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Going Beyond Euro Centrism PDF
Going Beyond Euro Centrism PDF
Table of Contents:
The discipline of Comparative politics has had its share of struggles and distress due to
some of apparent limitations inherent in it. From its subject matter to the methodology,
there are many matters of contentions. As Lijphart states that the term "comparative
politics" indicates the how but does not specify the what of the analysis. 1 In comparative
politics there is no longer any central body of literature, any grand theory, any set of
concepts arrived consensually; which can function as fulcrum of analysis.2 This has
further accentuated the ambiguity in the field. Further highlighting the problems, Klaus
Von Beyme makes an interesting observation that the comparative politics has been
particularly embarrassed by its failure to predict any major political events since Second
World War like student rebellion of 1960s, the oil crisis, the rise of new fundamentalism,
the collapse of communism in 1989 and all these events came as surprise. 3
Lijphart Arend, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, The American Political
Science Review, Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1971), p. 682, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513.
This unease in the field was lurking for quite some time and was also felt by the
researchers. But it was not clearly outlined that what was the exact nature o the
problem that was pulling the stream down. Problems were many however, the most
quoted crisis of the discipline was proclaimed by Roy Macridis in 1955. It displayed the
dismay of the scholars of this field. Many felt the immediate and drastic need of change
in the discipline as it was boggled with primitive Institutionalism and obsolete outlook.
Macridis argued that comparative politics was parochial since it focused solely on the
experience of Western Europe; that it was descriptive rather than analytical; that it was
formalistic and legalistic; and that it highlighted individual case studies rather than
comparison of two or more societies.4 All the works of earlier times in the field fell in the
1
Lijphart Arend, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, The American Political Science Review,
Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1971), p. 682, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513.
2
Chandhoke, Neera, “Limits of Comparative Political Analysis”, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 27, 1996,
vol 31 no. 4. p.PE.2.
3
Beyme, Klaus von “The Evolution of Comparative Politics” in Daniele Caramani (ed) Comparative Politics,
OUP, 2008, P.33
4
Chandhoke, Neera, “Limits of Comparative Political Analysis”, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 27, 1996,
vol 31 no. 4. p.PE.2.
The challenge put by Macridis became a watershed catalyzing newer ways and modes of
explorations in the field. It depicted the redundancy of the traditional institutional
framework, furthering the urgency of new interventions. Limitations of the discipline
were overwhelming and comparativists have to rescue it at the earliest. However,
whatever efforts came in this direction were deeply entrenched in the western world
view that hardly took the cognition of the ‘other’ existing world. In fact till 1980s most of
the works in Comparative Politics revolved around the political institutions of American
and some European nations considered the archetypes. This preoccupation of the
comparative politics with the west that at best ignored and sometimes also derided the
developing societies is known as Euro centrism. It has been the influence of Cultural
Relativism, Post modernism, Multiculturism and such other critical theories that
compelled the discourse to become sensitive, diverse, open and inclusive.
Whatever limited works on the non western societies were available; it apparently
displayed the bias against them. The institutional preoccupation was so deep that
differences in cultural settings and ideological frameworks of different countries
were completely ignored.5 Also, most of the scholars studying the field
downgraded the colonised people, their society and culture in their work. They
took some countries of the West as the reference point and judged the non
western categories based on them. So the institutions of Britain, France and
Germany served as the archetypes for the world. This bias towards the western
civilization, race, culture and presumption of its superiority denotes
ethnocentrism. At times, it amounted to being insensitive to the history, culture,
traditions and colonial legacies of those societies. Third world creatively
responded to this western hegemony with ‘third world perspective’ that proposed
their way of looking and engaging with the world. It was felt that in order to
grapple with the world; one must know the nature of distribution of power,
5
Mohanty, Manoranjan (1975), “Comparative Politics Theory and the Third World Sensitivity” in Teaching
Politics, No. 122, pp. 23.
privileges and recourses in one’s society and how they manifest. Second, post
colonial societies must analyse the alternative futures.
VALUE-ADDITION
Noticeable Facts
It is interesting to note the feigned ignorance on part of the prejudiced
western scholars who thought that people from developing societies had
no political and economic history and were incapable of ay indigenous
political discourse. This is clearly indicative of their agenda of
maintaining the superiority of the west while downgrading rest part of
the world.
VALUE-ADDITION
The first group of comparativists to respond to the crisis pointed out by Macridis were of
course the behaviouralists who tried to mould the field as a value free science that we
just discussed in the earlier section. It proposed a framework called the System’s
Analysis that it claimed to be scientific and globally applicable. This was further
elaborated in form of structure functionalism and ad functional approach to politics. Even
though, System’s analysis appeared to be first model that could be applied to the stud of
This painting (circa 1872) by John Gast calledAmerican Progress, is an allegorical representation of the modernization of the
new west. Here Columbia, a personification of the United States, leads civilization westward with American settlers, stringing
telegraph wire as she sweeps west; she holds a school book. The different stages of economic activity of the pioneers are
highlighted and, especially, the changing forms of transportation. The Native Americans and wild animals flee
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/12/American_progress.JPG/3
00px-American_progress.JPG.accessed on 15 july 2014,at 3.40 p.m
6
Rostow, W. W. (1960) The Stages of Economic Growth, Cambridge University Press, New York.
west and started seeking newer methodologies and bases to understand the developing
societies.
Dependency theory was the first non western attempt to analyse the world from the
perspective of the marginalised nations. It was able to overcome problems of
modernisation paradigm, but only partly. Even this thesis became outdated after
sometime as it was over occupied in the core-periphery analysis and failed to factor in
crucial variables and determinants like the role of gender, race, culture, ethnicity etc in
its ambit. It also undermined the historical legacies, cultural constructs and specificities
of particular societies. At the same time it was unjustified to put all developing countries
under one umbrella. It ignored the distinct experiences of different third world countries
that underwent colonial rule. For Example, the experience of French colonial regime was
very different and more repressive in Algeria compared to the British colonial rule in
India. Different countries had witnessed different kinds of anti-colonial struggles, based
on their specific experiences of colonialism, their own histories of myth and traditions of
protest, distinct political ideologies, intellectual contributions and stemming out of them,
different visions for the futures.7 However, dependency school failed to catch specific
historical traditions and distinctiveness of third world societies. Insufficiency of these
theories led to the de-legitimisation of all the available modes of analysis, creating
somewhat chaos in the field.
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7
Chandhoke, Neera,( 1996) “Limits of Comparative Political Analysis”, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 27,
1996, vol 31 no. 4. p.PE.5.
The Political Culture approach appeared in 1960s, offering a larger canvass and
greater inclusivity. This approach emphasised the study of set of belief, orientation and
attitudes, governing the polities. Psychological and historical dimensions of the societies
and citizens were highlighted. Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba initiated the discourse
on political culture and Arendt Lijphart made required modifications to it. The most
recent approach that has created considerable interest in the field is the New
Institutionalism that came in late 1970s. It symbolises the renewed interest in
studying the vitality of institutions. Important work in this regard has been done by
James G. March and Johan P. Olsen. This approach called upon the researchers to take
into account the interaction of the institutions amongst themselves and its effect on the
society. It shifted the focus to study how these institutions influence citizens,
organisations, associations and other variables in that society. In this way we see that
Comparative Politics is continuously evolving by inputs coming from various directions
and new ways of understanding.
One of biggest challenge to comparative politics is that how it can get rid of its apparent
ethnocentric bias and at the same time, make itself open and sensitive to peculiarities of
the third world and understand reasons behind it. Rejection of ethnocentrism also
amounts to treating all discourses emanating from such societies at par and of equal
research concern to the field. The discipline must come out of its prejudices and seek for
newer possibilities that may come from developing societies. Also, the attempt of
comparativists should be to sensitise itself to the voices coming from marginalised
section from such societies as this could lead to discovery of diverse versions of history
and politics of these societies. In fact, the subaltern study schools have creatively
widened our canvas by exposing us to all the alternate histories of different societies.
the Subaltern identity is conceptually derived from the cultural hegemony work of the Marxist intellectual Antonio Gramsci
(1891–1937).
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Gramsci.png,accessed ont8 july 2014
VALUE-ADDITION
VALUE -ADDITION
Interesting Facts
Frantz Fanon (1925-1961) was a Afro-French Psychiatrist and philosopher has
offered a very deep insight to post colonial studies. In his famous works Black
Skin, White Mask (1952) and The Wretched of the earth (1961) he highlighted
the demeaning psychological effect of colonial rule over the colonised people of
third world and defends the rights of these people to resort to violence against
their colonisers. This book was censored by the French government, the
coloniser of Algeria to which Fanon belonged.
This disenchantment with grand theories has posed severe problem to the field as it has
been generally founded upon the creation of grand categories of analysis-such as
development, revolution, state, or nationalism that can provide a frame of analysis. Post
modernism may have certain limiting effect on this discipline, but it also has expanded
our understanding in its own ways. It can also be seen as a historic moment in its
capacity to challenge the hegemony of the Eurocentric and modernist discourses thereby
yielding space to inclusion of numerous experiences, interpretations and understandings
coming from different quarters. It stands for varied understanding of its own context.
VALUE-ADDITION
8
Chandhoke, Neera,( 1996) “Limits of Comparative Political Analysis”, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 27,
1996, vol 31 no. 4. pp.PE.2.
9
Beyme, Klaus von “The Evolution of Comparative Politics” in Daniele Caramani (ed) Comparative Politics,
OUP, 2008, PP.39.
Sometimes the researchers are charged of imperial biases and ethnocentricism in their
studies, as they have mostly been western. Their subject of study is non western or the
‘other’. This had made scholars unsure about their frames of understanding these
societies. They doubt if their approach is sensitive enough to the modes by which the
people of those societies understand themselves. 10 Another problem of methodology
results from the researchers being clue less about what frame of understanding to use
wile comparing two or more societies as any’ societies’ approach may not be able to
capture the realities of the other and hence unjust.
Another sort of challenge has been thrown by general crisis of political institutions;
especially of nation state itself caused by forces of globalisation. These problems have
been supplemented by the rapid transformation in the world economy, technology and
the autonomy movements that are contesting nation state itself. With the usual basis of
analysis gone haywire, researchers are doubtful about their object of study.
Comparativists have to be wary of the politics of globalisation and the way it has
unleashed itself in the developing societies. Third world alleges that globalisation has
resulted in more harms than benefits by leading to uneven; in equal and asymmetrical
development that has mostly taken place at the cost of environment. In fact, the rules of
the game of globalisation are heavily tilted in favour of the powerful advanced nations.
Newer ways of domination and surplus making by the multinationals and transnational
companies appears to be the part extended part of the older colonial project of
developed world. Developing countries describe this as neo-colonialism ad believes it to
be responsible for their plight. The point raised here is that, researchers in the field of
10
Chandhoke, Neera,( 1996) “Limits of Comparative Political Analysis”, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 27,
1996, vol 31 no. 4. pp.PE.3.
Comparative Politics must take all these factors in account while studying developing
societies.
VALUE-ADDITION
There is renewed interest in the local historical and cultural practices. State sponsored
projects of development and modernisation is rejected in favour of localised grass-root
struggles. Such projects are seen as imperialist and insensitive. This tendency has also
been reflected in academia where researchers are trying to restore lost voices and
narratives of local cultures, knowledge and practices. The greatest contribution has come
from subaltern school of historiography that gives place to the subdued voice and telling
the alternate story. Historians, sociologists and political scientists all are realising the
futility of claimed universalism of modernity and now are engaging with the local voices
and views. This signifies the way ahead. It seems conducive to follow localised approach
to bring out the distinctiveness of the subject matter of study instead of general
categories were we may miss irreducible specification of each situation.11
11
Chandhoke, Neera,( 1996) “Limits of Comparative Political Analysis”, Economic and Political Weekly, Jan 27,
1996, vol 31 no. 4. pp.PE.3.
Summary
There are many challenges in Comparative politics that has led to a situation of
crisis in the field.
The most quoted crisis of the discipline was pointed by Roy Macridis in 1955 that
displayed the dismay of the scholars of this field.
Macridis argued that comparative politics was parochial since it focused solely on
the experience of Western Europe; that it was descriptive rather than analytical;
that it was formalistic and legalistic; and that it highlighted individual case studies
rather than comparison of two or more societies.
Comparative Politics has basically been highly Euro centric ad Ethno centric in
its orientation.
Third World Perspective offers a critical insight to the field.
The other challenges to the discipline come from other sources like
Postmodernism, problems in methodologies, globalisation etc.
The way ahead lies in localised, decentralised ad plural approach to bring out the
distinctiveness of the subject matter rather than following the universal models
ad prototypes.
Conclusion
There is no doubt that Comparative Politics remain one of the vital fields of Political
Science. Challenges have been there from divergent corers, but they have widened the
horizon, making the field more inclusive. Comparativists have to be cautious of the
western intellectual hegemony in this field. Third world sensitivity especially has made
the discipline, more democratic. The need of hour is that whatever new developments
emerge, they should be sincerely accommodated and reflected in the field. As we have
seen, that the contributions of various scholars in the field have opened new avenues or
deliberations, giving new life to the field at different junctures. The tradition has to be
upheld, and the scholars should look forward to the newer meanings and interpretations
for the betterment of human world.
Glossary:
Ethnocentrism: Te privileging of western race, culture, religion and ways of living and
prejudices against the post colonial societies.
Euro centrism: Bias towards Western institutions and processes that emanates from
world view based on western civilization. The primary reason for this is seen to be the
colonial domination and presumed inferiority of the non-western societies.
Postmodernism: A discourse that challenged the grand theories and universal ideas
and models. It calls for deconstruction and fragmentation and sees the world and its
processes under relativism.
Subaltern Studies: The study of alternate history that projects the voice of the
marginalised and weaker sections.
How far the new developments in the field as helped the discipline to become inclusive,
sensitive and dynamic
Objective Questions:
3. Behavioural Movement unleashed a new life to the field in 1950s, giving to it, the
much needed change. (True/false)
4. Most of the approaches in the field of Comparative politics have been accuse of
being Euro centric, that is biased towards west, making their political institutions
as the archetypes to be studied and emulated by the rest. (True/false).
5. Euro centrism appears to be one of the achievement of the Comparative
discourse. (True/false).
6. The Way ahead in Comparative Politics lies in making study more localised,
bringing in the divergent, plural and also the marginal voices of the concerned
society. (True/false).
1. A: c
2. B: d
3. C: e
4. D: a
5. E: b
1. True
2. True
3. True
4. True
5. false
6. True
References
Beyme, Klaus von (2008) ‘The Evolution of comparative Politics’ in Comparative Politics
(ed) Daniele Caramani, Oxford university Press, oxford, New York.
Blondel, Jean (1999) ‘Then and Now: Comparative Politics in Political Studies Vol.47 (1).
Lichbach, mark Irving and Alan S. Zukckerman (2009) Comparative Politics Rationality,
Culture and structure, Cambridge University Press.
Lijphart Arend, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, The American
Political Science Review, Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1971), p. 682- 693, URL:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513.
Macridis, RC (1955) The Study of Comparative politics, Random House, New York.
Mohanty, Manoranjan (1975) ‘Comparative Political Theory and Third World Sesitivity’ in
Teaching Politics No. 1&2.
Rostow, W W (1960): The Stages of Economic Growth, Cambridge University Press, New
York.
Web links
http://polsci.colorado.edu/RES/theory.html
www.nd.edu/apsacp
Phttp://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/9/93/Baran-paul-a-1957.jpgAUL
.A.BARAN,Accessed ON 17 July 2014
Lijphart Arend, “Comparative Politics and the Comparative Method”, The American Political Science Review,
Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1971), p. 682, URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1955513.
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e6/Gramsci.png/175px-
Gramsci.png,accessed ont8 july 2014