mother of evolution and a great event in human life. Everyone
benefıts the race with his death, and the present race benefıts the future
race with its death. Is n ot death ’s function noble? Cİearly it is certain
that, as it is only for the future that we have death, so it is only for the
future that we have life.361
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came “a duty that everyone must fulfill.” 362 And for some, ap-
parently, the sooner İt was fulfilled the better.
“A race’s ability to develop,” said Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, “depends
sometimes, it is true, on its members’ having long lives. But it also
depends sometimes on their having short lives. For, when the
changes met in the outside environment are especially violent,
then only the short-lived are able to adapt to them. Why ? Because
only the short-lived can keep taking över from one another. Con-
$equently, in habit, form, and nature they can change very quickly
so that they can fit the times and survive.” Dying early, therefore,
could be a patriotic act and, if it was, death was nothing to be
feared: “Such a death! Such a duty! What ground is there for hesi-
tation, what ground for fear, what ground for dissatisfaction?’’
(“O death, where is thy sting?”)
Seventeen years later, Lu Hsun made the identical argument,
only even more forcefully, insisting that ali men should perform
their ultimate evolutionary duty not only fearlessly but joyfully:
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The forces which are at work in the evolution of society are certain-
ly, on the whole, working out the greatest good of the greatest number
in a progressive community. But the earlier utilitarian conception of the
greatest number has alway$ related merely to the majority of the exist-
ing members of society at any time. The greatest good which the evolu
tionary forces, operating in society, are working out, is the good of the
social organism as a whole. The greatest number in this sense is com -
prised o f the m em bers o f generations y et u n bom or unthought of, to
whose İn teres ts the existing İndividuaîs are absoîuteîy indifferent
[original italics]. And, in the process of social evolution whİch the
race is undergoing, İt is these latter interests which are always in the
ascendant.367
But Liang Ch’i-ch’ao clearly felt that such an argument stili left
something to be desired. He seemed to sense that it would be little
fun for each generation, alvvays a minority group, to have to sacri-
fice itself just because it was inevitably outvoted by the future.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao could not have liked Kidd’s statement that
“existing individuaîs are absolutely indifferent” to the interests
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one could manage to beget some)—or at least one’s eyes, ears, nose,
and throat might. But Liang Ch’i-ch’ao saw in heredity something
far more satisfying. It took some doing, but he managed it, by
mixing Darwinian heredity with his favorite “ scientifıc fact” of
the “ social organism” and with his newly remembered Buddhist
truth of the “ Little I” and the “Great I.”
A celi, said Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, was to one’s body as one’s self was
to one’s race. Cells died, but the body lived on. Selves died but the
race lived on. But celi and self—here came the leap of faith, or
logic—also lived on in body and race even after their “ Little I’s”
had died, for each lived on in its “Great I” :
I have a Great I and a Little I. İt [one’s “m atem i" self] has a Great
It and a Little It. What is the Great I? It İs my corporate body. What is
the Little I? It is my individual body. What is the Great İt? It is the
material e ntire t y o f my individual body. What is the Litde It? It is each
individual physical element vvithin my individual body. Each Little It
must die to keep the Little I alive. And the Great It must die to keep
the Great I alİve.3,6
The death of the Little I, being the same as the Great It, was not
dwelt upon, but obviously that was because the point was that, as
the Great I was mine, “I” would lİve on if İt did. The great Dar-
winian-Buddhist news, therefore, originally printed in more than
double-sized type vvasthis: “We ali die, and we ali do not die. What
dies are our individual bodies. What does not die is our corporate
body.” 377
That this was indeed intended as good news, especially to those
stili facing with reluctance their evolutionary and patriotic duty to
die, was proved by the exultant passage that followed: “ I have a
corporate body; therefore, my family does not die, so I do not die.
My country does not die, so I do not die. My race does not die, so
I do not die. My world does not die, so I do not die. My very
universe does not die, so I do not die!” 378
But how could that be so? How did the Little I live on in the
Great I ? How did a dead celi live on in a living organism. How did
my being part o f the Great I make the Great I part of me ? How, in
short, could Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s good news bring any comfort less
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said Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, one would see that one’s immortality did
not depend just on one’s oneness with the universe. Nor did it
depend only on the physical transmission of one’s seed. One could
be immortal through one’s energy, for one’s energy was indeed
conserved, not only physically but socially, through the influence
of one’s deeds (the original meaning of karma). Every “unit” (and
here he used Spencer’s words unit and aggregate—borrowed from
Y en F u —for “individual” andch’ün), every Little I, had (somehovv)
the power to “push,” in a world in which force önce initiated went
on forever. Every deed was hence a cause, which had an effect,
whİch became a cause, which had an effect, and so on to the end
of time. Therefore, one truly lived on through one’s deeds. One’s
“soul” could not go marching on—it did not exist—but one’s
“spirit” could, for spirit, as the Little I’s energy, did exist. “I
should like,” said Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, “ to cali both Buddhist karma
and evolutionary heredity spirit." 362
Liang Ch’İ-ch’ao fırst noted the immortality of the spirit of
famous men, quoting from Yang Tu’s preface to his, Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao’s, work, C hina’s B u sh id ö, probably because he greatly ap-
preciated Yang Tu’s selection of famous men. But he did so only
to note the most obvious of examples: “Confucius died, but the
spirit of ali the vvorld’s Confucians İs his spirit. Sakyamuni died,
but the spirit of ali the world’s Buddhists is his spirit. . . . Hence
we can say that everyone in today’s world who speaks of democ-
racy is Washington. Everyone who speaks of militarİsm İs Napoleon.
Everyone who speaks of natural rights is Rousseau. And everyone
who speaks of evolution İs Darwin. Ever since Confucius, Sakya
muni, Washington, Napoleon, Rousseau, and Darwin were on this
earth, from the past to the present, their spirits have been trans-
mitted and spread abroad; there is no telling how many trillions of
Confuciuses, Sakyamunis, Washingtons, Napoleons, Rousseaus,
and Danvins have existed.” 383
“Darwin lives,” Yang Tu seems to be exclaiming, which was
good nevvs, but not the good news. T he good news, said Liang Ch’i-
ch’ao, was that everybody lives—forever and ever, amen, through
karma: “ It is not only Sages, saints, and heroes who do not die.
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The most stupid and most immoral also do not die.” 384 But there-
in lay not only the promise but also the rub. For evil influences
were thus as immortal as good. Saints and sinners were “alike in
their immortality, but the former, bequeathing deathless good
deeds, cause the Great I to enjoy good fortune, while the latter,
bequeathing deathless bad deeds, cause the Great I to endure
great suffering.” 38S The Little I, therefore, endovved with the (ab-
solutely unexplained) power of free will to create either good or
bad “causes,” had a fearsome responsibilİty, önce he realized
that, “although ancestors die, their deathless good deeds and bad
deeds are both passed down to their descendants.” 386
Something had happened to the original Buddhist concept of
karma. The Little I had always been “fearsomely responsible” for
his actİons, but only in the sense that he was “responsible to him-
self.” For, in the old days, one’s karma was on one’s own head.
One suffered the consequences of one’s actions, for better or for
worse, in this life and the next. One could create good “ causes” or
bad, but the “fruits” of those causes, which were always one’s just
deserts, were to be eaten only by oneself. “ Society” did n ot suffer
the consequences of one’s actions, despite appearances to the con-
trary. if a barbarian chieftain put a city to the sword, he was plant-
ing a seed that would bear him bitter fruits in lives to come. But
those put to the sword were not slaughtered innocents, for they
were ali partaking of the fruits that they themselves had sown in
lives before. They and not their killers were “ responsible” for their
suffering. Strictly speaking, the worst person in the world was not
“to blame” for society’s suffering any more than society was to
blame for the suffering of the best person in the world. For ali suf
fering was self-inflicted. Therefore, according to the original con
cept of karma, there could only be “individual responsibilİty” ;
there was no “social responsibilİty.”
Lİang Ch’i-ch’ao could speak of “social responsibilİty” only be-
cause he had “socialized” karma—in two ways. For one thing, he
insisted, whether on his own authority or with the backing of
some unspecified Buddhist school I am not sure, that societies,
famİlies, clans, races, and countries, ali had collective karmas.387
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but also about the accuracy of his description in each case ofjust
what was left behind. “Socialized karma” was not what the Bud-
dhists had originaUy had in mind, and neither was “karmic inheri-
tance” what Darwin had originally had in mind—not at least in the
Origin.
For “karmic inheritance” was not only an inheritance o f ac-
quired characteristics, but of characteristics that could be acquired
on purpose. Consequently, it could not easily be supported even
by the vestigial Lamarckian passages in T he Origin o f S p ecies.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao misstated Darwin’s original theory when he
claİmed, in answer to his own question, What is the deathless, in-
heritable part of any organism?: “It is named ‘character,’ which is
translated hsing-ko, what evolutionists cali heredity, It means that
every living thing transmits to its sons and grandsons every influ-
ence it receives from its environment as well as the behavior, ha-
bits, and nature that it creates.” 391
Darwin did in T he Origin o f S pecies suggest that certain charac-
ters caused either by influences of the environment or by forces of
habit could prove inheritable. 392 His whole theory of evolution,
after ali, rested, on the inheritability of “variations.” Sub-species
and “new species” were to be selected from variant strains of old
species, which strains could only exist to be selected İf their vari-
ants could be inherited. “Unless profıtable variations do occur,”
said Darvvin, “natural selection can do nothing.” 393 But, when he
spoke o f the causes of those variations without which there could
be no “descent with modification,” 394 although he dıd say, “ Some-
thing may be attributed to the direct action of the conditions of
life. Something must be attributed to use and disuse,” 395 he
stopped far short of Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s contention that much
could definitely be attributed to the creation of behavior, habits,
and nature.
Darwin admitted that “variability isgoverned by many unknown
laws,” 396 and admitted as well that “the laws governing inheritance
are quite unknovvn.” 397 But as often as he spoke of variations aris-
ing from “use and disuse,” he spoke also of nature giving varia
tions398 and of modificatİons chancing to arise399 (even though he
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what the people of ages past, of the present age, and of ages to come
transmit to their sons and grandsons is ali like t his. That is why, though
there İs no extinction, there is change.404
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In the very fırst issue of his Hsin min ts'ung p a o , Liang Ch’i-ch’ao
was already propagating the almost Leninist doctrine that “nation-
alism” had naturally to evolve İnto “national imperialism.” 430
That was the result of Danvinian law. But it was also, rather oddly,
the even more direct result of Danvinian theory. The theories of
Malthus and Danvin, he said, were the theories most responsible
for “giving birth to national imperialism.” 431 Danvin had demon-
strated that “ there are no equal rights in the world, there is only
the right of force. Rights are sought and won, they are not be-
stowed by Heaven.” Önce Darwin had made that clear, “ there
were none who dared not strive to be strong and fit, so that they
could win a place in this world of competİtion and natural selection.
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if a country can strengthen İtself and make itself one o f the fittest,
then, even if it annihilates the unfıt and the weak, it can stili not be
said to be immoral. Why? fiecause it is a law o f evolution. Even if we do
not exdnguish a country that is weak and unfit, it will be unable to sur-
vive in the end anyway. That is why violent aggression, whıch used to
be viewed as an act of barbarism, is now viewed as a normal rule of
civilization,4 34
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if one does not examine oneself but simply blames others?” But
when he described the actions of those “others” one should not
waste time blaming, those others who were “chopping up our Chi-
nese territory, killing our Chinese people, raping our Chinese
women, and robbing our Chinese property,” his words, despite his
theory, stili bumed with moral outrage.454 The moral outrage that
Chinese evolutionists theoretically had no right to have, they did
have nonetheless.
The “amorality of imperialism” was hard to stomach and, be-
cause it was, a few modern thinkers began to fınd it hard to stom
ach Danvin—that is, ali of the Social Darwinism of Liang Ch’i-ch’ao.
It was not that they repudiated the theory of evolution or even
the struggle for eniştence, but, if imperialism was “right,” they felt
that something must be wrong. Whereas many without anger ac-
knowledged that Danvin’s theory had given rise to national imperial
ism, in 1902 one brave soul fınally biam ed Danvin’s theory for giv-
ing rise to national imperialism. “Europeans,” he said, “ pretty-up
imperialism with excuses based either on Nietzsche’s extremist
individualism or on Danvin’s theory of evolution—but if you say it
straight, imperialism is brigandism!” 455
imperialism, therefore, the phenomenon that fırst made Chinese
rush to Danvin, was ironically also the phenomenon that first made
some at least back away. if Danvin was for imperialism, how could
he be good?—And yet was he not right? That was the terrible prob
lem. No one could yet mount a counter-argument against Liang
Ch’i-ch'ao’s conclusions. Danvin seemed to make such sense. And
the world outside seemed so Danvinian. But something was wrong,
something that one pen-named poet tried to catch in the last issue
of the Ch ’ing i p ao, in a poem written in challenging response to a
poem by Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, purposely echoing his rhyme, but not
his reason:
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SEVEN
T he R eal R evoiutionaries
The "real Revoiutionaries” had very few ideas that were really
revolutionary, at least about Darwin and revolution. And yet
their revolutionary ideology was defınitely Darwinian, and their
leader, Sun Yat-sen, was an “independent” Chinese Social Dar-
wİnist} one who did not owe his first knowledge of Darwin to
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao or to Yen Fu.
Sun Yat-sen did not put Darwin’s name into print until two years
after Yen Fu had done so (1897 vs. 1895). Moreover, he almost in-
variably used Yen Fu’s or Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s Darvvınian vocabulary
whenever he mentioned Danvİn, İn Chinese.1 Nevertheless, he
must first have learned of Darwin in English and from Westerners
in Hawaii or in Hong Kong, in the course of his formal "foreign”
education, which he completed in Hong Kong in 1892, with his
graduation from the British-run “College of Medicine for Chinese.”
For when he did first mention Darwin, it was in a descrıption of
that education, in a brief autobiography written in England in
1897, after his rescue from the Chinese Legation. "From an early
age,” he vvrote, "I had lofty ambitions, and by nature I longed for
the new and the strange. Therefore, most of what 1 studied was a
broad, if impure, mixture of things. In Chinese studies I loved only
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the literatüre of the Three Dynasties and the two Hans. In VVestern
studies 1 was most fascinated by the Way of Danvin. As for
religion, I worshiped Jesus, and, as for men, I revered China’s
Kings T ’ang and Wu and America’s George Washington.” 2
This remarkable trinity of Western influences—Danvin, Jesus,
and Washington—surely should have produced some ideas that
were revolutİonary, but, by the time Sun Yat-sengothisDarwinian
arguments for revolution into print, they were no longer really
revolutİonary, because they were already old Liang Ch’i-ch’aoian
hat.
This was certainly true o f the real Revolutionarİes’ first Dar-
winian argument for revolution, which they presented, however,
not as an argument but as a “lavv” that vvould brook no argument.
Tsou Jung stated it most axiomatically, on the second page of his
Ko-tning chün (A revolutİonary army), published in 1903: “ Revo
lution is a law of evolution.” 3 But Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, as we have
seen, had said the same thing a year before.
Somevvhat later, the Min p a o admitted, with some grace, that,
“according to what biologists say, there are a great many paths to
evolutionary progress,” but it immediately went on to insist that,
“for some, evolutionary progress can only come after a revolu
tion,” 4 and so it vvould have to be for China. Sun Yat-sen said
that, “in these times, if you do not struggle, there is no way to
exist.” s And Tsou Jung said, “ If our China vvants to exist in the
new world of the tvventieth century, we must have a revolution!
if our China vvants to be a famous nation on this earth, if it vvants
to be lord of this earth, vve must have a revolution!” 6 “Other-
wise,” put in Chang Ping-lin, “we will be going against the tide of
evolutionary struggle, vve vvill be taking the position of the unfît,
of slaves or beasts of burden, and in the end we vvill only go the
vvay of the red savages and the brovvn barbarians!” 7
The real Revolutionarİes, therefore, simply equated revolution
vvith struggle for survival, thus making it both necessary and
natural—vvhich Liang Ch’i-ch’ao had done before them. But Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao had not had in mİnd what the real Revolutionarİes had
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It says in The Records, “Share not the sky with your father’s or
brother’s murderer.” Even a three-foot-tall child knows what that
means. Therefore, if a son cannot take vengeance on his father’s or
brother’s murderer, he entrusts the task to his sons, and they to his
grandsons, and they on to his great-grandsons, and great-great-grand-
sons. So our great-great-grandfathers’ enemies are our father’s and
brothers’ enemies. If we do not take revenge on our fathers’ and broth-
ers’ enemies, but shamelessly continue to serve those enemies, talking
the while of filial pîety and fratcrnal respect, then I know not where
fîlial pîety and fraternal respect have göne. If our ancestors indeed have
spirits, they will not be able to close their eyes in the Nine Heavens.9
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Poor Tsou Jung’s writing stirred many, but just as many found
his revolutionary rhetoric revolting, and to counter that revulsion
other Revolutionaries began to change their tüne. That was when
they discovered in Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s “Darvvinian” reasons for anti-
Manchuism a godsend: “Today,” wrote Hu Han-min, “as soon as
one speaks of driving out [the Manchus], those listening suspect
one of speaking in narrow terms of vengeance. Little do they
know that the Manchus’ standing in the ranks of the unfıt, as a
result of their own deeds, is just like our Han race’s having to free
itself from the control of an alien race İf İt is to compete with
outsiders for its survival. It is ali a matter of evolution and nature;
t here is no malice involved.” 12
If a thİrst for vengeance was a bad reason to wish to be rid of the
Manchus, Darwin gave a “good” reason. The Manchus were “un-
fit,” and, being unfıt, they had no right to rule. Darwinists, of
course, had no right to talk about rights, but the Revolutionaries,
just like Liang ClTi-ch’ao, immediately leapt to the conclusion that
Yu sheng lieh p ai (The superior win, the inferior lose), was a de-
scription not just of what did happen but of what should happen.
Being quite unable, moreover, even to conceive of the Manchus as
having ever been anything but inferior to the Han, they could only
conclude that the Manchu conquest and Manchu rule had to be an
infraction of natural law, and they demanded, therefore, “evolu-
tionary justice.”
The nature of the infraction was clear, saİd Hu Han-min: “Our
splendid, superior, majority race is under the control of an evil,
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The “Gentleman from T ’ai-yuan” then listed ali the ways in which
the Manchus were inferior to the Han and drew the only “logical
conclusion” : “Hence we see that our glorious Han nation’s falling
to the Manchus was indeed a deviation from the fixed laws of evo-
lution.” 14
The logical ease with which the revolutionaries assumed that
Manchu dominance was unnatural (it never entered their minds
that Manchu dominance proved Manchu fitness) was uncannily
similar to that with which the Western Han statesman Chia 1 had
two thousand years before assumed that Hsiung-nu dominance was
unnatural. The Hsiung-nu had not conquered China, but they were
intimidating China, and Chia I clearly viewed them as the “Man
chus” of his day:
The Empire is strung up by its heels. The Son of Heaven is the Em-
pire’s head. Why? Because he is the most high. The barbarians are the
Empire’s feet. Why? Because they are the most low. But today the
Hsiung-nu with complete disrespect insult us and raid us and cause our
Empire no end of trouble, while China every year gives them gold and
floss silk and bright colored cloth. The barbarians give orders, which is
the right of the Son of Heaven. The Son o f Heaven gives tribute, which
is the duty of his vassals. The feet are placed above the head! How ab
sürd to be hung up upside down like t his. And stili we daim there are
mert in this country?15
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no work. He fınagles them into giving him five hundred foreign dollars
a month for doing nothing. . . . He’s indeed a slick operatör.. . . He
preaches [that thc Manchus and Han are one race], which is not much
different from honoring beasts as your brothers. Think it över. Are
there any people on earth who treat beasts as their brothers? People
who preach such things can’t be human.
Perhaps people do not know about Yen Fu. When he was younghe
went abroad and studıed in the West, where he was so frightened and
impressed by their race that he came to see yellow men as base and vile,
and as badgers from the same mound, whether Manchu or Han. There-
fore he is not interested in either constitutionalism or revolution.40
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I have heard people say that the racial revolution is to wipe out the
Manchu race. Such talk is very wrong. . . . We do not hate Manchus; we
hate Manchus who hurt Chinese. If, when we carry out the revolution,
the Manchus do not try to stop us or harm us, we will definİtely not
seek to revenge ourselves upon them. When they first conquercd the
Han race, they would capture cities and slaughter for ten days before
putting up their swords, but that is not something humans vvould do.
We will certainly not act that way.43
If the Moslem chiefs’ hatred for the Manchus has so penetrated them
to the bone that they extend their grudge to us, and fiercely desire in
dependence to restore the domains of their Turkic ancestors, then we
should give in to their desires, knowing they but look on us as we look
on the Manchus. If there is no other way, it would even be ali right to
give them the land west of Tun-huang and enter into a Holy Allİance
with them, to break the right arm of Russia.
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The Three People’s Principles were not just three good ideas;
they were reflectİons of three stages of social evolution. The strata
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of socİal evolution had been laid bare in the West, and m irabile
dictu those strata showed the way to the future, for the West had
moved on ahead. Sun Yat-sen leapt, therefore, to a faith he would
maintain ali his life: “Ali the countries o f the world progress first
from nationalism to democracy and then from democracy to so-
cialism.” 63 And that meant that democracy ıvould come: “ . . . the
imperial system just cannot compete with republicanism. . . . Those
prosper who flow with the tide of evolution. The imperial system
will never be able to survive.” 64
The Three People’s Principles, therefore, each had one foot in
evölutionary historical determinism. As early as 1903 (although
stili eight years after Yen Fu’s essays) another Republican Revolu-
tionary, who styled himself “Ching-an,” wrote an article entitled
“The Evolution of Forms of Government,” in which he promised
China that “in the twentieth century, a complete and flavvless
racial republic must appear.” 65 Evolution itself, he said, would see
to it:
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stop until we reach it, but. . . . today we stili cannot yet put it into
practice. . . . [for] the level of our people is stili not up to it.” 75
Constitutional monarchy was n ot the next stage. There was
another stage that would have to come first. Any country, said
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, before it could get from monarchy to any form
of constitutionalism, would have to go through a stage of k ’ai-
ming chuan-clıih, “enlightened dictatorship.” 76
Enlightened dictatorship was for the ruled, not the ruler.77 “En
lightened dictatorship,” said Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, “serves actually as a
transition to constitutionalism and as a preparation for constitu
tionalism.” It was natural and necessary, being one step in the
natural “order o f a state’s progress.” 78 And therefore, like consti
tutional monarchy itself, now pushed one step further into the dis-
tance, it was a step that could not be skipped.
If ali countries needed enlightened dictatorship at the same
point in their evolution, hovvever, they did not ali need it with the
same urgency or for the same length o f time. For the intensity of
the struggle for existence varied. Countries that needed enlightened
dictatorship the most, said Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, and, he added omi-
nously, the longest, were those that had undergone long periods of
“barbaric dictatorship” and then “incomplete dictatorship” (that
is, dictatorship too inefficient to keep order), those in which there
were many races and in vvhich the masses were intellectually
immature,79 and those engaged in fıerce foreign competition.80
Those, alas, were the conditions, said Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, of China,
and enlightened dictatorship, therefore, was most fittingly China’s
next stage.
Strangc as it may seem, this espousal by Liang Ch’i-ch’ao of a
necessary stage of enlightened dictatorship marked for him a Dar-
winian step back tovvards Spencer, or at least back tovvards the
Spencerİan side of Yen Fu ’s T ’ien-yen lun. Actually it marked two
such steps.
First, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao openly sought Spencer’s help when he
claimed that enlightened dictatorship was the “fittest” form of
government for China (for the time being). For it was Spencer, he
said, who had realized that fitness and fitness alone was what
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the natural way, but that way now seemed the hard way, thc long
way. The West had taken the high road, and China would take the
low road, and China would get to wherever people were going be-
fore thcm. It was that happy vision that allowed Sun Yat-sen to
say dİsparagİngly of the fearsome Westerners: “They have only
had natural progress; We shall have man-powered progress (jen li
te chin-pu) .” 101 And that would make ali the difference.
But what was the difference? What in Heaven’s name, or in Dar-
win’s name, was the difference bctween “man-powered progress”
and “ natural progress” ? How could one become two? LiangCh’i-
ch’ao said, “We must progress the natural way. We cannot jump
stages.” Sun Yat-sen said, “ No! We must progress the human way,
and we can jump stages.” But where İn evolution was there room
for two ways? Did Sun Yat-sen, who claimed Danvin as his fore-
most Western mentor, want China to act unnaturally? Even if he
did not want China to stand in Huxleian (or King Knutian?) man-
ner agairıst evolution, did he now want China to rise above it? And
was that not just as supcr-natural a position as that commanded by
Huxley’s defiant “ microcosm” ?
Sun Yat-sen introduced his train to try to railroad China to
democracy, by stage-jumping coach, but his train was really a jin-
rickshaw. It was a jen -lİ-ch’e, a “man-power cart,” an odd con-
veyance indecd for a social organism.
One can easily see why Sun Yat-sen w anted a jinrickshavv, why,
indeed, he had to have one: there was no other way to catch up to
the West. If jen li was not a factor in evolution, then nobody could
do anything about anything, and, if the West had evolved beyond
China, and kept evolving, then China would alvvays be behind. if
jen li could not at least specd up the process, then China had no
hope—unless, of course, the West got sick, from “internal contra-
dictions,” so sick that it vvould slow down or even stop and let
China surpass it. That was, indeed, a second hope, which Yen Fu,
Sun Yat-sen, and Mao Tse-tung ali seized upon, but, if Clıinese
wantcd to do anything, and of course they did, they had to cling
first and foremost to the first hope, that even in a world governed
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course, of the train argument). Both were in the same realm, even
if one insisted that invention was “naturally” mothered by neces-
sity, for how could adoption, in tlıis case at least, be less so? Sun
Yat-sen himself had insisted that China had to adopt democracy to
survive. But he chose, nonetheless, to view that concession to
necessity as a matter of choice, and therefore human.
Alfred Russel Wallace would have made no such distinction be-
tween the American way and the Chinese way, for his point was
that ali human handivvork, regardless of its degree o f diffıculty,
was unnatural compared to the flesh-and-blood handivvork of na-
ture İtself. For there was an element of choice, even if only among
limited alternatives, in ali human action not present in the “action”
through vvhich human beings had evolved. Man had not chosen
either his head or his hands, but he had chosen to do ali sorts of
odd things with them, multitudes of vvhich, thought Wallace,
could have been of no conceivable advantage to him in his strugglc
for survival. Wallace was struck by the “extravagances” of the
human head, so much so that he re-entertained, to Darvvin’s dis-
may, suspicions of divine manipulation in the pre-human process.
He found somethİng so unnatural in the selection of a braİn al-
ready capable of a thousand tricks unnecessary to its first cave-
man possessor’s survival that he was moved to wonder vvhether
or not “some higher intelligence may have directed the process
by vvhich the human race was developed.” 105 But that vvas only
a suspicion. The point he insisted on was that, with or vvithout
the direction of a higher intelligence, önce man was developed he
was let into a vvorld that no other species selected by evolution
had ever been in before. Wallace re-established Homo sapiens as
wan wu chih ling, “the highest of the ten-thousand things,” for
Homo sapiens vvas the only creature on earth with a mind “suf-
ficiently developed to remove his body from the modifying in-
fluence of external conditions and the cumulative action of
‘natura! selection\” 106 Homo sapiens vvas the only creature that
evolution had set free.
For Wallace, this “ freedom” vvas the result of an historic break-
through that had taken place önce and for ali. But Sun Yat-sen
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convinced that man did indeed have great “power över nature.”
Wallace saİd man had the power to remove himself bodİİy from the
lists of natural selection, or at least to “remove his body from the
modifying influences of external [natural] conditions.” And Hux-
ley said man had the povver “with every step of [his] progress in
civilizatİon. . . . [to] become more and more independent of
the State of nature,” 115 indeed “to subdue nature to his higher
ends,” 116 to bend “the Titan to his will.” 117
Of course, when Huxley said that, he was not just thinking of
bending mountains and seas to man’s will. He wanted to bend the
ruthless, Creative force behind both man and “man’s” natural en-
vironment to man’s will. More important stili, he vvanted to bend
man’s own “human nature” to man’s will, to man’s “good will.”
But it was man’s power, limited though İt was, över “the rest of
nature” that first gave Huxley hope man might also have povver
över himself.
Huxley never believed man had the power to win a complete
victory över either his environment or his “original sin,” 118 or even
to win a lasting incomplete victory. With a “Chinese” sense of
cycles (albeit stretched by geological time), whİch oddly enough
went unappreciated by his newly optimistic Chinese readers, he
offered in the end no more lasting hope than this:
That which lies before the human race is a constant struggle to main-
tain and improve, in opposition to the State of Nature, the State of Art
of an organized policy; in which, and by which, man may develop a
worthy civilizatİon, capable of maintaining and constantly improving
itself, until the evolution of our globe shall have entered so far upon its
downward course that the cosmic process resumes its sway; and önce
more, the State of Nature prevails över the surface of our planet.119
But Huxley at least believed man could conquer nature for a vvhile.
So did Wallace. And both believed that that was what man should
do. Neither was a Taoist.
Huxley, of course, was one of thosc who had bcen most vvildly
excited by Darvvin’s (and Wallace*s) discovery that man was nat
ural, and in enthusiastic response to Darwin, in his own first book,
M an’s Place in Nature, he thought he had put man in his place.
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But, in Evolution and Ethics, he let him out again, not as far
as Wallace had, with his renewed intimations of the miracu-
Ious, which had made Darwin fear for natural man’s very life
(“ 1 hope you have not murdered too completely your own and my
child”) , 120 but far enough. Both at least were convinced that, how-
ever “natural” man’s begİnnings were, what counted now was not
man’s place in nature but that place in nature that man carved out
for himself.
Probably both Huxley and Wallace were concerned fırst and
foremost with man’s moral rather than physical conquest of na
ture, but both did believe that man could conquer much of physi
cal nature, and that belief was one of the most exciting “morals”
Chinese readers drew from Huxley’s part of T ’ien-yen hm. Cer-
tainly it was an idea that excited Sun Yat-sen, who said, “Today,
with the flourİshing of Science, we finally know that man can con-
quer Heaven.” 121
Sun Yat-sen said “conquer Heaven” [sheng fVeu) not “conquer
nature,” because he chose to use a lİterary allusion, one indeed
that Yen Fu had already used in translating from Huxley.122 But
Sun Yat-sen really meant “conquer nature,” and in a way that was
actually more down to earth than Huxley’s. For Sun Yat-sen was
no more antagonistic to “ Heaven,” or “nature,” as the Creative
“cosmic process” than Yen Fu was. He vvanted, perhaps, to “do
better than the cosmic process,” another possİble translation of
sheng t ’ierı, by speeding man on along its way, but, as far as real
conquering was concerned, he only vvanted to conquer nature in
accord with nature. By knovving, through Science, Creative nature’s
laws, man could conquer ali the rest of nature’s creatures.
Perhaps, thereforc, Sun Yat-sen might have done better to have
availed himself of the ancient Chinese triad of Heaven, Earth, and
Man (t ’ien ti je n )t for then he could have said that man by knovv
ing Heaven could conquer earth. At any rate he was not declaring
war on Heaven; he was greeting vvith rejoicing the nevv scientific
creed, imported from the West, that man could indeed “subdue”
the earth and win at last his promised “dominion” över ali of it.
But the question remains, just where did Sun Yat-sen’s belief
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It is safe to say that both sides were stili more immediately vvorrİed
about theİr country than they werc about their people. They were
more immediately aware of nations’ inhumanity to otlıer nations
than they were of Chincse inhumanity to other Chinese. Both
camps were camps of exiles who encountered abroad onc more
foreign “ ism,” and both asked of it fırst and foremost, “Will it fit
our country for survival?”
The debate was also Darwinian, hovvever, because each side
claimed Darwin was on its side. The question, therefore, soon be-
came not “ Are we for socialism?” but “ Is Darwin for socialism?”
or, phrased less personally, “ Is socialism in accord with evolution?”
The Constitutional Monarchists and the Republican Revolution-
aries disagreed on these questions. On this issue, as on ali others,
they saw themselves in two camps, violently opposed to each
other; and they published thousands of words attacking each
other’s positions. But on the socİalİst front, at least, their struggle
was not yet any clear “struggle betvveen two lines,” for lines were
crossed, both wİthin each camp and between them. There was, in
fact, considerable agreement betvveen the two camps, in retro-
spect almost more striking than the disagreement.
For one thing, with the exception of the group vvithin the re
formist camp, everyone seemed agreed not only that socialism was
“good,” but that it was a State tovvards whİch “evolution” was
moving. The fırst time Liang Ch’i-ch’ao ever mentioned socialism,
in his biography of K ’ang Yu-weİ, published in the December 21,
1901 issue of the C h ’ing-İ p ao, he avvardcd it his ultimate compli-
ment by insisting that “ my teacher’s philosophy is socialist
philosophy.” Western socialism, he said, had been started by Plato
and developed by St. Simon and Comte, but K’ang Yu-wei, “with-
out ever reading their books,” had come upon muclı the same
İdeal thanks to the inspiration of the “ Li yun’s ta t ’ung.” 134 There-
forc, as the Ta t ’ung would surely one day come, so would so
cialism. Indeed as one anonymous “reporter,” probably Liang
Ch’i-ch’ao himself, would later note in the Hsin miti ts’ung p a o :
“Socialism is quite similar to the Ta t '«n^-ism advocated by recent
scholars in our country. Although it cannot yet be put into
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hım on that point: “Today, ali thc grcat problems of the otlıer
countries of the vvorld are being transplanted without exception to
our country. That is inevitable. Therefore, it should be perfectly
clear that it will not do to look at this socialism problem as some
‘disaster on the opposİte shore.” ' 147
Liang ClTİ-ch’ao agreed with Sun Yat-sen that something would
havc to bc done about the social problem before it got scrious.
And he probably shared Sun Yat-sen’s faith that “before great
disasters occur it İs easy to prevent them.” 148 Sun Yat-sen, more-
over, agreed with itim that in this casc the disaster to be prevented
was a violent popular upheaval and that it should be prevented by
thc government’s reform. But Sun Yat-sen also contended that it
would take a violent revolutİon to crcate a reforming government,
and Liang Ch’i-ch’ao did not agrec with that.
So Liang Ch’i-ch’ao stili attacked Sun Yat-sen for advocating a
social revolutİon. That attack was not quİte fair, but Sun Yat-sen
had on occasion said that he wanted a social revolutİon (so, of
coursc, at an earlİer time, had Lİang Ch’i-ch'ao) and he dİd, of
course, inelude socialism in his general revolutionary platform of
thc Threc People’s Principlcs, so it is no wondcr that the Reformcrs
should ignore his reformist language and attack him as a social
revolutionary. That is why it was on the İssue of social revolutİon
that the debate över socialism began.
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s argument against social revolutİon, however,
need not be rcpeated in any detail, for it was exactly thc same as
his argument against racial revolutİon and political revolutİon. Any
revolutİon, he said, that would causc internal dİsorder (nei inan)
vvould invite the kind of external disaster (wai huan) that would
lead to the nation’s death (ktto wang). In the struggle for existence,
any country vveakened vvithin vvould fail prey to imperialism with-
out. That was his first argument against socialism, an old one, and,
of course, Darvvinian.
His second argument was also Darvvinian, and an old one, but
in nevv context it entered new territory. Socialism was good, said
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, and of course it vvould come, but China was not
yet ready for İt, and to İnstİtute İt now vvould therefore be tobreak
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them join them .157 They incorporated theîr competitors and hence
grew bigger and bigger and, as they did so, they came to have less
and less competition and moved the world tovvards socialism.
But, for the present, the world was not socialism’s, but the
trusts1, and they were “socializing" it at the expense of others’
independence. Therefore, if China wanted to preserve its indepen-
dence, if it someday wanted its own socialism, not the West’s, then
it would have to fight the trusts. It would have to fıght foreign
trusts with its own trusts, foreign capitalism with Chinese capital-
ism. For in the struggle for existence, one had to fıght fire with
fire (an adage not found in The Origin o f Species).
Therefore China now needed trusts and capitalists, not socialists:
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others found in socialism does not prove that the ir dislike for capi-
talistic inequalİty was insİncere. Nor does it prove that their own
socialism remained devoid o f social concern. For even sour-grape
socialism could inspire social concern. China’s social problems
might not have led Chinese to look at socialism, but socialism did
lead Chinese to look at China’s social problems.
Granted, in the beginning many were so happy to find explosive
inequality in the West that they quite overlooked inequality in
China (except between Manchu and Han). Indeed, they even de-
nied it. Sun Yat-sen exulted in the fact that “in China, at present,
capİtalists have not yet appeared.’’ 165 And Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, with-
out incurring the immediate ridicule of China’s “social revolution-
arİes,” İnsisted that “İn China the two classes of the extremely
rich and the extremely poor do not exist.” 166 But Hu Han-min,
encouraged though he too was at China’s subsequent “advantage,”
was inspired to look closer. And he found inequality: “ Today
Chinese capİtalists have not yet appeared. Mr. Sun has mentioned
that fact in his speech, and even Mr. Liang admits it. But although
there are no capİtalists there are already landlords.” 167 And land-
lords, he implied» were just about as bad. Indeed they were proto-
capitalists, responsible for a “land problem” that would have to
be solved b e fo r e one could solve the “social problem.” 168 For it
was precisely because the West had failed to solve its land problem
that it had götten into İts social problem. Therefore Hu Han-min
became the fırst to cali for “the nationalization of the land.”
No one knew it, but the “ Sinification of Marxism” was getting
under way, as men like Hu Han-min and Sung Chiao-jen, who con-
veniently translated Marx’s new terms, bourgeois and proletaruns
{sic), as “rich gentry” (fu sh en ) and “ the common people” (p ’ing
m m ),169 made “the land problem Chinese socialism’s first order
of business. Sun Yat-sen, too, associated “the land problem”
with “the social problem,” and landlords with capİtalists,170 and
he too finally advocated nationalization of the land:
lf, as in foreign countries, ali land rights fail into the hands of a
minority group of capİtalists, we will inevİtably end up with a capitalist
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They are like trees. If you let tHem grow naturally, theİr branches
will go in ali directİons.” 175
Here, in a simple simile, in a casual bit of rhetoric in the middle
of a political speech, was a remarkable revision of what had been
one of the most dominant tenets of Chinese Social Darvvinian faith
since 1895. Before this, Sun Yat-sen had cried out as loudly as
anyone that nature was moving inexorably towards the good. In-
deed, he had reiterated only sentences before the axiom that “the
progress of civilization is brought about by nature and cannot be
escaped.” 176 But now he saİd that nature did not alvvays take the
best way to the good. On its way up it could branch in ali direc
tİons. And left to its own devices it would. So man could not leave
it to its own devices. What was true of “civilization” was true of
nature and evolution as well. Evolution itself had “good fruİts and
bad fruits,” and it was up to man to “take the good and avoid the
bad.” It was up to man to prune evolution—and to prune his own
evolution. Without saying so, and probably without realizing it,
Sun Yat-sen had met Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s first Darwinian challenge,
or Spencerian challenge, with a Huxleian defense.
But what of the second challenge, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s conten-
tion that capitalism could only be fought with capitalism? In the
struggle for existence, which surely did exİst, could China a ffo r d
to skip capitalism? Could it afford a “moral way” ? Real Marxists
would later argue över such questions in China, but the Repub-
lican Revolutionaries and Constitutional Monarchists did so first.
And the Republican Revolutionaries answered the Constitutional
Monarchists’ second challenge this time simply, forthrightly, and
prophetically, with a description of “state socialism” more honest
than any that vvould ever be given again. Said Hu Han-min: “ if
the country becomes a great landlord and a great capitalist, then
foreign Capital will be no worry.” 177 “We are not against Capital,”
added Sun Yat-sen; “we are against capitalists.” 178
So the Revolutionaries did not deny that the outside world
was in a stage of capitalistic struggle. They argued, instead, that
State socialism could hold its own by being state socialism on the
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“the smart and the stupid and the dilİgent and the lazy.” if one
were to force equalİty, “one would have to seize what the smart
and the diligent have and give it to the stupid and the lazy, and the
result of that would be to make everyone content to be stupid and
lazy, and as a consequence the world would regress.” 181
Here at last was Socıal Danvinism to warm the heart of William
Graham Sumner, who had cheered his fellow American propo-
nents of free enterprise, İn the 1870s and 1880s, by calling social-
ism “a plan for nourishing the unfİttest” : 182
When socialism was just gettİng started, there was a theory among
European and American scholars that attacked it, saying that, if social
ism werc put into practice, hu mani ty would no longer make any dis-
tinction between rich and poor or noble and common, and therefore
the desire to compete would die out and the world would regress. This
theory in the latter half of the nineteenth century was worthy of dis-
cussion, but it has by now become a worn-out doctrine of the past that
anyone with any knowledge at ali can refute.184
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At that time I had no way to earn a living. But near where we lıved
there was a relatively well-stocked library. So I went there every day to
borrow books and the latest ilİustrated magazines on such subjects as
the theory of evolution, astronomy, geology, anthropology, natural his-
tory, even chemistry and physics. Every day I brought some back, and
when I had read them 1 explained them to my children. And 1 also
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that Moslems are popularly said not to eat dogs or pigs because
their grandfathers were boars and their grandmothers bıtches.
(Some think that Moslems cannot bear to eat dogs or pigs because
they think them unclean, but that is not the case. That might ex-
plain their not eating them, but why vvould they respect them?
Surely the Moslems do take pigs and dogs to be their ancestors.)” 197
He did admit that the Chinese race did not know “racial purity”
either. “The old books say,” said the contributor from Holland,
“that the Yellow Emperor’s daughter was married to P’an-hu
(P’an-hu was the Yellow Emperor’s houndj.” 98 But then he went
on to a second evolutionary problem which would have given Dar-
win himself pause for thought. He asked which had evolved first,
man or woman:
When the human race was born, someone had to come first. Suppose
we say that man was born before woman. No man has a womb. None
could give birth, If we say that man and woman were born together at
the same time, it vvould be like a religious myth, based only on imagina-
tion wıth no real proof. Having studied the matter, 1 would venture to
say that vvoman cam e before man, and I do have plenty of proof.
His proof was of two kinds, the first “historical": “The ancient
histories say that Lady Wa made men,” which proves that “in
those days it was a vvoman’s world.” (So much for Adam’s rib.)
But his second proof vvaslinguİstîc. He found “fossilized” evidence
of evolution İn his own etymology of Chinese characters: “Ali
those who created characters must have had a basis for their ere-
ations. Our Chinese word shih [beginning] is composed of the
vvoman radical and the element t'ai [roughly homonymous with
t ’aİ (womb)], thus signifying that the human race began in the
womb of vvoman. The character hsien [first] is composed of niıı
[ox] and jen [man] signifying that the first human beings had ox
heads and human bodİes.” 200
Ali the above, despite seeming implications to the contrary,
somehovv went to prove that men and women,and ali races, were
related and equal, and that ali mankind (and vvomankind) should
therefore live together in harmony and peace. The contributor
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some later, ali struggling lo get ahead, evolved into wild men and then
gradually turned into the civilized men of today. Another par t of them
only evolved into gorillas and baboons, and then gradually İnto the sav-
ages of today. And stili another part of them evolved so slovvly up to
now that theİr descendants are the kind of man-apes that stili exi$t in
Africa and such places. As for the ordinary monkeys of today, at the
time our ancestors evolved into men, their ancestors were probably stili
among the lowest forms of living things.203
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in the carly days of the human race, it was truly a woman’s world.
There were men, but not many. And, as things that are scarce have
value, women at that time fought for husbands, but men did not fıght
for wives. . . . Some of the women who did not get to mate with men,
however, mated with animals. Women, therefore, copulated promiscu-
ously, and evolution advanced at İts fastest, and the people that were
born were of the very best şort. . . . But later, as the number of women
fıghting for husbands became much greater, and as there were stili not
enough men to go around, marriage had to be instituted to avoid strife.
Even so, however, although marriage rites at that time did exist, they
did not forbid women to copulate promiscuously, and as many stili did,
the evolution of mankind was stili speedy.210
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man until the T aîks’ last two chapters; but when he did get there,
he provided a hoşt of interesting and quite accurate evolutionary
Information. He knevv the names of geological ages and of the
categories of living things. He could talk about invertebrates and
vertebrates, amphibians and mammals, marsupials and placentals,
and he knevv the order in which such types of “creatures” had
evolved. He was not the first to teli of such things in Chinese (al-
though I stili do not know who was). Lu Hsun, for one, had used
most of the technical terms Wu Chih-hui used, three years earlier
in his article “Jen ti li-shih” (The history of man), but he had told
that history very summarily and in terse classical style.22s Wu
Chih-hui’s vernacular account made it come alive. He talked of
kangaroos and anteaters as well as of fossils and dinosaur bones.
And he even made dinosaurs come alive as “huge wall-tigers,”
that is, geckos.226
He also talked about comparative bone structure betvveen man
and beast to prove that there was more to the theory that men and
monkeys were rclatives than that they were look-alikes. In his
“novel” one can stili sense his own sense of excitement at dis-
covering skeletal “ proof” of evolution in British museums:
Huang Hsing said, “Ah, I wish I had met you sooner, Miss Wang.
When I önce visited a museum in London, I remember that just inside
the entrance there was a big glass case with the skeleton of a horse in it,
wîth the skeleton of a man standing alongside. We said that it was
probably a great race horse that had died and been put there along with
his trainer for posterity. But now I see that we were totally wrong.
They were probably comparing human bones and horse bones." Chİ-
ingsaid, “ Right! Right! What you sawwas put there by Mr. Darwin!1,227
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described had actually evolved out of each other. It was Here that
he made evolutİon from the very beginnİng a matter of wits and
will power. Consider, for example, the tale of the geckos who
evolved into birds:
If we want to talk about our real ancestors, they were the geckos
who evolved at that time in the coal forests. They were pitiful indeed,
scurrying in ali directions seeking cover. They naturally couldn’t count
on prospering. But how had they ever götten into such a pathetic pre-
dicament? It was ali because certain of their upright elders were well-
meaning but stupid. They had concluded that the monstrous behavior
of their elder [dinosaur] brothers was no way to last for long, so they
had decided to make their own bodies very small. But they never
guessed that being small was no good at ali. For they were now just
right for their elder brothers’ breakfasts and dinners. They hadn’t a
chance for survival. So ali the little brothers got together for a confer-
ence, at which several voiced their anger that their parents, not being
able to get them bom with mor e feet to flee for their lives with, hadn’t
at least given them some wings so they could fly up higher than thirty
feet, where the long-necked monsters couldn’t get them. But after-
wards, lo and behold, Heaven granted their desires. Whatever they
wanted in their hearts, if they wanted it badly enough, they were able
to produce. So they really did change their two front feet into two
great wings. And it was their group, flourishing in the Mesozoic era,
that became the birds of today.229
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enough, önce they put their minds to it, in no more than a few
generations their eggs became placentas and they could give birth
to their children straight away.” î30
And so the story went on: “There was a breed of small kanga-
roos who practiced with ali their mıght until they learned how to
raise children who were so hardy that they didn’t have to be kept
in pouches anymore.” 231 Önce that happened, mammals were let
out of the bag. They were ready to take off, and they did. Soon an
anteater was born who sired, in proto-Noah fashion, a family of
four great branches, one of which “ peopled” the earth. It produced
squirrels and then monkeys, and the great tailless apes. There were
five ape brothers, progenitors of todays gİbbons, orang-utans,
gorillas, chimpanzees—and us. But only our ancestor gave up try-
ing to learn the skills of his father and brothers. Healone “wracked
his brains trying to dream up new tricks.” And he succeeded. He
thought up the idea of walking on his back two legs so that he
could free his front two legs to do something else. That was the
fırst step forward, the first great step towards manhood. His
descendants kept working on his ideat using their heads, and their
hands, for a million years—and turned themselves into men, thus
proving, said Wu Chih-hui, that “ the proverb has it right: ‘If only
you don’t give in, you can grind a pestle to a pin.” ’232
The “mechanics” of evolution, therefore, were will, wit, and in-
credible determination. The story of evolution accordİng to Wu
Chih-hui was not the story of natural selection at work among
creatures blindly struggling to survive. It was the story of intelli-
gent selection among creatures consciously struggling to better
themselves, to gain a higher Standard of living. Wu Chih-hui was
obviously avvare o f the survival value of the nevvly evolved parts
that were to lead to such higher standards—mammary glands, pla
centas, and human heads and hands—but he never said such things
were naturally selected. He said, instead, that they were chosen
and refined through practice by their elever benefıciaries. Indeed,
even when he let one of his characters admit she was speaking
loosely and in a joking manner when she used the words “practice
and refinement” (hsiu-lien) to deseribe creatures’ efforts to evolve,
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and even vvhen he had her admit that över tens of thousands of
generations species might change “without realizing it,” he stili let
her immediately go on to say that species really changed “in ac-
cord with their environment and the am bitİons o f their /?eurfs.” 233
“Profitable variations,” therefore, had become “good ideas” or
one’s “heart’s desires.”
Wu Chih-hui put design into evolution literally. He made design
an inside job—which was as un-Darwinian as creation. He did just
what Huxley had ridiculed. He made ali species their own Sir John
Sebrights.234 He made the evolved responsible for their evolution—
and for their fu tu re evolution. That was the clue to what he had
really done. Had he not read back into the story of man*s evolu-
tion his fervent desire for man to be in control of his “ fate” ? He
vvanted mankind to keep going, so he wanted his readers to look at
evolution and take heart. He vvanted them to say, “ If the duck-
bİİled platypuses could do it, so can we.”—“As long as you think.
.. said Wu Chih-hui.135
That kind of thinking, of course, made the transition in his
story from organic evolution to social evolution very easy, because
there was no great divide. Minds, even if they had been little
minds, had been at work since the beginning. Amphibians had
made up their minds to leave the sea, placentals had made up their
minds to stop laying eggs, and “ Lao Wu,” Fifth Ape Brother, had
made up his mind (in the words of his descendant, Liu Pang) to
tou, chth pu tou li (compete vvith brain instead of brawn).236
That decision, followed by millennia of perfecting practice,
had made the brains of Lao Wu’s progeny “grow better day by
day,” 237 until they were man-sized—or wild-man-sized—and were
ready to think of tribe, speech, fire, and civilization. It was ali
one process, progress won by thought. Evolution was, had been,
and always wou!d be the story of “enlightenment.”
Now, lest we laugh too quickly, we should sit up and remember
that the absolutely awe-İnspiring result of evolution has been en
lightenment. Somehow light has come out of darkness. Somehow
sounds have come out of silence. Somehovv consciousness has
come out of unconsciousness. But the end was not the means, at
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races, or of the strong tovvards the weak, whİch would not have found
its excuse in this form ula.254
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How trifling, in comparison vvith them, are the numbers of the carni-
vores! And how false, therefore, is the view of those who speak of the
animal vvorld as if nothing were to be seen in it but lions and hyenas
plunging their bleeding teeth into the flesh of theır victims! One might
as well imagine that the whole of human life is nothing but a succession
of war massacres.262
The scien tific truth of the matter, said Kropotkİn, was that
“association and mutual aid are the rule with mammals. We find
social habits even among the carnivores” 263—and among even
less likely candidates. Kropotkİn found mutual aid at work up and
down the length and breadth of the whole animal kingdom, down
indeed “to the lowest stages of the animal world.” 264 In a Chuang-
tzian flourish he even pronounced that mutual aid had “been no-
tİced among the dung beetles.” 265
So Kropotkİn protested that cosmic nature was a school of
virtue. He saw a great moral lesson in cosmic nature almost every-
where he looked: “Don’t compete!’ . . . That is the tendency of
nature. . . .T h at is the watchword which comes to us from the
bush, the forest, the river, the ocean. ‘Therefore combine . . .
practice mutual aid!’ . . . That is what Nature teaches us.” 266
Nature might be a harsh school of virtue, and it most assuredly
was a utilitarian school of virtue. “ Life in societies,” said Kropot-
kin, “is the most powerful weapon İn the struggle for life.” 267
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getting, because they could take, and took, more tlfan their “fair
share.” In bad years, therefore, they may even have engaged, on
occasion, in a bit of “real competition,” so that in the end their
less fortunate fellows (as well, sometimes, as members of other
species who had previously enjoyed their “unappropriated places”)
might literally have been “ put out” by their growing uppitiness.
Even the famous Galapagos fınches probably did not distinguish
themselves by any gentlemen’s agreement to divvy up their islands.
İt is only barely conceivable that various pairs of freaks (or couples
one member of which had genes that were dominantly freakish)
ever took refuge on various private islands and so produced sub-
species in “one move.” It is far more likely that descendants of
similar “explorer fınches” 343 (as Mr. Stebbins calls them) turned
out different on different islands because the different “nature”
of those different islands selected differently from am ong their
descendants. Such selection, however, must have been as hard as
any selection on those not selected. The fact that, much later,
family reunions have been possible, that sympatric populations of
ali kinds of Galapagos finches have been able to live harmonİously
on one and the same island, thanks to their specially adapted dif
ferent appetites, does not prove that their evolution was har-
monious.
Kropotkin saw altogether too much harmony in evolution. His
great revision, therefore, in the end carried Darwin’s own great
whitewash of “the process” even further. Darwin had said, “We
may console ourselves with the full belief, that the war of nature
is not incessant, that no fear is felt, that death İs generally prompt,
and that the vigorous, the healthy, and the happy survive and
multiply.” 344 Kropotkin said that “the war of nature,” within
each species, was largely a myth: “Peace and mutual support are
the rule within the tribe or the species; and . . . those species
which best know how to combine, and to avoid competition, have
the best chances o f survival and of a further progressive develop-
ment.” 345 Trying as so many had before him to teli people that
they shou ld not fight each other, he told them that nature said
that the fıttest d id not fight each other. He said that nature
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in our day. The odd thing was that he alone thought to make them
in his.
He tried to point out that, as far as life on this planet was con-
cerned, evolution, biological, social, and technological, wasamixed
blessing, if one measured eİther goodness or pleasure. Animals, for
example, show only a little familial love, he said, and it neither
Iasts long nor is widely extendable. “Animals,” he concluded,
“have only a little goodness. Human goodness is somewhat greater.
However, is human evil less than animals’, or is it greater also?”
Tigers and leopards, he said, kili men, but only as men kili cattle,
so men are as evil as tigers and leopards. But tigers and leopards do
not “slaughter their own kind.” Men have done that from the very
beginning, and their wars have götten worse, not better. The Pro
gressive evolution of their intellect and knowledge has led to a
Progressive evolution in their knovvledge of how to kili each other,
and tlıey have used it. They kili many more with firearms than
they ever did with sticks and stones. War lust, said Chang Ping-lin
was “something that tigers and leopards do not have; it İs pos-
sessed by men alone.” That is how “we can teli that, from the
lowest organisms to mammals to man, good advances and so
does evil.” 362
And so it was with pleasure and pain. Amoebas, he said, are
easily pleased; men are not. But, the more men can enjoy, the
more they desire, and the more pained they are if their desires are
not m et.363 The greater their hopes, the greater their disappoint-
ments. İndeed, the greater their enjoyment of life, the greater their
fear of death. Thus, death is harder for the rich than for the poor,
and harder for the poor than for horses and cattle, and harder for
horses and cattle than for fish and turtles.364
Not everything in that argument was a “ truİsm,” but there was
something to it, even though not, perhaps, enough to lead to this
conclusion:
In ancient times, good and evil were slight. Today, good and evil are
great. İn ancient times, pain and pleasure were slight. Today, pain and
pleasure are great. But, if that is so, should those whose goal is goodness
and pleasure look on evolution as the greatest good fortune or as the
PA418
murders. if Chie and Chou had not been kings their cruelty could
never have reached so many.376 But “no government” would not
work if peoples could stili have territories, for without govern-
ments the peoples of the world would stili fıght each other for the
best territories, for the warm places, for places in the sun. “Why,”
asked Chang Ping-lin, “do the Russians dare talk of *no govern-
ment’?—Because theİr land is so bitterly cold that . . . they have no
fear that other peoples would want to take it.” Therefore “no
government” would only work if the peoples of the world agreed
to move every year, taking turns in the good places.377
But even that could never root out ali evil. For the root of ali
evil was not in government, nor in property, but in us: “ Even if
över ali the earth there were no governments and no territories,
even if there were disarmament and communism, stili wounding»
killing, and destroying could not be stopped.” 378 For men vvould
stili possess a murderous “sense of self” (w o chten). “Killing,”
said Chang Pİng-lin, “is what we hate, but the root o f killing can-
not be broken. For if you wish to break the root of killing, you
must fırst break one’s sense of self, and, İf you break that, you will
also break off life.” 379
But there was the solution! Break off human life, not, of
course, through genocide or geno-suicide, for killing was “what we
hate,” but through refusing to transmit life.380 The human race
could let itself die out. İt could willingly become extinct. Extİnc-
tion was nirvana!
Ali other forms of life would (somehowJ have to cease as well,
lest evolution repeat İtself and bring man back. And the wor!d
would have to cease, lest it bring life back. But, as the wise already
knew, the world really existed only in the eye o f the beholder, and
so would vanish when the eye did, although that, admitted Chang
Ping-lin, “cannot be explained to ordinary people.” 381 Stili, even
ordinary people should be able to conceive of stopping evolution
by stopping life. And, if only they could, they could cause the
death of evil.
İt seemed so logical. And yet I suspect Buddhist masters o f old
would have been unimpressed. I fear they vvould only have shaken
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Now how could any “ Son of the Yellow Emperor” say that?
Surely this was one of the most remarkable Chinese sentences that
Darwinian vocabulary had ever götten itself into-except that it
dİd not really mean what it seemed to mean. The prostitute-vievver
had not actually concluded that the Chinese race would be over-
whelmed because white women, on close inspection, were over-
whelming. He had, it is true, been intrigued by their physical
attributes, but it was not their physical attrİbutes that had led him
to his conclusion.
Originally, he said, he and two Chinese friends had been “just
looking” when they chose to step över the threshold of a Paris
house of prostitution. So, when they were shown a circle of very
scantİly clad young females, they had taken a good look. And low
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the Iaw of the jungle. So the name of the Anarchist journal, the
THen i p a o (Natural right, or Heavenly right) came to resound with
the most fearsome of its ancient connotations. For the Anarchists
found in Darwinism a natural right, a Heavenly right, to wipe the ir
enemies—“ evolution’s enemies” —off the face of this earth.
They did not, of course, do it. For the Anarchists never came to
power (if Anarchists by definition ever can). A revolution came,
and they helped it come, but it was not theirs; it was the Repub-
licans’. And it was not even the Republicans’ for very long. It be-
came Yuan Shih-k’ai’s and then the vvarlords’. And, although the
vvarlords brought anarchy enough, it was not the kind the Anar
chists had in mind.
Anarchism was rejected as a “viable Way.” It did not seem
practical enough—or nationalistİc enough. When everyone else was
shouting that, one way or another, nationalism was the only thing
that could save China, the Chinese Anarchists decried nationalism,
although clearly for nationalistİc reasons. Wu Chih-hui insisted
that opposing nationalism did not mean selling out the nation.433
Instead, he protested, the Anarchists’ program for revolution was
actually “the perfect policy for saving [China] from a melon-
carving,” 434 And Li Shih-tseng added that “obstructing the revolu
tion out of fear of melon-carving is like saying to someone about
to die of asphyxİation, ‘Don’t öpen the window or you’ll catch
cold.’ ” 435 But most people vvere unconvinced. Even most Revolu-
tionaries seemed to feel that a revolution that promİsed no govern-
ment when it was över would not only court disaster butguarantee
it. Most Chinese patriots longed for a government, a government
that vvould do something, that would save them. And even the
Anarchists themselves came to admit that no-govemment was an
ideal many years away.436 So most o f them went into government.
But what, then, is important about the Anarchists? They helped
further set things up for the Marxists. They helped further convert
many people to certain beliefs from which it was very easy to be
converted to Marxism. They helped many intellectual Chinese,
therefore, to become Marxists. But surely not ali those interested
in anarchism became Marxists, and not ali those converted to
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But, testing tKis against my conscicnce, I felt that I could not agree. For
1 sincerely thought that, although “the right of might” might indeed be
in accord with the progress of natural evolution, stili our naturally
endowed consciences made reason diffıcult to deny. [I concluded],
therefore, that evolutionary selection İs the barbaric, material way of
Progressive evolution, but that reason and conscience a re the way of
Progressive evolution for morality and civilization.3
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I Yin had named the task and Darwin made sense of it. The fit-
test would awaken the less fit, or the fittest would awaken the rest
of the fit and lead them against the unfit. It was the task o f the
Kuomintang, and that was the task of the Communist Party. And
each thought its task sacred. “Without the Kuomintang,” Chiang
K’ai-shek would say, “there would be no China.” 52 “Without the
efforts of the Communist Party,” Mao Tse-tung would counter,
“China’s independence and liberation are impossible.” 53 With two
prescient groups, each convinced it was the fittest one in the East,
a showdown vvas inevitable.
Even without the threat of the other, however, each was con
vinced that, while the people were waking up, the fittest wou!d
have to dictate. Sun Yat-sen spoke of the necessity of “political
tutelage.” Ch’en Tu-hsiu spoke—more openly—of the necessity of
“enlightened dictatorship.” But that was not a new Way. It was
the famous Way Liang Ch’i-ch’ao had taken up from Republican
Revolutionary Ch’en T ’ien-hua’s suicide note!54 And Ch’en Tu-
hsiu knew that full well, and yet he stili said, “China’s reformation
will have to go through a period of enlightened dictatorship.” 55
He said:
I dare boldly State that, unless we instigate a policy of strict inter-
ventionism in politics and education, there will never be a day of rem-
edy for the corruption and degeneration of our Chinese race. Our only
hope, therefore, is to hope that people of conscience, knowledge, and
ability from through ou t the land will band together and as soon as pos-
sible create in name and fact an enlightened dictatorship, which can
rescue us from below the basic level of humanity and raise us up above
it.56
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and the reader, if there stili is one, may not wish to be dragged
there. Nevertheless, here is a personal view.
if one can believe in Marxism, tlıen Darwinian preparatİon for
Marx, even if acknovvledged, becomes preparatİon for a Sage, and
any Social Darwinian nonsense along the way is of no account. İf
one cannot believe in Marx, hovvever, any Social Darwinian non
sense along the way, if it lives on, does count. In my view Darwin
did China both good and ili. He both liberated China and helped
partially to re-enslave it. Darwin liberated China from many super-
stitions o f the past, but he helped ensnare China in new super-
stitions of the present. Darwin’s greatest service was in revealing
certain “facts of life” which have to be taken into account in any
sane philosophy. The trouble, however, from the beginning, has
been that people have been too sure that they have known what to
make of those facts of life, and so after them has arisen a hoşt of
camp-follower non-facts of life (some of them, it must be admit-
ted, the children of Darwin himself) which have led people to
jump to ali sorts of unfounded (and confounded) conclusions. A
true discovery has led to faulty theories and then to myths—new
myths, but not necessarily any better than many of the old.
This has been a worldwide phenomenon. It is nothing to blame
on the Chinese. But the Chinese have not escaped it, and some of
the least fortunate “Danvinian” myths live on, it seems to me, in
China today, the most important of which are the myths of the
omnipotence of Science, historîcal inevitability, “futurism,” “per-
fectionism,” “prescientism” and “it’s-them-or-us-i$m.”
At the beginning of the twentieth century, China desperately
needed Science, and the scientific and technological revolution
that Darvvin, oddly enough, helped start in China has been wildly
good for China. But, without wislıing here to reopen the 1923
Chinese debate on Science and mctaphysics, the belief in the om
nipotence of Science, or even the belief that matter can know ali
that matters, seems patently absürd. The weakest idea is that any
“social Science” can make final sense out of human life, and it
was Danvinism, not Marxism, that fırst convinced Chinese that
a social Science could. I have tried to point out ali along how
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We could stop here, were it not for one last nagging question:
Even if ali or any of the above did happen to China, was it really
Darvvin’s doing? Darwin certainly did not accomplish the above
single-handed. Dİd he really have a hand in İt at ali? if, as we have
pointed out ali along, much of what was called Darwinism was not
really Darvvinian, then what was it? Was Darvvin accepted, or used
and abused? And if he was abused beyond recognition, did h e do
anything?
We have seen that Darvvin was Sinicized in ali directİons. We
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And yet Darwin was there. His name was on men’s lips. His
ideas in reasonably true form were somewhere in men’s heads. His
theory was something I am convinced ali the Chİnese we have
looked at tried honestly to take into account. They felt they had
to. They did their best. People’s heads are funny things. People’s
philosophies are wild mixttıres of reasonings, feelings, and unrecog-
nized longings. But Charles Darwin honestly entered those mix-
tures in Chinese heads and made them different. So his influence
was real. Chinese of course confused Darwin’s ideas and were con-
fused by them, and of course they got confused in Chinese direc-
tions, but small wonder. Every people has götten confused. For
the fact of the matter is, when ali İs said and done, that n o on e
knows what to make of evolution.
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CİP Ch ’itıg i p a o
HCN ilsin ch ’ing-nien
HHHP Hsiang hsueh hsin p a o
HMTP Hsin min ts ’ung p a o
HP Hsiang p a o lei tsuan
HSC Hsin shih-chi
K FC C K u o fu c h ’iian chi
K FC S K u o fu c h ’üan shu
MP Min p a o
SLHC Hsin-hai ko-m ing c h ’ien shih nien chien shih-lun hsuan chi
SWP Shih-w u-pao
TYL Y e n F u , T ’ien-yen lun
YF Yen F u shih wen hsuan
YPS L ia n g C h ’i- c h ’a o , Yİn ping shish wen ch i
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N otes
PROLOGUE
1 . John K. Fairbank, Trade and D iplom acy on the China C oast (Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1953), p. 173.
2. See Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, Tzu-yu shu (Taipei, 1960), p. 23, orîginally pub-
lished in the October 15, 1899 issue o f C h ’ing i p a o. Yu sheng lieh
p a i was n ot Yen Fu’s translation. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao brought it into
Chinese from Japan.
3. Fairbank, p. 173.
4. This Information comes from the excellent paper by Wang Tzu-ch’un
and Chang Ping-lun, “Ta-erh-wen hsueh-shuo tsai Chung-kuo te ch’uan-
po he ying-hsiang,” delivered in Peking on May 19, 1982, at the open-
ûıg session of a conference on Darwin commemorating the lOOth
anniversary of his death. Messrs. Wang and Chang shrewdly guess that
these early references probably did not strike fire precisely because they
failed to mention struggle. See pp. 1-4.
5. I have not göne through the endless volumes o f the Man k u o k u n g p a o ,
but my father-in-law did, and this is his report. See acknowledgments.
For the Advisor’s comments see Yang wu yun-tung, ed. Chung-kuo
shih-hsueh hui (Shanghai, 1961), VIII, 397.
6. See Lu Hsun, Erh hstn chi (Hong Kong, 1964), p. 47.
7. See below, pp. 3 1 7 -3 1 8 .
8. Teng Ssu-yii and John K. Fairbank, C kin a’s R esponse to th e Mest
(Cambridge, Mass., 1954), p. 33.
9. Ibid., p. 55.
1 0 . HP, p . 2 0 8 .
11. Teng and Fairbank, p. 53 (slightly altered).
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1. PROGRESS
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2. E n t e r D a r w i n
1. Wu-hsu pien-fa, ed. Chİen Po-tsan et al. (Shanghai, 1953), II, 132.
2. Yen Fu, “ Lun shih pien chih chi,” in YF, p. 6,
3. Ibid., p. 3.
4. Ibid., p. 5.
5. Ibid., p. 3. See also Schwartz, p. 44.
6. Meng Tzu, 11.10, p. 265.
7. See my article, “ K’ang Yu-weİ and P ao-ch iao: Confucian Reform and
Reformation , ” Papers o n Chirta, 2 0 :1 4 4 -1 7 6 .
8. Yen Fu, “ Lun shih pien chih chi,” p. 3. For Yen Fu’s reliance on the
I ching (B o o k o f Changes), see Fung Yu-lan, A H istory o f C hinese
P hİÎosopky (Princeton, 1953), 2, 4 6 0 -4 6 1 .
9. Yen Fu, “ P’i Han” (In righteous refutation of Han Yü) in YF, p. 85.
10. Yen Fu, “ Lun shih pien chih chi,” p. 4.
11. Ibid., p. 3. See also Schwartz, p. 54.
12. Friedrich Nietzsche, The Birth o f Tragedy and the G en eolog y o f Morals,
tr. Francis Golffıng (New York, 1956), p. 155.
13. Chow Tse-tsung, The May F ou rth M ovem ent (Cambridge, Mass., 1960),
p. 300.
14. Yen Fu, “ Lun shih pien chih chi,” p, 5.
15. Ibid.,
16. Ko Kung-chen, Chung-kuo p a o hsueh shih (Taipei, 1964), p. 158.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.,
19. Ibid.
20. K o-ek ih (the extenşion of knowledge through the investigatıon of
things), takcn originally from the first chapter of Ta hsueh (The great
learning), in Ssu shu hsin chie, p. 2.
21. Yen Fu, “ Yuan ch'iang,” in Yen Chi-tao shih w en c h ’a o (Taipei, 1969),
p. 24.
22. Ibid., pp. 2 4 -2 5 .
23. L a o Tzu tao te ching, commentary and punctuation by Yen Fu, notes
by Wang Pi (Shanghai, 1935), Chapter 42, 2:5.
24. Li i erh fe n shu. See Chung-kuo ch e hsueh shih tzu-liao hsuan-chi,
Sung, Yuan, Ming chih pu (Peking, 1962), pp. 2 0 9 -2 1 0 .
25. Darwin, Origin, p, 484.
26. Ibid., p. 488.
27. Eiseley, Darwin, p. 175.
28. Hsun Tzu chien shih, ed. Liang Ch’i-hsiung (Taipei, 1969). See Chapter
5, p. 5 1 ; Chapter 9, p. 108.
29. Richard Hofstadter, Social Darutinism in A m erican T hought (Boston,
1955), p. 25.
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58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid.
61. Charles Darwin, The D escent o f Man and S election in R elation to Sex
(New York and London, first published 1874, second edition, n.d.),
“ preface to sccond edition.”
62. Ibid., p. 37.
63. Eiseley, Darwin, p. 216.
64. YPS, I, 1:109.
65. SWP, III, 1528.
66. Gerald Durrell, Two in the Bush (New York, 1971), pp. 7 7 -7 8 .
67. Lu Hsun, J e fen g (Hong Kong, 1964), p. 15.
68. YPS, I, 1:109.
69. SWP, III, 1727.
70. Darwin, Orijin, p. 75.
71. TYL, Part 1, p. 30.
72. Darwin, D escent, p. 144.
73. Ibid., p. 145.
74. Ibid., p. 152.
75. Huxley, Evolution and Ethics, p. 64.
76. Ibid., p. 39.
77. Darwin, D escent, p. 146.
78. Ibid., p. 147.
79. TYL, Part 1, p. 32.
80. SWP, III, 1727.
81. Ibid., III, 1728.
82. See James J. Y. Liu, The C hinese Knight-errant (Chicago, 1967).
83. SUT5, IV, 2137.
84. Ibid., IV, 2138.
85. Ibid., IV, 2143.
86. Ibid.
87. Ibid.
88. Ibid., III, 1634.
89. Ibid., III, 1635.
90. Ibid., II, 1159.
91. Ibid., V, 2836.
92. Ting İVen-chiang, p. 40.
93. SWP, IV, 1936.
94. Ibid., IV, 2529. The phrase quoted in Shih-wu p a o was yu-che sheng-
ts’un, lieh-che mieh-wang.
95. Ibid., III, 1851.
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4. DA R WI NI N HUNAN
1. Hao Chang, Liang Ch ’İ-ch’ao and Intellectual Transit ion in China, 1890 -
1907 (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), p. 124.
2. Ting Wen-chiang, p. 43.
3. HP, II, 455.
4. Ibid., II, 4 5 7 -4 5 8 .
5. Mao Chu-hsi yü^lu. p. 33.
6. “ Ko kuo chung-lei k’ao,” by “ P'ing-p’i-tzu" in HHHP, III, 2 1 1 5 -2 1 6 6 ,
and I, 3 9 5 -4 3 9 .1 , and “Wu chou feng-su i*t’ung kao,” by " T ’an-t’an-
tzu,” in HHHP, I, 4 7 7 -5 2 3 . See belovv, n. 8.
7. HHHP, III, 2009.
8. “P’ing-p’i-tzu” was T ’ang Ts’ai-ch’ang, who was the main writer for the
history section of the Hsiang hsueh hsin pao. “T ’an-t’an-tzu” may also
have been T’ang Ts’ai-ch’ang,
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5. A COOD BO O K FO R BA D TIMES
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N o te s to Pages 2 i 4 -2 2 4 481
113. Ibid., III, 7 :1 1 0 . I have taken the Liberty o f making an eagle out of an
osprey.
114. Ibid., III, 7 :1 0 9 .
115. Ibid., III, 7 :1 1 0 .
116. Meng Tzu, 3.6, p. 79.
117. Ibid., 7.26, p. 182.
118. YPS, III, 7 :1 1 0 .
119. Ibid., III, 7 :1 1 3 .
120. Joseph R. Levenson, Confucian China and its Modem Fate (Berkeley
and Los Angeles, 1968), III, 7 6 -8 2 .
121. Pusey, “ K’ang Yu-wei,” p. 160.
122. YPS, III, 6 :6 7 .
123. Ibid., II, 3:5 5 .
124. Ibid,
125. Ibid., II, 3 :5 9 .
126. HMTP, II, 12:61.
127. Pusey, “ K’ang Yu-wei,” p. 161. See also preceding discussion from
p. 156 in same work.
128. YPS, I, 1:109.
129. Ibid., IV, 9:50.
130. Ibid., IV, 9:53.
131. Ibid., IV, 9:52.
132. Ibid.
133. Ibid.
134. Ibid., IV, 9:57.
135. Ibid.
136. Ibid., IV, 9:58.
137. Ibid., IV, 9:51.
138. Ibid., IV, 9:59.
139. Ibid., IV, 9:55.
140. Ibid., IV, 9 :5 5 -5 6 .
141. Ibid,, IV, 9:56.
142. Ibid., IV, 9:58.
143. Ibid., IV, 9 :5 9 .
1 4 4 . Pusey, “ K ’a n g Yu-wei,” p p . 1 6 4 , 1 6 9 .
145. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, Hsin min shuo, p. 15, “ Lun kung te,” in HMTP, I,
3 :1 (March 10, 1902).
146. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, Hsin min shuo, p. 48.
147. Ibid., p. 47.
148. See Lun-yü, 6.21, p. 122.
149. Chou Chen-fu, Yen Fu ssu-hsiang shu-p’ing (Taipei, 1964), p. 75.
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is told of you)—a line from Horace’s Satires (1.1, 69), quoted several
times by Marx. See Marx and Engels: Basic Writings on Politics and
Philosophy, ed. Lewis S. Feuer (New York, 1959), p. 150.
359. Kidd “introduced” Marx to China, that is, when Liang Ch’i-ch’ao men-
tioned Kidd’s mention of Marx. See YPS, V, 1 2 :7 9 , 86.
360. YPS, V, 12:81.
361. YPS, V, 12:82.
362. YPS, V, 12:83.
363. Ibid.
Jeh feng, p . 4 4 .
3 6 4 . L u H su n ,
365. Mao Chu-hsi yü îu, p. 149.
366. See YPS, V, 12 :8 2 .
367. Kidd, pp. 2 9 0 -2 9 1 .
368. YPS, V, 12:83.
369. Ibid.
370. Ibid., V, 12:82.
371. Hu Shih, Wen hsuan, p. 78.
372. Ibid., p . 84,
373. YPS, VI, 17:3.
374. Ibid.
375. Ibid., VI, 17:1.
376. Ibid., VI, 17:9.
377. Ibid,, VI, 17:8.
378. Ibid.
379. See Tz’u hat (Shanghai, 1948), p. 106,
380. YPS, VI, 17:5.
381. Ibid.
382. Ibid.
383. Ibid., VI, 17:10.
384. Ibid.
385. Ibid.
386. Ibid., VI, 17:7.
387. Ibid., VI, 1 7 :6 -7 .
388. Meng Tzu, 8.19, p. 191.
389. YPS, VI, 17:9.
390. Ibid., VI, 1 7 :4 -5 .
391. Ibid., VI, 17:3.
392. Darwin, Origin, p. 11.
393. Ibid., p . 82.
394. Ibid., p . 123.
3 9 5 . Ibid., p. 4 3 .
396. Ibid.
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7. The r ea l revolutionaries
1. Sun Yat-sen did önce use a novel translation of the title, The Origin o f
Species, Sheng-wu ben yuan, in a 1904 article, “Po Pao huang pao” (In
refutation of the Pao huang pao, see KFCS, p. 372), but Yen Fu himself
used two different translations, Wu-chung t*an yuan in “ Yuan ch’iang,”
YF, p. 14, and Wu-chung yu lai in T ’ien-yen tun, Part 1, p. 3,
2. KFCC, VI, 211.
3. Tsou Jung, p. 2.
4. MP, II, 1 2 :4 9 .
5. KFCS, p. 390.
6. Tsou Jung, p. 1.
7. SLHC, Ib, 689. The article from which this quotation comes, “Po
‘Ko-ming po-i’ ” (A refutation of “A refutation of revolution” ), Su pao,
June 1 2 -1 3 , 1903, was supposedly written jointly by Chang Ping-lin,
Tsou Jung, Liu Ya-tzu (Liu Ch’i-chi), and Ts’ai Yeh-min (Ts’ai Yin). See
Chang Ching-lu, LiSung-nien, “Hsin-haiko mûıg shih-ch’i chung-yao pao-
k'an tso-che pi ming lu,” Wen shih, Volüme 1, October, 1962 (Peking),
p. 110, n. 1.
8. John K. Fairbank, Edwin O. Reischauer, Albert M. Craİg, East Asia:
The Modem Transformation (Boston, 1965), p. 634.
9. Tsou Jung, pp. 18-19.
10. Ibid,, p. 49.
11. Ibid., p. 48. The chopping is free. A baffling literal translation would be:
“I grasp a great sword ninety-nine.”
12. Hu Han-min, “ Shu Hou-kuan Yen shİh tsuİ-chin cheng-chien,” MP, I,
2:13.
13. Hu Han-min, “ Min pao chih liu ta chu-i,” MP, I, 3 :7 .
14. MP, IV, 2 1 :1 0 2 .
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4 5 . Chang Ping-lin, Chang shih ts’ung shu (Taipei, 1958), II, 828. Also in
SLHC; Ilb, 656.
46. Chang Ping-lin, II, 829.
47. Ibid.
48. Ch’en T ’ien-hua, “Ch’en Hsing-t’ai hsicn-shcng chueh ming shu,” MP,
I, 2 :4 .
49. See YPS, V, 1 3 :67. Bluntschli’s International Law, of course, was al-
ready known and appreciated at the time of the Reform Movement, See
above, p. 140.
50. MP, II, 1 3 :30.
51. Ibıd.
52. Ibid., II, 13:25.
53. Ibid., II, 13:26.
54. Ibid., II, 13:27.
55. Ibid., II, 13:31.
56. Ibid., II, 13:33.
57. YPSt V, 13 :7 4 , 76.
58. Ibid., V. 75.
59. KFCS, 4 8 0 .
60. Ibid.
61. Harold Z. Schiffrin, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins o f the Chinese Revolu-
tion (Berkeley, 1970), p, 43.
62. KFCS, p. 392.
63. KFCC, III, 2 1 5 -2 1 6 .
64. Ibid., III, 164.
65. SLHC, la , 545.
66. Ibid., la, 540.
67. de Tocqueville, I, 6.
68. The Philosophy o f Hegel, p. 16 (my italics). Cited above, p. 38.
69. de Tocqueville, I, 6.
70. HMTP, IX, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, “ Hsin ta-lu yu-chi,” p. 61.
71. Ibid., IV, 21 :1 0 .
7 2. See above, p. 72, n. 72.
73. YPS, VI, 17:50.
74. Ibid., VI, 17:67.
75. Ibid., VI, 17:77.
76. Ibid., VI, 17 :3 8 .
77. Ibid., VI, 17 :2 2 .
78. Ibid., VI, 17:39.
79. Ibid., VI, 1 7 :3 7 -3 8 .
80. Ibid., VI, 17 :3 0 .
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151.Ibid.
152.Ibid., X, 5 4 :6 -7 .
153.Ibid., XVI, 8 6 :1 8 .
154.Ibid., VII, 4 0 -4 1 :1 0 3 .
155.Ibid., VII, 4 0 -4 1 :1 0 6 .
156.Ibid., VII, 4 0 -4 1 :1 0 1 .
157.Ibid., VII, 4 0 -4 1 :1 0 4 .
158.Ibid., XVI, 8 6 :2 0 .
159.Ibid., XVI, 8 6 :2 7 .
160.Ibid., XVI, 86 :2 0 .
161.Ibid., XVI, 8 6 :1 6 -1 7 .
162.KFCS, p. 487.
163.MP, 1 ,4 :1 0 4 .
164.KFCS, p. 481.
165.Ibid.
166.HMTP, XVI, 8 6 :1 3 .
167.MP, II, 1 2 :1 0 4 -1 0 5 .
. 168.Ibid., II, 59.
169.MP, I, 5 :7 9 .
170.KFCS, PP. 4 8 1 ,4 8 3 .
171.KFCC, III, 49.
172.KFCS, p. 487.
173.MP, 4 :1 0 2 -1 0 3 .
174.KFCS, p. 483.
175.Ibid., p. 481.
176.Ibid.
177.MP, II, 12:127.
178.KFCS, p. 487.
179.SLHC, Ilb, 886.
180.Ibid., Ilb, 889.
181.HMTP, XIII, 70:16.
182.Hofstadter, p. 57.
183.Ibid., p. 51.
184.MP, I, 4 :1 0 3 .
185.Mary Backus Rankin, Farly Chinese Revolutionaries: Radicai Intellec-
tuals in Shanghai and Chekiang, 1902-1911 (Cambridge, Mass„ 1971),
p. 107.
186. Robert A. Scalapino and Gcorge T. Yu, The Chinese Anarchist Move-
ment (Berkeley, 1961), p. 33.
187. Ibid., p. 37.
188. Hu Han-min, “ Min pao,” AfP, I, 3 :9 .
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283. Ibid., p. 5.
284. Wu Ching-heng, Shang-hsia, 1, 47.
285. Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, p. 13.
286. Lun-yü, 15.8, p. 238.
287. Huxley, Evolution and Ethics, p. 82. See ab ove, p. 102.
288. Darvvin, Descent, pp, 1 5 1 -1 5 2 .
289. Lun~yü, 9.17, p. 158.
290. Ibİd., 7.30, p. 138.
291. Ibid., 2.4, p. 70.
292. Darwin, Descent, p. 152.
293. Ibid., pp. 1 2 6 -1 2 7 .
294. Ibid., p. 141.
295. Huxley, Evolution and Ethics, p. 78.
296. Ibid., p. 84.
297. Darwin, Descent, p. 142.
298. Ibid., p. 141.
299. Ibid., p. 52.
300. Hsun Tzu, Chapter 23, p. 330.
301. Huxley, Evolution and Ethics, p, 39.
302. Ibid., p. 83.
303. Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, p. 206.
304. Meng Tzu, 3.6, p. 79.
305. Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, p. 195.
306. Ibid., pp. 2 1 2 -2 1 3 .
307. Meng Tzu, 12.2, p. 276.
308. Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, p. 195.
309. Ibid., “ Some Press Opinions,” opposite frontispiece.
310. Ibid., p. 8.
311. Ibid., pp. 13-14.
312. Ibid., p. 8.
313. Ibid., pp. 14-15.
314. Ibid., p. 3.
315. Ibid., p. 2.
316. Ibid., p. 2 -3 .
317. Ibid., p. 60.
318. Ibid., p. 52. See above, p. 391.
319. Ibid., pp. 6 0 -6 1 .
320. Ibid., p. 61.
321. Ibid.,
322. Danvin, Origin, p, 87.
323. Ibid., p. 6 2: “ I should premise that I use the term Struggle for Existence
in a large and metaphorical sense. . . . "
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a close with these lines of Darwin: “If we choose to let conjecture nın
wild, then animals, our fellow brethren in pain, dîsease, suffering and
famine—our slaves in the most laborious works, our companions in our
amusements—they may partake of our orİgin in one common ancestor—
we may be ali melted together—noble lines except that they offer no
resolution to the sorry fact that animals are our brethren, our slaves,
our companions—and our meat, as many men have oft been theirs.”
403. SLHC, Ilb, 9 1 8 -9 1 9 .
404. Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, p. 58.
405. Wu Ching-heng, Tsa-wen, pp. 1 8 3 -1 8 5 .
4 0 6 . Ibid., p . 1 8 6 .
407. HSC, 6 4 :3 8 9 .
408. Ibid., 5 4 :2 3 3 -2 3 4 .
409. Ibid., p. 234.
410. Ibid.
411. Ibid.
4 1 2 . Lun-yi i, 4 . 6 , p . 9 3 .
413. Ibid., 7.29, p. 138.
414. Meng Tzu, 1.7, p. 15.
415. Wu Chih-hui did önce say that the Chinese people’s nature, like that of
ali barbaric peoples, was short on spirit, but he stili implied that they
could have spirit if they wanted it. See HSC, 6 1 :345.
416. SLHC, Ilb, 907.
417. Ibid.
418. Ibid., Ilb, 9 1 9 -9 2 0 .
419. Ibid., Ilb, 923.
420. See HSC, 63:375.
421. SLHC, Ib, 8 7 0 -8 7 1 . Professor Nicholas Clifford, of Middlebury College,
has suggested that Ssu-t'u-huo “may be Maria W. Miller Stewart» 1 8 0 3
1879, a black woman born in Hartford, active in the Abolitionist move-
ment; a collection of her writings was published in 1879 as Meditations
from the Pen ofM rs. Maria W. Stewart.”
422. HSC, 5 3 :2 1 6 .
423. Ibid., 5 8 :2 9 8 .
424. SLHC, Ilb, 914.
4 2 5 . Wo-men ti p ’eng-yu pien t'İen-hsia, an ot her ubiquitous slogan, the
locus cîassicus of which escapes me.
426. SLHC, Ilb, 949.
427. See above, p. 316.
428. SLHC, Ilb, 1022.
429. HSC, 3 9 :1 5 4 .
430. Ibid., 6 0 :3 2 3 .
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68. For the Lao tzu passage, see above, p. 174. For Mao Tse-tung’s “ac-
ceptance” of it, see Mao Tse-tung, Hsuan chi, IV, 1365: “ *You people
are not humane.’ That is quite so. We will defınitely not extend humane
government to the reactionaries or to the reactionary activities of the
reactionary classes.” Needless to say, Lao tzu was thinking of something
else.
69. TYL, pt. 2, p. 46.
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