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Implications of Marital Separation For Younger Children
Implications of Marital Separation For Younger Children
IMPLICATIONS OF
MARITAL SEPARATION
FOR
YOUNG CHILDREN
IMPLICATIONS OF
MARITAL SEPARATION
FOR
YOUNG CHILDREN
Compiled by the Australian Institute ofFamily Studies
from a report ofa sUIVey conducted in 1982-83 by
G. W. Smiley, E. R. Chamberlain and L. I. Dalgleish
February 1987
Bibliography
ISBN 0 642 \09672.
306.8'9
List of Figures
1 Time periods used for obtaining measures for each group of respondents
The Researchers
Mr G.W. Smiley was Director of Court Counselling at the FamUy Court Coun~
selling Section in Brisbane, but went into private practice soon after commencing this
research.
Emeritus Professor E.R. Chamberlain was Head of the Department of Social Work
at the University of Queensland during the research.
Dr L.I. Dalgleish, who joined the research team at the planning stage for data
collection, is a lecturer in the Department of Social Work at the University of
Queensland.
The research was monitored in the early stages by a Research Consultative Com~
mittee consisting of Dr P.}. Graham and Mr E.L. Reilly of the Department of Social
Work, University of Queensland, and Dr A. Silcock from the Department of Edu~
cation, University of Queensland.
Acknowledgements
The researchers wish to acknowledge the assistance of the Queensland Education
Department and of teachers in the school system in obtaining respondents and in
providing another view of children in the study. They also thank the Family Court
for its cooperation in the search for families to participate in the study. Considerable
help was provided by the research assistants, Anne Andrews, Robyn Lincoln, Dawn
Wilson, Joan Davey and Sandra Siddle, and this is gratefully acknowledged.
Special thanks go to the families who agreed to participate in the study for their
cooperation in answering questions and for their willingness to share their experi-
ences.
Foreword
There is a severe problem in trying to do research on how divorce affects
children.
Modern society has become so imbued with the psychology of stability, adjustment,
bonding and 'normal' development that any child whose pathway is disrupted is
assumed to be in trouble. We forget that change is as endemic to social life as con-
tinuity. We forget that in the past children lost their mothers in child birth, their
fathers in war and pestilence, had fewer grandparents because oflower life expectancy
and were forced to 'grow up' independently and assume adult responsibilities at a very
early age. In Australia in 1891 there were more one-parent families with children
under age 15 (14 per cent of all households) than there were in 1982 (only 5 per cent of
all households). Not all were bereaved either, since 'desertion' was widespread, so
parental loss through marriage breakdown has been a fact of life for many Australian
children for a long period of time.
The issue of 'deviation from the norm' cannot, however, be easily dismissed. The
1950s-60s were characterised uniquely by almost universal marriage, high stability
and strong social pressures to conform to the 'nuclear family' model. Thus children
whose parents separated did suffer social stigma and perhaps more conflict and stress
as a result. Moreover, given the greater economic dependency of women whose
education and training made a male 'provider' essential for most, it was men who
deserted rather than women.
Times have changed and we might expect the impact of divorce on children to have
shifted too. Women now are better equipped to survive alone and government bene-
fits to supporting parents facilitate their active move out of unsatisfactory marriages.
Social values make it more acceptable to divorce and children see around them peers
who have been through the same experience.
It is perhaps not surprising therefore to find the research on children and divorce has
also shifted ground. The very assumptions underlying such research are more critic-
ally examined and the research methods are now much more sophisticated. Where
once, samples of 'problem children' from 'broken homes' were studied, or samples
were drawn from clinical groups self-selected in search of counselling, studies such as
the one being reported here draw randomly from the whole population of children
and have matching control groups of children from intact families. They are thus far
better designed studies than much of what has gone before.
The Institute set out deliberately to focus on what was happening to children in
families, to avoid the usual 'adult myopia' of much family research and to examine the
child as an active participant in and influence on family life. Our study of Marriage
Breakdown, 1982-83, involved divorced people from three States and asked parents
questions about how children had been affected. But in tandem with that study we
commissioned two contract studies about divorce impacts on children. One is
reported here and is based on young children aged 6 to 8 at the time of divorce. The
other was conducted for us by Rosemary Dunlop and Ailsa Burns, on adolescents,
and is reported elsewhere. Both were required to examine children's perceptions, to
obtain standardised measures of adjustment and other behavioural outcomes and
(most importantly) to include control groups of children from intact families. At
about the same time we conducted our own study of children from all family types to
examine family effects on the development of competence.
Findings from these three Institute studies of children have been surprisingly con-
sistent and have challenged some standard assertions about how family instability
affects children.
Perhaps most important is the repeated finding that it is family conflict per se that
damages children, rather than their presence in a particular family type. Such conflfct
is more evident before the separation/divorce than after it and many children in one-
parent families are doing very well in terms of emotional adjustment, self-esteem,
coping independently and at school. What marks off such children is their compa-
rative poverty and resources for achieving higher levels of education. When we put
this together with the Institute's findings about matrimonial property division and
the failure to collect child maintenance support payments, two minimal conclusions
can be drawn.
First, interventions such as counselling support are just as important prior to family
separation as after divorce. Second, firmer efforts are required in both the family law
system and the system of social security to ensure that no family with children has to
survive at or below the poverty line.
This study of young children and divorce challenges several popular notions about
'children from broken homes'. For example, over 70 per cent of the non-custodial
parents do have regular contact with their children; relatives of the ex-spouse do act as
strong family supports in many cases, despite an overall reduction in contact; friends
become the most important source of support, both for the divorced parent and their
children; though children whose parents divorce display more behavioural problems
prior to and in the first year after divorce, they quickly adjust and there are no sig-
nificant differences in school performance, emotional health or social relationships.
Teachers do not tend to 'label' children from separated families and in fact rate them
as functioning better with peers than those from intact homes. No differences emerge
on measures of self-esteem.
On the other hand, these young children do reveal different attitudes to the family
which reflect the separation experience. Family life to them revolves around joint
family activities whereas for children from intact families its importance lies in caring
and helping. While the 'intact' seek to improve their skills, the 'separated' wish to
better their behaviour and show more concern for family disruption and restructur-
ing. A third of them wish to see their parents reconciled whereas the 'intact' express
more concern about their relationships with siblings and parents. On a 'three-wishes'
test, the 'separated' children mentioned more family-related desires than the others
who wanted possessions or personal improvements. Overall, the separated parents in
this sample view the ending of their marriages in a positive light despite some eco-
nomic and personal difficulties. Their children, on the other hand, express negative
feelings about the separation, though their adjustment to change seems satisfactory
and improves over time.
So where does that leave us in relation to our starting point about the problem of
doing research on children and divorce? I think it leaves us with a better balanced
understanding of what happens, but also with a new doubt. Whereas earlier research
was weak because it drew on clinical samples of children from 'broken homes', not
matched against those from intact families, the newer research has a different 'bias'.
For it relies on the willingness of volunteers, randomly selected, to be interviewed
about what is a potentially upsetting topic. Cooperation in such research may reflect
less initial difficulty in the separation process, less trauma on the part of the children,
less fear that an interview will simply raise old spectres that are harmful to the child's
well-being. So the selection bias in itself will result in scores closer to the intact groups
and we are in danger of going too far in the direction of saying 'divorce is not harmful
to kids'.
Of course what is being said about the research is not that but rather 'divorce is
harmful in certain circumstances but not others'. If there is high conflict, serious
disruption of home, school, friendships, standard of living and so on, then certain bad
effects follow. Given caution therefore, these findings are a very significant advance
on what was known before. They give Australian evidence on an issue much
researc}led overseas, where life circumstances and cultural values differ. Instead of
judges, guidance officers and court counsellors having to rely on Wallerstein and
Kelly or Hetherington or Ferri, they can check the Australian evidence against the
overseas for similarities and differences.
From there, further questions can be asked and specific forms of intervention can be
tried and evaluated. The best research will be longitudinal and involve repeated
measures of likely divorce effects on children over time. For if history teaches us
anything it is that children are amazingly adaptable and enormously resilient. The
only way in which the worst effects of family conflict and marital separation can be
alleviated is to identify the conditions under which children go under, survive or
flourish. Then parents, teachers and other sources of social support will be better
equipped to help.
My thanks go to the team of researchers at the University of Queensland who carried
this difficult piece of research to successful completion, to Gay Ochiltree of the
Institute's research staff who acted as coordinator for all these related 'children in
divorce' projects and to the Victoria Law Foundation whose grant enabled us to
publish this final report. A longer and more detailed version of this Working Paper is
available for inspection at the Institute.
Don Edgar
Director
Australian Institute of Family Studies
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 1
findings of Hetherington, Cox and Cox (1978) provide a useful framework. These
authors found three major areas of stress for families after separation: emotional dis-
tress; practical problems of living, such as financial problems and housing; and social
life and interpersonal relationships. Each of these areas is important in understanding
how families adjust to the crisis of divorce.
One of the major limitations in research and the literature on family breakdown has
been an almost exclusive focus on emotional distress; matters such as the economic
consequences of separation and changes in social networks have received scant atten-
tion (Everly, 1977; Levitin, 1979). (One exception, the recent Australian study on the
economic consequences of divorce by the Australian Institute of Family Studies
(McDonald, 1986), has documented the severe financial losses of most custodial
mothers.) When social and economic factors are acknowledged, they are usually
interpreted in terms of psychological effects through the stress they add to the family
(Hetherington, Cox and Cox, 1978; Longfellow, 1979; Wallerstein and Kelly, 1979.
Although psychological stress is an important consideration ina family's ability to
cope, poor financial circumstances and constricted social networks also result in
material hardship and decreased social opportunities for children and other family
members (Bane, 1976; Everly, 1977; Espenshade, 1979). .
Much of our knowledge concerning the effects of marital separation and divorce on
children comes from the research efforts of Hetherington, Cox and Cox (1978) and
Wallerstein and Kelly (1980). While these studies are benchmarks in the field, they
have some design limitations and do not describe the Australian situation (Eisen,
1979). The design limitations of the Wallerstein and Kelly study include a reliance on
subjects from a clinical population (families had sought help from a counselling ser-
vice and were asked to participate in the research). Other limitations include the lack
of a comparison group of non-separated families and the fact that the sample was
predominantly made up of middle class families. This latter criticism can also be made
of the study by Hetherington and her colleagues.
The purpose of the present study was to investigate changes in family circumstances
and the difficulties for children that follow marriage breakdown. In this research,
some of the limitations of earlier studies have been addressed. For one thing, the
study was conducted in Brisbane, making it relevant to the Australian experience. As
well as including an examination of economic and social factors, a non-clinical sample
of families that spanned the full range of socio-economic groups was used. Finally, the
design allowed for comparisons of separated and intact families.
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 3
2 Method
Interviews were conducted throughout 1982-83. The following is an outline of the
study design, the data collection procedures, and sample characteristics.
Design
The research involved three groups of children. Group one consisted of 20 children
whose parents had been separated for between 10 and 14 months (the 1 year separated
group), group two consisted of 22 children whose parents had been separated for
between 24 to 36 months (the 2- 3 years separated group), and group three consisted of
28 children from non-separated families (the intact group). The two time periods
allowed for comparisons of groups to explore the extent to which effects of parental
separation change over time.
Children in the three groups were selected to yield similar distributions of family
socio-economic status (SES) and sex of child. The SES of the familywas based on the
employment classification of the major breadwinner prior to the separation, or for the
intact families, two years prior to the time of the interview.
Information was obtained for respondents' circumstances at the time of interview,
and retrospectively for the period prior to separation for each of the separated groups.
For the intact group, information was obtained for two time periods corresponding to
the times of separation for the other two groups (see Figure 1). During the interviews,
however, it became clear that parents in the intact group had difficulty in making
distinctions between their family circumstances 12 months and two years ago. It was
decided, therefore, only to use the information given by parents in intact families for
the time period two years prior to the interview.
Respondents
Children in the separated groups were six to eight years of age at the time of parental
separation. Because of the different periods since separation, children were aged
between seven and eleven years at the time of the interview. This age group repre-
sents the 'early latency' period of development (Kelly and Wallerstein, 1976).
4 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
Figure 1 Time periods used for obtaining measures for each group of respondents
Considerable difficulty was experienced in locating suitable respondents who met the
constraints imposed by time since separation, age and sex of child, and socio-econ-
omic status of the family. This led to the use of a variety of sources for locating
respondents. A fortuitous side effect was the lessening of systematic bias because the
sample was not associated with a single source.
In the first instance, respondents were located by obtaining permission from the
Queensland Education Department to approach families through the State school
system. Three large schools were chosen that represented the full range of socio-
economic statuses. Letters were forwarded through the schools to 1500 families ask-
ing for those who met the criteria and were willing to participate to identify them-
selves. Only 12 sllitable children from separated families were obtained through this
method, even after a repeat request to the 1500 families.
Next, efforts were made to obtain suitable separated families through appeals in the
media. Radio and newspapers were used and these yielded a further 12 children.
Finally, per:mission was obtained from the Family Court Principal Registrar to use
Family Court records. Staff from the Family Court in Brisbane examined all court
\ records to identify families who fitted broadly within the study criteria. The Family
Court then sent letters to custodial parents in these families asking for their
. cooperation. This produced a further 18 families, which represented a response rate
of approximately 30 per cent. With the benefit of hindsight, it now seems obvious
that an effective method of obtaining respondents would have involved the exclusive
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 5
use of Family Court records. Of course, this approach does not sample the population
of separated families not using the Family Court system.
Data collection
Three interview schedules and two quantitative measures were used to collect data
from the three groups.
First, an interview was conducted with the parent providing care in the separated
families and to either parent (usually the mother) in intact families. Parents were
interviewed alone in their homes. The interview covered a number of areas, including
finances, housing, use of child care, and family and friendship supports. Parents in the
two separated groups were asked additional questions dealing with their own and
their children's adjustment to separation.
Second, an interview dealing with the child's functioning in the school environment
was held with his or her teacher. All teachers were interviewed at school. This
information was seen to be important because of the significance of school to children
in the age group studied. Moreover, teachers are a readily available external source of
information about children.
Third, an interview was held with every child, privately, in the child's home. This
interview focused on the child's interests and attitudes to the family. Children in
separated families were not asked questions about the separation because the inter-
view was too restricted to allow for a 'working through' of any feelings aroused. This
feature was recognised by the Education Department in permitting access to schools;
it also gave reassurance to parents in obtaining their cooperation. A reading test (St.
Lucia reading test - Andrews, 1973) and the Coopersmith self-esteem inventory
(Coopersmith, 1967) were also administered at the time of the interview.
Interviews were conducted by the principal researcher and five interviewers trained
by him. All had previous research experience and professional qualifications in the
behavioural sciences. The parent interview was of approximately one hour's dura-
tion, the child's interview 40 minutes, and the teacher interview 15 to 20
minutes.
Sample characteristics
Socio-economic status
Table 1 details the sodo-economic statuses of families in the sample, based on the
classifications of Broom, Duncan-Jones, Jones and McDonnell (1977). For this pur-
pose, the occupation of the major breadwinner was used. For separated families, the
occupation of the major breadwinner before separation was used.
There was a spread over the full range of statuses in the three groups of families.
Comparisons of the sample with figures for the Australian population revealed that
the sample over-represented high SES families and under-represented low SES
families. However, a Smirnov test (Conover, 1971) revealed no significant differences
between the SES distributions of the three groups.
6 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
Family composition
The majority of children in the separated groups were living with single mothers,
although two were living with single fathers. Ten per cent of parents in the one year
group and 18 per cent of parents in the 2-3 year group had repartnered.
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 7
time, getting the courage to go, and pretty bad for a few weeks - but done the right
thing'; and 'First year probably the worst'. Other parents were entirely negative in
outlook: 'Lonely, don't like the situation'; and 'Missing partner, money problems and
no friends'.
Most of the separated parents viewed the effects of marital separation on themselves
positively, but with some variation in how well they coped. The one year separated
group tended to refer to the relief of the separation and the benefits that resulted from
it. The responses of the two-three years separated group were often qualified,
acknowledging negative as well as positive aspects. This suggests a greater willingness
over time to acknowledge the negative aspects of the experience.
Housing
Table 2 shows that almost all families lived in houses at the time of the interview.
Although not shown in the table, the corresponding percentages for the pre-sepa-
ration period were also high for all groups. It is worthy of comment here that in
Brisbane, accommodation tends to be provided in houses, with few high rise units
available.
Table 2 Housing characteristics of one year separated, two-three years separated, and
intact families
Parents also assessed the effects of family housing on the child, and their comments
were coded into negative, neutral, and positive categories. These are presented in
Table 2. Interestingly, parents in the one year separated group were most likely to
report positive effects on their children, although the differences between groups did
not attain significance.
The final question on housing was open-ended, 'In summary, what has been the
major effect on the child in terms of housing?' Parents from the two separated groups
reported some negative effects for their children, but the majority of responses from
all parents were either neutral or positive. Negative responses included: 'Loss of
friends after school'; 'Child likes it here but does say, "I wish I could have my own
bedroom'''; and 'Positive, although the moves have created some problems'. A sub-
stantial number of parents in each of the three groups referred to the benefits of not
10 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
moving house: 'Reinforced stability in the child's environment'; and 'Children have
benefited from being able to remain close to friends, school, and church'.
Overall, the major findings in relation to housing are the increased mobility of the
separated groups and the downward movement in housing status for the one year
separated group. However, no differences emerged between separated and intact
groups in housing status at the time of the interview or parents' reports of negative
effects of housing on children. These findings are not entirely consistent with those
of Bane (1976) and Espenshade (1979) who noted general disadvantages in housing
following separation. Weiss (1984) found that separated families continued to expend
a similar amount on housing, even though this represented a higher proportion of
their income at the time of the interview than it had during the pre-separation period.
This may explain the present finding of no differences between groups in housing
status.
Finances
Table 3 details the source of income for families in the three groups. There was a
significant difference between the groups, with the separated groups having greater
reliance on social security payments than did the intact group. The intact group also
had a much higher proportion of dual incomes than did the separated groups.
Parents were asked whether or not they had concerns or worries about finances in the
two time periods (that is, pre-separation and at the time of interview). Responses in
Table 3 reveal that parents in the two separated groups were significantly more likely
than parents in the intact group to report concerns, both at the time of interviewing
and at the pre-separation period. This indicates that separated parents perceived
themselves as having financial concerns even prior to the separation. It is possible that
separated parents reported worries about finances during the pre-separation period
because they held generally negative views of their marriages at that time. On the
other hand, it may be that financial problems led to, or exacerbated, problems in the
. marital relationship. .
Responses to an open-ended question, 'What has been the major change in finances
(since pre-separation)?' confirmed that most separated families had reduced income.
Some intact families (five) referred to problems caused by higher costs of living:
'Buying a new home'; 'Education expenses higher with growing children'; and 'Wife
pregnant'. The separated families expressed concerns of a very different kind, and
these often involved the themes of survival or struggling to maintain what the family
had: 'Not having a car is a saving of money but a loss of freedom'; and 'Now paying off
house with help of family'.
A positive theme emerged in the responses of some separated parents which sug-
gested that the family was meeting challenges well and with improved control over
finances. For example: 'Now in control of own budget and can spend where I feel it is
needed'; 'More consistent income'; and 'Husband was a big spender and lived off
credit'. In fact, about one half of the separated parents referred to greater control over
finances as a positive change since separation. Colletta (1979) argued that a sense of
control over finances reduces the impact of financial stress on the family. It seems
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 11
Table 3 Financial characteristics of one year separated, two-three years separated, and
intact families
likely, therefore, that parental feelings of control over finances can contribute posi-
tively to parental well-being in spite of reduced income.
Table 3 presents parents' evaluations of the effects on the family of changes in the
financial situation from the pre-separation period to the time of the interview. This
shows that the separated groups, compared with the intact group, had significantly
greater variability with more negative and positive comments. The large number of
separated parents who reported positive effects is noteworthy; this may reflect their
generally negative perceptions of the marriage.
Parents' assessment of the effects of the family financial situation on the child are also
presented in Table 3. These reveal significantly more negative effects on children
from the separated groups than from the intact group. In fact, not one parent in the
intact group reported a negative effect on the child from the present financial
situation.
12 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
Parents were also asked an open-ended question, 'What has been the major effect of
the family's financial situation on the child?' Whereas parents from intact families
generally reported either stability for the child or no change, separated parents tended
to report problems caused by restricted finances: 'Child has not had to go without
anything, but spending is curtailed'; 'Cannot send children to school of parent's
choice or to relatives interstate for holidays'; and 'Purse strings are a bit tighter'.
Again, a positive aspect was seen in some families in terms of the child's adjustment to
the constricted finances of the family: 'Child is aware of situation and is less demand-
ing'; and 'Child has to go without but understands and accepts'. No qualitative
differences in responses were apparent between parents in the two separated
groups.
Overall, these results indicate that finances are a significant area of difficulty for
separated families. This is consistent with Kurdek and Blisk (1983) who found that
finances ranked second after the relationship with the ex-spouse as the area of most
concern to parents following separation. Nevertheless, although families had reduced
income after separation, 50 per cent of separated parents reported having more con-
trol over finances, and most evaluated their economic situation positively. This
indicates certain costs, as well as benefits, in separation for custodial parents.
Health
Parents were asked whether or not there were any changes in the health of the family
following separation. The majority of parents (70 per cent) reported no changes in the
health of family members, 26 per cent reported positive changes, and 4 per cent
reported negative changes. Although there was a tendency for separated parents to be
more likely than parents in intact families to report positive changes (38 per cent
versus 7 per cent), the difference between groups did not attain statistical sig-
nificance.
Parents were also asked an open-ended question, 'What has been the major change in
family health (since pre-separation)?' These responses revealed a deterioration in
health for a few members of separated families: 'Mother exhausted because she is on
the go all the time'; and 'Child now asthmatic'. In other cases, however, there was an
indication of health improvement, possibly brought about by the resolution of stress
associated with a poor marriage or a difficult separation: 'Less stress on parent, her
health has improved'; 'Mother coping better - improved mental health'; and 'One
child suffered asthma before the separation, but not now'.
The present findings are consistent with those of Kurdek and Blisk (1983) who found
that health was not an area of concern for most parents after divorce. The findings of
the present study even suggest improvements in health for some family members
following separation.
Child care
Parents were asked about their use of child care, both prior to separation and at the
time of the interview. The results in Table 4 indicate that at both time periods, parents
in separated families made Significantly greater use of child care than did parents in
intact families. There was also a significant trend for the use of child care in separated
families to increase or decrease since the pre-separation period.
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 13
Responses to an open-e nded questio n, 'What has been the major change
in child care
(since pre-separation)?' revealed several themes. The first was a depend
ence on paid
day care: 'Need for day care during holidays because of mothe r's work';
and 'Now
have to pay for child care'. A second theme was relief at not needin g
to use child care:
'Doesn 't use child care any more and glad of it'. Finally, a third theme
was the need for
child care to be available: 'Stayed home to avoid latch-key situatio
n'; and 'Starte d
using day care for parent 's benefit - free time'.
Parent s were also asked, 'What has been the major effect of child care
arrang ements
on the child?' Table 4 indicates that most mothe rs who used child care
were positive.
Many claimed that their childre n enjoyed or received benefi t from child
care attend-
ance: 'Increa sed indepe ndence of child as a result of child care'; 'Enjoy
s activities and
mixing with other childre n'; and 'Child likes baby-sitter'. Howev er, the
small numbe r
of parent s who reporte d negative effects did so in definite terms: 'Child
has day care
during school holidays and no longer has fun times'; and 'Child would
rather mothe r
stayed home from work'.
Overall, a high propor tion of separated families were depend ent on child
care. Child
care appears to be a necessary factor in allowing single parent s to attend
work or to
engage in activities outside the family unit. The general lack of availab
ility of child care
facilities has been criticised by Van Houte n, Schroe der, and King (1982)
who pointe d
out that child care is a critical need for single-parent families. The
presen t results
14 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
indicate that child care should be viewed as a necessary supportive service to single-
parent families.
Extended family
Table 5 presents the frequency of contact with the maternal extended family. The
difference between groups was not significant but suggests that family contact was
least for parents in the one year separated group. However, a question on changes in
contact since the pre-separation period revealed a significant difference between
groups: compared with intact families, separated families were more likely to either
increase or decrease their level of contact with the maternal extended family. The
variability of the separated groups contrasts with the stability of the intact families.
Table 5 Contact with extended family in one year separated, two-three years separated,
and intact families
Table 5 also indicates that the extent of contact with paternal family members did not
differ significantly across the groups. However, changes over time in contact with the
paternal extended family showed a significant difference, with separated families
mainly reporting a decrease in contact.
(It should be noted that in three of the one year separated families and in one of the
two-three years separated families the custodial parent was the father. For this reason,
the figures in Table 5 were re-computed after removing these cases. These results
were only slightly different from those reported in the table, and these differences did
not affect the interpretations.)
In spite of a general decrease in contact with the paternal family, a surprisingly high
number of female-headed families continued to maintain, or even increase, their level
of contact. This may be primarily due to contact between the children of the marriage
and their paternal relatives. Sanders (1983) reported a similar finding and suggested
that relatives of the ex-spouse sometimes offer themselves as supports to the
family.
Table 5 also contains responses to a further question dealing with the overall quality
of changes in contact with all extended family (maternal and paternal) since separ-
ation. On this question, the separated groups reported significantly more changes,
both positive and negative, than did the intact group. A follow-up question, 'What
has been the major change in family relationships (since pre-separation)?' highlighted
the issues of reduced contaCt with the ex-spouse's family and increased reliance on the
parent's own extended family. The other issue of interest to emerge was the relatively
large number of separated families who had lessened contact with all extended family.
For example, one parent noted: 'Attitudes of rejection to me from both paternal and
maternal relatives because of separation'. More positively, another parent stated that
she was pleased to have achieved greater independence from her family.
Parents were also asked about effects on the child of changes in relationships with
extended family since separation. Their responses, presented in Table 5, reveal more
changes - both positive and negative - for children in separated families than for
children in intact families. This is consistent with the increased variability in the
frequency of contact with extended family over time for separated parents, as noted
above. The patterns for intact families was quite stable.
The above question was followed with an open-ended one, 'What has been the major
effect of present relationships with extended family on the child?' Some separated
parents noted problems resulting from a loss of contact: 'Child misses her paternal
grandmother'; 'Child is not sure where to place his affection'; and 'Emotional prob-
lems - disillusioned and disappointed'. A positive theme to emerge in the responses
of some separated parents was that less contact with extended family made the nuclear
family closer. Another positive theme was that extended family helped the child
adjust to separation: 'Grandparents have a calming effect on the child'; and 'Closer to
extended family and discusses problems with them'.
A number of authors have suggested that family contact has a beneficial indirect effect
on the child by reducing the level of stress on the custodial parent (Pett, 1982a). On
the other hand, Spanier and Hanson (1982) found that contact from extended family
was unrelated to parental adjustment, overall, because family members frequently
16 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
offered criticism and disapproval in addition to support. Perhaps this explains the
finding of Kurdek and Blisk (1983) that friends ranked higher than family as supports
for separated parents. However, Spanier and Hanson (1982) did suggest that increased
community acceptance of marriage breakdown might decrease the non-supportive
interactions of extended family members.
Friendships
There were no significant differences between groups in the basic frequency of con-
tact with friends: overall, 32 per cent of parents reported infrequent contact and 69
per cent reported frequent contact. However, when asked about changes, parents in
separated families were significantly more likely than parents in intact families to
report increased contact with friends (Table 6). This finding is consistent with other
studies (Kurdek and Blisk, 1983; Sanders, 1983) which found increased reliance on
friends following marital separation. Kurdek and Blisk (1983) reported that of all
people in the social network, friends were the most important source of support after
separation.
Parents' reports of changes in the quality of contact with friends since the pre-sep-
aration period are also presented in Table 6. Separated parents were significantly
more likely than parents in intact families to report positive changes in the quality of
friendship contacts.
Parents were also asked an open-ended question, 'What has been the major change in
friendships (since pre-separation)?' Three major themes emerged from these
responses. The first involved less contact with married couple friends and more
contact with persons of similar marital status or interests: 'Changed from family
groups to single people and parents'; and 'Loss of couples, more intense relationships
with other women'. The second theme suggested an increased dependence on
friends: 'Friendships are now more deep'; and 'Increased contact with friends'. The
third theme referred to a reduction in contact with friends and an increase in self-
reliance: 'Doesn't entertain much any more, fears seduction, feels embarrassed when
with others who haven't been able to manage separation'; and 'Some married couple
friends no longer keep in contact'.
When asked about possible effects on the child of friendships at the time of the
interview, no significant differences emerged between parents in the three groups. In
fact, only one respondent reported a negative effect on the child, while 41 per cent
and 57 per cent reported neutral or positive effects, respectively. Parents were also
asked about how changes in friendships since the pre-separation period might have
affected their children. These assessments, presented in Table 6, revealed that parents
in the separated groups were significantly more likely than those in intact families to
report positive effects. In fact, no parents in intact families reported changes. (A Z test
revealed that the difference in the proportions of parents in separated and intact
families who reported positive changes was statistically significant.)
Par.ents were also asked, 'What has been the major effect of present friendships on the
child?'. Typical positive comments by separated parents were: 'Increased confidence
- more diversity of people to interact with'; and 'Helped because friends of family.
have also experienced separation'. An interesting theme was that of children learning
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 17
Table 6 Friendships and leisure activity in one year separated, two-three years
separated, and intact families
All in all, friendships were an important source of support for the separated parents in
this study, with some parents reporting losses but most reporting increases in both
the frequency and quality of their friendship networks.
Leisure
Parental reports of changes in the amount of family leisure from the pre-separation
period to the time of the interview are shown in Table 6. The results indicate a sig-
nificant difference between groups, with parents in separated families being more
likely than those in intact families to report increases in the frequency of leisure
activities. Responses to a similar question dealing with changes in the quality of
leisure activities over the same time period also revealed a significant difference: par-
ents in separated families were more likely than parents in intact families to report
improvements in the quality of leisure time (see Table 6).
When asked about the implications of family leisure activities for their children, most
parents, overall, reported positive effects. When asked about the effects of any
changes in leisure activities on their children, however, parents in separated families
were Significantly more likely than parents in intact families to report positive effects
(see Table 6).
In response to· the question, 'What has been the major effect of present leisure
activities on the child?' most parents reported benefits. Although no parent living in
an intact family made negative comments, a few separated parents noted problems:
'Shift work for mother is a difficulty because she sometimes works on weekends'; and
'Missing the car and the beach - child now plays sport but really his love is the
beach.' A qualitative difference was apparent between the separated and intact
families in their comments about the positive effects of leisure activities. Separated
parents often suggested benefits in terms of family restructuring and overcoming past
stress: 'Now a family unit and enjoys activities together'; 'Leisure activities have
helped distract child from emotional problems'; and 'We go out together more often
now'. Parents in intact families, on the other hand, often referred to leisure as assist-
ing in the child's social development: 'Extended appreciation and knowledge of new
things, people, and places'; and 'Cementing family relationships and promoting good
health'.
Leisure activity following separation is not an area that has been given much attention
in the literature. Albrecht (1980) showed that there was a great deal of variation in
social participation by spouses after marriage breakdown. In the present study, the
focus has been on family leisure activities. The general pattern was for separated
parents to report a general increase in the amount and quality ofleisure activities over
time and to believe that these changes had been beneficial for their children. These
findings may reflect a greater cohesiveness in the family following separation and the
lessening of conflict.
continuous, intimate contact with their children, they should be in a good position to
provide information on their children's behaviour.
Parents were asked to state whether their children's behaviour was presenting prob-
lems or whether they were pleased with their children's behaviour (neutral responses
represented a mid-point between these two descriptions.) Reports of children's gen-
eral behaviour at the time of the interview and during the pre-separation period are
shown in Table 7. During the pre-separation period, separated parents were more
likely than parents in intact families to report behaviour problems. Parents in intact
families, on the other hand, were more likely than parents in separated families to
describe their children's behaviour in positive ways.
Other relationships
Children were asked if there was a person in their extended family whom they 'really
enjoy spending time with or who is special'. Overall, a large percentage of children (83
per cent) stated that they did have such a person, and the difference between groups
was not significant. Similarly, children were asked if there was a person not in their
family whom they 'really enjoy spending time with or who is special'. The percentage
of children who said 'yes' was significantly higher in intact families (93 per cent) than
in one year separated (55 per cent) or two-three years separated (77 per cent) families
(p <.01). Perhaps children from recently separated families, because of moving and
changes in parental friendships, tend to lose contact with their friends. On the other
hand, these results suggest a more stable family situation for two-three years separ-
ated families than for one year separated families.
Attitude to family
Two interview items dealt with families in general. The first was, 'Tell me some good
things about a family'. Responses to this item revealed some qualitative differences
between the three groups of children. The most common response for, children from
intact (39 per cent) and two-three years separated families (32 per cent) was that a
family is caring or helpful. In contrast, only one child in the one year separated group
(5 per cent) gave this response. Instead, the most common category of responses for
children in the one year separated group (45 per cent) referred to engaging in family
activities.
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 23
Children were also requested to, 'Tell me some not-so-good things about a family'.
The most common response for children in all three groups (36 per cent overall)
referred to fights and arguments. It is of interest to note that whereas 25 per cent of
children from intact families and 18 per cent of children from two-three years
separated families mentioned discipline and restrictions as being bad things, no child-
ren from one year separated families gave this response. Children in separated families
occasionally referred to family breakdown, financial insecurity, and separation from
extended family.
Five children from the one year separated group and three from the two-three years
separated group either said that they didn't know the answers to or refused to answer
both questions (19 per cent of separated children, overall). The reason for this is not
clear, but the children who did not respond resisted even when pressed to do so by
the interviewer. This non-response may have been defensive, or it may have reflected
difficulty in framing a response to the question.
Changes in family
Children were asked if there was anything about their families they would like to
change, if they could. Overall, 47 per cent of children said 'yes', with little difference
between the three groups of children. However, group differences were apparent
when children were asked what things they would like to see changed in their
families. Of the 24 children in separated families who said they wanted to change
something, five in one year separated and eight in two-three years separated families
said they would like to see their parents reconciled. This represents 31 per cent of all
children in separated families. Other responses from children in separated families
referred to less family conflict, a better home environment, and changes in sibling
relationships.
Children from intact families responded to the question differently. Their concern
was not with the survival of the family unit, but with the quality of relationships with
other family members. The ~ajority of responses dealt with siblings ('Like to have a
sister', and 'Make brother's temper less') while others dealt with parents ('Let them
spoil me', and 'Not being roused on').
Attitude to self
Children were asked if there was anything they would like to change about them-
selves. For those who responded positively, an open-ended question was asked to
determine what things, in particular, they wanted to change. Overall, 44 per cent of
children responded 'yes', and this percentage did not vary significantly by family
type.
Some areas of concern were common to all groups. For example, changes to physical
appearance (fewer freckles, being taller, longer hair) were mentioned by about 20 per
cent of children in each family type. However, more children in the one year separ-
ated group (25 per cent) than in the two-three years separated group (4 per cent) or
the intact group (7 per cent) mentioned changes in behaviour (for example, be a better
boy for Dad, not be so shy, keep room tidy). Changes in personal competence (for
example, becoming more athletic, being smarter, being fitter) were more commonly
24 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
mentio ned by childre n from intact families (18 per cent) than by childre
n in separated
families (5 per cent). This could reflect a greater concer n for childre n
from separated
families with family disrup tion and restruc turing rather than the usual
developmental
tasks facing childre n in this age group.
Three wishes
Childr en were asked what they would wish for if they could have
three wishes
granted. A wide range of responses were given, and these were divided
into three
broad categories. Responses dealing with possessions includ ed 'a swimm
ing pool', 'a
million dollars', 'a BMX bike', and 'a large house' . Responses that referre
d to personal
change includ ed 'be taller', 'be kinder to people', and 'be good at playing
the organ'.
Family related responses includ ed 'get rid of my brothe r', and 'be a happy
family'.
Some family related responses unique to childre n from separated familie
s includ ed
'Mum and Dad get togeth er and be happy', 'a father', and 'Mum and
boyfrie nd to
marry'.
Self-esteem
A Coopersmith self-esteem inventory was administered to each child after comple-
tion of the interview. The results of this procedure are presented in Table 8; there was
no significant difference across the three groups of children on this measure.
Raschke and Raschke (1979) and Hammond (1979) in the United States and Amato
and Ochiltree (in press) in Australia reported similar findings in their comparisons of
children from divorced and intact families in the same age range as those in the
present study. Raschke and Raschke (1979) and Ochiltree and Amato (1983) did find,
however, that self-concept was significantly lower in children when there was high
rather than low conflict in the family. It should be noted here that because of the way
in which families were recruited for the present study (voluntary self-selection), it is
likely that participating families were not highly conflictive. The interviewers' sub-
jective assessments of these families support this explanation. Raschke and Raschke
(1979) also found that children's self-concepts were positively related to parental
happiness. This notion is consistent with the finding noted above for most separated
parents to report positive effects on themselves from marital separation.
Reading test
The St. Lucia reading test was administered to each child after completion of the
self-esteem inventory. Ochiltree and Amato (1983) suggest that reading ability is a
measure of general educational competence because reading is central to academic
performance in our society. The same authors found that measure to be sensitive to
conflict within the family.
Table 8 presents the results for the reading test. The overall difference between the
mean reading ages for the three groups of children was significant. However, since
children differed in chronological age, an analysis of covariance was performed to test
for differences between the groups controlling statistically for this variable. Once
adjustments were made for age, the difference between groups was no longer sig-
nificant. These results suggest that children's reading ability was not adversely
affected as a result of parental separation.
When questions were asked about attitudes to the family, desire for changes in the
family, and three main wishes, a clear trend emerged: children from separated families
revealed a greater concern with family issues than did children from intact families.
Often this concern took the form of hopes for parental reconciliation. These results
support Kurdek, Blisk, and Siesky (1981) and Ochiltree and Amato (1985) who found
that many children retained negative feelings about parental separation even though
their life adjustment was satisfactory.
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 27
6 General Discussion
The findings of this study provide a cautiously optimistic statement about the effects
of marital separation on children. Children from separated families appeared to be
competent and coping well, with no major differences between them and children
from intact families. These findings are generally consistent with those of a number of
other researchers overseas (Longfellow, 1979; Raschke and Raschke, 1979; Rosen,
1980) and in Australia (Dun10p and Burns, 1983; Ochiltree and Amato, 1984; Amato
and Ochiltree, in press). However, there was evidence in the present study that
children from separated families showed a relatively high level of concern with family-
related issues. This may be interpreted to mean that they were still coming to terms
with the loss of their original families.
Divorce is an increasing phenomenon in our society and is seen by some as a form of
adaptation by the institution of marriage to social change (Raschke and Raschke,
1979). Given this view, it is possible that less chronically disrupted families are using
divorce as a solution to problems more readily now than was the case in the past.
Sch1esinger (1982) comments that the extent of stress and conflict prior to separation
may be the key factor in the adjustment of children following separation. Therefore, if
families separate before reaching a seriously conflictive stage, then children may
experience relatively few difficulties. Another factor may be the increasing acceptance
by society of separation and a greater readiness to respond to families in supportive
ways following marriage breakdown (Spanier and Hanson, 1982).
Previous research has shown that the custodial parent's attitude toward the marriage
breakdown is a major factor in the family's and the child's adjustment. Positive atti-
tudes by separated parents generally reflect an ability to cope well with crisis. In the
present study, most of the parents viewed the separation in positive terms - a finding
that may account for their perceptions that their children were also coping well.
There was no strong support in the present study for the idea that the effects of
marital separation lessen over time. However, the impression gained is that the two-
three years separated group had fewer restrictions than the one year separated group
in terms of family resources (for example, housing status) and that their children had
fewer behaviour difficulties. It is possible that most of the problems experienced by
children had already been resolved before the one year time period used in this study.
28 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
Should this be true, it suggests that interventions directed to children and their
families need to be made close to the time of separation.
The paucity of strong differences between the separated groups may also be due to the
fact that the present study was cross-sectional and involved testing for differences
between groups separated for different lengths of time. The particular times chosen
were based on the work of Hetherington, Cox and Cox (1978) who found that the
effects of divorce on children peaked at one year after divorce and achieved resolution
after two years. However, they used a longitudinal design - a design that is more
sensitive in statistically detecting weak effects than is the cross-section design used in
the present study. In future research, longitudinal designs would be more sensitive in
exploring the subtle changes in the resolution of family problems over time.
Separation and divorce involve a major restructuring of the family. The present study
suggests that the family generally copes well with this change, but is vulnerable,
especially in terms of reduced resources. In this context, it is of interest to note that
family housing and financial circumstances differed little between the one year
separated and the two-three years separated groups. This suggests that the detri-
mental effects of separation on family resources may extend over a long time period -
a finding also noted by Weiss (1984) and McDonald (1986).
Practice implications
The view of family breakdown as a crisis suggests interventions aimed at crisis man-
agement. In this regard, the views of Bordow and Porritt (1979) are relevant. They
offer a conceptual framework for viewing services to separating families based on
three major interventions: practical support, emotional support, and social support.
These are used in considering the implications of the present findings for
practice.
Practical support
This study has shown that the family suffers a diminution in resources, particularly
finances, following marriage breakdown. Furthermore, many custodial parents
report negative consequences of these changes for their children. Approximately half
of the separated families in this study were receiving social security benefits. No
special case for increasing social security benefits could or should be made for
separated parents (but see Cass and O'Loughlin, 1984). However, the broad goal of
increasing benefit rates to bring them into closer alignment with average weekly
earnings would clearly assist in mitigating the financial concerns of separated families
who are dependent on social security.
The resources of separated families are also affected by Family Court judgements
concerning property division. In this study, most custodial parents had been able to
maintain their investments in houses. However, there was some. loss in the quality of
housing reported, and housing costs may have been taking a relatively high propor-
tion of income. Policies that augment the available stock of low cost housing for both
rental and purchase would be of assistance in mitigating the effects of reduced income
on children and single parents. The pre-payment of family allowances to allow a
deposit for the purchase. of housing would confer further advantages.
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 29
The availability of child care is an important resource for separated families and
represents a significant avenue of practical support. In this study, parents' comments
suggested that child care facilitated income-producing activities as well as personal
development and social participation for custodial parents. Furthermore, most par-
ents who used child care believed that it had a beneficial effect on their children.
Generally speaking, programs that provide a variety of readily available child care at
low cost would be of considerable assistance to separated families.
Emotional support
Extensive emotional and psychological damage to children of separated parents was
not observed in this study. However, some parents reported negative effects of the
separation on themselves and their children, indicating some need for counselling
services. The fact that many parents described separation as a relief from high levels of
conflict suggests that a greater availability of services in the period prior to marriage
breakdown is needed. . .
The results of this study suggest an alternative to the essentially reactive model of
counselling at the point of breakdown. The progression toward adequate coping over
time suggests services with an educational orientation: information for both adults
and children about their new roles, explanations about the emotional processes they
might experience, and information about the way in which their needs might be met.
The purpose of these services would be to accelerate the acquisition of coping
behaviour in the process of natural healing (McNamara and Morrison, 1982). Edu-
cational programs could take the form of workshops and seminars, group sessions,
and individual discussion as necessary. For maximum benefit, these services should be
hosted in community agencies or educational institutions rather than in Family Court
or clinical settings. As such, they would form part of the normal range of services in
the community.
Many of the children from separated families in this study revealed a concern with
family-related issues, suggesting a need for supportive service. Kurdek and Blisk
(1983) comment that children need information about their situation in order to
emotionally resolve the loss associated with family breakdown. Group programs have
been designed for children that provide information, support, and emotional expres-
sion of feeling; these appear to offer a useful model of services for children (Tiktin and
Cobb, 1983; Bonkowski, Bequette and Boomhower, 1984).
Schools, in particular, have an important role to play. Teachers in the present study
appeared to be sensitive to the needs of children from separated families and did not
generally label them in derogatory ways. Hammond (1979) suggests that teachers
should be provided with specific knowledge about the effects of separation on
children so as to better direct their interactions with them. Hammond also suggests
that some school discussion time should be spent focusing on different family styles.
Discussion of human relationships in the school setting could be a useful way of
providing all children with information about divorce and its effects on families.
The present study does not address the debate as to the appropriate agency base for
services (Griffin, 1984). It can be said in general terms, however, that whatever model
30 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
of services is adopted, adequate resources are essential, and services should incor-
porate both an education and counselling focus, be available to families in their local
communities, and be adequately supported by Federal and State governments.
Social support
Following marital breakdown there is some disruption in the social networks of many
families, with some family contacts being lost and others being put under stress. The
present study indicates that friendships are an important source of social support for
separated parents, particularly those with people of similar marital status. Where the
social network is insufficient, every effort should be made to provide a supportive
environment for separated families. Community agencies working in this area should
encourage the development of mutual support groups.
7 Conclusion
As a community, we are observers of a significant change in the institution of marriage
from the ideal of partnership for life to some new basis for the making of relation-
ships. The present study and many others lead to the view that research on the effects
. of marital separation on children requires a conceptualisation of family breakdown as
a complex life cycle event not necessarily wholly negative in its impact.
This study has suggested that effects for children can be understood in the context of
crisis theory which proposes that there is a potential for positive development after
the initial trauma of marital separation. The research here shows that the children and
families studied demonstrated a capacity for coping even though they were under
some stress. This stress mainly appeared in relation to their emotional management of
the experience and the reduced resources available to the family unit. It is apparent,
therefore, that interventions to assist separating families should address these two
areas while acknowledging that families experience considerable stress in the period
leading up to separation as well.
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 33
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38 Australian Institute of Family Studies WORKING PAPER No. 11
they felt about what happened. For example, they were asked about the value of the
advice given to them by lawyers, about Regulation 96 conferences (property distri-
bution conferences with a Family Court registrar), about the fairness of what had
happened to them and about how various dimensions of their lives had changed from
the time of separation.
Contracted Research
In addition to research conducted by staff of the Australian Institute of Family Stu-
dies, two major surveys on the effects of divorce and separation on children were
conducted on contract to the Institute by external researchers.
AFRE Project - 1982-83 Adolescents in Divorce Survey
Researchers: A. Burns and R. Dunlop
This study of adolescents in the divorce process was conducted for the Australian
Institute of Family Studies by Rosemary Dunlop and Ailsa Burns of Macquarie Uni-
versity. The aim was to study the adolescent experience of divorce and to compare the
adjustment of these teenagers with adolescents from similar backgrounds who live in
intact two-parent families. Several standardised measures of various aspects of adjust-
ment were used in conjunction with semi-structured interviews of the adolescent and
a parent; where possible both parents were interviewed.
The sample for this survey consisted of 41 adolescents from intact families who were
recruited from high schools in Sydney and 40 from divorcing families who were
contacted through the Family Court. Parents in the divorcing group had been
separated on average 18 months before the interview. This is a longitudinal study
which will examine the experience of these adolescents over time.
Data from the first stage have been analysed. A first report has been written and is
awaiting formal publication.
In addition, a qualitative analysis of individual case histories has been undertaken to
gain an insight into the more complex and subtle consequences of divorce, and the
patterns within families that may make the experience easier or more painful.
AFRE Project - 1985-86 Follow-up Survey of Adolescents in Divorce
Researchers: R. Dunlop and A. Burns
In the second stage, most children from the original sample have been contacted and
re-interviewed. There has been an 81 per cent retention rate overall. Data are coded
for computer analysis and it is expected that a report should be completed by the end
of 1986.
AFRE Project - 1982-83 Young Children In Divorce Study
Researchers: E. Chamberlain, L. Dalgleish, G. Smiley
The second AIFS contracted study of children in divorce has been conducted by the
above researchers in conjunction with an advisory committee from the Social Work
Department of the University of Queensland. Their sample includes children 6-8
years old at the time of their parents' separation. The study sampled one group of
children about 1 year after separation and another group 2 to 3 years after separation.
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 43
This sample was matched for socio-economic characteristics, sex and age, with
children from intact families.
A focus of this study is the social and economic changes which may occur after
separation and divorce and the way in which parents and teachers perceive these
children from separated families.
Harper, P. (1984), Children in stepfamilies: their legal and family status, Policy Back-
ground Paper No.4, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Edgar, D. and Harrison, M. (1984), Children's participation in divorce, Discussion
Paper No.lO, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
Edwards, M., Harper, P., and Harrison, M. (1985), 'Child support: obligations of
parents, State responsibility and the rights of children', paper presented at the Third
Australian Law and Society Conference, Canberra College of Advanced Education,
Canberra.
McDonald, P. (1985), 'Divorce rates and children's experience of divorce', Institute of
Family Studies Newsletter, No.14, December.
McDonald, P. comp. (1985), The economic consequences of marriage breakdown in
Australia: a summary, Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne, August.
Funder, K. (1985), 'Paid and unpaid work: division of labour during marriage and
consequences following marriage breakdown', paper presented at ANZAAS Con-
gress, Women's Section, ANZAAS Festival of Science, Monash University,
August.
Funder, K. (1985), 'Women and the new property: division oflabour during marriage
and consequences following marriage breakdown', paper presented at the 5th World
Conference of the International Society on Family Law, Brussels, July.
Harrison, M. (1985), 'The economic consequences of marriage breakdown study',
Australian Family Lawyer, November.
Dunlop, R. (1985), 'Adolescents and divorce: the background to a study', in Pro-
ceedings of the Second National Child Development Conference, published by the
Institute of Early Childhood Education and Melbourne College of Advanced Edu-
cation, 1985.
Smiley, G., Chamberlain, E. and Dalgleish, L. (1985), 'Effects of marital separation on
young children and their families', unpublished report to the Institute of Family
Studies, University of Queensland, Department of Social Work.
Dunlop, R. and Burns, A. (1985), 'Don't feel as if the world is caving in: a study of
adolescents in divorcing families', unpublished report to the Institute of Family
Studies, Macquarie University.
Edgar, D. (1986), Marriage, the family and family law in Australia, Discussion Paper
No.13, Australian Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne.
McDonald, P. (ed.) (1986), Settling up: property and income distribution on divorce in
Australia, compiled by the Australian Institute of Family Studies, Prentice-Hall of
Australia, Sydney.
McDonald, P. and Weston, R. (1986), 'The data base for child support reform', paper
delivered to the Workshop in Child Support Issues, Social Justice Project, Australian
National University, Canberra, 1986.
Carmichael, G. and McDonald, P. (1986), 'The rise and fall(?) of divorce in Australia
1968-1985', paper delivered to the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of
America, San Francisco, April.
Funder, K. (1986), 'Marriage and work: divorced couples' values', paper presented at
Marital Separation: Children and their Families 45