A Concise History of Science in India PDF

A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
'La categorie qui s~est interessec aux sciences comprcnd hui{

peuples: les Indous, les Perses, les Chaldcens. les Hebreux,
les Hellenes, les Rum, les Egyptiens et les Arabes. . .. La
premiere nation (qui ait cultive les sciences) est celie des I ndous.
Elle est fort importante, tres nombreuse, formee de royaumes
puissants. On la connait pour sa sagesse et tous les peuples
disparus, toutes les generations passees temoignent qu'eUe
s'est distinguee dans les diverses branches du savoir. . .. Les
Indous, entre toutes les nations, a travers les siecles et depuis
l' Antiquite, furent la source de la sagesse, de la justice et de
la moderation. Us furent un peuple donne de vertus ponde-
ratrices, creature de pensees sublimes, d'apologues universeJs,
d'inventions rares et de traits d'esprit remarquabJes.'
Sa'id al-Andalusi <Arab astrono-

mer and historian of science of
the eleventh century A.D.), Kitab
TabaJ.elit al-Umam (Livre des cate-
gories des nations), translated into
French from Arabic by Regis Blae-
here, Paris, 1935, pp. 35, 43, 44.
A CONCISE
HISTORY OF SCIENCE
IN INDIA
D. M. BOSE, Chief Editor

s. N. SEN, Editor
B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA, Editor
INDIAN NATIONAL SCIENCE ACADEMY

NEW DELHI
Published for
THE NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR THE
COMPILATION OF HISTORY OF SCIENCES IN INDIA
by
The Indian National Science Academy
Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg, New Delhi 1
©
1971
Indian National Science Academy
Printed in India
At the Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta
PREFACE
There is a world-wide interest in the study of the history of science
today as one important aspect in understanding man's cultural patterns.
This book attempts to present a concise account of the development of
science in one of the most ancient culture areas of the world. Despite
vicissitudes in intellectual and scientific endeavours and periods of stagna-
tion, e.g. about the time of the Renaissance in Europe, the Indian sub-
continent is one of the few areas where a fairly continuous tradition in
science and technology is clearly seen.
Growing interest in Indological research from the end of the eighteenth
century saw new approaches to oriental studies. Anquetil du Perron and
Sir William Jones, among several others, were pioneers in this field. The
searc!h for and the discovery of manuscripts, their patient study, attempts
at correlation with the relics of antiquity brought to light by the archaeo-
logist's spade and efforts to understand developments in one culture area
in the light of those of other culture areas in contemporary periods
characterized this orientation. The linguists. the philologists and the
general historians trained in the liberal arts, who led the way, were
naturally attracted to the vast sacerdotal and canonical texts, law books,
epics, drama and literature. These were more than sufficient to absorb
their energies. The study of ancient and medieval Indian technology and
science which involved the methods of the linguist and the philologist and
the knowledge of scientific disciplines had at first to be slow and halting.
Nevertheless, such studies were developing and making important con-
tributions to the understanding of the progress of science in ancient and
medieval India. The history of Indian science, however, was a far cry
until after World War II.
The genesis of the current interest in the history of science may be
traced to the Symposium on the History of Sciences in South-East Asia
held in Delhi in 1950 under the joint auspices of the UNESCO and the
Indian National Science Academy (then the National Institute of Sciences
of India). The Symposium emphasized the need for an integrated study
of the history of science in India and for straightening out the chronological
problems. It favoured the co-operation of scientists and historians in an
area of endeavour where the methods of their divergent disciplines could
be most fruitfully applied.
After a period of initial deliberations and discussions among its
Fellows, the Academy set up a History of Science Board and, with the
PREFACE
vi
funds provided by the Government of India in the then ~nistry of
Scientific Research and Cultural Affairs. started research unIts for the
collection and study of source materials for the eventual compilation, in
several volumes, of the History of Sciences in India. During 1964-65, the
Board was replaced by a National Commission composed of a number of
scientists and historians in keeping with the recommendations of the 1950
Symposium.
While the Academy, through its History of Science Board and the
National Commission, was thus busy in developing the foundation of study
and research in the history of science. the universities and educational
institutions evinced a growing interest in the teaching of the subject, and
a number of institutions included it in their curricula. From its inception.
the National Con1mission was keenly aware that the universities should
take an active interest in introducing teaching and research in the history
of science and made a nun1ber of recommendations in that direction. In
such circumstances, the publication of a concise history of science in India
was considered to be an effective way of stimulating further appreciation
among the universities in encouraging teaching in the subject apart from
generating interest in this new discipline among scholars, scientists and
general readers.
The editors are conscious of the limitations of their attempt involving
the participation of a number of scholars from different fields. Certain
lack of uniformity in the treatment and presentation of the materials is
perhaps unavoidable. Nevertheless, it has given an opportunity to such
scholars to look at the history of science in India from the viewpoint of
their own disciplines. The original draft of each chapter was referred to
other experts for comments and suggestions for further improvement, which
were freely given. Many of these suggestions bearing on the factual state·
ments were incorporated and comments concerning points of view were
considered in such a manner that the freedom of authors in this respect was
not interfered with. The editors take this opportunity to express their
gratitude to the referees-Prof. Ram Ballabh, Shri T. S. Kuppanna Sastry,
Prof. Ram Behari. Dr. C. Dwarkanath, Hakim Abdul Wahab Zahuri,
Prof. T. R. Seshadri. ProL P. Ray, Shri B. B. Lal, the late Dr. J. C. Sen-
gupta and Dr. G. S. Melkote.
The drafts of the various chapters developed in the aforesaid manner
were considered by the Commission at one of its meetings early in 1970.
The Commission suggested, inter alia, the incorporation of an introductory
chapter containing a survey of source materials, rationalization and avoid-
ance of duplication of the treatment of sources, citations of references in
the f~rm of footnotes and preparation of a consolidated bibliography,
covertng both pritllary and secondary sources, and a resume highlighting
the main achievements in a chronological setting. The editors executed
these tasks in consultation with four historian members of the National
Conunission, Prof. R. S. Sharma. Prof. G. R. Sharma. Prof. S. Nurul Hasan
PREFACE vii
and Prof. Satish Chandra, and received from them valuable suggestions in
the course of this work. for which they record their thanks. The editors'
thanks are also due to Prof. Sukumar Roy. formerly Head of the Depart-
ment of Islamic Studies and Culture. University of Calcutta. for going
through the draft manuscript, particularly sections dealing with the med-
ieval period. and making a number of useful suggestions. Prof. F. C.
Auluck, Member-Secretary of the National Commission, read the draft of
individual chapters. The editors would like to thank him for his many
suggestions and for facilitating the progress of the work in various ways.
Both in the course of the writing of the chapters and their editing,
the editors received ungrudging co-operation from a number of institutions
and persons in the matter of references. books and journals, drawings and
sketches and many technical points. While it is not possible to list all
of them by name, particular mention may be made of the Asiatic Society
Library, the National Library, the Library of the Indian National Archives.
the Archaeological Survey of India, the Zoological Survey of India, the
Botanical Survey of India. the India Meteorological Department. the
Geological Survey of India. Dr. B. Biswas, Dr. Y. P. Rao. Shri M. V. A.
Sastry, Shri M. N. Deshpande, Shri S. R. Rao. Shri M. C. Joshi. Dr. S. P.
Gupta, Prof. G. S. Dikshit and Dr. R. N. Kapil. To all of them, including
those not specifically mentioned, the editors place on record their sincere
thanks for their valuable co-operation and help.
Special thanks are due to Dr. A. K. Bag. Miss Mira Roy, Miss Mamata
Chowdhuri and Shri Vijay Govind, Research Fellows in History of Science
under the National Commission, for rendering all kinds of assistance,
particularly in the preparation of the consolidated bibliography, the check-
ing of references and going through the proofs. and to Mrs. Sandhya Mitra.
Assistant Editor of the Indian Journal 0/ History of Science and other
publications of the Academy, for seeing the entire matter through the press.
The editors deeply appreciate the typing and administrative assistance
given by Shri S. K. Sandhar, Shri B. N. Chakraburtty and Shri S. K. Roy.
Finally, the editors record their sincere thanks to the Baptist Mission
Press, particularly to its energetic Works Manager Shri G. Banerjee and his
assistants, for their meticulous care and interest in the printing of the book.
EDITORS
Calcutta
October 15, 1971
The Indian National Science Academy desires to ac-
knowledge with gratitude the financial assistance received
from the Ministry of Education and Social Welfare,
Government of India towards the working of the National
Commission for the Compilation of History of Sciences in
India and the production of this book.
CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE v
ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLES AND PLATES xiii
1. A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS by S. N. SEN, Indian
Associationfor the Cultivation of Science, Calcutta 1
Archaeological Sources . 1
The Vedic Literature 15
The Vediingas, the Sutras and the Origin of Sanskrit Scientific
Literature . 23
The Philosophical Sutras and Bhii$yas 27
The Arthasiistra, the NitiSiistra and related Arts and Sciences 32
The Epics, the Pura1Jas, the Poetics and the Brhatsaqthitii 35
Buddhist Literary Sources 38
Jaina Literary Sources 42
Persian and Arabic Sources 45
Special Sciences 50
2. ASTRONOMY by S. N. SEN, Indian Association for the Culti-
vation of Science, Calcutta 58
Astronomical Knowledge as revealed in the Sa"..,hitas, Brlih-
ma1Jas and Satras 60
Late Vedic and Pre-Siddhantic Astronomy, Jaina Astronomy 78
The Period of the Composition of the Astronomical
Siddhtintas-the Five Siddhilntas, the Surya-siddhilnta, the
Astronomical Works and Commentaries of the Period 81
Some Astronomical Topics in the Siddhantas . 103
Interrelationship between Indian, Greek, Chinese and Arabic
Astronomy. 130
3. MATHEMATICS by S. N. SEN, Indian Association for the
Culti,ation of Science, Calcutta 136
Metrology and Computations in Prehistoric Times 137
I CONTENTS
Page
Mathematical Knowledge as revealed in the Sa1]1hitas, the
Brahma!las, the Vedarigas and Related Literature 138
Jaina Mathematics 157
Mathematics of the Period Second to Eighteenth Century A.D. 163
Mathematical Contents of the Post-Vedic Period . 172
Study of Arabic and Persian Mathematics in India 204
Interrelationship between Indian and Greek, Arabic and
Chinese Mathematics and the part played by Indian Mathe-
matics in European Renaissance 209
4. MEDICINE by R. C. MAJUMDAR, Historian, Ex-Vice-

Chancellor, Dacca University 213
lyurveda: Origin and Antiquity 213
Indian Medicine in the Vedic Period 216
Jyurveda: The Special Treatises 222
Ayurveda and its Eight Classical Divisions: other Medical
Systems of Ancient India 227
lyurveda: Theories and Concepts. 235
Ayurveda: Practice and Application 245
Veterinary Sciences 254
Spread of Ayurveda outside India . 257
The Ayurveda in the Middle Age (A.D. 1200-18(0) 262
Present Condition of Ayurveda 266
The Unani Tibb (Greek Medicine) in India by M. Z. SIDDIQI. 268
s. CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY by B. V. SUBBA-

llAYAPPA, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi. 274
Pre-Vedic Period (from prehistoric times to c. 1500 B.C.) 275
The Vedic Age 283
The Post-Vedic Period and the Classical Age 290
Alchemy 309
Chemical Technology in Medieval India 338
6. AGRICULlURE by S. P. RAYCHAUDHURI, formerly of the

Indian Agricultural Research Institute, New Delhi, LALLAND
GoPAL, Banaras Hindu University, Banaras, and B. V. SUBBA-
RAYAPPA, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi 350
CONTENTS xi
Page
The Vedic Period . 352
The Post-Vedic Period . 354
Classical Age and Later. 357
The Medieval Period 366
7. BOTANY
Prehistoric Period by K. A. CHOWDHURY, Aligarh Muslim
University, A/igarh 371
The Vedic and Post-Vedic Period by A. K. GHOSH, University
of Calcutta, Calcutta, and S. N. SEN, Indian Association for
the Cultivation of Science, Calcutta 375
Botany in the Medieval Period from Arabic and Persian
Sources by K. A. CHOWDHURY, Aligarh Muslim University,
Aligarh 392
European Interest in Botanical Studies in India from Medieval
Times by A. K. GHOSH, University of Calcutta, Calcutta 400
8. ZOOLOGY by J. L. BHADURI, University of Calcutta (retired),

Calcutta, K. K. TIWARI, Zoological Survey of India, Calcutta,
and BISWAMOY BISWAS, Zoological Survey of India, Calcutta. 403
Prehistoric Period . 403
Historical Period . 416
Animals and Natural History in the Medieval Period. 438
Animals in Satigam Literature of the Tamil Country 442
9. THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS by

B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA, Indian National Science Academy,
New Delhi 445
Introduction . 44S
Universal Conceptions . 453
The Doctrine of Five Elements 455
Atomism 461
Attributes of Matter 470
Motion. 472
AkdSa, Space and Time . 475
Heat and Light 478
Sound . 481
xii CONTENTS
Page
10. WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA UP TO THE END OF
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY A.D. by B. V. SUBBA-
RAYAPPA, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi 484
Renaissance in Europe . 486
Western Science after the Renaissance . 487
European Traders and Missionaries in India. 489
Scientific Investigations and Institutions during the Seven-
teenth and Eighteenth Centuries 490
Science and Scientific Organizations in the Nineteenth Century 498
11. R~SUM~ by B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA, Indian National Science

Academy, New Delhi 568
Pre- and Protohistoric Period 570
Vedic Period . 572
Post-Vedic Period . 578
Classical Age and Later up to c. 1200 A.D. 584
Medieval Period 593
Western Science in India up to c. 1900 . 600
Nineteenth Century 601
Chronological Table 606
ABBREVIATIONS . 616
BIBLIOGRAPHY 627
INDEX 661
ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLES AND PLATES
TEXT-FIGURES
Page
1. A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS
1.1. Map showing Early, Middle and Late Stone Age sites 4
1.2. Map showing principal pre-Harappan settlements, and
Harappan and post-Harappan sites. 7
1.3. Map showing principal neolithic and chalcolithic sites. 10
2. AsTRONOMY
2.1. The celestial sphere and some important great circles . 104
2.2. Latitude, zenith distance and declination 105
2.3. Declination, longitude and obliquity of the ecliptic 107
2.4. Ascensional difference 108
2.5. Eccentric model . 112
2.6. Epicyclic model . 113
2.7. Eccentric-epicyclic model for finding the sighra correc-
tion. 115
2.8. Earth's shadow 119
2.9. Conditions of eclipse . 120
2.10. Duration of eclipse 120
2.11. Parallax 121
2.12. Latitudinal and longitudinal parallax . 122
2.13. (a) Astrolabe. The 'face', wadjih, showing the
graduated rim, the 'spider' and the circular
tablets as seen through the 'spider' 127
2.13. (b) Astrolabe. The 'spider' or 'ankabut 128
2.13. (e) Astrolabe. The diopter or al-'i{itlde 128
2.13. (d) Astrolabe. The 'back', ;ahar 128
2.14. Samra, yantra 129
xiv ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLlS AND PLATES
Page
3. MATHEMATICS
3.1. Sketch of an Indus scale 137
3.2. Baudhayana's construction of a square 145
3.3. Transformation of a square into a rectangle 147
3.4. Transformation of a square into a rectangle, according
to Baudhayana 147
3.5. Construction of a square equal to the sum of two
different squares 147
3.6, 3.7. Pythagorean Theorem 148
3.8. Squaring the circle 150
3.9. (a) Mahiivedi 151
3.9. (b) Syena-cit 151
3.10. Geometrical representation of indeterminate equations,
according to Katyayana's Sulba 152
3.11. Geometrical method of finding the value of J2, accord..
ing to Sulba-sutras 155
3.12. Pascal's triangle, meru-prastara 157
3.13. Ge/osia method 180
3.14. Construction of the isosceles trapezium 186
3.15. Gal)esa's geometrical proof for the area of a circle 188
3.16. Relation between diameter and segments of a chord. 189
3.17. Iya, koti-jyii and utkrama-jyii 198
3.18. Hindu rules for spherical trigonometry 202
(Some of the geometrical figures in chapters on Astronomy
and Mathematics in the text are not captioned.
Captions of these figures are given here on the basis of
textual descriptions.)
s. CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY
5.1. Bar-diagram showing the chronological spread of

different cultures and wares 277
5.2. Map showing the spread of Malwa, Jorwe and
Lustrous Red wares 278
5.3. Copper-hoards: some implements and other objects
from the Gangetic region 282
5.4. Sketches of some pottery types 286
ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLES AND PLATES XV
Page
5.5. Sketches of some ancient iron objects found at Hastina-
pura, Taxila, Sisupalgarh and Ujjain 288
5.6. Sketches of some ancient glass specimens 293
5.7. Map showing the distribution of the Painted Grey
and Northern Black Polished wares 297
5.8. Schematic representation of a native copper-smelting
furnace at Singhara near Khetri in Rajasthan (1831) 300
5.9. Sketch of the remains of a furnace for forging iron
objects at Ujjain (period II) 301
5.10. Possible form of the furnace used by the ironsmiths of
south India 303
5.11. The four 'elements' of the Greek thinker, Empedocles . 311
5.12. The rasasiila-an artist's impression 329
5.13. The kO~lhi . 331
5.14. The dola yantram 332
5.15. The svedani yan/ram 332
5.16. The adhabpiitana yantram 332
5.17. The tiryakpiitana yantram 333
5.18. An efflorescence of punfru; (inset) a'.ulakkal 336
8. ZooLOGY
8.1. Neolithic haematite drawings showing stag, boar and

hunters 404
8.2. Skull of the Harappan dog, Canis tenggeranus harap-
pensis Prashad 406
8.3. Representation of animals on seals of Mohenjo-daro . 408
8.4. Representation of animals on seals of Harappa . 409
8.5. Figurines, toys, etc., of Mohenjo-daro 411
8.6. Toys, etc., of Harappa 412
8.7. Animal paintings on pottery of Kalibangan, Rajasthan 412
8.8. Animal motifs on Harappa wares 413
8.9. Polychrome painting on Nal ware showing Nemachilus-
like fish 414
8.10. Mythical animals depicted on seals of Mohenjo-daro . 415
8.11. Animals in Jafaka sculptures 423
8.12. Mythological 'yali', the composite beast of the Tamil
country 443
xvi ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLES AND PLATBS
Page
10. WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA UP TO THE END OF THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY A.D.
10.1. Sketch of the weather chart of India: 16 Sept. 1888 S04
10.2. Sketch of the zenith sector used by William Lambton,
now preserved in the Victoria Memorial Museum,
Calcutta . 508
10.3. Sketch of the theodolite, assembled by S. Mohsin
Husain and used by Waugh and his associates, now
preserved in the Victoria Memorial Museum,
Calcutta . 513
10.4. Sketches of six botanical specimens, reproduced from
leones Roxhurghianae 516
10.5. Sketches of botanical specimens, reproduced from
Wallich 517
10.6. Sketches of fOUf fossils discovered in the Siwalik hills
by H. Falconer and P. Cautley 522
10.7. Sketches showing microsections of igneous rocks from
Raipur and Balaghat districts, Central Provinces 527
10.8. (a) The Hooma or Blackfaced sheep of Tibet 532
(b) Himalayan Bradbill, Psarisomus dalhousiae 532
10.9. (a) Eeheneis albescens. (b) Synaptura cornuta.
(c) Laheo rohita 535
10.10. (a) Lupocyclus strigosus. (b) Acanthephyra armata 536
10.11. The first four Indian medical graduates who went to
London 553
10.12. Electric radiator designed and used by J. C. Bose 557
10.13. (a) The high magnification crescograph designed by
J. C. Bose. (b) Mimosa pudica. (c) Desmodium
plant. 559
TABLES
2. AsTRONOMY
2.1. Nak~atra list in the Vedic Salllhitas, the Vedaliga Jyoti~a
and in the Srlrya-siddhiinta . 67
2.2. The equations of centre of the sun and the moon in the
Romaka-siddhanta 86
2.3. Planetary revolutions in a Mahiiyuga 87
2.4. Longitudes of apogees and dimensions of manda and
sighra epicycles in Vanlha's SUo Si. and the modem
Suo Si. 89
2.5. Diameters of the sun, the moon and the earth, distances
of the sun and the moon from the earth 118
ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLES AND PLATES xvii
Page
3. MATHEMATICS
3.1. Table showing examples of word-numerals 173

3.2. Numerals without place-value 176
3.3. Numerals with place-value 177
3.4. Hindu half-chord (R sin 0) values of 24 angles in a
quadrant 200
5. CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY

5.1. Chemical analysis of glass specinlens (i n percentage)
from Taxila 295
5.2. Chemical analysis of glass specimen (in percentage) from
Arikamedu . 295
5.3. Chemical analysis of glass specimens (in percentage) from
Kopia. 296
5.4. Chemical analysis of glass specimens (in percentage) from
Nalanda 296
9. THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS

9.1. Different types of substances and their attributes 462
PLATES
I. A thirteenth century Astrolabe, Archaeological Museum,
Red Fort, Delhi. The Samrat Yantra, Yantar Mantar,
Delhi facing p. 130
II. The Misra Yantra, Yantar Mantar, Delhi. The Ram Yantra
and the Jai Prakiis, Yantar Mantar, Delhi facing p. 131
III. Copper statue of Buddha, Sultanganj . facing p. 298
IV. The Iron Pillar at Delhi facing p. 299
V. Several grains of charred wheat, Mohenjo-daro. Rice grains
from Atranjikhera, c. 2000 B.C. facing p. 370
VI. Several grains of charred barley, Mohenjo-daro facing p. 371
VII. Bengal florican, painted by Mansur, Court artist of Emperor
Jahangir, in c. A.D. 1624 facing p. 440
VIII. Siberian crane, painted by Mansur, Court artist of Emperor
J ahangir facing p. 441
IX. Miniature of the Dodo and a few other birds, painted
during the reign of Emperor Jahangir facing p. 442
1 A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS
S. N. SEN
THE source materials on the basis of which attempts have been made in
this book to present a connected account of the development of science
in India largely comprise archaeological findings, the vast range of the
Sanskrit literature originating from the Vedic times, the canonical as well
as the secular literature of the Buddhists and the Jainas, Arabic and Persian
works, and secondary sources representing scholarly studies, interpretations
and analyses of these materials. The scientific and technical writings,
both primary and secondary, have formed the main basis of discussions of
the various sciences, and as such these have been treated, along with their
scientific and technical contents, in the respective chapters. Here, for the
sake of completeness, we shall do no more than mention some important
texts.
The position is quite different with regard to sacerdotal texts, canonical
literature, philosophical compendia, encyclopaedic works like the Brhat-
saf!1hitii, Arthasiistra (work on polity), epics, purii1)as, lexicographies and
so on in which scientific matters and concepts appear incidentally, mixed
up with the non-scientific, but which are nevertheless exceedingly important
from the point of view of the history of the development of scientific
ideas. The scientific contents and their analyses will, however, appear in
their proper places in the chapters concerned, but in this survey we shall
give an account of such general sources, including the archaeological, and
their chronological position, so that we may not have to refer to them again
and again.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES
The archaeologist's spade has turned up objects of great value

pertaining to prehistoric, protohistoric and historical periods. Here our
main concern will be with pre- and protohistory and consequently with
objects typical of these periods, which throw light on the various arts and
techniques from which later scientific practices and methods developed.
2
The terms' prehistory' and' protohistory' and the various cultural divisions
within them require some clarification. The beginning of the historical
period is now generally determined by the advent of written documents of
historical character such as the Asokan edicts; in other words, the history
of a people begins from when they have become literate and mastered the
art of writing. Accordingly, accounts of all cultures in which writing has
not yet appeared should come under' prehistory '. Such a definition as
far as concerns the Indian subcontinent is fraught with serious difficulties.
The Harappan civilization, for example, is marked by a kind of
writing, albeit undeciphered, and the builders of that civilization can by
no means be called illiterate. Furthermore, how should we describe the
account of a people who orally transmitted the literary tradition of the
Vedas for several centuries since the second millennium B.C.-a tradition
rich in near historical materials but committed to writing at a much later
date? To resolve these difficulties, the term 'protohistory' is now used
to cover the civilization of the Indus valley, the Vedic civilization and the
various chalcolithic cultures either contemporaneous with, or successors
to, the Indus civilization. a The term ' prehistory' is then reserved for the
Stone Age cultures for the understanding of which we have no guideline
other than stone (and bone) implements.
About the various prehistoric cultures, terms like 'palaeolithic',
, mesolithic', 'neolithic'. 'Bronze Age', etc., used in the context of the
European and the Mediterranean world, are not quite applicable to the
Indian subcontinent owing to differences in cultures and techniques. We
have abundant evidence of Stone Age cultures from the time of the inter-
glacial periods of the Pleistocene, and it is now thought more appropriate
to describe them as Early, Middle and Lute Stone Age on the basis of the
major types of stone industries. There is not much difficulty in using the
term 'neolithic' to designate the cultures characterized by some kind of
mixed farnling, domestication of animals, use of potteries, building of
dwellings and so on in which stone is still the material of the tools and
implements used. In India, the stone-using farm cultures and the metal-
using (copper and bronze) ones are not sharply delineated, the term 'chalco-
lithic' being applied to metal-using farm cultures. On account of the
coexistence of both the cultures, the period is often described as the 'neo-
lithic-chalcolithic'. The term' Bronze Age' cannot be used in India in
the same sense in which it is meaningful for the Mediterranean world
and elsewhere although bronze found use in the subcontinent at quite an
early date and became the distinctive feature of the Harappan culture.
The Harappan culture, the so-called Indus Valley Civilization, extended
as recent researches have revealed, much beyond the limits of the Indus
valleYt and in this context pre-Harappan and post-Harappan cultures are
now used to follow the sequence.
• Sankalia (4), pp. ix-x.

IB
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 3
Within the broad neolithic-chalcolithic framework, cultural differen-

tiation as well as affinities are often sought to be made by pottery types
such as handmade, wheel-thrown and wheel-turned, with painted deco-
rations varying from monochrome to polychrome, typical of pre-Harappan
Baluchistan, Black and Red wares of Harappan and post-Harappan Lothal,
Ahar, Rangpur, Prakash and nlany other sites, technologically innovated
Lustrous Red wares believed to be evolved from Harappan types and found
in chalcolithic Saurashtra, and finally the Painted Grey and Northern
Black Polished wares associated with an Iron Age in India and turned up
at Atranjikhera, Hastinapur, Alamgirpur and other sites in the Doab.
The Stone Age

Of the three phases of the Indian Stone Age, the Early is dominated by
the hand-axe, the cleaver and core tools, the Middle by the flakes includ-
ing scrapers, burins and blades, and the Late by microliths of various
types. Quartzite pebbles, stone outcrops and boulders, cryptocry~tal1ine
silica like agate, jasper or chalcedony provided the main materials for the
stone industries. Some of the Early Stone Age sites include the Soan (or
Sohan) and the Beas valley in the Panjab, Adamgarh Hill and Bhera Ghat
near Jabalpur in the Narbada valley, the Gudiyam Cave at Attirampakkam
near Madras, Wainganga River sites, Nevasa on the Godavari, Khandivli
near Bombay and a few other places. Most of the sites mentioned above
have also revealed Middle Stone Age flake industries. The Late Stone
Age sites are widespread throughout the Indian subcontinent. Gujarat
(Langhnaj), Central India (Adamgarh, Barasimha, Nimkhera, Sakri, etc.),
the region between the Central Indian hills and the Gangetic plains (Bara-
kaccha, Sidhpur, Lekhania in Mirzapur district, and Morhana Pahar),
Birbhanpur on the Damodar in West Bengal, and south India (Raichur,
Jalahalli, Kibbanahalli, Nagarjunakonda and Belgaum) are particularly
rich in Late Stone Age sites. Adamgarh alone has yielded 25,000 micro-
liths. The Old Stone Age sites in Kashmir and Panjab are related to inter-
glacial periods of late Pleistocene (15‫סס‬OO B.C.), the Middle Stone Age
cultures which are often mixed with the later phase of the former flourished
around c. 25000 B.C., while the Late Stone Age emerged definitely during
the post-Pleistocene and merged with the Neolithic. a C 14 dating of shells
from Adamgarh carried out at the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research
has placed the beginning of the Late Stone Age in that area at 5500 B.C.
At Lekhania, the Late Stone Age flourished as late as 1710 B.C. Our main
sources of Indian Stone Age cultures are the pioneering investigations of
R. B. Foote and F. R. Allehin in South India and Gujarat, H. de Terra
and T. T. Paterson in Kashmir, the Panjab and Central India, L. A.
Cammiade and M. C. Burkitt in South India, K. R. U. Todd for the Bombay
region, R. V. Joshi for Adamgarh and other Madhya Pradesh sites,
G Sankalia (4), pp. xxi-xxii.

4 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
STONE AGE SITES

.. ' OF
I
/
)
S £ A
aF
8 £ N GAL
• Eirly Stone Age SItes

• Middle Stone A~e SItes
• Late Storle Age Sites
Fro. 1.1. Map showing Early, Middle and Late Stone Age sites.
H. D. Sankalia for Bombay and Maharashtra regions, B. B. Lal for

Birbhanpur, Beas and Banganga valleys, V. D. Krishnaswami and K. V.
Soundara Rajan for Southern India. The results of these investigations
will be found in the pages of the Ancient India, the Man, the Deccan
College Monograph series, and a number of general studies by de Terra
and Paterson, Sankalia and others.
Pre-Harappan Cultures
Pre-Harappan cultures in various stages of evolution have recently
assumed clearer perspective as a result of intensive archaeological activity
in Baluchistan, Sind, the Panjab and Rajasthan. In north Baluchistan,
earliest settlements have been found in Kili Ghul Mohammad and Damb
Sadaat in the Quetta valley by Fairservis and at Rana Ghundai mound in
the Loralai valley by Ross, all showing a number of periods. Pd. I of Kili
Gbut Mohammad dated 3688 and 3712 by C 14 methods produced no
pottery nor metal objects, Pd. II yielded handmade pottery and Pd. III
both handmade and wheel-turned pottery as well as copper. a Damb
Sadaat, excavated by Fairservis, shows three periods, with somewhat contin-
uous development, dating from 2528 or 2625 B.C. for Pd. I and 2554, 2425
or 2220 B.C. for Pd. II. Wheel-turned pottery, terracotta figurines and
copper objects (Pd. II and lIn are among some of the finds. Rana Ghundai
excavated by Ross yielded a complete sequence through a number of periods.
At Anjira and Siah-damb in the Surab valley in central Baluchistan,
de Cardi unearthed similar neolithic settlements having pottery affinities
with Damb Sadaat. Further south, Nal, in Kalat State, settled somewhat
later than northern and central sites, produced distinctive types of pottery,
copper objects and evidence of lead smelting.
These earliest settlements in semi-arid and mountainous Baluchistan
in the subcontinent show unmistakable cultural affinities, as, for example,
Damb Sadaat I with Kili Ghul Mohammad IV, Anjira III with Damb
Sadaat II-III, Anjira II with Kili Ghut Mohammad II and III, Nal with
Rana Ghundai III and so on. The most important, however, is the
relationship of these settlements with the earlier neolithic settlement at
Mundigak in south Afghanistan, which reveals a progressive evolution in
culture, through periods I to IV, in pottery types from wheel-made to wheel-
turned with varying designs and motifs, in the appearance of copper in
Pd. 12, bronze in Pd. IlIa, stone seals and in the development of some kind of
township with walls and bastions with sun-dried bricks. In some of these
features, Mundigak IV corresponds to Damb Sadaat III and Rana Ghundai
IIIc' Mundigak II-III to Damb Sadaat I-III, Mundigak IV to NaI, whereas
in its later phase, Mundigak itself bears the impress of the Harappan
a By Pd. I, Pd. II, etc., are meant period I, period II, etc., the Roman numbers in
ascending order indicating later dates. In several cases, dates of these archaeological
periods have been given.
culture. Some of the radiocarbon datings for Mundigak are: Pd. 16-2113
B.C.; Pd. 11I-2360 B.C.
As we move from Baluchistan to the Indus valley, we come across a
number of sites, e.g. Amri excavated by Majumdar and later by Casal,
Kot Diji explored by the Pakistan Archaeological Department, and Kali-
bangan a on the Ghaggar excavated by Lal and Thapar, and the pre-defence
layers of Harappa itself. All these sites present the pre-Harappan phase
in a more marked manner. A fine dark, purple-red ware is the character-
istic feature of all these sites. At Amri, different phases of period I show
affinities with Anjira III, Kili Ghul Mohammad III-IV and Mundigak III,
while during period II Harappan types appear. Kot Diji, about 30 miles
east of Mohenjo-daro, at its levels of carliest settlements, reveals pottery
types akin to Mundigak III and IV and Anjira III-IV and, at later levels, a
mixed culture in which the Harappan is predominant. Radiocarbon
datings carried out at the University of Pennsylvania are 2605 B.C. and
2472 D.C. for the early period and 2335 B.C., 2255 B.C. for the later period.
At Kalibangan, the Harappan citadel phase is preceded by the pre-Harappan
settlement characterized by steatite beads, shell bangles, some pottery
types resembling those of Amri and Kot Diji, and a few copper and bronze
objects as rarities. C14 datings determined by the TF on a large number
of samples from Kalibangan place its pre-Harappan phase between 2371
B.C. and 2098 B.C. although a few lower dates have also been found.
Harappan Culture: The Bronze Age Civilization of the Indus Valley

The brilliant series of excavations started by Daya Ram Sahni at
Harappa in 1921 and by R. D. Banerjee at Mohenjo-daro during 1922-23
and followed up by Vats, Dikshit, Marshall, Hargreaves, Mackay and
Majumdar led to the exciting discovery of the protohistoric Harappan
culture which up to 1947 or so was believed to have been confined within
the narrow strip of the Indus valley. Archaeological explorations carried
out during the post-Independence period have now resulted in the extension
of this civilization over an area of about 840,000 square miles. b Besides
the Indus valley proper, this area now includes East Panjab and Uttar Pradesh
almost up to Delhi, northern Rajputana in the former State of Bikaner,
Cutch, Saurashtra and Gujarat up to the mouth of the Narbada and
the Makran coastal area in South Baluchistan up to Sutkagen Dor near the
Iranian frontier. Over 70 sites, large and small, have so far yielded remains of
this once extensive culture, of which some of the important ones of recent dis-
covery include Ruparc on the Sutlej in the Himalayan foothills, Alamgirpurct
in Meerut district, Kalibangan tl in northern Rajasthan, Desalpar! in
Cutch, Lothal g and Rojdi h in Saurashtra, Kot Diji and Amri in Sind.
• JAR, 1960-61. pp. 30-31; 1961-62, pp. 39--44; 1962-63, pp. 20-31.
I> SankaBa (4), p. 155. • In addition to reference already given, 1963-64; 1964-65.
c fAR, 1953-54. I fAR, 1963-64. , JAR, 1954-55; 1955-56; 1956-57; 1957-58; 1958-59.
fI JAR, 1958-59. 11 JAR, 1957-58; 1958-59; 1962-63.
The general characteristics of this civilization as enumerated by

Wheeler (3) include a thick red-slipped ware in cylindrical and goblet shapes,
intersecting circles, pipal leaves, rosettes, and peacocks as motifs, Indus
seals and script, triangular terracotta cakes, kidney-shaped inlays of shell
HARAPPAN SITES ,-
WITH PRE -HARAPPAN SETTl.EMENTS :'
o \
MUNDIGAK r··.."·...".
.,0-._.'/ PE.RlANO CiIiUNOAl
, ~'LI GHUL 0
( M~AMMAO
~ ,/ 0 DABARKOl
0, ~ .... _............... 0 ~AMB ~ \..."
\ KECHIBA6 "'''OMT RANA c;,u\\e 0'" ",/
'.., TOGAUO -' GliUNOA.I~.!;, R· ..... _ ../ ... 60-;A~IBAN6AN
\'''-... .LONDO ~~"l~."'~~~ ~ SANDHANAWAlA
; SIAH DAMS 0 OAN.J1RA JHUKAR ~",~Gj~~ BAHAwr,LPUR
, 0 D 1(.1 • .J
SITt: s
l~ MEHI eoNAL 1=) G :,OT.~IJI..._ ,-,_.'
mMOH...EN~9~DARO 0
...... _ •.,.
,..~ SUTKAGEN DOR
;.
NUNDARA
NINDO 0
0
AMRI
(!) lQHU,it1Jq-OARo
@ C~ANHU:,~ARO
,..---_----1
BIKANER
! SOTKAKOH
o • BALAKOT
\
\ I
I
a OTHMANJO BUTH! I )
·l.
.
• HARRO,/
A R.AB/AN ,
~~/~
"
.... ":"'-:SOJANIPUR
:_."
, 0 DE5ALPAR AHMEDABAD
o
'- _~_ _-=l :KHBAWAL f<OTHAL
r:.-:v- A:RALI GON/. <!fLOTHAL
o Pl'f·Harappan Settlements ~ BAllAKOT.
eROJDI
• RANGPUR
MEHGAM
!<INNIRl<HEOA •
o Harappan Sites ~
e Post·Harappan Sites ~
SOMNATtt
o Modern Towns
FlO. 1.2. Map showing principal pre-Harappan settlements, and Harappan and
post-Harappan sites.
or faience, metal tool types, and town planning according to a gridiron

scheme of streets and houses. A cultural uniformity, unquestionable
technical competence, if dull, and a flare for standardization are noticeable
in all areas of activity-in the making of bricks, in sanitary arrangements,
in pottery, in the wide range of copper and bronze tools, vessels and human
and animal figurines, and seal-cutting from steatite blocks. In this effort-
less competence of which evidence has survived in archaeological remains
of all descriptions, one can see the picture of city-centered prosperous agri-
cultural communities thriving on wheat, barley, sesamum and mustard,
animal husbandry, an industry of woven cotton, various arts and crafts and
an extensive trade, all rendered possible by an efficient central government
with capitals, defensive city outposts, docks and harbours. The Harappan
inscriptions, now numbering about 2,500, have so far defied several attempts
at decipherment. B. B. Lal (5) has shown the direction of writing from
right to left. It is still an open question if the language belonged to
the Indo-European or the Dravidian family, but recent computer studies
carried out in Copenhagen by a team of Finnish scholars indicate a
preference for the latter. a
Marshall's estimate of 3250-2750 B.C. as the period of the Harappan
culture was already scaled down to 2350-1770 B.C. by C. J. Gadd on the
basis of cross-datings with the Sargonic and Isin-Larsa periods. Wheeler's
(3) dating of 2500-1500 B.C. for the entire Harappan span, first suggested
in 1946, remained generally accepted up to 1962. Radiocarbon datings
largely carried out at the TF and recently analyzed by Agrawal have
introduced further refinements in the above date-brackets. Some of these
datings are given below :b
Afohenjo-daro, Sind B.C. Kalibangan, Rajasthan H.C.
TF-75 Harappan level 1760±] ]5 TF-138 Harappan 1217 ± 103

P-llS2A Mature Harappan ]S64 ±64 TF-143 1665± 113
P-IJ76 1966 ±60 TF-149 1835 ± 145
P-lJSO 1993 ±61 TF-150 1900± lOS
pool 177 2062 ±66 TF-147 2030 ± 105
P-1179 2083 ±66 TF-163 2077 ± 103
TF-160 2236± 103
Kot Diji. Sind
P-195 pre-Harappan, Late 2090 ±13S Rojdi, Rajasthan
P-ISO 2255 ± 140 TF-199 Harappan IB 1745 ± 105
P-179 2335 ± 156 TF-200 1970 ± 115
P-196 2605± 145
Lothal, Gujarat
Ka/ibangan, Rajasthan
TF-135 Harappan, Pd. lJA 1555 ± 130
TF-161 pre-Harappan 209N± 103 TF-23 Pd. nVA J866± 108
TF-162 210S ± 103 TF-27 Pd. I, lIIB 2005 ± 113
TF..241 2263 ±93 TF-136 Pd.IA 2080t 135
TF-157 2283 ± 103
TF.. 155 2371 ± 118
From a careful analysis of these and other radiocarbon data, D. P.

Agrawal (2) concluded that for the metropolitan Mohenjo-daro the
maximum spread might be taken as 2300 to 2000 B.C. and for the peripheral
regions 2200 to 1700 B.C. would be best indicated by these findings.
11 See a note on 'Harappan may be Dravidian', Scientific American, November 1969,

p.62. For fuller information, Clauson, Gerard, and Chadwick, John, pp. 200-207.
b Carbon-dating figures are taken from Allchin (B. and R.). To obtain B.C. dates 1950
has been subtracted. P = University of Pennsylvania, U.S.A.; TF = Tata Institute
of Fundamental Research, Bombay; figures following abbreviations indicate sample
numbers.
Neolithic-Cha/colithic Cultures outside the Harappan limits
What was happening in the rest of India when cultural evolution was
taking place in the western regions of the subcontinent culminating in the
brilliant Harappan phase between the fourth millennium to the middle of
the second millennium B.C.? Until Wheeler's work at Brahmagiri during
1941-48, northern, central, southern and eastern India formed the
archaeological terra incognita, contrary to expectations raised by many
references in the Sanskrit and the Buddhist literature. During the last
20 years, archaeological excavations in these regions have established the
existence of neolithic and chalcolithic cultures in all these areas as is naturally
to be expected from the extensive Stone Age cultures prevailing in pre-
historic times in these very regions. In Kashmir, Burzahom a gave evidence
of a neolithic site, dated c. 2375 by the C14 method, whose stone and bone
implements, coarse handmade pottery, pit dwellings, and dog burial custom
indicated Burzahom's inspiration from China. This is also true of the
neolithic settlements of Assam in the Garo and Naga Hills.
In south India where Brahmagiri gave the first indication, neolithic
settlements have been discovered at SanganakalIu,b Piklihal,c Maski,tt
Utnur, Tekkalakota,e HaHur,! T. Narsipur,g Hemmige, Nagarjunakonda
and other places, all in Andhra-Karnatak and at Paiyampalli, Gaurimedu
and Mangalam in the Tamilnad. Radiocarbon datings indicate the
comparative lateness of the South Indian neolithic complex, say, between
2000 B.C. and 1485 B.C. One of the samples from Utnur gave as early a
date as c. 2295 B.C. Narsipur and Tekkalakota gave 1805 and 1780 B.C.
Paiyampalli, Sanganakallu, and later phases of Narsipur and Tekkalakota
appeared between 1485 and 1615 B.C. Sequential changes from core and
flake tradition and simple handmade pottery to more developed wheel-
thrown pottery and adoption of copper and bronze tools in the late
phase are clearly noticeable. Sankalia thought that Raichur and Bellary
were probably the original focus of neolithic cultures in South-east India
and stimulated the development of similar cultures in Andhra-Karnatak
and Tamilnad regions. h Allchin favours Daimabad in Maharashtra as
a focal point which in its turn received inspiration from the Harappan
cultures and even from Burzahom as far as early pottery is concerned.'
More interesting perhaps are the post-Harappan phases, mixed with
local cultures, discovered in Saurashtra, Maharashtra, south-east Rajasthan
and Malwa, the Panjab and the Gangetic Doab. In Saurashtra, the
Harappan phase noticed in Lothal, Rojdi and Desalpar yielded to a post-
Harappan phase in Lothal II (1900-1500 n.c.) and Rojdi IB (1800 B.C.).
a JAR, 1960-61 ; 1961-62; 1962-63. f 1AR, 1964-65.

t Subbarao, pp. 5 fr. (1JAR, 1959-60; 1961-62.
C Allchin (p. R.). " Sankalia (4), p. 247.
d Tbapar (1). l Allchin (B. and R.), p. 168.
e Nagaraja Rao.
NEOLITHIC
AND
CHALCOLITHIC SITES
OF
lNDIAN SUBCONTINENT
\ ....... ,
• ""61. ~G,A'I'"
' 'N'PU. },
lAMLUK \
8 A y
S [ '\
o F
B E N G A L
FIG. 1.3. Map showing prmcipal neolithic and chalcolithic sites.

To these sites may be added Rangpur, a Prabhas Patan (Somnath), b Bhagat-

rav and a few other places. In all of them, after an initial decline
of the Harappan culture, a new revival is noticeable as in the Black and
Red pottery styles and the appearance of the Lustrous Red wares. At
Rangpur, rice cultivation appears in Pd. IIA (2000-1750 B.C.) and millet in
Pd. III (1200-1000 B.C.). In the concluding phase of Prabhas Patan, iron
appears around 1000 B.C. At Lothal and Rojdi, this period possibly
commenced after 1800 B.C. and 1745 B.C. respectively; at other places the
period might be somewhat later.
The Banasian culture of Ahar e and Gilund d in the Banas river valley
in south-east Rajasthan is distinctive in its absence of a stone industry of
any kind in its earlier phases and in the presence of numerous copper
objects, particularly axes made of locally available copper. Black and
Red wares are predominant, with Lustrous Red wares appearing in later
phases. Radiocarbon datings carried out in the University of Victoria,
Australia, would indicate the beginning of the Ahar culture around c. 1990
to 2144 B.C., whereas some late dates, 1727, 1552, 1273 B.C., are indicated
by samples analyzed at the TF. According to Allchin, the Banasian phase
might have extended from 1800 to 1400 B.C. e
Further south-east lies the Malwa plateau between the Chambal and
the Narbada. Here Navdatoli,f Nagda and a few other sites have revealed
four to three phases and a cultural evolution from a stone blade industry,
through cultivation of wheat, rice (first evidence from Navdatoli), lentil
and oil-seeds and animal husbandry involving cattle, sheep, goat and pig,
to a copper using phase. Black and Red pottery is predominant, later on
absorbing the Jorwe tradition of spouted pots. Navdatoli's chalcolithic
period, IlIA to IIID, has now been put down to 1657-1443 B.C. on the
basis of Pennsylvania University's C14 datings. g
In the north-western part of the Deccan plateau, traversed by the
Narbada and the Tapti flowing westward and the upper reaches of the
Godavari and the Krishna flowing eastward, a series of chalcolithic sites
have been unearthed and studied by the Archaeological Department of
the Deccan College, Poona. These sites are Prakash,h Bahalt and Tekwada
in the Tapti valley, Daimabad J and Nevasa Tc in the upper reaches of the
Godavari, Sonegao l near the Krishna, Nasik,m Jorwem and Chandoli n
on the plateau itself. An integrated study of this group of Maharashtrian
sites has brought to light a number of phases. Diamabad I presents the
earliest phase having cultural affinities with Saurashtra and Malwa as
" Rao (2), pp. 5-207. « JAR, 1956-57.

b JAR, 1955-56; 1956-57. j JAR, 1958-59.
c JAR, 1954-55; 1955-56. k Covered in detail by Sankalia (3).

It TAR, 1959-60. l JAR, 1964-65.
tI Allchin (B. and R.), p. 183. m Sankalia and Dco.
f JAR, 1957-58; see also Sankalia, Subbarao and Deo. n Deo and Ansari.
g One high dating 2299±72 B.C. for sample P-1476 is questionable.
11 JAR, 1954-55; see a/so Thapar (2).
also with the upper neolithic phase of Karnatak. Stone axes, perforated
ring-stone, a stone blade industry and a coarse grey pottery form the cultural
complex of the fi rst phase. In the second phase represented by Daimabad
II and Prakash lA, copper knife blades, a fine reddish-brown ware and
Malwa type spouted wares appear. Jorwe, Nevasa, Chandoli and Sonegao
which represent the third phase yield a variety of both stone and copper
implements, painted red Jorwe wares with spouts, some Lustrous Red
wares, and fibres of cotton, flax and silk. C t , datings on samples from
Sonegao put the Jorwe phase between 1375 and 1290 B.C.; the second
phase (Daimabad II, Prakash IA) may be placed between c. 1700 and
1400 B.C. by comparison with Navdatoli IIIB and IIIe, and the first
Daimabad phase before 1800 B.C.
The penetration of the Harappan culture in its latest phase into the
Ganges-Jamuna Doab is attested by Alamgirpur. While a post-Harappan
phase was persisting in Saurashtra, south-east Rajasthan and a few other
places, this culture disappeared from the Doab. In its place we find the
emergence of a new chalcolithic phase dominated by the use of a variety of
copper implements. Several copper hoards-B. B. Lala counted some 37-
have been discovered in the Doab and in the Chota Nagpu r Hills in Eastern
India, of which some important sites include Bahadarabad in Saharanpur
district, Rajpur Parsu, Bisauli, Fatehgarh, Santal Parganas, Baragunda,
Saguna and others. An interesting point is the association of ochre coloured
pottery with the copper hoard culture in these areas, which is now receiving
closer investigation. The association, in some centres, of copper hoards
with ochre coloured pottery as in Bisauli and Rajpur and, in some other
places, their existence below the Painted Grey \vare, as in Hastinapur, suggest
that copper hoards might belong to ochre coloured or some such pottery
of a pre-Grey Ware period. b As we have already noticed, chalcolithic
copper implements in varying degrees of abundance have been reported
from Saurashtra, Rajputana, Central India and the Deccan trap. These
are largely in the form of flat axe, shouldered celt, antennae sword, dagger,
ring, etc.
The Iron Age in India and its Association with Black and Red, the Painted
Grey and the Northern Black Polished Wares
Compared to the introduction around 1800 B.C. of an Iron Age either
in the Caucasus or in Asia Minor by the Hittites who discovered the process
of smelting iron ores and kept it as a closely guarded secret for several
centuries, the Iron Age in India is of recent date. About 20 years back
Col. Gordon could place the beginning of this age not earlier than 250 B.C.
By 1959 Wheeler, on the basis of new evidence, was able to push it back to
the sixth century B.C. when the Achaemenian Empire extended up to the
Panjab. The discovery in 1940-44 of a new type of pottery, the Painted.
CJ Lal (1), pp. ~39. lJ Santalia (4), p. 223.

Grey wares, in Ahicchatra 4 and later on in Hastinapur,b Rupar,c Panipat,

Indraprastha (Puran Quila), Mathura, ti Bairat, Sonpat, Atranjikhera, ~
Alamgirpur,! Noh g and Sravasti, all in the Doab except Noh in Rajasthan,
and its association with Iron Age occupations, has thrown new light on
this age and further pushed back its beginnings to around 1100 B.C. This
grey pottery is made of well-levigated clay, free from impurities, and is
medium to thin-walled and properly baked. In some of these P.G. ware
levels, iron finds include, among others, arrow-heads, spearheads and axes in
different shapes. Further east in the central Gangetic valley, in Kausambi,h
Rajghat( (old Varanasi), Prahladpur,J Buxark and Chirand l , Black and Red
wares characterize the pottery. No iron object has so far turned up in the
early period, but in later periods, possibly around 500 B.C., iron appears to
be introduced. Another interesting feature is the appearance towards the
end of the P.G. or B. and R. ware phase of a black lustrous pottery called
the Northern Black Polished ware, dated from 500 B.C. At Atranjikhera,
the P.G. ware period determined by C14 dating at the Tata Institute of
Fundamental Research extends from 1025 to 537 B.C.; Hastinapur Pd. II
gives two C14 dates, 573 and 506 B.C.; Noh (Rajasthan) provides 821 and
604 B.C. on the basis of radiocarbon dating carried out at the California
University, Los Angeles; Kausambi yields (TF dating) 500 and 400 B.C.;
Chirand (B. and R. period) 846 and 769 B.C.; and Sonepur (pre-N.B.P.
period) 637 B.C. All these indicate a period between 1025 and 500 B.C., in
which P.G., B. and R. and N.B.P. wares and the associated Iron Age played
a dominant part.
In Gujarat, Malwa and Central India, the Iron Age follows the chalco-
lithic period in a general way. In these areas, iron objects appear in
association with Black and Red wares, as in Prabhas Patan,m NagaI, n
NagaraO (old Cambay), Nagda and Ujjain. Black and Red occupation
levels are followed by N.B.P. wares imported probably from the Gangetic
valley. This Black and Red ware in India was extensive both in space and
time, and its full cultural significance is not yet understood. What appears
to be certain is the dominance of both iron and the Black and Red ware
about the fifth century B.C.P
In peninsular India, Black and Red pottery side by side with iron
objects and the later N.B.P. phase have been discovered in Prakash IICl
and Bahal II towards the close of the chalcolithic period. Another
important characteristic of peninsular India as well as of Ceylon is the pit
a Ghosh and Panigrahi, pp. 55-59. j JAR, 1962-63.
b Lal (2), pp. 138-47. k JAR, 1963-64.
(' JAR, 1953-54. l JAR, 1962-63; 1964-65.

cl JAR, 1954-55. m JAR, 1955-56.
8 JAR, 1962-63. n JAR, 1961-62.
I JAR, 1958-59. 0 JAR, 1963-64; 1964-65.
, JAR, 1963~; 1964-65. p Sankalia (4), PP. 281-82.

h JAR, 1959-60; 1960-61; 1961-62; see also Sharma (G. R.).
, JAR, 1960-61; 1961-62; 1962-63. q JAR, 1954-55.
burial and urn burial, also called 'megalith', in which iron objects have
been found with pottery, stone objects and carnelian beads. These types
of burial have been known for a long time from the excavations carried out
between 1851 and 1862 by Meadows Taylor in Shorapur, by Alexander
Rca between 1899 and 1904 in Adichanallur, and by Hunt between 1916
and 1924 in Raigir and Bhongir. Recently, Deshpande found three urn
burials and one pit burial in Tckwada. Brahmagiri,a Piklihal,b Sangana-
kallu and Maski c carry the same type of story. Brahmagiri burial grounds,
excavated by Wheeler, yielded B. and R. wares, mat-painted red pottery
similar to Jorwe type and iron objects. Hallur (in south Dharwar) shows
up an Iron Age fairly early, as indicated by TF radiocarbon datings of
1105 and 955 B.C. At Piklihal, Sanganakallu and Maski, iron objects, in
association with copper and sometimes gold, are common in graves as well
as habitational sites. The large number of south Indian megalithic or urn
burial sites have yielded Black and Red ware, almost uniform types of iron
objects-spade. hoe, pick-axe, sickle, wedge, crowbar, spear, knife, dagger,
sword, chisel, tripod, saucer hook-lamps, occasional copper, bronze or
stone objects and beads. Some grave types and burial customs, developed
during the neolithic-chalcoJithic period, are distinctly indigenous; some
bear similarities with those of Central Asia, Iran or the Caucasus, suggest-
ing the influence of Indo-Iranian speaking immigrants; while still others
are reminiscent of practices noticed in the Levant and the south coast of
Arabia. a
FAIENCE, VITREOUS PASTE, GLAZE AND GLASS
Faience, vitreous paste, glaze and fi nally glass and the techniques
involved in making them appeared during the protohistoric period.
Faience spindle-whorls side by side with those made of pottery have been
found in Mohenjo-daro. e From the same Harappan phase we have the
specimen of a vitreous paste,! an opaque glassy substance, having a chem-
ical composition-silica-88'12 %, ferric oxide-3·20 %, calcium oxide-
1·82 %, alkali oxides-S·04% and cupric oxidc-Q'46 % and a few vitreous
slabs of carnelian blue colour of more or less the same composition. Such
vitreous paste and slabs were intended to be ground to powder and then
used for glazing purposes. Glazed ivory shells, faience and pottery objects
have been found in Mohenjo-daro. In Egypt, green glazes appear much
earlier on Badarian pottery (c. 4000 B.C.) and in Mesopotamia from the
Jemdet Nasr period (c. 3000 B.C.).
True glass turus up in India rather late, at the beginning of the historical
period, whereas this man-made fourth state of matter, in the form ofcoloured
beads, are known in Egypt from predynastic graves at Naquada (4000-
3500 B.C.), Abydos (3500-3250 B.C.), Qau (2600-2500 B.C.) and Dahshur
• Wheeler (J), pp. 187-99. cI Allchin (B. and R.), p. 229.

b Allchin (F. R.), pp. 136-39; p. 10. , Marshall, p. 469.
t Thapar (I), pp. 115-19. I Ibid., p. 574.
(2100 n.c.). The art of making glass vessels has been practised in Egypt
and Mesopotamia from about c. 1500 B.C. The earliest true glass objects in
India have so far turned up in Taxila4 in its three main mounds, Bhir (c. fifth
century B.C.), Sirkap and Sirsukh and in Kopia in V.P. (fifth century B.C.),
although references to glass in the Satapatha Brahma1Ja would indicate
its use in India at a much earlier period. Other finds at Dharmarajika
Stupa (c. first or second century A.D.), Ahicchatra (c. from A.D. 100 on-
wards), Chandravalli (c. first century A.D.) and Arikamedu (c. second
century A.D.) belong to later periods. Kopia b has also yielded evidence of
glass manufacture at the site itself. Chemical analyses of Indian specimens
reveal considerable difference from those of contemporary Babylonian,
Roman or Chinese glass and point to an indigenous industry. It is,
however, quite possible that the technical know-how was originally derived
from the craftsmen of this long-established ancient art of West Asia.
THE VEDIC LITERATURE
The Vedic literature is the oldest Indian and also the most outstand-
ing specimen of the earliest Indo-European literary effort. Unlike the
canonical literature of other great religions, which often represents a com-
plete collection worked out in some definite time, the Vedas are considered
to be revealed (sruti) knowledge par excellence handed down from genera-
tion to generation by a unique method of oral transmission. The whole
literature has been conveniently divided, according to content and chrono-
logy in a general way, into three distinct classes, e.g. the Salflhitlis, the
BrahmalJas, and the A.ralJyakas-Upani~ads. Despite this classification,
there is a great deal of unity and intermixture of materials among the three
divisions. Chronologically, although the Salflhitas are older than the
BriihmalJas and the BriihmalJas than the AralJyakas-Upani$ads, some of the
BriihmafJas are older than, or contemporaneous with, some of the Sa1flhitiis,
and likewise with the Brahma1)as vis-a-vis the A.ral)yakas-Upani~ads.
The Four Salflhitiis

The Sa1Jlhitas are lyrical collections of hymns, prayers, invocations,
sacrificial and magical formulas, of which a great variety must have existed
at one time, depending on the numerous families of the Vedic bards. We
now possess only four such great collections, e.g. (i) the ~gveda, the book
of strophes (rcas) or hymns and prayers (mantras) to be recited during
sacrifices and rituals, (ii) the Siimaveda, the book of melodies (samans) in
accordance with which the rcas are to be sung, (iii) the Yajurveda, the book of
sacrificial formulas (yajulfl~i) available again under two distinct groups, the
Black and the White, and (iv) the Atharvaveda, the book of magical formulas.
• ARASlt 1919--20 (1920); see also Lal (B. B. Dr.), pp. 19-22.
b Roy and Varshney, pp. 366-68, 392.
The Sgveda
The ~gveda is the most ancient and important collection comprising
1,028 hymns and 10,462 (cas distributed over 10 ma!lrla/as or books. From
the researches of Bergaigne, Oldenberg, Bloomfield and others, it is now
well known that these matulalas and the hymns constituting them were
formulated in different periods-how different or ancient it is impossible to
say with any definiteness. The books II to VII, for example, contain the
oldest hymns, and books I and X, containing an assortment of hymns on
diverse subjects, including the oft-quoted cosmogonic hymns, represent the
latest collections. Book IX dealing with the glorification of the soma
drink and carrying forward the soma-cult of the Indo-Iranian period must
be given high antiquity. The portrayal, in the oldest hymn-books, of a
simple patriarchal life in small communities on the banks of the Indus, with
a warm love and adoration of nature and, in the latest books, of an organized
Brahminical hierarchy already propagating the virtues of a society based on
caste, penetrating farther east, clearly indicates the great difference of time
between the primitive origin of the hymns and their redaction into the
J.V<,-Sa'!1hitii we are familiar with.
As to sciences, their origins, although couched in mythological forms,
are traceable in the ~gveda. References to the threefold division of the
heaven, the sun and the moon, their motions through stellar constellations,
solar eclipse, division of time in days, months, year, intercalation, etc.,
clearly herald the beginning of astronomy and calendrical science. Interest
in medicine is reflected in the fact that several of the Vedic gods occasionally
play the role of physicians providing remedies. The foremost among them
are the twin brothers Asvins, sometimes also called Nasatyas, who had the
powers of healing the blind, the thin and the feeble and men with broken
bones. a Another Vedic god who has something to do with healing is
VaruQa, the lord and guardian of ,la, the Vedic equivalent of the Indo-
Aryan word asa (old Persian, aria), which has been variously interpreted
as meani ng 'a regular order in general', 'moral rectitude', 'a true law of the
universe' and so on. b This ,ta which is responsible for the orderly func-
tioning of universal laws such as the fixity of the stars, the movements of
celestial bodies, etc., also controls matters terrestrial and spiritual, including
the orderly or disorderly functioning of bodies of human beings on the
earth. The beginnings of a plant science have been traced in stray references
to external and internal structures of plants, some physiological processes
involved in manuring, plant classification and evolution. Regarding agri-
culture, trade and industry, Winternitz mentions that barley used to be
cultivated, cattle-rearing formed the main source of income, horse was
highly prized and harnessed before the chariot in war and peace, and wood-
workers, cabinet and chariot makers, metal workers, shipbuilders and so
on formed the main backbone for what passed for industries in Vedic
(I ~v., X. 39.3.5. lJ Filliozat (2), p. 76 (French version).

A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATBRIALS 17
times. a No less important are the philosophical hymns enquiring about

the origin of things and of a creator who is variously named as Prajapati,
Brhaspati, Visvakarman, and 'the One'.
The Samaveda
The Samaveda is an anthology of the J!.gveda. The Sal'flhita has come
down to us in three recensions or schools, e.g. those of the Kauthumas,
the Ranayaniyas and the Jaiminiyas or Talavakaras. It is a collection of
both songs and verses. The majority of the verses are borrowed from the
}hveda, although these are often marked by variations of a linguistic
character or those due to exigencies of musical adaptations. A source book
of great importance for the study of the most ancient history of Indian
music, the Samaveda and its Brlihmatzas and Sutras are also full of interest
from the viewpoint of calendrical astronomy because of their fuller treatment
of gaviim ayana, the sattras of various durations and other ceremonies
built round the daily progress of the sun. As a derivative work, the
Sa'f7hita naturally enough offers no clue towards the determination of its
date except that it is posterior to the J!.gveda.
The Yajurveda
As a compendium of sacrificial formulas, the Sa'flhitii of the Yajurveda
came to be developed in a large number of schools of Adhvaryu priests and
recensions. Although Pataiijali, in the introduction to his Mah{jbhii~ya,
mentions 100 schools of the Veda of the Adhvaryus, works of the following
five schools have come down to us: (a) the Kiithaka or, more correctly,
the Carayaniya-Katha-Sa'f7hitii, representing the main recension of the
Kalha school; (b) the Kapi$thala-(Katha)-Sa1]lhitii, representing another
recension of the same Katha school, preserved only in fragments; (c) the
Maitrliya1,li-Safflhitti, of the MaitrayaQiya school; (d) the Taittiriya-SafJ1hitti,
of the Taittiriya or, more particularly, the Apastamba school; and (e) the
Viijasaneyi-Sa'llhitii, after the teacher YajiiavaJkya Vajasaneya, in the
recensions of Kanva and Madhyandina.
Traditionally, the works of the first four schools are grouped under
the Black Yajurveda and the last Sa'f7hitii belongs to the White Yajurveda,
but both the groups, on the whole, deal with common materials. As to
their relationship to the J!.gveda, both the groups and their recensions
abound in mantras borrowed from the &veda, with, however, many and
profound variations. The chief difference between the Black and the
White Yajuneda lies in the fact that, in the former, the mantras are followed
by, and often intermingled with, theological discussions and explanations, in
prose, called Brahma!JOs, whereas, in the latter, the mantras are carefully
separated from the Briihmartas and the materials treated in a more
systematic manner.
CI Winternitz, I, pt. 1, pp. 55-57.

2
From the geographical data embedded in these texts, it appears that

the Katha-Kapi$/hala school flourished in Kashmir and the Panjab and the
Maitrayal)iya school in Gujarat, the Taittiriyas had their largest number of
adherents in South India from where Apastamba and Baudhayana came
and the sphere of activity of the Vajasaneyins was confined largely in north-
eastern and eastern parts of India. a Such a distribution of spheres of
influence of the various Yajus schools was, however, by no means water-
tight, for there exists clear evidence of the Katha and the Taittiriya schools
operating in the Madhyadesa as well.
The verses or rcas which occur in the various recensions of the Yajurveda
are also found in the lftveda, with the difference that the whole hymns of
the latter are rarely incorporated in the former. As Winternitz has pointed
out, the Yajurveda used only single verses, 'torn from their context, which
just appeared suitable to some sacrificial ceremony or other ...' There is
hardly any ground for doubting that the various recensions of the Yajurveda
are posterior to the J!.gveda and that the Saf!lhitas of the Ktithaka, Kapi-
$Ihala, Maitriiya'.lf and Taittiriya schools are older than the Vajasaneyi
Sa'lt hita.
The importance of the Yajurveda texts as possessing several passages of
considerable astronomical significance need hardly be overestimated. While
the nak~alras are doubtless mentioned in the ~gveda, their whole series
numbering 27 or 28 and headed by Krttikas turn up for the first time in the
recensions of the Yajurveda. The gaviim ayana and the sattras resembling
those already given in, and probably taken over from, the Samaveda and
its Brtihma'.las, find lengthy treatment in these Yajus texts. Traces of
mathematical knowledge are reflected here and there in the enumeration and
naming of large numbers in multiples of ten, cases of addition, subtraction
and multiplication, fractions first noticed in the ~gveda and further de-
veloped in the Maitriiya1)i Sa1J1hitii, and progressive series.
From the point of view of medicine, the Yajurveda texts also contain
information of importance, though not much different from other Sa'!1hitlis,
except of course the Atharvaveda about whose importance in relation to
medicine we shall say more in what follows. Rudra who is represented in
the Vedic literature as one possessing great strength and power and as the
cause of terror is described in the Yajurveda as the first divine physician-
prathamo daivyo bhi$ak. b This idea is also found in the &veda where this
terror-inspiring Rudra is also famed as the best of all physicians. C About
the different diseases, the White Yajurveda mentions 100 types of yaksmd,
including the rtijayaksma and the legend of Soma, the moon being affiicted
by the disease. tI Of the anatomical nomenclature compiled by Filliozat'
from the various Vedic Sa~nhitQs, several are found in the Yajurveda and its
Briihma~as. The pathological relationship of bile (pitta) with agni is
.. Keith (2), p. XClll. d YP:, XII. 97; Taitt. S., II. 3.5.2.
b Ta/I/. S., IV. 1.2; VdJ. S., XVI. 5. ~ FiUiozat (2), pp. 121-28 (French version).
f: ~V., H. 33.4.
28
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 19'
attested in both the Atharvaveda and the Yajurveda. a A large number of

plant remedies are recommended for curing diseases in the various recen-
sions of the Yajurveda. In this connection important references to plant
structures, physiology and classification are also met with in this Salflhita.
The Atharvaveda
The Atharvaveda comprises 731 hymns and about 6,000 verses grouped
under 20 books of which the first eighteen form the Atharvaveda proper
and the last two supplementary additions of comparatively recent date.
Its borrowings from the ~veda are considerable, as much as one-seventh
deriving without variation from the rcas belonging to books X, I and VIII.
But quite a large number of the verses are original and bear marks of great
antiquity. At the time of its taking shape, the Vedic Indians had already
penetrated to the south-east and settled down in the Gangetic plains, as
evidenced by the mention of a tiger-skin as symbol of royal power. b Society
also became differentiated into four castes with the Brahmat)as claiming the
highest privileges.
The oldest name of this fourth Veda was probably Atharvangirasab.
The frequent separation of this compound word and the mention of the
Veda by each name show 'that the compound is not a congealed formula,
but that the texts are conscious of the fact that each has a distinct indivi-
duality, a right to separate existence.'c Originally, both the words 'athar-
van' and' aligiras' meant fire-priest, the fire-cult playing an important role
in the daily life of the Indian people in much the same way as it did in the
case of the ancient Persians. The two terms further signified two different
species of magic formulas; the atharvan referred to holy magic bringing
about happiness and the angiras to hostile sorcery or black magic.
The Atharvan songs and spells concerning healing of diseases throw
important light on the oldest system of Indian medical sci~ce. Through
these charms and spells the symptoms of a large number of diseases are
described with great clarity. Winternitz notices a remarkable similarity
between the magic incantations of the Indians and those of old Germctns
in the fact that while the Atharvaveda mentions 55, 77, or 99 diseases,
German incantations often refer to 77 or 99 diseases. II Another peculiarity
of the Atharvaveda consists in its recognition of worms as the causes of
many diseases. Descriptions given of these worms are also of consider-
able zoological interest. The Atharvaveda is also very rich in anatomical
nomenclature as will be clear from a glance at Filliozat's list mentioned
previously.
Opinion is divided on the question of origin of the theory of trido~a
or tridhiltu in the Atharvaveda. But the physiological role of air or pralJa
as an organic and cosmic force is well attested in the Sa"mitas, including rr
CI AV., XVill. 3.5; Vaj. S., XVII. 6; Kdth. S., XVII. 11. e Bloomfield, p. xviii.
b Wintcrnitz. I, pt. I, p. 108. cI Winternitz, I, pte I, p. 115.
the Atharvaveda. This point is important from the point of view of the
evolution of the pneumatic theory, its maturity in later Ayurvedic texts
and the parallelism noticed in some Greek texts such as one treatise on this
subject by Hippocrates and Plato's Timaeus.
The Atharvaveda offers little assistance towards our understanding
of the nature and extent of the Vedic astronomy. Nevertheless, it does
contain stray passages of astronomical consequence, such as the solar
eclipse, the mention of riihu for the first time, intercalation with a thirteenth
month and similar titbits. Its late nineteenth book reproduces the list of
28 nak~atras including Abhijit.
Finally, its cosmogonic and philosophical hymns belonging doubtless
to the latest parts of this Veda are of no less importance to the history of
Indian science. In 63 hymns addressed to goddess earth, a specimen of
good ancient poetry, Mother Earth is described with all her physical geo-
graphical peculiarities as the supporter and preserver of life. Likewise,
time (kala) is recognized as the first cause of all existence. Time is ageless,
begot the yonder heaven and the earth, then the waters, the brahma, the
tapas and the regions of space and so OD.
The Briihma'.las
The BriihmalJas, the second great division of the Vedic literature, have
been styled by Winternitz as the 'Science of Sacrifice'. Eggeling, in his
introduction to the Satapatha Brahma1)a, has traced the genesis of this
class of literature to the gradual dispersal of the Brahma1}.a communities
from the Panjab to the eastern and southern parts of the country and to
the necessity of dividing sacrificial duties among different classes of priests,
namely the Hotar, the Udgatar, the Adhvaryu (the performer of the actual
sacrificial acts) and the BrahmaI}a or high priest.
The beginnings of such theological elucidations may be seen in the
Sa'!1hitiis of the Black Yajurveda where the mantras as a rule are either
followed by, or intermingled with, their dogmatic explanations to constitute
the Briihma!la portion which thus developed into a convenient textbook
for the Adhvaryu priest. This might have stimulated concurrently the
compilation of Briihma!)a texts for the HoUlr and the Udgatar priests. The
Vajasaneyins who came later obviously profited by the experience of the
older schools and from the beginning separated the Brlihmana from the
carefully selected mantras and arranged the whole literature· in a highly
systematic manner. The principal BriihmQ1)as which thus came to be
attached to the different Sa'!1hitlis are enumerated below:
SamhJtd Sa"mita BrlIhmtl(Uls
Schools and recensions
~vtdo Sakala Aitareya
Vaskala Kalqftalci or Sallkhayana
SlJ nJQ veda Kauthuma 1
Rt2n4yanlya J PaJlcavi"ua or Taf){iamoha : Sa(lvimla
Jaiminlya Jaiminlya
Sa'l'hill'J Sa"milti Brdhmatws

Yalurveda Black: Ktilhaka- Kafha- fragment
Kapi~lhala
MaitrdyaClI
Taitt;rlya Taittirlya
White: Vdjasaneyl Satapalha
Atharvaveda Gopatha
If the Briihma~as, in the course of their theological disputations, sought

to throw a great deal of light on the earliest metaphysical and linguistic
speculations and indulged in many mythological fabrications around the
substance of the hymns and verses of their respective sa1]1hittis, they did not
fail to do so with respect to matters scientific. In this way manyastro-
nomical, anatomical, pathological, physiological ideas and concepts, and
information regarding plant and animal life assumed clearer perspective
through BrahmaI)ic interpretations.
The Ara~yakas-Upani$ads
The third division of the Vedic literature comprises the Ara!lyakas
(forest texts) and the Upani.t. ;ads (secret doctrines), which arose out of the
Sa".,hittis and the Briihma~as of the different Vedic schools. The Aitareya-
1ra'.lyaka which includes the Aitareya Upani$ad is part of the Aitareya
BrahmafJa and likewise the Kau$itaki ArafJyaka-Upani$ad represents the
concluding portions of the Kau$ftaki Brtihma~a. The Paiicavi1]1sa BriihmalJa
ends in the Chtindogya Upani$ad, of which the first section is an ara1,1yaka.
The Jaiminiya and the Kena Upani$ads belong to the Jaiminiya or Talavakara
schools of the Stimaveda. The Upani~ads of the Black Yajurveda schools
include the Taittiriya Ara~yaka-Upani~ad, a continuation of the Brtihma~a
bearing the same name and the Mahtinaraya~a, the Katha or Ktithaka, the
Svetiisvatara, the Maitrliya~i Upanisads. The greatest and the most import-
ant of all Upani$ads is the Brhadiira~yaka which belongs to the Satapatha
BriihmalJa of the White Yajurveda. The l$ii Upani~ad forming the last
section of the Vajasaneyi Salflhita is short but valuable. The MUlJrlaka
and the PraSna Upani$ads are offshoots of the Atharvaveda.
The six of the above-mentioned Upani~ads, viz. the Aitareya, the
Brhadiira1Jyaka, the Chlindogya, the Taittiriya, the Kau$itaki and the Kena,
which, in language and style, resemble the BriihmafJas, represent the earliest
stage of development of this type of literature whose antiquity cannot be
far different from that of the Brahma~as.Q, The Katha, the Svetasvatara, the
MahiinarliyafJa, the l$a, the Mu~{iaka and the PraJna which also contain
the Vedanta doctrine are in all probability pre-Buddhistic. The Maitrtiya1;li
Upani$ad in which the Vedie prose is no longer traceable is of a much
later date and possibly post-Buddhistic.
Besides the Upan#ads mentioned above, some 200 texts bearing the
title of this class and attributed to one or the other of the Vedie schools
tI Wintcmitz, I, pte I, p. 206.

have come down to us. Most of them having no connection with the
Veda are akin to the PuraT)as and the Tantras and belong to a much later
date. a Of these several non-Vedic Upani$ads, mention may be made of
the Subala Upani~ad, frequently referred to by Ramanuja and the Garbha
Upani$ad; the former deals with metaphysics, cosmology, physiology and
other matters, whereas the latter, as the title implies, is an embryological
text having some importance in the history of medicine.
Written in the form of dialogues often reminding us of Plato, the
Upani$ads are primarily important as repositories of physical concepts
concerning both the organic and the inorganic world. A sharp distinction
is made between these two worlds-a distinction which, in the view of
Deussen, dominates the Indian view of nature also. b Organic bodies such
as gods, men, animals and plants are in essence the titman itself and
are regarded as wandering souls. Inorganic bodies called mahtibhuttini,
although controlled by Brahman, are not wandering souls, but only the stage,
the material substratum enabling the souls to play their part. Embed-
ded in this concept of mahiibhiitiini is the idea of five elements whose
gradual evolution from water as the only primordial element into earth,
water, fire, wind and ether as the five lnahlibhaftini is traceable in the
Upani$ads.
The Upani$ads tacitly assume that, like the macrocosm, the microcosm
represented by the human body is also constituted of the five elements. Some
physiological concepts applicable to man, animals and plants as also some
elementary principles of classification are met with. Astronomical con-
ceptions are only slightly developed and do not go beyond what we find in
the two other preceding divisions of the Veda. In the simple cosmography
preached by the Upani$ads, the earth is surrounded by water and
has oceans, mountains and seven island continents. The heaven and the
earth form two halves of the egg of the universe, a recurrent conception
throughout the Vedic literature.
Chronology of the Vedic Literature

The chronology of the Vedic literature has always been, and is even
now, a matter of great difficulty and controversy. Considering that the
whole of the Vedic literature must be pre-Buddhist and the Siltra works
synchronous with the origin and spread of Buddhism, Max MUller suggested
the pe~od between 600 and 200 B.C. for the development of the siltras,
the penod between 800 and 600 B.C. for the development of the prose style
of the Brahma1)QS and Ara1)yakas-Upan~ads and the period 1000 to 800
B.C. for the compilation of the Sa",hitas, of which the poetry part or the
mantras probably originated in the period between 1200 and 1000 B.C. e
In his views, the oldest of the Vedas, the lJgveda, could not have been
• Winternitz, I, pt. I. p. 208. o Winternitz, I, pt. I. p. 22S; Max MUller (I), pp. 23 fr.
b Deussen, p. J86.
composed earlier than 1200 B.C. Leopold von Schroeder- suggested a

much earlier date, 1500 or even 2000 B.C., for the ]!.gveda, while Hermann
Jacobi b and B. G. Tilak,c on astronomical grounds, tried to date the beginning
of the Vedic literature in the third millennium B.C. The period around
1400 or 1500 B.C. for the formulation of the earliest ~gvedic hymns has
found a strong support from the clay tablets discovered in BoghazkOi, the
capital of the ancient Hittites who had as their deities some of the common
Vedic gods such as Mitra, Varut).a, Indra and Nasatyau. d From an analysis
of different studies on the Vedic chronology Winternitz concluded, and
this view is now generally followed, that •we shall probably have to date
the beginning of this development about 2000 or 2500 B.C. and the end of
it between 750 and 500 n.c.'e
THE VEDANGAS, THE SOTRAS AND THE ORIGIN OF

SANSKRIT SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE
We now come to another important group of literature, the Vedarigas,

which deal separately with six special branches of knowledge, viz. phonetics
(sik$i1), ritual (kalpa), grammar (vyakara~a), etymology (nirukta), metrics
(chandal)) and astronomy Uyoti$a).f These branches of study arose within
the Vedic schools themselves as a necessary condition for mastering the
Vedas. Being works of human specialists, these are called Vedangas or
auxiliary sciences of the Veda.
The Sutra Style

Their authors adopted in general the satra or the highly condensed
aphoristic style intended to sum up only the pith of the learning in short
sentences generally using nouns often compounded at great length and
avoiding the use of verbs as far as possible. The main purpose was to
facilitate easy memorization of a vast body of ritualistic and other materials.
From the point of precision and brevity, Wintemitz thinks that 'there is
probably nothing like these siltras of the Indians in the entire literature of
the world'.r The style became so dominant a feature that this was adopted
without question by the various philosophical schools, the grammarians,
phoneticians, specialists on Metrics and by the writers of the arthaJdstra,
the klimaJlistra, the nlifYaSlistra and so on.
On account of great economy of words and the avoidance of verbs, the
sutras always remained enigmatic except to the initiated. For this reason
another literary style, the bhli$ya, had to be developed, which aimed at
fJ Schroeder, pp. 291 If. fJ Winternitz, I, pte I, p. 271.

PI Jacobi (I), p. IS8. ! MU1)(J. Up., I, t .S.
e Tilak, pp. 40 fT. I Wintemitz, TI, p. 235.
et Giles, pp. 64-66.
elucidating the satras, sometimes in the form of a dialogue between the

teacher and the student. In this style, often the opposite views are first
brought in, their insufficiencies explained and the true solutions given at
the end. The service rendered to the development of this form of writing
by the great bhti$yakiiras like Pataiijali, Vatsyayana and Satikara, to mention
a few, need hardly be overestimated.
If the sutras necessitated the bha$yas, they also no doubt paved the
way for the development of the sloka form of composition adopted in the
Dharmasastras, medical texts, mathematical and astronomical works,
encyclopaedic treatises like the Brhatsarnhitii and in arts and sciences in
general. The main advantage of this form is that it is easy to write and
memorize and therefore readily appeals to the scholar. One comparatively
simple meter commonly followed in scientific compositions is the Aryii,
although more complex meters are also used. a After the development of
these different styles of composition, several authors tended to use one or
more of them simultaneously in their works, of which the medical sal'flhitas
are convenient examples.
Of the various vediingas mentioned, we may leave aside the phonetics
largely concerned with the rules of pronunciation, but others contain
matters of scientific importance.
The Kalpasutras
The Kalpasutras are available in four different classes, e.g. the Srallta,
the Grhya, the Dharma and the Sulba. As the materials of the Sa1Jlhitiis
and the Briihma!las constitute the basis of these sutras, passages in them of
scientific import have received fresh treatment and sometimes further ela-
boration at the hands of the siltrakiiras. Such is particularly the case with
regard to the Vedic calendars which have received lengthy treatment in
the Uityayana Srautasiltra and the NidtinaS7ltra of the Stimaveda. The
fourth class of the KalpasQtras, the Sulbasiuras, are often attached to the
Srautasiltras and are important as the oldest Indian works on geometry,
irrational numbers and other mathematical topics.
The Manava Dharmasiistra or the Manu Smrt; and later smrtis
originated from the Dharmasiistras, one of the four great divisions of the
KalpasiUras. The mythical Manu is mentioned in the Taittiriya Sa1Jlhita
and by Yaska; Asvagho~ats references agree in part with some of the
teachings of the Manu 8mrti; and finally the epic Mahabharata preserves a
considerable portion of it. Obviously, the form in which we now have it
developed over a long period of time, and it may be placed. anywhere be-
tween 200 B.C. and A.D. 200. b As a law book dealing with all aspects of
human life, it occasionally furnishes information of scientific value relating
to botany, zoology, agriculture and the like. This work expressing as it does
the soul and the philosophy of life of a large section of the ancient Indian
.. Keith (3), p. 409. b Keith (3), p. 44].
people is comparable to Lucratius' great poetical work. a Mention may also

be made of the Yiijiiavalkya 8mrti (c. A.D. 3(0) which, although a treatise on
law, deals at length on embryology and the development of the human
body.b
The Yajurvedins were the most active and prolific producers of this
kind of literature. Among them again the TaittirIya school had an over-
whelming leadership. Baudhayana, Apastamba and Hirat.1yakesin of the
Taittiriya school composed works on all the four departments of the Kalpa-
sQtras, whereas Vadhl1la, Bharadvaja and Vaikhanasa covered between
two and three such departments. Similar services on a much reduced
scale were rendered by Manava and Varaha for the Maitrayal}I school and
by Katyayana for the VajasaneyI school.
Although it is certain that the sutras were composed after the period
of the main literary activity in preparing the Sa",hitas, the BriihmafJas and
the Upani$ads was over, that is after 700 or 600 B.C., serious difficulties
arise as soon as the dating of the siltra literature is attempted. From a
consideration of the tradition of the Vedic schools as well as from internal
evidence, Baudhayana and Manava are older than Apastamba, and
Apastamba must have flourished before paJ).ini, Katyayana and Patafijali.
Pal)ini's date is itself debatable and is no better datable than most of the
ancient texts of this kind. Nevertheless, scholars are generally agreed that
PaJ.}ini lived in the fourth century B.C. (c. 350 B.C. according to Kei~),
that Katyayana may be placed around c. 250-200 B.C. and that Patafijali
who refers to a sacrifice for Pu~yamitra (reigned from c. 185 or 178 B.C.)
most probably wrote his Mahiibhii$ya about 150 B.C. C On the basis of
PaJ,lini's date, George BUhler was inclined to place Apastamba 150 to 200
years earlier, which gives his date as c. 500 to 550 B.C. Keith is not,
however, prepared to place Apastamba beyond c. 350 B.C. d For
Baudhayana's date Keith's estimate is fifth century B.C. If Buhler's
estimate for Apastamba is correct Baudhayana may be dated as c. 600 B.C.
Grammar, Lexicography and Metrics

The Priitisakhyas which are works on phonetics attached to the different
Vedas bear testimony to the beginnings of grammatical studies in India.
Yaska (c. 500 B.C.), the celebrated author of the Nirukta, refers to schools
of grammarians. Unlike the lexicographers, the grammarians were more
concerned with the language, both written as well as spoken. Although a
long line of grammarians must have existed before PaJ).ini (c. 350 B.C.), his
A~liidhyayi possibly rendered obsolete the efforts of his predecessors.
Written in 4,000 short sutras, the work deals with technical terms, nouns
in composition and case relations, rules for adding suffixes to the roots and
so on, always from the point of view of the language and using it correctly
in composition.
II Keith (3), p. 443. c Renou and Filliozat, pp. 86-91; Keith (3), pp. 426-28.
b Choudhury, pp. 52-60. (J Keith (2), Preface, elxxi, xlv, clxxii.
26 A CONCISE HISTORY OP SCIENCE IN INDIA
Katyayana (C. 250-200 B.C.) wrote the Vdrttika, an independent work

in which PaQ.ini is often criticized for inaccuracies. Pataiijali's Mohli-
bhlJ$ya (c. ] 50 B.C.) is not only a grand commentary on the A$llidhyayi,
but contains refutations of Katyayana's views and additional matters based
on the works of other grammarians to which no doubt he had access.
These grammatical works and expositions are a veritable source of informa-
tion of many scientific and technical subjects as will be seen in the various
chapters of the book.
Yaska's Nirukta is derived from the ancient nighanlavas, that is lexico-
graphical works containing Vedic terms. Other well-known lexicons
from which citations have come down to us include Katyayana's Ntimamiilii
and Vya4i's Utpalini. The most important and exhaustive lexicographic
work that we now possess is the Niimalingiinusiisana Of Amarasitpha,
better known as Amarakosa. Amara was a Buddhist and a poet who
probably lived in the sixth century A.D., 4 although Keith would place him
after the eighth century. b The scientific importance of the work will be
apparent from the fact that the first section gives names for sky, celestial
space (atmosphere, planets and stars), regions, divisions of time, phases of
the moon, eclipses, denizens of the underworld (serpents, poison). The
second section deals with terrestrial matters-oceans, fishes, animals, human
beings, their anatomical peculiarities, diseases, plants and forests, agriculture
and commerce, geographical information, including stone quarries and
mines and diverse matters. The third section which contains about 13,000
terms gives epithets, different names, homonyms, invariant words, in a
semantic arrangement which served as a model for later lexicographers. It
is noteworthy that several botanical terms and names of medicinal plants
further enrich this great lexicon. Renou and Filliozat observe that the
AgnipuriJ~a is more or less an abridged form of the Amarakosa.
The Vedic interest in meters is reflected in certain sections of the
~k-PratiJiikhya, Katyayana's AnukramafJ;, the Nidanasutra and other works.
But a treatise dealing exclusively with the science of meters as used in the
Vedic texts is the Chandabsutra of Pitigala (c. 200 B.C.) which has come
down to us with the commentary of Halayudha (the tenth century A.D.).
Piilgala uses algebraic symbols, say I and g, to denote short and long syl-
lables respectively as well as groups of three syllables to serve as the basis
=
of metrical ending, e.g. m = - - -, y u - _.0 The text shows
acquaintance with about 160 different types of meters. The text is also
important mathematically as it deals with Pascal's triangle (meru-prastara)
and reveals knowledge of binomial theorem.
Discussions on meters are also found in the Na/YaSQstra, the Agni-
purli~a, and the Brhatsa1]1hitli. Of works on Metrics of later pe,riods, mention
may be made of Janasraya's Chandoviciti, Gatigadasa's Chandomanjari and
K,emendra's Suvrttatilaka (the eleventh century A.D.).
• Renou and Filliozat, pp. 100-1. C Renou and Filliozat, p. 104; see also Keith
b Keith (3), p. 413. (3), pp. 4]5-16.
Jyoti~a
As a Vedariga, the science of astronomy (jyot~a) is available in the

recensions of the ~gveda and the Yajurveda, but containing the same
materials. As an astronomical text, this will receive further treatment in the
chapter on astronomy. The text is dated c. 400 B.C.,a but the astronomical
elements taught therein, the positions of the equinoxes that can be deduced
from clear statements, belong to the period of the Salflhittis and the
Brahma!las.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL SOTRAS AND BHA$YAS
We have seen how the philosophical ideas already embedded in the

Sa1Jlhitas and the Brtihma~as were sorted out to initiate a new kind of
disputation and develop a new type of literature which culminated in the
Upani$ads. During the siitra period, we notice the advent of different
philosophical schools adhering to definite opinions and giving expressions
to them in the sutra style of writing. The doctrines summed up in these
siltras are described by the term darsana which literally means' views' Of,
in other words, 'points of view', 'systems', etc. Several writers have
enumerated the prevalent philosophical systems differently, but we may here
distinguish between the orthodox systems of the BrahmaIJ.as theoretically
based more or less on the authority of the Vedas and the unorthodox
systems represented by the Buddhists and the Jaina schools and by the
materialistic schools of the Nastikas, the Lokayatas and the Carvakas.
As the Buddhist and the Jaina schools will be referred to under source
materials dealing with the Buddhist and the Jaina literature, we shall be
concerned here largely with the orthodox systems, making a passing
reference to the literature of the materialists.
The orthodox systems are traditionally recognized to be six, which
are paired in three groups on account of certain fundamental affinities and
agreement between the two members of the pair. These are: the Purva-
mimli11lsd and the Uttaramimii1]1sli or the Vedanta; the Slifllkhya and the
Yoga; and the Nyaya and the Vaise$ika. Jacobi expressed the view that
the orthodox systems were in all probability codified between the second
and the fifth century A.D. during the grand period of spiritual and intellectual
activity accentuated by the invasions followed by the rise of the Gupta
power. b He, however, conceded that the SOlflkhya, the Yoga, and the
Lokayata might have been developed by 300 B.C. on the evidence of
Kautilya's Arthalastra in which, under the term anvik$iki, these three
systems are clearly mentioned. The Nyaya and the Brahmasiltra were
probably composed before the fonnulation of the Buddhist VijMnaviida
between A.D. 200 and A.D. 450. The Parvamimlilflsd and the Vaise~ika
• Renou and FiUiozat, p. 178. b Jacobi (2), p. 2; (4), p. 270.

2R A CONCISE lDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
might have been composed a little earlier. Keith sums up by saying that
between the dates of the principal Upani~ads and the third or the fourth
century A.D. these different philosophical systems then under active investi-
gation took their final forms. a Dasgupta disagreed with such late dating
of the philosophical sil/ras, as we shall see when we take up the question
of dates of the individual su/ras.
Renou and Filliozat hold that the origin of the speculation constituting
the systems is much older than what is implied in Jacobi's investigations.
It is quite possible that the activity of the Buddhism, by creating an opposite
reaction among the BrahmaQas to defend and strengthen their position,
indirectly contributed to the codification of their philosophies. b The
speculations of logic possibly developed partly in the medical schools.
The Mimiifl1sii
To start with the Mimli1Jlsli (investigation), the term appears in all the
Vedic literature since the Yajur- and the Atharva-veda. The word is used
in the Dharmasiistra, PiiQini knows it and Pataiijali in his Mahabha~ya
speaks of the Mlmarpsakas. Katyayana's Viirttika on certain points agrees
with the phraseology of the MimlifJ1siisutra. The original sufras are attri-
buted to Jaimini about whose personality nothing authoritative is known and
who in all probability was a mythical personage like the founders of other
darsanas. Dasgupta, C however, thinks that the MimiifJ1sasu/ra was probably
written about 200 B.C. The MimiifJ'lsiisatra was commented upon by Sabara-
svamin (fifth century A.D.) and later on by Prabhakara (c. A.D. 600) who
wrote the Brhati and by Kumarila (c. A.D. 700), the author of the Sloka-
vdrttika.d. For the history of science, the Mimal)1sakas hold an important
position through their interpretation of sound and its propagation, which
is different from that of the Vaise~ikas.
The SatrJkhya
The term slirnkhya which first appears in the Svetlisvatara Upani~ad
literally means that which concerns the number and appropriately so inas-
much as it frequently resorts to enumeration, categorization and hierarchi-
cal classification. More generally, however, it also signifies the theory,
reflection, etc., as opposed to practice implied in the Yoga. The first
striking fact about the Sii1fJkhya doctrines is that these are non-Brahm~ie
in the sense that their bases are not to be found either in the Vedie rituals
or in their beliefs and teachings. This led to one theory of its origin out-
side the sphere of the Vedic influence, possibly in the same regions which
witnessed the beginnings of the Buddhism.' In fact, the majority of
scholars-Senart, Jacobi, Garbe, Pischel and, with certain reservations,
G Keith (3), p. 472. " Keith (3), pp. 473-74; Renou and Filliozat, p. 10.
b Renou and Filliozat, p. 2. • Renou and Filliozat, p. 34.
Cl Dasgupta, I, p. 370.
Oldenberg-admitted that at a certain point of time the Sa1]1khya did form

the philosophical basis of the Buddhism. Garbe was convinced about the
infiuence of the ~triyas on the development of the system in its primitive
form, which later on veered to orthodoxy. a Keith and some other scholars,
on the other hand, believe in the U pani~adic origin of the Sdqzkhya, the
latterts conception of the three gu1)as deriving from the former's three
elements: water, fire and earth. b On the basis of the derivation of Buddhism
from the Sii'11khya, Winternitz suggested that the philosophy had been in
existence since 800-550 B.C. C
The Sa'llkhya ideas in their various forms, primitive or more developed,
are met with in a variety of literature of which mention may be made of
the Buddhacarita, the Mahiibhiirata (mok~adharma), the Purli!:tas (Brahma
and Vi$!lu), the Dharmasastra, the Caraka Saf!1.hitii and in some Tantric
and Agama literature. Kautilya's reference to Siif?1khya has already been
mentioned. This itself explains the importance of the system in influencing
the development of physical concepts about the material world, medical
theories and in many other spheres.
The historicity of Kapila mentioned as the founder of the doctrine or
of his follower Asuri has not been proved. We are also on uncertain
ground regarding Pancasikha, another early exponent of the system. The
first text that \ve possess on the subject is Sii'llkhyakiirikii by Isvarakr$l)a
(fourth century A.D. according to Renou and Filliozat and c. A.D. 200 accord-
ing to Dasgupta).d Written in .Jryii meter, the Kiirikii is a brilliant piece of
philosophical composition which Barth describes as the pearl among the
whole scholarly literature of India (Ie perle de toute fa litterature scholastique
de l'Inde).e The Kiirikii was commented upon by Gau~apada (c. sixth century
A.D.) in his Gau{iapiidabhii~ya also known as Sii'l'lkhyaktirikiibha~ya. In the
ninth century A.D., versatile Vacaspatimisra produced a new commentary on
the Kiirika, the Sii'flkhyatattvakaumudi, which is probably the best work we
now have on the subject. The Sd'!1khyasatra also called the Siif!1khya-
pravacana, traditionally attributed to Kapila, is a work of a much later
date (the tenth century A.D.). Aniruddha (c. A.D. 1450) commented on the
sutra in his Sii'!1khyasutravrtti, and about two hundred years later, Vijfiana-
bhik$u (c. A.D. 1650) composed his Sii'llkhyapravacanabhii$ya from the
curious standpoint of reconciling the Sii1]1khya doctrines with those of the
Vedanta.!
The Yoga
The YogaS12tra is attributed to Pataiijali who is different from the
author of the Mahabhli~a. The sutra makes reference to the Buddhist
Yogaclira and may be dated between the third and fifth century A.D. Then
there is the Yogabha~ya ascribed to the mythical Vyasa (sixth century A.D.
a Renou and Filliozat, p. 34. d Renou and Filliozat, p. 36; Dasgupta,l, p. 212.
b Keith (3), pp. 487-88. e RenouandFilliozat, p. 36.
C Wintemitz, m, pte II, p. 506. I Keith (3), p. 489.
according to Winternitz), tJ on which a commentary was written by

Vacaspatimisra under the title Tattvavaisaradi, and by Vijfianabhik~u in his
Yogaviirttika. The Yoga system, particularly its offshoot, the Hathayoga,
teaches principles and practices calculated to promote a healthy body and
control and cure many pathological conditions.
The Nyiiya
The term nyiiya variously means 'method', 'rule', 'justice', etc., but
philosophically it signifies 'logic' or 'reasoning'. Later it developed itself
into some sort of syllogism in five parts. The Indians have been interested
in logic from very ancient times, but how ancient it has not been possible
to say with any certainty. The term iinvik$iki (enquiry), the oldest word
for philosophy, has also been stretched to mean logic. The founder of
the Nyaya system is Gotama, sometimes surnamed Ak~apada, contempo-
raneous with Buddha, for which of course no decisive proof exists. But
Gotama and Ak~apada are two different persons, the latter being credited
with the redaction of the Nyayasutra about the third century A.D. An
important point in the development of the Nyiiyasutra is that similar theories
of logic appear in the medical text, the Caraka SafJ'lhitii, which proves the
existence of the Nyiiyasutra from the beginning of the Christian era or
even from pre-Christian times. b
Of the large number of commentaries available, the earliest and the
most important is the Nyiiyabha~ya of Pak~ilasvamin Vatsyayana who
flourished in the fourth century A.D. and before the Buddhist logician
Dignaga. In the beginning of the seventh century A.D., Uddyotakara
Bharadvaja wrote his Nyayavarttika to explain the sutra and the bha~ya.
Some other important commentaries on the Nyaya system include Vacas-
patimisra's Nytiyaviirttikatiitparyalikli, a commentary on Uddyotakara's
above-mentioned work, and the Nyliyasucinibandha, an index on the Nyaya,
Jayanta BhaHa's (ninth century A.D.) Nyayamanjari, Udayana's (tenth
century A.D.) NyiiyavarttikatatparyatikiipariSuddhi, the Nyayaparisi$la, a
supplementary work on logic, and the Nyiiyakusum iinjali, probably the
best known of his works. From about the time of Vacaspatimisra a
tendency developed for syncretizing the doctrines of the two allied schools
of Nyaya and VaiSe$ika, and a large number of Nyiiya-Vaise$ika works in
the nature of commentaries began to appear. But before we deal with
them we have to say a few words on the origin of the Vaise~ika system.
The VaiSe$ika
In the opinion of some historians of ancient Indian thought, the
Vaile#ka system of thinking is considered to be very old. .Richard Garbe
• Winternitz, I, p. 212; Dasgupta places him in A.D. 400.
b Renou and Filliozat, pp. 55-56. S. C. Vidyabhusana dated Aktaplda '8 Nytlyasutra
about A.D. ISO and believed Gautama's Nytlya system as old as SSO B.C. (Dasgupta, I,
p.279).
held it to be anterior to Buddhism, possibly inspiring the Jaina philosophical

thinking and definitely preceding the Nyliya. The Vaise1ika is mentioned
in several Buddhist texts, e.g. the Milindapanha and the Lalitavisflira, and
the Jaina text the Avassaya. G The accounts of the VaiJe~ika found in these
texts agree with the sutras that have come down to us from the first century
A.D. The Vaise~ika categories are mentioned in the Caraka Sa",hitti. But
difficulties arise when we try to date the VaiJe~ikasatra, traditionally attri-
buted to KaQada, but now believed to have resulted from the efforts of
successive generations of philosophers of the same school. Jacobi's
preference for a late dating has already been referred to. Suali preferred
A.D. 250 to 300, Masson-Ourse! A.D. 50 to 150, whereas, in the opinion of
Renou and Filliozat, the first century A.D. might be the most acceptable
date for the sutra. b In the opinion of Dasgupta, 'these sutras are probably
the oldest that we have and in all probability are pre-Buddhistic'.e
The oldest work based on the Vaise~ika teachings, which to all intents
and purposes is a new and original exposition and not a commentary, is
the Padiirthadharmasa",graha by Prasastapada who flourished in the fifth
century A.D. SO great was the importance and authority of this work that
the original Vaise~ikasatra remained eclipsed for several centuries until it
found an able commentator in Sailkaramisra, the author of Upaskiira
(c. 1600). In the meantime, a spate of able commentaries appeared on the
Padiirthadharmasa1J1graha, viz. Vyomovati by Vyomasivacarya (c. ninth
century A.D.), the Nyayakandali by Sridhara (tenth century A.D.), the Kira~ii
vali by Udayana (tenth century A.D.), the Nyayaliliivati by Vallabhacarya
(twelfth century A.D.) and several others.
The syncretization of the two schools which, as already mentioned,
started from about Vacaspatimisra's time is reflected in such works
as Bhasarvajfia's Nyiiyasiira (eighth to ninth century A.D.), Sivaditya's
Saptapadiirthi (c. A.D. 950), Sasadhara's Nyiiyasiddhiintadipa, Gailgesa
Upiidhyaya's TattvacintamalJi (thirteenth century), Raghunatha SiromalJi's
Padiirthatattvanirupa1)a (sixteenth century A.D.), Annam Bhatta's Tarka-
sa",graha (sixteenth century A.D.) and Visvanatha'S Bhli~apariccheda and
Nyiiyamuktiivali (seventeenth century A.D.).
The rationalism of the Nyaya-Vai§e~ika realists has left its indelible
marks on the physical concepts of the ancient and medieval Indians, in
the development of atomism, an impetus theory of motion, nature and
propagation of sound, classification of plants and animals and their various
characteristics, and of a methodology by which to acquire true knowledge.
The Nlistikas, the Lokiiyatas and the Cdrvakas

The materialistic views of the NAstikas, the Lokayatas and the
Cirvakas have not survived in independent works, but fragments of them
have been preserved for the posterity in the form of refutations of other
a Renou and Filliozat, p. 6S. • Renou and Filliozat, p. 67. C Dasgupta, I, p. 282.
32 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCffiNCE IN INDIA
schools f~ndamentally opposed to them. References to diverse atheistical

creeds are indeed found in some of the Upani~ads, e.g. the Chiindogya
and the Svetalvatara. The Mahdbhiirata, the Ramaya1)a, the Miinava-
dharmaSastra and the Kamasulra occasionally mention these views. In
the Arthalas/ra, as already pointed out, the Lokiiyata is mentioned alongside
with the SafJzkhya and the Yoga as one of the three divisions of the anvik-
~ikf. The most complete exposition of the philosophies of these materialists
is to be found in Madhava's Sarvadarsanasa",graha (fourteenth century
A.D.). Jayanta's Nyayamaiijari and GUQaratna's Tarkarahasyadfpika carry
short notices of them; and for similar brief notices the $arldarsana-
samuccyaya, the Sarvasiddhlintaso1J1graha and the Lokatattvanir!laya of
Haribhadra are also of importance. a
Basically opposed to the Vedas and the orthodox philosophical schools,
these materialists denied the existence of the soul, considered life and
consciousness as products of the combination of maUer, did not believe
in after life, reward for action, virtue or vice and placed their sole reliance
on some sort of Epicurian enjoyment of life. They, however, believed in
the four elements of earth, water, air and fire, their atomic character and
the formation of the body as a result of their combinations. b Likewise, we
know of the Ajivakas led by Makkhali Gosfila, a contemporary of Buddha
and Mahavira, denying the free will of man and the sophistical school of
Ajitakesakanlbali, holding the ucchedaviida, that is the doctrine of annihi-
lation of the individual after death. In the present state of our knowledge,
it is not possible to say whether these unorthodox schools of thought had
any effect on the progress of science or secular learning.
THE ARTHA SASTRA, THE NITIS1.STRA AND RELATED ARTS

AND SCIENCES
By the term the arthaSiistra is meant the 'science of interests', and as
such it includes within its purview all doctrines and manuals which concern
the practical aspects of life, e.g. economics, administration, various arts,
crafts and techniques, and politics. Nevertheless, the central theme of
arthaSiistra is politics, which is also treated in a number of manuals under
the title of Nftisiistra, Da1)(laniti, Rajaniti and so on.
The origin of the subject may be traced to late Vedic times as is
evidenced by the use, in the Hira'(lyakesi Grhyasutro, of the terms dharma,
artha and klima representing the three aims of life. That a separate science
of arthasiistra had come into existence as a specialized subject of study is
attested by the Smrtis of Manu and Yajiiavalkya and by the Mahtibharata.
According to the epic, Brhaspati was the founder of this science of polity
and might have composed an arthaJcistra, but this cannot be the extant
BlJrhaspatya..ArthaSastra which is a modern manual. C
• Renou and Filliozat t p. 74. e Renou and Filliozat, p. J25; Keith (3)t p. 452.
• Dasaupta, I, p. 79.
The ArthaSastra of Kaufi/ya

The most important text that we now possess is the Arthasastra of
Kautilya also known as Vi~Qugupta and by the patronymic name of CaQakya.
A manuscript of the text with a commentary of a small part was first noticed
by R. Shamasastry in 1905 and published by him in 1909 in the Bib/iotheca
Sanskrila of Mysore. In view of the great importance of the text, a number
of translations and several scholarly studies appeared in quick succession.
The work is in prose satra-bhii~ya stylet abounding in obscure technical
words of uncertain meaning. Occasionally verses and sometimes tri~lubhs
are used; each chapter ends in a few verses summarizing the main points
dealt with therein.
The book is divided into 15 adhikaratlas (sections) and 180 prakara1)as
(subjects) with a second subdivision into 150 adhytiyas (chapters). The
length of the text is equivalent to 6.000 slokas. From the point of view
of the history of science, special importance attaches to the second adhi-
kara1)Q, dealing with the duties of government superintendents. Thus
there are superIntendents who should be able to differentiate between
superior and inferior gems of which detailed scientific descriptions are
given (chapter xi). Mining and metallurgical operations involve the super-
vision of several types of superintendents specialized in mining, metallurgy,
minting coins, ocean mIning, salt manufacture, etc. (chapter xii). The
chapter xii contaIns much useful information about chemical practices.
The chapters xiii and xiv dealing with the duties of the superintendent of
gold in goldsmiths' office and state goldsmith contain information on the
setting of jewels or glass beads in gold, manufacture of beads with round
orifice, making of gold alloys with varying proportions of copper and silver,
gold assaYIng, vanous methods practised in the adulteration of gold and
silver and related matters. Characteristics of good and false balances used
in goldsmIths' work are described. In chapler xvii, various kinds of trees
constituting the forest wealth are mentioned, giving some information on
medicinal plants. A detailed discussion of weights and lueasures and
measurement of space and tIme with astronomical titbits form the subject-
matter of chapters xix and xx. Chapter xxiv is full of interest from the
point of view of agricultural practices followed in the time of Kautilya.
Cattle-rearing, animal husbandry, detailed information on horses and
elephants, including their upkeep and uses in war and peace, are described
in chapters xxix, xxx, xxxi and xxxii. Classification of land, agricultural
meteorology, public health and sanitation and several matters of scientific
and technical interest also characterize this unique ancient text. By going
through the book, a modern reader will get the impression that science and
technology received the fullest possible attention and utilization, through
the establishment of several government departments charged with one or
many technical subjects, for effectively running the governmental admini-
stration. Will it be an exaggeration to say that some kind of a science
policy existed in India during the time of the arthaSastras?
3
•
34 A CONCISB HISTORY OF SCffiNCE IN INDlA
Scholarly opinion is divided on the question of the date of Kautilya's

ArthaSastra. Shamasastry adduced several arguments to prove that
Kautilya alias Vi~Qugupta alias CaJ)akya, minister of Candragupta, was the
genuine author of the Arthasastra, we now have it, which was accordingly
written between 321 and 300 B.C. a Jacobi, Meyer, Breloer and others
more or less accepted the authenticity of the work as a compilation of the
fourth century B.C. Hillebrandt, Jolly, Keith, Bhandarkar, Winternitz and
others, on the other hand, believe it to be a work of a much later period,
not much earlier than circa A.D. 300. Some of Keith's arguments are that
the historicity of Kautilya has not been proved, Megasthenes makes no
mention of him, the ArthaSiistra makes no mention of the famous wooden
fortifications of Pataliputra, Patafijali does not know the work, the work
is posterior to the Smrtis of Manu and Yajfiavalkya, but anterior to Klima-
sutra (fourth century A.D.).b
The NitHastra and Technical Texts

It is quite possible to believe that the various sciences noticed in the
Arthalastra branched off in the course of time to lead to a spate of literature
on polity and technical manuals. Kamandaki's Nitistisfra is a minor work
of polity based more or less on the authority of Kautilya, but differing in the
treatment of the subject-matter. Although some authorities regard Kaman-
daki as contemporaneous with Varahamihira (sixth century A.D.), Keith
places the work in c. A.D. 700 and Jolly in the eighth century A.D. C The
work was translated into old Javanese and circulated at one time in Bali.
Somadeva's Nitivtikyiimrta emphasizes royal duties more from moral
aspects than from espionage, cunning and warfare. As we shall see later,
the Jainas were also interested. in the subject and their great author Hema-
candra produced the Laghu Arhanniti. The SUkraniti, attributed to Sukra
or Usanas, is a much more recent work which deals, among other things,
with arts and sciences and mentions gunpowder. Bhoja's Yuktikalpataru
(eleventh century A.D.) is another interesting work in which we find a good
treatment of gems and a chapter exclusively devoted to shipbuilding.
Another curious manual is Miinasolltisa, also called Abhilasitartha-
cinljjma~i, attributed to the Calukya king Somadeva (c. A.D. 1131). The
work is something like an encyclopaedia treating of education, architecture,
music, various sciences, and of course the activities of princes and royal
houses. Its fourteenth chapter entitled matsyavinoda is important from
the point of view of the zoology of fishes. Srikumara's Silparatna (sixteenth
century A.D.) is largely borrowed from the Mlinasol/asa.
The architecture (silpaJllstra or vastuvidyii) received more eomprehensive
and detailed treatment in a number of works that have come down to us.
The most comprehensive treatise on the subject is Manasiira (the substances
II Shamasastry, Preface, p. vii. Cl Keith (3), p. 463; Renou and Filliozat, p. 129.
o Keith (3), p. 461.
3-
of mensuration) dating from the sixth or seventh century A.D., which has
something of the spirit of Vitruvius. G Bhojadeva's Samaranganasutra-
dhara (eleventh century A.D.) is another architectural work which gives
besides details of several machines. Some passages give us the impression
of the existence of an aeronautical science which is probably the result more
of imaginary thinking than of serious scientific investigations. To this
class of literature belongs the Yantrasarvasya Yantra, also of the eleventh
century, which has a chapter on vaimanika prakarana. b
The third aim of life, the fulfilment of klima (love), formed the subject
of serious studies in ancient India, of which the most important text that
has come down to us is the Kamasutra (aphorisms on love) of Vatsyayana
Mallanaga of uncertain date. The work is referred to in Kalidasa's Raghu-
valllsa and Kumiirasambhava, Varahamihira's Brhatsa11lhitii and by Bhava-
bhuti, Subandhu, Magha and others. These facts, coupled with archaic
sutra-bhii$ya style of the Arthasiistra followed in this work, have led
Winternitz to suggest its date as the fourth century A.D., while Keith
considers A.D. 500 as reasonable.
THE EPICS, THE PURA/fAS, THE POETICS AND THE

BJ!..HATSA¥HITA.
The Epics
The Mahiibharata, the epic par excellence, is a vast anthology of 110,000
couplets or 220,000 lines in 18 parvans plus a supplementary section on the
HarivafJlsa. The Kuruk~etra or the Bharata battle around which the
whole epic is woven might have taken place between 850 B.C. and 650 B.C.
although a much earlier date 1400 B.C. has been suggested. C According
to Winternitz, the extant Mahabhiirata was compiled over a long period of
time extending from 400 B.C. to A.D. 400. tI
Statements of scientific importance are scattered in the epic and are
of a sporadic nature. In astronomy, 12 zodiacal signs, each comprising
2} nak$atras, five planets and their motions (grahaciiras), are mentioned.
Infonnation regarding medicine is limited to the functioning of the arteries,
circulation of blood through nar/is issuing out from the heart, e and the
formation of lymph-chyle, blood, flesh, fat, etc.! Metals are stated to
result from heat and earth matter. Gold concentrations in the earth are
of four types, pipilikii (collected by ants), hira!lya (collected from the
mountains), slitakumbha and Jiimbunada.' The botanical information
comprises the recognition of plants as a living organism made up of five
fundamental principles, and endowed with consciousness;" their ability to
draw water through the roots and force it up with the help of air pressure;
(I Renou and FiHiozat, p. 131. e MB, III, 179.16; XII, 178.15.

b Barman Roy, p. 281. / Harlva"ua, 41,49.
C Majumdar (R. C.), I, p. 300. g MB, III, 185.13; II, 47.4; 133.1; HarlvamJa, 123.3.
cI Winternitz, I, pt. ii, p. 475. 1a MB, nr, 176; 24,26; XII, 177.10-17.
plant classification, growth and diseases; classification of flower according

to habitat and colour. In zoology, animals are called trasani (mobile
creature) and are classified into a!){1aja, svedaja andjarayuja which is further
subdivided into gramya and ara~ya. a Statements regarding animal diseases
are met with as also the ideas on spontaneous generation of worms and
insects. b There are also references to cloud formation due to evaporation
of water by sun-rays, origin of tide, weaponry, and so on.
The RamtiyaQa, dated between 200 B.C. and A.D. 200, is another epic
of great popularity, which also gives us some idea as to the state of science
during the period of its composition and accretion in much the same way
as does the Mahtibhiirata. Planets, constellations, zodiac and meteors are
mentioned; information regarding metals, liquors, cosmetics and lapidaries
is fragmentary; the work abounds in names of trees, herbs, flowers and
fruits; zoological information regarding animals, reptiles, fishes, insects
and birds is of no small significance as we shall see in the chapter on
zoology.
The Purii1)QS
According to Amara's definition, the PuralJas are distinguished by
five characteristics (paiicalak~a!)a), e.g. creation, recreation, genealogies,
cosmic cycles and account of royal dynasties. c There are 18 Mahiipurii1)as,
viz. Vi~!lu, Miirka1J(ieya, Brahmii~(ia, Vayu, Matsya, Bhagavata, Kurma,
Bhavi~ya,Litiga, Pad,na, Sk an da, Brahma Vaivarta, Agni, Brhannaradfya,
Vamana, Varaha, Garu{ia and Brahma. The first, third and fourth conform
to the five characteristics whereas the rest are not far removed from the
S,nrtis. There are a large number of UpapuralJas.
As far as sciences are concerned, special importance attaches to the
Vi$l)u, the M iirkal){ieya, the Vayu, the Bhavi~ya, the M atsya and the Vi~lJu
dharmottara (a Upapuriil)a). The PuraJ)ic cosmology draws upon the con-
ception of the hira~lyagarbha, the pradhana, puru~a and kala-ideas already
formulated in the upani~ads and other philosophical texts. The Garu(ia
PuriiQa gives an elaborate account of five pathological categories of
diseasesd and also deals with veterinary science. The Bhavi~ya PuriiQa is
important from the point of view of zoology, particularly snakes. The
A.gni Puriil)a deals with plant sciencee and also contains reference to zero.
In the Brhanniiradiya PuriilJa, the development of trees through different
stages are described in some details. The Puriinas have elaborate discussion
of the four mundane ages, the yugas, some of winch were utilized by Brahma-
gupta and other orthodox astronomers.
Colebrooke (1), Wilson! and other scholars dated the Purq1)as between
the ninth and thirteenth century A.D. On the basis of Kautilya's reference
• MB, VI. 5.10-17. , Ag. Pu., ch. 247, 26-31.
• MB. XU. 134.8. I Wilson, I, Preface, xvi.
cAmara,1.6.5.
tI Tarkaratna (P.), cbs. 1~208.
to the Purti!Za, Smith thought that this type of literature had already become
authoritative in the fourth century B.C. a In his voluminous studies on the
Pura!Zas, Hazra attempted to fix an approximate date of the DharmaSlistra
portions of the Purii1)as and suggested for the Miirka1Jt!eya, the Vayu, the
Brahmii1Jt/a, the Vi$1Ju, the Matsya and the Bhiigavata a dating ranging from
the third to seventh century A.D. The Bhavi~rya may be dated from c. A.D.
500 onwards, the Agni c. A.D. 800, the Garucja c. A.D. 900, the Brhan-
niiradfya c. A.D. 800 and the Brahma Vaivarta possibly from c. A.D. 700
onwards.
The Poetics
The development of the brilliant literature on poetics, belles-lettres,
romantic and historical poetry which frequently indulge in the description
of nature and its flora and fauna is outside our scope. Nevertheless,
Kalidasa is of special interest to us, and legend has it that he was one of
the nine jewels (Dhanvantari, K$apaJ.1aka, Amarasirpha, Satiku, Vetala-
bhatta, Ghatakarpara, Kfilidfisa, Varahamihira and Vararuci) who adorned
the court of Vikramaditya. This legend has not, however, been taken
seriously. It is generally accepted that Kiilidiisa flourished after Asvagho$a
and during the ascendancy of the Imperial Guptas. His date, though still
uncertain, may fall either in the second half of the fourth or in the fifth
century A.D. b His ~tusarrzhiira, Meghadiita, Kumiira-Sambhava, Raghu-
varrzsa, VikramorvaSiya, Miilavikiignimitra and Abhijfiiina Sakuntala are full
of beautiful descriptions of nature, the seasonal changes, several animals
and plants and insects. Gupta has extracted entomological information
of about 18 insects from the great poet's meticulous observations.
The BrhatsafJ1hitii
Varahamihira occupies a special position in the history of science in
India in view of his wide range of j nterest and contribution to several fields
of knowledge. As an astronomer, astrologer and, above all, an encyclo-
paedic writer, it is difficult to find his peer. His contributions to astronomy
will be discussed in the chapter on astronomy. His encyclopaedic work,
the Brhatsarrzhitii, for which he is sometimes compared with Pliny, is his
magnum opus. Through this work, Varahamihira 'shows himself a master
of learning of his day in wide fields of knowledge, and thoroughly skilled
in language and meter, not at times without a real touch of poetic ability'.c
A critical scholar, scientist and encyclopaedist like al-Biriini did not fail
to notice the merit of the book on which he drew heavily in writing his
own Indica.
The Brhatsaf!1hita provides important information on astronomy,
geography, medici net chemistry, perfumery, botany, zoology, agriculture,
• Smith (V. A.), p. 24. b Renou and Filliozat, p. 207. e Keith (3), p. 529.
38 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INOlA
architecture, psychology, physiology, prosody and several other subjects.

In astronomy, planetary motions, asterisms, zodiacal divisions, lith is,
kara!1 Qs , eclipses, etc., are dealt with. Here we meet with the names of
several ancient astronomers and astrologers and their works which were
probably rendered obsolete by his own masterpiece. Other topics dis-
cussed are erotic remedies, including treatment of plant diseases, clas-
sification of substances, plant sciences, description of specific characteristics
of animals.
With the assistance of Brahmin astronomers of Uiiain, Hunter
ascertained the date of Varahamihira to be Saka 427, that is A.D. 50S."
AI-BirOnI placed him around c. A.D. 526. b From a study of Amaraja's
commentary on Brahmagupta's Kha'.uJakhiidyaka, Bhau Daji estimated
Varaharnihira's death at A.D. 587. c
BUDDHIST LITERARY SOURCES

Unlike the BrahmaQic literary sources, those of the Buddhists are
relatively of little importance in view of their philosophy of life centring
round nirva1Ja, primary preoccupation with ethical considerations and a
general lack of interest in positive sciences. Exceptions are, however, in
the field of medicine, the Buddha himself being acclaimed as the greatest
of physicians (bhai$ajyaguru), in certain physical concepts such as atomism
and the like. 'Amid the many allusions to human activities in the Canon,'
writes Keith, 'we hear of practically nothing scientific, save the pseudo-
science of astrology and the practical art of medicine, which unquestionably
deeply coloured the outlook and method of the Buddha as the great healer
of human evils.'eI Nevertheless, there are enough indications of their
interest in Brahmanical sciences which they adopted without little or no
further development and transmitted to other countries along with the
spread of Buddhism there. In this way we do come across the Po-lo-mln
literature in China, dealing with Brahmanical astronomy, mathematics and
pharmacy and the nak$atra list in Uigur manuscripts in Central Asia.
The Pall Canon

The Pali Canon represents the teachings of the oldest Buddhist sect
caned the Thera (Sanskrit sthavira), meaning the 'ancient', and constitutes,
according to the Theravadins (also called the Vibhajyavadins), the most
ancient and important source for the understanding of Buddhism. The
Canon is called the Tripi/aka, that is -three baskets'. Its three divisions
and subdivisions are:
I. The Vinayapilaka, dealing with the discipline of the order, includ-
ing monastic community, daily life of the monks, orders of discipline, etc.
" Colcbrooke (2). p. xxxiii. c Bhau Daji, p. 407.
• Rc1naud, p. 286. c& Keith (5), p. 89.
It is subdivided into (i) the Suttavibhaliga consisting of Mahiivibhaliga and

Bhikkunivibhariga; (ii) the Kha~u)hakas consisting of Mahlivagga and Cul/a-
vagga; and (iii) the Parivara or Parivarapalha.
II. The Suttapifaka, giving short rules, discourses or sermons often
in the form of a dialogue. This pilaka comprises five Nikiiyas (collections),
viz. Dighanikaya, Majjhimanikiiya, Sa'flyuktanikaya, Anguttaranikiiya and
Khuddakanikaya.
III. The Abhidhammapilaka, concerned with the higher subtilities of
the religion and providing the psychological basis of the Buddhist ethics. a
Its subdivisions are: Dhammasangani, Vibhariga, Kathiivatthu, Pugga/a-
pannatti, Dhatukathii, Yamaka and Pafthiina.
Several passages of the Tripi/aka further indicate the division of the
Canon into nine aligas, e.g. Sutta (discourses and sennons in prose), Geyya
(sermons in prose and verse), VeyylikaralJa (commentaries and explanations),
Glithii (stanzas), Udiina (pithy sayings), ltivuttaka (speeches beginning with
'Thus has been said'), liitaka (stories of former births of the Buddha),
Abbhuta (miracle stories) and Vedalla (questions and answers). These
arigas are indicative of the fact that some of them were certainly present
at the time of compilation of the Canon.
Scientific information of some importance is scattered throughout
such canonical literature. The Mahlivagga, for instance, has a chapter
dealing with diseases, their remedies, rules of hygiene, etc. A number of
medical legends, including the famous legend of Jivaka who used to cure
diseases by surgery, trepanation and so on, are also found in these canonical
works.
According to the tradition, the Tripilakas were compiled at the first
Council of Buddhists held in Rajagaha (modern Rajgir) shortly after the
death of the Buddha (c. 485 B.C.). Much reliance is not placed on this
tradition on the ground that such a voluminous Canon could not have
been compiled in so short a time. More reliable is the tradition of a second
Buddhist Council at Vesali about a hundred years after the death of the
Buddha, when the monks, faced with a great schism, assembled and re-
hearsed the Vinayapitaka. The Ceylonese tradition has it that in the time of
Asoka, about 236 years after the death of the Buddha (that is c. 249 n.c.),
Tissa Moggaliputta convened a third Council of a thousand monks in
Pataliputra to compile the authoritative Canon of the Theravadins. Then
there is the vital question of the Pali language of the Tripitaka as we have it
today and the ancient Magadhi dialect used by the monks of pataliputra.
Winternitz remarks that the Pall Vinaya and the Suttapitaka correspond
on the whole to the Magadhi Canon of the third century B.C. b From a
consideration of all factors, he concludes that a collection of Buddhist
texts called the Pitakas, divided into Nikdyas, existed before the second
century B.C., probably as early as the time of Asoka and that this Buddhist
a Winternitz t II. p. 9. b Winternitz t II. p. IS.

40 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Canon closely resembles the Pali Canon we now have it." In its present
form, the Trip/takas have probably been in existence from the early
centuries of the Christian era.
The non-Canonical Pali Literature

Of the extensive non-Canonical Pali literature, mention may be made
of Milindapafiha (Questions of Milinda) written in the dialogue form which
reminds one of the Upani~ads. The work was in all probability composed
during the first century A.D. The bulk of the non-Canonical Pali literature
consists of commentaries, that is atthakathtis in which Ceylonese monks
excelled. The Milindapanha was written somewhere in North-West India.
As to other Indian Pali commentators, we should specially mention
Buddhagho$a who flourished in the fifth century A.D. Born of a Brahmin
family of Magadha and exceedingly well read in the Vedas, he embraced
Buddhism, spent some time in the Anuradhapur monastery of Ceylon and
wrote several works and commentaries. His works include the Atthasalini
(a commentary on the Dhamn1asangiini), the ViSuddhi-Magga, a systematic
treatise containing a clear exposition of the Buddhistic doctrine, and a
number of commentaries on the Vinayapitaka, Dighanikaya, Majjhima-
nikaya, Anguttaranikiiya and Abhidhammapitaka.
The Buddhist Sanskrit Literature

The Pali literature on Buddhism briefly referred to above represents
by and large the view of the Theravadins. Other schools and sects, parti-
cularly the Mahayanists, wrote in pure and mixed Sanskrit. This Buddhist
Sanskrit literature has come down to us in a rather scattered, sporadic and
fragmentary manner as also in translations in Tibetan and Chinese, which
are very important for an understanding of this type of literature. A
large number of these texts have turned up in Central Asia, Kashmir (ruins
of Gilgit), Nepal and Afghanistan (Bamiyan). A few important ones will
be noticed here.
The Divylivadiina (divine exploits) is a non-canonical collection con-
taining at the same time several elements of the Vinayapi!aka of the Mula-
sarvastivadins. It contains elements characteristic of the Buddhist literature
at the beginning of the Christian era and is important for its references to
many matters of secular interest, including astronomy. b The Lalitavistllra
(narration of the sport) is concerned with the legend of the Buddha up to
the time of his famous sermon at Banaras and is a work intermediate
between the Hinayana and the Mahayana texts. The language is Sanskrit
prose sufficiently regular, but sometimes also mixed, more or less resembling
another Sanskrit Buddhist text, the Mahlivastu. The work was composed
• Wintemitz, II, p. 18. b Renou and Filliozat, p. 364.

before the Christian era and was translated into Chinese for the first time
in A.D. 308. tJ
The Larikavatarasutra, also called the Saddharmalanktivattirasatra, is
one of the important Mahayana siltras. The work is important from the
point of view of Buddhist physical concepts, at least of the Mahayana
school, inasmuch as it teaches the Vijflanavada, the doctrine of consciousness
and also a modified view of the sunyavada. It refutes the philosophies of
the Saf!lkhya, the Nyaya- Vaise~ika and the sophists. The text was translated
into Chinese in A.D. 443 and probably existed between 50 and 100 years
before that time. b The philosophy of Vijfitinavada played an important part
during the fourth and sixth century A.D.
The importance of Nagarjuna in the history of Jndian science need
hardly be overestimated. Apart from being the founder of the Madhya-
mika system of the Mahayana, Nagarjuna, we have it on the authority of
Kumarajiva (c. A.D. 405), was well versed in astronomy, medicine, produc-
tion of precious stones and alchemy. Samuel Beal records that he practised
the art of converting inferior substances into gold and also discovered an
elixir of life. He was the author of the Miilamadhyamakakiirikii containing
one of the best accounts of the siinyavtida and of several other works.
Nagarjuna's date is debatable. Keith places him around c. A.D. 200,
Winternitz in the latter half of the second century A.D., and, according to
Renou and Filliozat, he lived towards the end of the first century and the
first part of the second century A.D.
The Abhidharmako$a of Vasubandhu who flourished in the fourth
century A.D. is an important source book on Buddhist atomism. The
Sanskrit original has long since been lost, but the work has survived in the
fonn of a commentary, the Abhidharmako$avyiikhya by Yasomitra, and
also in Tibetan and Chinese versions. The work was written from the
standpoint of the Sarvastivadins and also dealt with the debates between
the Vaibha~ikas and the Sautrantikas-Buddhist schools who believed in
the atomic constitution of matter. The atomism of these Buddhist schools
appears to have been borrowed from the Vaise~ikas. Another Buddhist
work of uncertain date, but translated into Chinese, is Abhidharmahrdaya
in which a much fuller treatment of the atomic theory is met with. The
earlier and classical Yogacarins appear to have accepted the theory pro-
visionally, but the later ones led by Dignaga (fifth century A.D.), the famous
logician, found no use of it in their system of logic, in which, in consequence,
the theory was refuted. Nevertheless Dignaga's Pramo1)asamuccaya, Hetu-
cakrani17)aya, Nyayamukha, Nyayapravesa and other works throw important
light on the subject. Considerable importance also attaches to the works
Nydyavindu and Sambandhaparik~o by Dharmakirti (seventh century A.D.),
the celebrated successor in the Dignaga school of logic.
• Reoou and Filliozat, p. 368. b Winternitz, II, p. 337.

42
JAINA LITERARY SOURCES
Unlike Buddhism which developed into a world religion, Jainism
cmained confined within the geographical boundaries of India. Jainism
:lso showed stronger affinities to Brahmanism in many respects. One
result of this has been that the Jainas like the BrahmaQas, exhibited con-
siderable interest in secular learning and sciences and made notable contri-
butions to philosophy, grammar, lexicography, science of politics, astro-
nomy, mathematics, medicine and other technical matters considered
important in their times. This interest is reflected in their oldest canonical
literature as well as in the production of a large nunlber of technical liter-
ature. The Jainas have a special claim in the development of many of the
I ndian languages such as Tamil, Telugu and Kannada in the south and
Gujarati, Hindi and Marvari in the north. a
The Canonical Literature

The Jainas call their sacred literature the Siddhiinta or Agama and
believe them to be very ancient. This literature propounds the Jaina
doctrine in a discursive manner, and contains rituals, biographies of ancient
religious preceptors, the direct teachings (pravacana) of Mahavira and also
profane matters. The number of their canonical texts is stated to be 45
or 50; if some subsidiary elements are taken into account, this number may
go up to 84 plus 36 Nigamas or Upani~ads. The principal texts are the
Angas, the Upiingas, the PrakirlJakas, the Cheda-sutras and the Mula-
sa/rase
The Aligas are twelve in number and generally deal with doctrinal
matter, rituals, legends, ethics and so on. These are: the Aciiranga, the
Suyagat/iinga, the Sthiinliriga, the Samaviiyiinga, the Bhagavati or Vyakhyli-
prajiillpti, the Niiyiidhammakahiio, the Uptisakadasa, the Antakrtadasa, the
Anuttara-aupapiitikadasa, the Prasna-vylikara~la, the Vipiikasutra and the
Dr$(/ll{jda. The Sthiiniinga and the Bhagavatisutras, in particular, contain
references to mathematics and astronomy and enumerate the various
hranches of nlathematics.
The Upiingas, also 12 in number, generally respond to the Angas, but
their connections with the latter are somewhat loose. The Upiifigas include
Aupapiitika, the Rlijaprasniya, the Jivlijiviibhigama, the Prajiitipanti, the
Siiryaprajnapti, the Jalnbudvipa-prajnapti, the Candraprajnapti, the NirlJayti-
vali, th~ Kalpiivatafl1sikii, the pu~pika, the PU$paculika and the Vr$1:lidastib.
The thtrd [{paliga, the Jiviijiviibhigama, as the name implies, puts forward
the doctrine of the living and the non-living, gives a detailed classification
?f living creatures. and discusses the Jaina cosmography further elaborated
In the Jalnbudvipaprajifapti. The fourth Upiinga has some importance from
the point of view of geography and ethnography. The Surya- and the
D Wintemitz, II, pp. 427-28; 595.

Candra-prajnapti mean information on the sun and the moon, and are as
such astronomical texts which more or less follow some of the precepts
and principles found in the Vedaliga Jyotqa. There are also important
differences in the fact that these texts advocate the theory of two suns, two
moons and two series of nak$atras in keeping with their peculiar cosmo-
graphical ideas. The sixth Upfrnga, the Jambadvipa-prajnapti, deals with the
Iaina views of cosmography comparable in many respects with those of the
Pura1Jas. a
The Prakir1Jakas, meaning 'dispersed texts', are 10 in number and may
be likened to the Vedic Parisi$las. We may specially refer to the TalJ1dula-
Veyaliya which, in the form of a dialogue, discusses among others, matters
relating to physiology, anatomy, embryology, measurement of length and
time.
The six Chedasatras mainly deal with rituals and have much in common
with the Buddhist Vinayapifaka. One of them is the Dasasrutaskandha
containing a Kalpasiltra ascribed to Bhadravahu, who died 170 years after
Mahavira's nirvalJa (468 or 467 B.C.). b
There are four Malasatras, viz. the Uttaradhyiiyana, the .Jvasyaka, the
Dasavaikiilika and the Pint/a-Niryukti. The first one often compared with
the Suttanipata of the Buddhists has great literary merit and contains
occasional passages of importance to mathematics.
Finally, we have two individual texts, the Nandisiltra and the Anuyoga-
dvarasufra, sometimes included in the PrakirlJakas. Their importance
lies in the fact that they deal not only with religious matters but also with
secular subjects such as mathematics, grammar, philosophy, polity, kama-
sutra, drama and the Vedas and refer to standard BrahmalJic texts dealing
with the Arthasastra, Vaise$ika system, Lokiiyata philosophy and Vatsa-
yana's Kiimasiitra. O
Chronology of the Jaina Canon

The problem of determining the chronology of the different parts of
the Canon has been rendered difficult by considerable interpolations and
intermixing of fairly recent elements with those of the old. The tradition
itself attributes certain portions of the Canon to authors of more or less
later dates. At the same time, it is possible to believe that the main core
of the teachings must have existed at the time of Vardhamana Mahavira.
However, by a process of counting how many times the same themes have
been repeated in the various Arigas, Upangas, Prakir1)akas and so on, the
numerical series, the citations and diverse interrelationships, Jacobi and
Schubring concluded that the most ancient portions of the Canon took
their shape during the third and fourth century B.C.d From linguistic
considerations, the language of the Canon is ardhamagadhi containing
(J Renou and Fllliozat, p. 613. C Wintemitz, n, p. 473.

~ Wintemitz, II. p. 462. (J Renou and Filliozat, pp. 616-17.
44
several foreign elements of later date and is clearly different from the dialect
which Mahavira must have used.
Philosophical, Scientific and Technical Literature

As has already been remarked at the beginning, the Jainas have been
credited with a voluminous production of philosophical, scientific and
technical literature. One of their earliest philosophers is Kundakunda of
the Digambara sect, who flourished during the first century A.D. and wrote
the Pravacanaslira in aphoristic style to expound the Jaina epistemology
and the theories of tattva and astikaya.
Umasvamin, also known as Umasvati, was a pupil of Kundakunda
and probably lived in the fi rst centuries of the Christian era. His Tattvlirtha-
dh~~amasatra in which an attempt was made to explain the true nature
of things is acknowledged as an authoritative text by both the Digambaras
and the §veHimbaras. Written in Sanskrit, the work is divided into six
sections dealing with true faith, the soul, the universe, the substances and
karman, and the deliverance. Besides dealing with logic, psychology,
cosmography, ontology and ethics, this is the most authoritative text for
Jaina atomism. classification of animals and several matters of scientific
interest. The work was commented upon by Siddhasena Divakara
(seventh century A.D.), Samantabhadra (eighth century A.D.), Akalanka
(ninth century A.D.) and a number of other prominent Jaina teachers. This
was a period of great fennent in philosophical disputations in which
the Jaina and Buddhist logicians had to defend their systems against
the onslaughts of the Mimarpsakas and representatives of Brahminical
orthodoxy.
Haribhadra was another great Jaina philosopher and encyclopaedic
writer (eighth century A.D.) deeply versed in all philosophical systems. In
his $a(1darsanasamurcaya, he discussed the philosophical positions of
Buddhism, the Siimkhya, the Nyiiya-Vaise$ika. the philosophy of Jaimini
and Carvaka's materialism. His interest in Dignaga's logic is reflected
in his effort to write an unbiased commentary Nyiiyapravesa. tI This work
was commented upon by GUJ)aratna (fourteenth century A.D.), an able
Jaina philosopher and commentator, in his Tarkarahasyadipikti. b Hema-
candra (twelfth century A.D.) rendered signal service to the development
of the science of grammar through his grammatical masterpiece, the
Slddhahemacandra (salra and vrtti), a wen-arranged work of great clarity.e
This work, however, was based on Jainendra Vytikara!la (c. A.D. 678) as-
cribed to Jinendra, but really composed by Devanandin.' To Hemacandra
is attributed a work on NitiSlistra (Laghu Arhanniti) of which the materials
were in all probability taken from a prakrt work no longer extant.
Santisnri's (d. A.D. 1039) Jivavicara which means •investigations on life
sciences' is, in fact, a treatise on theology, zoology, botany, anthropology
• Winternitz. TI, p. 583. C Renou and Fil1iozat, p. 95.
• Dasgupta, I, p. 114. d Keith (3), p. 432.
and mythology. The Jaina canonical and non-canonical texts frequently

give the impression, like those of the Buddhists, of their acquaintance
with, and interest in, medicine. One Jaina medical text under the title of
Kalyanakaraka is known, but its date is uncertain. a The work is based on
Ayurvedic texts with the difference that remedies and prescriptions intended
for human beings are extended to the animals in conformity with the Jaina
concern for life in general. Regarding astronomy, mathematics and cosmo-
graphy, the Jainas composed special Upatigas already referred to and pro-
duced a great mathematician in the person of Mahavira who lived around
A.D. 850.
PERSIAN AND ARABIC SOURCES
The contact between India and Persia and West Asia is very ancient,
of which we have evidence from the protohistoric period and particularly
from the time of the Achaemenian power in the historic period. In fact,
in the time of Darius, the Indus basin formed one of the satrapies of his
extensive empire. In these circumstances Indian science and literature
found their way into Iran and West Asia at a fairly early date and several
typically Indian ideas and concepts appeared in the early literature of the
area. This was also reciprocated.
The Persian language, that is Farsi, the language of Fars, one of the
provinces of Persia, is 'the lineal offspring of the language which Cyrus
and Darius spoke, and in which the proclamations engraved by their
commands on the rocks of Behistun ... and Naqsh-i-Rustam, and the
walls and columns of Persepolis, are drawn up'. b Although this ancient
language of the Indo-Iranian group has suffered many vicissitudes and its
continuity was broken by invasions by the Greeks and by the Arabs, its
identity was never lost, being inescapably modified by the culture of the
conquerors.
Another important characteristic of the language is the change of the
script from the cuneiform to the Pahlavi and later on from Pahlavi to
Arabic. Browne has divided the history of the Persian language into
three periods,c e.g. (1) the Old Persian of the Achaemenian period (550-
330 B.C.) written in cuneiform character, of which only inscriptions are
available; (2) the Middle Persian of the Sassanian period (A.D. 226-652),
written in the Pahlavi script, for which it is generally known as Pahlavi
and of which the Zoroastrian theological and liturgical materials constitute
the bulk of the literature; and (3) the Modern Persian of the Muhammadan
period (from about A.D. 900 to the present day) when the Pahlavi of the
Sassanian period adopted the Arabic alphabet with the addition of four
letters for phonetic reasons.
• Renou and Filliozat, p. 162- C Browne, I, pp. 7-8.

" Browne, I, p. S.
The effect of Hellenism, as Noldeke observed, was skin deep. The

Pahlavi profoundly influenced the language by producing a large body of
theological as well as secular literature covering sciences, particularly during
the reign of Nilshirwan, the Just, the greatest Sassanian king (A.D. 531-
579). But Islam and the cultural content represented by it penetrated into
the very core of the Persian language. India produced an extensive liter-
ature in modern Persian which, growing as it did chiefly under the influence
of Hindi and local Prakrts, was different from the Persian Persian. (J
From the point of view of history of science in India, the ancient
scriptures of the Zoroastrians, the Zend-Avesta and their later recensions or
recastings in the Sassanian period are of particular interest. According
to Geldner, the Giithtis of the Avesta are the actual utterances of Zoroaster
probably dating from 1000 B.C. or even 1400 B.C. b Darmesteter has,
however, shown that the Avesta of the Achaemenian times perished after
Alexander's invasion, that it was reconstructed during the first century A.D.
in the reign of the Parthian Vologeses I (A.D. 51-78) and this process contin-
ued till the Sassanian times when it absorbed many elements of Neo-
Platonism and Gnosticism. Moreover, Media was the home of the Zoroas-
trian doctrine, the old Perso-Medic language was probably its medium,
and the earliest literature probably did not go beyond the sixth or seventh
century B.C. C The Avesta, as it existed in the Sassanian period, consisted
of 21 nosks, of which only one, the Vendidtid, is now known to us. Portions
of at least four others form the text of the Yasna. Vispered, a book of
formulas and doxologies, is supplementary to Yasna. The contents of the
remaining flosks are known to us in summary form from the important
Pahlavi work, the Dinkard, dating from the ninth century A.D. Some of
the scriptural hymns now form the text of the Yashts. And finally, we
possess the Khorda Avesta (the Little Avesta) compiled for the laity in the
reign of Shapur II (A.D. 310-379). The Sassanian Avesta contained about
347,000 words of which only some 83,000 or one-fourth have survived. d
Filliazat has shown many parallelisms between the medical, physio-
logical and pathological doctrines of the Ayurveda and those of the Avesta
in its surviving texts represented by the Vendidad, the Yasna, the Yashts
and others, although differences are also many.' In astronomy, similar
parallelism and differences are known. That such exchanges of ideas
took place are attested by the development of Jundishapfir, under Niishirwan,
as a leading centre of Persian medicine, in which Indian Ayurvedic system
was syncretized with the Greek system. propagated there by the Nestorian
Christians. Burzuya, physician to Niishirwan, was actually sent to India
to bring back Indian works on medicine, the Pancatantra (the Book of
Fables) and the game of chess. The medical works and the Book of Fables
G Ghani, pt. 1, pp. ix-x. cI Browne, I, p. 98.

b Geldner, 'Zoroaster' in the E".Myciopaedkl Britannica, 9th ed., 1888. He also produced
a German translation of the Avesta. • Filliozat (2), PP. 29-66 (French version).
c Browne, I, p. 96; se~ also Darmesteter, £tudes lraniellMS.
A SURVEY OF SOUllCE MATERIALS 47
were translated from Sanskrit into PahlavI. The Jundishapiir school of
medicine continued its active existence and, after the Arab conquest of
Persia, exerted a great influence on the development of Arabian medicine. tI
During the Caliphate, when vigorous centres of learning sprang up in
the newly founded cities of Baghdad, Basra and Klifa, and streams of
learning began to pour in from Persia, India and the Byzantine Empire,
the Sassano-Persian language still played the dominant role, particularly as
a court language and as the language of belles-lettres and poetry. 'The
Persians', writes Sarton, 'introduced into the Caliphate a greater love of
beauty, urbanity, intellectual curiosity, and much fondness for discussion.
These conditions were favourable for the progress of science .. .'b And
so it was no accident that the early architects of science through the Arabic
medium were either Persians or Jews or Christians. Thus Ibrahim al-
Fazari, Ya'qiib ibn Tariq, al-Naubakht, Ibn al-Muqaffa were Persians,
Mashiillah was an Egyptian Jew, and the Bakhtyashii' family who did
much to develop medicine were Nestorian Christians. Interest in the
development of the Persian language never languished even after Arabic
became the international language of science. In the tenth century A.D.,
Abu Man~iir Muwaffaq ibn 'Ali al-Harawi of Herat, a Persian phannaco-
logist, wrote his Kitiib'l-Abniya 'an Haqii'iq'l-Adwiya (Book of the Found-
ations of the True Properties of the Remedies). Believed to be the oldest
prose work in modem Persian,c the book utilized materials from Greek,
Syriac and Indian medical sources. In the second half of the eleventh
century A.D., al-l:Iasan ibn al-~abbaQ, Omar Khayyam, mathematician and
poet, Na~ir-i-Khusraw, poet and geographer, Zarrin Dast, ophthalmologist,
and Asadi, lexicographer, all wrote in Persian. As a language of literature
and poetry, if not of the sciences, Persian reached its highest watermark
in Firdawsi.
The Qur'an introduced a new and vigorous language, Arabic, which
was destined to become the international language of knowledge and cul-
ture and of sciences, in particular, for several centuries. The work was
edited twice by Zaid ibn Thabit (d. A.D. 673-74), and his final edition
has remained the standard version ever since. tI Arabic, like Voltaire's
French, is a dry, precise and practical language eminently suitable for the
exact sciences. Its great advantage lies in its facility, like Sanskrit, to lend
itself to the easy coining of technical terms.
It was again left to the Persian elite, as remarked before, to appreciate
the power and merit of the new language. The first Arabic grammar, for
example, was composed not surprisingly by Abii-I-Aswad (d. c. A.D. 688),
a Persian of Basra. Basra and the rival city of Klifa in Iraq also witnessed
the rise of early grammatical schools for the simple reason that the mixed
population of these cities, after the Arab conquest, needed this key and
instrument for the mastery of Arabic much more than the Bedouins who
II Sarton (1), I, p. 435. c Leclerc, I, pp. 361 fr.; Browne, I, pp. 11, 478.
b Sarton (I), I, p. 524. a Sarton (1), I, p. 465.
spoke it as their mother tongue. In this case the parallel with the Greek
grammar is very close, for the latter also arose not among the Athenians
but among the mixed Alexandrians for whom it was a practical necessity. a
When the grammatical and philological foundation of the Arabic
language was thus being laId, simultaneous efforts on a much more extensive
scale were made to enrich the literature by absorbing the materials from
foreign sources, notably Persian, Indian and Greek. Ibn al-Muqaffa
translated Pahlavi works on logic and medicine and also the Ka/ila-wa-
Dinlna, orJginally transmitted to Persia from India. An Arabic translation
from a Persian version of the Caraka SallJhita was also probably made
dunng this early phase, as we have it from the Fihrist. b Another early
Pahlavi book, the Zik-i Shatro-ayiir, an astronomical work based on Indian
elements, was translated into Arabic by al-Tamimi under the Arabic title
Zij-ashshahriyiir.
During the reign of the second Abbasid Caliph aI-Mansur (753-774),
Sanskrit scientific works were directly available for either translations or use
in composing scientific texts in Arabic. In astronomy and mathematics,
as we shall see later on in chapters on these subjects, Ibrahim al-Fazari
(d. 796 or A.D. ~06), Ya'qub ibn Tariq, al-Khwarizmi (d. c. A.D. 850), al-
Kindi (d. c. A.D. 873), Habash al-Ha$ib {d. c. A.D. 864 or 874) and a few
others translated Sansknt works into Arabic and/or wrote independent
works explaining the Indian system and methods of calculations. In this
effort, Indian astronomers and physicians engaged in Baghdad played no
small part either as interpreters of Sanskrit texts or as translators into
Arabic itself, which they must have mastered for this task.
Many of these early Arabic translations of, or works on, Indian scienti-
fic texts were lost, and a few have been preserved in LatIn translations.
But of works no longer extant, our main source of information is the
Fihrist or 'Index' of Abu'l-Faraj Muhammad b. lshaq al-Warraq of Bagh-
dad, better known as ibn Abi Ya'qub an-Nadim, composed in A.D. 988.
One of the most valuable and remarkable encyclopaedic works in Arabic
(edited by Fliigel), the Fihrist records ancient works and views on philo-
sophy and science in its seventh discourse, in three sections, as follows:
(1) account of materialist philosophers and logicians; (2) account
of mathematicians, arithmeticians, geometricians, astronomers, scientific
instruments makers, mechanics and engineers, musicians and accountants;
and (3) account of medicine, its origin, names of physicians and medical
texts, ancient and modern. The ninth discourse deals, among others, with
Indian sects, and the tenth discourse is devoted to alchemy.c
As far as ludic studies among the Arabic and Persian scholars are
concerned, nobody surpassed Abu Raib.an Muhammad ibn Al;lmad al-
Binini (973-1048), a Persian by birth and a Shi'ite. During the period
between A.D. 1017 and 1030 when he was travelling, as a political hostage,
• Brockelmann, I, pp. 42, 96-98; Sarton (0, I, pp. 490, S02, 524.
II Sachau, I, p. xxx!. e Browne, I, PP. 386-87.
A SURVEY OF SOURCB MATERIALS 49
with Mabmiid of Ghazna in the course of the latter's Indian campaigns,

al-Biriini spent a good part of it in different parts of north-western India,
studied Sanskrit, went over the original Sanskrit manuscripts to check up
earlier Arabic writings on India and approached the whole subject with a
critical mind and a scientific detachment rare in those days. His well-
known works are the Kitdb al-athar al-baqiya 'ani-I-quriin al-khaliya (Chrono-
logy of Ancient Nations), discussing the calendars and eras of various
peoples, including the Indians, the Ta'rikh ai-Hind (Account of India),
dealing, among others, with Indian sciences, particularly astronomy in great
detail, the al-Qanun al-Mas'udi (an astronomical encyclopaedia) and the
al-Tafhim li-awli'il Sinii'at al-tanjim (a summary of mathematics, astronomy
and astrology). Sachau tells us that he composed about 20 books on
India, both translations and original works, and also a number of legends
and tales based on folklores of ancient Persia and India. a Besides his
professional interest in Indian astronomy, mathematics and geography,
already roused by the works of his predecessors like al-Khwarizmi, al-Kindi
and Abii-Ma'shar of Balkh, he developed a great deal of interest and fondness
for Indian philosophical literature, particularly the Sa1]1khya, the Yoga
and the Bhiigavatgita. He was possibly the first foreign scholar to have
seriously studied the PuriilJas, specially the Vi$lJudharma, the Vi$!lu, the
Malsya, the Viiyu and the Aditya, as he incorporated several extracts from
them in his Ta'rfkh a/-Hind. It is needless to emphasize the importance of
al-Biriini's works as a source of inestimable value for the study of the
history of science in India.
It has already been mentioned that India produced an extensive liter-
ature in Persian. In Iran, the language was enriched by the assimilation
of Turkish, Arabic, French and Russian words, phrases and idioms; in
India, a similar process went on in which the vitality of the language once
again manifested itself in the absorption of many Hindi and Prakrt words
and idioms. The Turks who established their powers in India and intro-
duced Persian in Hindustan usually spoke Turki and did not have Persian
as their native tongue, although many of them could speak the language
fluently. The Princes of the House of Timur and Babur, the founder of
the Mughal Empire, had a great love for Persian and adopted it as their
own literary tongue. b Biibur, of course, wrote his autobiography in Turki,
but he was sufficiently accomplished in Persian to be able to compose
poetry in it. Even in the course of his brief acquaintance of India, he
came under the influence of Indian languages and used hundreds of Hindi
and Urdu words in his Memoirs. Ibn Batfita who wrote in chaste Arabic
could not avoid the use of Indian words in his travel account.
Of the Persian literature produced in India, the ~cientific and technical
one represented no small part, as the bibliographical studies undertaken
by the Medieval Period Unit of the History of Science study group of the
National Institute of Sciences of India (now renamed Indian National
CI Sachau. I, p. xxvii. " Ghani. pt. i, p. 46.
4.
so A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Science Academy) indicate. These vast materials are yet to be studied

and analyzed, and when this is done we expect to be in a better position to
assess the contribution of Medieval India to the development of science
and technology as far as concerns Persian and Arabic. The same is also
true of other medieval apabhra'llsa languages, the scientific contents of
which have so far received scant attention.
Nevertheless, of the editions, translations and studies of some of the
works already made, Abl1'l-Fazl's (1551-1602) A'in-i Akbari deserves special
consideration. This Imperial Gazetteer of Akbar's time is full of interest
from the point of view of science and technology. Here we find not only
an account of Indian and Arabic astronomy, but also a long list of lat-
titudes and longitudes of places in India, compiled from the works of
al-Birl1m, the Maragha school of astronomers and other sources. The A'in
is an important source book for botany and agriculture in Medieval India.
In zoology, it has long chapters on elephants, horses, camels and other
animals. In metallurgy, particularly centring round coinage, we have
valuable information regarding the determination of the purity of gold
and silver in coins, processes of refining and casting these metals, pre-
paration of alloys like brass and their use in making various objects. In
pyrotechnics and in the technology involved in the manufacture of guns and
canons, their upkeep, cleaning of gun-barrels, etc., the A'in records details
of inestimable value and mentions, among a number of scientists, Fathullah
Shirazi, a versatile genius.a
The Memoirs of Jahangir, the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, is another important
source for medieval zoology and horticulture, although matters of scientific
interest relating to diseases like plague, hydrophoebia due to mad do g-
bite, eclipse, comet and meteorites are occasionally mentioned. b
SPECIAL SCIENCES
Astronomy and Mathematics

We have already referred to the Vedtifiga Jyoti$a in the J!.k and the
Yajus recensions and to the Jaina astronomical texts, the Silryaprajiiapti
and the Candraprajnapti. During the first few centuries when astronomy
in India was undergoing important and radical changes and assuming the
character of an exact science through the use of the mathematical apparatus,
a number of siddhantas appeared, of which only a few survived because of
their better accuracy in the reckoning of time. In Varahamihira's Panca-
siddhlintika (c. A.D. 505), we have the summary of the principal astronomical
elements of five siddhiintas, e.g. the Paitiimaha, the Vasi$lha, the PaulisQ,
the Romaka and the Saura (also called the Sarya). The last named sid-
dhdnta described by Varahamihira as the most accurate had a career of
• Alvi and Rahman (1), p. 1. b Alvi and Rahman (2), pp. 129, 132, 136, 137 and 139.
fa
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATBRIAI3 51
continuous development in the course of which it absorbed new concepts

and methods from later astronomers like Aryabhata I, Bhaskara I, Brahma-
gupta, Mafijulacarya and others.
Because of the mathematization, the early siddhiintas are important
source materials for both astronomy and mathematics. In fact, most of
them have separate chapters or sections giving rules for solutions of various
types of problems in arithmetic, algebra, geometry and trigonometry in
order that astronomical rules and formulae can be understood without
difficulty. In this class we have Aryabhata I's (b. A.D. 476) the Arya-
bhatiya; Bhaskara I's (c. A.D. 6(0) the Mahiibhiiskariya, the Laghubhiiskariya
and a commentary on the lryabhatiya; Brahmagupta's (c. A.D. 598) the
Briihmasphuta-siddhtinta and the Khal)(iakhiidyaka; Vatesvara's (b. A.D.
880) the Vatesvarasiddhiinta; Mafijulacarya's (c. A.D. 932) the Laghumiinasa;
Aryabhata II's (c. A.D. 950) the Mahasiddhtinta; Sripati's (c. A.D. 999) the
Dhikofi and the Siddhiintatilaka; SaHinanda's (c. eleventh century A.D.) the
Bhiisvati; and Bhaskara II's (b. A.D. 1114) the Siddhanta-siroma1)i divided
into four parts, viz. the Lilavati (on arithmetic), the BijagalJita (on algebra),
the GalJitiidhyiiya and the Goliidhyiiya (the last two on astronomy).
As to texts dealing exclusively with mathematics in this period, mention
may be made of the Bakhshali Manuscript (c. third or fourth century A.D.);
Mahaviracarya's (c. A.D. 850) the Ga!)itasara-safJ1graha, representing a final
synthesis of Jaina mathematics and drawing freely upon previous or con-
temporaneous Brahminical texts; Sridharacarya's (c. A.D. 991) the Pati-
ga1)ita and the Trisatikii; Sripati's the Gal)itatilaka; and Narayal}a's
(c. A.D. 1350) the GafJita-kaumudi and the Bijaga1)itiivataf!1sa.
There are several commentaries on the above-mentioned astronomical
and mathematical works which appeared mostly during the medieval
period, say, from after the time of Bhaskara II (there are Dotable exceptions
such as works of Bhaskara I, Prthl1dakasvami (c. A.D. 864), Govindasvami
(c. A.D. 800-850) and a few others). The contributions made by these com-
mentators will be discussed in chapters on astronomy and mathematics.
Some of them like Paramesvara (c. end of fourteenth and early fifteenth
century A.D.), NilakaQtha Somasutvan (1465-1545), and some members of
Divakara and Valliila families showed originality and wrote independent
works.
During the medieval period, a large number of important mathematical
and astronomical texts in Arabic and Persian originating in the Arab world
of scholarship were in circulation among the intellectual groups in India.
Thus we have Euclid's Arabic version, the Sharb Uq/idas: Thiibit b. Qurra's
(d. A.D. 901) the Kitiib Arshimidas fi'd-Dawa'iri'l-Mutamassah and the
Kitab Arshimidas Ii U~li'l Handasah; Na~r b. 'Abdullah's (c. tenth century
A.D.) the Ar-Risalah Ii Auna'l-Ashkiila •.. mina'd-Dii'irah; al-Karkhi's (d. c.
A.D. 1019) the Klttib al-Fakhrifi'l /fisab Jabr-i-Wa'l Muqabilah; al-BirQnI's
(973-1048) the al-Kitab Ii ]stikhariijil-Autar ji.'d-Da'irah bi-KhawQssi'/-
Khalll'l Munbani'l-Wdqi'fiha, the al-Maqalah Ii RashikaJi'l Hind, and the
Rlylir/atu'/ Flkr Wa'l 'Aq/; al-Khayyami's (c. A.D. 1110) Maqiila? fi-/·J~br.i;
Ahmad b. Thabit's (c. twelfth century A.D.) the Ghunyatu I-Hussab Ii
'//mi'/-Hisiib and the 'Umdatu'r-Rii'id; al·Tiisi's (1201-74) the Tabrir-u-
Uqlidas: the Maqiilah-i-Arshlmfdas fi Takslri'd-Dii'irah, the Kitlibu'l.~urah
Wal-Usfuwiinah and the Ar-Risiilatul-Qifa'fi 'Ilmi'l-Handasah; ZaInu'l-
Abidin's (c. A.D. 1460) the 'Uyun'l Ifisiib, and Baha'u-ddin aI-AmuIi's
(1547-1627) the Khulii~atu'l-lfisiib, to mention a few.
We also know of a number of able commentators who produced
explanatory treatises, translations, etc., on mathematics. Some of them are
Golkonda's Abu Is1}.uq b. 'Abdu'lHih (c. 1555), Abu'l-Faiz Faizi (c. A.D.
1587), 'Atau'lHih Rashidi (c. 1634), Mir M. Hashim b. Qasim al-ijusaini,
MedhnI Mal (c. 1663), Ismatu'lHih as-Saharanpuri (c. 1684) and Lutfu'lHih
Muhandis (c. seventeenth century A.D.), whose works will be noticed in the
section on mathematics.
No less important are the efforts of men like Mahendra Suri (c. four-
teenth century), Kamalakara (c. A.D. 1616), NilakaQtha Jyotirvid, Samra!
Jagannatha (b. A.D. 1652), Nayanasukhopadhyaya (c. A.D. 1730) and others,
some of whom translated Arabic and Persian texts on astronomy and
mathematics and some incorporated new principles and methods found in
these texts in their Sanskrit works based largely on traditional Brahma1)ic
methods. In an earlier age aI-Adami, al-Fazari, Ya'qiib ibn Tariq, al-
KhwarizrrU and several others working outside India and al-Biriinl spend-
ing some time in India rendered this signal service of syncretizing India's
contributions with the new rising astronomical-mathematical learning
among the Arab intelligentsia.
The Jyurvedic System of Medicine

The history of the development of the Ayurveda literature is discussed
in the chapter on Medicine. The most ancient medical treatises that have
come down to us are the Bhela Saf!1hitii, the Caraka Sa1Jthitii and the
Susruta Saf!1hitti. The first two safJ1hitiis follow the teachings of the school
of Atreya, a famous physician of antiquity, mentioned in several Buddhist
texts. According to another tradition, the mythical Bharadvaja was the
teacher of Atreya Punarvasu to whose school belonged Bhela and Agni-
vesa. It is not possible to say whether this Atreya Punarvasu and Atreya
of the Buddhist tradition were the same person. a The possibility of several
Atreyas is not, however, excluded. The extant Bhela or Bhetla Sa",hita is
in a mutilated form; a fragment of the same text has been discovered in
Central Asia. b The original Bhela Sa"mita might be a work of the Brah-
matza period. Agnivesa of the Atreya school probably compiled a medical
treatise which formed the basis of the Caraka SaTflhita, as is evident from
the colophones of the latter, running as follows: agnivesakrte tantre
carakapratisa1'fJskrte (in the tantra by AgniveSa, as redacted by Caraka). The
• Filliozat (2), p. 9. b Renou and Filliozat, p. lSI.

A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS S3
Caraka Sa1fZhita was again revised by Dr4habala, a Kashmirian physician,

who flourished either in the eighth or ninth century A.D. Caraka's date
has been much discussed, and there is general agreement in placing him
in c. A.D. 100.
Susruta belonged to another parallel school, that of Divodasa-Dhan-
vantari, one Bharadvajadhanvantari being mentioned in the Stinkhtiyana-
grhyasutra. a It is doubtful if Susruta is a historical personage as the Sa"mita
going by his name appears to be the work of a school and to have under-
gone several revisions even before the emergence of the extant text in the
redaction of Nagarjuna. Is this Nagarjuna, the redactor of the Susruta
Saflthita, the same as the founder of the Madhyamika system of the Maha-
yana Buddhism or the author of the Yogosataka (c. fourth century A.D.) or
the alchemist bearing the same name (ninth century A.D.), mentioned by
al-Birflni? The identification of several such Nagarjunas is still an open
question. The commonly accepted date of this finally redacted text is
between third and fourth century A.D., and the original Susruta Sa1flhitti
probably existed several centuries earlier, say, during the last few centuries
before the Christian era.
Archaeological explorations carried out in Central Asia yielded from
Kashgar the important medical text, the Bower Manuscript, also called the
Niivanitaka. Written in a kind of barbarous Sanskrit heavily mixed with
Prakrt words, the text follows the teachings and prescriptions of ancient
medical safJlhittis and cites as its authorities Atreya, K~arapal}i, JatukarQa,
Parasara, Harita, Bhela and Susruta. On palaeographic ground, Hoemle (4)
dated the Bower MS. to between A.D. 350 and 375. Another manuscript
(a few pages only) discovered from the region of Kucha in Central Asia is
the Yogosataka belonging to the seventh century A.D. (possibly a copy of
the similar text attributed to Nagarjuna, dated three centuries earlier) and
at one time popular in Tibet, Nepal and some parts of India. This Yoga-
sataka, in the opinion of Filliozat, responds closely to the eight-limbed
medical treatise mentioned by I-tsing. b
Other important medical works of later dates include the elder Bag-
bhata's A$ltingasafllgraha and the younger Bagbhata's A$ltingahrdaya-
sa'llgraha (between seventh and eighth century A.D.), Madbavakara's
Rugviniscaya or Nidtina (eighth or ninth century A.D.), Vrnda's Siddhayoga
(eighth or ninth century A.D.), Cakrapal,lidatta's Cakrasafl'lgraha or Cikitsti-
siirasa'flgraha (c. A.D. 1050), Sarngadhara's SaTJ1hitii (thirteenth century
A.D.), Vailgasena's Cikitsiisafllgraha (eleventh or twelfth century A.D.),
Bhavamisra's Bhlivaprakasa (sixteenth century A.D.) and numerous other
monographs, nigha!lIUS (medical lexicons) and commentaries.
The Unani System of Medicine

The principal sources on which the Unani system of medicine, as
practised and developed in India, depended are the Firdausul-Hikmat by
CI Filliozat (2), p. 5; Renou and Filliozat, p. 143. ~ R.cnou and Filliozat, p. 157.
54 A CONCISE IDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
'Ali b. Rabban (A.D. 850), the Qiinf1n of ibn Sina (A.D. 980-1036) and several
works by other leading Arab physicians. Although, to start with, the
system was based primarily on the Greek system, it was later on enriched
by the experiences of the Arab physicians as also by the Ayurvedic system
to which they had access. From about the thirteenth or fourteenth century
A.D., practitioners of the Unani system in India produced a number of
important medical works. Thus, in A.D. 1320, Hakim Diya Muhammad
wrote his Majmuai-Diyaiyya. This work refers to an earlier work, the
M ajmuai-Shamaiyya, a Persian translation of an Ayurvedic book, by Shams-
uddin Mustaufi. Other works include the Tibbe Firozshahi dictated by
Firoz Shah Tughlaq himself; the Macdanush-Shifai-Sikandari compiled,
under the orders of Mian Bhowa, by a number of Hakims and Ayurvedic
physicians; the Tibbi-Shifaul-Khani and the Tibbe-Shihabi by Hakim Shaha-
buddin (fifteenth century A.D.); the Tibbe-Shifai-Mahmudi (fourteenth
century) during the reign of Mahmud Shah, the Bahamanid ruler of the
Deccan; a Persian translation of Vagbhata's work by Hakim 'Ali Muhammad
(fifteenth-sixteenth century A.D.) and the Dasturil-Atbba, also called the
lkhtiyarati-Qasbn, by Hakim Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah (A.D. 1590).
Under the Mughal rulers, the system received further encouragement.
A large number of IJakims and Ayurvedic physicians were engaged in
producing commentaries, translations, etc., of original Arabic works and
also in translati ng and adapting Ayurvedic works. Thus, we have the
Tibbi-Aurangzebi; the Muslajati-Darashikohi; the Talifi-Shariji and the
Tuhfa-Ala/nshahi by Hakim Sharif Khan (A.D. 1725-1806), the Iksiri-Azam
by Hakim Muhammad Azan, and the Jami 1A.sh-Shifaiya by Hakim Afdal
Ali of Faydabad (A.D. 1878).
Veterinary Science
Diseases of animals and their treatment received no less attention in

ancient and medieval India. Cows, horses and elephants received special
consideration in view of their importance in Indian economy, and it is
not surprising that a sizeable literature has come down to us, dealing with
the diseases of these animals. The Gavayurveda attributed to Gotama is
concerned with the diseases of bovine animals and their treatment. On
the equine Ayurveda, the most important work is the Siilihotra Samhita of
uncertain date, although great antiquity is claimed for its legendarY authQr
Salihotra. It was redacted by Kalhana (twelfth century A.D.) under the
title SalihotrasiirasanJuccaya. Other important books on the subject are
the Asvavaidyaka of Jayadatta SilrI and the Asvasiistra by Nakula, both
of uncertain dates. (J The medical encyclopaedia, the Rajamlirta!'t!a, by
Bhojaraja, which contains several references to veterinary sciences, mentions
the SdraSa'!lgraha, another work by Nakula, the Hayalilavati by Jayadeva
and the Vajicikitsa Sa1Jlgraha by Jayadatta. On elephants, the classical
a Renou and Filliozat, p. 165.
A SUllVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 55
work is the Palaklipya SO'1lhita, also known as the Hastyayurveda, attri-

buted to Piilakiipya, but compiled most probably by one of his disciples
in medieval times. II
Iatrochemical and Alchemical Texts

It is difficult to say since when metallic preparations, inorganic salts
and alloys, particularly the preparations of mercury, began to find use in
the treatment of diseases in India. The use of mercurial compounds and
a number of chemical processes such as calcination, making of alkalies, etc.,
were known to Susruta and Caraka. In the course of time such iatrochemi-
cal practices and applications of inorganic remedies developed into a new
branch of knowledge called the rasasastra or the rasacikitsa school of
medicine. Accordingly, the contents of this class of literature are discussed
in the chapter on medicine from the iatrochemical point of view and in the
chapter on chemical practices and alchemy, for their obvious contribution
to the growth of alchemy.
The specific literature on the subject began to develop from the seventh
or eighth century A.D., but the most active period of its growth is noticed
between the tenth and fourteenth century A.D. Here we mention only a
few important texts and more will be noticed in chapters referred to. These
are: the Rasaratniikara and the Arogyomaiijari of Siddha Nagarjuna
(seventh century A.D.), the Siddhayoga of Vrnda, Cakrasa'llgraha of Cakra-
paJ,lidatta, Rasahrdaya of Govinda Bhagavat (eleventh century A.D.),
RasiirfJava by an unknown author (twelfth century A.D.), Rasendracu{1tima1)i
of Somadeva (twelfth-thirteenth century A.D.), Rasaratnasamuccaya by
Vagbhata (twelfth century A.D.), Rasaprakiisasudhakara by Yasodhara
(c. twelfth-thirteenth century A.D.), and Rasendracintama1)i by Ramacandra
(twelfth century A.D.). Another Rasaratnakara, attributed to Siddha
Nityanatha, is likely to be a fourteenth-century work; some of the works
belonging to the same century include Rasariijalak$mi by Vi~l)udeva,
physician to the king Bukka of Vijayanagar, Rasanak$atramlilikii by Matha-
nasitTlha, the Rasasara by Govindacarya, Rasendra-sarasa1J1graha by
Gopalakr~l)a and Dhaturatnamalii by Devadatta. b Although these rasa
texts are not free from Tantrik elements, these are not regarded as typical
Tantrik works either. On the other hand, typically Tantrik texts some-
times deal with serious alchemical precepts, of which the Miitrkiibhedatantra
and the Rasar~avakalpa of the Rudraytimalatantra, in Sanskrit, are some
examples. There is an abundant literature on the subject in languages
other than Sanskrit, particularly in Tamil, in which the Siddha system
under the name sittar flourished.
Gunpowder and Pyrotechnics

Apart from references to the making of gunpowder in general texts
of the nature of Sukraniti, there exist a number of manuals in Sanskrit,
CJ Renou and Filliozat, p. 166. b Renou and Filliozat, p. 169.
Marathi, Tamil, Matayalam and Persian, dealing with gunpowder and

pyrotechnics. Some of them are the Kautukacintiima1J i by Prataparudra-
deva (c. A.D. 1497-1539), Akasabhairavakalpa (c. fifteenth century A.D.)
in Sanskrit; the Rukminisayamvara by Ekanatha (c. sixteenth century A.D.)
in Marathi; the Biinasiistra and the Bogarsutiram in Tamil; the Vetikkam-
pavidhi by NilakalJtha in Malayalam; and a Persian work on pyrotechnics
by Zain-uI-Abidin (A.D. 1421-72).
Botany, Agriculture and Zoology

As we have already seen, archaeological sources provide a good deal
of information from which some kind of reconstruction is possible as to
the state of knowledge regarding these sciences during the pre- and proto-
historic period. In the chapters concerned, such an attempt has been
made. Then we have general literary sources such as the Sa1J1hitiis, the
Briihmatz as , the Upani~r;ads, the Satras, the Arthasiistras and related works,
the Epics, the PuriilJas, lexicographic, encyclopaedic and medical works,
which contain bulk of the information relating to these subjects in a scat-
tered form. Presentation of a coherent picture out of such scattered mass
of materials is indeed a formidable task.
We fortunately possess special treatises dealing with botany and agri-
culture. The AgnipurtilJa, the Arthasiistra and the Brhatsa1J1hitti, by includ-
ing a special chapter on Vrk~ii)'urveda, the Sanskrit name for plant science,
clearly indicate the existtnce of a separate treatise on botany. Such Vrk$-
iiyurveda texts written by Parasara and Surapala are now available in manu-
script form in a number of libraries in India. a A copy of a manuscript by
Parasara has been noticed by N. N. Sircar; the work was possibly written
between the first century B.C. and first century A.D. Surapala's Vrk .r;iiyur-
veda pos'iibly belonged to c. eleventh century A.D. The Kr~i-Parasara, also
known as Kr~~i-samgraha, Kr$i-paddhati and Kr~r;itantra, an important work
on agriculture, was written between A.D. 950 and llOO.b
For information concerning botany, agriculture and zoology in the
Medieval Period, we have likewise to depend largely on historical chronicles
available in the form of memoirs, and administrative and revenue literature,
of which, as we have already remarked, the A'in is our most valuable source.
Sciences in the Modern Period

In the present book it has not been our intention to deal with the
history of modern sciences in India in the same pattern followed for the
previous periods. Significantly, therefore, our last chapter has been styled
as the impact of Western science on India up to the end of the nineteenth
century. The materials of the Modem Period are very vast indeed. We
have simply to recall the enormous amount of records such as the Minutes
• Set Bibliography given in the Agriculture in~Ancient India.

• ~dar and Banerji. Kr,iparaJa1'a. p. vill.
of the Bengal Council, Military, Public, Political and Revenue Consultations

of Bengal t Bombay and Madras, Court Despatches to Bengal, Bombay
and Madras, Records of the Medical Board, the various Surveys and
scientific establishments and the bewildering amount of scientific papers,
memoirs, books and monographs produced during the period. The study
and analyses of these materials for reconstructing the history of science
of the Modern Period involve a lifetime's work by several scholars. Craw-
ford's History of Medical Service in India, 1600-1913, in two volumes
(1914), Phillimore's Historical Records of the Survey ofIndia, in four volumes
(1945-58), and BurkiU's Chapters in the History of Botany in India (1965)
are a few examples of what is involved in this kind of study. Even then
these works were concerned with specially selected areas. The magnitude
of an integrated study of the history of science of the period with a balanced
emphasis on the role of historical, social, economic and political forces in
the development of scientific institutions and of sciences themselves can be
easily understood. Unlike the previous periods, here the advantage is
that the materials are readily available without presenting formidable
linguistic difficulties inherent in oriental studies pertaining to the Ancient
and the Medieval and the disadvantage is that such materials are too vast.
2 ASTRONOMY
S. N. SEN
MAN'S interest in the heavens is perhaps as old as the beginning of his

career as homo sapiens on this planet. This is doubtless a consequence
of his erect posture which enables him to look and wonder at the sky and
the various striking phenomena occurring there day by day and night by
night. The sun, the moon, the vault of the sky with numerous sparkling
stars, bright and dim, must have appealed to him at the dawn of his capacity
to wonder at, and indulge in certain amount of speculation about them.
Moreover, he was impressed by the regularity of appearance and disappear-
ance of these objects. The sequence of day and night, the obvious
connection of the sun with such alteration of light and darkness, the regular
revelation of the splendour of the nightly sky, the periodic waxing and
waning of the moon and the unchanging character of the stellar vault must
have fired the imagination of the primitive man.
It did not perhaps take the primitive man a long time to discover
some kind of relationship between the cycle of his activities and the regu-
larity of the heavenly phenomena. Thus were differentiated his day-time
activities from the nocturnal. He noticed that his hunting seasons and,
more particularly, his sowing times, when he settled down as a primitive
agriculturist, depended on climatic changes or the seasons. He vaguely
felt that these periodic changes were somehow connected with the most
conspicuous of all heavenly bodies, the sun. In lower Egypt the periodical
overflowing of the Nile was noticed to have some connection with the
heliacal rising of Sirius. i
Such cycle of events in the life processes on the one hand and the regu-
larity in the heavenly phenomena on the other inevitably led to a time sense.
At the same time these suggested methods of marking and measuring time
to an intelligent priestly class wherever human civilizations sprang up
and had their normal course of development. This priestly class, as is
well known, had a dominant role to play in human societies, with powers to
regulate religious and, not infrequently, the secular life of their fellow
members. Everywhere they evolved an elaborate and complicated system
of rituals and sacrifices to be performed with perfect regularity in time.
This naturally imposed on them the task of measuring and dividing time or,
ASTRONOMY 59
in other words, of evolving a suitable calendar and consequently of studying

astronomical phenomena. This is true as much of the temple priests of
Thebes, Nineveh, Sumer and Akkad as of the BrdhmaQas of Vedic India.
The whole corpus of the Vedic literature represents the intellectual
activity of a sacerdotal caste which, by turning to account the religious
instincts of a gifted and devout race, transformed a primitive worship of
the powers of nature into a highly artificial system of sacrificial ceremonies.
In prescribing rules for the observance of such ceremonies, the priestly
leaders never tired of emphasizing the importance of carrying them out
in proper times. This clearly envisaged a dependable calendar. Thus, the
building of the different types of fire altars and consecration (agnylidhana),
or the holding of seasonal sacrifices (ciiturmtisyiini), the full-moon sacri-
fices, the soma feast lasting a year, the yearly sattras and so on involved
knowledge of a workable calendar and presupposed a class of priests
skilled in time-reckoning.
In the sacred literature of the Hindus, the Jainas and the Buddhists,
such a skilled priest has been referred to as 'astronomer' and his science
'astronomy' (jyoti~a). In the MU1J~aka Upani$ada astronomy is included
in the list of several branches of Vedic studies. The Chiindogya Upani$adb
has it that Narada, upon being interrogated by Sanat Kumara as to the
range of his knowledge, replied, 'I have learnt the ~gveda, the Yajurveda,
the Slimaveda and the fourth the Atharvaveda; the ltihtisa and the
PuriifJa as the fifth Veda; grammar, the science par excellence; the
obsequies of Manu; the art of computation; omens; the revolutions of
periods; speech; ethics; scriptures; sciences appendant on holy writings
(accentuation, prosody, etc.); the abjuration of spirits; the military science;
astronomy; snake-charming; music and mechanical arts (sciences of the
demi-gods).' In explaining the scope of astronomy, the Vedanga Jyoti~a
states: 'The Vedas are revealed for the purpose of performing sacrificial
rites; these rites are laid down in order of time. Therefore, he who is
versed in astronomy, the science of the reckoning of time, knows the
sacrifices.' In the Brahma1)a literature, we come across the term nak~atra
darsa meaning 'a star gazer' or 'a gazer at the lunar mansions'. This
term has also been used sometimes to mean an astrologer. Another term
used to refer to an astronomer is ga1)aka which literally means' a calculator'
or 'a mathematician'. The use of these two terms appears to imply the
study of astronomy both from the practical (observation of stars) and
theoretical (calculation) considerations.
The J ainas also claim considerable antiquity for their interest in, and
study of, astronomy. The four branches of their canonical texts include
ga1)itanuyoga (principles of mathematics), sa",khytina (arithmetic) and
iyoti~a (astronomy).c Like the BrahmaQas, the Jainas, too, demanded of
their priests great proficiency in astronomy for the proper observance of
a Mu1)(l. Up., i. 1.5. C Bhag. sa., 90; Uttar. sa., xxv. 7.8.38.
,. Chdnd. Up., vii. 1-4.
60 A CONCISE HISlORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
their religious ceremonies. The Buddhists did not evince much interest
in astronomy due probably to the degeneration in their time of astronomy
into astrology, and to the difficulty of distinguishing between the two. We
find in their literature the term nak$atra-pathaka (a reader of stars) which
refers both to an astronomer and an astrologer. Buddha referred to astron-
omy and astrology as low forms of arts (tiracchiina vijja) and advised
Buddhist monks to refrain from the study of astronomy. a This opinion,
however, was modified later on and the bhik$uS dwelling in the woods were
advised to learn the elements of astronomy.
From what has been stated above, and will appear in what follows,
there is no doubt that astronomy was cultivated to a considerable extent
in India in the Vedic times. The selection of a few fixed stars for the
development of a system of lunar mansions, the fixation of a savana year
of 360 days, based upon the variation of the length of day, the elaboration
of a quinquennial cycle with intercalary months, going back to the time
of the ~gveda, the idea of the four mundane ages and several other findings
abundantly show their interest and proficiency in astronomy. This
Brahmaoic interest and proficiency did not also escape the notice of foreign
observers and writers, for Megasthenes found the yuga system flourishing in
full perfection and Strabo referred to astronomy as a favourite occupation of
the BdihmaQas. b
ASTRONOMICAL KNOWLEDGE AS REVEALED IN THE

SA~fHITAS, BRAHMAljAS AND SOTRAS
Before summarizing the astronomical information contained in this

vast body of the sacred literature, a few general remarks may be made
here. Of the various sacerdotal families such as those of Grtsamada.
ViSvamitra, Vamadeva, Atri, Bharadvaja and Vasi$tha, who originated
some of the oldest hymns, the family of Atri was probably distinguished
for their interest in astronomy. Atri's name is frequently mentioned in
connection with eclipse hymns both in the Saf!1hitiis and the Briihma1)as.
The Siimaveda and its BriihmaQas and Siltras are full of interest from the
viewpoint of calendrical astronomy because of their fuller treatment
of gawim ayana and the sattras of various durations, built round the daily
progress of the sun. The various recensions of the Yajurveda are by far
the most important of this class of literature from the viewpoint of the
early history of Hindu astronomy. While the nak$atras are doubtless
mentioned in the lJgveda, their whole series, numbering 27 or 28 and headed
by Krttikiis, turns up for the first time in the recensions of ~he Yajurveda.
These texts are again repositories of several mythologies developed around
stellar constellations. The details of darsapi1r1)amasa, i.e. the new- and full-
moon sacrifices, the caturmasya or four-monthly sacrifices, seasons, months
• Rhys Davids, II, pp. 20 if.; Oldenberg, VP. Culla., v. 33.3.

• Weber, p. 246.
ASTRONOMY 61
and month names, are here met with. The importance of the winter solstice
is emphasized through the mahavrata rites which are also dealt with at
length in the BrahmalJas of the Siimaveda. The number 10,800 used to
specify the bricks required for some types of altars appears to be related
to the length of the astronomical yuga characteristic of the later Siddhanta-
jyoti~a texts. The gaviim ayana and the sattras, probably taken over from
the Siimaveda and its Briihma1Jas, find lengthy treatment in these Yajus
texts. The Atharvaveda offers little assistance towards our understanding
of the nature and extent of the Vedic astronomy. Nevertheless, it does
contain stray passages of astronomical consequence, such as the solar
eclipse, the mention of Rahu for the first time, intercalation with a thirteenth
month and a list of 28 nak~atras including Abhijit. Finally, its cosmogonic
and theosophic hymns addressed to Goddess Earth, the glorification of the
sun, and the personification of time as a primordial power have also some
relevance to this study.
The BrahlnalJas are systematized theological works composed for
the main purpose of elucidating the sacrificial texts and explaining the
origin and hidden meaning of sacrifices. Each Sa!flhitii gave rise to a
number of Briihma1)as. In this way astronomical ideas and precepts
embedded in the Sa1'f1hitiis assumed clearer perspective through Brahmal)ic
interpretations. As the materials of the Sa!flhitiis and the Briihma1)as
constitute the basis of the sutras, passages in them of astronomical import
have received fresh treatment and sometimes further elaboration at the
hands of the sutrakiiras. Such is particularly the case with regard to the
Vedic calendars. Although the elements and suggestions of such calendars
are met with in the Vedas proper, different modes of year-reckoning and
calendar-keeping appear clearly in the sutras. The Lalyiiyana SrautasiUra
and the Nidiinasutra of the Stimaveda are particularly important for this
purpose. The Sulba-sutras forming part of the Kalpasutras, as we shall
see in the section on mathematics, are important as the oldest Indian works
on geometry. Finally, we have two Jyoti~a-Vedtiizgas, one in the Yajurveda
recension containing 43 verses and the other in the lJ.gveda recension con-
taining 36 verses, dealing exclusively with astronomy.
THE SUN, THE MOON, TIlE EARTH AND PLANETS

The Sun
From the ~gvedic times the universe was regarded as divided into
three distinct regions, the earth lprthivi), the firmament (antarjk~a) and
the heaven (dyaus). Each region again had a threefold subdivision. The
sun during its sojourn through the universe illuminates and sustains all
these regions and their subdivisions. These ideas have been repeatedly
expressed in several hymns and verses of the J!.gveda, such as 'the sun hath
filled the air and earth and heaven', a 'Ye Gods who yonder have your
home in the three lucid realms of heaven',b and more fully elsewhere. c
CI ~v., I. 115.1. b .(lV., I. 105.5. C /lV-, IV., 54.2-7.

A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCmNCE IN INDIA
62
The 'threefold earth', the 'triple sphere of light' and similar threefold division
of the intermediate region, the sky, have been further elaborated in the
BriihmafJas, as witness the following passage of the PancQvimsQ BriihmQ1)Q :tJ
'Through fire, earth and plants, thereby this world is threefold:

through wind, intermediate region and birds, thereby that world is
threefold, which stands between; through sun, sky and stars, thereby
yonder world is threefold.'
The ~gvedic verses also bring out very clearly the important part
pIayed by the sun as a beneficial power in the Vedic mythology and also
its various roles in nature. By its light it not only reveals the worlds, but
regulates them, and sustains life on the earth. Although it illuminates
the worlds, it also causes the constellations with their weak beams to pass
away, like thieves, before its all-beholding rays of light. b These rays of light
are seven in colour, for' where these seven rays are shining, thence my house
and family extend'c and are often likened to the sun god's 'bay coloured
horses, bright, changing hues, which speed round earth and heaven.'lt
As to its regulating powers in nature, it is the cause of the flowing
of the floods and the winds and is the maker of time through the alteration
of day and night, the twilight, month and year. Regarding day and night
the Ai/areya BriihmaQa e of the ~gveda states that the sun neither sets nor
rises. After reaching the end of the day, it only changes about and
in the process makes night below and day on the other side. After
reaching the end of the night, the sun makes day below and night on the
reverse side. According to another naive interpretation, the sun was here
represented as possessing a bright and a dark face; at the end of the day,
the sun's dark face was turned towards the earth making night below and
the bright face upwards illuminating the stars in the upper regions of the
heaven.
The Sun's Path, the Ecliptic

There are several references in the ~veda and in the Brlihma!Zas of
the later ages to the sun's path through the heavens. VaruQa, the chief
of the Lords of natural order, has made a spacious pathway for the SUD
to travel.! This path called ria is easy to find. Elsewhere, it is referred
to as Aryaman's mighty path: 'How may we pass the wicked on the path
of mighty Aryaman? Mark this my woe, ye Earth and Heaven.'g The
Paiicavi117sa Brtihma~a speaks of this path as follows: 'By means of this
(rite), Aryaman gained the world. The path called Aryaman's path is the
path leading to the Gods. They who undertake this (rite) reach the path
leading to the Gods.' A According to the Satapatha Briihma~, 'to Brhaspati
belongs that upper region, and there above lies that path of Aryaman (the
.. Palle. Br., x. 1.1. d ,av., I. 115.3. , .aV., I. 105.6.

b .8V.,1. 50.2. II Ait. Br., iii. 44.4. A PaRe. Br., xxv. 12.2.3.4.
Ct .8V., I. 105.9. I ,8V., I. 24.8.
ASTRONOMY 63
sun).' a These passages have been interpreted in two ways. Weber regarded
Aryaman's path as the milky way; Hillebrandt, Ludwig and others as the
ecliptic. Ludwig further traced the inclination of the ecliptic to the equator
in another passage of the ~veda in which the lJ.bhus are described as
wandering afar in their path.
From the way Aryaman's path is described it is not immediately easy
to associate it with the ecliptic, but such inference is quite possible from
the knowledge of the Vedic Hindus about the sun's annual revolution, its
going northward (uttaraya1;la) for half of the year and southward (dak~i1J
ayana) for the remaining half, the references to solstices and other related
matters. Of further significance in this regard is the occurrence of such
terms as devaylina and pitryiina from which Tilak attempted to derive the
knowledge of equinoxes in the Vedic times and therefore of the celestial
equator, the ecliptic and their inclination. b
The Moon
The moon, the next most conspicuous object in the night sky, receives
such appellations as candra, candramas and soma. It has no light of its
own, but assumes 'the brilliancy of the sun'c or 'is adorned with Surya's
arrowy beam' ,et that is it shines with the borrowed light of the sun. The
phases of the moon are described by saying that the moon, 'born afresh, is
new and new for ever'.e Some of its phases received special names and
personifications. Thus, the day before the new moon was called sin ivaIi,
the new moon day kuhu, the day preceding the full moon anumati and the
full moon day raka. An allegorical description of the sun swallowing the
moon on the new moon day so that it can neither be seen in the eastern
nor the western sky is preserved in the Satapatha Brahmat;la l as follows:
'Now the one that burns there (viz. the sun) is, assuredly, no other
than Indra, and that moon is no other than Vrtra. But the former
is of a nature hostile to the latter, and for this reaSOD, though this one
(the moon, Vrtra) had previously (to the night of new moon) risen
at a great distance from him (the sun, Indra), he now swims towards
him and enters into his open mouth.
'Having swallowed him, he (the sun) rises; and that (other) one
is not seen either in the east or in the west •.•
'Having sucked him empty, he throws him out; and the latter, thus
sucked out, is seen in the western sky, and again increases; he again
increases to serve that (sun) as food ... '
The above passage sets forth the moon's elongation from the sun, its
true motion from west to east and the cause of the new and full moon.
The interval between the consecutive new moons or full moons was
seized upon at quite an early date as a natural unit of time, the month,
• Sat. Br., v. 3.1.2. c .(lV., IX. 71.9. , ./1.V., X. 85.19.

& Tilak, pp. 112 fr. cJ .tY., IX. 76.4. I Sat. Br., i. 6.4.18-20.
in much the same way as it was done by the people of other culture areas,
the Babylonians, the Greeks and so on. From several verses and passages
stating that the year consists of 360 days and of 12 months, it appears that
a month of 30 days was widely accepted in the time of the Sal'flhitiis and
the Briihmanas. The month was again divided into two natural halves,
the light half (sukla) from new to full moon and the dark half (kr~tla) from
full to the new moon. The ~gvedic bard had thus no hesitation in pro-
claiming: a
, Twelve are the fellies, and the wheel is single; three are the
naves. What man hath understood it?
'Therein are set together spokes three hundred and sixty,
which in no wise can be loosened.'
The moon's synodic period was later on more correctly given as 291
days. Its sidereal period lying between 27 and 28 days appears to have
been correctly formulated in the days of the early Salllhitas as is clear from
the development of the 27 or 28 nak~atra system.
The Solar Eclipse

Observation of the solar eclipse is recorded in several places in the
Vedic literature in the form of the well-known Svarbhanu legend. According
to its earliest ~gvedic version,b Svarbhanu, the asura, pierced the sun with
darkness so completely that the bewildered inhabitants on the earth did
not know where they were standing. Then Atri, with the power of his
prayers, caused Svarbhanu's magic arts to disappear and restored the sun
to its brilliance. The Svarbhanu legend and Atri's part in ending the
eclipse appear in a number of places in the Paiicavi1'{lia Briihma~a, of which
a typical description runs as follows: c
'The Daemoniac Svarbhanu struck the sun with darkness; the
Gods did not discern it (the sun hidden as it was by darkness): they
resorted to Atri; Atri repelled its darkness by the bhiisa. The part
of the darkness he first repelled became a black sheep, what (he repelled)
the second time (became) a silvery (sheep), what (he repelled) the third
time (became) a reddish one, and with what (arrow) be set free its
original appearance (colour), that was a white sheep.'
The interesting feature of the above passage is the detailed observation
of the change of colour in the sun's disc during the progress of an eclipse.
The frequent and consistent references to Atri in connection with
eclipses doubtless indicate a class of Brahm~a priests skilled in eclipse
observations and in astronomy in general. The eclipse hymns of the
~veda contain an expression turiye!Ja brahmal)d which, according to some
scholars, meant a kind of quadrant; but such interpretation is far-fetched.
• .tv., I. 164.48; Ena. trans. by Griffith. C Pallc. Br., vi. 6-8; Ens. trans. by Caland.
• .8V., V. 4O.S-9.
ASTRONOMY 65
The Earth
It is difficult to say definitely if the Vedic Hindus regarded the earth
as spherical. The sphericity of the earth may be implied in such casual
statements as the earth is freely suspended in air, a the dawn precedes the
sunrise b and the like. In the cosmogonic and theosophic hymns of the
Atharvaveda r the earth and the heaven have been imagined as constituting two
hemispheres which the Brahmacarin guards with his creative power. This
and statements like the placing of fire between two receptacles or the union
of two agnis between the two hemispheres of the world suggest terrestrial
sphericity, later on accepted uniformly in Hindu astronomical texts.
The Planets
The study of planets appears 111 late astronomical works. The Vediiliga
Jyoti,ya does not mention them. But this does not mean that the Vedic
Hindus were altogether unacquainted with planets. Weber did not notice
the mention of planets in any texts earlier than the Taittiriya Ara1Jyaka.
In the Maitrliya~lf Upani~ad, planets (graha) are mentioned. In the early
astronomical Sal!lhitiis, planets are mentioned in the context of their
astrological implications. Planet worship is established in Yajfiavalkya's
law-book and is mentioned in the epics, and in the dramas of Kalidlsa
and in the Mrcchaka!ika. Opinion, however, differs as to whether earlier
Vedic works contain any evidence of the knowledge of planets. The 7
iidit)'as mentioned in the ~vedad, were interpreted by Oldenberg as
referring to the sun, the moon and the 5 planets. The number 34 used
to express, in hymn X. 55.4, the lights with which Indra looks around
him and, in hymn 1. 162.18, the ribs of the sacrificial horse has been
explained by Ludwig as referring to the sun, the moon, 5 planets and
27 nak~atras.
More convincing perhaps is the association of Brhaspati, Lord of
Prayer, with the planet Jupiter. The Taittiriya Briih,natza refers to the
conjunction of Brhaspati with the nak~atra Ti~ya. The planet's first birth
'from mighty splendour in supremest heaven' is also referred to in the
~gveda. The IJgveda and the Briihma1)Qs contain the words sukra, manthin
and vena, and attempts have been made to associate them with the planet
Venus; but this interpretation has not found acceptance with all scholars.
Rabu and Ketu

To the seven planets, including the sun and the moon, the Indians
added Riihu and Ketu, to formulate their Riihu-Ketu theories of eclipses.
The word Rahu, in the sense of a planet, appears in the Atharvaveda and
the Chllndogyopan4ad apparently with no astronomical meaning, but in
the Ytijilava/kyasmrti it does so in the astronomical sense. The word
A }J.V. t IV. 53.3. e AV., XI. 5.8-1 t.

D }J.V., I. 123. cI ~V., IX. 114.3.
S•
66 A CONCISE HISTORY OJ' SCIENCE IN INDIA
Ketu also appears in the Athal'vaveda in the sense of any unusual or strik-
ing phenomenon such as comet, meteor or a falling star. Astronomical
safllhitas, however, do not mention Ketu as a cause of eclipse. Riihu
and Ketu, along with planets, are mentioned in the Mahabhiirata, though
Ketu is omitted in the RiimayalJa. From Varahamihira onwards, in
true astronomical circles, Rahu and Ketu meant the ascending and the
descending node respectively of the moon.
The ingenious Riihu-Ketu theory of eclipse travelled from India to
China Hnd appeared in a Chinese astronomical text Chiu Chih. This
Chiu Chih was the Chinese version of an Indian calendrical work called
Navagraha and its translator was the well-known Tantric-Buddhist astrono-
mer Chhuthan Hsi-Ta who flourished at the Thang court during the first
quarter of the eighth century A.D.
THE STARS, THE NAK~:1.1'RA SYSTEM AND THE LUNAR ZODIAC
Unlike the Babylonians or the Chinese, the ancient Indian astronOl11ers

were not particularly interested in the study of stars as such and in the
preparation of star catalogues. They were primarily interested in the study
of the motions of the sun and the lTIOon with a view to developing a work-
able calendar. As such their interest in stars and constellations largely
centred round those which lie along or near the ecliptic. By a careful
selection of suitable stars and constellations they were able to provide a
stellar frame of reference against which to follow and measure planetary
motions. A number of ancient civilizations-the Indian, the Chinese,
the West Asian and the Egyptian-developed and perfected such a stellar
frame of reference to mark the path of the sun and the moon. The system
came to be known as that of the nak~atras among the Indians, of the hsius
among the Chinese, of manazil among the Arabs and so on.
The origin of the Indian nak~atra system has been traced to the 1J.gveda,
where the term nak$atra has been used both in the sense of stars and lunar
Inansions. In the former sense it appears in I. 50.2; VII. 86.1; X. 68.11 and
in several hymns. The sun is also sometimes identified with stars. a In the
sense of lunar mansions, at least two nak~atras are clearly mentioned, namely
Magha (Agha) and Pha/gunis (ArjWlis), as in the thirteenth verse of the
sun's bridal hymn 85 in the tenth ma1)qala:
, The bridal pomp of SOrya, which Savitar started, moved along.
In Magha days are oxen slain, in Arjunis they wed the bride.'11
Although other naklatras are not specifically named, Ludwig, Zimmer
and others held that 27 noklatras were already known when the rcas were
formed and included in the number 34 (the sun, the moon, 5 planets and
27 nak~atras) previously referred to. Their use in the sense of lunar
mansions is also stated clearly in another expression: 'Thus Soma in the
midst of all these constellations hath his place.'e
a lj.V., HI. 54.19. b Eng. trans. by Griffith. o .(lv., X. 85.2.
5B
TABLE 2.t
Nak$otra list in the Vedic SOllzhitiis. the Vediiliga Jyoti$Q and in the Siirya-siddhiinta
No. in Taitt. Sarrr. MoUra. Sartt. Kiifh. SOfTl. A tltan'aveda No. in Vediinga Jyoti$a No. in Surya-siddhiinta
order (IV. 4.10) (II. 13.20) (XXXLX, 13) order (18) order (VIII. 2-21)
1. Krttikis Krttikas Ktttikas Kfttikas l. BharaQyalJ t 1. Asvini

2. Rohqli Rohil)i Rohini RohiQI 2. Krttika 2. Bharat;li
3. ~illa Invaga Invak'a MrgaSlras 3. Rohlni 3. Krttika
4. Ardra Bahu Bahu Ardra 4. ~rga~i~a 4. Rohini
S. Punarvasii Punarvasl1 Punarvasu Punarvasu 5. Ardra 5. ¥rga~if$a
6. Ti$ya Ti$ya Tisva ru~ya 6. Punarvasu 6. Ardra
7. Asre$Cis Asle~s As"icsas Aslesas 7. Pusva 7. Punarvasu
8. Maghas Maghas Maghas Magha5 8. AsI~sa 8. PU$ya
9. Phalguni Phalgunis Phalgunls Plir\ a Phalgunyau Y. Magha 9. Asle~
10. Phalguni Phalgunis Uttarab PhalgunIs 10. Piirvaphalguni 10. Magha
11. Hasta Hasta Hastau Hasta 11. Uttaraphalguni 11. Piirvaphalguni >
CI]
12. Citra Citra Citra Citra 12. Hasta 12. Uttaraphalguni ;J

13. Svati Ni$tya Nist)a Svati 13. Citra 13. Hasta 0
14. Visakhe ViSikhii Visakha Visakhe 14. Svati 14. Citra z
0
15. Anfiridhas AnUn1dha Aniiradhas Anl1radha 15. Visakha 15. Svati E::
16. RohiQi Jye$tha Jvestha Jyestha 16. Anuradha 16. ViMkha .-<
17. Vicrtau Milia Mu'la Miila 17. Jye~tha 17. Anuradha
18. A~Qhas A~Qhas A~Qhas Piirva A~4has 18. Miila 18. Jye$tha
19. A~Qhas A~Qbas Uttani A$AQhas Uttara A$aQhas 19. Piirv~Qha 19. Mula
20. * Abhijit - Abhljlt 20. Ut~Qha 20. Piirva~Qha
21. SroQa SroQa Asvattha 5ravana 21. SravaQa 21. Uttara~ha
22. Srav~thas Sravi$thas Sravi$thas Sravi$ihas 22. Dhani$tha 22. A bhijit
23. Satabhi$aj 5atabhi$aj Satabhi$aj Satabhi$aj 23. Satabhi$aj 23. SravaQa
24. Pr~thapadas Pro$thapadiis Pro$!hapada Dvaya Pro$!hapada 24. Piirva Bhadrapada 24. Sravi$thii
25. PrO$thapad!s Pro$thapada~ Uttare PrO$thapadas 25. Uttara Bhadrapada 25. Satabhj~aj
26. Revati RevaH Revati Revati 26. Revati 26. Piirva Bhadrapada
27. ASvayujau Asvayujau ASvayujau Mvayujau 27. Asvayujau 27. Uttara Bhadrapada
28. ApabharaJ)is BharaJ:).is ApabharaJ)is BharaQYas 28. Revati
• Abhijit is, however, mentioned in the Taitfirfya Briih1tUU)ll.

t In the Vedanga Jyotila, the head of the nak$atras is not mentioned. From the statement that solstices coincide with DluIniSlhil and AJ/e14
vernal equinox appears to coincide with Bhorafl}'a(z and so the list has been shown in the table starting with this naklOtra.· , 0\
'""""-I
The full list of 27 or 28 llak~fatras headed by Krttikas appears in the

various recensions of the Black Yajurveda and in the Atharvaveda. Table 2.1
gives the full list of nak~atra~ as f~un~ in the Sa~hit~s, i~ the Ved~Jiga
Jyoti$a and in later astronomIcal slddhantas (the lIst gIven In the Surya-
siddhanta is given here).
It is clear from the table that the nak$atra names have remained
practically the same since their formulation in the Vedic times. The
nak~atra Abhijit does not appear in all the lists, making the number some-
times 27 and sometimes 28. It appears only in the Maitriiya1;li SalJ1hitti,
the Atharvaveda, the Taittiriya Briihma1,1a and some Siddhiintic texts, but
the star does not have associated with it any nak$atra space. This
nak~atra space requires some clarification. The term nak.Jatra has been
used to indicate both asterisms, stars or star-groups, and any of the 27
equal divisions of the ecliptic, each distinguished by a determinant star
(yoga tara). Derived from nakta-tra, it means 'guardian of night', that
is stars or star-groups, and in this sense the word must have been used
at the beginning. Later on, nak~atra meant one of the 27 equal parts,
that is a space of 13° 20' or 800' of the ecliptic. In the sa rya-sid-
dhtinta and such later astronomical works, a nak~atra division of 800'
has been clearly defined, and the positions of the determinant or junction
stars have been given in degrees and minutes with respect to the starting
point of the /lak~atra concerned. These values have been given in accord-
anc" with a system of polar coordinates-the polar longitudes (dhruvaka)
and latitudes (sara)-from which true longitudes and latitudes or right
ascensions and declinations can be calculated for comparison with current
stellar positions. Colebrooke, Burgess and Whitney and other historians
of Hindu astronomy have carried out these conversions and identified
Hindu nak~atras with those given in modern star catalogues. Some of
these identifications, the Hindu stellar configurations and the legends built
round them are summarized below.
The Nak~atras and Constellations

Krttikii is a group of 6 or 7 stars known as Pleiades; the dominant
star is '1] Tauri (magnitude 3). According to the Yajurveda, this group
consists of 7 stars and, according to al-BlriinI and other texts, of 6 stars.
It corresponds to the Chinese hsieu Mao and the maniizil ath-Thuraiya.
RohbJi has been identified with Aldebaran or (X Tauri (magnitude 0·9).
~rgaS.ir~a figured as the 'antelope's head' is a group of 3 stars, ~, ~1 and 4>2
In Onon. Around Rohi!Ji and M rgaSir~a developed the Prajapati legend
given in the Aitareya and the Satapatha Briihma/Ja. Lord Prajapati once
fell in love with his own daughter Rohi!,l and in the form of a deer pursued
her as she was running away in the form of a female deer. Enraged at
such incestous chase, the gods ordered Rudra to stop the chase, whereupon
R~dra .assumed the form of a hunter (Mrgavyddha) and pierced Prajapati
WIth his arrow. The head of the antelope with the arrow sticking to it
became the constellation MrgaJlr,a.
ASTRONOMY 69
Ptmarvasu is the twin stars Castor and Pollux in the constellation of

Gemini. PU$ya is a group of 3 to 5 faint stars in Caneri. Jsre~iis (or
Asle$lis) and Magha each is a cluster of 5 to 6 stars, the former in Hydrae
and the latter in Leonis. Phalguni is a double-star constellation in Leo.
The five-starred Basta, meaning hand, is in Corvus. Citra is the readily
identifiable brilliant star (X Virginis or Spica of the first magnitude. So
also in Ni$fyii or SViiti, the brilliant ex. Bootis or Arcturus (magnitude 0·0).
To ViStikha are attached sometimes 2 and sometimes 4 stars in Librae and
to Anurtidha 4 stars in Scorpionis. Jye~thii is a trio in Scorpio, of which
the determinant star is Antares or ex. Scorpionis (magnitude 0·8).
Abhijit (determinant rJ. Lyrae) has no nak$atra space assigned to it in
the ecliptic. Its 3 stars form a triangle in Lyra. It is mentioned only
in texts giving a list of 28 nak$atras, but not in those giving one of 27.
This might mean a later addition to, or even dropping out from, the original
list and received tTIuch attention in connection with the question of origin
of the nak~atra systenl and its relationship with similar systems in other
civilizations.
Sro~l{j or ,~ravaua (determinant r:J. AquiIae) is a constellation of 3 stars
in Aquilae; the four-starred Dhani~'lhii is in Delphinus; and Satabhi$aj,
meaning' having one hundred physicians', is a thickly studded cluster in
Aquarii. The hvo Bhadrapad(ls are twin star-groups in Pegasi. Revatr,
a group of 32 stars, has its detenninant star in ~ Piscium (magnitude 5,5).
The end of this nak~atra (according to the Silrya-siddhiinla, 13° 10' from
the beginning of Revatf or 359 50' \"ith respect to the First Point of Aries)
0
or the beginning of A.fvini, the next nak~atra in Aries marked the initial
point of the Hindu sphere about A.D. 572.
The Nak~atra alld Lunar Mansions of Other Nations

We have said that a number of nations of antiquity, notably the
Chinese, the Arabs and the Babylonians, followed a system of lunar mansions
analogous to that of the nak$atras. Whether all these systems had a
common origin or had developed independently became naturally enough
a subject of considerable discussion and controversy. The Sinologists,
the Indianists and the Assyriologists laid powerful claims on the anteriority
as well as the originality of their respective systems, and not unoften
suggested borrowing by other nations of the system they considered native
to the culture area of their preference. But the question has still remained
very much an open one.
The Hsius
The Chinese hsius were originally selected to mark the equator and
facilitate observation of the culmination of stars. a In their system a
~eries of circumpolar stars were keyed to equatorial stars so that, by observ-
mg the lower meridional transits of the former, those of the latter below
• Needham, ill, pp. 242-52.

the horizon could be readily ascertained. The declination circles passing

through the selected equatorial and the corresponding circumpolar stars
divided the equator into a number of unequal segments called the hsius.
At least two of the hsiu stars, the Bird Star (ex Hydrae) and the Fire Star
('IT Scorpii), have been recognized in the carvings of the oracle-bones belong-
ing to the Shang period (1500 B.C.). The Book of Odes (Shih Ching)
believed to have come down from the eighth or ninth century B.C. records
about 8 hsius. The use of four quadrantal hsius, e.g. Fang (middle of
Eastern Palace), Hsu (middle of Northern Palace), Mao (middle of Western
Palace) and Hsing (middle of Southern Palace), is met with in the Historical
·Classic (eighth to fifth century B.C.). The Lesser Annuary ofthe Hsia Dynasty
(fourth century B.C.), a kind of farmer's calendar, mentions all the four quad-
rantal stars plus two more, Wei (p.. Scorpii) and Liu (8 Hydrae). A fuller
list of hsius-23 out of 28-is given in the Records of Rites of Younger Taj
(first century n.r.). The full list of 28 hsius, however, appears for the first
time in Huai Nan Tzu (160 or 150 B.C.) and, more in1portantIy, as a lunar
zodiac and not as equatorial stars of earlier records.
Thus the full list of 28 hsius appeared in China several centuries later
than did the nak~fjatra list in the various recensions of the Black Yajurveda.
As a lunar zodiac, the Chinese system did not emerge before the fourth
century B.C., if not later. As to the hsius themselves, many of them differ
importantly from the nak$atras. Nine nak~atras agree with the corre-
sponding hsius both in regard to their determinant stars and more or less with
the number of stars attached to the constellations. For 11 nak~atras, the
determinants are different although they belong to the same constellations.
For the remaining 8 nak~atras and hsius, the deternlinant stars were selected
from different constellations.
The Mantizi!
The Arabian mantlzils, 28 in number, agree on the whole with the
Indian nak$atras. Their lunar zodiac is headed by ash-Sharaflin, the first
manlizil corresponding to nak~atra As~'ini which marked the point of
intersection between the equator and the ecliptic about the fifth or sixth
century A.D. As many as t 9 manazils agree with the corresponding
nakiatras; there are discrepancies with regard to Ardra, Hasta, SVliti,
Abhijit, 8r01)O, Sravi~lhli and Revati vis-a-vis the corresponding maniizils.
Weber at one time believed that the Arabian lunar stations had been derived
directly from the Indian nak$atras. The recorded evidence of transmission
of Indian astronomical texts, particularly the Siddhlintas, makes such a
view attractive; but, as Filliozat (3) h{\s pointed out, all this, even the close
resemblance between the two systems, does not ipso facto prove an Arab
borrowing from India. Long before the beginning of active Arab scientific
contacts with India during the reign of the AbbAsid Caliphs, the man4zils
found mention in the aI-Qur'An (x. S; xxxvi. 39). The Fihrist records that
the ancient Harranites had a custom of visiting their temples for offering
sacrifices to the moon and performing other religious ceremonies on the
ASTRONOMY 71
27th or 28th day of each month, from which Weber inferred far-fetchedly
knowledge of lunar mansions among the Harranites. a Of greater con-
sequence perhaps were his interpretations of the Hebrew word mazzaloth
or mazzaroth in the Book of Job (38.32) and Book of Kings (23.5) to mean
manazil and suggestion of Chaldean origin. Derivation of the manlizil
from an Iranian system was attempted by Leopold de Saussure.
The Question of Babylonian Origin ofLunar Mansions

Weber, Whitney aud later on Hommel and other Assyriologists favoured.
the theory of a Babylonian origin of lunar mansions. The Babylonians,
at quite an early date, developed the knowledge of constellations and its
use in following the motions of the sun, the moon and planets. By about
1100 B.C. they had divided the sky into three zones of 12 sectors each,
these sectors containing the names of constellations, planets and sinlple
numbers in arithlnetic progression. Moreover, they assigned 3 stars or
constellations to every month, which indicates an attempt to obtain some
kind of correlation of months to constellations.
A true zodiacal scheme is implied in the important series of texts
known as mulAPIN dated about 700 B.C., but based on older materials.
These tablets give the names of about 18 constellations more or less along
the ecliptic. Here are some of them: mulmul (pleiades), mulgu4· an.na
(Taurus), mu1UR.GU.LA (Leo), mulab.Sfn (Spica), mUIPA.BIL.SAG (Sagit-
tarius) and so on. Later texts appear either to multiply or to reduce
the number of stars with a view to defining planetary positions more accu-
rately and, in this manner, their number gradually rose to 33 or more as
recorded in Babylonian ephemerides.
The first attempt to construct out of 33 or 36 Babylonian normal
stars a lunar zodiac composed of 24 ecliptic stars was due to Fritz Hommel
of Munich. b He compared the Babylonian stars with the Arabian
maniizils, found agreement in respect of 16 stations and concluded that
the mandz/ls were based on the more ancient Babylonian scheme. On the
basis of the theory of common origin, Hommel's work was taken to be
an important argument in favour of the derivation of the various lunar
zodiac schemes from the Babylonian. Thibaut raised a number of objections
to such a view. c Between the nak~atras and the Babylonian ecliptic stars,
agreement has been noticed in the case of about one-third of the total
number. MrgaJir~a, Ardra, Asre~viis, Hasta, Milia, AbhiJit and Sravi~lhiis
differ completely from their opposite numbers in the Babylonian series.
Even in the agreement itself there is nothing very surprising if one bears
in mind that, in all these separate attempts, the task was the same, namely
to select a series of conspicuous asterisms near the ecliptic. In such
circumstances it is inevitable that specially bright stars such as ex Taun,
PGeminorum, CJ. Leonis, ex Virginis, ex Scorpionis-all of the first magnitude-
• Weber, p. 248. " Hommel t pp. 592-619. c Thibaut (3), pp. 144-63.
or such well-defined stars such as Pleiades, (l and f3 Geminorum, (l and f1

Librae should be selected.
Another important objection is that the Babylonian series comprises
33 or 36 stars, whereas the maniizil consists of 28 and the nak~atra 27 or 28
star-groups. Hommel tried to explain this by guessing that the lunar
zodiacs of all nations had originally 24 stars or star-groups only, which
were expanded into 27, 28 or even a larger number. The Chinese hsius,
it is true, had 23 members at some early stage of their development, but
such is not the case with either the manazil or the nak~\'atra, which fronl the
beginning comprised of 27 or 28 stations.
Thus the common origin hypothesis, with Babylon as the centre of
diffusion, does not appear to rest on solid ground. The career in Babylon of
a lunar zodiac proper is itself doubtful. There is no such doubt about the
careers of the nak~atras, the hsius or the nzaniizils. Whether all these systems
developed independently or had a common origin or to what extent one
system influenced the other still renlains largely a matter of speculation.
DIVISION OF TIME-DAY, MONTH, SEASONS, VEDIC LUNI-SOLAR

CALENDAR, SOLSTICES AND EQUINOXES
The Day
Both 'day' and 'night' appear as natural unit of time in the earliest
literary productions of the Indians. Expressions like 'many dawns and
nights', 'days subdue the nights' occur in the ~gveda. As Haug has shown,
the day in the Vedic times was generally taken to start and end with the
sunset. The civil or natural day from sunrise to sunrise or from mid-
night to midnight has been called savana day in later astronomical works.
In the Surya-siddhlinta, terrestrial civil days are reckoned from sunrise
to sunrise. Aryabhata reckoned it both from sunrise and from mid-
night at Lanka.
Day, that is the bright half, was divided, according to the Atharvaveda
and the Taittiriya Briihma1)a, into five parts, e.g. udyan suryab (rising sun),
sQ1fJgava (gathering of cows), madhya'!1-dina (midday), apariih1)a (afternoon)
and astalJ7-yan (sunset). a Further division of the day into muhurtas
and still smaller units has been traced to the BrdhmalJa period. According
to the Satapatha Brtihma~a,b 'there are ten thousand and eight hundred
muhartas in the year (I day = 30 muhurtas), and fifteen times as many
kiiprus as there are muhurtas; and fifteen times as many idtini as there
are etarhi; and fifteen times as many breathings as there are idtinl'. In
the Sankhyayana Ara'.Jyakac the day is progressively 'Subdivided into
muhiJrta, k$a{la, kalil, kli$/ha, nime~a and dhvaTflsa. Kautilya's Arthastistra
gives muharta, ndlikti, kala, ka$/hO, n;me~a, lava and tUfa as various units
of time.
• AV., IX. 6.45. e Sllllkh. Ar., vii. 20.

• Sat. Br., xii. 3.2.5.
ASTRONOMY 73
The experience of the variations of day-length with seasons must have

been very ancient, but details of actual measurements and rules for cal-
culating them at any time of the year appear rather late-about the time
of the Vediiliga Jyoti~a. The increase of day-length from winter solstice
to summer solstice and the corresponding decrease in the duration of the
night are recorded in the Jyoti~a. Here the day has 30 muhurtas, the
shortest day-length at the winter solstice is given as 12 muhiirtas and the
longest at the summer solstice as 18 muhl2rtas. The total increase in day-
length in one ayana of 183 days (according to the Jyoti.~a, a year has 366
days) being 6 mllhiirtas, the rate of increase per day is given as 2/61. Weber
suspected that the rule found in the Vediinga Jyoti\fia might have been
imported to India from Babylon, for the latitude of which the above state-
ments agree. But the results are also true for latitudes of parts of
north-west India and could have been obtained as well by independent
observations.
A 'solar' day (saura-dina) as a time unit, defined as 360th part of the
year, is hinted at in the Vediinga Jyoti$a and also given in the Paiica-
siddhtintikii. The sidereal day, defined as the time taken by the asterisms
to complete one revolution, is met with in Hindu astronomy. Garga,
in enumerating different kinds of day, makes a clear distinction between
a siivana and a 'solar' day, (arka-dina).
A lunar day or tith; is 30th part of one lunation, that is the period
in which the moon's elongation increases by 12 degrees. A pak~a or half
lunation contains 15 lithis which are named by Sanskrit ordinals prathamli,
dvitiyii, etc. The first tithi of either pak~r;a is called pratipad and the last or
the fifteenth purlJimii or alniiviisyii depending on whether the pak$a is bright
or dark. A tith; is a calendrical device, but has not much astronomical
significance except as an artificial division of the lunation. There is no
indication of its development in the period of the sarrzhitiis. It appears
fully developed in the Jyoti~r;a and in the su/ra literature. The Jyoti~a
and the sutras define a nak$atra day as the thirtieth part of the time required
by the moon to complete one revolution through 27 asterisms.
The Month
The reckoning of the month by the moon and the year by the sun was
widespread among the ancient civilizations. The concept of the month
as a unit of time based on lunation developed in the Vedic times. The
~gveda describes the moon as 'that which shapes the year'.a We have
already referred to the riddle hymn describing the year of 360 days as a
single wheel with 12 months of 30 days each. Two systems of month-
reckoning, e.g. the amlinta and the pun:zimiinta, were in vogue. According
to the former, a month has its beginning and end with the new moon; in
the latter it is with the full mOOD. The Greeks, the Romans and the Jews
also regarded their lunar months as lasting from the first appearance of the
• /Iv.• X. 85.5.
74 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SClENCE IN INDIA
crescent after any new moon tiJI that of the next. Olde?burg was more
favourably disposed to the amanta system. We also have It from al·BiIiinI
t hat the amollta month was the canonical one. At the same time the
derivation of the month names from the nak~atras in which fuIl moon
takes place, as also the practice of starting the year with the full moon of
the month, leave hardly any doubt that the purIJimanta reckoning was equally
in vogue in the time of the BrlihmalJas.
The names of the lunar months were derived from the nak~atras in
which the full moon occurred, e.g. Phdlguna, CaUra, Vaisakha, Jyai~tha
and so on from the /lak~'atras Phalgulli, Citra, Visiikha, Jye~tha respectively.
Another system of naming months after the seasons of the year also
originated during the pcriod of the Salllhitiis and the BriihmafJas. According
to the Black Yajurl'eda, ~uch seasonal or solar months are: spring months-
Madhu, Mcidhava; sunlmer months-Sukra, Suei; rain months-Nabha,
Nahha!Jya; autunlll months-I$a, Orja; Dewy or Hel1lanta months-Saha,
Sahasya; winter nlonths-Tapa, Tapasya. A rough correspondence of
lunar and solar month~ with the seasons was as follows during the period
in question:
I~lf}hlr 11101l1lts Solar IJ10nths Seasons
Caitfa Madhu 1.
VaiSiikha Miidhova J
Spring
Jyai,'.:!!la Sukra l
A5li(lha ~~uci j Sunlnlcr
,-~/'(il'a~/a Nabha 1.
Bhiidrapada Nabha.\Ta j
Rains
Aivina rfia
Kiirtti/,a Orja
t Autumn
J
Miirgasira Saha
(AKrall(i.l'a~a ) Dewy
Pau~a
Miigha
Sahasya
Tapa
J
Ph(i~~/i1Ul
1j Winter
Tapa.~l'a
The above correspondence agrees with the statement given in the

Yajus recensions of the Jyoti~a that Miigha and Tapas (miighastapa~)
begin together at the commencement of the five-yearly Juga. Scholars,
however, differ in their opinion on the question of such correspondence.
Weber thought Phiilguna as the first month of spring. Jacobi and Tilak
argued that at one time winter solstice coincided with the full moon in
PhalKuni.
The Seasons
The mention of six seasons in the foregoing paragraph should not be

tak:n t.o mean that the Vedic Hindus had distinguished them from the very
begtnnlng. The ciiturn211sya or four-monthly sacrifices very strongly
ASTRONOMY 75
indicate that to all intents and purposes the year was originally divided
into three seasons, e.g. the warm, the rainy and the cold. The corre-
sponding sacrifices to be performed to mark the beginning of these three
seasons were Vaisvodevo, Varu!lapraghasii and the Siikamedha. Very
befittingly, these sacrifices are called flu mukhtini in the Satapatha BrdhnlQ1,Io.
Two further seasons were in course of time added to the three primitive
ones-the autum between the rainy and the cold and the spring between
the cold and the warm season. Later on or concurrently, their number
was expanded into six by the inclusion of the dewy season (hemanta or sisira).
The Satapatha Briih,na1Ja mentions sometimes five a and sometimes six b
seasons in the year.
The Intercalary Montlz

A year of 360 days divided into 12 Inonths of 30 days ea~h raises
difficulties in the matter of adjusting the lunar Inonths with the seasons.
Tn the course of a few years the months would be out of step with the
seasons. To make them agree with the seasons, it is necessary either to
introduce an intercalary month at regular intervals or add the difference
of 5 to 6 days to one or nlore months. There is evidence of both these
methods having been tried for purposes of such calendrical adjustments.
A year occasionally having a thirteenth or additional month which is
produced of itself is referred to in the lJ..gveda. c The Atharvaveda puts it
more explicitly as 'He who measures the thirteenth month, fabricated of
days and nights, having thirty melnbers-against that God, angered, in this
offence.' a In the Black Yajurveda, the thirteenth month is called safJ'lsarpa,
a creeping month, in the Kathaka, Itlalimluca, and in the Atharva veda,
sanisrasa. From various stray statements in the BriihmaQas, it is possible
to infer that the Vedic Hindus recognized a lunar year of 354 days
(12 x 29!), which was adjusted to the sidereal solar year of 366 days (Vedciriga
Jyoti~a) either by adding 12 days each year or a thirteenth month of 30
days every 21 years.
Vedic Calendars
More detailed information as to the various types of years and months,
calendars built round them and different ways of making luni-solar adjust-
ments is available in the Nidiina Sutra and the Ltityliyana Srautasutra of
the Samaveda. e The following kinds of year are met with in these satras:
(a) The Sidereal Lunar Year of 324 days-consists of 12 months
of 27 days each.
(b) The Sidereal Lunar Year of 351 days-consists of 13 months
of 27 days each.
II Sat. Br., iii. 1.3.17; 1.4.20. d AV., XfII. 3.8.

" $at. Br., ii. 1.1.13; v. 2.1.4; vii. 3.1.35. e Shamasastry, pp. 26-32,45-71.
C .(lV., I. 25.8.
76 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCmNCE IN INDIA
(c) The Synodic Lunar Year ·of 354 days-consists of 6 months

of 30 days each and 6 months of 29 days each.
(d) The Civil or Savona Year of 360 days-consists of 12 months
of 30 days each.
(e) The Pseudo Solsticial Year-consists of 378 days; here 18 days
were added to the third year after two civil years of 360 days
each for bringing about agreement between the civil and the
sidereal solar year of 366 days.
Of the above-mentioned years, the sidereal lunar year, the synodic

lunar year and the siivona year were the most important. The first used
to be adjusted to the civil and the sidereal year through intercalation of
9 and 15 days respectively, and the second with the sidereal year through
12 days, for which the dl'tida.~liha period was prescribed. The adjustment
of the civil year with the sidereal by intercalating 18 days every third year
has already been Jnentioned in (e) above. There are also references to
intercalation with 21 days, which Shamasastry explained as a cycle of
three sa\'{l110 years of 360 days e~ch, followed by a year of 381 days. Such a
four-year period contains 1,461 days or four times the Julian year of 3651
days. The T(/iflir~l'a Sal?lhitli refers to a year of 360 days put in order
by the sacrifice of five nights, which has been produced as an evidence of
knowledge in the Br{jlll11a~la period of a year of 365 or 3651 days. But
scholars are not unanimous in crediting the Hindus of the Brtihma1)a period
with the knowledge of a year of 365 or 3651 days. A. Berriedale Keith (1)
has discussed the Jnattcr at length.
Solstices and Equinoxes

Several passages in the Briihlna1)aS point unmistakably to the knowledge
of solstices among the Vedic Hindus. Consider the following passage
of the Aitareya Briihma1)a: Q,
'They perform the ekavi1!1Sa day, the l';$Uviin, in the middle of the
year; by this ekal'ifllSa day the gods raised up the sun towards the world
of heaven (the highest region of the heavens, viz. the zenith). For
this reason this sun (as raised up) is (called) ekavil'flsa. Of this
ekavil!1sa sun (or the day), the ten days before are ordained for the
hymns to be chanted during the day; the ten days after are also ordained
in the same way; in the middle lies the ekavi1J1sa ••• '.
In the Vedic times year-long sacrifices used to be started from the day
following the winter solstice. The vi~uvan in the middle of the year was
clearly the summer solstice day. The stationary character of the sun at
the solstice for 21 days is further to be observed.
More important was the winter solstice day which marked the beginning
of the yearly sacrifices and often the beginning of the year and of the yuga.
• Ail. Br., xviii. 18; see also Sengupta (3), p. 156.

AstRONOMY 77
A reference to this important day is given in the Kau~itaki Brdhmatla rJ
as follows:
'He (the sun) indeed rests on the new moon day of Magha, being
about to tum towards the north. Thus they rest who are about to
perform the rites of the praya1)iya atiratra (the first day on which
soma is pressed). .. He goes for six months towards the north; they
follow him with the ascending celebrations of six days each. He hav-
ing gone six months towards the north stands still, being about to turn
towards the south. Thus they stop, being about to perform the rites of
the Vai~uvatiya day. Thus they reach him for the second time. He
goes six months towards the south. They follow him with the returning
celebrations of six days each. Having gone six months towards the
south he stands still, being about to turn towards the north. Thus
they stop, being about to perform the rites of the Mahiivratiya day.
Thus they reach him for the third time. Because they reach him three
times, the year is arranged threefold; for obtaining the year (they do
thus). About this there is sung a sacrificial stanza:
'Arranging the days and nights like a wise spider;
Six months always towards the south and six months towards the
north wanders the sun.'
The year is thus divided into two halves of six months each marked
by the winter solstice when the Mahiivrata rites are performed and by the
summer solstice when the Vi.yuvat day is observed. Moreover, the winter
solstice fell on the new moon of Jrl agha, that is on the new moon preceding
the full moon in the nak~fjatra Maghii. In the circle of asterisms, the new
moon of M agha when the sun and the moon are in conjunction clearly falls
in the nak~atra Dhani$fhti or Sravi$fhii (ft Delphini). This is also borne
out by the well-known statement of the Vediitiga Jyoti.ya-prapadyete
sravi$thadau suryacandrainasiivudak-(The sun and the moon turn north
at the beginning of the nak.yatra Dhani$fhii). When the winter solstice
lies in Dhani$fhti and the summer solstice in Maghlis (14 nak~atras ahead),
the vernal equinox must lie in the Krttikiis.
Although the equinoxes are not explicitly mentioned in the BriihmaIJas,
the coincidence of the vernal equinox with the Krttikas has been inferred
from the fact that this nak~atra was at the head of the asterisms in the
time of the Briihma!Zas and from the fact that when the vernal equinox
shifted, through precession, to the nak~atra Alvini, the latter became the
head of the nak~atras. The Brahma1)as also contain the important state-
ment that the KrttiklU never deviate from the east, which must have been
the case when this nak~atra marked the intersection of the ecliptic with the
equator.
(I Kmt,. Br., xix. 3; see also Thibaut (4), pp. 87-88.

7'1, A CONCISE HJSTORY OF SCJLNCE IN INDIA
LATE VEDIC AND PRE-SIDDHANTIC ASTRONOMY,

JAINA ASTRONOMY
In connection wilh our dbcussion of astronomical knowledge in the
Sa1flhitiis and the Briihmal)as, we have several times referred to the sutras
and the Vedanga Jyoti~a because the latter by and large embodied the
astronomical knowledge already found in the Vedic period proper. But
the late character and composition of the siltras and the Jyoti~a are not in
doubt. The Vedciliga Jyoti~fta records the location of the summer and winter
solstices in the middle of Asle.yii and beginning of Dhani$/hii. From the
present positions of the solstices in the asterisms and from the precessional
rate of 10 for every 72 years, it is easy to show that at about 1400 B.C.
the solstices coincided with the nliddle of Asle~a and the beginning of
Dhan;!j{hii. This has led many scholars to suggest 1200 B.C. as the time of_
composition of the Vediiizga Jyoti~'a. But the possibility of an earlier
tradition being recorded in the Jyoti~fja and other internal and literary
evidence strongly suggest it to be a work of the Sutra period, that is after
700 or 600 B.C. (Filliozat placed it between 400 B.C. and A.D. 200). The
work is attributed to Lagadha who probably recast it from an earlier work.
TIlE VbDANGA JY011~A
1 he Vet/ling a Jyoli~aa teaches a five-year luni-solar cycle (yuga).

,\t the beginning of the cycle, the sun and the moon lie at the starting point
of the Ilak~atra Dhan;~s'!hii. During this period the sun goes round the
circle of asterisms 5 times and the Dloon 67 times. This means that the
period has 67 sidereal months and 62 synodic months. Moreover, a solar
year ha~ 366 siivana or civil days and the five-year cycle 1,830 siivana days.
A synodic month has 30 lunar days or tithis, so that a five-year cycle has
It860 lunar days. These cleOlents give the length of a sidereal month as
27·31 and that of a synodic month as 29·52 siivana days. To summarize
these elements, one quinquennial cycle contains
5 sun's revolutions;
67 moon's sidereal revolutions or 1l10l1ths;
62 moon's synodic revolutions or months;
1J~30 sal'ana or civil days;
1,835 sidereal days;
),800 solar days;
1,860 lunar days or lithis.
The JyotilQ divides a savana day into 30 muhilrtas, 1 muhur/a into

2 nli(1ikfls, 1 nli(ilkli into 10:lu kalas, 1 kala into 124 k~lhas and 1 k~/ha
into 5 ak~aras. This makes a silvana day equal 603 kallJs and a lunar day
(tllhl) S93ft~ ka/lis. The duration of a nakiatra is 610 kalas•
.. VI., 25--31.
ASTRONOMY 79
The above elements and the measures have been utilized in calculating
the places in the circle of asterisms where the new and the full moon take
place during the whole quinquennial cycle. From the explanation given by
Thibaut, it appears that each nak$atra space (13 0 20') was further subdivided
into 124 parts, and the positions of the new and the full moon were given
in terms of the nak~atra and its subdivisions. a This is a clear indication
of the scientific use of the stellar zodiac for calculating the positions of the
sun and the moon. b
In the Jyoti~a we also find for the first time the rule for determining
the length of the day between the two solstices. The shortest day is given
as 12 muhiirtas at winter solstice and the longest as 18 muhurtas at summer
solstice. In one ayana of 183 days, the day length is said to increase or
decrease by 6 muhartas, whence the daily increase or decrease works out
to 6/183 or 2/61 muhurta.
SUME ANCJENT ASTRONOMERS OF THJS PERIOD
Varahamihira, in his Brhatsafl1hitii, has recorded the names of a large

number of astronomers of this period. Some of them are Garga, Parasara,
Kasyapa, Narada, PiHimaha, Siirya, Pulisa, Vasi~tha, Romaka, Vi$J)ugupta,
Asita-Devala, ~~iputra, Bhrgu, Maya, BadarayaQa, Nagnajit and so on.
Most of them are mentioned only in name. Passages attributed to some
of them are quoted particularly by Varaha's commentator Utpala, but the
works of the majority of them are no longer extant. The teachings of
PiHimaha, Siirya, Pulisa, Vasi~tha and Romaka have been summarized by
Varaha in his Paiicasiddhiintikii about which we shall speak later. Among
the others, the most important are Garga and Parasara, both of whonl
compiled sa'!lhittis known after their names. The astronomical knowledge
presented in these sa",hitiis is more or less the same as found in the Vedanga
Jyoti~a. I t is, therefore, no wonder that Somakara, the commentator of
the Jyoti~a, quotes extensively from Garga in his exposition of the Jyoti$a.
Garga is also important from the viewpoint of his frequent references
to the Greeks (yavana), and to the excellence of the astronomical science
as studied among their savants. 'The Greeks are indeed mlecchas, but
amongst them this science (astronomy)', writes Garga, 'is well established;
therefore even they are honoured as ~is.' From his references to the
fiercely fighting Greeks who penetrated into the heart of Hindusthan
(madhyadeJa), Kern concluded that Garga lived probably during the period
of conquests of the Bactrian Greeks (third to second century B.C.). Parasara
who figures prominently in some of the Purd(UlS is probably posterior to
Garga.
G Thibaut (2), PP. 411-37.

II Shamashastry has interpreted such dIvisions as giving a method of ascertaining readtly
parvatithls and naklOtras (see his edition of the VedMga Jyotiltl, Mysore, 1936).
A CONCISE HISTORY Of SCIENCE IN INDIA
~o
JAINA ASTRONOMY
We have already referred to the Jaina interest in astronomy. Jyoti~a

appears quite early in the history of their religious literature and forms
an important branch of their study as we know it from the Bhagavati-sutra
and the Ullariidhyiiyana-sutra. SanticandragaQa, in his preface to his
comlnentary on the Jambudvipaprajiiapti, states that the knowledge of
astronomy was an indispensable accomplishment on the part of a Jaina
priest who was to decide the right time and place for religious ceremonies.
Although the Jainas developed a set of peculiar cosmographical theories
which came in for sharp criticism at the hands of BrahmaJ)a astronomers,
they adopted and followed, with minor variations, the Brahmat:ilc astronomy
of the Vediinga Jyoti~a.
The principal source of Jaina astronomy is Sftryaprajiiapti, a work
divided into 20 books and written in ardhamiigadhi prakrt, which is extant
with an elaborate conlmentary by Malayagiri. Free from Greek influence,
the work was probably written a few centuries before the Christian era.
lts authorship has been attributed to Mahavira. The next important
astronomer was Bhadrabahu (d. 298 n.c.), a .'irutakevalin and a prominent
personage in the history of Jaina religion. He is believed to be the author
of a commentary on the Suryaprajnapti and of an astronomical salrlhitii
known after his name, of which only fragments have been preserved in
later conunentaries. Then we have the Jalnbudvfpaprajnapti with a
nUJnbcr of commentarIes, of much later date, where elaborate descriptions
of the different dvipas of the Jaina cosmography are met with.
The peculiarity of the Jaina astronomy consists in its conception of
two suns, two moons and two sets of 27 nak~'atras. This conception is
a consequence of the Jaina cosmography according to which the earth is
regarded as a series of fiat concentric rings of land masses separated by
concentric ocean rings. The central circle Jan1badvipa, with the mountain
Sudarsa Meru in the centre, is encircled by the salt ocean. Beyond it lies
the Dhatuki Dvipa encircled by the black ocean Kiilodadhi and beyond
that the Pu~kara Dvipa rimmed by an impassable mountain range, the
Mii"u~ottara Parrata. The innermost Jalnbudvipa is divided into four
quarters, of which the southernmost part is Bharatavar$a (India). The SUD,
the moon and the stars are assumed to move in circles, parallel to the
earth's surface, round Mount Meru as centre. As Jambudvipa is divided
into four quarters and four directions, and as the sun should make day
in succession to the regions south, west, north and east of Meru, the sun's
diurnal orbit is also divided into four quarters. Since the length of a day,
disregarding variations, is 12 hours or 15 muhartas, the Same sun after
making day over Bhlzratavar~a in the southern quarter cannot reappear on
the following morning as it still has three quarters to travel. To obviate
this difficulty, the theory supposes two similar suns, Bhdrata and Airavata,
separated from each other by half the orbit, to describe the whole orbit.
In this process each sun makes day over BhiJrattlWlTla on alternate days.
ASTRONOMY 81
This is given in the Suryaprajfiapti with Malayagiri's commentary as

follows: a
'There are two suns, Bharata and Airavata. They both move
through half a diurnal circle in the course of 30 muhurtas; i.e. in the
course of 60 muhurtas or 2 days, they complete a full diurnal circle.
That sun which moves in the outermost circle in the southern hemisphere
is called Bharata, because it illumines the BharatakhaI)Qa. The other
which moves through the same outer circle in the northern hemisphere
is called Airavata, because it illuminates the Airavata area.'
To explain the variations of day length, 183 diurnal circles are imagined.
Each sun after rising in the first circle rises in the next circle each following
morning, increasing the day-length in the uttariiya1)a and decreasing it
in the dak~f)i1)ayana by 6 muhurtas, as taught in the Vedanga Jyoti$a.
For calendrical purposes, the Suryaprajnapti adopts the five-year
cycle beginning with the summer solstice when the full moon takes place
at the nak$atra Abhijit. Such a five-year cycle or yuga has 1,830 savana
days, 1,800 'solar' days, 1,860 tithis, 60 solar months, 61 savana months,
62 synodic months and 67 sidereal months. Thus a year consists of 366
savana days. The year having 360 solar days is called a rlu year. The
calendar also recognizes a lunar year of 354 ~ j days and a nak~atra year
of 327 £-} days, giving the lengths of a synodic and a sidereal month as
29 ~- i and 27 ~-t days respectively. The year is divided into 2 ayanas of
183 days each.
The ecliptic is divided into 28 unequal spaces, beginning with the
nak$atra Abhijit. The scale conforms to the sidereal month-length and
the circle is divided into 27*} parts. The Suryaprajnapti contains the
statement that the planets travel faster than the sun and the stars, the sun
slower than the moon and the stars faster than the nak~atras. Regarding
the apparently awkward last statement, Kaye thinks that the motion of
the stars with regard to the fixed nak~atras which are here used as a sort
of zodiacal scale of reference probably means their precession with respect
to equinoxes. b
THE PERIOD OF THE COMPOSITION OF THE ASTRONOMICAL

SIDDHANTAS-THE FIVE SIDDHANTAS, THE SVRYA-
SIDDHANTA, THE ASTRONOMICAL WORKS AND
COMMENTARIES OF THE PERIOD
The first few centuries of the Christian era are very important in the
history of Hindu astronomy. The inaccuracies and the insufficiency of
the Vedic and the Siitraic astronomy must have been felt for a long time.
The crude calendrical astronomy based on uncorrected motions of the sun
and the moon against a stellar zodiac had outlived its function and utility.
CI Das, Pp. 30-42. b Kaye (2), p. 21.

6
Accurate study of heavenly bodies, in which the planets were gradually

to be incorporated, involved the application of more sophisticated mathe-
matics, adoption of a system of co-ordinates, and more reliable determination
of their periods of revolution, the sizes of the earth, the relative sizes of
the sun and the moon, and so on. Although interest in the eclipse phe-
nomena had been very ancient and recorded at several places in the earliest
StJ'fIhitiis and the Briihma/Jas, their calculations and predictions were beyond
the scope of the kind of astronomy so far practised and taught. All this
must have occupied the serious attention of the astronomers of this period,
for by about A.D. 400 or even earlier we for the first time come across an
altogether new class of astronomical works called siddhiintas dealing with
matters and methods unknown in the works of any previous period. This
new class of works is characterized, among others, by the replacement of
the nak$atra system by the 12 signs of the zodiac, the correct length
of the year, the correct rules for calculating day-lengths and oblique ascen-
sions, the determination of mean longitudes by the aharga~a method, the
study of planetary motions by reference to a celestial sphere, the system
of great and small circles and the geometric models of eccentric circles
and epicycles, the ideas of parallax and its calculation, and the calculation
of solar and lunar eclipses. The emphasis on computations also opened
the way to new methods of analysis. Integral solutions of indeterminate
equations, rudiments of plane and spherical trigonometry, besides common
geometrical, arithmetical and algebraic practices, became integral parts
of the new science. Increasing rnathematization very soon necessitated
the incorporation of a few chapters on mathematics into most treatises on
astronomy, and the practice was carried to such an extent that astronomy
and mathematics became inseparable for several centuries to come.
THE FIVE SIDDHANT.r4S
The word siddhiinta means 'final conclusion' or 'solution'. Its

application to the reformed astronomical texts of the period, seeking to
present the correct solutions of astronomical problems, was no doubt
quite appropriate. Tradition says that there were 18 original siddhiintas,
as Sudhakara Dvivedi, in his Ga~akatara;,gi~i, mentions; these 18 siddhantas
were by Siirya, Pitamaha, Vyasa, Vasi~tha, Atri, Parasara, Kasyapa,
Niirada, Garga, Marici, Manu, Ailgira, Lomasa (Romaka), Paulisa,
Cyavana, Yavana, Bhrgu and Saunaka. Most of them are lost and
several of them which invoked the name of some ancient sage to gain
popularity cannot certainly claim to belong to this class of astronomy.
Of the above list, the Surya-siddhanta, both in its old version as summarized
by Varahamihira and its later improved form through revisions by several
authors, has come down to us. We are also indebted to Varahamihira
for preserving for us the main features of four others, namely the Paitamaha,
the VaSi~,ha, the Paulisa and the Romaka. The teachings of the five
siddhdntas as summarized by Varaha in his PaFfcasiddMntikiJ will now be
briefly discussed.
68
ASTRONOMY 83
The Paitamaha-siddhiinta
This is the most inaccurate of the five siddhantas noticed.
Its astrono-
mical elements are the same as those of the Vediiliga Jyoti$a. Thus
it teaches a quinquennial cycle containing 5 revolutions of the sun, 67
revolutions of the moon, 60 solar months, 62 synodic months, 2 intercalary
months, 1,830 savana days and 1,860 tithis. The cycle begins with the
conjunction of the sun and the moon at the first point of the nak$atra
Dhani$fhti. The rule for the shortest and the longest day is the same as
that given in the Vedanga Jyoti~a.
The VaSi~tha-siddhiinta
Although rated inaccurate in the case of its tithis compared to the
Paulisa, the Romaka and the Surya-siddhtinta, the teachings of the Vasi$fha-
siddhanta were more advanced than those of the Paitamaha. In this
system, the traditional nak$atras were supplemented with a zodiac with
its subdivisions of signs, degrees and minutes for the first time. Lagna,
that is the ecliptic point on the eastern horizon, is mentioned and rough
rules for finding it from the shadow and vice versa are given. We also
find rules for determining day-lengths. Rough rules for calculating mean
longitudes from the length of the midday shadow are given. This
siddhiinta reveals knowledge of the anomalistic month and gives its values
as ~*~ and ~~):Jrl-. More importantly, the Vasi~lha-siddhtinta also deals
with the true motions of the five planets, Venus, Jupiter, Saturn, Mars and
Mercury, and recognizes their motions as direct, stationary (anuvakra),
retrograde (vakra) and again direct. The synodic periods in days of these
planets are given as follows:
Venus 584- y1y days
Jupiter 399-~- days
Saturn 378-lT days
Mars 78o-:i~K days
Mercury 115 days 52 na{liktis 45 vinii{likiis
The siddhanta also gives the equivalence between synodic and sidereal
revolutions for each planet, from which the sun's sidereal revolutions in
a given number of days, or in other words the length of the solar year, can
be easily calculated. For Jupiter, the text gives 36 sidereal revolutions as
equivalent to 391 synodic revolutions. This means that the sun executes
427 sidereal revolutions during the same time as the Jupiter makes 391
synodic revolutions, that is in the course of 391 x 399 days (omitting ~ day).
The length of the solar year, according to the VaJi$lha-siddhiinta, works
out to 365·36 days approximately, a considerable improvement upon the
value adopted in the Vediinga Jyoti$a. At another place, a the siddluinta
specifically gives the sidereal year length as 3651 days, as has been shown
a Psi., ii. 1.
84 A CONCISE HISTOR Y OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
by T. S. Kuppanna Sastry. The Vasj~lha-siddhiinta was ~e~~t by Vi~lJ.u

candra whose name is lTIcntioned by Brahmagupta and al-BIrunl.
The PauliJa-siddhlinta
Varaha states that 'the siddhanta made by Paulisa is accurate'. The
elements of this siddhanta are presented in chapters 3 to 7 and partly in
chapter 1. These elements include calculation of ahargalJa, that is the
number of civil days elapsed from a certain epoch up to a given date, the
determination from the aharga(la of the mean places of the sun and the
moon and thence their true places. The rules for finding the longitude
of the moon are analogous to the viikyam method found later on in the
Tamil astronomy. This siddhiinta also contains miscellaneous rules for
finding direction, place and time, sine tables and simple calculations of
eclipses. From a statement that there are 43,831 civil days in 120 years,
the length of the year works out to 365·2583 days.
The Paulisa-siddhiinta, in giving the quantities to be added to or
subtracted from the mean sun in order to obtain the true places, reveals
knowledge of the anomaly (kendra) and the equations of the centre.
According to Thibaut's interpretation, the rules indicate that for anomalies
10°, 40°, 70°, 100°, ]30° and 160° the corresponding equations should
be 21', 96', 139', 140', 108' and 50'. But how the equations are obtained
is not mentioned; that is there is no hint as to any epicyclic or eccentric
model upon which to calculate them. a
The sine table given in chapter 4 may be due to Paulisa or may be
a common feature of all the three accurate siddhiintas. The radius adopted
for calculating the table is 120' and not 3438' used in later astronomical
texts. There is also evidence of the beginnings of spherical trigonometry
in the siddhiinta. The fonnula given for the variation of day-length takes
the form:
R sin (ascensional difference) = R tan q, tan S
where rp = latitude and S = the sun's declination.
Paulisa's calculations of lunar and solar eclipses are rough and less
accurate than those given in the Romaka- and the Surya-siddhlinta. The
sidereal period of the revolution of the moon's nodes is given as 6794,6854,
the semi-diameter of the moon as 17' and that of the sun as 16,8'. The
moon's greatest latitude is given as 270' (4° 30'). The parallax in longitude
is expressed in time, that is by the difference in time between the instant
of the new moon and the instant of conjunction as it appears to the observer.
The expression is given by
Parallax = 4 R sin (sun~ hour angle) nM,ikiis (I nM,ikii = l<J day).
II In a private communication to the author, Sri T. S. Kuppanna Sastry has suggested

that the method is possibly the same as that of the ViJkyakarafIQ.
ASTRONOMY 85
AI-Bironi, who derived his information on Hindu astronomy both

from this siddhanta as summarized by Varaha as also from Brahmagupta's
Brahmasphuta-siddhanta, expressed the view that its author Paulisa was a
Greek from the city of Saintra which he supposed to be Alexandria. a
Besides Varaha's summary of the Paulisa-siddhanta, references to, and ele-
ments from, a Paulisa-siddhanta were given by Bhattotpala and PrthOdaka-
svamin. These elements differ from Varaha's Paulisa and agree more
closely with those found in the Saura of the Pancasiddhiintika and in
Aryabhata's iirdharatrika system. Possibly the original work known to
Varahamihira underwent one or several emendations with the passage
of time.
The Romaka-siddhiinta
The elements of the Romaka-siddhanta are summarized partly in
chapter 1 where matters concerning yuga, ahargafJa, intercalation of lunar
months and such general topics are discussed and in chapter 8 dealing
with eclipse calculations. The title suggests its foreign origin which is
further supported by its astronomical elements and the year being tropical.
It introduces a luni-solar cycle of 2,850 years containing 1,050 intercalary
months and 16,547 omitted lunar days. The total number of synodic
months in this period will be 2,850 x 12+1,050 or 35,250; the total number
of civil days will be 35,250 x 30-16,547 or 1,040,953. The lengths of
the year and the synodic month calculated from these elements compare
favourably with those given by Hipparchus and Ptolemy as follows:
Romaka-siddhiinta Hipparchus-Ptolemy
Year .. 365 days 5 h 55' 12" 365 days 5 h 55' 15·8"
Synodic month 29 days 12 h 44' 2·2" 29 days 12 h 44' 2·5"
The anomalistic month is given as 3031/110 days or 27·554 days. This

makes the moon's daily motion in anomaly as 13° 3' 53" 58 TU 55 IV 51 v
45vI in close agreement with Ptolemy's 13° 3' 53" 56III 291V 38 v 38 v1 in
sexagesimal units.
It is to be noted that the total number of years and synodic months
in the luni-solar cycle used in the Romaka-siddhlinta are both divisible by
150. The result of this reduction is that 19 solar years comprise 235
synodic months. This is the well-known 19-year cycle of Meton, the
Athenian astronomer (432 B.C.). The reason for multiplying Meton's cycle
by a factor of 150 was probably to arrive at a yuga containing a whole
number of civil days in conformity with the established Hindu practice.
The information given in the Romaka-siddhtinta regarding the equations
of centre for the sun and the moon is more detailed, but again without
any indication as to how these corrections were obtained. In finding
the anomaly, that is the difference between the longitude of the mean
• Sachau, I., p. 1.53.

sun and that of the apogee, the longitude of the apogee is stated as 75 0
as against Ptolemy's value of 65° 30'. The following equations of centre
of the sun and the moon for their anomalies at intervals of 15° are given
(Table 2.2).
TABLE 2.2
The equations of centre of the sun and the moon in the Romaka-siddhdnta
Anomaly 15° 30° 45° 60° 75° 90°

---------- ............... .-
Romaka
Equation of centre
Sun 34' 42' 1°8'37' 1° 38' 39" 2° 2' 49' 2° 17' 5' 2° 23' 23*
Moon 1° 14' 2° 25' 3° 27' 4° 15' 4° 44' 4° 55'
Ptolemy
Equation of centre
Sun 10 9' 2° l' 2° 23'
Moon S° l'
For purposes of comparison, a few values given by Ptolemy are quoted.

The equations for the sun agree very closely, but this is not so for those
for the moon. The text gives latitudes of the moon, parallaxes in longitudes
and latitudes and a few other details.
At one time Srisena appeared to be the author of the original Romaka-
siddhiinta. Brahmagupta himself, in his Brahmasphu!a-siddhanta, refers
to Srisena as the author of the work. From a more careful study of the
passage, Thibaut showed that Srisena was at best a poor compiler who
possibly worked on the original Romaka-siddhiinta and incorporated into
it planetary elements from other authorities, namely Lata, Vijayanandin
and Aryabhata I. In fact, Brahmagupta also severely criticized Srisena's
effort and passed the remark that he had turned a heap of jewels, which
the original Romaka-siddhtinta was, into a patched rag. In this connection,
the name of Lata is important, for Varaha himself referred to Lata as a
commentator of the Romaka-siddhtinta and Brahmagupta held him in
respect.
The S,irya-siddhanta
The Surya-siddhiinta, also called the Saura-siddhanta, was according to
Varahamihira the most accurate of the five siddhantas. The main features
of this work summarized in the Pancasiddhantikti appear in chapters
9-11, 16 and 17; the yuga elements of the sun and the moon are given in
chapter I. 14; chapters 13 to 15 discuss some of its general matters, e.g.
cosmogony, geography, etc. In the history of Hindu astronomy, the
Surya-siddhanta occupies a very important position in that it does not
appear to be the work of a single individual, but underwent periodic revi-
sions and served as a standard astronomical text in different periods of
ASTRONOMY 87
time. Thibaut called Varaha's summary the old version of the siddhlinta
to distinguish it from the modem version we now possess. P. C. Sengupta
has shown that there was certainly an old Siirya-siddhdnta dated about
A.D. 400, which was brought up to date by Varaha himself on the basis
of Aryabhata's iirdhartitrika (midnight) system; and that the modem
Surya-siddhanta, with additions of improved data from Brahmagupta and
others, continued to develop till the twelfth century A.D. or even later.
Coming to Varaha's version, the siddhanta taught that 180,000 years
contained 66,389 intercalary months and 1,045,095 omitted lunar days.
This gives 65,746,575 days in the yuga thus conceived. For the sake of
comparison with the elements given in the modern Siirya-siddhiinta, the
period of 180,000 years can be converted to a mahayuga of 4,320,000 years
by multiplying the former by 24 and the total number of days in such a
period worked out. The mean motions of planets are given in chapter 16.
The integral numbers of revolutions performed by the planets in a mahayuga
can be easily calculated, and they are set down in Table 2.3. The values
TABLE 2.3
Planetary revolutions in a Mahayuga
Aryabhata I
(Ardharlltrika system
Surya-siddhdnta reproduced in
Modern
Planet (Summarized by Brahmagupta's
Siirya-siddhlinta
Varaha) Kharzdakhtldyaka and
in Bhaskara 1's
Mahiibhaskarlya)
Sun 4,320,000 4,320,000 4,320,000
Moon . 57,753,336 57,753,336 57,753,336
Mars . 2,296,824 2,296,824 2,296,832
Jupiter .. 364,220 364,220 364,220
Saturn .. 146,564 146,564 146,568
Mercury 17,937,000 17,937,000 17,937,060
Venus .. 7,022,388 7,022,388 7,022,376
Moon's apogee 488,219 488,219 488,203
Moon's node 232,226 232,226 232,238
Number of civil days
in a mahliyuga .. 1,577,917,800 1,577,917,800 1,577,917,828
given in the modern Surya..siddhiinta and in the tirdharatrika system of

Aryabhata are also shown in the table for the sake of comparison.
It will be seen that the planetary revolution numbers in a mahayuga,
as given in the ardharatrika system of Aryabhata I and in the old Sarya-
siddhanta summarized by Varaha, are the same, but these elements and
other astronomical constants differ in several cases from those of the modem
Silrya-siddhanta. This identity of astronomical elements in the old Sarya-
siddh4nta with those of Aryabhata's iirdharatrika system has given rise to
the view that the former might have been recast by Varaha after the teachings
of his older contemporary Aryabhata I.
88 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDlA
Mahiiyuga
The concept of mahiiyuga is the central feature of the Indian astrono-
mical siddhiintas. It developed from the idea of yuga or cycle which is
very old indeed and is met with in the Briihma(la literature. It is a period
at the beginning of which all planetary bodies are in conjunction, during
which they all perform integral numbers of revolutions, and at the end
of which, therefore, they are again in conjunction. In selecting the length
of such a cycle, care was taken that the apsides and the nodes also have
whole numbers of revolutions. The mahayuga of 4,320,000 years is such
a period. Biot demonstrated that the length of the year as 365 days
6 h 12' 35·56" is such that the least number of years containing a whole
number of civil days is 1,080,000. The mahayuga also called the caturyuga
is just 4 times this number. The number 108 is again 4 times 27, the
number of nak$atras.
According to Aryabhata I, a mahiiyuga (simply called a yuga) is
divided into four equal parts or yugapadas, each consisting of 1,080,000
years. In the modern Surya-siddhanta, a mahiiyuga is subdivided into
four mundane ages, e.g. the Krta or Golden Age, the Treta or Silver Age,
the Dvapara or the Brazen Age and the Kali or the Iron Age. a The dura-
tions of these ages are in the descending order of 4, 3, 2 and 1 and have
the following solar years:
The Krta 1,728,000 solar years
The Treta 1,296,000
The Dviipara 864,000
The Kali 432,000
These divisions are in keeping with the traditions of the Smrti and the
Pural,las. Their use in an astronomical siddhanta is met with for the first time
in the works of Brahmagupta, from which it might have been incorporated
in the modern Surya-siddhtinta by its unknown redactor. A special impor-
tance attaches to the Kali or the current Iron Age through which we are
at present passing. At the commencement of this epoch, the planets are
assumed to be in conjunction for the last time at the initial point of the
Hindu sphere. As all astronomical data and calculations given in the
Surya-siddhanta and works following more or less the same system depend
on this assumption, it is important to know its date. This epoch started
at midnight at the meridian of Ujjayini between February 17 and 18,
3102 B.C.
Revolutions of the apogees of the sun and the planets are not recognized
in Varaha's version of the Surya-siddhanta although it is a characteristic
feature of the modern Surya-siddhiinta and other later astronomical texts.
The ahargolJQ method of finding the mean longitudes of the sun, the moon
and the planets is the same as that found in the modern version.
• Fleet, pp. 479-96.
ASTRONOMY 89
The old Sarya-siddhiinta, like the modern, makes use of an epicyclic

model for calculating the true planetary positions. This and other geo-
metric models as used by the Hindus will be explained in what follows. For
such calculations, the important elements are the longitudes of the apogees
and the dimensions of epicycles for the manda (equation of centre) and
the sighra (equation of conjunction) corrections. Table 2.4 gives these
elements in the old and the modern Surya-siddhiinta.
TABLE 2.4
Longitudes of apogees and dimensions of morula and sighra epicycles in
Varaha's Suo Sit and the modern Suo Sit
Longitude of apogee Manda epicycle Sighra epicycle

~,.,-~ .....
----~----....
Suo Si. Modern Suo Sit Modem Suo Sit Suo Si Modern Suo Si.
(Varaha) Suo Sit (Varaha) (odd) (even) (Varaha) (odd) (even)
Sun 80° 77° 14' 14° 13() 40' 14°

Moon 31° 31° 40' 32°
0
Mars " 110° 130 70° 72° 75° 234° 232 0 235 0
Jupiter .. 1600 171 0 16' 32° 320 33° 72 0 72° 70°
Saturn .. 240° 236° 37' 60° 48° 49° 40° 40° 39°
Mercury .. 220 0
220 0 36' 28° 28 0 300 132° 1320 1330
Venus 80° 79° 49' 14° 11° 12° 260 0 260° 2620
The difference in the values of the above elements clearly points to

the modifications introduced into this standard text since the days of
Varahamihira. In the old Siirya-siddhanta, the dimensions of the epicycles
were assumed to remain constant over odd and even quadrants; in the
modern version, presumably following Aryabhata I and others, epicycles
have been made to vary between odd and even quadrants. The fonnula
for determining the manda correction, i.e. the equation of centre, is given
bya
. _ sin ex • 21Te _ sin ex • 0,.,.

sIn p. - 21TR - 360
where", = the equation of centre; e = eccentricity or radius of the manda

epicycle; R = radius of the deferent circle (the Hindu radius); 0p. = circum-
ference of the manda epicycle. This formula is the same as that given in
the modem Sarya-siddhiinta.
Rules for finding the sighra correction for planets are given in chapter
17, 4-6. If 'Y be the argument, that is the angle between the mean planet
and the sun, r the radius of the sighra epicycle, and R the radius (trijyli)
of the deferent circle, the correction (j is given by
CI P.Si., ix. 7-8.

90 A CONCISB HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
R. r sin"
The Modern Surya-siddhiinta

It would have perhaps been proper to deal with the modern Sarya-
siddhanta later on after noticing the works of Aryabhata I, Bhaskara I,
Brahmagupta, MaiijuHicarya and others inasmuch as the form in which
we now have it developed out of the efforts of these distinguished astrono-
mers. But, after having started with the old version and made frequent
references to some of the elements in which it differed from the modern,
a few remarks about the modern version here would appear more preferable.
To emphasize its high antiquity, the text opens with the statement that
the knowledge of astronomy presented therein was revealed to an asura
called Maya by the sun god himself. The mention of Maya at one time
led to much speculation. Observing that the name of the Egyptian king,
Ptolemaios, appeared as Turamaya in Indian inscriptions, Weber conjec-
tured that asura Maya might be the altered name of the celebrated Greek
astronomer Ptolemy himself. Such conjectures are no longer held seriously
even in the background of unmistakable influence of Greek astronomy
(possibly pre-Ptolemaic) on Hindu astronomy of the siddhtinfic period.
According to al-Biruni, the Silrya-siddhanta was composed by Lata, a
contemporary of Aryabhata I. Possibly Lata composed a commentary
on it.
The work is divided into 14 chapters, e.g. (i) Mean motions of the
planets (madhyamadhikara), (ii) True places of the planets' (spa~llidhiklira),
(iii) Determination of direction, place and time (tripraSnddhikara), (iv) Lunar
eclipse (candragrahat;liidhikiira), (v) Solar eclipse (suryagraha1)tidhiktira),
parallax, (vi) Projection of eclipses (chedyakadhikara), (vii) Planetary
G Sengupta, Introduction to Burgess' translation of the Siirya-siddh4nta.

b Shukla, Introduction to the Siirya-siddMnta.
ASTRONOMY 91
conjunctions (grahayutyadhikara), (viii) Conjunction of planets with

junction-stars of nak$atras (nak$atragrahayutyadhikara), (ix) Heliacal risings
and settings of planets (udayiistiidhikiira), (x) Moon's risings and settings
and the elevation of the moon's horns (srngonnatyadhikara), (xi) Phenomena
called pala (ptilddhikdra), (xii) Cosmogony and geography (bhugoltidhyaya),
(xiii) Astronomical instruments (jyoti$opa!1i$adadhyiiya) and (xiv) Reckoning
of time (mlintidhyiiya). The text is highly condensed and written in a
manner which gives the impression that its main purpose was not to teach
and explain the principles of astronomy, but to provide a set of rules for
memorization. In this the Silrya-siddhiinta was no exception as most
Hindu astronomical texts were really compendiums of astronomical rules,
the task of exposition being left to the teachers and the commentators.
As to brevity and condensation, the work covered the subject in 500 verses
whereas the Briihmasphufa-siddhiinta needed 1,008 verses, Sripati's Siddhanta-
sekhara 890 verses and Bhaskara Irs Siddhiinta-siroma1)i 962 verses. Even
then the text is far less cryptic and condensed than the Aryabhatiya which
attempted to present its system in 120 verses, including the 33 stanzas
on mathematics and the 10 g'iti stanzas.
The mahayuga system and the theories ofplanetary motions have already
been referred to in our discussion of the old Siirya-siddhanta. Regard-
ing planetary motions, the modern version, interestingly enough, contains
an account which appears to have been developed before the epicyclic
theory found general acceptance. According to this, the planets are
attached, by cords of air, to invisible beings called forms of time which
are stationed at the uccas (mandocca and sfghrocca) and the patas (nodes).
The planets are impelled in their motions by the provector wind (praviihaviita)
uniformly, but the invisible gods at the uccas pull or push them in such a
way that their motions appear variable.
Special mention should be made of the treatment of the precession
of equinoxes, which is missing from its earlier version. The precessional
rate and the rules of correcting the longitudes by taking account of it are
given in chapter 3, verses 9-12. From the fact that these rules do not
appear in their proper context either in chapter I or II where methods
of finding mean and true planetary motions are discussed, but are surrep-
titiously introduced where these are least expected, Burgess concluded that
these were interpolations found necessary as a result of afterthought. G
As we shall see later, two theories regarding precessional motion were
propounded by different schools of Hindu astronomers. The first and
the more ancient view is the theory of libration or oscillation of the
equinoxes about a fixed point. In this theory the equinoxes, like the
swing of a pendulum, at first move eastward, reach the maximum amplitude
and then move westward. The number of oscillations executed in
a mahayuga is given as 600 making the time period 7,200 years. The
maximum eastward or westward deviations from the fixed point are set
G Set Burgess' notes to his translation of Sa-Sl., iii. 9-12.

A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCmNCE IN INDIA
92
down differently by different authorities, accounting for differe~ce.s in ~he
annual precessional rates. The Sarya-siddhanta has adopted thIs libration
0
theory and given the maximum eastward or westward deviation as 27
whence the annual precessional rate works out to 54" as against the modern
value of 50·25". A similar libration theory is met with in the Soma-,
Stika/yo- and Laghu Viisi$!ha-siddhiinta. The other theory is that of a
complete revolution of the equinoxes through the circle of asterisms,
propounded for the first time in India by MaiijuHicarya (A.D. 932) and
clearly explained by Bhaskara II. Maiijula states that the equinoxes
revolve 199,669 times in a ka/pa (that is 1,000 mahiiyugas), whence the
period of one revolution works out to 21,635'8073 years and the annual
precessional rate 59,9".
The Surya-siddhtinta in its modern form enjoyed great popularity for
several centuries. This is attested by a large number of commentaries
written by able astronomers and by the richness of the manuscript materials
available in the libraries of India and abroad. a Some of the commentators
include Bhattotpala (A.D. 966), CaQQesvara and Mallikarjuna Suri (both
twelfth century A.D.), Paramesvara (A.D. 1432), Yallaya (A.D. 1472),
Bhiidhara (A.D. 1572), Nrsirpha Daivajfia (A.D. 1586), Railganatha
(A.D. 1603), KamaHikara (A.D. 1618), Visvanatha (A.D. 1628) and Dadabhai
(A.D. 1719). Besides these, there exist several anonymous commentaries
as well as astronomical tracts based on the rules of this great siddhanta.
LEADING ASTRONOMERS OF THE PERIOD
lryabhata I (b. A.D. 476)

The importance of Aryabhata lies in the fact that he probably was in
the vanguard of the new astronomical movement which resulted in the
recasting of this new branch of knowledge about the fifth century A.D.
Piecemeal efforts might have started earlier as is evident from Varaha-
mihira's account of the five siddhiintas, and before and about the time when
Aryabhata flourished there were certainly astronomers of repute who were
variously engaged in reforming astronomy, but little is known about their
contributions as their works have not survived. As matters stand, the
Aryabhatiya is the earliest preserved astronomical text bearing the name of
an individual of the scientific period of Indian astronomy. Moreover,
his place at the head of this movement is assured by the great influence
his works and teachings wielded among astronomers of subsequent ages,
and by the existence of a long line of followers who propagated his views
through excellent commentaries.
From his Aryabhatiya," we learn that he was 23 years of age in A.D.
499 when he wrote his famous work, which gives A.D. 476 as the year of
his birth. From another statement of his c that he sets forth in his work the
science which is held in high esteem at Kusumapura (a place near modern
a Sen (5), pp. 217-19. b A. Kala., 10. C A. Gaflita., I.

ASTRONOMY 93
Patna), scholars have thought for a Jong time that Aryabhata was either
born in Kusumapura or lived and taught in that great city of ancient India.
Such a view now appears untenable in the light of recent studies on the
works of Bhaskara I and his commentators and also of the medieval
commentators of Aryabhata. In these works, Aryabhata is frequently
referred to as an iismaka, that is one belonging to the Asmaka country
which is the name of a country in the south, possibly Kerala. His
work is sometimes designated as Asmaka-sphuta-tantra. These findings
coupled with the fact that commentaries of, and works based on, 1rya-
bhatiya have come largely from South India, from Kerala in particular,
certainly constitute a strong argument in favour of Kerala being the main
place of his life and activity.
Aryabhata's mathematical-astronomical masterpiece, the Aryabhatiya,
is composed in four sections, e.g. Gitikapiida, GaIJitapiida, Kiilakriyiipiida
and Golapiida. Of these the GaIJitapiida deals exclusively with mathematics
and the Dasagitikii deals, among others, with an alphabetical system of
expressing numbers, which will be considered under mathematics in a
separate chapter. The astronomical elements and parameters are given
in the Dasagitikii in his novel alphabetical system. The two remaining
sections, the Kiilakriyii and the Gola, deal with astronomical principles and
methods of computation in a highly condensed form. Kiilakriya means
the reckoning of time, and as such we find in this section a discussion of
such topics as the division of time and the circle, definitions of solar year,
lunar month, civil day, sidereal day, intercalary months, omitted lunar
days, planetary orders and movements, the eccentric-epicyclic models,
use of these models for the calculations of true planetary positions, calcu-
lation of true distances of planets from the earth and related matters. Thus
this section deals more or less with such topics as we find discussed under
chapters called madhyamadhiklira and spa~/lidhiklira of later astronomical
texts. Aryabhata does not give methods for the aharga1)a for calculating
the mean longitudes of planets, the knowledge of which he possibly took
for granted. His treatment of the eccentric-epicyclic model is important,
for it appears possible that Varahamihira might have adopted it in recasting
the older Surya-siddhiinta in the form given in his Pancasiddhiintikii. In
this model, Aryabhata used the hypotenuse in calculating the equation of
the centre as also for the conjunction correction. This was followed up
by astronomers of his school. But Brahmagupta and others used the
hypotenuse for the conjunction correction and the radius as an approxi-
mation for calculating the equation of the centre.
The last section Gola means the sphere. Here the methods of repre-
senting planetary motions in a celestial sphere are explained and such terms
as prime vertical, meridian, horizon, hour circle, equator, ecliptic, etc., are
defined. The sun, the nodes of the moon and planets and the earth's
shadow move along the ecliptic which is inclined to the equator at an angle
of 24°. The rotation of the earth about its axis is given as an explanation
for the apparent westward motion of the stationary asterisms, through
94 A CONCISE IUSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
the well-known simile of a man in a moving boat, to whom a fixed object

appears to move in the opposite direction. Aryabhata was the first among
the Indian astronomers to have mentioned the rotation of the earth to explain
the apparent daily motions of the fixed stars, although he was in this opposed
and even bitterly criticized by later astronomers. His followers, however,
explained the verse in the usual sense. The diurnal rotation of the earth
was known to the Greeks several centuries earlier, for in the fourth century
B.C. Heraclides of Pontus and his contemporary Ecphantus had clearl)
held this view. Other topics discussed in the Gola include parallax, the
eclipses and related matters. Thus in the Gola are compressed a set of
rules which usually find their treatment in chapters called tripraSniidhikiira,
candragraha1)iidhikiira and suryagraha1)lidhikara of later siddhiintas.
The system of astronomy taught in the Aryabhatiya is sometimes called
the audayika inasmuch as the day beginning is reckoned from sunrise
at Lanka. From Varahamihira, Brahmagupta and others we learn that
Aryabhat a was the originator of another, the iirdhariitrika system, in which
the day is reckoned from midnight at Lanka. Yaraha's statement on
this is as follows: 'Aryabhata maintains that the beginning of the day is
to be reckoned from midnight at Lanka; and the same teacher again says
that the day begins from sunrise at Lanka.' Brahmagupta, in his
Brahmasphu/a-siddhiinta, also mentions Aryabhata as the author of the
sunrise and the midnight systems and himself followed the latter, along
with its astronomical elements, in writing his Kha1){lakhtidyaka. Thus,
although a great critic of Aryabhata, Brahmagupta himself preserved for
posterity his rival's tirdhariitrika system. AI-Biriini mentions that Aryabhata
also wrote a tantra, but this work has not come down to us. It is possible
that the same Aryabhatiya was meant as it also came to be known as a
tantra (Bhaskara I).
Of the direct pupils of Aryabhata, the names of PaQQurangasvami,
Utadeva, Prabhakara and Ni1)satiku are mentioned by Bhaskara I. lAta-
deva, the expounder of the old Romaka- and Siirya-siddhiinta, earned the
appellation'sarvasiddhiinta-guru' and was held in high esteem by Varaha.
But the man who appears to have contributed most to the propagation of
Aryabhata's astronomy, both through commentaries .and independent
works based on his master's principles and parameters, was Bhaskara I,
a contemporary of Brahmagupta and himself an accomplished astronomer.
In the eighth century Lalla wrote a work based on the Aryabhatiya. Some
of the medieval commentators include Bhiitavi~J)u, NnakaJ).tha Somasutvan,
Paramesvara, Siiryadeva and Yallaya.
Varahamihira (c. A.D. 505)

The author of the Paifcasiddhiintika we have discussed above appears
more as a compiler and a historian of astronomy than as an astronomer
of originality. Nevertheless such a compiler could be an astronomer of
no mean order. He was, however, more well known as an astrologer and
wrote compendious astrological treatises such as BrhatsQlfJhittl, BrhalJdtaka,
ASTRONOMY 95
Laghujdtaka and Yogayatrii. According to Bhattotpala, Varaha had

originally belonged to Magadha and later on lived and worked in U.tiayini.
He flourished in the middle of the sixth century A.D. His astrology and
horasastra (horoscopes) were of Greek origin, and it is therefore not
surprising that his works abound in Greek technical terms.
Bhaskara I (c. A.D. 6(0)
The greatest exponent of Aryabhata's system of astronomy, Bhaskara I
was a contemporary of Brahmagupta. T. S. Kuppanna Sastri placed him
between A.D. 550 and 628. Shukla showed that he lived beyond this limit,
his commentary on the Aryabhatiya being written in A.D. 629. Stray refer-
ences to his works appear to indicate his association with Sura~tra (Western
India) and Asmaka (South India, possibly Kerala). It is possible that he
was a native of either of these two regions and migrated to the other.
Bhaskara I wrote three works, e.g. the Mahiibhiiskariya, the Laghubhiis-
kariya and a bhii~ya on the lryabhatiya. The Mahiibhiiskariya is an
elaborate exposition of the three astronomical chapters of the Aryabhatiya,
arranged in eight chapters devoted to the following topics: (1) Mean longi-
tude of planets and indeterminate analysis (kuttaka); (2) Longitude correc-
tion; (3) Time, place and direction, spherical trigonometry, latitudes and
longitudes of junction-stars; (4) True longitudes of planets; (5) Solar and
lunar eclipses; (6) Rising, setting and conjunction of planets; (7) Astrono-
mical constants; and (8) lithi and miscellaneous examples. The work is
occasionally characterized by innovations and the author's own methods.
For example, to find the mean longitudes of planets, the sighra of venus
and mercury and the perigee and node of the moon, Bhaskara I gives a
new method called the pratyabda-sodhana. It is true Aryabhata gave rules
for indeterminate analysis (kuttaka), but it was the unquestionable merit
of Bhaskara I to fully explain the method and its application to astronomy.
In his formul~ for the equation of the centre, he uses manda karl,Za or
hypotenuse to obtain the correction more accurately, whereas other Indian
astronomers remained generally satisfied with the approximate value due
to the use of the radius only.
The Laghubhaskariya, as the name implies, is an abridged version
of the author's fuller work noticed above. Intended for the beginner, its
treatment is more systematic. His Bh~ya is an elaborate and at the same
time a learned commentary on the Aryabhatiya and abounds in quotations
from Vyiikara1)a, Vedanta, M""unli'11sli, ArthaJastra, M anusmrti and similar
texts. The great popularity of Bhaskara's works, particularly in the south,
is attested by several extant commentaries, of which mention should be
made of those by Govindasvamin (c. 8<>0-850), SaDkaranadiyaQa (c. 825-875),
Udayadivakara (c. 1073) and Paramesvara (c. 1360-1460).
Brahmagupta (c. A.D. 598)

In his Brahmasphula-siddhanta, Brahmagupta states that he was the
son of Ji$J)ugupta, lived in the reign of King Vyaghramukha, and composed
96 A CONCISF HIS10RY or S('IENC[ IN INDIA
this astronomical work in ~aka 550 (A.D. 62~) at the age of 30. According
to al-Biriini, Brahmagupta was fronl Bhillamala, a town between Multan
and Ahilwara. Buhler identified BhiJIamala with modern Bhlnmal or Srlmal
near the northern frontier of Gujarat.
The Briihmasphu/a-siddhiinta is a voluminous work comprising 1,008
verses (or 1,022 verses if the last chapter on generalities is included) and
divided into 24 chapters. The main astronomical topics are dealt with
in the first 10 chapters in the following order: mean planetary motions,
true planetary motions, problems of time, space and distance, lunar and
~olar eclipses, risings and settings of planets, the moon's cusps and shadows,
conjunctions of planets. Some of these topics are further discussed in
chapters 13-17, 19--21. Chapter 22 is devoted to astronomical instruments.
Chapters 12 and 18 deal with mathematics and reveal Brahmagupta's
excellence and originality as a mathematician.
The chapter 11, entitled Tantra-parik~i1dhyiiya (examination of other
astronomical systems), is full of historical importance. Fully conscious
of his own abilities, Brahmagupta criticized the views of, and rules and
methods given by, other astronomers, notably Aryabhata I, Sri~ena, Vi~Qu
candra, Lata and Pradyumna. He was also very critical of foreign astrono-
mical concepts and elements which by then had found their way into Indian
astronomical works. He rejected the five-year yuga system of the Vedatiga
Jyoti\\'G and criticized the absurd views of the Jainas who believed in the
two suns and moons and two sets of nak$atras. His undue bitterness
towards Aryabhata did not fail to attract the notice of al-Biriini who,
in spite of his regard for Brahmagupta, freely acknowledged the merit of
Aryabhata and his school. Brahmagupta attacked Aryabhata for dividing
the yuga into four equal parts, for upholding the rotatory motion of the earth,
for beHeving in the eclipses being caused by the shadows of the moon and
the earth and not in accordance with the traditional Riihu-Ketu theory.
All this is understandable if we remember that he followed in the main
the Brahma-siddhiinta and wrote his work at the age of 30 when he was
certainly an enthusiastic supporter of the orthodox view.
From this position he certainly travelled a long way when he composed
at the age of 67 his Kha1){iakhadyaka, based principally on Aryabhata's
iirdharatrika system. Compared to his earlier work it is a small tract in eight
chapters, to which a small appendix (Uttara Kha1){iakhtidyaka) is added.
Here the mathematical chapters are omitted and purely astronomical topics
are dealt with in the foIlowing order: tithis and nak~atras; mean and true
places; time, space and direction; lunar and solar eclipses; rising and setting
of planets; the moon's cusps; conjunction of planets. Although he
reconciled himself, by and large, to Aryabhata's system, he nevertheless
followed his own rules in a number of cases, which he considered to provide
better and more accurate results. He gave methods for finding the instan-
taneous daily motion of planets affected by manda and Jighra inequalities,
correct equations for parallax in longitude and latitude, correct equations
ASTRONOMY 97
for drkkarma and better expressions for va/ana. In all this a better
mathematician was obviously at work.
Brahmagupta's works played an important part in the introduc-
tion among the Arabs of a new mathematics-based astronomy. Both
Brahmasphuta-siddhanta and Kha1,1(iakhadyaka were translated into Arabic,
with the assistance of Hindu pandits, by Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Fazari
(d. 796 or 8(0) and Ya'qiib ibn Tariq (d. 796) under the Arabic titles of
Sindhind and Arkand respectively. These early Arabic translations were
defective and corrupt, but none the less exerted a great influence among the
Arab scholars. Indian commentators of Brahmagupta include Prthiidaka-
svami, Amaraja, BhaHotpala, Lalla, Somesvara, Srldatta and VaruQa.
Prthiidakasvami commented on both the works, whereas the rest concen-
trated on his Kha1,1(iakhiidyaka only, which incidentally proves its greater
popularity.
Valesvara (b. A.D. 880), Manjulaciirya (c. A.D. 932), Aryabhala II (c. A.D. 950),
Sripati (c. A.D. 999), Satiinanda (c. eleventh century)
Several astronomers flourished between the time of Brahmagupta and
Bhaskara II (twelfth century), who made varying contributions to the subject.
Of them mention may be made of Vatesvara, MaiijuHidirya (also called
Muiijala), Aryabhata II, Sripati and Satananda. Vatesvara's importance
lies mainly in his criticisnl of Brahmagupta. A follower of Aryabhata's
system, he attacked Brahmagupta in the same manner as the latter had
attacked his master about 250 years before. The chapter 10 of section 1
of his Vatesvara-siddhiinta is devoted exclusively to criticizing and refuting
the views of Brahmagupta. The book is written in three principal sections,
e.g. mean motions, true motions and problems of time, space and distance,
each divided into a number of chapters. From his own statement we learn
that he was the son of Mahadatta BhaHa, a native of Anandapura in the
Panjab, and was born in saka 802. Author of Laghumanasa in six chapters,
MafijuHicarya introduced into Indian astronomy the corrections due to the
precession of the equinoxes. This precession is in the sense of retrograde
motion and not of oscillation, as we have already noticed. The author of
one Arya-siddhlinta or Mahii-siddhanta calls himself Aryabhata who flourished
about the middle of the tenth century. The work is composed in 18 chapters
and devoted to familiar astronomical topics. It has a special chapter
on kuttaka, i.e. integral solutions of indeterminate equations of the first
degree. Aryabhata IT was a compiler and did not possess the merit of
his illustrious predecessors. He did not also follow Aryabhata I, but
adhered instead to the orthodox views. He mentioned the precession of
the equinoxes. Sripati, son of Nagadeva, is well known for his Dhikoli,
a kar~a work based on the Aryabha/iya, a fuller astronomical work
Siddhlmta-sekhara divided into 20 chapters and his GQ1)itati/aka, a work
on mathematics. Sripati considered, among other things, the moon's
second inequality. Satananda flourished in the eleventh century in Purl
7
on the coast of the Bay of Bengal. His Bhasvati was composed more or
less in imitation of the Surya-siddhiinta and attained a measure of popularity
among the almanac-makers. Bhtisvati is a kara{la work.
Bhiiskara II (b. A.D. 1114)

Bhaskaradirya or Bhaskara II, to distinguish him from his namesake
of the sixth/seventh century, was born in A.D. 1114 in Vijapur in the province
of Karnata on the Western Ghats. His Siddhanta-siroma1)i written in
A.D. 1150 when he was 36 readily surpassed similar efforts by his pre-
decessors in the field of astronomy and mathematics in lucidity of exposi-
tion, depth of treatment and occasional flashes of originality. The work is
arranged in four parts, of which the first two, the Liliivati and the Bijaga1;lita,
deal with arithmetic and algebra respectively. Astronomy proper is
treated in the two remaining sections, e.g. the Ga1)itiidhyiiya and the
Gollidhyiiya. I n the former section, the mean and the true motions of
planets, the three problems relating to time, direction and place, the eclipses,
risings, settings and the conjunctions of planets, etc., are treated in the same
sequence as met with in the Surya-siddhiinta. The Goladhyaya, or the
chapter on the sphere where the same problems reappear, is more important
from the viewpoint of theoretical astronomy. The epicyclic-eccentric
theories to account for planetary motions are fully developed. The astrono-
mical instruments described in the Yantriidhyiiya are more numerous and
perfect than those given in the Surya-siddhiinta and other works.
Sufficiently clear and detailed as his versified rules were, Bhaskara II
wrote his own commentary Viisaniibhii~ya to further explain and illustrate
his own rules wherever he thought necessary. In A.D. 1183, he wrote
another work on planetary motions under the title Kara1)akutiihala. His
works, both in their entirety and in parts, are available in a large number
of manuscripts. Several commentaries were also produced later on by
such medieval astronomers as GaJ)esa, Lak~midasa, Munisvara, NrsilJ1ha,
Ranganiitha, Visvanatha and others, which kept alive Bhaskara II's
popularity for several centuries throughout the length and breadth of India.
SECONDARY WORKS AND COMMENTARIFS
The Sanskrit astronomical literature of the medieval period is extremely

rich in secondary works and commentaries. The majority of this class of
literature, it is true, was produced after Bhaskara II particularly from the
fourteenth or fifteenth century, but it is highly unrealistic to draw any
such line of demarcation. It is not quite true that the astronomical literature
produced after Bhaskara II was barren of originality. As we have seen, some
of the original authors before the twelfth century appeared as excellent com-
mentators. Bhaskara I himself spent much of his time in elucidating his
master Aryabhata's works. In the ninth century A.D. we have Brahmagupta's
scholiast Prthiidakasvami (c. 864) who wrote two important commentaries,
Brdhmas;ddhtinta·vasanab~ya and Khara4akhadyaka-vivarQ1)ll. In the same
1B
ASTRONOMY 99
century Govindasvami (c. 800-850) and his pupil SankaranarayaQa, of

the Aryabhata school in the south, elucidated the works of Bhaskara I.
The former, in addition to his Mahabhaskariya-bha~ya, wrote a few other
astrological tracts, whereas the latter commented upon the Laghubhaskariya.
At the beginning of the thirteenth century Amaraja wrote a commentary
on the Khal.u)akhtidyaka.
In the fourteenth century, Mahendra SurI (c. A.D. 1320), a disciple of
Madana Suri and native of Vrgupura, flourished in the court of Emperor
Firoz Shah Tughlak as one of his principal court astronomers. He wrote a
tract entitled Yantrariija or Yantrarajagama which dealt with astronomical
instruments based mainly on Persian sources, in the course of the following
five chapters, Ga1)ita, Ghatana, Yantraracana, Yantrasodhana and Yantra-
vicara1)a. His disciple Malayendu Suri prepared on it a gloss called
Yantrariijatikii.
Towards the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth
century there lived at Alattur (lat. 10° 15') on the Malabar coast Paramesvara,
a versatile and prolific commentator, who is believed to have flourished
between A.D. 1360 and 1460. He belonged to a family of astronomers and
was a disciple of Rudra. His works include a commentary on the Silrya-
siddhanta, the Siirya-siddhiinta-vivaral)a, the Bhafadipikii, a commentary
on the Aryabha!fya, the Karmadfpikii and the Siddhantadfpika on the
Mahiibhiiskariya, the Laghubhiiskariya-vyiikhya and the Laghumanasa-
vyiikhya, a gloss on Mafijula's work. Besides, he wrote a number of indepen-
dent works, e.g. DrggalJita, Goladipikii, Vakyakaral)a and Graha1)ama1){iana.
NilakaQtha Somasutvan (1465-1545), the noted fifteenth-century commen-
tator of the Aryabhatiya, was a disciple of Damodara, son of Paramesvara.
This NIlakaQtha, besides his Aryabhatiya-bhii~ya, one of the best commen-
taries available on the subject, wrote a number of independent astronomical
works, e.g. Tantra-sa1J1graha, Siddhiinta-darparza, Candracchayaga1)ita and
Golasara. His works are marked by originality and refined methods of
astronomical calculations. Some other commentators of this period include
Gangadhara, the author of Candramana (A.D. 1434), who lived south of
the Vindhyas, Makaranda of Banaras, the author of Tithipatra (A.D. 1478),
a tract on handy tables based on the Siirya-siddhiinta, used extensively by
the almanac-makers, and Lak~midasa, the author of Ga1)itatattva-cintiima1)i
(A.D. 15(0), a commentary on the Siddhanta-siromarzi.
The production of secondary astronomical literature in the form of
commentaries continued unabated in the sixteenth century, and we hear of a
number of distinguished families of astronomers assiduously engaged in
the task of propagating their science. JiHinaraja (c. A.D. 1503), son of
N4ganatha, flourished at Parthapura, a small village at the confluence of
the Godavari and the Vidarbha. His Siddhanta-sundara is a full-fledged
astronomical work in 18 chapters. His son SOryadasa was an accomplished
commentator and wrote on Bhaskara Irs Liliivati and Bijaga1)ita. Gat,lesa
Daivajiia (c. A.D. 1507) of Nandigram, a place about 40 miles from
Bombay, attained ~minence through his Graha/dghava, Brhat-tithicintamarzi,
LaghutithicinUimatti, Siddhiinta-siroma1,l;-vyiikhyii and a few other tracts. In

his Graha/aghava, trigonometrical calculations were avoided and simpler
arithmetical methods introduced instead. Bhaskara II had followed such
simplified methods in his Karattakutuhala in the determination of shadows.
A Maharastrian brahmin, Divakara, son of Rama and a disciple of
GaQesa Daivajfia, established a line of astronomers whose activities con-
tinued for four generations. He was a native of Golagram (lat. 18 0 N,
long. 78° E) on the northern bank of the Godavari. A genealogical table
showing the names of his sons, grandsons and great grandsons is given
below. Of his five sons, Vi~l)u (b. A.D. 1566) wrote a karafJa work entitled
Saurapak~'a-ga1Jita; MalHiri (b. 1571) produced a commentary Siddhanta-
rahasya on Grahaliighava and other tracts; Visvanatha (b. 1578) was a
Diviikara Family
Rama
I
Divakara
I
I I
Vi~Q.u Mallari Kelava
I I
NrsiJ]1ha Siva
I
I I I I
Divakara Kamahikara Gopinatha RaJiganatha
prolific writer producing commentaries on the Surya-siddhiinta, Graha-

llighal'a, Kara1)akutuhala, Tithipatra, Siddhlinta-siroma!'i and several other
works. Divakara's grandson Nrsitpha (b. 1586), trained in astronomy by his
uncles Vi~Qu and Maliari, worked at Banaras and wrote the commentaries,
the Saurabhti~ya and the Vtisaniiviirttika on the Surya-siddhanta and the
Siddhtinta-siromafJi respectively. Of Nrsirpha's four sons, Kamala-kara
(b. 1616) made his mark through his Siddhiinta-tattvaviveka, based largely
on the Surya-siddhanta, in which were incorporated new materials from
Arabic and Persian sources. His criticism of Bhaskara II and appreciation
of Islamic astronomy led him into a bitter controversy with Munisvara.
Nrsitpha's youngest son Ranganatha (c. 1640) is known for his Siddhiinta-
ca{idma!,i, a commentary on the Surya-siddhiinta and his Laghubhangi-
vibharig; written in refutation of MunIsvara's methods of finding true
planetary positions. .
Another reputed family of astronomers was represented by Vallila
who migrated from his ancestral home in Elachpur in Madhya Pradesa
to Banaras. Of his five sons, Kr~1',la Daivajiia (c. 1565) studied under
Vi~Qu, son of Divakara of Golagram, and wrote excellent commentaries
on Bhaskara Irs mathematical works. Kr~J)a's brother Ranganitha
(c. 1573) became well known for the Gii(ih4rtha-praktUik4, a commentary
ASTRONOMY 101
on the Surya-siddhiinta. Ranganatha's son MunIsvara (b. 1603) wrote an

astronomical work entitled Siddhanta-sarvabhauma and a commentary
on the Siddhtinta-siromalJi, called Marici.
Sawiii Jai Sing II (1686-1734), Jaganniitha (b. A.D. 1652)

In the beginning of the eighteenth century a new interest in astronomy
was created by the efforts of Maharaja Sawai Jai Sing II of Jaipur, an able
statesman, great scholar, skilled astronomer and patron of learning. He
developed an interest in astronomy at an early age and assiduously studied
the Hindu, the Arabic and the European systems of astronomy, as is evident
from the rich collection of his library and biographical references. He
was acquainted with the principles of Ptolemy's Almagest and Euclid's
Elements, in Arabic versions, and knew well the works of Nasir aI-Din
at-Tusi, al-Gurgani, Jamshid Kashi and Ulugh Beg, leaders of the Maragha
school of astronomers. That he came deeply under the influence of Arabic
astronomy and methods of astronomical observations and planned his
observatories after Maragha, there seems to be little doubt. He also
procured and studied some important European works of the day, such
as Flamsteed's Historia Coelestis Britannica, la Hire's Tabulae Astronomicae,
and miscellaneous mathematical works, including spherical trigonometry
and logarithms.
Jai Sing's interest in astronomy was not merely theoretical. It was
motivated by a strong desire to set up efficient modern observatories for
improving upon the observational data and for producing more accurate
astronomical tables. His principal Hindu astronomer Jagannatha informs
us that he was skilled in the use of astronomical instruments and clever in
exhibiting new methods with globes and instruments. He set up in Jaipur,
Delhi, Ujjain, Banaras and Muttra astronomical observatories where a
large number of his giant instruments such as the Samra! Yantra (huge
dials), Jai Prakiis (hemispherical dial), Dak$ilJovrtti Yantra (meridian circle),
$~lya'11sa Yantra (sextant), Riisi Yantra (Zodiac dial), etc., were con-
structed in masonry. The results of observations carried out under
his direction by his team of astronomers formed part of his astronomical
table, the Zij Muhammad Shiihi, prepared both in Persian and in Sanskrit.
About the need for improved observations, the Zij records as follows: a
'He (Jai Sing) found that the calculation of the places of the stars
as obtained form the tables in common use, such as the new tables
of S'aid Gurgani and Khaquani, and the TasahiHit-Mula Chand Akbar
Shahi and the Hindu books, and the European tables, in very many
cases give them widely different from those determined by observation:
especially in the appearance of the new moons, the computation does
not agree with observation.'
• • •
• Hunter, pp. 118 ff.; see also Kaye (I), pp. 9-19.
•Although this was a mighty task, which during a long period of

time none of the powerful Rajas had prosecuted; nor among the tribes
of Islam, since the time of the martyr prince, whose sins are forgiven,
Mirza Ulugh Beg, to the present, which comprehends a period of more
than three hundred years, had anyone of the kings possessed of power
and dignity turned his attention to this object · . · '.
The reasons for constructing massive instruments in masonry instead
of going in for brass and metal instruments which the Arab astronomers
preferred are given as follows:
'But finding that brass instruments did not come up to the ideas
which he had formed of accuracy, because of the smallness of their
size, the want of division into minutes, the shaking and wearing of
their axes, the displacement of the centres of the circles, and the shifting
of the planes of the instruments, he concluded that the reason why the
determinations of the ancients, such as Hipparchus and Ptolemy,
proved inaccurate, must have been of this kind.
e Therefore he constructed in Dar aI-Khalafat Shah Jahanab&d
(Delhi), which is the seat of empire and prosperity, instruments of
his own invention, such as Jai Prakas and Ram Yantra and Samra!
Yantra, the semi-diameter of which is of eighteen cubits and one minute
on it is a barley corn and a half-of stone and lime in perfect stability,
with attention to the rules of geometry and adjustment to the meridian
and to the latitude of the place, and with care in the measuring and
fixing of them, so that the inaccuracies from the shaking of the circles'
and the wearing of their axes and displacement of their centres and
the inequality of the minutes might be corrected. Thus an accurate
method of constructing an observatory was established and the difference
which had existed between the computed and observed places of the
fixed stars and planets by means of observing their mean motions
and observations was removed.'
Significant as his efforts were in establishing and developing observational
astronomy, Jai Sing's importance lay in his realization of the fact that the
progress of science depended on drawing upon knowledge and know-how
from wherever these were found. A patron of Hindu science and learning,
he admired Arabic astronomy and did not hesitate to turn to Christian
Europe as soon as he learnt of the efforts of their savants in the science of
the heavens. In 1728 or 1729 he sent Father Figueredo, a Portuguese
Jesuit, to Europe to collect astronomical information and literature. He
invited to Jaipur Father Boudier, a French Jesuit missionary of Chander-
nagore, who was an able astronomer and had determined accurately the
longitude of Chandernagore.
His principal court astronomer was Jagannatha (b. A.D. 1652) who,
at the instance of his patron, mastered Arabic and Persian and translated
Ptolemy's Almagest and Euclid's Elements from their Arabic versions
into Sanskrit. The Samral-siddhdnta, the Sanskrit title of the Almagest,
ASTRONOMY 103
contained 13 chapters, 141 sections and 196 geometrical propositions. The

Rekhiiga~lita was the name given to the Elements. Hunter records that
at Ujjain he met a grandson of Jagannatha and found in his possession
several Sanskrit translations of European mathematical works, includ-
ing Euclid's geometry, plane and spherical trigonometry and Napier's
logarithms.
The good start made by J ai Sing and the excellent work done by the
people he gathered round him came to an abrupt end at his untimely death
in 1743.
SOME ASTRONOMICAL TOPICS IN THE SIDDHANTAS
In this section we shall deal with some of the salient features of Hindu
mathematical astronomy as generally taught in the various texts summarized
in the foregoing section.
THE SPHERE AND THE COORDINATES, DIRECTION, PLACE AND TIME
In all the texts the earth is assumed to be an immovable sphere at

the centre of the universe. The asterisms with the sun, the moon and other
planets have a retrograde motion, that is from east to west, completing
the circle in a day; the sun, the moon and the planets have a direct motion
of their own, that is from west to east, as a result of which they are con-
stantly beaten by the asterisms and fall behind them. As we have noticed
previously, Aryabhata showed that the apparent daily retrograde motion
can be explained by the direct rotation of the earth, a view opposed by
other Hindu astronomers.
The Sphere and some Important Great Circles

To represent the positions and motions of the planets, stars and heavenly
bodies, a celestial sphere of an arbitrary radius R is imagined, at the
centre of which lies the earth or the observer. A vertical line through the
observer meets the celestial sphere above and below at points Z, 2' (Fig. 2.1)
called the zenith (itrdhva svastika) and the nadir (adha svastika). The plane
passing through the observer 0 at right angles to the vertical line ZZ' cuts
the celestial sphere in a great circle NESW, called the observer's celestial
horizon (k~itija). The horizon passes through the four cardinal points,
north, east, south and west. Thus Varahamihira in his Pancasiddhantikli fJ
says: 'That (circle) in which the sky is joined as it were to the earth is called
"horizon"; in it are drawn east-west and north-south lines.' Varaha used
the term harija for horizon.
The east-west and the north-south lines are easily determined by observ-
ing the points where the shadow of the gnomon touches a circle drawn on
• PSI. t xiv. 17.

the horizontal plane in the forenoon and in the afternoon. The line joining
these two points is parallel to the east-west line passing through 0; the
north-south line passing through 0 is perpendicular to the former. All
Hindu texts give clear rules for finding these cardinal directions.
The great circle NZSZ' passing through the north-south points and
the zenith and the nadir is the meridian (yiimyottara-vrtta). The great
circle EZWZ' through the east-west points and the zenith and the nadir
is called the prime vertical (sama-ma1J{lala). Brahmagupta, in his Briihma-
sphuta-siddhanta, a defines these circles as follows: 'One circle called the
sama-maf.1{lala has its plane stretching east and west; another lying north
and south is called the yiimyottara-vrtta; another termed the k$itija encircles
the other two like a girdle. At the common centre of these circles is
situated the observer on the earth.'
s N
z·
FIG. 2.1 The celestial sphere and
some important great circles.
In Fig. 2.1, the great circle QEL W represents the celestial equator
(vi~uvanmQ1Jr/ala) of which the poles are P, P'. The angular distance of
the pole from the horizon equals the latitude cP of the observer, which is
equal to the zenith distance of Q, the point where the celestial equator
meets the meridian. Brahmagupta defines the equator as the circle which
meets the horizon at the east-west points and of which the top lies to the
south of the prime vertical by the latitude of the observer, and the bottom
as much to the north of it. Varahamihira defines the interval between the
pole and the horizon as the terrestrial latitude of the observer. Diurnal
motions of planets and stars are represented by small circles parallel to the
equator.
• Br.Sp.Si. Gola., 48,

ASTRONOMY lOS
Of the hour circles or secondaries to the equator special importance
attaches to the 6 o'clock circle passing through the pole and the east-west
points. In Hindu astronomy this is called unma1)tlala which, as Aryabhata
says, is above and below the horizon by the amount of the observer's
latitude. The increase and the decrease of the day and night are measured
on this circle.
Finally, we have the ecliptic (apama1)(iala) which is inclined to the
equator at an angle of 24°, meeting later at the first point of Aries
(Me$a) and the first point of Libra (Tula). Aryabhata states that the
northern half of the ecliptic is from the beginning of Me$a to the end of
Kanyti and its southern half is from the beginning of Tau/ya to the end
of Mina. a
Flo. 2.2
Coordinates
In representing the positions of celestial bodies, the horizontal, the
equatorial and the ecliptic systems are used. In the horizontal system,
the altitude (unnata) or the zenith distance (nata) is defined as in modern
astronomy, but the azimuth is reckoned from the prime vertical either from
the east or the west point on the horizon, but never exceeding 90°. The
azimuth circle is called the drgma1){lala and the azimuth the diga,!lsa. In
the equatorial system, the two coordinates are the declination or kriinti
and the hour angle. Kriinti is the angular distance of the body from the
equator measured along its secondary through the body. Hour angle is
measured in two ways, either by the unnata-ghati (time-altitude) or by
nata-ghat;. Unnata-ghat; is the hour angle between the declination circle
through the body and that through its rising point on the horizon; nata-
ghat; is the hour angle between the declination circle through the body
and the meridian. In the ecliptic system, the position of a body is given
by its latitude (vik~epa) and its longitude (sphufa) measured from the fixed
point marked by Zeta Piscium (Revati).
• A. Gola., 1.
Latitude, Zenith Distance and Declination

When the sun is at either of the equinoxes, its meridional zenith distance
is equal to the latitude of the observer. This is easily determined by
measuring the equinoctial shadow (vi$uvatprabha, pa/abhii, etc.) AH, cast
by the gnomon OA (Fig. 2.2).
Let OA = g, AH = Se' on = h
:. h = Jg2+S:,
The latitude (ak$a), cP, and the colatitude (lalnba), 90-"', are given by
R sin cP = JRSe ; R sin (90-cP) = Rg .

g2+S; Jg2+S;
Also
g sin cP
Se = sin (90-~)'
The Silrya-siddhiinta a gives the above rules as follows: 'Radius multiplied
respectively by the equinoctial shadow and the gnomon and then divided
by the equinoctial hypotenuse gives the sine of latitude and the sine of
colatitude.'
For any declination 81 north of the equator or 82 south of the equator,
the meridional zenith distances Z1 and Z2 are given byb
. Z RS1
R SIn 1 = 71;
· Z2 = ~/-
R sIn RS2
12
where 8 1, S2 are the shadows and hI, h2 are the corresponding hypotenuses
of the gnomon. From Fig. 2.2,
,p =Zl+ 81
tP =Z2- 82
that is,
~=Z±8.
Thus the declination of the sun can be found from the latitude of the place
and the meridional zenith distance. In this way the maximum declination
or the obliquity of the ecliptic with the equator, given in Hindu astronomical
texts as 24°, must have been determined.
Relation between the Declination, the Longitude and the 'Obliquity of the
Ecliptic with the Equator
The Surya-siddhiinta t gives the relation between declination, the lon-
gitude and the obliquity of the ecliptic with the equator as follows:
•The sine of the greatest declination is thirteen hundred and ninety-seven;
• SQ. 81., ill. 13, 14, 16. 17. II sa. 81., iii. IS. , SIl. SI., if. 28.
ASTRONOMY 107
by this multiply any sine, and divide by radius; the arc corresponding to
the result is said to be the declination.' According to Bhaskara I, a the R
sine of the given longitude, multiplied by ]397 and divided by the radius,
yields the R sine of the declination for that instant of time.
The relationship may be expressed as follows:
· 8 1397 · R sin" R sin R sin"
€ •
R SIn = R = R
where S = declination of the sun; € = obliquity of the ecliptic with the

equator = 24°; R sin € 1397'; = ,,=
longitude of the sun, that is the
sun's angular distance from the first point of Aries along the ecliptic;
R = radius of the sphere = 3438'. The above formula follows readily
from the properties of the spherical triangle as also from the geometry of
the similarity of triangles (Fig. 2.3).
p rMQ = equator;
rsc = ecliptic;
8 = the sun;
r 8 = " = longitude of the sun;
Sy M = CQ = € = obliquity;
8M = 8 = declination of the sun.
f).sCOK, 811m are similar.
Sm CK
8n =OC
R sin 8 R sin €
.. Rsin" =-R-
R . 8 R sin R sin"
E •
Fla. 2.3 . SIn = R
Since € is known, this formula can be applied to find out the longitude of
the sun from its declination.
The Ascensional Difference or Cara

The formula for finding the ascensional difference or cara affords
yet another example of the skilful use of the celestial sphere and its circles.
The ascensional difference is variously defined as the difference between
the right ascension and oblique ascension of a rising point on the ecliptic
or the difference between the times of the rising of the sun on the horizon
and the 6 o'clock circle (unma!l<iala). In Fig. 2.4(a), H is the rising point
on the ecliptic rHC, r is the vernal equinox, rEQ is the equator and E
the east point. The ascensional difference FE is clearly the difference
between the oblique ascension r E and the right ascension r F of the rising
point H. FE is also equal to the arc HG or L HHG (Fig. 2.4(b)) which
• MBh.,ili. 6.
represents the time difference of the sun's risings on the horizon and the
6 o'clock circle.
In Fig. 2.4(b) (see also Fig. 2.4(c», NES is the horizon, EQ the equator,
P the pole, Z the zenith, HGR the diurnal circle of the sun (or star),
PGE the 6 o'clock circle, L PON = the latitude of the place, efJ, and
L ROQ = L BRO = the declination of the sun (or star), 8. The two
important elements in the above constructions are the radius RB of the
diurnal circle, which is called the 'day radius' (dinavyasadala) and the
z
r
N S
E
(a) (ll)
Z R
R
A
(d)
(c)
FIG. 2.4. Ascensional difference.
extra length AB intercepted between the plane of the horizon and that of
the 6 o'clock circle; this length AB is called the earth sine (k$itijyii). Now,
day radius = BR = R cos 8
earth sine = AB = DB tan cP = R sin 8 tan cPo
The ascensional difference L HBG (denoted by doc) is given by (see
Fig. 2.4(d»
Rsinll R.HK R.AB R.Rsin8tan.
(X - BH == -n = R cos a = R tan 8 tan efJ·
Also,
R sin 0« == radius X earth sine
day radius .
ASTRONOMY 109
This rule is expressed by Bhaskara I as: 'The earth sine multiplied by the
radius and then divided by the day radius gives the arc called the ascensional
difference (caradala) by the good astronomers.'
THE AHARGA'YA AND THE METHOD OF COMPUTING THE MEAN

LONGITUDES OF PLANETS
We have seen that since the time of composition of astronomical

siddhiintas all Hindu texts give as a rule the number of revolutions of each
planet in a n1ahiiyuga as also the number of civil days in such a yuga.
Thus we know the time period in civil days of the revolution of each planet.
At the beginning of the mahiiyuga or at the commencement of special
epochs such as the Kaliyuga all planets were in conjunction at the initial
point of the sphere, that is their longitudes were zero. If the number of
civil days elapsed from the beginning of an epoch up to any point of time
is found, the mean longitude of any planet can be calculated by dividing
the elapsed civil days by the time period of the planet. The quotient will
give the number of times the planet returned to the initial point and the
remainder expressed in degrees, minutes and seconds the mean longitude.
If the reckoning is made from any other arbitrarily chosen epoch, it will
be necessary to know the longitudes of planets at the beginning of such an
epoch.
The number of civil days elapsed during any interval of time is called
aharga1)a. Where dates are kept according to a solar calendar, the
aharga1)a can be found simply by counting the days. But the difficulty
arises when dates are given according to a luni-solar calendar. In a luni-
solar calendar, a saura year is defined as the time taken by the sun to travel
through the 12 signs of the zodiac (or ecliptic), the lunar month is the time
interval between two new moons and the day is reckoned by the tithi or
lunar day which is one-thirtieth of the lunar month. A lunar month has
29·5 days so that 12 lunar months contain 354 days and 13 lunar months
384 days approximately; in other words, a sauro year cannot contain an
integral number of lunar months, necessitating some years to consist of
12 and some of 13 months. The 13th month is an intercalary month.
In the ahargafJa calculations, as we shall presently see, it is necessary to
know the number of such intercalary months in a mahayuga. A saura
month is the time taken by the sun to travel through one sign so that there
are 12 saura months in a year. The number of saura months in any given
length of time is the difference between the numbers of lunar and intercalary
months.
A lunar month has 29·5 civil days and 30 lunar days, which means
that the lengths of a civil and a lunar day are different. Thus, a year of
12 lunar months contains 354 civil (savona) days and 360 lunar days, that is
more lunar days than the civil days. Such extra lunar days are called
'omitted tithis' or 'omitted lunar days' (k~ayaha). Therefore, in any given
length of time, the number of civil days is the difference between the number
of lunar days and the number of omitted lunar days.
Suppose we are required to calculate the aharga~a, that is the number
of civil days elapsed in time t. a Let t be y years, m months (lunar) and
d days (lunar); y may be expressed in Saka era or in Kaliyuga era, the
relation between the two eras being
year 3,180 Kaliyuga = year I Sakal
Other symbols used in this calculation are:
n18 = number of saura months in time t;
mz = number of lunar months in time t;
mt = number of intercalary months in time t;
d z = number of lunar days in time t;
do = number of omitted lunar days in time t;
ds = number of saura days in time t;
M, = number of saura months in a mahayuga;
M I = number of lunar months in a mahiiyuga;
M t = number of intercalary months in a mahiiyuga;
D z = number of lunar days in a mahayuga;
Do = number of omitted lunar days in a nlahliyuga;
DB = number of saura days in a mahliyuga;
a = ahargalJa in time t.
AhargalJa, by definition, is given by
a = d,-do (1)
Now, dz = 30111Z+d (2.1)
or d, = 30(ms+n1,)+d, .. ml = lnB+m, (2.2)
or dz = 30(12y+m+m,)+d, '.. m, = 12y+m (2.3)
or d, = [30(l2y+nl)+d]+30m( .. (2.4)
or d , = ds+30n1i' where dB = 30(12y+m)+d .. (2.5)
m, and do are determined from the following ratios:
me Me (3)
dB == D,
Al80 frOIH
nl( M( (3.1)
m, = M,
do Do (4)
d" = DI'
The total numbers of intercalary months M., saura months M" saura
days Dlf , lunar days D, and omitted lunar days Do in a mahliyuga are
given as constants in all Hindu astronomical texts from which the above-
mentioned ratios can be calculated. In the Pancasiddhantikii these values
are given not for the mahayuga, but for a different cycle. From m., d,
and do and hence aharga'f)Q a can be found out.
• Bhattacharyya and Sen, pp. 144-155.

ASTRONOMY 111
According to Paifcasiddhantika 7
(Romaka), m, = m, 228 ·
· to Surya-siddhanta, m,
Accordmg = m, M,
M,
1,593,336
= m, 51,840,000'
According to Khan{iakhiidyaka, me
.
=~
976
[1- _1_]
14,945 .
do is given in the various texts as follows:
According to Paiicasiddhiintika d = ~ d
and Surya-siddhiinta, 0 703 l·
According to KhQ1;ujakhiidyaka, do = i~3 [1- III ~573] dz·
Thus d z and do being fully known, their difference will give the required
aharga1)a.
PLANETARY THEORIES
The planets, along with other celestial bodies, appear to move west,
daily rising in the east and setting in the west, these revolutions taking place
parallel to the celestial equator. In this apparent western motions, the
planets are, however, constantly beaten by the asterisms and fall behind.
In other words, with reference to the stellar frame, the planets really move
eastward along the ecliptic with different angular velocities. The Hindu
astronomers believed that the linear speeds of planets, in yojanas, are all
equal, with the result that the planets describing orbits closer to the earth
apparently move more swiftly than those describing these orbits at greater
distances from the earth. The planets in the ascending order of distances
from the earth are the moon, mercury, venus, sun, mars, jupiter and saturn.
'The moon being below', writes Aryabhata,a 'completes its small orbit in a
short time. Saturn being above all others completes its large orbit in a long
time.' He says further on, 'The zodiacal signs (a twelfth of the circle) are to
be known as small in a small circle and large in a large circle. Likewise
the degrees and minutes are the same in number in the various orbits.'b
These imply the necessity of dealing with angular distances in describing
planetary motions.
In their direct motion, that is from west to east, the planets appear
sometimes to move slowly, very slowly, fast and very fast. Sometimes,
their motions appear even retrograde. The Surya-siddhtinta C describes such
peculiar planetary motions in the following manner:
vakrlinuvakra kUfila manda mandatarii soma I
tatha sighratarii sighra grahatziimtqtat!hil gatib II
• A. Kala., 13. PI A. KIJ/a., 14. C Sit Sl., ii. 12.

112 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCmNCE IN INDIA
'The motion of the planets is of eight kinds: retrograde (vakra), somewhat

retrograde (anuvakra), transverse (kufila), slow (manda), very slow
(mandatara), even (sarna), also very swift (sighratara), and swift (sighra).'
We now know that all these apparent peculiarities are due primarily
to the following: (1) the planets excepting the moon revolve in orbits of
which the centre is not the earth, but the sun; (2) the earth and with it
the observer revolve once a year about the sun; (3) in consequence of their
distances, mercury and venus revolve round the sun in orbits smaller than
the earth's; these are called inferior planets; mars, jupiter and saturn,
called superior planets, revolve in orbits larger than the earth's; (4) the
planetary orbits are really not circles but ellipses with the sun at either
focus.
To the ancients, firmly entrenched in their belief in the immobility
of the earth. a heliostatic explanation of such planetary irregularities was
clearly impossible. Although the Pythagoreans, Aristarchus of Samos
and a few others in antiquity had favoured a heliostatic model, such a
model was not used for planetary explanations. On the other hand,
several geostatic schemes were devised, of which the eccentric-epicyclic
model ultimately came to dominate ancient and medieval astronomy up
to the time of Copernicus. The geometric eccentric and epicyclic methods
and their applications to planetary motions were in all probability dis-
covered by Apollonius of Perga (c. 230 B.C.), utilized successfully by
Hipparchus (c. 130 B.C.) to account for solar and lunar inequalities and most
exhaustively dealt with and applied by Ptolemy (c. A.D. 140) in the devel-
opment of his famous planetary theories. The Hindus also adopted the
eccentric-epicyclic model in the process of reconstruction of their astronomy
during the first few centuries of the Christian era. It is likely that the Greek
planetary theories of the period between Hipparchus and Ptolemy influenced
the Hindu astronomers of the period engaged in the task of reforming
their own system.
Eceen/ric Model
This model is represented by
Fig. 2.5 in which ACP, A'C'P' are two
circles of equal radii, with centres at 0
and 0'. A'P passing through the two
centres is the apse line. Let two bodies,
one in each circle, move with the same
angular velocity in direct, i.e. anti-
clockwise direction, reaching A, A' or P,
P' at the same time. To an observer at
o the angular motion of C will appear
uniform, but that of C' variable. By
the time the body in the first circle has P
moved from A to C, the body in the FlG. 2.5. Eccentric model.
ASTRONOMY 113
second has moved from A' to C' such that L COA = L C'O'A' = L NCC'.
But seen from 0, C' has moved through the L C'OA' and has fallen
behind C by L CDC' or L OC'O'. As the two bodies approach P and P',
C' will appear to the observer at 0 to move with greater angular velocity
than C. Thus a body moving with uniform speed in an eccentric circle will
appear from the centre to move more slowly at the apogee A' and more
rapidly at the perigee P'.
Epicyclic Model
The same result can be obtained by the epicyclic model (Fig. 2.6) in
which C' is moving in an epicycle of
~
,K' - radius equal to 00', the distance be-
I
I tween the two centres in the eccentric
I
model (Fig. 2.5). C' is moving in the
epicycle with the same angular velocity
in retrograde, i.e. clockwise direction,
as its centre C is moving on the concen-
tric (or deferent circle) in anti-clockwise
direction. It is clear that L A'CC' =
L eOA. L CDC' is the angle by
which the body falls behind C and is
the same as obtained by the eccentric
p model given above.
FIG. 2.6. EpIcyclic model.
The Inequality of the Sun

The eccentric or the epicyclic method as described above can be readily
applied to determine the inequality of the sun or any other planet due to
apsis. The mean sun is supposed to revolve on the concentric ACP. Its
longitude is reckoned from the first point of Aries r (A = 0). The true
sun C' is moving in the circle A'e'p' in the eccentric model or in the epicycle
in the epicyclic model.
L COA = mean longitude of sun-longitude of apogee
= mean anomaly = if.
L = angular difference between mean sun and true sun
CDC'
= equation of centre = jL
DC = R; 00' = CC' = r; C'N is perpendicular to DC produced.
From simple trigonometry,
C' N == r sin (X; CN = r cos ex
C'O = V(R+r cos IX)2+(r sin (X)I
. r sin IX
sin,.,. = 'v.. /(R+r cos «)2+(r sin «)1 .
8
114
Assuming T to be negligible compared to R,

. . R sin rt. 21Tr _ (R sin rt) 0p,
R sIn p. = r sIn oc = 2wR - 3600
where 0", = circumference of the epicycle expressed in degrees.
This is the formula for the equation of centre as given in the Sarya-
siddhtinta and other texts. Aryabhata and his followers retained the full
expression for C/O, the hypotenuse, without making the approximation
by assuming r to be negligible. In Hindu astronomy the process is called
mandakarma. The technical terms used for the various geometrical and
trigonometrical elements involved in this method are as follows:
concentric in which the mean planet moves-kak~livrtta
eccentric circle-manda parivrtta
apse line-nicocca rekhii
apogee, aux-mandocca
epicycle-nicocca vrtta
mean sun-madhyama surya
true sun-sphuta surya
mean anomaly, rx-mandakendra
equation of centre, p.-mandaphala
R sin (J.-mandakendrajya, bhujajyii
R sin fL-mandaphalajyii
21Tr or 0 p.-mandaparidhi, nicocca vrtta-paridhi
21TR or 360 -bhaganiil]lsa.
0
The rule in the Siirya-siddhiinta a is given as follows:

. - _ bhujajyii x mandaparidhi
mandaphaIalya - bh agana1'f1~'a
- J. •
The Planetary Schemes

Motions of planets involve two inequalities, one due to planet's apsis
and the other due to its conjunction with the sun. Planetary schemes must
therefore be capable of dealing with both these inequalities satisfactorily.
The following three schemes are possible:
(a) Eccentric-eccentric-both the inequalities are determined on
eccentric model;
(b) Eccentric-epicyclic-the first inequality is obtained on the eccentric
model and the second inequality on the epicyclic model;
(c) Epicyclic-epicyclie-both the inequalities are determined on
I
epicyclic model.
We shall here discuss only one of the three schemes, e.g. the eccentric-
epicyclic model (Fig. 2.7(a), (b». 0 is the centre of the concentric ACP
(radius = R), A the apsis and 00' the eccentricity ('1)' IT C be the mean
• Su. SI., ii. 39.

Rn
ASTRONOMY 115
position of the planet on the concentric, its true position on the eccentric
circle will be C' such that ee' is parallel to the line of apsis OA'. Join C'O
cutting the concentric at C1 • Then C1
is the corrected position of the planet
C and L CDC' or L OC'O' is the
equation of the centre.
For the second inequality, an
epicycle is drawn with C' as centre and
radius r2. C'C" is drawn parallel to
OS or 0'S', the direction of the sun.
Join C"O cutting the concentric at C2 •
S Then C2 is the corrected position
of the planet due to conjunction with
the sun and L C20C1 is the second
l
p inequality due to conjunction.

(a) The net correction is really given
by the L COC 2 and it is possible to
derive an equation involving both
the mean anomaly and the mean
argument. But such a formula is
unsuitable for the computation of
correction tables. Both Ptolemy and
Hindu astronomers, from practical
considerations, preferred to calculate
the two corrections separately and
then combine them to obtain the true
longitude.
The formula for calculating the
p first correction, Le. the equation of
(b) centre, has already been given above.
To find the second correction due to
FIG. 2.7. Eccentric-epicyclic model
for finding the sighra correction. conjunction, called sighraphala by the
Hindus, a simplification is introduced.
The centre of the epicycle is taken to be CIon the concentric (Fig. 2.7(b»)
instead of at C'. The mean argument is also reckoned from the line OCI
and not from DC or 0' C', the latter being the more correct procedure.
L C10S = L C"C1N = mean argument = ')'
L C20C1 = correction due to conjunction = (1
radius of the concentric = R
radius of the epicycle = '2 ('1 being the eccentricity due to apsis).
Then, C"N ='1 sin')'; C1N == '2 cos ')'
DC· == v(rz sin ,),)2+(R+r2 cos ,,)2
·
a ==
R. 'I sin ')'
V(r2 sin y)I+(R+'2 cos ')')2 .
and R sIn
The above method of finding the equation of the argument, that is the
conjunction correction, is called sighrakarma. The technical terms employed
for the various geometrical and trigonometrical elements involved are as
follows:
OS, the direction of the sun from the earth-Jighra
A", the place of superior conjunction-sighra
R, the radius of the concentric (kak$livrtta)-trijyii
r2' the radius of the conjunction epicycle-sighriintyaphalajyii
y, the mean argument (also called anomaly)--sighrakendra
r2 sin y-dobphala, wihupha/a, bhujaphala
r2 cos y-kofiphala
R sin y-sighrakendrajyii
R cos y-sfghrakendrakolijyii
R+r2 cos y = trijyii+kofiphala = sphufako{i
v'tr2 sin y)2+(R+r2 cos ')')2 = V(dobphala)2+(sphulakoli)2 = karfJa
a = equation of argument-sighraphala
R sin C1 = sfghraphalajya.
The Hindu formula for finding the equation of argument is simply expressed
as follows:
trijyii X dobphala
sighraphalajyii = k ·
ar~a
THE SIZES OF THE SUN AND THE MOON, THEIR DISTANCES FROM
THE EARTH, ECLIPSES AND PARALLAX
We have seen that from Vedic times the Indians were interested in
the phenomena of solar eclipses. Good descriptions of them have been
preserved in the Briihnla!la literature, but scientific studies of them were
perfected in the siddhiinla period. The mythological and the PuraQic
Riihu-Ketu theory which had become firmly entrenched in the minds of
laymen and even astronomers and continued long thereafter gave place
to the scientific one based on the relative positions of the sun, the moon
and the earth and the shadows cast by the moon on the earth or by the
earth upon the moon. Contrary to the PuraQ.ic idea of Riihu devouring
the sun or the moon, Aryabhata says: 'The moon obscures the sun and the
great shadow of the earth obscures the moon. When at the end of the
true lunar month (at new moon) the moon, being near the node, enters
the suo, or when. at the end of half month (at full moon), the moon enters
the shadow of the earth, that is the middle of the eclipse, which occurs
sometimes before and sometimes after the exact end of the lunar month
or half month.'tI Varahamihira explodes the Rtihu-Ketu myth and says that
the real cause of a lunar eclipse is the entry of the moon into the
earth's shadow and likewise at the solar eclipse the moon enters the SUD.
• A. Gol4, 37-38.
ASTRONOMY 117
A very clear and lucid exposition of eclipses is given by Bhaskara II in his

Siddhiinta-siroma1)i, section Goltidhytiya, chapter Grahaviisanii. He says:
'The orbit of the moon is below that of the sun. Just as a cloud moving
from behind covers the sun so does the moon moving faster covers the sun
from behind. That is why the western part of the sun is eclipsed by the
moon first and the eastern side released last. Owing to differences in the
latitude eclipses are sometimes seen and sometimes missed.' Then follows
a discussion on the need of parallax correction and so on.
The Diameters of the Sun and the Moon and their Distances from the Earth
For the calculations of the shadows cast either by the earth or the
moon it is necessary to know the diameters of the discs of the sun and the
moon, the earth's diameter and the distances of the sun and the moon
from the earth. Different astronomical texts give different values of these
elements, some of which are summarized in Table 2.5.
The ratio of diameter to distance gives the angular diameter of the
sun or the moon in radians. It is to be noted that the angular diameters
of the sun and the moon are nearly the same and agree approximately
with the modern values. To obtain the angular diameters in minutes,
the above-mentioned ratios are directed in Hindu astronomical texts to be
multiplied by R (= 3438') which is the equivalent in minutes of one radian.
Taking Bhaskara II's figures, the mean angular diameters of the sun and
the moon work out to 32·5' and 32' respectively.
The values of the diameters of the sun and the moon, given above, are
those for their mean orbits and therefore require to be corrected due to their
motions in eccentric circles. This correction is done by multiplying the
mean diameters by the ratio of the true daily motion to the mean daily
motion. Thus, if v: and Vs be the true and mean daily motions of the sun,
v~ and vm those for the moon, d; and dB be the true and mean diameters
of the sun and d~ and dm those for the moon, the following relations are
to be applied: a
,
, v
d
S
== dB .-!.
VB
Calculation of the Length and the Diameter of the Earth's Shadow

Aryabhata I and followers of the Aryabhata school (Bhaskara I and
others) give the following simple rule for the length of the shadow (measured
from the earth to the tip of the umbral cone) and the diameter of the shadow
at the mean orbit of the moon as follows:
Length f th rth' h d sun's distance x earth's diameter
o e ea s s a ow sun's diameter-earth's diameter.
II::
• SUo SI., iv. 2.

-
00
TABLE 2.5
Diameters of the sun, the moon and the earth, distances of the sun and the moon from the earth >
n
o
SUD Moon z
(j
Earth·s
~ .. ,.- ./,
" diameter
~
trJ
Diameter
(in yojana)
Distance
(in yojana)
Diameter
Distance
Diameter
(in yojana)
Distance
(in yojana)
Diameter
Distance
(in yojana) =
~
~to<
Aryabhata I, Bhaskara I .. 4,410 459,585 0·009596 315 34,377 0·009163 1,050 ~
Bhiskara II .. .. 6,522 689,377 0·009461 480 51,566 0·009308 1,581 tn
n
m
SilTya-siddhtinta .. .. 6,500 689,378 0·009429 480 51,566 0·009309 1,600 z
n
m
Modern values (in miles) .. 86,400 92,900,000 0·0093 2,160 238,900 0·009 7,926 700
z
(equatorial)
7,900002
(polar)
~
5=
A~TRONOMY 119
(length of earth's shadow-moon's

Diameter of shadow at moon's distance) x earth's diameter
orbit = length of earth's shadow
The above results follow easily from the construction given in Fig. 2.8.
S, E and M indicate the
Mean orbit Mean orbit
positions of the sun, the
of sun Earth of moon earth and the moon as also
their centres.
s. 1 1 S1S2 = diameter
E1E2
sun-d,
of the
= diameter of the
earth-d,
ES = distance of the sun
S L-------+:~-__t~----:-;::?O from the earth-R,
EM = distance of the
moon from earth
-Rm
DE = length of earth's
shadow-L
FlO. 2.8. Earth's shadow. L 1L 2 = diameter of shadow
at moon's orbit-S
Now,
EO EEl EE 2 EE t +EE2 E1£2
AIEl = A1S1 = A 2S 2 == A 1 S 1 +A 2 S 2 == StS2-AIA2
EO = £S. E]E 2 • or L = R,. de
(1)
S1 82-£1£2 ' d,-de '
L}L2 OM DE-EM
Again,
£I E2 = DE = DE
L L _ E 1E2(DE-EM)
1 2- DE
or S = de{L-Rm) (2)
L ·
Proceeding further, S=d.- d.:m.
Substituting from (1), S == d,- d,R",(d,-d,)

R,d,
or S = de-(d.-de) ~7 · (3)
Conditions ofEc/ipse
Let us now consider the situation at a lunar eclipse. The earth's
shadow and the moon about to enter it will both be near the node, the
point of intersection between the ecliptic and the moon's orbit. In Fig. 2.9,
ON is the ecliptic~ MN the moon's orbit, N the node, 0 the centre of the
shadow of diameter 8 18 2 and
M the centre of the moon's
disc of diameter M 1M 2 •
Let 8 = diameter of shadow,
dm = diameter of moon, N
f3 = OM = latitude of
moon.
Then SlM2' e.g. the part
of the moon eclipsed, is
given by
FIG. 2.9.
81 M 2 = 081 -0M2 = OSl+MM2-0M = !(S+dm)-{3·

This relation is given in the Siirya-siddhiinta lt which further says:
a lunar eclipse will take place if !(S+dm) > f1;
a tota11unar eclipse will take place if I(S+dm)-,8 > dm ;
or !(S-dm) > f3;
and a partial lunar eclipse will take place if !(S+dm)-{1 < dm ;
or !(S-dm) < f3 < !(S+dm)·
Duration of the Eclipse
1t is now possible to calculate the duration of an eclipse and derive a
simple relation for such duration.
Flo. 2.10. Duration of eclipse.

In Fig. 2.10,
LON-ecliptic;
KM1MN-moon's path meeting the ecliptic at the ascending node N;
SPG-earth's shadow;
KQP-moon's disc touching the shadow at P and about to be eclipsed;
OP-semi-diameter of shadow = 8/2;
M1P-semi-diameter of moon's disc = a; ;
• Sii. Si., iv. 10.11.
ASTRONOMY 121
LM} = OM = latitude of moon =~; during the progress of the

eclipse the latitude is assumed to remain constant as an approxi-
mation and for simplicity of calculation.
Then OL = MM1 = JOM~-OMS, assuming LOMM1 to be a rectangle,
Let v3 -vm be the relative diurnal motion of the moon with respect
to the sun (or its shadow) and 13 half the time of duration from first to
last contact, called sthityardha in Hindu astronomy. Then
Is = ~ = _1_ J(S+dm)2_f32 day = ~ J(S+dm)1 -(32

V8-Vm Vs-Vm 2 V,-V m 2
gha1ikas or na{lis.
In the same way, tv, half the time of total obscuration, called vimardardha, is
calculated from the following expression:
tv = ~J(S-2dm)2 _{32 ghatikiis or nii{lis

Vs-V m
The above relations also hold good for solar eclipse in which the
diameter of the sun's disc is to be substituted for that of the earth's shadow,
and the latitude is corrected for parallax.
Parallax
The solar eclipse is complicated by the phenomenon of parallax. The
sun and the moon will be in conjunction with respect to the earth when
these bodies and the centre of the earth
z lie in the same straight line. To an
observer on the horizon at the same
time, this will not be so (except when
z' the sun and the moon are at the zenith),
because both the sun and the moon will
appear differently depressed on account
of their unequal distances from the
earth. The angle made by the two
straight lines joining the body to the
centre of the earth and the observer on
its surface is the geocentric parallax
of that body. Thus L OMC and
Flo. 2.11. L OSC are the geocentric parallaxes
respectively of the moon at M and the
sun at S (Fig. 2.11). For the horizontal positions of the sun and the moon
when their zenith distances are 90°, the respective geocentric parallax is
called the horizontal parallax (L OMHC, L OSee). The peculiarity of the
Hindu astronomers was that they did not deal with the absolute parallaxes
of the sun and the moon, but considered only their differences, that is the
LMCM in the first and LMHeM' in the second case, which was sufficient
H
for eclipse calculations. Moreover, they made use of parallax only

in connection with the eclipse calculations, but did not apply it for other
astronomical purposes.
If for the position M of the moon, the zenith distance L MOZ' be z,
radius of the earth be r and the distance of M from the centre of the earth
C be R, then geocentric parallax p is given by
.
SJn p = Rr .SIn z
or p= i sin z, since p is very small.
For z = 90°, p = horizontal parallax, Po = rlR, so that

p = Po sin z .. (1)
This sinusoidal relationship is implied in all Hindu treatment of parallax
as we shall presently see.
z
nt-----+---+---_~--__+_---___t
Flo. 2.12 Latitudinal and longitudinal parallax.
In Hindu astronomical works the horizontal parallax of the moon or

the sun is given as II?) of their daily motion. For the moon it is 52' 42"
and for the sun 3' 56', making their horizontal parallax difference equal
to 48' 46' or 4 ghafiktis (fifteenth part of a day) in time.
For eclipse calculations, it is necessary to resolve the geocentric parallax
into two components, one in the direction of the ecliptic, called the longi-
tudinal component, and another at right angles to the ecliptic, called the
ASTRONOMY 123
latitudinal component. The treatment given here is based on one due to

O. Neugebauer. a
ELSWn-horizon of the observer E, S, W, n being the east, south,
etc., points;
nZMS-meridian;
KPNML-ecliptic;
N-nonagesimal, that is the point of the ecliptic nearest the zenith;
tribhona lagna or tribhona (i.e. lagna = 3 riisi);
M-culminating or the ecliptic point meeting the meridian; this is
called the madhya lagna;
L-rising point of the ecliptic, called the udaya lagna;
EL-amplitude of the rising point, udaya;
P-the body on the ecliptic whose geocentric parallax P is to be
resolved;
PM P~ = longitudinal and latitudinal components of parallax p
respectively;
ZNH, ZPPo-secondaries to the horizon through Nand P respectively;
ZN-zenith distance of the nonagesimal, drk~epa = ii;
NH-altitude of the nonagesimal, drggati = a = (90-a);
ZP-zenith distance of the body P = z;
PPo-altitude distance of the body P = z = (90 0 - Z);
PN-Iongitude difference between the nonagesimal Nand P = .6~;
KP:,-longitude difference between K and P = ~A = (90- ~~);
KPPo = ZPN = Y.
Now p~ = p sin y .. (2.1)
PA = P cos y (2.2)
and P = Po sin z
=
where Po horizontal parallax and from relation given above (1).
From the spherical triangle ZPN,
sin y sin 90 . ' sin ii
sin d = sin z ' SIn y = sin z.
From (2.1) and (1),
·
P/3 = P SIn y = P sinpa. Po = Po sIn._a. .. . (3)
If the rectangle formed by the components p). and P{3 be considered plane,
p~ = p2_p; = (Po sin i)2_(po sin 0)2 = p:(sin 2 t-sin 2 a)

= p~(sin2 a-sin2 z). (4)
From the spherical triangle, KPPo, and keeping in mind that Po, Hare
right angles and KN, KH are quadrants,
a Neugebauer (2), pp. 122-24.

~jn PKPo sin 90. sin Nfl sin 90

Sln PPo = sin Pi( , sin PPo = sin PK;
sin a 1 -
- - = --=== ; sin z = sin a sin /:!A • (5)
sin z sin 6.'\
Combining (4) and (5),
P~ = p~(sin2 a-sin 2 a sin2 6,\)
= P~ sin2 a(l-sinl (90- .6.'\))
= P~ sin 2 a sin 2 /:!A

or PA = Po sin a sin t:.~. (6)
To express (6) in the form usually given in Hindu astronomical texts,

\ 4 Sin a Sin /:!,\ (7)
= Po R'
R2' SIn a.
p}.
R'
sIn .6.1\ = R2
because Po = 4 ghatikas; R sin a = Sin a; R sin /:!A = Sin /:!A

Sin .6.'\ (7.1)
or [JA = [~]' ..
4 Sin a
The expression [-~~] is called cheda (divisor). Thus cheda is defined

4 SIn a
in the Surya-siddhanta as follows: ' ... the square of the sine of one sign (30°)
divided by the drggatijiva (sine of altitude of the nonagesimal) yields the
cheda'.a The equation (7.1) is stated in the next rule as follows: 'The
sine of the interval between the nonagesimal and the sun is to be divided
by this cheda; the quotient is the parallax in longitude of the sun and the
moon eastward or westward, in niir}is!
Thus to calculate PM it is important to know Sin a, for which detailed
methods are given in the texts.
ASTRONOMICAL INSTRUMENTS
Several types of simple astronomical instruments were in use among
astronomers in India in ancient and medieval times. Some of these instru-
ments have been variously described in the astronomical sa1J1hitiis and
siddhlintas. These instruments include water clocks, gnomon, staff, arc,
wheel and the armillary sphere.
The Water Clock or Clepsydra

The use of water clocks is referred to in the Veddnga Jyoti~a. The
earliest type probably consisted of a simple vessel having a small orifice
at its bottom, permitting water to flow out in a fixed unit of timet say a
nlJ(iikli. In course of time the water-flowing type gave place to the sinking
• su. Si., iv, 7.

ASTRONOMY 125
type in which a metal vessel with a hole was permitted to sink in a larger
vessel containing water. The Surya-siddhiinta describes such a sinking
type clepsydra which is 'a hemispherical copper vessel, with a hole in the
bottom, set in a basin of pure water, sinking sixty times in a day and night'.
Descriptions of similar water clocks are met with in the works of Brahma-
gupta, Lalla, Bhaskara II and others. We know from I-Hsing's account
that water clocks were indispensable in Buddhist monasteries, and skilled
mechanics used to be maintained by the king for their upkeep.
The Gnomon (Sanku)

In its simplest form it is a vertical rod with 12 divisions. It is
mentioned in the Atharvaveda and some of the Briihn1alJas. The Sulba-
siltras mention the use of the gnomon for the detennination of cardinal
points. Its description as well as details of its use in astronomy are given
by Vadihamihira in his Pancasiddhiintikii, by Bhaskara I, Brahmagupta,
Lalla and Bhaskara II. 'Take for a gnomon a cylindrical piece of ivory',
writes Bhaskara II, 'and let it be turned on a lathe, taking care that the
circumference is equal above and below; its shadows will enable the deter-
mination of the points of the compass, the observer's place, its latitude, etc.,
and the time.'
The Cakra or Circle

It is a circle of which the circumference is divided into 360 degrees.
Provided with an axis at the centre perpendicular to its plane and suspended
with a string, the circle was used for finding zenith distances and longitudes.
Brahmagupta and Lalla mention an instrument called pifha which is also
a circle with an upward staff attached to it. Bhaskara II describes a versatile
phalaka yantra which is essentially a circle or cakra which possibly served
the purpose of an astrolabe.
Capa, Dhanu, Karlar;, Turiya

The capa is a half circle; dhanu is an arc; karlari is also a type of arc
instrument; turiya is a quadrant. The first one is mentioned by Bhaskara II,
the second type is mentioned by Brahmagupta and Bhaskara II, the third
type is referred to in the Si~yadhivrddhida and so on. The word turiya
is mentioned in the ~gveda in connection with the description of an eclipse,
but it is doubtful if the word had anything to do with a quadrant.
The Armillary Sphere (Gola Yantra)

This is really a wooden model of the celestial sphere showing the
various great circles used in astronomy. The model gola yantra was used
mainly for purposes of demonstration. The outer sphere called khagola
(the celestial sphere) has a polar axis called dhruvaya~li. The sphere consists
of a number of great circles to represent the horizon, the meridian, the
equinoctial, the prime vertical, the 6 o'clock circle and so on. The altitude
or the azimuth of any star is indicated by a movable altitude-azimuth circle.
The horizon is divided into degrees counted either from the east-west
points or the north-south points. Inside the khagola is fixed another
sphere, the bhagola, on which are represented the ecliptic, the lunar and
planetary orbits called the k~epa-vrttas, the declination and diurnal circles.
This can be made to revolve round a polar axis. In the same manner
there is a third sphere, the drggo1a, which is supported on the axis of the
khagola produced. The whole arrangement of the armillary sphere is
such that the khagola and drggo1a remain fixed while the innermost bhagola
alone can be made to revolve.
There is a good description of an armillary sphere in the Siirya-siddhanta,
the Siddhiinta-siromatzi and several other astronomical texts, which
clearly shows the care and pains taken by the Hindu astronomers in eluci-
dating the principles of spherical astronomy to those who wanted to master
the science of the heavens.
Astronomical Instruments ofJai Sing's Observatories

We have already noticed Sawai Jai Sing's efforts in developing obser-
vational astronomy in India towards the end of the seventeenth and the
beginning of the eighteenth century. Jai Sing used both metal instruments
such as then were in vogue among Muhammadan astronomers and massive
masonry instruments of his own design and construction.
The Astrolabe
Among the metal instruments, the astrolabe naturally occupied the
most important place. This versatile instrument although known to the
Greeks was perfected by the Islamic astronomers in West Asia, Central
Asia and Spain and travelled to India along with Arab astronomy. The
Jaipur collection includes an astrolabe dated the 31st year of the reign of
Shah lahan and a Zarqali astrolabe dated the 23rd year of the reign of
Aurangzeb. Such astrolabes have also been found in other places in India,
some of which are at present preserved in a number of Indian museums
and libraries. Most of them are engraved in Persian characters, but a
few engraved in Nagari characters have also come down to us. Among
the medieval astrolabe-makers in India we hear of Zia'u'd-din Muhammad,
son of Qa'im Muhammad, son of Mulla Isa, son of Sheykh Allah-Dad. a
A number of astrolabes in which his name is engraved have been preserved.
The family worked in Lahore. Zia'u'd-din was a skilled astrolabe-maker;
his father Qa'im and grandfather Allah-Dad were skilled mechanics,
proficient in the making of globes and astronomical instruments.
Astrolabes (Arabic A${urlab) are of three types, e.g. the spherical,
the fiat and the rod. Of them the flat type representing the projection of
the celestial sphere on a plane is the most popular. Also known by the
• Nadri, PP. 621-31.
ASTRONOMY 127
name of 'planisphearum', it is a small portable metal disc instrument, of

which the diameter varies from about 4" to 8" (Fig. 2.l3(a). The instrument
consists of a disc, called the 'mother' or umm, provided with a raised rim
graduated in 360 degrees. The inner front surface, the' face', is called the
wadjih and the outer back surface the ;ahar. Within the inner front surface
of the 'mother' are set a number of circular tablets called ~ufii'ib. The
circular tablets are generally nine in number and are marked with circles
parallel to the horizon, projections of vertical circles, equator, etc.
FlO. 2.13(0). Astrolabe. The 'face', wadjih, showing

the graduated rim, the 'spider' and the circular
tablets as seen through the 'spider'.
In the 'mother' immediately above the circular tablets is set the most
conspicuous part of the astrolabe, e.g. the 'spider' or 'aranea', Arabic
'ankabut or shabaka. The 'spider' (Fig. 2.l3(b) is an open circular structure
so designed that the circular tablets below can be easily seen through. It
consists of an eccentric circle, the ecliptic, of which the rim is divided into
12 parts, each bearing the name of a zodiacal sign. A number of pointed
metal strips artistically cut project inside from the rims of the centric and
FIG. 2.13(b), Astrolabe. The 'spider' or 'ankabul.
FIG. 2.13(c). Astrolabe. The diopter or a/·'irjade.
Flo. 2.13(d). Astrolabe. The 'back', 1ohar.

ASTRONOMY 129
the eccentric circles. Each strip bears the name of a bright star. The
fine points of the ornamental metal projections are called indicators,
sha?iyii. The' spider' is capable of rotation round the central pivot. With
the help of several circular tablets, the 'spider' enables the user to find the
longitudes and latitudes of stars, the hour of day or night from the observed
altitude of the sun or the stars and so on.
On the back of the astrolabe there is a revolving piece called the diopter
or al-'i{iade (Fig. 2.l3(c». It is a ruler of length equal to the dianleter
of the circular back, each end being sharpened to a point and containing
a hole through which the sun's rays pass or the stars can be sighted. The
two arms of the ruler are graduated but differently. The al-'icjiide revolves
round an axis passing through the centres of all the various pieces held
together by a bolt and a screw at either end of the axis. The back of
the astrolabe is divided into four quadrants (Fig. 2.l3(d»). The rim of each
of the two upper quadrants is graduated in degrees at intervals of 5°.
One of them is marked by a set of equidistant parallel lines dividing the
vertIcal radius into 60 equal parts; these are called lines of sines from
which the sines are read off. Other quadrant contains a number of
declination circles. The lower quadrants contain circular scales and
rectangular markings for shadow measurements with a gnomon fitted in
the centre. In other designs, the back is provided with a number of
concentric circles and chronological indications forming a sort of perpetual
calendar. a
Masonry Instruments
Masonry instruments built under Jai Sing's instructions to equip the
observatories at Jaipur, Delhi and other places include huge dials, azimuth
A
instruments, meri-
dian circles, sextants
and several varia-
tions of them. Of
the huge dials
o designed by Jai Sing
himself, the most
F important was the
E equinoctial dial
called samral yantra
(Fig. 2.14). It is
a right triangular
c gnomon ABC with
its hypotenuse AB
parallel to the
earth's axis; to the
FlO. 2.14. Samr41 yantra. gnomon is attached
• Khareghat, pp. 152-157.
9
a quadrant circle DEFG parallel to the plane of the equator. Each edge
of the quadrant is graduated in hours and minutes, as also in degrees.
The gnomon itself is provided with tangent scales.
Ja; prakiis is a hollow hemispherical dial provided on its concave
face with a number of coordinates. The edge of the hemisphere represents
the horizon. Cross-wires are stretched along north-south and east-west
directions. Only Delhi and Jaipur observatories are fitted with a jai prakas
dial; the diameter of the instrument at Delhi is 27' 5" and that at Jaipur
17' 10".
Riimyantra is a cylindrical instrument which is open at the top and
has a central pillar. The inside circular wall and the floor are graduated.
The floor and the wall are broken up into a number of sectors to facilitate
observations. Wall sections are provided with notches in which sighting
bars can be fitted horizontally. Hunter compared it with a kind of cylin-
drical astrolabe referred to by al-Birfini. This is also an instrument
characteristic of Delhi and Jaipur observatories.
Other instruments comprise the diga'flsa yantra which is a large
circular protractor. It consists of a central pillar 4' high surrounded by
an inner wall of the same height and an outer wall of double the height
of the former. Both walls are graduated. The instrument is used for
azimuth observations. The na{livalaya yantra is a circular dial, the
dak#1J avrtti yantra is a meridian circle, the .5a~·tiilJ1Sa yantra is a graduated
meridional arc, and the ras; va/aya is a set of 12 dials for use in connection
with the rising signs of the zodiac from which the sun's longitudes can be
determined.
INTERRELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INDIAN, GREEK,

CHINESE AND ARABIC ASTRONOMY
India, owing to her pre-eminent geographical position, was always a

meeting-place of many nations and cultures. This enabled her from the
very beginning to play an important role in the transmission and diffusion
of ideas. Needless to say, it was a two-way traffic in the course of which
her own ideas and achievements in religion, science, arts and literature
travelled abroad with as much facility as those of her neighbouring and
far-flung nations flowed into her own borders to cross-fertilize her very
same endeavours. Her cultural and commercial contacts with West Asia
and Egypt extended to prehistoric times. In historic times, the
Achaemenian Empire and the Graeco-Bactrian kingdoms provided an
effective bridge between India at one end and West Asia and the Mediter-
ranean world at the other. Ptolemaic Egypt and Rome's Eastern Empire
developed a thriving commercial and trade relations with India. Mter
the spread of Buddhism into China, India, naturally enough, became the
place of pilgrimage of Chinese Buddhists, and in this way was opened up
a Sino-Indian intercourse in scientific and cultural exchanges which lasted
gB
_&!ll-
PuftB
The Mib Yaotra. Yutar Mantar. Delhi.. (Courtesy. Archaeological Survey of India,
Now De1hi.) See p. 130
ASTRONOMY 131
for several centuries. The opening up of 'silk-roads' and the consequent

flow of trade and commerce through Central Asia also contributed to the
process of such exchanges. The rise of Islam witnessed a new interest
in India and in her savants. In spanning the world from Spain to South-
East Asia and establishing her political and commercial supremacy over
half of the old world, Islam acted as the natural carriers of ancient knowledge
as cultivated among various peoples and, in the process, helped in the
preservation and further development of that knowledge affecting India
in no small way.
Against the above historical background it is futile to hold extreme
views such as that Indian astronomy was wholly of indigenous development
or that it was derived wholly from a foreign source. This is true not only
of India but of all cultures to a greater or less degree, for, in the develop-
ment of knowledge, each culture, marked as it was by its own genius and
individuality, depended heavily on the efforts of others.
Much of the Vedic astronomy, as we have seen, was of a primitive
nature capable of independent development wherever an agrarian civilization
took root. Its only important sophistication was the development of a
stellar zodiac, the nak$atra system, to follow the motions of the moon and
the SUD. Such a system also characterized the early primitive astronomy
of contemporaneous civilizations in China and West Asia. This occasioned
a controversy as to whether the Indian nak$atra, the Chinese hsiu, the
Babylonian lunar mansions or the Arab maniizil originated independently,
if not, whether any of them having the pride of priority influenced the
development of all the rest, or whether each of them had a common origin.
This question of origin has, however, still remained an unsolved problem.
In the meantime, the nak$atras fortified by the high antiquity of the ~gveda
and the Yajurveda texts in which these were first mentioned, by the fixity
of their number (27 or 28), and by their consistent use as a stellar frame-
work in calendrical astronomy, maintained their characteristic position
in Indian pre-scientific astronomy.
INFLUENCE OF BABYLONIAN AND GREEK ASTRONOMY
The position is different when we come to Indian astronomy of the

Siddhantic period. Although records bearing on this transitional phase
of Indian astronomy are very scanty, what we know clearly seems to indicate
unmistakable foreign influence. Such a conclusion of foreign, e.g. Greek
and Babylonian, influence is based on eulogistic references to Greek as-
tronomy and astronomers, transliteration into Sanskrit of Greek technical
terms and principles and methods typical of Greek astronomy, the historical
development of which is untraceable in earlier Sanskrit literature.
Garga and Varahamihira have referred to the proficiencies of the
Greeks (yavanas) in astronomy and even stated that although they were
mlecchas they should be honoured as r#s. As to the use of Greek technical
words, Varahamihira in his Brhajjiitaka gives the names of the zodiacal

signs as follows: Kriya (Me~a), Ttivuri (Br$a), Jituma (Mithuna), Leya
(Sifllha), Kullra (Karka/a), Piithona (Kanyii), Jaka (Tula), Kaurpya (Vrscika),
Tauk..fika (Dhanu), Akokera (Makara), Hrdroga (Kumbha) and lttha (Mina).
Other examples are lipta, minutes; horii, hour, horoscope; dre~ka!la or
drk kiina , decan; apoklima, inclination; kendra, anomaly; jyiimitra, chord
(lit. lover of chord), etc. These and other technical terms were used in the
same sense by Paulus Alexandrinus (c. A.D. 378), the author of Eisagoge,
an astrological work.
As to astronomical parameters, principles and methods of foreign
origin which found their place in the Indian system, Varaha's Panca-
siddhiintikii throws some light. Pradyumna and Vijayanandin who flourished
before Aryabhata I made a special study of the superior and inferior planets
and probably had access to Babylonian sources. P. C. Sengupta suggested
that Babylonian clements thus transmitted to India were developed into
a fuller planetary theory by Aryabhata I who did very much the same
thing for Indian astronomy as Ptolemy had done for the Greek. Further
evidence of Babylonian influence is provided by the computation of lunar
motions as given in the Vasi~lha-siddhiinta. This text yields the value of
the anomalistic month as 27; 33, 16, 22 ... in sexagesimal unit, which is
in remarkable agreement with the Babylonian value of 27; 33, 16, 26, 54.
It is very likely that the convergents of the anomalistic month, e.g. .2_~~
and ~ltl()], discovered in a tablet from Uruk and discussed by Schnabel,
were known to the author of the Va.si~tha-siddhanta. Recently David
Pingree drew attention to an astrological text, the Yavanajiitaka of Sphuji-
dhvaja (A.D. 269), which contained the use of Babylonian linear methods
in planetary calculations.
The Romaka- and the Paulisa-siddhiinta, of which the very titles indicate
foreign origin, were long taken to represent Greek or Alexandrian-Greek
astronomy. Although already indianized, the Romaka was still using
the Metonic cycle and the period followed by the PauliSa was different
from the yuga of later Hindu astronomers. In one of them the aharga1)Q
is calculated for the meridian of Yavanapura, and in the other the difference
in the longitudes of Yavanapura and Ujjayini is expressly given. With
regard to other elements of astronomy discussed in these works, similarities
with those of the Greek astronomy were noticed, which led Thibaut to
observe: ' ... it certainly appears highly probable that the Paulisa.. and
Romaka-siddhiintas were the earliest Sanskrit works in which the new
knowledge imported from the West was embodied.' Be that as it may,
even the earliest account of these works as preserved by Varaha clearly
shows significant modifications. In mathematical computations the Greek
chords were replaced by the half-chords, i.e. sine functions, and convenient
tables were constructed accordingly. In the planetary theories, although
the geometrical models were adopted, the longitudes of apogee, the sizes
of the epicycles and other related parameters were different, agreeing in
many cases more closely with observations.
ASTRONOMY 133
INDIAN ASTRONOMY IN CHINA
Sino-Indian religious and cultural intercourse which might have started

about the beginning of the Christian era became really intensified from
the time of Yueh-Chih Dharmarak~a (third-fourth century A.D.) and the
Kashmirian Kumarajiva (fourth-fifth century A.D.) who visited China by
the overland Central Asian route. During the following centuries
a steady stream of Buddhist scholars from Kashmir, Western, Central
and Eastern India visited China to carry out their missionary activity.
Their main activity was no doubt confined to preaching the Buddhist
doctrines and translating canonical texts, but some of them doubtless
were engaged in spreading secular learning such as astronomy, mathematics
and medicine. In the catalogue of the Sui dynasty (A.D. 610) are mentioned
a number of Brahminical works on astronomy, of which some are enumerated
below:
(1) PO-IO-nlen t'ien-wen-ching-Brahminical astronomy, in 21 books;
(2) Po-lo-ln~n chieh-chieh hsien-jen-wen-shuo-Astronomical dis-
sertations of the BrahmaI).a Chieh-chieh, in 30 books;
(3) Po-Io-men fien-wen-Brahminical astronomy, in 1 book;
(4) Po-lo-m~n yin yang Suan ching-Brahminical method of
calculating time, in 1 book.
Nothing is known about the contents of these works, but the very
titles and their careful listing in a dynastic catalogue clearly indicate an
interest in Indian astronomy among the Chinese scholars in the beginning
of the seventh and possibly in the sixth century A.D. In the seventh century
again we hear of an Astronomical Board at Chang-Nan where Indian
siddhantas bearing the names of Gautama, Ktisyapa and Kumlira used to be
taught. The Thang dynasty records mention astronomers bearing the name
'Ch'u-fan' which is the Chinese transcription of the Indian name 'Gautama'.
Ch'u-t'an Rsi-ta (meaning Gautama Siddha or Siddhartha), an astronomer
in the Thang Court (eighth century A.D.), translated an Indian calendar
under the Chinese title Chiu-Chi-li. The navagraha or the astronomy of 9
planets, the Riihu-Ketu theory of eclipse and other peculiarities of Hindu
astronomy began to appear in the Chinese astronomical literature from
about this time. Its influence can be somewhat guessed from the fact
that I-hsing, a noted Tantric-Buddhist astronomer of the Thang period,
was asked by the emperor to study the principles of Indian astronomy and
mathematics introduced to China by Hsi-ta and other scholars.
INDIAN ASTRONOMY AMONG THE ARABS AND IN LATIN EUROPE
Astronomy among the Arabs at the time of their embracing Islam

was rather in a primitive state. They had some practical knowledge of
stars, the motions of the sun and the moon, which they utilized for purposes
of reckoning time. Their interest in scientific astronomy was aroused
by the knowledge that the Hindus of India and the Persians of the Sassanian
period had cultivated among themselves a better and more scientific system
of astronomy indispensable for the making of accurate and reliable calen-
dars. Ibn aI-Adami, in the preface of his astronomical tables Nafm al-iqd,
records the visit during the reign of Caliph al-Mansiir of an Indian astrono-
mer who brought with him to the Caliph's court planetary tables, texts
for the calculation of eclipses, ascension of signs and other matters of
astronomical import. The astrologer Abu-Mashar of Balkh mentions an
Indian astronomer from whom he derived the knowledge of the Hindu great
cycle of 'Kalpa'. These visits and references doubtless proved useful, for
very soon, under orders of aI-Mansur, Brahmagupta's Brahmasphu{a-
siddhiinta and Kha1;l{lakhiidyaka were translated into Arabic with the
assistance of Hindu pandits, by Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Fazari (d. 796 or
806) and Ya'qiib ibn Tariq (d. 796). In the Arabic translations these
works were known as Sindhind and Arkand.
About the same time al-Tamimi translated the Pahlavi astronomical
tables, the Zik-i Shatro-aylir, into Arabic under the title Zij ashshahriytir.
This Persian work was compiled in the closing period of the Sassanian
Empire and exerted considerable influence on the growth of the early phase
of Arabic astronomical literature. We have it from al-Biriini that the
Shatro-ayar itself was based on Hindu astronomical methods of compu-
tation and parameters. In fact, Hindu astronomical texts were eagerly
sought for, studied and translated into Arabic with a view to getting a
better understanding of the Persian tables.
Kennedy, in his excellent survey of Islamic astronomical tables,
has given an impressive list of such tables which were either translations
of siddhiintas or based on methods and parameters contained in them. Some
of these works include the Astronomical Tables of al-Khwarizmi (c. 840)
revised later by Maslama al-Majriti (c. 1000) of Spain, Az-Zij al-Mukhtari
of at-Basan bin Mi~ba1J (c. 870), Az-Zij al-Kabir of an-Nairizi (c. 900),
Mukhta$ar az-Zij of ibn a~-~atrar (c. 11(0). Some of the Arab astronomers
like ibn Yunis and al-Battani who followed Ptolemy in the compilation
of their Zijes had access to the Sindhind and occasionally used Hindu
parameters. In this transmission al-Biriini (973-1048) played a distinctive
role. Instead of directly translating the texts as al-Fazari, ibn Tariq and
others did, he discussed Indian astronomy and astronomical methods
critically in his Ta"rikh a/-Hind, al-QanUn al-Ma'siidi, comparing and con-
trasting them with those of other systems. Interest in Hindu astronomy
declined among the Eastern Arabs after they were acquainted with the
works of Ptolemy, Theon of Alexandria and other Greek authors in their
Arabic translations, but peculiarly enough Hindu astronomy and astrono-
mical parameters continued to remain popular among the astronomers of
Spain.
Some of the special features of Hindu astronomy which were in this
way incorporated in Islamic Zijes are the zero meridian of Uijayini which
assumed the name' Arin', the era of Kaliyuga (February 17-18, 3102 B.C.)
ASTRONOMY 135
which became the 'Era of Flood', the Hindu planetary theory, the tables
of sine (R = 150), the tables of solar declinations, methods of spherical
trigonometry, ascensional difference, calculation of parallax and its appli-
cation to solar eclipse, etc.
The elements of Hindu astronomy passed into Latin Europe through
Latin translations of some of the Islamic Zfjes mentioned above. The
most conspicuous of them is Adelard of Bath's (c. 1142) translation of
al-Khwarizmi's astronomical tables in the version of the Spanish as-
tronomer Maslama al-Majriti. Another incomplete Latin translation of
al-Khwarizmi's tables has been found in Corpus Christi College, Oxford,
which has recently been edited, translated and commented upon by Neuge-
bauer. In 1951, Lynn Thorndike published and translated an anonymous
fifteenth-century Latin manuscript Ashmole 191 II, in which computations
were made for the geographical latitude of Newminster, England, for the
year 1428. The study of astronomical parameters and tables given in the
unsuspecting manuscript has revealed the characteristic features of Hindu
astronomy and another interesting instance of transmission as late as the
fifteenth century possibly through Arabic (Spanish) intermediaries. The
Newminster manuscript begins the Era of Flood from the year 3102 B.C.
which is the beginning of the Kaliyuga era and uses the sine functions
instead of the Greek chord, tabulating them for R = 150, a norm used in the
Kha!l{iakhadyaka and in the Toledan Tables.
In this way Hindu astronomy itself modified by the elements of
Babylonian and Greek astronomy travelled, through the powerful vehicle
of Arabic language, as far west as England. The circuit was completed
when, with the establishment of the Ghaznavid and the Mughal rule in
India, the Greek or rather the more advanced Ptolemaic astronomy in
Arabic version reached India and began to be studied and taught at first
exclusively among the Muslim circles and gradually among select Hindu
astronomers who appreciated its merit, its more refined mathematical
techniques and observational standards.
3 MATHEMATICS
S. N. SEN
THE history of the development of mathematics in India is as old as

the civilization of its people itself. It begins with the rudiments of metro-
logy and computations in prehistoric times, of which some fragmentary
evidence has survived to this day. The sacred literature of the Vedic
Hindus-the Sa'!1hitiis, the Kalpasutras and the Vedtirigas-contain enough
materials albeit scattered, to help form a good idea of the mathematical
t
ability during the time of development of this class of literature. The

Sulba-sutras which form part of the Kalpasiltras are a veritable storehouse
of information concerning enumeration arithmetical operations, fractions,
t
properties of rectilinear figures, the so-called Pythagorean Theorem, surds,

irrational numbers, quadratic and indeterminate equations and related
matters. The Briihma!las and some siltras contain interesting materials
concerning progressive series, permutations and combinations.
Of the various religious sects that attained prominence in the closing
phase of the Vedic period, the Jainas deserve special notice for their interest
in, and cultivation of, mathematics. Their canonical literature lays great
emphasis on mathematics and enumerates various topics such as number
reckoning, fundamental operations, geometry, mensuration, fractions,
equations, permutations and combinations. In some departments they
made advances further than where the Vedic Hindus had left off.
Indian mathematics received a new lease of life during the first few
centuries of the Christian era. The demands of astronomy, particularly the
need for more accurate computations of planetary motions, eclipses, etc.,
were in no small measure responsible for this. From now on we meet with
a succession of mathematicians and astronomers and a fairly steady growth
of mathematical-astronomical literature. The mathematical contents of
this literature and its voluminous commentaries have for obvious reasons
occupied the greater part of the discussion in the following pages.
The medieval period witnessed the growth of a sizeable mathematical
literature in Arabic and Persian and presented an opportunity for cross-
fertilization of the efforts of two distinct cultures. How far that oppor-
tunity was seized has been discussed.
MATHEMATICS 137
Situated at the cross-roads of many cultures, it was not given to Indian

mathematics to develop in isolation. Although what happened in the most
ancient times must remain a matter of speculation, records of late ancient
and medieval times show that Indian mathematics stimulated mathematical
endeavours abroad and itself received inspiration from neighbouring and
distant culture areas. Such stimuli have been noticed even in the case of
the complex and many-sided phenomenon of European Renaissance of the
sixteenth century.
METROLOGY AND COMPUTATIONS IN PREHISTORIC TIMES
It is reasonable to believe that the builders of the Indus civilization

developed a good degree of skill in their measuring and computational
techniques. Without these it is difficult to comprehend their town-planning
and architectural proficiencies and various other aspects of their civilization.
As to metrology, we have the evidence of seals with pictographic
inscriptions and numerous stone weights unearthed at Mohenjo-daro and
Harappa. The pictographic inscriptions have not yet been deciphered,
but by measuring the large number of weight specimens in modem
units one can guess what their weight system possibly was. From the
published masses of these weights, frequency charts have been constructed,
which clearly show that these weights were intended to be fractions or
multiples of the uncia. a Thus 288 specimens of small cubes of chert have
been shown to fall under seven distinct groups. By assuming 1 uncia
equal to 27·2 gm., these groups are as follows:
huncia = 1·7 gmt 1 uncia = 27·2 gmt

~ " = 3·4 2 = 54·4
~ = 6·8 " 5 " = 136 "
~ = 13·6 "
The discovery in large numbers from both the sites of the weight specimens
of mass 13·6 gmt has led others to suggest this as the probable unit. The
existence of a developed weighing system is further borne out by the dis-
covery from these sites of the remains of quite a few metal scales used
probably for weighing light
and precious substances.
An interesting specimen
of the Indus scale has come
down to us among the finds
r--
I
from Mohenjo-daro in the

1"32 I _ '~~
form of the fragment of a
FlO. 3.1. Sketch of an Indus scale. shell measuring 6·62 em. in
G Berriman, pp. 33-35.

length by 0·62 em. The scale shows nine parallel lines cut with a fine saw.
One of these lines is marked by a fine circle and the sixth line from it by a
dot (Fig. 3.1). The measurement of these five intervals shows 1·32 inches
making the distance between two consecutive lines equal to 0·264 inch. If
the length between the circle and the dot can be called the Indus inch, as
Berriman did, this becomes exactly equal to 2 Sumerian shushi. Another
significance of the Indus scale is that 25 Indus inches equal 33 inches which
again equal the yard prevalent throughout north India in Akbar's time.
Mackaya conjectured that the aforesaid scale was a part of the whole,
probably 13·2 inches long, and hinted at a decimal mode of dividing and
measuring lengths such as was characteristic of ancient Egypt and Elam.
I t is then easy to think that such a decimal scale appeared in some original
centre of diffusion in West Asia and then spread to other centres of culture.
This does not preclude the possibility of independent development in
different centres.
Indus seals and inscriptions, as found in Mohenjo-daro, show that
numbers were represented by vertical strokes arranged side by side or in
lateral groups. This might probably be some kind of rod numerals, of
which we have many examples in other ancient culture areas, notably
among the Chinese and the Mayans.
II III IIII /11// II) III 11/ III tIll

I J I I J' III
III
How far they went with such rod numerals in representing higher numbers
like 10, 20, 30 ... or 100, 200 and so on, it is not possible to say. Some
of the vertical or horizontal strokes, as we shall see later, survived in the
Kharostl}i and Bdihmi numerals.
MATHEMATICAL KNOWLEDGE AS REVEALED IN THE

SAl~IHITAS, THE BRAHMAlfA S, THE VEDANGAS
AND RELATED LITERATURE
SURVEY OF LITERATURE
In the chapter on survey of source materials, we have noticed briefly the

various sections of the Vedic literature, e.g. the Sa1Jlhitas, the Brtihma!1QS and
the Vediirigas. This vast sacred literature contains enough material to help
form a good idea of the mathematical ability of the Vedic Hindus. These
materials are mostly scattered and diffused in the Sa",hitas and the Brah-
ma~as. We are somewhat more fortunate with regard to the Veddngas, for
two of them, the Kalpasutras (ritual) and the lyoti$a (astronomy), directly
concern a large body of mathematical knowledge without which neither the
construction of various kinds of sacrificial altars nor the reckoning of time
fJ Mackay, pp. 348, 404.
MATHEMATICS 139
for calendrical purposes would have been possible. This debt to mathe-
matics or the science of calculation (ga~anti, rdsi-vidya) was freely ac-
knowledged and the study of mathematics was always given a pride of place
in the various branches of learning. When Sanat Kumara wanted to know
from Narada the various sciences and arts the latter had studied, he gave
a list which included astronomy and mathematics. In the Vediinga Jyoti$a,
the science of calculation has been likened to the crest on the peacock's
head or the proverbial gem on the snake's hood. Mathematics, along
with astronomy, was also held in high esteem by the Jaina and the Buddhist
monks. One of the four branches of the religious literature of the Jainas,
e.g. the ga1)itanuyoga, was concerned with the exposition of mathematical
principles. The Vinaya Pitaka, Digha Niktiya, Divyiivadiina and other
Buddhist texts also expatiate on the importance of the study of ga~lita or
sQ1J1 khyiina (science of higher calculations).
We have referred to the Kalpasutras as an important source of Vedic
mathematics. One class of this ritual literature is the Srauta-sutra which
deals with directions for the laying of sacrificial fires for agnihotra, the new
and the full moon, the seasonal, the scnna and other sacrifices. Of special
importance for our purpose are sections called Sulba-sutras which are
directly attached to these Srauta-sutras. These sections deal with rules
for the measurement and construction of the various sacrificial altars and
consequently involve geometrical propositions and problems relating to
rectilinear figures, their combinations and transformation, squaring the
circle, circling the square as well as arithmetical and algebraic solutions of
problems arising out of such measurements and constructions. The word
sulba (also spelt as sulva) means a 'cord', a 'rope' or a 'string', and its root
sulb signifies 'measuring' or 'act of measurement'.a Therefore, works
entitled sulba-sutras may be literally taken to mean a collection or
compendium of rules concerning measurements with the help of a cord
of various linear, spatial or three-dimensional figures. Quite appropriately,
the sulba-satras represented the Brlihma~a geometry or mensuration, the
sulba-vijniina, as mentioned specifically in the Manava and other sulbas,
and the sulbavid, the expert geometer, was held in high esteem in the
learned priestly circles.
One would expect a 8ulba section attached to each Srauta-sutra, and
there are Srauta-siltras belonging to all the four Sa1J1hitiis. But what we
possess today are a small number of sulba-siltras attached to the Srautas
belonging only to the various schools of the Yajurveda. Of them the Black
Yajurvedins of the Taittiriya school were the most active, and produced
the most comprehensive Julbas, e.g. those of Baudhayana, Vadhula,
Apastamba and HiraQyakesin. There are two Julbas by Manava and
ViiIiha of the Maltraya'); and one by Laugak~i of the Kiilhaka-Kapi~thala
school. Of the White Yajurvedins, Katyayana, the prolific siltrakara, is
credited with a small but more scientifically executed Sulba work. The
a Datta (4), p. 8.
initiative of the Yajurvedins in producing works of this kind is not surprising

when we bear in mind that they were the principal custodians of the
knowledge of sacrificial formulas and specialized in the techniques of per-
forming various sacrifices.
The Baudhtiyana Sulba·sutra is the oldest (600-500 B.C.) and the most
voluminous work of this class. It comprises 525 sutras divided into three
chapters. The first chapter of 116 siUras gives geometrical propositions
required for the construction of altars and deals with their relative positions
and spatial magnitudes; the second chapter of 86 sutras describes the various
fire-altars (agnis) and their spatial relationships; the third chapter contain-
ing 323 su/ras is devoted to kiimya agnis or sacrificial altars designed to
attain desired ends.
The Miinava Sulba-siltra (posterior to Baudhayana), a part of the
Srauta-sutra by the same author, is a small compilation and gives specifi-
cations of the measuring tape, gnomon and methods of finding the cardinal
points not given by Baudhayana or Apastamba. It contains descriptions
of a number of altars, e.g. the supa"Ja..citi, the piikayiijiiikf, the marati
and the varu!';, not found in other works.
The Apastamba Sulba-sutra (5Q0-400 B.C.) comprises 223 siltras distri-
buted among six chapters. Apastamba covers the same ground and gives
the same rules as was done by Baudhayana.
The Kiityiiyana Sulba-sutra (400-300 B.C.), also known as Kiitiya-
sulbapariSi$fa, is a comparatively small tract of 102 sutras arranged in six
chapters. Katyayana's treatment is more succinct and systematic. Like
Mfinava, he also gives specifications of the measuring tape, discusses the
gnomon and its application in determining the cardinal points. Kfityayana
gives solutions of rational triangles and states the Pythagorean Theorem in
a generalized form. In the sulba, Katyayana deals with different agnis
and their spatial relations, but not with the kdmya agnis, because the latter
is discussed in a separate chapter of his Srauta-sutra.
Other sulba-siitras referred to are minor works and do not throw any
additional light. HiraTJyakesin's work is no longer extantt but is known
from references and occasional extracts in other sulba-siltras.
We have already noticed the Vedaizga and the Area Jyoti$a. Although
these are astronomical works, these offer examples of application of ele-
mentary mathematics in astronomical computations, divisions of the lunar
zodiac, calculation of Ii/his, etc.
ARITHMETIC
Number
Like the Egyptians, the Vedic Hindus adopted 10 as the basis of nu-
meration and developed a great interest in thinking out and naming large
numbers. The Greeks, on the other hand, fought shy of large numbers
and their terminology hardly took them beyond the 'myriad' (10'). The
Egyptians freely dealt with large numbers on the decimal scale, such as
MATHEMATICS 141
hundred, thousand, million, tens of million and so on and had meaningful

Hieroglyphic symbols to express them. The same is true of the Vedic
Hindus. The various recensions of the Yajurveda SafJ1hita give names to
numbers as large as 1012 • The Taittiriya SafJ1hita a gives the following
denominations: eka (1), dasa (10), safa (10 2), sahasra (108), ayuta (10'),
niyuta (1()5), prayuta (10 6), arbuda (10 7), nyarbuda (108), samudra (10 9),
madhya (1010), anta (1011) and parardha (1012). The same is repeated
in the Pancavirrzsa BriihmalJa with further extensions. The following
passage from the Paiicavif!1!l~a Briih/na1)a b will give an idea of the context
and the manner in which large numbers were introduced:
'By sacrificing with the agnihotra, he reaches in one day ten "House-
lords" (Le. he becomes equal to, gains the merits of ten H.); by sacri-
ficing with the agnihotra during ten years, he becomes equal to one who
(regularly) performs the sacrifices of full and new moon, he becomes
equal to one who performs the sacrifices of soma. By offering the
agni.ytoma sacrifices, he becomes equal to one who performs a sacri-
fice of a thousand cows as sacrificial fee. By offering ten of these, he
becomes equal to one who performs a sacrifice with ten thousand
dak~ilJiis. By offering ten of these, he becomes equal to one who
sacrifices with a sacrifice of a hundred thousand dak~r.;ilJas. By
offering ten of these, he becomes equal to one who sacrifices with a
sacrifice of a million dak~b,liis. By offering ten of these, he becomes
equal to one who sacrifices with a sacrifice of 10 million dak~i1)as.
By offering ten of these, he becomes equal to one who sacrifices with
a sacrifice of 100 million dak~b,l{js. By offering ten of these, he
becomes equal to one who sacrifices with a sacrifice of 1,000 million
dak~"i~las. By offering ten of these, he becomes equal to one who
sacrifices with a sacrifice of 10,000 million dak$i1)as. By offering ten
of these, he becomes equal to one who sacrifices with a sacrifice of
100,000 million dak$i1:ziis. By offering ten of these he becomes the cow.'
The method of obtaining higher and higher numbers in multiples of
10, described later on as dasagu1)ottara, is clearly indicated. The number
names in this decimal scale in ascending order are: eka, dasa, sala, sahasra,
etc., the same as given in the Taittiriya Sa'!1hitii. It appears that the
thinking out and the naming of such large numbers were a favourite pastime
of the ancient Indian mathematicians. The same tendency is noticed in the
Buddhist literature where we find a centesimal scale (satottara ga1)ana) and
the name tallak$a1)a for the number 1058• The Jaina work, the Anuyo-
gadvara-sutra (c. 100 B.C.), called the places in powers of 10 as ga!land-
sthiina and mentioned large numbers up to 29 places and beyond. The
Jainas are further credited with the conception of a time-scale called sir~a
prahelika (8,400,000) and the suggestion of building up fantastically large
numbers in ascending powers of this figure.
CI Taitt. S., 4.4.11.4.; 7.2.20.1. b PaRco Br., xvii. 14.1.2; Eng. trans. by Caland.
The Vedic Hindus showed the same proficiency in developing a scientific

vocabulary of number names, in which the principles of addition, sub-
traction and multiplication were conveniently used. The system required the
naming of (1) the first nine digits, e.g. eka, dvi, tr;, catur, panca, ~at, sapta,
a~f)la and llava; (2) the second group of nine numbers obtained by multi-
plying each of the above digits by 10, e.g. dasa, vi!J1sati, tri1Jlsat, catvari1Jlsat,
panciisat, ~rta~/i, saptati, asfti and navali; and (3) the third group of 11 num-
bers beginning with 100 and followed by its multiples of 10 and its higher
powers, e.g. sata, sahasra, ayuta, ... parardha (see above). The multipli-
cative principle is already indicated in forming the numbers of the second
and third group. Other examples are ~{)a~ti'fl sahasrli1)i, paiiciisat sahasram,
dVli-saptatib sahasrii~li. The additive principle is generally used in naming
a number in which the numbers of the first and second group participate,
e.g. eka-da.~a (11), sapta-vifllsati (27), a$la-trifJ1sat (38). Additive and
multiplicative principles are simultaneously used when, in the number
concerned, the members of the third group participate along with those of the
second or the first, e.g. sapta satlini vi1]1Satib (720), ~a~li'l'l-sahasra navati'fl
nava (60,099).a These principles were widely used in constructing number
names in other culture areas, as witness such terms as pente-deka (50),
pente-hekaton (500) among the Greeks.
Of greater importance, however, is the infrequent application of the
subtractive principle for which the Etruscans are generally given the credit.b
Proceeding from right to left, they wrote 27 as XIIIXX [20+(10-3)];
38 as XIIXXX [30+(10-2)] and so on. The same subtractive principle,
in the number nomenclature, was applied by the Vedic Hindus in the
coinage of such terms as eklinna-sata (100-1), ekanna-vilpSati (20-1),
ekiinna-catvtiriJ!lsat,C etc. The word ekanna, meaning 'one less', was later on
shortened into ekona and una. In a limited way, the Babylonians also used
this principle in forming their inauspicious number 19 as < < Y>Y (20-1),
where y~ stands for -1.
Fundamental Operations
The four fundamental arithmetical operations, e.g. addition, subtraction,
multiplication and division, are nowhere spelled out in the Vedic literature,
as these were obviously taken for granted being commonplace operations.
One, however, meets with the interesting case of dividing one thousand
into three equal parts in the ~gveda and the Brahma"(las. In the ]J.gveda,
the division of the thousand is not explicitly mentioned, but it is
done so in the Tattiriya Sa",hitad, which, while incorporating the rc,
modifies the last line as 'Ye did divide the thousand into three'. The full
explanation of the arithmetical feat of Indra and Vi~lJu in the proposed
a ~v. 1. 164.11; I. 53.9. C Taitt. S., vii. 2.11.

b Smith (D. E.), II, p. 58. d Taitt. S., vi. 1.6.
MATHEMATICS 143
division is given in the Satapatha Brahmatza as follows: 'For when Indra

and Vi~Qu divided a thousand (cows) into three parts, there was one left,
and here they caused to propagate herselfin three kinds; and hence, even now,
if anyone were to divide a thousand by three, one would remain over .'a
Fractions
Acquaintance with the fundamental arithmetical operations with
elementary fractions is clearly indicated in the Vedic texts and their append-
ages. The ~gveda gives names of a number of simple fractions such as
ardha (1), tripada (1) and the Maitriiyatz i Safllhita mentions plida (1), sapha
(1), kzqfha (-12)' kala (1\)' From the Sulba-sutras onwards we meet
with terms such as a'!lsa, bhiiga to denote fractions in general. These
terms are used in combination with cardinal or ordinal number names;
in the case of the latter the word al'flsa or bhaga is often omitted. A few
examples follow:
tribhiiga, trya'!1sa {
paiicama-bhiiga, paiicama = f,
dviidaJa-bhaga or dvadasa = -l2
paiicadaSa-bhiiga - A
tri-a~/ama, trya~!a ~
dwO-saptama ~
trayastrya~')!a = 3~
paiicamasya caturvi1rlsa = 14 of ~
There are a number of other peculiar modes of expressing fractions, c.g.
ardhii${ama (7l), ardhanavama (8i), ardhadasan2a (91)b or dvi-gutz a (!),
tri-gu!la (!), caturgulJa (!).c
The Sulba-sutras contain several instances of addition, subtraction,
multiplication, division and the squaring of fractions. Consider the follow-
ing example from Baudhayana: d
'Then he measures the area of this square-shaped citi, whose side
is three puru~as less one-third. At the western side of this square is
the handle whose east-west length is half a purU$a plus ten angulas
(one-twelfth pur~a) and north-south breadth one puru~a less one-third.
This makes the (area of the) agni sevenfold plus two aratnis and the
prtidesa.'
Two aratnis and the pradesa equal 60 angulas or ~ purU$a. Expressed in
figures, the above means:
The area of the agni = (3-D2+G+h)(l-~) = 7~.
a Sat. Br., iii. 3.1.13. c MJ1., v. S.
II BSI., ii. 1-3. a Bs/., iii. 219-24.
The results of a few more statements of this nature are given below:
(1) Number of bricks each k sq. puru~a to cover 7! sq. purtqa
= 7~ -:- d5 = 187~
(2) Number of bricks each ~ of ! sq. purU$a to cover 71 sq. puru~a
30
71 • I 0 !' 1 15. 1
= 2-:""15 2=""2-:""30="2 X
15
= 225 ·
Progressive Series
Indian interest in progressive series has been traced to the Sa1!1hitiis.
The Taittiriya Sarrzhitii indicates the following arithmetical series in which
the odd (ayugma) and the even (yugma) ones are noticeable:
1, 3, 5,. . . 19, 29, 39,... 99
2, 4, 6, 20
4, 8, 12, 20
5, 10, 15, 100
10, 20, 30, 100
The Pancavifl1sa Briihma1) aa prescribes dak~i1.uis in gold measures
(miinas) to be given in geometrical progressions, depending on the nature
and the time of offerings, as follows:
12 (gold miinas), 24, 48, 96, 192 ... 3072, 6144 ... 49152, 98304,
196608, 393216.
In the above examples, the summations of such series are not given.
This is correctly done in the Satapatha BriihmalJa b as follows: ' ... there
are seven of these meters, increasing by four syllables; and the triplets of
these make seven hundred and twenty syllables and thirty-six in addition
thereto.'
In other words, it is proposed to compute
3(24+28 +32+ ... 7 terms) = 3x ~ {2 x 24+(7 -1) x 4} = 756.
It is true that no general rule for finding the summation as indicated
above is given in the Satapatha BrlihmaIJa. But the recurrence of both arith-
metical and geometrical series, with the correct statement of the results of
their summation, strongly suggests that the Vedic Hindus probably possessed
some method of finding the summation of such series. Thus the Brhad-
devatlJ (400 B.C.) gives the summation
2+3+4+ ... +1000 = 500499
and Bhadrabahu's Kalpasi1tra (300 B.C.), a laina canonical work, the sum-
mation of the geometrical series
1+2+4+ ... +8192 = 16383.
The series played an important part in prosody. PiJigala, in his Chandal)-
salra (200 B.C.), used a geometrical series 2, 21, 28 •••
• Pollc. Br., xviii. 3. b Sat. Br., x. 5.4.7
MATHEMATICS 145
It is noteworthy that the summation of progressive series has ever

since continued to occupy the attention of subsequent Indian mathemati-
cians such as Mahavira, Bhaskara II, NaraY8J)a and others who have all
given general formulas for obtaining the sum. In the Sthdniirigasiltra,
progressive series is included in the mathematical topic Vyavahiira, as
explained by the commentator Abhayadeva Sun (A.D. 1050). Later OD,
it became the subject of special treatises, e.g. Brhaddhlira Parikarma, r.eferred
to by Nemicandra.
GEOMETRY
Postulates
We have already stated that the various sulba-sutras that have come
down to us as parts of the Srauta-sutras are BrahmaQic geometrical manuals
for the construction of sacrificial altars. In the various rules given, certain
assumptions resembling Euclidean postulates are taken for granted. Thus
a straight tine is capable of division into an infinite number of equal parts;
a circle can be divided into any number of parts by drawing diameters;
each diagonal bisects a rectangle and both diagonals bisect each other,
dividing the rectangle into four parts with the vertically opposite ones equal
in all respects; a straight line joining the vertex with the middle point of the
opposite side divides an isosceles triangle into two equal halves; parallelo-
grams drawn on the same base and between the same parallels are equal
to one another; a square inscribed within a circle and touching the circum-
ference is the maximum, and so on. The texts give several rules as to how
to construct a straight line perpendicular to another straight line, a square
with a given side, a rectangle with given sides, an isosceles trapezium of a
Flo. 3.2.
10
given altitude, face and base. For constructing a square, Baudhayana

gives, among others, the following rule:
'If you intend to draw a square, take a cord of length equal to the
side desired of the square. Make a tie at each end of the cord and mark
its middle point. Draw the east-west line (EW of Fig. 3.2) and fix a
pole at its middle (0). After fastening the two ties at that pole draw a
circle with the mid-point of the cord; fix a pole at each end of the diameter
(along the east-west line). Fasten one tie at the eastern pole and draw a
circle with the other tie. Likewise, draw a circle round the western pole.
Join the points of intersections of these circles to obtain the second
(north-south) diameter; fix a pole at each end of this diameter. Fasten
both ties at the east pole and describe a circle with the mid-point (of the
cord). Draw similar circles around the southern, the western and the
northern poles. The exterior points of intersection of these four circles
will give the four corners (ABC D) of the required square. 'a
Combinations and Transformations of Rectilinear Figures

Of greater importance are the rules given in the sulbas for the com-
bination and transformation of rectilinear figures, specially the squares
and the rectangles. In a series of rules for transforming a square into a
rectangle, the simplest one is to draw the diagonal AC of the square ABCD
to divide it into two equal parts, to divide again one of these parts into two
equal parts by joining the vertex D with the mid-point E of the diagonal
and then to fit them suitably one to each side AB and Be of the square.
AFGC is then the required rectangle. In the paitrkivedi, it is often required
to find one square double of another given square. This is done by joining
the mid-points of the sides of a square. The thing is achieved by drawing
on the other side of the diagonal in Fig. 3.3 a similar rectangle AHIe.
When one side of a rectangle is given, the rule of transforming a square
into a rectangle of the given side is given by Apastamba as follows: b
'If you desire to make a rectangle out of a square (cut off from it
a rectangle) of a side of the desired length. The excess remaining is
to be added suitably as to fit (the rectangle cut off).'
Baudhayana also gives a similar rule. C The directions are incomplete
but, according to interpretations given of the above rule by the commentators
Sundararaja and Dvirakinatha Yajva, the true process appears to be as
illustrated in Fig. 3.4. ABCD is the given square. Its side AB is extended
to E, so that EB equals the given side of the rectangle into which the square
is to be transformed. Join EC cutting .AD at o. Complete the rectangles
EFCB and GFCH. Then GFeH is the required rectangle. From the
postulate that a rectangle is bisected by its diagonal, it is easy to see that
the rectangles AOHB, GODF are equal in areas and therefore the square
ABeD equals the rectangle GFCH.
• 1111., i. 22-28. II Asl.,iii. t. C lUI., i. 53.

lOB
MATHEMATICS 147
Baudhayana, Apastamba and Katyayana all teach methods of con-

structing a square equal to the sum of two different squares. The method
E G F
H H
AI--~---"""'"1D
A.e----....j
B I---~D
G c B H c B c
Flo. 3.3. Flo. 3.4. FlO. 3.5.
is to cut off from the larger of the two given squares, ABeD, a rectangular
portion ABEF of which the side BE is equal to the side of the given smaller
square. Then the diagonal AE is the side of the square equal to the sum
of the two given squares. The proof will follow from Fig. 3.5, in which
AEGH is the required square, and ABeD and CKGI are the given squares. a
In other words, the proposed construction is based on what has generally
come to be known as the theorem of Pythagoras.
Pythagorean Theorem
The theorem of the square of the diagonal is more explicitly given in
more or less the same language in all the 8ulba-sutras we know of. Here
is Baudhayana's definition: b
dirghacaturasrasyiik$!layiirajjub piirsvamiini tiryarimiini ca
yatprthagbhute kurutastadubhaya1!l karot; I
'The diagonal of a rectangle produces by itself both (the areas)
produced separately by its two sides.'
The same definition is given by Apastamba. Katyayana's definition
given in the same language is characterized by the explicit mention of the
knowledge of plane figures:
dirghacaturasrasytik~1)Qytirajjustirya1imani ptirsvamtini ca yat
prthagbhute kurutastadubhaya1fl karotiti k$etrajnanam I
Note the word iti k~etrajnanam at the end, meaning 'this is the knowledge
of plane figures'.
A question has often been asked whether such a definition resulted
from empirical guesswork or was based on a proof of some kind.
Although it is too much to expect elaboration of a proof in manuals of this
type there is hardly any doubt that the Vedic sulbavids at this distant date
possessed a valid proof of the theorem, of which the texts themselves provide
• Datta (4). p. 77. b Bl!.• i. 48.
148 A CONCISE HISTOR Y OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
reliable indications. For example, Baudhayana, in the very next rule, a

says that the rectangles for which the above is true have their sides
3 and 4, 12 and 5, 15 and 8, 7 and 24, 12 and 35, 15 and 36. The sum of
squares of these numbers is also a square for each pair.
E x S +- nirallchana
32 +4 2 = 52
122 +5 2 = 13 2
15 2 +8 2 = 17 2 a
72+242 = 25 2
122 +35 2 = 372
15 2 -t-362 = 39 2
w
FIG. 3.6.
The above relationships between sides and diagonals or hypotenuse
for rational rectangles or triangles have been freely used for finding the
perpendicular directions (north-south) at the east or the west point of the
east-west line in altar settings. The method is to take a cord of suitable
length greater than the distance between the two poles one each at the east
and the west point, fasten a loop at either end of the cord, fix it with the
two poles by these loops and then stretch it by the niraiichana mark. The
niranchana mark divides the cord in two portions x and y such that a2+x2 =
y2, where a is the distance between the east-west pole (Fig. 3.6). This finding
of the properties of rational triangles is a strong argument in favour of the
Vedic Hindus possessing proofs of the theorem of the square of diagonal
or the hypotenuse. It is possible that by actually drawing the squares on
the diagonal and the sides of a rational
rectangle, dividing them into elementary
unit squares and then counting them,
they might have arrived at the truth of
this theorem (Fig. 3.7).
Question of Origin
The question of the Greek origin of ....-to-~
the theorem and also whether Pythagoras ,--a--~t--r--""""r---1
himself was the discoverer of it and its
proof has by no means been solved.
The tradition attributing the theorem to
pythagoras is due to Cicero (c. 50 B.C.),
Diogenes Laertius (second century A.D.), FlO. 3.7.
Athenaeus (c. A.D. 3(0), Heron (third
• lUI., i. 49.
MATHEMATICS 149
century A.D.), and Proclus (c. A.D. 460), and therefore started about five
centuries after the death of Pythagoras. Junge pointed out that the Greek
literature of the first five centuries after Pythagoras contained no mention
of the discovery of this or any other important geometrical theorem by
the great philosopher and furthermore emphasized uncertainties in the
statements of Plutarch and Proclus. Although various attempts have been
made to justify the tradition and trace the proof to Pythagoras, no
record of proof has come down to us earlier than that given by Euclid
(Theorem 47, BK I). As to the relation 42 +3 2 = 52 from which the
theorem of rational triangle is derivable, very ancient Egyptian knowl-
edge is attested by the Kahun papyrus of the twelfth dynasty (c.
2000 B.C.), but its association with rational triangles does not seem
indicated in this or other Egyptian papyrii. a It is interesting to note
that among the Egyptians, geometry of surveying was considered to
be the science of the 'rope-stretchers' (harpedonap'tae) who thus appear
to be the Egyptian counterpart of the Indian fulbavids. As to the antiquity
of Pythagorean theorem in China, it is stated, though not proved, in
the arithmetical classic Chou Pei Suan Ching (third or fourth century B.C.);
the numerical relationship 4, 3 and 5 between the sides and the diagonal
of a rational rectangle is also given in this text.
Areas and Volumes

Regarding other areas of geometry, the areas and volumes of a number
of plane and solid figures have been given as follows:
Area of a triangle = i(base) X (altitude)
Area of a parallelogram = (base) x (altitude)
Area of a trapezium = !(sum of two parallel sides) x (altitude)
Volume of a prism or cylinder = (base) x (height)
Volume of the frustum of a pyramid = (a~a') (b~'J') h,
where a, b are the length and breadth of the rectangular base, a', b' the
corresponding ones of the parallel face, and h is the height.
Squaring the Circle,' 'IT

Another type of problem which interested the sulba geometers was the
circling of the square or its converse the squaring of the circle. Through
these exercises, the Vedic Hindus were led to finding approximate values
of "'. For circling a square, Baudhayana's rule is first to draw the arc of
a circle about the centre 0 of the given square ABCD with a radius equal
to half the diagonal, intercepting the east-west line at P. Then the circle
drawn about the centre 0 with a radius equal to half the side of the square
plus one-third of the portion between the (previous) circle and the square
(OQ = OR+QR where QR == PR/3) answers for the problem. If the side
CI Heath, It p. 352.
of the given square be 20, the radius of the required circle works out to
ax 1·1380718, taking the value of J2 =
1·4142156 as given in the fulba
(vide infra). That the area of the circle 4·068987a 2 is somewhat higher than
4a 2 is fully reflected in the sulba-satras.
p
()
D c
FIo. 3.8.
For squaring a circle, the same Julba-siitra advises the diameter to be

first divided into eight equal parts. The last 1/8th part is further divided into
29 parts and then 28 of these subdivisions are rejected (from this 1/8th
part). Furthermore, from it is rejected 1/6th of the preceding subdivision
(_1_)
8.29
minus 1/8th part of the last subdivision. If d be the diameter of
the circle, the side of the required square is given by
7d d 28d ( d d ) 1224
8+8-8.29- 8.29.6-8.29.6.8 =1393 d (approx.).
From the foregoing operations, it is possible to calculate the value of
"'. In the example of circling of the square, the radius r in terms of Q,
half the side of the square is given by
a
r = a+ (J2-1),
3
where
4a' 4
'It = [a ]2 = [1+i(J2-1)]2 = 3·0883
a+ 3tJ2-1)
accepting the Julba value of J2. Other results are 3·0885, 3-004. Baudhi-
yana's use of 3 as the value of." is therefore quite understandable. A more
accurate value of.", e.g. 3-16049, is inferable from the data given in the
MINna Su/ba-satra.
MATHEMATICS 151
ALGEBRA
The altar geometry of the Sulba..satras does not fail to give us a glimpse
of the beginnings of algebraic notions among the Vedic Hindus. These
notions include quadratic equations, indeterminate equations, surds, con-
ception of irrational numbers and determinations of their approximate
values.
Quadratic Equation
The sacrificial ritual often necessitated
enlargement or reduction of the altar in
accordance with a number of plans.
According to one plan, the shape is to remain
the same, all sides being proportionally
increased or decreased. The standard
mahavedi, for example, has the shape of an
isosceles trapezium having for its face, base
and altitude 24, 30 and 36 units respectively
(area 972 sq. units). The standard syena-cit FlO. 3.90. Mahavedi.
(the falcon-shaped altar) consists of a central
trunk of 4 sq. units, two rectangular wings each measuring 1 by
1~ or 1~ sq. units and a rectangular tail (pradesa) 1 by 1~ or 1Th sq.
units and has a total
area of 71 sq. units.
By the first plan, the
measures are left un-
disturbed but the unit
of length is changed
as required. Accord-
ing to another plan,
some parts of the altar
are proportionately
increased while others
are left undisturbed.
Thus, in the case of
syena-cit, while the
FlO. 3.9b. Syena-cit. units for the complete
square are propor-
tionately changed, that of the fractional parts for the two aralnis and
one pradesa are left unchanged. If p represents the modified unit and ~ the
change in area, we obtain the following quadratic equations for the two
types of vedis mentioned above:
Plan I·. I.~o dO. 36 (30p+24p)
II
LY~a"Uye I. lJJ x 2 -_ 36x(30+24)+
2 «
972p2 = «+972
152 A CONCISE msTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Syena-cit: 2px 2p+2 [p (p+~)] +p (p+io) = ~ +11'

15p" = 2cx+15
Plan II: Syena-cit: 2px2p+2 [p (p+~)] +p [p+~] = Ii +11'

14p2+p=2«+15
Specific examples given in the sulba-siltras of Baudhayana, Apastamba and
Katyayana agree with the solutions of these equations.
Indeterminate Equations
The sulbas contain rules for the construction of a square n times a
given square. The role involves the application of the diagonal square
theorem, for it says that the diagonal of the square produces the double
square, the diagonal of the rectangle formed of
the previous diagonal and the side of the given A
square gives a square thrice as large, the diagonal
of the rectangle formed of the previous diagonal
and the side of the given square produces a
fourfold square and so on. Katyayana gives a
general rule for finding a square n times a given
square. According to this rule, the required
square will be given by the altitude of an B D c
isosceles triangle whose base is (n-l) times
FlO. 3.10.
and the sum of the two equal sides (n +1) times
the side of the given square. That is, in Fig. 3.10,
Be = (n-l)a, AB = AC = (n+l)
-2- a,
where a is the side of the given square. It is clear that
AD2= [(nil)ar- [(n-;I)ar =na2.

If we put n == m2, the above leads to
m2a 2
l
rn -t)2 l
+( -2- (m2+1)2
a = -2- a2
which is a solution of indeterminate equation of the second degree

X 2 +y2 = Z2.
The questions relating to finding the sizes and number of bricks required
for building the different layers of the altars envisage solutions of simul-
taneous indeterminate equations of the first degree. The Baudh4yana Sulba-
siltra prescribes that a gdrhapatya vedi should be constructed with five
MATHEMATICS 153
layers of bricks, each layer containing 21 bricks so arranged that their rift
in two consecutive layers do not coincide. For a square altar in which
square bricks are used, Baudhayana says that three kinds of bricks having
their sides 1/6, 1/4 and 1/3 of the side (vyayama) of the altar should answer
for the construction. How were the sizes as well as the number of bricks
determined? Since 21 is not a square number and the rifts of consecutive
layers must not coincide, square bricks of at least three different sides must
be used. Suppose a to be the side of the square altar and /1' /2' /8 the side
of each of the three square bricks so that /IPI = /2P2 = IsPs = Q, where
PI' P2' Ps are rational integers. If x and y be the number of bricks of sides
II and /2 for the first layer, and x' and y' those of sides /s and /1 for the
second layer, we have
for the first layer,
x+y=21
xl~+yl; = a2
!.+L =]
pi P:
for the second layer,
x'+y' = 21
x' p'
pi-+-=1
P~ .
In other words, the problem leads to the following simultaneous
indeterminate equations of the first degree:
x+y = 21
~+[=t
m2 1 11
where m and n are integral parts of a. Although the method of solution

is not indicated, Baudhayana gives correctly the values of m and n as 6
and 4 for x = 9, y = 12 and again as 3 and 6 for x = 5 and y = 16.
Surds
The technical expressions used in the Sulbas for such quantities as J2,
J3, J4, J18, etc., are dvi-kartl1)i, tr-kara1)i, calu1kara1)i, a~tadaSa-kara1)i,
etc. By using words for ordinal numbers along with kara~i, quantities
JI, JT, are expressed as trtlya-kar~i, saptama-kara1)i, etc. Thus karfJl)i
has been used in the same sense as root or surd. Elementary operations
with surds are clearly indicated in the various places of the texts. To
draw a sautramtl1)iki vedi, an isosceles trapezium of the same shape as,
but one-third the area of, the mahdvedi, Apastamba uses the surds as
follows: 'For a unit prakramtl I/J3 of a prakrama is to be substituted;
154 ..1 CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
alternatively, the transverse sides should be 8 and 10 times J3 and the

east-west line 12 times J3.'a Expressed in figures,
· . gIves
the first dlfection 36 2
. the area = J3' 1 (24 30)
J3 +J3
= 324 sq. units;
the second direction gives the area = 12J3 x !(8J3+ 10J3)
= 324 sq. units.
Irrational Numbers and their Approximate Values

The Vedic Hindus have been credited further with the notion of
irrationality of the quantities J2, J3. They have even given the values of
such irrational numbers up to a high degree of approximation. For the value
of J2, the exact wordings of some of the su/bakaras are quoted below:
pramii1J.atrt trtiyena vardhayettacca caturthenatmacatus-
tri1J1sonena Isavise~ab Ib
kara1)ifll trtiyena vardhayettacca svacathurthenatma-
catustrifllsonena saviSe~a iti v;~e~abc
Both versions having used practically the same wordings, these may be
rendered as follows:
'Increase the measure by its third and this third by its own fourth
less the thirty-fourth part of that fourth. This is the value with a special
quantity in excess. 'it
If we take 1 for the measure of a square side, the above formula gives the
diagonal as follows:
1 1 1
J2 = 1+ 3+ n - 3.4.34 = 1·4142156.
In the same manner, the value of Ir-kara!'; is given by

2 1 1
J3 = 1+3+3:5 - 3.5.52 = 1·7320513.
The method by which the values of these irrationals were obtained is
not indicated in the texts. They did not obviously know how to extract
the square root up to so many decimal places at this distant time. Thibaut,
BUrk, MUller, Datta and others have reconstructed possible methods out of
the very elements and procedures dealt with in the Su1bas. For J2, one
possible method appears to be as follows:
Two squares of unit side are taken. One of them is divided into three
equal rectangular strips, of which the first and the second are marked 1
CJ Al'.,v. 8. C KJI., ii. 13.

o MI., i. 61-62; Asl., i. 6. • Thibaut (l), p. 21; Datta (4), pp. 188 If.
MATHEMATICS 155
and 2. The third strip is subdivided into three squares of which the
first is marked 3. The remaining two squares are each divided into four
equal strips marked 4 I 5 I () 7 61
by 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8,
9, 10, 11. These I 3 8
eleven strips are added
to the other square in 9 3
the manner shown in
Fig. 3.11 to obtain a 2 0 2
square less a small
square (shaded) at
the corner. The side " "
10
of the square equals Flo. 3.11.
I+!+_l_ and
3 3.4
the area of the shaded square (_1--.)2,
3.4
so that the former
is greater than the sum of the two original squares by the amount (3 ~ 4) 2.
To find the approximate value, suppose x be the thickness of the smallest
strips, 4, 5, ... 11. Then
2x (1 +!+_l)
3 3.4
-x = (_1)2
2
3.4
or
1
x = 3.4 .34' neglecting x 2 which is too small.
The side of the square equalling the sum of the two original squares
or the diagonal of each of the original square is given by
1 1 1
J2 = 1+3+ 3:4 - 3 . 4 . 34 •
One of the cuneiform tablets from the old Babylonian times (1600 B.C.),
now in the Yale Babylonian collection, shows a square with its two diagonals
and values in sexagesimal system, from which J2 in the same system works
out as
J2 = 1; 24,51,10.
Neugebauera has shown that the sexagesimal equivalent of the value
of J2 as given in the SuIba-satras is 1; 24, 51, 10, 37, . .. He has further
hazarded a guess that both the main term and the subtractive correction
of the Hindu value were based ultimately on Balylonian approximations.
The more ancient character of the Babylonian cuneiform texts cannot.
however, be doubted. Serious objections have been raised in accepting
any date for the earliest of the Sulba-sQtras beyond 500 B.C. But that it-
self does not appear to be a reliable ground for making such a suggestion
in view of a more complete and clear textual statement and several
CI Neugebauer (1), p. 34.

J56 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
indications of the derivations of approximate values, embedded in the

very texts themselves.
Permutations, Conlhinations and Pascal Triangle

Another favourite mathematical pursuit of the Vedic Hindus was in
the field of permutations and combinations, which was also very popular
among the ancient Jainas about whose mathematical interests we shall
speak presently. This interest was undoubtedly activated by the con-
siderations of the Vedic meters and their variations. There are several Vedic
meters, e.g. Gtiyatri, Anu"ffUbh, Brhati, Tri$lubh, Jagat;, to mention a few,
with 6, 8, 9, 11, 12 syllables. The Vedic meter specialists were concerned
with the problem of producing different possible types ofmeters from those of
varying syllables by changing the long and short sounds within each syllable
group. In this effort, they were led invariably to laying the foundation of
the mathematics of permutations and combinations. Emerging from the
intricacies of the Vedic meters, these rules found immediate applications, e.g.
finding possible combinations of the six tastes taking one, two, three, etc., at a
time, a possible numbers of philosophical categories through combinations of
n fundamental categories taken one, two, three, etc., at a time, b total number
of perfumes that can be made from sixteen different substances taken one,
two, three or four substances at a time, C and so on. In all these examples,
the results are given correctly.
Special importance attaches to PiJigala's ChandaJ.z-sutra (200 B.C.)
which contains a method called meru-prastiira for finding the number of
combinations of n syllables taken 1, 2, 3 ... n at a time. The method, as
explained by the commentator Halayudha (tenth century A.D.), is as follows:
,After drawing a square on the top, two squares are drawn below
(side by side) so that half of each is extended on either side. Below it
three squares, below it (again) four squares are drawn and the process
is repeated till the desired pyramid is attained. In the (topmost) first
square the symbol for one is to be marked. Then in each of the two
squares of the second line figure one is to be placed. Then in the
third line figure one is to be placed on each of the two extreme squares.
In the middle square (of the third line) the sum of the figures in the
two squares immediately above is to be placed; this is the meaning of
the term pu,,:za. In the fourth line one is to be placed in each of the
two extreme squares. In each of the two middle squares, the sum
of the figures in the two squares immediately above, that is three, is
placed. Subsequent squares are filled in this way. Thus the second
line gives the expansion of combinations of (short and long sounds
forming) one syllable; the third line the same for two syllables, the
fourth line for three syllables, and so on."
• SSe Rasabhtda..vlka!pddJIyilYOt 63. e Brh. S.t lxxvii. 13-14.

• Bhat. SQ., 314. • Bag, pp. 72-73.
MATHEMATICS 157
The meru-prastara is the same as the triangular array known in Europe

as Pascal's triangle. The triangle first appeared in Europe on the title
page of the arithmetic of Apianus (A.D. 1527) and subsequently in the
works of Stifel (A.D. 1544), Scheubel (A.D. 1545), Tartaglia (A.D. 1556),
FlO. 3.12.
Bombelli (A.D. 1572) and other Renaissance methematicians and in Pascal's

posthumous work Traite du triangle arithmetique (1665). Apart from giving
a quick method of finding the number of combinations, the method in its
association with meters clearly envisaged the computation of the binomial
terms an, an-1b, ... ab n- 1, bn of the expression (a+b)n.
JAINA MATHEMATICS
Despite great interest attached to mathematics by the Jainas of ancient
India, very little of their mathematical effort has unfortunately survived to
this day. We have of course the mid-ninth century mathematical classic
Ga1)ita-sara-sal'flgraha by Mahavira (c. A.D. 850), but no such comparable
work belonging to the pre-Christian centuries is extant. We only have a
few fragments or insertions in canonical or other types of non-mathematical
literature from which to judge of their early achievements. That a good body
of mathematical literature must have existed at one time seems indicated in
MahAvira's own statement in which he described himself as a mere compiler
from the great ocean of the knowledge of mathematics from which long
lines of holy sages had skilfully gathered many precious mathematical
gems. About the first century B.C. the Sthiindliga-sfltra, a laina canonical
work, listed several mathematical topics which used to be cultivated at
that time. These topics are: saTflkhyayana (science of numbers), parikarma
(fundamental operations), vyavahara (subjects of treatment), rajju (ge-
ometry, like Sulba), ras; (heap, solid mensuration), kalasava1'1)Q (fractions),
yaval-Iavat (equations, algebra), varga (square, quadratic equations), ghana
(cube, cubic equations), varga-varga (biquadratic equations) and vikalpa
(permutations and combinations). The Sanskrit version of the above

enumeration in Pali runs as follows:
parikarma rajjub rasi/:l vyavaharastathii kaltisavar!lasca I
pudgalab yavattavat bhavanti ghana ghanamulaflJ vargab vargamulam If
These subjects and the various technical terms used by the Jainas
passed later on into the mathematical works of scholars irrespective of their
religious beliefs and adherences. It is thus quite reasonable to believe that
in the period intervening the literature of the Brahma1)as and the Sutras
of the various Vedic schools and the period of specialization and Siddhantic
astronomy from about the fourth or fifth century A.D. the Jaina mathe-
maticians played a significant role. The disappearance of their works
might be due to (a) supersession of their simple processes and methods by
better and more sophisticated ones due to Aryabhata, Brahmagupta, Maha-
vira, Sripati, Sridhara, Bhaskara and others and (b) progressive deterio-
ration of the culture of mathematics in their religious order.
Jaina Mathematical Sources

As to early Jaina mathematical sources, we have already referred to
the Suryaprajiiapti and the Candraprajnapti which, although astronomical
works, contain useful information about mathematics as well. Like the
Sthantinga-sutra, we have stray references of mathematical and astronomical
importance in canonical works like the Bhagavati-siitra (first century B.C.),
the Uttaradhyiiyana-sutra (first century A.D.) and the Anuyogadviira-satra
(first century A.D.). As to persons by name, mention should be made of
Bhadrabahu (d. 298 B.C.), who had the unusual gift of reproducing from
memory the entire canonical literature of the Jainas and was befittingly
called a srutakevalin. He wrote a commentary on the Suryaprajnapti, as
we know from Malayagiri and possibly a compendious Sa'!lhitli known
after his name. BUhler noticed a work entitled Bhadrabahavi Sa",hitii, but
it has not been established that it was the work of Bhadrabahu we are
considering. Umasvati (c. first century A.D.), the reputed Jaina meta-
physician and author of Tattviirthddhigama-satra-bha~ya was, of course, no
mathematician but referred to mathematical formulae in his metaphors,
which indicate that such mathematical topics must have been widely current
at least among the intelligentsia of his time. Both Bhadrabahu and Uma-
sviti hailed from Kusumapura near Patna. Umasvati was also the author
of a K~etrasamasa (collection of places) or Jambadvipasamiisa. This title
belongs generally to a class of works popular among the Jainas, dealing with
geography and mensuration. The cosmographico-geographical details, the
elaborate specification of the dimensions of the different dvipas and fantastic
cosmological theories given in this class of works conceal at the same time
important mathematical information for this early formative period. Finally,
we have the name of Siddhasena, the laina in Varihamihira's references,
from which commentator Bhattotpala quoted a number of passages which
show Siddhasena's interests in astronomy and mathematics.
MATHEMATICS 159
Theory of Number
We have already mentioned the Jaina interest in the enumeration of
large numbers. By the conception of sirlaprahelika they suggested a
number of the order of 8,400,00028 • The Jaina terminology uses the
word sthana for the decimal place. As to names beyond thousand (sahasra),
they prefer to proceed as follows: tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands,
tens of thousands of thousands (kofi), tens of koti, hundreds of koli and
so on. In the Jaina system unity is not regarded as a number-eko ga~a
nasa'llkhya na upeti. Numbers are classified into oja (odd) and yugma
(even) as in the Brahma~ system.
The whole range of numbers is again divided into three groups:
sa1?1 khyeya (numerable), asa'llkhyeya (innumerable) and ananta (infinite).
Each group is subdivided into three orders, e.g. the first group (numerable)-
lowest, highest and intermediate; the second group (innumerable)-nearly
innumerable, truly innumerable and innumerably innumerable; the third
group (infinite)-nearly infinite, truly infinite and infinitely infinite. To
form an idea of the highest numerable (utkr$(a sOfJ'lkhyeya) of the first
group, one is advised to count one by one white mustard seeds while filling
with them a trough as large as the size of the Jambudvipa of diameter
100,000 yojana and circumference 316,227 yojana 3 gavyuti 128 dhanu
131 aligula and a little over. a In the same manner, one is to fill up with
same seeds other troughs formed by the various oceans and islands men-
tioned in the Jaina cosmology, and count them one by one. The total
number of mustard seeds will still be less than the highest numerable. All
this is stated in the AnuyogadViira-sutra, which then continues to enumerate
the number-groups of higher orders. If N be the highest numerable number
as defined above, the higher groups may be represented as follows:
(N+l) [(N+l)2 -1]
(N+ 1)2 [(N+ 1)4 -1]
(N+ 1)· [(N+ 1)8 -1]
(N+I)8 [(N+l)16_1]
(N+ 1)16 [(N+ 1)82-1]
(N+l)82 .
The highest numerable number of the Jainas reminds us of the Alef-
zero of modern mathematics, and the Jaina imagination clearly went much
further than that.
The Jainas are strongly believed to have possessed some kind of
numeral symbols although it is not possible to say what these forms were.
The Samavayanga-satra (fourth century B.C.) and the Prajifdpana-sQtra
(second century B.C.) mention ankalipi and ga~ita/ipi in connection with a
list enumerating the different written characters. The two names suggest
that in all probability different numeral forms were in use for different
purposes, orikalipi being used in engraving and ga!,italipi in ordinary writing.
• Datta (2). pp. 14<K1.

Fundamental Operations, Factors

Umasvati mentions two methods of multiplication and division of
which one is the ordinary method now generally followed and the other
is a shorter operation carried out in successive stages by factors. The
method of multiplication by factors reappears in the works of Brahmagupta
and later authors. SrJdhara, in his Trisatikti, develops the method of
division by factors. The Jainas are found to have large and complicated
arithmetical factors. One interesting feature is their frequent resort to
approximation in dealing with mixed number. Whenever the fractional
part is less than 1, it is neglected, but, when greater than i, it is replaced by
unity. Thus 315089 is used in place of 315089:~~~: and 318315 in place
of 318314 ::::. To indicate such approximation, expressions like kin-
cidvise$adhika (a little more), kincidviSe~o1)a (a little less) were used.
Mensuration
Rajju, as we have seen, was the Jaina name for geometry or mensura-
tion, in which they closely followed the Vedic su/bavids. Of the many
geometrical terms met with in their literature, the following may be men-
tioned: sama-cakravii/a, vrtta (circle), vyiisiirdha, vi~kambhiirdha (semi..
diameter, radius), jiva (chord), dhanupr~lha (arc), sama-caturasra (square),
sama-catu~ko1)a (even parallelogram), caturasra (quadrilateral), iiyata
(rectangle), tryasra (triangle), vi~ama-cakravala, parima1)(1ala (ellipse),
pratara (plane), ghana (solid), ghana-tryasra (triangular pyramid), ghana
caturasra (cube), ghaniiyata (rectangular parallelepiped), ghana vrtta
(sphere), and so on.
A number of formulae concerning the mensuration of the circle were
recorded by Umasvati in his Tattvdrthiidhigama-satra-bh~ya and Jambudvipa-
sa/nasa. These formulae are:
For a circle of diameter d, circumference p and area Ot,
p= YiO.d
Cl = 1 pd.
For the segment of a circle of are a less than a semi-circle, chord c,
sagitta or arrow s and diameter d,
c = Y4a(d-s)
s = l(d-yd2 -CI )
a = y6sI +C2
d=HS2+~).
The relation of the arc a with respect to sand c is found in the works
of Mahavira and Aryabhata II. They have also given alternative formulae
MATHEMATICS 161
varying only slightly in the numerical coefficient of S2. Heron of Alexandria

(third century A.D.) gives the relation as
.. / - - s
a = y 4s 2 +c2 + 4 .
Shen Kua, in his Meng Chhi Pi Than (A.D. 1086), gives the formula for the
sagitta as
2s2
a = c+-li .
The above-mentioned formulae, though found in a work by Umasvati, do
not appear to have been discovered by him because some of these fonnulae
were most likely utilized in earlier texts (Suryaprajiiapti, Jambudvipa-
prajifapti) in the computations of the circumference of the JambOdvipa from
its given diameter of 100,000 yojana, the linear dimensions of the seven
parts in which Jambiidvipa is divided, the dimensions of Bhiiratavar~a fonn-
ing the southernmost segment of this Dvfpa and so on.
Value of 'IT
In the relation given above of the circumference of a circle to its dia-
meter, the value of 'IT is shown to be JIO. The astronomical tract Surya-
prajifapti uses this value as also the less accurate one of 3. In the Uttar-
iidhyiiyana-sutra, it is stated to be a little more than 3. But all medieval
Jaina works systematically used JIO as the value of 1T in spite of a more
accurate value having by then come into general use in all BriihmaQa
astronomical and mathematical works.
Laws of Indices
The power series found in the laina works are limited to successive
squares or square roots, e.g. a 2, (a 2)2, (a') 2, ••• a2", (a l ), (a l )., (a 1)1, (a1)l,
... (a 1/n)t.
In other words,
first square of a means a2
second square of a means a2X 2
third square of a means a2x2x2
nth square of a means a2x2x2x ... to" term.
In the Anuyogadvara-sUtra, the world population is given to be a number

obtainable by multiplying the sixth square of two by the fifth square, or a
number which can be divided by two 96 times; it occupies twenty-
nine places, or, according to another interpretation, lies between the twenty-
fourth and the thirty-second place. According to the definition of the
square terms, sixth square means 226 or 264 and fifth square means 226 or
231• Therefore,
N = 28' X 282 = 290 = 79, 228, 162, 514, 264, 337, 593, 543, 950, 336.
II
Notice that the figure obtained occupies 29 places and is divisible by two
96 times. Here we have a clear indication of the application of the follow-
ing laws of indices:
amxafJ = am+fJ
Permutations and Combinations

Statements of results presumably arrived at by the methods of per-
mutations and combinations appear quite early in the Jaina literature.
In the Bhagavati-siltra, Anuyogadviira-sutra and the Jambudvipaprajnapti,
possible numbers of combinations out of n fundamental categories taken
one at a time (ekaka-sofflyoga), two at a time (dvika-sa'!lyoga), three at a
time (trika-sa'flyoga) have been speculated upon, and possible number of
selections out of a number of males, females and eunuchs, all calculations
of various groups to be formed out of different senses, etc., have been given
correctly. In the Anuyogadviira-sutra, the number of permutations of six
things is given by 1 x 2 x 3 x 4 x 5 x 6 with further direction of deducting
2 to give the result less the direct and reverse orders. An English translation
of the passage runs as follows:
'What is direct order? Dharmastikaya, Adharmastikaya, Akasa-
stikaya, Jivastikaya, Pudgalastikaya and Samaya-this is the direct
order. What is the reverse order? (Read the above from Samaya
backwards). What is Ananupfirvi (mixed) order? In this series, the
first term is unity, the common increase unity and the number of terms
six. Multiply the terms one after the other and deduct two. This is
the Ananupflrvi.' a
Snailka, a Jaina commentator of the ninth century A.D., reproduces
from some ancient mathematical texts rules for permutations and com-
binations, with his own illustrations. One quotation, curiously enough, is
in Ardhmaagadhi. The rules are:
'Beginning with unity up to the number of terms, multiply con-
tinually the (natural) numbers. That should give the result as per
calculations of permutations and combinations.'
That is
N = 1 .2. 3 ... (n-l)n.
Another rule for finding the actual spread (prastariinayanoplJya) runs as
follows:
'Divide the total number of permutations by the last term and
the quotient by the next. These are to be placed one after the other
by the side of the initial term in the calculations of permutations and
combinations.'
• Anu. Su., 97; ~t also Chakravarti (0.), pp. 79-88.

lIB
MATHEMATICS 163
The explanation of the rule after Sildilka is as follows:

(1) The total number of permutations of r things taken all at a time
= 1 . 2 ... (r-l)r = r!
(2) The total number of permutations having a particular thing ar for
. Inltia
Its . = -r!
. .. I d·Iglt = (r- 1)'.
r
(3) The total number of permutations in which 0r_1 will be next to
a in (2)
r
= (r-l)! = (r-2)!
r-l
Proceeding in this way, different permutations of things can be found
out.
It must be noted, however, that meter and prosody offered a much more
fertile field for the exploration of this branch of mathematics and the
chanda (meter) specialists naturally enough led the way as already noticed
before.
MATHEMATICS OF THE PERIOD SECOND TO EIGHTEENTH

CENTURY A.D.
This period is characterized not only by the wealth of materials but

also by the range, depth and quality of mathematical investigations which
admirably suited the natural talents of this culture area. In the previous
periods, the problems of architecture, particularly of the sacrificial altars,
the intricacies of the science of language and commercial accounting stimu-
lated the development of mathematics, in which also astronomy appears
to play no mean part. But now the greatest inspiration for mathematics
came doubtless from considerations of problems concerning the reckoning
of time. As elsewhere, here in India too, a substantial part of mathematics
developed as a sequel to astronomical advancement, and it is no accident
that a sizeable part of post-Vedic mathematics has been found only in
association with astronomical works. The relationship acted as a feed-
back process. Problems of accurate positioning of the heavenly bodies,
description of their motions in longitudes, calculations and explanations of
true positions from the mean, and several others, called for refinements in
algebraic solutions of indeterminate problems, many arithmetical opera-
tions such as handling of large fractions, root extractions and led to the
emergence of entirely new mathematical techniques of analysis, e.g. the
methods of plane and spherical trigonometry. Mathematization of as-
tronomy, in its turn, revolutionized astronomy on a scale by comparison with
which the Vedic and the Jaina astronomy appeared almost primitive. As
we have seen, the gestation period of the Siddhantic astronomy, the result
of such mathematization, may be limited to the first few centuries of the
Christian era. The commercial factors also played a notable part,
particularly in the development of arithmetic. Expansion of trade and

commerce, particularly with overseas countries, and the demands of an
expansive economy doubtless had a beneficial effect on the progress of
mathematics.
SOURCES
The Bakhshtili Manuscript (third or fourth century A.D.)

We open the discussion of the sources of this period with a manuscript
whose date has been the subject of much controversy. The manuscript was
discovered in 1881 in a small village called Bakhshali near Peshawar now
in Pakistan. Written on birch bark in Siirada script, the manuscript has
survived in about 70 leaves, some of them in mere scraps. Hoernle a who
published a number of accounts of it placed it between the third and
fourth century A.D., a dating with which BUhler, Cantor, Cajori, Datta
and other scholars agreed. Kaye, who prepared photographic facsimiles
and translation of the text with a long introduction, considered it to be a
work not earlier than the twelfth century A.D. and even expressed doubt
about its Indian origin. From a detailed study of its mathematical contents,
Datta b established that the manuscript was a running commentary on an
earlier work, in support of Hoern16's view that 'there is every reason to
believe that the Bakhshali arithmetic is of a very earlier date than the
manuscript in which it has come down to us'.
The manuscript is entirely a mathematical work containing rules, with
illustrative examples and their solutions, for arithmetical, algebraic and
geometrical operations. The major portion deals with arithmetic includ-
ing fractions, square roots, progressions, income and expenditure, profit
and loss, computation of gold, interest, rule of three and summation of
complex series. The arithmetical notation generally employed is the deci-
mal place-value notation. The algebraic operations discussed include
simple and simultaneous linear equations, quadratic equations, surds, with
interesting details as to plan of writing equations, unknown quantities,
negative signs, the method of false positions and the like. Several problems
relating to mensuration and miscellaneous subjects have also been dealt with.
In the selection of topics, methods of treatment, use of symbols, nota-
tions and terminology, the Bakhshali manuscript presents several charac-
teristic features by which it is distinguishable from other and more well-
known Hindu works. While most of the topics discussed are met with
more or less in contemporary or later works, significant omissions are
indeterminate equations of the first degree, the Pellian equation and the
geometry of shadows cast by a gnomon. These omissions have been inter-
preted as evidence of the more ancient nature of the work. Contrary to a
majority of Hindu works, the method of exposition followed in it is detailed
and generally comprises (a) the statement of the rule (satra), (b) examples
CI Hocrnl6 (I), pp. 89-90; (2), pp. 33-48, 275-79. PI Datta (I), pp. 1-60.
MATHEMATICS 165
(uddharQ1Jll) and (c) demonstration of the operation (kara~a) of the rule

or rules in the examples. Most of the original works we know are nothing
but books of mathematical formulae rarely containing examples which
are usually left to the commentators. Neither in the original nor in the
commentaries it is expected of a Hindu tract to provide the demonstration
or the rationale of the rules, which were the functions of the teachers belong-
ing to the different schools to explain.
Aryabhata I (b. A.D. 476)

In the history of mathematics, Aryabhata occupies a special position
not only by his appearance at the head of the Hindu mathematical
renaissance but by the pattern and the tone set by him in mathematical
investigations to be emulated by the generations of mathematicians to
follow. His mathematical rules set forth in the highly condensed and
sometimes cryptic form are given in the Gitikiipiida and the Ga1)itapiida
sections of his Aryabhatiya, of which the remaining chapters deal with
astronomy.
In his Gitikiipiida, Aryabhata gives an account of an ingenious and
peculiar alphabetical system invented by him of expressing numbers on
the decimal place-value model. Tables of astronomical constants, trigo-
nometrical sine tables and other numerical data are given in this new
system. The Gaf.litapada gives rules, among others, for the extraction of
square and cube roots by the arithmetical method, areas of triangles, trape-
zium or any plane figure, circle, volumes of pyramid, sphere, value of 17,
arithmetical progression, summation of series, interest, rule of three, frac-
tions, method of constructing sines by forming triangles and quadrilaterals
in the quadrant of a circle, and indeterminate equations of the first degree.
Aryabhata gave the most accurate value of 1T as 3·1416 and used the formula
(n- )cx- m-
.
sin (n+ 1IX-sIn
)·
noc .
= sin .
nOC-Sln 1 sin nil.
for the construction of sine tables, a formula also used in the Surya·siddhiinta.
Rule for the solution of indeterminate equations of the first degree is found
for the first time in his work although the germs of such equations are
traceable to the sulba-sutras as already noticed. This opened a favourite
line of investigation among later Hindu mathematicians and developed into
a)1ew branch by its own right.
Aryabhata was the founder of a mathematical-astronomical school.
His commentators included, among others, Bhaskara I, Nilakat)tha Soma-
sutvan, Paramesvara, Somesvara, Sii ryadeva and Yallaya. The first three,
while following in the footsteps of their great master, also made important
contributions of their own.
BhlIskara 1 (c. A.D. 600)

Well known for his Mahahhaskariya, a shorter tract Laghubhdskariya
and a commentary (B~a) on the AryabJuitiya, Bhaskara I primarily
developed Aryabhata's principles of astronomy. In mathematics, his main

contribution lies in the field of indeterminate equations of the first degree,
of which he dealt with many specific cases and gave several examples to
explain their application in astronomy. He found a method to solve such
equations with two remainders called dvicchedagra. a
Brahmagupta (c. A.D. 598)

George Sarton describes Brahmagupta as 'one of the greatest scientists
of his race and the greatest of his time'. As the first mathematician to
have attempted successfully the solution of the so-called Pellian equation
he richly deserves such a reference. Although a critic of Aryabhata, he
follows the latter in introducing chapters on mathematics in his great
astronomical treatise Brtihmasphufa-siddhiinta. These two chapters are
the twelfth called the Ga~itiidhyliyab and the eighteenth the Kutfiidhyiiyab.
The former is concerned with 20 arithmetical operations or logistics
(parikarma), including square and cube roots, fractions, rules of three, five,
seven, etc., barter, and eight determinations (vyavahiira), e.g. mixture,
series, plane figures, excavation, stock, saw, mound and shadow. Accord-
ing to Brahmagupta's definition, a mathematician (ga!laka) is one who has
mastered distinctly and severally the 20 logistics beginning with addi-
tion and the eight determinations ending with the shadows. Kuttadhyaya
is the section on algebra and deals with the methods of pulverization in
solving indeterminate equations of the first degree, linear equations with
one or more unknowns, equations involving products of unknowns, square
nature or indeterminate quadratic equations. The lemma he discovered
for the solution of the last-named equations marked the culmination of
his mathematical genius. Brahmagupta found an able commentator in
Prthudakasvamin who lived in the ninth century A.D.; some other commen-
tators were Amaraja, Sridatta and Bhattotpala.
Mahlivirliclirya (c. A.D. 850)

Mahavira, the great Jaina mathematician, probably hailed from the
Kanarese-speaking areas of south India and flourished during the reign of
the Ra~trakuta King Amoghavar~ Nrpatunga (814-877). In keeping
with the Jaina tradition, he studied mathematics for its own sake and not
in association with astronomy as was the vogue with the BrahmaJ.la math~
maticians. His Ga~ita-stira-saJ7lKraha does not, therefore, form part of
any astronomical treatise, but treats of mathematical problems in a more
simple and direct manner. The copious illustrations characterizing his
work also bear this impress. But he seems to be fully conversant with
BrahmaJ)a mathematics and, in particular, with the works of Brahmagupta
whose reputation as an authority was far and wide. In fact, he dealt with
several of the problems which had engaged the attention of his illustrious
• Kuppanna Sastri, summary of contents to his MaJltJbhdskarrya 01 BluJskartktlrya, lxxvi.

MATHEMATICS 167
predecessor and tried to improve upon them, often times with success,
which shows that he was neither a mere compiler nor a commentator but
an original investigator. From the fact that the manuscripts of his work
and its commentaries have come down to us in Kanarese and in Telugu
translations, Bhaskara II and other scholars in northern and central India
do not refer to his work and it is not even mentioned in Sudhakara Dvivedi's
Ga1)akatarangi1) i, it is reasonable to infer that his work was in circulation
only in the south.
Gatzita-slira-sa1Jlgraha is a work in nine chapters, dealing with operations
with numbers excluding those of addition and subtraction which are taken
for granted, squaring and cubing, determination of square and cube roots,
summation of arithmetic and geometric series, fractions, rule of three,
mensuration and algebra, including quadratic and indeterminate equations.
His arithmetical operations are based on decimal place-value numeration.
He mentions 24 notational places and uses word numerals as had been the
established practice. He gives operation with zero, but erroneously states
that a number divided by zero remains unchanged. Negative numbers
are used. The process of summation of a series from which the first few
terms are omitted is called by him vyutkalita. In his treatment of fractions
he was the first among the Indian mathematicians to have used the method
of lowest common multiple, called by him niruddha, in order to shorten
the process. In mensuration, Mahavira's treatment is similar in spirit
with that of either Brahmagupta or Bhaskara II, but much fuller and in
certain cases a little more advanced. Like Brahmagupta, he gives the area
of a quadrilateral as
V (s-a)(s-b)(s-c)(s-d)
but does not mention that it holds good only for a cyclic one. For the
volume of a sphere, he gives an approximate rule as ~(!d)S and an accu-
rate one as ~ . ~ . <!d)8, which makes 1T equal to 3·0375.
Mahavira gives two roots for quadratic equations and treats of simple
and simultaneous indeterminate equations of the first degree.
Aryabhata II (A .D. 950)

Well known as the author of Mahlisiddhiinta, an astronomical com-
pendium based more or less on the orthodox tradition of the smrtis, Arya-
bhata II discusses the favourite Hindu topic of indeterminate equations in
a section called Kutfakadhyiiya in the 18th chapter of his book. Dealing
mainly with indeterminate equations of the first degree, he improved upon
the method by suggesting a shorter procedure. He has also given rules
for solving quadratic equations along lines given previously by Aryabhata I
and Brahmagupta. Several arithmetical operations, such as the four
fundamental operations, operations with zero, extraction of square and
cube roots, rule of three and fractions, are also treated in this work.
168 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SClENCB IN INDIA
Sridharacarya (C. A.D. 991) and Sripati (c. A.D. 1000)

Srldhara is referred to by Bhaskara II as a distinguished mathematician
and is quoted by the latter in a number of places. We know of two arith-
metical works by him-a fuller work under the title Patigatz ita and the other
a smaller tract called TriSatikii, both of which have been edited, and of
which a number of manuscripts also exist. His algebra is no longer extant,
but is known from Bhaskara's references. The same arithmetical topics
as are discussed by Brahmagupta, Mahavira and Bhaskara II are treated in
the Trisatika. For multiplication, he uses a new term pratyutpanna (re-
produced) and discusses the kapala-sandhi (door-junction, Gelosia) method
which became very popular among later Hindu writers and was transmitted
to the West through Arab works. We know from Bhaskara that Sridhara
was the discoverer of a method of solving quadratic equations in which the
two sides require to be multiplied by four times the coefficient of x2• An
application of this method is also preserved in his arithmetic. Sridhara's
contemporary Sripati is well known for his arithmetic Gatzita-tilaka
commented upon by SiJllhatilaka Suri in the thirteenth century.
Bhiiskara II (c. A.D. 1114)

Bhiiskara II represents the culminating point in mathematical and
astronomical investigations in ancient and medieval India. In originality
and innovations he probably ranks with Aryabhata I and Brahmagupta.
As a lucid expositor of abstruse mathematical and astronomical rules, he
was probably unrivalled among his class in ancient and medieval India.
His whole mathematical-astronomical work, Siddhiinta-siromatzi, is divided
into four parts, of which the first two the Liltivati and the Bijagatzita
deal with arithmetic and geometry and algebra respectively. The work in
its entirety as well as in different parts are available in a large number of
manuscripts which clearly indicate their popularity and wide distribution.
This is also borne out by a large number of commentaries produced at
different times, including Persian translations.
The Liltivati concerned with arithmetic and geometry is divided
into the following chapters: (i) paribhii~ti, (ii) sankalita-vyavakalita, varga,
vargamula, ghana, ghanamula, sanyaparikarma, etc., (iii) vyastavidhi, traira-
sika, (iv) miSraka-vyavahara, (v) srerlhi-vyavahiira, (vi) k~etra-vyavahara,
(vii) khiita-vyavahdra, (viii) citi, (ix) krakaca-vyavahiira, (x) riisi-vyavahlira,
(xi) chiiyii-vyavahdra, (xii) kuttaka and (xiii) aizkapiisa-vyavahara. The
topics in which the chapters of the vijaga1)ita (algebra) are arranged are the
following: (i) ghana-vivara"tla, (ii) Silnya-v;vara!la, (iii) var!la-vivara~, (iv)
kara~i-l'ivara{la, (v) kuttaka-vivararza, (vi) varga-vivara1)Q, (vii) ekavar1Jll-
samikara!la, (viii) madhyamlihar~, (ix) anekavarrza-samikarQ1Ja, (x) aneka-
var~a-madhyamlihara!Ja and (xi) bhavita.
Both in his arithmetic and algebra, we find a full discussion on opera-
tions with zero in which the result of division of a finite number by zero
is correctly given. His arithmetic does not contain further novelties than
MATHEMATICS 169
what are found in the works of his predecessors, except that the rules are
more lucid and accompanied by many examples. His algebra is character-
ized by anticipation of the modem theory concerning the sign convention,
use of letters to denote unknown quantities and detailed discussions of
several types of equations, including indeterminate equations of the first
and second degree. The cyclic method (cakraviila) of solving the Pellian
equations, Nx 2+1 = y2, Nx 2+c = y2, described by Hankel as 'the finest
thing achieved in the theory of numbers before Lagrange' is due to him.
His tatkiilika method of analysis contains the germ of modern calculus.
From consideration of right-angled triangles and regular polygons up to
384 sides, he found the value of 1T as ~:;~ and also ~~~ = 3·141666. Some
of his findings will be further discussed in what follows.
Ntiriiya1Ja (c. A.D. 1350)

There are several authors of the name of NaraYalJa of whom four
attained distinction in mathematics, astronomy and astrology. The most
important of them as a mathematician was Nanlyat)a Pat)Qita, son of
Nrsitpha Daivajiia, who flourished during the reign of Firuz Shah (1351-
1388). He composed two works, one on arithmetic the GaIJitakaumudi
and the other on algebra the BfjagalJitiivata1J1sa. He was clearly influenced
by Bhaskara II; nevertheless, his works attracted wide notice and became
quite popular as is evidenced by the existence of a number of commentaries by
Jiianaraja, Sfiryadasa, GaI)esa and others. His algebra is a work of greater
merit and is divided into two parts: (i) laws of signs, arithmetic of zero, opera-
tions with unknown quantities, surds, pulverizer, square nature, cyclic
method, and (ii) four kinds of analysis, simple equations. In his discussions,
he clearly follows Aryabhata, Brahmagupta, Sridhara and Bhaskara.
The Work of the Commentators

The centuries following the time of Bhaskara II largely belonged to the
commentators. This is not to suggest that occasionally works of originality
were not produced after Bhaskara II or that the period up to his time was
only one of original investigators. Brahmagupta's scholiast Prthudaka-
svamin flourished in the ninth century A.D. and was a distinguished scholar;
as to works of merit other than commentaries we have already noticed
NarayaQa Pal}.Qita and there were many others. However, commentaries
on mathematical works in a fairly steady stream began to appear from the
fifteenth century. Gangadhara (c. A.D. 1420), an inhabitant of Gujarat, wrote
a commentary on the Lilavati with expositions from Bhaskara's Bijaga{lita
as well. Colebroke used it in the translation of the Lilavati in his Algebra.
GaJigadhara's brother, Vi~Qu PaQQita, wrote an arithmetic called GQ1)itasara
on the model of Sridhara from whom passages were quoted. The greatest
commentator of the fifteenth century was Paramesvara (c. A.D. 1430), a
Nampiitiri Brihma.t)a from Kerala, who commented both on astronomical
170 A CONCISB IDSTORY OF SCffiNCE IN INDIA
and mathematical works and also wrote a few original tracts. His com-
mentaries include Bhaladipika on Aryabhata, Karmadipikti and Siddhanta-
dipikd on Bhaskara I's works, the Vivara~a or Liliivati-vyiikhya on Bhaskara
II. His other commentaries and tracts mostly concern astronomy.
During the fifteenth and the following centuries, south India, particularly
the Malayalam-speaking areas, developed active centres for astronomical-
mathematical studies. These schools produced such works as Kara1)a-
paddhati, Gatzitayuktibhii~ii and Sadratnamiilii which, among others, dis-
cussed for the first time trigonometrical sine, cosine, tan and 11 series
and gave rules for them. While their period of composition has been
inferred from internal evidence, nothing is known about their authors.
Kara1)apaddhati was written by a certain Brahmin of the village of Sivapura.
Ga1)itayuktibhti~ii is an anonymous work in Malayalam on arithmetic and
mensuration primarily aimed at explaining the mathematical portion of
NnakaJ)tha's Tantrasarrzgraha. This NilakaJ)tha Somasutvan (A.D. 1465-
1545), who wrote the best commentary on the Aryabha/iya, also composed
several independent works, including Tantrasarrzgraha, and was widely
known in the south.
About this time in western, central and northern India we hear of a
number of distinguished BrahmaJ)a families zealously pursuing astronomical
and mathematical studies and producing gloss, commentaries and other
explanatory works. At Parthapura at the confluence of the Godavari and
the Vidarbha there flourished Jiianaraja (c. A.D. 1503) who wrote a com-
mentary on Bhaskara's algebra, but was more well known for his Siddhiinta-
sundara, an astronomical compilation. His son Sftryadasa (c. A.D. 1541)
composed the Saryaprakiisa and the Ga1)itiimrtakupikii, the former a com-
mentary on Bhaskara's algebra and the latter on his arithmetic; Jiianaraja's
disciple Ohun4hiraja (A.D. 1541) was also an able commentator on
astronomical works.
GaJ)esa Daivajiia (c. 1507), author of the popular astronomical work
Grahaliighava, hailed from Nandigram on the Arabian Sea about 40 miles
from Bombay (Colebrooke put it 65 miles west of Daulatabad). His
BuddhiviJiisinf on the Lilavati, accompanied by copious illustrations, was
one of the best expositions of this arithmetical classic. His father Kesava,
nephew NrsiQ1ha and cousin Lak~midasa were all accomplished astrono-
mers. Another family of astronomers in Mahara$tra was that of Divakara
of Golagram (lat. 18 0 N, long. 78 0 E) on the northern bank of the GodavarI.
Divakara was a disciple of GaQesa Daivajna and in tum trained his five
sons, Kr~t)a (b. A.D. 1561), Vi$J)u (b. A.D. 1566), Maliari (b. A.D. 1571), Kesava
and Visvanatha (b. A.D. 1578), in astronomy. All of them, particularly Mallan
and Visvanatha, turned out in time to be able commentators. This tradi-
tion was transmitted and fully maintained for a few generations through
Kr~Qa's son NrsilJlha (b. A.D. 1586) and his four sons, Divakara, Kamala-
kara (c. A.D. 1616), Gopinatha and Ratiganitha (c. A.D. 1640). Kamalikara,
the author of SiddJuintatattvaviveka (A.D. 1658), besides being well versed
in Hind~ astronomy and mathematics also picked up some Arabic and
MATHEMATICS 171
Persian astronomy and mathematics. Some passages from Euclid's

Elements as well as a few astronomical elements from Persian sources were
incorporated in his Siddhiinta and on the basis of these he ventured to
criticize Bhaskara's astronomy. His younger brother Rariganatha com-
posed, among others, a commentary M itabhii~i~i on the Liltivati.
Vallala's ancestors, well known for their interest in astronomy and
mathematics, had their original home in Elachpur in Madhya Pradesa. Of
his five sons, Kr~lJa Daivajiia (c. A.D. 1565) and Railganatha (c. A.D. 1573)
made their mark in mathematics and astronomy. Kr~Qa was a disciple of
Vi~lJu, son of Divakara of Golagram, and rose to be the chief astronomer
of Emperor Jahangir. He wrote an excellent commentary Naviirikura on
Bhaskara's Bijaga1)ita and another work entitled Kaipalatiivatara on the
Lildvati. His brother Ranganatha's fame was based on his excellent
exposition of the Surya-siddhiinta in his commentary Gu{lhiirthaprakiisaka.
Ranganatha's son MuniSvara (b. A.D. 1603), a great admirer of Bhaskara
II, wrote a commentary Nisr$!iirthaduti on Li/iivati, composed an arith-
metic entitled Pii/istira and a gloss Marici on the Siddhiinta-siroma1;li. A
contemporary of KamaHikara, he attacked the latter for his criticism of
Bhaskara's astronomy.
Exchange of Mathematical Learning between the Exponents of Sanskrit and

those o.f Arabic and Persian
We have referred to Kamalakara's acquaintance with Arabic and
Persian astronomy and mathematics. The mutual process of Hindu
scholars assimilating Arabic and Persian learning and Muhammadan scholars
digesting, reproducing and translating Hindu scientific works had of course
started much earlier. We have already noticed the effort of Mahendra SurI
in the fourteenth century to incorporate Persian knowledge in his Yantrardja,
of which a commentary was produced by Malayendu Suri in the seventeenth
century. NIlakaJ)tha Jyotirvid who flourished in the court of Akbar com-
piled a Tajik work in which a large number of Persian technical terms were
introduced. At Akbar's command, Faizi prepared a Persian version of
the Liltivati in A.D. 1587. In A.D. 1634, during the reign of Shah Jahan,
Ata Ullah Rashidi translated Bhaskara's Bijaga1;lita into Persian.
Such cross-fertilization of scientific learning between the exponents of
Hindu scholarship on the one hand and those of Arabic and Persian scholar-
ship on the other reached its highest point in the astronomical efforts of
Maharaja Sawai Jai Sing II of Jaipur (1686-1743). A distinguished
soldier, statesman and politician, Jai Sing was equally distinguished as
an astronomer and mathematician, of which we have already spoken. At
his orders, Jagannatha (b. A.D. 1652), the well-known astronomer of his
court, translated Euclid's Elements into Sanskrit under the title Rekhaga1)ita
from the Arabic version TaJ,zrir-u-Uqlidas by Na~Ir-al-dln at-Tusi. We
have already referred to his another laudable effort in translating Ptolemy's
A.lmagest under the title Samrat-siddhiinta, thus making available for the
first time in Sanskrit the entirety of this great Alexandrian Greek's mathe-
matical-astronomical classic. Jagannatha and other pa1J.Qits in the employ
of Jai Sing must have prepared translations of several other Arabic and
European works on mathematics. We know from Hunter that when he
met a grandson of Jai Sing's principal assistant (Jagannatha), he saw in
his possession the translation into Sanskrit of several European works in-
cluding Elements, a treatise on plane and spherical trigonometry, and
tract on the construction and use of logarithms of which the inventor was
said to be one Don Juan Napier. a However, there now exist manuscripts
of a work entitled Ukardkhya Grantha by one Nayanasukhopadhyaya
(c. A.D. 1730), which deals with spherical geometry and is probably a
translation of an Arabic work. b
MATHEMATICAL CONTENTS OF THE POST-VEDIC PERIOD

ARITHMETIC
Decimal Place-value Numeration

It is well known that the development of arithmetic depended largely
upon the mode of expressing number. Before the adoption of numerals
with positive values, its progress was everywhere slow and halting. The
early advantage, skill and excellence attained by the Indians in this branch
has been due primarily to their discovery of the decimal place-value concept
and notation, that is the system of expressing any number with the help
of either groups of words or 10 digits including zero having place-value in
multiples of 10. Mathematicians and orientalists are generally agreed
that the system with zero originated in India and thence travelled to other
parts of Europe. 'Our numerals and the use of zero', observed Sarton,
'were invented by the Hindus and transmitted to us by the Arabs (hence
the name Arabic numerals which we often give them). 'c In the beginning
of the present century a few scholars, notably George Rusby Kaye and
Baron Carra de Vaux, disputed the general view by questioning the reli-
ability of Indian as well as Arabic literary traditions on grounds of chrono-
logical uncertainty. Their objections and criticisms have been adequately
answered by both mathematicians and orientalists such as Ruska, Datta,
Ganguly, Das and Clark. But the knowledge derived from the study
during the last 30 years or so of Babylonian mathematical cuneiform
texts by Neugebauer, Sachs and others and from recent studies of Chinese
mathematics by Needham and his co-workers calls for a re-examination of
the question of the origin and development of the system in India. The
mathematical cuneiform texts of the old Babylonian period (1600 B.C.)
provide evidence of the use of a system of numeration based on place-
value notation on the sexagesimal scale. Neugebauer believes that the idea
spread to the Greeks and the Hindus and the latter contributed the final
• Hunler, p. 209. b Sen (S. N.) (5), p. 153. c Sarton (2), p. 151.
MATHEMATICS 173
step of changing the scale from the sexagesimal to the decimal. Needham
claims that the numeral forms and the method of number writing, as con-
tained in the Shang oracle bone (1400-1100 B.C.), were based on decimal
place-value idea. As to the discovery of zero, he credits South-East Asia
(Indo-China, Java) for it inasmuch as the Hindu culture there 'met the
southern zone of the culture of the Chinese'. The 'emptiness' of Taoist
mysticism no less than the 'void' of Indian philosophy, Needham thinks,
contributed to the invention of a symbol for zero.
Decimal Basis of Numeration and Word-numerals

We have seen that from the Vedic times the basis of numeration in
India has been 10. There are ample references to this in the literature of
the BrahmaQas, the Jainas and the Buddhists which, moreover, reveal a
peculiar interest in the enumeration and naming of large numbers. The
word ··numerals and their use in a decimal place-value arrangement represent
another unique development in India. This system was designed par-
ticularly to compress a large mass of numerical data in versified mathe-
matical texts. The word-names were selected from consideration of their
association with number. Thus '0' meaning 'emptiness', 'void', etc., was
denoted by kha, akiisa, ambara, sunya and their various synonyms; 1 by
earth synonyms, e.g. k#ti, dhara, prthivi, moon synonyms indu, candra, etc.;
2 by yatna, aSl'in, dasra, ak~i; 3 by rama, gU{la, agni, etc.; 4 by veda, samudra,
etc.; and so on. Coining of word-numerals may be traced to the J!.gveda
and their use without place-value has been found in the Briihma{las, Vediinga
Jyoti~f)a and some siUra texts. Their use in a decimal system appears in the
Agni Purtil)a and in the Paiica-siddhiintikii. A few examples from the
Paiica-siddhiintikii are given in Table 3.1.
In these examples, the word-numerals, although to be read in the verse
from left to write for the sake of meter, are to be arranged from right to
TABLE 3.1
2 3 4 5 6 7 7 6 5 4 3 2
nava - vasu - gU(Ia - rasa - rasafa 6 6 3 8 9

Sara - nava - kha - indriya - ar(Ulva • asalt 1 0 4 5 0 9 5
mufli - yama - yama - dvi 2 2 2 7
sunya. dvi • pallea • yama 2 5 2 0
svara • eka - pakl/l - ambara • narD - ftu 6 7 0 2 7
rasa - vllQya - gU(Ia - ambara • rtu - yama - pak,a 2 2 6 0 3 S 6
left, that is in the order of unit, ten, hundred, etc., in accordance with
the principle--a1iktin41p vamato ,atib (numerals move to the left)-for
ascertaining their numerical meaning. Notice also how the word yama or
pak~a, meaning 2 when used in the unit place, represents the numbers 20, 200,
2000, 20‫סס‬oo and 2000ooo when used in the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 6th and 7th
place respectively.
The word-numerals found extensive use in inscriptions and even
travelled to foreign countries along with the Hindu colonizers. The
following are some of the typical examples of such inscriptions found in
Cambodia, Champa and Java:
(i) Stone inscription of Phnom Bayan, Cambodia (A.D. 604):
6 2 5
rasa - dasra - sarais - sakendrava;~e = in the year 526 of the saka
king, that is 526 saka.
(ii) Stone inscription of Mi-son, Champa (A.D. 609):
975
nava - saptatyuttarapaiica var~asat{jtita saka-vanindra - kiilaparimii-
~am = in the saka epoch 579, that is 579 saka.
(iii) Stone inscription of Kangal, Java (A.D. 732):

4 5 6
siikendre ligate srutfndriyarasairaligikrte vatsare = in the year of
the saka king expressed by the number 654, that is 654 saka.
We shall presently see that the above inscriptional records were soon
followed by numerals with zero arranged according to decimal place to
express saka dates.
Alphabetical System
In the section DaSagitika of the Aryabhaliya is recorded a novel
alphabetical system of expressing numbers with the help of consonants
and vowels, based on the decimal place-value principle. An English version
of the relevant verse runs as follows:
'The varga letters beginning with ka (are to be used) in the
varga (square) places and the avarga letters in the avarga (non-square)
places; ya equals the sum ria and mao The nine vowels (are to be used)
in two nine places, varga (square) and avarga (non-square). (Those)
nine (vowels should be used) in higher places in a similar manner.'a
In this system, 25 varga letters from k to m have values from 1 to 2S and
seven avarga letters from y to h have values from 3 to 10. Their places are
governed by nine vowels a to au, distinction between short and long vowels
being disregarded. Thus the expression khyughr means
khyughr = khu+yu+ghr
= 2x 1~+3x l06+4x toe
== 4,320,000
• A. Dala. paribhdpl stanza.
MATHEMATICS 175
Despite great ingenuity displayed, the system was not without limitations
and ultimately failed to receive widespread use, except among the adherents
of the Aryabhata school.
About the same time a similar but somewhat improved system of
alphabetical notations, called katapayiidi, was developed and used in
mathematical-astronomical texts. The system employs place-value and
was probably known to Aryabhata. It was used by Bhaskara I, Aryabhata
II, Paramesvara and others. Its use is also found in the Jaimini-sutras
of uncertain date.
Literary References
Literary works contain several references to the use of zero before
its appearance in inscriptional records. There zero is expressed by such
terms as 'emptiness', 'void', etc. Piilgala's Chandab-sutra mentions zero
in the rules for calculating the number of long and short syllables in
a meter of n syllables. In the Bakhshiili manuscript we meet with
a symbol 0 which has been called sunya (emptiness, void). This has
been interpreted by Hoernle and Kaye as a symbol for the unknown
quantity from its use in algebraic operations. But the symbol has also
been used in the same text in connection with the decimal arithmetical
notation. Dattaa has interpreted the symbol as a true representation of
zero whose use for an unknown quantity is also understandable if by it
we mean the absence of a quantity which should be there. In the Kash-
mirian Atharvaveda, zero is represented by a dot. The Sanskrit name for
this zero-dot is sunya-vindu as is clearly stated in Subandhu's Viisavadatta
(c. A.D. 6(0).
In the Srivijaya inscriptions of Palembang in Sumatra a dot is used
in writing the 'zero' of the number 605. The early Arab writers on Hindu
numerals system used a dot to represent zero, for which the Arabic term is
tq-~ifr or ~i1r. It is easy to see how from such Arabic words Latin words
for zero, e.g. ciffre, ziffre, zephyrum, cyfra, tziphra, etc., were derived. Sacro-
bosco used the word figura nihili in the full sense of void, emptiness, as the
Hindus had done before.
Operations with Zero

More important is the early realization by the Indian mathematicians
of the various operations with zero in the mathematical sense. From
Brahmagupta onwards, mathematical works systematically give rules of
operations with zero as follows:
a-a = 0; a±O = a; O±a =±a; Ox(±a) = 0
o ±a
OxO=O; a=O; o = (kha-cheda)
The correct interpretation of the last operation was due to Bhaskara II.
• Datta (1), pp. 23-25.
TABLE 3.2
Numerals without place-value
Kharonhi Bra h mT KharoHhi Bdhmr

AKA SAKA
ASOKA NANAGHAT NASIK ASOKA NANAGHAT NASIK
PARTHIAN PARTHIAN
InHrlptlon~ Inscriptions Inscriptions Inscriptions Inscription, Inscriptions
,
KU~ANA KU~ANA
I I 80 3333 '\J::::J
2 II II 90
3 III 100 11 21 '"/
4 X + ¥¥ ¥hi-. 200 <II >VJf'!i ?f ~
5 IX rJ? 300 <II( (f
6 fiX e~ Y' If 400 {ft
7 III ,X ? 7 500
7f.
8
XX '-1~ 700 2i1
9
? ~ 1000 T <1
]0 7 doc( C(0< 2000 r
20 3 0 () 3000 r
30 4000 1f 9r
40 33 ::I- 6000
h'
so 733 G.~ 8000 <Jlj
60 333
1 10,000 1«
70 7333 Y 120,000 ro
Epigraphic and Inscriptional Records
The epigraphic records of numeral notations in India, of both non-
place- and place-value, are summarized in Tables 3.2 and 3.3.
The Kharo~thi numerals found in the Asokan, Saka, Parthian and
KU$aQa inscriptions of the period from the fourth century B.C. to the second
century A.D. are shown in column 2 of Table 3.2. Strokes and crosses
were used for the first nine digits and symbols for 10 and its higher powers.
With strokes and crosses and the sign ? for 10, the numbers were
built up to 99 on additive principle. The multiplicative principle was used
in developing symbols for 100 and its multiples 2, 3, etc., up to 9. No sign
for 1000 has revealed itself so far. Thus
100 200 300
1,
MATHEMATICS 177
TABLE 3.3
Numerals with place-value
GWALIOR GWALIOR
GURJARA BAuKA MAHTp,l.lA
Inscriptions Inscriptions
Grlnts Inscriptions Inscriptions
Value (BhoJildeva) (Bholadeva)
(A D 595) (A D 837) (A 0.917)
(A D 870) (A.D. 876)
1 '\ 1
2 ~
3 ~
~
~ ~
4
P '6 <is &-
5
~ <J(j Q ~
6 ~ ~
7 7 '( '1 11
8 Tt' r
9
Gl 0} 61 N
0 0 0 0
Intermediate numbers were written on the additive principle as follows:
22 74 J22 274
II 3 )<7333 1/311
(2 + 20) (4 + 70) (2+20+ 100) (4+ 70+ 200)
Numeral symbols were used on the left-hand side in developing numbers

on the additive principle and on the right-hand side for those on the multi-
plicative principle.
The Brahmi numerals (columns 3-5, Table 3.2) are more sophisticated
in their forms and use separate signs for the digits 1, 4 to 9 and for numbers
10 and its multiples up to 90 and for 100, 1000, etc. Multiples of 100 and
1000 up to 9 were derived on the multiplicative principle, as in the case of
the K.haro~thI for multiples of 100. A few examples are given below:
Naniighat
100 400 700 1000 4000 6000 10,000 20,000
T
Nasik
100 500 1000 2000 4000 8000
Table 3.3 shows numeral forms used in decimal place-value system

and found in stone as well as in grant-plate inscriptions. A few typical
forms have been chosen from more than 30 inscriptional records of such
numeral notations that have come to light. A circular symbol for zero
appears in the Gwalior inscription (column 4) pertaining to the reign of
Bhojadeva in which the verses were numbered from 1 to 26 in decimal
figures. In another Gwalior inscription (column 5), the date 933 in Vikrama
Samvat and the numbers 270, 187 and 50 were given in decimal place-value
system. The Gwalior inscriptions provide the earliest palaeographic record
so far known in India of the use of zero in a decimal place-value system.
For palaeographic records of still earlier dates we have to turn to the
Hindu colonies of South-East Asia. Decimal place-value numerals with
a point symbol (sunya-vindu) as well as a circular symbol for zero have
been discovered in three seventh-century inscriptions-two at Palembang
in Sumatra and one in Banka. a These give the Saka dates 605, 606 and
608 in figures. Another old Srivijaya inscription found in Satpb6r gives
the Saka date 605 in the same way. Drawings of some of these figures
are given below:
~.~ <;°V ~~r

605 608 735
Khmere inscription Inscription of Kota Inscription of PO
of Sarnb6r Kapur (Banka) Nagar (Champa)
In Java, two fragments of inscriptions have been found in Dinaya, which

express the same date in word-numerals as well as in figures having decimal
place-value. The Saka date 682 is given as nayanavasurasa and also in
figures.
From what we know about the development of word-numerals in
ancient India, their appearance later on in monumental inscriptions in
association with Saka dates and their subsequent replacement by figures
with zero in Hindu culture areas of South-East Asia can only lead to the
conclusion that the numerals with zero had originated in the parent country
and thence travelled to South-East Asia with the Hindu colonizers. Coedes
also arrived at the same conclusion when he said that' their (of the numerals
with zero) use in the Indian colonies at an old date is clearly in favour
of their existence in India at a date older still' (English translation of
41 Coedes, pp. 323-28.

12B
MATHEMATICS 179
the French version). It is therefore difficult to agree with Needham" that

the Chinese decimal place-value system and the emptiness of the Taoist
mysticism might have stimulated the discovery of zero in South-East Asia.
Hindu Originality
The Babylonian origin of the place-value system now appears beyond
doubt. It is immaterial that they chose a sexagesimal scale. But whether
the Hindu decimal place-value was derived from the Babylonian sexagesimal
place-value must remain a matter of conjecture only. The discovery of
cuneiform inscriptions of the Hittite Kings of Mitanni in Cappadocia
(fifteenth or fourteenth century B.C.) and the archaeological finds from Dr,
Harappa and Mohenjo-daro have established India's relations with Western
Asia from the third millennium D.C. There are stray instances of Babylonian
sexagesimal parameters appearing in Indian astronomical texts. But the
fact that the sexagesimal system was never generally adopted in India, the
very ancient and long Indian tradition handed down from the Vedic times
of giving decimal place-names and the various experiments of expressing
numbers on a decimal place-value plan are still valid grounds for believing
in an independent Indian origin of the system with zero.
New Arithmetic
The development of the place-value system meant the evolution of a
new kind of arithmetic which Sarton described as a 'medieval novelty'.
This medieval novelty represented by algorism, the term used to mean
arithmetic, came to Europe largely through Arabic translations of, and
works based on, Indian treatises and influenced in no small measure Euro-
pean mathematical renaissance.
Multiplication, Division
About the four fundamental operations of addition, subtraction,
multiplication and division, the first two need not be considered. Most of
the arithmetical works give four and some five or more methods of multi-
plication, of which the frequently occurring ones are kapala-sandhi, tastha,
rupa-vibhaga, sthana-vibhaga, i$ta-gatlita and the gelosia method. The
latter is sometimes included also under kapala-sandhi. The first method
was in common use, of which Sridhara gives the rule as follows: 'Place the
multiplicand below the multiplier and multiply successively in the direct
or the reverse order; move the multiplier after each operation; this is called
kapala-sandhi.' This is the same as the modern method followed generally in
elementary schools with the multiplier being placed under the multiplicand.
The gelosia or grating method is first noted in GaQesa's Buddhivilasini.
Gao-em explained it with reference to an example of the Liliivatib as
• Needham, III, p. 12.
& Co1ebrooke's translation of the LrJdvatf with notes by H. C. Banerjee, p. 7.
shown in Fig. 3. J3. The kopala-sandhi method is giv~n by such Arab

mathematicians as al-Khwarizmi (A.D. 825), al-Nasavl (c. A.D. 1025),
al-Qalasadi (c. A.D. 1475)
3 5 and several others. From
al-Nasavi's reference to the
method as ta'rikh ai-hindi
and al-amal aI-hindi, Indian
transmission is indicated.
The gelosia, also known as
the method of the quadri-
2 lateral, the square or the
cell, appears among the
Arabs and later on among
the Latin European mathe-
o maticians such as Pacioli (c.
6 2
A.D. 1464), Tartaglia (c.
FIG. 3.13. Gelosia method.
1545). On the question of
its origin and transmission, Smith observed: 'It was very likely developed
first in India, for it appears in GaQesa's commentary on the Lilavati and in
other Hindu works. From India it seems to have moved northward to China,
appearing there in an arithmetic of 1593. It also found its way into the Arab
and Persian works, where it was the favourite method for many generations.'a
The operation of division, particularly the long one, was considered
the most difficult of the fundamental operations in Europe even as late as
the fifteenth century. We have Luca Pacioli's remark, in Smith's quotation,
that 'if a man can divide well, everything else is easy, for all the rest is
involved therein'. Modern method of division appears in the form of
rules in the works of Mahavira, Sridhara, Aryabhata II and later writers,
but that does not imply lack of the knowledge of it before the ninth century.
Aryabhata I and Brahmagupta, although they refrained from discussing
the method, clearly showed easy acquaintance with it in their operations of
extracting the square and cube roots of large numbers as we shall presently
see. A method of division by removing common factors was probably
known to early Jaina writers.
Square and Cube Roots

The modern arithmetical methods of extracting the square and cube
roots of any number appear from Aryabhata I onwards. Brahmagupta,
Mahavira, Sridhara, Bhaskara II, Kamalakara and others have all given
the same rules with varying degrees of clarification, and with examples
by some. Here is Aryabhata I's rule for the square root extraction: b
bhliga", haredavargtinnityaf!l dvigu1)ena vargamiUena I
vargddvarge suddhe labdha'lZ sthanantare ma/am 11
CI Smith (D. E.), II. pp. 115-16. b A. Ganila., 4.

MATHEMATICS 18t
which means:
'One shall always divide the non-square place (avarga) by twice
the square root of the (preceding) square place, then subtract the square
(of the quotient) from the (next) square place; the quotient placed
at the next place is the root.'
Following Paramesvara's commentary, the number whose square root is

to be determined is to be divided into two categories of places, square
(varga) and non-square (avarga) places. From the last square or odd
place, counting from right, one should subtract the square of the highest
root permissible. This root is to be set apart. The next number in the
even or non-square place on being placed after the previous remainder
should be divided by twice the root thus set apart. The square of the
quotient obtained is to be subtracted from the next square place. The
quotient is a root for the next operation and should be placed in a row
after the previous one. This is illustrated in the following example: a
1 19(, 25(3 = root of a number nearest

the last odd place
32 = 9
Twice the root, 2x3=6) 29 ( 4 = quotient or next digit of root
24
50
Square of the quotient to
be subtracted from the
next square place, 42 = 16
Twice the root, 2 x 34 = 68) 342 ( 5 = quotient or next digit of root
340
25
Square of the quotient, 51 = 25
o
The required square root = 345
For the cube root extraction, we give Brahmagupta's rule which is the
same as that given by Aryabhata I before him.
'The divisor for the second non-cubic (digit) is thrice the square
of the cubic root. The square of the quotient, multiplied by three
and by the preceding, must be subtracted from the next (non-cubic);
and the cube from the cubic (digit): the root (is found)' (Translation
after Colebrooke (2)). The steps are explained in the following example:
• Sen (S. N.) (2), pp. 306--7.

3 4965'7 83( 3 = root of the number

nearest the last cubic place
33 = 27
Thrice square of root, 3 X 32 = 27)79( 2 = quotient or next digit of root
54
Square of quotient mUltiplied

hy thrice the previous root, 256
22 x3x3 = 36
2205
Cube of the quotient, 23 = 8
Thrice sq uare of root,
3 X 32 2 = 3072)2 ] 9 7 7 ( 7 = quotient or next digit of
2 1 504 root
Square of quotient multiplied
by thrice the previous root, 4738
72 x 3 X 32 = 4704
343
Cube of the quotient, 78 = 343
o
The required cube root = 327
Special importance attaches to Aryabhata's rules for the extraction of
the square and the cubic root because these, through the use of square,
non-square, cubic and non-cubic places and by the procedures laid down,
clearly indicate the use of decimal place-value notation with zero in Arya-
bhata's time and possibly for a long time before him. These arithmetical
operations were the direct consequence of the decimal place-value system.
In Europe, these modern methods do not appear before Cataneo (A.D. 1546).
Cataldi (A.D. 1613), the author of the Trattato, was one of the first writers
to use similar methods in their entirety. In the fourth century A.D.,
Theon of Alexandria, the noted commentator of Ptolemy's Almagest, gave
a method for approximate extraction of square roots of sexagesimal frac-
tions, but it was approximate, algebraical and different from the Hindu
method. In China, methods of extraction of square root (khai fang) and
cube roots (khai Ii fang) with the help of counting boards appear in the
Chiu..chang Suan..shu (latter half of the first century A.D.). a
Ratio, Proportion and Rule of Three

Problems of simple ratio and proportion were effectively handled by
the ancient Indians by the Rule of Three, tra;rasiko, and the Inverse Rule
a Mikami, pp. 13-14; ste also Needham, In, PP. 6S-68.

MAmEMATICS 183
of Three, vyasta-trairalika. Problems involving compound proportions

were dealt with the rules of five, seven, nine, etc., depending on the number
of terms involved. The Rule of Three is given in the Bakhshali Manuscript,
by Aryabhata, Brahmagupta and other writers of arithmetical works, where-
as rules and cases of compound proportions are met with from Brahma-
gupta onwards.
In the Rule of Three, the problem is to find what c will produce when
a produces b, a and c being of the same kind and b being different. Here,
a is the argument called pramii!la in the Hindu texts, b the fruit, pha/a, and
c the requisition, iccha. Aryabhata's rule is: 'In the rule of three, multiply
the fruit by the requisition and divide by the argument. The result will
be the fruit of the requisition.'a Bhaskara II states that the argument
and requisition must be of like denomination whereas the fruit is of a
different species. For Inverse Rule of Three, he further says, the operation
is to be reversed.
For compound proportion, that is in the method of five, seven, nine
and more, Bhaskara II directs as follows: 'Transpose the fruit and the
divisors; divide the product of the larger set of terms by that of the less;
the quotient is the result (sought).'b In such problems, there are two sets
of terms, one set belonging to the argument and the other to the
requisition. The fruit term in the argument set is to be transferred to
the requisition side; likewise, the divisor term, if any, on the requisition
side is to be transferred on the side of the argument. The remaining part
of the rule is quite clear.
The Rule of Three was rated very high among the Indian mathemati-
cians because, with the exception of squaring, square root, cubing and cube
root, most of the calculations commonly required involve this rule. Soon
after its appearance in the West, it began to be described as a golden rule.
Robert Recorde (c. 1542), the most influential English mathematician of the
sixteenth century, calls it 'the Rule of Proportions, which for its excellency
is called the Golden Rule'. In explaining why it is commonly called the
Golden Rule, Hodder, an English arithmetician of the seventeenth century,
says, '... and indeed it might be so termed; for as Gold transcends all
other Metals, so doth this Rule all others in Arithmetick'. C Transmission
of the Rule of Three from India to Europe through Arab intermediaries
is strongly suspected, for the name is found among the Arab and Latin
writers. Pacioli (1494) calls it 'La regola del 3', Pellos (1492) the 'Regula
de tres causas'; Chuquet (1484) 'La rigle de troys' and Rudolff (1526)
'Die Regel de Tri' whence its German abridgement 'Regeldetri'.
GEOMETRY
In the period we are considering geometry did make a progress from
the point where it was left by the Vedic Ju/bavids, but it did not develop
into the type of demonstrative and deductive geometry so favourite among
ca A. Gaffita., 26. II Ll., 79. C Smith (D. E.), II, pp. 486.
the Greeks. Analytical geometry, algebraic solutions of rational triangles,

quadrilaterals, etc., continued to interest the Hindu mathematicians.
Aryabhat a, in introducing a few geometrical propositions, says that
a circle is drawn by turning, the triangle and the quadrilateral are deter-
mined by kaffJa (hypotenuse, diagonal), the horizontal is ascertained by
water and the perpendicular by the plumb-line. The term k$etra-vyavahara
used by Bhaskara II is interpreted by Gal)esa to mean determination of
plane figures. Plane figures are fourfold, e.g. triangle, quadrangle, circle
and bow. Bhaskara II gives an aphorism that it is not possible to have a
rectilinear figure of which one side exceeds or equals the sum of the other
sides. a
Triangle
In two rules of his GalJitaptida, b Aryabhata indicates proportion-
ality of sides in two similar triangles. These have applications in the
gnomon and shadow problems. Aryabhata gives the property of right-
angled triangles as the square of the bhuja (perpendicular side) plus the
square of the koti (side) being equal to square of the ka"Ja (hypotenuse);
that is x 2+y2= Z2. General solutions for such rational triangles are
given by Brahmagupta, Mahiivira, Bhaskara and other writers. Several
rules of the sulba-sutras also envisage solutions of rational triangles.
The solutions in the form m2 -n 2 , 2mn and m2 +n 2 for the bhuja,
kot; and th~ hypotenuse are given by Brahmagupta, Mahiivira and Bhaskara.
Mahavira puts it as: 'The difference of the squares is the perpendicular,
twice their product is the base and the sum of the squares gives the diagonal
of a generated Uanya) rectangle.' In another set of solution, where the
side a is given, Bhaskara II directs this side to be multiplied by twice an
assumed number n and divided by the square of that number less unity to
get the perpendicular. To obtain the hypotenuse, the perpendicular so
obtained is to be multiplied by the assumed number and the side is to be
subtracted from the product. Thus the solutions are:
2an and 2an 2 a(n 2 + I)
0, n2 -1 n2 -1 -a or n2 -1
The area of the triangle as the product of the perpendicular and half
the base is uniformly given by all authors. Brahmagupta, Mahavira and
Bhaskara II further express the area as
Vs(s-a){s-b)(s-c),
where s = j(a+b+c).
Quadrilateral, Trapezium
Bhaskara ll, in one of his aphorisms, states that, for the same set of
sides of a quadrilateral, there are other diagonals, and so the area of the
II LI., 161. b A. G01)ito., 15-16.

MATHEMATICS 185
figure is manifold, for, in such a figure the opposite angles being made to
approach, shorten their diagonal and the other pair going outwards lengthen
theirs. a Mahavira defines five types of quadrilaterals: (1) samacaturasra
(equilateral), (2) dvidvisamacaturasra (equi-dichastic), (3) dvisamacaturasra
(equilateral), (4) trisamacaturasra (equitrilateral) and (5) vi~amacaturasra
(inequilateral). For an equilateral tetragon (tulyacaturbhuja) of side 0, if
one diagonal dt be given, the other d2 is given by
d2 = J4a2-d~.
The area of such a tetragon is given by Id1d2 • For trapeziums, the
area is given by Aryabhata and others as lh(a+b), where h is the perpen-
dicular and a and b the parallel sides.
Brahmagupta, Mahiivira and Bhaskara also give the area of a quadri-
lateral in terms of the sides a, b, c and d and s (where 2s = a+b+ c+d) as
A = V(s-a)(s-b)(s-c)(s-d),
a result true only for cyclic quadrilaterals, but not for any quadrilateral.
Brahmagupta states the above result as follows:
bhujayogiirdhacatu~laya bhujonaghiitiitpadaflJ sak~mam
That is, 'Put down half the sum of the sides four times, reduce (each) by the
sides, multiply the results and take square root; the exact area (is obtained).'
Brahmagupta did not limit the result to cyclic quadrilaterals only for which
the fonnula holds good. This limitation was realized by Bhaskara II
who stated that such a rule, though accurate for a triangle, was inexact
for a quadrilateral. For such quadrilaterals, his diagonals were expressed
in terms of the sides as follows:
_ j(ac+hd)(Qd+bC)
p- ab+cd
_ j(ac+bd)(ah+cd)
q- ad+bc
It is again Brahmagupta who expressed the diagonals of quadrilaterals
in the above manner. An English rendering of his rule runs as follows:
'The sides adjoining each of the two diagonals are multiplied and added
and (the two sets of results) are divided by each other; the quotients are
multiplied by the sum of the products of the opposite sides; the square
roots (of the results) give the diagonals.'b
The above results were rediscovered by W. Snell in the seventeenth
century in Europe. Ptolemy is generally credited with the formula
pq = ac+bd
which directly follows from the above result. But to Brahmagupta belongs
the credit of obtaining expressions for the diagonals which easily lead to
the above formula.
.. U., 170. b B,. Sp. Si., xii. 28.
The mathematicians of this period also studied the conditions for

obtaining various types of rational quadrilaterals. Let us consider the
question of constructing an isosceles trapezium whose sides, diagonals,
altitudes and areas are all rational numbers.
A o Suppose p, q and, are

suitably selected integers. A
rational right triangle ABE
(Fig. 3.14) is constructed
such that
the diagonal AB = p2+ql
the side BE = p2_ q2
B E F c
the perpendicular
Flo. 3.14 AE = 2pq.
According to the rule given by Brahmagupta, a the face AD and the base
Be of the isosceles trapezium ABeD are given by:
p2q2
AD = 21 (4-,- -r) _(p2_q2)
Be ="21 (4- r - -r ) +(p2_q2)

p2q2
The area of the trapezi urn = pq (4P;q2 - r)

It is clear that all the above elements are rational numbers. This is
one of the many cases of rational and inscribed quadrilaterals discussed by
the mathematicians of ancient and medieval India.
Circle, 7T
In the geometry of the circle, the most important element is the ratio
of its circumference to its diameter, that is 1T. Various approximate values
of 1T, we have already seen, had been in use in India from the time of the
sulba-sutras and early Jaina and Brahmal)a mathematicians. More accurate
astronomical computations demanded an accurate value of 'IT for which
the older values such as 3, JIO, 3·0883 became more and more insufficient.
Brahmagupta still continued to use 3 as an approximate value good for
practical purposes and JIO as the accurate one. But Aryabhata in the
fifth century had already given a value 3·1416 correct up to four decimal
places in the following manner:
caturadhikaf!l satama$lagUl.lo1J1 dva$~tistatJui sahasrd1)dm I
ayutadvayavi~kambhasyasanno vrttapari1;llihal;z \I (Ga1;litapada, 10)
It Sr. Sp. Si., xii. 36.

MATHEMATICS 187
which means:
'Add four to one hundred, multiply by eight and then add sixty-
two thousand; the result is approximately the circumference of a circle
of diameter of twenty thousand.'
In other words,
1f = circumference 8(100+4)+62,000 = 62,832 = 3.1416
diameter 20,000 20,000
Aryabhata still called it an approximate (iisanna) value. This value was
adopted by Lalla, mentioned by Bhattotpala in his commentary of Varaha-
mihira's Brhatsa1J1hitii and finally by Bhaskara II in the reduced form
~:~~. AI-Khwarizmi, the celebrated Arab mathematician of the ninth century,
reproduced Aryabhata's value in his Algebra, almost in the same language,
which, in Rosen's translation, runs as follows:
'The other method is used by the astronomers among them; it is
this, that you multiply the diameter by sixty-two thousand eight hundred
and thirty-two and then divide the product by twenty thousand; the
quotient is the periphery.'
The value of 17 as ¥
is met with in Aryabhata Irs Mahasiddhtinta a
and in Bhaskara Irs Liliivati. This value along with the one reduced from
Aryabhata's is given by Bhaskara as follows:
'The diameter of the circle multiplied by three thousand nine
hundred and twenty-seven and divided by twelve hundred and fifty
gives the near circumference; alternatively, (the diameter) multiplied
by twenty-two and divided by seven gives the gross circumference used
in practice.'b
The Chinese value ~~~ of 1f, given in the Tsu Ch'ung-chih (c. A.D. 370),
occurs in India in a fifteenth-century collection of rituals, the Tantra-
samuccaya. In medieval India, a renewed interest in working out still more
accurate values of ." is noticed among the mathematicians of south India,
where traditional astronomy had also a new lease of life. In the Kara~a
paddhati, Tantrasafllgraha and other works, the values of ." are given in
the form of series, of which the equivalent in decimal is 3·1415926535 ...
Some of the series given in the Kara~apaddhati are as follows:
1]
(1) 17=4 ( 1- 3 +5 - 7I +91 ." pf2 )
±p2+1 '
where p is the last odd divisor less unity.
I 1 1 1 1)
(2) 11' = 2+4 ( 22 -1 - 42 -1 +62 -1 - 82 -1 + ·.. (p-l )2+4 '
where p is the last even number squared.
II MSi., xv. 92, 94, 95. II Lr., 201.

J 1 I )
(3) 1T=3+6 ( 1.3.3.5+3.5.7.9+5.7.11.13+·" ·
For the area of the circle, Aryabhata gives ter, where e is the circum-
ference, Brahmagupta 3(~r for 'gross' and JIO(~r for 'neat' values and
Bhaskara II ide. For the area of a trapezium, Aryabhata correctly gives
the expression !h(a+b). Mahavira's value for the area of an ellipse is
2ah+h 2 as against the correct value of 1Tab. For the volume of the
sphere, Aryabhata gives 1Tr 2X J 1Tr 2 or J1T. 1Tr8 or 1-471Tr8• Bhaskara
gives the area of a circle and that of the surface and the volume of a sphere
correctly as 1Tr 2, 41Tr 2 and ~1Tr8 respectively in one rule as follows:
'A quarter of the diameter multiplied by the circumference is the
area of a circle. That (area of the circle) multiplied by four is the
net covering the surface of the ball (that is the surface of the sphere).
The surface of the sphere multiplied by the diameter and divided by
six gives the exact volume of the sphere, its cubic content.'a
Flo. 3.15
GalJesa gives simple proofs of the above areas and volume for circle
and sphere. For any circle, it is first divided into two equal parts and each
part into a very large number of equal triangular strips by drawing radii to
the circumference. The semi-circles are then imagined to be stretched into
a straight line opening at the triangular strips (Fig. 3.15). The two sets of
triangular strips can then be made to fit into each other so as to form a
rectangular strip equal to radius X half circumference or TTr 2• Bhaskara
II, in his Go/adhyaya, gives a method of finding the surface of the sphere.
From this the volume of the sphere is determined by imagining the sphere
to be divided into as many pyramids as there are unit square areas on the
surface, the height 'of each pyramid being equal to the radius. The volume
of each pyramid is ! x radius x unit square area, from which that of the
sphere becomes equal to 1x radius x surface of the sphere or iTTrS. Much
a Lr., 203.
MATHEMATICS 189
earlier Brahmagupta had given the volume of a cone or pyramid as one-third

the volume of a cylinder or prism having the same base and height, that
is ! x base area x height-k$etraphala", vedhaguf.lasamakhiitaphalafJ1 hrtalfJ
tribhib sucytib. a
Another relation frequently given by the writers of this period is that
when a diameter of a circle bisects a chord, the
product of the two segments (saras) of the
diameter is equal to the square of the half-chord c
(Aryabhata). That is
c2 = abo b
Brahmagupta gives the rule in the form
2c = v'4a(d-a),
where d = diameter.
FIG. 3.16
ALGEBRA
Terminology
Algebra, or more correctly, the geometrical methods of solving al-
gebraic problems, had their crude beginnings in the efforts of the altar-
geometers of the Vedic times. As a distinct branch of mathematics, it
appeared from about the time of Brahmagupta. This development was
due largely to the perfection of the technique of indeterminate analysis
and to a growing interest in such analysis which found ready applications
in astronomical calculations. In fact, Brahmagupta used the terms kUl1aka,
kU!faka-gaf.lita for algebra. The term bija-galJita in the sense of calculation
with unknown quantities (bija) was hinted at by Brahmagupta's scholiast
PrthOdakasvami, and was used by Bhaskara II. Various terms for the
unknown quantity are met with in the Hindu mathematical literature, e.g.
yavat-tavat, yadrccha, vancchii, varf.la, kamika, guIika and avyakta.
Equations, Classification, Symbols

For the equations the various technical terms used were sama-
kara1JQ, sami-karal)a, sadrsi-kara~, etc.The Sthiiniiriga-siUra classifies them
according to the powers of the unknown quantity into the following: the
simple (yavat-laval), the quadratic (varga), the cubic (ghana) and the bi-
quadratic (varga-varga). According to Brahmagupta's classification, equa-
tions fall into the following groups:
(1) equations in one unknown (eka-var~a-sami-kara~a);
(2) equations in many unknowns (aneka-var!la-sami-karaf.la);
(3) equations with products of unknowns (bhavita).
a Br. Sp. Si., xii. 44.

This classification is determined by the number of different unknown

quantities and not by the powers of such quantities. Accordingly, each
class may include linear, quadratic, cubic or higher power equations.
For writing algebraic equations it is necessary to use some kind of
symbols for the unknown quantities, symbols of operations, powers and
roots. For unknown quantities we have noticed the practice of using a
symbol for zero or vacant place in the Bakhshiili MS. The use of the letters
of the alphabet is strongly indicated by the use of the word var~a (letters
of the alphabet). Various colour names, c.g. kiilaka (black), nilaka (blue),
pita (yellow), lohita (red), or abbreviations of the names of precious gems,
e.g. Ina (for ma1)ikya, ruby), ni (for indra-nila, sapphire), mu (for muktii-
pha/a, pearl), etc., served this purpose. For symbols of operations, yu (for
yuta) was used for addition, + (possibly from the Brahmi symbol for k
in k~aya) for subtraction, gu (from gU1)a) for multiplication and bha (from
bhiiga) for division. As to powers and roots, va (from varga) directed
squaring, gha (from ghana) cubing, va-va (from varga-varga) squaring the
square, that is finding the fourth power, and mu (from mula) finding the
square root. The following examples from the Bakhshali MS. illustrate
sOlne of the plans of writing equations: a
5 yu mil ~ Isa 7 ±
l~
0 I1I'U 0
1 1 1 1
mcans Vx+5 =s
Vx-7 =t
:I
I~ I~
12
I 13 31 drsya 300
1 1 1 1
nleans x+2x+3x3x+12x4x = 300
Rule ofFalse Position (regula falsi)

This primitive method of solving simple linear equations of the type
ax+b = 0, by substituting guess values gl' g2' etc., was in extensive use
among the Arab and European mathematicians in the Middle Ages. In
India, its traces have been preserved in the Sthaniinga-sutra in the use of
the term yavat-tavat and the Bakhshali MS. AI-Khwarizmi, Qusta ibn
Ll1qa, Abu Kiimil and others used the rule called bisab al-khataayn in
Arabic, which appeared as el-cataym, elchataym, etc., in medieval Latin
treatises. Smith expressed the view that the rule as used in the Middle
Ages had possibly come from India.
• Datta (1), pp. 28-29.

MATHEMATICS 191
Quadratic Equations
The sulba-siitras contain problems involving quadratic equations of
the. type ax 2 = c; ax 2 +bx = c. The Bakhshiili MS. gives the solution of
a problem in the form which reduces to:
VB2_4AC-B
x= 2A .
None of them gives any rule for solving such equations. Both Aryabhata
and Brahmagupta clearly indicate their knowledge of quadratic equations
and their solutions. In connection with an interest problem, the Aryabhatiya
contains the following solution: a
mu/aphalal.n saphalalJ1 kalamulagu~amardhalnulakrtiyuktanll
mu/a", muliirdhonalll kalahrta'11 syat svamulaphalam II
which means:
'Multiply the sum of the interest on the principal and the interest
on this interest by the time and by the principal. Add to this result the
square of half the principal. Take the square root of this. Subtract
half the principal and divide the remainder by the time. The result
will be the interest on the principal.'
The result may be expressed in symbols as follows:
- p + ylJii+4ij}q
x= 2t
where p = principal; t = time; q = sum of interest on principal and interest
on interest in time t; x = interest on principal in unit time.
A similar quadratic solution arising out of an interest problem is
given by Brahmagupta. Such quadratic problems also arise in finding the
number of terms (n) in an A.P. Both Aryabhata and Brahmagupta give
the results correctly, which, as Rodet (in the case of Aryabhatiya) pointed
out long ago, indicate knowledge of the solutions of quadratic equation of
form ax 2 +bx+c = O.
The method of transforming into a whole square the left-hand side
of the quadratic equation ax 2 +bx = c by multiplying both sides by 4a,
adding b2 and taking the square root is given by Sridhara in his algebra
which is lost, but preserved in the quotations of Bhaskara II, J iHinaraja
and Siiryadasa.
The rule is:

caturiihatavargasamai riipail;z pak~advayaf!l gUlJayet I
avyaktavargarilpairyuktau pakr1au tato rna/am II
CI A. GQ(lita., 2S; the Eng. trans. given of the verse is by Clark.

That is:
'Two sides are to be multiplied by four times the coefficient of
the square of the unknown; the square of the coefficient of the unknown
is to be added to both sides; then the square root (is to be taken).'
Indeterminate Equations of the First Degree

This branch of algebra, as we have seen, interested the Indian mathe-
maticians and astronomers from the time of the sulba-sutras. Detailed
rules of solution are given in the works of Aryabhata I, Bhaskara I, Brahma-
gupta, Mahavira, Aryabhata II, Bhaskara II and later authors and com-
mentators. Indeterminate analysis had an immediate application in as-
tronomy in the determination of the cycle (yuga) of planets from the elapsed
cycles of several other given planets.
Aryabhata and Brahmagupta gave rules for finding the value of N
from
N = ax+rt = by+r2
which is the same as finding the solution of the indeterminate equation
by = ax±(r1 -r2 ) = ax±c,
where a and b are called the divisors (bhiigahiira), r1 and r2 the correspond-
ing remainders (agra) and c the difference of remainders (agrlintara). Maha-
vira, Aryabhata II and Bhaskara II chose the form
ax±c
Y=-b-'
where a was called the dividend (bhtijya), b the divisor (hara), c the inter-
polator (k$epa), x the multiplier (gu~a) and Y the quotient (pha/a). All the
authors have clearly stated that the equation admits of solution only when
a and b are prime to each other. Methods of solving simultaneous in-
determinate equations called conjunct pulverizer (sall1s!i$!a kUllaka) of the
form
bYl = alx::l:c 1
bY2 = Q2X ±C2
bys = aax±cs
are given by Aryabhata II and Bhaskara II.
Indeterminate Equations of the Second Degree

The great merit of solving in rational integers indeterminate equations
of the second degree having the general form
Nx2 ::1:C = yl
Nx 2 ::1:1 = yI
MATHEMATICS 193
has been traced to the genius of Brahmagupta. Further refinements,

clarifications and extensions were due to subsequent Indian mathematicians
such as Sripati, Bhaskara II, Narayal,1a and others including several com-
mentators who rendered no small service to this branch of algebra.
The Hindu mathematicians call this type of equations varga-prakrti
(square-nature), in which N is termed gu!laka prakrt;, x kani$fha pada,
hrasva-mula or iidya-mula, y jye~tha-pada, jye~fl{Jza-mula or anya-mula, c
k$epa, prak~epa or prak$epaka. Brahmagupta's formulation of the equation
is indicated in the first line of his well-known lemma.
In clearer terms Bhaskara II defines the equation as follows:"
i~ta", hrasvalfl tasya vargab prakrtyii. k$ulJIJo yukto varjito
vii. sa yena I
mula", dadyiit k~epaka1fl talfl dhanarlJalfl mulam tacca
jye~lhamiila'lt vadanti II
which means:
'The square of the optional lesser number (i~ta hrasva) multiplied
by the prakrti and increased or decreased by the positive or negative
interpolator (k~epaka) gives a square root called the greater root (jye$lha-
mu/a).'
That is
Nx2±c =y2.
The method adopted by Brahmagupta and other early mathematicians
was to find a first set of integral values a and b of x and y and form the
auxiliary equation
Na 2 ±1 = b2 •
From these an unlimited number of integral solutions can be readily
obtained by the lemma discovered by Brahmagupta and applied by later
mathematicians. The Sanskrit term for the lemma is bhavanti. Brahma-
gupta gave the lemma as follows:
mii/aJ?1 dvidhe~lavargiidgu1Jakagu1Jiidi$!ayutavihinacca I
ii.dyavadhogu1)akagulJiib sahiintyaghiitena krtamantyam II
vajravadhaikyafJ1 prathamafJ1 prak$epab k$epavadhatulya I
prak~epasodhakahrte mule prak~epake rupe "
The above may be translated as follows:

'An optional number added to or subtracted from the product
of the square of a number and an optional multiplier yields a square
root. (Carry out the operation) twice (and set one below the other).
The product of the two first or lesser roots multiplied by the
multiplier and then added to the product of the two last or greater
roots gives the last or greater root. The sum of the cross-products
(I Bm. Vargaprakrti, 1.
13
of the first and the last roots gives the first root. Similarly, the inter-
polator will be the product of the (two) interpolators. For (finding
the roots of the equation with) unity as interpolator, divide the roots
by the square of the interpolator.'
Bhaskara II expresses the lemma as follows:
'The lesser root, the greater root and the interpolator being set
down, other (similar) quantities are to be set down below in order.
From them several roots may be obtained by the method of
bhavanii. Now bhiivanii is being explained. The sum of the cross-
multiplication of the two greater and lesser roots gives the lesser root.
The sum of the product of the two lesser roots multiplied by the
multiplier and the product of the two greater roots gives the greater
root. The product of the interpolators gives the interpolator.'
In the next stanza, Bhaskara states that the rule holds good if, instead
of the sum, the difference be taken. In algebraic symbols, if a1, bI , Cl and
a2' bt" C2 be two sets of values for x, y and the interpolator of an equation
of square nature whose prakrti or multiplier is N, these are to be written
down as follows:
Na~+Cl = b~,
Na:+c 2 = b:.
Then, x = a1b2±a2bl and y = b1b2 +Na1a2 will satisfy the equation: a
Nx2+C1C2 = y2.
By the method of bhlivana or composition, one can obtain an infinite

number of solutions as stated in the rule itself. In Europe, Fermat (c. A.D.
1640) was once believed to be the first to have stated that an indeterminate
equation of the second degree of the type discussed above has an unlimited
number of integral solutions. The equation with interpolator was mis-
takenly called Pellian equation after John Pell (1668), the younger contem-
porary of Fermat. In India, such equations and full methods of solving
them appeared more than a thousand years before they did in Europe.
Cakravtila or the Cyclic Method

We have stated that to solve the indeterminate equation of the second
degree of the type discussed it is necessary to form an auxiliary equation in
positive integers of a, band c. Brahmagupta did it by trial and error
method for values of C = ±1, ±2, ±4. Bhaskara II proposed to solve
the problem by a method he termed cakraviila and stated it as follows:
hrasvajye$thQpadak~ep{in bhajyaprak~epabh{ijaklin I
krtvli kalpyo gu1)llStatra tatha prakrtitascyute 1/
gu~avarge prakrtyone'thavii'lpallr se~akafJ1 yatha I
tattu k~epahrta", k$epo vyastab prakrtitascyute "
CI Datta and Smgh. 11. 146-49.
13 B
MATHEMATICS 195
guT)Q/abdhib padalfl hrasvtl1fl tato jye~thamato'sakrt I

tyaktvii piirvapadak$epaifScakraviilamidaf!J jagub II
The above may be translated as follows:
'The lesser root, the greater root and the interpolator are to
be 'regarded as the dividend, the additive quantity and the divisor
respectively (as in the kUlfaka). The multiplier (of the kuttaka) is to
be so chosen that its square less the prakrti or vice versa is the least.
This (least) quantity divided by the interpolator is the interpolator
(of the new equation); its sign will be reversed if the square of
the multiplier be subtracted from the prakrti. The quotient (of the
kuttaka) corresponding to the multiplier is the lesser root. From this
the greater root (is obtained). Putting aside the former roots and
the interpolator the same process is to be repeated (to obtain similar
sets of values and so on). This is called the cakraviila.'
The method seeks to derive from the equation
Na 2 +c = b2
the following equation
N(am:bf +m;/i 2
= (bm~Nar
Here In is the multiplier such that m 2- N is the smallest. This multiplier
is determined by the method of pulverizer (kuttaka), of which the quotient
am+b is the lesser root. Note how the pulverizer is formed by taking
c
the lesser root a as the dividend, the greater root b as the additive quantity
and the interpolator c as the divisor, as stated in the first line of the rule. a
Surds
Operations with quantities like J2, J3, J18, etc. were already well
known at the time of compilation of the sulba-siitras. We have seen some
of the technical terms then used as also geometrical methods of determining
the approximate values of such quantities. In the second or the third
century A.D., Heron of Alexandria determined values of surds with the help
of the following formula:
.. /a -
J N=·v r
+r = a+ 2a -
2
In the centuries before the Christian era, the Jainas appear to use the above
relation in obtaining the value of JIO, their approximate value of 7f. The
same formula with higher terms is given in the Bakhsh81i MS. as follows:
IN=ya 2 +r=a+!-- (ilf .

2a 2 (a+ia)
• Sengupta (1). pp. 73-80.
In the form of rule: a

'In the case of a non-square (number), subtract the nearest square
number' divide tbe remainder by twice (the root of that number).
Half th~ square of that (that is tbe fraction just obtained) is divided
by the sum of the root and the fraction (sallls!i$1 a ) and subtract; (this
will be the approximate value of the root) less the square (of the term).'
The following are some of the examples cited for the extraction of the root
by the above rule:
5 (&y
J41 = 6+ 12 - ( 5) ,
2 6+
12
J105 = lO+! _
4 2 (IO+~)
or .
According to another ingeneous method due to NarayalJa Pa1)qita,
a second degree indeterminate equation (square nature) was first formed
and solved; the ratio of the higher to the lesser root gave the approximate
root sought. Let N be the number whose square root is sought. The
square nature with this number will be
Nx2+1 = y2.
If a and b be the lesser and the higher root by solution of the above,
IN = a~ approximately.
In NarayaT,la's formulation, b
'Find the roots (of a square nature) with the number whose
square root is desired (as the multiplier) and unity as the additive and
divide the greater root by the lesser; the result will be the approximate
value of the square root.'
Progressive Series
Problems connected with progressive series, particularly the A.P. and
the G.P., had interested the Vedic Hindus. Although a number of such
series are mentioned in the SaJ11hitas and their sums given correctly in some
cases, there is no indication of any general rule or rules by which to obtain
the sum. These rules we find neatly versified in the works of Aryabhata,
Brahmagupta and others following them. This branch of study came to
be called Sref}hi-vyavahiira. Some of the technical terms used in connection
with the series are: the first term, a-adi, mukha, vadana; common
CI Datta (1), pp. 11 ff. b Datta (3), pp. 187-94.

MATHEMATICS 197
difference, d-caya, pracaya, uttara; middle term, m-madhya; last term,

l-antya; number of terms, n-pada, gaccha; sum of the series, s-sredhi-
pha/a, garzita, sarvadhana, sa1J1kalita.
For the summation of the A.P.
a, a+d, a+2d, ... up to n terms,
all the authors mentioned above give the last and the middle terms and
the sum as follows:
I = a+{n-l)d,
m = ![2a+{n-l)d],
n n
s = nm = 2. [2a+(n-l)d] or 2(a+I).
If the number of terms extend from the (p+ l)th to the (p+n)th term in
an A.P. of which the first term is a, Aryabhata gives the sum as
where the entire expression within the bracket stands for the middle term.
From the above formula, n can also be calculated if s, a and dare
known. The formulas given for this purpose are:
(Aryabhata): n = ~ [V8Sd+(2;-dj2_2a +1],
(Bhiiskara II): n= ~ [ J2sd+ (a- ~) a- ~) ].

2
_(
The summation of natural numbers, 1, 2, 3, ... , formation of triangular

numbers of different orders and their summation, the summation of the
squares and higher powers of the natural numbers were also investigated.
A series of natural numbers is called by Aryabhata upaciti and by Brahma-
gupta ekottarameklidya. Summation of triangular Dumbers of higher and
higher orders is called by Narayal}a viirasa",kalita. Thus
n(n+l)
The first varasa1]1kalita = 1+2+3+ ·.· n terms = T2
Th d - k r I .2 2. 3+3 .4 n(n+ 1) n(n+ t )(n+2)
e secon varasa1]J a Ita = T+T T··· - 2 - = 1 .2. 3
Several Hindu mathematicians up to Bhaskara II have given the summation
of both the natural and the triangular numbers, as stated above. In the
fourteenth century NarayaI}a extended the process to any higher order
triangular numbers and gave a general fonnula for the summation up to the
rth order or the rth varasOfl1kalita as follows:
n(n+ t)(n+2) ... (n+r)
Ir+l
To NarayaJ)a also belongs the credit of applying the above general

formula to determining the rth summation of an A.P. of which the first
term is a and the common difference d. The rth summation of such an A.P.
up to n terms is given by
r+1 1
a. n-Is,. --1 +d. n- s,
n-
where n '-lsr represents the rth summation of n-l natural numbers
starting with unity. a
Brahmagupta and Bhaskara IT have given the summation of the squares
and the cubes of the natural numbers as follows:
12+2 2 +3 2+ ... n2 -_ n(n+])

2 . 3
(2n+ 1)
n [n(nil)r
13 +23 +33 + .. , 8 =
As to geometrical progressions, having the first term a, a common
multiplier r and number of terms n, Bhaskara II, in his Lfliivafi gives the
modern rule and several examples. The sum is given by
a(r n -l)
s = ---,-::-r- .
The operations to obtain rn in the formula are rather expressed in an
involved manner, which is explained in GaI).esa's commentary.
In the fifteenth century, NilakaIJtha and some of his contemporaries
and followers successfully handled the summation of infinite series having
a common divisor. To Nilaka1Jtha was also due the geometrical derivation
of some of the A.P. formulae discussed above.
TRIGONOMETRY
Definition of Trigonometrical Functions
Instead of dealing directly with the trigonometrical ratios, the ancient
Hindus dealt with the lengths pertaining to the various elements of an arc
of a circle of given radius. Their trigo-
B nometrical terminology will be better under-
stood by referring to Fig. 3.17.
For the arc AP called dhanu, bow of
the circle with centre 0, PM, the half-chord,
1-- ~--I-_--'--1A is called the jyti or ardha-jyd or jiva, PN or
OM the koti-jyti (also called kojyii) or the
jyd of the arc complimentary to AP and
MA, the difference between the radius and
the kOli-jya, is called the utkrama (reversed)-
jyd. Expressed in terms of sines and cosines
Flo. 3.17 as per modem definition,
o Saraswathi, pp. 322-23.
MATHEMATICS 199
jya AP = PM = R sin 8
kOfi-jyii AP = OM = R cos 8
utkrama-jyii AP = MA = R versin 8 = R-R cos 8
A Few TrigonOllletrica/ Relations

In Varahamihira's summary of the Pulisa-siddhiinta, the values of
(R sin 30)2, (R sin 45)2 and (R sin 60)2 are given as R2/4, R2/2 and 3R2/4
respectively, from which those of sin 30, sin 45 and sin 60 follow correctly.
Some of the trigonometrical relations given in the early medieval astrono-
mical texts are shown below:
\ Aryabhata I t . . .. sin na.
}s- 'd'~l - \: sin (n+ J }OC-Sln
( urya-sl urlanta,
llrx = sIn ny.-sln (n-l)tx- -225
(Varahamihira, Lalla): CO~ 0= ~in (; -0)

(Lalla, Brahmagupta): yf=S1ii2o = cos 0or sin (3. -0)
J 1-sin2 (; -0) = sin 0
(Varahamihira): sin 2 8+cos2 () = I
sin 2 e = !(sin 2 28+versin 2 2(J)
= it1-cos 2(J)
(Aryabhata II): sin (i ± ;) = Jl±~n (J
(Bhaskara IT): sin (A±B) = sin A cos B±cos A sin B
Sine Table
The various relations connecting the sine of any arc with their multiples
and submultiples were given with a view to constructing or calculating sine
tables for different arcs generally lying between 0 and 90°. The Hindu
planetary theories, as we have seen in the section on astronomy, required
such tables for computations of true planetary positions. The general
formula shown against the name of Aryabhata and the Surya-siddhanta
was used for computing the tables ofjya or half-chords in a quadrant divided
into 24 equal parts so that the smallest arc equals 3° 45' or 225'. Since
the Hindu sines are not the ratios of the corresponding half-chords and
the radius, but represent the half-chords themselves, their values obviously
depend upon the length of the radius chosen. The values of the radius
adopted by Varahamihira, Aryabhata and Brahmagupta are 120', 3438'
and 3270' respectively; other writers have used such values as 150', 3415'
and 1000'. The values of 24 sines as given in the Paiicasiddhantikii and the
Aryabhatiya are given in Table 3.4. From the half-chords given in the
200 A CONCISE InSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
texts the sines of the angles are computed, which may be compared with
the ~odern values given in the last column. The accuracy of the Hindu
half-chord tables is quite obvious.
TABLE 3.4
Hindu halfchord (R sin 0) values of 24 angles in a quadrant
Paiicasiddhiintikti Aryabhafiya Modern

Angles (}
~in sin 0 value
120' sin () 3438' sin (} sin ()
(computed) (computed)
3° 45' 7' 51" 0·06542 225' 0·06545 0·0654

7° 30' 15' 40" 0·1305 449 0·1306 0·1305
0
11 15' 23' 25" 0·1951 671 0·1952 0·1951
15° 31' 4" 0·2589 890 0·2589 0·2588
18° 45' 38' 34" 0·3214 1105 0·3215 0·3214
22° 30' 45' 56" 0·3827 1315 0·3824 0·3827
26° 15' 53' 5" 0·4424 1520 0·4421 0·4423
30° 60' 0·5000 1719 0·5000 0·5000
33° 45' 66' 40" 0·5278 1910 0·5555 0·5555
37° 30' 73' 3- 0·6088 2093 0·6087 0·6088
0
41 15' 79' 7" 0·6594 2267 0·6595 0·6594
45° 84' 51- 0·7071 2431 0·7071 0·7071
48° 45' 90' 13" 0·7519 2585 0·7519 0·7519
52° 30' 95' 13" 0·7934 2728 0·7936 0·7934
56° 15' 99' 46" 0·8314 2859 0·8316 0·8315
60° 103' 56" 0·8662 2978 0·8664 0·8660
63° 45' 107' 38· 0·8971 3084 0·8973 0·8969
67° 30' 110' 53" 0·9241 3177 0·9243 0·9239
71° 15' 113' 38' 0·9469 3256 0·9471 0·9469
75° 115' 56' 0·9663 3321 0·9658 0·9659
78° 45' 117' 43· 0·9811 3372 0·9819 0·9808
82° 30' 119' 0·9917 3409 0·9915 0·9914
86° 15' 119' 45" 0·9979 3431 0·9979 0·9979
90° 120' 1" 1·0000 3438 1·0000 1·0000
Bhaskara I, Brahmagupta, Bhaskara II, NarayaQa and others have

given a formula, in different forms, for the calculation of the half-chord
directly from the given arc, Le. the angle. Expressed in modem terms, the
formula is
. 4R 8(180-8)
R sIn (J == 40500- 0l180-0)'
MATHEMATICS 201
where R is the radius, 8 any angle. Bhaskara I's rule is as follows: a

'The given arc (8) in degrees is to be subtracted from the degrees
of the half-circle (180°) and the remainder multiplied by the arc. The
result is to be set down at two places. This result (at one place) is to
be subtracted from 40500. Divide by one-fourth of this remainder
the result (set down at another place) and multiply by the maximum
value of the sine (that is radius). Thus is obtained the direct or
the reversed sine of an arc and its complement approximately.'
Trigonometrical Series
We have noticed the development of an interest in series and their
summation in higher and higher orders, the viirasa1flkalita. The process
was applied to the arc of a circle to obtain expressions of infinite series for
'IT, and trigonometrical functions sin B, cos () and tan B. In 1835, C. M.
Whish first drew the attention of modem scholars to the existence of some
of these series in the medieval astronomical-mathematical works Kara1)a-
paddhati, Tantrasaf!1graha, Yuktibhii$ii and Sadratnamiilii. The series and
their rationales have been recently studied more closely. The originality
exhibited by these Hindu mathematicians and astronomers in handling
along traditional lines series which occupied much later the attention of
mathematicians like Roberval (A.D. 1634), Gregory (A.D. 1671) and Euler
(A.D. 1739) is a clear indication that, at least in mathematics, the decline
was not complete after Bhaskara II. The Kara(lapaddhati, now believed
to be written by one Putumana Somayajin in the fifteenth century A.D.,
gives rules from which the following series can be derived:
~ = 1-~+~ - ~+~- ...

• (}3 85
smll=II-l2-+\S - ...
82 (}4
COS II = 1- +/4 - ...
12
B= tan B-~ tan 8 B+~ tan5 B- •••
The series are more neatly described by NilakalJtha (c. A.D. 1500) in
his Tantrasarrzgraha, while their demonstrations are given in the Yuktibhii~i1
(c. A.D. 1639), a commentary in a highly Sanskritized form of Malayalam
of the TantrasaTJ1graha. b The Sadratnamiila where these series are discussed
is a nineteenth-century work.
Spherical Trigonometry
The representation of the celestial bodies and the various astronomical
elements with the help of great and small circles in the celestial sphere
• MBh. t vii. 17-19. b Marar and Rajagopal, pp. 65-82; Rajagopal, pp. 201-9.
202 A ~ONCISE IDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
necessitated handling of spherical triangles and their solutions. Although

there is no exclusive work dealing with the properties of spherical triangles
and the relations of their various elements, their properties and relations
have been correctly applied in connection with several astronomical prob-
lems. This itself is a good evidence of the early appreciation by the
Hindus of this branch of mathematics and its effective use in their favourite
pursuit of astronomy. The following principal formulae for solving spheri-
cal triangles readily emerge from a series of astronomical rules scattered in
the texts:
(i) cos a = cos b cos c+sin b sin c cos A
(ii) cos A sin c = cos a cos b-sin a cos b cos C
.,') sin a sin b sin c
(111 sin A = sin B = sin C
where A, Band C are the angles of a spherical triangle, of which the op-
posite sides are a, hand c respectively. Since the Hindus did not deal with
angles, but with lengths, their results were obtained with reference to
suitable plane right-angled triangles in which the properties of similar
triangles were frequently pressed into service. As an illustration, the
problem of finding the rising times of the different signs of the ecliptic on
the equator above the horizon may be considered. This reduces to finding
the relationship between the longitude ,\ (polar longitude in Hindu as-
tronomy), the obliquity E and the declination S of a planetary body on the
ecliptic. The rule given by Aryabhata and others may be represented as
follows:
' ~ R si 11 ,\ • R sin E
R SIll 0 = R
In Fig. 3,18, rQ and rC are portions of

I' the equator and the ecliptic, r the first
point of Aries, E the obliquity, 8 the
position of the planet, and CK, 8m and
Sn are normals to OQ, OM and Or
respectively, Then, from the properties
of similar triangles, COK and Snm,
8m CK
-Sn = DC'
Now, Sm = R sin 3; Sn = R sin A;
CK = R sin E; DC = R.
Whence,
R ' 8 R sin A. R sin E
SID = R
Flo. 3.18
or sin 8 = sin ~ sin E,
a relationship which follows directly from the spherical triangle ySM by
the application of relation (iii). Transformation of polar coordinates
MATHEMATICS 203
into celestial longitudes and latitudes, relations between hour angles,

azimuth and zenith distance and several others offer further examples of
the application of spherical trigonometry to astronomical matters and in
all cases the rules are given correctly in the Hindu astronomical texts.
CALCULUS
We have seen that the usual Hindu method in finding the area of a
circle or the volume of a sphere consisted in dividing the area or the volume
into a large number of small elements and then taking their sum. Bhas-
kara II, in particular, had recourse to this method as we have it from the
exposition of his scholiast GaJ.1esa. In the case of the sphere, the entire
volume used to be divided into a large number of pyramids of the same
height equal to the radius of the sphere. The apex of each pyramid co-
incides with the centre, and the base lies on the surface. The base of each
pyramid was taken to be a unit of the scale by which the area of the surface
of the sphere was reckoned. The volumes of these pyramids were then
summed up to obtain the volume of the sphere. Rudiments of integration
are clearly noticeable in such methods.
Ideas of differentials, that is infinitesimal increase of a variable quantity
due to infinitesimal increase in another quantity, are implicit in Bhaskara
II's treatment of the instantaneous motions of planets. In his Siddhiinta..
iiroma1Ji, he defines two kinds of planetary velocities, the gross or rough
velocity (sthillii gati) and velocity at an instant of time (silk~mii or tiitkiiliki
gati). In the former, change of longitude over a long interval of time is
considered and the gross velocity is found by dividing the change in longi-
tude by the time interval. To find the tiitkiiliki gati, it is necessary to find
an infinitesimal change in longitude, d>", corresponding to an infinitesimal
time interval, dr.
That Bhaskara II also carried out such differentiation is clearly indi-
cated in his correct formulation of the expression for the tiitkiiliki gati.
His rule runs as follows: a
'To find the instantaneous velocity (in longitude) of the planet, the
ko/iphala is to be multiplied by the time rate of change of anomaly and
divided by the radius, and the quotient (thus obtained) is to be added
to or subtracted from the velocity of the mean planet according as its
position is in the six signs from the beginning of Cancer or of Capricorn.'
The above rule can be expressed in modem mathematical notations
as follows:
d'A d'A 1 da.
Cit = dt ± R· (r cos a.) . (Ji
where ,\ = true longitude, A= mean longitude, (X = anomaly, r = eccen-
tricity or radius of the epicycle, r cos ex = ko/iphala and R = radius of the
deferent circle.
• Sit Sit Grahagfl/Jita, 37.

According to the Hindu planetary theory, the equation of the centre

is given by (see section on 'Astronomy', page 58)
. r sin «
SIn p. == :±: ---y
r sin ex
or 1-'= ± ---y' since ,." is small
or ..\ = X± r s; or.. since p. = ..\-X

The above relation, on differentiation, leads to Bhaskara IT's expression
for ~. This also demonstrates Bhaskara's acquaintance with the result
dt
of differentiation of a sine function, e.g.
d (sin 8) = cos. dO
STUDY OF ARABIC AND PERSIAN MATHEMATICS IN INDIA

The various Muhammadan houses and dynasties that ruled over ex-
tensive tracts of India in the medieval times not unoften patronized
science and learning among their subjects. The contents of science and
learning, it is needless to say, were what their Arabic and Persian masters
of West and Central Asia had written about. Moreover, for a long time
after the consolidation of Muhammadan rule in India, such Arabic and
Persian science and learning remained confined to Muslim circles of learners
and scholars, and it was not until quite late that such learning began to
cross-fertilize the traditional sciences which the Hindus continued to culti-
vate among themselves. This is not to suggest that one group did not
show any interest in the science and literature of the other. But the in-
stances of an al-BiriinI zealously exploring Hindu works of science and
literature, comparing and contrasting them with those of the system he
represented, or of a Jagannatha mastering Arabic and Persian and as-
sidously translating difficult astronomical and mathematical texts into
Sanskrit were rare. For the most part the Hindus remained content with
the works and commentaries of their learned traditional authors and the
Muhammadans hardly felt the need of mastering the language and the
sciences of the former.
As to promotion and patronage of learning, Sultan Mahmiid of the
House of Ghazna did much to develop Muhammadan learning through the
establishment of 'a university supplied with a vast collection of curious
books in various languages. It contained also a museum of natural
curiosities'.G Qutb..ud-din, of the 'Slave' Dynasty, himself proficient
in Arabic, Persian and sciences, established several mosques which,
like Christian churches of Medieval Europe, acted as centres of religion
CI Briggs, I. p. 61.
MATHEMATICS 205
and secular learning. or the Tughluq kings, Ghiyasuddin built many

public buildings for educational purposes, and provided for stipends
to learned men; Muhammad was skilled in logic, medicine, astronomy and
mathematics and Greek philosophy; Ariiz established at Firiizabad a
Madrasah after his name, which, in the beauty of its architecture and
scholarly reputation, surpassed all other Indian Madrasahs of the time. CJ
AIiiz also showed considerable interest in Sanskrit technical literature and
caused a few of them to be translated into Persian. Hindu astronomers
also received encouragement in his court. Sultan Sikandar LodI's reign is
important in the literary and scientific history of India in the fact that during
his time the Hindus seriously took to the study of Persian in which, as
Blochmann observes, they soon attained a great proficiency and even caught
up with the Muhammadans in literary excellences.
In the south, AIiiz Shah of the Bahamani Kingdom was a great scholar
and patron of science and learning. He was fond of geometry and botany,
among the scientific subjects, used to invite to his court learned men from
abroad, and caused an astronomical observatory to be built (A.D. 1407)
on the summit of a pass near Daulatabad.
With the establishment of the Mughal power in India, the Samarqand
school of mathematicians and astronomers began to playa prominent part
in the study of mathematics and astronomy among the Muhammadans in
India. This is clearly mentioned by Babur himself in his Memoirs.
Humayun had a great liking for astronomy and geography and caused
terrestrial and celestial globes to be constructed for the purpose. The
enlightened rule of Akbar was also marked by considerable progress in
secular learning in which the sciences were not neglected. It was during
his reign that Liliivati was translated into Persian. In the educational
system introduced in his time the study of mathematics received due em-
phasis among the sciences which used to be taught in the following order:
morality, arithmetic, accounts, agriculture, geometry, astronomy, art of
government, physics, natural philosophy and mathematics. The library of
Faizi which, after his death, was transferred to the King's library, contained
4,600 volumes covering different disciplines such as medicine, astrology,
astronomy, geometry, philosophy, philology, theology, poetry and music.
ARABIC AND PERSIAN MATHEMATICAL WORKS OF NON-INDIAN

ORIGIN USED IN INDIA IN MEDIEVAL TIMES
It is pertinent to ask what authorities and which mathematical works

in Arabic and Persian used to be taught and studied in medieval India.
In the present state of our knowledge, a satisfactory answer cannot be given
to this question, but a good idea may be obtained from the availability
of manuscripts of a number of Arabic versions of Euclid's Elements and its
CI law, p. 60.
commentaries, geometrical works of Archimedes and several standard

treatises on arithmetic and algebra in different libraries in India. a
Thus we have in the Bankipur library the Shorb Uqlidas, a critical
commentary on Euclid's Elements in Arabic by Al)mad b. 'Umar at-
KarabIsi (c. A.D. 840), a distinguished mathematician of the Middle East
and author of several works. Of the several works produced by Abii-}-
Basan Thfibit b. Qurra (d. A.D. 901), a few noticed in Indian libraries
include the Kittib Arshimidasfi'd-Dawti'iri'l-Mutamassah, the Kitab Arshimi-
das Ii U$uli'l Handasah, both geometrical works by Archimedes, and the
Uqlidas. Thabit b. Qurra, besides being a physician, mathematician
and astronomer of repute, was one of the greatest translators from Greek
and Syriac into Arabic. In mathematics his favourite originals were the
works of Apollonius, Archimedes, Euclid and Ptolemy. His works revived,
in particular, the study of parabolas, paraboloids and amicable numbers.
Mention may be made of Ar-Rislilah fi Auna'/..Ashktila Kullahii mina'd-
Dii'irah, a work on the geometry of circles by Na~r. b. 'Abdullah (c. tenth
century) who flourished in Baghdad.
Next we turn to Abu Bakr M. b. I:Jasan al-Karkhi (d. c. A.D. 1019 to
1029), a contemporary of Sridharacarya, and one of the greatest Muslim
mathematicians. A copy of his famous algebra Kittib al-Fakhri !i-l-Qisdb
Jabr..j-Wa'I..Muqabilah has turned up in the library of the Osmania Uni-
versity. Largely based on Diophantos, al-Pakhri deals with quadratic
equations and equations of higher powers of the type
x 2ft +axfl = b,
of which he was the first to have given the solutions. He gave the sunl-
mation of the squares and the cubes of natural numbers as follows: b
Unlike other Arabic mathematical works al-Karkhi's were free froln Hindu
elements.
Of al-Biruni's (973-1048) mathematical works we possess his al-kitab
fi Istikhrliji'I-Aular fi'd- Dd';rah bi-Khawassi'l-Kha/ti'I Munbani'l- Wiiqi'fihii,
a treatise on the chords of a circle, al..Maqalah Ii Rashikdli'l Hind, an
arithmetical work on the rule of proportions based on Hindu works, and
Riya{iatu'I-Fikr Wa'I-'Aql, a general work dealing with typical mathematical
problems. AI-Biruni's refinements in trigonometry and his construction
CIA manuscript survey has been carried out by the Medieval Unit of the History of
Sciences under the Indian National Science Academy, a preliminary draft of which
has been made available to the author for use in this section.
• Sarton l II pp. 718-19.
MATHEMATICS 207
of accurate sine tables from 0° to 90° at the intervals of 15' are well known.
In this connection he also gave several trigonometrical relations. Accord-
ingly, a special importance attaches to his treatise on the chords among
the Indian collection of his mathematical works.
The same is true of 'Umar b. Ibrahim al-KhayyamI's Maqalalz fl-I-
Jabr-; (c. A.D. 1110), one of the greatest medieval works on algebra. Im-
portant features of 'Droar's algebra are: an admirable classification of
equations, geometric and algebraic solutions of quadratic and higher power
equations, development of binomial series with positive integral exponents,
geometrical postutates, etc. His classification of equations was based on
the number of terms, e.g. trinomial, quadrinomial, etc. He made significant
contributions to the solution of cubic equations which he arranged in 27
groups. The following are a few examples of his quadrinomial cubic
equations:
x S +bx 2 = cx+d
xs+cx = bx2+d
xS+d = bx 2 +cx
'Umar solved the above types of equations by finding the intersection of
the conics. Such geometrical methods of solving algebraic equations paved
the way for the development of analytical geometry at the hands of Des-
cartes in the seventeenth century. In Europe, Renaissance mathemati..
cians like Scipio del Ferro (1465-1526), Tartaglia (1500-57) and Cardano
(1501-76) succeeded for the first time in solving cubic equations.
An arithmetical treatise Ghunyatu'I..Hussiib fi 'lImi'l-lfisiib by A1}nlad
b. Thabit (c. twelfth century) who flourished somewhere in the Middle East
is noticed in the Bankipur collection. The work deals with multiplication,
division, ratio and proportion, extraction of roots, transactions, mensura-
tion and excavation problems. Treatment of conic sections forms part of
his mensuration. The author's another arithmetical work was 'Umdatu'r-
Rti'id.
Abu Ja'far Na$Ir-aI-dln al-l:Iasan at-TusI (1201-74) of Khorasan,
the celebrated mathematician, astronomer and founder director of the
Maragha Observatory, was the most popular authority among the Muham-
madan scientific circles, particularly in the days of the Mughal rule. His
Tabrir-u Uq/idas, Arabic version of the Elements, is available in manuscript
copies in several libraries, being published from Calcutta in 1824. Tabrir,
as Thomas Heath pointed out, was not a translation of Euclid's
text but a rewritten Euclid based on the older Arabic translations. a
Jagannatha's Sanskrit translation was based on this Arabic version. His
other works of which manuscript copies have been found in India
include Maqalah-i-Arshimidas Ii Taksiri'd-DIi'irah and Kitlibu'l-Kurah
a Heath, I, p. 78.
208 A CONCISB HISTORY OF SCIENCB IN INDIA
Wal-Usfuwanah, both based on Archimedes' geometrical works, and another

tract on cornc sections Ar-Risalatu'/-Qilti 'Ii 'Ilmi'l-Handasah.
Finally we shall mention two works, both on arithmetic, of which
several copies are available in Indian libraries. The' Uyan' Ilfisab by Zainu'l-
'Abidin (c. A.D. 1460) treats, among others, of the arithmetic of whole
num bers, fractions, mensuration, solution of unknown quantities by the
method of Khafti'ain and algebra. Baha'u'ddin aI-'AmuIi (1547-1621) of
Iran wrote an excellent arithmetic Khulti$atu'l-lfisiib, of which several
copics are available in Indian libraries. The work was published from
Calcutta in 1862, the Arabic text with a German translation by
Nesselmann appeared from Berlin in 1843 and a French translation
by Marre from Rome in 1864.
WORKS BY INDIAN MATHEMATICIANS
The rich storehouse of Arabic and Persian mathematical literature

was thus available to the Indian Muslims for a long period of time. They
had also access to Hindu works in Arabic translations and commentaries
as well as in their originals whenever they cared for them. But their own
production, either in the form of original work or commentaries, appears
far from impressive. Only from the sixteenth century do we notice some
degree of activity resulting in the production of a few commentaries and
translations.
In 1555, Abu Isl)aq b. 'Abdu'llah, a mathematician of Golkonda, wrote
Sharbu'sh-Shamsiyah as a commentary on an arithmetical work ash-Shamsf-
yah by Hasan an-NishapurI, a pupil of at-Tusi. In 1587, Abu'l-Faiz Faizi,
the poet laureate of Akbar, translated the Lfliivatf into Persian. For a
Persian translation of Bhaskara's Bijaga1)ita, the Muslim scholars had to wait
for about half a century. In 1634-35, 'Atau'llah Rashidi, son of UsHid
Al).mad Nadir, who took part in the construction of the Taj, rendered this
service. MIr M. Hashim b. Qasim al-J:Iusaini wrote a commentary entitled
Sharh Tab,.ir-u-U~uli'/-Handasah Wa'l-ijisiib on at-Tiisi's geometrical work
Tabrir-u-U\~uli (1635). Badiii'ul-Kaniln (1663-64) by Medhni Mal b. Dhram
Das Narain b. Klliyan Mal Kaysth is an arithmetical treatise based on
Bhaskara's Liliivati. In 1684, Ismatu'llah as-Saharanpiiri wrote a treatise
entitled pabi, Qawii'idu'l-lfisiib in which both arithmetical and algebraic
problems were treated. Bahau'ddin al-Amuli's arithmetic Khulii$atu'J-lfisab
was commented upon in the seventeenth century by Lutfu'llah Muhandis in
his Sharh Khu/ti.Jatu'l-Ifisiib and in the eighteenth century (A.D. 1770) by
Aminu'ddin al-Lahori in his Lawlimi'uJ-Lublib fl Sharb Khulti$atu'/-lJisiib.
Towards the end of the eighteenth century (A.D. 1797) Faridu'd-Din A1).mad
Khan BahaduT, Superintendent of Madrasah 'Aliyah and holder ofimportant
political appointments, wrote a work on geometrical compass entitled Dar
$an'ati-Parklir Ma'Fawd'idu'I-A/kdr.
MATIlEMAllCS 209
INTERRELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INDIAN AND GREEK, ARABIC AND CHINESE

MATHEMATICS AND THE PART PLAYED BY INDIAN MATHEMATICS
IN EUROPEAN RENAISSANCE
Situated geographically in the centre of the old world, India was from
the beginning destined to play an important role in the transmission and
diffusion of scientific ideas. In this diffusion mathematics formed no
exception. Commercial and cultural contacts of India with Western Asia
and Egypt extend to prehistoric times. The Persian Empire under Darius
served as a bridge between India and Western Asia with its numerous settle-
ments of the Ionian Greeks. Alexander's invasion and the founding of
the Bactrian Greek kingdoms on the borders of, and within, India provided a
further opportunity of intensification of East-West relationships. Ptolemy's
Alexandria evinced great interest in establishing commercial contacts with
India, an interest which was transformed into a practical reality through
Rome's e~stern policies. The Sino-Indian intercourse depended partly on
the thriving trade along the silk roads, but largely on the spread of Buddhism
into China. The rise of Islam and its bid for political and intellectual
supremacy provided yet another opportunity for the appreciation of Indian
sciences, particularly mathematics and astronomy, in West Asia, North
Africa and in Spain.
The Indian emphasis on arithmetic and algebra is often contrasted
with the Greek preoccupation with geometry. Nevertheless, the close
similarity between the philosophical and mathematical writings of
Pythagoras and his school on the one hand and the Vedic Hindus on the
other has never failed to attract the attention of scholars. Leopold Von
Schroeder, in one of his exhaustive studies, tried to show Pythagoras'
indebtedness to India in respect of (1) his doctrine of transmigration and
metempsychosis, (2) irrational numbers, (3) the theorem known after his
name and (4) the doctrine of five elements. a Regarding Pythagorean
geometry and irrational number, Schroeder held the view, shared by Garbe,
Hopkins and Macdonell, that the square relation among the sides of a
right-angled triangle and the concept of irrational numbers ultimately had
their origin in the sulba-sutras of Baudhayana and Apastamba. Others,
notably Keith, have disputed such views.
As to Sino-Indian intercourse in mathematics, the catalogue of the
Sui dynasty listed a number of Brahmal}.ical works, such as Po-lo-m~n
Suan-fa (BramaY)ical methods of calculations, in 3 books), Po-lo-m~n-wen
ching (BrahmaJ)ical astronomy, in 21 books) and a number of similar Hindu
astronomical tracts already referred to. The establishment, in the seventh
century A.D., of an Astronomical School or Board in Chang-Nan for the
propagation of Brahmat:lical astronomy and the reform of the calendar
after the Hindu model, played an important part in transmitting Hindu
mathematics in China. In the eighteenth century, during the Thang times,
Ch'u-t'an Hsi-ta (Chinese version of Gautama Siddha or Siddhartha),
• Sen (8. N.) (3), pp. 8-30.
14
translated a Sanskrit calendar under the Chinese title Chiu-Chi-/i in which

were discussed, among others, the Indian decimal notation and arithmetical
rules. It is further on record that the Tantric-Buddhist astronomer
I-hsing was ordered by the emperor to investigate the chronological and
arithmetical ideas introduced to China from India by Ch'u-t'an Hsi-ta.
Sarton observes: 'The Chinese treatises of Ch'u-t'an Hsi-ta and I-hsing are
of special value as witnesses of the penetration of Hindu mathematics
into China. It is possible that the Hindu numerals were introduced
into China at this time, though we have no positive evidence of it. 'a
Writing about the arithmetical computations employed by Hsi-ta in his
calendrical work, Mikami informs us that the technical terms used
therein 'were so peculiar that the Chinese scholars who are ever fond
of following conservative tendencies were little able to understand its
contents'.b He further observes: 'The employment of the symbol 0 for
zero or for the digit that is wanting was probably derived from this
translation of an Indian calendrical treatise, or from some other Indian
source. This employment does not, however, occur until the middle of
the thirteenth century, so far as we are informed.' Studies in other areas,
such as the problem of the circle-measurement and accurate determination of
the value of 11, appear for the first time in China after her contact with
Indian civilization.
Kaye has cited a number of parallel examples occurring simultaneously
in the Chinese and the Indian mathematical texts. The Chinese arith-
metical classic, Chiu Chang Suan Shu (Arithmetic in Nine Sections) (second
century B.C.), gives the area of the segment of a circle in a form which is
also found in Mahavira's work (c. A.D. 830). The following problem on right-
angled triangle given in the same work appears in Hindu works after the
sixth century A.D.: 'There is a bamboo 10 feet high, the upper end of
which being broken reaches to the ground 3 feet from the ground. What
is the break?' The remainder problem, without any rule for solution,
appears in the Sun-Tzu Suan-Ching, another arithmetical classic (fourth or
fifth century A.D.), a little earlier than such examples are met with in the
Indian texts. The rules for solving such remainder problems, or what is the
same thing as the solution of indeterminate equations of the first degree,
appear in Indian texts from the time of Aryabhata much earlier than they do
in the Chinese works. Accordingly, questions of borrowings on the ground
of chronological lag, although tempting, cannot be decided for certain.
From the scanty materials that have survived so far it is safe to say that it
was by no means a one-way traffic and the mathematical advancement of
the one stimulated that of the other.
The part played by India in Arabic literary renaissance is well known.
When the Arabs, after their successful military conquests of the Middle
East and North Africa, set themselves upon the intellectual conquest, they
first turned their attention to the Persian literature of the Sassanian Empire.
• Sarton, I, pp. S04, 513, 514. b Mikami, p. 59.

14 B
MATHEMATICS 211
Their interest in astronomy was roused by a Persian work on astronomy,

Zij-ashshahriyar, which was largely a book of tables based on astronomical
observations carried out in the Sassanian period. This Zij itself was based
on Indian elements, and it was felt necessary to study Indian astronomy
in detail for a better understanding of the work. An opportunity presented
itself when, during the reign of the second Abbasid Caliph aI-Mansur
(753-774), a direct contact with India was established through the Arab
territory of Sind. AI-Adami reports that an Indian astronomer visited the
court of ai-Mansur and discoursed on Hindu astronomy. Abu-Mashar,
an astrologer from Balkh, acknowledged his debt to India in obtaining his
knowledge of the Hindu great cycles. Obviously, these early contacts
were very useful, for shortly thereafter a number of Arab astronomers
were commissioned to translate into Arabic Brahmagupta's Brahmasphula-
siddhtinta and Kha1){iakhiidyaka. Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Fazari (d. 796
or 806) and Ya'qiib ibn Tariq (d. 796) produced these translations with the
assistance of Hindu pandits. Sarton suggests that these translations were
possibly the vehicle by which Hindu numerals were transmitted to the
Arabs. a Most probably, the knowledge of Hindu numerals and number-
writing had spread to Western Asia much earlier, as in the seventh century
Severns Sebokht, a Christian monk, already mentioned in appreciative
terms the Hindu numerals.
The next important figure in the transmission of Hindu astronomy and
mathematics among the Arabs was al-Khwarizmi, one of the greatest
mathematicians of his time. AI-Khwarizmi developed a great liking for
Indian mathematics and astronomical system, learnt Sanskrit, prepared an
abridged version of Sindhind (Arabic title of Briihmasphuta-siddhiinta) and
wrote an arithmetic explaining the Hindu system of numeration. His
algebra was also inspired by his Indian studies. Indian studies were so
fashionable at his time that a number of his notable contemporaries also
participated actively in this work of transmission. Thus al-Kindi wrote
four books on the use of the Hindu numerals and computation Hi$abu'l
hindi; J:labash al-I:Iasib, al-Nairizi, al-J:lasan ibn Mi~bal) and ibn aI-Adami
constructed astronomical tables on Hindu astronomical model. In the
eleventh century al-Biriini revived Indian studies with fresh energy and
thoroughness, himself checking corrupt translations of the previous genera-
tions, producing new translations and critical studies of various aspects of
Hindu mathematics and astronomy. On Hindu numerals, his was the best
medieval account.
There is no doubt that Indian mathematical elements, particularly
arithmetic based on decimal place-value numeration, passed into Latin
Europe in the course of transmission of Arabic mathematical knowledge
there. The leaders of this transmission were, among others, Adelard of
Bath (c. 1142), John of Seville, Robert of Chester, Villedieu, Sacrobosco
and Leonardo Pisano. b At this time and up to a much later date, the
• Sarton I, p. 530. b Sen (S. N.) (6), pp. 55-59.

abacus of Gerbert was in general use for all calculations and counting
purposes. Adelard (c. 1142), English philosopher, mathematician and
scientist, was probably the earliest Latin exponent of Hindu arithmetic,
trigonometry and astronomy through his translations of al-K.hwarizmI's
mathematical and astronomical works. He probably translated an arith-
metical work attributed to al-Khwarizmi under the title Liber ysagogarum
A/chorismi. But the earliest Latin version of al-Khwarizmi's arithmetic
A/goritmi de numero Indorum, of which the Arabic version is lost, is due to
an unknown translator. Hispano-Jewish John of Seville (c. 1135) wrote
Liber algorismi, an arithmetical work which, although based on al-Khwarizmi,
drew upon other Arabic sources. Robert of Chester (c. 1141) introduced
the study of algebra in Latin Europe by his translation of al-Khwarizmi's
Hi~lib a/-jabr wa/-muqiibala which bears the impress of Hindu algebraic
thought. Villedieu's (Alexandre de Villedieu, d. 1240) Carmen de algorismo,
composed in hexameter, closely followed John's Liber algorismi. Trans-
lations of Carmen into English, French and Icelandic, several commentaries
on it and a large number of manuscript copies found in the libraries of
Europe bear testimony to the influence it exerted and the wide circulation
it enjoyed in the thirteenth century. The work possibly played an important
role in the diffusion of Hindu numerals in Latin Europe. Villedieu's
contemporary John Sacrobosco's Algorismus Vulgaris, another arithmetical
tract, also enjoyed great popularity. Another date often taken to be the
starting point of European mathematical renaissance is 1202 in which year
appeared Leonardo Pisano's arithmetical classic Liber abaci, containing
probably the first complete exposition in Latin of Hindu and Arabic arith-
metic, including decimal place-value numeration.
This is the background of the introduction into Europe of the new
arithmetic, called 'algorism', based on decimal place-value numeration.
In time algorism became one of the active promoters of the Renaissance
itself. This is corroborated by the sudden appearance in quantity of printed
arithmetical works from the sixteenth century in several European countries.
To mention a few, in Italy, Cardano's Practica arithmetice et mensurandi
singularis appeared in 1501 and Tartaglia's La Prima Parte del general
trattato di numeri e misure in 1556. In England, Robert Recorde's The
grounde of artes, teachyng the worke and practise of arithmetike was re-
printed seventeen times before 1601 and Digg's Stratiotios appeared in 1579.
In Germany, the arithmetical movement was led by Jacob KObel, author of
Rechenbiechlin (1514), Stifel, author of Arithmetica integra (1514), and
Christopher Clavius, author of Epitome arithmeticae practice (1583). In
France, Boissiere's L'art d'arythmetique (1554) and Forcadel's L'Arithmetique
(1556-57) helped popularize arithmetic. Elementary as these arithmetical
tracts may now appear, their potentialities were soon felt in the rising trade
and commerce of the Renaissance period, in the teaching programmes of
universities and schools and in the higher pursuits of mathematics in general.
4 MEDICINE
R. C. MAJUMDAR
AYURVEDA: ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY
MEDICINE is a natural art born out of the instinct of self-preservation.

As in every other land, medical knowledge in India must have grown out
of the sheer necessity of overcoming injury, sickness and pain. This
overpowering compulsion also made man give up the indiscriminate use
of raw vegetation and meat from all sources in favour of selective cultivation,
husbandry, processing, mixing and cooking. The prehistoric art of selecting
substances which could be assimilated by the human system with benefit
and their cooking and compounding to give the most of nourishment and
health forms integral parts of the indigenous medical science of India, known
as the Ayurveda. The term iiyus means duration or span of life; veda means
unimpeachable knowledge. Hence the Ayurveda is concerned mainly with
prolongation of healthy life and prevention of disease and senility and
only secondarily with curing of disease. The common translation of the
Ayurveda is 'science of life'. Surgery is another survival skill which is as
old as hunting and warfare.
The growth of the healing art is a part of the natural process of man's
adjustment to his environment, and the origin of the Ayurveda cannot be
credited to any particular age, place or person, despite many legends to
the contrary. Such legends describing a divine origin and corresponding
antiquity of the lyurveda are found in the introductory passages of many
Ayurvedic texts, e.g. the Caraka, the Suiruta and other Safllhitiis. It is
recorded that Brahma (the creator) was the divine source of this science,
which was brought into existence before the creation of mankind. The
knowledge passed from him to the god Dak~apati, then to the two celestial
physicians (the twin Asvinakumaras), later to Indra, the god-king, and
finally to Bharadvaja, the semi-divine sage. Bharadvaja taught this science
to a conference of sages meeting somewhere in the Himalayas with the
common objects of alleviating human suffering and assuring a long,
healthy and satisfactory life to all human beings. The same or similar
legends are found in many works, sometimes in greater details. But these
legends hardly possess any historical value.
214
As far as recorded knowledge goes, the earliest instances of rational
d " I knowledge are to be found in the ~gveda and the Atharvaveda,
me lca · h·d h
both of the second millennium B.C. But there IS roue eVl ence to s ow
that the Ayurveda was preceded by an earlier medical knowledge deve~oped
by the builders of the Indu~ civilizati~n. The "Arya~s ~eveloped It b!
taking up the beliefs and practIces of the black-skinned IndIgenous people,
speculating and experimenting freely in their own way, learning much and
unlearning only that which was patently wrong.
REMNANTS OF PREVIOUS TRADmONS
The medical knowledge of the pre-Apn Indians has been so thoroughly

mixed, diluted and absorbed into the AYUrvedic system that it would be
an almost hopeless task to attempt to separate the earlier knowledge which
survives only in some tantras and in the non-Ayurvedic medicine still
practised by otherwise ignorant medicine men throughout India, employing
inorganic remedies, secret herbs, animal products and venoms. In the
beliefs and practices of the primitive aboriginal tribes of India also, a
storehouse of this ancient knowledge can be discerned. The reputation
of medical skill possessed by nomadic gypsy tribes, which spread from
India into Europe and the Mediterranean lands in early times, can also
be attributed to this primitive knowledge. Some examples of ancient
Dravida medical lore are believed to have survived intact without debase-
ment in the non-Ayurvedic systems of medicine still surviving in parts of
south India, and are found codified in existing treatises in Tamil and other
south Indian languages. The fragmentary remnants of Agadatantra
(use of poisons and venoms in curing diseases, and treatment of bites of
poisonous animals and poisonings) found in various ancient works and
of Bhutavidyii (black magic and treatment of mental diseases and posses-
sions) found in Vedic lore and in Ayurvedic treatises, as will be discussed
later, testify to the existence of lost branches of non-Ayurvedic medical
knowledge incorporated in the lyurveda. In the Ramiiya~a, Rava~a,
the demon (non-Aryan) king, is said to be a master of many sciences includ.
ing medical science; and the prince Lak~mal}a is resuscitated from a
mortal injury by the medical skill of the apes, that is dark-skinned aborigines
(6th canto; Lak~malJa, already dead by the saktiSela, is revived by a rare
plant prescribed by a learned doctor from among the apes).
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE
We know a great deal of pre-Aryan civilization, going back to the

third millennium B.C., from the archaeological excavations at Mohenjo-daro,
Harappa and many other sites in the Indus valley and in many other regions
outside it. The discovery, in these sites, of manufactured implements and
other objects of metals and alloys, glazed and decorated pottery and figurines,
MEDICINE 215
bricks made in kilns and engravings in precious stones, indicates a high

level of knowledge of the physical and chemical sciences, likely to be
matched by a similar knowledge of medicinal drugs and compounding.
This is no doubt a mere conjecture, but the existence of a high level of
social sanitation and of public hygiene in these communities is fully borne
out by archaeological findings. Of the broad facts of town-planning,
use of kiln-bricks, paved streets, municipal water-supply and drainage
systems, public baths and hydropathic establishments and sanitary instal-
lations in private houses, there is abundant evidence. Water-proofed
walls of baths lined with impervious bitumen, arrangements for draining
and refilling public bathing tanks through conduits, enclosed bathrooms
and water-closets made of brickwork connected with central water-supply
and drainage, rubbish chutes emptying into external masonry receptacles
(presumably cleared on a municipal basis), an efficient and elaborate drainage
system running beneath the paved streets, spaced brickwork manholes
of drains with removable lids, and soak-pits suggestive of sanitary privies
of modern invention, all show a remarkably high level of public health
activity and universal consciousness of sanitation without parallel in con-
temporary civilizations and, in fact, most other civilizations of historic
times.
It is invariably true that social medicine develops in any country only
after a fairly high level of medical knowledge has already developed, which
must have been the case with this ancient civilization of India. It is also
true that the extensively studied archaeological remains of contemporary
and comparable river-valley cultures in Egypt, the Middle East, China and
Central America show no public sanitation comparable to the findings
described above. Though this constitutes no real unassailable proof,
the natural inference is that the medical knowledge of this early phase of
Indian civilization was superior to, or at least comparable with, what
obtained elsewhere in the contemporary world. The preserved specimens
and written records in the form of hieroglyphics (which have been deciphered)
of ancient Egypt show a knowledge of medicine which can compare with
later Greek, Roman, Arabic and medieval European civilizations. Unfortu-
nately, the large mass of pictographic characters on the seals and potteries
of the Indus civilizations still awaits deciphering and we must wait for
future success in this work-or another lucky Rosetta stone-to give us
more data on the state of medical knowledge of the Indus valley and allied
cultures.
As mentioned earlier, the beginnings of the 1yurveda may be traced
first in the ~gveda and then in the Atharvaveda; its nature and progress will
be discussed in the next sections of this chapter. Both in its development,
as also in the production of the famous medical compendiums of the later
period, the methods and practices of the earlier period typified by the Indus
civilization, it is reasonable to believe, exerted no mean influence.
216 A CONClSB HISTORY OF SClBNCB IN INDIA
INDIAN MEDICINE IN THE VEDIC PERIOD

TIlE CONCEPTION OF MEDICAL SCIENCE
The oldest ideas of the Aryans on cosmic forces, origin of life, birth,
death, sickness, pain, happiness and salvation are revealed in the Vedic
hymns where rational ideas and insight are found to be continuously crystal-
lizing out of a matrix of ignorance and superstition, even in the earliest
Safflhittis. Interwoven with archaic concepts of diseases, both of the mind
and the body, as manifestations of the wrath of gods for sins committed
or as possessions by demons, a to be cured by propitiation, ritual practices,
sacrifices or exorcism, sorcery or charms, b we find logical speculations on the
origins of diseases, use of healing drugs, beneficial treatment and surgery.
There is also the clear emergence of the conception of the healing art as not
a mere skill but as a social system tolerating many other ingredients such
as the powers of magic and suggestions, ideas gained by experience and
experiments, the social value of health, compassion to human suffering,
scientific tenets and philosophical speculations. It is from these nebulous
beginnings that the Ayurvedic conception of medical knowledge as a
comprehensive science and philosophy of life developed later.
During this period, the healing art was recognized as a part of the
sacramental duties of the priests. The priest-sorcerers were the physi-
cians, par excellence, though wandering medicine men, mentioned in the
Atharvaveda, also practised medicine and surgery. The tradition of medi-
cine as a part of the religious lore continued unbroken up to the later
period of the Ayurvedic treatises, in which medical science is declared to
be a upiitiga (part) of the Atharvaveda,c the physician a special votary of the
same Vedat! and also Ayurveda as an upaveda (secondary veda), fornling
part of the ~gveda.
The Aryans personified the natural and cosmic forces as gods, and
their influence was considered supreme in causing and curing illness. Water
was the primordial element of the Aryans. 'In the waters is the nectar
of immortality, and in the water is the potent curative powers.'e Divinity
was also conferred upon plants with healing powers. The hymn, o~adhistuti
(ode to the healing plants), is addressed to soma, the moon god and the
divine ruler of plants, and also a terrestrial plant from which sacrificial
liquor was prepared.!
An almost parallel conception of medicine is found in the sacred books
of another branch of the Indo-Aryan community, the Avesta of the Iranians.
The medical data of the Avesta are mostly found in the Videvdat dating
from Vedic times. This book of the A vesta, also known as Vendidad,
escaped destruction by Alexander the Great and was preserved in a Greek
translation. The Spirit of Evil (Ahira Mainya) and other demons bring
• AV., IV. 37. 10; VI. 20. 2; VI. 90; VII. 83; Vffi. 2.12. , CS. Su.• 30. 20.
~ AV., VI. 113. 1-10; RV., VIII. 47.13. I RV., I. 23. 19.
c SSe Su.,1.3, I RJI., X. 97.
MEDICINB 217
all diseases which can be cured by exorcism, mantras (holy chantings),

sacrifices of cattle, and also by baesajas (drugs)." Innumerable plants with
healing powers are associated with the 'waters' (which is not only the
primordial element but also a source of health) and with haoma, the liquor
of immortality. The cosmic elements rule over the human body and cause
its functions and malfunctions, the human body being the microcosm of the
universe. b Three types of medicine men are distinguished; those who
practise with the knife, with plants, and with holy words, the last class being
the most esteemed.
ADMIXlURE OF RATIONAL IDEAS WITH PRIMITIVE SUPERSTmONS
Anatomical and physiological terms, biological ideas, methods of

treatment, and rudimentary theories on the origins of life and of diseases
are scattered in the different works of Vedic literature in a remarkable
admixture of accurate knowledge and rational ideas 'with superstitious
beliefs and faith in the supernatural. This makes Vedic literature a rich
storehouse both of medical knowledge and of the pseudo-medical ideas
of the times. This was a twilight period for Indian medicine when scientific
theories and progressive methods were struggling to emerge from a morass
of primitive ideas and irrational rituals.
Though diseases and even accidents are attributed to supernatural
causes, many passages indicate that illness may be due to other and natural
reasons. A passage states that a disease can have one of the three possible
origins, i.e. abhraja (from clouds or moisture), vatqja (from wind) and
su~maja (from desiccating agents). C The term pitta, for the desiccating or
the fiery principle, occurs in another passage of the Atharvaveda. d Sle~')mjj,
for the aqueous principle, occurs in the Satapatha Brahmal)a. The term
tridhiitu, possibly referring to the three bodily humours, occurs in the earliest
work, J!.gveda. In view of the extreme importance of this reference, it may
be mentioned that many European scholars, including Langlois, the translator
of the ~gveda, Reinbold Muller and J. Filliozat, do not accept that the
phrase tridhiitu sarma vahatam refers to the bodily humours. But the
ancient commentator Sayanacarya has rendered tridhiitu sarma as 'well-being
of the three bodily elements' in the classical Ayurvedic sense, and this
interpretation has been accepted by Wilson, Cordier, and Pauthier and
Braunet. If the latter view is correct, this Vedic conception of the humoral
theory antedates Greek ideas on the subject by at least one thousand years.
Diseases are also said to be caused by k$etriya (congenital) factors
or by infection, e by change of seasons, specially in the case of takman fevers
which recur periodically,! and by krmis (minute insects living inside the body).'
CI Videvdat, XXII; VII. 44,58; XX. 3. , RV., X. 97. 1; AV. II. 8. 1; AV., III. 7. 1-6;
" West, pp. 100 fT. V. 30. 3; VI. 83.1; VIl. 76.4.
c: Das GuPta, pp. 299 fr.; AV. I. 12. 3. ! AV., V. 22. 13; XIX. 39. 10; KauJ. Br.,
d AV., XVII. 3. S. V. 1; Gop. Br., TI. 1. 9.
, AV., II. 31. 2-5; V. 2. 3.
218 A CONCISE msroRY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Cures are effected by charms, imprecations against demons and sorcerers,

sacrifices and propitiation of divine favour by the chanting of hymns and
ritual practices. But a large number of plant remedies are recommended for
curing diseases in many passages, mainly in the Vlijasaneyi, Taittiriya and
Maitriiyo1JI Sa'!lhitas. The metals gold and lead and some animal products are
also used as healing agents. Sunlight, milk and milk products, honey, etc.,
are recommended in some passages for their therapeutic and nutritive values.
Surgery and surgical methods are described for a number ofconditions.
These contradictions of the primitive and the progressive, sometimes
in the same hymns, no doubt indicate a transitional stage of medical
knowledge, but some of the apparently irrational methods are possibly
not as worthless as they appear at first sight. Vedic treatment often follows
a set formula of propitiation of the angered gods, appeasement of malignant
forces, magic formulas with the auxiliary use of material remedies like
amulets, external applications and internal medicines. Along with this
complex and concerted attack at many levels is a psychiatric approach
in the shape of frequent appeals (by suggestions and mesmeric repetitions)
to the patient who is constantly assured of progressive healing and ultimate
cure. This psychosomatic view of physical as well as mental diseases and
the deliberate employment of the combined mental resources of the healer
and the patient were retained, though in a much modified form, in the
later and more scientific system of Ayurvedic medicine.
Despite its deceptive primitive garb, its obsession with magic and
religion and its heavy leaning on irrationa~ methods, Vedic medicine contains
so much of rational observations and inferences and so much accurate
medical knowledge that it almost merits the name of a science. Different
ailments affecting the head, eyes, ears, heart, lungs and stomach, skin
diseases, urinary complaints, progressive emaciation (consumption), external
and internal abscesses, jaundice, rheumatism and neuralgia are listed in
the early Vedic texts. Some of the diseases named are: ailava (eye diseases),
ala}i (inflammation of the eyes), ak~ata (rupture or ulceration of the lungs),
apaci (scrofula), arsa (piles), asrliva (formation of pus), baliisa (chronic
asthma or bronchitis), harima (jaundice), hrdroga (heart diseases), hrdyota
(malfunctioning of the heart), jiiyiinya (a type of consumption), karl,Zasula
(earache), kiisika (chronic cough), kiliisa (leprosy), kU${ha (persistent skin
diseases), riijayak$ma (severe and progressive wasting disease), sikata
(calculi), sirsakti (headache), sir$amaya (diseases of the head), takman
(fevers), udara (dropsy), visarpa (extensive skin eruptions), visa/yaka
(neuralgia), vi$kandha (rheumatism), yak$ma (consumptive conditions), etc.
Due to semantic reasons the English equivalents are subject to mistakes,
and are at best approximate. In some cases their symptoms are described.
The sa'lthitiis also name nearly 300 limbs and inner organs of the body
of which a complete list is given by Filliozat. 4 The birth of a baby is
described in the Atharvaveda and the physician is recommended, in case
• Filliozat (2), pp. 144 fT.

MEDICINE 219
of complications in delivery, to operate upon the mehana (birth channel),

yoni (womb) and gavinaka (connecting canal). a Other surgical processes
described or mentioned are incisions for boils, surgical relief of angry
swellings caused by~ imbedded arrows, etc., lJ treatment of fractures, C use of
a reed as catheter to relieve painful or blocked urination, (J surgical removal
of an injured eyeball' and the replacement of a leg amputated in battle by
an iron limb'! The last reference may be metaphorical rather than actual.
The idea of rejuvenation (of the ageing body and its faculties) is first
found in the lJ.gveda. AYU$yti(li (measures and treatment aimed at main-
taining perfect health of mind and body and also promoting longevity) is
one of the twin aims of medical science according to the Atharvaveda,
the other being bhai$ajya!)i (curative treatment by medication). Hygiene
and dietetics are considered integral parts of medical knowledge and many
passages are devoted to the preventive aspect of medical science. Milk is
said to confer strength, nutrition, intelligence, brightness of complexion and
also to help proper growth of the foetus, and hence recommended for the
pregnant woman. g The benefits of sura (alcoholic beverages) and of madhu
(honey) are also described in many hymns. Rice of good quality taken as a
cereal is said to improve vital capacity and help infants to grow their
milk teeth."
There is no attempt to classify the anatomical and physiological
information nor are the diseases classified according to any scheme. There
is, however, a rudimentary attempt at symptomatic treatment, the drug
administered being chosen with an eye to its supposed ability of making
good the visible deficiency.
MEDICAL KNOWLEDGE IN LATER VEDIC TEXTS
The medical references in the earlier SQtnhiUis are casual and frag-
mentary, but the later Vedic works are distinguished by a search for order
and by speculations about origins and underlying causes. A number of
passages contain plausible theories about the composition of living and
non-living matter, the biological functions, the relationship of the sarira
(human body and organism) to its environment, the nature of the vital
and motive forces in a living body, and other matters. The theory that the
same five elements, prthivi (earth or solid), apas (water or liquid), vayu
(air or gas), jyoti (fire or radiant energy) and aktisa (ether or empty space),
constitute the human body (microcosm) as well as the macrocosm is accepted
as axiomatic truth in many passages. C Life in its various manifestations is
said to have three possible types of origin, a1)tlaja (oviparous), jarayuja
• A~, I. 11. f RV., I. 116. 15.

" AV., VU. 78. 1. I RV., I. 187. 9; Taitt. S., VI. 2. 5. 3.
C AV., IV. 12. 1,2 and 7. ,. AV., IV. 35. 5; VII. 140. 2.
• AV., I. 3. C Ail. Br., ii. 3. 2. 2; Ail. Up., iii. 5. 3;
, R~, I. 116. 16. KauJ. Ar., vii. 2. 2; Talt. Up., iii. 2. 1.
220 A CONCISE IUSTORY OF SCIENCB IN INDIA
(viviparous) and svedaja (born by combined effect of warmth and moisture). G

The vdyu (wind) in the human organism is classified into five types according
to physiological locations and functions, and the idea of identifying vayu
with the nervous system (with motor and sensory functions and control of
the seat of consciousness as well as the involuntary muscles) is clearly
discernible. b Physiological data, presumably obtained by dissection, are
found in many passages. The human body is supposed to contain, dispersed
in all its parts, 100 dhamanis (major blood-carrying tubes), 1,000 hirtis (minor
veins, etc.),c 72,000 hi/as (extremely minute capillaries)d and 10,800 pesas
(muscle-fibres). e The therapeutic values of milk and milk products are
described in the later Vedic texts also; milk compounded with turmeric is
recommended for jaundice;1 freshly churned butter is said to be of great
dietic value to children and pregnant women, but clarified butter is recom-
mended for healthy adults;g clarified butter mixed with various drugs is
given for preventing miscarriage. h
Some surprisingly advanced theories and valid observations are found
in a work styled Garbha Upani~r;ad, the antiquity of which has been doubted
by many scholars. The suspect passages may also have been interpolated
at a later date. It contains, among other things, a detailed description of
the periodic changes which occur in the foetus during the period of gestation,
a theory of metabolic changes occurring in the body and a list of the six
different tastes, seven body elements (blood, flesh, fat, connective tissues,
bones, marrow and semen) and three waste products (stool, urine and sweat).
Even if this last evidence is ignored, Vedic literature furnishes us with an
array of medical facts and theories which are impressive, considering their
antiquity. This knowledge must have served as a valuable source material
for the later science of Ayurveda. In fact, nlany of the physiological ideas
are retained with modifications and elaborations in the latter.
MEDICINE IN BUDDHIST LITERATURE
The fundamental conceptions and observations on different subjects, scat-

tered pell-mell in Vedic literature, were collected together under appropriate
titles from the sixth century B.C. onwards in separate texts known as sittras.
Erudite and comprehensive treatises were also written on most of
the subjects, and a part of this vast literature survives up to the present
time. Followers of all religious faiths-BrahmaJ}as, Buddhists, Iains
and others-contributed to this specialized literature. In medicine, the
contributions of Buddhist scholars are of great significance and outstanding
value. Nagarjuna the medical author, the later Nagarjuna (who composed
II Alt. Up., hi. 5. 3. • Gop. Br., i. 5. 5.

b Brh. Up. Iii. 2. 2-8; Cht2nd. Up., iii. 13. 1-5; I Kalli. Sil., xxvi. 17.
v. 19.23; SS. SQ., IS. 1; SS. Ni., 1. , Alt. Br., I. 1.
e AV., I. 17. 1; VI. 90.2. A KauJ SQ., xxv. 12. 23.
eI Brh. Up., ii. 1. 19.
MEDICINE 221
many treatises on rasacikitsd, metallurgy and alchemy), Vlgbhata, many

of the Siddha authors of the iatrochemical school, and nearly all the medical
missionaries who carried Indian medical science into Tibet, Central Asia,
China and Ceylon were followers of the Buddhist faith. The contributions
of the Buddhist scholars contain no new features differing basically from
other works. In medicine, as in other branches of knowledge, there
was no division on the basis of religion, for the Buddhists of these centuries
were not an isolated community but characteristically and completely
Indian in outlook.
Some of the Buddhist canonical literature contain medical information
interwoven with religious matter. The Bhai~~ajyavastu, forming part of
volume 3 of the Gilgit Manuscripts, gives instructions regarding the use
and dosage of medicinal drugs, classification of plant drugs, the useful
parts of various plants, etc. But these follow Ayurvedic tenets and are
of no special value. The Civaravastu (Part 2, volume 3 of the Gilgit
Manuscripts) contains a long passage on the medical training of Prince
Jlvaka (physician of King Bimbisara, a contemporary of Gautama Buddha)
and some marvellous cures effected by him. If the information in this
work is accepted at its face value, difficult surgical operations called
kapiila mocana involving removal of a portion of the skull and reaching
the brain inside, eye surgery, curetting of the cervical region, removal of
vaginal tumours, as also medical treatment of dropsy, internal tumours,
varicose veins, eye diseases, etc., must have developed at this early age.
The medical stories found in the Civaravastu and other Buddhist canonical
works may not be true in all details, but they certainly give us an
idea of the degree of knowledge-actual and probable, real or hypo-
thetically possible-current at the time when these texts were composed,
i.e. two or three centuries before the Christian era.
Very interesting information is given about Jivaka besides the above
details of medical cure. He studied medicine at Taxila under a world-
renowned physician for the prescribed period of seven years. But, before
he was given the licence to practise medicine, he had to undergo a sort of
practical examination prescribed by his teacher, who directed: 'Take this
spade and seek round about Tak~asila a yojana on every side, and whatever
plant you see which is not medicinal, bring it to me.' After a good deal
of botanical investigations, Jivaka could not discover any plant that was
devoid of medicinal properties. The teacher was satisfied and gave him
a little money with leave to go home and practise as a physician. a This
story implies a current belief that all plants as well as reeds, water,
stone and metals possess medical value, i.e. potentiality of healing. The
same idea is found in the Caraka Sa'!lhitii which states that 'each and every
substance, due to its inherent and specific properties, can be utilized in
some disease or other'. b Jivaka also learnt the great value of meticulous
observation and of valid deductions based on such observations. By
• M$mdar(R. C.). II. pp. 276-77. b CS. SQ., 16. 12, 29.
222 A CONCISB HISTORY OP SClBNCB IN INDIA
observing the area over which an elephant had p~ssed earlier, he was able to
give many details about the animal and its rider and to correlate his
deductions with details considered unimportant by others. This anecdote
points out the value of accurate observation and deductions in the medical
profession. Jivaka also learnt that erudition and skill in the science of
medicine should not merely lead to a lucrative practice but should be taught
to others in order to benefit humanity.
AYURVEDA: THE SPECIAL TREATISES

AYURVEDIC SAltfHITAS
Jyurveda had its origin in the healing art of the Vedic period. Its
development as a comprehensive and rational medical system came in the
succeeding centuries side by side with the flowering of the philosophies t
arts and sciences in the golden age of Hindu civilization. Our knowledge
of this ancient science CODles mainly from the surviving written treatises t
the oldest of which are the sa,?zhitiis named after Bhela (or BheQa), Caraka
and Susruta. The first has reached us in a single and very incomplete
manuscript but many independent references in other ancient works as
well as the internal evidence put its authenticity and antiquity beyond
reasonable doubt. It is very possibly the oldest medical treatise in existence.
Nagnajit, an authority on toxicology, mentioned in the Ai/areya and Safa-
patha BrdhmalJQs, is also mentioned in this work as a contemporary living
person. This makes the original Bhela Sa'l7hitd a work of the period
(I
of the Brahmanas. The work, as recent studies indicate, contains some

valuable materials to fill up gaps in both the Caraka and Susruta SafJ1hitlis;
but on account of its fragmentary and mutilated character, it does not
provide a full exposition of Ayurvedic medical knowledge.
The other two works now available as later redactions, respectively
by Dr4habala (eighth or ninth century A.D.) and Nagarjuna (c. third century
A.D.), of earlier works belong entirely to a different category. Both are
erudite and exhaustive compendiums, incorporating and codifying the
theoretical and practical knowledge of medicine and its contributory arts
and sciences available at the times. The Caraka and Susruta Sa'!lhittis were
followed in later centuries by more sophisticated treatises, commentaries
and medical encyclopaedias (which were largely based on materials obtained
from the two earlier works), but they have retained their place during two
millennia as the two most complete and representative works on Ayurveda.
Most of our present knowledge of the extent and depth of Indian medical
science is obtained from these two standard works.
By their own testimonies, the extant texts of the two great sa"mitas are
revisions of the original with additions and alterations. There is evidence
• Sharma, (s. v.), pp. 228-30; see JOIl1'1JQ/ of Dept. 01Letters. Calcutta. 6, p. 30.
MEDICINE 223
of many medical treatises which were composed before these two but are
now quite untraceable, and each of these two names a particular earlier
treatise on which it is based. Caraka's original was the salf1hita of
Agnivesa, II a disciple of the medical sage Atreya. Long passages in the
Caraka SOl'fJhita are in the form of questions and answers between Atreya
and Agnivesa. This original Agnivesa Sa",hita was referred to even so late
as the eleventh century A.D. by Cakrapal)i Datta in his AyuTvedadfpika. In
a similar way the SuJfuta Saf!lhita contains a series of discourses between
the holy sage Dhanvantari and his disciple Susruta, b but much of the original
material seems to have been revised by the redactor, Nagarjuna, who has also
made considerable additions to the text, according to the commentator
QalhaJ)acarya.
CHRONOLOGY OF THE SA/iHITAS
There is no reason why the given sequences of authorship and editor-

ships should not be accepted as correct, but acute difficulty is encountered
in providing the above-named persons with actual historical dates. There
is a sage Atreya in the ~gveda; another one of the same name was a famous
medical teacher at Taxila at the time of Gautama Buddha; and two more ate
found in the Caraka Safllhit(jc itself; an Agnivesa is found in the Mahiibhiirata
who is unlikely to be the disciple of Atreya. Caraka is a class title of a
school of physicians, existing from Vedic times,d and also the personal
title of a physician in the court of King KalJi~ka, t and very possibly the
title of many other physicians belonging to the same school of medicine.
According to many commentaries by reputed Indian authors of the first
millennium A.D. and later, Patafijali, the great philosopher and alchemist
of early Buddhist times, was identical with Caraka of the Sa'?1hita/
Again Dhanvantari is a legendary, divine personage in many Vedic texts of
widely different ages; Susruta is said to be the son of the Vedic sage,
Visvamitra, but another Susruta is referred to by Katyayana (a contem-
porary of Candragupta Maurya), the author of a viirtika to Pal.lini's
Vyiikara!la; Nagarjuna is the name or title of at least two, possibly three,
philosophers, alchemists and scholars between the third century B.C. and
al-Biruni's time, tenth century A.D. The difficult task of identifying the
medical authors has to be undertaken only on the basis of available evidence
and chance references in other sources of established chronology. The
most commonly accepted dates for the composition of the Caraka SafJlhitii
(which formed the basis of Dr4habala's version) and Nagarjuna's redaction
of the older Susruta Sa11lhita are A.D. 100, and third to fourth century A.D.
respectively. These conclusions were arrived at by the Chronology Com-
mittee of the National Institute of Sciences of India after considering the
• CS.Sii.,%. tI Taitt. S., vi. 4. 9.

" SSt SQ., 1.1. , Levi, pp. 444-84.
(I CS. SQ., 1.9. I Sen, Gananath (l), p. 11.
entire available data on the subject. The original AgniveJa and SuJruta
Sa",hitas must have preceded these works by many centuries, as they had to
be extensively revised and restored.
THE CONTENTS OF THE AYURVEDIC SA.J,fHITis
The Caraka and Susruta Sa1]lhitiis mention the eight different branches
of medical knowledge, a but the treatises are not written accordingly.
The fonner is an exhaustive work on the first branch (therapeutic medicine)
only, though it contains many sections dealing with surgery and the
other six branches. It deals mainly with anatomy, physiology, aetiology
and prognosis, pathology, treatment, objectives, influence of environmental
factors, medicines and appliances, and procedure and sequence of medi-
cation. For discussion of these topics the work is divided into eight sthanas
(sections) containing 150 chapters in all. The Susruta Sa1]lhitii follows
more or less the same pattern, but it gives surgery the place of honour.
In fact, the Dhanvantari school of medicine, to which it belongs, believes
surgery to be the most ancient and most efficacious of the eight branches
of medical knowledge. b The SuSruta Saf!lhitii contains six sthanas deal-
ing with fundamental postulates, pathology, embryology and anatomy,
therapeutic and surgical treatment, toxicology, and a final section on
subsequently gained and specialized knowledge of topics dealt with in
earlier sections, and contains a total of 184 chapters. In both the works
the topics are not distributed in the text in the way that would appear
logical to modern minds, and often the same topic recurs in different isolated
chapters. Still, the over-all picture is of codified, scientific treatises, the
Susruta being more concise in language and a repository of more factual
information; it describes the necessity and modus operandi of dissections
on human cadavers for gaining accurate anatomical knowledge.
The special physiological and pathological ideas of Ayurveda as also
its special methods of a diagnosis and treatment will be discussed later.
Some of its achievements merit special mention. The materia medica is
extensive and represents a full utilization of environmental resources. More
than 600 drugs of animal, plant and mineral origin are used in the Caraka
and about 650 in the SuSruta Sa'1lhitli. The large variety of medicinal
prescriptions, methods of compounding, therapeutic methods including
psychiatric processes and surgical processes employing specific instruments
for each type of operation are scientific, sound and exhaustive. Susruta
describes more than 300 different operations employing 42 different surgical
processes and 121 different types of instruments. Some irrational methods
are, however, prescribed for some mental aberrations and diseases of
new-born infants.
Symptoms are described for a large number of pathological conditions
and diseases, including diabetes mellitus, pulmonary tuberculosis, malignant
• cs. Su., 30, 28. b SSt Su., 1.

MEDICINE 225
growths, leprosy, gangrene, erysipelas, jaundice, diphtheria, tetanus, calculi,

general paralysis, insanity, epilepsy, epidemic diseases, bites of poisonous
snakes and animals, and hydrophobia. Rational and apparently efficacious
surgery is described for many conditions including complicated fractures
and dislocations, piles, fistulas and sinuses, a tumours, carbuncles and malig-
nant growths, cataracts and complicated opthalmic operations, b strangulated
hernia,c urinary stones causing uraemia, impacted gall-stone, intestinal
perforations and protrusions of the viscera due to accidental injuries,tJ
amputation of major limbs, tonsiJitis, bone abscesses and abscesses of internal
organs, serious head injuries with exudation of brain matter, major obstetric
operations including removal of the foetus ~ by craniotomic and other
methods, e and congenital malformations of the nose, ears or lips.! The
last-named operation required plastic surgery involving grafting of skin
and muscular tissues from surrounding areas and other parts of the body
and was also used to help people whose noses or ears had been removed
for penal reasons, apparently a common practice of the period.
Apart from the above achievements, Ayurveda is remarkable for its
special conceptions and theories. It must be emphasized that the curing
of diseased conditions and the maintenance of health are not the only
aims of lyurveda. It is also concerned with harmonizing secular conduct
and spiritual pursuit through a realization of the true relationship between
the complex of body, mind and soul and the eternal universe. As such,
it is more a comprehensive philosophy of life, with salvation as its goal,
than a science in the modern sense of the term. Theories of creation of
life, of biological processes, of sensory and intellectual perceptions,g genetic
and eugenic rules, and the physiological and pathological effects of heredity
and gestation, h theories of digestion, metabolism, circulation of body
fluids and functions of bodily eliminations' and the all-embracing theory of
the three omnipresent humours responsible for the origin and prognosis of
all pathological conditions and forming the very basis of Ayurvedic treat-
ment-all are found in the medical safJlhitiis. There is a rigorous standard
for the training of physicians, and a meticulous code of personal ethics and
social conduct for the medical profession.1 In insight, farsightedness and
depth, the Ayurvedic medical code stands a favourable comparison with
the Hippocratic code. The entire texts of the SQ'!2hitas are also distin-
guished by careful and penetrating observations, exhaustive and classified
information, and an able presentation of the available knowledge in
medicine and allied subjects like chemistry, botany, etc., contributing to
medicine.
/I ss. Ci., 3, 7, 8. g CS.Sii., 5.

b SSe C/., 3, 8, 17. 12; Uttara, 3, 7, 8. h CS. Sa., 3; SSe Sti., 1-3.
e SSe C/., 19. 9-12. t CS. Ci., 15; CS. Vi. 6; CS. SU., 28 ;
d SS. Ci., 2. SSe Su., 14,35.
e SSe C/., lS. J CS. Vi., 8; CS. SU., 9, 10,29, 30;
ISS. SiI., 16. SSe SU., 2,5, 7, 10, 15,34.
1.5
226 A CONCISB HISTORY OF SCIENCB IN INDIA
LOST TREATISES OF AYURVEDA
Apart from the two great sa1'flhitiis, there were many other treatises
on the therapeutic branch of medicine, termed the Atreya school of medicine.
Some of them are lost beyond all possible hope of recovery, but their names
and subjects are available from references in existing works. Such lost
treatises include the salJ1hitiis credited to Agnivesa, K~arapal)i, JatukaIl)a,
Parasara, HarHa, K~aranada, Visvamitra, Kapila and Gautama. Of the
Dhanvantari school with its stress on surgery, the lost works are the Vrddha
Su.§ruta or Sausruta tantra, the treatises credited to Aupadhenava, Aurabhra,
Pau~kaHivata, Gopurarak~ita, VaitaraI)a and Bhoja. The Bhoja-sa'llhita,
also known as Vrddhabhoja, should not be confused with a lexicon compiled
by Bhojaraja of a much later age.
EXTANT CLASSICAL WORKS ON AYURVEDA
Among the major existing works of the Atreya school (apart from the
Caraka) are about 50 known commentaries and editions of the Agnivesa
of Caraka SalJ1hitii, a the notable works being those of DrQhabala (ninth
century), Cakrapal)idatta (eleventh century) and Sivadasa (eleventh century).
Among a smaller number of editions and commentaries of Susruta
SalJzhitii, the most notable are those of Nagarjuna (third to fourth
century), I)alhanacarya (tenth-eleventh century) and Cakradatta (eleventh
century).
Next in importance as well as in age (with the possible exception of
KiiJyapa Sa111hitii) come two works with somewhat similar names, the
A~~!tiJiga Safllgraha also known as Vrddha Vagbha{a and the A~ttiizgahrdaya,
known simply as Viigbhata. Both are comprehensive works on thera..
peutics and surgery, one in prose-cum-verse and the other in verse alone.
From the distinctive name of the first work as the 'ancient' Vagbhata,
some assumed differences in quality, and from the very fact of the existence
of two different works, it has been supposed that there were two different
authors of this name, one earlier and one later. The authors (or author)
in both cases, however, claim the same parentage and profess the same
school of Buddhist faith. It is known that Vagbhata was the son of
Siij1hagupta, an inhabitant of Sind and a disciple of Avalokita, the Buddhist
sage, but no separate particulars are available about the other author. The
internal evidence also shows an identity of style, medical views and mode
of presentation, and there is no real evidence to show that there was more
than one author of this name. b
The first mention of a medical book on A~tiinga is found in the memoirs
of the Chinese traveller I'Tsing of the seventh century. The author of this
book has been identified with the Buddhist Vagbhata who may, therefore,
be placed in the seventh century A.D. or a little earlier.
o RAy and Gupta, p. 1. II Sen, Gananatb (2), p. 51.

I.5 B
MEDICINE 227
The A~/iingahrdaya is by far the most concise and scientific exposi-
tion of Ayurvedic knowledge, incorporating the teachings of the Atreya,
Dhanvantari and Rasayana a schools of medicine and distinguished by its
knowledge of chemical reactions and laboratory processes. The work has
been translated into many Indian and foreign languages, and enjoys a
deserved reputation rivalling those of Caraka and Susruta. The important
commentaries on Vagbhata's works are by AruQ.adatta (thirteenth century),
Candrananda, Hemadri and Indu.
The Kiisyapa Sa'!lhitii is another ancient treatise dealing mainly
with paediatrics. It is probably of an age not much later than that of the
Bhela Sa",hitii, if we consider that it is admittedly an abridged edition or
version of an earlier work, the Vrddha Kiisyapa. b It is quoted in the Bower
manuscript and contains nlany quotations, not found elsewhere, from the
most ancient works of the Atreya school including some missing treatises.
A valuable work, specializing on the diagnostic aspect of medical
knowledge, is due to Madhavakara (eighth or ninth century) and is entitled
RugviniSca)'a or Miidhava Nidiina. It is a conlpilation from the earlier
works of Agnivesa, Susruta and Vagbhata, but its merit lies in its scientific
selection of knowledge included, concise presentation, and as a valuable
clinical guide. It is famous all over India as the best Ayurvedic work on
diagnosis of diseases. Two commentaries on this work, Madhuko~a by
Vijayarak~ita and Ataizkadarpa~la by Vacaspati, are also valuable aids to
diagnosis. The Gadanigralza, a medical treatise by ~oQhala (seventh century),
So(jhalanighalJ!u, a medical lexicon by the same author, Siddhayoga by
VrndakuQQa (ninth century), and CakrasalJ1graha, a valuable treatise
containing quotations from earlier works by Cakrapal)idatta (about
A.D. 1050), are other important works on the Atreya and Dhanvantari
schools, containing also sonle information on inorganic medicines,
written before A.D. 1200. Only a few of the Ayurvedic works listed above
are available in printed editions, others being in the form of written
manuscripts preserved in various collections in India and abroad. The
descriptions and locations are to be found in Aufrecht's Catalogue. Kaviraj
Gananath Sen has made an assessment of the comparative merits of these
different works. C
AYURVEDA AND ITS EIGHT CLASSICAL DIVISIONS: OTHER

MEDICAL SYSTEMS OF ANCIENT INDIA
THE EIGHT ANGAS OF AYURVEDA
The term a~ltinga (eight-limbed) used in the titles of Vagbhata's works

is actually a synonym of Jyurveda which, from ancient times, has been
supposed to contain eight branches of medical knowledge. These branches
G Keith (3), p. 510. C Sen, Gananath (I), PP. 5 fr.; (2), pp. 32 tf.
b Subba Reddy, Pp. 1-35.
are enumerated in the introductory passages of all important A.yurvedic

rks though most of them specialize in one or at most two branches and
;~e only limited space ,to the rest. .The lis!s given ~y Caraka, Susruta
and Vagbhafa are identIcal though dIfferent In order. Caraka uses the
term visagaravairodhikaprasamana for antidotes and cures for poisons and
venoms' in place of agada (toxicology). The eight branches and the topics
they include are enumerated below:
(i) Kayacikitsti (therapeutics) dealing with the aetiology, diagnosis,
prognosis, treatment and recommended diets in fevers, gastro-
intestinal irritations, coughs, consumptive maladies, urinary
complaints and other ailments, curable by the administration
of drugs, externally or internally;
(ii) Sa/yatantra (surgical knowledge) divided into two branches;
the first deals with diagnosis, prognosis and treatment of condi-
tions amenable to surgical methods, specifications and uses
of different surgical instruments, methods of bleeding, cauteriza-
tion by heat and alkali, use of leeches, and minor surgical
implements in appropriate contexts; the second deals with
surgical knowledge applied to gynaecology and obstetrics;
(iii) Stilakyatantra (treatment of diseases of the eyes, ears, nose,
tongue, oral cavity and throat);
(iv) Bhatavidyd (knowledge of mental diseases and diseases of
supernatural origin) dealing with the true nature, symptoms
and treatments of conditions like insanity, epilepsy, etc., in
which people behave as if affected by demons;
(v) Kaumiirabhrtya (knowledge of infantile disorders, care of young
children and treatment of diseases specific to children);
(vi) Agadatantra (toxicology) dealing with symptoms caused by
accidental or intentional administration of mineral, vegetable
and animal poisons, bites by venomous snakes and other
poisonous creatures, their immediate antidotes and methods
of treatment;
(vii) Rasiiyana (knowledge of tonics and processes for arresting the
process of physical and mental decay) dealing with potent drugs
and prescriptions to combat ill health, natural decay and senility,
their dosages and methods of administration;
(viii) VtijikaralJatantra (knowledge of virilifics) dealing with lost or
diminished virility, potency and procreative ability.
THE ATREYA AND DHANVANTARI SYSTEMS
The medical literature specializing in the therapeutic and surgical

branches of medical knowledge has already been reviewed in the previous
section. Most of the works mentioned there however claim to be a
4 CSt Sit, 30; SSt Su., 1.

MEDICINE 229
comprehensive treatise on lyurveda (and hence on all its branches) and
generally devote some passages or even sections to the other six branches.
Quite a number of treatises specializing in the other angas were also
in parallel existence with the works of the Atreya and Dhanvantari schools.
But the zeal displayed by later scholars for reproducing or editing the latter
works seems to have been lacking for the other branches. Original works
in the other atigas are generally met with only in the form of quotations
in later works or in names only; commentaries and revised editions are
conspicuous by their absence. Even the quotations that are found are
few and far between. A study of the literature of Ayurveda in the post-
Vedic period leaves a strong impression that the works of the Xtreya and
Dhanvantari schools were always considered the elite among medical
treatises while the others were considered second-class matter.
THE SALAKYATANTRA SYSTEM
A class of physicians known as Siiliikis specialized in this branch of

medicine, the chief treatise of which was Videhatantra supposed to be the
work of King Janaka of Videha. This work is mentioned as important
in the sections on Salakyatantra found in the Susruta Safl1hitii, a and has
been extensively quoted by l)alhaDucarya, Vijayarak~ita SrikaQthadatta and
others. Other works on this branch of medicine, quoted by the last
three authors, are Nilnitantra and Siityakitantra. Caraka mentions the
Ktitikayanatantra and the Saunakatantra. Oalhal)a and Srikat:\tha also
mention other works in this branch, attributed to Gargya, Galavya,
Karalabhatta, Kr~IJatreya, as also another work Cak~f)u~yatantra dealing with
eye diseases alone. None of these works are available now but all must
have been extant in Oalhal)a's time (tenth-eleventh century). The sparse
quotations available do not permit of a proper assessment of these works.
BHUTAVIDyl
No special treatise on this subject has been quoted or even named

in the surviving works. This branch of Jyurveda survives now only as
chapters in the works of Caraka,b SusrutaC and Vagbhata. d The Caraka
Safl1hitii treats all psychic maladies, including grave diseases of the nervous
system, insanity and demoniac possessions, in a single chapter. The A~ta;,ga
and SuJruta Sa11lhitii consider demoniac possessions as separate from mental
diseases. The AgnipurafJa and the Viiyupurtir.za also deal with demoniac
possessions and the remedial measures recommended for them. From the
fact of Caraka's classification of demoniac possessions in the same chapter
4 ss. sa., 14; SSt CI., 22. C SS. Uttara, 39-62.

b CS. Ci., 9. d Alt. Hr Uttara,4 and 5.
230 A CONCISE H1STORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
with mental disorders and Susruta's declaration that malignant spirits cause
diseases but do not physically 'possess' human beings (na Ie manu~yaib
saha sa!J1viSanti), it seems likely that in these times bhatavidyii simply meant
psychic disorders caused by unknown forces. The later treatises after
Vagbhata ignore this branch of medicine altogether, possibly to avoid
being branded with the stigma of superstition.
THE KAUM1RABII{(fYA SYSTEM
The Kiisyapa Saf!1hitii, as is to be expected, contains considerable

information on infantile disorders and care of new-born babies and older
children. The Uttaratantra of Nagarjuna's version of the Susruta Saf!lhitii
devotes no less than 12 chapters to this branch of medicine. Invocation
of divine blessings, chanting of holy words and propitiation of supernatural
forces formed a major part of such treatment, along with treatment by
therapeutic drugs. The chapters in the Susruta Sall1hitti convey the clear
impression that an extremely high value was put on the health, welfare
and mental happiness of children at this time. This started even from the
period of conception, and an equally high value was placed on the physical
and psychological well-being of expectant mothers. Midwifery and gynaeco-
logical knowledge was not, however, included in the branch of Kaumiira-
bhrtya.
The treatises known to have dealt specially with this subject were the
Jivaka tantra quoted in Cakradatta's commentary Bhiinumati on the
Su/}~ruta Sa'llhitii, Piirvataka tantra, Vandhaka tantra and Hira1Jyiik~()a tantra
(quoted by SrikalJ.tha Datta). These works survive only in names, except
for occasional quotations.
THE AGADATANTRA SYSTEM
The Caraka Saf!lhitti devotes only one chapter to this branch of medicine
but the Su§ruta has one of its six sthiinas, e.g. Kalpasthiina, entirely on
toxicology. Apart from symptoms, first-aid measures and long-term
treatments, there is a very good classification of different poisons and on
different methods by which unwary persons may be slowly or quickly
poisoned. The detection of some inorganic poisons by flame tests is a
remarkable feature. There is also an exhaustive classification and de-
scription of differen t types of poisonous snakes and the symptoms of their
bites. Similar information (including a faithful account of the symptoms
of hydrophobia) is found for poisonous insects, aquatic and anlphibious
creatures and land animals. In fact, the Kalpasthana of the Susruta
Sa,!lhita is a valuable treatise on toxicology by its own right.
A treatise on toxicology, also named KiiJyapa SalflhiUJ, written in
Sanskrit but printed in local script, is found in ~outh India. Some passages
in this work are identical with certain quotations in the works of QalhaQa,
MEDICINE 231
CakrapaQi and SrIkaJ)tha. tJ But the authenticity of the text cannot be

verified. SrTkaJ)tha also gives quotations from another work in this field,
the AvaIamvayanasa",hita, which must have survived up to the seventeenth
century but is now untraceable. Another treatise on agadatalltra, the Sanaka
Sa"mitii (or Saunaka Sal]'lhitii), survives in an Arabic translation discovered
by Max MUller. b QalhaI)a quotes from another treatise on this subject,
apparently his own work t in his commentary on Nagarjuna's Susruta Saf!lhitii.
In Cochin and Travancore, many other Sanskrit works on agada-
tantra are available in the local script. Their authenticity and antiquity
have not been established beyond doubt.
THE RASAYANA SYSTEM
The conception of rasoyana (restorative treatn1ent) is a notable feature

of Ayurveda. With age there is a degeneration of bodily tissues, sensory
perceptions, as also of physical and intellectual vigour. Ayurveda considers
this process not only preventible but even reversible and does not consider
senility an inseparable condition of old age. This branch of medicine
employs some remarkable processes, as well as herbal, mineral and metallic
substances as tonics. Here also most of the specialized works are unavail-
able, hut a fair knowledge of the methods and drugs are obtained from the
sections devoted to rasoyana in the works of Caraka, Susruta and Vagbhata.
Mercurial and other inorganic preparations of the Rasacikitsii school of
medicine (vide later) found in Tantric works were also credited with similar
rejuvenating powers.
Susruta extols the virtues of clean living, high thinking, proper physio-
logical habits and regular exercise, regular use of milk, pure cold water,
honey, clarified butter, various special diets including salt-free diets,
preparations containing gold and minerals, and various prescriptions of
recommended drugs for rasiiyana. c The Dlythical soma plant (yet to be
identified with any known plant), used with auxiliary tonics and a strict
regimen of diet and conduct, is said to bring about complete rejuvenation in
body and mind, ensuring a fresh lease of youth. d
The lost texts on this subject include Sodhanatantra quoted in the
Cakrasa",graha of Cakrapat)idatta, the works attributed to Vyadi, Vasi~tha
and Mat:lQavya (quoted in Rasaratnakara and Rasaratnasamuccaya and
Nagarjunatantra). The last-mentioned work is by one of the many medical
scholars in successive ages with the title of 'Nagarjuna'.
THE vlJ1KARAYA SYSTEM
This branch of medicine is not dealt at any length in any of the

medical works after Caraka and SUSruta, where they are found in
,. Sen, Gananatha (2), p. 43. b RAy (P. C.), p. lxv. C SSe Ci., 27-19. d SSe Cl. t 29.
fragmentary passages. a There is, however, ~nmistakable evid~nce ~f a

considerable literature on tbis subject, current In the early Buddhist penod.
The famous Kamasutra of Viitsyayana gives the names of three works on this
branch of medical knowledge, including the Kucumiira tantra, which is said
to be an exhaustive work, already ancient at the time (c. A.D. 3(0).
The justification of including formulae of virilific tonics in a work
of medicine is found in Caraka, b where it is stated that the final metabolic
product of all nutritive food is the seminal fluid, and the loss of the latter is
the most serious drain possible on the body's vitality, so that all sexual
excesses lead to serious wasting diseases and even death unless counteracted
by rasiiyana remedies.
THE RASACIKITSl SCHOOL OF MEDICINE
Apart from the eight classical branches of Ayurveda, some other

indigenous systems have survived as integral parts of the medical knowledge
of ancient India. Some of the obscure pre-Aryan concepts and practices
have been noted earlier. The quasi-religious system of Rasacikitsa has a
reputation second only to Ayurveda. With a few exceptions this school
employs only metals, alloys, metallic compounds and salts and also sulphur
and its preparations in its materia medica. According to it, quicksilver
is the foremost among all medicinal substances. This latter belief is found
also in many Buddhist and BrahmaI)ic tantras, as a part of the Tantric
faith. c The medical knowledge of India exported to Tibet, China, Indo-
China and Ceylon contained much of this school of medicine mixed with
classical Ayurveda.
The early practitioners of this school were known as Siddhas who
introduced many of the metallic preparations which were either unknown
to, or not utilized in, classical Ayurvedic practice. The Tamil Sittar works
on medicine, chemistry and allied subjects were possibly originated by the
Siddhas. The first use of mercurial compounds in medicine is found in
Susruta (third-fourth century);d here the modern and surviving name of
mercury, parada, is used; the more ancient synonym, sutaraQ, is found in
the Susruta Safl7hita,e but its omnipotence in all diseases and indeed in all
phases of life was first propounded in Tantric texts written by the early
Siddhas. The alchemical preparation of gold (which also was believed
to be an embodiment of perfection and therefore a panacea for all ills)
from mercury was another aim of this school and many supposed processes
to this end are found. The classical work of Madhavacarya (fourteenth
century),! describing the sixteen schools of belief current in his time, gives a
description of the Rasesvaradarsa~ (faith in divine mercury), in which the
metal is believed to be the earthly embodiment of the omnipotent deity,
a CSt Cl., 2.; SS. Ci., 16. C Ray (P. C.), p. xxxv. • SSe Ka., 2, 12.
b CS. Ci., 2. d SSt C/., 25. 20. J Sarvadarsanasolfllrana. pp. 137-44.
MEDICINE 233
Siva, and as such to be worshipped. The use of mercurial preparations

was also believed not only to give perfect health and cure of all diseases,
but also prosperity, a perfect mind, bliss and eventual salvation.
The works of the Tantric period, devoted to the preparation of inorganic
and metallic remedies, are among the most prolific and rewarding sources
of the knowledge of Hindu chemistry. These works were, however,
primarily concerned with rituals, alchemy and chemical processes. Their
value as medical literature lies chiefly in their exposition of the medical
philosophy of this school, their iatrochemical ideas and practices, and the
inorganic remedies they contributed to medicine. The most important
among them are: Rasaratnakara and Arogyamanjarf of Siddha Nagarjuna
(seventh century), Siddhayoga of V[.t)dakuI)Qa (seventh-eighth century),
the Cakrasa't1graha and the commentaries by Cakraplil;idatta (eleventh
century), Rasahrdaya of Govinda Vagbhata (eleventh century), Rasa-
ratniikara of Siddha Nityanatha, Rasaratnasamuccaya of Vagbhata
(a namesake, living in the late twelfth century), RastirlJava by Sambhu
(twelfth century), Rasendracintiima~li by Ramacandra (twelfth century)
and Rasendracur)tima~li by Somadeva (twelfth century). These works are
available in most first-class collections of Ayurvedic literature in India
and abroad. Many of them were edited and published during the last
century, notably by the Ayurvedic GranthasaHi of Bombay.
The Rasacikitsii school of medicine has been a rival of Ayurveda in
popularity and prestige during many centuries in the past, specially in
South India, the eastern provinces and Sind. ] t survives to the present
day as a living system of medicine, but has largely discarded its deification
of mercury and has absorbed many tenets of classical Ayurveda. The
Kavirajas, that is medical practitioners who follow the Ayurvedic system
of medicine in their treatment, possibly rely more on inorganic remedies
than on the materia medica of classical lyurveda. This preference can be
explained by the greater facility in manipulation during compounding,
greater portability and easier storage, easier preservation and less wastage,
and simplicity of prescription and dosages of inorganic remedies.
THE NAplVlJNANA SYSTEM OF DIAGNOSIS
The other quasi-Ayurvedic system of importance is termed Narjivijnana

and, as the term implies, attaches great importance to the pulse felt at the
wrists, a close study of which is supposed to give sufficient indications for
the diagnosis of most diseases. The term niit/i in Ayurveda means not
only the arteries and veins but all major and minor tubes as well as nerves,
etc., in the body; nar)i does not mean the pulse in Ayurveda. Moreover,
the very spirit of Ayurveda is opposed to the idea of putting complete
reliance for diagnosis on the unaided touch perception of the physician.
The earlier medical treatises recommended that while making a diagnosis
all known factors should be taken into consideration and all the senses of the
physician should be employed. a The main thesis of Na(1ivijiiana, that

diagnosis is possible and death predictable by feeling the pulse beats, implies
that the condition of the heart indicates all diseased conditions, an idea open
to doubt. On the other hand, it is quite possible that the acute perception
of a highly trained person could discern the condition of the three dO$as
(fundamental humours) in the body which, even according to Ayurveda,
is the basic factor in the causation, prognosis and treatment of all diseases.
Acute perception nlay also predict the failure of the heart and set a period
to the termination of its functioning. The claim of ability to foretell death
by niit}ivijiziina need not be ruled out. It must also be pointed out that the
school of niirjivijiUina does not forbid the consideration of other symptoms
or the case history in arriving at a diagnosis; they are only considered
much less important.
A supposedly ancient treatise of this branch of medicine, Niirliparik~ii
by Ravm:m (a comprehensive treatise on this subject), and another work
Nii(Jivijiiiina, claiming to embody the teachings of Kat;lada and Gautama
on this science, give us an idea of this school of medicine. The styles
of writing of both these works do not support any claim to antiquity and
they may be comparatively recent works, b at least much more recent than
the periods of the legendary demon-king RavaIJa of the RamayalJa (who is
claimed to be the author of the first work) or even of the great philosophical
teachings incorporated in the Caraka Safl1hita and possibly the more ancient
Agnivesa Saf/lhitti. The classical compendiums of Ayurveda do not contain
any clear reference to nii{1ivijiUina, and it is logical to suppose that this branch
of medicine came into existence in much later times. The medical literature
of the Tantras contains innumerable references to nii{li but here the term has
suffered a semantic change and generally meant nerves, which also were
considered fundamental causative factors in diseases and bodily conditions.
THE YOGA SCHOOL
The Yoga system of philosophy,c due to Patafijali (c. second

century B.C.), with its mental and physical discipline by the eightfold path
of yama (abstention), niyama (observance), iisana (physical postures involving
muscular co-ordination), prii~iiyiima (regulation of breathing), pratyiihiira
(voluntary control of the sense-perceptions), dhyiina (fixed attention),
dhara1;lii (contemplation) and salntidhi (ultimate and absolute mental
concentration), is not only a philosophy but also a discipline of the body
to make it function in a state of perfect health and flexibility. A branch
of this discipline, known as hathayoga, is a refined form of physical culture
involving 'the voluntary as well as involuntary muscles of the body and
claims to cure many pathological conditions. This integrated system of
a CS. Vi.• 4; Ni., 1.13; 5S. Su., to. • C Das Gupta, II. pp. 273-463.
& Sen, Gananatha (2), p. 69.
MEDICINE 235
mental concentration, breath control, sense-control and physical culture

can also be called a medical system. Jyurveda has not borrowed from it
but this system has always been held in high respect in India and has
recently earned a spate of popularity in Western countries.
AYURVEDA: THEORIES AND CONCEPTS
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF AYURVEDIC SCIENCE
Ayurveda, as has been said earlier, is not limited to mere medical

knowledge. It wants that all men should be healthy, fit in body and keen
in mind and that they should maintain this state as long as possible; the
ultimate ends being mundane happiness and spiritual elevation. To
achieve these objectives Ayurveda developed into a comprehensive encyclo-
paedia of knowledge in medical subjects like genetics, gynaecology,
obstetrics, aetiology, diagnosis, therapeutics, surgery, physiology, biology,
diet, ethics, personal hygiene, preventive treatment and social medicine;
allied subjects like animal biology, botany, cultivation, pharmacognosy,
compounding and chemistry; and some subjects, not usually considered
as medical, like cosmology, climatology, psychology, parapsychology,
philosophy and religion. Mastery of Ayurveda presupposes knowledge
in all these fields.
Not only are the objectives and scope of Ayurveda more extensive
than those of formal medical science; this Indian science is also distinguished
by some fundamental theories and postulates which pervade all its precepts
and practices, but which are not found in modern medicine. These theories
and concepts are, however, not all archaic or even empirical; many are
based on observations and metaphysical reasonings. These special theories
and concepts of lyurveda merit examination even if their correctness is
open to question.
COSMIC ORIGIN OF MATTER AND LIFE
According to Ayurveda, matter, energy, sentience, life, intelligence

and motility, all result from synthesis of ingredients evolved out of cosmic
forces. But this synthesis is neither a matter of accident or chance nor
the result of a slow and gradual evolution through the stages of inanimate
matter, lower forms and less intelligent species. Every time a new life
comes into existence inside a microscopic speck of fertilized matter, the
mind, senses and potentiality of growth are created anew out of the funda-
mental components present in prakrti (the ultimate ground) under the
subtle influence of a momentary union with the puru~a (the absolute self-
conscious principle). Prakrti which is the only source of all things which
are perceptible to the senses or discernible to the mind has eight aspects
and 16 mutations, all devoid of cetana (awareness). The. eight aspec~s are:
avyakta (the unmanifested, ultimate ground), mahan (ultImate expenence),
the three fundamental reals (sativa, rajas and tamas) and the three aha/]lkaras
(egos) of guidance, energy and inertia. The 16 mutations are the five
organs of perception, five organs of action, the mind and the five tanmatras
(subtile essence of matter and manifestations). Consciousness and hence
life in a living organism are the contribution of the k~etrajna (eternal,
indestructible and ubiquitous soul) which, at the moment of conception,
voluntarily enters into a divine, human or subhuman plane of existence
inside a material body as karmapuru~a until death separates it. a
The eternal mother-principle, prakrti, out of which all living organisms
are created and gain sustenance possesses three aspects; the fundamental
gU1Jas, or reals, of sattva (tendency to manifestation, essence of intelligence
stuff), rajas (essence of energy) and tamas (material existence, universal
inertia). These aspects of the Ultimate Ground have the inherent poten-
tialities of evolving into varied forms of natural phenomenon, matter,
and animate intelligent life through innumerable permutations and combi-
nations of the 16 mutations. The three reals are first mutated into the
three forms of ahal!1kiira (ego)-spiritual ego of guidance and transformation,
the subjective ego of energy and motion and the objective ego of mass
and inertia. The first ego combining with the second creates the five
organs of sense-perception (vision, hearing, smell, taste and touch), the
five operative organs (speech, locomotion, manipulation, reproduction
and evacuation), and also the mind which is the versatile organ. The
third ego combining with the second creates the five tannliitras (subtile
particles with the potentialities of materialization and perception) which
are the originators of the five material elements (earth or solid, water or
liquid, air or gas, fire or energy, and ether or space) and also of the percep-
tible phenomena of vision, sound, smell, taste and touch. Thus every
living being is a complex aggregate in which a karn1apuru~va remains united
with a material body, mind, sense organs and motile organs, contributed
by and sustained by the 24 tattvas or prakrti.b
Hence all living organisms have a soul associated with it, a mind
composed of the three reals, ten organs evolved out of the three egos
(three humours which are the counterparts of the cosmic principles of air,
dry heat and moisture) and a material body composed of the five gross
elements present in the form of kalas (protective layers), dhatus (component
matters like blood, body fluids, tissues, bones, etc.), malas (eliminations
and excretions), all functioning by the bodily counterparts of natural
phenomena in the shapes of the three do~as (humours), agni (digestive fire)
and kriyas (natural activities like sleep, respirations, pulsations, elimination,
metabolic processes, etc.). C Inasmuch as the fundamental components and
primary elements constitute the living organism, each contributes its specific
nature and properties to the individual in the proportion in which it is present.
II Cs.Scl" 1. b SS. sa., 1. ., SSe SIl., 1; SSe Uttara, 64, 2-3.
MEDICINE 23~
THE COMMON CONSTITUENTS OF ALL LIVING AND NON-LIVING MAITER
The pancabhatas (five elementary principles of earth, water, fire, air

and space) which constitute all material substances have different properties
and characteristics. The earth principle gives mass, hardness, compactness,
roughness, inertia, density, opacity, smell, and tactile sensations; the water
principle gives fluidity, viscosity, coldness, softness, unctuousness, and taste;
the energy principle gives visibility to objects, colours, periodicity of motion
(santana), digestion, anger, instantaneous response, courage, and the visual
sensation; the air principle gives perception by physical contact, all physical
and physiological movements, pulsations, sense of lightness and the tactile
sense; the ethereal or space-principle gives sound, porosity, bodily cavities,
functional subdivisions of the bodily channels and tissues into finer and
finer branches, and the sense of hearing. a Fronl these arise the infinite
diversity of matter, some of which are predominantly composed of one
element and some of two, three or more, with corresponding complex
properties. Organic matter and the components of living substances (and
plants) are generally composed of all the five elements in different propor-
tions and possess combinations and resultants of all the material and
physiological properties listed above.
Living organisms also possess such resultant properties and charac-
teristics. The sense perceptions corresponding to the five elements also
enter into their make-up through the agency of the sense-organs, as also
the motor activities of locomotion, manipulation, speech, reproduction and
evacuation. All these components and attributes remain in a state of
equilibrium and balanced existence, complementing the functions of each
other. But the infinite number of possible combinations makes a 'perfect'
organism a near impossibility. Hence health is only a state of optimum
balance. The greater the approximation to the ideal state, the better the
health; diseases and pathological conditions are due to imbalances and
deficiencies of the components. These characterisitc properties, functions
and deficiencies collectively constitute a living organism. b
Apart from these general attributes of non-living and living matter,
there are certain mental components which are the special (but not exclusive)
attributes of man. These are the emotions of pleasure and pain, voluntary
movements, mental perception, will, logical faculty, memory, knowledge
gained by experience and creative thinking. But even among men there are
different combinations of the three reals constituting the mind, giving rise
to widely different mental levels, different personalities, different abilities,
instincts and behaviour. C
THE THEORY OF THE MICROCOSM AND OTHER PHILOSOPHICAL CONCEPTS
There is a remarkable theory in .Jyurveda to the effect that man is an

epitome of the universe, a 'microcosm' of the macrocosm. Both the universe
G SSt sa. 1. 20-21. II SSe SQ., 15; SSe Sd., 1 and 2. c SSe 84., 1. 18-19.
and man are manifestations of one and the same eternal spirit. Spirit and
matter are equally integrated in both. The material contents of both are
constituted of the same five primal elements, endowing their specific and
resultant characteristics to both. Prthvi confers the solid complement to
both; apas the liquid; tejas (the manifestation of radiant energy) confers
vision, body-heat and digestive fire to man; vayu enveloping and permeating
the earth, supporting combustion, helping growth and initiating movements
also permeates the body as vital breath and promotes growth from the foetal
stage, and causes bodily movements; iikiisa confers the orifices and empty
spaces inside the body. Like the infinite diversity present in the universe,
the different units comprising the body are too numerous to count. In the
mind of man also there are as many nloods as in nature. Similar to the office
of the Brahman in the universe is that of the pur~a in man; both can
create life by the act of impregnation, both are unlimited in might and
potentiality; the true nature of both are unknown and unknowable. a
The concept of the 'microcosm' follows the philosophical doctrines
of the Sti'!lkhya and Vedanta schools of Indian thought. The theories
of cosmic evolution of matter and life and of the common constituents
of living and non-living matter (recounted earlier) are also based on Siifllkhya
and Nyaya-VaiJe~ika doctrines. The idea of the eternal and omnipotent
soul serving a span of existence inside an animated body, as a result of the
residual effects of karma (deeds in previous births), is from the Nyaya.
The properties of the five primal elements and the physiological actions
of the different taste-matters (vide later) are also found with variations
in many schools of Indian philosophy. The basic common concepts of
Indian philosophy have also been largely incorporated into Ayurveda.
lyurveda accepts that the highest aim of life is the quest for ultimate truth
and realization; that the perception of our senses is not valid in the absence
of spiritual insight; that suffering is due to the human error of discrimination
between the body and mind which suffer and the spirit which is immune;
that the final wisdom is to shed passions and illusions; that the supreme
essence of power and awareness is present in man, making him potentially
omniscient and omnipotent when he achieves self-realization; and that it is
possible for the trained mind to achieve this self-realization and salvation; a
healthy body, long life and a keen mind being desirable aids to this end.
These ideas are not mere abstract exercises in philosophy; they have far-reach-
ing social, personal and medical consequences and explain the insistence in
Ayurveda on self-discipline in all spheres of life, medical care and hygienic
rules to keep the mind and body at the highest pitch and in perfect long life.
GENETICS AND EMBRYOLOGY
The puru.ya is infinite in number, each a disembodied soul capable

of penetrating anywhere in space. When such a soul enters into the complex
• cs.sa.. s.
MEDICINE 239
of sperm and ovum, formed by the act of mating, it immediately endows

the impregnated matter with its own attributes of consciousness, percep-
tion, creative ability, volitional movement and the faculties of observation,
knowledge, self-expression and self-maintenance. The three gu/)QS also
are imparted by the karmapuruya, though in varying proportions, so that
men differ in character and ability. But the puru~a, transformed into the
individual karmapuru~a, remains unchanged in essence, because it is eternal
and immutable. 4
This life, as we understand it, commences at the moment when the
minute particle of fertilized ovum gains the above attributes. This particle
is immediately propelled by vayu into the uterus to stay there until it is again
propelled out of the mother's body by vayu at the time of temporal birth. b
If the k~etrajiia does not by its own volition enter into the zygote,
no life is created and conception fails to occur. Hence the process of
fertilization by the act of mating is not sufficient for the creation of life,
though a necessary precondition, and creation of life is not possible by
unaided human endeavour. The intervention of the unknowable soul is
necessary. This soul creates its own body by gathering to itself the elements,
first the tiktisa and then the others in due order; but in this and subsequent
acts in the life span, the karmapuru~a is subject to certain limitations due
to the residual effects of karrna of previous births. C
Creation of life is possible only by the combined contributions of the
k~etrajiia and the parents who contribute their bfjas (sperm and ovum)
containing the essence of their mental and bodily constituents (as existing
at the tin1c) in infinitely minute replicas. A human womb, therefore,
invariably reproduces a human child; but temporary differences existing
at different times and the resultant of the opposed male and female principles
nlake the children differ from each other and from their parents. Such
factors also explain male and female births (by donlinance of the male or
female bfia), twin and multiple births (by fragmentation of the zygote),
individual characteristics, abnormalities and congenital diseases (chosen
by the ka"napuru~a or inherited from the parents). The growth, shape,
energy, vigour and sense of contentment of the future individual depend
upon nourishment and environmental factors. The mental traits are
determined by the quota of guIJas inherited from previous birth. d
It may be noted that this theory is in conformity with the continued
identity of the germ-plasm through successive generations, though the actual
individual may vary widely in mental and physical characteristics and also
with the fact of continual Dlutations by accidents, infections and parental
factors.
THE THREE HUMOURS
The humoral theory of Ayurveda makes a comprehensive approach

to the three major branches of medical knowledge, namely physiology,
II CS. $a., 3 and 4. c CSt Sti., 3 and 4; SSe sa., 1 and 3.
b SSesa., 3. 4 CS. sa., 2 and 3.
pathology and treatment. A proper assessment of the Ayurvedic science

is largely dependent upon an understanding of this unified theory, and of
the significance and real nature of the three humours. The actual term
used in the Ayurl'eda is trido$a. The use of 'humours' to designate trido~a
should not, however, be taken to imply that trido~r;a means exactly what
humours stand for in the case of Greek or medieval European medicine.
Despite similarities of ideas and concepts, there are important differences
between the trido$a concept of the lyurveda and the Greek hunloral
theory. Viiyu, pitta and kapha are supposed to be present in all living
creatures, diffused simultaneously in every minute portion of the organism,
and to activate and govern the entire biological process between conception
and death. The convention of equating the three humours with air, bile
and phlegm (possibly following Greek ideas on the subject) is misleading
to a degree. Ayurvedic ideas represent them as manifestations of universal
motile, fiery and placid phenomena. The normal physiological processes
represent the normal and complementary balanced manifestations of the
principles in the microcosm. Individual shortcomings and congenital defects
can be ascribed to their imbalance at conception, pathological conditions
and diseases as causal manifestations of their temporary imbalance, paucity,
excess or derangement. Hence diseases can be cured by restoring the desired
equilibrium or by pacification, restitution or expulsion of the offending
dO~f;as. These curative measures are possible by administering bhe$ajas
(substances having the desired potentiality of restitution, restoration or
pacification) and by the processes of cleansing, evacuation or surgery.
Vtiyu is self-begotten, eternal and all-pervading. Though invisible,
it nlanifests itself by its properties of coldness, lightness, desiccating action,
sound, feel, great speed, angular motion and inconceivable latent power.
Its bodily manifestation courses through the organism in constant currents
at high speed. If inlpeded in its course by any reason it becomes lodged
in wrong places, generating progressively increasing pressures and getting
progressively deranged. In its deranged condition it is the principal do~a,
because it has the greatest potentiality of causing damage. In its equable
state also it is the principal humour, for it maintains the major physiological
functions and movements and is responsible for maintaining a desirable
equilibrium between the humours, digestive fire, metabolic products and
excretions. Pitta, the cosmic fiery principle, is responsible for the creation
in the body of heat, energy, perception to all forms of radiant energy,
vitality and blood, and the maintenance of the pumping action of the heart
and skin temperature. Kap/za or sle~man supplies the placid and cooling
principles to the body in the processes of semen formation, growth, nutrition,
taste-perception, flushing, and lubrication between hard parts. Deranged
pitta and kapha give rise to specific symptoms affecting the bodily elements
in their respective spheres of influence. According to different bodily
locations and functions, each of the humours exists in five different forms. a
G CSt Sil., U; SSe sa., 15; SSe Ni., 1.

MEDICINE 241
Apart from a few exceptions, all individuals have a predominance of

one of the three humours and, therefore, an inherent imbalance. The
few exceptions and near exceptions enjoy perfect or near-perfect health
and are immune to diseases. The others are always susceptible to diseases
due to the ever-present possibility of aggravating the inherent inlbalances,
but normally remain tolerably healthy as long as the humours are not
provoked by injudicious diet, wrong conduct or environmental conditions
which are at variance with their individual humoral states. For example,
if a person with excess of vayu indulges in foods and acts which provoke
that humour, this humour is deranged and afflicts the person with mental
or physical disorders peculiar to this humour. The same holds true for
pitta and s!e$nlan. The individual types are much less affected and may,
in fact, be benefited by indulging in foods and acts which provoke the other
two humours. The distinctive aetiology and prognosis of different diseases
are due to the large number of possible permutations and combinations
of the three humours, each with five varieties, multiplicity of functions
and different possible degrees of provocation. Diseases are minor, major
or incurable, according to the degrees of humoral derangement. Logically,
the cure lies in primarily detecting the deranged humour or humours and
assessing the severity of derangement, and secondarily in identifying the
specific malady by case history and symptoms. Armed with this knowledge
and with the varied drugs and processes at his command, the physician
can apply his knowledge of medical science to correct the specific imbalances
and aggravations and ultimately effect a cure. a
Ayurveda recognizes infections and infectivity, but it holds that the
infecting agent is not the real or intrinsic cause of the disease, but only a
remote cause. The infecting agent, like all other outside adverse agents~
upsets the unstable equilibrium of the dO$as in the first instance; this in
turn acts on the dhiilus, producing the disease and its symptoms. b
DIGESTJON~ METABOLISM AND ELIMINATION
According to Ayurveda, life and the biological processes are dependent

upon the production of heat inside the organism. This body-heat comes
out of food which also nourishes and maintains the organism through its
metabolic transformations. Ingested food and drink pass into the stomach,
become minutely dispersed by the digestive fluid present there, and their
assimilable contents turn into a sweet, frothy, mucus-like fluid. This
process of digestion, carried out by agni (digestive fire), continues until
the fluid becomes acid, issues out of the stomach and excites the secretion
of thin bile. At this stage it is an assimilable, nutritive fluid known as
rasa, which is pumped by the heart through 24 major channels and permeates
the entire system. Rasa constantly moistens, nourishes, maintains and
irrigates the organism by processes which are not completely understood.
" CSt Vi., 6; SS.Sc2., 15.13-40; SSe Ni., 1. b SSe Ni., 5. 2.

16
It also tranquillizes, lubricates and vitalizes the body. While flowing through
the liver and spleen it obtains a red colouring matter; this coloured modi-
fication of the potent rasa is known as rakla (blood). a
Blood is the first metabolic transformation of the rasa, which is there-
after successively converted into flesh, fat, bone, bone-marrow and, finally,
semen. These seven elementary bodily constituents are the seven dhiitus,
orginating in the nutritive fluid produced from food.
There are many by-products from this chain of metabolic transfor-
Jnations. Apart from body-heat there is iirtava (a special and fiery variety
of blood) formed periodically in women between 12 and 50; ojas (essence of
vitality), a white, unctuous, cool fluid which gives vital power, strength,
activity, good voice, bright complexion and acuteness of the senses; breast-
milk formed in mothers and valuable for nourishment of the child. The
metabolic processes terminate in the openings of the body, each of which
has its specific mala (excretions). Apart from menstrual fluid and breast-
milk formed only in women, the Ina/as are urine, stool, sweat, the excretion
from the eyes, ears, nose, mouth and hair follicles. Hair, bodily hair and
nails are also nlalas. Unlike dhiitus, which are produced according to bodily
requiremen ts, malas are produced according to the quantity and quality
of food, and according to age, bodily size and physical condition. b
The bodily elements are replenished by the rasa and other dhiitus and
are maintained in a proper condition by gathering the necessary ingredients
directly from rasa, and indirectly from food and assimilated drugs and
passing out the excess matter and unwanted constituents. This replenish-
ment and maintenance is a normal and self-regulating process when the
various metabolic processes go on without interruption or obstruction
through their allotted channels. Blocking, depletion or over-production
of any metabolic product prevents proper nourishment and leads to patllo-
logical conditions by obstructing or upsetting the humoral balance. Treat-
ment in such cases, and also for non-elimination of lnalas, consists in
rectification, restoration or elimination by proper dieting, use of suitable
drugs relieving blocked channels, therapeutic processes, blood-letting and
other forms of surgery. Food being at one end of a metabolic chain and
eliminations on the other, improper or obstructed elimination require as
much attention as any other metabolic disturbance.
MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
According to Ayurl'eda, medical treatment should be oriented not

only to diseases but also to the patient and the prevalent climate, season
and environmental factors. In fact, the patient is considered to be the
premier factor in deciding upon a course of treatment. Different treatments
are necessary for patients of different ages, sexes, races, castes, habits,
habitat, diets, physical conditions, physiological constitutions, vitality,
a CSt Ci., 15; SSt Su., 14. b CSt Su., 28; SSt Su., 14 and 15.
168
MEDICINE 243
appetites and metabolisms, even when their symptoms are identical. A

proper case history should include all these factors. There is also the
possibility of a hereditary malady which requires different treatment from
an .acquired condition with the same symptoms. A patient who has
suddenly changed his place of residence, or his accustomed diet, or has been
exposed to an unaccustomed climate, also requires special treatment. A
physician should also be under no illusion about the special difficulties
involved in treating noblemen, high-ranking officers of the State, learned
pundits, persons with high-strung nerves, laynlen with pretensions to medical
knowledge, sly or secretive persons, persons without relatives or friends,
destitutes, persons lacking self-control, sex-conscious women, very old people
and infants. a
Persons with certain anatomical features, like disproportionately
short necks, wide shoulders, muscular chests, large faces and foreheads,
deep voice and deep inspirations while breathing, are generally immune to
diseases and respond quickly to medical treatment. They are generally
long-lived. But persons with prominent noses, eyes with tendency to roll,
narrow backs, chests covered with curly hair, and unusually large generative
organs, are prone to diseases and respond very tardily to treatment. They
are generally short-lived. Persons with none of these features are average.
The first type requires simple and minimum treatment while the second
requires careful, intensive and prolonged treatments. b
MAINTENANCE OF HEALTH
It has been said earlier that diseases are the results of aggravation of
the humours, and that an inherent imbalance of the humours in greater
or lesser degree is present in all human beings, with potentiality of aggra-
vation by wrong food, practices, accidents, etc. The best way to avoid
diseases, therefore, is to keep a strict check on diet, habits and hazards which
are likely to cause such aggravation. Similarly the best way to gain in
health and vigour, both physical and mental, is to live in such a way that
the inherent humoral imbalance is gradually rectified or counterbalanced.
With these ends in view, Ayurveda has formulated an extensive series of rules
concerning daily and seasonal diets, routine, and conduct which can maintain,
and gradually improve, physical health and mental level, ward off senile
decay and promote longevity.
Meticulous cleansing and ablutions are given a special importance in
such routines. The locations of the body where the dO.Jas can be easily
provoked or get blocked are to be cleaned daily. These include the teeth,
tongue, oral cavity, throat, eyes and the entire skin surface. The free
movement of the three humours, blood and other bodily fluids can be
assured by regular and regulated physical exercise avoiding overstrain and
exhaustion. Walking is recommended as a good form of exercise. The
G SSe Su., 10. 6-7. b SSe Su., 35.

malas of the body (including nails and unwanted hair) should be regularly
eliminated or removed. Shoes, umbrellas, headgear and clothing should
be used against accidental injuries and harmful exposure, both of which
aggravate the humours. Living-rooms and beds should be designed to
the same ends and to secure the best in relaxation and sleep, both of which
can correct humoral derangements. Habits which aggravate the humours,
or conduct which provokes them or leads to accidental injuries (which can
rapidly derange the humours), should be avoided; those which rectify,
should be cultivated. Diets and habits should always be adjusted to
seasonal, climatic and geographical factors. a
Ayurvedic texts give detailed descriptions of the physiological actions
of all edible and potable substances, even organic substances used for
smoking purposes. Such lists and descriptions make the selections of
diets for all types of personal requirements quite easy. The different
tastes of all foods and drugs are given special importance for indicating
their potentiality to augment or rectify the dO$as. This is said to be due
to the fact that the specific tastes (the bland neutral taste exemplified by
water; six pure tastes, e.g. sweet, sour, saline, bitter, pungent and astringent;
and their combinations taking two, three, four, five and all at a time, making
63 tastes in all) emerge in different substances from the collocations in
different combinations and proportions of the five primal elements comprising
them, these elements having intrinsic properties which can augment, rectify
or counterbalance the different humours. b It follows that a judicious
selection of edible and potable substances from the different taste groups can
maintain health and cure diseases. c
All Ayurvedic texts agree that forcible suppression of natural urges-
vomiting tendency, sneezing, hunger, thirst, sleep and breathing-lead to
immediate and mounting aggravation of the ·do~as. Sudden changes of
temperature, prolonged exposure to intense cold, heat or glare, long spells
of strenuous work, over-exercise, carrying heavy loads, personal encounters
with stronger enemies, falls from mounts, violent emotions, mental shocks
and improper sexual practices have same effects in a greater degree. All
these should be carefully avoided by persons desiring health. d
SLEEP AND DREAMS
The phenomena of sleep and temporary loss of external consciousness

have exercised the imaginations of natural philosophers from the earliest
times in all countries. Modern science has many theories on the subjects,
but the real nature of sleep, dreams and the unconscious state is not yet
understood. It is therefore of great interest to know what Jyurveda has
to say about these mysterious, twilight periods of human existence.
According to the Susruta Sa"mitli, nidrd (sleep) is a natural function
of all living creatures and occurs whenever the centre of consciousness
• 55. Ci., 14. c SSe SU., SO and 52.
b CS. Su., 26. 14-81; SSe sa., 51 and 52. cI SSe Ci., 24.
MEDICINE 245
(cetana) is overpowered by an accumulation of tamas (essence of inertia).

In this condition the sensory channels of the body are blocked by s/epnan
of a special variety containing abnormal amounts of the tiimasika (inertia)
principle which has accumulated. In sleep, the jivatma (karmapuru~a)
which never sleeps may give glimpses of occurrences and experiences of
previous existences to the rtijasika (active) principle of the mind in the form
of dreams. The riijasika principle being the essence of energy and activity
retains some of its consciousness even in the pathological state of sleep,
but is unable to bring back the normal state of consciousness. a In sleep the
soul may also give indications of physical weakness, ill health, impending
diseases or death, also in the form of dreams, to the semi-awake riijasika
principle. Normal consciousness returns when the sensory channels have
been freed by the agency of the siittvika (conscious and transforming)
principle and the being awakes froln sleep.b
When siittvika and riijasika principles are feeble and subdued by any
reason, the second fails to maintain partial and potential consciousness
and the first to carry out its awakening function. This lasts until these
principles are restored to strength and the organism remains in a state of
tiimasika nidrii (sleep pervaded by inertia) in the form of unconsciousness
or coma. This condition, though apparently akin to deep sleep, is quite
different from the latter. In tiimasika nidrii, the accumulation of inertia
and sle~man of the tiimasika type nlay be so great that it is prolonged
indefinitely or permanently, culminating in death. C
AYURVEDA: PRACTICE AND APPLICATION
ETlllCS OF THE MEDICAL PROFFSSION
A practitioner in Ayurvedic medicine was expected to be a qualified

person in all senses of the term. The qualities demanded for this calling
were self-control, courage, compassion, integrity of character, keen intelli-
gence, retentive memory, insight, acuteness of perception, purity of mind
and body and, of course, a thorough knowledge of the theoretical, textual
and practical branches of medical science. These qualities were assured
as far as possible by limiting studentship to healthy, well-born youths who
could be expected to have the proper potentialities and special aptitudes
for learning. The student graduated into the profession only after a long
period of study and practical training under competent, inspiring teachers.
The intending physician was free to choose a particular branch of Ayurvedic
knowledge as his special field, but was required also to have an adequate
knowledge of the other branches and as much as possible of other sciences
and philosophies which help in giving a comprehensive grasp of lyurveda
and the real significance of its diverse informations and its philosophical
ass. Sll., 4. 32-35. " SSe Su., 29. 23-29. e SSe SQ., 4. 32-35.
basis. Before starting practice he had to demonstrate beyond all doubt

that he had thoroughly mastered his subject and had been properly tfained
in making independent observations and practical applications of his
knowledge. Only then was he given permission to practise independently.
A State licence was also required. a
Aspirations to success, wealth and fame were considered normal on
the part of a physician, but obligations to society and patients must always
have prior claims. Desertion of, or injury to, patients under any circum-
stance was strictly forbidden. A physician's duty is to treat all deserving
persons to the best of his ability. But habitual sinners, morally degraded
and depraved persons and professional killers (even of animals) were not
considered deserving persons. b
When a physician takes up a case, he should whole-heartedly apply
all his skill, faculties and knowledge to his work. He should remember
that patients trust their physicians implicitly to the extent of placing their
lives unhesitatingly under his care. This is true even of patients who have
no trust in their own relations, parents and children. Hence a physician
should take as much care of each and every patient as he would of his own
child. c He may, however, refuse to take up cases where the disease appears
to be incurable. d
The physician was expected to place the maximum facilities possible
at the disposal of his patients, maintain a nursing home and dispensary,
prepare medical prescriptions from raw materials under his own super-
vision and arrange for the services of nurses and qualified attendants. e
In private practice, he must not enter a residential house without proper
introduction, nor attend a woman in the absence of her husband or guardian.
He must not also say or do anything which might give a mental shock to
the patient or to the relatives and friends of the patients. He must not
divulge any information he had learned in his professional capacity.!
A physician should remain a learner all his life, gaining experience,
knowledge and understanding all the time. He should discuss problems
with other physicians and take part in debates and discussions. He is
expected to lead a disciplined and unostentatious life, to be pleasant in
his manners and speech, and considerate in all matters. Friendship towards
all, compassion for the ailing, devotion to his noble profession and a
philosophical attitude to cases with fatal endings-these are declared to
be the four corner-stones of medical practice. g
CLASSIFICAnON AND DIAGNOSIS OF DISEASES
Diseases are the manifestations of the three humours, in their abnor-

mal states, in an organism which already has a propensity for humoral
II CSt Vi.• 8. 3~ 13: S5. Suo 1, 4, 5 and 10. ct CS: Su., 10. 8. 9 CSt Su" 9. 26.
t/ CS. Vi.. 8. 13.20; SS. Sii. 2. 5. f! CSt Sli., 15.
C' CS. Su., 15. 24 -25. I CSt Vi., 8. 13.
MEDICINE 247
aggravation due to inherent imbalance of humours. Hence Ayurveda has

classified diseases by the humour affected (also in some cases by blood,
which can be vitiated), and also by the causes which can trigger off such
aggravations.
Classified according to humours (or blood), diseases are of the following
types: due to vayu, due to pitta, due to sle~man, due to blood, due to two
of them at a time, and due to three of them at a time. When all the three
humours are deranged simultaneously, the disease is of the siinnipotika
type and expected to be severe or even fatal. Classified according to the
causes which aggravate the imbalance, all deviations from the healthy
state are of three types. The first type, adhyotmika (generated inside the
organism or the mind), can be of three origins: lidibalapravrtta (inherited
from the stage of sperm..ovum), janmabalapravrtta (acquired after conception
but before birth, from the mother, her behaviour and other environmental
factors) and do~abalapravrtta (caused during life by improper conduct,
diet, etc.). The second type, iidhibhautika (due to adverse outside causes),
can be of two origins: sa1Jlghiitabalapravrtta (due to painful physical
contacts, accidents, poisonous bites, etc.) and kalabalapravrtta (due to
abnormal or climatic conditions). The third type, iidhidaivika (due to fate,
malign influences and other unknown reasons), can also have two origins:
daivabalapravrtta (providential, caused by' acts of God', demoniac influences,
charms, spells, natural calamities and epidemic diseases) and s vabhava..
balapravrtta (caused by factors which become inevitable with time, like
sleep, hunger, thirst, senility and death).
The above classification is found in the Susruta SalJ1hita. a The Caraka
Sal!1hitii gives only three major origins: l1ijasarirado~J;aja (of humoral origin,
generated inside the body), ligantuja (communicated from outside) and
miinasa (mental diseases).b The later texts by Vagbhata, Madhava,
Cakrapal)idatta, etc., also give elaborate classifications and subclassifica-
tions on the general lines given by Susruta but differing in details and
nomenclature.
All the major texts are also in agreement regarding the principles on
which diagnosis is possible, though in some cases like the Madhavanidiina,
many chapters are devoted to a learned elaboration of the simple principles.
In every case the aetiology, symptoms and prognosis are to be studied and
compared to those described in the authoritative texts for different diseases.
But, in diagnosis, the personal factors which cannot possibly be found in
texts are of major importance. The patient's age, social status, heredity,
usual residence, occupation, physical features, hardiness, vitality, habits,
accustomed diet and usual appetite form the background which has to be
filled in by interrogation and detailed personal examination by the physician
who is advised to take the maximum help from his own trained senses.
The physician should carefully observe the patient's present appearance,
vitality, voice, acuteness of sense perceptions, clarity of mind, memory,
a cs. Su., 24. b CSt Su., 1, 19.

any abnormality of behaviour, intestinal and other sounds, pulse, skin,

bodily excretions, etc. When necessary, a sample of blood should be
drawn and subjected to certain tests. Latent symptoms should be brought
to the surface by provocative medication. a
Even with all the above knowledge at his command, the physician
can make a correct diagnosis and decide upon a course of treatment, only
if he has the mental calibre to apply properly his theoretical knowledge
(which should be accurate and extensive) of all diseases and their different
complications. He should have at his finger-tips the knowledge of the
specific sources, exciting factors, preliminary indications, concomitant
symptoms, possible complications and aggravations, variations of symptoms
according to degrees of severity, period of duration and indications of
recovery or imminence of a fatal end. b The physician should remember that
some pathological symptoms are secondary effects of other diseases and
may occur either simultaneously with the original disease resulting in a
confusion of symptoms, or become apparent after the original malady
subsides. c
Though the above-mentioned personal factors are all important in
diagnosis there are certain rational principles on which a diagnosis is to be
based. These principles are too technical to be discussed here. The reader
is referred to any reliable edition of RugviniScaya by Madhavakara, popularly
known as Madhavanidiina, for a masterly discussion of these principles.
Though symptoms are generally valuable only as indicatives in diagnosis,
the physicians should remember that in some cases the specific symptoms
(or secondary symptoms) can become so violent and harmful that they
should be checked first by any means, as otherwise they may prove more
harmful than the disease itself. Symptoms are of three classes: purvarupa
(indicatory symptoms pointing to a future malady, latent in the system),
prlik-kevala (specific symptoms appearing along with the onset of the
disease) and aupasargika (secondary symptoms not specific to the disease,
which may develop during the course of disease or after the latter has run
its course).d
GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF TREATMENT
Treatment in Ayurveda is fundamentally a process of restoration and

building up, consisting largely of elimination of undesirable ingredients
and replacing them (and also inherent deficiency) by desirable ingredients
from outside. Except in emergencies, medical measures have always the
long-term aim of restoring the lost equilibrium of do~as and dhatus, or of
stabilizing any imbalance which may be present in a state of apparent health.
All drugs and medicinal measures, as also surgery, are employed to these
ends; so also are diet and conduct recommended to the patient. In
pursuance of these aims, Ayurveda makes no distinction between hygienic
.. CS. Vi., 4. b CS. Vi.• 4. C CS. Vi., 8. d SS. Sil., 35. 13-IS.
MEDICINE 249
measures, preventive medication and therapeutics, or between items of

diet and oral medicine.
Food, drugs, therapeutical and surgical measures, daily routine in
health and medical measures in sickness-all are, therefore, oriented to
the paramount need of creating an equilibrium of the gu~as, dO$as, dhatus
and malas, individually and jointly. Only then it is possible to uproot
the causes of the disease. These ideas apply equally to the mind and the
body; for in the case of the mind the equilibrium can be similarly upset
by an imbalance of the gU!las beyond normal levels. Mental treatment,
therefore, requires psychic catharsis and spiritual rebuilding.
As stated previously, the actual medical measures depend upon the
disease; and diagnosis depends upon a host of variable factors most of
which are individual. Though there cannot naturany be any hard and
fast rules, there are certain common denominators in the Ayurvedic
treatment of all pathological conditions. These are Ea1J1sodhana (cleansing
and evacuative processes), sa1J1samana (tranquilization and rectification
of humours and dhtitus), ahara (proper drugs taken orally, and diet) and
lictira (correct conduct and medical regime). All these apply equally to
physical and mental processes, which also must be purified, tranquilized,
fed with proper ideas and trained to think in proper lines. So in Ayurveda
prayers, propitiation, spiritual guidance, exorcism of evil influences, etc.,
are of as nluch importance as medical measures. a
Public hygiene is also not neglected in Ayurveda. People are urged
to avoid all filth like offal, broken fragments and dirty grounds. Blowing
or picking the nose in public and committing nuisance on a public road
are forbidden. Dirty and inadequate dress, crude habits of eating, drunken-
ness, gambling and associating with prostitutes are considered unhealthy
practices to be strictly avoided. b
The dictum of Manu c not to pollute public waters is in conformity with
Ayurvedic teachings. Contaminated waters and waters of public baths are
recognized as major sources of ill health and epidemics, and the use of only
clean and pure water from natural sources is recommended in all the texts.
SPECIAL METHODS OF TREATMENT IN AYURVEDA
It has been said earlier that all substances are potentially medicinal
drugs as they partake of the properties of the elements constituting them.
But the selection of any food or drug in any disease, or for maintaining
health, depend upon whether it contains the qualities sought for correcting
the humoral state. The intrinsic qualities of all substances are taste,
assimilability, potency, physical properties and specific physiological or
therapeutic action. All these qualities have to be considered in selection;
but taste, assimilability and therapeutic action are more important than
the other two. 4 When a single substance is not available to satisfy all the
CI All. Hr. Su., 2; SSt Su., 1. b CSt Su., 8. c MS., IV. 56. a CS. Su., 26.
desired qualities (as it is very often the case), more than one material is
used in combination to meet the ends. Thus arise the yogas or prescriptions
containing a multiplicity of drugs.
The four initial requirements of Ayurvedic treatment are good physi-
cians, good nurse-attendants, good medicines and methods, and obedient
patients.
Among specific therapeutic methods, regular cleansing of accumulated
bodily wastes and of internal organs get the pride of place in Ayurveda.
Other methods (apart from oral medication which is the most common)
include eye-drops, eye-salves; gurgles, fumigation of the ear, nose and
throat areas;a liquid unguents, lotions, creams, skin salves, ointments,
nledicated oils, medicated clarified butter, etc., for the skin surface;b supposi-
tories, tampons, soaked cotton swabs for the bodily openings; enemas,
douches, etc., applied by catheter tubes, douche-cans, etc., for the rectal,
vaginal and urethral passages;C sun-bath, steam, steaming decoctions, hot air
and hot surfaces, hot immersion baths, hot fomentation, etc., for sudation
and cleansing the skin pores;d and fomentation with absorbable drugs,
mud-packs and poultices for local medication. The use of water sterilized
by boiJing or immersion of hot substances, e antisepsis by fumigation with
benzoin group of drugs, arsenic compounds, use of hypertonic salt solutions
for surgical dressings, astringents as styptics for bleeding wounds and
abrasions, use of cautery, intense cold and tying blood vessels in uncontroll-
able haemorrhage and use of alcohol for inducing anaesthesia are found
scattered in the texts.
Psychiatric methods! are also among the special methods of
A)'urveda.
AYURVEDIC SURGERY
The high achievements of Ayurvedic surgery have been described

in an earlier section. The general excellence of Ayurvedic surgery is
attested by the remarkably rational concepts and scientific methods found
in the texts. Details of such methods are naturally out of place here.
According to Susruta, surgery is the best, quickest and generally the
most successful method of treatment,g as it involves total removal of the
diseased or morbid accumulations of dO~fjas, dhiitus and rna/as and gives the
organism a better chance to acquire a new equilibrium by post-surgical
medication to replenish the removed tissues, fluids, secretions, etc. Surgical
treatment, according to A)'urveda, is not limited to the use of surgical
instruments alone but a complete course of treatment, including diagnosis,
preparatory methods and measures, actual operation and post-surgical
Jllethods, to aid healing and restoration of health. h
a CS. Sfi., 5. rt CSt SI1., 14. , SS. SU., 1.

b CS. Ci.• 6 nod 7. t SS.S;;., 45. h SSt SU., 7.
t CSt S,;., I, 9, 10 and 11. t CSt VI., 6.
MEDICINE 251
The Susruta Sall,hitti recomnlends the use of bandages, splints, padding

materials, plugs, lints, tourniquets, ligatures, horse-mane, human hair,
silk and other threads, boiling and cold water, honey, milk, clarified butter,
vegetable oils, pulverized cereals soaked in water, caustic and mild alkalis,
heated metals, astringent pastes and solutions, setting plasters, ointments
and alcoholic liquids as aids in surgical processes. For the different types
of surgical processes (listed as incision, excision, scraping and softening
of epidermic layers, puncturing, probing, extraction, draining and suturing)
used for various conditions requiring surgery, 24 different manipulative
methods (including sucking out, flushing, compression, wrenching, injec-
tions, etc.) are described. A great variety of surgical instruments including
scalpels, razors, saws, probes, needles, hooks, forceps, pincers, hamnlers,
tubular appliances, hollow hemispheres, horn instruments, speculums,
etc., made of tempered hardened iron and other metals are described. a
AYURVEDIC MATERIA MEDICA
Plant and Animal Substances

The materia medica of Ayurveda is extensive, and utilizes substances
from the aninlal, vegetable and mineral kingdoms. The humoral conception
of the diseases and their remedies together made this extensive materia
n1edica logical and even compulsory. For, according to the basic theory,
the different properties and constitutions of all different substances made
them valuable in some condition or other. A study of the Ayurvedic
texts makes it clear that the drugs included had each been selected after
careful clinical experiments and long experience. The specific properties
like taste, assimilability, potency, physiological actions are described in
almost all cases.
These experiments were naturally conducted mainly with materials
available in the environment, which explains the strong preference shown
by classical Ayurveda for plant remedies of the indigenous varieties. A
second reason for this preference was that the plants being composed of
all the five elements (according to the pancabhautika theory) had a natural
flexibility and wider range of application, compared to inorganic matters
composed of the earth element only. This advantage was shared by animal
products but their use was limited by availability and variety, and possibly
by lesser efficiency in actual application. A statistical break-up of the
Inateria medica in the Caraka Sa'11hitti shows 341 plant-substances, 177
drugs of animal origin and 64 mineral substances, metals, etc. b The
corresponding numbers for the Susruta Sa'11hitti are 395, 57 and 64 respec-
tively. The animal products are found less and less in the later works.
These numbers no doubt reflect their tradition-cum-availability and also
efficacy in comparison with each other. But in the case of inorganic
ass. Su., 7 and 8. b RAy and Gupta, PP. 38-85.

remedies, the choice was limited to the few locally available metals
and minerals, the synthesis of new inorganic compounds being still
unknown.
Plants provided the natural and traditional drugs for most oral and
non-oral medication. A clear understanding of their properties had led
to their rational classification into different groups according to therapeutic
actions. A list found in Caraka gives 50 different groups.a But in spite of
the wide range of available varieties, many conditions required more than
one drug, sometimes of different groups, sometimes in combination with
animal and mineral matters also. This multiplicity of drugs for a single
disease was based not only on theory but also on experience. If both (or all
three, four, etc.) had been found valuable for various conditions, of a
disease, it was quite logical to use all of them at the onset of a disease,
when the prognosis was still not known. In this way, with new experiments
and new clinical experience through centuries, more and more ingredients
would enter into a single prescription, in the hope of possible benefit to
the patient, due to inherent conservatism, and finally due to the supposed
sanctity of written texts. Nothing would be dropped out against the new
additions, and prescriptions sometimes grew to alarming proportions,
containing literally hundreds of ingredients. To manage into homogenous
form different solid, squashy, semi-solid and liquid substances, a great
deal of compounding skill had to be brought into play. Even in the earliest
texts we find elaborate directions for extracting the active constituents of
organic substances and homogenizing them. Thus developed the remark-
able and elaborate processes met with in the safllhitiis. Many of them have
survived unchanged and form part of modern Ayurvedic pharmacological
practice. They are named and sometimes described in detail in various
passages while giving instructions for compounding prescriptions or extract-
ing drugs from crude materials. They include the processes of solution,
maceration, trituration, extraction with water, preparation of tinctures,
preparation of emulsions, or solutions in oily liquids, extraction of essential
oils and juices, pasting, coagulation, filtration, decantation, sedimentation,
dilution, concentration, precipitation, gel formation, desiccation, dehy-
dration, percolation, evaporation, distillation, fractionation, sublimation,
steaming, combustion, chemical combination, etc. Actual weights and
volumes were obtained by balances and measuring vessels, and a large
number of other apparatus were used. b But all these methods were those
of the pharmacy. There is little evidence of synthetic preparations of either
inorganic or organic compounds. Processes for the dissolution of finely
divided iron, gold, silver, gems, minerals, etc., in vegetable acids for medicinal
preparations are found in some passages. The use of mercury is referred
to in the Su.vruta Sa'11hitii, but only as an ingredient of a cosmetic
preparation. c
CI 5S.S0.,4. II Ray and Gupta, p. 114. C CS. Ci., 11, 11 and 21; SSt CI., 25. 20.
MEDICINE 253
Inorganic and Metallic Remedies

After the age of Caraka and Susruta we find a steadily increasing comple-
ment of inorganic substances among Ayurvedic medicines. The incoming
materials differed from the readily available and naturally occurring inorganic
substances mentioned in the earlier works; most of thenl were synthetic
substances or minerals and ores transformed by chemical processes or
metallurgical treatment. The beginning of this trend is found in Vagbhata's
works. These inorganic medicaments got a fillip from the researches of
many generations of alchemists and iatrochemists who discovered many
valuable chemical and metallurgical processes and devised new and work-
manlike apparatus for their work. How these substances came to be
used as medicines cannot now be ascertained with any accuracy, but the
'philosophy of mercury' and the prestiges of Vrnda and Cakrapaf)idatta
who first gave them a status as medicine must have helped. The advantages
which gave these medicines an ever-increasing popularity among medical
practitioners during the centuries have been recounted earlier. Another
possible reason was that they often proved valuable in conditions which
would otherwise have needed surgery, for which there was a growing
distaste in the profession.
The processes and apparatus devised during this age belong properly
to the history of chemistry in India. The mercurial preparations, however,
occupy a special position in this field and a short account of them will
furnish a sample of the notions and methods of Ayurvedic chemistry of the
Rasacikitsii school.
Mercury of a pure variety was obtained by the dry distillation of pure
hbigula (cinnabar, HgS) in a retort and collecting the vapours in cold water
(Rasaratnasamuccaya quoted in Sir P. C. Ray's work). Mercury obtained
from impure cinnabar or imported from outside contained toxic matters,
lead, tin and other impurities and required re-purification to make it fit
for internal medication. This purification was done by trituration in a
mortar with certain (named) vegetable juices in several repeated operations,
each alternated with washing by portions of cold water. It was finally
distilled thrice in a clean retort and receiver luted with clay.
Mercury is said to be 'solidified' by rubbing with gold or silver giving
a bright, brittle, solid product. It can also be 'solidified' by roasting in a
covered crucible with its own weight of sulphur and one-eighth its weight
of gold. (These processes would not really result in the solidification of
the liquid metal; by the first process mercury will be converted into an
amalgam and by the second into a pasty mixture of the metal and its
sulphide.)tI
Mercury is said to be 'incinerated into an ash' by prolonged trituration
with certain mixtures containing oils and juices of vegetables, followed by
heating the mixture in a covered crucible. b (The' incineration' of mercury
G Ray (P. C.), I, p. 54; II, p. 4. bOp. cit., I, pp. 73-74.

into an ash is prima facie impossible; the metal may be converted into solid
crystallizable derivatives by these processes.) Cinnabar, heated in a closed
crucible with other plants, is said to give powdered ashes of mercury. By
triturating the metal with yet other plant juices, alternatingly heating and
cooling the mixture seven times, and finally heating in a closed crucible with
fresh quantities of the plant juices is said to result in a salt-like ash of mercury.
Mercury is said to be 'killed' by distilling with an excess of sulphur.
The red-brown sublimate of mercuric sulphide is known as rasasindura or
makaradhvaja and is believed to be a highly potent remedy for many
discases and for senile decay. Mercury heated on a sand bath with twice
its weight of resublimed sulphur, and one-eighth its weight of pure gold is
known as siddha-makaradhvaja supposed to be comparable to ambrosia
in its efficiency. Some later works of the same Rasa school are rightly
sceptical about the incorporation of gold into the sublimed product. They
believe that gold is simply left behind, and hence it makes no difference
whether gold is used or not, and that there is no difference between the
two varieties of makaradhvaja. The varieties of makaradhvaja are fairly
representative examples of this class of medicines. After many centuries
of experience, their efficacy is no longer open to question, though not all
that it is claimed to be. Their use has survived up to modern times.
VETERINARY SCIENCES
The description of Ayurveda as a comprehensive science of life and
not as luere medical science is further justified by the existence of branches
dealing with the welfare and treatment of other living creatures besides
human beings and even of trees. This inclusion is logical, for, according
to Ayurvedic treatises, the raison d' etre of this science lies in compassion
for all forms of suffering. On a more practical plane also, the proper
care of livestock and economic vegetation was highly important to a non-
industrial economy based on natural resources and on animals for nutrition
power and transport. A knowledge of the level of veterinary knowledge in
ancient India is obtained from specialized and individual treatises dealing
with cows, horses and elephants. The Rajamarta/Jr/a, an encyclopaedia
of medical knowledge by Bhojaraja (available in a printed edition published
by the Ayurveda Granthamala series, Bombay), contains extracts from the
above treatises and also deals with water-buffaloes, deer, dogs, falcons,
pigeons, etc. The Yogasudhanidhi by Vandimisraa contains a chapter of
conception, obstetrics and special diseases of female animals.
BOVINE lYURVEDA
The nutritional and therapeutic values of milk are described even in

the earliest Vedic literature. The Susruta Spfllhita gives a detailed account
CI Sen, Gananath (2), p. 76.

MEDICINE 255
of similar values of milks of other animals and the products obtained

from them. a This and other passages scattered in Ayurvedic works refer
to examination and care of milch cows. A treatise dealing exclusively with
Gavayurveda (medical knowledge concerning bovine animals), attributed to
Gotama, must have been current up to the middle ages, as quotations from
it are found in the RiijatniirtafJt}a, but no authentic version is known at the
present time. This treatise contained information relating to mating, stud
bulls, calving, possible retention of the placenta, lactation, sources of
contamination of milk and insuring the best quality of milk, diet in health,
diseases and pregnancy, and bovine ailments in the shape of fevers, gastro-
intestinal troubles, skin affections, ulceration of udders, loss of milk, sterility,
etc., and their treatments.
EQUINE AYURVEDA
The Sal!lhitii of Siilihotra, an ancient and [anlous treatise dealing

exclu~ively with horses, of which extracts are found in the AgnipuriilJa,
was, according to some, redacted by Kalhana (twelfth century) under the
title Siilihotrasiirasamuccaya. b A translation in Arabic of either the
original work or its redaction was made in the age of the Caliphs of Baghdad,
and was known as Siiliitor. Other important editions or redactions of
this work arc Asvavaidyaka by Jayadattasuri and Asvasstra by Nakula.
The first work is a large volume of 68 chapters dealing with many topics,
including separate chapters on different breed of horses; their characteristics
according to age, sex and breed; the features to be desired or preferred
in horses for riding, for drawing carriages and for stud purposes; foaling:
lactation; diet; various types of internal medicines and external applications
for equine diseases like cough, indigestion, diarrhoea, skin diseases, apoplexy
nladness, etc.; and surgical operations for treatments of malformations,
diseased conditions castration, etc. The medical and surgical methods follow
the classical precepts of Ayurl'eda. Nakula's work is rcnIarkable for its
coloured illustrations of horses and knowledge of equine anatomy. It is
also a valuable compendium of many branches of knowledge relating to
horses. An Ayurvedic lexicon, also credited to Nakula, named Cikitsii
Salllgraha, contains a glossary of terms and materia medica relating to this
branch of knowledge. Bhojaraja's encyclopaedia quotes also passages from
HayaliliivatiniinlaSa/'flgraha by Jayadeva, Vajfcikitsa Sal!1graha by Jayadatta,
and SiiraSa1]lgraha, an anthology of different works on this subject, by
Nakula. These works are of minor importance and are also rare or
unavailable.
AYURVEDA OF ELEPHANTS
In ancient India elephants were in constant use for military purposes,

as mounts and for moving heavy loads. The care of elephants became
tJ SSt Su., 45. b Sen, Gananath (2), p. 76.

naturally an important branch of veterinary science. An exhaustive treatise

on Hastytiyurveda (lyurveda of pachyderms), rivalling the Caraka Salflhita
in bulk, is attributed to the sage Palakapya, but it may be the work of one
of his disciples, for it is, like the Caraka Sa",hitii, written in the form of
questions and answers between the sage and his disciple Romapada. a
This branch of medical knowledge is also based on the trido~a theory of
origins, symptoms and treatments of diseases. The Piilaktipya SafJ1hitti
is divided into four sections, mahiirogasthiina (on major ailments), k$udra-
rogasthtina (on minor ailments), salyasthana (on surgical treatment) and
uttarasthiina (detailed treatment of some topics), and includes chapters on
anatomy, physiology, habits, mating habits, seasonal changes, stabling,
food, sterility and madness of elephants. The symptoms of diseases and
their treatment and the prognosis of imminent death of elephants are also
discussed in the text.
PLANT lYURVEDA
The terms vrk~'iiyurveda (science of life of trees), gulmavrk~iiyurveda

(science of plant life) and bhe~,;ajavjdya (science of medicinal plants) occur
in ancient works like the Arthasiistra, AgnipurliIJa and Brhatsa1!Jhitli, and
refer to selection and procurement of viable seeds, choice of proper soil,
irrigation, manuring, sowing and gernlination of seeds, planting, grafting,
pruning, layering, seasonal care, cultivation, rotation of crops, climatic
conditions in relation to proper growth, classification and identification
of plants, aesthetic and hygienic values of gardens, construction of
herbariums and the treatment of plants in healthy and diseased conditions.
Many of these topics can be classed as medical knowledge relating to
plants. This unique branch of lyurveda survives now only in scattered
references in the above works and specially in a chapter of the compre-
hensive medical treatise by Sanlgadhara (thirteenth century) entitled
Upavanavinoda.
The Susruta Sa",hita mentions the respective roles of seeds, climatic
conditions, soil and water in the germination of plants. b Upaskara by
Sankaramisra, displays an intimate knowledge of botany in stating that
'water poured at the roots goes upwards and laterally through the interior
of a tree, where neither impulse, nor impact, nor even the solar rays
can cause the movement; the coherent medium of water and causative
living soul in the trees and plants make the moisture rise upwards and the
trees grow'. The Brhatsaf!1hitli, Manusa",hitii and Arthasastra contain
practical methods for propagation and reproduction of plant, though the
phenomenon of sexual reproduction in plants was not realized. An extensive
nomenclature of thousands of types of trees and plants is found in all
relevant works, but the classification of flora was based not OD families and
genus but on external or floral characters and medicinal or dietic values. c
• Filliozat (2), pp. 164-75. " SSe Sd., 2. 33. c CS. SU., 4 and 27; SSe SU., 47.
MEDICINE 257
The etiology, diagnosis and treatment of plant diseases (and also of plant
blights and sterility) are dealt with in the Upavanavinoda, mentioned
above, which also contains chapters on classification of plants, selection
and sowing of seeds, watering and care of plants, recipes for nourishing
(culture) solutions, and different methods of propagation, including
bijaruha (by seeds), nlulaja (by roots), skandhaja (by cutting operations),
skandharopaniya (by grafting and layering), agravija (by apices) and by
par!layoni (inside leaves). It also contains some interesting speculations
on the possibility of creating new species of plants with desired scents
and colours in its products, anticipating the modern science of applied
biology by nearly two thousand years.
SPREAD OF AYURVEDA OUTSIDE INDIA

THE AYURVEDA IN ANCIENT IRAN AND THE HELLENIC COUNTRIES
It has becn noted earlier that there is a close analogy between the
medical traditions of the two branches of the Indo-Aryan family in Iran
and India. Even after the period of the Veda and the latcr Avesta, many
of the basic conceptions are found to be the same, due perhaps to close
communication between the two, though the methods of treatment and
theories of medicine differ. a
An ancient Mesopotamian nledical manual, possibly dating back to
the Hammurabian period (c. 2000 n.c.), contains many medical concepts
which reappear in changed but unmistakable forms in Indian Ayurveda
and the Hippocratic tracts on medicine. The supposed special symptoms
of imminent death, found in this work, are found in a modified form in
Pre-notions de cos, eoan prognoses and Prorrhelique I. They are also found,
though in a less archaic and empirical form, in practically all Ayurvedic
texts. b This general concordance between the ancient Mesopotamian
system and the later Indian and Greek ones is also strikingly observed in the
case of symptoms of demonic possessions, specially of children. C But, in
this case, the On the Sacred Diseases of the Hippocratic collection gives
examples and symptoms but rejects the theory of supernatural origin.
As far as these and some other common ideas are concerned, there is no
reason to believe that such ideas originated in Indian medicine and was
transmitted to Greece or vice versa.
But many other concepts of Greek medicine are extremely likely to
have been Indian in origin and development and are likely to have been
propagated by the spread of Indian medical ideas in many countries, by
direct contacts, and by indirect communications. In the case of Greece
there was communication from very early times, at least as far back as
G Elgood, pp. 19 ff.

f) Bhela Sa",hitd, Indriya, 12; CS. lndriya, 12; SS. Su., 29-33; Kos. S. Su., 8; A~/. Hr.
$12.,5 and 6; A~I. Sa",. Sa., 9-12.
c 55. Uttara,1.7-37.
17
the fourth century B.C., even before Alexander the Great invaded the Indus
valley (327 B.C.). His army physicians did not know any cures for snake-
bites and other diseases endemic to the area. Indian doctors were called
in and some of them later accompanied the returning army back to Greece. a
Th us began the spread of lyurveda in the Hellenic Empire, though frag-
ments of Jyurveda knowledge must have found their way earlier through
Iran and the maritinlc trade routes, as shown by the fact that substances like
pepper, cardamoms, musk-root plant, indigo and cane-sugar, indigenous to
India at that time, are found among the earliest exports of India to Greek
ports.
The clear enunciation of the theory of an internal and vital organic
breath (akin to the cosmic wind) as the cause of all motor activity of the
living body and its involuntary muscles, as well as that of movements of
fluids circulating inside the body, is part of the ancient works Bhela
Safll/zita b and Agnivesa SalJ1hitii. A much less precise version of this thesis
is found in the Hippocratic texts On Breaths, where bodily wind is simply
stated to be •the cause of the principal phenomenons which accompany the
fevers, shivering, trembling, yawning, resolution of articulation, transpira-
tion, etc.'c The Hippocratic tracts had their origin mainly between the
fourth century B.C. and third century A.D., and do not antedate the Bhela
Sa~nhitii and the Agnil'esa SalJ1hita. The treatment of this theme in the
Caraka and the Susruta is much more elaborate and sophisticated, showing
a gradual local development. Many scholars trot out the theory of later
interpolations or even past forgeries when Indian texts show a higher
development in any concept compared to later or contemporary Greek texts.
These arguments, however, can cut both ways. Again, the typically Indian
concept, found in many basic Indian philosophies of ancient origin, of the
creation of the embryo at the moment of conception, by the simultaneous
congress of the purU$a (self-existent eternal soul), the vital breath, the
parental semen and the maternal seed, is found in a somewhat changed
form in the Hippocratic text, On the Nature of a Child. In this latter
work, the mention of a n1aternal 'semen' is unique in Greek medicine,
though the idea is very common in Ayurvcdic texts. The reference to
puru\~a as an ingredient is also lacking. The ideas of the vital breath
starting at the moment of conception to build up the anatomy and
physiology of the foctus from the fundamental elements is also found in
the texts On the Embryo of Eight Months and in On Flesh. But the details
about the instantaneous commencement and the ingredients are lacking.
The idea of the mother's vital breath, found in all Ayurvedic texts, circulating
also through the embryo is also found in the Embryo of Eight Months,
but the details about the embryonic heart, embryonic blood-circulation
and nutrition are lacking. The attribution of diseases of the nervous system
to obstructed and vitiated wind is a special and remarkable theory of
lyurveda. In On Diet in Acute Diseases, only a few such diseases like
• Arriao, p. 229. b Bhela So",., Su., 16. e FiUiozat (2), p. 222.

17 B
MEDICINE 259
sudden loss of speech, giddiness, convulsions, etc., are attributed to obstructed

wind without formation of any coherent theory. It is logical to suppose
that these ideas which are found developing progressively in Indian medical
literature were not Greek in origin and further that they were imported into
Greece along with many other Ayurvedic concepts, some clearly discernible,
others changed beyond possible recognition.
The humoral theory of origin of diseases is another instance in point.
There is a steady development of this concept, beginning with a mere
mention in the J!.gveda; followed by the enumeration of the three humours
in the Athan'aveda; then a visible and clear formation of the theory in the
Atharvaveda-parisi~~fa (a later appendage of the Atharvaveda in the latest
period of Vedic literature); then its emergence as a comprehensive theory
of causation, symptoms and treatments of diseases in the Bhela Sa/?lI,itii;
and finally its all-embracing form in the Caraka and Susruta Sa1J1hitiis as a
conlplete explanation of all vital processes, their imbalances and their
cure. It is possible that the Greek development of the theory was inde-
pendent of India. But as it is found in Greek texts in less sophisticated
and less complete forms in all comparable periods, the presumption that
it travelled from India to Greece is justified. The tinle lag explains the
lacunae and imperfections in the Greek theory and also the somewhat
irrational addition of blood, one of the visible bodily fluids t as the fourth
hunl0ur.
Megasthenes, the Greek ambassador to India towards the end of
the fourth century B.C., tells us how the diseases of elephants are to be
cured, and gives prescriptions which are clearly borrowed from the
Hastyiiyurveda of Palakapya. a The Ayurvedic dry pippa/i (long pepper),
used in prescriptions for the eyes, is metamorphosed in the Greek manual,
On Woman's Diseases, as the Median nledicine peperi for the eyes, and in
On the Nature oj WOlnan it is midikhoi medicine and not acknowledged
as indikhot (Indian). Other passages in the former text confirm that
Median is a wrong reading for Indian. b These and many other facts and
logical inferences prove that Ayurveda spread into Greece and the Greeks
were perhaps unaware that they were using borrowed concepts and data.
The reverse process has also probably occurred in many instances.
THE lYURVEDA IN THE ARABIC WORLD
The spread of Ayurveda in Arabic countries is well authenticated and

not based on inferences. Due to the meticulous habit of Arabian scholars
of keeping complete records of historical and cultural events, it has been
possible to get a clear picture of the prestige and popularity of Indian
medicine in this area from historic times. The considerable amount of
surviving literature in Arabic and Persian on medicine contains many
translations from Indian treatises and much material that is directly utilized
• Filliozat (l)t pp. 194-95. b Filliozat (2), pp. 253 If.

from them. The medical scholars of the two lands, who travelled freely
from one country to the other before and after the Islamic conquest of
India, have contributed much to a mutual enrichment of knowledge. The
science that the Arabs carried with them in their far-flung empire must have
contained a fair amount of Indian contribution, specially in medicine, just
as they brought much of Syrian and Greek science to their Indian Empire.
The Arabs established trading centres in the Malabar Coast of South
India in the seventh century and carried away spices, dyes, drugs and scent
materials to their other centres in Asia, Asia Minor, Africa and Europe.
This made the world of Arab trade conscious of the quality of Indian drugs.
In the eighth century the Arabs conquered the Indian province of Sind.
The cultural genius of the Abbasid rulers, curious about the long reputation
of Indian science and specially Indian medicine, began to send scholars
to India and invite Indian scholars to visit them. Thus began an exchange
of scientific ideas, by direct contact, between the two countries in philosophy,
mathematics, astronomy, chemistry, metallurgy and medicine. A laterQ
Abbasid Caliph, Harun aI-Rashid, was famous for his patronage of learning
and science. He actively encouraged the learning of the Indian system
of medicine and caused some of the classical treatises of India to be
translated into Arabic. An emigrant Indian medical scholar became the
physician-in-chief of the State dispensary after he \vas 'successful in curing
his royal patient of a long-standing stomach trouble'. This Indian scholar
translated the Susruta Saf!1hilii into Arabic under the title of Kila/-Samural-
hind-i of 'Susrud'. The famous scholar Ali ibn Zain translated the Caraka
Sal.nhitii into Arabic as the treatise of 'Sarag'. In later years the Nidtina
of Madhava was translated under the title Badan and the A.J!iiizgahrdaya
as Astankar. These Arabic works were also retranslated into Persian.
The Ayurveda thus became a well-known science in Arabia whence it spread
into Persia, Turkey, Egypt and the Mediterranean countries, which passed
under Arab domination in later ages.
Nearer home, the influence of Ayurvedic system in Iran, even before
its conquest by the Arabs, has been clearly established. The Iranian king,
Chosroes I (A.D. 531-579), had a physician named Burzuya who had brought
a version of the Panca/antra, the Indian Book of Fables, into Iran after a
journey to India. The autobiography of this physician contains a summary
of embryology which has been recognized by Hertel as containing typically
Indian notions. Burzuya, for example, says that delivery is caused by a
wind-and this is 'precisely the teaching of classical Indian medicine'.
It is, of course, not unlikely that this Indian idea was not introduced by
Burziiya, but had reached Iran even before his time, for there is positive
evidence of the Indian influence on the famous medical school established
in the fifth century A.D. at Gundesapur in Susiana by the Nestorians expelled
from the Byzantine Empire. It is interesting to note in this connection
that in the chapter dealing with the functions of the 'wind' in the existing
G Reinbold, pp. 315-87; Majumdar (R. C.), li, pp. 276-77.

MEDICINE 261
text of the Caraka Sa",hito, mention is made of the presence of Kiinkiiyana,

the physician from Biihlika (BQhlikabhi~f)aj), in an assembly of learned men
gathered round Master Atreya. Biihlika or Bactria, on the other side of
the Hindu Kush mountains, was included in the dominions of Chosroes I.
Apart from the writings of Burziiya, this Indian legend has preserved the
reminiscence of the close contact between the Iranian and Indian doctors. a
There is more direct evidence of the influence of Ayurveda further
east in Central Asia. Modern archaeological excavations have unearthed
the remains of a large number of ancient cities that lay buried deep under
the sands for more than a thousand years, along the trade route from Bactria
to China passing between the Tien Shan mountains in the north and the
desert of Taklamakan in the south. Many of these old cities were Indian
settlements in the early centuries of the Christian era. One of them-Kuchi
or modern Kucha-was an important centre of Buddhism and, according
to Chinese records, there were nearly 10,000 stiipas and temples in this
kingdom at the beginning of the fourth century A.D. An Indian became
the preceptor of the local king. Music and other arts and sciences of
India flourished in this region. The famous manuscript, known after its
founder as Bower Manuscript, was recovered from this region. b It
contains seven Sanskrit texts, of which three are medical treatises. The
first deals with the wonderful properties of lasuna and other roots and herbs,
particularly in curing eye-diseases. The second, Navanitaka, is a voluminous
text divided into 14 chapters. The third text contains medical formulas
in 72 verses. Another work dealing with spells and charms as antidote
against snake-bite is also of semi-nledical character. C Several other manu-
scripts of medical texts have also been found, including a Kuchean transla-
tion of a collection of Sanskrit text and a part of a bilingual manuscript
(original Sanskrit text with Kuchean translation) of Yogasataka ascribed to
Nagarjuna or Vararuci.
The influence of lyurveda is also clearly traceable in Tibet. A large
number of medical texts in Sanskrit were translated into Tibetan in the
eighth century A.D., and there is no doubt that the medical system in Tibet
was derived mainly from Ayurveda. To mention only a few similarities,
reference may be made to the nine openings and 900 nerves in a body, the
theory of three humours, the injury caused by taking together fish and milk,
and the use of certain herbs and plants as drugs. Several Tibetan medical
works were translated into Mongolian, and the Tibetan medical system,
based on lyurveda, was adopted by various hill tribes of the Himalayas
near Tibet. d Indian drugs were known in China, Korea and Japan.
The Hindus who established colonies, kingdoms and empires in Indo-
China and Indonesia during the first millennium of the Christian era also
introduced the knowledge of Ayurveda in these regions. The medical
treatise of Susruta is referred to in an inscription of Cambodia (Kambuja)
a Filliozat (I), pp. 198 if. t: Keith (3), p. S09.

o Majumdar (R. C.), II, pp. 276-77, a Filliozat (4), p. 69.
MEDICINE 263
and vigour were definitely things of the past; so also were dispensaries,
hospitals and medical services maintained at State expense by past Buddhist
and Hindu monarchs. The new generations of medical students had to
depend upon largely on their personal teachers for practical and theoretical
training, augmented no doubt by the great treatises. The main prerequisite
of sustained intellectual development-prestige and security of the intel-
lectual and professional classes in a politically stable and progressive
society-was gone; for India was constantly overrun by powerful foreign
hordes. The martial classes not only ruled the land; they had replaced
the intellectuals as the dominant class in the social hierarchy.
It would be, however, an unjustified oversimplification to ascribe
this static condition and the later stagnation and decay of Ayurveda solely
to political reasons. The seeds of decay lay inherent in Indian thinking,
religious beliefs and social system, and these profoundly affected the Indian
sciences themselves; and medical science was no exception. The intellectual
curiosity and passion for experimental research, which were associated
with the Tantric and Rasesvara faiths, also petered out due to the same
inherited factors.
But, during the broad period of Indian history (A.D. 1200-1800), the
residual impulse of the vigorous medical systems of the earlier ages produced
an impressive array of valuable secondary works before reaching almost
complete inertia. This inertia was helped by the adoption of Unani
(originally Arabic) medicine as the system recognized by the ruling power
along with a passive neglect of Ayurveda. This loss of prestige was followed,
as we shall see, by a loss of popularity as well, during the last centuries
of this period.
AYURVEDIC WORKS IN THE MIDDLE AGE
Many scholarly works on Ayurveda proper were written during these

six centuries. One of the earliest was the SalJ1hitii of Siirngadhara (thirteenth
century), which, for the first time in the history of Ayurvedic works, includes
opiunl in the materia medica, possibly following Chinese or Arabic practice;
mercurial and other metallic compounds are also freely used in the text.
A voluminous and possibly later treatise is by Vailgasena, with the title
Cikitsiisa1J1graha. This work, which is not to be confused with an earlier
work of the same name by Cakrapat)idatta, has always been known as
Vangasena, possibly to avoid this confusion. It has been a popular
handbook in Bengal for many centuries and is available in all respectable
collections. The author claims in a concluding colophon that his work
is a redaction of an earlier sal!1hitii by the sage Agastya of South India
fame and the legendary originator of the Sittar school of pseudo medicine.
But, though it contains many prescriptions from this school, its language and
presentation prove its later date of composition. a The Yogaratniikara,
a Sen, Gananath (2), p. 59.

another comprehensive and monunlental treatise on lyurveda by an unknown

author, has been popular in South India for many centurje~; its chemical
nlethods for preparing drugs are extremely valuable. PossIbly the most
renowned work during this period is that of Bhavamisra (fifteenth-sixteenth
century). This work, Bhtivapraktisa, contains an exhaustive list of dis~ases
and their symptoms and a complete list of drugs current in his time. This
encyclopaedia includes the aetiology and treatment of syphilis, a disease
introduced into India by Portuguese seamen in the fifteenth century. Its list
of drugs includes many that were not previously included in Indian medicinal
usage, including metallic preparations and imported drugs.
Another class of medical works, which had existed from earlier times
but which became increasingly important as handbooks in medical practice
during this period, were the nighantus (ready guides or lexicons), which
contained long or short monographs on different medicinal substances
and terms. The works of this period were by Madanapala, Narahari,
Bhimapala and Rajavallabha, which supplemented or supplanted earlier
works by Dhanvantari, Halayudha, Visvadeva, Amara, Se$araja, SOQhala,
Mfidhava and Cakrapal)idatta. None of these works claim any originality
in matter or presentation of theoretical knowledge. Among specialized
treatises of this period may be named Arkaprakit~a by RavaDa, of unknown
age (possibly of a date not later than the twelfth century as indicated by the
style of writing), dealing with aqueous and tinctorial extracts; Cikitsiikalikii
by Tri~ata (fourteenth century), a manual on diagnosis; Cintiima~li by
Ballabhendra (fifteenth-sixteenth century), another comprehensive work
on aetiology and diagnosis of diseases and clinical examination of the bodily
eliminations; Vaidyiil!lrta by Moresvara (early sixteenth century), dealing
with treatment of diseases only; and Vaidya-Jfvana by Lolimbaraja
(seventeenth century), dealing with the clinical and therapeutical aspects
of marital relations. Most of the works mentioned above are available
only in manuscript form. An assessment of these works has been given
by Gananath Sen (2) and Keith (3).
WORKS ON RASAC/KITSA AND IATROCHEMISTRY
The works of the Rasacikitsa school of this period conlpare favourably,

in material and presentation, with earlier works of this branch of medical
and chemical knowledge. Rasaratniikara, the monumental work by Siddha
Nityanatha in five volumes, was the earliest work of this period, though it
might have been composed in the last years of the ancient period. It is a
compendium of medical knowledge pertaining to this non-Ayurvedic
school and deals ,vith non-mercurial metallic compounds, mercurial
preparations, therapeutic actions and rejuvenating effects of such prepara-
tions and the religious faith of the Rasacikitsii school. Rasasara and
Rasahrdayatantra, two important works on alchemy and mercurial prepara-
tions, are widely believed to have been written by Govinda Bhagavata
Padacarya, the preceptor of Sailkaracarya (ninth century), but they are very
MEDICINE 265
possibly the works of another later Govinda Bhagavata (c. thirteenth

century) of Gujarat. The Rasendrasarasalflgraha by Gopiilakr~lJa (fourteenth
century) has been a favourite book for inorganic remedies in North
India and Eastern India for many centuries. The Dhiituratnamala by
Devadatta (fourteenth century)-a complete manuscript is available in the
Palace Library, Bikaneer-describes the winning of metals from native
ores and their conversion into oxides, carbonates and salts by oxidative
methods and action of mineral acids. Rasavatara, a voluminous treatise
by an unknown author of unknown date, and Parada Saf!1hitii by Niranjan
Prasad Gupta (eighteenth century or earlier) are informative treatises on the
nlercurial faith, mercurial remedies and the Rasa school of medicine.
During the latter part of the period under review, a combination of
adverse political, social and economic factors gradually undermined the
reputation and usefulness of Sanskrit-based learning, and the old cultural
achievements fell into disrepute. Physicians, who also had to be erudite
scholars in many branches of philosophy and sciences as required by
classical Ayurveda, seldom found satisfactory successors, for the new
generations were gradually losing their mastery over the archaic phraseology
of the Ayurvedic texts; apart from a working knowledge of diagnosis and
drugs suitable for treatment, many of them did not have any acquaintance
with the concepts and theories which formed the basis of Ayurveda. Replace-
ment of existing texts by new copies which had to be laboriously done by
hand had long ceased to be an economic proposition, no new works were
being written and the old copies were getting scarce due to natural decay
in a damp and humid climate. The very basis, on which knowledge could
be standardized and passed on, was tottering. There were also no hospitals,
no medical colleges, no forums of discussions and, needless to say, no
research in Ayurveda. The noble profession gradually passed fronl erudite
scientists into the hands of semi-ignorant people with only hearsay knowledge
or knowledge gathered from an imperfect comprehension of incomplete and
incorrect texts. The members of families of long lines of Ayurvedic
practitioners, often foremost in education and aptitude in their society
due to centuries of family tradition in a scientific profession, quickly found
other and more lucrative professions. Not knowing Sanskrit they considered
the manuscripts of their forefathers as useless lumber.
The long and rigorous training in theory, medicine and surgery,
compulsory in classical times, a gave place to a few years of apprenticeship
as compounder-cum-assistant. The new entrants to the professions were
very little interested except in methods of easy cure and were psychologically
inclined to follow the path of least resistance. Actual dissections on
cadavers, so necessary for surgical and anatomical knowledge, b had been
discontinued for many centuries due to changed ideas of caste purity, and
surgery was avoided or relegated to barbers when absolutely unavoidable.
Obstetric practice was shunned by the male physicians due to changed ideas of
G CS. Vi., 8 and 9; S5. Su., 2 and 4. b SSe SU., 9.

social intercourse and was relegated to untrained and illiterate midwives with
horribly insanitary and often highly harmful methods. The teachings of the
classical works regarding detailed exanlination of bodily eliminations and
applications of douches, enemas, etc., were conveniently forgotten; for social
and caste considerations, as well as prudery, dictated against such methods.
The painstaking methods of diagnosis found in lyurveda were replaced
by diagnosis on the basis of case history and feeling the patient's pulse;
the equally painstaking methods of treatment often became limited to oral
medication. Jn the latter sphere, the metallic preparations alone were
reliable, as the original pharmacognosy of plant drugs had long been
forgotten and rubbish offered by traders was often passed on as genuine;
for genuine prescriptions were costly to collect, prepare and store. When
results were disappointing, the science had to take the blame and people
turned more and more to the newly imported Western science of medicine
in hope of cure.
That Ayurveda did not conlpletely die out in these circumstances is a
great tribute to its intrinsic merit and vitality.
PRESENT CONDITION OF AYURVEDA

In spite of its glorious career both in India and outside for more than
two millenniums, Ayurveda has fallen on evil days and evil tongues. This
is, of course, mainly due to the greater importance attached to the allopathic
treatment introduced in this country during the British rule in the second
quarter of the nineteenth century. The people of India hailed the new
system as more scientific than Ayurveda, as there has been no development
in the latter for wellnigh thousand years, and it has failed to take advantage
of the modern scientific inventions and appliances. As a consequence of
this, Ayurveda did not enjoy the patronage of the government. While
medical colleges and hospitals were established all over India during the
British rule, there were no such government institutions for the Ayurvedic
system until recently, though a few have been established entirely through
private efforts. An attempt to place the education and practice of the
Ayurveda as well as the Siddha and Unani systems in a proper footing
was made by the Madras Governnlcnt through the establishment in 1924-25
of the Government School of Indian Medicine. Shortly afterwards similar
efforts were made by Bihar, the United Provinces, the Punjab, Bombay and
other provincial governments. The situation has not improved very much
even after the achievement of independence in 1947.
But though the Ayurvedic system has languished, it is still a living
force. A large majority of Indians, specially the rural and poorer people
in urban areas, take Ayurvedic medicines. It is also a happy fact that
a galaxy of brilliant Vaids and Kavirajas (practitioners in lyurveda),
whose name and fame spread all over India, bas revived the importance and
popularity of the Ayurvedic system. Thus, in spite of the apathy of the
MEDICINE 267
government and a section of the people, lyurveda has held its ground all over
India, thanks to the private patronage and financial help from Indian States.
Reference may be made to a few private i\yurvedic institutions referred
to above. Gurukul Ayurveda University, Kangri, is the most famous
and there are Ayurvedic colleges and {ols where the pure Ayurvedic system
is taught in the old orthodox style. But a new turn was given to the system
of instruction towards the end of the nineteenth century by the efforts of a
number of allopathic doctors who ,"vere also trained in Ayurvedic system
and actually practised it. As a result, A~tanga Ayurveda College with
hospitals was established by Kaviraj laminibhusan Ray with a handsome
donation and gift of land. Thereafter, the Visvanatha Ayurveda Maha-
vidyalaya, Vaidya Sastra Pitha and Maharaj Kasimbazar Govinda Sundari
Ayurvedic College were established respectively by M. M. Kaviraj Gananath
Sen, Kaviraj Syamadas Vacaspati and Kaviraj Ram Candra Mullick.
It was thought fit and proper to follow a mixed syllabus, both in theory
and practice, giving rise to what is known as the integrated system. It has
produced a class of practitioners who use both Ayurvedic and allopathic
medicines. In this way the influence of allopathy has entered into the
precincts of Ayul'veda all over the country.
Opinions differ as to the propriety and usefulness of the integrated
systenl. It is held by some that the products of this system acquire no deep
knowledge of Ayurveda, Le. treatment and preparation of medicine, and,
what is worse, use allopathic medicines under the disguise of Jyurveda
without mastering the rudiments of allopathy. The nlischief, they hold,
is mainly due to the fact that those who administer the Medical Department,
including the integrated system, are all allopathic doctors without any
knowledge of ;Iyurveda.
On the other hand, it is argued by others that in the present scientific
age, State recognition should not be extended to a system of medical treat-
ment which does not take cognizance of the modern developments in our
knowledge of anatomy, chemistry, biochemistry, physiology and other
allied sciences, or of such' precision' methods for probing the human malady
as are offered by thermometer, stethescope, X-ray, microscope, test of
blood, stool and urine, etc. The absence of surgery is also a great drawback
in Ayurvedic treatment.
It is an intriguing problem of which no easy or immediate solution
seems to be at hand. Nevertheless, the fact remains that Ayurvedic
system is still a living one and is likely to retain its popularity among the
masses and even a section of the educated classes, save for such diseases
as malaria, typhoid, kala-azar, smallpox, cholera, plague, etc., for which
successful specific remedies have been discovered in modern days. It is
but fit and proper, therefore, that the State should take adequate steps
to ensure a good training in the purely Ayurvedic system for those who
seek it. The government should provide adequate resources for the
improvement of teaching on purely Ayurvedic syllabus, make proper
arrangements for preparation of all sorts of Ayurvedic medicines and
experiment in Ayurvedic laboratories under eminent Ayurvedic physicians,

and provide for proper training in aU the departments of lyurveda for
students having proficiency in Sanskrit, by sanctioning proper emoluments
and salary for the staff, etc. Perhaps the problem of an integrated medical
system, referred to above, would be easier to solve if highly efficient Ayur-
vedic colleges grow side by side with the existing medical colleges.
THE UNANI TIBB (GREEK MEDICINE) IN INDIA
M. Z. SIDDIQI
The system of the healing art known in India as the Unani Tibb is
the same as that called 'Arabian Medicine' by the European historians
and medical men. They call it 'Arabian' because they had received it
through the Arabic medical writers. The Indians call it Unani because
it is mainly based on the Greek system which was founded by Hippocrates
and developed by Aristotle, Galen and other Greek writers. The Arabic
medical writers, having taken it from the Greeks, developed it further in
the light of Persian medical traditions and of the Indian system of medicine,
modified and improved it as a result of their own observation and
experience, and handed it down to the posterity. Hippocrates has been
accepted as the father of Greek medicine. To him is attributed the Greek
humoral theory which laid down that the living organism consisted of four
humours-blood, phlegm, black bile and yellow bile. Each of them
consisted of four elements-fire, water, air and earth, each of which
possessed some particular quality-heat, coolness, dryness and humidity.
The organism and its single parts possess these essential qualities. The
essential factor in life is the natural heat, the seat of which is the left heart.
It prevades the entire organism. If the humours and their elements are in
proper proportions and are properly mingled, the organism enjoys perfect
health, and, if it is disturbed due to internal or external causes, disease sets
in. The natural heat tries to combat it. It is the duty of the physician
to help the natural healing power of the organism by suitable medicine
when necessary and not to supersede or impede it. The therapeutics of
Hippocrates was not bound by any fixed rules. It was essentially indi-
vidualistic. According to him the physician should treat the sick and not
the sickness.
From the end of the seventh century, the Muslim Caliphs and their
courtiers began to take active interest in Greek philosophy and science
in general and in Greek medicine in particular. They collected together
the masters of Greek medicine from the various parts of their dominions
and Greek medical works from their own dominions as well as from foreign
countries. They also invited several Indian medical men to their capital.
In less than a century they got translated into Arabic most of the Greek
and several of the important Indian medical works. Under their patronage
MEDICINE 269
the Arabs, as well as the non-Arabs, the Muslim and the non-Muslims
began serious study of these medical works from the ninth century and
continued it on a wide scale for many centuries, the main centres of their
activities being Baghdad, Damascus, Cairo, Cordova and various other
capitals of Islamic dominions. During this period they adapted, sum-
marized, commented upon and made certain important additions to the
Greek system of medicine as a result of their own observations and experience
of medical cases.
The earliest of the independent Arabic medical writers was Ali b.
Rabban, who, in A.D. 850, in his book, Firdausul-lfiknzat (Paradise of
Wisdom), summarized the whole system of Greek medicine as well as
the Indian system of medicine on the basis of four important Indian medical
works-Caraka, Su.fruta, Nidtina and A~fj!iitigahrdaya. After him, his
student, Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Zakariyya ar-Razi (Rhazes of Medieval
Europe), who died in the first quarter of the tenth century, made a thorough
study of both the systems, had been in charge of many hospitals, introduced
in them the system of keeping complete records of each case, and, in his
methods of teaching medicine, attached great importance to practical
training of its student. This method was adopted by other physicians also.
But the pride of place atnong the Arabic medical writers belongs to
Abu 'Ali Husain b. Abdallah b. Sina (Avicenna) (A.D. 980-1036). His
Qanun (Canon) was accepted as the most authoritative medical work in
Europe for five centuries (twelfth-seventeenth century). And it is accepted
as the greatest authority on the Unani Tibb in India up to the present day.
He composed 99 books, some of which occupied more than 20 volumes.
Sixteen of his books deal with medical subject. The most important of
thenl is the Canon on medicine.
Both before and after Avicenna, a large nunlber of medical men in
the various parts of Muslim dominions produced, in Arabic or Persian,
a large number of medical books according to Greek system, adapting or
changing or improving its theory or practice in the light of their own
experience. They anticipated the so-called modern theory of the circulation
of blood as well as the germ theory. They made great strides in synlpto-
matology, in special pathology, epidemiology, opthalmology, dietetics,
toxicology and midwifery. They pointed out the connection between
exophthalmos and goitre, introduced the process of bleeding for the treat-
ment of cerebral haemorrhage and apoplexy, performed gastric lavage, used
opotherapy, and could keep a patient unconscious for seven days. They
invented many delicate surgical instruments, performed the amputation
of the ovula and the excision of the whole tongue, removed the diseased
bone from the skull and replaced it by that of a dog. They made important
independent contributions to therapeutics, pharmacy and pharmaceutical
techniques, and used many drugs and chemicals which were entirely un-
known to the Greeks. a
G Siddiqi, pp. xiv If.

The Greek medicine, thus largely improved, partly modified and better
systematized by the Arabic medical writers than by the Greeks, was carried
to Europe during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The same system
was brought to India by the Muslims in the eleventh century and cultivated
and followed throughout the century for 800 years side by side with the
Ayurvedic system. Perhaps India is the only country in which the two
ancient systems of medicine are still in vogue side by side with the modern
allopathic system.
The Muslim rulers of India and of its various parts were highly interested
and some of them were well versed in medicine. They attracted to their
capitals the best Hakims from the various parts of the Islamic dominions
and reputed Vaids from different parts of India, paid them high salaries
and conferred upon them high titles and also occasionally gave them large
monetary grants and landed properties. They founded numerous free
hospitals in various parts of the country and collected large libraries and
persuaded the Hakims to develop and improve the healing art.
During the reign of 'Alauddin Khalji, there were numerous reputed
Hakims and Vaids in Delhi whose names are mentioned by Barani.
Muhammad b. Tughlaq was well versed in Unani Tibb and personally
examined and treated the patients, and discussed medical problems with
the Hakims. At his persuasion Hakim Diya Muhammad, the son of
Muhammad Masud, compiled in A.D. 1320 a book, Majmuai-Diyaiyya,
on the basis of Arabic, Persian and also some Ayurvedic medical works.
In this book there is reference to another book, Majmuai-Shamaiyya,
which was compiled earlier by Shamsuddin Mustaufi, which is said to be a
Persian translation of an Ayurvedic book. a Firoz Shah Tughlaq had
a thorough knowledge of Unani Tibb. He had dictated a book, Tibbe-
Firoz shahi, on the subject and personally attended to the patients in a large
free hospital founded by himself. He was a good bone-setter and was
specially interested in opthalmology. Mian Bhowa, the Lord Chamberlain
of Sikandar Lodi, collected together numerous competent Hakims and
Vaids and got compiled by them, an Indian treatise of medicine, on the
basis of a dozen of important Ayurvedic works. This book is known as
Ma'danush-Shifai-Sikandari. Mian Taha, another Amir of Sikandar Lodi,
according to a contemporary historian, was well versed not only in Islamic
literature and Indian nlusic and arts and crafts, but also in Indian system
of medicine. He remembered by heart twenty-four thousand verses on
Indian medicine; and Hindu experts in Indian medicine and music took
lessons from him in these subjects. b
The provincial Muslim rulers of the various parts of India followed
the footsteps of the Sultans of Delhi and encouraged their court physicians
to develop medical literature. Thus, during the reign of Muzaffar Shah
of Gujarat (A.D. 1396-1410), Hakim Shahabuddin compiled two books on
medicine: (1) Tibbi-Shifaul-Khani in Persian prose and (2) Tibbe-Shihabi
• Hamdardl-$ibbat, pp. 4-9. l> Siddiqi, pp. xxxii fr.

MEDICINE 271
in Persian poetry. He compiled these books on the basis of Arabic, Persian

and some Ayurvedic works and took help in this connection from some
Yogis. He has mentioned in the book the names of certain drugs in Sanskrit
as well as in Sindhi. After him Hakim 'Ali Muhammad, the court physician
of Mahmud Shah (A.D. 1458-1510),a translated at his command, with
the help of some Pundits, a book of Vagbhata from Sanskrit into Persian. b
In the Deccan under the Bahmanid ruler, Mahnlud Shah (A.D. 1378-
1396), translated certain Ayurvedic works into Persian, in three volumes.
It was named Tlbbe-Shifai-Mahnzudi. c Under the 'Adil-Shahi dynasty
of Bijapur, Hakim Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah, generally known as
Firishta, wrote in the year A.D. 1590 a book, Dasturil-Atbba, which is also
called Ikhtiyarati-Qasimi. In the introduction to this book, he says that
at first he made a deep study of the Tibbe- Unani and after that he studied
Ayurvedic system of medicine also, and found its theories as well as its
practice well founded though at the outset they appeared to be strange.
He adds that he was also closely associated with some of the Vaids. To
several of them he was referred by nanle. d Alauddin Ahmad Shah II of
Bahmani dynasty founded a large free hospital at Bidar, appointed Hakims
as well as Vaids in it to attend to the patients. He also established a medical
school which was attached to the hospital. In his court there were numerous
Hakims and Vaids, sonle of whomf: compiled some important medical
books. As a matter of fact, since the advent of the Muslims, the Deccan
has ever been one of the important centres of the Unani Tibb.
Like Gujarat and the Deccan, the rulers of each of the local Indian
Muslim State had in their courts several Hakims and Vaids, some of whom
made their own contributions to the development of the Unani Tibbi
literature in India.
The advent of the Mughals added largely to the popularity, progress
and glory of Unani Tibb in India. They gave the Hakims much higher
position and paid them much higher salaries, giving some of them Rs.50,OOO
per annum, and occasionally bestowed upon them much higher rewards
in cash and in kind that did their predecessors. Thus they attracted to
India nlany more highly qualified Hakims from Iran and other places than
their predecessors could, and encouraged them to cultivate and advance
the Tibbi- Unani in this country. They also established a network of many
new free public hospitals in all the large cities of the country.!
These hospitals must have been organized according to the same
principles as those of the other Islamic dominions which, according to
Cyril Elgood,g were as models of the European hospitals. But in the
medieval Indian hospitals generally the Hakims and the Vaids worked
side by side as it is obvious from the description of the hospital which was
founded by a Khayr Andish Khan given in his Khayrut-Tajarib. II
G Hamdardi-$ibfwt, pp. 4-9. , Siddiqi, pp. xxxv-xxxvi.

b Ma' arif, pp. 35-42. I Siddiqi, p. xxxv ff.
C Islamic Tibb, pp. 127-33. g Elgood t p. 178.
If Siddiqi, PP. 109 if. h Siddiqi, p. xxxvi.
AbulMFazl has given the names of 39 Hakims of his time in his 'Ain.
But they were only those who were in the service of the court at Delhi.
In the whole country the number of the Hakims who either served in the
various hospitals or carried on private practice in the various parts of
India, during the Mughal rule, must have been several thousands. The
main centres of their medical activities were Lahore, Delhi, Lucknow, Patna,
Murshidabad, Hyderabad, Madras and other important towns. In many
of these centres there were not only well-equipped Unani hospitals, but
also Tibh Miidrasas.
These Hakims made large contributions to the so-called Tibbi-Unani.
A large part of this literature consisted of the translation, commentaries
or sumtnaries of Arabic medical books, or of the translation or adaptation
of Ayurvedic works. And some of them are based on anyone or both of
them. The Tibbi-Aurangzebi, which was dedicated to Aurangzeb, is entirely
based on Ayurvedic sources. The Mu'aalajali- Darshikohi of Nuruddin
MuhaJumad, which was dedicated to Darasdhikoh, is based mainly on
the Greek system, but contains at the end almost the whole of Ayurvedic
materia nledica.
But it would be a mistake to suppose that the Indian Hakims made no
independent contribution to the so-called Tibbi-Unani. The author of
the Khulastu't-Tajarib, after summarizing the Greek theories mainly
according to Avicenna, described a large number of diseases and their
treatment, gave clinical description of many cases and mentioned the medica-
ments according to the Greek as well as the Ayurvedic system. He laid
it down that in the science of medicine experience is the basic principle
of treatment. He described several diseases including whooping cough
which were not recognized in Europe for centuries after him. He has
referred to Greek authors but very seldonl to Ayurvedic works. Hakim
Sharif Khan (A.D. 1725-1806) in his Talifi-Sharifi collected together the names
of such Indian drugs as he had tried and found useful. In his Tubfa-'Alam
Shahi he has discussed the properties of various Indian diets and has remarked
that a patient may be easily cured by the use of proper diets only.
As a matter of fact, Hakims of the various parts of India, during the
different periods, produced a large number of books on the various
branches of medical science on the basis of Unani or Ayurvedic system of
medicine and on the basis of their own experience of medical cases.
The last large and more or less exhaustive book, the Iksiri-A'~am,
on the various diseases from head to foot, their causes, their diagnosis and
their treatment according to the Greek system, was compiled by Hakim
Muhammad A'zam Khan, in four big volumes on the basis of most of the
important medical works on the Unani Tibb in Arabic or Persian, written
in or outside India. The book, in spite of its large size, has already under-
gone four editions.
The author has never referred to any Ayurvedic work. But he has
often mentioned the Indian medicaments after dealing with the treatment
of the various diseases. He also compiled another large book, The Mubili
MEDICINE 273
A':am, on materia medica, on the basis of 68 previous works on the subject.

In it, he has mentioned a large number of Indian medicaments belonging
to vegetable, mineral and animal kingdoms. These books contain the
summary of all the previous works on these subjects.
The Hakims generally thought that the basic Greek theory of medicine,
which was supported by Arabic medical writers also, was unassailable.
But a reaction against this attitude began in the nineteenth century, due
to the influence of modem scientific discoveries and the allopathic system
of medicine. In A.H. 1295 (A.D. 1878), Hakim AfQal 'Ali of Faydabad
wrote a book, Jami 'ush-Shifaiya, in which he strongly challenged the
theories of the Greek system and remarked that most of it was based on
wrong presumptions. After him, Masihu'l-Mulk Hakim Muhammad
Ajmal Khan, a man of versatile genius, broad outlook and wide influence,
realized the defects of the Unani system of medicine, and tried to reform
it in every possible way. He founded the Ayurvedic and the Unani Tibbi
College in Delhi, reformed its courses of study and established a strong
department of research on Indian drugs. He also fought hard against
the aggressive attitude of the Medical Council and the British Government
against the indigenous systems of medicine. He was helped in his efforts
by the transfer of the Education Department to Indian Ministers, who,
after making the necessary enquiries about the popularity and the practical
utility of these systems, decided to establish official teaching institutions and
hospitals for them. Thus were established, in addition to the already existing
public Tibbi teaching institutions, official Tibbi colleges also at various
places.
The institution for research in Unani Tibbi, founded by Hakim Ajmal
Khan, came to an end after his death. But its noble object was taken
up by the Hamdard Dawakhana of Hakim Abdu'l-Hamid of Delhi, who
established the Institute of History of Medicine and Medical Research with
a hospital, a herbarium, medical library and a well-staffed department
to do research according to modem scientific system, on the history of
medicine in general and on the Unani Tibbi medicaments in particular,
and endowed upon it a very large part of the income of the Hamdard
Dawakhana.
The Indian Hakims, however, made a large contribution to Persian
medical literature, discovered new diseases and their treatments, developed
the treatment of the veneral diseases and made fresh contribution to epi-
demiology, toxicology, therapeutics and Unani Materia Medica. They
served sincerely the ailing Indians, the rich as well as the poor, during
the last 800 years. And they are holding high the flag of Unani Tibb in
India at present also.
The author of this chapter wishes to thank Dr. M. Z. Siddiqi who has contributed
the section on the U1IIlni Tibb in India (pp. 268-73), and Shri H. N. Gupta and
Kaviraj Bagala Kumar Majumdar who rendered valuable assistance in the preparation
of the major part of the other sections.
18
5 CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY
B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA
CHEMISTRY as a branch of modern science is admittedly not very old; for,

to be precise, it became systematized only in the latter half of the eighteenth
century A.D. mainly because of experimentation and the methodical inter-
pretation of experimental results by Lavoiser (1743-94) and his con-
temporaries like Joseph Black (1728-99), Henry Cavendish (1731-1810),
Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) and Carl Wilhelm Scheele (1742-86). As a
candid recognition of our indebtedness to the past, it must be said that
chemical practices have been very ancient, and they formed an integral
part of the technical skills of antiquity. The practical chemists-potters,
brewers, dyers, metalsmiths, glassmakers and the like-contributed a great
deal to the growth of technology and in no small measure to the economic
welfare of the ancient communities. They were noted for their craftsman-
ship and experimental skills involving many a chemical transformation both
qualitative and quantitative, even though they did not appear to have
formulated any theoretical knowledge of the chemical transformations.
For example, the beginnings of modern chemical processes, such as fermenta-
tion, distillation, fusion and calcination, can be traced to very ancient
times despite the fact that the scientifically valid theoretical principles
governing them came to be understood only a century or two ago.
Similar is the case with the use of chemicals when man became the
food-producer, and began to lead a settled life. There is no doubt that
as man became more and more civilized, he developed varied avenues for
the use of a number of chemicals and, in the process, acquired considerable
knowledge of their occurrence, preparation and properties even though that
knowledge, in point of fact, was not deep and systematized from the point
of view of modern chemistry.
In India, the beginnings of chemistry as practical and purposeful art
are noticeable in remote antiquity. Of particular importance is the knowl-
edge as well as the technique concerning the baking of clay and production
of pottery, i.e. of objects fashioned from clay and hardened by fire. The
use of pottery has an added significance in the history of chemistry. For,
besides satisfying the potter's urge to create forms and paint artistically on
CHEMICAL PRAcnCES AND ALCHEMY 275
them, the use of pottery enabled the ancient practical chemists to develop
processes involving prolonged heating, fusion, evaporation and, more
importantly, the treatment of minerals. India has been well known for a
number of pottery types from the neolithic phase right up to the medieval
period. Metal-working, processing of various naturally occurring minerals,
slaking of the burnt limestone, compositions of mortar and cement, prepa-
ration of fermented juices, extraction of essential oils, use of pigments,
and production of different types of glass were among the noteworthy
chemical practices in India even in very ancient times. Though it is rather
difficult to trace the indigenous origins of these practices, there is no doubt
that most of them grew out of the sustained efforts and special technical
abilities of the people of the region, and reached peaks of excellence at
times.
PRE-VEDIC PERIOD (FROM PREHISTORIC TIMES TO

c. 1500 B.C.)
Pottery
There is evidence to indicate that in the prehistoric period the technique
of pottery-making was known in India. It would appear that the pots were
hand-made in that period, the potter's wheel being unknown. There were
also no kilns specially built for firing the pots. Heating was done by raising
a small fire around the pots which were placed in circular pits after covering
the pots partially with sherds. The common shapes were globular pots
of various sizes with round bases and flaring slips. Bowls with several
shapes of bases were also in use. Hand-made, coarse and ill-fired redware
sherds with microliths have been found in the excavations (late levels) of
the prehistoric rock shelters at Lekhahia (Mirzapur district in Uttar
Pradesh), and also in Baluchistan, Mundigak, Langhnaj (north Gujarat),
Nagarjunakonda (Andhra Pradesh) and Birbhanpur (West Bengal). a
Hand-modelled pottery, coarse grey or black burnished and ill-fired, with
mat-marked bases has been noticed at Burzahom (Kashmir; about ten miles
north-east of Srinagar) in the early neolithic phase (c. 2375-1500 n.c.).
In the southern Deccan (e.g. Brahmagiri, Sanganakallu, Utnur, Piklihal,
Paiyampalli and T. Narasipur) hand-made grey or buff-brown pottery
(some having black or red burnished slip) with ring feet and hollow
pedestals, and bands of red ochre on the surface, have been found
(c. 2300-1800 B.C.). The wheel-thrown ware also appeared soon in this
region as evidenced by the Black-and-Red painted pottery.b
In the history of the wheel-turned pottery, as also of other chemical
practices in India, special significance attaches to the Indus Valley Civilization
a Rao (S. R.) (I), p. 20; JAR, 1959-60, pp. 5-10.

b Thapar (3), pp. 87-92; Wheeler (1), pp. 222 fT.; Subbarao (2), pp. 48, 117, 175-76.
which was by far the largest of the world's three most ancient civilizations.
This great civilization, now referred to as the Harappa Culture, is known to
have flourished during the period c. 2300-1750 B.C. and its sites have been
located in the Panjab, Haryana, western Uttar Pradesh, north Rajasthan
(former State of Bikaner), Kutch, Saurashtra, central and southern Gujarat,
and Baluchistan, covering an area of roughly 840,000 square miles. a
In the early occupations at Harappa and other regions, generally
designated as the pre-Harappan culture (c. 2600-2400 B.C.), wheel-made pots
with red wash and black paintings have been found, as also of polychrome
styles. The pottery of the pre-Harappan occupation at Kalibangan, a site
on the now dried up Ghaggar river in the district of Ganganagar in Raja-
sthan, is light and thin in fabric, even though the sturdy fabric with incised
designs is not wanting. The colour of this pottery is red to pinkish, painted
in black, sometimes with white painting over half-slipped dull surface. On
the basis of the fabric and decoration, this pottery, which presents a number
of motifs, has been classified into six groups-labelled Fabric A to Fabric
F.b
The pottery of the Harappan culture which consists of mainly wheel-
made ware, turned in various shapes and sizes out of the well-levigated
alluvium of the Indus, comprises the Red, Buff, Black-and-Red, Coarse Grey
and the Micaceous Red ware with paintings in black over red. C The
colour and the other characteristics of these wares depended obviously
upon the composition of the clay used and the techniques of firing under
either oxidizing or reducing conditions. Mica, sand and lime were used
as tempering materials. The presence of mica in the clay generally helped
not only in the working of the pot on the wheel but also in the process of
drying of the pottery without cracking. The red shades which developed
on the pottery were due to the presence of iron compounds in the clay,
which would undergo change in colour in the course of firing as a result of
the oxidizing atmosphere in the kiln. Not infrequently the black or choco-
late designs painted on the body of the ware were executed using mangani-
ferous haematite compositions. However, the exact information respecting
the techniques employed for obtaining the distinctively coloured pottery still
appears to be scanty. Decoration of pottery often consisted of several
designs, geometrical, plant or animal forms fashioned normally in black
paint. The designs included, among others, squares divided into a number
of triangles and rectangles, wavy lines, loops, chequers, lattice work, rosettes,
forms of peacock, flying birds, deer and fish, pipal and palm leaves, and
occasionally human forms. The potters were indeed skilled craftsmen of
high order as evidenced by the exquisitely executed miniature vessels. 'The
general impression given by the Indus pottery is that of efficient mass
production', cJ and what is remarkable is the extreme standardization of
production.
• Sankalia (4), p. ISS. e Rao (S. R.) 0), p. 21.

~ JAR, 1962-63, pp. 2G-27. cJ Wheeler (4), p. 52.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 277
The white ash remains of the kilns point out unmistakably that wood
or charcoal was used as a source of fuel. At Harappa have been found
three types of furnaces, viz. round, cylindrical and pear-shaped pits, with
L&J
;
Q:
m
LtJ
Q: z
CI
~
c)
Q;
I~
~:
;!.
:.;
a: lIJ
~I co~
~ <I
u~
lAJ (I)
;, 5
a:
....J
J
lIJ
0:: t
... JORWE
::>
CD
:J
··.,
..J
u
u
J: ~
:J
u
u
~
I
MALWA
t-
J
J:
.... ~ ...
0
W
z
..J
0
LIJ
z
:J
....-oJ
:>
u
~
::>
~
...J
0
u I
~ BANASIAN
::> J:
2
z
a::
l&J
:I:
a:
i
:I:
~
<I
ct
u
~
u
t
en
~
CI
t- el J:
J ~ a:
0 CI
en
••
i :J:
t
250
e
CL
FIG. S.1. Bar-diagram showing the chronological spread of different cultures and wares. a
or without brick-lining. The art of glazing the pottery was also known.
In the production of the glaze on the surface, gums and allied organic sub-
stances were used along with the glazing materials which consisted of finely
II Agrawal (D. P.) (2), p. 116. (Reproduced with permission).

AREA OF MALWA
MAP WARE
yo
t-
I N (; I A N o C. E A N
Km' I,,' ? 200
, ...co
,
JORWE
WARE
FlO. 5.2. Map showing the spread of Malwa, Jorwe and Lustrous Red wares. 1I
A Thapar (2), p. 36.
crushed quartz or white sand, a glassy flux (probably obtained by fusing

soda with sand) and, if desired, a colouring matter. An analysis of a few
specimens of glazed pottery has revealed that the blue shades are due to
copper oxide, the greenish blue due to iron oxide in addition, while excess
of manganese oxide is responsible for the appearance of dark or maroon
colour. Mackay is of the view that the glazed pottery found at Mohenjo-
daro was probably the earliest specimen, and according to him the four
pieces found at Mohenjo-daro are beyond all doubt the handiwork of a
potter who was well acquainted with the process and able to carry it to a
high degree of perfection." It is known now that the practice of glazing the
pottery appeared in Mesopotamia about 1,500 years later than in the
Harappan culture.
The terracotta craft, another aspect of pottery-making, which included
the execution of human and animal forms, dolls and other decorative pieces,
was in practice in the Harappan culture. The Harappan figurines, entirely
hand-modelled, which have been unearthed speak of the achievements in
the terracotta craft.
A detailed enumeration of the pottery of the post-Harappan cultures
of the north, the north-west, central and southern India is not possible in
this short account. Suffice it to say that there was a continuity in the
potting tradition though some of the Harappan features disappeared and
some new decorative motifs appeared. In course of time, there came into
use the bright red burnished ware known as the Lustrous Red ware found
in sites in Kathiawar and western India. Black-and-Red pottery often with
white painted geometrical designs also made its appearance. This type of
pottery dominated in what is known as Ahar culture (also called the Banas
culture named after the river Banas in the south-eastern Rajasthan (c. 2000-
1600 B.C.). Cream-slipped ware with remarkable surface paintings and
the red-slipped ware also belong to the Banas culture. Besides, during the
period under reference the other important pottery assemblages comprise
the Malwa ware (Navdatoli, Prakash, Bahal, Eran, Nagda, etc.; its distri-
bution covers the basins of Chambal, Narmada, Tapti and Godavari
rivers) which is generally a pale-red-slipped ware decorated with designs
painted in purplish to brown-black colour; and the Jorwe ware (Jorwe,
Nasik, Nevasa, Daimabad, Chandoli, etc., in the northern Deccan) which has
a well-baked core with a metallic ring and a light orange or dull-red
matt surface having geometrical paintings in black colour. b, c
Metals and Metal-working

In the field of metals, the pre-Harappan cultures are not noted for an
extensive use of metals by them; only at a few places (Mundigak, NaI,
Kalibangan and Mehi), there is evidence of the use ofcopper. But the picture
.. Mackay, p. 188. c Thapar (3), pp. 25 fr.; JAR, 1954-55;

b SaDkaIia (4), pp. 199-200. 1955-56; 1957-58; 1958-59.
is entirely different in the Harappan culture, the metal-workers of which

undoubtedly knew the art of using copper, bronze, lead, silver, gold and
electrum-an alloy of gold and silver. Silver might have been obtained from
Afghanistan, Armenia and Persia, copper ore from Rajasthan and Afghani-
stan, and lead from Ajmer area. The Harappan metalsmiths were well aware
of the technique of making beads, soldering, sheet-making, rivetting, coiling
and eire perdue casting (lost-wax metal-casting process, the details of which
are given elsewhere in this chapter). Gold was used principally for making
ornaments (beads, pendants, armlets, brooches, etc.) and silver for orna-
ments, vessels and the seals. 'Much of the Indus gold is of light colour,
indicating a high silver content, or rather that it is unrefined" electrum ".
This suggests that it originated from the reefs of Mysore rather than from
panning, and the possibility is certainly not discouraged by the numbers of
neolithic settlements which are reported from Mysore, particularly cluster-
ing around the Hatti gold bands.' a, b Copper sheets were shaped into
vessels, and bronze was used for casting purposes by the eire perdue process.
It is generally believed that the small bronze statuette of the' dancing girl '
discovered at Mohenjo-daro was fashioned by casting, probably by the
lost-wax process, although there is no direct evidence to this effect as yet. c
Moulds for casting bronze have not been found yet in the excavations
at Mohenjo-daro. This bronze statuette seems to represent the first
appearance of the figure in the metal-art of India.
The specimens unearthed at Mohenjo-daro, of copper-bronze imple-
ments or tools and weapons of warfare include axes, daggers, knives, spears,
arrow-heads, short swords, chisels, drills, reamers, fish-hooks and metal
mirrors. About 70 per cent of the tools excavated are found to be un-
alloyed as they have in them about one per cent of tin only, while only
14 per cent of them are alloyed correctly (8-12 % tin). It would thus
appear that the Harappan metalsmiths were not able to maintain the correct
proportions of tin while alloying and producing implements on a large scale. a
A remarkable metallic tool, though rare, of Harappan culture is the true saw
which has the teeth and the adjoining part of the blade set alternatively from
side to side. It would seem that this type of arrangement in a saw was
unknown elsewhere until the Roman times. According to Mackay, no
metal arrow-heads of the type found at Mohenjo-daro have as yet appeared
in Egypt, nor in any Sumerian or Elamite sites. Identical arrow-heads,
however, were in use at Minoan and Mycenean sites at a later date. e
G AIlehin (D. and R.), p. 284.

b Rao (S. R.), in his Presidential Address to the Conference on Keladi Dynasty, Shimop,
1969, refers to a large number of neolithic sites near Kolar gold mines also.
c Reeves, PP. 19-20.
cI Agrawal (D. P.) (2), p. 174; according to Rao (S. R.) the Harappans knew well
how to mix tin with pure copper in the proportion they desired for making ornaments.
As a peace-loving people, they were not an~ous to produce bronze weapons
(personal communication).
• Mackay, p. 461.
CHEMICAL puencES AND ALCHEMY 281
Though copper and bronze were in common use, there are indications
that an alloy of copper and arsenic (3-4·5 %) was also used in the place of
low grade bronze. The Harappan metalsmiths appeared to have a sound
knowledge of cold-working and the annealing of metal. Evidently they
used crude copper (with considerable sulphur content) for casting plain
objects, and refined copper for shaping it into the desired types of vessels.
Possibly the vessels were shaped, raised or sunken by hammering. Not un-
often open moulds were used for casting purposes. A number of bun-shaped
ingots and castings have been found on the sites of Mohenjo-daro and
Lothal, and it is not unlikely that the copper ingots (99·46-99·8 % pure)
which have been found at the latter site were imported from outside, possibly
from Mesopotamia. Obviously, smelting operations utilizing the ores were
carried out in the neighbourhood of mines and, as Mackay says, the rough
'metals' were transported and made available to the workers for refining and
subsequent workings. Though the kilns used for these purposes have yet to
be found, Mackaya is of the opinion that the ore (possibly with alternate
layers of charcoal) was smelted in an open hearth, using charcoal as fuel over
a cavity in the ground so that the molten metal would run into the cavity.
There is no denying the fact that, in comparison with the other chalcolithic
cultures at Ahar, Navdatoli, Chandoli, Nevasa, lorwe, etc., where a
number of copper objects like chisels, bangles and fish-hooks have been
found, the Harappan culture was far advanced in the technique of metal-
working. This was probably due to the special attention bestowed on
the durability, utility and elegance of the metallic tools and implements.
However, a fact of special significance is that the metallurgy of iron was
unknown to the Harappan metal-workers.
While considering the metal-working and metallurgical practices in
the pre-Vedic period, a reference to what is termed as 'copper-hoards' is
necessary. These copper artifacts, about a thousand in number and many
of them found in hoards (hence the name), have been reported from some
34 sites in Uttar Pradesh, Central India, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa and Andhra
Pradesh. The types of copper-hoards include flat axes, shouldered axes,
bar-celts, or chisels, harpoon-heads, spearheads, rings, antennae swords
and anthropomorphic objects. b The tools, which might have been fashioned
by closed casting, are largely of copper and hence the knowledge of alloying
might have been unknown to their makers who were probably semi-nomadic
metalsmiths. Although the chronological problem relating to the copper-
hoards has not been solved satisfactorily yet, their probable date may
be c. 1700-1000 B.C. There is a view associating the copper-hoards with
some pre-Aryan tribal people who inhabited the Ganga basin.c, d A striking
feature of the problem of these hoards is that none of them has been
found in stratified deposits, nor has any pottery been found so far in direct
association with them, although the Ochre-Coloured ware has been noticed
CI Mackay, p. 451. C Lal (B. B.) (0, pp. 20 fT.

b Wheeler (2), pp. 119-24. eI Gupta (S. P.), pp. 147-66.
in the later excavations at the four copper-boards sites, viz. Bahadarabad,

BisauIi, Safai and Rajpur Parsu. A close examination of the tool types
indicates their unique character.
·05
~6
I
~8
o 6 If
_ .............._ . . . . INCHIS
FIG. 5.3. Copper-hoards: some implements and other objects

from the Gangetic region. II 1, antennae sword from
Fategarh; 2, •anthropomorph' from Shivarajpur;
3-4, harpoons from Sarthauli and Bisauli; 5, ring
from Pandi; 6, double axe from Bhagra Pir; 7, axe
from Gungeria; and 8, bar-celt from Gungeria.
Other Chemical Practices
Extensive archaeological excavations in different sites of the Indus
valley have brought to light more details relating to the chemical knowledge
and technological practices as far back as about 4,500 years. It
would appear that both gypsum and lime were used as plaster materials
at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. Chemical analyses of the samples collected
from different places at Mohenjo-daro indicate that mortars were generally
made of gypsum, lime and sand. Burnt brick (well-cut, colour ranging
from that of straw to bright red) made from ordinary alluvial soil found
use in the extensive construction of walls, bathing-pools, drains, wells, etc.
The remains unearthed at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa reveal that the
people of the Indus valley were using a variety of minerals for ornamental,
• Wheeler (2). p. 119; Lal (B. B.) (I). pp. 20 if.
cosmetic and medicinal purposes. Lapis lazuli (beautiful blue stone, princi-
pally silicate, stained deep blue by the presence of other minerals), turquoise
(hydrous phosphates of aluminium and copper used as a gem), alabaster
(pleasing form of stained gypsum or hydrated calcium sulphate used for
ornamentation), haematite (ferric oxide), jasper (impure opaque silica),
amethyst (either quartz or aluminium oxide used as a semi-precious stone)
and agate (crystalline coloured variety of silica) are among a number of
mineral objects found in different sites of the Harappan culture. Obviously,
the Harappan artisans must have had an intimate knowledge of the processing
and properties of these naturally occurring chemical substances. A close
examination of the finds indicates that the Harappan craftsmen had de-
veloped to a high degree the art of shaping as well as polishing the precious
and semi-precious stones which were used generally for the production of
beads with great dexterity.
While the remarkable achievements of the Harappan people in the
practical chemical arts of pottery, metal-working, use of minerals and the
like have come to light, there is little or no information about the specula-
tions or conceptual frame of the people relating to their achievements. Even
not much is known of the people of this great civilization. The Harappans
had developed a script which has been characterized partially as 'picto-
graphic'. a So far about 400 distinct signs have been observed and the
script is not found to be alphabetic. The letters on the inscribed sherds
found at Kalibangan indicate that the direction of writing was from right
to left. The script has yet to be deciphered on a rational basis, and only
its decipherment would throw light on the thoughts and practices of the
Indus valley people; it may also unfold the origin and evolution of these
people in a way more authentic than what is presently known.
THE VEDIC AGE
In the next phase of the early Indian cultural history (c. 1500-600 B.C.)
we have to consider the chemical knowledge and practices of a new set of
people with a new social order, often referred to as the Indo-Aryans who are
believed to have settled first in north-western India and gradually extended
their settlements over the whole of north India. The probable date
of this presumed Indo-Aryan cultural settlement has not been settled yet
beyond doubt. Till recently, the chronological range of the Harappan
culture was recognized to be c. 2500-1500 B.C., while the radiocarbon
analysis" of the charcoal remains of this culture-area, points to a date
CI Majumdar (R. C.), I, p. 181.

b Carbon-14 (CU) is a radioactive isotope of carbon (or radiocarbon) with an atomic
weight of 14, the normal atomic weight of carbon being 12. The radiocarbon is
being produced in nature as a result of the interaction of the fast-moving neutrons
(which are themselves produced from primary cosmic rays on entering the earth's
atmosphere) on Nl' atoms of the air. The radiocarbon combines with oxygen forming
range of c. 2300-1750 B.C. a Again the radiocarbon-dating methods have

indicated that the distinctive type of pottery known as the Painted Grey
ware, which is believed ~enerally to have been used by the Indo-Aryans,
might have been evolved by them around c. 1000-800 B.C. The old con-
ception that the Aryans might have destroyed the Harappans is gradually
losing ground as a result of recent studies; instead, the possibility of flood
as also the shifting of courses of ancient rivers, annihilating the flourishing
Harappan civilization is increasingly acquiring credence.
Whatever may be the Aryan problem in India-and a discussion on
this is beyond the scope of the present account-it would seem that the
Aryans, in course of time, might have mixed with the non-Aryans or the
early inhabitants, assimilating or giving a new dimension to the cultural,
conceptual as well as utilitarian practices of the latter. They followed the
sacred hymns, rituals and thoughts which went under the names of the
Vedas, the Brahma1)as, the Ara1)yakas and the Upani$ads, some of which
give a glimpse of a few chemical practices prevalent then.
The Sgveda Saf!1hitii, the earliest literary composition of this period,
mentions the use of metals including gold. b Even though in this text there
does not seem to be any plausible account of the metallurgical practices
followed by the people of that time, possibly the ore was smelted in small
furnaces. The general term used for the metal is ayas which might have
meant copper, bronze or lead. There is no doubt that later the word
ayas began to mean iron. C The Vedic people believed that gold possessed
gaseous carbondioxide (C1'02) and the latter gets into the vegetation as a result of
plant metabolism and also into the animals which feed on vegetation.
When carbon-14 disintegrates, nitrogen is formed and beta particle is emitted. In
5570±40 years, known as the half-life period of carbon-14, half of a given number of
atoms of the radiocarbon undergoes radioactive decay and, with the lapse of time, the
radioactivity goes on decreasing. It has been calculated that in about 70,000 years,
practically all its radioactivity will be lost. The quantity of radiocarbon in contemporary
materials is too small and far below the sensitivity limit of an isotope-measurement device
such as the mass spectrograph. However, its radioactivity can be measured and, by
comparing the radioactivity of a particular carbon remnant (like plant remains,
charcoal, marine shells and carbonate deposits) with that of carbon of the present time,
the time elapsed in relation to the carbon remnant can be arrived at mathematically.
It is generally assumed that all living organisms possess the same proportion of
carbon-14/carbon-12 and that the radiocarbon disintegrates at the same rate after
their death. These assumptions are not found to be strictly correct and hence a certain
amount of error creeps in the reckoning of dates by the radiocarbon method.
(For details see McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of Science and Technology, 1960,
Vol. II, PP. 291-96).
G The earliest levels of Mohenjo-daro and Lothal for which no carbon-14 dates are
available are presumed to go back to 2500-2400 B.C. (Rao, S. R., in a personal

communication).
II !V.,1. 85.9,88.5, 167.3; II. 33.9; V. 54.15,57.1, 60.4; Vill. 7.27-32, etc. Generally
gold and silver plates found use at sacrificial rites. Silver was also referred to as
white gold. .
C On the basis of the available archaeological evidence a view is coming to the fore that
iron was introduced into India by about 1000-800 B.C.

supernatural powers (a general belief common to all people of the

ancient times). The Atharvaveda even speaks of gold as conferring long life
on one who wears it. a The metal-workers of the Vedic period doubtless
possessed the technical knowledge of using copper and bronze for the
production of utilitarian appliances for domestic as well as ritual purposes.
The Vedic people were well aware of the fermented drinks and the
methods of fermentation. Soma juice,b as the divine drink of immortality,
finds an honoured place in the lJ-gveda Sa'llhitii. It was obtained by
pounding the shoots or stalk of the soma plant (Sarcostema viminalis)
between stones (adri) to obtain the juice. The pressed juice was passed
through a filter comprising sheep's wool to get a clear juice which was then
blended with milk, sour milk or barley. The exhilarating powers of the soma
rasa, as the juice was called, have been described elaborately in the ~gveda.
It was even called amrta (ambrosia) and, no wonder, the soma plant was
extolled as being divine. There were also two other fermented liquors in
use, viz. madhu (a kind of fermented liquor taken as drink during feasts)
and sura (probably a type of beer brewed using barley grains).
Pottery
The Indo-Aryans, according to some scholars, seem to have developed
and used a type of pottery now designated by the archaeologists as the
Painted Grey ware (P.G. ware).c A fact that merits attention is that
P.G. ware even at its earliest occurrence in India is of a fully developed
type. As some similar ceramic ware has been found outside India in parts of
Greece, Iran and Siestan probably dating back to second millennium B.C., it is
possible that the settlers on the plains of the Ganga and the Yamuna had
a knowledge of this type of ceramic and, utilizing the then existing local
ceramic techniques, might have developed the appropriate baking condi-
tions for the production of the P.G. ware. This ceramic, the approximate
date range of which is c. 1000-400 B.C., is a thin grey deluxe ware and mostly
wheel made, well burnt, glossy and copiously painted. The decorative
motifs on this pottery include bands, criss-cross lines, dots and dashes,
circles and swastikas. Generally, the pottery shapes comprise carinated
bowls, cups and dishes. d The archaeological evidence indicates, by and
large, an extensive western distribution of the P.G. ware (which was
first noticed at Ahicehatra) in the valley of the Sarasvati or the modern
Ghaggar and also the Gangetic plains. Apart from the Painted Grey
ware some other types of pottery like Coarse-Red ware, Fire-Red ware,
Plain-Grey ware were also in use then. Later came into use probably in
a AV., XIX. 26.

b See IX mol)(lala of .8V.; also VIII. 48; I. 85.10; II. 12.14. The offering of soma
(the Avestan haoma) was an important feature of the Indo-Iranian rites.
C A pottery, which precedes the P.G. ware and which has been found at Hastinapur,
Ahicchatra and Atranjikheda, is known as Ochre-Coloured ware.
d Sankalia (4), pp. 182-86; Wheeler, pp. 98 if.
J
2
10
1',,"
, "
. .
" .: ,;i
~ I I
•
8 9
FlO. 5.4. Skctchcs of some pottery types: 1, Harappan pottery (Lothal);" 2, Black-and-
Red ware (Ahar);l1 3, Malwa ware (Navdatoli);C 4 and 7, Painted Grey ware:
dish (Ahicehatra) and bowl (Panipat);cI 5, Jorwe ware: white stipped pot with
designs of elongated and hatched bodies of animals;' 6 and 8, Northern Black
Polished ware: painted and incised (Kausambi) ;/9 and 10, Black-and-Red
megalithic pottery (Brahmagiri);' 11-12~ Painted pottery (Rangpur~ and Bahal'
respectively).
Sankalia (3), PIs. x (b), xv and xxiii.

• , 0, 0
d La! (B. B.) (2), PI. LXXIII. I Sharma (G. R.), PI. 55. " JAR, 1954-55, PI. xii (b).
, SankaJia (4), PI. xxx. , Wheeler (2), PI. CVI. ' JAR, 1956-57, PI. xx. Q.
the region of modem Bihar or eastern Uttar Pradesh, what is designated as

the Northern Black Polished ware (N.B.P. ware) to which we shall return
later.
Iron
Of particular significance is the fact that a number of iron objects
have been discovered in association with all the phases of the Painted
Grey ware ceramic in several excavated sites. The occurrence of iron
at the P.G. ware levels was first reported from Alamgirpur on the river
Hindon in Meerut district. At Hastinapura (which probably affords the
earliest evidence of the smelting as well as the use of iron) a couple of slags
of iron have been found in the late levels of the Painted Grey ware hori-
zon. Among the iron objects noticed at this place are a barbed and socket-
ed arrow-head, a chisel and a bracelet with unconnected ends. Of the
other important sites which have yielded iron objects, b mention may be
made of Rupar (Panjab: nails, hooks, bars, spikes, knives, daggers,
sickles and spearheads); Nasik (Maharashtra: leaf-shaped arrow-heads,
caltrops, choppers, knife-blades, axes, drills, chisels, nails, ladles, etc.);
Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh: spearheads, arrow-head, knives, crowbar
types, spade, etc.); Nagda (Madhya Pradesh: knives, daggers, chisels,
sickles, arrow-heads, hoes, bowls, nails, etc.); Sambhar (Rajasthan:
double-edged daggers, sickles, crucibles, clasps, fish plates, braces, rings,
pivots, bells, ladles, arrow-heads, spearheads, etc.); Rairh (Rajasthan:
sword-blades, lances, spearheads, daggers, knives, sickles, adzes, door-
fittings, etc.) and Taxila (bowl, spoons, saucepans, daggers of different
types, an elephant goad, axe, adzes, chisel. tongs, anvils, nails, hoes, etc.).
Further, Atranjikhera, Alamgirpur, Kausambi and Sravasti (Uttar Pradesh);
Sisupalgarh and Jaugada (Orissa), Maheswar, Navdatoli and Tripuri
(Madhya Pradesh); Prakash and Bahal (Maharashtra); Sonepur and Rajgir
(Bihar); Bairat (Rajasthan); and Purana Quila (Delhi) are among the other
sites where several iron objects have been unearthed. The date-range of
most of these finds is 600-200 B.C., although the chronological pattern does
not seem to be the same everywhere. It is generally believed that the iron
objects discovered at Hastinapur, Atranjikhera, Alamgirpur, Kausambi and
Ujjain might be earlier. A charcoal sample from an early level of Atranji-
khera II gives a date of l025±110 B.C. C On the basis of stratigraphical evi.
dence, it would appear that the iron objects which include small fragments
and shapeless bits might have emerged on the site at Kausambi at a period
earlier than that of the Painted Grey ware. d But it is recognized that the
latter itself, with its simple painted designs, belongs to a later period at
Kausambi. The foregoing illustrates how widespread was the use of iron
a Lal, B. B. (2), pp. 97-99.

b The following account is based mainly upon Iron Age in India by Banerji, N. R.
C This level has yielded a large number of iron artifacts.
rl Sharma (0. R.), pp. 13-14.
4
FlO. 5.5. Sketches of some ancient iron objects found at Hastinapura,· Taxila,b Sisupal.
garh and Ujjain. c 1, door ring; 2, fragment of a chain; 3, miniature bell
(Hastinapur) ; 4, staple from a looped head; S, ringed chain; 6, circular piece
of iron with a nail rivetted into it; 7 slightly convex iron disc with
perforation; 8. lower portion of an iron axe (Taxila);" 9. spike of square
section (Sisupalprh);O and 10. spearhead (ujjain).'
• Lal (D. B.) (2), pp. 98-100. CAl, S, p. 92.
b Marshall, III, PI. 205; Ghosh (A.), PI. 18. • IAR, 19S6-S7. Pl. 35.
even about two thousand and five hundred years back in northern as
well as ceotral India.
In south India, a number of iron objects have been discovered in the
megalithic burials, and the finds include fiat axes, tanged daggers, wedge-
shaped blades, spears, arrow-heads, horse-bits, sickles or bill-hooks, varieties
of flanged spade, hoe and pick-axe, chisels, tripods, tridents, knives and
saucer hook-lamps. The megalithic burials (which may also be called the
Iron Age burials) are found distributed in most parts of peninsular India
as well as in Khandesh and Nagpur. The probable date of the advent of
iron in south India is supposed to be between 1050 and 950 B.C. a as indicated
by the radiocarbon dating of the finds at Hallur in Dharwar district of
Mysore State, Le. nearly just at the same time in the north or perhaps a
little earlier still, although the mode of introduction of iron into south
India is yet to be established on sound evidence. b It is interesting to note
that almost identical iron tool types have been found at various sites
extending from Adichanallur in Thirunelveli district in the Madras State
to Nagpur in the Maharashtra-places which are separated by a distance
of almost 900 miles.
A question that naturally arises is: from where was obtained the
knowledge of iron-smelting by those who brought it to India? It would
appear that the production of iron from the naturally occurring ores was
known in the Near East, and the earliest smelting operations of iron can be
dated as far back as the second millennium B.C. and in the region of Asia
Minor or the Caucasus. It has been recognized that between 1800 and
1200 B.C. the Hittitics were well known for the smelting of iron. By about
1000 B.C. there was extensive use of iron in the Near East even though iron
could not replace copper and bronze which had established themselves as
metals in the service of man and which quantitatively were in greater use
than iron.
Presumably the Indian iron metal-workers might have become ac-
quainted with the iron metallurgical practices of the Near East, and it might
have taken some time for them to adapt those practices depending upon the
availability as well as quality of the iron ore occurring in India. In course
of time, however, they appear to have excelled themselves in the art of
smelting and forging iron objects. It may therefore be surmized that by
about 1000-800 B.C. the iron-smelting operations were in vogue in India and,
in the next four to five centuries, the Indian iron and steel objects earned
the admiration of the western world.
Reference has already been made to the ~gvedic word ayas which
gradually began to acquire the connotation of iron. C The process for extract-
ing iron, as indicated in the ~gveda, has been construed to mean by some
scholars in terms of 'shining stones' (ores), medicinal plants (carbonaceous
" Allchin (B. and R.), pp. 227-230.

b Wheeler (2), p. 146.
r ,(lV., IV. 2.17; V. 30.15; V. 62.7; VI. 3.5; VI. 47.10; VI. 75.15; X. 99.8, etc.
19
material as fuel), 'fans of geese feather' (bellows)." It is reasonable to

suppose that the small furnaces employed for the extraction of iron might
have been of an open hearth type.
Among the earliest foreign accounts of the use of iron in India is the
one by the Greek historian, Herodotus (fifth century B.C.), who mentions
that the Indians in the Persian army used cane arrows tipped with iron. b
Ktesias C speaks of two swords of Indian steel presented to him in the
Persian Court. Later it has been recorded by Quintus Curtis d that in the
gifts which Alexander the Great received from Porus of Taxila (326 B.C.)
were 100 'talents' of steel. These facts illustrate beyond any doubt that
by the fifth or fourth century B.C. the Indian metal-workers had attained
a high degree of perfection in the techniques of producing iron and steel.
Even in later times there is enough evidence to show that the Indian iron
and steel had become famous, particularly in the early centuries of the
Christian era. Pliny refers to swords of good quality made of Indian
steel. The Romans were fascinated by the Indian steel which they imported
to produce fancy cutleries and armours. e
Yet there is practically no recorded information of value to the under-
standing as well as evaluation of the metallurgical practices of India
in the ancient period. Obscurity hangs over the actual methods which
were adopted by the ancient ironsmiths for winning the metal from its ores.
The difficulty is minimized, if not completely overcome, by the reconstruc-
tion of the remote past on the basis of some primitive methods which are
adopted by tribal ironsmiths even now in certain parts of the country.
There is no doubt that some of the metallic objects which have been still
in existence withstanding the ravages of clime bear eloquent testimony to
the ancient metallurgical practices. These will be dealt with later.
THE POST-VEDIC PERIOD AND THE CLASSICAL AGE
The post-Vedic period and later the Classical Age of India (c. 600 B.C.-
A.D. 740) afford substantial evidence which testifies to the Indian chemical
knowledge and practices of far greater import. Discernibly the chemical
knowledge became refined and practices culminated in notable feats of
excellence during this period. They include the production of glass and
pottery, fermentation methods and dyeing techniques. Recent archaeo-
logical evidence sheds fresh light on the new achievements in glass and cera-
mic ware as well as metallurgical operation. There are a number of literary
sources belonging to this period giving information of value on various
chemical practices. Of them, particular mention may be made of the
Arthasastra by Kautilya, the two Ayurvedic classics, the Caraka and the
SuSruta Sa",hit4s (original compositions may belong to the early centuries
before the Christian era though the extant ones are later), and the
Q .(lv., X. 72.2; Banerjee (M. N.), II Forbes, p. 239. tJ Forbes, p. 239.

pp. 432 fr. C Warmington, pp. 257-58. ' Ope cit., PP. 239-40.
19B
Brhatsa"mitii by Varahamihira. What follows is but a brief account, based

on the archaeological and literary evidence, of some of the well-known
chemical practices.
Glass
The term glass covers a wide range of substances which may differ in
chemical composition and some physical properties but which possess the
essential characteristics of having cooled from a state of fusion to a solid
state without crystallization (under-cooling). Chemically glass is regarded
as a mixture of silicates.
Though it is not clear when and where the invention of glass occurred
first in the old world either in Mesopotamia or Egypt, it is now recog-
nized that the specimens of blue glass found at Tell Asmar (in Mesopo-
tamia) are attributable to a period c. 2700-2600 B.C. The cemeteries of
Ur III (c. 2100 B.C.) and also at Assur under the Ziggurat (c. 1800 B.C.) in
Mesopotamia have yielded glass beads. It would appear that not only glass
was known in Egypt by about 2000 B.C. at the time of the XII Dynasty but
even there were real glass factories there by about the fifteenth century B.C. at
the time of the XVIII Dynasty in the reign of Amenhotep II (1448-1420
n.c.). Remains of a glass house and fragments of glass in several stages
of manufacture have been found at the city of Tell el Amarna (1450-1400
B.C.).a, lJ
In India the Mohenjo-daro and Harappan sites have not given clues to
the effect that the use of glass was known there; only gIazed C beads of
steatite or faience have been largely found. A few early objects of glass
in the form of beads have been noticed at Maski, a chalcolithic site in the
southern Deccan, pointing to the fact that glass was known in India at least
at the beginning of the first millennium B.C. d, But in the succeeding centuries,
the glass industry steadily gained momentum and began to show signs of
technical excellence which seemed to have manifested itself to a remarkable
degree in the early centuries of the Christian era, as evidenced by the
archaeological finds in over 30 sites. The glass objects (beads, bangles,
ear-reels, eye-beads, etc.) unearthed at these sites are in various colours
such as blue, green, red, white, yellow, orange and purple. In a few
places some tiles and broken parts of vessels have also been found.
Of the most important sites, mention may be made here of Hastinapur,
Taxila, Ujjain, Maheswar, Nasik, Bhita, Ahicchatra, Kopia, Nalanda,
Nevasa, Ter, Kolhapur, Kondapur, Prakash, Brahmagiri and Arikamedu. e
a Forbes, pp. 120 If. b Dikshit (M. G.), pp. 1-2.

C Glass and glaze, though produced and used differently, are similar from the chemical
point of view in the sense they contain soda or some other alkali as a constituent.
Glaze is applied generally to the base of some other material. Both glaze and glass
are isotropic, e.g., they do not change the colour of light when tested in a polariscope.
d Thapar (I), pp. 107-109.
t For a comprehensive treatment of the subject see History of Glass by Dikshit, M. G.,
Bombay, 1969.
At Hastinapur a have been found beads of black and brownish colour

(hardness: 5-6; sp. gr.: 2·55; probably belonging to c. 800 B.C.). They
are mainly of soda-lime-silicate composition with traces of phosphates
and potassium, and their colour is due to the varying amounts of iron
compounds in them. At Taxila, b the Bhir Mound has yielded at the sixth-
fourth centuries B.C. levels a number of glass beads of several shapes and
colours (blue, green, red, orange, amber and black), ear-reel (dark green) with
a floral design on it, 'eye-beads', glass bangles and seal. As one of the
outposts of the north-western frontier of the Mauryan Empire then, Taxila
was prone to receive and assimilate foreign influences in the technique of
glass production. That this was so has been illustrated amply by the glass
objects found later (first century B.c.-first century A.D.) at the new city of
Sirkap at Taxila. The foreign glass found at this place has been recognized
as lace glass, ribbed ware, swirled glass, blue and white cameo, mosaic and
millefiori glass. c The last, it may be noted, which is known for its floral and
cellular structure, was commonly produced by the Roman glass techno-
logists, particularly those at Venice. Three glass flasks (sea- and jade-green
in colour) and an upper portion of a glass bottle which have been found at
Sirkap seem to be Mediterranean in origin, while the glass objects of local
manufacture comprise seatings, beads of composite glass, rings, intaglios,
discs, lense-like objects and large tiles. Certain specimens d from Taxila
have been analysed chemically and, as a result, it has been noticed that the
red opaque glass and strips of haematinum contain a very large percentage
of lead, while the white opaque and the turquoise blue samples have signi-
ficant amounts of antimony. The green-blue tiles have a high percentage
of silica which confers on them the necessary hardness, and also an appreci-
able percentage of potash which gives them the desired durability.
Excavations at Ujjain 6 have brought to light some beads, ear-reels and
bangles in stratum II (c. 500-200 B.C.), and those at Maheswar/ an annealed
black glass seal which depicts an elephant in a lively posture (c. 400 B.C.)
and ear-reels of amber colour. At Nasik t7 have been found ear-reels
(c. 200 B.C.), gold-foil beads and rings. Bhita and Ahicchatra are the other
places where gold-foil beads have also been found along with a number
of beads of different colours. Particular mention should be made of the
fact that some sites like Kaundinyapura, Ahicchatra, Ujjain, Sravasti and
Sirkap have also yielded what are known as 'stratified eye-beads'," the
technical know-how of which seems to have been borrowed from outside.
A large number of glass objects which seem to be indicative of the
remains of an ancient glass factory (c. third century B.c.-third century A.D.)
have been observed at Kopia' on the bank of the river Anorna in the Basti
district of Uttar Pradesh. They are generally of soda-lime glass (sp. gr.:
G La] (Dr. B. B.), pp. 13-23. I SankaIia, Subbarao and Deo,
b Beck, pp. 24-28; Ghosh (A,), (1), pp. 41-80. pp.218-20.
c Dikshit (M. G.), pp. 29-31 ; Marshall, PP. 688-89. g Sankalia and Deo, pp. 96-101.
tl Sana U1Iah, p. 125. h Dikshit (M. G.), pp. 17-22.
• LAB, 1956-57, p. 27. • Dikshit (M. G.), p. 39.
2·33-2·68) with rather a high percentage of aluminium oxide (7-8 %) and

some iron oxide. Blocks of glass, some of which weigh as much as
120 pounds and measure 18" x 12" x 9", have also been discovered
e G I"
1
I I
'
2-
~
3 4
til 5
e
'/I
6
~ 7 • 8
A
9
10 11
• E:!P 1111 ' I''''''
""'01"
~". -_ .....; JLu
11
\ _ .
'~.'
1"3
14 is 16
FIG, 5.6. Sketches of some ancient glass specimens. a 1, ear-reel from Taxila; 2-4,
seals (Taxila, Maheswar and Patna respectively); 5-6, eye-beads (Bhir Mound,
Taxila); 7, bead (Sirkap, Taxila); 8, bead (Ahicchatra); 9, fragment of a
blue finger-ring (Ter); 10, wine flask (Taxila); 11, flask in branded agate
style (Ter); 12, Roman glass bowls (Arikamedu); 13, bangle piece
(Taxila); 14, spirally wound glass bangle (Nevasa); 15, millefiori glass
(Arikamedu); and 16, blue glass amulet made in imitation of the triratna
symbol (Ter).
at Kopia. Nalanda, an important seat of Buddhist learning in the ancient

period, has yielded opaque, blue and green glass objects.
a Dikshit (M. 0.), pp. 4, 11, 19, 30, 35,42,45, 50 and 51.
In the site at Nevasa have been observed beads of different colours

including the gold-foil ones as well as small glass vessels in green and blue
colours. At Ter have been found beads, finger-ring and a flask of agate-
banded type which seems to be of Mediterranean origin. From the exca-
vations at Brahmapuri on the outskirts of the city of Kolhapur have been
reported a number of oblate beads of green, blue and yellow colour, and
from Kondapur, beads of blue or blue-green glass with copper or cobalt as
the colouring agent. The finds at Prakash include opaque as well as
polychrome glass bangles and beads. a
Brahmagiri b in the southern Deccan has yielded a number of glass
bangles, some of which are black while the others have yellow strips over a
grey-coloured base (first-fourth centuries A.D.). At Arikamedu, C an early
historical site on the eastern coast south of Madras, have been noticed a
number of glass objects both locally produced and imported. The former
comprises a number of beads in blue, green and copper-red colour. Of the
latter, the noteworthy are the fragments of glass bracelets, beads (sp. gr.:
2·51-2·91; hardness: 5.7) and bowl of whitish iridescent glass and a bluish
glass bowl full of bubbles and striae which indicate their Roman origin.
It may be noted that there was extensive commercial contact between this
region and the Roman world in the early centuries of the Christian era.
In the Sanskrit texts the term used for glass is kaca. Among the well-
known literary works which contain references to kiica are Satapatha
Briihma1,1a, a Kautiliya Arthasastra,e Caraka Safflhita,! Hitopadesa g and
Brhatsa'l7hitii. h Notwithstanding the fact that both the literary works
and the archaeological finds shed light on the use of glass in India over a
long time, the origin of glass production in India has not been established
beyond doubt. Even so there does not seem to be any doubt that the glass
industry in India had made headway in the first quarters of the first millen-
nium B.C., and that the glassmakers were skilful in controlling the tem-
perature of fusion, moulding, annealing, blotching and gold-foiling. The
different glass objects found in some 17 sites have been analysed chemically.'
The following tables (5.1-5-4) give an insight into the chemical compositions
of glass objects found at Taxila, Kopia, Nalanda and Arikamedu.
Ceramics
Mention has already been made of the Northern Black Polished ware.
Bowls, dishes, lids and handis (carinated jars) are the general shapes of the
N.B.P. ware, sometimes with decoration, which have been found in different
fJ Dikshit (M. G.), pp. 43 fr. IIBrh. S., 42, 8 and 10.
b Wheeler (I), PP. 263-67. , Lal (Dr. B. BJ, pp. 17-27.
C Wheeler, Ghosh and Krishna Deva, pp. 96 tT.
II Sat. Br., XIII. 2.6.8.
fl As., 1, 11.35, 13.41, 14.44, 14.60; 3, 3.8; 5, 2.23, etc.
I CSt CI., 17, 125.

, Hilopadesa, 41, 68.
TABLE 5.1
Chemical analysis ofglass specimens (in percentage) from TaxiIatl
Specimen SiOI Fe20a AI 2 0 a PbO Sn02 Sb2 0 a MnO Cu CuO CU20 CaO MgO Na.O K.o HIO
Red opaque glass -- -- 37·09 3·16 34·85 - Nil 0·11 7·20 6·46 0-70 10'33 0·87
White opaque glass .. -- 61·32 1'70 Nil - 5·08 0·26 Nil 9-74 1'64 20'26&
Thin drawn strips of haematinum 39-79 2'45 38·93 0·22 - ? 5·31 - - 2·81 ? 10-02 0-57
,Green blue glass tile '- 70-57 1'60 2·46 - - - 0·05 - 0·55 4'60 2'68 14-99 2'65
Turquoise blue powder of de-
composed glass .. _. 67·48 3-64 - - 2·42 - - - 3·63 - 4·92 1·80 2-48 0·55 14'15
Fragments of a light green flask .. 68'34 1'20 1'67 - - - 0-34 - 8'44 1·44 17·76 0094 0'43
Green blue glass tile .. 71-01 1·84 3-74 - 0·05 0·24 - 3'73 2·32 14·99 2-65
Amethyst glass ., .. 58'12 1'74 8'75 - - - 0·17 - - 8·85 4'01 16-74 4·83
Brown glass fragments .. 53·81 8·47 1·51 - 0'08 - - 6·27 4·50 23'52 2·35
Thin curved fragments of light
blue glass .. .. 70-69 0·81 2·88 - - 0'01 - - - 7'05 0-50 12-86 4'85
Blue glass bangle .. .. 68·11 2·27 2'22 - - - - 0·44 - 4·91 3'74 19·10
GAR, 1921-22, p. 125; 1922-23, p. 158. b K20 1 per cent.
TABLE 5.2
Chemical analysis ofglass specimen (in percentage) from Arikamedu a
Specimen Si0 2 Al2 0 a Fe20a MnO CaD MgO Na20 K 20 FeO
Dull blue opaque beads -- 73·6 1'9 1·1 0·4 3'9 1·4 2·1 13·4 2'00
CI Subrahmanian, pp. 19-20.

TABLE 5.3
Chemical analysis ofglass specimens (in percentage) from Kopia G
Specimen Si02 S~03 PbO C r 20 a Al 2 0 a Fc 2 0a MoO CaO MgO CuO Naso KIO H 2O TiO.
Small black pcrforated beads .. 62'24 - 8·46 7·20 0·02 3·13 1·55 - 16·70 - - 0·51
Pale yellow beads .. .. 70·30 - - - 5·30 1·20 0·08 2·38 1·20 - 19·31 - - Tr.
Strips of dark blue to black glass .. 64'80 - - Tr. 4·90 2·95 0·06 3·71 2·10 Tr. 21·03 - - 0·45
Green bead with black and coral red
decoration .. .. .. 67·13 - - Tr. 6·70 1·50 0·03 3·03 1·60 - 19·61 - - 0'40
Fragment of black bangle .. .. 66·13 - - 7·26 0·86 0'07 2·24 1·33 Tr. 21·70 - - 0'41
Unperforated spherical beads of clear
glass .. .. .. 63·30 - - - 7·09 2·50 0·10 3·64 1·85 - 20·52 - - 1·01
Broken pieces of pale yellow-green glass 66·60 - - 6·98 1'62 0·03 2·49 Tr. - 21'70 - - 0·51
Deteriorated glass .. .. 60·72 - - - 10'80 0·20 - 8·S5 1·12 - 18'30
G Roy and Varshneya, pp. 366-68,392.
TABLE 5.4
Chemical analysis ofglass specimens (in percentage) from Nalanda G
Si02 Al 2 0 a FC20S MnO CaO MgO Na 20 K20 FeO CuO CU20
1. 62·61 2·05 1·61 0·06 6·95 4·17 17·85 5·04 - 0·57

2. 61·21 1'81 1·60 - 8·15 3·83 18·25 4·98 - 0·75
3. 70·74 2·22 1·54 Te. 2·11 0·26 15·80 4·98
4. 61'50 6'13 9·82 - 5'20 0·06 - 15·92 7'01 - 0·49
GAR, 1922-23, p. 158; 1930-34, p. 300.

CHEMICAL PRActICES AND ALCHEMY 297
parts of north India (hence its name)tJ and also at some places in central
as well as southern India. Possibly the N.B.P. ware which, as stated
already, appeared first in the region of modern Bihar and eastern Uttar
Pradesh might have spread in course of time to some other parts of
northern, central and southern India. In north India, they have been found
in large numbers in Uttar Pradesh (Ahicchatra, Mathura, Hastinapura,
Kausambi, Sarnath, Bhita, Jhusi, Masaon, Sravasti and Atranjikhera);
Bihar (Patna, Rajgir, Giriak and Vaisali); Rajasthan (Bairat); Madhya
Pradesh (Sanchi, Nagda, Ujjain, Eran, Maheswar and Tripuri); Bengal
(Bangarh and Chandraketugarh); Orissa (Sisupalgarh); Maharashtra
(Prakash, Bahal, Nasik, Nevasa, Ter and Kaundanyapur); and Andhra
Pradesh (Amaravati and Chebrolu). The probable date of the N.B.P. ware
spread may be about the sixth century B.C. to second century B.C.
The N.B.P. ware seems to have been made on a fast-spinning wheel,
using fine clay and firing to a high temperature in kilns. It is possible, as
BAY
OF
BENGAL
NORTHERN BLACK } _ _ •
POLISHED WARE
PAIJTED IREY WARE-- 6
liTE WITH 10TH TYPEI- &

Ii
~\
~ANOS
Fio. 5.7. Map showing the distribution of the Painted Grey and Northern Black
Polished wares.
suggested by some archaeologists, that some of the N.B.P. wares were

dressed with haematite before firing, and that the process of firing might
CI It is indeed a misnomer to call this ware Northern Black Polished ware, although the
archaeologists have been maintaining this nomenclature.
298 A CONCISE msroRY OF SCIENCE IN INDlA
be responsible not only for the production of colour ranging from jet black
to glossy-grey but also metallic sound, which are the characteristics of this
ceramic. The black colour of the ware has been attributed to the presence
of ferrous oxide (about 13 %)" which would develop (by the action of
reducing gases formed in the kiln) on the original highly ferruginous slip
which used to be applied to the surface of the ceramic body consisting of a
levigated mixture of clay and red ochre. The polishing might have been
done before or after the firing. The black polished film of some samples, on
chemical analysis, has been found to contain silica 46·55 %, ferrous oxide
25·20%, alumina 15·53%, lime 4·74% and magnesia 3·43%. The
formation of ferrous silicate may be causative of colouring the body black;
and it is not unlikely that the deposition of carbon in the pores of the
pottery as a result of the smoky atmosphere of the kiln also plays its role
in the black coloration of the pot. There are divergent views on the
chemical aspects of the N.B.P. ware. According to the analysis of the
archaeological chemist in India, 'the lustre on the surface of the ware
appears to be composed of some easily fusible material, possibly of organic
origin, which undergoes incipient fusion at a low heat'. b
The chemical analysis carried out at the British Museum Laboratory
shows that the unfired pots were dipped in a suspension of ferruginous
inorganic material probably resembling a red earth; and that, after firing
to a temperature of c. 800°c, the kiln was sealed so that the pots cooled
in a reducing atmosphere. According to yet another analysis conducted
at the Laboratory of the M.S. University of Baroda, the shining black slip
might have been produced by an application of a carefully selected liquid
clay, 'peptized' by the addition of an alkaline material (like sajji-matti, rhe
or khari, which is available abundantly in the plains of the Ganga), which
interacts chemically with alumina and silica of the clay. On firing, the
ware is said to acquire the necessary strength as well as the glaze-like gloss
on the surface. C
The N.B.P. ware specimens found at Taxila, probably belonging to the
first or second century A.D., reveal an advanced state of workmanship and
sophistication. Well-finished ware with painted lips, handles, spouts, etc.,
have been discovered. Decorated pottery, though rare, comprises those
having painted or neatly impressed designs which include triangles, loops,
festoons, common flowers, cocks or peacocks.
Ceramic ware with utilitarian devices continued to show signs of
excellence in the Classical Age as evidenced by terracotta seals, plaques,
figurines, bricks and tiles. Apart from the wheel~thrown pottery, the
mould-made pots also came into use. Special types of glossy pottery too
were produced using mica dust, besides those with graceful and appeal-
ing designs which included among others lotuses, certain geometrical
forms, spirals and ornate pendants. At Ahicchatra have been observed
CI AI, 1946, pp. SS-S8. c Thapar (2), pp. 73-74.

~ IAR, 1955-56, pp. 56-57.
Copper Statue of· Buddha. Sulta8p1lj.
(Courtesy, Arcbaeo1()Jk:a1 Survey· or IBdfat
. New Delhi.) s. p~ 299
cylindrical pits of large dimensions which possibly were the special types
of kilns for the baking of ornamental pottery and turning of tiles.
Meta/-working
In the working of metals too India of this period had to its credit
spectacular achievements of excellence, particularly in the Classical Age.
The metal-workers skilfully worked on copper, bronze, brass and iron.
The art of jewellery using precious metals and stones was in a flourishing
state. A significant find connected with the jewellery craft has been reported
from Ahicchatra. A solid copper bolt (241" in length and a circum-
ference of 14" at the centre and 12" at the ends), found in the Rampurva
Asoka Pillar near Nepal border, reveals an advanced workmanship. a
In the Classical Age, there were centres well known for the metal
industry. Vatsyayana in his Kiimasiitra includes dhiituviida (metal-working)
in the list of 64 kalas. The Chinese piligrim, Hiuen Tsang, has given a
description of how brass was being extensively used in India at the time
of his visit, and spoken of a huge copper image of the Buddha (80 ft. in
height) and a brass temple being built (height expected to reach 100 ft. or
more) by Harsha. b
A remarkable sculpture of the Classical Age, which sheds light on the
copper metal-working of the time, is the huge statue of the Buddha (7 ft.
6 in. in height and nearly a ton in weight), probably belonging to the
fifth century A.D. Discovered in the ruins of a Buddhist monastery at
Sultanganj (in Bihar) by an engineer of the East India Company in 1864
and now housed in the Museum and Art Gallery of Birmingham, this huge
statue appears to have been cast in two layers, the outer layer by the eire
perdue technique. The inner layer seems to have been cast in segments on
a mould composed of sand, clay, charcoal and paddy husks, using iron
bands for holding the segments together. C Some Sanskrit texts of this
period, viz. Miinasiira, Silparatna and Vi$1Judharmottara, give an account
of the eire perdue process.
Another historic vestige which gives an insight into the admirably
qualitative as well as quantitative workmanship of the artisans of the
Classical Age is the famous Iron Pillar now located in Meharauli (Delhi)
near Qutub Minar/I It has a height of 24 ft. 3 in. (with 1 ft. 8 in. below
ground); its diameter diminishes from 16·4" below to 12·05" above. The
specific gravity of the metal is over 7·5 and the pillar weighs more than
six tons. Essentially made of wrought iron, its chemical composition is:
iron 99'72 %, carbon 0·08 %, silicon 0·046 %, sulphur 0·006 %, phos-
phorus 0·114 % and manganese nil. 'It is not many years since the
production of such a pillar would have been an impossibility in the largest
foundries of the world, and even now there are comparatively few places
CI Neogi (2), p. 18. c Neogi (2), pp. 20-21.

b Majumdar (R. C.), III, p. 588. d Neogi (I), pp. 15-21.
300 A CONCISB JDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
where a similar mass of metal could be turned out.'a The probable date of
this pillar is about A.D. 400, and since then it has been existing without any
rust or signs of decay. The reason for this may be that a thin protective
film of magnetic oxide (FcsO,) might have been formed on the surface as a
result of treatments given to the surface of the pillar, such as painting with
a mixture of different salts, heating and quenching. It is very likely that the
rather high phosphorus and the negligible sulphur or manganese content
might be the factors causative of the high corrosion resistance of the pillar.
I n addition to this famed pillar of iron, a colossal iron pillar of bigger
dimensions in two pieces and of a later date (about twelfth century A.D.)
has been found at Dhar in the Malwa region as will be seen later. These
examples illustrate that copper and iron metallurgical practices touched
new heights during this period.
Copper Metallurgy
There has been some recent evidence which gives a glimpse of the
possible techniques employed by the early metal-workers for extracting
copper from its ores. Obviously the process of winning the metal from
Flo. ~.8. Schematic representation of a native copper-smelting furnace at Singhara

near Khetri in Rajasthan (1831). b (0) Kothi of three separate annular parts
made of fire-clay and placed one upon the other firmly; exterior diam. of
each part, 15*; height, 9*-)0"'; thickness, 3'; quantity of the charge: 21
maunds (100 lb.) of the ore balls (pi~(ii) and 3 maunds (240 lb.) of charcoal
along with some iron-bearing material to act as flux; (b) chamber for
burning some quantity of charcoal to drive out the moisture from the newly-
moulded furnace; (c) opemngs for poking the fire from time to time, being
closed with moist clay after the poking operation.
the ore must have been a simple one. A process in vogue even in the last
century has been described as follows. C The ore is crushed to a powder on
an anvil of stone with a hammer. It is then mixed with cow-dung, made into
-- -._--- ~-----
.. Ball, 111, p. 338.

• Gleanings in SC;tnce, 3, 36, 1831, pp. 380-84, PI. xxiii.
c Neogi (2), pp. 63-64; Ball, pp. 239-280.
balls (pi~{ii) and roasted. The charge consists of roasted ore, charcoal and
iron slag, the last acting as flux smelted for 9-10 hours in a blast furnace
made of clay and sand. The slag is first drawn off and the smelted copper
which would accumulate at the bottom of the furnace is removed the follow-
ing day. The mass is again melted, refined in an open furnace using a strong
blast from below, and finally cast into bars. By this method the yield of
the metal is said to be 2!-71 %. It is very likely that, in ancient times also,
a process not altogether different from the above was employed for the
extraction of copper from its ores.
Iron Metallurgy
Recent archaeological excavations, especially at Ujjain, have given
some clues to the ancient practices concerning iron metallurgy. Probably
the smelting operations consisted in heating alternate layers of the ore and
charcoal. There is evidence to indicate that calcium compounds were
= --~~----
2--=_
-;;:=-
---=- !:=.
--
:- --
FIG. 5.9. Sketch of the remains of a furnace for forging

iron objects at Ujjain (period 11).11
also used in the metallurgical operation possibly as a flux. The charge

might have been enclosed with a thick coating of clay so as to form a sort
of kiln with passages for blowing in air from below, escape of gases from
above and flow of molten mass from the bottom. The molten mass, after
A JAR, 19S7-5H, Pl. XLI B.

cooling, might have been subjected to hammering to drive in carbon and

eliminate the slag. The remains of a forge, including the anvil and some
iron implements, have also been found in this region. a
Even now in Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Maharashtra, the primitive
methods of smelting the iron ore and forging are in vogue, practised by the
Agarias and Khuntia Chokhs, Marias and Murias (the tribals of Madhya
Pradesh), Birs, Birjhia, Agaria Asurs, etc. (of Bihar), Gonds, TeUs and
Mannewars (of Maharashtra). The smelting operations are conducted
generally in a vertical or slightly tilted cylindrical shaft made of clay about
3 ft. high and 3·8 f1. wide. 'The shaft tapers to the top and has three
openings, a large one at the top, and two (one large and the other small) at the
base. The opening at the top is for the introduction of charcoal and
iron ores. Often a bamboo platform, called the machan, resting on poles and
plastered with clay is erected on level with a top of the furnace. This
platform is also provided with 3 in. dwarf walls as protective parapets and
is sloped towards the opening of the furnace for sliding into it charcoal
and iron ore, thus acting as an open hopper. The openings of the bottom
are for maintaining the blast and for receiving the bloom and slag
respectively. The aperture for receiving the bloom is significantly called
the hagan or laha hagora (aperture for excretion). The wrought iron
obtained by hammering the bloom is in the form of lumps or cakes.
Bellows are employed for maintaining the flow of air to keep the furnance
alive.' b
Slight variations have been noticed in different regions in the matter
of using the flux and the type of furnace. While the Agarias do not use any
flux, the smelters in Naziri Hills (North-West Frontier Provinces)
first roast the ore and use limestone in the form of coral reefs as flux. In
the Kathiawar area the furnances are rectangular in cross-section and
oblong on plan.
In south India, the furnaces appeared to be circular on plan and
conical in shape. Even as late as in the nineteenth century A.D., C it was
noticed that small furnaces made of red-potter's clay mixed with sand were
being used in large numbers by the ironsmiths (in the Salem region) for
the production of bar iron. The height of the conically shaped furnaces
(diagrammatically shown in figure) was slightly under four feet, the diameter
shaping from thirteen inches from below to seven inches at top. The charge,
which consisted principally of the common magnetic iron ore and the
requisite quantity of charcoal, was introduced from the top. There were
two openings at the bottom; one for letting in the blast and the other for
taking out the slag. Bellows of goatskin supplied the blast for heating.
In about two and half hours the operation would be over yielding lumps of
about 50 per cent iron. The lumps, on forging, gave the bar iron of high
quality containing a considerable proportion of steel. It is on record that,
cr lAR, 1957-58, p. 36. "Public Cousu/tations (Campbell), pp. 4160-184.

b Banerjee (N. R.), pp. 182-87.
as regards their quality, the worst of them was as good as the best English
iron. The price was still less than that of the market price of the cheapest
English bar iron then sold in India. Indian iron was preferred by the British
Flo. 5.10. Possible form of the furnace used by the ironsmiths of south India.
(Reproduced from JIBS, 1, p. 159)
for producing steel of good quality. It is very likely that the crude smelting
furnances of the tribals are, probably to a great extent, the direct
descendants of the ancient methods of iron manufacture in India. a
Literary Evidence
As stated earlier, some literary works belonging to this period throw
ample light on the chemical practices which were flourishing then. Kau-
tilya's ArthaJiistrab is indeed a mine of information from the point of view of
the history of chemical practices in India. Even though the text does not
a Ball, p. 340. b Kangle, pp. Ill-SO, 176-80.

contain accounts ofanalysis which would bear scrutiny from the point of view
of modern chemical analysis, the observational approach and also the
methods of purification, as recorded in the text, are worth noting. There is
in this text a section on the examination of precious articles to be received
into the treasury. Details are given of the characteristics of pearls and pearl
strings, ruby, beryl and other precious substances. 'Hexagonal, square or
round, of pleasant colour, having a suitable form, clear, smooth, heavy
and lustrous' are the characteristics of gems while 'dull colour, with grains,
with a hole in the bottom, broken, badly bored (and) covered with scratches'
are their blemishes as stated in this section.
In the Arthasiistra, the section on mines and factories deals elaborately
with the occurrence and nature of the ores of gold, silver, copper, lead, tin
and iron. It is stated that in the case of all ores, when there is increase in
heaviness there is increase in metal content. 'Ore from rocks or a region
of the earth, which is heavy, unctuous and soft (and which is) tawny, green,
reddish or red (in colour) is copper ore.' Lead ore is 'crow-black or of
the colour of the dove or yellow pigment or studded with white lines (and)
smelling like raw flesh'. Iron ore is 'grey like saline earth or of the colour
of a baked lump of earth'. Obviously, the physical characteristics of the
ores were well known. The director of mines was expected to be an
expert in the science of metallic veins, exploration of ores, metallurgy and
the art of colouring gems. Among the duties of the director of mines
was that he should 'establish factories for copper, lead, tin, vaikriinta,
brass, steel, bronze, bell metal and iron, and also (establish) trade in metal
ware'. Factories and commerce relating to conch-shells, diamonds, gems,
pearls, corals and caustics were also contemplated.
The text also describes in detail the qualities of gold and silver. Gold
which is of the colour of 'lotus filament, soft, lustrous and not producing
any type of sound' is stated to be the best, the reddish yellow-coloured
metal of middle quality, and the red-coloured one, of the lowest quality'.
If the gold produced from the mines becomes brittle when admixed with
lead, it is to be turned into leaves by heating and pounding on wooden
anvils. Alternatively it could be processed by infusion with the pulp of the
bulbous roots of kadali (Musa sapientum) and vajrii (Euphorbia antiquorum).
As regards silver, the text says: 'that which is white, smooth or soft is the
best and the impure silver should be purified with one-fourth part of lead,
and (on purification) that in which a crest has appeared at the top, which
is clear, lustrous and of the colour of the curd is pure'.
The artisans of Kautilya's time must have been not only skilled in
setting (k~epa1)a), stringing (gu!Za) and making solid or hollow articles of
gold but also in the art of mixing the metals in the molten state in correct
proportions. In the work of setting jewels in gold, the artisan, according
to the text, should use five parts of pure gold, and two parts of gold alloyed
with four parts of copper or silver. Silver with a quarter part copper, and
gold with a quarter part silver were not considered to be good metals to
work with. For the preparation of silver articles, solid or hollow silver
CHBMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 305
could be mixed with half the amount of gold. The Arthalastra also gives
a description of different methods employed for shaping gold and silver
articles. As regards minting, the text says that silver coins should be made
of four parts of copper, eleven parts of silver and one part of either iron,
tin or lead, while copper coins could be made of four parts of silver, eleven
parts of copper and one part of iron or any other metal. Undoubtedly,
these compositions must have been arrived at by the technicians after a good
deal of experimentation, though the text does not contain details in this
respect.
In the Arthasiistra is found an account of fermented juices. 'Sugar-
cane juice, jaggery, honey, treacle, the juice of jambu (Eugenia jambolana)
and the juice of jackfruit infused with a decoction of me..r;asrngi (Gymnema
sylvestra) and long pepper, kept for one month, six months or a year and
then mixed with cidbhita (a kind of melon), urwiruka (Cucumis usitatissimus),
sugar-cane stalk, mango fruit and myrobalan or unmixed (with these)
constitute the group of fermented juices.' For purposes of fermentation
depending upon the composition of the fermenting mixture, a ferment
(kb;va) was also employed. Such a ferment generally consisted of one
drol)a of the pulp of mii$a beans (Phaseolus radiatus) raw or cooked, with
one-third part of rice grains, morata (Alangium salvifolium) and the like.
The brewers of Kautilya's time seem to be well versed in the preparation
of several types of intoxicating liquors such as medaka (prepared from rice
grains), prasanna (flour, bark and the fruits of kramuka), iisava (wood-apple
fruit, treacle and honey), maireya Uaggery mixed with black pepper powder
and decoction of the bark of me..r;asrngi) and madhu (grape juice). Yet
another liquor was mahiisurii which was prepared from mango juice with
certain essences.
The Arthasiistra gives a quantitative account of the extraction of oil.
'One-sixth is the amount of oil from linseed, one-fourth from sesame' and
the like. The text also has classifications such as sour fruit juices, liquids,
spices, vegetables, etc., obviously based on their manifest chemical charac-
teristics.
An important aspect that should not go unnoticed from the point of
view of the Indian alchemy is that in the Arthasiistra, there are descriptions
of rasapaka and rasaviddha. The word rasa has been interpreted by some
scholars as meaning mercury, and even some attempts have been made to
find in these descriptions the earlier chemical practices in India based on
mercury. On a deeper analysis, it becomes indeed 9ifficult to justify the
meaning of rasa as mercury, as probably the former means the smelted
(liquid) ore. a The origin of alchemy in India is discussed elsewhere in this
chapter.
Let us now tum our attention to the two medical classics. The Caraka
Sa111hitii" gives an account of the use of several minerals, metals and metallic
compounds, among which the following may be mentioned: adrija or
a Kangle, p. 121. b Ray and Gupta, pp. 50 ft.

20
siliijatu (bitumen), ma/J{iura (iron rust), aiijana (black sulphide of antimony),

suvarna or kanaka (gold), ayas (iron), kiimsya (bronze or bell-metal),
gandhaka (sulphur) and tuttha (copper sulphate). Classifying the fermented
beverages under the title of madya varga, Caraka describes beverages under
the categories of madirti (distilled wine), madya (fermented liquor from
barley, etc.), mrdauka (from grape juice), rasasava (from sugar-cane juice),
tU~~iimbu (some fermented liquor from barley gruel), mtidhvika (fermented
liquor with honey), lisuta (brewed. mixture containing soma plant juice),
ak~fjaki (from the chebulic myrobalan), etc. In addition are mentioned nine
sources of fermented drinks: cereals, fruits, roots, wood, flowers, stems,
leaves, barks and sugar; and from these as many as 84 kinds of iisava (wine)
could be prepared according to this text.
Kii1J1sya (bronze or bell-metal), loha (iron), suvar1)a (gold), rajata
(silver), sisa (lead), tamra (copper), trapu (tin), rajala miik$ika (iron-silver
pyrites or marcasite ore), suvar1)a miik$ika (iron pyrites of golden brown
colour), srotiifijana (antimony sulphide), silajatu (bitumen), tuvari (alum),
etc., are among the metals and minerals, the properties of which are
described in the Susrula SafJ1hitii. Of particular importance to us, are the
details of processes for obtaining different types of alkalis a as well as their
use. The term used for alkali is k$ara, and k$iira is among the important
chemicals of Indian medicine. Alkalis are classified into three types: mild
(mrdu) , caustic (tik~1)a) and those of average strength (madhyama).
Generally the preparation of alkalis consists in the lixivation of the ashes
of certain plants. For this purpose, some 25 plants are mentioned in the
Susruta Sa1'f1hita. The procedure described is as follows: Select pieces
(wood, leaves, roots and fruits) of the plants are piled up, a few pieces of
limestone kept on them and the whole thing then burnt to ashes. Thirty-
two measures of this ash arc stirred with six measures of water,
and strained through cloth, and the process is repeated 21 times. The
extract thus obtained is concentrated by boiling it in a large iron pan.
During boiling, it is constantly stirred by means of a ladle till the liquid
becomes clear, pungent and soapy to the touch. At this stage the desired
quantities (eight measures) each of burnt limestone and conch-shells are
heated strongly in an iron pan. The mass is then mixed with three quarters
measure of the above-mentioned liquid and evaporated to obtain a solid
residue which is then mixed with 64 measures of water and thoroughly
boiled, with constant agitation by means of a ladle till a concentrate of the
required consistency results. The concentrated solution is now decanted
and preserved in closed jars. This is madhyama k~ara.
If the alkaline extract is boiled to a proper consistency without the
addition of the burnt shells, an alkali of mild strength (mrdu k~ara) is said
to result. On the other hand, if the alkaline extract is repeatedly boiled
with the ashes of some more plants, the product is stated to be a caustic
or strong alkali (tik~1)a k~lira). The foregoing descriptions amply illustrate
G SSe Su.,ll.
20B
CHBMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCmMY 307
the experimental technique employed and also the nature of quantitative

considerations of which the experimentalists were well aware. The method
of preparation of k~iira was considered to be an art (kala) and, in fact, it
was recognized as one of the 10 important arts of the Ayurveda.
Apart from the triple distinctions made of alkalis with reference to
their strength, three other types of alkaline substances have also been men-
tioned. They are the carbonate of potash (yavak~tira), trona or natron
(sarjikak~iira) and borax (fankaf.UJ). Hot alkaline solutions were generally
used for treating thin sheets of metals like iron, gold or silver before their
incorporation into drug compositions. Caustic alkalis also found use for
treating surgical instruments which were used for incisions, punctures and
scarifications of the diseased parts of the human body. The word k~iira
significantly connotes the removal of the unhealthy portions of the body,
be it of the skin or flesh.
Ancient Indians, in particular the physicians, knew a number of salts.
The Susruta Sa'!1hitii mentions the following six types of salts: a (1) nitre
(sauvarcala, i.e. potassium nitrate); (2) rock salt (saindhava, i.e. sodium
chloride with potassium chloride); (3) a reddish brown granular salt (virJa),
probably consisting of a large part of sodium chloride with traces of sodium
sulphate, alumina, magnesia and iron compounds; (4) fossil saIt (audbhida),
probably a saline deposit consisting chiefly of sodium carbonate and
magnesium sulphate; (5) sea salt (siimudra, sodium chloride with traces
of magnesium salts); and (6) a kind of saline earth (romaka).
A number of acids were also known. The organic acids of citrons,
tamarind, pomegranate and of a few other plant products were in use. The
earlier texts on medicine do not speak of any mineral acid. In this connec-
tion it nlay be noted that some of the compositions including nitre and
alum used by the Indian alchemists for the purification of metals might have
constituted the ingredients necessary to give rise to mineral acids in the
process, although there is no explicit reference to the mineral acids. The
Indian experimentalists did not seem to have any knowledge of the mineral
acids in contradistinction to the acids of plant products of which they were
quite aware. It may be mentioned that the Rasa Pradipa, an iatro-chemical
text probably belonging to the sixteenth century A.D., gives a detailed process
for the preparation of a mineral acid called sankhadriivaka (i.e. one which
dissolves conch-shells); the Suvar!Zatantra, an alchemical text possibly of a
later date, speaks of sarikhadravaka as a universal solvent, and also refers to
its property of dissolving metals. From this it seems that the Indians did
not possess the knowledge of the use of mineral acids for dissolving metals
before the sixteenth century A.D., though some of the processes employed
were in the nature of obtaining solvents of the type of mineral acids.
The Brhatsafllhita by Varahamihira is another important literary
Source which gives detailed information on the preparation and use of fine
chemicals like perfumes, scented hair-oils, etc. b Evidently, the chemical
ass. Su., 46, 111. " Brh.S., 77, 1-17.

techniques relating to them had reached an advanced stage during the time of
Varahamihira. Some of the preparations are worthy of mention. In the
chapter on gandhayukti (preparation of perfumes) several recipes are given of
compounded or delicately blended perfumes. It has been stated that
gandharIJava (ocean of perfumes) can be prepared from 16 substances,
if every four of them are permuted variously as desired, and in proportions
of one, two, three or four parts respectively. Va/aka, sprkka, aguru,
madanaka, dhanya, karpilra, co/a, ghana, saileya, nagapu~pa, vyaghranakha,
nakha, tagara, karciira, malaya and u.sira are the 16 substances men-
tioned. Not all these substances have been identified from the modem
scientific point of view. Perhaps vii/aka may be a kind of andropogan
and aguru, a fragrant aloe wood. What is worthy of note is the quantitative
approach to blending the perfumes of desired quality. Varahamihira, in a
tabular form, describes how a number of perfumes of high quality can be
prepared and says that the number of perfumes resulting from the 16
ingredients mixed in all possible combinations is 174,720.
The Brhatsa1J1hitii gives an account of some adamantine compositions
like vajra-lepa and vajra-sa1J1ghata. a Vajra-lepa consists of extracts of
certain types of plants, fruits, seeds, barks, etc. (like unripe ebony fruit,
wood-apple), blossoms of silk cotton and guggulu (a fragrant gum; exuda-
tion of Amuris agallochum). The process described is as follows: 'Boil
them in a drolJa of water and reduce it to an eighth of its original volume.
Mix the residue with sriviisaka (probably the resin of Pinus longifolia),
kunduruka (exudation of deodar), gugguJu, linseed, resin of hi/va fruit, etc.,
and make it into a paste.' This glutinous material could be applied on to
the roofs and walls of temples and mansions. Its life has been stated to
be ten million years. Vajra-saf!lghiita is a metal-cement consisting of
eight parts of lead, two of bell-metal and one of iron rust or brass. It is
melted and poured hot as desired.
PIGMENTS
The remains of ancient paintings at Ajanta (second century B.C. to

sixth century A.D.), Bagh (third to fifth centuries A.D.), Badami (sixth
century A.D.) and Sittannavasal (seventh to eighth centuries A.D.) give an
insight into the use of colours as well as the technique of painting
adopted during this period. The principal colours used are dhiituriiga
(red ochre), haritala (yellow ochre: arsenic sulphide), indigo blue,
lapis lazuli blue, kajjala (lamp black; carbon), kha{li-mati (chalk
white), geru-mati (terra verde) and jangiil (green-coloured verdigris).
The technique consisted of (i) preparation of the ground in the form of a
rough plaster and upon it a fine plaster, and (ii) application of the desired
colours on the ground. The rough plaster was generally a ferruginous
earth consisting of iron oxide, powdered rock, clay, vegetable, fibres and
• Brh.S., 57, 1-8.

paddy husk. The plaster was levelled and polished with a trowel or a
polishing stone. The fine plaster was one of white lime wash (to a thickness
of about 0·1 mm.) applied to the rough plaster when the latter was still
wet. The ground was allowed to dry. Animal glue was used so as to
serve as the binding medium for the pigments used. The Vi$/Judharmot-
tara Pur(1)a describes the preparation of the ground for painting in a
methodical way.
To sum up, the main features of the chemical knowledge and practices
in India during the post-Vedic as well as the Classical Age seem to bespeak
a concerted and methodical approach. Needless to add that they attracted
the attention of the contemporary world. Nevertheless, we are in aridity
regarding the theories concerning these practices. And techniques of ex-
cellence went ahead of theorizing tendencies. But towards the close of the
period under reference, a new way of understanding certain chemical sub-
stances and an equally new way of processing them for a purpose that
was at once sublime and mystical came on the scene. An esoteric theo-
retical approach supported by an experimental technique of an entirely
different character attracted the attention of a particular section of people
who had faith in the ideals and practices of what is known as Tantrism.
These constituted the base for alchemy and iatro-chemistry in India.
ALCHEMY
Alchemy is the forerunner of modern chemistry. The latter, about
two hundred years old, has developed as a result of experimentation,
observation and inference. The former, on the other hand, for over two
thousand years revolved round only two objectives, viz. (i) the transmutation
process for converting base metals (like lead, tin, mercury or copper) into
the noble metals (gold or silver); and (ii) preparation of the Elixir of Life
for attaining immortality. The objectives were in fact two sides of the
same coin. For, they were concerned with the problem of change. In
one case it was a change from the inferior metal to the superior one; in the
other, it was a change from the despised old age to the exhilarating
youthful state. To achieve these objectives the alchemists developed com-
plicated processes and secret practices, whose number was legion, involving
metals, minerals and herbs. The alchemists, too, had their laboratories
in which they ceaselessly endeavoured to prepare gold artificially and to
evolve the Elixir of Life. But, more often than naught, their endeavours
appeared to be not only mysterious but even superstitious. In addition,
mystical methods, astrology and allegory influenced not inconsiderably the
alchemical ideas and practices.
A brief historical account of alchemy is desirable to understand the
origin of alchemy in India in a perspective. tI , b. C The word 'alchemy' is
Arabic (al-chemy). It seems to have been derived from the Egyptian khem-it
• Holmyard, pp. 17 fr. bRead, pp. 12 fr. D Taylor, PP. 4(}-SS.
(the black) or the Greek word chyma (black molten metal). Probably the
art of transmutation of base metals into gold was flourishing in Egypt
(the country of the black soil) when the Arabs came to know of it. In
Greece, alchemy was a favourite practice among metal workers. The
Arabians are said to have added the article af- to chyme or chaemea.
The origin of alchemy is indeed obscure. However, in different periods
of history, alchemical thought and practices were extremely popular in China,
Egypt, Greece, India, Arabia and Western Europe. There is a reasonable
view held by some scholars that China might have been the original home
of alchemy. Chinese alchemy seems to be very ancient, probably belong-
ing to the early centuries before the Christian era, though Wei-Po-Yang,
the well-known Chinese alchemist, produced the first alchemical treatise
only in the second century A.D. The Chinese had reverence for cinnabar
(mercuric sulphide) which occurs naturally in China. They considered it
as the energetic essence and bestower of long life. The two components of
cinnabar-mercury and sulphur-were supposed to be the yin (female) and
yang (male) principles respectively.a This concept was in perfect accord with
the Chinese religio-philosophic system known as Taoism,b which not only
enunciated its own yin and yang principles to interpret nature and man but
was also concerned with material life and immortality. It is possible
that Chinese alchemical practice might have found its roots in these ideas,
with cinnabar as the prime substance. For centuries the alchemists of
China indulged in strange practices for obtaining the 'medicine' or a 'pill
of immortality' as well as converting mercury or base metals into gold.
I t is not unlikely that the cinnabar-centred Chinese alchemical thought
might have influenced similar ideas in other countries which in turn appear
to have modified the main alchemical theme to suit their own religio-
philosophical speculations.
The history of alchemy tells us that this ancient practice was not all
fiction and mystery. For example, in Alexandria in Egypt, as alchemy
grew, it tried to acquire a rational basis. By about the fifth century B.C.,
the Greek thinkers had developed a theory of four elements: earth, fire,
water and air, and the four primary qualities: hot, cold, dry and moist.
Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) conceived of these elements and their qualities as
emphasizing the unity of matter amidst all the changes.
The 'primary matter' as he called it could undergo transformation into
different substances depending upon the primary qualities affecting it.
Thus, for example, the primary matter, a potential one, would become
earth with the pair of primary qualities, cold and dry; water with cold and
wet; fire with hot and dryness; and mr with hot and wetness. In any case
this theory appeared to explain satisfactorily the problem of change. C
The alchemists of the Hellenistic culture of Alexandria in Egypt were
quick to realize the importance of this theory; for this theory held out
the possibility of transmuting base metals into gold or silver by changing
.. Mason, pp. 55-57. • Needham, II, pp. 33 fT. C Tatoo, I, pp. 231-32.
their qualities. A change in qualities meant the emergence of a new metal

and this perhaps represented the transmutation process. Of the qualities,
colour was the most perceptible one, and the attempt was to bring about a
change in colour of a metal like copper or tin, to that of gold or silver. The
concept of change received support also from astrological beliefs. It was
FIRE
EARTH
AIR
WATER
FIG. 5.11. The four 'elements' of the Greek thinker,

Empedocles.
thought that a base metal could be converted into a noble metal under
proper astrological influences. The then known metals were also associated
with the sun, moon and the planets. If the Greek theory of matter was one,
the astrological belief was another which shaped the later alchemical thought
in Egypt. Pseudo-Democritos (Bolos) probably belonging to the second
century B.C. and Zosimos who lived in the fourth century A.D. were the noted
exponents of alchemy in Egypt.
Alchemical practice in Egypt came under yet another influence. The
skilled metal workers and other artisans attached to the temples knew the
'dyeing' of metal, stone and fabrics. They were also adepts in the art of
producing cheaper substitutes for gold or silver. To them, then, alchemy
meant an occult gift enabling them to transform the inferior metals to the
noble metals too. Only they thought that the inferior metal should be
'killed', obtained in a native state and then processed suitably to transmute
them into either silver or gold.
In the Middle Ages alchemy was dominant in the Arabian countries.
The Arabic alchemy, which appears to have drawn its ideas from the alchemy
of Alexandria as well as that of China, specially emphasized what has come
to be familiarly known as the sulphur-mercury theory. All substances, in
particular metals, were regarded to have been formed by the interaction of the
two principles, Sulphur and Mercury. Sulphur represented an abstract
principle composed of hot and dry, while mercury represented cold and
moist. In essence, sulphur (the Sophie-sulphur as it was called to distinguish
it from ordinary sulphur) meant the property of combustibility and stood for
the element fire. Sophie-mercury meant the fusibility of metals and stood
for the element water.
The alchemical sulphur-mercury theory developed also on mystical
lines. The mystic sect, called the 'Brethren of Purity" was the chief
exponent of Islamic alchemy. The conception upheld by the Brethren of
Purity was that macrocosm was recapitulated in microcosm, the man.
They thought of even the natural substances like metals and minerals
in terms of 'bodies' and 'spirits' corresponding to the human body and
soul.
Most of the Arabic alchemical works have been attributed to one by
name Geber or Jabir ibn Hayyan (about eighth century A.D.) who classi-
fied substances into spirits, metals and bodies. He also emphasized the
operational qualities such as fusion, combustion, evaporation, pulverization
and malleability. Geber himself was a great experimentalist in a number
of medicinal preparations as well as an alchemist.
It would appear that the Islamic alchemy gradually found its way into
western Europe by about the twelfth century A.D. The Arabic texts on
alchemy were translated into Latin. Mystical representations and symbol..
ism of alchemy found new and faithful followers. Of great interest was
the spectacular emergence of a number of esoteric symbols including those
of the masculine and feminine, the active and the passive. The synthesis
of Sophie-sulphur and Sophie-mercury, the two principles of union, was
considered to be the 'Philosopher's Stone', the perfect and potent trans-
muting agent. This is a concept of the later European alchemy. In line
with the Philosphcr's Stone was the life-prolonging agent which would
transmute man from a state of ageing to one of long life, and went under
the enchanting name, Elixir of Life. The Philosopher's Stone as well as the
allied Elixir of Life were the goal sublime of alchemists, ever in sight and
never reached.
The imagery of Sophie-sulphur and Sophie-mercury went further and
even included 'Philosophical water', also called 'menstruum', associated
with the Philosopher's Stone. a In later alchemical writings, these enig-
matic and mystical ideas found different expressions which are too numerous
to be recounted here. A characteristic of them was the form of a union
of masculine-feminine principles and a conjoining liquid called menstruum
which was supposed to serve as a medium for the union. The menstruum
was symbolically represented in the form of a dragon or serpent which
was, in fact, an important alchemical imagery bound with religious
and mythological conceptions. Religion, mythology, number-superstition
and symbolism exerted profound influence on the European alchemy
too.
• Read, p. 9.
Indian Alchemy and its Characteristics

In India, the alchemical ideas grew also around a male-female symbol-
ism; and the symbolism was naturally cast in an indigenous imagery. In a
mythologically erotic background mercury is conceived as the male principle
(symbolically as the seminal essence of Siva) and sulphur as the female
principle (symbolically as the menstrual flux of his consort or of the celestial
nymphs). In its twin aspects, viz. efforts to transmute base metals into
gold and the pursuit of the Elixir of Life, alchemy does not seem to have
made its appearance in India before the fifth or sixth century A.D. But
in the next seven or eight centuries, the Indian alchemy had considerable
following. This was the period of what is known as tantrism which ad-
mitted into its fold all, irrespective of caste, sex and creed. a The Indian
tantrism which is a peculiar complex of thought and practice re-
presents a human urge not only to attain material prosperity and immor-
tality but also to unite with the divine by adopting diverse practices. b
Alchemy was adopted possibly as part of the mystic practice by certain sec-
tions of the tantriks in India.
The Sanskrit equivalent in general of the term alchemy is rasavidyii
and that of the alchemist, rasaviidin. The word rasa as used in the
alchemical literature means mercury. It should be emphasized that mercury
is central to the whole Indian alchemical thought and held in veneration
because of its presumed mythical origin (the creative energy of Siva, one
of the Indian Divine Trinity). As a result, mercury itself stands out as
divine in the alchemical practices, preparations and processes. Mercurial
preparations are supposed to give long life, youthful vigour, high mental
powers and even the rare faculty of moving invisibly in space (khecara-
gamana). Significantly mercury is also referred to as parada which literally
means that it enables human beings to 'cross the ocean of life'.
There does not appear to be any theoretical basis for the alchemical
thought in India, as the theory of four elements which, as stated before,
supported the western alchemy in the early centuries of the Christian era.
Searching in vain for such a sustaining theoretical content, one is struck,
instead, by certain characteristics of the Indian alchemical literature such
as the praise of mercury in the introductory portions, explanations of the
origin of lead, sulphur, mica and a few other substances also in a mythical
way, the eight maharasas, the eight uparasas, the eight dhiitus or metallic
substances and also precious stones, elaborate processes for purifying
alchemical substances, use ofherbs and symbolical forms (paribhii~o). Above
all, the well-known texts themselves are unfolded in the form of a dialogue
between the male God and Sakti (his feminine energetic part). Some of
these texts even speak of the eight siddhis in the same way as the tantrik
texts. The eight siddhis (atzimiidi a~tasiddhis) relate to powers of assuming
minute dimension (a !lima), huge dimension (mahima), lightness (laghima),
heaviness (garimii), obtaining everything (propti), possessing objects of
o Avalon, pp. xxix fT.

pleasure (prakomya), attaining supremacy (isi/va) and subduing or be-

witching (vasitva). a
The foregoing characteristics and the fact that there are in these texts
passages which speak of initiation and ritual practices, similar to those
found in the tantrik texts, unmistakably point out that these alchemical ideas
could not have but flourished in India at a time when tantrism was a domi-
nant practice.
Literature on Alchemy in India

The literature on Indian alchemy is notably voluminous. But it is not
of a varied type, because generally the texts have more or less the same
form and tone. Also the presentation of the tantrik elements is nearly
the same in these texts. Nevertheless, the alchemical texts are not usually
recognized as part of the tantrik literature. b They come under the category
of the rasasiistra, signifying a systematic treatment of the new knowledge
and practice relating to the usc of mercurial compounds and a host of other
substances as medicines. In fact, the rasasastra texts are, by and large, the
jatro-chemical texts.
The dates of most of these texts are generally uncertain, but they
belong possibly to a period between the ninth and the eighteenth centuries
A.D., the period between the tenth and the fourteenth centuries being
perhaps the most flourishing one. The following are among the important
rasasiistra texts in Sanskrit: Rasahrdaya by Govinda Bhagavat, Rasa-
ratntikara by Siddha Nagarjuna, RastirIJava (author unknown), Rasendra-
cii{1ama1,1i by Somadeva, Rasaratnasamuccaya by Vagbhata, Rasaprakiisa-
sudhiikara by Yasodhara, Rasaratniikara by Nityanatha Siddha, Rasa-
riijalak~mi by Ramesvara Bhatta, RasendracintiimafJi by Ramcandra Guha,
Rasasiira by Govindacarya, Rasakaumudi by Jnana Candra, Rasa-
bhe~..ajakalpa by Siiryapal).Qita, Rasasanketakalikii by CamuQ.Qa (CiiQa),
Lohapaddhati by Suresvara, Kankiiligrantha by Narasitpha Sotri, Rasa-
muktlivali by Devanatha, Rasapaddhati by Bindu PaQQita, Rasiimrta by
Ramesvara, Rasanak$atramiilikii by MathanasiQ1ha, Rasendrasarasaf!1graha
by Gopal Kr~J,1a Kaviraja, Paradayoga 80stram of Sivarama Yogin, Rasa-
ratnamalii of Narasirpha Kaviraja, Rasamangala of Gahananda Muni
and Rasarajasankara of Rama Kr~Qa. In addition, there are a few works
whose authorship or dates have not been established yet beyond doubt.
Among them may be mentioned Kailtisa Karakam, Gandhaka Ka/pa,
Parada Ka/pa, DhiitumaralJa, Dhaturatnamti/a, Dhatusuddhi Prakara1)a,
JlIralJomiira1;uidi, Tiimrabhasnlavidhi, Yantroddhiira, Rasadruti Prakara1)Q,
Rasavaise~ikam, Rasagrantha, RasanighafJtu and Rasaraifjana.
Studies concerning the rasasastra texts made so far indicate that
most of the important texts have come to light and those which are to
be studied still contain material of alchemical value perhaps not sub-
a Bhattacarya, II, p. lxxx.. b Bbattaearya. II, p. xxi.

CHBMlCAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 315
stantially different from what has been known. Nevertheless, there are
a few admittedly tantrik texts which deal with alchemical ideas as part
of their psycho-experimental-symbolic treatment of the tantrik goals and
related practices. Among them mention may be made of Mtitrklibhedatan-
trama. and Rasiir1)avakalpa of the Rudrayiimala b in Sanskrit. Besides there are
a number of texts in a few languages other than Sanskrit, like Tamil, Telugu,
Kannada, Malayalam, Bengali, Marathi, Oriya and Gujarati. Particular
mention should be made of the Tamil texts. There appear to be about two
hundred works in Tamil on the Siddha system of medicine having alchemical
ideas and of them special importance attaches to the Amudakalaijnanam,
Muppu, Muppuvaippu, Muppucu1.l1;Jam, Carakku, Guruseynir, Paccaivetfu-
sil/ram and Pannir-kiin{lam by Agastya; Karjaikan{lam, Vtilalai-sutram and
Narjuktin{iam by Konganavar; Karumana-sutram, CU1JIJakiinrjam, Pancamitram,
Viida-siltranz, Sendilra-sutram, Gurunill, Karumiina-sutram and Vakiira Kalangu
by Ramadevar; Karpam and Viilai-siltranl by Bogar; Karagapp a, Pilrva
Muppu-sutram and Dravakam by NandISvar; Viidakiivyam by Karuvurar;
Muppu-sutram by Romar~i; Karpavidhi and Siltranz by KaiHisa Muni;
Vtikyanz by Macea Muni; satram by Suryanandar; and Jfianam by Satya
Muni. So far these texts have remained practically unstudied and a
comparison between the Sanskrit and the Tamil sources would be possible
only when the latter are studied in detail with reference to their alchemical
ideas.
Early Ideas on Rejuvenation

At this stage, it is desirable to understand the difference between the
alchemical concepts of attaining perpetual youth as well as immortality,
and the ancient ideas on rejuvenation. The fonner are in the main con-
cerned with the use of certain compositions in an esoteric way, faith and
symbolism playing a dominant role in such uses. The latter, on the other
hand, are in the nature of well thought-out therapeutic procedures which
are not governed by esoteric considerations, but by their physiological effects.
In ancient times, the Indians had developed not only exhilarating
elixirs but also compositions for rejuvenation. But they had no alchemical
undertone. In the ~gveda are found references to somarasa, the juice
extracted from the Soma plant (Sarcostema viminalis 1). Somarasa, an
exhilarating elixir, was regarded even as a drink of the immortal gods. There
are nearly a hundred and twenty hymns of the Soma in the J!.gveda. A close
examination of these hymns, however, reveals that the Soma juice is
extolled as a divine drink which gives vigour, wealth and happiness. Never-
theless, it should be noted that this intoxicating drink used to be taken
along with milk, clarified butter or barley only by the priests and the privi-
leged during the performance of sacrifice (yajna).
The Ayurvedic classics, the Susruta and Caraka Sa",hitiis, have given
due importance to the compositions used for increasing virility and longevity.
.. Subbarayappa and Roy, pp. 42-49. b Roy (M.) (2), pp. 137-42.
The practitioners of Ayurveda were as much concerned with the cure of·
the bodily diseases as with the maintenance of youthful form and vitality
of the body as it aged. Increased powers of mind, a total immunity pos-
sibly against all diseases, good fortune and charming personality were
also their goal. The medical treatment known as vajikara1)a, for increasing
the strength and virile power, forms a part of the cikitsii as explained in
the Caraka and the Susruta Salllhittis. For this purpose, a number of
compositions are mentioned and these, however, do not make even a
reference to mercury. The Swruta mentions the rasayanas a (elixirs and
rejuvenators) capable of making a human body possess an almost life-long
youth and extraordinary mental faculties. It also speaks of compositions
(e.g. satapiika vacaghrta) which could make one live for five hundred years.
In the preparation of these rasiiyanas, it may be noted, metals are not used.
Essentially the rastiyanas are herbal although sometimes gold is used along
with other substances of vegetable origin.
Soma as an elixir finds a place also in the Susruta SafJ1hitii. The Soma
elixir is supposed to enable one to live for ten thousand years with a youth-
ful body and all the enjoyments associated with it. It is claimed that he
who consumes this elixir becomes superhuman, and that his muscular
energy will not be inferior to the combined powers of a thousand wild ele-
phants. He can move about in space freely and majestically with re-
splendant personality. Nevertheless the Soma elixir could be taken only
by the select section of the population. b
The other Ayurvedic classic, the Caraka Sa/'flhitii, in its sections on viiji-
kara1)a and rasayana which form part of the cikitsiisthiina, describes certain
processes and recipes for giving unrivalled strength to the body and a
longevity of even a thousand years. A number of other vitalizers of vege-
table origin are also mentioned. A reference, however, is made to the
usc of metals like iron, gold and silver as components of certain elixirs.
Again, as in the Susruta, the emphasis in the Caraka Sa/llhitii is still on
herbal preparations. One could live as long as ten thousand years without
any ailment by drinking extracts of some of them. Like the Susruta,
the Caraka also enjoins that the rejuvenation and virilification are meant
only for the privileged castes. C
Possible Origin of Indian A/cherny

But to live long in perpetual youth and to experience that which is
divine in this very life have a strong appeal to every human being. These
human inclinations incessantly try to surpass the privileged attitudes and
rigid caste structures, and go out in search of systems of thought and practice
conducive to their realization. In India, the tantras offered such a system
of thought and practice in an ingenious manner. The tantrik siddhi was
thought of in different forms such as janmaja (due to birth), o~adhija
• SSe CI., 26, 30. b SSe CI., 29, 8. c CS. C/., 4, 38.
CHBMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 317
(due to some medical elixirs), mantraja (due to magic syllables), tapoja

(due to penance) and samadhija (due to meditation).a The tantriks
endeavoured to attain the siddhis by several paths, one of them being
the use of certain compositions containing compounds of mercury, sulphur,
mica and several other metallic substances. To achieve the highest
in this life itself the tantras advocated preservative medicaments to the
body in esoteric ways. In this respect, mercury as well as mercurial
preparations, sulphur and mica assumed great importance and so became
intertwined with the tantrik male-female symbolism and ritual practices.
Now what may be the origin of the mercury-based alchemy in India?
It would appear that the Indian tantrism during its diversified growth
had absorbed some Chinese elements also. b The orthodox tantrik texts, like
the Yiimala, speak of Mahacina as a place to be visited for attaining mahii-
siddhi. There is also a view that the Buddhist alchemist, Nagarjuna, went
to Mahacina under the name of Vasi~tha for this purpose. Nila Sarasvati,
a tantrik goddess, is stated to be Chinese in origin while another tantrik
goddess, Tara, is believed to have emanated. from the country of Bhota
(now comprising Tibet).
As indicated before, the alchemical literature in Sanskrit is presented
as a dialogue between Siva and Piirvati in their different forms, of which
perhaps the most significant are the forms of Bhairava and Bhairavi. Siva
is also worshipped in a form known as linga. Of significant interest in this
respect is the fact that in Tamil, /ingam means cinnabar (mercuric
sulphide) also, and that cinnabar forms one of the constituents of a
composition (a~"'tabandha) used during the installation of divine idols.
Tradition has it that cinnabar is the source of divine energy and possesses
the creative principle.
In its fully developed form, the mercury-based alchemy in India relates
to the male-female symbolism (Siva and Piirvati), the Bhairava form of
Siva as the creative emblem, and its association with cinnabar. As stated
already, the Chinese alchemy centred round cinnabar, the compound of
yang and yin. Though Chinese alchemy is old (c. third century B.C.),
Taoism and Chinese alchemy were flourishing in China during the Tang
period. Historically the cultural intercourse between India and China
was notable between the third and the seventh centuries A.D. C It is reason-
able to presume that the alchemy based on cinnabar and its male-female
symbolism might have attracted the attention of the Indian tantriks during
the same period. But in its growth in India, this alchemy had to adapt
itself to the corresponding Indian elements, including the mythico-religious
practices. The followers of the tantras might have modified it with their
own originality. The most remarkable fact is that, in a century or two,
the alchemical knowledge became formalized in a way characteristically
Indian. Perhaps because of this, even the male-female symbolism found
G Y.Sii., SO. c Needham, I, pp. 206-14.

b Chakravarti (C.), p. 46; cbs. 6-8; Bagchi, pp. 2 fT.
a different expression. In the Chinese alchemy, mercury is the female

principle and sulphur the male principle, while opposite is the case with
the Indian alchemy.
Nevertheless, it must be emphasized that the possibility of interaction
between the Islamic alchemy and the Indian alchemy at some stage cannot
be ruled out, even though evidence to this effect is scanty at present. One
of the Siddhars of Tamilnadu, Ramadevar, says in his work on alchemya
that he went to Mecca, assumed the name ofYakub and taught the Arabians
the alchemical art. It is significant that some of the purification processes
and substances of alchemical significance are common to both the Islamic
and the Indian alchemy. This field calls for further studies in order to
understand the extent and form of such an interaction.
MERCURY: ITS POWERS
Mercury, extolled by the rasaviidins as the king of rasas, has different

names: parada, rasa, sula, mahiirasa, rasendra, svanJakiiraka, sarvadhiitupati,
and, more significantly, Sivaja, Sivavirya and Harabija (seed of Siva).
Further, it has been regarded as the potent agent for bestowing happiness
and worldly prosperity on man leading him ultimately to a state of eternal
bliss. The Rasaratnasamuccaya asserts that' he who denies mercury, the
creative principle of Siva, will decay in hell age after age'. b
The gamut of alchemical literature describes vividly several composi-
tions containing mercury as one of the valuable ingredients. These com-
positions are presumed to confer an extraordinary longevity and also enable
the conversion of base metals into gold. Thus, for example, the sublimate
of a composition including mercury, rubbed with an equal weight of gold
and admixed with sulphur and borax is said to possess a property by means
of which the consumer would develop an imperishable body. Likewise,
a composition containing treated mercury has been stated to acquire the
power of converting a base metal into a thousand times its weight of gold
according to the text, the KakacaIJdeivarimata Tantra. c The well-known
rasaliistra texts abound in elaborate details of transmutation processes
involving generally the use of cinnabar, mercury or mercurial ash.
In general, five types of transmutation are mentioned:' lepa (smearing
copper or silver foils with the potent paste of mercury); k$epa (throwing
mercury into molten copper or silver); kunta vedha (pouring processed
mercury into metal to be transmuted); dhiima vedha (subjecting the base
metal to the action of 'fumes' (of mercury»; and sabdavedha (effecting
transmutation by the 'impact' (of mercury). It may, however, be men-
tioned that there are a few transmutation processes which do not explicitly
envisage the use of mercury. Moreover, some of the texts differ from one
another in giving the details of the same transmutation process. The
.. Clql(UJktJn4am, 227, 466. o RAy (P.) (0, p. ISO.

b RRS., 1, 26. cI RPS., 1, 130-36.
CHEMICAL PRACflCES AND ALCHEMY 319
following examples give a glimpse of the nature of transmutation as stated

in a few texts. It must be emphasized that the number of transmutation
processes mentioned in the texts is very large, and it is almost impossible
to give a gist of each of them here.
The Rasiirtzava gives an account of the conversion of lead into gold as
follows: leaves of lead smeared with the paste made of red variety of karavira
(Nerium odorum) and manabsila (realgar) macerated twenty times in tama-
rind extract, are to be roasted over cow-dung fire into ash. This ash when
deposited in a crucible smeared with a paste of one-third part of rasaka
(calamine), one part of darada (cinnabar) and one-fourth of sulphur,
realgar, etc., and heated, turns into gold. a The same text states that tin
could be converted into silver with the help of mercurial ash as follows:
one pala of mercurial ash, two of tin powder, two of silver ash, five of
sankhaeurlJa (powder of conch), eight each of common salt and borax,
rubbed together and pressed with the milky juice of Euphorbia nerlifolia
is to be roasted fourteen times. Then the whole mass is to be stirred with
an iron rod and again heated in a crucible; now it becomes silver. Silver
can also be transmuted into gold with the aid of copper. b For this purpose,
hema tniik~ika (golden pyrites) and salt are mixed with honey and clarified
butter so that the mass becomes red like saffron. It is then subjected to
niigaputa (a type of prolonged heating). If equal quantities of this treated
substance and copper are mixed well and smeared on the leaves of silver,
the latter turns into gold. The Rasaprakiisasudhiikara has a different process
in this respect. 'Golden pyrites, niiga (lead), gandhaka (sulphur), sutaka
(mercury), hingula (cinnabar), nlanabsilii (realgar) and pure gold are pow-
dered and kept in a glass vessel containing the juice of stika (Tectona
grandis). It is subjected to a type of prolonged heating (lavanaputa) and
then made into a paste. Silver, if treated with this paste, turns into gold.'c
According to the Rasahrdaya, silver can be converted into gold by the
following method: mercury is to be covered with a powder made of cin-
nabar, realgar, orpiment, roasted golden pyrites, 'killed' lead and a kind
of substance called kaliku$!ha, and agitated well with the oil of kaligufJi
(Celastrus paniculatus). The mass is heated in steam. If leaves of silver
are treated with this composition, they turn into gold of excellent quality.
It is stated that the weight of the composition used should be three times
the weight of silver. The Rasahrdaya also gives an account of the conversion
of bell-metal (kiilflsya) into gold. The bell-metal is to be heated with a
number of substances, including compounds of mercury and the juice
of paddy in a vessel for four months before it acquires the potency of
getting transmuted into gold. Copper heated with an equal weight of
tlila (orpiment) and vanga (tin) is, according to the same text, turned into
silver. d The Suvar1)atantra e gives a detailed account of a bulbous root
which exudes a liquid capable of dissolving a needle when pierced into
CI RflV., 11, 181-84. c RPS., 11, 32-33. • RAy (p.) (I), p. 199.
b R(IV.t 14, 121-25. , RHr., 18, 23-69.
the root. When mercury is rubbed with this bulb in a mortar and then
heated in a crucible, it is said to acquire the property of converting a thou-
sand times its own weight of the base metal into gold. Thus the exudate of
the bulb is regarded as having extraordinary qualities for bringing about
transmutation. Another text, the Dhtitumaiijari, speaks of a process by means
of which mercury, molten sulphur and orpiment, when suitably processed
so as to assume the form of fumes, can convert inferior metals into gold.
What happens chemically during the process of transmutation, which is
rather a complicated one, cannot be surmised until an experimental veri-
fication is attempted from the modern chemical point of view. It would,
however, appear that the colour of the inferior metal, say copper or tin,
changes into that of the noble metal, gold or silver respectively. The
coloration that occurs may be uniform and too intimate enough to expose,
under ordinary conditions, the true colour of the inferior metal. The
specific gravity and the other normal physical characteristics of the trans-
muted metal are likely to manifest themselves, as a result of skilful mani-
pulation of the ingredients such as mercury or its compounds, arsenic salts,
sulphur, and some quantities of the noble metals themselves. The Indian
rasaviidins knew the distinction between the artificial 'gold' and the real
gold. In one of the Tamil texts on alchemy (Amudakalaijiiiinam by
Agastya), a it has been stated clearly that if the artificial 'gold' (emam) and
the natural gold (tangam) are subjected to calcination separately, and the ashes
(bhasma) so obtained are treated in such a way as to make the 'face' of
the metal appear, the difference between the two types of metals can be
easily recognized. In other words, the base metal, which has been trans..
muted, can be converted into its oxide and the latter is reduced to the
metallic state again, while the real gold remains unaffected by this method.
Processing of Mercury
One of the important aspects of the rasavidyii relates to the eighteen
treatments or salJ'lskiiras which mercury has to undergo, jf it is to exhibit
its supreme powers not only as a trusted promoter of long and prosperous
life but also to convert base metals into the noble ones. The Indian
rasavadins adopt the following for this purpose: (1) svedanam (steaming
or heating using a water bath); (2) mardanam (grinding or trituration);
(3) murchanam ('swooning' or making mercury lose its form); (4) utthtipanam
(also uddhara1)a; revival of form); (5) patanam (sublimation or distillation);
(6) rodhanam or bodhanam (potentiation); (7) niytimanam (restraining);
(8) sandipanam (stimulation or kindling); (9) gaganabhak$a"(lam (also
abhrakagrlisa or consumption of 'essence' of mica); (10) caralJam (amal.
gamation); (11) garbhadruti (liquefaction-internal); (12) blihyadruti
(liquefaction-external); (13) jtiro(lom (digestion or assimilation); (14) ran-
janam (coloration); (15) saro(lam (blending or preparation for trans-
formation); (16) sa'!1krama!lam (acquiring power of transformation);
(17) vedhavidhi (actual transformation or transmutation); and (18) sarira

yogaa (becoming fit for internal use).
In some important texts are found elaborate details of these
sal!1skiiras. They include rubbing with various plant juices and extracts,
incorporation of sulphur, mica, saltpetre, certain alkaline substances,
cow's urine and sour gruel. It is indeed very difficult to read exact scientific
meanings into these processes which, it is clear, are motivated by an in-
finite belief in the divine potentialities of mercury. What merits attention,
however, is that mercury should be subjected to a series of methodical
processes to make it eminently fit for internal use. Mercury from cinnabar
is considered to be of good quality, and the first eight of the afore-mentioned
eighteen processes are not deemed necessary for it.
Most of the important rasasiisfra texts refer invariably to these safJ1skiiras
in one way or the other. The Rasiir~lavab mentions eight safllskiiras although
it makes a reference to four more. The Rasahrdaya C and the Rasaprakiisa
Sudhiikara d describe the eighteen sal!lskiiras in considerable detail. Briefly
the different Sal!lSAiiras are as follows: svedana: consists in steaming mercury
in a water bath with a number of vegetable and mineral substances in-
cluding some salts and alkalis-this process is said to remove the undesirable
impurities present in mercury; Inardana: rubbing steamed mercury in a mortar
with vegetable and acidic substances-this process is said to remove some
more impurities and thus confer good qualities on mercury; milrchana:
rubbing mercury in a mortar with another set of vegetable substances
including kanyii kumiiri, cifraka, and the three lnyrobalans, till it loses
its own character and form; several unwanted impurities of mercury are
said to be removed by this process; utthcipana: steaming mercury again
in alkalis, salts, the three nlyrobalans, alum, etc., and then rubbing in sun-
light so that the characteristics of mercury are brought into play again;
po/ana (three types, viz. urdhva (upwards), adha (downwards) and tiryak
(sideways) piitanas): rubbing mercury with alkalis, salts, etc., and subject-
ing to distillation; rodhana: mixing the distilled mercury with saline
water in a closed pot-this process is believed to restore the 'vigour' or
potency of mercury; niyiimana: continuation of the process by steaming
mercury for three days with a number of plant products, alum, borax,
iron sulphate, etc.-this process is said to restrain the motility of mercury;
sandipana: steaming with alum, black pepper, sour gruel, alkali and some
vegetable substances-this is to 'kindle' the desire of mercury to attain the
power of consumption; grtisa or gaganagriisa: fixation of the desired degree
of the 'essence' of mica for its consumption; ciirafJa: boiling mercury with
sour gruel, leaves of some kinds of cereal plants, alum, etc., for a week-
by this mercury is made to consume mica; garbhadruti: treating mercury
with other metallic substances so that the 'essences' of the latter become
liquefied and thus they may pass through a piece of cloth; biihyadruti: the
a R~v., 11,213-17; RHr., 2.7; RPS., 1, 12. c RHr.,2, J.

b Rl'v., 10, 9-12. a RPS., 1, 10-12.
21
'essences' of the minerals or metallic substances to be consumed, becomi

molten externally; jiirafJa: heating mercury with the desired minerals
metals, alkalis and salts so that they are digested and assimilated; raiijan
a complex process involving the treatment of mercury with gold, silv(
copper, sulphur, mica and salts in such a way that the former attai]
different colours; siiraIJa: digesting mercury with gold, silver, etc., in (.l
oil-base so as to increase its ability for transformation; kriimaIJa: smearil1
mercury with a number of plant extracts, mineral substances, human mill
etc., and then heating with a view to enabling it to possess transmutin
powers; vedhana: rubbing the treated mercury with oil and a few othe
materials so that it results in actual transmutation.
The rasaviidins believe that mercury, after it has undergone sequen
tially the seventeen processes, has all the powers of transmutation. A
this stage it should be tested for its powers and, if the test is positive, i
should be used for the eighteenth process leading to its assimilation inte
and rejuvenation of the body. a
The rasasiistra texts in which, as stated before, mercury occupies th(
pride of place, are very important from the point of view of the chemical
processes concerning not only mercury but also several other metals and
minerals, which they relate in a methodical form. The texts describe
these processes in the context of the preparation of various mineral medi-
cines and are thus iatro-chemical in content. They emphasize the effective-
ness of the medicinal compositions based on minerals or metallic prepa-
rations, used for curing a number of diseases. For our purpose, the
classification of substances, processes employed for purification, and
methods of preparing different chemical compounds as described in these
texts deserve attention.
CLASSIFICATION
The well-known rasasiistra texts like the Rasahrdaya, the Rasarf.1ava, the
Rasaratnasamuccaya and the Rasapraktisasudhakara have classified the
chemical substances into mahiiraso, uparasa, dhiitu, ratna and vi.ya. There is
also a category of substances designated as sadhiiratza rasa. The reason for
such a classification is not very clear. According to tradition, the maho-
rasas and the uparasas are classified in the order in which they find their
usefulness with reference to mercury (rasendra). There is also a view
that mercury alone has the appellation of rasa, and all the others are
called uparasas. Generally, the mahiirasas, eight in number, are: abhraka
(mica), vaikriinta (a precious stone having eight surfaces and six angles,
probably tourmaline), miik$ika (copper pyrites), vimala (iron pyrites), ii/djatu
(bitumen), sasyaka (copper sulphate), capala (a compound of bismuth or
G The above information is based on the discussions with Dr. D. S. Joshi, Department of
Rasasastra, Benares Hindu University, Varanasi; more details of the SQlfUkdras are
available in the well-known texts.
2IB
selenium) and rasaka. The eight uparasas are: gandhaka (sulphur), gairika
(red ochre), ktisisa (iron sulphate), tuvari (alum), to/aka (orpiment), manab-
iila (realgar), afijana (collyrium; compounds of antimony) and kanku~fha
(probably tinstone or cassiterite).a Some of the texts differ from one
another in the number of mahii- and uparasas as well as the substances
comprising them. While the Rasaratnasamuccaya gives the above classifica-
tion, another text, the Rasaprakiisasudhiikara, considers riijavarta (lapis
lazuli) as a mahiirasa in the place of capala. b The Rasahrdaya, on the other
hand, does not consider mica as a mahiirasa, but regards kiinta or loadstone
as a mahiirasa. c The RasiirfJava includes darada (cinnabar) among the
mahiirasas and riijavarta among the uparasas. d
Under the category of dhtitus, usually seven metals are named: svanJa
(gold), rajata or ttira (silver), tamra (copper), loha (iron), niiga (lead), vanga
(tin) and yasada (zinc). But, the three alloys (misraloha), viz. brass (pittala),
bell-metal (kiifl1sya) and a mixture of five metals (vartaka), also come under
the category of dhiitu. Again, some of the texts differ from one another
in this scheme. The RastinJava e mentions six metals including copper,
while the Rasapraktisasudhtikaraf recognizes copper under the category of
'odorous' metals. On the other hand, the Rasaratnasamuccaya does not
accord a place to copper among the dhiitus.
The ratnas generally are precious gems. The principal gems used
by the rasavadins are: vaikranta (also classed under mahiirasa), siiryakiinta
(sun-stone; aventurine feldspar mainly containing silicate of sodium and
potassium with disseminated particles of red iron oxide which cause fire-
like flashes of colour), candraktinta (moon-stone; a type of feldspar con-
taining silicates of aluminium, sodium, potassium, calcium, barium, etc.,
which possesses a bluish pearly opalescence), hiraka (diamond), mauktika
(pearl), garudodgiira (emerald), riijavarta (lapis lazuli), marakata (topaz),
nita (sapphire) and padmartiga (ruby).g Ruby, sapphire, topaz, emerald
and diamond are considered to be superior, as also are pearls of big size and
bright appearance. Sun-stone, moon-stone, amethyst, lapis lazuli, etc., are
referred to as minor gems.
Under the categories of vi~as and siidhiiratza rasas a number of plant
products and minerals are mentioned, which need only a passing mention
here.
'Purification' processes
The minerals or metals are invariably subjected to purification processes
which are rather complicated ones. Though these processes are meant for
, purifying' the substances, more often than naught, some extraneous
material is added onto them. In general, purification means, according to
the rasasiistra texts, removal of the deleterious principles present in the
naturally occurring substances, so that they become fit for internal use.
CI RRS.,2, 1; 3, 1. c RHr., 9, 4. , R(Zv., 7,97. 11 RRS., 4, 1-3.

b RPS., S, 1-2. cJ R(Zv., 7, 2, 56. I RPS., 4, 2, 3; RHr., 9, 6.
There are a good number of such processes in these texts. A few examples
may be cited.
Sulphur is purified by melting it in the medium of cow's ghee and
straining the molten mass through a cloth into milk or the juice of Bhf1iga-
raja kept in a pot. a It is then washed with warm water and the process
repeated several times. In another process, the mouth of a vessel containing
milk is tied with a piece of cloth over which is placed powdered sulphur.
This is then covered with an earthen bowl which is heated from outside
so that sulphur melts and drops gradually into milk. Purification of sulphur
is considered necessary as otherwise the impure sulphur, when taken in,
would produce harmful effects such as loss of beauty, strength and vision.
Mica is purified by heating it strongly and adding the hot powdered sub-
stance into a mixture of sour gruel, cow's urine, decoction of the three
myrobalans, cow's milk, etc. The process is repeated seven times. 1J
Vaikranta is purified by boiling it with the decoction of kulattha (horse-
gram). The deleterious principles of nliik.yika can be removed in the same
way. Mercury is purified by rubbing it for three days with the decoction
of certain plants like kumari (Aloe indica), citraka (Plumbago zeylanica) and
red mustard, or by rubbing it with lime and filtering through a cloth.
Thereafter it is again rubbed with some quantity of garlic and common salt,
and washed. c The gems are purified by subjecting them to the action of
the' vapours' of a plant called jayanti. Metals, in general, are purified by
heating and subsequently immersing them in butter milk, sour gruel, cow's
urine and the decoction of kulattha.
Preparations
The rasaviidins had undoubtedly acquired remarkable experience in the
methods of preparing a nunlber of compounds of mercury, and also con-
verting some of the minerals into what is known as bhasma. The principal
compounds of mercury are rasakarpura (mercuric chloride), rasapu~~pa
(mercurous chloride), rasasindura (red form of mercuric sulphide), kajjali
(black form of mercuric sulphide) and lnakaradhvaja (a sulphide of mer-
cury). Generally the metals and minerals are converted into bhasmas for
internal use as medicines.
Rasakarpilra is prepared by rubbing pure mercury repeatedly with a salt
(audbhida lavalJa) and the juice of snuhi (Euphorbia neriifo/ia). It is then
taken in a bottle, the outside of which is coated with mud, and heated
uniformly on a salt-bed (/avalJa yantra) for a day.1t A white mass
of rasakarpura results. Rasapu~pa is prepared as follows: Purified
mercury is intimately mixed with an equal quantity of rock salt and ferrous
sulphate (kiisisa) by rubbing the two for a long time. The mixture is then
placed in a glass bottle, the outside of which is coated with mud and rag,
a RRS., 3, 20, 23-25. d Rd.SS. ,jara~amaraculdhikara; there are also

b RRS., 2, 17-18. variations in the use of salt as well as plant
., RllV., 10,41-47. juice•
and carefully heated. When the fumes start emanating from the bottle,
the mouth of the bottle is closed by a piece of chalk and molasses. The
heating is continued for six hours. Rasapu~flpa collects at the neck of the
bottle as a white substance.
Rasasindura is obtained by heating an intimate mixture of mercury
and sulphur in equal quantities on a sand-bath for about twelve
hours. Sulphur in excess goes out as evidenced by the pale blue flame
emerging out of the container which is generally a coloured and thick-walled
glass bottle, the outside of which is coated as usual with mud and rag.
Mercuric sulphide deposits at the upper part of the bottle as a pinkish red
substance. Kajjali is the black variety of mercuric sulphide which is ob-
tained by rubbing thoroughly three parts of mercury with one part of
sulphur.
The most popular preparation called makaradhvaja contains mercuric
sulphide and certain stimulants like camphor, pepper and cloves. During
its preparation a certain amount of gold is also added.
The preparation of bhasma involves considerable skill. Generally,
the bhasmas are oxides in a finely powdered form. The process is one of
incineration of the metallic substance, after the metal or the mineral is
treated as desired, usually with sulphur, lime juice or the extracts of certain
plants like kunziiri and Inusali. The substance is subjected to prolonged
heating which is technically known as pUla by means of which the former
becomes more and more refined and medicinally potent. The source of
heat is the fire of cow-dungs and, depending upon the quantity of the cow-
dung cakes used as also the way in which they are heaped, different degrees
of heat are sought to be given to the substance. The substance itself is
placed in an earthen flat container and enclosed by another, and sealed
with mud plaster. The puta-piika, as the process is called, is believed to
produce extraordinary qualities, both physical and chemical, in the metallic
substance, now called the bhasma. The bhasma is an extremely fine powder,
very light and, when thrown on water, just spreads itself as a thin film
on it. Several types of putas a are recommended for processing different
metallic substances, involving many operational techniques with a view
to obtaining the most efficient compositions. For example, in what is
known as mahiiputam, a cubical pit-three feet in length, breadth and
depth-is prepared and filled with cow-dung cakes. A crucible containing
the substance to be heated is kept covered in the middle of the heap of
cakes. When the cakes are set fire to, the process of heating starts and
lasts till all the cakes are reduced to ashes. In another pUfa called gaja-
pUlam, the cubical pit is of twenty-two and a half inches in length, breadth
and depth. An eighteen-inch cubical pit is called variihaputam, and a
fifteen-inch one, kukku{apu!am. In the place of cow-dung cakes', some-
times husk is also used as a source of fire as in the case of bhiil,u;lapu{am.
In special cases, solar heat is preferred (suryapu{am).
a RPS., 10, 41-54.

Gold is incinerated by first rubbing it with mercury and lime juice,

washing it with water and then rubbing with sulphur, and finally
subjecting it to pu!a-piika fourteen times. Silver is incinerated by making
it an amalgam (with mercury) and the lump thus obtained is rubbed with
orpirnent, sulphur and lime juice. The mass is then subjected to pUla
four times. In the case of copper, the method is more or less similar,
only orpiment is not used and the incineration is carried out in a gajapu(a
three times. Jron is incinerated using the decoction of three myrobalans
and heating it in the gajapu{a at least sixty times. In the case of tin,
the juice of kumari is the efficacious additive, and for lead and zinc, the juice of
nirgu1Jrli. These are the general methods followed by the rasawidins a and
there are also variations in the practices adopted by some of them.
The process of 'killing (miira~a)' a metal before it is used as a con-
stituent of medicinal preparations deserves special mention. For this pur-
pose, some salts, copper or iron pyrites, sulphur and plant extracts are used.
The best method of 'killing' all the metals, according to the Rasaratna-
samuccaya, bis to heat them with the sulphide of mercury and, according to
the Rasahrdaya,C with iron pyrites and cinnabar. The 'killed' metal
may generally be a sulphide.
Gems are considered to be of special value in the 'fixation' of mercury
and also in the preparation of compositions which increase memory and
virile power. They are, with the exception of diamond, incinerated by
rubbing them with sulphur, orpiment, realgar and the juice of [akuca, and
subjecting to pula eight times. The Rasaratnasamuccaya d gives an elaborate
process for the extraction of 'liquid principle' from the gems. Without
a proper chemical analysis, it is very difficult to say what would be the
chemical composition of this 'liquid principle' which is stated to be the
'essence' of the gem.
It will thus be seen that the Indian alchemists developed processes
leading to different alchemical compositions which involve the use of a
number of minerals, metals and gems, as also certain medicinal plants
which were, by and large, naturally available in India. The details
as given in the rasasiisfra texts concerning their classification, methods
of purification and the like throw ample light on the fact that the Indian
rasavddins must have arrived at them through protracted experimental
methods over a long period. Further, different methods of purification,
distillation, extraction of essences and similar other processes could not have
been developed without sustained and systematic experimentation which
involved the use of the apparatus of various types. This aspect is considered
later.
PLANTS IN INDIAN ALCHEMY
An important aspect of the Indian alchemical practice relates to the

use of a number of plants in different operations of alchemical and iatro-
II Sharma (T. N.), pp. 40 -44, b RRS., 5, 13. c RH,., 9, 16. d RRS., 4, 64-69.
chemical nature. The plants are even referred to as divyau$adhi (divine

medicinal plants). Generally their roots, leaves or seeds are used in diges-
tion processes. Sometimes oils or exudates of certain plants are also
employed. More than two hundred names of plants are mentioned in
different texts on Rasastistra and it is rather difficult to give a complete
description of all of them in this short survey. The following is a brief
account of some of the plants with particular reference to their iatro-chemical
significance. a, b Agasti (Sesbania grandifiora)-purification of manabsilti,
miik$ika and vajra; am/avetasa (Rumex vesiearius)-to enable mercury
acquire grasping properties, purification and fixation of mercury; ankola
(Alangium lamarkii)-purification of mercury; apamiirga (Achyranthes
aspera)-fixation of mercury, calcination of gold and transmutation of
mercury into gold; iisuri (Sinapis ramosa)-purification of mercury; bhrliga
(Wedelia ealendulaeea)-purification of sulphur, realgar, sulphate of iron
and collyrium, 'killing' of mercury and iron; hrhatf (Solanum indieuln)-
'killing', restraining and calcining of mercury and 'killing' of iron;
cinea (tamarind)-fixation of mercury, 'killing' of tin, lead and iron;
citraka (Plumbago zeylaniea)-'restraining', 'swooning', etc., of mercury and
also 'killing' of iron; devadtili (Andropogan serratus)-for taking essence
of metals and ratnas, incineration of mercury, etc.; dhattura (Dhattura las-
tuosa)-purification and incineration of mercury, 'killing' of copper and
transmutation of silver into gold; era(lrJa (Ricinus comnlunis)-transmuta-
tion of metals, killing of iron and fixation of mercury; haridrti (turmeric)-
purification of lead and mercury; kadali (Musa sapientum)-purification of
rasas and uparasas; kanyii kumiirf (Aloe indica)-'killing', 'swooning', etc.,
of mercury, iron and copper, and transmutation processes; kulattha (Doli-
chos unifiorus)-extraction of the essence of orpiment, 'killing' of nliik$ika
and purification of mercury and diamond; nlusali (Curculigo orchioides)-
'killing', calcining and restraining of mercury; nimba (Citrus acida)-
transmutation processes, fixation of mercury, etc., nisiicara (soma, Sareo-
stemma brevistigma)-imparting to mercury the efficacy of invisible move-
ment, fixation and purification of mercury; sigru (Moringa pterygosperma)-
purification of mercury, rasas and uparasas; snuhi (Euphorbia neriifolia)-
'killing' of gold, silver and mercury; purification of lead, copper and
sulphur, and transmutation processes; triphalli (the three myrobalans)-
purification of iron and bitumen; paltisa (Butea frondosa)-transmutation
of metals, purification of mercury, 'killing' of mercury, tin and iron;
vi~'fJukriintti (elitoria ternatea)-fixation of mercury and transmutation
process. c
The Indian rasavtidins believed that the minerals and metals would
not acquire the desirable iatro-chemical properties unless they were treated
or digested with one medicinal plant or the other. Even mercury, ex-
tolled as divine, should undergo this process. As the M atrkiibhedatantram
CI R(fV., 5, 1-2S. c See Appendix for a brief account of the principal

b RPS., 9, 1-39. chemical constituents of the plants under reference.
emphatically says: 'mercury cannot be reduced to bhasma without the

help of medicinal plants '.lI
THE LABORATORY
An estimate of alchemy in India is incomplete without a proper ac-

count of the systematic procedures and operations which the Indian al-
chemists adopted in their pursuit of the Elixir of Life as well as the trans-
mutation of the base metals into gold or silver. Even though alchemy
was a common belief among a large section of people in medieval India,
the alchemical practices were confined to a limited section of the popula-
tion. The reason was that the rigours of the faith were as mysterious
as they were exacting. Honesty, self-control, sincerity of purpose and,
above all, fear of God were considered as very essential for those engaged
in the performance of various operations. Besides they were also required
to be well versed in the knowledge of minerals and herbs. The mediocres
and the dishonest, the quacks and the charlatans could not therefore
take to this profession. Instead, the obedient and the faithful who were
properly initiated into the secrets of mercurial science of the twenty-
seven celebrated alchemists (Adima, Candrasena, Lailkesa, Visarada, Kapali,
Matta, MalJ~avya, Bhaskara, SGrasenaka, Ratnakosa, Sambhu, Sattvika,
Naravahana, Indrada, Gomukha, Kambali, VyaQi, Nagarjuna, Surananda,
Nagabodhi, Yasodhana, KhalJ~a, Kapalika, Brahma, Govinda, Lampaka
and Hari, as mentioned in the Rasaratnasamuccaya),b who were the custodians
of the rasavidyii in India, were alone qualified to pursue alchemical practices.
In the course of initiation it was enjoined that the 'science of mercury'
should be kept a closely guarded secret because it was feared that its efficacy
would vanish if divulged to the uninitiated.
The alchemists had their laboratories (rasasiilii) too. According to
the Rasaratnasamuccaya: 'The laboratory is to be erected in a place rich
in medicinal herbs. It should be spacious, furnished with four doors and
decorated with the portraits of divine beings. It should have several types
of apparatus or contrivances. The phallus of mercury (rasaliizga) in the
east, furnaces in the south-east, instruments in the south-west, washing
operations in the west, and drying operations in the north-west-these and
other ingredients necessary for alchemical operations should be installed
with chantings. There should be the KO$fhi apparatus (for extraction of
essences) pair of bellows, pestle and mortar, sieves of varying degrees of
fineness, earthen material for the crucibles, dried cow-dung cakes for
heating purposes, retorts of glass, iron pans, conch-shells, etc.'O
The rasa la/a or the 'House of mercury and other rasas' was a place
where the devoted would carry out diverse operations under the benign
influence of the rasa/;nga, a symbol of esoteric potentiality, which was either
a gold amalgam prepared by rubbing gold and mercury (three parts of gold
a Mar.Bh. T., 8,33-34. b RRS., It 2-4. cRRS.,7,1-21·

Flo. 5.12. The rasasdla--an artist's impression.

and nine parts of mercury) or a compound of mercury and sulphur, shaped

into a linga. The latter has a special significance. The preparation of this
type of rasalinga has been dealt with in the tantrik text, the Matrkabheda-
tantram, in which Siva tells Devi that mercury is his seed (bija), sulphur
her own principle (svapu$pa) and that the rasalitiga is to be prepared with
these two constituents. The process consists in intimately mixing mercury
with the extract of jhifJfi (Barberia cristara) and constantly stirring (without
rubbing) tilJ it assumes the consistency of mud. Then the mixture is
shaped into the linga form and, with the powder of sulphur placed all over
the surface, heated slightly over the fire of charcoal or cow-dung. The
process is repeated till the linga, now called the rasalitiga, becomes hard.
The Rasalinga undoubtedly represents a tantrik imagery envisaging a male-
female polarity at the divine level, corresponding to the tantrik vision of the
highest which is non-dual. In fact, the union of mercury and sulphur
in the form of rasalinga is the non-dual Supreme. a
APPARATUS
A number of apparatus and appliances called yantras were employed
by the rasavtidins. The crucible, mii~r;ii yantra, was predominantly earthen.
To prepare the crucibles, earth of ant-hill, rice husk, iron rust, chalk,
human hair and a few other ingredients should be compounded and
rubbed together in goat's milk so as to form a dough-like mass which would
then be shaped into the desirable forms, and sun-dried. There were various
types of crucible for different operations. For the extraction of zinc from
calamine, 4 a crucible of the shape of brinjal (Solanum melongena) to which
is attached a tubular end which expands towards its mouth like a flower'
was generally used. For heating mercury and sulphur together, the following
details of a mu~ii yantra are given in the RasarfJava: b 'The apparatus consists
of two crucibles, each twelve digits in length; one of them has a narrow
orifice. In this is to be taken sulphur, and mercury in the other. Mercury
and sulphur are to be moistened with filtered garlic juice. The sulphur
containing crucible is to be inserted into the one having mercury, and
the apparatus carefully lowered into an earthen pot over which another
earthen pot is to be kept, and the rims luted with cloth. It is heated from
outside by cow-dung fire for three days.' Of the other types of crucibles,
mention may be made of the gostanimu$ii c (crucible of the shape of udder
of cow, used for liquefying substances) and the pakka mi1~iid (a pot-type
used for roasting purposes).
In addition to the mii$ii yantra, the other types of apparatus men-
tioned include:~ kO$lhi yantram, do/ii yontram, svedani yontram, different types
of piitana yantram, dipikii yontram, (lheki yantram, jiira~a yantram, garbha
yon/ram, haTflsapaka yontram, kacchapa yontram, vidyiidhara yantram,
somanala yantram, vii/ukii yan/ram, /ava~a yantram, niilikii yantram, bhUdhara
G Subbarayappa and Roy, pp.41-49. Cl RRS., lOt 25.

b Rtr v., 4, 8-1 S. cI RRS., lOt 27.
yantram, pula yantram, ptilika yantram, gha{a yantram, j~lika yantram,

hingu1akr$li, {iamarktikhya yantram, niibhi yantram, grasta yontram, sthiili
yantram, dhupa yantram, kanduka yantram and the khalva yantram. a, b, c
An attempt is made to give a brief account of some of the important
apparatus.
The kO$fhi apparatus consists of two suitable vessels (one of them being
bigger) measuring sixteen digits in width and two cubits in length, and
both of them having rims on two sides. ' Swooned' mercury is to be
placed in the bigger vessel and heated with sour gruel from outside by the
application of cow-dung fire from below.
FIG. 5.13. The kO$fhi.
In the do/a yantram, the substance is kept in a piece of cloth, tied and
suspended by means of a rod which is placed across a pot half-filled with the
desired liquid. The substance is kept immersed in the liquid. The liquid
is then heated from outside. The svedanf yantram is used for steaming
purposes. The mouth of a pot is covered with a piece of cloth and the
substance to be steamed is placed on the cloth. Water is kept in the pot
and this is again covered by means of another pot. The substance is
steamed by boiling the water.
The piitana yantram, which is employed for purposes of sublimation
or distillation, consists of a well-baked pot of suitable dimension. Water
is taken in this pot to its neck. Over this pot is kept inverted another big
pot. The junction of the two necks of the pots is kept tight by the appli-
cation of a dough made of lime, raw sugar and buffalo's milk. The inside
bottom of the upper vessel is smeared with the substance and it is heated
CI R(fv.,4. b RRS.,9. c RPS., 10, 1-40.

from outside by burning cow-dung cakes. The vapours of the substance

fall into the water of the lower onc, i.e. sublimation is directed downwards
(adhahpotana). When necessary, the substance is also heated in the lower
FI<i. 5.14. The do/ti yan/ram. FIG. 5.15. The.\ !'edani )'alllram.
FIG. 5.16. The adhaltplitana yanfram.
pot and the upper one is kept cooled by applying wet rags. The sublimate
deposits in the interior of the upper pot, Le. the sublimation is directed
upwards (urdhvapiitana). There is also a variant of this procedure. A pot
or a vessel is provided with a long tube fitted in an inclined position, which
is in communication with inside of another vessel. The latter serves as
the receiver. The substance kept in the former is heated when the vapours
condense in the receiver which is kept cooled (tiryakpiitana).
In another apparatus called the tlheki yantram, a hole is made slightly
below the neck of a pot and one end of a bamboo tube is introduced into
it. The other end is fitted into a brass vessel which is filled with water.
Mercury mixed with the other desired substances is subjected to distilla-

tion in this type of apparatus. The extraction of mercury from cinnabar
is carried out in an apparatus styled the vidyadhara yantram. For this
purpose, two pots are placed one above the other. The upper one contains
cold water and the lower one containing cinnabar is heated.
FIG. 5.17. The tiryaApiitGna yan/ram.
The viilukii yantram is of the type of a sand-bath for heating substances

uniformly and for usually a long time. A long necked bottle, containing
the substance to be heated, is kept buried in sand in an earthen pot up
to three-fourths of its height. The apparatus is heated from below for
a long time till a straw, when placed on the surface of the sand, catches
fire. Instead of sand, sometimes a salt is used, and the apparatus is then
called the lavalJa yantram.
Fumigation of the leaves of gold or silver with the fumes of sulphur
or arsenic substances is done in another type of apparatus calIed dhupa
yantram. Two vessels are employed for this purpose. In the lower vessel,
iron bars are placed in a slanting position below its mouth, and leaves
of gold or silver are placed on them. Sulphur or the arsenic substance is
placed in the lower vessel and the other vessel is used for covering purposes.
On heating, the fumigation takes place. In the niilikii yantram, which is
more or less of the type of the lavatza yan/ram, only an iron tube (nalikii) is
substituted for the glass bottle. The bhudhara yantram is a simple closed
crucible which contains the desired chemical substance and is kept inside a
mass of sand. It is heated from outside by burning cow-dung cakes.
The apparatus, it should be noted, are simple and purposeful. Generally
they are of earthen material shaped into different forms; but apparatus made
of crude glass was also used. The source of heat, either cow-dung or wood,
could not yield high temperature. However, the maximum effect of heating
was sought to be attained by heating the substances for a long period-
from hours to days and weeks.
INDIAN ALCHEMY AND JATRO-CHEMISTRY
Though, as stated before, alchemy appeared late on the Indian scene,

it seems to have registered rapid growth. Perhaps in one respect it was
far ahead. It seems that in India the use of alchemy for bringing succour
to the disease-afflicted humanity was recognized by the rasavtidins much
earlier than the iatro-chemists of the west led by Paracelsus (A.D. 1490-1541).
The Indian alchemical texts of even the eleventh or twelfth century A.D.
contain details of a number of compositions to be used as medicines for
curing specific diseases. The reason is not far to seek. Alchemy in India
was concerned more with the life-prolonging processes than with the
conversion of base metals into noble ones.
However, one important difference between the iatro-chemists of the
west and those of India cannot be overlooked. In the west, the iatro-
chemists, in particular Paracelsus, thought that the human body was to
be recognized as a chemical system comprising mercury, sulphur and salt.
It was further recognized that an imbalance among the three would give
rise to diseased states. The third principle' salt' was introduced by Para-
celsus in addition to the already well-known two principles, viz. sulphur
and mercury, of the alchemists. This is the famous triaprima of Para-
celsus. a The theory of Paracelsus ran counter to the four humoral theory
of the Greeks, of Galen (A.D. 131-201) and Avicenna (c. A.D. 980-1037)
who were admittedly the two great authorities on medicine in their
times. In fact, Paracelsus propounded his theory by burning in public
the books of Galen and Avicenna who never considered the human body
in chemical terms. The ideas and demonstrations of Paracelsus acted as
a stimulus to accept the view that the human body, composed as it is of
mineral substances, could, in times of diseased states, be cured by the use
of mineral medicines. This eventually pointed to the superiority of the
mineral medicines over the herbal ones. According to Paracelsus, alchemy
was to engage itself in the noble task of transforming the naturally occur-
ring minerals into products which would prove beneficial to humanity. There
came about a view that the diseases were highly specific and, for each such
disease, a chemical cure of equal specificity should be found out. Al-
chemical operations were to be designed towards that end. As against
these views, it must be emphasized, the alchemists of India thought of the
human body in terms of tantrik elements.
In its earlier state, the Indian rasavidyii unlike the Ayurveda did not
accept the pancabhuta theory or the doctrine of the five elements. At a
later stage, however, the postulate that mercury, the principal alchemical
element, was itself composed of five elements, gained support. Further,
the trido..~a theory which characterizes the Ayurveda also came under its
purview. In course of time the efficacies of mercury-based medicines were
even sought to be formulated in the light of the pancabhuta theory, parti-
cularly by the Siddha system of medicine in Tamilnadu.
• Mason, pp. 60-65.

In the history of alchemy in India there is still one thread of thought
which has not been pursued critically. The Siddha system of medicine
and practice, mostly followed in Tamilnadu, is known to have mercury-
based alchemical ideas relating to longevity. The names of Agastya and
Bogar have been mentioned already as the authors of a number of works in
Tamil. The writings of Bogar contain a number of references to his con-
tacts with China. Whether he was a Chinese who imparted alchemical
knowledge to the Tamilians is a moot point. The Tamilians themselves
think of Bogar as having taught alchemy to the Chinese. They believe that
one Thirumillar was the originator of the Siddha system. But the date of
Thirumular has not been established beyond doubt. While tradition places
him at about 3000 B.C., the historical evidence assigns to him (ThirumfIla-
nayanmar) a date between the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. a The name
of Agastya is another which is of doubtful authorship as well as date.
There appears to be no doubt, however, that the Siddha system recognizes
the tantrik elements. Eighteen Siddhas are generally recognized and of
them Agastya and Bogar are the most celebrated. Bogar is stated to have
resided on Palni Hills and the disc of mysterious triangles of tantrik sig-
nificance, which is now there, is attributed to him. In addition, the way
the literature on the Siddha system speaks of kUfJrJalini, the cakras, yogic
concentration, niida, bindu and the use of mystic letters shows the marked
influence of tantrik ideas on this system.
However, there appears to be one important difference between the
alchemical ideas found in the Sanskrit texts and those in the Tamil works.
In the Tamilian alchemy, a prime substance known as muppu occupies an
important place. Muppu is considered to be the union of three salts, viz.
puniru (possibly a mixture of carbonates), kalluppu (rock salt) and afJrjakkal
(probably calcium carbonate). Four types of nlUppu are recognized:
vada muppu, vaidya muppu, yoga muppu and jiltina muppu. The first type
is used in the Tamilian alchemy, the second in the Siddha system of medicine,
the third and fourth seem to connote their effect on spiritual practices.
While the Tamil texts attribute even supernatural powers to muppu, the
Sanskrit works on alchemy do not speak of muppu at all.
It would appear that the Tamilian muppu corresponds to the later
European concept of the Philosopher's stone, for muppu is presumed to
possess an extraordinary potency of transmuting baser metals into gold
as well as rejuvenating the human system. Even though mercury is given a
special place in the Siddha system, the former is believed to acquire the
desired potency only by the use of muppu. In this respect, muppu is also
referred to as guru (the venerable leader) or guruphaspam. The viida muppu
appears to have in it the compounds (possibly the two chlorides) of
mercury.
a The Nayanmirs who were the Saiva saints of south India flourished from the sixth or
seventh century onwards. Thirumii]ar, a sixth-century Saiva yogi, enunciated the
doctrine of Pati-Pasu-PiSam; Majumdar (R. C.), III, pp. 327 If.
But, to be effective and miraculous, the Tamilian tradition has it that

muppu should have as its most efficacious ingredient piiniru of very high
quality. Even to this day, the practitioners of the Siddha system of medicine
and believers in alchemy go out in search of piiniru of the best quality.
According to the tradition again, there are some 35 places in south India
FIG. 5.18. An efflorescence of piiniru; (inset) a1;1{iaJ..kal. a
where puniru could be obtained. Kalahasti, Thiru AlankaQu (near

Madras), Sivaganga, Pasumalai, Vada Madurai, Dindigal, Thillaivanam,
Tenkasi and Cape Comorin are considered to be among the best places for
procuring puniru. The word puniru seems to be an outlandish form of
bhu-nir or water or exudation from the earth.
II The sketch is based on the photograph taken on 2 April 1969 at Thiru Alanka~u, a place
about 40 miles west of Madras, which the author visited for observing the etDorescence
between 3 a.m. and 4 a.m. when the fullmoon was low on the western sky. The Siddha
Vaidya Dr. T. K. Sivarao accompanied him and gave a practical demonstration of the
traditional ways of collecting, grading and later purifying pun;ru, in accordance with
the well-known tex.ts of the Siddha systems.
PQniru of the desired quality comes out as an efflorescence (white fluid)

from a soil rich in the fuller's earth in these areas during the four full
moon nights in the misty months of January, February, March and April.
The soil itself is considered in terms of male and female or hindu and ntidam
respectively depending upon its appearance, the former being greyish and
yielding al,1(1akkal, and the latter light grey in appearance. The male-
female symbolism is pronounced in the Tamilian alchemy. The principal
alchemical substances are even categorized into iilJlJ (male) and pefJf.l
(female). As in the Sanskrit texts, mercury is considered male and sulphur
female.
PUlliru is supposed to be in the nature of male-female union. Accord-
ing to the traditional explanation, pUlllru is formed by the action of the
rays of the full moon (male) on the earth (female) at certain places. The
earth is said to give birth to puniru. The watery portion found along
with the exudation of puniru is called amuri which is supposed to have
special nledicinal value.
On onc of the full moon nights statcd above and at selected places,
full grown pfiniru efflorescence comes up (about an inch in height)
and it is collected towards the dawn when the moon is low on the western
sky. The top white fluid is carefully taken out, and this is said to be the
piiniru of the first quality. The bottom portion along with the sand is
also scraped off, and this is considered to be an inferior variety. About
a foot below the efflorescence is found the afJfJakkal which is dug out.
A~l(1akkal, also called Brarnhakkal, is egg-shaped and general1y brownish
or whitish, depending upon the soil.
There seem to be a number of methods of preparing nlUppu, and these
methods are kept as closely guarded secrets by the practitioners of the
Siddha ~'aidya and alchemy. The three components, viz. punfru, kalluppu
and a!l(lakkal, arc subjected to several processes of purification before they
are transformed into fnuppu. A process involving the use of a potent
liquid called n1uppujeynfr, consisting of 111UppU, ammonium chloride,
chlorides of mercury and sodium chloride, is regarded as of fundamental
importance in the Tamilian alchemy. Another liquid called kafijalam
(probably rice gruel) is supposed to be a fluid of great potency even to
'kill' all minerals and metals. The gruel itself is obtained after an elabo-
rate process by prolonged exposure to rays of the sun and moon for a period
of six months. a
There are two more important aspects of the Tamilian alchenly which
deserve special mention. The alchcmical substances, minerals and metals,
are invariably subjected to complex processes of calcination and the like in
order to obtain what are called bhaspams, cendurams and cU'.lIJams. Prepared
with meticulous care, these constitute different steps even in the transmuta-
tion of metals. b The other aspect relates to the use of symbolic expressions
a Shanmugavelu, pp. 24-46.

b This information is based on the discus~ions with two Siddha Vaidyas of Madras.
22
for denoting the alchemical substances and processes themselves. In the

Sanskrit texts also are found such expressions which go by the nanle of
sandhyii bha~r;a (intentional language).a The Tamilian symbolic expressions
seem to be quite considerable calling for detailed study.
As stated already, the Sanskrit texts give an account of the use of plants
in the transmutation processes. The Tamil works also describe similar uses
involving different types of plants. The Agattiyarcarakku speaks of transmu-
tation processes with reference to a number of herbs. Thus, for example, it is
stated that the juicy vetpanai (Wrigutia tinctoria) is employed in the alchemical
process of converting iron into higher metals; the withered kalthiimarai
(a mountainous plant) is used in processing copper into a higher metal;
vanni (Prosopis spicigora) aids transmutation of iron into copper; thanninvittan
kilangu (Asparagus racemosus) is employed in the alchemical processing of
copper; marudani (Lawsonia alha) and nirariili (Polygonum barbatum) help
in the transJnutation of iron into copper; serandu pavai (an unidentified
herb) is used in the alchetnical process of transmuting iron into copper;
semmaram (Soymeda febrifuga) can be used in the process of transmuting
copper into gold; singaththarai (an unidentified herb) enables transmutation
of iron into gold.
The Tamil texts, which possibly derived inspiration from the Sanskrit
sources, appear to deal with certain drug compositions with specific
drug actions even outside the pale of alchemy. This is not to suggest that
the compositions were totally devoid of undertones of esoteric nature.
Nevertheless, there is a significant improvement in the matter of alchemical
practices designed towards medicinal formulations for human benefit. A
detailed study of Tamil texts relating to the Siddha system is essential for
understanding the growth and movement of alchemical as well as iatro-
chemical ideas and practices in India.
CHEMICAL TECHNOLOGY IN MEDIEVAL INDIA

In the medieval period while the alchemical thought and practice were
in the nature of an excursus into the realm of tantrik ideals followed by
certain groups of people in some parts of the country, there were many
noteworthy chemical techniques which were flourishing at the same time.
In this survey particular mention should be made of metal-casting and
paper-making. The former found new aesthetic and utilitarian forms and
the latter made its debut into India in this period.
Meta/-working
The metal-smiths in the central, eastern and southern parts of India
evolved intricate forms of both copper and bronze images, which were
fashioned hollow and solid castings on a large scale by the well-known
G Bharati, pp. 164-84.

22B
eire perdue process. A number of bronze images of the Buddha have

been recently found in the ruins of a monastery at Sirpur in Madhya Pradesh,
and they belong to the ninth-eleventh centuries A.D. The icon-workman-
ship of metal-smiths in Bengal had considerable influence on the metal-
working in Nepal and Tibet. a In south India, during the Chola period
(ninth to thirteenth centuries) the eire perdue solid casting method was
generally in vogue. Metal icons were fabricated according to canonically
correct ornamentation and in attractive style, aesthetically erecting several
figures even on one pedestal.
In this period there came out certain valuable literary works which give
details of the icon-making methods. Among them the Miinasolliisa or
Abhila~\·itiirthacintii/na~li attributed to the King Somesvara Bhulokamalla of
the Chalukya Dynasty in the Karnataka area, written in the twelfth
century A.D., has given a very clear account of the icon-casting process
as follows:
'According to the navatiila b measurement, as mentioned before, the
expert should first prepare the image (i.e. the model) complete with all its
limbs, yellowish in colour, beautiful to look at, and with the weapons and
arms as prescribed.'
After placing the wax tubes of the length of a dhatura flower on the
back, on the shoulders and on the neck or the crown (of the image), (the
artist) should besmear the image with refined clay.
To clay should be added charred husk, finely rubbed and cotton severed
a hundred titnes and a little finely powdered salt. All these (when mixed
with clay) should be ground on a smooth stone and (the paste) should be
applied three times all over (the image).
The first layer (of clay) should be transparent (and thin) and dried
in the shade. After a couple of days a second layer should again (be
applied). When dry again, there should be the third coating thickly applied.
(One) should besmear the whole (image or model) with clay leaving
the mouths of the tubes open; and the wise man should dry it (the clay
coating) with care and judgement. The expert should first (Le. before
beginning the process just mentioned) measure the wax of the image which
has to be made either in brass, or copper, or silver or gold.
Brass and copper should be taken ten times that of wax, silver twelve
times, and gold sixteen.
(Then one) should encase the metal, either gold or one that is desired,
with clay and coconut-shaped crucible (thus formed) should be dried
in the aforesaid manner.
Next, (one) should melt away the wax (from the mould) by heating
(the mould) in fire and should afterwards heat the crucible in cinders.
A Reeves, p. 23.
b According to this, the entire length of an image is nine times the height of the face,
which is generally nine inches; the length of the image is divided into 108 equal parts
which are proportionately distributed over the different limbs (Acharya, p. 297).
340 A CONCISE HJSTOR Y OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Brass and copper melt surely with (the help of) cinders just kindled.
Silver melts with (the help of) glowing cinders, while gold with (the help of)
cinders flaming fivefold.
After making a hole with an iron, on the top of the crucible and holding
it tightly with a pair of tongs, (one) should pour molten metal into the
mouth of the tube in a continuous stream and stop when it is filled to the
brim of the tube.
The adjacent fire should be put out for the purpose of cooling (the
mould with the molten metal). When the image gets cooled naturally,
the expert should break the clay very carefully.
Then the metal image verily resembles that in wax, endowed with
similar limbs and other details. a
The icons of the medieval period were indeed noted for their exquisite
forms and lasting metallic lustre. The icon production, which was a
flourishing metal-art particularly in south India, went hand in hand with
the building of imposing temples in increasing numbers. The Vijayanagar
empire was noted for brisk trade in a wide variety of bronze objects.
Iron smelting and forging operations were also followed with further
achievements. In the temples at Puri and Konark in Orissa are found a
number of iron beams. There are as many as 239 iron beanls (up to 17'
long and 6" x 4* or 5* x 6* in section) in the garden temple (also
called Gunduchiburi) at Puri. The Konark temple contains beams (29 in
number) of even larger dimensions (18'-35' long and about one foot
square). A chemical analysis of these beams shows that they are made
of wrought iron (iron: 99·64%; manganese: nil; carbon and
sulphur: traces; and phosphorous: 0·15%; specific gravity: 7·8) more
or less similar in composition to that of the Iron Pillar at
DelhLb The probable date of these beams may be about
the twelfth century A.D. The Iron Pillar at Dhar (ancient capital of Malwa)
is another notable vestige of the medieval period. It is of a much larger
size than the Iron Pillar at Delhi, its total length being 43' 8". To quote
Vincent Smith: 'whilst we marvel at the skill shown by the ancient arti-
ficers in forging a great mass of the Delhi Pillar, we must give a still greater
measure of admiration to the forgotten craftsmen who dealt so success-
fully in producing the still more ponderous iron mass of the Dhar Pillar
monument with its length of (over) 42 ft.'e The Dhar Pillar is now lying
broken in three pieces; the largest being 24' 311 and square in section.
Perhaps the fourth piece is missing. The weight of the pillar is estimated
to be about seven tons. While the local tradition maintains that the pillar
has been made of the saptadhatus (seven metals), the chemical analysis shows
that the pillar is made of wrought iron like the Delhi Pillar. As Neogi puts
it, 'it must not be forgotten that the Dhar Pillar in its completed COD-
dition would be the biggest iron pillar in the whole world.'tI The date
of this pillar is believed to be about the twelfth century A.D. Another
G Reeves, pp. 19-20. b Ncogi (1), pp. 21-26. C Smith (Y. A.) (2), p. 145. fI Neogi (1), p. 30.
iron pillar, probably belonging to the fifteenth century A.D., is that in the
temple of Achaleswar on Mount Abu in Rajasthan. It is 12' 9" high with
a Saiva trident on its top. The foregoing achievements amply illustrate
how skilful and imaginative were the metal-smiths in India.
In the medieval period, there were many centres famed for making the
damascened swords, i.e. those on the surface of which certain patterns like
swirls, water ripples and the like are fashioned. Obviously steel of high
quality must have been used for making these swords. The blades were
etched probably by using some chemicals about which practically no
information is available. A microscopic examination of these blades has
revealed the dexterity with which the damascene pattern was given to the
steel before forging it into blade form. Indian damascened swords were in
great demand in foreign countries.
In the Moghul period, there were metallic guns of large dimensions
made of bronze and iron. The great gun of Agra (made of brass; weight:
over 53 tons; length 14' and bore 22!") and Malik-i-maidan (made of
bronze; copper: 80,4%; tin: 19·53%; length: 14' 3*; diameter: 4' 10" at
mouth~ 2' 4!" at bore; probably cast in Ahmednagar and now in Bijapur)
deserve ~pecial notice. It is believed that the latter was the largest of its
type in the world then. The sixteenth century A.D. was specially noted for
the production of guns, although it would seem that guns were in use
in India even in the fifteenth century A.D. Iron guns of bigger dimensions
were also in use, particularly in eastern India, the maximum length of a gun
noticed being 31', and weight about 47 tons. One of the iron guns observed
at Dacca (now lost probably in floods) weighed about 30 tons, and the iron
ball which it contained had a weight of about 465 pounds. a
PAPER MANUFACTURE
While the metal-working had established itself in different parts of the

country as an important craft flourishing under indigenous influences, the art
of paper-making was introduced into India by about the eleventh century
A.D., probably from Nepal which in turn might have obtained the technique
of paper production from China. It would also appear that some parts of
India, specially western India, obtained the knowledge of paper-making
through the Arabs. b It seems to be fairly certain that the Chinese
knew the method of paper-making as early as the second century B.C.
It is believed that one Ts'ai-lun invented the method of producing paper
and offered his production as a present to the King in A.D. 105. There
is no doubt that the Arabs learnt the process of paper-making from the
Chinese, and towards the close of the eighth century A.D., Samarqand
and Baghdad had paper factories. By the tenth century A.D. Samarqand
had established a reputation for itself for the production of different types
of paper.
n Neogi (I), pp. 32-38. b Motichandra, p. 7.

Before the introduction of paper into India, the ancient literature was
preserved generally on palm-leaves (tala patra) in south India and birch bark
(bhurja pa/ra) in Kashmir and northern regions of the country. But paper
began to be used considerably in the fourteenth or fifteenth century A.D.
And in the later half of the fifteenth century, Kashmir was producing paper
of attractive quality from the pulp of rags and hemp with lime and soda
added to whiten the pulp. The Kashmir paper even acquired the status
of being an important article of present among the contemporary kings.
There were other paper-producing centres in the Panjab (Sialkot), Oudh
(Zafarabad), Bihar (Bihar town and Arwal), Bengal (Murshidabad and
Hooghly), Gujarat (Ahmedabad), Aurangabad and Mysore. Sialkot
produced paper of very high quality in brands such as 'Mansinghi', 'Nimt-
tariri' and' Khasab-i-Jehangiri'. Zafarabad, also known as Kiighdishaher
(paper city), used to manufacture glossy and strong paper from bamboo
pulp, though it was somewhat brownish in appearance. Unpolished
paper was also being produced there. Paper from Bihar centres was
also very fine. Gujarat, which probably produced the largest quantity of
paper in the late fifteenth and the early sixteenth centuries, even exported
the Tndian paper to the west Asian countries and Turkey. This paper
was white, glossy and in all sizes, thick and thin, and in colours. In the
Moghul period, Aurangabad developed into an important paper-producing
centre and supplied paper to other parts of south India. During Tipu's
time, a paper-making factory was started in Mysore where a special type
of paper having gold surface was produced by mixing the desired quantity
of powdered gold into the pulp before sheeting.
'The technique of paper-making was more or lcss the same through-
out thc country differing, of course, only in the preparation of pulp from
different materials. The skill of the Indian artisan streamlined the product
to greater excellence. Generally thc rags were thoroughly cleansed, boiled
and beaten into a pulp with watcr to the consistency of cream. A finely
woven wire sieve was dipped into the vat (daba). A horizontal shaking
motion was given to the sieve, which caused the fibres to felt or interlock,
the water draining away through the fine holes in the sieve. The sheet
was then placed between felt and subjected to pressure. After drying,
the paper was dipped in size (mandi) to render it non-porous, and finally
dried and smoothened by passing it through rollers under pressure. To
size the paper and render it fit for ink, a glue, somewhat gelatinous, was
first prepared in the vessel which contained this mixture, a rod was placed
and a cleft stick used for holding the sheet of paper during the process
of dipping. As soon as the paper had been sufficiently saturated, it was
withdrawn by gently rolling it round the stick which had been laid over
the vessel. The sheet of paper was afterwards hung to dry. It was then
smoothened and polished by rubbing it on wood with the convex side of
a chank-shell. Jute, sunn, ambaree, moorve, old sacks and fishing nets
were also used as raw materials. Forbes Royle observes that the fibrous parts
of many lily and aloe-leafed plants have been converted into excellent paper
in India, where the fibres of tiliaceous, malvaceous and leguminous plants

are employed for the same purpose.'a
Another method of paper-making was as follows: 'The materials
employed were old clothes, old tents, the bark of certain shrubs and trees,
etc. . .. These materials were beaten with a wooden hammer or dhenki,
after having been washed well and soaked in water for several days. The
pulp was mixed with a little water in a lime-lined (chunant) reservoir,
where the beating operation was also carried out. The workmen dipped
their moulds into the rcservoir, and the mixture, when lifted out, instantly
would become paper. It was then removed, and each sheet drawn through
a second reservoir of watcr and then hung up to dry. A quantity of gum
arabic was dissolved in water into which the beaten pulp was placed. The
water in the second reservoir, through which the sheets were drawn, also
contained gum in the form of a mucilage, as well as some alum dissolved
in it. The moulds or forms used by the workmen were generally made
of bamboo. The gum (gum arabic) was obtained as an exudation from a
tree, known commonly as the babool tree.'b
In the latc medieval period paper manufacture reccived great en-
couragement under the Peshwas, the main centres being Poona, Bijapur,
Nasik and Erandol. A chemical analysis of the various kinds of paper
of the medieval period has shown that they were principally made of cotton
clothes (rags) and flax. Some of them were also made of wood pulp.
The ash contents of these paper samples range from 4 to 9 %. It would
appear that starch 'or gum was being used for sizing purposes.
COSMETICS AND PERFUMERY
A reference has already been made to the knowledge and practical appli-
cations concerning cosmetics and perfumery as contained in Varfihamihira's
BrhatsalJ1hitii. In the medieval period, this industry registered consider-
able progress, and new techniques and compositions were developed.
Special texts, both in Sanskrit and in the other languages like Marathi
and Kannada, dealing with perfumery and elegant methods of fragrant
upkeep of the body, were also composed during this period. Of them, the
Gandhasiira of Gatigadhara (eleventh or hvelfth century A.D.) deserves
mention.£" The text gives six processes for the preparation of cosmetics
as follows: bhavanii (infusion of fragrant powders with the desired liquids),
pacana (digestion of materials probably for curing purposes), bodha (tem-
pering or intensifying the perfume), vedha (further intensification or 'excita-
tion '), dhupana (fumigation with aromatic incenses, vapours, etc.) and
viisana (preparation of scents utilizing the perfumes of flowers). Details
are given of the pacana process in terms of pUfapaka, gartaplika, ve 1) upiika,
doliipaka, kharparapaka, baijayilra and kiilapiika. These details throw
• Ghori and Rahman, pp. 139-40. C Gode, I, PP. 297-308; III, pp. 1-12.
bRAy (P.) (I), PP. 234-35.
ample light on the experimental skill of the perfume-makers. Even to

this day some of these processes are in vogue in different parts of the
country. The qualitative and quantitative aspects of these processes merit
particular attention as they governed the blending, curing or intensification
of the perfumes. The Gandhasiira mentions twenty-five types of fragrant
water (gandhodaka) and also a number of fragrant aromatic substances
such as parijiita, mukhaviisa (perfume to make the breath fragrant), gandha-
taila (scented oil), yallaviisa (dust of sandal and pollen of lotus in cold
water), dhupa and varti (an unguent, eye salve, collyrium or any cosmetic
in the form of a ball or pill). Further, the aromatic substances are classified
into several vargas (categories) in the following way:
(i) Patra varga (leaves): ttilisapatra (FlacourJia cataphracta), jhii1a,
riimakarpura (a species of fragrant grass), pratiipa (Calotropis
gigantea), tulasi (holy basil), murvii and damana;
(ii) Pu~pa varga (flowers): lavanga (cloves), mucukunda (Ptero-
Sper/11Um suberifolium), campaka (Michelia campaka), sura-
pu~"pi, priyaligu and sephiili;
(iii) Phala varga (fruits): marica (pepper), kankola, suk~mailii (small
cardamoms), jiiiphala (nutmeg), relJukii, haritaki (Terminalia
chehula), lima/ak; (Emhlic myrobalan), latiikasturi (Hibiscus
moschatus) and the like;
(iv) Tvag varga (bark): karpuratvak, lavaizgatvak, kharjurakauso,
asokatvak, etc.;
(v) Kii.."fha varga (wood): candana (sandal), agaru (Agallochum),
raktacandana, devadiiru, etc.;
(vi) Mala varga (roots): pu~c;kara mala, bhadranzustii, gandholnustii
and the like;
(vii) Niryiisa varga (exudations): karpura, silhtirosa, guggula, etc.; and
(viii) Jil'a varga (organic): kasturi (Hibiscus abelmoschus), nakhi
(Unguis odoratus), soyala, lnadhu (honey), etc.
The Gandhaviida, the authorship of which is not yet established beyond
doubt t is another text (probably fourteenth or fifteenth century A.D.) on
perfumery which has a commentary in Marathi of the other texts, the
AgnipuriilJa (c. tenth century A.D.) contains recipes for scented oils. The
utpa/agandhi (lotus-scented saffron coloured oil) is, according to this text,
prepared by intimately mixing equal quantities of cinnamon (tvac), murti (a
type of fragrant plant)t Nardostachys jatamansi (na/ada) and Andropagan
(vii/aka), and then blending the mixture with oil. Similar processes are
given for the preparation of jasmine and other scented oils.
There is no denying that India also received the knowledge of
preparing some of the perfumes, from outside. The perfume, ambergris
(ambara in Sanskrit), was introduced into India by the Arabs probably in
the eighth or ninth century A.D. It was used as sugandhadravya or
sugandhaka. It was also referred to as matsyika by virtue of the fact that
this perfume is obtained from the entrails of the whales. Production of
rose water and the attar of roses, obtained from the petals of roses (for
which Ghazipur in Uttar Pradesh is famous), was a well-known chemical
practice in the medieval period. It would appear that the rose itself was
introduced into India from Persia through the Arabs, and that the method
of extracting attar (Arabic word: itr meaning perfume) was discovered by
the mother of Nurjehan in A.D. 1612. Ain-i-Akbari gives a detailed account
of the use of rose water in the preparation of perfumes. a Akbar was fond
of perfumes and Ain-i-Akbari speaks of the 'Regulations of the Perfume
Officer of Akbar'. The perfume industry received fillip as a result of the royal
baths and the religious needs. In paticular, the royal baths were noted
for an extravagant use of perfumes, both blended and natural, and this is
borne out by the references found in the Mtinasolliisa of King Somesvara.
GUNPOWDER AND PYROTECHNICS
There is evidence to indicate that guns and gunpowder were in use

in Bengal in the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. It is well known
that at the beginning of the Moghul Period (sixteenth century A.D.) gun-
powder became an article of warfare. The Sukraniti, a Sanskrit treatise
attributed to Sukracarya, gives a description of how the gunpowder can be
prepared using saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal in different ratios for use
in different types of guns. One such composition, as stated in the text, con-
sists of five parts of saltpetre, one part of sulphur and one part of charcoal, the
last to be obtained from the arka, snuhi and other plants, cleaned and
reduced to a fine powder. To the mixture is added the juice of the plants
named above and, after thoroughly mixing, it is dried in the sun. It is
finally ground into a powder which now becomes gunpowder. b AgniciirIJa
and nii!iistra are the names given to the gunpowder and gun respectively.
Probably a century or two earlier, Indians possessed the knowledge
of manufacturing specific fireworks, since the basic ingredients of the gun-
powder constitute the components of mixtures used in the fireworks. By
the seventeenth century A.D. fireworks became common in several parts
of the country, particularly in Orissa, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Tamilnadu
and Kerala. It is believed that the Indians obtained the knowledge of
pyrotechnics from the Chinese who had certainly developed pyrotechnics
even as early as the eleventh or twelfth century A.D.
The literary sources dealing with gunpowder and pyrotechnics are in
Sanskrit, Marathi, Tamil and Malayalam. Of the Sanskrit works, Kautuka-
cintiimaIJi by Gajapati Prataparudradeva of Orissa (fl. A.D. 1497-1539),
Akiisabhairavakalpa (c. fifteenth century A.D.) and Sukraniti (c. sixteenth cen-
tury A.D.) are important. Ekanatha's RukmiIJisvyamvara (sixteenth century
A.D.) and works of Ramadasa (seventeenth century A.D.) are the noted Marathi
works, while Btinastistram and Bogarsutiram are well known among the
Tamil works. Vetikkampavidhi is a manual of fireworks in Malayalam
a Ain (2), pp. 73-82. b SN., 4,7.

written by one Nilakantha who was also the reputed author of several
works on Sanskrit literature. In addition, there is also a treatise on fire-
works in Persian, by Zain-ul-Abidin, the Muslim King of Kashmir (A.D.
1420-70).
The word 'biina' in the sense of a rocket finds a place in the Sanskrit
work of PraHiparudradeva mentioned above. The authorship of the
important works on pyrotechnics in Tamil is generally attributed to one
Bogar or Boganathar who is among the eighteen Siddhas of Tamilnadu
and who, according to the local tradition, had contacts with China. The
Tanlil works on pyrotechnics describe three principal types of fireworks,
viz. those which pierce through air (rockets), those which produce sparks
of coloured fire, and those which blaze with various colours and end with
explosions. Saltpetre, sulphur, charcoal, iron powder, bamboo tubes
and flats, mercury, cinnabar, copper salts, camphor, rice paste, arsenic
substances, pulp of castor seeds and wicks are among the important
ingredients mentioned in these works for the preparation of different fire-
works. Several formulae, 98 in number, for the manufacture of some
20 types of fireworks, are found in considerable detail in these Tamil sources.
Of particular significance is the fact that the metal dusts (of copper, iron
or steel, lead, brass and zinc) are used for producing sparklings of different
colours. The date of the works attributed to Bogar is uncertain. On
the basis of some internal evidence found in the text, its probable date is
twelfth to thirteenth centuries A.D.
Spectacular display of fireworks was a common feature in marriages
and other ceremonies in medieval ]ndia. ]n the fifteenth century A.D.,
various kinds of fireworks were displayed at Vijayanagar during festivals.
Even foreign travellers like Barbosa in the sixteenth century A.D. have
given vivid descriptions of the display of fireworks in certain parts of
India. Bernier has given an account of 'bannes' in warfare and how
they used to be thrown against the enemy as a sort of grenade attached
to a stick, and cherkysu thrown to explode with a view to separating
fighting elephants.
CONCLUSION
The foregoing are some of the important technological practices in-

volving the application of chemical knowledge. Though in the medieval
period certain technological practices came to India from neighbouring
countries, the Indian craftsmen acquired mastery over them soon and even
made innovations in course of time. The Indian products like metalware,
paper, cosmetics and dyestuffs found preference in foreign markets. There
is no doubt that the technicians of medieval India brought to bear their
aesthetic sense, too, upon some of their innovations.
Historically, in the West, it was only in the last two or three decades
of the eighteenth century that chemistry was placed on a solid foundation.
• Godc II, pp. 1-10, 31-56.

t
Quantitative experiments were conducted systematically to study the

nature of gases like carbon dioxide, air, oxygen, etc. As noted already,
Joesph Black (1728-90), Henry Cavendish (1713-1810), Joseph Priestley
(1733-1804) and Lavoiser (1743-94) were pioneers in the field of experi-
mentation and methodical interpretation of the observed facts. However,
about a century earlier, chemical problems attracted the attention of
some leading men of science particularly in England and France, who
courageously attempted to offer new explanations of certain phenomena.
For instance, they discarded the vitalistic view which was then prevalent,
viz. that the inorganic substances were alive, undergoing change as a result
of the inner vital forces. Instead, they suggested that external mechanical
forces act as instruments of change. This mechanical interpretation was no
less responsible for placing the chemical knoweldge on the right path in
the latter half of the seventeenth century.
At this tin1e, the British scientist, Robert Boyle, stressed the necessity
of interpreting the observations of iatro-chemistry on the basis of the
particles of matter and their motion. He advocated the atomic views for
explaining such empirical observations as dissolution of salt in water,
sulphur in oil or gold in mercury. Further, at that time it was Boyle who
gave a precise definition of element as 'certain primitive and simple, or
perfectly unn1ingled bodies; which not being made of any other bodies are
the ingredients of which all those perfect bodies are immediately com-
pounded, and into which they are ultimately resolved' (The Sceptical
Chymist, ]661).0. Boyle's approach to chemistry was a significant departure
from that of either the iatro-chemists or of the alchemists.
In India a mechanistic school of philosophy has been a conspicuous
lacuna over a long period of time. It is true that different schools of Indian
thought developed the atomic views. These could well have given birth to,
and later strengthened a mechanical approach to the interpretation of
the observed phenomena and the widely followed practices as well. But
the atomism proved no more than a polemical ground. It only became
the favourite thinking of the privileged intellectuals.
In brief, it may be stated that the use of minerals, metallurgical
practices and processing of common chemicals on the one hand and the
craftsmanship associated with them on the other were no less pronounced
in India than in the other well-known contemporaneous civilizations. It
is no exaggeration to say that in certain technical exercises based on chemical
knowledge, India had to its credit notable feats of excellence and out-
standing achievements. But they did not receive any support or stimuli
whatsoever from the thoughtful and privileged sections of the society. The
practices remained more as useful arts than as branches of a developing
chemical knowledge. As a result, the technical arts, though engendered
from time to time by extraordinary skills and craftsmanship, began to show
signs of decay for want of a proper conceptual framework.
II Read, pp. 113-14.

APPENDIX
As noted on pp. 326-27, a number of plants are used in the alchemical

or iatro-chemical processes adopted by the rasaviidins. The present state
of knowledge on this subject does not permit yet a critical evaluation of
the exact role of these plants vis-d-vis the processes associated with them.
These plants are used for obtaining several herbal compositions which,
in turn, are used as specific cures for certain diseases, by the Vaidyas even
now. The following table gives a brief account of the principal chemical
constitutents of the plants under reference.
Sanskrit names with botanical equivalents Principal chemical constituents
I. Agasti (Sesbania grandiflora Pers.) .. bark contains tannin (a) and gum.
2. Amlavetasa (Rheum emodi Wall.) . . root contains large proportion of
chrysophanic acid, emodin,
rhaponticin, tannin, resins (h),
mucilage (c), etc.
3. Ankola (Alangium lamarkii Thwaites) bitter alkaloid (d), alangine.
4. Apamarga (Achyranfhes aspera Linn.) .. fruit yields a large quantity of

alkaline ash (potash).
5. Asuri (Sinapis ramosa) seeds contain oil (25 ~~), sinigrin and
myrosin (an enzyme of the sul-
phatase class).
6. Bhrngaraja (Eclipta erecta Linn.) contains the alkaloid-ecliptine, and
resin.
7. Bthati (So/anum indicum Linn.) fruit and root contain wax, fatty
acids and the alkaloids-solanine
and solanidine.
8. Citraka (Plumbago zeylanica Linn.) .. root contains plumbagin.
9. Dhattiira (Datura !astuosa Linn.) . . leaves contain the alkaloid-daturine
(identical with atropine), mucilage,
albumen, etc., seeds contain datu-
rine, resin, mucilage, protcids,
malic acid, etc.
10. EraQ4a (Ricinus communis Linn.) .. seeds contain a toxic substance ricin;
oil (ricinoleate of glycerol).
11. Haridr1\ (Curcuma longa Linn.) (turmeric) .. alkaloid-eurcumin, essential oil and
resin.
12. Kadali (Musa sapientum Kuntze) ripe fruit contains sugar (22%),
starch, vitamins C and B, and some
minerals.
Sanskrit names with botanical equivalents Principal chemical constituents
13. Kanya kumari (Aloe indica) or ghrta kumari aloin (a mixture of glycosides).
14. Kulattha (Dolichos biflorus Linn.) .. grain with husk contains albu-
minoids, starch, oil, fibre and
phosphoric acid; enzyme urease.
15. Musali (Curculigo orchioides Gacrtn.) resin, tannin, mucilage, fat, starch
and ash containing oxalate of
potassium.
16. Nimba (Citrus acida or Citrus bergamia Ris ct juice contains citric acid (7-10 ~/~),
Poi) phosphoric and malic acids; and
citrates of potassium, sugar, muci-
lage, etc.; peel contains a volatile
oiL
17. 5Jgru (Morillga olel/era Lam.) bark contains alkaloid and 2 resins;
seeds yield oil which is a good
source of behenic acid.
18. PaIasa (Buteo [rondusa, Roxb. & Keon) . . gum and bark contain kniotannic
and gallic acids, soluble Dlucilagc
and ash which yield pyrocatechin;
seeds contam fat, albuminoids, etc.
)9. Vi~Q.ukranta (Clitona ternalea Linn.) root-bark contains starch, tannins
and resins; seeds contain oil, resin
and tannic acid.
SOURCE: Indian Materia Medica by Nadakarni, K. M., revised and

enlarged by Nadakarni, A. K., 2 vols., Bombay, 1954.
NOTES:
(a) tannins: Generally a mixture of polyhydroxy phenolic conlpounds.

(b) resins: Contain highly polymerized organic constituents such as
oxygen derivatives of cyclic hydrocarbons, terpenoids
and phenolic compounds.
(c) mucilage: Complex organic compounds mainly mixture of poly-
saccharides and proteins.
(d) alkaloids: Nitrogen-containing organic bases, characterized by their
specific physiological action.
6 AGRICULTURE
S. P. RAYCHAUDHURI
LALLANJI GOPAL
B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA
TilE word' agriculture' (agri = field; culture = tillage) means tillage of the
soil leading to production of crops. The origin of agriculture could be
traced to the early human attempts at settling down in congenial environ-
ments and gradually exploiting the anin1al and plant resources which were
found easily accessible. Undoubtedly, wild plants, their roots, fruits and
seeds were among the principal plant resources belonging to the vegetable
kingdom used as food by early man. In course of time it is natural to
suppose that he must have gained a practical knowledge of their growth..
characteristics, factors conducive to their rearing as well as reproduction,
and their effect on the human system. There were indeed several steps
between the necessity of gathering wild fruits, roots and seeds, and that of
the regular cultivation of plants which produce them. When man began
to lead a settled life, possibly being assured of an adequate supply of wild
plant products some of which he could also store for a reasonable period,
he was doubtless in a definite position to indulge in what may be called
plant domestication even if it was on a small scale. The archaeological
evidence indicates that in the old world the main area of such a domestica..
tion of plants was the Near East which is sometimes referred to as the
'Fertile crescent', and which included a Mesopotamia, eastern coast of the
Mediterranean and the Nile valley. It is now known that by about the
eighth or seventh millennium B.C., there were definite practices of plant
domestication in the Near East although the beginnings of cultivation
occurred at different periods in different places of the region. The digging
stick and the hoe were the early contrivances of cultivation and the plough
appears to have arrived on the scene by about the fourth millennium B.C.
(probably in the eastern Mediterranean region) when agriculture became
one of the most important productive enterprises. b
a Candolle, pp. 2-3.

b Encyclopaedia Britannica (edition 1969), pp. 369 fT.
AGRICULTURE 351
In India, the history of agriculture begins with the practices of the

inhabitants of the Indus Valley riparian culture. The fertile alluvial soil,
rather a heavy monsoon rainfall at that time and the water of the Indus
were conducive to the growth of a number of domesticated plants. As
Marshall says: 'Great cities with teeming populations like Mohenjo-daro
and Harappa could never have come into being save in a country which
was capable of producing food on a big scale, and where the presence of
a great river made transport, irrigation and trade easy.'a Indeed the
economy of the people of the Indus Valley Civilization was based on agri-
cultural produce. which was quite substantial, although it would appear
that, when compared with that of Mesopotamia, it was noticeably less.
As regards the agricultural irnplements, they did not know the use of
plough, but had only toothed harrow as may be inferred from one of the
Indus ideograms. b They, however, knew the technique of flood-irrigation.
It has been surmised that a certain jar-type of pottery (called 'scored
pottery') nlight have been used by the farmers of Mohenjo-daro as an
appliance for raising water in a nlanner similar to that of the wheel used
in most parts of the Near and Middle East even now. The specimens
found at the Mohenjo-daro have deep grooves suggestive of the possibility
of their being lashed to a wheel. The base and the rim of this type of
pottcry are also of shapes suitable to the operation of taking out \vatcr.
However, in view of the fact that a number of these have been found near
small public wells, it has been doubted whether they were used for obtaining
a constant stream of water. Mackay says: 'I t is nlorc than probable that
some arrangement for drawing water for irrigation, by means of an end-
less rope working on a wheel, with pottery vessels attached to it at intervals,
was in use in Sind and other parts of Western India from very early times,
though it may not have taken the fornl of the modern wheel. The latter
may have been an improvement introduced into India frolll Persia.
The use of the so-called Persian wheel is almost exclusively confined
to Baluchistan, Sind and the Panjab, and some parts of the Bombay
Presidency.' C
The intensive excavations at Kalibangan, one of the important pre-
Harappan sites in Rajasthan, have laid bare a furrowed field showing that
even in the third millennium B.C. the technique of agriculture was of a
sufficiently developed type.
The querns found in the excavations show how thc grinding of the
grain was done on an extensive scale. Agriculture in those days mainly
comprised cultivation of wheat, barley, sesamum, peas, cotton, date-palm,
pomegranate and banana. It is indeed interesting to note that at Mohenjo-
daro the wheat unearthed (Triticum sphaerococcu/n or Triticum compactum)
belongs to a group which is still cultivated in the region of modern
Panjab. d
a Marshall, I, f.n. 1. C Marshall, I, f.n. 318.

f) Kosambi, pp. 62-64. d Marshall, I, P. 27.
352 A CONCISE HlSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
THE VEDIC PERIOD
In the Vedic period agriculture was an important vocation and the

agricultural practices had social and religious undertones even. Domestic
(grhya) rites and festivals then, as now, often synchronized with the four
main agricultural operations of ploughing, sowing, reaping and threshing. a
Some of the grhya rites also implied the need for maintaining cattle in
abundance. That the Vedic people attached great importance to agri-
culture can be very well understood by the reference made to it in the several
hymns. A ~gvedic hymn says: 'With the master of the field, our friend,
we triumph; may he bestow upon us cattle, horses, nourishment, for by
such (gifts) he makes us happy. .. May the herbs (of the field) be sweet
for us; may the heavens, the waters, the firmament be kind to us; may the
lord of the field be gracious to us . .. May the oxen (draw) happily; the
men (labour) happily; the plough furrow happily... Auspicious Sitii
(furrow), be present, we glorify thee: that thou mayst be propitious to us,
that thou mayst yield us abundant fruit. .. May the ploughshares break
upon land happily; may the ploughman go happily with the oxen; may
Parjanya (water the earth) with sweet showers happily .. .'b Similar ideas
are expressed in the Atharvavedac which has also a number of hymns which
are in the nature of invocation to the god of plenty, of rain and of cattle
with a view to getting good harvests and cattle wealth. These reveal that
the agricultural practice was regarded as one of noble occupations.
The Vedic word used to denote agriculture is kr~i which literally means
the act of ploughing, the produce being called sasya. The Rgvedic terms
like yava,!l kr,.~ and sasya have their identities with the expressions yao karesh
and hahya in the Avesta, indicating a possible relation between the agricul-
tural practices of the Vedic India and those of Iran. The agricultural
implements mentioned in the Vedic literature include the plough (langala, d
phd/a, e sfra f and sila) and datra,g sr!)f. h Langala was of a lace-pointed
type, having a smooth handle, while sfra was a large and heavy one. Sieve
(litau) was in use to separate the grain from the straw, and winnowing
(surpa) was resorted to. Ordara' was the vessel used for measuring the grain.
Plough (langa/a) was used extensively, drawn by oxen in teams of six,
eight or even twelve, and repeated ploughingi was resorted to with a view
to enabling the soil to acquire the desired quality. The ploughland was
called urvara or k~etra. Cow-dung (sakrt) was used as manure and the dried
cow-dung (karf$a) was found to be better. The Kiifhaka Sa",hita describes
a process of cultivation as well as harvesting using the plough and sicklek
respectively. Agriculture was considered by the Vedic people as one of
a Sat. Br., I, 6.1.3. , .8V., IV, 57.8; X, 117.7. i J!,V.,U.14.lJ.

b ~v., IV, 57.1-3. f .8V., X, 101.3-4; IV, 57.7. J ,8V., I, 23.15.
c AV., Ill, 17. (/ .aV., VIII, 78.10. k Koth. S., XVI, 10.
.. .8V., IV, 57.4; AV., 11,8.4; h .1JV., I, 58.4•
Taitt. S., VI, 6.7.4.
AGRICULTURE 353
reproduction in much the same way as human procreation, as the Atharva-

veda says: 'Scatter the seeds in the prepared ground (yoni). 'a
Of the important grains grown during the Vedic period, viz. wheat,
rice and barley, it is significant to note that the J!.gveda does not mention
rice at all. Obviously, then, rice was a wild growth and not yet cultivated
in the area in which the J!.gveda was compiled. b It began to be grown at
a later time as evidenced by the reference to rice in the Taittirfya C and the
Kiilhaka Saf17hitiis, a and the Atharvaveda. e The term used for rice of
good quality is taf.lrlula/ vrihi' and sali,1I and for the wild variety, nfviira.
The Taittirfya even refers to the husked (kanJa) and unhusked (akar"(la)
rice.'
The Vedic farmers knew the method of improving the fertility of the
soil by what may be called the method of rotation. As the Taittiriya
Sa1]1hitti mentions, 'rotation of crops' might have been practised inasmuch
as rice would be sown in summer and pulses in winter on the same
field} According to Roxburgh, the Father of Indian Botany, 'the Western
World is to be indebted to India for this system of sowing':" Generally,
in the Vedic period two harvests a year were gathered. The common
domesticated animals were bull, oxen, sheep, goat Z and cow. The cow,
in particular, was held in high veneration and it even symbolized the
mother earth. A ~gvedic hymn extols the importance of cow. m
The number of references pertaining to agriculture as found in the
Vedic literature bring home to us that the cultivator in the Vedic period
possessed a fair knowledge of the fertility of the land, selection and treat-
ment of seeds, seasons of sowing and harvesting, rotation and other cul-
tural practices of crops, manuring for increased production of crops, and
the like.
As regards irrigation, the ~gvedic farmers had realized the importance
of constructing channels for carrying water from wells and probably from
rivers even. In view of the climatic conditions such as the none-too-heavy
annual rainfall, dry air and high temperatures during summer, which would
not be conducive to the storage of water, it was not possible to have tanks
and other artificial reservoirs, particularly in the Panjab. The principle of
collecting water from catchment hilly areas of undulating surface and
carrying it through canals to distant areas was also known to the farmers
of the Vedic period. Of the water-lifting devices, the lJ.gveda n mentions
one by the name asmacakra which was, as the name suggests, a wheel
a AV., 111,17.2. II Auboyer, p. 65. C Taitt. S., VII, 2.10.2. a Ktilh. S., X, 6.
t AV., VI, 140.2; VITI, 7.20; IX, 6.14.
I AV., X, 9.26; XI, 1.28; XII, 3.18, 29.30; Kolh. S., X, I; Ail. Br., I, I; Sat. Br., I,
1.4.3; II, 5.3.4, etc.; Chand. Up., III, 14.3.
f/ AV., VI, 140.2; VIII, 7.20; IX, 6.14; Taitt. S., VII, 2.10.2; Ka/h., S., X, 6; XI,S, etc.
h Sat. Br., V, 1.4.14, 3.3.5; Taitt. Br., I, 3.6.7.

, Taitt. S., 1,8.9.3. , AV., VI, 91.1.
J Taitt. S., V, 1.7.3. m .{lV. t VI, 28.
It Majumdar, (0. P.) (3), p. 115. ft /1.V., X, 101.7.
23
made of stone; and water was raised, with the help of the wheel, in a pail
using a leather strap. a Yet another device is referred to as dro!la, which
was a sloop. There was also a ghalayantra b or udghiitana which was of
the type of a drum-shaped wheel round which went a pair of endless ropes
with gha{a or earthen pots tied to them at equal distances. The technical
details of all these devices are, however, still unavailable.
THE POST·VEDIC PERIOD
In the post-Vedic period, the political unification which was brought

about by the monarchs of Magadha contributed a great deal to the develop-
ment of agriculture. It must be emphasized that the State then had an
established machinery for collecting taxes from its subjects who followed
different vocations, the principal ones which provided the people with the
means of livelihood being kr$i (agriculture), pasupiilana (cattle-tending) and
vii1)ijya (trade). The three together were recognized as vartta (derived
from vrlti, meaning livelihood). The most important of the three voca-
tions was, as could be expected, agriculture. The rural economy was based
upon the griima-k~f;etra (the arable land of the village) which was cultivated
not unoften by means of co-operative irrigation. There were also large
holdings-estates of 1,000 karfsas (probably acres) or even more and one
which required for its cultivation as many as 500 ploughs and a number of
hired labourers to ply the ploughs with their oxen. C
The Artha~~iistra of Kautilya contains information of value to the
understanding of importance of agriculture in those days. Undoubtedly,
the State gave considerable encouragement to the settlement of people on
unoccupied (sunyanivesa)d land with a view to not only providing them
with employment but also increasing the agricultural production. It also
supported the construction as well as maintenance of irrigation works and
was vigilant so as to ensure continued tilling of the lands, e making the act
of keeping the fertile land uncultivated, a punishable offence.
In this period there was an increasing awareness of the agricultural
properties of the land. With the accumulated experience, it had become
possible to classify lands and make attempts to utilize the suitable ones
effectively. The land, according to Kautilya, consisted of kr$la (cultivated),
akr$fa (uncultivated), sthala (high and dry ground), kedara (field sown
with crops), drama (grovel), $Q1)qa (horticultural plantations), ma/avapa
(field for growing roots), vota (sugar-cane plantations), vana (forest), vivita
(pasture land) and pathi (roads).!
There was yet another type of land classification from a different
standpoint. The growth of Dledicinal herbs, certain varieties of rice, pulses,
oilseeds, etc., which were used for efficient medical care, needed suitable
II Raychaudhuri, p. 109. cIAs., 2, J.

b .av., x, 93.12 (SAy~ats interpretation). , As., 3, 9.29-38.
C Majumdar (R. C.), II, p. 595. 1 Ai., 2, 35; 3, 10.
23 B
AGRICULTURE 355
soil which would be conducive to their efficacy. The two medical classics
give details of the distinctive traits of different types of soil commended for
the culture of medicinal herbs and certain grains. Susruta recommends a
ground 'which possesses a soil which is glossy, firm, black, yellowish or
red and does not contain any sand, ash or any other alkaline substance, is
permeable to the germination of seeds and easily pervious to the roots of
plants growing thereon, and which is supplied with the necessary moisture
from a nearby stream or reservoir of water'. a He divides the land into
three categories, viz. jangala, anupa and stidhtira1)a, according to the geo-
graphic and climatic conditions. Jtingala is one which presents a flat sur-
face and has scanty growth of thorny shrubs, isolated hills or knolls, where
strong gales of warm wind blow and water gets drained. Anupa is a watery
or swampy region with woods and forests, hilly and which is impassable
owing to its network of rivers and sheets of accumulated water. Siidhiira1)a
is midway between the two. A similar type of classification is found in the
Caraka Sa",hitii. b
The Arthasastra, which throws enough light on the state of agriculture
possibly of its time, speaks of the science of agriculture and the Director of
Agriculturec (Sltiidhyak$a). The latter was expected to be conversant wi th
the suitability of the soil, ploughing, preparation of the soil, selection of
proper seeds, etc., on the one hand, and the amount of rainfall that was
expected to occur in different seasons of the year on the other. The text
says: 'In conformity with that, he (the Director) should cause crops to be
sown, requiring plenty or little water. Stili-rice, vrihi-rice, kodrava, sesa-
mum, priyaizgu, diiraka and varaka (Phaseolus trilobus) are the first sowings.
Mudga, mii~a and saimbya are the middle sowings. SafDower, lentils,
horse-gram, barley, wheat, kaliiya, linseed and mustard are the last sowings
... which should be in conformity with the season. .. A (region) where
the foam strikes (phenaghiital) the banks is suited for creeper fruits; (regions
on) the outskirts of overflows, for long pepper, grapes and sugar-cane;
those on the borders of wells, for vegetables and roots, those on the borders
of moist beds of lakes, for green grass ...'
The Arthasastra refers to the preparation of the field by ploughing
three times (trin kar$akiin) in heavy rains. d Often deep ploughing was
done. The ploughshare which was fitted in the central bent portion (po/ra)
of the plough was made of iron.
According to this text, the seeds need treatment before sowing, keeping
the seeds (rice, wheat, barley) in the dew (by night) and drying in the sun
(by day) for a week would bestow on them the desirable qualities. The
seeds of pulses were to be similarly treated for three to five days and nights.
Honey, ghee, pig's fat, cow's dung, etc., were also used for treating different
seeds. When sprouted, the seeds were fed with fresh acrid fish along with
the milk of snuhi (Euphorbia antiquorum) plant. Though the text does not
give details of the method of watering different plants, it significantly
Q CS. Su., 37, 1. t: Ai., 2. 24. I I and 22. , AI., 2, 24.9.

asserts that' the (farmers) shall pay a water-rate of one-fifth when lifted
from rivers, lakes, tanks and wells'.tJ Irrigated cultivation has been classi-
fied so as to include flower-gardens, fruit-orchards, vegetables, wet crop-
fields and roots.
PaQiill b mentions a practical classification in terms of cultivated and
uncultivated lands. The former was known as kar~a and the latter included
u~ara (waste land) and gocara (pasture). The fields were also classified on
the basis of the crops grown (vraiheya where vrihi was raised; saileya-siili;
ma~~ya-beans; tilya-sesamum, etc.) and also the quantities of seed required
for sowing (prasthika-field sown with a prastha measure of seed; draulJika-
drof)a, etc.).
There were three crops, one sown in the rainy season and collected in
granary in Magha (January-February), another sown in autumn and col-
lected in granary before Caitra (March-April) and the third sown in spring
and stored by Jye~tha (May-June). Two or three crops in a year imply
the knowledge of crop rotation. No doubt rotation of crops as a scientific
method developed in modern times. Without implying that such a practice
was consciously developed with the help of scientific observations, we may
say that the knowledge of the requirements of different crops and the
different harvest seasons may have led to a rudimentary form of crop
rotation. But it must be added that the method had not come into general
practice. The cultivator took advantage of the double or triple harvest
system or kept the fields fallow depending on the wealth of his fields and
as his resources permitted or his needs required. A passage in the Artha·
sastra suggesting that for augmenting the finances, the administration could
prevail upon the cultivators to raise a second crop indicates that the practice
of keeping lands fallow was also resorted to in many cases. The sowing
of mixed crops was also widely practised. Patafijali tells us that sesamum
was sown with beans (main crop), and the ploughing was done according to
the requirements of the main crop. The seeds of the minor crop used to
be sown by scattering them here and there. c
As a recognition of high position accorded to agriculture by the rulers
as well as the people at large, the construction of tanks and other types of
reservoirs was considered to be an act of religious merit even. Construc-
tion of irrigation works was regarded as one of the most important welfare
activities which the State was expected to provide. There are many in-
scriptions testifying that the rulers honoured this responsibility with devo-
tion. The Maurya monarchs took keen interest in the irrigation schemes.
This is borne out by the account of Megasthenes d who speaks of a band of
officers who 'superintend the rivers, measure the land, as is done in Egypt,
and inspect the sluices by which the water is let out from the main canals
into their branches, so that everyone may have an equal supply of it'. An
irrigation work of historical significance in Saurashtra, called SudarSana
CI As., 2, 24.18. c Agrawala, p. 200.

" Agrawala, pp. 195-97. d Abo, XV, 1.50-52.
AGRICULTURE 357
Lake, was constructed by PU$yagupta under Chandragupta Maurya and

restored later by Tus~pa, the Yavana governor of Asoka. The vast
reservoir suffered a breach (420 cubits long and 75 cubits deep) in the
second century A.D., owing to heavy flood and onrush of the rivers Suvar-
narekha, Palasini, etc., and was repaired by the Parthian amatya Suvisakha
who was the governor of Rudradaman, the Saka ruler of that time, at the
latter's personal cost. a There is no doubt that on this lake depended the
prosperity of the people of that area for a long time. In western India the
successors of Rudradaman continued the tradition of constructing tanks.
In the central and south India huge tanks of great engineering skill
were constructed. The technical skill that went into the construction of
these tanks is clear from the fact that some of them even now serve the
purpose for which they were made. The pioneer work in this respect was
done by Karikala J, who reigned towards the close of the first century A.D.,
when he tamed the river Kaveri by means of embankments for utilization
of the water of the Kaveri through a number of canals. He also excavated
tanks for the benefit of those parts of the kingdom which could not receive
water from the river. In those days in south India there used to be tank
sub-committees of the village assembly, WhICh looked after the maintenance
of tanks.
CLASSICAL AGE AND LATER

In the Classical Age and later, agriculture made great headway as
indicated by the wide variety of agricultural products grown in different
parts of the country, and also the royal encouragement given to irrigation
works. The well-organized governments under the Guptas in the Gangetic
basin, Malwa, Gujarat and Kathiawar, of the Viikatakas and Chalukyas
in the Deccan and of the Pallavas in the south took keen interest in, and
adopted concerted measures for, the development of agriculture, which led
to increased agricultural produce and a flourishing trade in a number of
agricultural products. The State had realized the importance of the culti-
vation of waste lands (khila) and so offered liberal terms to the people to
purchase them. Land-grants were also made by them on many occasions.
The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang who visited India at this time gives an
account of the agricultural as well as horticultural products grown in
different regions, such as rice, wheat, ginger, mustard, tamarind. mango,
melon, wood-apple, pear, plum, peach and apricot. He even speaks
of a variety of rice produced at Po-li-ye-ta-Io (Pariyatra, Le. Bairat) which
ripened. in 60 days. b There is no denying the fact that in the period under
reference food-grains and fruits were being cultivated on an extensive scale
in several parts of the country. A number of literary works of the period,
including the encyclopaedic ones, allude directly or indirectly to the agri-
cultural practice as well as the rich produce. While the encyclopaedic
CI Sharma (R. S.), pp. 95-96. b Watters, p. 300.

ones like the Amarakosa and the BrhatsalJlhita have in them sections on
certain aspects of agriculture, a specific text known as Kr~i Parasara deals
entirely with agriculture. The contents of the latter may be taken to be
as clearly indicative of the then existing knowledge and practice relating to
agriculture, such as soil classification and land use, manuring, rotation of
crops, irrigation, agricultural meteorology, tillage implements, protection
of crops from diseases and pests, care of draught animal and grazing of
cattle. The Kr~i Parasara asserts:' ... one taking to agriculture can become
a sovereign monarch in the world. Rice is vitality, rice is vigour too, and
rice (indeed) is the means of fulfilment of all the needs (of life). Gods,
demons and human beings-all subsist on rice. .. Blessed is agriculture,
holy agriculture and agriculture is the life of creatures. .. One furrow is
conducive to victory, three are the givers of success and furrows numbering
five give always crops.'a
The text no doubt has portions relating to rites and ceremonies in
association with various agricultural operations. Not infrequently super-
stitious ideas, too, find expression in it. Nevertheless, it must be noted
that religious practices of several descriptions were intricately woven into
the social fabric of the ancient Indians and, as agriculture was the mainstay
of the people, religious rites of superstitious nature were considered necessary
in order to be successful in that operation which was, more often than
naught, a gamble in rain.
SOIL CLASSIFICATION AND LAND USE
The suitability of different lands for the cultivation of different crops

and herbs enumerated in the Arthasiistra and the medical classics respective-
ly has been mentioned already. But the Amarakosa describes 12 types of
land depending upon the fertility of the soil, irrigation and physical charac-
teristics. The 12 types as mentioned in the Bhumil'arga b of this lexicon
are: urvarii (fertile), u~ara (barren), maru (desert), aprahata (fallow),
sadvala (grassy), pankila (muddy), jalaprliyamanQpa (watery), kaccha
(land contiguous to water), sarkarii (land full of pebbles and pieces of lime-
stone), sarkariivati (sandy), nadimatrka Oand watered from a river) and
devamiitrka (land watered by rain). In the Vaisyavarga C we are informed
of the different kinds of soils particularly fit for the cultivation of different
kinds of crops as follows: k~etram-rice and corn; yavya-barley; tai/inam-
sesamum; maudginam-green gram, etc. There are also different names
for lands ploughed once, twice and thrice, and at several stages.
Use of Manure
The Brhatsa1flhita fI prescribes that seeds which have been properly
treated are to be sown with the addition of pork or venison into the soil
a Kr. P., 3-8, 143. cAmara., 6-8.

" Amara., 5-6, 10-13. IIBrh. S., 55, 19-20.
AGRICULTURE 359
(where previously sesame crop was raised, dug up and trodden) and sprin-
kled daily with water mixed with milk (k~ira). It says further: a 'To promote
inflorescence and fructification, a mixture of one iirlhaka (64 palas) of
sesame, 2 ii{ihakas of excreta of goats or sheep, one prastha (16 palos) of
barley powder, one to/a of beef thrown into one dro1)a (256 palas) of water
and standing over seven nights should be poured round the roots of the
plant.' In order to ensure sprouting and growth of luxurious stem and
foliage, according to the Brhatsa1J1hita, b the seed should be soaked in an
infusion made of paddy powder, urad (mii$a), sesame and barley which are
mixed with decomposing flesh and the whole mass steamed with the addition
of turmeric (haridrii). For the growth of kapittha (Feronia elephantum), the
seeds should be soaked for a short time in a decoction of iispho!a (Jasmine),
lima/aki (Phyllanthus embellicus), dhava (Gris/ea tomentosa), viisaka (Justiea
adhatoda), vetula (Calamus rotung), suryavalli (Gynandropsis pentaphyta),
syiimii (Echites fructeseens) and atbnuktaka (Aganosma caryophyllata) boiled
in milk. The soaked seeds should be dried in the sun and the process
is to be repeated for a month. A circular hole is to be made in the ground
(1 cubit in diameter and 2 cubits in depth), and the milky decoction poured
into it. When it dries up, it is burnt and pasted over with ashes mixed
with ghee and honey. Three inches of soil should now be thrown into
them along with the powder of bean, sesame and barley, and then again
three inches of soil. Finally, washings of fish are to be sprinkled and the
mud beaten to a thick consistency. Now the treated seeds should be
placed in the hole. c
According to the Agnipurli1J.a,d 'a tree becomes laden with flowers and
fruits by manuring the soil with powdered barley, sesamum and the offal
matter of a goat mixed together and soaked in washings of beef for seven
consecutive nights. A good growth of these is secured by sprinkling the
washings of fish on them'.
The Kr~i Parlisara says: 'In the month of Mligha a dung heap is to be
raised with the help of a spade. When it becomes dried in the sun, smaller
balls are made out of it. In the month of Phtilguna, the dried balls are
placed into holes dug for the purpose in the field, and at the time of sowing
they are scattered into the field.'tl The practice of not disturbing the dung
heap for a month means the minimization of the loss of nitrogen, the chief
fertilizing element, that of drying into balls results in the reduction of active
ammonia which may be injurious to the plants, while that of placing the
dung balls into pits increases the humus which undoubtedly contributes to
the fertility of the soil.
The use of flesh of animals, fish-washings, vegetable products and the
fann-yard manure consisting of the excreta of various animals, mixed with
litter which would absorb the animal urine, indicates that the farmers of the
ancient period were well aware of their fertilizing property and also the
G Brh. S., 55, 17-18. C Brh. S., 55, 22-26. e Kr. PI' 109-110.
,. Brh. S., 55,26-27. cI Ag. Pu., 282,11-12.
physical effects of the manure upon the texture and water-holding power
of the soil, although they did not certainly possess the precise chemical
knowledge of these fertilizers. It is now known that the farm-yard manure
contains all the essential plant nutrients, viz. nitrogen, phosphoric acid and
potash. It is obvious that the knowledge of manuring in those early days
was apparently the result of extensive practical observations and not based
on the laboratory observations of the modern type.
Agricultural Implements and Accessories

The Amarakosa lists a number of agricultural implements such as
plough (langola, hala), pin of yoke (yugakilaka), shaft of the plough (langa/a-
daf.u)a), goad (prajana, toejana), harrow (kotMa), spade or hoe (khanitra),
sickle (datra, lavitra), tie for fastening the yoke to the plough (yoIra), post
for threshing grain on the floor (medhi), winnowing basket (surpa, pras-
photana) and sieve (eiiIan i, titau).G But it is in the Kr$i Pariisara that we
find a detailed description of the plough. According to this text the plough
consists of the following parts: b Yuga (yoke), a4r/acalla (pins of the yoke),
i$a (pole of the plough), niryola (rod of the plough exclusive of the pole
and the ploughshare), saula (an extra piece of wood that tightly fixes the
niryola to the pole), niryolapiisikii (plates), halasthii!,u (strong piece of wood
fixed to the niryola at the end opposite to where the ploughshare is fixed),
paccani (goad made of bamboo with iron top), abandha (iron rod which
prevents niryola from getting out of the pole, yoktra (tie) and phala (plough-
share). The text also gives dimensions of some of the parts in terms of
plough.
In addition, details are also given of Sf!'; (sickle), khanitra (hoe), musala
(pestle), udukhala (mortar), sQrpa (winnowing basket), dhanyakrt (winnow-
ing fan), ea/ani (sieve) and methi (threshing post).
Irrigation
As already noted, one of the types of land went under the appelation
nadi-mtitrka which depended on irrigation utilizing the river water. There
is enough evidence to indicate that due recognition was given to irrigation,
both natural and artificial. The former channelled the water of the rivers
and the monsoons in the northern and north-eastern parts of India
respectively and the latter which utilized the stored water in tanks, pools
and wells was adopted in the central, north-western and southern parts
of India.
The Naradasmrti states that the erection of dyke in the middle of
another man's field is not prohibited in view of the fact that it would be
advantageous for irrigation purposes, while the loss is trifling. It states
further that a man with the permission of the owner cane restore a decayed
dyke although without the owner's consent he cannot use it. Nirada
• VaiSyavarga, 12-15, 26. & Kr. P.,lIo-I7. C Ndr. Smr., II, 17 and 20.
AGRICULTURE 361
classifies the dykes into kheya (which is dug into the soil to drain off excess
water) and bandhya (which is constructed to prevent the water from flowing
out)."
The State evinced keen interest in the upkeep of irrigation works and
even framed rules for their proper functioning. A large number of canals
were constructed with a view to not only carrying the water from the rivers
or tanks but also preventing the lands from being inundated by swollen
rivers. Rightly, therefore, the Amarakosa refers to the canals as drains
(jalanirgamab). b In the eighth century A.D. King LaliHiditya of Kashmir got
constructed a series of water-wheels to distribute the seasonal flood waters
of the Vitasta and the Mahapadma lakes to various villages and this resulted
in the irrigation of the fields. Later in the ninth century, during the
reign of Avantivarman, his minister Surya constructed a number of dams
and irrigation canals which enabled the country to possess abundant agri-
cultural produce. C
Reference has been made already to the Sudarsana Lake. When this
lake burst again due to heavy rainfall, Cakrapalita, who was the governor
of the region, reconstructed it after two months' effort involving huge
expenditure. The embankment made was 100 cubits in length, 68 cubits
in breadth and seven-man height d (about 312 cubits).
Crops
In the Gupta period there were three harvests-summer, autumnal
and vernal crops-as mentioned in the Brhatsa1J1hitii. e The seeds sown in
summer would be duly reaped in SriivalJa (early part of autumn) and the
harvest was known as autumn crops. The grains sown in autumn yielded
vernal crops and those sown in early spring gave the summer crops in
Caitra or Vaisakha/ It is reasonable to suppose that the first two crops
were stable crops such as rice and wheat, and the last was of pulses,
beans, etc. The rules of cultivation depending upon the season, rainfall,
etc., had established themselves and the farmers had the necessary practical
knowledge of engaging in agricultural operations leading to the production
of a number of grains. A number of crops were grown during this period
such as rice, wheat, barley, peas, lentil, pulses, spices and vegetables.
Kalidasa in his Raghuvafl1sa refers to paddy being grown in the fields of
Bengal. g The varieties of rice grown included stili, kamala, niviira, uiiccha-
paddy and sytimiika-paddy, red rice, yellow rice and hog's rice. .. Soli-
paddy was grown as transplantation and this means that the transplantation
technique was known to the cultivators. Wheat was grown in the Panjab,
Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, central India and Rajasthafi, as a rabi or winter crop
and wherever possible through irrigation. Of the vegetables grown, the
a Nar. Smr., 9, 18. ~ Brh. S., 8, 47; 9,42-43; tt, 2-3; 15, 2; 27, 1.
b Amara., Pdtdlavarga, 7. f Brh• S.,8,12.
c Rajl., 4, 191; 5, 69-72, 80-121. g Maity, pp. 80-81.
d E.l., VUI, 43.
Amarakosa mentions cucumber, onion, pumpkin and gourd. Sugar-cane

was cultivated in the fields where rice used to be grown and harvested
generally in winter. Cotton was grown mainly in Saura~htra or Kathiawar.
The cultivation of silk-cotton, flax and hemp was also known. Pepper
and cardamom were grown principally in the southern parts of India,
particularly in the valleys of the modern Nilgiris. The other spices grown
included mustard, cloves, ginger and turmeric. Saffron, betel-nut, tama-
rind, sesamUID, linseed, priyarigu, aloe, indigo, etc., were also raised. Of
the number of fruits grown, mango was the most popular. Coconut was
extensively used in the coastal areas of Bengal, Orissa and Madras.
Treatment of Plant Diseases

The Vrk.yiiyurveda of Surapala, which is believed to have been written
by about the tenth century A.D., gives an interesting account of treating the
plant diseases. The diseases of all trees are classified into two groups, viz.
(i) those arising from the body, e.g. internal, and (ii) those attacking from
outside. The bodily or internal diseases are said to arise from disorders
of the wind (vata), phlegm (kapha) and bile (pitta), while the extraneous
ailments are caused by vermin, frost, etc. To indicate some of the well-
known methods of treatment mentioned in the text, a the relevant trans-
lations of the Sanskrit portions are given below:
'One should cure the diseases of wind-disorders by the adminis-
tration of flesh, lymph, fat and ghee. Nutriment provided by these
substances removes all wind-troubles.
Liberal fumigations with oils in which soap-berry, cow's horn,
horse's hair, black pepper, ghee and porpoise have been boiled, and the
lymph of a hog added, quickly remove the diseases of the wind.
The trees are cured of bilious diseases by being watered with the
decoctions of liquorice, honey and madhuka and with milk mixed with
honey.
All kinds of trees are relieved of bilious diseases if they are watered
with the decoction (?) of the three myrobalans in which ghee and honey
have been mixed.
Insects are destroyed by the administration of water containing
milk, carcass, vaca and cow-dung, and by the plaster prepared from
white mustard, mus/a grass, vacii, kU~lha and ativia.
Fumigation of the tree with the fumes of white mustard, riimatha
(1), vi(ianga, vacii, black pepper, beef, ambu (a kind of Andropogan),
horn of buffalo and flesh of a pigeon, mixed with the powder of lodhra,
at once destroys the colonies of insects infesting the trees.
Plastering with vi<lariga mixed with ghee, irrigation with diluted
milk for seven days and a poultice of beef, white mustard and sesamum
are effective in destroying insects like kandara (1).
a Manuscript, Oxford, No. 324 B (Mr. Walkar 137). available in the Bodleian Library,
Oxford.
AGRICULTURE 363
Injury caused by insects is healed by a plaster of vit!arigo, sesamurn,

cow's urine, ghee and white mustard and by watering with milk.
The broken trees are (healed and) restored to health if their frac-
tures are filled with fertile soil, plastered with (the powder of) the
barks of plak~a and udumbara mixed with ghee, honey, wine and milk
and then tightly tied with ropes and sprinkled with buffalo's milk and,
finally, watered copiously at the roots.
The trees, whose branches have fallen off, would grow branches
so abundantly that they would obstruct the view of the sky, if the
broken ends of their branches are plastered with honey and ghee and
they are watered with diluted milk and fumigated.
Trees damaged by fire would cover the sky with foliage, if they
are plastered all over with the paste of the lotus-plant and fed with
carcass-water.
Trees struck by lightning would bear beautiful leaves, if they are
plastered with vidiirl, sugar, red arsenic and sesamum and watered
with diluted milk.'
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
In the ancient period, a good deal of attention was paid to animal

husbandry which included breeding, feeding and maintenance of domes-
tic animals or livestock. Cows and bulls particularly received special
treatment. The Brhaspati-smrti prescribes severe and cruel punish-
ment for the theft of a cow. a The offender was made to lick a
ploughshare made of iron having weight of 12 palas and heated
to redness. If he was not burnt in this process, he would be set
free. Bulls and bullocks which were employed widely as draught
animals were looked after with great care. The Kr.yi Pariisara b contains
a number of rules of tending the cattle. Practically every village possessed
common pasture and woodlands and places of drinking-water for the
cattle. Cowsheds were always kept clean and the Kr~i Parasara gives
directions as to how the shed could be kept clean. C According to this text,
a shed measuring five by five (1) is good for the healthy growth of cattle
and 'the washing of rice, hot scum of the boiled rice, fish broth, cotton
seeds and husk, if kept in the cowshed, prove baneful to the cattle'. In-
cidentally, this gives an idea of the fodder of the cattle at that time. 'To
safeguard against the breaking out of diseases, the shed should be occasion-
ally fumigated with vapours of devadaru (Pinus deodara), vaca (oris root),
mQ'1lsi (pulp of some fruits 1), guggu/u (a fragrant gum resin), hirig (asafoe-
tida) and mustard seeds mixed together', according to the Agnipuratla.d The
V~1)udharmottarae describes certain medical practices of treating the dis-
eased cattle for curing their affected horn, ear, eyes, tooth, tongue, throat,
tI Brh. Smr.t 10, 2. C Kr. P., 89-92. • Vi. Pu., 2, 43.1-27.

b Kr. P., 84-88. , Ag. Pu., 292, 33.
364 A CONCISE lDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
bladder, etc. The text says that oil in which the pounded mass of ginger,
bala and jaliimiifJ1si has been cooked, and rock-salt and honey added,
should be applied to the roots of the horns. The powder of the roots of
wood-apple tree, apiimtirga, dhiitaki, palala and kUlaja when rubbed into
gums removes toothache. Ginger, turmeric and the three myrobalans are
indicated in the cure of sore-throat, and a certain prepared collyrium for
the eyes. For the reunion of fractures, priyangu mixed with salt is recom-
mended. The bilious disorders are stated to be cured by the administration
of cow's ghee in which liquorice has been cooked. Ailing calves should
be made to drink piifhii stirred in butter-milk or turmeric dissolved in milk
for the alleviation of their suffering. Oilcake in general was considered to
be an elixir for the cattle. Salt is to be given to the cattle once in 15 days
to prevent constipation, colic diseases and loss of appetite. a On the whole,
animal husbandry was of sufficiently high order in the ancient period.
In the ancient period, agriculture in India, though noted for its extensive
and vigorous growth, was not entirely free from conventional practices
which sometimes bordered on superstitions and astrological beliefs. Agri-
cultural meteorology, for that matter, was undoubtedly based on conventional
knowledge and a good deal of astrological calculations made inroads into it.
The rainfall in different seasons of the year was sought to be correlated
with the nak$atras or lunar asterisms, and one of the planets was considered
to be the presiding deity of the rainfall of the year. The commencement
of the agricultural operation, worship of the plough and the animals,
auspicious time for harvesting, etc., were conceived in terms of the prevail-
ing planetary influences. Even now, this type of knowledge is current in
most rural parts of the country.
While considering agricultural practices in India in the ancient period,
there is one important aspect which should not go unnoticed. India for
ages has been known for its pithy sayings and proverbs which contain
specialized information on various subjects in an epigrammatic style. These
are in several Indian languages like Maithili, Tamil, Bengali and Hindi.
Many a popular saying has been found in one of the manuscripts on
Vrk$liyurveda and in the Kr# Pariisara enshrined in the Adyar Library,
Madras. Some of these sayings are given below: b
'Wheat should be sown in a somewhat dry field and barley in a
wet field. If there is heavy rain, then chicken-pea should be sown.
Maize, jowar and millet should be sown somewhat sparesely.
Whosoever sows millet at the intervals of a step, and jowar at the
intervals of frog's leap, would be able to fill his barn with the crop.
If the August-September (Bhadon) sowing of paddy be done in a
field which has been well dug up and prepared (in the month of Jeth,
i.e. May-June), then there would be plenty of rice-Bakes (chinda) to
enjoy.
• Vi. h., 1. 43.28. o Yr• ..Iyur•• 91-178.

AGRICULTURE 365
Poppy and linseed should be sown (close) in a wet field.

In one bigha of land the following quantities of different seeds
should be sown:
Barley and wheat .. .. 25 seers lJ each

Peas .. 30 seers
Chicken-peas · . 15 "
Maize .. 2 "
Arhar, methi and urad 2 "
Cotton .. Ii seer
Rice .. 25 seers
Jodhan 15 "
Sawan (rice) ·. 11 seer
Sesamum and mustard .. A handful each
Barrain and kodan · . One seer each
Linseed 1i seer
Millet, bajri and sawan Ii "
Kodan and kakun .. !
A cultivator who sows according to the above proportion would
be rewarded with double the crop.
If there be moisture below (in the soil) and clouds above, then
the veterans declare that gerui disease would be rampant.
If the east wind blows during the month of Phiigun (February-
March), then wheat crop would be infected with gerui.
If the east wind blows in the months of Miigha and Pau~' (December-
January), then mustard would be eaten away by n10hun (an inseet).
If the south wind blows, how it would be possible to taste the
scum of boiled rice (for, there would be no harvest of paddy)?
The gerui disease begins when the sun is in the sign of Aquarius
(Le. February-March) and disappears when it is in the sign of Pisces
(March-April). It starts from the stalk and eats away the leaves.
If wheat is infected with gerui and paddy with gandhi, then the
cultivator would die of starvation (i.e. want of food-grains).
If in the month of Magho (January-February) the colour of the
cloud is red, then surely there would be a shower of hail-stones.
If chicken-pea crop is chilled with cold, then it could be eaten
away by the insect called gadhaita.
If there is rainfall under the Citra constellation, then the entire
harvest would perish.
Under the Maghii constellation the locusts thrive and under the
parva dans (insects) flourish. But under Uttara all these are destroyed.
If there is continuous rainfall day and night, then sawan and
soth; would be ready for harvesting in 60 days.
" 1 seer = about 2 lb.

With rainfall under the constellation Magha and food served by

the mother, the starving person (would get so much that he) will not
have to pray to God for food.
If there be rainfall at the rise of constellation Citra and at the
setting of Hastii, then the people would not complain howsoever
heavily they may be taxed by the king.
If the weather is not sufficiently cold in the month of Miigha
(January-February), then take it for granted, my friend, that food-
grains would become dear (by their prices rising high).
If the south wind blows during the months of Pau$ and Miigha,
then it is a good sign for (rainfall during) the month of Siiwan.
If there is rainfall under the Maghii constellation, then all food-
grains will have good crop.
If the Hastii constellation wags its tail (i.e. sends showers just
before setting), then the wheat would thrive without much effort.'
Agriculture as an avowed occupation of the countless Indian peasants
flourished with centuries of experience and struggle against the natural
oddity in the plains, the hilly tracts and in areas where semi-arid conditions
prevailed. With passage of time cultivated areas were on the increase,
more rivers harnessed for irrigation and more tanks, wells and other reser-
voirs constructed. For in the ancient period, Indian economy was
intimately interlocked with agriculture.
THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD

In the medieval period, the pattern of agricultural practices was more
or less the same as that in early India, save for important changes which
were evident in the introduction of new crops, trees as well as certain
horticultural plants by the foreign traders and introduction of new land
tenure system by the rulers during the period. The geographic distribution
of the main food-crops was also more or less the same as we find it today.
In respect of irrigation, newer efforts were made to construct canals of
great length, and tanks, big and small, in great numbers, the former being
noticeable particularly in the north-western part of India and the latter in
south India.
An account is given in the chapter on Botany of the principal crops, viz.
wheat, rice, barley, millets, pulses, oilseeds, cotton and sugar-cane, and also
some of the new plants introduced in this period. It may be noted that
the cultivation of cotton was on the increase and that of sugar-cane more
widespread in the Mughal times. 4 Bayona region was producing the best
indigo, while Malwa and Bihar were known for the production of opium.
On the Western Ghats, the cultivation of coffee plants had just begun in the
seventeenth century, though the coffee seeds obtained were not of good
• Habib, pp. 36 if.

AGRICULTURB 367
quality. Western Kashmir was famous for saffron and fruits, the Pandyan
kingdom for ginger and cinnamon, Malabar for cardamom and the Malay
hills (modern Ootacamund) for the fragrant sandalwood and Kerala, South
Canara and Bengal for coconuts. In particular, Kerala was the land of
the coconuts and by-products which with salt panned at the seashore paid
for the major imports of cloth, metals and even grains. Out of the
fibres of the nut ropes were made and used for binding the ships together
and also as cables. The kernel found use not only as the main ingredient
of a number of sweetmeats but also as a source of oil which was used, as
it is now, for lighting purposes and as hair-oil. The other products in-
cluded charcoal from shell, the trunk of the tree for construction of shelters
and houses, fishing boats, etc.
Of the new plants introduced in this period, the cashew (the nut) of
South Anlerican origin was the most valuable as a money crop then as
now. The cultivation of pineapple did not register significant progress,
while the potato, guava and custard apple grew better outside Goa where
they were introduced first by the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century.
About A.D. 1550, the Jesuits of Goa introduced systematic mango-grafting,
which improved the Indian fruit out of all recognition and created a further
source of income for the horticulturists. Tobacco and chillies (capsiculn)
were also introduced in India in the latter half of the sixteenth century.a
In respect of irrigation, wells, tanks and canals continued to be the
principal means. In the Upper Gangetic plains and Dakhif)a b wells were
common. In the Panjab, arhat or rahat (Persian wheel) was used as a
device for lifting water while in the Agra region the charas, a sort of a
bucket made of leather, was used to lift water with the help of yoked oxen.
A t places where the water-table was rather high, denkli, which was based
on the lever principle, was in use. In the south, tanks were constructed
in increasing numbers. A Chola king built the Great Anicut (below the
island of Srirangam across the river Kaveri) which was a huge dam con-
structed out of unhewn stone, 1,080 feet long and 40-60 feet broad. C There
was yet another tank at Porumamilla of greater dimensions-some 6,250
yards long (slightly less than four miles), 83 yards in height and 10 yards
broad or wide. This tank was completed in two years probably in the
thirteenth century A.D. and we are informed by the Porumamilla tank
inscription (A.D. 1291) that there were 1,000 labourers working every day
and a fleet of 100 carts were pressed into service to bring the masonry
material for the construction of the sluice and the dam. Tank-digging
was considered to be one of the greatest meritorious acts in which the king
and the people at large took abiding interest. The tank builders exhibited
extraordinary skill not only in the construction of tanks but also in the
restoration of breaches and distribution of excess of water from tank to tank
in times of floods. a Wells were also in use for purposes of irrigation and
CI Gode (p. K.), III, p. 2S. e Imperial Gazetteer of India, IX, p. 306.
b Habib, p. 26. a Appadorai. pp. 204-12.
the water-lifting device employed was known as ettam, a type of pulley-

wheel with a bucket suspended by rope and worked by hand. In south
India the canals were relatively small.
In areas near the sea such as Kerala and Goa, where the country
consists of hilly land and the main food-producing soil lies at the bottom
of the valley, it was recognized that to prevent water-logging the stream
had to be allowed to flow at a rate that would keep the water-table high
enough for the cultivation of rice, the only crop grown on such lands. It
was also recognized that the salt water from the estuaries should not be
allowed to enter at high tide, i.e. dykes must be kept in constant repair,
and for this purpose strong flood gates were operated by one or more paid
servants. Up some of the streams seasonal clay dykes were built for
regulating the water-supply. The land at the bottom of the valley was
held in common without fixed partition among the members of the agri-
cultural community. The lower land was separated from the second level
by rivetted embankments rising from three to ten feet. The hilltop land
was generally held in common for grazing as well as for obtaining firewood.
The rest of the land was assigned to the joint families for raising plantation
crops. There were also plots for slash and burn cultivation on the sloping
hillside. Flat patches on the hilltops provided naturally the soil for culti-
vation as usual. It may be added that the salt and fish from the sea were
mixed with plant ashes and used as fertilizer.
In northern India, the eastern Jamuna canal a (which is erroneously
attributed to Ali Mardan Khan) was constructed in the early part of the
eighteenth century. Shahajahan constructed Nahr-i-Bihist or Shah Nahr-
about 78 miles in length-to meet the water requirements of the new city
of Shahajahanabad at Delhi. Yet another canal was constructed during
the reign of Shahajahan, and that was from the Ravi at Raipur near the
Siwalik hills, which carried water up to Lahore covering a distance of about
84 miles.
Seed-sowing Machine
According to B. A. Keen, formerly Director of the Imperial Agricultural
Research Institute at Pusa during 1930-31, India was a homeland of seed-
sowing machines. He inclines to the view that the drilling of seeds was
practised in India in the eighteenth century and probably earlier. Dr.
Anderson of Fort St. George, Madras, remarks that this type of contrivance
had been in use from time immemorial. It consisted of a wooden bowl with
three or four tube outlets depositing seeds behind the coulters. The bowl
was continuously replenished by hand. As there has been no change for
years, identically the same type being in use today, it is reasonable to suppose
that it was by no means a new contrivance which came on the scene towards
the close of the eighteenth century (1796). In the U.K. although the
• Habib. p. 28.
AGRICULTURE 369
main practices in soil cultivation were well established by 1725, it was only
in the first quarter of the eighteenth century that the first practicable im-
plement for sowing of seeds in rows was invented there. This was the system
of drilling seed in rows and horse-hoeing in between introduced by Jethro
Tull. The first account of it appeared in 1731 in a book entitled New
Horse-hoeing Husbandry or An Essay on the Principles of Tillage and Vege-
tation. A more comprehensive treatise, Horse-hoeing Husbandry, was
published in 1753, thirteen years after TuB's death. It is, therefore, reason-
able to assume that the seed-sowing machine of India was at least as old
as that used in the U.K., if not earlier.
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
In medieval India, cattle-breeding became one of the professions. While

describing the former condition of cattle in India, the Indian Gazetteer
made references to certain herdsmen as expert cattle-breeders who were
conversant with the ways and means of skilfully tending cattle. Even up
to recent times, these herdsmen existed in several parts of India, and it
is to them that the Report of the Royal Commission on Agriculture (1928)
attributes the fine breeds of cattle that are still found in many parts of the
Panjab, Gujarat, Mysore, Ongole and Kangayam.
That there has now been a general and all-round deterioration in the
cattle-breeds of India requires no elaborate proof, and the causes are not
far to seek. Medieval India had to pass through a series of foreign in-
vasions and internal quarrels, and one of the results was that attention to the
improvement of agriculture and animal welfare receded to the background.
Decrease in the grazing area and the ignorance and poverty of the farmers
were also two of the most important factors which have contributed to
the present deteriorated condition of the cattle.
STATE AND AGRICULTURE
In Sher Shah's reign, in every pargana the land was measured after
every harvest and revenue collected according to the measurement. The
crops of industrious farmers were protected from unnecessary injury by
soldiers. During Akbar's time, the cultivators were relieved of a number
of taxations, supplementary taxes and fee by which even Hindu rulers had
many a time raised the total amount of the land tax above the limit fixed
by the constitutional law. The land was classified according to its soil
and crop-bearing qualities. One-third of the average produce was collected
as land revenue. The taxes were fixed in money value, but every ryot
was allowed to pay in kind also, if he thought that the money rate was not
fair and if the assessment of his land seemed to him too high, he had the
right to insist upon the measurement and division of the crops. A rebate
on the full demand was allowed in various cases, e.g. when the land had
24
suffered from floods or had been out of cultivation for three years. Further,
the tax was remitted so long as the land lay fallow. The settlement was
first made annually but afterwards for a period of 10 years on the basis of
average payments for the preceding term. It is well known that the most
important change introduced by Todar Mall was the one in the language
and the character used in the revenue accounts to be written in Persian.
Todar Mall's bandobast or arrangement became a legend in northern India.
Soveralarains of cbarred wboat, MoheDjo-daro"
(CourtaY.ArchaeoloJica1 Survey of India, eatcutta.l
SN paJeI 351, 371-72
-x6 .-.---
_ . . . . . . . .-At' _",,,*"~ c -- _ •
_ ~_"-L.$._Oaea~"1IfI_'_I"-,'D."'~ f, -
-- -- -_ . . ~~ -~ ,>----"' -
7 BOTANY
PREHISTORIC PERIOD
K. A. CHOWDHURY
THE prehistoric period is many times longer than the historic period. It is
now believed that for about half a million years wandering men in small
groups lived the life of food-gatherers, taking shelter sometimes in caves
and at other times leading a natural life in the open. It was during this
period that stone tools were brought into use for the purpose of hunting.
This period is known as the Old Stone Age. Some archaeologists believe
that wood, a botanical product, was also used along with stone during this
era, but actual evidence of use of wood is known only from the late Palaeo-
lithic Age. At this time men of the Clactonian culture in England used yew-
wood (Taxus barcatus L.) for spear. About the same time an entire spear
of yew-wood, as Hawkes and Woolley have discussed, was found in Germany
inside the skeleton of an elephant. a We can, therefore, say that the oldest
record of use of botanical product is from upper palaeolithic era.
India cannot claim the use of botanical products to such an early date.
Here our oldest record is from the sites of Indus Valley civilization, in
which cereals, woods and other plant products were used. Actual evidence
of this sort in India is scanty and scattered and does not allow a chrono-
logical history of the uses of plants. It has therefore been planned to give
here the history of uses of cereals, cotton and wood alone. The other
plant remains have to be kept aside for the time being. A profitable
discussion on them will be possible when more data are available.
CEREALS
Wheat and Barley

Among the cereals wheat and barley were recorded from Harappa
and Mohenjo-daro. Association of these two cereals in the archaeological
remains of Mesopotamia, along with other evidence, has led to the belief
a Hawkes and Woolley, p. 156.

that there was some contact between the Indus Valley and Mesopotamian
(DRS) civilizations. Here Helbaek's opinion is interesting. He has
pointed out that these two cereals have been cultivated together from
the very beginning of village-farming in West Asia. Luthra has shown
that the wheat recovered from Mohenjo-daro belongs to Triticum vulgare
ViII. (T. aestivum L.) and T. compactum Host a and that from Harappa to
T. compactum Host and T. sphaerococcum Perciv. All these three types of
wheat are now put under the Bread or Vulgare group by cytogeneticists. b
Archaeologists have advanced the hypothesis that wheat originated in
South-West Asia and spread over to Europe and North Africa on the one
side and to India on the other side via the trans-Caucasian region. C Con-
firmation of this hypothesis is, however, still awaited.
Interesting is also a recent find from western India. Two different
types of wheat, namely Triticum vulgare-compactum and Triticum sp., have
been reported by Mittre from the chalcolithic site of Navdatoli-Maheshwar.
At present there is no evidence available to show wherefrom this wheat
came. When this information is available through scientific investigations
of the archaeological plant remains from places lying between those of the
Indus Valley civilization and the afore-mentioned chalcolithic site, the
significance of the wheat specimen found at the latter place will be
realized.
Barley from Mohenjo-daro and Harappa has yielded Hordeum vulgare
var. nudu/n and H. vulgare var. hexastichum respectively. The cultivated
barley is now classified under two main kinds-two-rowed and six-rowed.
These are again grouped under smaller sub-groups based on other morpho-
logical characters. Vavilov has suggested the possibility of its centre of
origin in two places. Firstly, low-awned and hulled type from Ethiopia
and North Africa and, secondly, short-awned, awnless, hulI1ess and hooded
type from China, Japan and Tibet. On the other hand, Helbaek holds
the opinion that the origin of barley started with wild two-rowed hulled
barley (H. spontaneum). The cultivated two-rowed barley, hulled and
naked (H. distichum), directly came from it. From the latter the six-rowed
types originated. The cultivated six-row, lax-eared, hulled and naked (H.
telrastichum), developed in the plains, while the six-row, dense-eared, hulled
and naked (H. hexastichum)t originated in the mountain region. But the
investigation by Chowdhury (K. A.) of remains of barley from Afghanistan
does not fit into Helbaek's scheme. It will therefore be seen that the
origin of the cultivation of barley still remains to be worked out. When
this is done we shall be in a position to say how Indian barley is related to it.
Rice
The origin of rice in India is no less obscure. Some are of the opinion
that rice originated in China some 4,800 years ago and came to India later.
,. Luthra, p. 489. e Hawkes and Woolley, p. 516.

" Chalam and Venkateshwarlu, pp. 180-81.
BOTANY 373
De Candolle did not believe it. tJ The earliest direct evidence of the use of
rice in India, as shown by Chowdhury (K. A.), is from Hastinapur, near
Meerut-a chalcolithic site (about 3,000 years old). At Hastinapur, only
charred paddy was found but also the use of rice-husk as a binder for mud
wall of houses. This has raised the possibility of the use of rice in north
India much earlier than the age of Hastinapur indicates, because the use
of a by-product comes to people when they have made use of the main
natural product for a pretty long time. This interpretation is well sup-
ported by two written documents. Firstly, rice is mentioned in the
Atharl'aveda. Secondly, ayurvedic literature written by Susruta recommends
rice as cures for certain ailments. All these evidences strongly support
the view that rice was used as food hundreds of years before 1000 B.C.
Again, occurrences of rice-husk have recently been reported by Ghosh
(S. S.) from Gujarat. The age is said to be 2QOO-1600 B.C. The sites were
Lothal in Gujarat and Rangpur in Saurashtra. But Mittre has raised some
doubt over this identification because of insufficient material available to
Ghosh. It will therefore be judicious to be on the look-out for further
evidence of rice from Harappan excavations before we can be sure that it
was used as food at that time. Here Mittre's report on rice from the
chalcolithic site of Navdatoli-Maheshwar in western India is interesting.
He identified these remains as Oryza sativa L. This is the first record of
ancient rice from south India. We must await more such finds from this
part of India before we attempt a profitable discussion on it.
Ragi
Sankalia and his co-workers b have excavated a large number of pre-
historic sites in south India. In course of their investigations they found
out ragi (Eleusine coracana (L.) Gaertn.) at a site of 2000 B.C. The origin
of ragi is said to be Indian. Many more sites of ancient ragi have to be
located before we can confirm the belief that ragi originated in India.
corrON
Cotton (Gossypium sp.), a commercially important plant product of
the present century, can be traced back to Indus Valley civilization. From
Mohenjo-daro, fragments of cotton cloth and string were recovered. Micro-
scopic examination by Gulati and Turner of these fragments led to their
identification as lint from G. arboreum which is now extensively grown in
India. Researches on the origin of old world cotton are interesting in this
context. In 1947, Hutchinson, SHow and Stephens put forward the hypo-
thesis that cultivated. cotton arose in the Indus Valley but later Hutchinsonc
has rejected it and suggested an alternative area in Africa. Much earlier,
Wattd pointed out that India derived some of its original stock of cotton
a Chalam and Venlcateshwarlu, p. ISO. c Hutchinson (1. D.), p. 225.

b Sankalla (2), pp. 28-40. cJ Watt, pp. 193, 321.
from Africa. Work in this direction is being continued. Recently a few

cotton seeds with lint and fuzz have been discovered at an excavation at
Nubia, Egypt. Microscopic examination has shown its resemblance to
G. herbaceum group. From these facts it will be seen that much research
will be necessary before the origin of present-day cotton is finally deter-
mined.
As regards written information on cotton, Browna has drawn attention
to its first reference in the ~gveda. Later, religious books of Manu also
mention cotton. Greek writers, Herodotus and Theophrastus, report
about cotton which comes from fruit of some wild trees in India. Indians
not only grew cotton but also devised methods of ginning, spinning and
weaving it into clothes. Despite the primitive nature of the gears, the final
product was excellent and admired by foreigners who visited the country
during early centuries.
WOOD
The oldest record of use of wood, in the Indian region, is from Harappa
proper and from sites of Harappan culture in Gujarat. In the former
two woods were found to have been used from a coffin, namely deodar
(Cedrus deodara Loud.) and rosewood (Dalbergia latifolia Roxb.). Both
are well known for the scent that they give off. Other wood remains found
here and exanlined by Chowdhury and Ghosh (1) were used for a wooden
mortar (Zizyphus mauritiana LamIe. Syn. Z. jujuba Lam. non Mill.) for
pounding grains. Choice of these woods for specific purposes shows not
only knowledge of where the trees grow but also of the characteristic
qualities of the woods used. Here is a strong evidence to show that
Harappan culture was based on years of experience on the use of this
botanical product. The charred. timbers recovered from Lothal in Gujarat
and studied by Rao and Lal were Acacia sp., Albizzia sp., Tectona grandis
L. f., Adina cordi/olia (Roxb.), Benth. and Hook., Soymida febrifuge A. Juss.
This is a clear indication that the Harappans knew of the quality of these
timbers nearly as much as we know of them today.
Of the old wood, special mention should be made of the two largest
remains of wooden tools and implements which have been found at Burzhom
in Kashmir and Chirand in Bihar, belonging to the neolithic complex of
these sites. These remains indicate the various types of trees and plants
which were used by the neolithic people of those areas.
The other plant remains of later age are Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.
and Holarrhena antidysenterica Wall. from Hastinapur, a chalcolithic
site; these were used as firewoods (Chowdhury and Ghosh (3». Near
about the historic period (2,000 years) at Pataliputra a wooden pali-
sade was put up as a protective measure against erosion by the River Ganges.
The wood piles were of sal (Shorea robusta Gaertn.), one of the most
a Brown, p. 2.
BOTANY 375
durable timbers in India, when used in contact with soil. The quality of
the wood of the piles was estimated to be one of the best that sal can produce
(Chowdhury and Ghosh (4)). For a gate at Sisupalgarh the timber used
was Acacia sp. (Chowdhury and Ghosh (2)). An analysis of the use of
all these wood remains invariably gives the impression that prehistoric
men possessed sufficient sound knowledge of the properties of wood to
make good use of them.
Now coming to ancient literature, there are many instances of reference
on the uses of wood. Occasionally, instructions regarding timbers to be
used for various purposes were also given. When an analysis of these
instructions is made, one gets the impression that basic knowledge on the
seasoning properties of wood was available at that time. For the first
time mention is also made of the craftsmen called vaddhaki who worked
with wood.
Thus it will be seen that the people of India had acquired a sound
knowledge of the properties of wood and its efficient utilization even about
5,000 years ago. If the people of Vedic Age can be credited with the
practices of the rotation of agricultural crops, the credit of woodworking
certainly belongs to a people of a much earlier age.
THE VEDIC AND POST-VEDIC PERIOD
A. K. GHOSH and S. N. SEN
THE VEDIC PERIOD
IF the prehistoric period furnished evidence of the cultivation of cereals

like wheat, barley, rice and ragi and of the use of woods of several varieties,
it would be too natural to expect to find references to them in the literary
records of the early historic period characterized by the composition of the
Sa",hitiis, the Briihma1}as and the Ara1Jyakas-Upani$ads. These records
indeed bear ample testimony to the development of agriculture as an im..
portant factor in the Vedic economy. The J!.gveda has frequent references
to the use of the plough, the sowing of seeds, the cutting of corn with the
sickle, the threshing and winnowing of the corn, the practice of channel
irrigation and the like. Agricultural pursuits definitely made further
progress in the later phase of the Vedic culture as is evidenced by the use
of larger and heavier plough, mention of several types of agricultural
produce such as wheat, beans, corn, sesamum, extraction of oil from sesa-
mum, relationship between seasons and the harvest, plant diseases and
some attempt to deal with them with magical spell. The growing ac-
quaintance with plant life is further reflected in the appreciation of the
medicinal properties of plants and in the appearance of a class of Atharvan
priests specializing in the herbal treatment of diseases. Of no less im-
portance is the diversification of the industrial life witnessed during this
period, in which a number of industries were clearly based on agriculture,

e.g. basket-making,' rope-making, dyeing, chariot-making, and so on.
BOTANICAL KNOWLEDGE CONTAINED IN THE SA¥HITAS,

BRAHMAlfAS AND UPANI~ADS
What glimpse, if any, of the development of a kind of plant science

do we obtain from such literary records as also from the bulk of the ritual-
istic materials in which the Sa'l1hittis, the BrahmalJas and the AralJyakas-
Upani~c;ads abound? The main difficulty lies in the scattered nature of the
materials bearing on plants, as on several other matters of scientific interest,
in these sacerdotal texts. Botany as a systematized branch of knowledge
had not yet developed, and its evolution as a subject of specialized interest
did not take place until after a much later date. Nevertheless, by arranging
and regrouping these scattered materials under meaningful heads in which
it is now customary to describe the plant science, it is possible to get a
fair idea of the Vedic Indians regarding the morphology and internal
structure of plants, their physiology and also whether at such distant date
any attempt was made at their classification.
As to morphology, different parts of a plant body such as the root, the
shoot, stems, branches, leaves, flowers and fruits are distinguished and
clearly named in the Sa1J1hittis, BrtihmalJas and Upani$ads. The lJ.gveda
uses the term skandha for the trunk or corona of the tree. The Taittirfya
and the Viijasaneyi Sa1Jlhitiis enumerate the parts of a plant body as mula
(root), tula (shoot), k{l1:uja (stem), valsa (twig), siikhii (branch), parlJa (leaf),
pU$pa (flower) and phala (fruit).a In the well-known hymn of the Atharva-
veda, dealing with medicinal plants, similar descriptions of plant bodies
are met with. b The plants are differently coloured-brown (babhru), white
(.sukra), red (rohi~i), black (kr~'\!la), spotted (Prsni) and swarthy (asikni).
They are also of different types; some are of the spreading variety (pra-
str~ati), some bushy (stambini), some jointed (ka1J{lini), some rich in shoots
(a 1l1sumati), some singly calyxed (eka-sungii), some plants have spreading
branches (visakhli) and some by nature tend to extend (pratanvati). The
different parts are referred to as follows:
'Honied are the roots of these herbs, horried their tops, honied
their middles, honied their leaves, honied their blossoms ...'
'Those that have flowers, those that have blossoms, those that
bear fruit and those that are without fruit .. .'c
It is futile to expect any detailed knowledge of the internal structure
of plants, but some gross anatomy of the plant body is indicated in the
a o$lUlhibhya/l swIM mulebhyab svtlM tulebhy~ svaha ka(r(iebhya/l. svaha valJebhyab sv4ha
pU$pebhyab svaha pha/ebhyal) svtlM I vanaspatibhyab svdhd miUebhyab svahd
tulebhyab svdhiJ skandhobhyab svdlu2 sakhdbhya/l svdha par1)ebhyal) svaha pUl/Jebhyab
svtlM II -Taitt. S., VII, 3.19-20.
b AV., VIII, 7. C AV., VUI, 12.27; Eng. trans. by Bloomfield.
BOTANY 377
J!.gveda which clearly distinguishes wood (daru) from the softer part of a
tree. Majumdar (G. P.) (1) observes that the ancient Hindus differentiated
the stem broadly into two parts-the outer called the tvac, va/kala (skin) and
the inner the sara, that is the wood or essence enclosing the pith (majja)
and lasting till the end. The Taittiriya Sa1J1hita separates the outer part
into two layers, the outer valka and the inner valkala. The Brhadiirattya-
kopani~ad, while comparing a human being with a tree, provides some
information about the internal structure of the latter as follows:
'A man is indeed like a mighty tree; his hairs are his leaves and
his skin is its outer bark. The blood flows from the skin (of man),
so does the sap from the skin (of the tree). Thus blood flows from a
wounded man in the same manner as sap from a tree that is struck.
His flesh (corresponds to what is) within the inner bark, his nerves
are as tough as the inner fibres (of the tree). His bones lie behind his
flesh as the wood lies behind the soft tissue (sakara). The marrow
(of the human bone) resembles the pith (of the tree).'a
It is clearly noticed that a plant is divided internally into an epidermis
(tvac), a bast or softer tissue (sakara), fibrous tissue (kinara) within the
bast, the inner wood (diiru) and the pith (majjii) embedded in the wood.
From the use of such words as sakrt (animal refuse) and kari~va (dried
cow-dung) in the ~gveda some scholars have inferred the knowledge of
manuring, but such an interpretation does not readily follow from the
context. The ~gvedic expression, ii nimrucab sakrdeka apiibharatkim ... ,
means' one carries off the refuse at the sunset'. In the Taittiriya SalJ1hitii,
the cow-dung is hailed at one place, e.g. yacchakrt karoti tasmai sviihii, but
it does not imply knowledge of manuring. Somewhat indicative, however,
is the following statement in the Atharvaveda: b
kari$i1,li'll phalavati/'fZ svadhamiro'll ca no grhe I
audumbarasya tejasii dhlita pU$li!Jl dadhatu me II
which has been translated by Whitney as follows:
'Rich in manure, rich in fruit, svadhii and cheer in our house-
prosperity let dhatar assign to me through the keenness of the (amulet
of) udumbara.'
The Taittiriya Sa/tlhita clearly mentions the ripening of corn twice in
the year, dvib samvatsarasya sasyam pacyate, C but whether it also indicates
II yathiJ vrk10 vanaspatib lathaiva puru1o'mr~d I

lomdni parf'/ini tvag asyotptilikd bahib II
tvac eVdsya rudhiram prasyandi tvac utpa/ab I
tasmiid tadlltr(l{ldt praiti raso vrk~ ivahalat "
m4lf1SlJnyasya Jakardc,; kinIJlam snlJva tat 3thiram I
asthlnyantarato diiru¢ majjiJ majjopama krtd II
-Brh. Up., iii, 9.28.
b AV., XIX, 31.3. C Taitt. S., V, I, 7.3.
378 A CONCISE HlSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
rotation of crops, as stated by Majumdar, a is difficult to follow. Some

idea as to the manufacture and storage of food may be obtained from stray
references in the Brhadiiraf.1yaka Upani~ad, and the Maitraya1)i and the
Kii!haka Saf!lhitiis, where waters are regarded as the essence of the earth
(prthivyiib iipab), herbs as the essence of water (apiimo~adhyiib), flowers as
the essence of herbs (o~adhiniim pU$pii1)i) and fruits as the essence of flowers
(pu~~piiniim phaliini). b
From the time of the ~gveda, some conscious effort at classification is
reflected in the naming of plants based on their morphological characteristics.
Plants are in the first place broadly divided into three groups, e.g. trees
(vrk$a), herbs (o.yadhi) and creepers (vfrudh). Plants are also classified as
flowering (pu$pavati) and non-flowering, fruit-bearing (phalavati) and
fruitless. c All types of grass are described as l(1)a. The Atharvaveda, as
we have already noticed, subdivides the herbs into several types according
to their morphological or other special properties, e.g. prastrnati(spreading),
stambini (bushy), eka-sungii (with single calyx), pratanvati (extending),
u,?lsumatJ (rich in shoots), kiilJ{iini (jointed), visakhii (having extending
branches), jivalii (lively), naghiiri$ii (harmless) and madhumati (richly sweet).
Another interesting feature noticed in the Viijasaneyf SalJ1hitii, Tattiriya
Briihma~la and the Atharvaveda is the description of an entire locality by
the type of plants growing in that area, c.g. na(ivala (a place abounding in
reeds), sipalya (a region" where the plant sipala grows).
POST-VEDIC CLASSICAL PERIOD
Plant Science in Medical Works

For tracing the development of plant science in this period, we have
again to depend largely on varied types of Sanskrit literature. In the first
place, we have the medical treatises of Caraka, Susruta, Vagbhata and
their various recensions and commentaries, which carried on and further
developed the Vedic emphasis on herbals for the treatment and cure of
diseases and in the process recorded further progress made in the plant
science in general. Caraka unhesitatingly observes that a pharmacologist
is one who knows the uses and actions of herbs though he may not know
their forms (morphology), but an expert physician is one who knows the
herbs botanically, pharmacologically and in every other respect. a Accord-
ing to the Dhanvantari Nigha{l{u, 'the physician does well to master bhe~aja
vidyti by acquainting himself with the various names of plants in Sanskrit
and Prakrt, consulting all classes of men, by personal observations, by a
tJ Majumdar (G. P.) (5), p. 10l

b Br!', Up., vi, 4.1; Mail. S., II, 4.8; K111h. S., XI, 10.
e .8V., X, 97.1 S.
cI yogvitlvapyarupajifastllslJ1fI tattvaviducyate I
ki", punaryo vijdnlyadolQdhfb sarvatha bhililk II
-CS. Su., I. 122.
BOTANY 379
careful handling, as well as by a careful consideration of its specific charac-

ters and sexuality'. a The use of the term bhe$ajavidya is significan t
inasmuch as it implies the existence of a separate science devoted to the
study of plants and plant-life with special reference to their medicinal
properties.
Plant Science in the Puraf)as, Arthasiistra and BrhatsaJ?zhitii

The Agnipur(1)a, the Arthasastra and the Brhatsarnhitii have each a
section or sections devoted to plant science (vrk~r;iiyurveda) in general.
These sections deal with collection and selection of seeds, germination,
grafting, cutting, sowing, planting and nursing, soil selection, manuring,
meteorological conditions favourable for plant growth, location of plants
for improving the aesthetic and hygienic surroundings of the homestead, etc.
All these sections, in which the agricultural bias is predominant, give one
the impression that a separate vrk$iiyurveda had been in existence con-
currently with works on agriculture. Kautilya, in his chapter on the
duties of the Superintendent of Agriculture, used the term kr~fjitantra-gubna
vrk..'iayurveda and possibly indicated two departments of knowledge, one the
kr~r;itantra dealing with agriculture and the other gu"navrk~iiyurveda
dealing with plant science. The existence of plant science as a separate
branch of knowledge is also corroborated by Vatsyayana's Kiimasiitra in
which l'rk$iiyurveda is mentioned as one of the 64 arts recognized in ancient
India. The existence of the Kr# Pariisara, a well-known treatise on agri-
culture, has long since been known. The discovery of a manuscript of the
vrk.Jiiyurveda, also attributed to Parasara, which we shall discuss in some
detail further on, has now left no doubt as to the development of plant science
as a separate branch of knowledge by its own right, possibly during the
post-Vedic period, but before the beginning of the Christian era.
Philosophical and Miscellaneous Texts

The Nyaya-VaiSe$ika texts and their commentaries, Amara's lexico-
graphy and the epics, the RamtiyafJa and the Mahtibhiirata, occasionally
provide botanical information of value.
Pariisara's Vrk$iiyurveda
In contrast to the type of literature mentioned above which is concerned
with medicine, polity, epic poetry or matters of general interest and which
deals with, or refers to, certain aspects of botany only incidentally, Para-
sara's Vrk$oyurveda is a full-fledged treatise on plant science. A copy of
the manuscript of this much referred to botanical work was discovered by
the late Vaidyasastri Jogendranath Vi~agratna of Navadwip, whose son
N. N. Sircar published an account of it, with extensive quotations, in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society in 1950. The work possibly dates from
• Majumdar (0. P.) (1), pp. 8-9.

the first century B.C. or the first century A.D. Written in the sutra style,
the work is divided into six parts, e.g. vijotpattikii1;l{1a, vanaspatik{l1;u}a,
vtinaspatyakiilJt/a, viriidhavallikii1;lr)a, gulma-k$upakii1;lr)a and cikitsitakatzrla.
The last part dealing with the treatment of plant diseases is missing from
the extant manuscript. The first part, the vijotpattikiiJ;uJa, is further sub-
divided into eight chapters, e.g. vijotpattisutriyiidhyiiya (an outline of plant
morphology), bhumivargiidhyiiya (nature and properties of soil), vana-
vargiidhyaya (description and distribution of forests), vrk~angasiUriyiidhyiiya
(more detailed treatment of the morphology of plant members), pU$piinga-
siitriyiidhyiiya (flower, its parts, functions and classification), pha/tinga-
sutriytidhytiya (definition, function and classification of fruits), a~tiiitga
sutriyadhyiiya (discussion of eight plant limbs-root, stem, bark, heart-
wood, sap, excretions, oleaginous products and spines and prickles) and
dvigatziyiidhyiiya (seeds and embryonic plants).
Sircar states that Vrk~ayurveda evidently formed the basis of botanical
teaching preparatory to pharmaceutical studies in ancient India, an arrange-
ment comparable to modern practice. It also appears that Parasara's
method of botanical nomenclatur~ based on three types of synonyms, e.g.
those of botanical significance (paricayajiiapikii saf!1jiiii), those with thera-
peutic index (gulJaprakasikd sal.njiia) and those associated with names of
habitats or special events, was largely followed by Caraka, Susruta and
other authors of medical treatises in preparing chapters on ayurvedic
pharmacopoeias. Accordingly, a further importance attaches to this work
inasmuch as it can help in the identification of plants mentioned in ancient
medical treatises.
BOTANICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE PERIOD
We shall now attempt to summarize the botanical knowledge as devel-

oped in this period and preserved in the various texts mentioned above,
including Parasara's special monograph on plant science. As before, it
will be profitable to assess the materials under the conventional subject
divisions such as seed and germination, morphology ~ physiology, ecology,
taxonomy, ano so on.
Seed and Germination

The technical term used for the seed is vija. The seed is enclosed in
a vessel called vijako$a. The kernel or endosperm is called sasya and the
cotyledon vijapatra. Parasara uses the term vijamatrkti to denote cotyledon
and recognizes monocotyledonous (ekamtitrkavija) and dicotyledonous
(dvimiitrkavija) seeds. By this term is also meant the endosperm (vija-
matrka tu vijasasyam), enclosing the iidivijapatra which may mean either
the plumule or the cotyledon itself, which appears as the first leaf after
germination. The cotyledon stores food material for the nourishment of
the embryo.
BOTANY 381
Germination is expressed by the term ankurodbheda, which means

sprouting of the seed to life; ankura means the seedling. Conditions for
successful germination are given as air, water and the season guaranteeing
the proper warmth. According to Susruta, proper season, good soil,
requisite supply of water and good seeds all taken together help in the
germination of seed. a GUQaratna in his commentary on the $ar/darsana-
samuccaya states that the seeds of vota (Ficus indica), pippala (Ficus
religiosa), nimba (Melia azadirachta) and others germinate during the rainy
season under the influence of dew and air. b
Parasara gives a more graphic description of the process of germination.
During the sprouting up of the seedling (praroha), its body receives nourish-
ment from the cotyledons. This nourishment enables the seedling to grow
until its root develops and comes of its own. The cotyledons dry up as
soon as the seedling is able independently to receive nourishment directly
from the soil of the earth. C
MORPHOLOGY
Root
Plants are divided broadly into two parts, the subterranean part called
InaJa (root) and the aerial part called vistara or tllla (shoot). The IniNa
means an organ by which the plant is fixed to the soil. The use of the
word piidapa to mean a plant is significant as it implies the ability of the
plant to absorb water from the soil with the help of its root, the piida.
Various types of adventitious root-fibrous roots originating in the branches
(siikhii siphii), prop roots (aharoha)-are recognized. The Arthasiistra
indicates knowledge of edible bulbous roots.
Shoot and Stem

The shoot comprises the stem and leaves. The stem is called kaf.lr/a
and the main stem, that is the portion between the root and the place of
origin of the branches, prakiilJr/a. The Vedic term skandha is also retained.
In the case of vanaspati and vanaspatya, stems are strong and erect, whereas
in the case of valli, vratati or latii, these are weak, necessitating some kind
of support such as trees which these may embrace or entwine (valli ve~fayate
vrk~am). Plants may be with or without stems. Nodes (parva or granthi)
and internodes, caudex (sthanu) and branches in the descending order-
sdkhii, pratiStikhii and anusiikhii-are described. Underground stems which
CI rtu kletrtimbubijiina1fl samagrytidatikuro yatha I

-SSt Sa., ii, 33.
b valapippalanimbadina1fl pravr{ljaladharaniniJdasisiravayu sa1flsparsiidankurodbhedab I
-$d. S., p. 157.
C ankuranirvrtte bljamdtrkdyd rasa/! sa1flplavate prarohtJligelu I tenaiva raJena prarohab
snihyate vardhate ca yl1vanmii/alfl no svatantravrttib sydt I yada prarohab svatantrena
bhUmydb pllrthivarasalfl grh1,l4ti tadd bijamdtrkiJ praso$Omtipadyate II
act like roots but are not true roots are recognized and termed kanda (yan-
mulameva vija"l sa kandab).
Differentiation of plants into trees, shrubs and herbs on the basis of
their stems being long or short, hard or less strong, or succulent is notice-
able. The term vrk~\'iidani meaning a guest plant sucking food from the
host plant clearly points to a parasite, and the term vrk$iiruhii (living on
another tree) is nothing but the description of epiphytes. Mosses (saiviila),
green algae (jalanili) and mushroom (charra) are recognized as lower plants.
Leaf
Patra and parfJa used to denote leaf are derived from its falling nature
and its green colour. A leaf may be petiolate (savrnta, patravrnta) or
sessile (vrntahina). The leaf blade or lamina is called pak$a and may be,
according to Parasara, of four kinds, e.g. samapak$a (two wings sym-
metrical), vi~'iamapak~\'a (two wings asymmetrical), samakarlJa (symmetrically
incised) and vi$amakarfJa (asymmetrically incised). In the petiolate leaf,
the petiole may be attached to the base of the lamina (priintagranthika) or
to the axis (stem) (l'rntahandhana). The Vrk~'iiyurveda reveals knowledge
of the phyllotaxis called patrabandhana, of which various types are dealt
with. Compound leaves are differentiated from the simple and named
after the number of leaflets, e.g. dvipatra, tripatra, saptapatra, and so on.
The leaves have also been described and named after their shapes, e.g.
asvapar~laka (Shorea robusta), resembling the ear of a horse, mU.$ikaparl)i
(Sal vinia), resembling the ear of a mouse, kiSaparl)i (Achyranthes aspera),
resembling the ear of a monkey. a
We now know that there are two principal types of venation, e.g.
parallel in which the veins run more or less parallel to one another, and
reticulate when the veinlets are irregularly arranged. Parasara observes
that veins carry nutrients to the leaves and are visible like so many lines.
The venation is of two types, namely pragUl)a and vel/ita; in the former the
veins are arranged in parallel and in the latter obliquely in the form of a
network. Leaves characterized by pragufJa venation are called mauiijapatra
and those by the velJita are termed jiilikapatra. b
Flower
Parts of a typical flower are named as prasavabandhana, pU$paVrnfa
(pedicel), sthiilaka (thalamus), jiilaka (sepals), dala, pU$padala (petals). No
suitable name for androecium is available, but its component parts, e.g.
stamens (kesara), anther (kUlja/ka) and pollen grains (parliga, kesarare!1u),
are recognized. Likewise, the parts of a gynoecium are named as vijiidhara
(ovary), variilaka (style) and varii/akasir$a (stigma).
a Majumdar (G. P.) (I), pp. 23-24.

b patrasirtJ tu patr~ rekhtirikitena dr$/avatJ rasavaha ca I patre suand", sann;veJa",
dvividOOm bhavati I pragutJQ11I vel/iranea I lalra pragu1}Qmrjukrame(fQ yalsomslhiJnam I
•.. pragU(lena maulfjapatraf1J ~l/ite1lQ tu jiilikapatra11l samjil4yate I
BOTANY 383
In the chapter entitled pU$plingasutriyadhyaya of the Vrk~ayurveda, the

peculiarities in the arrangement of tloralleaves, particularly the gynoecium
in the thalamus, have been used as criteria for classifying flowers into four
types, e.g. tundapu$pama~u!ala, kumbhapu$pama1)r!ala, tungapu$pama1Jr!ala
and vatyapu$pamaJ;u!ala. The first is a typical flower and is hypogynous
(pu$pakranta-vijadhtira); that is stamens, petals and sepals are inserted
below the gynoecium. In the second type, sepals, petals and stamens are
inserted above the gynoecium, that is flowers belonging to this type are
epigynous (pu$pasir$a-vijadhara). In the tungapu$pamaf.'lt!ala, the thalamus
assumes the form of a cup and supports the gynoecium in the middle and
the stamens, petals and sepals along the rim, giving rise to perigynous
(sthalakotsanga) flowers. In the fourth type, the stamens are fused to form
a tube or an elongated mortar (ulukhala) covering up the ovary. Flowers
of this class described by Parasara as viifyamaIJ{lalagaIJa are typical of the
Malvaceae family.
Fruit
Different kinds of fruits such as green (saliilu), fleshy (k~r;iraka), dry
(viina) and legume (sami, simba) are recognized. Parasara has a special
chapter on fruits (phaliingasutriyiidhyiiya), in which functions and classi-
fication of fruits are discussed.
HISTOLOGY
Development of preliminary ideas as to the internal structure of plants

has been noticed in the Vedic literature, particularly in the Upani~·ads.
The Vrk$iiyurveda records considerable advancement in this field by present-
ing a detailed internal structure of the leaf. This was thought necessary to
explain the function of the leaf about which Parasara had a few interesting
observations to make. A leaf contains a large number of invisible (a~a
vasva) cells (rasako.ya), each covered by a cell-wall (kaliive$fitena) of fine
membrane (suk$mapatrakii). These cells store the sap containing the
five elemental properties (piiiicabhautikaguIJa samanvitasya rasasyiisayab) as
also a colorific principle (ranjakayukta). The plant body possesses several
transporting systems (sarvasrotii1flsi). This system in the stem, which
distributes rasa from the earth to the various plant organs, is called syandani,
and the one working in the leaves is called siriijii/iini. The transporting
system has both upward and downward channels (siriibhiscopasarpayanti
apasarpayanti ca bhavabhiivau).
PHYSIOLOGY
That plants possess several characteristics of life such as growth, move-

ment~ sleep, waking, disease, transmission of characters, etc., was noticed
by the various philosophical schools in India. Udayana of the Va;Je~ika
school observes, in his KiraIJava!i, that plants constantly manifest the

phenomena of living, death, dream, waking, susceptibility to diseases,
drugging, movement towards what is favourable and repulsion from what
is unfavourable as if these are living bodies. a The Buddhist logician
Dharmottara records, in his Nyayavindu{ika, the phenomenon of sleep in
certain plants, in the form of contraction of their leaves during night.
GUJ)aratna, in his $a{idarsana-samuccaya, enumerates different character-
istics of life. The plants pass through three stages of infancy, youth and
age; they have growth; their various kinds of movement are conditioned by
sleep, waking, response to touch or need for support. Plants are able to
deal with wounds and laceration sustained by their organs and make use
of drugs to overcome wounds as well as diseases. Assimilation of the
food from the soil is determined by requirements of plants for growth,
decay, fighting for diseases, and so on. b A list of plants showing the
phenomena of sleep and waking is mentioned, and lajjavati lata (Mimosa
pudica) is specifically cited as an instance of a plant sensitive to touch.
The different philosophical schools in India had thus unanimously recognized
plants as living organisms. That such a view must have crystallized during
the period of the Sal!lhitiis and Upani~'ads is borne out by frequent com-
parison of plants with animals as, for example, the likening of the plant to
the human body to which we have already referred.
Nourishnlent
As to the physiology of nourishment, scattered references amply indi-
cate the knowledge that plants receive their food materials from the soil
in the form of solution through the agency of the root. The use of the
term plidapa for the root, as already pointed out, is significant. In the
Mahiibhiirata, plants are stated to drink water with the help of air just as
water is sucked to the mouth through the lotus petiole. C Majumdar has
argued that the analogy, though imperfect, indicates that 'the knowledge
of the existence of the sucking force in the leaves of trees corresponding to
the existence of a sucking force in the mouth of man-a knowledge which
is only a very recent discovery-was an accomplished possession with the
ancients'. d Parasara's transporting systems, e.g. syandani in the stem and
sirajiiliini in the leaves, are clearly stated to be engaged in the important
work of transporting and circulating sap. The phenomenon of the cir-
culation of sap also appears in KaJ)iida's Vaise~ika Sutra: utsrotasastamab
CI vrk~l1dayab pratiniyatabhok tradhi~lhitab jlva1lllmarafIQsvap1llljdgarall/Jrogabhe$Oja-

prayogasajlJtiyt2nuvidhyatruku!opagamapratikiilapagamadibhyab prasiddhakulravat I
-Pr1hivlniriipaflOm
b Seal, pp. 173-74.
C vaktreflotpa!andlena yathordhva", jalamtldadet I
tatha pavanastllTlyuktab padDib pivati padapob II
-&ntiparva, 177.16.
cI Majumdar (G. P.) 0), p. 32.
BOTANY 385
prliyii antasparsti viSe$ina/.l.

(J Moreover, Parasara's elaborate histology of
the leaf and recognition of the presence in it of colouring matters (raiijaka)
are not without significance, as these together with the use of such ex-
pression as raiijakena pacyamaniit (digested with the help of colouring
matters), according to Sircar, point to the knowledge of food manufacture
in the leaves.
Plant Pathology
Plant diseases and their treatment received careful attention. Accord-
ing to Varahamihira, plant diseases are caused by cold climate (low tem-
perature), wind (dryness) and sun (heat) and indicated by the yellowness
of the leaves, non- or under-development of buds, dryness of the branches
and the exudation of the sap. The same view is held by Kasyapa. GUI)a-
ratna observes that plants are afflicted by diseases, displacement or dis-
location of flower, fruit, leaves and bark in the same way as the human
body suffers from jaundice, dropsy, emaciation, stunted growth of finger,
nose, etc., and respond to treatment like human bodies. Varahanlihira's
prophylactic treatment includes the application to the root of mud kneaded
with ghee and vi{langa and thereafter of milk diluted with water. The
Agllipurii~la prescribes a mixture of vidanga with rice, fish and flesh. For
the cure of barrenness, the Brhatsaf!1hitii and the AgnipuriifJa prescribe a
hot decoction prepared of kulattha (Dolichos biflorus), mii$a (Phaseolus
nlungo), mudga (Ph. radiatus), tila (Sesamum indicum) and yava (barley),
which is to be applied to the root.
Reproduction, Sex and Heredity

Reproduction of plants by fruits and seeds, roots, cuttings, graftings,
plant apices and leaves was well known. b Buddha Gho~a, in his Sumangala-
viliisini, a commentary on the Dfgha Nikaya, describes some of these
methods under such terms as mula-vija (root-seed), kha1)cJablja (cutting),
phaluvija Uoints), agravija (budding) and bfja-bija (seed). Propagation by
seeds (bija-bija or vijaruha) is referred to in the Atharvaveda and by Manu.
The Arthasiistra mentions cases of plant propagation by bulbous roots
(kiif.ulavija). The method of cuttings (also called skandhavija) is described
in the Arthaslistra, Brhatsafl'lhita and Sumangala-viliisini in the case of
sugar-cane, jack-fruit, blackberry, pomegranate, vine, lemon tree, asvattha
(Ficus religiosa), nyagrodha (Ficus bengalensis), udumbara (F. glomerata)
and several others. The method of grafting which consists in inserting the
cutting of one tree into the stem of another is considered by Varahamihira
as superior to cutting. Plants like betel, samiratza, ajjuka (Ocimum basili-
cum) and hiriverum (Andropogon cynanthus) are propagated by the agravija
method.
a VS. t 5.2.7.
b Majumdar (G. P.) (1), pp. 62-65.
25
Some vague ideas regarding sexuality in plants are noticeable in the

Hiirita- and Caraka-saf!lhitiis. Questions are raised as to why there are
no flowers and fruits produced except sexually or why the same kind of
fruition is not perceived in women as in plants. One answer, put in the
mouth of Atreya, is that the seed is the result of co-operation of different
sexes among the creeping and the fixed plants, and its quality varies aecord-
ing to the sperm. a The fixed plants are endowed with the male (siva)
and the female (sakti) principles. Caraka recognizes male categories of
plants bearing white flowers, large fruits and tender leaves and the female
categories characterized by yellow flowers, small fruits, short stalk, etc.
Of special importance is the case of ketakf (Pandanus odoratissimus) men-
tioned in the Riijanigha!ltu and the Dhanvantari Nigha1,l{u. Always referred
to as a couple (ketakidvaya), the male plant is called the sitaketaki and the
female one the svar{laketaki. The former is sometimes called simply
ketaka in the male gender or biphalii, that is unproductive of fruits, and the
latter kanakaprasavii, that is the plant which produces a golden harvest.
From the time of the Briihma1,las, the question of transmission of
characters has been posed. Caraka and Susruta go as far as to state that
the fertilized ovum contains in miniature all the organs of the plant,
e.g. the bamboo seed containing in miniature the entire structure of the
bamboo tree, and further that the male sperm cells have minute elements
derived from each of its organs and tissues. Such ideas closely resemble
Darwin's'gemmules' and Spencer's' ids'.
TAXONOMY
Systematization of any branch of knowledge through proper nomen-

clature and classification appears to be a speciality of the ancient Indians.
This is clearly noticeable in botany which provides a natural scope to the
systematizer.
Nomenclature
Plants have been named in consideration of (1) special association,
(2) special property such as medicinal, domestically useful, etc., (3) morpho-
logical characteristics, e.g. shape of leaf, number of leaflets in a compound
leaf, shape and colour of flowers, etc., (4) local association, (5) environ-
mental association and (6) other peculiarities. An attempt to express either
the salient external features or some prominent qualities, medicinal or other-
wise, is clearly reflected in the system. Thus bodhidruma (Ficus religiosa),
asoka (Saraca indica) and sivasekhara (Datura) are examples of special
association; dadrughna (Cassia fistula), arsoghna (Amorphopha/lus cam-
panulatus), kU~lhanasini (somaraji), dantadhavana (Acacia catechu), karpasa
(I viruddhdndika val/lnaIfJ sthavarl2(IMca putraka I

tatra dhiJtusama", vUa", sahayogena varltale II -HS. SI2., 1, 12-14.
25 B
BOTANY 387
(cotton) and lekhana (reed) utilize medicinal and domestic properties;

kiSapar!li (Achyranthes sp.), aSvapar~aka (Shorea robusta), pancangula (Rici-
nus), trlpatra, saptapar1)a, vakrapu$pa (Sesbania grandiflora) and satamal;
(asparagus) depend upon morphological peculiarities of leaf, flower, root,
etc.; saubira (Zizyphus jujuba), miigadhi Uasmine), vaidehi (pepper), ja/aja,
patikeruha (lotus) and maruvaka (Ocimum sp.) are examples of naming on the
basis of local or environmental associations. Consideration of so many
factors has often led to the coining of multiple names for the same plant, e.g.
vakrapu$pa (plant having curved flowers) and vranari (enemy of boils) for
the plant Sesbania grandiflora; ka1,l{aphala (having spiny fruits), gha1,ltii-
pu~pa (possessing bell-shaped flowers) and lnahiimohi (great intoxicator)
for the plant Datura alba. a The system impressed William Jones so much
that he remarked that Linnaeus would have probably adopted the Hindu
method had he known the Sanskrit language.
Classification
Plants were classified in accordance with three distinct principles, e.g.
botanical (udbhida), medicinal (virecaniidi) and dietetic (annapaniidi).
Compared to the broad Vedic classification of plants into vrk~a, o~'ijadhi and
virudh, attempts of this period are much more elaborate and scientific.
Manu divided plants under eight classes as follows: b
(1) O~adhi-bearing abundant flowers and fruits, but withering
away after fructification, e.g. rice, wheat.
(2) Vallaspati-bearing fruits without evident flowers.
(3) Vrk~'a-bearing both flowers and fruits.
(4) Guccha-bushy herbs, e.g. Jasminum (mallikii).
(5) Gulma-succulent shrubs.
(6) Tr~a-grasses.
(7) Pratana--creepers which spread their stems on the ground.
(8) Valli--climbers and entwiners.
Susruta and Caraka more or less adhered to the broad-based classi-
fication of the Vedic period and recognized some of the classes given by
Manu as forming subclasses. According to them, plants are of four classes: c
(1) Vanaspati-which bears fruits but not flowers.
(2) Vrk~a or viinaspatya-which bears both fruits and flowers.
(3) Virudh-which creeps on the ground or entwines.
(4) O~adhi-annual herbs which wither away after fructification.
Susruta's commentator QalhaQa gives p1akia (Ficus infeetoria) and
udamhara (Ficus glomerata) as examples of vanaspati and the mango and
a Majumdar (G. P.) (J), pp. 71-78.

b MS., I, 46.47.48.
c Idsd", sthtlvardScaturvidhQb I vanaspatayo vrklii virudh olOdhaya iti I llisu apulpab
phalavanto vanaspataya/J pUlPaphaJavanto vrk,ab I prallinavatyab stambinyaJca virUdhab,
phalapakanil,ha olQdhaya Itlll -SSe SiI. 1.23
t
the jambu (Eugenia jambo/ana) as examples of fruit- and flower-bearing

vrk~'as; subdivides vlrudhs into two groups, prattinavatya (creepers with
spreading stems on the ground) and gulminya (succulent herbs); and cites
wheat and barley as examples of o~adhi which wither away after fructi-
fication. Caraka's commentator Cakrapa1)i subdivides virudhs into lata
(creeper), gulma and o~adhis into annuals or perennials bearing fruits and
grasses which go without fruits.
The Vaise$ikas classify plants under seven heads, e.g. vrk$a, tr!Ja,
o~adhi, gulma, latii, avatcina and vanaspati. a Defining the characteristics of
the various groups, Udayana, in his Kira1)civali, remarks that vrk$as are
plants endowed with trunks and branches bearing flowers and fruits (vrk$iib
pu~s'Paphalavantab skandhasiikhinab); tr1)as are exemplified by ulapa and like
plants (tnliinyulapiidini); o$adhis are plants like kalama, which perish after
their fruits ripen (o~adhyab phalapiikiintiib kalamadayab); gulmas are plants
like bhiilii (gulmii bhii{lib); latlis are represented by kU$mij,:u)a, a species of
Cucurbita (latiib ku~maIJrjiprabhrtayab); avatiinas are plants like ketaki
(avatiiniib ketakyiidayab); and vanaspatis are trees that produce fruits with-
out flowers (vanaspatayo vinii pu~,;pa1J1 phalinab).
Parasara, in his Vrk~';iiyurveda, has developed a more elaborate classi-
fication based largely on morphological consideration such as floral charac-
ters, their resemblances and differences. In his system, plants are classified
into families (ga~a vibhaga), of which some examples are given below:
SamigaIJiya (Leguminosea)-This family is represented by sami-
vrk~a, a plant bearing simbiphala, i.e. a legume or pod, and leaves held
on a common stalk, which are compound in nature, with leaflets arranged
like a feather. Flowers of plants of this family are hypogynous (pu~pa
kriintabijiidhiira) and five-petalled, with gamosepalous calyx and an
androecium of 10 stamens. Three subtypes are: vakra-pu~pa, vikarlJika-
pu.ypa and suka-pu..~pa.
PuplikagalJiya (Rutaceae)-The plants bear spines, odoriferous
leaves and winged petioles and hypogynous flowers (tundamalJrJala)
with free petals and stamens. Fruits formed of superior ovary (pu~pa
kriintaphala) contain hairy succulent flesh and multiple seeds. Kesa-
Taka and miiluraphala are its two subtypes.
Svastikiiga1)iya (Cruciferae)-The name is derived from the shape
of the calyx which looks like a svastika. The flower has four sepals,
four petals and six stamens, all free, and a superior ovary (tunda-
ma!J{iala). In the inflorescence flowers are arranged in rows. The
two carpels are fused to form a bi-Iocular fruit (dvipula) of which the
wall is sutured to give it the appearance of a leguminous fruit.
Tripu$paga!,iya (Cucurbitaceae)-Plants of this class bear epigynous
(kumbhama~u)a/a) flowers which are sometimes unisexual. The flower
has five sepals, five petals which are united, three stamens and a style
a sthiivarab Vrk~QlrCUJulQdhigulmalalavQlanavallQspatQya Iii II
PBh. DroV)1o, PrthivlnlrUpo(lQl1l.
BOTANY 389
with three-pointed stigma (trisir$avardta). The ovary is tri-Iocular

(trivartaka) and produces several seeds.
Mal/ikaga1)iya (Apocynaceae)-Plants of this class give an in-
florescence of a mixed type and bear hermaphrodite (samarigti) flowers
having united calyx and corolla, each five-membered, and five stamens,
epipetalous (avyaktakesara). The fruit is a follicle of two chambers
and seeds are endowed with tufts of long fine hairs (tulapuccha-
samanvitti).
Kurcapu$paga1)iya (Compositeae)-In this case, the flowers are
sessile and borne on a common axis surrounded by a common calyx
so as to make the assemblage look like bristles on a brush head (kurca-
kiira), whence the name. The ovary is inferior (pu$pasir$akabijiidhara).
ECOLOGY
The period under review shows some awareness of the dependence of

structural and functional peculiarities of plants upon environmental condi-
tions. Caraka and Susruta divide land into different regions according
to the nature of soil, climate and vegetation. There are several references
to plants typical of these regions, which clearly indicate their interest in
plant ecology. The regions and their characteristic vegetation may be
summarized as follows:
Janga/a region is characterized by open spaces, dry wilderness or
deserts, and scarcity of rivers and rivulets, in fact, of water resources
in general. Some of the typical plants of this region, as mentioned by
Caraka, include khadira (Acacia catechu), sallakf (Boswellia serrata),
siila (Shorea robusta), asvattha (Ficus religiosa), va!a (F. bengalensis),
lima/aki (Phyllanthus emblica) and silflsapii (Dalbergia sissoo).a
Anupa region means a marshy or swampy tract, abounding in a
large number of pools, traversed by a net of rivers and overgrown with
forests. The vegetation of anupa region, according to Varahamihira,
includes jambu (Eugenia jambolana), vetasa (Calamus rotung), kadamba
(Anthocephalus cadamba), driik$ii (vines), arjuna (Terminalia arjuna)
and several others. According to Caraka, dense forests of hintiila
(Phoenix paludosa), tala (Borassus flab ellifer), tama/a (Cinnamomum
tama/a) and niirike/a (Cocos nucifera) typify such swampy regions.
Siidhararra, meaning ordinary, is an intermediate region which
has some features common to both the janga/a and the aniipa. Such
regions are good for the growth of both vanaspatis and vanaspatyas.
Kautilya differentiated between the jangala and the anilpa regions by
the amount of rainfall. For the janga/a, this amount is 16 dro1;las, whereas
for the anilpa it is half as much more. b
a Majumdar (G. P.) (1), p. 67.

b .4$.• 11,24.
ARBORl-HORTICULTURB
The science of arbori-horticulture developed during this period as a

distinct discipline. Much of the Vrk~tiyurveda deal with the construction
and maintenance of gardens and parks for health, recreation and enjoyment
of the public. The existence of the science in a rudimentary form can be
traced to the ~gvedic times. All decent houses and places of noblemen
and kings had pleasure and kitchen gardens attached to them.
Public gardens and parks were placed under the charge of superinten-
dents who were required to know the causes of growth and development of
flowers and fruits, the methods of planting and curing trees by the adminis-
tration of proper soil and water at the suitable time and the various uses
of plants as medicinal drugs. The knowledge of grafting was one of the
qualifications of the gardener, and it came to be regarded as one of the
64 kalas or arts. According to Vatsyayana, all big houses and palaces of
kings had a pleasure garden, vrk~avtilikii or pu~pavatikii.a Methods of
plant propagation by seed, cutting, layering, grafting and budding were
prevalent and one finds mention of them in the Vedas, Arthasastra and
Brhatsafllhitii. Jacolliot remarked, 'We should not forget that India,
that immense and luminous centre in olden times, was in constant com-
munication with all the people of Asia and that all the philosophers and
sages of antiquity went there to study the science of life. 'b
In the Buddhist literature we find description of pleasure gardens of
king Bimbisara and Asoka as places of diversion. The tree at Buddha
Gaya under which Gautama attained enlightenment was a pipul (Ficus
religiosa) and its branches were taken far and wide and planted.
We have a chapter entitled the Upavanavinoda as a branch of Vrk~iiyur
veda in Siirngdhara's encyclopedic work, the Sartigdhara Paddhati,
composed during the thirteenth century A.D. The text has been edited and
translated. by Majumdar (G. P.) (3). The treatise was compiled at the
command of his king for the benefit of his subjects. The following topics
are discussed: glory of trees; good and evil omens relati ng to residence
near the trees; selection of soil; classification of plants; sowing of seeds;
watering of plant; the rule for the protection of plants; construction of
garden houses; examination of soil where wells are to be dug; rules for
nourishment of plants; kunapa water (recipe for natural solution); treatment
of plants in diseases and health; and botanical marvels (experimental
results).c The Arthaslistra, the Kdmasi1tra, the Sukraniti and literature of
this class indicate that there were forest departments which were placed
under expert forest officers whose duty it was to develop new plantations,
administer forest laws and accomplish in every possible way the economic
development of the forest resources of the State.
• Majumdar (0. P.) (5), p. 27.

II Maheshwari, Sen Gupta aud Venkatesh, p. 165.
C For a brief summary, ste Majumdar (G. P.) (S), p. 29.
BOTANY 391
In ValmIki's Riimiiya!la, the poet lists several plants of the Chitrakuta

Hills while describing the journey of Rama, Lak~malJa and Sita. Mention
is made in the RiimiiyalJQ that SUa was confined by RavaQa in a grove of
Asoka trees (Saraca indica). Kadamba (Anthocephalus cadamba) was closely
connected with the life of Srikr~l)a, and its abundance in the past near
Mathura and Brindaban is perhaps an evidence of more humid climate
prevailing in this area in those days.
Tulasi (Ocimum sanctum) had the pride of place and is still grown in
many Hindu houses.
Lotus (Nelumbo nucifera) is referred to in the Puri1!las. Brahma
emerged from the lotus which grew out of the navel of Vi~l)u. In the days
of Mohenjo-daro, lotus blossoms were wreathed over the head of the Sun-
god. Sidhu was prepared from the flowers of mahua (MadhucQ indica)
tree, kharjura from juice of date-palm (Phoenix sylvestris) and sura from
cereals. Cannabis fibre (Cannabis sativa) was known and bhang prepared
from its leaves was often used as an intoxicant. Among the beverages,
fermented drinks were known, as there was somarasa, the drink of the gods.
In spite of its special virtue of giving immortality, the origin of somarasa
remains unsolved. Rauwolfia serpentina, which has now earned world-
wide popularity, finds mention in ancient Hindu manuscripts 8;S well as
in Caraka. The plant is described, under its Sanskrit name sarpagandhii,
as a useful remedy for snake-bite and insect-stings. Because of its curative
effect in cases of insanity it has long been known in Hindi as Pagal-ki-
Dawa.
Kfilidasa refers to plants featured in personal adornment and beauti-
fication at the home, e.g. talnbala or pan (Piper betle), supan· (Areca
catechu), cardamom (Elettaria cardamomum), campaka (Michelia champaco),
sandal paste (Santalum album), etc. The Brhatsa'l'lhitd contains references
to various types of toothpicks, hair-oils, perfumes and recipes for dyeing
the hair.
Bengal had direct maritime intercourse with the Far Eastern countries.
China and the Far East used to import at least a part of the sandalwood
(Santalum album) froln India even up to about the eighth or ninth century
A.D. Sandalwood was a 'royal tree' and people had no right to its culti-
vation. It was a naturally growing plant in India. The appearance of
sandal trees along with mango (Mangifera indica) trees in the sculptured
railings of Bharhut is a proof of their growing in India at least from the
second century B.C.
Of the greatest importance as an article of export, was black pepper
(Piper nigrum), a native of the western coast of India. It was well known
to the Greeks and later taken to Europe by Arab traders either through
the Persian Gulf, Mesopotamia, Syria or through the Red Sea and the
Gulf of Suez. At one time pepper was weighed against silver and gold
and it was the high price of pepper which acted as the chief incentive for
Europeans to find a sea route to India.
392 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDlA
BOTANY IN THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD FROM ARABIC

AND PERSIAN SOURCES
K. A. CHOWDHURY
To start with, written information for this period on botany, as a biolo-

gical science, is almost nil. Nobody seems to have taken enough interest to
collect basic knowledge in various disciplines of botany, such as classifica-
tion, morphology, physiology and ecology, etc. The main emphasis has
been on the utilization of plant products for food, shelter and clothes.
Almost all the reports are confined to agriculture, horticulture and
forest produce. From this scanty information it is not possible to trace
chronologically the advancement of knowledge in any of these products.
Some broad-based general conclusion is, however, possible and that is
what has been done here.
Speaking generally, the agricultural produce of the country as a whole
could not have been very much different from what it is today. A few
plants introduced in the country during this period wilt be dealt with
elsewhere.
Wheat
During the reign of Delhi Sultanate, according to Amir Khusrau, a
the chief crops were pulses, wheat, barley, millet, peas, rice, sesame oil-
seeds, sugar-cane and cotton. Canal irrigation introduced by Firiiz Shah
Tughluq near Hissar and Firiizabad greatly improved the production of
wheat, sugar-cane, sesame and pulses in these areas. The city of Delhi used
to get wheat, rice and sugar-cane from Manikpur (near Allahabad) because
of the high quality of crops produced there. During Akbar's time wheat
(Triticum sp.) was grown throughout north India, and in the states ofcentral,
western and eastern parts. In Bengal wheat was grown in sufficient quantity
although it was recognized that the quality was not so good. b During this
period of 600 years, no mention has been made of varieties of wheat in
any record. This is rather surprising because with different climate-soils,
complex in the country with almost no irrigation, one could expect varieties
of wheat which would grow well in different localities.
Rice
Cultivation of rice (Oryza sativa L.) during Akbar's time shows that
more than one variety was in existence. According to lin, C three varieties
were cultivated in the subahs of Agra, Allahabad and Oudh. These were
dark-coloured rice (persian: shali mushkin), munj rice (believed to be
related to the present basmati variety grown in Debra Dun and adjoining
• Ashraf, p. 20. tJ Sarkar (1.), n, pp. 181-90.

a Habib, p. 37.
BOTANY 393
districts) and the common rice. Another variety that used to be grown in
Bengal is mentioned also in the Ain as given below: CJ
'If single grains of each kind were collected, they would fill a
large vase. It is sown and reaped three times in a year, on the same
piece of land with little injury to the crop. As fast as the water rises,
the stalks grow, so that the ear is never immersed; inasmuch as those
experienced in such matters have taken the measure of a single night's
growth as six cubits.'
There may be a slight exaggeration here but we know that this variety of
rice is still grown in certain parts of Assam and Bengal.
Another point to note here is that agriculturists by using selection
method had classified rice into varieties and utilized the different varieties
to suit different environmental conditions. In view of the past history of
rice cultivation in India, one wonders whether the experience of rice culti-
vation for such a long time is not responsible for an advanced knowledge
in this cereal.
Barley
Jgu Uav) (Hordeum vulgare L.) was usually cultivated where wheat was
grown. There was no barley cultivation in Bengal and Assam. Generally
speaking, the proportion of wheat and barley cultivation was 3: 1. According
to Ain, about 1/5 of the entire land under cultivation was covered by barley.
Millets
Under the general term millet, many small-grained cercals are cultivated,
mostly in the drier parts of the country. During Akbar's tinlc tax was
ilnposed on the following millets:
Persian nalnes Hindusthani English na/nes Latin names
nanles
Jowar Sorghum, joar Sorghum vulgare Pers.
Great minet
Shamakh Sanwan, sanwa Echinochloa frumenta-
Japanese millet
cea (Roxb.) Link.
Kodron Kodu, kondo? Kodo millet Paspalaum scrobicula-
tum L.
Gal or kunguni Kangri, kangu Italian or horse- Setaria italica L. Beau
kukum tail millet
Arzan Chin, morhi, anu Common millet Panicum miliaceum L.
Manwah Mandua, mandaI Ragi finger millet Eleusine coracana (L.)
Gaertn.
Lahdarah Bajra Bulrush or pearl Pennisetum typhoides
millet (Bunn. f.) Stapf and
C. E. Hubb.
Kudiri ? ? ?
Barti ? ? ?
CI Sarkar (J.), II, p. 134.
Of these, almost all are cultivated at the present time. (I A point to

note here is that these small cereals were cultivated in those days because
either they were eaten by the poorer sections of people or they were used
as fodder. It is most likely that the latter was the case, because it is re-
peatedly mentioned that pasture covered extensive area of the land. For
instance in Bengal, where there are now few pasture lands, an extensive area
was cultivated for fodder and 'ghee' was available in abundance. Accord-
ing to J. Xavier,b in Agra region 'butter with rice, millet and pulses formed
the food of the common people and there was no one in Agra who did
not eat it'.
Another point of our interest is that from all accounts area cultivated
under bajra at that time was much smaller than what it is today.
Pulses
Under the name pulses come a number of leguminous seeds which
are eaten as a source of vegetable protein. During Akbar's reign many
of these were grown and tax was collected on their production. These
are given below with their Persian, Hindusthani and English, and Latin
names:
Persian names Hindusthani and Latin names

English names
Maash Mung Phaseo/us aureus Roxb.
Maash siah Urd Phaseo/us mungo Roxb.
Moth Meth kalai, kheri Phaseo/us aconitifo/ius Jacq.
Lobya Lobia, cowpea Vigna sinensis (L.) Savi ex
Hassk.
Kult Kulthi, horse gram Dolichos biflorus L.
Adas Masur, lentil Lens culinaris Medic.
Nakhud Chana, gram, chick pea Cicer arietinum L.
Mashang Mattar, garden pea Pisum sativum L. var. Arvense
poir
Khesari Grass pea Lathyrus sativus L.
Oil-seeds
Many crops were cultivated for oil-yielding seeds. The important
ones were linseed (Linum usitatissimum L.), safflower (Carthamus tintorius
L.), Sesame or til (Sesamum indicum L.). Then mustard and toreya are
also mentioned. Toreya is BrassicQ campestris L. var. toria Dutt and
Full, while mustard includes a number of species and varieties, such as
B. compestris L. var. dichotoma Watt, the ka/isarson; B. compestris L. var.
G Habib, p. 54; Chalam and Vcnkateshwarlu, pp. 386-428.

• Sarkar 0.), pp. 69-117.
BOTANY 395
sarson Prain, yellow sarson; B. hirta Moench, white mustard, soled ral;
B.juncea (L.) Czem and Coss, raj; B. napus L., the kalisarson, and B. nigra
Koch, the kalirai. It is quite possible that the entire lot of oil-yielding
mustards was grouped together at that time for the purpose of taxation.
We know now that scientific classification of plants was then absent.
Cash Crops
Under cash crops, sugar-cane was extensively cultivated all over the
country. 'In Bengal sugar-cane was pre-eminent both in volume of output
and quality.'a Cultivation of cotton (Gossypium arboreum L.) has been
reported in smaller areas than that of the sugar-cane. Its cultivation was,
however, not restricted to the so-called cotton tract, but beyond it. North
I ndia used to grow cotton in a fairly large quantity. Surprisingly Bengal
is reported to have produced an important crop of cotton which is not the
case today. The reason might have been lack of proper transport. Bengal
was at that time at the height of production of muslin cloth which necessi-
tated easy accessibility to cotton. During the latter part of the Muslim
period, indigo (Indigofera tinctoria L.) was an important cash crop in
great demand for internal use as well as for export. b Incidentally, this
dye-yielding plant of the seventeenth century had its own history written
in volumes in commercial literature of the time. The best quality came
from Bayana tract near Agra. Inferior quality grew in the Doab, Khurja
and Koli (Aligarh). A place called Sarkheja, near Ahmedabad, has also
the reputation of producing good quality indigo. The indigo grown in the
south (Telingana) was considered. to be of medium quality. In fact, indigo
plantation was quite common from Bengal to Khandesh. Of interest from
a scientific point of view is that with the disappearance of cultivation of
indigo, its adverse effect on the fertility of soil for growing wheat and other
spring crops was realized. We now know about the nitrogen fixation
ability of the roots of indigo plant but in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries this knowledge was not available. But all the same cultivators
did realize that something went wrong with the soil if indigo was not grown.
Another dye-yielding plant was known during Akbar's time. It was called
al (Morinda tinctoria Roxb.) and produced a red dye. Cultivation of both
these plants was stopped when use of synthetic dyes came into vogue. C
Henna or mehndi (Lawsonia lnermis L.) is another dye-yielding plant
that was taxed during Akbar's reign. Leaves of this plant are crushed
into a thick paste and applied by women and girls on their hands and feet.
When removed after half an hour or so, hand and feet retain a red colour.
This is still the practice in villages, while the women of the urban area use
modem nail-paints. Again, pan (Piper betle L.), which is chewed along with
areca nut (Areca catechu L.) and other ingredients, was taxed by the Emperor.
a Habib, p. 40.
b Sarkar (J.), pp. 71, 78,93.
C Habib, pp. 42-44.
Of these, almost all are cultivated at the present time. (I A point to

note here is that these small cereals were cultivated in those days because
either they were eaten by the poorer sections of people or they were used
as fodder. It is most likely that the latter was the case, because it is re-
peatedly mentioned that pasture covered extensive area of the land. For
instance in Bengal, where there are now few pasture lands, an extensive area
was cultivated for fodder and 'ghee' was available in abundance. Accord-
ing to J. Xavier,b in Agra region 'butter with rice, millet and pulses formed
the food of the common people and there was no one in Agra who did
not eat it'.
Another point of our interest is that from all accounts area cultivated
under bajra at that time was much smaller than what it is today.
Pulses
Under the name pulses come a number of leguminous seeds which
are eaten as a source of vegetable protein. During Akbar's reign many
of these were grown and tax was collected on their production. These
are given below with their Persian, Hindusthani and English, and Latin
names:

English names
Maash Mung Phaseo/us aureus Roxb.
Maash siah Urd Phaseo/us mungo Roxb.
Moth Meth kalai, kheri Phaseo/us aconitifo/ius Jacq.
Lobya Lobia, cowpea Vigna sinensis (L.) Savi ex
Hassk.
Kult Kulthi, horse gram Dolichos biflorus L.
Adas Masur, lentil Lens culinaris Medic.
Nakhud Chana, gram, chick pea Cicer arietinum L.
Mashang Mattar, garden pea Pisum sativum L. var. Arvense
poir
Khesari Grass pea Lathyrus sativus L.
Oil-seeds
Many crops were cultivated for oil-yielding seeds. The important
ones were linseed (Linum usitatissimum L.), safflower (Carthamus tintorius
L.), Sesame or til (Sesamum indicum L.). Then mustard and toreya are
also mentioned. Toreya is BrassicQ campestris L. var. toria Dutt and
Full, while mustard includes a number of species and varieties, such as
B. compestris L. var. dichotoma Watt, the ka/isarson; B. compestris L. var.
G Habib, p. 54; Chalam and Vcnkateshwarlu, pp. 386-428.

• Sarkar 0.), pp. 69-117.
BOTANY 397
tectorius Soland ex Parkinson). The next mention of flowers is by Jahangir

(1605-27) in his memoirs. a Here not only the beautiful flower bearing
plants were mentioned, in some cases, the colour of sepals and petals was
also described. He gave the locality where he saw these flowers. Of the
many Persian names given by him, the following have been traced to their
Latin names.

English names
Kaner Oleander Nerium indicum Mill.
Dhak Dhak, palas Butea frondosa Roxb.
Nilufar Kamudini, bhamber, Nymphaea stellata Wild.
lotus
Kanwal Padma, Indian lotus Nilumbo nucifera Gacrtn.
Gul-i-champah Champa Afichelia chanijJaea L.
Gul-i-keora Keora, screw-pine Pandanus teetorius Soland ex
Parkinson
Rai bel Jasmine JasI11inum sanlbac (L.) Ait
Chambeli White jasmine Jasrninunz 111ultiflorllln (Burm. f.)
Andr.
Maulsiri Spanish cherry M il11USOpS elengi L.
Seoti Dog-rose Rosa glandulifera Roxb.
G ul-i-bulanik Crowned imperial lily Fritil/aria ilnperialis L.
Argwani zard Buttercup Ranunculus sp.
Nargis Narcissus Narcissus poetieus L.
Banafshah Violet flower Viola odorata L.
Gul-i-badanl Almond flower Prunus amygdalus Batsch.
Gul-i-shaftalu Peach flower Prunus persica (L.) Stakes.
Chhui-mui Lajwanti Mimosa pudica L.
Saffron Zaffran Crocus sativus L.
Besides, Jahangir says, 'Atr of roses-the most excellent perfunle-

was discovered in my reign. The mother of Nurjahan Begum conceived the
idea of collecting the oil which rises to the surface when rose-water is heated
and, this having done, the oil was found to be most powerful perfume.'b
As regards fruit trees, mango (Mangifera indica L.) was especially
popular. There is, however, no mention of the varieties of mangoes that
were in existence at that time. Could it be possible that development
of different varieties of mango was done after the Muslim period? In
addition to mango, Amir Khausru C mentions different varieties of grapes
(Vitis vinifera L.), dates (Phoenix spp.), pomegranate (Punica granatum L.),
plantains (Musa paradisiaca L.), lemons (Citrus spp.), khirni (Manilkara
(I Alvi and Rahman (2), pp. 92-102.

b Elliot and Dowson, p. 101.
e Ashraf, p. 201.
hexandra (Roxb.) Dub.), jaman (Syzygium cumini (L.) Skeels), jack-fruit

(Artocarpus heterophyllus LamIe) and many others. Coconuts (Cocos
nucifera L.) were abundant on the coastal area. a Feroz Shah Tughluk
carried out extensive operation to establish fruit gardens in and near Delhi.
According to his chronicler, he laid out as many as 1,200 gardens in the
Delhi area and 43 in Chitore. Special attention was paid to the cultivation
of pomegranate in Jodhpur, fruits from which place were considered to be
better than those from Persia. In Babur's memoirs" he mentioned some .
of these fruits, and also imli (Tamarindus indica L.), badhil (Artocarpus
lakoocha Roxb.), ber (Zizyphus mauritiana LamIe), karonda (Carissa caran-
das L.), pani-amla (Flacourtia jangomas (Lour) Raeusch), guler (Ficus
glomerata Roxb.), amleh (Emblica officinalis Gaertn.) and chirunji (Bucha-
nania lauzan Spreng). In addition, Babur listed a large number of Citrus
but to determine their identity under present classification is almost an
impossible task.
By the time of Akbar's reign, a considerable improvement had been
brought about by introducing new stock from Central Asia and Afghanistan.
For instance, cherries were not grown in Kashmir before Akbar's time.
Grafting of superior stock was also done to improve the local varieties.
At this time plantation of temperate climate fruit trees was mostly confined
to imperial gardens and those of the noblemen of the country. It was
Shajahan who 'lifted this ban for both the select and the masses'. C From
all accounts this wider application brought about extensive cultivation of
fruit trees in the country.
JahangircL recorded his observations on fruit trees, some of which are
listed below:
Local names English names Latin names

Shah alu, gilas Sweet cherry Prunus avium L.
Zard alu Apricot Prunus armeniaca L.
Naspati Pear Pyrus comlnunis L.
Seb Apple Malus sylvestris (L.) Mill.
Amrud Guava Psidium guajava L.
Angur Grape Vitis vinifera L.
Anar Pomegranate Punica granatum L.
Tarbuz Water-melon Citrullus vulgaris Schrad ex Eckl.
and Zeyh.
Kharbuza Musk-melon Cucumis melo L.
Tut Mulberry MoTUS alba L.
Askhin Strawberry Fragaria vesca L.
Alu balu Sour cherry Prunus cerasus L.
Shaftalu, aro Peaches Prunus persica (L.) Stokes
a Ashraf, p. 201. C Habib, p. 51.

b King (L.), 11, pp. 225-37. d Alvi and Rahman (2), pp. 106-109.
BOTANY 399
Gardens
Much has been written about the Mughal gardens by both Indians
and foreigners but before the Mughals came into the scene considerable
attention had been paid by the kings of Delhi Sultanate and the Hindu
kings. Babur's remarks a on this aspect of Indian culture, when he reached
Delhi, seem to be in indiscordance with the available facts. That his son
Humayun appreciated the layout of gardens and buildings of Bengal to
make him overstay there is enough proof against Babur's remarks. Akbar
and his successors made many improyements in this respect at Delhi and
Agra and these gardens even now are considered worth visiting by Indians
and foreigners.
Gardens at that time contained not only flower plants but also fruit
trees. The latter used to bring a considerable income to the exchequer.
We also know of the renowned imperial gardens at Agra where all sorts of
exotic trees were planted and maintained under the personal supervision of
the emperors.
Introduction ofPlants
Books on Indian economic plants give many plants which have been
introduced in the country from outside. It is not always possible to find
out when and by whom each of these plants was introduced. There are,
however, records available indicating when a few of them were introduced
during the Muslim period. Mention has already been made of cherry
(Prunus avium L.) which was introduced in Kashmir from Persia during
Akbar's time. Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum L.) came to India from
South America via Arabia. Pilgrims from south India are said to have
brought it with them when they returned home after Haj. Tobacco was
introduced in north India during Akbar's time when one of his lieutenants
in the south brought this as a present for the Emperor. Akbar did
not indulge in tobacco-smoking except for once. His son Jahangir passed
orders for the prohibition of tobacco. But it was an ineffective royal
order; people went on smoking but not publicly. Gradually its cultivation
spread from west to east and south to north.
Another important plant introduced in the country was pineapple
(Ananas cosmus (L.) Merr.) by the Portuguese in the west coast during the
sixteenth century. It became a very popular fruit to grow. Its cultivation
spread rapidly from Gujarat to Bengal. During J ahangir's time many
thousands of this plant were grown in the imperial garden at Agra. To
do this an artificial, moist tropical environment had to be developed-a
rather expensive affair. Other South American plants of importance
introduced about this time were papaya (Carica papaya L.) and cashewnut
(Anacardium occidenta/is L.), but the spread of their cultivation was much
slower than that of the pineapple. It was only in the seventeenth century
• Kina (L.), lI, p. 156.

hexandra (Roxb.) Dub.), jaman (Syzygium cumini (L.) Skeels), jack-fruit

(Artocarpus heterophyllus LamIe) and many others. Coconuts (Cocos
nucifera L.) were abundant on the coastal area. a Feroz Shah Tughluk
carried out extensive operation to establish fruit gardens in and near Delhi.
According to his chronicler, he laid out as many as 1,200 gardens in the
Delhi area and 43 in Chitore. Special attention was paid to the cultivation
of pomegranate in Jodhpur, fruits from which place were considered to be
better than those from Persia. In Babur's memoirs" he mentioned some .
of these fruits, and also imli (Tamarindus indica L.), badhil (Artocarpus
lakoocha Roxb.), ber (Zizyphus mauritiana LamIe), karonda (Carissa caran-
das L.), pani-am/a (Flacourtia jangomas (Lour) Raeusch), guler (Ficus
glomerata Roxb.), amleh (Emblica officinaiis Gaertn.) and chirunji (Bucha-
nania /auzan Spreng). In addition, Babur listed a large number of Citrus
but to determine their identity under present classification is almost an
impossible task.
By the time of Akbar's reign, a considerable improvement had been
brought about by introducing new stock from Central Asia and Afghanistan.
For instance, cherries were not grown in Kashmir before Akbar's time.
Grafting of superior stock was also done to improve the local varieties.
At this time plantation of temperate climate fruit trees was mostly confined
to imperial gardens and those of the noblemen of the country. It was
Shajahan who 'lifted this ban for both the select and the masses'. C From
all accounts this wider application brought about extensive cultivation of
fruit trees in the country.
JahangircL recorded his observations on fruit trees, some of which are
listed below:
Local names English names Latin names

Shah alu, gilas Sweet cherry Prunus avium L.
Zard alu Apricot Prunus armeniaca L.
Naspati Pear Pyrus comlnunis L.
Seb Apple Malus sy/vestris (L.) Mill.
Amrud Guava Psidium guajava L.
Angur Grape Vitis vinifera L.
Anar Pomegranate Punica granatum L.
Tarbuz Water-melon Citrullus vulgaris Schrad ex Eckl.
and Zeyh.
Kharbuza Musk-melon Cucumis melo L.
Tut Mulberry MoTUS alba L.
Askhin Strawberry Fragaria vesca L.
Alu balu Sour cherry Prunus cerasus L.
Shaftalu, aro Peaches Prunus persica (L.) Stokes
a Ashraf, p. 201. C Habib, p. 51.

b King (L.), 11, pp. 225-37. d Alvi and Rahman (2), pp. 106-109.
BOTANY 401
e drogas cousso medicina/is da India compostos pel/e, in which he included

information on
(a) the eastern drugs that the Arabs sent westwards in trade;
(b) the samples used in India that were new to the men in the West;
(c) information on local fruits, narcotics, etc.
The Dutch in Malabar (1667-1750)

The Dutch East India Company in Malabar (1667-1750) had some men
who took considerable interest in the vegetation of the area they were
working in. Of these, Heinrich Van Rheed.e tot Draakenstein, who was
appointed Governor of the Dutch possessions in 1667, was a keen botanist.
During 1674 and 1675 he collected specimens of plants with the help of
the local people and sent them to eochin, where drawings were prepared
by Mathaeus. Corresponding descriptions were written in Malabar
language, which were first translated into West European language and then
to Latin. This work by Van Rheede was published between 1686 and
1703 at Amsterdam in 12 folio volumes with 794 plates. Sir William Jones
referred to the publication as interesting. He said, 'When we complain,
and luyself as much as any, that we have leisure in India for literary and
philosophical pursuits, we should consider that Van Rheed.e was a noble-
man at the head of an Indian government and that he fully discharged all
the duties of his important station, while he found leisure to conlplete
those 12 large volumes, which Linnaeus himself pronounces accurate.'
Another important work, which originated from this Dutch settlement,
was the writing by George Everhard Rumphius. The manuscript was
written in Dutch and remained in the possession of the Dutch Company
for nlany years. Then Professor John Burman of Amsterdam rescued it.
After editing, it was published in 1757 in six volumes. Latin translation
was provided and it contained 696 plates.
Paul Herman was appointed under Van Rheede for botanical work
and was posted in Ceylon. Herman's plant collection went to Leiden and
was worked out by him. The results were published in 1717 entitled
Herman's Museum Zeylanicum. Later in 1737, John Burman published
his Thesaurus Zeylanicus based on Herman's specimens. Herman's her-
barium was rediscovered by M. Gunthar, an apothecary to the king of
Denmark, who sent it to Linnaeus. In 1747 Linnaeus published Flora
Zeylanica in which he described new genera and included Malabari and
Sinhalese names. This is an example of restoration of learning of the
eighteenth century.
Protestant Mission in the Dutch Settlement in Tranquebar (1668-1834)

There was another centre of Dutch activity in India on botany. In
1768 John Gerard Koenig was appointed at the Tranquebar Mission in
south. He was a missionary surgeon and had his early training in Uppsala
26
in Sweden under Linnaeus. Koenig was an enthusiastic collector of natural

science products. He not only made a serious study of the flora of Madras
coa~t but also sent dry plants to Sir Joseph Banks and his teacher Linnaeus.
The latter gave special place to these plants in his herbarium.
It must be pointed out here that Koenig was the first botanist who
introduced Linnaean system of classification of plants in India. Before this
the classification was mainly based on uses of plants without giving serious
consideration to how flowers and other parts were arranged in a plant.
Missionaries gathered round Koenig's' United Brotherhood', a society
established for the promotion of botanical studies in India. Members of
the Brotherhood included many missionaries of Tranquebar such as Heyne,
Klein, Rottler, William Roxburgh, William Jones and Buchanan Hamilton.
Koenig, after 10 years with the Mission, transferred his services to the
Nawab of Arcot and then to the East India Company. He was sent to
Sianl and the Malay Peninsula to ascertain if Siamese cardamom could be
grown in south India. He became ill and retired in 1785.
Systenlutic botanical investigations were continued later by several
European naturalists in difl'erent parts of India. Of thenl, special mention
Jllay be made of Willianl Roxburgh, William Carey, Nathaniel WalJich
and George King. The Royal Botanic Garden came into being as early as
1787 through the efforts of Robert Kyd. The part played by this garden,
botanical investigations in the nineteenth century, the formation of the
Botanical Survey of India and related matters are discussed in chapter 10.
268
8 ZOOLOGY
J. L. BHADURI
K. K. TIWARI
BlSWAMOY BISWAS
ANCIENT Indians, lIke their contemporaries in the West, had collected

considerable information about the living world, although their efforts in
thIs fIeld have generally passed unnoticed in books on the history of biology
by such modern authors as Nordenskiold, Locy, Bodenheilncr and several
others. One of such modern historians of biology remarks: 'The civilized
peoples of Eastern Asia, the Hindus and Chinesc, have likewise contributed
very little of importance to the development of the science of biology.
Hindu Science, indeed, especially in the sphere of mathematics, reached a
high standard .. .'ll We believe that renlarks and opinions of this kind,
due probably to the lack of knowledgc of Sanskrit and other classical
languages of India on the part of Western historians of biology, now require
revision. We have abundant evidence, albeit scattered in archaeological
and literary records, of the interest and curiosity of ancient Indians in the
living world around them leading to a large mass of facts and ideas com-
paring favourably with similar efforts made conteDlporaneollsly by peoples
of other culture areas of the world.
PREHISTORIC PERIOD
Neolithic Haematite Drawings of Animals

The earliest concrete evidence of interest in animal life is furnished by
the' ruddle' or 'haematite drawings' in caves or sheltered rocks, made by
the neolithic men in India (Fig. 8.1). That these neolithic dwellers of the
subcontinent, out of sheer necessity for existence, must have acquired
familiarity with animals and plants is self-evident. Keen naturalists as
they were, they must have memorized shapes and forms of animals hunted
G Nordeosklol~ p. 7.
in Sweden under Linnaeus. Koenig was an enthusiastic collector of natural

science products. He not only made a serious study of the flora of Madras
coa~t but also sent dry plants to Sir Joseph Banks and his teacher Linnaeus.
The latter gave special place to these plants in his herbarium.
It must be pointed out here that Koenig was the first botanist who
introduced Linnaean system of classification of plants in India. Before this
the classification was mainly based on uses of plants without giving serious
consideration to how flowers and other parts were arranged in a plant.
Missionaries gathered round Koenig's' United Brotherhood', a society
established for the promotion of botanical studies in India. Members of
the Brotherhood included many missionaries of Tranquebar such as Heyne,
Klein, Rottler, William Roxburgh, William Jones and Buchanan Hamilton.
Koenig, after 10 years with the Mission, transferred his services to the
Nawab of Arcot and then to the East India Company. He was sent to
Sianl and the Malay Peninsula to ascertain if Siamese cardamom could be
grown in south India. He became ill and retired in 1785.
Systenlutic botanical investigations were continued later by several
European naturalists in difl'erent parts of India. Of thenl, special mention
Jllay be made of Willianl Roxburgh, William Carey, Nathaniel WalJich
and George King. The Royal Botanic Garden came into being as early as
1787 through the efforts of Robert Kyd. The part played by this garden,
botanical investigations in the nineteenth century, the formation of the
Botanical Survey of India and related matters are discussed in chapter 10.
268
ZOOLOGY 405
species of animals associated with the lives of prehistoric peoples. The

total number of species identified is 92. Mammals represented by 41
species top the list. Next in order are molluscs represented by 31 species,
including some marine and land forms and reptiles by 12 species, while
fishes and birds, of which only five and two species respectively have so far
come to light, are scantily represented. Barring molluscs, the only other
invertebrate occurring at Mohenjo-daro (but not reported from other
places) is coral, Favia fabus (Forskal). For a full list of species, Nath's
work may be consulted. a We shall, however, restrict our remarks to a
brief discussion of the faunal characteristics.
The rich yield of animal remains comes from Mohenjo-daro and
Harappa. Sewell and Guha b have listed 37 species from Mohenjo-daro,
while Prashadc has identified 30 species from the remains obtained from
Harappa, among which many are common to both sites.
The identified mammals from prehistoric animal remains fall under
three major categories, viz. domestic, semi-domestic or the wild forms
habitually associated with vicinities of human dwellings, and wild beasts.
The domestic animals are the humped. cattle, buffalo, horse, domestic
ass, sheep, goat, elephant, camel, pig, dog and cat. Of birds, remains of
only two species are known with certainty; the fowl was definitely domesti-
cated and the black partridge might have been so. The presence of so
many domestic species in prehistoric India is not surprising. It is now
universally accepted that the domestication of animals either preceded or
went side by side with the transition of man from a nomadic hunting and
root-gathering stage to a farming one. The people had already taken to
agriculture and had domesticated the species mentioned above. The com-
monest domestic animals whose remains have turned up at several pre-
historic sites in Jndia were the humped cattle, buffalo, sheep, goat and pig.
The elephant seems to have been tamed fairly early as its remains have
been found at both Harappa and Mohenjo-daro. The ass was a comtnon
domestic animal but not everywhere. The horse appears to have come
into the picture later as its remains are not found in the earlier stratifications.
This animal was very popular among the later Aryans who used it for
drawing chariots, for riding and as a sacrificial animal. The dog and the
cat are not plentifully represented, though they might have been popular.
There are archaeological indications that the people of Harappa were
familiar with at least two kinds of dogs, one of which, a mastiff, had been
a locally restricted breed (Fig. 8.2).
Of the remains of other animals so far found, which were not truly
domesticated in the economic sense but moved freely among human
settlements or at their outskirts in prehistoric times, mention may be made
of the rat, the mongoose and the shrew. The jackal and the wolf had been
the prowlers in forests or scrubs skirting the inhabited areas.
G Nath. Pp. 1-63. c Prashad (1), pp. 1-62.

b Sewell and Guha. pp. 649-73.
The wild life apparently familiar to these people consisted of the

elephant, rhinoceros, wolf, jackal, niIgai, gaur (Indian bison), buffalo
and a few species of deer like the hangul or Kashmir stag (whose horns
Flo. 8.2. Skull of the Harappan dog, Canis lenggeranus harappensis Prashad.
A, lateral; B, dorsal; C t ventral views.
were perhaps imported by the people of Harappa along with those of the
sambhar and chital for medicinal purposes), a chital, sambhar, barasingha,
four-horned antelope, blackbuck and hog deer. The sambhar, barasingha
CI Sewell and Guhat p. 671.

ZOOLOGY 407
and chital, specially the last, were fairly widespread as their renlains had
been found in several prehistoric and historic sites from different parts of
India.
The abundant molluscs which included. many marine forms like XQncus
(Chank shell) and Area (Arc shell), etc., were apparently used for food
(along with the domestic animals) as well as for ornamental purposes. The
remains of bangles and their fragments at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro,
and cores of shells from which these had been sawn off, point to the existence
of a well-developed bangle industry at those sites. Possibly several species
of turtles recovered at many sites might also have served ornamental pur-
poses in addition to fulfilling the dietary requirements.
Among the 12 species of reptiles, eight belong to tortoises and turtles
in seven genera, while the remaining ones are the crocodile, gharial and two
species of monitor lizards.
Fishes are scantily represented and their remains do not furnish their
identity with certainty. There are carp and other 'teleostean' remai ns,
Rita rita and Wallago sp., both freshwater forms, and Arius sp., an estuarine
fish. The scantiness of fish remains, however, may not indicate paucity
or lack of interest in fish. There is definite evidence, furnished by the un-
earthing of several fish-hooks from these sites, which indicate that angling
was a common pastime, as also the netting of fishes. a
Strangely enough, no remains of the tiger and lion are found though
the former was by no means uncommon to the Harappans as we shall see
later. The occurrence of rhinoceros remains at Harappa and Mohenjo-
daro is interesting indeed. It has also been discovered at Lothal in Gujarat
and formed the subject of neolithic haematite drawings in Mirzapur. The
distribution of this dweller of marshy forest lands is now severely restricted,
though only in historic times it was hunted by the Mughal Emperor Babur
at Peshawar in the former North-West Frontier Province of undivided Tndia.
Judged from the archaeological finds and from references in the Vedic and
the Puranic texts, it is apparent that rhinoceros was a fairly comn1on animal
in certain parts of India until recent historic times.
The animal remains dug up from the prehistoric sites give concrete
evidence of the association of the people with the animal world and of the
extent to which these were harnessed in the service of man. Some idea as
to the impact of animal life on the prehistoric Indian cult ure and on the
thought processes of these people can also be gathered from the glyptic
art represented on seals, paintings on pottery and animal figurines and toys.
Large numbers of steatite seals excavated from Harappa and Mohenjo-
daro bear engravings of animals in profile with inscriptions in a pictographic
script still remaining undeciphered. Some of the animals depicted-the
unicorns and chimaeras-are apparently mythical, but others are immedi-
ately recognizable as beasts obviously familiar to the artists of those times.
The dexterity and sureness of touch with which many engravings have
ca Sarkar (H.), pp. 133-34.

been executed are indeed commendable, specially the humped bull, in which
even the wrinkles on shoulders and dewlaps have been faithfully reproduced.
The recognizable animals on seals from Mohenjo-daro, according to
Mackay, are the short-horned bull (a smaller humpless breed), zebu or
10. 8.3. Representation of animals on seals of Mohenjo-daro. A, short-homed bull; B, Indian humped
bull; C, buffalo; D, elephant; E, rhinoceros; F, tiger; 0, gharial; H, chinkara; J, domestic
goat; K, wild goat (after Mackay, 1931, 1938).
ZOOLOGY 409
Indian humped bull or brahminy bull (Bos indicus), buffalo (Buba/us

bubalis), elephant (Elephas maximus), Indian one-horned rhinoceros (Rhino-
ceros unicornis), tiger (Panthera tigris), gharial (Gavialis gangeticus) and
antelope (blackbuck 1). Further excavations from the same site have also
unearthed a few seals with engravings of a frog (1), the chinkara or Indian
gazelle (Gazella gazella bennetti) and the goat (Capra hircus aegragus)a
(Fig. 8.3).
Majority of the seals excavated from Harappa b bear engravings
identical with those from Mohenjo-daro, but on some are carved animal
forms not represented at the former site. These are the gaur or Indian
bison (Bos gaurus), eagle (1) (Fig. 8.4) and a hare (?). In addition, miniature
seals representing the gharial, fish and tortoise are also available from
Harappa.
FIG. 8.4. Representation of animals on seals of Harappa. A, gaur; B, eagle (1)

(after Vats, 1940).
Judging from the frequency of reproduction on seals, it seems that

among the recognizable animals the most popular (next to unicorn) are
the bulls which are represented both by a smaller, short-horned, humpless
variety (only found in the seals at Mohenjo-daro) and by the brahminy
bull or the Indian humped cattle. The short-horned bull is invariably
carved in a characteristic stance, the head lowered and slightly twisted to
one side, as if in an angry mood and just about to charge. C In most cases
the heavy wrinkles on shoulders, and sometimes the dewlaps, are also
reproduced with great fidelity. The sureness of touch with which these
are executed leaves no doubt as to the identity of the zebu. The elephant,
next to the bull in order of popularity, was certainly tamed by the Indus
a Mackay (I), pp. 385-92; Mackay (2), I, pp. 326-35. c Mackay (1), p. 385.
b Vats, I, PP. 300-309; vide also pp. 451-58.
Valley people, and has been represented on the seals by two types, one
with flat back, square head and stout legs, and the other less heavily built
and with a sloping head.
Among the wild animals only the tiger, rhinoceros, gaur, blackbuck (1)
and chinkara appear to have impressed the Indus Valley artists sufficiently
to warrant a place on the seals. The tiger, fairly well-represented, is of
special interest on two seals, where the animal is depicted as standing
below a tree, tail curled up and turned behind intently watching a man
perched safely above on the tree (Fig. 8.3F). Apparently, such a scene
might not have been an unusual one during those days.
Many animals are shown along with a manger, or tethered, indicating
domestication or a state of captivity. The accuracy with which several
animals are depicted on the seals reveals the intimate acquaintance of the
artist with them, an acquaintance which could have been resulted only
from close and sustained observations, and from a real understanding of
the animal life.
A remarkable feature is the non-representation of the cow on the seals.
The animal was surely as abundant as the buH, yet there is not one figure
depicting it. In strange contrast to this, as we shall see further on, the
cow assulned. importance alnong the Aryans who inhabited 1ndia in later
times. Similarly, the absence of the lion, another well-known animal of
the Vedic Indians, is conspicuous. It is difficult to explain why it is so;
perhaps it may have something to do with their traditional beliefs rather
than zoology.
Turning to the other forms of animal representations, we find the list
of species further enhanced by the figurines, toys and paintings on pottery.
Animal figurines arc found in large number, apparently made as toys for
children, containing some curious inconsistencies like the hare with a long
tail or cattle with a truncated tail. As on seals, the most popular objects
for figurines are the short-horned bull and the brahminy bull, followed
by the rhinoceros. The ram, not depicted on the seals, appears to be
popular as figurines.
Animals represented through this form of art at Mohenjo-daro are
the two kinds of bulls, rhinoceros, dog, mastiff, elephant, gharial, hare,
monkey, turtle, antelope (blackbuck 1), horse (1), pig (rare), sheep, goat,
buffalo and other unidentified species. Birds like the dove, domestic
fowl, peacock, bunting (1), duck and goose are also representeda (Fig. 8.5).
The Harappa toys, as Vats" has pointed out, contain representations
of the two bulls, rhinoceros, goat and ram. The tiger (which is found
only on the seals in Mohenjo-daro), elephant and pig are also depicted.
The monkey and possibly the cat were also known and squirrels and reptiles
were very popular. The mongoose, snake and pangolin also figure. The
crocodile, turtle, and the fish among aquatic animals, and the duck, peacock,
(I Mackay (I), pp. 394-96.

b Vats, I, pp. 300-309, 452.
ZOOLOGY 411
hen, kite, pigeon, sparrow, dove, parakeet and owl among birds find
representation in the toy art (Fig. 8.6). There is also a toy that looks much
like a grasshopper.
FIG. 8.5. Figurines, toys, etc., of Mohenjo-daro. At dog~ B, mastiff; C, monkey;

D, pig; E, dove; F, domestic fowl; G, goose (after Mackay, 1938).
The artistic representations of animals, associated with pottery, start

coming up in archaeological finds belonging to pre-Harappan cultures in
India. The excavations made by the Archaeological Survey of India at
Kalibangan, Ganganagar district, Rajasthan, are specially interesting in this
context. The animal motifs represented on pottery from this site include
some excellent, stylized figures of the blackbuck, chinkara (1), and an in-
complete, but otherwise highly realistic drawing of a duck (Fig. 8.7).a
• Indian Archoeoiogy, 1962-63, p. 24.

Another unique feature in this pottery is the representation of a spider

and scorpion, two ubiquitous creatures of India, which do not find place
in any other ware excavated so far from different parts of India.
The decorations found on pottery from Harappa and Mohenjo-daro
as well as from other areas of the north-west, like Rana Ghundai, Nal,
etc., contain several animal motifs and panels depicting natural scenery
FIG. 8.6. Toys, etc., of Harappa. A, ram; B, pangolin; C, crocodile; D, fish;

E, rhinoceros; F, pigeon; G, parakeet (after Vats, 1940).
Flo. 8.7. Animal paintings on pottery of KaIibangan, Rajasthan.

A, blackbuek; B, duck (after Indian Archaeology, 1962-63).
ZOOLOGY 413
with animal and plant life. Animal designs on Mohenjo-daro pottery

include the ibex (which must have been fairly well known to the inhabitants
there), antelope, jackal, bird, snake and lizard (perhaps the monitor).
Figures on faience wares depict the dove, parakeet, peacock, masks of a
panther-like animal, squirrel (seated on its haunches with forepaws in the
mouth, as if eating), mongoose, hare, elephant, monkey, humped bull and
the short-horned bull.
Harappa wares also display similar representations of animals. In
addition, many sherds with plain and painted pottery show decorative
panels with animal motifs (Fig. 8.8). Thus, a decorated pot shows two
goats, a highly conventionalized representation of a peacock and a grass-
hopper between the feet of one of the goats. Another ware depicts a she-
goat suckling her young and a peacock, while a third one shows a peacock
holding a plant in its beak and some crude caricatures of small birds.
Flo. 8.8. Animal motifs on Harappa wares. A, peacock with other animals; B, ibex;
C, fisherman with net and pole (after Vats, 1940).
Most interesting is a sherd depicting 'a fisherman carrying two nets

suspended from a pole across his shoulders, with a fish and what is prob-
ably a turtle near his feet, which rest on a cross-hatched band, presumably
the river by which he is walking'tI (Fig. 8.8e).
tI Piggott (2), p. 193.

Examples of decorated pottery with naturalistic representations are

available from other prehistoric sites adjoining Harappa-Mohenjo-daro
culture in Baluchistan.
The Kulli wares from Kolwa in south Baluchistan contain natural
representations of animals and plants on a frieze between zones of non-
representational motifs. 'The frieze represents a standard scene, in which
two animals, usually humped cattle but sometimes felines, dominate in
grotesquely elongated form, a landscape with formalized trees and some-
times ancillary rows of diminutive, very stylized goats.'a
Some very interesting pottery remains with fish paintings executed
in polychrome have been excavated from Na} (Jhalawan Division of
KaHit State, Baluchistan). Hora b has attempted to identify the fishes
represented on the 4,OOO-year-old Nal ware, which he assigns to seven
genera, namely Garra, Crossochilus, Cyprinon, Tor, Nemachilus, Botia and
Glyptothorax (Fig. 8.9). The attempted identification is indeed a tribute to
the Nal artists for realistic accuracy. If Hora's identifications are correct,
Flo. 8.9. Polychrome painting on Niil ware showing Nemachilus-like fish

(after Hora, 1957).
and they appear to be so, the pottery fish designs may throw some light on the
climatic conditions then prevailing in Baluchistan. Hora rightly concludes
that Baluchistan, now an arid area. might have had more rainfall and
voluminous perennial streams during those times, since at least three of the
fish motifs on the pottery represent genera which live in such streams.
.. Piggott (2), p. 100.

b Hora (6), pp. 78-84.
ZOOLOGY 415
No account of animals that caught the attention of prehistoric Indians

can be complete without a reference to the mythical forms, specially the
'unicorn', depicted on seals from Harappa and Mohenjo-daro (Fig. 8.10A).
The fact that 312 seals out of 387 excavated from Mohenjo-daro in the
F
FIo. 8.10. Mythical animals depicted on seals of Mohenjo-daro. At unicorn; B,
human figure with hoofs, horns and tail; C, ram +bull +man +
elephant +tiger ; D, three-headed beast; E, 'triskillon'; P, heads and
necks ofsix animals radiating from a common ring (after Mackay, 1931).
first exp]oration a depict this fabulous animal indicates the importance it

might have had in the traditional beliefs of these peoples. Use of animal
symbols as totems is known throughout the world since the beginning of
human cultures and animals have indeed played a very important role in
conditioning certain aspects of instinctive behaviour in man. No wonder,
this mythical animal-the unicorn (so called for want of a better name)-
dominated the glyptic art of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, though the
reasons for this may never be known until one could decipher the script on
the seals. The unicorn, always depicted in profile like other totems, is a
male beast with one horn, body of a heavily-built antelope or of an ox
with a long tufted tail. The horn is either smooth or transversely ridged
(so unlike that of an ox) and the ears are long and pointed (as in antelopes).
Apparently it is a composite animal belonging to the realm of legends.
Indian mythological lore abounds in such fabulous creatures. Besides the
unicorn, there are chimerical beasts represented on some seals. One such
seal depicts a human figure with hoofs, horns and tail of a bison (Fig. 8.10B).
Another has a fantastic figure of a ram and horns of a bull on human face
with trunk and tusks of an elephant and hindquarters of a tiger (Fig. 8.IOe).
A three-headed beast with head and horns of an antelope joined to the
body of a unicorn adorns one seal (Fig. 8.100), in which one head is in eating
posture, another is looking forward, and third is looking backward in
(apparent) alarm. Furthermore, there is the 'triskillion', three tigers with
bodies crossing each other in the centre (Fig. 8.10E). Finally, one damaged
seal shows heads and necks of six animals radiating from a ring-like motif
(Fig. 8.l0F); of the four unbroken heads, one is of a unicorn, another of a
short-horned bull, the third is of an antelope and the fourth of a tiger, the
remaining two heads probably represent an elephant and a rhinoceros.
The above picture of the animals of prehistoric India, built up from
their actual remai ns and representations through glyptic art, decorative
pottery and figurines, points out to the climatic conditions that might
have been prevalent in north-west India, the seat of the Harappan
culture that flourished some 4,300 years ago. The present climatic
conditions in the Panjab and Sind are hardly suitable for the type of
fauna that this tract supported in prehistoric times. The archaeological
finds, specially the kiln-dried bricks utilized in building the Mohenjo-daro
and Harappa settlements, also indicate the presence of large stretches of
highly wooded areas rich in water resources and teeming with a large variety
of wild life including the tiger, the elephant, the rhinoceros and the buffalo.
HISTORICAL PERIOD
With the advent of the Aryans and the development of the Vedic
literature, prehistory passes into history in India. Animal world, to the
Vedic people, was not a separate entity, but a part of the great cosmic
II Mackay (2), p. 382.

ZOOLOGY 417
~ystcm embracing the whole world. Biological phenomena, therefore, are

not separately treated but, along with other cosmic phenomena, are diffused
throughout the Vedic and classical literature. Sifting through this vast
. mass of literature spread over centuries, a difficult but rewarding exercise,
reveals that the ancient Indians were keen observers of the living world,
amassing facts of natural history, speculating upon the nature and origin
of life. attempting to classify living beings into rational groups based on
the modes of reproduction, ways of living or dietary values. Their ana·
tomical, physiological. embryological and genetical observations, however,
were chiefly based on their knowledge about man. The only other allinlals
receiving similar treatment were the cattle, horse and elephant, that is,
animals of economical or military importance.
ANIMALS AND NATURAL HISTORY
Natural history is probably the most appropriate tenn to express the

observations recorded by the ancient Indians. Though animal names were
galore in ancient texts, the science of naming animals had not achieved the
~tatus of taxonomy. Animals were observed and named simply for
recognition. Several animal names have been based on some structural
peculiarities or some distinct traits in habits, making recognition easy.
However, these names are not accompanied by any descriptive dctails which
can be taken as an aid to identification. Nevertheless, a good many animals
mentioned in the ancient texts have been identified with species known
today, because their names have passed on through centurics without any
change or as easily reconcilable derivatives and are still in use in different
part~ of India.
Observations on habit~ and habitats of several animals have been
recorded in the sacerdotal and lyrical works. The impact of Nature on the
creative faculties of the poets of olden days has received wide acclaim for
their beauty and vividness.
Sa1J1hitiis, Briihl11aIJaS and Upani~\'ads
The Sal!lhitiis, the BriihnlGIJGS, the Ara~lJ'akas-Upani~r;ads contain several

names of animals as well as ob~ervations on their habits and habitats.
Macdonell and Keith" have compiled a list of over 260 animal names used
in the Vedic literature. Rao b has also dealt with Vedic animals while
recording the knowledge of Indian fauna through the ages. The majority
of animals listed therein comprise mammals and birds, while reptiles
(chiefly serpents), fishes and insects are not numerous. The Yajurveda
and the Atharvaveda are, in particular, full of animal names. The Yajurveda
provides a list of animal victims in the Gsvamedha with the horse, as the
name of the ritual implies, occupying the place of honour. In the Atharva.
veda, snakes and worms (krmi) are mentioned in some details. The
a Macdonell and Keith, I and I I. " Rao (H. S.), pp. 251-80.
27
Atharvan priest, in giving a series of charms against snake-poison J

describes different types of snakes as follows;
'0 kairiita, speckled one, Upatr(lya (grass-dweller), brown
one listen to me; ye black repulsive reptiles, (listen to
me)! ...'
'I release (thee) from the fury of the black serpent, the
taimiita the brown serpent, ...'
'Both iiligi and viligi, both father and mother, we know
your kin everywhere ...'
'The daughter of urugulii, the evil one born with the
black-of all those who have run to their hiding-place
the poison is devoid of force.'
'The prickly porcupine, tripping down from the mountain,
did declare this: "whatsoever serpents, living in ditches,
are here, their poison is most deficient in force".'a
The toxic effects of snake-poison are described with prescription of neces-
sary chants to destroy them. The importance of snakes was obvious and
a special science-sarpavidya-formed an important and recognized
branch of knowledge from Vedic times.
Sixteen types of krmis, the obnoxious wornlS, are mentioned in the
Atharvaveda. b These were regarded as poisonous and spoken of as found
in the mountains, forests and in the human body. These were believed to
cause diseases of cattle and man. In man, the worms infested the head
and ribs and crept into the eyes, nose and teeth. These were described
as having dark brown bodies, white in the forepart, with black ears and
three heads!
Twenty-eight arthropod names are listed in the Vedic literature, mostly
referring to insects, in addition to a few scorpions and spiders. These
include ants, bees, cochineal insects, flies, mosquitoes, fireflies and locusts.
The depredations caused by the locust to crops were well known, and a
few names indicate vermins damaging grains and seeds. Caterpillars and
grasshoppers were also distinguished. There is also a reference to crabs.
Of other invertebrates, pearl and conch-shells (Mollusca) are mentioned.
The vertebrates figure pre-eminently in the Vedic literature. Seven
fish-names appear in the texts, but it is not certain whether these names
refer to individual species or to a group as a whole.
Among the reptiles, snakes, as mentioned earlier, figure prominently,
and about 29 names are used to denote various types, some of which are
doubtless group-names. Other reptiles include the gharial, chameleon,
monitor lizard and tortoise.
Birds and mammals occupy a prominent place in the Vedic literature.
Several species of birds, many of them recognizable, have been listed.
These include common forms like the sparrow, myna, parakeet, cuckoo,
a AV., V, 13.5-9; Bloomfield's translation. II AV., II, 31.1-5.
27 D
ZOOLOGY 419
pigeon, etc., birds of prey like the vulture, hawk, eagle, owl, aquatic and
semi-aquatic forms like the heron, stork, curlew, ducks, geese, swan, and
several others.
The mammals known to the Vedic people are of three categories,
domestic, semi-domestic and wild. Practically all the species represented
in the Harappa culture were known, not surprisingly, because the advent
of the Aryans did not make any change in the wild life then extant. The
domestic animals were the cow, buffalo, elephant, horse, camel (not very
popular), ass, mule, sheep, goat, pig, dog and cat. The jackal and the
wolf, and possibly the hyena, ~kirted the forests around human habitations.
The mongoose and the rat were fonns common within and around settle-
ments.
Among wild beasts were the carnivores like the lion, tiger, leopard,
bear, wolf and hyena. The artiodactyls included the antelope, gazelle,
spotted deer, barasingha, sambhar, etc. There is al~o mention of others,
such as the polecat (?), wild boar, monkey, gaur, porcupine, hare and
pangolin (?), and the rhinoceros and elephant.
It is rather surprising that the ~gveda docs not mention the tiger, a
beast so familiar to the Harappans and so common in the later sa1!lllitas.
The most popular carnivores in the ~gl'eda are the wolf and the lion.
Among the domestic animals, cattle and horse occupy the place of honour;
and there are plenty of special terms to distinguish different kinds among
these and their calves and foals. In the later stage of the Vedic period,
the cow became a very important animal; it was sanctified and its slaughter
had been prohibited (except on certain special occasions), a decree that has
been so faithfully honoured by the Hindus of all castes even to this day.
The mythology and legends of the Vedic period have been considerably
influenced by animals. Many animals, specially the horse and also the
kine, goat and deer, figure as the mounts of gods or drawing their luminous
cars through the air. The importance of the cow in the Vedic and post-
Vedic literature has already been mentioned. In the ritual of sacrifice, the
most common practice to appease the galaxy of gods, animals (of several
types) figure prominently. The serpent, as a noxious creature, is one of
the most conspicuous animals, specially as the foe of lndra, appearing in
the form of a demon. Many birds are alluded to as bringing bad omen or
good luck.
The ethology of animals did not escape the attention of the Vedic
bards. In fact, many animal names take after some peculiar traits either
in their structures or in their habits.
The Indian python, frequently referred to in the sacred and mytho-
logical lores, is the ajagar (the swallower of goats). The Indian koel's
habit of depositing its eggs in the nests of other birds is noticed, and the
Viijasaneyi and the MaitriiyalJi SafJ1hitiis call this bird anya-viipa which
means sowing for others; its other name parabhrta also connotes its
parasitic habits. The spiders are called ur~aniibha, meaning wool in the
420 A CONCISE HISTORY Of' SCIENCE IN INDIA
navel, an appellation no doubt inspired by the way in which the material

forming its web comes out of the abdomen.
The cock is kukku{a, an onomatopoeic word, suggesting the sound
emanated by its crowing. Several references are made in the ~gveda and
Satapatha BriihmalJa to the casting of slough by serpent. Mention is made
in the Atharvaveda and Satapatha BriihnlOlJa of peculiar movements of
snakes, earning the name of Datvall rajju or 'toothed rope'.a Similar lines
are also found in the Aitareya AralJyaka. The poisonous character of
snake-bite is frequently mentioned in the J!.gveda and other sa'J1hitiis.
The Atharvaveda mentions the torpidity of snakes in winter when they
creep into the earth, a phenomenon now well known as hibernation. The
mongoose (nakula) has been regarded as the deadly enemy of snakes and
immune to their poison by the use of a healing plant, perhaps a blind belief
that still per~ists among our people.
The carnivorous beasts, the lion and the tiger, were dreaded for their
dangerousness. The roaring (nada) of the lion is compared to the thunder
in the Vedic texts. The king of beasts, as it is called, wanders about (kucara)
and lives in the hills (giristha) and is the terror of other beasts whom he
slays. The lion, being dangerous to men, was trapped, ambushed or
chased by hunting bands. b The tiger, not mentioned in the ~gveda, finds,
however, a frequent mention in the Atharvaveda which is taken as an evi-
dence of eastward extension of the Aryan territory during the time when
it was said to be composed. The destructive nature of this beast i~ often
alluded to and it passed, like the lion, as a symbol of strength. Man-
eating tigers (puru.~iid) arc also mentioned. C
The frog is mentioned as the harbinger of rain. The awakening of
frogs at the beginning of the rainy season inspired an interesting hymn in
the ~gvedad graphically re-enacting a scene with which people in India are
very familiar. The chorus of the croaking frogs is compared to the chants
of priests exhilarated by sonla and with the clamour of pupils at school
repeating the words of their teacher. The relevant portion of this hymn
is quoted below:
(1) The frogs have lifted up their voice, the voice Parjanya hath
inspired.
a The figure of speech 'toothed rope', or 'the rope full of tecth', is also used in the
Athan'aveda. Thus 'on a distant path shall move the biting rope (thc serpent) ... "
AV., IV, 3.2. The Satapat"a Briihma~la has it ' ... for snakes are like rope, and
snakes' haunts are like wells (pits) .... (Sat. Br., IV, 4.5.3).
b The J!.gveda refers to the lion as follows: 'Exceedingly wise they roar like lions
mightily' (~V., I, 64.8); 'roar as the lions roar' (~V., III, 26.5.7); 'like a dread lion'
(!V., IV, 16.14); 'as a snared lion leaves the trap that caught him' (~V.• X, 28.10).
(' 'The forest animals, the wild animals homed in the woods, the man-eating lions
and tigers that roam' (AV., XII, 1.49). Elsewhere, 'Thyself a tiger, dost thou
upon this tiger-skin stride (victorious) through the great regions' (A V., IV, 8.4).
The tiger's skin was a mark of royalty, as the tiger, and also the lion, was regarded
as the king of animals.
cI ,8V•• VII, 103; English translation by Griffiths.
ZOOLOGY 421
(2) What time on these, as on a dry skin lying in the pool's bed,
the floods of heaven descended,
the music of the frogs comes forth in concert like the cows
lowing with their calves beside them.
(5) When one of these repeats the other's language, as he who
learns the lesson of the teacher.
your every limb seems to be growing larger as ye converse
with eloquence on the waters.
(7) As BrahmaQs, sitting round the brimful vesseL talk at the soma-
rite of Atiratra,
so, frogs, ye gather round the pool to honour this day of all
the year, the first of rain-time.
Post-Vedic literature follows the tradition of the Vedas in recording the
names of animals and some observations on their natural history. As
food and as offerings for sacrifice, animal life had acquired an important
status. The sport of hunting which is one of the time-honoured recreations
and means for obtaining protein food must have assisted in amassing
observations which gradually accumulated and served as a storehouse of
knowledge that stimulated thought and developed concepts about classi-
fication, heredity, embryology, etc.
Anin1als in the Epics

Constant references are made to animals in the two great epics, the
Rlil1ulya~1a and the Mahiihhiirata.
Chaudhuri and Roy have provided lists of animals, both aquatic and
terrestrial, as extant in the Riin1iiya1Ja. They include the commonly known
mammals, birds, fishes, insects, etc. The aquatic animals are the mytho}o-
gicallnakara (whose identity is still in dispute), nakra (crocodile, gharial)
and tinIi (whale). The insects are indragopa (cochineal), kosakiira (silk-
worm), daf!I.5a (gnat), fnasaAa (mosquito) and ~a!cara1Ja which literally
means six feet and can be applied to any insect. The scorpion (vrscika)
is also referred to. Fishes have been identified by Hora (1952) as Garra
nlullya (cakratu1J(la), Mastacembalus armatus (nalamina), Labeo fimbriatus
(rohita), Channa striatus (sakula) and Wal/ago attu (pii{hina). There
are a few names signifying snakes. Birds include the kiirar.ujava (coot),
kurara (osprey), krauiica (pond heron), cakraviika (brahminy duck),
koya~~tibhas (lapwing), kadalnha (purple moorhen), Aa,ika (gray heron),
grdhra (vulture), sikhin (peacock), .~yena (hawk or falcon), diityuha (water-
fowl), madgu (aquatic bird, probably connorant) and sarika (a bird of
doubtful identity).
The most familiar animal in the Riilniiya1Ja is indeed the kapi or monkey.
There was a varied assortment of these creatures variously called golangula,
gopucchas (probably synonymous with the Indian langur), vanara (similar
to man and living in forests), plavaga or plava1J1ga (moving by leaps, a
familiar habit of monkeys when running). The monkey was also known
as siikhiin1rga (an anirnalliving in the branches of trees, obviously referring

to its arboreal habits). Eleven types of deer are listed in the Ramaya1Ja,
some of which are no doubt our common species.
The Mahiihhiirata is full of references to a large variety of animals,
many of which are common to Rcimiiya!la and the Vedic literature. Of
great interest in this epic is the Astikaparva, which deals with the nagayajiia
of Janmejaya, a descendant of the PiiJ)Qavas. Janmejaya, to avenge the
death of his grandfather Parik~it who was the fatal victim of snake-bite,
organized a big snake-hunt to decimate the serpent tribe on the earth. In
connection with this anti-snake ritual, about 170 species of snakes are
listed. Vedi has compiled a list of snakes mentioned in Indian literature.
This Jist enumerates 418 names, of which many are no doubt synonyms.
The MahcibhCirata has interesting explanations for the poisonous
nature of some snakes and their forked tongues (dvijihva). Some snakes
are poisonous because they licked drops of the halahala, deadly poison
retrieved along with a111rl0 from the primordial sea when it was churned
by the gods and demo ns.
Similarly, the forked tongue of snakes has a mythological explanation.
The much sought-after vessel of amrta was kept on a bed of sharp-edged
grass (kusa) under strong guard. The snakes sneaked near the repository,
crawling unnoticed; their darting tongues were said to be split into two by
the sharp blades of Ausa.
Animals in the Medical and Miscellancous U' orks

The two great medical works, the Sal!lhitiis of Caraka and Susruta, give
an almost complete list of animals of various groups known till then as
also some details about anatomy, zoological classification, ecology and
dietary value of animals, and physiology of man. The treatment followed is
basically similar in the two treatises. While Caraka gives some details about
parasites, Susruta's spectrum is much wider, embracing leeches, insects, spid-
ers, scorpions, frogs, fishes, reptiles (specially snakes), birds and mammals.
Susruta's account of fishes inhabiting various freshwater habitats
reveals a keen insight into the correlation between the form and locomotion
of fishes, as Hora a has pointed out. The rudiments of the science of func-
tional morphology, that is correlation between forms and functions, are
clearly discernible is Susruta"s compendium.
Ray and Gupta have given an interesting scientific synopsis of the
Caraka Sa'!1hitii with references to Caraka's zoology. For Susruta, the
excellent English translation of the Susruta Saf!1hitii in three volumes by
Kunja Lal Bhishagratna,b as also Seal's work, are recommended.
(I Hora (I), pp. 1-7.
b 'Bhishagratna' is the Ayurvedic title conferred on the author Kunja Lal Bhaduri.
On the title-pages of the volumes the prefix 'KavirAj '-a title equivalent to 'Doctor'
as is usually ascribed to medical practitioners-has been used for the author's name.
'Sharma', used as surname by the author on the dedication page of Vol. ), is often used
by the Brahmans.
ZOOLOGY 423
Reverting to early natural history one cannot but be impressed by

allegorical tales, narrated in the Jiitakas, dealing with animals. Hora,a and
Hora and Saraswatjb have given primarily an account of fish in the Jiitaka
tales and sculptures (Fig. 8.11), but have also casually mentioned other
animals, elephants, monkeys, antelopes, crabs, crocodiles (?), sharks (?),
etc., occurring in the tales and associated sculptures at Bharhut (200 D.C.)
FIG. 8.11. Animals in Jlitaka sculptures (after Hora, 1955).
and Sanchi (100 B.C.). The animals mentioned in the inscriptions on rock
and pillar edicts of Asoka have been given by Chakravartil' and Hora. d
Jayaram has given an account of the knowledge regarding animal life in India
during the early Jaina and Buddhist period. An important development
a Hora (5), pp. 1-13. C Chakravarti (M.), pp. 361-74.
b Hora and Saraswati, pp. 15-30. (1 Hora (2 ii), PP. 43-56.
during this period was the propagation of the creed of ahiI!1so, ,

reaction against the sacrificial ritual of the Vedic Hindus. Though then
is no substantial addition to the list of animal names which had alread}
gained currency during the period prior to this, there is a distinct change
in the outlook towards animals. It was decreed that animals should not
be needlessly slaughtered, though there was no ban on eating meat. For
the first time we hear about national parks (abhayiiratlya), where animals
could move about unmolested. In Kautilya's Arthasiistra, there are
indications of regulations governing fisheries, livestock, hunting, etc.
The period preceding the Christian era and a few centuries immediately
after, witnessed intense philosophical-scientific activities, no doubt activated
by the Buddhist and Jainist reaction towards orthodox Brahminism (in
centuries preceding the birth of Christ) and Hindu reaction against Buddhism
in the following half millennium after the Gregorian Calendar was intro-
duced. This was the period of Hindu Renaissance, which crystallized the
different systems of philosophy and produced commendable works on
mathematics, astronomy, chemistry, physics. botany and zoology.
In the post-Christian period, specially in the later half of the first
millennium A.D., some remarkable works on Sanskrit poetry were produced.
Among these the lyrics and drama~ of Kiilidiisa have received world-wide
acclamation for the poet's deep understanding of Nature. As Macdonell,
while discussing the works of that great poet Kalidasa, aptly remarks about
StusalJ1hiira: Perhaps no other work of Kalidasa's manifests so strikingly
40
the poet's deep sympathy with Nature, his keen powers of observations, his
skill in depicting the Indian landscape in vivid colours.'a This is true indeed
not only of Kiilidasa but also of many other Sanskrit poets and dramatists.
Animals and plants figure prominently in Kalidasa's poetry, details
about which can be seen in Law's book b on the birds of Kfllidasa, and in
various articles by GuptaC dealing with birds and insects mentioned by the
poet. His understanding of animal life can be easily gauged by an account of
summer in ~IUSalJ1hiira, in which the effects of heat on animal life are vividly
portrayed by the thirst or lethargy that it produces in serpent, lion, elephant,
buffalo, boar, gazelle, peacock, crane, frog and fish; and the devastation
caused by forest fire is graphically described as the tongues of flame devour
trees and shrubs and drive before them crowds of terror-stricken beasts.
Varahamihira, the great encyclopaedist, did not fail to mention nature
and animals in his BrhatsOfJ1hitii, in which he has extensively described the
cow, dog, cock, tortoise, goat, horse and elephant in separate sections.
The An10rokoso, a great lexicographic work by Amar Singha, gives
meanings, synonyms and definitions (at places) of practically all animal names
in the Vedic and post-Vedic texts. For a list of animal names current during
and before this great lexicon (as important as PaDini's grammar), one can
unhesitatingly refer to this work. Though not zoological by any means,
the animals have been listed according to their habitats as well as habits.
II Macdonell, p. 337. b Lnw (S. C.). c Gupta, pp. 145-72.

ZOOLOGY 425
Classification of Animals
The Sgveda does not furnish any indication of classification of animals

other than the division of common mammals into two groups, viz. the
domestic forms (griimya) and those living in forests (iira~ya), the wild
animals. Later in the Atharva~'eda we come acro~s the term jagat, moving
or mobile, to encompass the domestic forms vis-cl-vis .~viipada which include
the wild ones. Among the domestic forms, the solid-hoofed (eka.iapha)
horse, ass and mule and the split-hoofed (dl'isapha) were further distinguished
from one another by the presence of incisors in both the jaws (ubhayadanta:
in the J!.gveda and later sal!lhitiis) and by having incisors in the lower jaw
only (anyatodanta) as in the cattle and sheep. Man has been included
among the ubhayadanta, that is with incisors in both the jaws, in a passage
In the Tailtiriya Sa1lllli/a. Man as dvipada (biped) was further distinguished
from the catu~\'pada (quadruped) animals. Mammals were called pa.~u
(also Inrga later on), birds (pak.~i having wings) and reptiles (and perhaps
other crawling animals) were sarfsrpa (the crawlers); snakes were sarpa,
and Jnsecls (and probably their larvae) were kila (non-flying) and patanga
(winged insects). In the Atharvaveda. as we have already seen, obnoxious
parasites of man and cattle were called krnli: possibly all (or at least
~onle) of the kinds named were worms parasitizing man and domestic
animals.
The first attempt to classify animals in a rational (though not natural)
way is found in the Chiindogra Upani,)'ad, where they are divided into
three groups according to the nature of their bUa, literally meaning seed,
but metaphorically implying mode of origin and development. These
three groups of animals arc a~u!aja (born from egg), jivaja (born alive
or born from womb) and udbhijja (born from sprouts). The Aitare)'a
Ara~lyaka adds one more group, svedaja (born out of sweat), generated by
hot moisture to comprise flies, worms, etc., which becomes jariiyuja in later
works. Further, the term jJvaja of the Chandogya is replaced by jaruja.
The term jariiyu, used in Atharvaveda in the sense of 'serpent's skin', is
more frequently used in the later Vedic texts to denote the outer covering
(chorion) of the embryo as opposed to ulva, the inner covering or amnion
(~gveda, VaiasaneyJ Saf!lhitii, Aitareya BriihnlalJa, Satapatha BriihmalJa,
etc.). The jaruja or jariiyuja, therefore, comprises placental mammals.
The Manu Smrti divides the living world into sthiivara (fixed or im-
mobile plants) and jangama (the mobile animal world). The animals are
further classified into three groups, namely (i) jarayuja which includes
pasu (domestic quadrupeds), 111rga (wild herbivores), l'yiila (wild carnivores),
uhhayatodanta (with incisors on both jaws), rak~\'asa, pHaca and man;
(ii) a~lcja.ia which includes birds, snakes, crocodiles, fishes, tortoises and
turtles and similar kinds of terrestrial (sthalaja) and aquatic (audaka)
animals; and (iii) svedaja which comprises organisms born out of heat and
moisture of the earth, viz. stinging gnats and mosquitoes (daf!7sa and masaka),
lice (yuka), flies, bugs and others.
The class udbhijja comprises the fixed plant world. Terms such as
pra/uda and l'i.\. 'kira came to be used later by Caraka and Susruta for birds,
the former to indicate those which tear their food with their beaks and the
latter for those which scatter their food with claws. There is also the use
of the term paficanakha (five-clawed) which includes sviivit (? pangolin),
,val/aka (porcupine), godhii (monitor lizard), kharjga (rhinoceros), kurma
(tortoise) and .\'a!hl (hare).
The division of the animal world into four groups according to their
modes of birth, first made in the Vedic literature, gained wide currency in
the post-Vedic literature and found frequent mention in the Pura1)as and
the Mahiihhiirara. Caraka and Susruta both followed this classification in
their medical treatises.
According to Caraka a the jariiyuja (placental animals) includes man,
the quadrupeds, etc.; the a1){laja (egg-born or oviparous) fishes, reptiles
and birds; the svcdaja (born of moisture and heat, i.e. spontaneously or
asexually reproduced) worms, mosquitoes, etc.; and all animals, born of
vegetable organisms, are included in the ,class udhhijja. He further men-
tions that each )'oni has innumerable divisions and consequently the ap-
pearance, etc., of organisms are also exceedingly varied.
PalJini defines k.yudra jantu as small organisms or animals without
bones (anasthi) or animals so small that hundreds or even thousands of
them can he held ill the palnl of a hand or animals up to the size of the
mongoose. l) Patafijali further elaborates the definition of small animals
(k~\'udra jantu) as follows: 'What are k~~udra jantu? Boneless are k~fludra
jantu. Or those that number more than a thousand in a palmful are
k~'udra janfu. Or those that cannot be easily crushed are k~r;udra jantu.
Or animals up to ichneumon (nakula) are k.yudra jantu.'
The definitions of small (or minute) organisms given by PaQini and
Patafijali are, however~ defective, since these include boneless and bloodless
(red blood) creatures up to the size of the mongoose (ichneumon), the
latter having both bones and blood. Obviously, these are an assemblage
of small organisms from very minute to those up to the size of ichneumon.
Prasastapadu, the well-known Vaise~ika philosopher, divides animals
into two great divisions: ayonUa or animals that are asexually reproduced
and are of small dimensions (k~udra ;antu) of Pat:tini and Patafijali, and
)'onija or sexually reproduced from the union of male and female germ
elements. The yonija are further subdivided into jarayuja (man, domestic
and wild quadrupeds), or viviparous~ and afJ{laja, the oviparous animals
like birds and sarisrpa (reptiles, etc.).
. rn Prasastapada's own words:
latra sariral!l dvividhal?1 yonijamayonija1ll ca I tatrayonija-
mQnapek~r:;asukrasof.li1am . .. I Lvukraso~itasannipiitaja,?f yo-
nija1!1 tattu dVividha,!, jariiyujamal,2qaja1!1 ca I miinu~apaSu
mrglil,2afJf jarayujafJ1 pak~isarisrpii1Jama1)rjajaf!11 c
a CS. Sci., 3.16. b MBIla., 2.4.1. r PBh. dravyo, prthiviniriipa~Q1TI.

ZOOLOGY 427
He thus modifies the Vedic classification of animals, retaining the a~uJaja

and jariiyuja and including them in the )'onija division (organisms formed
out of the union of semen and menstrual blood), while including small
animals into ayonlja or asexually reproduced forms. The svedaja and
udbhijja are not, however, mentioned, because probably the division ayon~ia
was developed to include these. Udayana has defined the term jariiyu
as placenta; and the sarisrpa, according to the ~ame author, includes in-
sects, fishes, reptiles and snakes.
Susruta divides animals into four groups, e.g. sa/!lsl'edaja or svedaja,
jariiyuja, a~ujaia and udbhijja. In various texts the order of enumeration is,
however, different. I)aIlat)a, the comnlen1a1or of Susruta, defines the
sredaja as organisms born out of moisture and heat. which are essential
10 generating all forms of animal life.
Among the examples of the four groupings arc nlentioncd l'yiila (car-
nivorous quadrupeds) and po.~u (herbivore,,) as jar[i)'t~ja ~ birds, snakes and
sarisrpas among a~uJaia; knni, kila and pipfliAii (worms, insects, ants, etc.)
among svedaja; frogs and cochineal insect as typifying those that burst
forth from the ground, the udhhijja.a l)allat)a further thinks that these
divisions are really cross-divisions. He mentions that bats and valiikiis
among birds are viviparous (some l'oliikas are oviparous, some are vivi-
parous). Similarly, among the a~l(Jaja snakes, ahipatiikii (a kind of non-
vcnOlnous snake) is viviparous. b The same is true of some species of
ants which lay eggs or burst forth ffOOl the ground in the udbhijja way.
The sarJ.~rpas together with the birds and snakes are included among
the oviparous or a~l(laja animals by Susruta, which contain, in the opinion
of l)allalJa, fishes and /nakara (sea-monsters with fierce teeth = ? sharks)
and also tortoises and crocodiles.
The same commentator explains that the sl'edaja organisms are pro-
duced due to the moisture and heat either of the earth or of the organisms.
Among these the worms (knni) arise from the moisture of the faeces in the
bowels or from putrefying dead bodies, as GUlJaratna notes in Tarka-
rahasya-dJpikii. They may also arise from decomposing milk or curd.
The moisture-born kilo includes scorpions and the six-spotted venom-
ous insect $a{lvindu. According to Patafijali (also Susruta in Ka/pa-
sthana, Ch. VII) scorpions arise from cow-dung, excreta of snakes and
rotten wood.
The pipilikii, that is, ants and the like insects, as Oallal)a comments,
have a triple mode of birth ~ they are born from moisture and heat (svedaja),
from eggs (ofJ{laja) and sometimes burst forth from the ground (udbhijja).
Sailkara (Chandogya Upani~\'ad, Prapii{haka 6, part 3) commenting
upon the classification of animals, divides them into three groups only,
a Seal, p. 179.
b Although all snakes are oviparous, in some (VIperidae and some other species of
colubrids) the eggs continue development inside the . uterus · and the young ones are born
alive. These are examples of ovo-vivipary. Perhaps .I)allal}a observed such cases when
noting that ahipattikti is viviparous.
jivaja (viviparous), afJcfaja and udbhijja. Sankara, like Caraka, agrees that
udbhijja animals arise from vegetable organisms, but he also holds the view
that svedaja animals must be included partly under a~l{laja and partly under
udhhijja.
Seal a thinks that Satikara's explanation takes it that, though vegetable
organisms may pass off into animal, inorganic matter without bfia (seed or
ovum) cannot give rise to animal life or, in other words, life cannot arise
de novo, the elementary fact that every student of biology has to learn in
school. Patafijali, however, believes that not only animal organisms but
also vegetable organisms, e.g. grasses, can grow from inorganic matter.
The durva grass is cited as an example; it can grow from deposits of hair
of goats and cows, just as scorpions are seen to develop from cow-dung.
Patafijali explains that these are not cases of growth but merely of unfold-
ing (transformation).
A different system of classification of animals has been devised by
Umasvati in the ancient Jaina work, Tattl'tirthiidhigamasiitra. Here, the
number of senses possessed by an organism is taken into account, and the
animal is placed in an ascending series according to this number.
1. Those animals which possess two senses-touch and tastc: 1J
(i) Apiidika-worms without appendages.

(ii) Niipuraka-ring-like with pendants-Annelida.
(iii) Ga~l(Jupada-knotty-legged animalS-Arthropoda (including
Crustacea and Myriapoda).
(iv) Some kinds of molluscs, such as salikha (conch), sukfika (pearl
oyster) and .~a,nhuka (spiral shell, many snails).
(v) Ja/ukii-leeches (Hirudinea).
2. Animals possessing three senses, viz. touch. taste and smell: c

(i) Pipilik ii-ants.
(ii) RohbJikii-red ants.
(iii) Upacikii, kunthu, fuhuruka-bugs and fleas.
(iv) Trapusahfia and karpiisiisthikii-cucumber- and cotton-weevils;
lice.
(v) Satapadi and utpataka-centipede and springtail.
(vi) Tr~apatra-plant-lice.
(vii) Kii~"lhahiiraka-wood-dcstroycrs, e.g. termites or white ants.
a Seal, p. 180.
b tad yalhd krmyiidiniim aplidika-niipuraka-1!aQ(iiipada-sQlikha-suklikii sambukli-
jaliikii-prabhrtintif11 ... spadanarasanendriye bhavatab I
-TSu. Bh., II, 24.
c pipilika-rohi/Jikii-upacikti-kunthu-tuburuka-trapusabija-karptisliSlhikii-.satapad-
J'utpataka-lr~apatra-kd~thahtira/..a-prabhrtIntimIri~i !Jparsanorasanaghrii(Uini I
-TSii. Bh., II, 24.
ZOOLOGY 429
3. Animals with the senses of touch, taste, smell and sight :a,
(i) Bhranlara, vara!a and saranga-becs, wasps and hornets.
(ii) Mak#ka, puttikii, da/!lSa and ,na.\~aka-dipterous flies, gnats,
mosquitoes.
(iii) Vrscika and nan~vavarla-scorpions and spiders.
(iv) Kifa-patanga-tlying and non-flying insects.
4. Animals (man and the tiryakyollis) with five well-developed and
active senses: b
(i) Matsya-fishes (Pisces).
(ii) Uraga-limble~s reptiles including snake~.
(iii) Bhujanga-limbed reptiles and (?) amphibian~.
(iv) Pak~\'l-birds (Aves).
(v) CatuYJoda-quadrupeds (Mammalia).
The first three divisions as stated above cOlne under the invertebrates
and include svedaja and udbhijja of the earlier classifications and the fourth
includes only vertebrates.
The fourth is further subdivided into the oviparous and viviparous
groups:
(a) A~qaja-fishcs and reptiles, including sarpa (snakes), godhii
(monitor lizard), krka/asa (chameleons and garden lizard~),
grhagolika (wal1-lizard~) ~ I1latsya (fi~hes), kurma (tortoise),
nakra (crocodiles), si,~unulra (dolphins and porpoises) and
I0I11apak~\'a paksi (birds with feathered wings). C
Two flaws in this otherwise good classification can be
noticed. One is the inclusion of dolphins among ol,ulaja
(perhaps their fish-like features and behaviour caused this
mistake) and the ODlission of frogs because they were
traditionally believed to be udbhijja, that is, bursting forth
from the ground.
(h) Jarayuja-placental mammals. Here jariiyuja is restricted to
mean those mammals that have non-deciduate placenta, e.g.
man, cow, buffalo, goat and sheep, horse, a~s, camel, deer,
yak (chamara), hog, gavaya (mithun), lion, tiger, bear, panther,
dog, jackal, cat, etc. d
a bhramara-varala-5iiraJiga-mak~\ikii-puttikii-dalJ1ja-majaka-''ficika-nandyiiva
rla-kila-palangiidiniilll calviiri sparianarasanaghriilJa-caktiuffl\\i I
-TSu. Bh., II, 24.
b ie,\iimitn ca tiryagyonijallii", malJyoragabhujangapak~'i-calu~padiintitn ~arve~ii", ca
lIiirakamanu~yadeviinat" paiicendriyani I
-TSii. Bh., lI, 24.
C QlJcJajiinii1fl sarpa-godhii-krkaliisa-grlzago/if..a-ma/:;yo-kiirma- nakro-~ijumdrii-
diniiml
-TSu. Bh., )1,34.
d JarayujiiniIf/1 manu~ya-go-mQhi${jjtivikiiscQ-kharo$lra-mrga-camara-vQriiha-ga-
vaya-si",ho-vyiighrark$Q-dvipisva-srgala-miirjiircidinii", I
-TSu. Bh., II, 34.
(c) Potaja-mammals with deciduate placenta which is thrown off

as an afterbirth, such as sal/aka (porcupine), hasti (elephant),
sviivit and liipaka (hedgehog and other insectivores), sasa
and .{:ayikii (hares and squirrels), nakula (mongoose), n1l1fjika
(rats and mice), and cannapak~'a pak~')i (birds with leathery
wings), that is, bats including valguli (flying fox), pak~iviriila
(Microchiroptera) and jaluka (apparently meaning blood-
sucking bats or vampires). a
Umasvati's classification, whatever nlight be its defects from the modern
point of view, was distinctly a bold advance and excelled contemporary
efforts made in the western world dominated by Aristotle's ideas and
contributions. In fact, in their attempts to introduce systems of classifica-
tion, the ancient I ndians appear to have made much more serious efforts
to bring together known animals within the bounds of certain rational
groups and achieved a larger nleasure of success than did Aristotle.
In addition to the classification of animals on the basis of their modes
of reproduction or possession of a series of senses, Caraka and Susruta
classified animals according to their dietary habits and habitats. Though
the two systems agree in broad outlines, there are some differences in details
worthy of notice.
Caraka's classification is as follows:
(1) Prasaha-carnivorous and non-carnivorous animals and birds
that fall on their food with force.
(2) Anupa-animals that live in marshy or water-logged areas or
graze on river banks.
(3) Bhusaya or vilesaya-subterranean or cave-dwelling animals.
(4) Varisaya-nlarine and freshwater animals.
(5) Ja/acara-amphibious animals.
(6) langa/a-mostly species of deer that live in dry and hilly forested
lands.
(7) Vi.~kira-birds that scatter their food in picking.
(8) Pratuda-birds that pierce or tear their food (worms or fruits)
with beak.
Susruta's classification begins with two divisions which are further
subdivided into 13 groups distinguished by natural differences in food and
habitat. The first two divisions are: (1) jiingala or animals that live on
dry hilly country or jungles and (2) anupa, comprising animals that live in
marshy or water-logged lands (or in water).
The 13 classes within these two divisions are:
(1) Jiingala animals: jalighii/a, vi$kira, pratuda, guhiisaya, prasaha,
parfJanlrga, vilesaya and gramya.
(2) Anupa animals: kulecara, plava, kosastha, padina and matsya.
II potajdnd l12 sallaka-hasti-svli}'illapaka-saJa-sliyrikli-nakulQm;;~ikad;ntilTl carma-
pak~i{la", ca pak~d(fa11J jaluka-valguli-bhdra{l(la-pak~;viraliidina", garbhojanma I
-TSu. Bh., 11,34.
ZOOLOGY 431
The land animals (jiiligala) have three groups exclusively made up of

birds. These comprise prasaha including birds of prey, like vultures, kites,
owls, etc., vi~~kira meaning birds that scatter their food while picking up,
and pratuda, that is, birds that pierce and tear their food. Except that
Caraka's prasaha includes birds as well as mamnlals. the other two groups
are similar. The remaining five groups of jiiligala anilnals, with the ex-
ception of several kinds of reptiles included under l'ile.~a)'a and a few under
parIJanlrga, contain mammals.
The par~lal11rga, creatures that live in the trees (arboreal anilllals), are
apes, monkeys, squirrels, and some reptiles and carnivores. The jafighiilas
are wild deer and antelopes, strong-legged and quick-footed, that run about
on dry land. The grall1ya, living in villages, compri~es the horse, mule,
ass, camel, goat, sheep, cow, etc. They are herbivorous quadrupeds, ~onlC
of which are eka.5apha or solid-hoofed.
The carnivorous beasts like the lion, tiger, wolf, hyena, bear, panther,
cat, jackal, n1rgerl'iiru, etc., cOlnprise guhii~aya that live in natural caves or
hollows. The wolf (vrka) is defined as a dog-like aninutl, snlaller in size
than the lion and tiger.
The animals leading subterranean life in burrows and holes, and there-
fore called vilesaya, include rodents, insectivores and reptiles.
The anupa group has a mixed assortment of vertebrates and inverte-
brates. The kulecara comprises herbivorous quadrupeds, like the elephant,
rhinoceros, gavaya (mithun), buffalo and various kind~ of deer, that fre-
quent the banks of rivers and ponds. The plal'as are aquatic birds like
ducks, geese and cranes. Of the remaining three groups, the lnat.\yas are
fishes divided into two groups, marine and freshwater, thl1i and tinli1igila and
I1wkara (whales and sharks?) finding place among marine fishes. Forms of
body and peculiarities of locomotion of freshwater fishes from different
types of habitats have been described with a certain degree of accuracy.
The kosastha of the aniipa comprises various kinds of nlolluscs living
in shells. The piidina includes a mixed assemblage of animals having pedal,
or fin-like appendages, and to this group belong the oval- or oblong-shaped
tortoises and turtles (kiirnla), crocodiles (kulnbhira), white and black crabs
(karka/a) and the siSumiira, apparently the dolphin, with a muscular body,
sharp protruding snout, breathing with a blow-hole out of water.
In addition to the dietary classification, both Caraka and Susruta deal
with groups of obnoxious and poisonous animals. Caraka's krmi-varga
dealing with worms or parasites contains four divisions depending on the
location of the vermins, e.g. (a) those living in the body excretions-yuka
(lice), pipilikii (ants) ; (b) those living in the blood (blood-parasites)-audum-
bara, jantumiitii, kesada, [omada, I0111advipa, saurasa; (c) those living in
the mucus and phlegm-antrada, curu, darbhapu$pa, hrdayada, mahiiguda,
saugandhika, udarave~/a; (d) those living in the faeces-kakeruka, leliha,
makeruka, saJa/aka, sausuruda. a
4 Ray and Gupta, pp. 35-36.

432 A CONCIS[ HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Except for the first two, it is not possible to identify the others by
names only. It should, however, be acknowledged that Caraka ascribed
certain disea~es of men to parasites living inside various parts of the body.
The creatures with poisonous fangs listed by Caraka under the gomiiyu-
varga include the rats, snakes (iisivi$a), leeches, wall-lizards, spiders, scor-
pions, frogs, fishes, mongooses, flying insects, centipedes, hornets, tigers,
lions, dogs and hyenas. Nine kinds of snakes, of which a few are apparent-
ly poisonous, are also listed.
Susruta has listed 20 kinds of worms (krmi) or parasites of men, ori-
ginating in faeces (puri.yaja), cough or phlegm (kapha;a) or in blood (raktaja).
Excepting for two or three, all the other names of parasites are different
from those of Caraka.
The noxious animals whose poisons are dangerous to man are listed
by Susruta in some detail. The seat of poison of celestial serpents lies in
their breath, of terrestrial ones in their fangs, and of cats, dogs, monkeys,
makaras, frogs, piika-matsyas, monitor lizards (godhii) , tllolluscs (snails),
pracalakas (a kind of insect), geckos and many insects in their teeth
and claws.
Among the noxious forms are listed 18 types of rats, 67 'families' of
insects and 30 kinds of scorpions. The scorpions are classified into Inane/a-
vi$a or mild-poisoned (12 kinds) germinating from cow-dung or any other
rotten substances, nladhyavi.~·a or medium-poisoned (3 kinds) and strongly
poisoned or tik~\'1Jav(\'a (15 types) which germinate from the putrefied
dead body of a snake or any poisoned animal. Their characters and etfect~
of venom are also described. Spiders are classed into fatal (non-curable)
and non-fatal (curable) types depending on the nature of theIr poison. Of
the 16 kinds of spiders listed, eight are fatally poisonous and the other
eight are mildly poisonous. Centipedes are divided into eight kinds, and
among insects, following centipedes, are listed eight different kinds of
frogs that are said to be venomous.
Snakes are treated by Susruta in great detail. Five different' families'
are noted, of which one is non-venomous and four (including a hybrid
group) are venomous. The venomous group includes diirvikara, the
cobras of 26 varieties. hooded serpents, swift in their movements and with
marks of chariot-wheels, ploughs, umbrellas, etc., on their hood. Ma~ujali, a
another group of venomous serpents containing two species, are thick,
slow-moving, nocturnal and bear circles or rings on their bodies. They
do not have hoods. Riijitnat, b the third group of venomous serpents,
contains ten forms, non-hooded and nocturnal in their habits, bears series
of dots or marks, often of variegated colours, on the upper parts and sides.
a The description of ma~u;lali (vipers) given by Susruta IS fairly accurate. He hsts two
species of vipers, and this IS in agreement WIth the current knowledge about Indian
snakes. Only two species of vipers, Vipera russelli and Echis carinatus, are known
in India. and the description given by Susruta tallies fairly wetI with that of
V. ru.\Selli-the RussetI·s viper.
b This corresponds fairly well with coral snakes.
ZOOLOGY 433
Twelve non-venomous species and ten of hybrids (l'aikaraifja) are

listed. Ajagara, the Indian python (Python molurus), is mentioned as non-
poisonous.
Susruta has also extensively dealt with the leeches (ja/auka) which
were utilized in sucking out vitiated blood from the body. Jalaukti, crea-
tures whose lives depend on water, are divided into 12 'species', of which
six are venomous and six non-venomous. Characters of different' species'
are described in some detail, which include the colouration, size, girth,
distinctive spots, etc., on the body. The natural habitats of the leeches
and their geographic distribution are also given. Venomous leeches are
said to originate in the decomposed urine and faecal matter of toads and
venomous fishes in pools of stagnant and turbid waters. The origin of
non-venomous forms is ascribed to such decomposed matter as the putre-
fied stems of several aquatic plants and the conlmon zoophytes that live
in clear water.
The value of accurate identification of animals and plants was not
unknown to the ancient Indians. The nomenclature adopted by them,
generally derived from some characteristics of the organism or from their
habIts or habitats, is an adequate testimony to their efforts in this direction.
Apparently. because of their constant familiarity with nature and life around
them, they relied almost exclusively on names for identification of living
objects and have left little descriptive accounts. For example, Varaha-
mihira, according to B. K. Sarkar, a emphasized the importance of names
in different countries; and hence the animals first be identified by their
n~LInes! He also attempted to classify animals according to their habits
into nocturnal and diurnal kinds and into those that are seen during both
day and night.
References available in ancient texts indicate that the Indian philo-
sophers and scholars of antiquity were also systematists and did try to
identify animals and plants more or Jess along lines now characteristic of
modern taxonomists. Sealb quotes from some (unnamed) handbooks
the precise descriptions of deer and birds given by OallaQa. the commentator
of Susruta. He further cites the authority of QallaI)a who has referred to
the classification of kilas (insects and reptiles) by Ladyaya1)a, a noted spe-
cialist on the group. LadyayaI)a gave criteria for distinguishing various
types of kitas by structural and behavioural peculiarities like '( 1) dottings
or markings, (2) wings, (3) pedal appendages, (4) mouth, with antennae or
nippers (mukhasanda'!lsa-f)allaQa), (5) claws, (6) sharp-pointed hair or
filaments, (7) stings in the tail, (8) hymenopterous character (safJ1s~/i.~tail)
pak~aromabhib), (9) humming or other noise, (10) size, (J 1) structure
of the body, (12) sexual organs ... and (13) poison and its action on
bodies.'c
a Sarkar (B. KJ, pp. 208-96.

b Seal, p. 197.
C Seal. p. 200.
28
Last but not the least, we should like to refer to Ghosal's elaborate
treatJnenl, in his own way, of classification of animals in ancient Hindu
literature. a
ANATOMY AND PHYSIOLOGY
GhosaJ states that the growth of knowledge of anatomy in ancient

tinlCs took place chiefly from the necessity of treatment of human beings and
domestic animals, and was based on the animals sacrificed in yajiia. He
further states that there are evidences of development of the knowledge
of comparative anatomy in the ancient literature. The data compiled by
him, though valuable as an indicator of the interest in animal and plant
life, throw little light on the knowledge about anatomy that the ancient
Indians actually possessed. He has, however, cited numerous ancient
references (Inostly in manuscript form) dealing with the veterinary sciences,
specially those referring to elephants and horses, which were of importance
to the kings and emperors in hunting and warfares. The treatises on
veterinary nledicine, the Gajiiyurveda and Asviiyurveda, have chapters on
the anaton1Y and physiology of elephants and horses, but besides enumerat-
ing various parts of animal bodies along the lines given in the sa1Jlhiliis of
Caraka and Susruta~ there is nothing descriptive of note.
EMBRYOLOGY
As in anatonly and physiology, embryological knowledge of the ancient

Indians was exclusively the product of observations made on human beings.
The semen, according to Susruta, is the final product of Inetabolic
activity of the body. Conception has been considered to be due to the
union of sperm and ovum. The various signs of pregnancy, and prepara-
tion necessary for a full-term pregnancy, along with the developmental
stages of the foetus, beginning from the conception to the delivery, have
been fairly accurately described in the Vedic and later Indian literature.
The Garbhopani~\'ad is one of the earliest works to record the development of
human foetus. A more detailed account of the early development is given
by Susruta. Keswani b has summarized the information contained in these
two works.
HEREDITY AND SEX-DETERMINATION
The question of transmission of hereditary characters occupied the

thoughts of the ancient Hindus since the Vedic times. In the BrahmaIJas
the question is first asked how specific characters are transmitted from the
U Ghosal's Hindu Prii(tivijifiin, written in Bengali, presents a comparative study of the

history and development of zoology in India and Europe and is a comprehensive
source-book on early Indian zoology.
b Keswani, pp. 206--25.
28B
ZOOLOGY 435
parent to the offspring. The offspring belongs to the same species as the
parent-how does it happen? And, the answer given is: species are like
so many moulds into which the ovum is cast, even as molten metals are
cast into the oven.
Caraka and Susruta are of the opinion that in the fertilized ovum all
organs are potentially present and they unfold in a certain order. Just as
the bamboo-seed contains in miniature the entire structure of the bamboo,
or the mango-blossom contains the stone, pulp and fibres which appear
separated and distinct in the ripe fruit, so is the case with the fertilized ovunl.
Only the structures are so minute that they cannot be distinguishcd. a
In Caraka and Susruta we meet with a theory, very much akin to the
idea of pangencsis put forward by Darwin to explain the transnlission of
hereditary characters. Caraka assumes that the spenns of the male parent
contain elements derived from each of its organs and its tissues, like' gcm-
nlules~ of Darwin or 'ids' of Spencer. Sankara is of the same view, attri-
buting to the sperm every organ of the parent organism in miniature~ which
holds in potentia the whole organisnl that is developed out of it.
To explain, then, why congenital deformities of parents are not trans-
nlitted to the offspring, Caraka has an ingenious explanation, attributed to
Atreya. which again resembles the theory propounded by Darwin. If the
clnbryo derives its structure from every organ of the parents, why are
congenital defornlities like blindness, dumbness, lameness or any other
~IJnilar defects not translnitted to the offspring? After all, the fertilized
ovum is a nliniature of all the organs and tissues of the parents. The
difllculty is solved by the assumption that though composed of elements
arising from the whole parental organism, the fertilized ovum is not in-
fluenccd by the developed organs of the parents with their congenital or
acquired idiosyncrasies. The parental bfja (seed) contains the whole parental
organisnl in miniature but is independent of its developed deformed organs.
Only if the bija of an clement representing a particular organ or tissue may
happen to be defective or abnormal, the corresponding organ or tissue of
the offspring will be similarly characterized; in other words, congenital
deformities being somatic in character do not affect the germ plasm, and
hence the normal and natural offspring.
The determination of sex of the offspring was another iOlportant
question that engaged the thought of ancient Hindus.
The influence of nutrition on the characters of the bija, specially as
regards sex, health, colour, etc., of the offspring is freely admitted and
various recipes and rituals were prescribed and practised to produce the
birth of a male child.
It was generally believed that certain items of diet, ghee and milk for
the male, and oil and beans for the female parents were favourable to the
a garbhasya suk$matvat nopalabhyante va11lstitikuravat cutaphalavacca I tadyathii

ciilaphale paripakve kesariimlillUQslhimajjana!;t prlhak Prthak drsyante killaprakar$lil I
-SSt Sa., 3.18.
hija (seed). The sexual characters of the offspring were believed to follow
a law of alternate rhythmic change with respect to the menstrual cycle of
the female parent before conception. According to this belief fertilization
of the ovum on the fourth day after the menses, or on the alternate days
succeeding, was favourable to the foetus developing male characters, and
on the fifth, seventh and alternate following days to the foetus developing
into a female. Another factor determining sex of the offspring is the
relative preponderance of the 'sperm and germ cells' in the fertilized ovum.
Susruta says, the birth of a male child marks the preponderance of semen
over the ovum (in its conception); the birth of a daughter shows the pre-
ponderance of the female element. A child of no-sex is a product when
ovum and sperm are equal (in their quality and quantity).a Translated
into modern idiom of hormones this will very much read like 'preponderance
of male hormones will tend to bring in maleness, that of the female hormones
femaleness, the condition of sexlessness arising when the two hormones in
the developing foetus are balanced'. Goldschmidt's experiments on sex-
uality on Lymantria dispar conducted during the first two decades of this
century have produced results akin to what Caraka and Susruta deduced
about 1,600 to 1,SOO years back without any apparent experimental aids.
In a recent publication, Verdi,lJ without quoting any authorities,
writes: 'From time immemorial, there is a belief, in our land, about a
link between determination of sex of human progeny and lunar phases.
According to many, conceptions taking place during time periods between
new moons and full moons-where the nights are called "luminous"-
result in male children and conceptions taking place during time periods
between full moons and new nloons- where the nights are called dark "-H
result in female children.

'However, some hold that contrary is true.'
COSMOGONY
The question of the origin of the world and life therein, which assumed
great importance in the later Vedic period (specially in the Upani~r;ads),
had been raised even in the early saf!lhitiis. The tenth book of ~gveda
has many hymns posing cosmogonical problems. These early speculations,
though confused and larded with mythological and theological notions,
are nevertheless interesting as the sources from which flew various streams
of later thought.
Older ideas in the J!.gveda about the world centred round creation,
gods or individual deities having generated the world. The conception of a
distinct creator different from, and superior to, all gods, appearing under
the various names of Puru$a, ViSvakarman, Hira~yagarbha or Prajiipati,
was a later development. 'Whereas creation, according to the earlier view,
is regularly referred to as an act of natural generation with some form of
II S5. SiI., 3, 4-5. b Verdi, p. 12.

ZOOLOGY 437
the verb jan "to beget", these cosmogonic poems speak of it as the manu-
facture or evolution from some original material.'a In the well-known
Puru.~·a-sukta (the hymn of man), this material constituting the world is
Puru~'a, the thousand-headed and thousand-footed primeval giant covering
the earth and even extending beyond it. b His head became the sky ~ his
navel the air, his feet the earth; the moon, the sun and the wind springing
respectively from his mind, eyes and breath. The germ of pantheism is
inherent in the hymn, when it says that 'Puru~a is all this world, what has
been and shall be' and again 'one-fourth of him is all creatures and three-
fourths are the world of the immortals in heaven'.
The Puru!ja assumes the role of the creator Prajapati in the Brtilllna~1aS,
and in the Upani.5ads he is identified with the universe. Later, in the dual-
istic Sti/?1khya philosophy, Puru!ja is identified with the 'soul' as opposed to
the matter.
In other hymns dealing with the origin of the world, creation is not
the collective effort of gods, but of an individual creator. This agent of
generation was the sun, 'the soul of all that moves and stands'.c Here
we al"lo sec the first distinction between the mobile (jangall1a) animals and
the fixed (sthavara) plants. Two cosmogonic hymns are addressed to the
'all-creating' VMvakarman, probably synonymous with the sun, 'called by
many names though one'.d
A much bolder step was the theory that the waters produced the first
germ of things, the source of the universe and the gods. c
In another cosmogonic hymn of considerable beauty,! the primeval
germ appears in the form of hira'.1yagarbha, the germ of gold, a notion
doubtless suggested by the rising sun. Here, too, the waters are, in pro-
ducing a~ni, regarded as bearing the germ of all life.
Two other cosmogonic poems explain the origin of the world philo-
sophically as the evolution of the existent (sat) from the non-existent (asat).
I n the somewhat confused account given in one of them,g three stages of
creation may be distinguished; first the world is produced, then the gods
and lastly the sun.
These ideas are presented more forcefully and beautifully in the Crea-
tion Hymn: h
Then was not non-existent nor existent: there was no realm of air, no ~ky
beyond it.
What covered It, and where? and what gave shelter? Wa~ water there,
infathomed depth of water!
Death was not then, nor was there aught immortal: no sign was there, the day's
and night's divider.
That One thing, breathless, breathed by its own nature: apart from it was nothmg
whatsoever.
4 Macdonell, p. 132. r .8V., X, 82.

b ~V., X, 90. / ~V., X, 121.
C lJ,V., 1,115. g .8V., X, 72.
a ~V., X, 81-82; I, 164.46. h /1.V., X, 129.
narknc~~ there was: at first concealed in darkness this All was indiscnminated
chao~.
All that exi~tcd then was void and formless: by the great power of warnlth was
born that unit.
Thereafter rose Desire In the beginning, Divine, the primal seed and germ of spirit.
Sages who ~earched with their heart's thought discovered the existent's kinship
m the non-existent.
Tr,msverse]y was their severing line extended; what was above ]t then, and what
below it?
There were begetters, there were mighty forces, true action here and energy up
yonder.
Who verily knows and who can here declare it, whence It was born and whence
comes this creation?
The gods are later than thi~ world's productIon. Who knows then whence it
first came into being?
He, the fir~t origin of this creation, whether he formed it all or did not form it.
Whose eye controls this world in hIghest heaven, he verily knows it, or perhaps he
knows noLa
Apart from its literary merit, this poem is most noteworthy for the
daring speculations which find utterance in so remote an age. Being the
only piece of sustained speculation in the IJgvcda, it is the startingpoint
of the natural philosophy which assumed shape in the evolutionary Sii/!1khya
system. ]t will, indeed, ever retain general interest as one of the earliest
specimens of the Aryan philosophic thought. With the theory that, after
the non-existent had developed into the existent, water came first and then
intelligence was evolved from it by heat, the cosmogonic accounts of the
Briihnl01)aS substantially agree. Here, too, the non-existent beconles the
existent, of which the first form is the water. On these floats hira~lya
garhha, the cosmic golden egg, whence is produced the spirit that desires
and creates the universe. Always requiring the agency of the creator
Prajapati at an earlier or at a later stage, the Briihnla~las in some of their
accounts place him first, in others the water. The fundamental contradic-
tion, due, perhaps, to mixing up the theory of creation with that of evolution,
is removed in the Sii,!lkhya system by causingPuru.ya, or soul, to play the part
of a passive spectator, while Prakrti, or primordial matter, undergoes
successive stages of evolutionary development. The cosl11ogonic hymns of
the ~gveda are thus not only the precursors of Indian philosophy but also
of PuralJos, of which one of the main objects is to describe the origin of
the world and life therein.
ANIMALS AND NATURAL HISTORY IN THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD
The trail blazed by ancient Indian naturalists tapers into the medieval
period without much variations on the theme. The advent of the Muslims,
particularly of the Moghuls from the sixteenth century onwards, added a new
perspective to the study of animals, inasmuch as they attemped to record
G Translated by Griffiths, II, pp. 575-76.

ZOOLOGY 439
observations Inade by themselves, or by otbers after careful verifications as

far as possible. This transition is reflected in some of the important Sanskrit
works of this period, followed by the memoirs of the Moghul kings.
Of the Sanskrit works, the Miinasolliisa, composed by King Somesvara,
deserves special mention. This interesting encyclopaedic work deals
with recreation and describes in detail various modes of relaxation
which include topics like drawing, painting, iconography, gardening, culi-
nary art, cock-fighting, hunting, fishing, etc. Hora a has published an
English translation of the fourteenth chapter of Mtinasolliisa cntitled Matsya-
vinoda (the sport of angling). Somesvara gives a classification of sporting
fishes as scaly and scaleless, lean and thin, and those living in sea or
in rivers. He names 37 fishes, where they live and what they feed on.
Furthermore, he deals with lines, hooks and baits suitable for various types
of fishes, and advises on the sport of fishing. This work, according to
Hora, is rich in factual and deductive knowledge which in sonlC respect
remains unsurpassed even now.
The only Indian work which may be said to deal exclusively with
Loology is Harpsadeva's Mr~a-pak..5i-~~iistra, written in the thirteenth
century A.D., at the behest of the Jaina King of Jinapura, Saudadeva, who,
fascinated by the beauty of animals in forests, decided to stop hunting and
to acquire knowledge about them. Harpsadeva's account of beasts and
birds can by no stretch of imagination be called scientific; rather his em-
phasis is on the love-life of animals, their temperament (based strictly on the
three ~u~las-sattva, rajas and lalnas-of the philosophical system), their size,
colour, etc. Nevertheless, the book represents the first attempt in India at
large-scale description of animals of which the nomenclature as adopted by
hiln is drawn almost exclusively from the Sanskrit literature of the middle and
ancient ages. He describes six kinds of lions, three of tigers, two of
hyenas (which he also calls leopards), three of bears, two of rhinos, thirteen
of elephants, seven of horses, four of camels, three of asses, three of boars
living in forests and seven living in country and villages (with which he
confuses porcupincs), five of buffaloes, etc. His list of birds is fairly long.
In spite of the rather inaccurate treatment, one can discern accuracy of
description of features helpful in identification. The lnany varieties listed
are no doubt inspired by the synonyms, each of which has becn erroneously
treated as a separate kind. Furthermore, information about periods of gesta-
tion, longevity, etc., is based more on hearsay than on factual observations.
Sukraniti
Anatomical details on the domestic animals, like the elephant, horse,
cattle, etc., were mostly confined to the external morphological characters
like the colour of body, colour of hair, proportions of body-parts, gait,
temperament, etc. B. K. Sarkar has ably summarized the information on
these aspects of elephants and horses available in ancient texts, specially
a Hora (3 ii), pp. 145-69.
in the Sukralliti. The assessment of the external characters of these animals

was chiefly done from the practical point of view, to distinguish between
the different qualities of animals in relation to their usefulness, and various
breeds were enumerated taking into consideration the external characters
of practical importance.
The Muslim Period

The Muslim rulers of India, in their own way, were sportsman-natural-
ists. They were keen hunters and had big menagerie of horses, dogs,
cheetahs, falcons, etc., which were primarily helpful in hunting. Few,
however, have left records which could throw light on the fauna of the
country or its natural history. The only exceptions are the Moghul kings
whose memoirs and biographies bring to light interesting infonnation
about the fauna and flora of the period. Ali in a series of articles has
given a lucid account of the love of nature of the six great Moghul kings,
Babur to Aurangazeb. Apart from their keen interest in animals and
nature, the Moghul rulers were particular about truthfulness and accuracy
in their memoirs.
Babur, after his victory at Panipat in A.D. 1526, proceeded to compile
a comprehensive gazetteer of Hindustan, to describe at length the customs
of peoples, animals, fruits and flowers of the land he had conquered. In
recording his observations he had taken special care for their authenticity
and accuracy. Even when engaged in affairs of the State, or marching
against a foe, Babur was always awake to the objects around him, and
anything new that he saw was carefully noted mentally and reduced to
writing in his memoirs at the earliest opportunity. Of the larger mammals,
he was very fond of hunting the rhinoceros, an animal he had not seen
in his native land. He frequently hunted the rhinos in the jungles of
Peshawar and Hashnagar.
Humayun(153O-1540, 1555-]556), in his chequered career, had but little
time to indulge in hunting animals. Yet his deep love of animals and
nature is reflected in little passages of Tazkerech.
Akbar (1556-1605) was passionately enamoured of animals of all
kinds from Persia, Turkestan and Kashmir. The inmates of his menagerie,
which were every day led past under the royal window for the monarch's
observation, included horses, elephants, antelopes, nilgais, rhinoceroses,
large buffaloes with prodigious horns, lions, tigers, some of the finest sport-
ing dogs of every kind from Uzbek, and species of birds of prey used in
field sports for catching partridges, cranes, hares, and even for hunting
antelopes on which they pounced with violence.
Moreover, he was a great breeder of domestic animals-elephants,
camels, cows and horses-and the breeds of horses produced in his stables
were as fine as those of Arabia.
His mode of hunting most frequently employed was quamargah or
'ringing in' method. He employed his armies (which kept them trim in
.......... ..... "'-Mwur. Q)IUi«list ~BaIJperoIIa1tMIir.-. c. u.l624.
~.ladiIa. . . . CataittL) ".4$1-'
c
C~_!:':::\Jir~=J,=~
- ~ ;, \{~~~~~, ~
__ _ _
ZOOLOGY 441
times of peace) to surround vast tracks of the countryside, gradually

closing in, and driving the game towards the centre of the ring where the
royal hunters lay in wait.
The Game Department of Akbar maintained a record of all animals
hunted, with measurements and the minutest details concerning them. He
possessed a remarkably large number of cheetahs or hunting leopards
(about 9,000), a species now extinct from India, and 'lynxes'
(? caracal), in addition to a large variety of good hunting dogs. His birds
of prey, trained in sport, were the biiz (Accipiter gentilis), shiihin (Falco
peregrinus) and shunqar (Falco biarnlicus) and burquat falcon (probably the
golden eagle, Aquila chrysaetos). The Emperor, however, preferred the hashiih
(sparrow-hawk, Accipiter nisus), which was given various names by him.
Jahangir (1605-1627) was the greatest naturalist among the Moghuls,
just as his father was the greatest Emperor. 'His profuse and engrossing
tnemoirs are a veritable natural history of the animals that came under
his notice, and a record of the most searching observations concerning
them.,a For exhaustive account of Jahangir as a naturalist, Alvi and
Rahman's book may also be referred to (Alvi and Rahman (2)). In this
monograph the authors have ably brought together all available informa-
tion about this particular fact of Jahangir who could have been a better and
happier man as the head of a natural history museum.
His love for animals was so widely known that foreign dignitaries often
gave him presents of exotic animals, and his court artists, specially lJstad
Mansur, were kept busily engaged in drawing the likeness of animals and
other objects that came to the Emperor or to his notice. Mansur excelled
in the art of animal and floral portraiture, as accurate and meticulous as
their literary records maintained by the Emperor. Many of the animal
paintings made by the court artists of Jahangir have been lost, but whatever
has survived (scattered in several museums and private collections) can be
of great utility to modern taxonomists and naturalists for their accuracy
of representation (Pis. VII, VIII, IX).
Though not a trained zoologist, Jahangir's keen powers of observation
and passion for knowledge imparted to his descriptions an objective
thoroughness characteristic of modern scientific writing. In describing
organisms observed by him, he gave local names, geographical distribution
and even structural characteristics, weights, measurements and some
interesting notes on ecology and behaviour. Though characterized by an
overtone of the admiration for beauty or a feeling of repulsion for an ugly
animal, his descriptions were often precise enough for the correct scientific
identification of the objects described. His studies of the sarus crane,
and the gestation period of the elephant, are two amongst his original
contributions, and his observations on the ecology, behaviour, etc., of
animals generally might come under the same category as 'the first records'
of modern zoological writers.
(J Ali, p. 841.
Jahangir maintained a big aviary and menagerie where he carried on

his observations, tests and experiments. His curiosity and passion for
verifying hearsay often led him to dissect objects of his hunt and to examine
the j ntcrnals. He was specially interested in the position of the gall-
bladder and never failed to verify whether this organ was situated inside
the liver or outside. It may be of interest to note that what was just a
natural curiosity for Jahangir assumed great importance some 300 years
later. From the functional and evolutionary points of view, the presence
or absence, size and position of gall-bladders in various animals formed
topics of extensive investigations during the third and fourth decades of
the present century. He was also keen to study the reproductive behaviour
of animals in captivity and recorded some interesting observations on the
breeding of the cheetah and of the tiger in captivity. Equally interesting
are his observations on the diet of the Indian python (Python lno/urus)
4which can swallow up to a hog-deer' and of the king-cobra (Ophiophagus
hannah) which was seen swallowing another cobra.
Jahangir's repute as a hunter was no less than his passion for nature,
and his records reveal astronomical figures, 3,203 mammals and 13,954
birds. The nilgai (889), and deer, antelopes, mountain goat, etc. (1,670),
among mammals, and pigeons (10,348) and crows (3,276) appeared to be
his special targets.
The two last eminent Mughal kings, Shah lahan and Aurangzcb, did
inherit the qualities of their ancestors, but not to the same extent as
Jahangir's or Akbar's.
The animals mentioned in the nlemoirs of the Moghul kings have been
listed by Ali, along with notes recorded by them. Jahangir's animals have
also been dealt with by Alvi and Rahman. Of special interest in this connec-
tion is the find of a miniature portrait of the dodo (a bird from Madagascar
now extinct) in the collection of the Institute of Orientalists of the USSR,
Acadclny of Sciences. This remarkable miniature (PI. IX), apparently drawn
from a live specimen, though unsigned and undated, bears the unInistakable
Mansur style and was probably drawn from a collection of three birds in
the possession of the East India Company's Factory at Surat where it was
observed and described by Mundy in 1628.
ANIMALS IN SAN-GAM LITERATURE OF THE TAMIL COUNTRY
The Tanlil country of the south is also rich in literature on animals

and their natural history. Raoa has dealt with the animals mentioned in
the ancient Tamil Sarigam literature. This literature was certainly spread
over a long period, which according to estimates lasted from 3000 B.C. to
A.D. 1915. NilakaIJtha Sastri (vide Rao), however, is of the view that
this literature was spread over four centuries commencing with the fourth
century A.D.
(I Rao (H. S.), pp. 251-80.
PLAn IX
MiniatUre of the -dodo and a few other birds, painted 4uriDI tho reip of Emperor
1ahaDair. (First publisbod iD lo1l1'1lll1 flir 0ntIt1tDlt7r., 19'8. Vol. 99; hloob
reeoived tbtouIh tho cOurtesy 01 Prof. Dr. Brwin Stresemamt. BerBn). See p.44t
ZOOLOGY 443
A great variety of mammals and birds and a few species of reptiles

and fishes and of arthropods have been mentioned, 'not in special treatise
dealing with their natural history, but only incidentally in the course of
descriptive accounts in verse or prose of town and country, of crowns and
kingdoms and of wars and conquest'.a Wild as well as domestic forms are
mentioned.
Among the mammals referred to, the wild beasts, viz. lion, tiger, wild
cat, bear, boar, porcupine, elephant, monkey, deer, wild cow or bull, jackal,
mongoose, hare, squirrel and rats, find mention. The domestic forms
FlO. 12. Mythological' yali " the composite beast of the Tamil country
(after Rao, 1957).
include goat, sheep, pig, cow, bull, buffalo, the beasts of burden such as
the ass, mule and horse, and the elephant, camel, dog and bitch. Mytho-
logical yali, the composite beast, also figures (Fig. 8.12).
• Rao (H. S.), pp. 2S1-SO.

The reptiles of the Sangam literature comprise the cobra, python,

tortoise and turtle, crocodile, lizard and monitor. The mythical (or freak ?)
five-headed. cobra is also referred to.
The soaring birds such as the kites (including garutja) and vulture,
domestic and jungle fowl, crow, sparrow, pigeon, parakeets, peacock, koel,
skylark, kingfishers, various kinds of owls, swan, crane and sea-gull are
also mentioned.
Only a few fishes (including the shark) are mentioned, and the only
Crustacea referred to is a crab. Ant, bee, wasp and dragon-fly and the
winged. Isoptera-the white ant or termite-and the louse among insects,
and the scorpion among other arthropods, find mention.
The descriptive account of animals in the Sangam tamil period is a
mixture of observed facts, imagination and poetic fancy, not a serious study
in a natural history. Most of the animals mentioned in this literature also
occur in the Vedic and post-Vedic literature of north India.
9 THE PHYSICAL WORLD:
VIEWS AND CONCEPTS
B. V.SUBBARAYAPPA
INTRODUCTION
IN the perspective of history, the ancient inquiries concerning the nature

of the physical world seem to have two characteristics, viz. (i) they had
almost similar types of origins and patterns of development in more than
one culture~area~ and (ii) not a few of the ancient metaphysical concepts,
though intuitive, appear to be near approximations to some of the modern
physical ideas arrived at by methods of induction, deduction and experimen-
tation. In different periods of history man, the thinker, very often turned
his attention to that elusive problem-the problem of One in Many-in
other words, to the plausible explanation of the maximum of phenomena by
the minimum of postulates. That in this way the physical world is capable
of human understanding has been the tacit premise of the ancient thinkers
and men of modern science alike. In ancient times, nevertheless, the attempt
was at a rational and knowable interpretation of the physical world and
seldom at manipulating it towards the material benefits of man. This attitude
manifested itself in different speculations or conceptual schemes and, in
the evolution of the latter, logic and deduction played a dominant role.
Even so, the world-view, as it may be called, of the ancient thinkers was
not the one which was exclusive of man himself. The knower and the
known, man and the world, the individual spirit and the cosmic spirit were
integrated in some form or the other.
In its earlier phase this man-spirit-cosmos view, indeed a wider and
richer view of the world which was prevalent in different culture-areas,
was often mixed up with mythological elements. Gradually it became
freed from its mythological shackles and acquired a rational or intellectual
foundation. It was a struggle of logos against my/hos, the former steadily
gaining ground over the latter. In so emerging the world-view assumed
another phase. It became intertwined with the philosophical system or
systems of the culture-area. In addition, now and then in the Middle
Ages, theological implications too made inroads into the otherwise rational
world-view. In the history of science the views and concepts of the physical
world coming to the fore, both intuitively and on logical grounds, should
be understood in this light. To illustrate what has been stated above the
two good examples arc the speculative inquiries of the Indians and of
the Greek~.
Let us consider the Greeks first. a, b The carly Greek thinkers attempted
for the first time to give a rational interpretation of the natural occurrences.
Some of them tackled the problem of one in many, of finding the single
'principle', 'substance' or 'essence', which could explain all the ob-
served phenomena. Thales of Miletus (c. 624-565 B.C.) thought that
water was the 'substance' or primal matter which would remain un-
changed amidst all observed modifications. Obviously he had observed
how water would change, flow without any shape or colour and undergo
a cycle of movement on earth and in air. He conjectured that there was
a substance (water) 'from which all other things came to be, it being con-
served'. That water was the primordial substance was known to the
Babylonians. But they had imagined it in a mythological setting. But
Thales of Miletus discarded the mythological element and tried to interpret
the natural happenings in the universe of matter in terms of a single sub-
stance. In consequence he became the stimulator of a SystClll of Greek
philosophy and of attempts at formulating unitary conceptions.
FolJowing on, another Milesian philosopher, Anaximander (c. 6] 1-
575 B.C.), speculated on the essential unity of matter and assulned, as the
first principle, an unlimited substance (Infinite), a qualitatively undeter-
mined eternal matter in motion (apeiron). Yet another Milesian philo-
sopher, Anaximenes, specified the concept of Anaximander by saying that
the first principle was 'air' (pneuma) with dynamic qualities (perpetual
motion). Later Anaximenes, a contemporary of Anaximander, thought
that the process of condensation or rarefaction caused transformations of
the primary substance into various others. Herac1eitus of Ephesus (c. 540-
475 B.C.) regarded 'fire' as the fundamental principle in an ingenious
way. He thought that the world was one and at the same time many.
He held that the whole world was in a flux of change, and change alone
was real. 'Fire' was representative of this change and so it was the funda-
mental principle. As against this Parmenides of E]ea in South Italy re-
garded change as illusion and introduced the concept of One.
From these unitary conceptions, each of which had its inherent defi-
ciencies to account for all the observed phenomena, a pluralistic presenta-
tion was put forward by the Sicilian philosopher Empedoc1es (c. 500-
430 n.c.). Adding 'earth' as the fourth principle, Empedocles sought
to explain the multiplicity of phenomena in tenus of earth, water, air and
fire. He called them the 'roots of the world'. He also introduced the
idea of force eternally acting on these 'roots' in a speculative way, in
terms of love and strife and held that they were responsible for all combina-
tions and separations respectively. He went a step further and main-
a Singer, pp. 8- 26. b Taton, pp. 180-98.

TIm PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS 447
tained that these 'roots' were causes of all occurrences even in macro-
cosm. Anaxagoras, a contemporary of Empedocles, assumed a number
of infinitely small 'seeds' (Aristotle called them hOllleOmeres) of infinite
variety in infinite space, subject to the action of mind or breath (nous)
which directed production, evolution and dissolution of the world. This
type of speculation reached another stage when Leucippus (fl. c. 475 B.C.)
and Democritus (c. 470-400 B.C.) postulated an atonlic view of the sub-
stance and said that atoms were of the ~ame substance, but of different
sizes and shapes. The Greek atomism, needless to add, was one of intuition.
The author of the 'Principle of Uncertainty' in modern physics,
Werner Heisenberg, in his observation on the foregoing Greek concep-
tions, remarks that 'some statelnents of ancient philosophy arc rather
near to those of nlodern science. This simply shows how far one can
get by combining the ordinary experience of nature that we have, without
doing experiments with the untiring effort to get some logical order into
this experience to understand from general principles'. According to
Heisenberg, the 'Fire' of Heracleitus corresponds to the t110dern concert
of energy, 'for energy is a substance which 1110VeS and from which all
things are nlade'. Further, he holds that as the atolns of Democritus
are devoid of qualities, havc extcnsion in space, and nlotion, the 'neutron'
of tnodern physics resembles the former. But he warns that 'this com-
parison should not be misunderstood. It may seem at first sight that
the Greek philosophers have by sonle kind of ingenious intuition camc
to the sanle or very sinlilar conclusions as we have in modern times only
after severa] centuries of hard labour with experiments and mathematics ...
There is an cnornlOUS difference between modern sciences and Greek
Philosophy, and that is just the empiristic attitude of modern science'. a
In India, the first monistic principle expressed in the J.?gl'eda Sa/lllli1ii,
the oldest literary rccord of the Vedic Age, is 'water'. Latcr in the
Upani..\'ads, in a progressive way, the doctrine of five elements took shape.
As this aspect of thc Indian world-view is discussed in the following pages,
details of the gradual unfolding of this doctrine arc not presented here.
There arc, however, noticeable differences between the EmpedocIean theory
of four elements and the Indian doctrine of the five clements. What is
important, nevertheless, is the notable commonness of attempt at reducing
the knowable phenomena into the interplay of four or five elements respec-
tively. In both, the fundamental principles like earth, water, etc., had
not only their philosophical implications but also assumed a plural
presentation. Like the Greeks, Indians also developed an atonlic theory.
The Indian atomic theory, from its simple beginnings, became a favourite
frame of protracted discussion, as will be seen later, among the Indian
speculative philosophers. Logic and causal considerations occupied a
pride of place in these discussions. Similarly, Leucippus, the originator
of the Greek atomic theory, is believed to have stated that 'Nothing occurs
a Heisenberg, pp. 58-70.

by chance, for there is a reason, a necessity for everything'. Unwavering

dependence on reason, on the relation between cause and effect shaped the
speculative inquiries of both the Greek and the Indian thinkers.
Such as they are, the speculative enquiries lay stress on one historically
important factor, namely both India and Greece developed the most
consisten t and logical theories discernibly on parallel lines. Richard
Garbe writes: 'The historical possibility of the Grecian world of thought
being influenced by India through the medium of Persia must unquestion-
ably be granted, and with it the possibility of the above-mentioned ideas
being transferred from India to Greece.'a However, other scholars
like Max Muller and Paul Deussen suggest that the developments are
independent. Even so the remarkable resemblances in the Indian and
Greek theories of matter cannot be brushed aside.
In one respect the Indian speculative inquiry seems to have gone a
step ahead. It relates to what is known as the conception of 'substance'.
In the ancient period, the conception of 'substance' was a part of the
general inquiry into the intelligible reality. The two Greek thinkers, Plato
(427-347 B.C.) and Aristotle (384-322 B.C.), inquired into this aspect, and
each put forward a different conception of substance. Plato conceived
of it as the Universal Idea which, he thought, existed apart fronl the things
of the world. Aristotle imagined it as potentiality with no independent
existence. He enunciated that matter was potential and form was actual.
He thought that the Empedoclean 'elements' were different aspects of
primary matter (protyle) in which all the knowable forms of matter were
potentially contained. b The Aristotelian conception of substance, with
some modifications, fonned the basis for interpreting the phenomena
even till the beginnings of modern science (about seventeenth century
A.D.). The point worthy of noting is that both in medieval Europe which
inherited Aristotelian philosophy and in India which developed on its
own a number of systems of inquiry, the conception of substance received
considerable attention.
Of special interest is the conception of substance of the VaiJe#ka,
one of the six orthodox systems of Indian thought. The Vaise#ka concep-
tion was elaborated later by the exponents of not only the VaiSe$ika school
but also by the followers of the Nytiya, another Indian orthodox system of
thought. The Nyaya-VaiSe#ka conception of substance seems to be
unique. It includes the five elements (earth, water, fire, air and akiisa),
space and time, self and mind-nine in all. It is pluralistic presentation
consisting of the material and the non-material, the finite and the ubi-
quitous, and the conscious self as well as mind in an ingenious way. The
Nyiiya- Vajse~jka system accepts the multiple character of reality and holds
substance as one of the reals. Each of the nine, as mentioned above,
is called substance again and thus there are nine substances. All the same,
they are integrated with the generic conception of substance.
a Garbe (3), p. 38. b Taton. p. 23 J.

THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS 449
The inclusion of space, time, self and mind in this generic conception
of substance has a far greater import from the standpoint of the modern
scientific epistemology. The latter which tries to throw light on the nature
and structure of modern scientific knowledge, particularly about the physical
world, is still unable to steer clear of the conceptual inadequacies con-
cerning substance. What is substance? This question with its contest-
able character has remained still unsolved by modern scientific epistemo-
logists. This is evidenced by the vicissitudes through which the problem
of matter has passed as a result of scientific investigations in the last century
and half, viz. the law of conservation of mass, the law of conservation of
energy, the fundamental particles, wave nature of electron, energy-matter
relationship and the like.
The scientific approach takes cognizance of the 'observables' and
the associated causal mechanism; the unobservables are outside its prov-
ince. The observational procedure deliberately excludes the observer;
for the latter, the subjective element, is believed to run counter to the
objective investigation based on the scientific methods of experimentation,
mduction and deduction. The exclusion of the subjective element (i.e.
a complex mechanism involving the notion of 'I', mind, senses, nerve
Impubes and other determinants of observation) which is an integral part
of the observational procedure seems to have come in the way of arriving
at the conception of substance by the modern scientific epistemologists. The
fact is that the observer participates in the methods of observation and
necessarily the self and mind of the observer would also constitute the
determinants of observation. If the observational procedure were to lead
to the comprehension of substance or the world-stuff, it has of necessity
to be inclu5,ive of these determinants. In this respect the Nyaya-Vaise~~ika
conception of substance with its causal garment merits serious attention.
The foregoing discussion, though brief, may be kept in mind while under-
standing the different speculative inquiries of the Indian thinkers, who
have tried in their own way to present a view of the physical world, in the
history of scientific ideas.
It must be noted that the Indian physical concepts, in their origin
and ramification, have been an integral part of the Indian religio-phiJo-
sophical systems, both orthodox and heterodox. For, within the confines of
the respective philosophical positions alone the physical concepts attempt
to explain the material world. The Indian thinkers believed that the special
knowledge as contained in the different sciences was always relatively real
and gave only the glimpse of the Absolute. Real knowledge, they thought,
was necessary to realize the Absolute. Obviously towards this end they
speculated on what may be called the interrelatedness of things and the
thought processes associated with them.
MAIN LITERARY SOURCES
Even though the physical concepts of the Indian thinkers are in point
of fact bold and imaginative, strangely there are no Indian texts which
29
exclusively deal with them. Each system of Indian thought has built up
its own physical and metaphysical views. One has to go through a volu-
minous literature to locate the origin and trace the evolution of the Indian
physical concepts. The Vedic literature (the four Saf!1hitas, BriihmalJas,
Aratlyakas, Upani~ads and the Vediiligas); the PuralJas, epics and itihtisas:
the literature of the Nyaya-Vaise~ika, Safllkhya, Yoga and the Mimarrzsas;
the Buddhist and the Jaina texts; the tantrik literature; works on lyurveda
and astronomy are among the important literary sources which contain the
fundamental as well as evolved physical ideas of Indians over a long period-
perhaps stretching to about two thousand years. The literature is as
varied as it is vast; for even in the works of a particular school of thinking
the conceptual scheme relating to certain physical concepts like atomism,
space and time, presents a wide spectrum of ideas. Nevertheless, it would
be wrong to conclude that the speculations are an ensemble of dogmatic,
complex assertions. On the other hand, they are refreshingly noted
for their logical structure cast in a well conceived and rigorously balanced
causal sequence. In essence, then, they are logical postulates.
Among the main literary sources those which expound one of the
systems of Indian thought, viz. the Vaise~ika, are very important from the
point of view of the physical concepts. The Vaise~ika sutra of Kal)ada
and the Padarthadharmasarrzgraha of Prasastapada are the two principal
authorities of the Vaise$ika school. Though a gloss on the Vaise~ika sutra,
the Padarthadharmasa1Jlgraha has the characteristics of an original work.
The Vaise$ika school is supposed to have been propounded by a sage
called KaQada. Kal)ada, Kal)abhuj or KaJ)abhak~a, as he is differently
referred to, means one who eats particle or grain, indicating probably the
atomic particles; and this is attributed to the fact that Kal)ada enunciated
the essentials of an atomic theory.a The VaiSe#ka, even in its sulra form,
is very old, possibly pre-Buddhistic. b However, the origins of the Vaise~ika
sutras are obscure. There are reasons to believe that the Vaise~ika school
in its beginning was heterodox in position not taking shelter under the
umbrella of orthodox Vedic views. Later it appears to have absorbed
the Vedic concept of dharma and thus entered the orthodox fold. c Never-
theless, it is rather important to note that the Vaise~ika recognizes both
perception and inference as means of acquiring knowledge and does not
accord a pride of place to the authority of the Vedic tenets.
In its ten chapters the Vaise$ika sutra of KalJada deals with a number
of physical concepts, the most important of which afe those concerning
substance, motion, attributes, space, time and atomism. These were
developed later by a number of followers of the Vaise~ika and the Nyiiya
schools. By about the tenth century A.D. the two schools began to be
recognized by a syncretic nomenclature, the Nyaya·VaiJe~ika. The VaiJe~ika
and the Nyiiya schools developed a theory of causation known as arambha-
viida. The two significant aspects of the arambhavada are: (i) that the cause
fa Ui, pp. 4 if. b Das Gupta (S. N.), I, pp. 281-82. c Hiriyanna (2). pp. 39-40, 84.
29B
and the effect are different and (ii) that there is a continuity (siinvayata)
between the two. In this process of thinking the relation between the
li-,hole and its parts is rather interesting. The whole, when it comes into
existence, is non-existent as separate parts; for as an effect it has a new
beginning. Yet when the whole is destroyed the parts exist, and the parts
have altogether a different significance. The important physical concepts
of the Nyiiya- Vaise$ika in general and the atomism in particular are based
upon this theory of causation. a
Apart from the Vaise$ika sutra and the Padiirthadharmasal'flgraha of
Prasastapada, the other Nyiiya- Vaise~\)ika texts which contain significant ac-
counts of the Jndian physical concepts and deserve special mention are:
Nyiiya-sutra by Gautama (c. fourth century D.C.); Nyayabhii~ya by
Vatsyayana (c. fourth century A.D.); Nyaya-viirttika by Udyotakara (seventh
century A.D.); Nyayasiira by Bhasarvajfia (eighth century A.D.); Nyaya-
varttika tiitparyarika by Vacaspati Misra (ninth century A.D.); Nyiiyamaiijari
by Jayanta Bhatta (ninth century A.D.); Vyomavati by Vyomasivacarya
(c. ninth century A.D.); Kiral)iivali by Udayana (tenth century A.D.); Nyaya-
kandati by Sridhara (tenth century A.D.); Saptapadarthi by Sivaditya
(eleventh century A.D.); Nyiiyalilavatiby Vallabhacarya (twelfth century A.D.);
Nyiiyasiddhiintadipa by Sasadhara (twelfth century A.D.); Tattvacintama~i by
Gailgesa Upadhyaya (thirteenth century A.D.); Upaskiira and Ka!Ziida-
rahasya by Sankara Misra (fifteenth century A.D.); Padarthatattva nirupa1)a
by Raghunatha Siromani (sixteenth century A.D.); and Bhiisapariccheda and
Nyiiya-/nuktiivali by Visvanatha (seventeenth century A.D.).b
Of the Jaina texts, UmasvatI's Tattvarthadhigamasutra (second century
A.D.); Bhagvati Sutra (c. fourth to fifth centuries A.D.); Siddhasena Divakara's
Nyiiyiivattira (sixth century A.D.); Nemicandra's Dravyasa/J1graha (twelfth
century A.D.); Mallisena's Syiidviidamaiijari (thirteenth century A.D.) are im-
portant. Among the noted Buddhist works are Sarrzyutta Nikiiya, Dhamma-
saliga~i, Buddhagho~a's Atthasiilini and Visudhimagga (c. fifth century
A.D.); Vasubandhu's Abhidham/nakosa (fourth to sixth centuries A.D.); Abhi-
dhammamatthasafl1graha; Diilnaga's Pramii~asamuccaya and Nyayapravesa
(sixth century A.D.) and Dharmakirtti's Nyiiyabindu (seventh century
A.D.).
In this short account an attempt is made only to present a bird's-eye
view of the important physical concepts of the Indian thinkers as contained
in the literary sources. Perhaps it would have been appropriate if a period-
wise presentation of these concepts and conceptual schemes was attempted
bringing to the fore at the same time their originators. In the present
state of knowledge it is feared that such an attempt may result in historically
tantalizing inaccuracies. In view of this, what follows is a broad historical
outline of the significant views and concepts of the Indians concerning the
physical world. Later, they are discussed under such heads as are relevant
to our purpose.
a Bhaduri, 4 and 12. b Gopinath, PP. 1-85.

452 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCI[NCE IN INDIA
Indian Physical Concepts in Ancient and Medieval Periods

(An Outline)
c. 2000-1500 H.C. ~gveda

Emergence of monistic idea~-Visvajyoti (cosmic light)
as principle of life, soul of all gods and the essence
behind all manifestations; rta (natural law) as tran-
scendental and unitary principle of all motions; yajna
(sacrifice) as connective dynamic principle and
nucleus of all evolution; and ap (primeval water)
as the supra-sensible first cause.
c.700 600 D.C. Upan(~adic literature

Step by ~tep evolution of the doctrine of five clements
(panca/nahiibhatas), concept~ of space and time lead-
ing to a progressive understanding of Brahman as
the Universal Spiritual Principle.
The Vajse~\'jka school

AphoristIc conceptual pre~entation relating to substance,
qualities and motion; the five elements, space and
time among the reab; atomism; the iiranlbhal'ada as
a theory of causation to include phenomenal knowl-
edge.
c. 600- 200 B.C. BtuJdhisrn and Jainisfn

New approach to the problem of matter and motion.
The Carvaka school

Direct perception as the only means of knowledge;
acceptance of the theory of four clements (earth,
fire, water and air). .
c. 200 U.C.--A.D. 400 Systenlat;c jorrl'lu/ations of the Vai~~e~'iika, Nyiiya,

Mirna/!Isa and Sii,?lkhya.
Integrated view of substance; examination of the means
of knowledge; the real and the unreal about space,
time and sound.
The Jaina and the Bauddha literature

Atomism finding new adherents among the Jainas;
the doctrine of momentariness of the Bauddhas
and the problem of matter; atoms and qualities as
force; space and time in relation to matter and
atoms.
c. A.D. 400-1200 Conlmentaries on orthodox and heterodox original works

Doctrine of elements finding newer interpretations;
fresh ideas about atom, space and time according
to some Bauddha and the Jaina schools; atoms-
dyads-triads, motion. heat, light and sound finding
elaborate expressions at the hands of commentators
of the Nytiya-VaHe..\ika and the A-fifniif!lSa schools
within the meaning of the original notion; concepts
of pilupiika and pi{harapiika; sense-contact theory
of perception of objects; vicw~ on production. de-
struction and eternality of sound.
c. A.D. 1200- 1800 Rise and spread of neo-Iogic (na1'Ya nyiiya) in eastern
India
Physical concepts becoming intertwined with the theory
of knowledge and kindred logical questions; new
meanings of ~pace. time and atonlism in relation to
the Suprcme.
UNIVERSAL CONCEPTIONS
COSMIC LIGHT, ffTAM AND YAINA
To start with, it is rather necessary to make a brief reference to certain

universal conceptions which are found in the Vedic literature. A striking
fcature of the ~Kreda is its attempt to discover the essence or the power
that is behind all manifestations. a I n this respect the conception of
cosmic energy or cosmic light as dealt with in the ~gveda deserves specia I
mention. The unmanifested is cosmic energy, and the manifested is cosmic
light. The latter is referred to as Visvajyoti, which is a positive unitary
principle, pure and sublime. In fact, the Vedic gods and their functional
attributes are to be understood in terms of cosmic light. The ~gveda
says that gods worship the cosmic light as the principle of life and lon-
gevity, and that the cosmic light is the 'soul of all gods' and the 'womb'
of all created things. b Aditi, which means the boundless or the unbounded
and which according to the ~gveda is the substratum (pure consciousness
of infinite existence) of all that is here and beyond, is the Light-Infinite. c
Gods who are born of Aditi are manifestations of the Infinite Light. Later
in the Upani$ads, Brahman is referred to as the Self-Luminous Light. d
'He is the light of lights and the whole world is illuminated with His light.'
'Thousands of Suns pale into nothingness before this Divine Light.'
II Hiriyanna (I), p. 39. c Aurobindo, pp. 464 ff.

" ~V., I, J13.1. d MUfJrI. Up., II, 20.10.
In consonance with the conception of cosmic light is that of cosmic

law, which is known as rta. The all-pervading light, Aditya or Siirya,
is extolled as the dweller in eternal (Law) and, eventually, the eternal law
itself. a Surya sheds his light according to fta and he is the face of rta. b
J!.ta means 'the course of things', order or law which is the primal principle,
non-temporal and cohesive. It is a natural law which even the Vedic
gods had to follow. Gods are often described in terms of 'guardians
of rta' and 'practisers of rla'.c Figuratively it is stated that 'Gods chant
the song of rta. d, The natural phenomena, such as the flow of
rivers, change of seasons, day and night, are stated to be in accordance
with this naturallaw. 6 Symbolically rta was also conceived by the ~gvedic
seers as Varu~a who was supposed to have determined the laws of the
physical universe. The J!.gveda says that it is because of rta, Indra 'lights
up and energizes the whole world', and that' the appearance of u~')as and
its illumination of the universe are in conformity with rta'.! In addi-
tion, all the phenomena which occur in cycles are stated to be controlled
by rta. In short, rta is a unitary active principle present everywhere and
in everything. As eternal order, it is transcendental signifying uniformity
of nature or an ordered course in a cosmic sense. The ~gvedic seers
were convinced that nature is not heterogeneous as it seems to us, and that
all types of natural motions are traceable to fta which, according to them,
is self-existent and ever extending.
Whitehead rightly observes: 'In the first place there can be no
living science unless there is a widespread instinctive conviction in the
existence of an order of things and in particular of an order of nature. 'g
The Vedic people had the instinctive conviction in the natural order. They
thought of the external world as an ordered whole and that its dynamic or
changing phenomena were regulated by rta. In the ~gveda, therefore,
everything is extolled as beautiful and brilliant, for there is no place for
chaos and ugliness in the orderly universe. Probably in no other contem-
porary literature of the ~gvedic time was there such a conception of natural
law.
Intimately connected with rta is another monistic principle of the
JMveda, viz. yajifa or the act of sacrifice. Yajna is referred to as the navel
of the universe (visvanlibhi) round which the latter turns, and as the uni-
fying principle which expands and contracts in accordance with the happen-
ings in the universe. For, the ~gvedic seers believed that yajita is the
instrument for preserving the cycle of cosmic events in harmony. Yajiia
is praised as 'rtasya dhtima and ,tasya sadano' (the abode of rta).h The
act of yajna is for the protection of rta. Yajna has the connotation of
dynamism., too, for it is 'that which expands with the world, and dissolves
Q ~V., IV, 40.5. t ~V., IV, 3.8-12; V, 80.1.

b }J.V., VI, 39.5; 51.1. f .8V., III, 61.7.
e ~V., It 23.S. , Whitehaed, p. 4.
eI ~V., I, 147.1. h JJv., J, 43.9.
nIB PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS 455
with the world into the creator'. It is thus conceived as a connective

dynamic principle in the manifested world, a nucleus (nabhi) of all evolu-
tion and thus the protector and nourisher of the universe.
Perhaps the highest monistic level was reached by the Vedic thinkers
when they thought of a unitary world-ground encompassing the being and
the non-being, the living and the non-living. The famous hymn of creation,
called the Niisadiya Sukta in the tenth Ma1}(lala of the ~gveda,a speaks
of water as the supra-sensible First Cause or the primeval world-ground;
and water is the first 'element' to be conceived in this manner, without
any mythological association. 'Then there was neither Aught nor Nought,
nor air nor sky beyond; what covered all? Where tested all? In watery
gulf profound? •.. The ONE breathed calmly, self-contained; nought else
beyond it lay. Gloom hid in gloom existed first-One sea, eluding view.'
The foregoing are among the important universal speculations con-
cerning energy (visvajyoti), motion (rtam and yajiia) and the primordial stuff
of the world (water), appearing in perhaps the most ancient literature of
its type in the world. The fact of great significance is that these concep-
tions were the result of a desire to know the world as a whole-a desire
so characteristic of the thinkers of the Vedic period as stated in the fol-
lowing ~gvedic mantra: 'Give sight to our eyes, sight to our bodies so that
they can see. May we see the world as a whole, may we see it in detail.'b
THE DOCTRINE OF FIVE ELEMENTS
The universal conceptions, as mentioned above, laid the foundations

for newer formulations. again wholistic in nature and structure. One
such formulation was the doctrine of five elements to aecount for the
apparently unordered, diverse world of matter and qualities. Known as
Paiicabhutas (mahiibhutiini) , the five elements are: prthvi, ap, tejas, viiyu
and iiklisa. These may, for purposes of understanding, be designated
respectively as earth, water, fire, air and a non-material uniquitous sub..
stance. But it must be noted that the five elements have a wider connota-
tion and significance than the familiar earth, water, fire or air. Moreover
the corresponding words in English cannot be deemed as being the proper
equivalents. It is, therefore, essential to bear in mind the Sanskrit terms
wherever the seemingly corresponding words in English are used to
denote them. Further, each element has to be understood in relation to
the other four. In other words, the doctrine of five elements should be
viewed in its totality.
The fivefold character of the doctrine gradually assumed shape out
of simpler conceptions. As stated before, primeval water is the first ele-
ment in the Indian speculation. Later in the Brhadara1;Zyaka Upani$ad,c
it is stated: 'In the beginning this world was just water.' The Chiindogya,d
CI ~v., X, 129. b 8V., X, 158.4. C' Brh. Up., v, 5.1. d Chand. Up., VII, 10.
gives an account of the World-stuff as follows: 'It is just water solidified,

that is the earth,-the atmosphere,-the sky,-the gods-and men,-
beasts and birds,-grass and trees,-animals together with worms,-flies
and ants; all these are just water solidified.' In Kau~'ijitaki,a it is explicitly
stated that 'the waters, verily indeed are my (Brahma's) world'. A
clear and evolutionary development of the three elements in this order:
water, fire, and tikiisa, occurs again in the Chiindogya Upani$ad, in a
series of assertions relating to a progressive understanding of Brahman
as the Universal Soul which is the main current of the Upani~adic thought.
The Chiindogya also states that 'Brahman, desiring to be many, created
tejas (fire), ap (water) and k$iti (earth), and entered into these three'.
Besides, there are a number of passages in the Upani~adic literature
dealing with the elements step by step towards a unitary conception. The
Taittiriya states: 'From this Soul (otman), verily, (iikosa) arose; from
iikiisa, wind (viiyu); from wind, fire (agni); from fire, water (ap); from water,
the earth; from the earth, herbs; from herbs, food; from food, semen;
from semen, the person (puru~')a)'b while the Aitareya thinks of the five ele-
ments in relation to Brahman, the concept of five elements occurs in the
Taittiriya, Aitareya and Mailri Upani.yads. In the Maitriit is explicitly stated
that 'the three-quartered Brahman has its root above, its branches arc
likiisa, vayu, tejas, ap and prthvi'. c
The Indian doctrine of five elements, it must be emphasized, is a part
of the philosophical ideas. In other words, it does not have an inde-
pendent standing apart from its being an integrated component of the
leading systems of Indian thought. Among the six orthodox systems
(so-called because of their acceptance of the Vedic texts) the Siif!lkhya,
Nytiya and the Vaise#ka have laid special emphasis on the five elements.
The Jaina, Bauddha and the Carvuka schools recognize only the first four
elements.
StiflJkhya
The classical Siif?1khya has the following enumeration:
prakrti-puru$a
I
mahan (consciousness)
I
I
aharikiira (ego) five tann1iitras
I
monas (mind)
I
I
I
I
ten indriyas
I
five bhiitas (elements).
• Kaul. up., I, 7. b Taitt. Up., II, 2.1. C Mail. Up., III, 1-2; VI,4.
In this enumeration of totality the five tanmiitras and the corresponding

five elements are of special significance. The tanmiitra is considered to be
invisible and eternal while the corresponding elements, the produced ones,
are not eternal. It is rather difficult to define exactly the lanmatras. Per-
haps they share the characteristics of both mind and matter, and they seem
to represent the very core of the element in the finest state, possibly with
the inherent power of affecting the respective senses.
The origin of the concept of tanmiitra can be found in some of the
later Upani$ads. In the Prasna Upani~'ijad,a the subtle states are called
prthvi-matra, apo-miilra and the like. The Mailri Upani.yad mentions
the word tanmiitra in the same context. It can be conjectured that these
Upani~adic ideas might have influenced the later exponents of the
SiifJ1khya school to explain the evolution of the gross matter from the
primary tanmtitras.
The generation of the gross matter (in tcrms of the five elements) out
of the tann1iitras is as follows: b
From sabda (sound) tanm(jtras emergcs iikti.~a
From sabda and spar.~a (touch) viiyu (air)
From sabda, sparsa and rupa tejas (light)
(colour)
From sabda, sparsa, rapa and ap (water)
rasa (taste)
From sabda, sparsa, rupa, rasa prthvi (earth)
and gandha (odour)
The elements have the following attributes: iiktisa (sound); viiyu (sound
and touch); teias (sound, touch and odour); ap (sound, touch, colour and
taste); and prthvi (sound, touch, colour, taste and odour). There are two
noteworthy aspects in this scheme: (i) the attributes are based upon the
five senses; and (ii) the five elements are thought of in relation to these
attributes. This integrated concept, therefore, includes the sensorial and
the gross. The subtle are the tanmiitras which have potential power of
affecting the sense and the gross are the five elements corresponding to
the five senses. The subtle ones, presumably, have been conceived as the
ground for the five gross forms.
According to the SiifJ1khya, all gross things are formed by the grouping
and regrouping of the five elements. The noticeable differences among
substances are due to the different types of collocations or groupings. It
may be noted that the SiifJ1khya holds that there can be no production of
a thing which is non-existent previously, in tune with its theory of causa-
tion known as the satkiiryaviida. In this view, the production means a change
in the arrangement and that which is potentially present or the unmanifest be-
comes manifest-a sort of a 'continual transformation (parifJiima)'. The
five elements play their role in this transformation.
• PraJ. Up., IV, 8. b SK., 38.

The SlJfllkhya doctrine of the five elements did influence a great deal
in the development of certain concepts of the Ayurveda, the principal Indian
medical system. For, the lyurveda has adopted the principles of Sarrzkhya
with certain modifications, bestowing special importance on the five elements
and their role even in the physiological processes. a
According to the lyurveda, the world consisting of the inorganic as well
as the organic is formed out of the five elements. Even the substances which
are used as medicines are, as a rule, composed of five elements. The indriya
or the sensory organ has in it the five elements; only the particular indriya
will have one element in greater proportion and the other four in relatively
smaller proportions. The human body is considered as a combination of
the five elements and soul.
In the Susruta SafJthitii b there is a clear exposition of the way in which
the five elements constitute a human body from its very conception. The
embryo which has in it the energetic principles is separated into form by
viiyu. The tejas transforms the embryo. The ap bhata maintains its moist
structure, while the prthvi tries to give shape and size to it, and keep it intact
by contributing hardness to it. Akiisa offers expanse to the embryo and
develops it. Thus comes into play the body or sarira on account of the five
elements.
The Ayurveda recognizes five types of substances, viz. iikiisiyadravya,
viiyaviyadravya, taijasadravya, iipyadravya and piirthivadravya. c It should
be emphasized that, according to the Ayurvedic concept, each of the five
types of gross bodies contains the particular element in greater proportion
while the other four are also present in it, of course, in minute but different
proportions.
The five elements are also associated with the formation of the six
rasas, viz. madhura (prthvi+ap); amla (tejas+prthvi); lavalJa (ap+tejas);
tikta (akasa + viiyu); kafu (tejas+ vliyu); and ka$iiya (prthvi+ vayu). d Yet
it should not be understood that the corresponding two elements alone
constitute a particular rasa; only these two are predominant in it while
the other three would also enter into its composition. Thus is maintained
the wholistic nature of the doctrine of five elements.
The Silfltkhya enumeration of the five elements should be viewed in
the light of the SaflZkhya thought-structure itself. For, according to the
SlJ1fZkhya, the material universe emanates out of prakrti which is conceived
to be the 'rootless root of the universe'. It is believed to be unmanifest
and in a state of equilibrium with respect to the three gUlJas, viz. sattva,
raja$ and lamas. Thus, prakrti, though single, is complex. As a result
of interaction of pur~a, prakrti is imagined to unfold or evolve itself. In
this process, matter first in the subtile form and later in the gross form, owes
its origin to the three gUlJas. The gUlJas are the constituent principles
of the universe, and matter is an offshoot of the intermingling of these three
a SSe sa., 1, 4-6. C SS. SU., 41. 3-7·

b SSe Sa., 5,2. d SSe SU., 42, 3.
gutlas. The five elements are even recognized in terms of the three gu~as
in different combinations. The gUtlas, however, are not the qualities of
prakrti, nor of the elements. They are abstractions bordering on the
conception of substance. Sattva is that which is light and fine, rajas that
which is active, and tamas that which is gross and heavy. These postula-
tions obviously are intended to account for the whole variety of the uni-
verse as the substratum of change. In this process of change the gU1Jas persist,
only their modes become potent. It would appear that the Sli1J1khya be-
lieves in the indestructibility of matter and in the continual operation of
force in terms of the modes of the perpetually active gU1Jas.
THE VAlSE$lKA AND THE Nl'lYA
The VaHe~~ika and the Nyaya systems have their own assessment of
the five elements. They have given a concise and clear account of each of
the five elements as follows:
Prthvi (earth)
It is of two kinds: eternal and evanescent, eternal in the form of atoms
and evanescent in the form of products. The latter comprise many sub-
stances which are commonly perceived. The special quality of earth is
odour. The earthy products are threefold: (i) in the form of body; (ii) the
sense organ (olfactory); and (iii) objects of perception. The objects
include rocks, minerals, various kinds of stones, gems, diamond, etc. on
the one hand and vegetables, grasses, herbs, trees with their flowers and
fruits, and other types of plants. Earth possesses fourteen qualities: colour,
taste, odour, touch, number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction, dis-
junction, distance, proximity, gravity, fluidity and faculty.a
Ap (water)
Like earth, water is also of two kinds: eternal and non-eternal. It
is eternal in the form of atoms and non-eternal as products. Its products
are again threefold: (i) body; (ii) sense organ; and the (iii) object. The
body is in the region of VaruI)a. The sense organ is that of taste. The
objects exist as rivers, oceans, hails, moon and the like. The special quality
of water is taste. Its colour is white. It has also fourteen qualities: colour,
taste, touch, number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction, disjunction,
distance, proximity, gravity, viscidity, fluidity and faculty.b
Tejas (fire)
Fire, regarded as white and brilliant, is of two kinds: eternal (atoms)
and non-eternal (products). The products are also threefold: (i) body
(which belongs to the region of the sun); (ii) sense organ (visual); and
a PBh., pp. 70-71. b PBh., PP. 90-91.

(iii) objects which are of four types: earthly, heavenly, stomachic and
mineral. The earthly fire is that which is perceived ordinarily, such as
wooden fire. The heavenly is the one observed as sun, lightning and the
like. The stomachic fire is that which brings about the digestion of food.
The mineral fire exists in the form of gold and other metals. Fire has
colour as its special quality. It has in all eleven qualities: colour, touch,
number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction, distance, disjunction, proxi-
mity, fluidity and faculty. a
Vayu (air)
Air is also eternal (in the shape of atoms) and non-eternal (as pro-
ducts). The products are of four types: (i) body, existing in the region
of the Maruts (atmospheric); (ii) sense organ, pervading all over the body
(tactile); (iii) object (that which is actually perceived as air and is the sub-
stratum of tactile sensation); and (iv) breath (air in the body which moves
various fluids and secretions on account of its distinct functions). The
qualities of air are touch, number, dimension. distinctness, conjunction,
disjunction, proximity, distance and faculty. Air has motion and the
motion is transversal (tiryak). It enables the clouds to keep at rest and
also moves them from place to place. It also causes the showering of rains
and does not let the weighty substances fall to the ground. b
Aktisa
While earth, water, fire and air are considered material, the fifth ele-
ment, iikiisa, is regarded as non-material, one and all-pervading. Its
special quality is sound. The auditory organ is of aka.fa itself. Its general
qualities are: sound, number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction and
disjunction. r
It will be seen from the foregoing enumeration that all the knowable
or sensorial objects are categorized with reference to these five elements.
In fact, they are generic names signifying the respective atomic states, gross
matter, senses, the different forms and even attributes. It is interesting to
note that in the Nyiiya-VaiSe{tika classification of the five elements, there
is a significant relation between the elements and the senses. The visual,
gustatory, olfactory, tactual and auditory organs are respectively made of
fire, water, earth, air and dkiisa. The principle governing this relation
seems to be one of 'like apprehending like'. The eye apprehends colour
and colour is the specific attribute of fire element; hence eye must have
in it the fire element. Likewise tongue apprehends taste and taste is the
specific attribute of water; hence the element composing the tongue is
water and so on. However, the principle of 'like apprehending like'
seems to find its limitation with reference to the internal organ, namely
manos. Though manas experiences qualities such as pleasure and pain,
• PBh., pp. 97-99. b PBh., pp. 111-13. " PBh.• pp. 143-44.
it is not made of any substance which possesses these qualities. The role
of nlanas as a substance is discussed later.
Of great importance is the fact that the Nyaya-Vaise~sjka view of the
five elements is a part of its concept of what is designated as dravya (sub-
stance). Substance is the first of the six categories. The other five are
gU~la (attribute), karma (action), siinuinya (generality), vise~a (particu-
larity) and samavaya (inherence).a These six categories, it is emphasized,
arc not subjective notions, nor are they necessities of thought. In the
Nyii)'a-Vaise~'ika scheme they are the feals, and a knowledge of them is the
knowledge of reality.
Substance is considered to be the most important, as it is the sub-
stratum (iisraya) fOf the others. It is of nine types: (i) pr/hvi (earth); (ii) ap
(water); (iii) tejas (fire); (iv) VQYu (air); (v) iikiisa; (vi) dis (space); (vii)
kala (time); (viii) ii/mii (self); and nlanas (mind).b The salient features
of the Nytiya- Vai~~e~\'ika conception of substance i~ shown on the following
page. In this plural presentation, the finite and material (prlhlll, ap, tejas
and vtiyu), the non-material and the ubiquitous (iikiisa, dis and kiila), and
the conscious self (ii/Ina) as well as mind (nlanas) have been integrated in
a rational way. The self is a generic title and includes the individual
selves. It possesses all-pervasive character and hence has the highest
dimension without any motion. Mind, the internal organ, is capable of
bringing about cognition, pleasure, pain and the like. I t aids self, of course,
with the help of the sense organs. Mind is considered to be atomic without
any specific quality and is believed to possess motion as it cognizes objects
instantaneously. Both self and mind are essential for experience-one
having consciousness and the notion of 'I', the other not having con-
sciousness, yet nourishing the notion of 'I'.
The foregoing nine substances of the Nyiiya-Vaise~flika focus an inte-
grated view on the world-stuff or substance in an ingenious way. It will
be observed that this conception of substance is inclusive of the attributes
also. For, it is stated that the attributes cannot exist apart from the sub-
stance; they inhere in the latter. Yet the substance is not identical with
or togetherness of its qualities. In this respect the Nyiiya-Vaise~ika differs
from the SafJ1khya and also the Buddhist view on matter.
ATOMISM
One of the most noteworthy Indian physical concepts is atomism.
Perhaps it may not be proper to consider this concept chemical or physico-
chemical for the reason that the Indian atomism is one of speculation,
based on causal consideration. When the atoms, the primordial stuff
of the world, unite to form the gross bodies, the process seems to be a physical
one strictly following a plausible causal mechanism. In this manner the
Nyaya-Vaise$ika, the Jaina and the Bauddha schools have expounded
G YS.,I. 1.7. II YS., I, 1.4.

TABLE
Different types of substances and their attributes ~

0\
N
prthvi ap tejas l"ayu iikdsa kala dis iitman manas
eternal in eternal in eternal in eternal in eternal and eternal and eternal and eternal and eternal and
atomic state atomic state atomic state atomic state one one one plural plural
corporeal corporeal corporeal corporeal ubiquitous ubiquitous ubiquitous ubiquitous corporeal
principle of principle of principle of principle of principle of - >
("')
olfactory organ gustatory visual tactile auditory 0
organ organ organ organ Z
("')
(limited by Cii
ttl
the air-hole)
:c
specific specific specific specific specific - - (;i
quality- quahty- quality- quality- quality- d
~
odour taste colour touch sound ~
14 qualities: 14 qualities: II qualities: 9 qualities: 6 qualities: 5 qualities: 5 qualities: 14 qualities: 8 qualities: 0
"'T1
colour, colour, colour, touch, sound, number, number, cognition, number, tn
taste, taste, touch, number, number, dimension, dimension, pleasure, dimension, (')
odour, touch, number, dimension, dimension, distinctness, distinctness, pain,
r;
distinctness, z
touch, number, dimension, distinctness, distinctness, conjunction conjunction desire, conjunction, n
~
number, distinctness, distinctness, conjunction, conjunction and and aversion, disjunction,
dimension, dimension, conjunction, disjunction, and disjunction disjunction effort, priority,
Z
distinctness, conjunction, disjunction, proximity, disjunction virtue, posteriority Z
conjunction, disjunction, distance, distance 0
vice, and faculty 5=
disjunction, distance, proximity, and faculty,
distance, proximity, fluidity faculty number,
proximity, gravity, and faculty dimension,
gravity, viscidity, distinctness,
fluidity and fluidity and conjunction
faculty faculty and
disjunction
(The five generic qualities: number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction and disjunction common to all the substances)
their atomic concepts. The word used for atom is a~u or paramiilJu.
Each school has conceived of a~u or paranta'.lu as a logical necessity to
explain the physical world in furtherance of its own philosophical ideas.
THE N~'lYA.J/AISE.)IKA ATOMISM
The Vaise,#ka, Nyliya and the later syncretic Nyliya-Vaise~ika ex-

ponents are noted for their logically-structured atomism. a, tI, C The
concept of avayavin (whole) and avayava (constituent part) has shaped the
atomic theory of the Nyliya- Vaise,#ka. As stated before, the substance is
considered to be of nine types. Among them, the first four, viz. earth, water,
fire and air, are considered to be atomic. The atom is indestructible (i .e.
eternal), indivisible and without any magnitude. Each element has its
own class of atoms with particular attributes. However, all the atoms
are regarded as spherical. The four kinds of atoms possess specific attri-
butes as follows: earthy atom has odour, airy atom-touch, watery atom-
taste, and fiery atom-colour. By these particular attributes the atoms are
capable of being differentiated, Le. qualitatively.
Constructively, it is the atoms that produce matter of visible magni-
tude. The process is logically thought of as follows. According to the
Nyaya- Vaise~ika, atoms are in eternal motion. As a result, there always
exists a possibility of combination of any two like atoms, i.e. atoms of
the same physical substance. It is, however, presumed that the combina-
tion takes place in the presence of atoms of the other substance or sub-
stances also. The two like atoms are the material causes for the combina-
tion while the other types of atoms are considered to play the role of sup-
portive atoms. Two unlike atoms, Le. an atom of earth and an atom of
water cannot, it is stated, enter into combination.
The effect of the combination of the two like atoms goes by the name
of dyad (dvyaIJuka).d The dyad is also suprasensible as well as infinitesimal
even though it is formed out of two atoms. The magnitude of the dyad
is stated to be derived from the number two only. The question is: Why
is it that only two atoms combine to begin with? Atom is so minute that
it cannot be a causative component in such a way that it contributes to
the magnitude of the product. Minuteness, in other words, cannot contri-
bute to grossness. The atomic magnitude is of the minutest order. Conse-
quently it can only impart a magnitude which would still be in the same
order of minuteness. This means that the magnitude of a dyad is not
superior to that of the two atoms which produce the former. Hence
the conclusion that the magnitude of a dyad must be derived from the
number of atoms only. Logically the minimum number of atoms that
can be causative is two and hence the first product is a dyad.
In the atomism of the Nyliya- Vaise#ka, the dyad, as stated before, is not
considered as gross matter. In other words, it is invisible. The minimum
II Bhaduri, pp. 55-81. c Keith (4), pp. 10-17.

b Mishra (D.) (0, pp. 64-159. a Mishra (U.) (I), PP. 116-17.
visible is a triad, designated as trasare~u or trya~ukaa (of the size of a mote in

sunbeam). A triad is formed out of three dyads. Nevertheless, the triad
is not formed directly from six atoms which constitute the three dyads which
are recognized as the internlediates between the primordial atoms and the
triad. The atoms as well as the dyads are considered as not having any ex-
tension in themselves. In addition, they do not possess magnitude on a gross
scale. These two concepts mean then that the gross magnitude of the triads
is not due to atoms or the inter-dyadic space, but is due to the plurality of
dyads. The minimum standard for plurality is again logically three.
Hence at least three dyads are required for the production of the minimum
gross matter. Dyads numbering more than three can also enter into union.
For example, four dyads can combine to form a product, a tetrad.
As stated earlier, the atoms (six or eight in number) cannot directly
form a triad or tetrad (caturafJuka) as the case may be. For, it is argued
by the Nyiiya-Vaise~'ika that a thing of gross magnitude is formed by those
which are themselves products. Atoms are eternal, and if they were to
produce a gross substance like a triad directly, the process would go on
and the resultant would also be eternal. But the experience is to the
contrary. This anomaly can therefore be overcome by postulating that the
dyads, which are the products of atoms and which are neither eternal nor
indestructible, constitute the triad, tetrad and so on. Thus atoms play
only one role, i.e. the production of a dyad. They do not have yet another
role to play, i.e. to produce in addition a triad directly.
The atomism of the Nyiiya-Vaise~fjika is noted for its strict adherence
to the principle of causality. Atoms are the material cause for a dyad, the
effect; the dyads are the cause for the production of a triad which is again an
effect. The atoms lose their causal efficiency after the triad comes into
existence. In this way, the chain of formation of gross bodies can be
maintained. The cause in each case brings about the effect, but is imme-
diately absorbed into the latter which in turn performs the functions of a
cause to continue the sequence. In dyads the two like atoms do exist;
only they are devoid of their causative functions. In other words, their
activities as atoms are exhausted.
Further the Nytiya- Vaise$ika atomism has a rational explanation
for the presence of different qualities in a single substance. A triad of
earth possesses various qualities because of the presence of different types
of atoms, say of fire or water. Besides, the structural arrangement (vyuha)
of a triad, it is said, confers the observed properties on the substance.
Why do the primordial atoms unite and produce gross matter? The
explanation given by the Vaise$ika is that there is what may be designated
as the unseen (adr~la) which sets off this process. Adr$/a as an unseen force,
then, is the efficient cause of the world while atoms are its material cause.
It is now fairly certain that the atomic views of the Vaise~ika school
were in existence even in the pre-Buddhist period. In course of time the
• Mishra (U.) (l), pp. 114-16.

Vaise~ika atomism was developed by a number of its adherents. Among

them PraSastapada, Udyotakara, Vacaspati Misra, Uday~a, 8ridhara,
Jayantabhatta, SaIikara Misra and Raghunatha Siromal}i threw fresh light
on this mode of thinking. The atomism had its powerful opponents, too.
The great Sankaracarya (c. eighth century A.D.) opposed the atomic views
in unequivocal terms. Yet even in the late middle ages the atomism was
very popular among the learned and continued to enjoy a considerable
following. Even the followers of the Purva-Mfma1J1sa school, like Prabha-
kara (probably late seventh century A.D.) and Kumarila (c. eighth century
A.D.), subscribed to the atomic theory of the Nyiiya-Vaise#ka. In fact,
Prabhakara introduced the problem of part and whole (avayava-avayavi) and
recognized atoms as the material cause. In the history of science the
Vaij~e~ika atomism seems to have gone almost unnoticed while the Greek
atomism of Leucippus and Democritus (about fifth century n.c.) has earned
its due position.
The N)'iiya-Vaise~ika and Greek Atomic Views

The Vaise~ika atomism differs from the Greek atomism in conception as
well us formal details. In the Greek atomism, both atoms and void are real.
The atoms have different sizes and shapes, and they constitute the physi-
cally indivisible building materials of the universe. Moreover, the atoms
are held to be in perpetual motion; and thus motion and void are equally
real. This idea is not found in the Nyaya-Vaise~ika atomism. While
the atoms of the Greeks have quantitative differences, those of the Vaise~ljika
are noted for their qualitative differences. As mentioned already, there
are four classes of atoms corresponding to earth, fire, water, and air, each
class of atoms having different specific qualities. Furthermore, while Demo-
critus considers that atoms are in eternal motion, the Vaise~'ika believes
that they are not in such a state of motion. Only the free atoms at the
time of creation are recognized to be in motion. Above all, Democritus
thinks of soul to be composed of atoms and seeks to explain the life pro-
cesses in terms of atoms. The Nyiiya-Vaise~ika, on the other hand, re-
gards soul to be non-material and hence not being composed of atoms. The
non-material conscious soul is not explained in terms of material un-
conscious atoms. Besides, there is in Greek atomism a sort of mechanical
conception of the universe, while such a view is totally absent in the Nyiiya-
Vaij~e~ika atomism. The Vaise#ka concepts of adr~la, iikasa, atomic
dimension, dyad, triad and the like do not have their parallels in the Greek
atomic views. a
Now a question arises: historically is the atomism of the VaiJe~ika
earlier than that of the Greeks? As mentioned earlier, the VaiJe$ika
school is pre-Buddhistic. b It is reasonable to suppose, therefore, that the
Vaise~ika atomism has its claims for antiquity. But it is very difficult to
a Subbarayappa (1), p. 127. b Kuppuswamy Sastry, p. xviii.

30
say how far the Greeks were influenced by the Indian atomism against their
philosophical convictions. All that can be said with a fair degree of cer-
tainty, based on the available evidence, is that the concept of atom is a
product of an intuitive mind imbued with a spirit of free inquiry. The
Indian and the Greek thinkers were intuitive and indulged in free inquiry.
Therefore, the two atomisms might have originated independently of each
other.
The Jaina Atomism

The two heterodox systems, the Jaina and the Bauddha, have devel-
oped also an atomism, each in its own way and structurally different from
that of the Nyiiya-Vaise#ka. The Jaina thinkers discard the doctrine of
part-whole of the Nyiiya-Vaise$ika. In addition, they maintain that
atom is both cause and effect-a view totally at variance with that of the
Nyiiya-Vaise#ka. For, the latter asserts unequivocally that atoms are
the material cause of the world. In the Jaina view, the world is not mere-
ly a changing phenomena but is beginningless and endless. 1t is said to
be composed of two principal categories: jiva (the living) and ajlva (the
non-living). The latter comprises dharma, adharma, iikiisa, pudgala and
kala. Each of them (except kala) is known as astikiiya, Le. that which
exists and has pervasiveness, and occupies space or pradesa. A pradesa
is part of iikiisa occupied by the ultimate particle called GlJU or paramii~lu
(atom). The Bhagavatfsutra defines paramiilJu as that which cannot be
cut or divided. a The atom is also conceived to be the subtlest particle,
without any parts, even though with reference to its bhiiva (condition) its
capacity is said to change in relation to colour, taste, smell and touch.
The Jaina atom appears also to be in the nature of a point with reference
to k$etra or field, and momentary with reference to kala or time.
Pudgala is that which undergoes transformations by combinations
(pud = to combine) and dissociations (gala = to dissociate). It is said to
possess five kinds of colour (black, blue, red, yellow and white), eight
types of touch (soft, hard, heavy, light, cold, hot, smooth and rough), five
tastes (bitter, pungent, acidic, sweet and astringent) and two different odours
(fragrance and its opposite).b According to Kundakundacarya, pudga/a
is that which can be experienced by the five senses and has forms or states.
The two recognized states of pudgala are atomic (atlu) and aggregate
(skandha). Amrtacandasuri recognizes six kinds of modifications of
pudgala, viz. biidara-biidariih, biidariib, biidara-suk$ma, suk$mabiidara, silk~r;ma
and sQk~ma-suk$ma.c
The Jaina thinkers believe that two or more atoms combine to produce
an aggregate. The latter is called skandha, and the physical world is a
mahiiskandha. A skandha may contain two or more atoms. I t may also
be formed by the dissociation of large skandhas. While the atom is abso-
CI Bhag. SU., 10.5.570. b Mishra (U.) (2), I, p. 317. (' Mishra (U.) (2), I, pp. 3J7-20.
30B
THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIE\VS AND CONCEPTS 467
lute and without beginning, the skandha is not absolute and beginningless.
Two a1Jus produce a dvipradesa (a skandha). Similarly a tripradesa skalldha,
caturpradesa skandha and so forth are thought of. According to the
Jainas there are also skandhas with countable units (saf!lhatapradesika),
uncountable units (asal.nkhyiitapradesika), infinite units and in finite-fold
combinations. Further, with reference to vibration and non-vibration,
there are varieties of skandhas according as the component atoms vibrate,
non-vibrate, partly vibrate and partly non-vibrate.
The atoms combine because of their inherent attributes, viz. snigdha
(attractive force), rak~a (repulsive force) and even snigdhatva-ruk~atva
(attractive-cum-repulsive force). These two attributes are natural to or
inherent in the atoms as well as the skandhas. This is in contradistinction
to the concept of adr${a of the Nyiiya-Vaise$fka. According to Umasvati,a
combination of similar or dissimilar atoms occurs when there is a difference
of at least two units of snigdha or ruk$a. In other words, the atoms can-
not combine if they do not have sufficient degree of snigdha or ruk~f)a; nor
would they combine when they are of equal degree. Likewise, two similar
types of atoms (say, those which have cohesive forces) cannot enter into
combination. In a refreshing approach, the Jaina appears to hold the
view that a combination means the coming into play of the cohesive and re-
pulsive forces which are natural to the atoms.
Further, each atom is said to possess the attributes (bhiivas) of touch,
taste, odour and colour, even so potentially; for pudga/a, composed as it is
of atoms, possesses these attributes. According to the Jaina view, these
four qualities associated as they are with what is called vyavahiira para-
,niilJu in contradistinction to the indivisible sak~ma paramiilJu, are also
capable of being divided. While the atoms of the Nyiiya-Vaise~')ika differ
from one another qualitatively, the Jaina atoms are all similar without
any qualitative or quantitative differences. In short, they are of one class
without any distinction such as, earth-atom, water-atom, etc., like those
of the Nyaya- Vaise$ika. Thus every atom is capable of producing any
colour, odour, taste and touch. However, it is believed that, in relation to
the attribute of a skandha, the corresponding atoms may have attributes
also.
The atom, according to the Bhagavatisutra, b is endowed with one
colour (black, blue, red, yellow or white), one taste (bitter, sour. astrin-
gent, acidic or sweet), one smell (pleasant or unpleasant) and two touches
(cold and cohesive, warm and cohesive, cold and dry or warm and dry).
However, the atom is not considered to be heavy or large, but light (aguru-
/aghu) in its own state. There is no matter lighter than atom. C The at-
tributes are present in every atom to an equal extent, participating in trans-
formations and aggregations. It is of interest to note that the Jaina thinkers
do not regard the aggregate (skandha)as a new substance, but as a special form
of the aggregation of atoms which are infinite in number. A noteworthy
a TSu. Bh., 5. 23. b Bhag. Su., 20, 5.668. C Bhag. Su., 25. 4.740.
aspect of the transformation is that, as atoms are devoid of shape, no

transformation with reference to shape is possible. Evidently the atoms
experience increase or decrease in their attributes. There could be infinite
groups of transformations even though there are admittedly (5 X 5 X 2 X 4)
two hundred basic such groups.a In the Jaina view the atom is not
always active. It sometimes vibrates or revolves itself in a regular (samita)
or irregular (aniyamita) way. The motion of atom when it proceeds from
one point of space to another is considered to take place in a straight line.
Some of the Jaina texts like the Bhagavatisutra, Pannavana and Sthananga
sutra discuss in considerable detail the vibration of the atom from the
point of view of time, its dissociation from skandha, resistance encountered
in its activity and the like.
It would appear that the Jaina concept of pudgala and of atoms is
a well-knit part of the religious speculation; for, the Jaina believes that karma
is also composed of subtle particles of matter and that these particles find
their path into the soul which, as a result, becomes corrupt. Jiva is be..
lieved to take in such pudga/as as are productive of karma. And Jaina
thinkers have given an elaborate account of how the karmapudgalas flow
into jiva and how soul and atom can exist together in one space-point.
It is even pointed out that wherever there is an atom, there are one wlit of
dlzarmiistikiiya and one unit of adhanniistikiiya. In understanding the
Jaina atomism these aspects have to be kept in view.
The most important aspect of the Jaina view of matter, however, is
that matter exists eternally and does not remain in the atomic state as if
to signify the beginning or to mark the end. This means, then, that the Jaina
atoms represent a stage in the natural process. ]n other words, they are not
the ultimates of gross matter. The Jaina atom, in addition, is a deter-
minant of the period of time according as it experiences motion from one
point in aktisa to the immediate next point.
The Bauddha Atomism

There does not seem to be any account of atomism in the old canon-
ical Buddhist works. The four principal Buddhist schools are: Vaibha#ka
and Sautrantika (belonging to the Hinaytina sect), the Yogticiira and the
Miidhyamikti (belonging to the Mahayana sect). The Madhyamika school
does not subscribe to the reality of matter. The Yogaciira also declares
that the external world is not real. Hence both these schools are opposed
to the atomic theory of matter. The Vaibha~ika and the Sautrantika
which are regarded as the realists (sarviistitvaviidins) admit the atomic state
of matter within their philosophical views. They have elaborated on
atomic view of matter as a part of their concept of rilpa. b They consider
matter as collocation consisting of the fourfold substratum of colour,
taste, odour and touch, and regard atom as the minutest unit of riJpa (that
which has the capacity to affect sense organs).
CI Bhag. Su., 1, 9.73; 25, 4.730. b Das Gupta, I, PP. 94-95; 121 If.
According to these Buddhists, the atom is 'indivisible, unanalysable,

invisible, inaudible, untestable and intangible'. However the Bauddha
atoms are momentary in the sense they undergo phase-changes con-
tinually. There are two types of atoms: simple (dravyaparamii1}u) and
compound (saf!1ghiitaparan1fj~lu). Nevertheless, some different views have
been expressed concerning their aggregation. Some believe that it is a clean
combination; others think that there remains always an intervening space
between the atoms; and yet others view that they are in such a close proxi-
mity that there is no inter-atomic space. In the ultimate analysis, it would
seem that the Bauddhas do not think of a combination of the modern
chemical type between the atoms. By and large, they appear to hold the
view that gross matter is a conglomeration of independent atoms (a sort
of a cluster having one atom at the centre and the others around it), and
that the latter are not hollow and hence cannot penetrate one another.
According to the Buddhists, there are in an aggregate eight atoms-
four fundamental and four secondary atoms. The fundamental ones
are of earth (solid), water (liquid), fire (hot) and air (moving). The
secondary atoms are of colour, odour, taste and touch. Thus in this scheme
the qualities are also atomic. Moreover the Buddhists seem to regard
organs of sense as modifications of atomic nlatter. Each secondary atom
requires four fundamental atoms for its support. The aggregate therefore
consists of 20 atoms (4 x 4+4) if the body does not sound. If it is to sound,
the aggregate will consist of 25 atoms. a
The Buddhists do not speak of atoms in terms of particles of some
stuff; instead they think of them as force or energy thus: earthly atom-
force of repulsion; watery atom-kinetic energy.b All these forces are
considered to be present in all things and in the same proportion. Different
types of bodies (say liquid or solid) are perceived because the intensity
of the force-content of the different elements varies, even though the pro-
portionality of the elements remains unaltered. The Buddhist view of
atoms as dynamic forces is in tune also with the doctrine of momentariness
which unequivocally states that all things change and everything is momen-
tary. ('All things without exception are nothing but strings of momentary
events'). The so-called permanence or stable existence of objects which
are perceived in the ordinary way is indeed a function of our thought-
process. What is ultimately real is instantaneous being. As things have
momentary existence, i.e. as they disappear as soon as they appear, the
Buddhists do not consider motion with reference to matter at all. But,
as Santjrak~jta says, 'The essence of reality is motion. Reality is indeed
kinetic ... the interdependence of the moments following one another,
evokes the illusion of stability of duration, but they are forces (saf!1skaras)
flashing into existence without any real enduring substance in them ...
An everlasting substantial matter is pure imagination'. The atomism of
the Buddhists should be viewed in this light also.
a StcherbatskYt It pp. 190 if. b StcherbatskYt I, p. 191.

470 A CONCISE HIS10RY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
ATTRIBUTES OF MATIER
Of all the sy~tems of Indian thought, the Nyaya-Vaise$ika has laid

con~iderable emphasis on the attributes of matter. The Nyliya-Vaise$ika
holds that the qualities or attributes do not have separate existence, but
reside in the substances. Each substance is a substratum for certain attri-
butes. The Vaise~f)ika siitra mentions seventeen such attributes. Latcr
its celebrated exponent, Prasastapada, has added seven more. As a result,
twenty-four attributes are enumerated. These attributes are: colour,
taste, odour, touch, number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction, dis-
junction, priority, volition, virtue, vice, gravity, fluidity, posteriority, in-
tellect, pleasure, pain, desire, aversion, viscidity, faculty and sound. a
Each of the nine substances has a number of attributes from among
the aforementioned twenty-four. Those of the first five substances, viz.
earth, water, fire, air and liktisa, have been nlentioned already. The attri-
butes of the other four substances are as follows: kala (time; 5 qualities):
number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction and disjunction; dis (space;
5 qualities): number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction and disjunction;
alma (self; 14 qualities): cognition, pleasure, pain, desire, aversion, effort,
virtue, vice, faculty, number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction and disjunc-
tion, and manas (mind; 8 qualities): number, dimension, distinctness, con-
junction, disjunction, priority, posteriority and faculty.
Again the specific attributes, viz. sound, touch, taste and smell, are
perceived by the respective sense organs: There are five general qualities:
number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction and disjunction which are
possessed by every substance. Among the twenty-fouf qualities some are
physical in nature while a few belong to the realm of mind' and the notion
of '1'. Some of the important physical qualities arc briefly set out below:
Gurutva (gravity)
The Nyiiya- Vaise#ka holds that gravity is the cause of falling b when
there is no conjunction or self-reproduction of motion. Though imper-
ceptible, gravity can be inferred from the action of falling. The falling
of rain water is considered to be due to gravity. The Vaise$ika thinks
that gravity resides in the object as a whole and not in its parts. The
body of a man does not fall because gravity is said to be counteracted by
the effort of the man to keep standing. An object placed high up does
not fall because of its conjunction with its support. The arrow which is
shot out in air does not fall to the ground because of the impetus it
possesses, and the impetus neutralizes the effect of gravity. The theory of
impetus of the Vaise~~ika has been discussed later. Gravity is supposed
to be eternal as well as temporary. The gravity of the atoms of earth
as well as of water is considered eternal, while the gravity of the products
CI PBh., p. 229. b PBh., p. 640.

or of the gross bodies is regarded as evanescent, i.e. the latter is destroyed

by the destruction of its substratum.
From the foregoing it would appear that the Vaise~4)ika regards gravity
not as a force, but as a qualitative causal factor with the act of falling as
its effect. Though the word gurutva has thc connotation of heaviness or
weight, there seems to be no correlation betwecn gravity and the mass
of the substance. Among the substances only earth and water are sup-
posed to possess gravity. In other words. gravity is not considered as a
propcrty of all ponderable substances.
Dravatva (fluidity)
Fluidity is considered to be the quality of the three corporal sub-
~tance~-earth, watcr and fire. It is the cause of the action of flowing in
the same way as gravity is the cause of the act of falling. Fluidity is of two
types: natural and incidental. The former is the specific property of water.
Even so water is said to lose this quality on becoming a solid in the form
of srh.)W or hail. There is even a view that the fluidity of watery atoms
is brought about by some external agency like subtle supernatural fire.
Strangely, salt is considered to be aqueous in nature because in course
of time it 'melts into an aqueous form' (possibly referring to the prop-
erty of deliquescence due to the presence of magnesium chloride in com-
nl0n salt). Likewise, fire is also regarded as a substance possessing the
quality of fluidity, for fluidity of melted butter or gold is caused by fire. a
Snigdha (viscidity)
As a specific quality of water, viscosity or viscidity is the cause of
cohesion and smoothness. As a result of this quality, agglutination or a
holding together of particles (pi~l(!ibhiiva) occurs in the fornl of a lump.
I n other words, viscidity counteracts any tendency of the particles to dis-
perse. Thus it is an operative cause of conjunction against a possible
tendency of disjunction. Water is said to possess this property because
the particles of earth or flour, for example, are agglutinated in contact with
it to form a dough. b
Sthitisthapaka (elasticity)
Elasticity is a particular kind of the attribute, saf!lskara (faculty). It
is a quality of only the earthy substances which have their component..
particles packed together. It is this property that is responsible for a bow,
a thread or a branch of a tree which can undergo contraction or expan..
sian. It would appear that elasticity is thought of a~ a cause or force
bringing about a come-back to the original condition in an object which
has already experienced the opposite state. C
(J PBh., p. 641. b PBh., p. 645. c PBh., PP. 697-712.

Sa'llyoga and Viyoga or Vibhiiga (conjunction and disjunction)

As stated already, these two attributes belong to all the nine substances.
Conjunction denotes the 'joining together' of two substances already
lying apart. It may be a result of the action of one or both the objects.
In the former case, an active object, say a flying bird, comes in contact
with an inactive one, say a tree or hill. In the latter case, there is collision
of two things moving in opposite directions. Conjunction thus means that
there is no intervening space between the two objects. In addition, it
connotes that there is non-separate existence of two individual substances.
What is more, it is an event in time. Pressure and impact are also thought
of as two special kinds of conjunction. Pressure is a type of contact of a
body with another; it produces a sort of a motion without at the same time
bringing about a disjunction between the two bodies. Thus pressure is
a contact which persists. On the other hand, the impact brings about a dis-
junction of the two bodies after the event of conjunction and hence does
not persist. It is evident that conjunction and disjunction are thought of
in terms of relating principles. a
In conclusion, it should be emphasized that the attributes, as con-
ceived by the Nyliya-Vaise~f;ika, are not arbitrary. The twenty-four attri-
butes already mentioned are so chosen that they could explain the know-
able properties of the phenomenal world as well as of the knower himself.
This is in keeping with the integrated view of the Nyiiya-Vaise$ika
concerning the world of reality.
MOTION
In the Indian view of the physical world, the idea of motion is of funda-
mental importance. For, it is believed that motion is necessary not only
for the creation of the world but for its destruction even. In other words,
both conjunction and disjunction, of cosmic or atomic order, are inherent in
a substance which serves as the substratum of motion. The characteristics
of motion, according to the Nyliya- VaiSe{iika, are: (i) one kind of motion
is possible at a time in one substance; (ii) the substance experiences motion
from without; (iii) motion exists only for a few moments; (iv) it is pro-
duced by infinite substances with limited foons; (v) it has no quality and
(vi) it is destroyed by the effect it produces in a particular direction. The
Vaise$ika siilra says that motion is non-eternal and has the character of
being an effect and a cause. In particular, it is the cause of velocity and
elasticity.
It has been mentioned earlier that one of the six categories of the
Nyaya-Vaise#ka system is action (karman). Action is thought of in terms of
throwing upwards (utk$epa!la), throwing downwards (apak$epa!la), contrac-
tion (likuncana), expansion (prasiira~a), and going (gamana).b In fact, the five
actions represent the Nyaya-VaiJe#ka concept of motion. Evidently, in these
CJ PBh., pp. 649 If.
five actions what distinguishes the one from the other is the direction in which
the action takes place. Throwing upwards and throwing downwards arc
obviously vertical motions in opposite direction brought about by effort.
Both contraction and expansion are explained in terms of conjunction
and disjunction of particles in space. Gamana is motion in general in any
direction. It is conceived of in terms of conjunction or disjunction
with points of space in diverse directions. It is quite clear that in this
scheme, motion has not been conceived with reference to both space and
time.
The Vaise$ika holds the view that matter in its atomic or gross state
is intrinsically static. The inert matter is set in motion by some quality
present in it. For example, the falling motion is due to the quality of
gravity present in it. The quality of fluidity is the cause of flowing. Even
throwing upwards or downwards is caused by the quality, effort. Ga/nana
takes place as a result of the two qualities, viz. conjunction and disjunction.
In the case of atomic matter the position appears to be different. It is
pointed out that only the free atoms which exist at the time of total destruc-
tion of the universe are in motion. The first cause of this motion is held
to be adr~!a (the unseen). In the Nyiiya-Vaise#ka concept of motion,
adr..~ta seems to occupy an important position. Even some of the natural
movements like attraction of needle by magnet, flow of air, upward rise of
sap in the plants, etc., are considered to be due to adryta.a
The motion of free atoms caused by adr~')ta is responsible for the coming
into being of the material world. The free atoms have two types of
motions-creative and non-creative. The former causes conjunction of
atoms eventually giving rise to gross bodies. The latter, on the other
hand. brings about occasional grouping of atoms.
The Vaise~ika holds that when a body moves its motion belongs to
itself and to no other. One event of motion cannot produce another
motion; i.e. it cannot initiate its own kind of motion. This means that
perpetual motion is impossible. A body can have at a particular moment
one unit of motion which just produces the minimum possible change
in the positions of the body. How then could the body have continued
motion? In this respect the concept of sa1?lskiira, one of the attributes,
is of great significance. There are three forms of sa1?lskara, namely vega
(impetus), bhavanii (mental impression) and sthitisthiipaka (elasticity).b
The last has been dealt with already. The second is non-physical in
character and hence does not merit attention at this stage. The Vai.fe~fj;ka
concept of vega is important in this respect that it signifies the idea of
momentum, for vega is stated to be not only caused by motion but also
is recognized as a cause of motion. According to Vyomasivacarya and
Sridhara, vega is caused by nodana (impelling push), abhighiita (impact)
and sa1J1yuktasa1J1yoga (forces which set in compound conjunction)c. It
is, therefore, reasonable to suppose that vega is produced by a force or
a VS.,5, 1.15; 5, 2.14. b PBh., p. 646. c NK., p. 647.

an effort and becomes the cause of continued motion in a particular direc-

tion until it is smothered by external situations or forces.
In general, the position of the Vaise$ika is that when a body experi-
ences the first unit of motion caused by impelling push, impact and the
like, sarflskara or impetus is possessed by it. On account of this impetus,
the body continues to move in the same direction. It is pointed out that
the impetus is capable of producing the effect to the same extent and in
the same direction as the cause by which it is itself produced and that the
body is in motion as long as it possesses the impetus, and the direction is
not altered. Thus the impetus maintains the direction of the motion.
However, when the moving body comes into contact with an obstacle
which would neutralize the quality of impetus, it comes to rest. If, instead,
the obstacle cannot neutralize the quality of impetus in full, the motion
continues of course with diminished strength.
A causally connected descriptive account of motion of a javelin thrown
by hand, an arrow shot from a bow, and of pestle and mortar is found
in the Prasastapadabha~\'Ya and the Ny{iya-kandalf of Sridhara. a In the
case of the motion of a javelin, the desire of the person engaged in the
operation with consequent volitional effort results in conjunction of the
hand with the javelin and an impelling push. The latter imparts motion
to the javelin as well as an impetus. When the javelin leaves the hand,
i.e. when the disjunction takes place, the impelling push becomes ineffec-
tive while the impetus causes the motion of the javelin, the direction and
the distance traversed by the javelin being dependent upon the extent or
quantum of the volitional effort applied, resulting in an impetus.
In the case of discharge of an arrow fronl a bow-string, the desire
and the effort operate resulting in a motion in the form of drawing of the
string by hand as well as in the arrow and the string. Again, the desire
and the effort to discharge the arrow produce disjunction between the string
of the bow and the finger. At this stage, sa'l1skara of the type of elasticity
present in the bow tries to restore the original fonn of the bow. Aided
by this elasticity, a motion is produced in the string as well as in the arrow
which is now impelled by the string. The impelling push produces vega
in the arrow, the moment the arrow leaves the string. The arrow then
continues to move because of the vega and, when the latter is exhausted,
becomes subject to the action of gravity and falls to the ground.
In respect of the movement of a pestle, b the cause is explained also
in terms of desire and volitional effort, conjunction and disjunction. The
volitional effort results in an upward motion in the hand first and in the
pestle later. Now the desire for downward motion occurs and the corre-
sponding volitional effort produces the downward motion. It is pointed
out that the upward motion caused by the impact of the pestle with the
mortar is involuntary. In other words, the downward action sets in a
reaction and it is the latter that brings about the upward motion in the
a NK., pp. 700-706. b Mishra (U.) (1), pp. 21<r1l.

opposite direction. The point worthy of note is that the impact of the
pestle with the mortar as well as the continuance of the upward motion for
some time is explained in terms of vega.
The Vaise~'iika explanation of the motion of objects is obviously quali-
tative, considering as it does the motion in terms of change with reference
to space only. Nowhere does it appear to takc cognizance of another
mode of perception with respect to motion, i.e. time. The general idea
is that motions arc cau~ed by qualities in the substance. This is in
keeping with the position that actions and qualities cannot be considered
without their substratum, viz. substance.
The falling motion of a body has been examined in considerable detail
by the Vaise~'iika. In the case of a body falling vertically due to gravity
it is believed that gravity causes the initial falling, and impetus, too. is said
to be produced concomitantly. Even though the downward motion
becomes subject to the combined action of gravity and impetus, the
explanation offered by the VaiSe~'iika does not appear to have the connota-
tion of acceleration at all. It would appear that gravity which causes the
fir~t unit of motion from which arises the impetus, becomes ineffective,
and the subsequent falling motion is considered to be due to impetus alone.
Gravity as understood by the Vaisc,.''lika should not he confused with the
modern concept of gravity. It may be reiterated that in the VaiSe.yika
school gravity is a quality having a causal function with falling as its effect.
Historically, the impetus theory appeared in Europe, only in the
fourteenth century A.D. though John Philoponus of Alexandria had put
forward a similar view as early as the sixth century A.D. In India, how-
ever, the impetus theory is unmistakably recognizable in the Prasasla-
piidabhii$ya (c. fifth century A.D.) and the elements of the theory can be
found in the Vaise~'ika sUlra which, as indicated already, is pre-Buddhistic
(c. seventh century B.C.).
AKASA, SPACE AND TIME

Among the Indian physical concepts those relating to iikli,~a, space
and time deserve special mention. a As has been seen, earth, water, fire
and air are material substances; as produced substances they are non-
eternal. However, in the form of atoms they are eternal. On the other
hand, iikiisa, space and time are non-material, eternal and all-pervading
even though they are grouped along with the first four under the category
of substance.
Among the three, it is iikiisa alone which has a special quality like
the first fouf, and its specific quality is sound. This specific quality, how-
ever, exists only in some part of the ubiquitous or all-pervading iikiiJa
at a particular instant, while the specific qualities of the other four sub-
stances respectively pervade in them. Another aspect of aka.fa is that
(J Bhaduri, pp. 164-228.

though non-material, it is recognized as one of the five elements, and thus

is capable of playing its role in the foonation of gross bodies. All cor-
poreal substances are held to be in direct contact with tikasa which is a
vast expanse or an infinite continuum. The auditory organ is also re-
garded as of iikiisa itself as a logical necessity. For, if the auditory organ
is to experience the quality of sound of which iikasa is the substratum, the
organ itself must be in the very nature of iikiisa.
Space and time differ from iikiisa in this respect that there is no specific
quality for each of the fonner. Both space and time have, however, the
other five qualities as iikiisa, viz. number, dimension, distinctness, conjunc-
tion and disjunction. As indicated already, these five qualities which are
regarded as generic, are shared by all the nine substances.
The Nyiiya-Vaise~Yika holds that space is the cause or basis of the
ten notions of east, west, north, south and the like with respect to one
material object relative to another material object as the starting point
of the limit. For the sake of usage the ten literal names like east, west,
etc., are coined with reference to the contact with the reference-body, viz.
sun. Even so, space is regarded as one, eternal and all-pervading. Space
appears to have been conceived by the Nyiiya- Vaise~~ika as a positionally
relating one, providing an arrangement or order to discrete objects so
that their positions become intelligible. Because of space the corporeal sub-
stances are cognized as occupying different places. Distance is not under-
stood as parts of stretch of space, but thought of as number of conjunc-
tions with reference to the observer. If the number of conjunction is
more between the observer and a particular object than it is with another
object, the fomer is observed as being prior to the latter. The transitive
principle which relates the two objects and which points out their posteri-
ority or priority, is space. Thus space is not a mere receptacle into which
bodies are filled here and there. It is an objective reality possessing certain
qualities. However, the qualities like remoteness, proximity imply an
observer as a frame of reference. The presence of an observer is necessary,
but not sufficient condition; for, according to the Nyiiya- Vaise.yika, the
object has to be in conjunction with space which is a real substance.
Like space, time is another real which is the cause or basis of produc-
tion, persistence and destruction of all produced things. It is also the
basis for common notions such as k~a1Ja, lava, kii..~thii, n1iisa, rlu, yuga,
kalpa, pralaya and mahapralaya. Priority (aparatva) or posteriority (paratva)
as a quality of the produced things resides in it with reference to the number
of solar revolutions (iidityaparivartanani). One complete revolution of
the sun round the earth (equivalent to a day) is one solar revolution which
is the basis or standard of reference. If A is regarded as prior to Band
if A and B are existing, it means that the former must have been connected
with a greater number of solar revolutions than the latter. Time is the
relation or the linking factor between the unit and the universal solar
revolution. It is therefore objectively real. Besides, time is essential as
the efficient cause of notions such as 'youth', 'old', etc. In other words,
because of time, the growth and decay in material objects are perceived.
Time is thought of in diverse ways on account of the diversity of such
situations as production, continuance and disappearance of all things.
Events derive their chronological order on account of time. The past,
present and future are empirical divisions of time. The coming into being
of an effect indicates the future; its persistence means the present; and
its destruction connotes the past. The notions of past and future are
with reference only to the present, according to the Nyaya-Vaise$ika.
In this interpretation, time is reckoned in terms of its kriyii or action also. a
The present relates, say in the case of falling object, the action of falling
and the object; the past means that the connection between the object
and the falling action is over; and future refers to such a connection yet to
materialize.
Space and time have many things in common in the Nyiiya-Vaise~ika.
Yet they are distinctly separate substances, even though they possess
the same qualities. The difference lies in interpreting time on the basis
of action while space is not conceived of that way.
The Jainas, in general, believe that time is ajiva (non-conscious) and
without any kaya, but eternal and without motion, even though SOIne
thinkers among them differ from this viewpoint. The present, past and
future are referred to by the Jainas as phenomenal time, vyavahara kala
or samaya, i.e. they are intimately connected with certain events or pheno-
mena bringing about changes. Obviously this is 'relative-time'.b The
Jainas also think that there is yet another time known as niscayakala, i.e.
nounlenal tinle. The noumenal time is the basis or support (iidhara) of
the phenomenal time. Besides, it is the cause of changes in substances
and without it no change is possible. In sum, the Jaina view of time is
not wholly different from that of the Nyiiya-Vaise..fJika. However, there
seems to be one important difference, viz. the Jainas (the Digambaras)
do not consider time as one and all-pervasive. Instead they hold that
there are distinctive time units corresponding to distinctive human
experiences. They are the ultimate time-units, called kiilalJus, Le. atoms
of time-as indivisible as atoms, discrete and infinitesimal. Each kiilii(lu
is supposed to occupy only one pradesa and hence kala has no 'kiiya'.c
While the Nyiiya-Vaise~ika and the Jaina schools recognize the abso-
lute reality of time, the Buddhists and the followers of Stil'flkhya and the
Vedantins deny the objective existence of time. The followers of the Yoga
school of Pataiijati seem to accept only k~alJa (i.e. moment) as the ultimate
unit of time and imagine an uninterrupted flow of these ultimate units. The
Vedantins regard time as of nescience (avidyii), i.e. time has no reality.
In addition to the foregoing, there are a number of other views
about time. For example, the celebrated Purii1)as speak of time as all-
powerful Deity. The Yoga Viisi~1ha says that time and space are relative
4 Mishra (V.) (I), pp. 180-82. b Dr. Sa",., 21, 22. C Mishra (D.) (2), I, p. 321.
478 A CONCISE HJSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
thought-models which are dependent upon mind. A few tantrik texts con-
sider time even as Sakti which governs creation, persistence and destruction.
But these views deserve only passing mention.
HEAT AND LIGHT
HEAT
Conceptually, heat and light are sought to be understood in relation

to one of the five elements, viz. fire (tejas). As has been seen, according
to the Nyiiya-Vaise#ka school, the element fire is material; eternal in the
form of atoms and non-eternal in the form of products. The atomic
view of the element fire, is generally maintained in the case of heat while
the atomic as well as the wave nature of fire, in the case of light.
What happens when a body is heated? The Vaise~ika and the Nyaya
schools have considered this problem in considerable detail. It is well
known that when a fresh earthy pot is subjected to the action of heat its
colour changes, generally into red, and the body of the pot hardens. The
Vaise.\. 'ika believes that these changes or fresh attributes take place at the
atomic or the particulate level. The Naiiiyikas, on the other hand, hold
the view that they occur in the body as a whole. The foroler is known
as pilupiikaviida (argumentation concerning the heating of pilus or particles)
and the latter, pifharaptikaviida (argumentation concerning the heating
of the body as a wholc).a In either case, during heating what happens is
that the fire element plays the active role. The element is considered to
be in high motion, producing forcible contact (abhighiita) with the object
heated. According to Udayanacarya, the fire element is so light and
moves with such high speed that it is capable of causing a rupture of the
original structure of the body when subjected to heat.
PillIpiikaviida
The piluplikaviida envisages the action of heat at various stages. When
an earthy body (pot) is heated, the fire element enters into it with great
force, thus setting into motion the earth-atoms. Udayanacarya says that
the impact is so strong that the motion produced by the fire element results
in the destruction of the previous structure (vyuha). As a result, disjunction
of atoms takes place, i.e. the dyads are split and atoms become isolated.
At this stage, fire destroys the original colour of the earth-atoms which,
as a result, attain a native state. Fire now produces in them the red
colour. Afterwards, the unseen force (adr~ta) causes conjunction of atoms
into dyads which ultimately form, through triads, the pot once again.
This is evidenced by the fact that before the action of heat the constituent
parts of the pot are not hard, while they do become hard after heating.
a Mishra (U.) (l), pp. 92-95.

Though a series of events takes place, the Vaise$ika holds that the original
shape of the pot remains the same.
Another interesting aspect of Ithe pilupiikaviida is that the whole
process is enumerated in terms of distinct stages, and the time necessary
for attaining each stage is reckoned in terms of moments-nine, ten or
eleven. a The heating process involving ten moments, broadly, is as follows:
(i) motion produced in the atoms, and isolation of atoms; (ii) destruction
of the original colour; (iii) production of the red colour; (iv) destruction
of the motion of the atoms produced earlier; (v) production of the creative
motion between the atoms; (vi) disjunction between the at0111S and iik{isa;
(vii) destruction of the conjunction produced earlier; (viii) cOIning into
bell1g of productive conjunction; (ix) production of the dyad; and (x) pro-
d uctlon of the red colour in it, and formation of the triad. Likewise,
details are also given of processes involving nine or eleven movements.
There are even processes involving six, five, four or three moments, in
con~onance with the different stages of the processes reckoned. What is
of inlportance in this scheme is that the colour of the pot is produced by the
colour of the triads which owe their colour to the constituent dyads which,
111 turn, owe it to the colour of the atoms themselves.
Pitharapiikavtida
According to the pi{harapiikaviida which sets forth the view that
the colour change takes place in the entire body of the pot, i.e. the pot
in the oven or the furnace relnains structurally intact. It does not undergo
any change in size or shape, and the invisible process of disintegration at
the level of atoms is wholly untenable.
These two views obviously try to explain a common phenomenon on
logical grounds without going into the quality or quantity of heat itself.
The idea relating to the differences in the sources of heat is also not thought
of. Different types of fuels are stated to be differcnt forms of fire. There
i~ a view held by Vijfiana Bhik~u that heat is latcnt in the fuel and under
favourablc conditions it breaks forth. Udayanacarya has given expression
to a more rational view that the solar heat is the source of all fonns of heat
manifested. b
Another aspect of the element fire vis-a-vis what is known as piika
deserves consideration. Piika, in general, seems to connote conjunction
of the element fire in different ways with earthy substances. For example,
when a mango fruit is kept surrounded with straw, the heat produced
changes its colour from green to yellow without affecting the taste of the
fruit. This is a case of conjunction involving fire element. Similar types
of conjunctions are possible resulting in the change of taste, smell and
touch. The Nyiiya-Vaise~ika tries to explain different transformations
such as production of milk from grass, formation of curd, cream, etc., on
the basis of conjunction involving fire atoms.
Q Mishra tU.) (1), pp. 84-89. b Das Gupta, It PP. 327-29.

LIGHT
In respect of light, the concept found in the Nytiyasulra of Gautama

and elaborated upon by Vatsyayana in the Nyayabhti~ya deserves special
mention. a How is the object perceived by the eye or the visual organ?
As noted before, the element fire is the principle of the visual (sensory)
organ. Its prominent qualities are colour and touch, while its special
quality is colour. It is pointed out that the light rays emanate or issue
forth from the eye and get into contact with the objects, large or small,
in the same way as there occurs the contact between the light ray (going
out from the lamp) and the object. The rays which issue forth from the eye,
if obstructed by an intervening object, cannot have the direct contact with
the object. Hence the latter cannot be perceived in such a situation.
Then how is the colour perceived? Perception of colour is stated
to be the result of the presence of several components and also the character
of colour itself. In addition, the character of the colour should become
manifest, in order that it be perceived. The light rays coming out from
the eye have their colour unlnanifested. Hence they are not perceived.
Light, in general, is stated to possess a diversity of character, viz. (i) both
colour and touch manifested (sun's rays perceived by eye and skin);
(ii) colour manifested but touch unmanifested (light from the lamp or
moon seen by eye only); (iii) touch manifested but colour unmanifested
(as in hot water); and (iv) both colour and touch unmanifested (rays from
the eye itself).
The view regarding the perception of objects larger than the size of
the eye is very interesting. According to the Nyiiya-Vaise$ika, just as
tejas of the burning wick of a lamp gradually spreads out in ever increasing
circles and illumines the objects of various sizes, so also the tejas in the
eye goes out and spreads in wider circles apprehending the objects of
different sizes. It is held by the MfmiifJ1sakasb that, like a ray of light,
the stretch of vision also goes on expanding gradually, the range of vision
depending upon the extent of the stretch. The extent of this stretch itself
is said to tenninate at the object, perhaps encompassing it. It is even
stated that the vision of the rays emanating from the eye would not proceed
beyond the object in view.
The Mfmiif!1sakas also think that the flame is the collection of a large
quantity of light particles at the burning zone, say wick, and that the light
particles are in a state of high motion. Further, they even recognize a
sort of radiation diffused by the flame, proceeding away from the burning
wick.
As regards reflection, a curious view is expressed by the followers
of the Nyliya school. The mirror is believed to be possessed of a par-
ticular colour as an intrinsic part of its very nature. When a man stands
before it, the light rays emanating from the eyes strike the mirror and are
a NBh., 3, 1.38-70. b SI. V., 4, 47-48.

turned back. Again they establish contact with his own face. The re-
flected image is perceived as a result of the peculiar colour of the mirror's
own surface. a
It will be seen from the foregoing observations that the speculation
concerning light centres round the fact that the rays issue forth from the
eye itself to establish contact with the object. The contact-theory, as it
may be called, seems to derive its sanction from (i) the fact that the principle
of visual organ is tejas (fire) and (ii) an observation that the light rays appear
to emanate from the eyes of 'night-walkers', i.e. cats and other feline
animals. The Nyiiyabhti~,;ya asserts that there is no justification for the
assumption that there is a difference of character between the eye of the
cat and the human eye. b
Of particular interest are the different views about the characteristics
of the visual sense organ itself. The Nyiiya-Vaise#ka holds that the eyes
arc produced mainly from the ultimate particles of tejas so that they
apprehend colour alone. It is pointed out that this particular type of pro-
duction is rendered possible by adr~!a. The Buddhists, however, believe
that the blue eyeballs represent the visual organ. These eyeballs, which
are material, perceive the external objects because of external light and
the past deeds of the observer. They do not subscribe to the idea that
the visual organ moves up to the object of perception at a distance. In
respect of the number of visual organs, too, there are differing views. The
author of the Nyiiyabhii~~ya, Vatsyayana, states that there are two inde-
pendent eyes and hence two sense organs of sight. Udyotakara, in his
N)'ilyaviirtika, asserts that there is only one organ of sight. This view
is supported by the later exponents of the Nyiiya-Vaise$ika like Viicaspati
Misra and Visvanatha as well as by the Buddhist, Vasubandhu.
SOUND
There are different views about the production and propagation of

sound. The followers of the Nyiiya- Vai~~e~~ika school consider sound
as a quality. The substance in which sound subsists as a special quality
corresponding to the auditory sense organ, is iikiisa. In the Nyaya-
Vaise#ka view sound is a produced phenomenon having a beginning as
well as an end. Even so, it is not believed to be coeval with the substance
in which or by which it is produced, because experience reveals that sound
moves out of the substance.
Two types of sound are recognized: (i) articulate and (ii) noise in
general. The first is considered as the one that proceeds from mind and
self. An effort on the part of the subject brings about the conjunction
of the self with air. This conjunction produces in air a certain movement.
The air then strikes the region of throat to produce letter-sound, i.e. the
articulate one, in contact with iikiisa.
a NBh.,3, J.50. IJ NBh., 3, 1.44.

31
The noted exponent of the Vaise$ika school, PraSastapada, a is of

the view that sound is produced always in series which may be likened
to the series of water ripples. It has been stated that these wave motions,
ripple-like as they are, occupy successive points in iikiisa. The first sound
causes the second one. As soon as the latter is formed, the former (as
the cause) gets destroyed. This kind of production and destruction goes
on in a chain, and what is perceived by the ear is the last of the series. In
other words, the first sound so produced and, for that matter, the inter-
vening ripples of sound, are not heard. Yet in this way the auditory organ
is said to be connected with the source of sound through the successive
movements. The latter are indeed a result of the cause and effect relation-
ship. The first movement is the cause with the second as the effect, the
second is the cause with the third as the effect and so forth.
When a drum is struck by a stick the impact is believed to set up
vibrations as a consequence of which sound is produced in all directions.
The nlechanical impact is held by the Nyaya- Vaise~ika to be the efficient
cause while iikiisa alone is the true substratum of sound. Further, while
iikasa is an eternal substance, sound is a transient quality because it is
related to the notion of being produced and destroyed.
The position of the followers of the MimiifJ1saka b school is entirely
different in this respect. They believe that sound is eternal and not a
produced phenomenon. The movement of the air and the perception
of sound appear to have been linked together by the Mimiif!lsakas. Owing
to an effort, say when one speaks, the internal air is said to acquire a
certain forceful movement and reach the iikiisa of the ear, thus imparting
to the auditory organ a faculty or potency. It is only when this faculty,
imperceptible as it is, occurs that sound is heard. The changes perceived with
reference to the intensities of sound are believed to be due to the fluctua-
tions in the air-current itself. In this way the MimiifJ1sakas explain the
propagation of sound while strictly maintaining the eternality of sound.
This is in line with their philosophical position, viz. that sabda or word
(Veda included) is real and eternal.
The Jainas believe that sound is neither a substance nor an attribute
of dkiisa, but is a sort of a modification of matter. C When the skandhas
or aggregates of atoms come in contact with one another sound is said to
become manifest and travel as such to the ear. The SOlflkhya view is that
the auditory organ as a part of the all-pervading iikiisa expands imper-
ceptibly into the region where sound is produced. And iikiisa itself is
formed out of the tanmatras (subtle states) of sound.
It will be observed from what has been stated above that the Nyiiya-
Vaise~;ka school alone tries to explain the phenomenon of sound in a
causal sequence. The other schools attempt to accommodate the pheno-
menon into their philosophical views.
• NK., pp. 692-94. c Mishra (U.) (2), I, p. 319.

o SI. Y.,6-13, 88-127.
3lB
In the end, emphasis may be laid on 80me important aspects of the

particular Indian physical concepts in relation to the history of science.
The earliest reference to the concept of natural law (rtam) can be found in
the ~gveda. Likewise the doctrine of elements is probably earlier than
that of the Greek thinkers. This doctrine in some form or the other exerted
considerable influence on different Indian systems of thought including the
Carvakas. Atomism, which was a significant mode of thinking among the
followers of the Vaise#ka, Nyaya, Jaina and the Bauddha schools, as
mentioned already, developed on logical lines.
The Vaise$ika system has played an important role in the growth of
physical ideas in India. It had assumed a definite shape by the sixth
century B.C. In the history of science, sixth century B.C. has been regarded
as the period which heralded the dawn of what has now come to be known
as the Greek Science. The VaiSe#ka system contains in it the most impor-
tant ideas on maUer and motion, enunciated later by some of the leading
Greek thinkers including Aristotle (from the beginning of the sixth century
to the close of the fourth century B.C.). Among the Greeks there were
distinctly separate views and explanations of the knowable world. But
there appeared no single system of the type of Vaise,#ka among the Greek
thinkers.
It is not a mere historical situation that the VaiSe$ika system presented
in an aphoristic style certain physical concepts at an earlier period, and
that later there were similar ideas streaming along independently among
the Greeks. It is probable there was then a movement of ideas as the
Greeks and the Indians came together before and after Alexander's invasion.
Even some learned historians of science have unhesitatingly suggested that
the origins of some of the Greek ideas can be traced to India also. It
is very likely that the Vaise~ika school, in its systematized form, might
have attracted and stimulated the like-minded people elsewhere including
the Greek thinkers. a
Lastly, the Nyaya-Vaise$ika concepts present an integrated view of
the world-stuff or substance. The four material elements (earth, water,
fire and air), the three non-material (aktisa, space and time), the conscious
self and the internal organ, mind, constitute the substance. This inte-
grated conceptual presentation is of particular significance from the point
of view of modem scientific epistemology. For, the latter is still unable to
clarify the conceptual inadequacies concerning substance.
A Subbarayappa (2), pp. 21-34.

WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA UP TO
10 THE END OF THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY A.D.
B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA
THE growth and ramification of several scientific thoughts and technological

practices dealt with in the preceding chapters reveal, on closer analysis,
that the Indian culture-area occupied a distinct place in the history of
science during the ancient and medieval periods. A comparative study of
the Indian scientific thought with that of Europe shows that, while Europe
was passing through the Dark Age from about the fifth to eleventh
centuries A.D., India had her period of glory in the Classical Age and made
remarkable progress in such fields as mathematics, astronomy, iatro-
chemistry and metallurgy, even right up to the twelfth century A.D. There-
after the creative endeavour showed signs of decay due largely to the
traditional compulsions and political vicissitudes.
Traditionally, the free involvement of different productive classes did
not materialize as a result of caste distinctions on the one hand and a sort
of mutual aloofness among various branches of production on the other.
The professionalists-the artisans and craftsmen-engaged themselves in
their respective productive operations practically without any communi-
cation with one another. They could not in addition receive the necessary
educational training. Thus training of the mind did not go side by side
with the training of the hands. Moreover, the latter was passed on from
one generation to another within the rigid structure of caste-governed
professionalism which became eventually detrimental to the augmentation of
mobility which alone could foster changes in techniques. More often than
naught it was a return to the hereditary practices whenever forces of change
raised their heads. Undoubtedly, the Indian artisans possessed the in-
genuity to produce outstanding pieces of workmanship in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries; for the Indian manufactures were of a high
order and enjoyed reputation in the adjoining as well as remote countries.
Nevertheless, the ingenuity of the artisans depended, for its fuller expres-
sion, upon the stimuli received from the social framework of the times.
Subservient as they indeed were to the higher and exploiting sections of the
society, and hierarchically existing as they did as one of the lowest social
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 485
strata, the artisans were in no fortunate position to receive encouragement,

from outside or inside, which could nourish and augment their inventive
capabilities. Moreover, the craftsmanship, by and large, went by birth,
and there was even a certain amount of rigidity among the craftsmen them-
selves, which was not permissive of cementation with any veneer of excel-
lence outside its tradition.
Politically, a sense of insecurity seemed to have been round the corner
of the Indian society in the later medieval period. Naturally this affected
the merchant class as well as the artisans. The former could not rear
large productive organizations, and necessarily their conlmercial assets
went underground in the form of gold and silver, jewels and other orna-
ments. Medieval India was indeed rich in these nletals. The Frenchman
Bernier who travelled in India from] 656 to 1668 says: 'It should not escape
notice that gold and silver, after circulating in any other quarter of the
globe, come at length to be absorbed in Hindostan.'a Gold and silver came
to India from America, England, Portugal, France, Holland, Turkey,
YelTICn, Iran, etc., in exchange for the Indian manufactures, while the
importation of articles into India did not occasion the export of gold and
silver, the returns being again in the form of the Indian merchandise.
Even so, the wealth of the country did not result in any industrial invest-
ment, leading to productions on a large scale. There were no doubt enter-
prising business houses in different parts of India. But the political up-
heavals which came up frequently on the scene acted as a drag on the
growth of an industrial middle class. One of the results was that the
Indian craftsmen could not be engaged in large numbers under the umbrella
of big industrial production. Their work remained as handicrafts, depend-
ing upon the whims of their patrons. Such a situation was inherently in-
capable of bringing prosperity to the craftsmen who were really poor,
catering out of necessity to the rather inhuman tendencies of the patrons
including merchants. According to Bernier again: 'The protection
afforded by the powerful patrons to rich merchants and tradesmen, who
give the workmen rather more than the usual wages, tends also to preserve
the arts. I say rather more wages; for it should not be inferred from the
goodness of the manufacturers, that the workman is held in high esteem,
or arrives at a state of independence. Nothing but sheer necessity or blows
from a cudgel keeps him employed; he never can become rich, and he feels
it not a trifling matter if he has the means of satisfying the cravings of hunger
and of covering his body with the coarsest raiment. If money be gained,
it does not in any measure go into his pocket, but only serves to increase
the wealth of the merchant who, in his turn, is not a little perplexed how to
guard against some act of outrage and extortion on the part of his superiors.'"
The social milieu, as noted above, was in the least conducive to any
technological innovation. As to the scientific ideas, the traditionally
fostered learning was confined to a select class of people who preferred to
a Bernier, 1, pp. 226-29. b Bernier, I, p. 255.

preserve it with diligence and care only in the nature of elaborate com-
mentaries. Thus ensued an in-breeding in scientific thinking and, in effect,
the creative spirit of India was at its lowest ebb from the twelfth to almost
the middle of the nineteenth century A.D.
It is true that India had absorbed already some of the Chinese practical
arts such as alchemy, paper-making and pyrotechnics. But the Chinese
culture-area was in no better position to provide further stimuli which
could make inroads into the Indian scientific thinking and practice. The
intellectualism of Arabic science with which India had close links shifted
to Europe and, by the twelfth century A.D., Spain, the westernmost province of
the Islamic world, developed into a meeting ground of Arabian, Jewish and
Christian thoughts, with such Indian elements as were assimilated by the
Arabian men of science. In the succeeding two centuries it was Europe
which provided a social si tuation, as will be seen below, that was favourable
to certain new intellectual endeavours. India could well have looked to
Europe and derived inspiration from what was happening in Europe then.
But, again, the political and social factors appear to have overpowered the
knowledge-seekers and innovators, with the result that India had to wait
patiently till the western science was introduced by the Europeans who
came as traders first and governed the country later.
RENAISSANCE IN EUROPE
The nomenclature, western science, is intended here to mean that

spectacularly fruitful activity commonly referred to as the modern science,
which developed its first roots in the intellectual efflorescence of some
western countries in Europe notably Italy, France, England and Germany
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries A.D. It is well recognized that
western science owes its origin to the Renaissance (Fr. renaitre; Lat. rena-
scari: to be born again) which some of the European countries experienced
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries A.D. The reason is not far
to seek; for the Renaissance, marked as it was by an outburst of indi-
vidualism, a spirit of free enquiry and new intellectual vigour, produced a
stimulating effect on the methods of investigating or inquiring into the
observed phenomena. The traditional and authoritarian views which
held the ground for centuries were subjected to searching rational analyses
and, as a result, the old theories began to yield place to the new. In con-
sequence, new concepts of matter and motion, an equally new way of
reasoned interpretation of the astronomical observations, fresh approach
to the study of physiology and the like, devoid of religio-philosophical
undertones, emerged. It should be emphasized that the Renaissance itself
was an effect of several influences which converged at that time. Although
opinions may differ on the exact factors which were causative of the Re-
naissance, it is interesting to note that 'while it is true that the countryside
gains by the habitual presence of its natural leaders, yet, in an age of slow
communication, country life gives little opportunity for the contact of
WESTERN SClENCB IN INDIA 487
mind with mind which leads to intellectual culture and creation. On the
other hand, the city life of the leisured and intelligent classes in northern
Italy gave an ideal environment for the birth of the Renaissance'.4 Further,
there was in that period an increase in commerce and an expansion of urban
living. The artists and craftsmen became a part of the urban population,
having had their share of prosperity and recognition by the widening upper
classes who possessed the requisite wealth for material well..being. The
new world was under exploration, and the newly acquired treasures gave
leisure and comfort for intellectual pursuits. The navigation with the use
of astronomical instruments and the abiding interest in cartography brought
about not only a widening of the horizon of the physical world but also of
human intellect. In particular, astronomy, mathematics, medicine and
mechanics assumed new dimensions, meriting serious and imaginative
attention.
WESTERN SCIENCE AFTER THE RENAISSANCE
The three centuries, sixteenth to the eighteenth, constitute the most

important formative period in the development of modem science. The
work of Gilbert (1546-1603) on magnetism, the importance of recording
all available facts leading to the formation of general laws by induction as
emphasized by Francis Bacon (1561-1626), realization of the importance of
new mathematical methods for studying physical phenomena as stressed
by Rene Descartes (1596-1650), the rise of mechanics and astronomy due to
the bold approach to them of Galileo (1564-1642) and Newton (1642-1727),
the work of Harvey (1578-1657) on the circulation of blood, morphology
of the stellar universe, discovery of oxygen, overthrow of the caloric theory
of heat, wave..nature of light, and the study of current electricity, were among
the most spectacular landmarks of the period. The nineteenth century
began with the enunciation by Dalton of the atomic theory which afforded a
new interpretation of matter and motion. The nature of electromagnetism
and the work of Faraday on electricity had a profound impact upon the
knowledge and application of the new form of energy. Towards the middle of
the century the law of conservation of energy was established on firm grounds.
Furthermore, the biological world acquired a new meaning by permitting a
penetrating insight as a result of the theory of evolution propounded by Dar-
win. Both the physical and biological sciences advanced rapidly in the latter
half of the nineteenth century providing new knowledge of alike macrocosm
and microcosm. The closing two decades of the century witnessed some re-
markable experiments which led to the discovery ofX..rays and radio-activity.
More significantly, a break-through occurred in respect of the atomic struc-
ture, velocity of light and energy distribution in a black-body spectrum. In
the early decades of the twentieth century, these gave birth to revolutionary
concepts concerning atomic matter, energy, space, time and motion.
• Dampier. p. 101.
It may be emphasized at this stage that the innate strength of modern

science lies in its method. For this reason, its character and validity are
not governed by any geographical or religio-philosophical positions, which,
in the ancient and medieval periods, admittedly impinged upon the science
of a nation or culture-area concerned. The scientific method comprises
the induction which enables formulation of general laws of nature by recog-
nizing uniformity in a set of observations; and deduction which helps
arrive at inferences of even the unobserved ones from relevant observations.
There is yet another aspect of the scientific method which, in general terms,
relates to the formulation of hypothesis founded on the analysis of a limited
number of observations, and testing its validity by further observations of
predicted occurrence, or by means of specially devised experiments of such
nature as are based on some theoretical projections.
The foregoing, though briefly sketched, gives an idea of the origin
and manifold development of science, based on the scientific method, in
the western countries up to the end of the nineteenth century. Alongside,
it must be noted that the industrial technology marched ahead, particularly
as a result of the lndustrial Revolution which occurred in Britain in the
middle of the eighteenth century in the wake of the invention of important
machinery or mechanical aids, exploitation of mines and effective utilization
of steam power. New factories grew up and the new modes of produc-
tion even changed the complexion of the social structure. Faraday's
work on electricity soon led to its application to industries and lighting
systems. Chemical industries were established in increasing numbers, and
the natural resources exploited for human benefit.
The finished products which developed export potential engendered a
new economic movement in different parts of the world. Thus, western
science and the associated industrial enterprise could not be contained in the
countries of their origin. They began to diffuse, slowly but steadily, to
the new lands, both in the East and the West, some of which gradually
became their economic and political colonies.
A close examination of such a diffusion of western science from the
European countries reveals certain important trends, as indicated in a
recent study in terms of a three-phase mode1. a First, the European, for
reasons commercial or political, comes into direct contact with the new
land and becomes deeply involved in investigations of the latter's flora,
fauna, minerals and the like, on which he brings to bear the training in and
knowledge of systematic observations which he had witnessed earlier in his
own culture-area. Thus, in the beginning, botanical, zoological and geologi-
cal explorations appeal to him more than any other branch of modern
science, and the fresh knowledge gained by him in the process is fed back
to the European savants engaged in such investigations. Secondly, there
spring up in the new land a number of institutions and scientific establish-
ments which noticeably become instrumental for widening the range of
Q Basalla, pp. 611-20.

investigations, even so well within the knowledge and training obtaining

then in the European countries. In the third phase, the new scientific
endeavour acts as a stimulus and attracts the intellectuals among the natives,
thus laying the foundation for the promotion of modern science in the new
land.
Historically it is interesting to note that in the latter half of the
eighteenth century, the biological explorations stimulated interest in the
natural history of even far off lands such as India, Australia, Antarctica and
the Malayan Archipelago. In addition, the commercially important plants
and minerals of the new lands held out great promise for the European
trading companies which in their own interest encouraged systematic in-
vestigations. The European naturalists, too, were eager to add to their
knowledge of botany, zoology and geology by visiting the new countries
concerned.
EUROPEAN TRADERS AND MISSIONARIES IN INDIA

The Portuguese
The early European traders to have reached India across the seas round
the Cape of Good Hope were the Portuguese; and this happened towards
the close of the fifteenth century. In 1510 they occupied Goa (the first
Portuguese base on the Indian soil) and soon built up a dominion on the
western coast. From the point of view of the history of the implantation
of western science on India, mention should be made of Garcia da Orta
(1479-1570), the Portuguese physician and botanist who came to Goa in
1534 and spent the rest of his life of 36 years in western India. He grew
in Goa a botanical garden in which he nursed a number of medicinal
plants. He studied scientifically the flora of the region. His work entitled
Colloquies dos simples e drogos de cousas mcdicinais da India cOlnpostos
pc/Ie Doutor Garcia da Orta, which was printed in India in 1565, contains
an account of the local plants and fruits. a Apart from Garcia da Orta,
we know very little of the other investigators, nor of the attempts made by
the Portuguese authorities to bring to India the western scientific knowl-
edge. It may, however, be noted that some new types of plants which
included coffee, tobacco, maize and the like were introduced into India
during this period. Thus in the sixteenth century India was able to receive
and nurture a few western botanical elements.
The Three East India Companies

The beginning of the seventeenth century saw the formation of two
East India Companies-one in Britain (1600) and the other in the Nether-
lands (1602), for trading in the East. The former, under the name 'The
Governor and Company of Merchants of London Trading into the East
II Burkill, p. 17.
India', was granted a Charter by Queen Elizabeth I on the last day of 1600.
This Company traded at first with the Spice Islands, and it was only in
1608 that it could send its first vessel to Surat. The latter, under the name
'The United East India Company of the Netherlands', set foot on the Malabar
Coast a little earlier. The French East India Company came into being
in 1664. The European naturalists, medical men, engineers and other
technical men who came out to India in association with such commercial
and trading enterprises were responsible in no small measure for the intro-
duction of western science in India. Of them, as will be seen later, the
British, after establishing their supremacy in 1757, played a great role in
not only establishing a number of scientific and technical institutions but
also promoting scientific investigations in India.
Jesuit Missionaries
The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries also witnessed the entry into
India of a number of Jesuit missionaries (belonging to a religious order of
the Roman Catholic Church, founded in 1534 by Ignatius Loyola) who
carried with them the then prevalent learning in Europe in astronomy,
geography and natural history. Unofficial agents as they indeed were of
the Portuguese Company trading in India, the Jesuit missionaries were also
active in the political field particularly in the Mughal court. Fathers
Antonio Ceshi (mathematician), Johann Groeber and Albert d'Orville
(astronomers), Bouchet, Mandeslo, Noel, Boudier, Figuerado, Gabelsperger,
Strobl and Tieffenthaler (geographers) spared no efforts in furtherance of
their knowledge in the respective sciences. Some of them were associated
with the astronomical observatories of Sawai Jai Singh early in the
eighteenth century. To what extent their knowledge of western science
was able to influence the local pa1)(iits and rulers cannot be said with certain-
ty. Likewise, in what form the Indian scientific ideas which they carried
with them to Europe were assimilated into the then evolving scientific
knowledge is a nloot point. However, in the field of geography of India
the latitude and longitude measurements which were determined scientifically
by some of the Jesuit missionaries contributed not a little to the geographical
knowledge of India.
SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATIONS AND INSTITUTIONS DURING

THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES
The first glimpses of modern scientific investigations that India had
were those concerning its natural treasures and features. The flora and
the fauna, minerals, geographic characters, climatic conditions and the
like attracted the attention of the versatile Europeans who were either in
the employ of the trading companies or independent missionaries and
explorers. Some of them were trained scientists while the others went about
with almost an insatiable thirst for the natural knowledge of the country.
In the eighteenth century, the commercial policies of the Britishers

gave considerable encouragement to the study of the economically important
plants, minerals and other natural products of India. Moreover, the
country's climatic as well as geographical knowledge, essential for military
purposes, was an important factor. Thus the British East India Company
prudently promoted botanical, meteorological and geological investigations,
as well as a survey of India on scientific lines. To begin with, the investi-
gators were obviously Europeans; and Indians could get into them only
after the country had a system of scientific and technical education which
trained them. The following is a brief account of some of the important
scientific efforts made in India in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
BOTANICAL STUDIES
In Europe, the botanical investigations in the early seventeenth century

were mainly confined to the collection and identification of plants, their
classification and study of morphology. The European naturalists who
came to India during this period were, by and large, either physicians,
administrative officers or missionaries, who acquitted themselves as efficient
collectors and classifiers of the Indian flora. a
When the Dutch took possession of the Malabar Coast from the
Portuguese, the Dutch naturalists evinced keen interest in the flora around
them. The Governor of Dutch Possessions, Heinrich Van Rheede tot
Drakenstein (1637-1692), studied a number of plants and seeds with the
help of the European surgeons with whom he came in contact and also the
Malabar medical practitioners whom he employed for the purpose. He
was perhaps among the first to get the illustrations of a number of plants
drawn. His work, Bortus Malabaricus, was published in 12 volumes
(Amsterdam, 1686-1703) with 794 plates. b It is significant that on this
work Karl Linnaeus, the renowned Swedish botanist, based the nomen-
clature of the Indian plants in his Species plantarum.
On the Madras Coast at this time the two Britishers, James Petiver,
who was an apothecary, and Charles Du Bois, who was an employee of the
East India Company, were engaged in the collection of plants. Petiver
used to send the material to the Westminster physician, Leonard Plukenet,
who spared no efforts to publish the copperplate illustrations of them under
the name Phytographia. C On the Madras Coast was also working a Dane,
lohan Gerhard Koenig (1728-1781), who had worked earlier with Karl
Linnaeus. Koenig joined the Tranquebar Mission as a surgeon in 1768,
and later became the Natural Historian of the East India Company in the
CIIt would appear that up to the end of the nineteenth century there were as many as
457 persons interested in the botanical explorations, among whom 104 were surgeons
or physicians and 111 were administrative officers. -Burkill, p. 232.
& King (G.), p. 904.
C Burkill, p. 9; King (G.), p. 90S.
492 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN JNDIA
Madras Presidency. It would appear that he formed a small group in-

tcrested in botanical studies under the name 'The United Brothers'a who
used to collect plants, exchange specimens and send them to Europe for
ensuring proper nomenclature and description. According to King: b
'Three of these brothers, Heyne, Klein and Sottler, were missionaries
Jocatcd ncar Tranquebar. Gradually the circle widened and, before the
century closed, the enthusiasm for botanical research had spread to the
younger Presidency of Bengal, and the number of workers increased to
about J2, among whom may be mentioned Fleming, Hunter, Anderson,
Berry, Roxburgh, Buchanan and William Jones'. On his part, Koenig
made huge collections of plants and used to send specimens to the Univer.
sity of Lund in Sweden. In addition, he introduced Linnaeus' binomial
system of noolenc1ature in India.
ROYAL BOTANIC' GARDEN
Jn thc history of the botanical and horticultural investigations in India,

a special significance attaches to the role of a garden known as the Royal
Botanic Gardenc (now Indian Botanic Garden), As the former President
of the Royal Society of London, Joseph Banks said: d 'The Botanic Garden
was established with fourfold purposes of conferring economic benefit to
the region, increasing their resources in food and raw materials. importing
from other parts of the world newer types of plants of economic importance
and acclimatizing them here, as well as for extending the interesting science
of natural history and particularly botany.' The garden came into existence
as early as 1787 at Sibpur on the west bank of the river Hooghly under
peculiar circumstances. At Calcutta, the Burma teak was being used to
build freight vessels and this posed a challenge whether teak could be
grown near Calcutta or not. Robert Kyd, who was then Secretary to the
Military Department of Inspection, suggested that an attempt be made to
grow teak in a botanic garden, and chose an extensive area for the garden,
just opposite to where he lived. A trial was then made to grow teak in about
40 acres. Now enjoying an extensive area of about 300 acres, e the Botanic
Garden (earlier popularly known as the 'Company Bagh' denoting that it
belonged to the East India Company) represents the devoted and systematic
efforts of a number of botanists. Robert Kyd, who had raised a small
garden himself and who was noted for his horticultural interest, became the
first Honorary Superintendent of the Garden, and introduced some 300
species in the Garden which evidently was the first of its type at that time.
Well aware of the importance of the economically useful indigenous
plants, Kyd recommended to the government to establish a nursery stock
of plants and later disseminate such of them as were extremely beneficial to
a Mabeshwari and Kapil, p. 5. It Santapau, p. 2.

b King (G.), p. 905. f) King (G.), p. 906.
c Biswas, pp. 26-23.
those who would cultivate them. In such an attempt he saw an extension

of Indian commerce, and increase in national income. The East India
Company, too, was not unaware of the benefits of this scheme. While
whole-heartedly approving the proposal, the Company laid special emphasis
on the cultivation of the commercially beneficial cinnamon; Kyd tried
to grow several kinds of economic plants during his six years of office.
After the death of Robert Kyd in 1793, William Roxburgh, who was
then the East India Company's naturalist in the Presidency of Madras,
was appointed as the Superintendent of the Garden. Roxburgh who had
already established himself as a naturalist of indefatigable energy was
noted for his discovery of the indigenous pepper plant at Samulcotta (Goda-
vari district of Andhra Pradesh). To him the Garden owed a great deal
for its flourishing form in the first decade of the nineteenth century, as will
be seen later.
SURVEY
The political ambitions of the East India Company was, perhaps,

largely responsible for organizing extensive survey work with a view to
gaining a thorough geographical knowledge of the subcontinent. Never-
theless, as already noted, the Jesuit missionaries and the European travellers
who wandered in India possessed some geographical details. Sonle maps
revealing the geography of India, which were published in Venice, Holland,
France and England, were based on the traditional ideas and the accounts
of some mariners and travellers. In 1723, the French geographer Delisle
published a fairly accurate map of the southern coasts of India. Earlier in
1719, Father Bouchet, a French Jesuit missionary, prepared a rough inland
map of southern India and from this the well-known geographer Bourgignon
d'Anville (1697-1782) published in 1737 his first map of south India, and
in 1752 a comprehensive map, Carte de I'Inde, at the request of the French
East India Company. a However, it was the Britishers who initiated in
Bengal a scientific survey for ascertaining the geographical knowledge as
accurately as possible. And they could do so after their victory at the
Battle of Plassey in 1757.
In 1761 Plaisted began the survey work on the coasts of Chittagong.
About the same time Hugh Cammeran surveyed the 'New Lands' of the
24-Parganas. His successor, James Rennell, conducted the survey of the
Ganges river (1764) with a view to finding a watenvay for up-country
traffic from Calcutta. In recognition of his untiring work Rennell was
appointed by Clive and his Council as the Surveyor-General (1767). By
1777 Rennell and his co-workers had surveyed the Company's possessions
in Bengal and Bihar including the Assam frontier. The first Map of Hindoo-
stan was prepared by Rennell in 1783. T. D. Pearse of the Bengal Artillery
and R. H. Colebrooke recorded a series of observations of latitude and
longitude (1774-1795). The other Presidencies-Madras and Bombay-
a Phillimore, I, p. 2.
were not lagging behind in their efforts towards surveying the strategically im..
portant geographical parts. In the Presidency of Madras, Robert Kelly (1738-
1790) and Michael Topping (1747-1796) were the pioneers. Kelly attempt..
ed to cover the south peninsula with an atlas of degree sheets compiled
from measured routes. Topping, who founded the Madras Observatory
(1792) and the Surveying School (1794), advocated 'a continuous series of
triangles that should be spread throughout India', a and endeavoured to
prepare a 300-mile line of triangles along the coast from Madras to Palk
Straight. Even though he did not have the necessary knowledge of geo..
desy, Topping appeared to have favoured a trigonometrical survey of
India. Collin Mackenzie of the Madras Engineers, who placed the topo-
graphical survey (i.e. delineation of the natural and other features of an
area) on a solid foundation, was well known for his survey of the Deccan
including Mysore. Towards the close of the eighteenth century substantial
progress was made in both the land and coastal surveys. Some parts of
Upper India were also surveyed notably by Frederick Sackville (Bundel-
khand), Francis White (Delhi), Colebrooke (Rohilkhand) and Webb (Oudh
and Gorakhpur). James Blunt surveyed Cuttack and produced a valuable
map. Nevertheless, all these could not assume an all-India character even
towards the close of the eighteenth century as they were scattered and dis-
joined.
METEOROLOGICAL RECORDINGS
The usefulness of carefully recorded meteorological observations was

noticed long time back by the Europeans-seamen, astronomers, medical
officers, engineers and even administrators-who were in different parts of
India, not unoften moving from one place to another. As early as 1784,
a meteorological diary was maintained at Calcutta by one Henry Trail. b
Thomas D. Pearse was another who, at Calcutta, recorded the observations
of the barometer, thermometer, hygrometer, wind direction and rainfall
during the period 1785-1788.c Medical officers were also expected to keep
meteorological journals at their stations. In 1789 William Hunter recorded
observations on the rainfall and climate of Ujjain. However, it was in the
nineteenth century that systematic recordings over regular periods at a
number of stations became possible, as will be seen later.
THE MADRAS OBSERVATORY
An important institution which came into being in the closing decade

of the eighteenth century was the Madras Observatory established in 1792
on the initiative of Charles Oakeley, the Governor of Madras, 'for promot-
ing the knowledge of astronomy, geography and navigation in India'.
Earlier, William Petrie, a Member of Madras Government, had set up an
observatory, probably the first of its type in the East, at his own expense.
• Phillimore, I, p. 5. b Trail, pp. 419-71. e Pearse, PP. 441-65.

He transferred his instruments and other equipment to the Madras Ob-

servatory. John Goldingham, a Fellow of the Royal Society noted for his
astronomical acumen, was the first astronomer who worked at the ob-
servatory and recorded a number of astronomical observations, as will be
observed later.
THE ASIATIC SOCIETY
In the last quarter of the eighteenth century, the European investi-

gators who were engaged in antiquarian studies, as also in diverse investi-
gations of the natural history of India, felt the need for meeting together
with a view to exchanging notes, promoting learned discussions and com-
municating their own findings. This necessitated the founding of a learned
society, and it did not take long to establish one such. Thirty European
intellectuals of Calcutta met on 15 January 1784, under the Presidentship
of Robert Charles, the second judge of Supreme Court, and resolved to
form an association called 'The Asiatick Society'Q (later known as the Asiatic
Society of Bengal and this name was changed in 1936 to 'The Royal Asiatic
Society of Bengal') and to hold weekly meetings every Thursday at 7 o'clock.
But the mind behind this attempt was that of William Jones, a versatile
literary genius and scholar of repute in Latin, Greek, Arabic and Persian.
In recognition of his linguistic attainments he was already elected a Fellow
of the Royal Society in England before he came to India in 1783 as a puisne
judge of the Supreme Court of Judicature at Fort William in Bengal.
Jones became the Founder-President of the Asiatic Society and continued
to be its President till his death in 1794.
Objects
The objects of the Asiatic Society were stated in an ornate style by
William Jones in his opening address as follows: 'You will investigate
whatever is rare in the stupendous fabric of nature, will correct the geo-
graphy of Asia by new observations and discoveries, will trace the animals,
and even traditions, of those nations, who from time to time have peopled
or desolated it; and will bring to light their various fonns of government,
with their institutions, civil and religious; and you will examine their im-
provements and methods in arithmetic and geometry, in trigonometry,
mensuration, mechanics, politics, astronomy and general physics; their skill
in surgery and medicine and their advancement, whatever may be in ana-
tomy and chemistry. To this you will add researches into their agriculture,
manufactures and trade, and whilst you enquire into their music, archi-
tecture, painting and pottery. You will not neglect those inferior arts, by
which comforts, and even elegances of social life, are supplied or improved. 'b
Indeed the canvas of investigations was wide; for not only did it em-
brace the letters, sciences and arts, the inanimate rocks and the animate
• Mitra, p. 3. b Mitra, pp. 4-5.

fauna and flora but even covered a wide range of human thinking and
reflections. In fact Jones himself said: 'If now it be asked, what are the
intended objects of the enquires within these spacious limits, we answer:
Man and Nature-whatever is performed by the one and produced by the
other within the geographical limits of Asia.'
William Jones
William Jones himself set an example in this direction. He became
well versed in Sanskrit and threw fresh light on the antiquity of the Indian
Zodiac, the lunar year of the Hindus, the Hindu chronology, Indian plants,
etc. He prepared a catalogue of the Indian plants with their names both
in Sanskrit and Linnaean generic nomenclature. To perpetuate the botani-
cal interests of William Jones, Roxburgh established the genus Jonesia Roxb.
(Sarca L.). A man of deep culture, William Jones did signal service to
the furtherance of oriental and scientific pursuits in India by establishing
the Asiatic Society. He died at an early age of forty-eight in 1794. During
his stay in lndia, short as it was for about ten years, the Asiatic Society
steadily progressed towards its becoming a premier society of its type in
Asia. There was no Indian as member of the Society when it started.
However, now and then, papers written by Indians used to be presented.
In April 1785, a paper in Persian entitled 'The Care of the Elephantiasis and
other Disorders of the Blood', written by a Muhammadan medical man,
was translated into English by Jones himself and presented by him to the
Society. It was only in 1829 that a few Indians were elected as members
of the Society for the first time.
The Asiatic Society had no building of its own for twenty-four years.
As long as Jones was alive, the meetings were held in the Grand Jury
Room of the old Supreme Court. It was only in 1808 that the Society was
able to function in its own building on Park Street in Calcutta.
For a long time the East India Company was primarily concerned with
the manufactures and the produce typically Indian. Nevertheless, when
it consolidated its political position in the later half of the eighteenth
century, the Company found it prudent to have a few scientific and technical
establishments like the Survey Department and the Botanical Gardens as
pointed out earlier. But it did not promote or organize studies of the
natural history of India on scientific lines. However, the naturalist-
members of the Asiatic Society were greatly interested in investigations of
the rich and varied fauna and flora as well as geology and geography of
India, and the Society encouraged such investigations.
EDUCATION
The East India Company for long was concerned mainly with its
commercial interests and hence chose to be indifferent towards the promo-
tion of education of the people of India as one of its distant objectives even.
In the last two decades of the eighteenth century, however, some efforts
were made for establishing a few educational institutions. Governor-
General Warren Hastings founded in 1781 a Madrassa at Calcutta by
providing a building for it at his own expense which was afterwards charged
to the Company. The object of this institution was to promote the study
of the Arabic and Persian languages and the Muhammadan Law, with a view,
more especially, to the production of well-qualified officers for the Courts
of Justice. a Nevertheless, in later years the curriculum underwent some
change by including courses in natural philosophy, astronomy, geometry,
arithmetic, logic and rhetoric. But it must be noted that the English
language was not introduced as one of the subjects of study, nor was western
learning taught there. In 1791 Jonathan Duncan, the Resident at Banares,
opened the Hindu College with the object of educating the Hindus in their
own language by prescribing courses in theology, medicine, music,
mechanics, arts, grammar, mathematics, history, philosophy, law and
literature.
Of considerable historical significance from the point of view of the
introduction of English education in India, is the active interest evinced by
one of the Directors of the East India Company, Charles Grant who wrote
a treatise (1792-97) entitled Observations on the State of Society among
the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain, Particularly with Respect to Morals;
and Oil the Means of Improving It. Even though in this treatise Grant made
some devastating remarks, many of them being in the nature of half-truths,
he entered a vigorous plea to impart western education to the Indians in
English, failing which in the Indian languages themselves. In his treatise
he wrote: 'Perhaps, no acquisition in natural philosophy would so effec-
tively enlighten the mass of people, as the introduction of the principles
of mechanics and their application to agriculture and the useful arts. Not
that the Hindoos are wholly destitute of simple mechanical contrivances.
Some manufactures, which depend upon patient attention and delicacy of
hand, are carried to a considerable degree of perfection among them; but
for a series of ages, perhaps for two thousand years, they do not appear
to have made any considerable addition to the arts of life. Invention
seems wholly trepid among them; in a few things they have improved by
their intercourse with Europeans, of whose immense superiority they are
at length convinced; but this effect is partial, and not discernible in the
bulk: of the people. The scope for improvement, in this respect, is prodi-
gious.' Further, he advocated the improvement in agriculture by the
introduction of mechanical contrivances. b However, as it happened, the
introduction as well as the growth of English education and, as part of it,
the scientific and technical education could take roots in India only in the
nineteenth century.
II Mahmood, pp. 18-19. b Mahmood, pp. 17-18.

32
SCIENCE AND SCIENTIFIC ORGANIZATIONS IN

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
Jn the history of the people of India the importance of the nineteenth

century which witnessed intellectual, economic and social development
of a new order heralding the dawn of the modern outlook need hardly be
overemphasized. It has been rightly said: 'The nineteenth century was the
great dividing line, and these hundred years changed the face of India far
more than did the preceding thousand years.'a Evidently, the elements of
the civilization of the West, the spirit of rationalism and the new awakening
which burst forth ill Europe then began to produce, albeit in a restricted
way, a noticeable impact upon the minds of the Indians. Perhaps it is no
exaggeration to say that one of the mai n causes for this development was
the introduction of English education which, despite its outlandish in-
congruity and being limited to certain sections of the people, contributed
significantly to the transformation of Jndia particularly in the latcr half of
the nineteenth century. It Jnay be noted that the first five universities were
founded at Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Allahabad and Lahore, and a
number of tcchnical or professional schools and colleges established in
different parts of the country during this period. Further, thc provincial
governments recognized the education of the people as one of their utmost
responsibilities and constituted departments of public instruction for this
purpose.
The later half of the nineteenth century also saw the introduction of
the telegraph and the railways. The first section of the telegraphic line
was completed in February 1851 ncar Calcutta between AJipore and Raj-
ghat, a distance of some 15 miles. The line was of iron rod ~" in diamcter
weighing about 1,940 pounds per mile, in separate lengths of 13' 6", each
welded together and with a protective coating of cloth and pitch so as to
form a pliable envelope which would be impervious to water, saline, earth and
eroding organisms. b This work was accomplished by W. B. O'Shaughnessy,
a medical man who was then Professor of Chemistry in the Medical College at
Calcutta and who later became the first Director of Telegraphs in India. He
covered a further distance of 24 miles of telegraph line from Calcutta in the
direction of Diamond Harbour by November 1857. It is interesting to
note that in the same year Samuel Morse connected Washington with
Baltimore, a distance of about 40 miles, with his device. An Indian by
name Shib Chandra Nandy was associated with the work of O'Shaughnessy
and was largely responsible for the laying of about 900 miles of telegraphic
lines from Barakar to Allahabad, Banares to Mirzapur and onwards, and
from Calcutta to Dacca. In the course of the next six years there were
over 4,500 miles of telegraphic lines in India and some 46 receiving stations. C
o Majumdar (R. C.), X, pt. 2, p. 95.

II W. B. O'Shaughnessy's Report preserved in the Victoria Memorial, Calcutta.
c Das Gupta (A. P.), p. 30.
3211
The first railway line was laid in 1853 between Bombay and Thana
covering a distance of about 20 miles. In the next fifteen years the length
covered by the railways rose to 1,088 nliles, and by 1871 it was 5,077 miles.
There was indeed a rapid advance in railway construction and by the end
of the century, Le. in the next span of about 30 years, 24,760 miles of rail-
ways were laid, a connecting the important towns, harbours, and coal and
other mineral-producing areas. In fact, the railway enterprise in India
received from the government rather an extraordinary encouragement in
preference to the construction of canals for irrigation purposes, as the
former proved to be an effective carrier of goods of comnlcrcial inlportancc
in furtherance of the enlightened self-intercst of the British. Whatever
might have been the reason, the notable fact was that the railways created
new types of employment, trade marts, new townships and introduced an
element of mobility and intercourse anlong the different sections of the
people, with obvious impact on certain social changes even.
Apart from the telegraph and the railway, it may be noted that, as a
result of the military and commercial motives on the one hand and adminis-
trative exigencies which cropped up from time to tilne on the other, the
government had to adopt concerted measures for l11aking the then existing
scientific service organizations more broad-based and utilitarian, as also
establishing some new scientific institutions. Thus, among others, the
meteorological, survey and botanical organizations developed all-India
character~ the geological survey came into being; and research institutes in
engineering, bacteriology, medicine and agriculture were established. All
these had impact, in their respective spheres, on the political and economic
life of the nation. The network of scientific institutions of necessity spread
over different parts of the country, and the gradual involvement of some
of the local inhabitants in the scientific investigations, produced not Ul1-
noticeably a scientific climate in the country. Added to this, the learned
societies took the lead not only in supporting a number of investigations
but also publishing in their transactions and journals the important scientific
findings of the investigators, some of whom travelled far and wide, on the
plains and the hills, in pursuit of their researches. Though the people as
a whole could not admittedly imbibe the true scientific spirit and were not
educated enough to appreciate the importance of the scientific efforts, they
could not but witness the growing influence of western science and its
gradually taking roots in India.
ROLE OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY AND OTHER LEARNED BODIES
Of the learned societies, the Asiatic Society continued to play a key

role. As stated before, the Society moved to its own building in Park
Street, Calcutta, in 1808. In the same year, Hare, a member of the Society,
moved 'that a Committee be appointed for the purpose of physical
Q Dutt (R. C.), p. 548.

500 A CONCISE HIS10RY OJ< SCIENCE IN INDIA
investigations, the collection of facts, specimens, and correspondence with

individuals whose situations in the country may be favourable for such
discussions and investigations,'a and subsequently recommended the forma-
tion of two Committees-one for 'Natural History, Physics, Medicine,
Improvement of the Arts, and whatever is comprehended in the general
term of Physics', and the other for Literature. From 1818 onwards the
Physical Commitee did active work for several years. The biological as
well as geological science also received necessary attention. The naturalist
lnenlbers of the Asiatic Society were greatly interested in scientific investi-
gations of the rich and varied flora and fauna as well as geology and ge-
ography of India. Among the earlier membcrs of the Society were a number
of mathematicians with the result the scientific contributions received in
the beginning by the Society were concerned with some branch or other
of mathcmatics. b As to the publications by the Society of research papers,
the Asiatick Researchesc was divided into two parts in 1829-one devoted
wholly to scientific papers, and thc other to literary communications. In
1832, the Socicty started publishing the Journal of the Asiatic Societyd
which, though in the beginning was devoted to the publication of papers
of literary character, was an important periodical for scientific communi-
cations. In a period of about fifty years over 500 papers in mathematical
and physical sciences, 560 in zoology, 320 in geology and 80 in botany,
besides some scientific notices, found place in this Journal. Besides the
Asiatic Society, the Agricultural Society of India founded by William
Carey in 1820 (renamed in 1826, the Agricultural and Horticultural Society
of India) and the Bombay Natural History Society (1848) were among the
other learned bodies which provided stimulus to scientific pursuits.
It nlay, nevertheless, be emphasized that the founding of scientific
organizations and learned societies was largely inspired by similar insti-
tutions in Britain. No wonder that the organizational structure and even
the aims and objective of some of them had their parallels in Britain. All
the same, the men of science, though of European origin, who ushered in
and nurtured these institutions spared no efforts in promoting them in the
Indian context. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the Indians
who also began to work with them not only imbibed the spirit of free
inquiry but also acquired experimental skills. Such an impact on the
investigations undertaken by the Indians was discernible to a marked extent
towards the closing of two decades of the century.
cr Mitra, PP. 15--16.
b Bose (P. N.) (1), p. 8.
e The publication ceased in 1839.
cl In 1829 Captain J. D. Herbert, Deputy Surveyor-General, started a monthly under
the name Gleanings in Science with a view to publishing extracts and abstracts from
the European scientific publications. It used to publish also the Societfs monthly
proceedings. On the initiative of James Prinsep, one of the Secretaries of the Asiatic
Society, the periodical was taken over by the Society, and published under the name
The Journal of the Asiatic Society, though the first number bore the title Journal of the
Asiatic Society 01Bengal.
The researches conducted in India in the nineteenth century en-

compassed different branches of science and received support from several
scientific organizations. A significant feature was the use of instruments,
some obtained from Britain and others designed and fabricated in the
country itself. There were makers of scientific instruments at Calcutta,
Bombay, Madras and Bangalore. A few of thenl were Indians, too, who
soon learnt the instrumentation technique and were able to produce even
some complicated instruments needed for survey work and engineering.
Truly the modern science and technique made inroads into India in the
nineteenth century. The following is in the nature of highlighting the
major scientific organizations and researches, and the growth of scientific
and technical education in India during this period.
PHYSICAL SCIENCE INCLUDING METH)ROLOGY, ASTRONOMY, SOLAR AND

TERRFSTRIAL PHYSICS
M eteor%gy
In the nineteenth century the meteorological and allied observations

necessarily continued to make headway and became widespread in several
parts of the country.a, b At Calcutta, James Kyd prepared the register
of tidal observations (1805-1828) relating to day and night tides in the
river Hooghly at Kidderpore. G. T. Hardwicke maintained a meteorological
register at Dum Dum from 1816 to 1823. In 1823 James Prinsep took a
series of meteorological observations at Banaras for two years. In addi-
tion, he studied the wet-bulb indications and contributed a paper on the
depression of the wet-bulb hygrometer. c He also analysed the daily range
of the barometer in different parts of India. Major J. T. Boileu prepared
tables for determining the elastic force of aqueous vapour in the atmosphere
as well as the dew-point temperature. d In 1835, R. Everest published a
paper on the revolution of the seasons, as also on the correspondence
between the atmospheric phenomena and the changes of the moon. e He
gave a detailed account of rain and drought of eight seasons in India from
1831 to 1838. There were others like Cunningham, Richard Stratchey
and Royle who meticulously recorded the meteorological data of their
stations, some of which were at high altitudes. The diverse meteorological
observations were also classified and studied from time to time, par-
ticularly at the Surveyor-General's office. It was in 1848 that the first
attempt was made to record the maxima and minima temperatures, and in
1856 hourly observations were started.! H. Piddington, who was the
Curator of the Museum of Economic Geology and President of the Marine
Court of Enquiry, compiled a series of 23 memoirs on the law of storms.
II Bose (P. N.) (I), pp. 10-11. ,l Boileu, pp. 135-70.

b Markham, pp. 275-310. t Everest (2), pp. 345 and 631.
e Prinsep, pp. 396-432 and 828. f Markham, p. 278.
His account of the important cyclones a which occurred in the East from
1829 to 1857 is well known.
]n the south, as early as 1836, the Rajah of Travancore founded at
Trivandrum an observatory in which extensive observations were recorded
by John Allan Broun, astronomer to the Rajah, from 1852 onwards. A
branch of this observatory was also established in 1855 at Agastya-mula
(a peak 6,200 ft. high), and the hourly observations made there yielded
valuable data on atmospheric pressure, temperature, humidity and evap-
oration. Meteorological observations were also in progress by medical
men and army officers at Banga]ore, Mysore, Coorg, Doddabetta on the
Nilgiri hills (8,640 ft. high) and Sikandarabad. b
In the west, Benjamin, Norton and Colonel Sykes were the leading
meteorologists. In particular, Sykes not only brought out the outstanding
features of his barometrical indications relating to diurnal and nocturnal
tides but also analysed systematically his hygrometric observations. He
described the spectacular circular and white rainbows in the Deccan, the
peculiarity of the winds, frequency of calms, quantity of electricity in the
atmosphere and the peculiar atmospheric opacity in hot weather. c The
Bombay Observatory, established in 1823, made valuable contributions to
meteorology from 1842 onwards, under George Buist, Orlebar, Montriou,
Fergusson, Morland and Chambers.
Though the meteorological stations in different parts of the country
were actively engaged in the collection of valuable data, the need was felt
for a general system of meteorological observations on a uniform plan.
In 1863, Thomas Glaisher prepared a report pleading for such a recourse.
Perhaps the year 1864 is of considerable significance in the history of meteo-
rology in India; for in that year occurred a major cyclone which gripped
Calcutta and the neighbourhood with devastating consequences-loss of
over 80,000 human lives and huge damage to property on land, and ships
on the sea. The Bengal Famine of 1866 was another natural calamity
which further necessitated the development of meteorological observations.
In 1865 a meteorological committee was appointed at Calcutta C to
consider the best means of establishing a system of observations for the
protection of that port '.d The committee recommended the appointment
of observers, who were assistants in the Electric Telegraph Department, to
record the data and transmit thenl by telegraph to the meteorological
observatory attached to the Surveyor-General's office at Calcutta. Soon
meteorological reporters were appointed to the Governments of the Panjab
(A. Neil) and the North-West Provinces (Murray Thomson). In 1867,
H. F. Blanford, who was then Professor of Natural Sciences at the Presi-
dency College at Calcutta and who was to playa great role in the evolution
of the meteorological department, to be noticed later, was appointed as
Meteorological Reporter to the Government of Bengal.
a The term cyclone was coined by Piddington, ~ Markham, pp. 281-83.
based on the Greek word Kuklos which con- C Markham, pp. 285 and 288-89.
notes the coil of a snake. tJ Markham, p. 291.
Though the work done by the different meteorological stations was

indeed considerable and useful, the necessity arose for establishing ob-
servatories in select parts of the country. Between 1865 and 1871, such
observatories were established, and their work comprised collection as well
as recording of the atmospheric data, issuance of cyclone warnings well in
advance, tidal observations and astronomical and magnetic studies. The
Aliporc Observatory at Calcutta was also deternlining correct time for the
benefit of ships and telegraph offices by recording transit observations of
stars. Of the important instruments in use then, mention may be made
of Osler's self-registering anemometer, different typcs of thermometers,
Newman's standard barometer, Regnault's hygrometer. pluvionletcr,
e1cctroscopic apparatus and tide gaugc.
Blanford and the Meteorological Departlnent

Organizationally the time had come to conceive of an all-India meteo-
rological institution. In 1875. the India Meteorological Deparhnent was
establi~hed with a view 10 consolidating the work of the provincial organiza-
tions. The chief functions of the department included then, as now,
experimental observations, preparation of daily weather charts, issuing
weather summaries, seismological studies, solar physics and terrestrial
magnetic studies. In 1875, Blanford was appointed as Meteorological
Reporter to the Government of India. Under his able guidance the Mete-
orological Department registered rapid progress, for Blanford not only
reorganized the department but also sought to raise the number of obser-
vatories so as to have an all-India coverage. He took concerted nleasures
for improving upon the quality of observations leading to effective co-
ordination of the data collected. By 1878 there were as many as 103
observatories at work, and in 1885 their number rose to ]28, exclusive of
22 observatories in Bengal, which were established in connection with the
provincial system of collecting telegraphic weather reports. a
Realizing the importance of collecting data concerning the forest
weather, Blanford established in 1885 an observatory at the Forest School
at Dehra Dun, which also served as a training institution. b To Blanford,
therefore, belongs the credit of being practically the founder of systematic
and uniform meteorological observations through the length and breadth
of India. c
Blanford himself was a great experimentalist and a meticulous com-
piler of the observed data. He showed that the variations in solar heat,
being considerable, would exert an influence on all the terrestrial pheno-
mena, and stressed the need for direct actinometric observations as the only
means of ascertaining the heat-variation. d He made observations on the
irregularities of atmospheric pressure in the Indian monsoon region. In
addition, he worked on the variations in the barometric tides with reference
G Black, pp. 283-96. C Bose (P. N.) (1), pp. 12-13.

b Black, p. 298. cI Markham, p. 307.
to diurnal land and sea breezes. He also prepared a catalogue of the

recorded cyclones in the Bay of Bengal up to the end of 1876. With John
Eliot, Blanford made significant contributions relating to rainfall, tor-
nadoes, hygrometer and the like.
FIG. 10.1. Sketch of the Weather Chart of India: 16 Sept. ]888. (Reproduced from Regi01wl
Meteorological een/fl', Nagpur, Si/rer Jubilee Souvenir, Appendix Ill.)
In 1878, Eliot introduced a system of daily reports on the weather in

all parts of India. a He even devised a system of issuing storm signals for
the port. It would appear that before 1884 all the officers of the India
Mcteorological Department were Europeans. In 1884, however, the
department took a decision to train an educated Indian, as an experimental
measure, in meteorology, particularly in the preparation of daily weather
reports. This honour fell on Lala Ruchi Ram Sahni of the Panjab, who,
after his B.A. degree in physical science, was then qualifying for M.A.
degree. b In 1889, Eliot succeeded Blanford as the Meteorological Reporter
to the Government of India.
" Black. p. 293. b Black, p. 297.

WESTERN SCIENCE TN INDIA 505
Astronomical Investigations
In respect of astronomical investigations, there were some individual
attempts to observe the transit of planets like Mercury and Venus. James
Prinsep observed the transit of Mercury on the 5th of May 1832 using a
four-foot achromatic telescope of four inches aperture, mounted equatorially
and provided with a delicate micrometer. a Colonel Tennant made obser-
vations on the transit of Venus, and its egress from the sun, on the 9th
of December 1874 at Roorkee. b These individual efforts amply illustrate
the versatility of the persons concerned, and their abiding interest in
matters celestial.
At the Madras Observatory important astronomical work was in
progress, a summary of which can be found in Markham's book. Briefly
stated, John Goldingham and his deputy Warren, both trained astronomers,
were engaged in many an astronomical observation. In their work they
were ably helped by two Indian assistants who made regular astronomical
observations relating to the sun's transit every day at noon, the eclipse of
the Jupiter's satellites occurring al010st every night, and the transits of a
number of recognized stars, with a view to regulating the astronomical
clock. Thomas Glanville Taylor, who succeeded Goldingham, equipped
the observatory with new and more powerful instruments including transit
instruments, astronomical clocks, telescopes and circular measurer.c He
began the compilation of the Star Calalogue which was published in ]844 in
its final form containing the places of some 11,000 stars. d
N. R. Pogson, who was associated with this observatory for a period
of thirty years (1861-1891), equipped it with precision instruments, the
principal among them were a transit circle and an 8!-inch equatorial.
The former was employed for the preparation of a catalogue of 5,000 stars.
With the latter Pogson discovered six minor planets and seven variable
stars. The minor planets, noticed between the orbits of Mars and Jupiter,
were Asia (17 April 1861), Freia (2 February 1864), Sappho (3 May ]864),
Sylvia (16 May 1866), Can1illa (17 November 1868) and Vera (6 February
1885).e It was Pogson who thought of establishing a branch of this ob-
servatory in the Palni or Nilgiri hills, particularly for the photographic and
spectroscopic observations of the sun and the stars. But no action ensued
in his lifetime. The Madras Famine of ]876-1877 which occurred due to
the failure of the moonsoon rains gave a fillip to the establishment of a
solar physics observatory, inasmuch as the Commission of Inquiry which
was appointed by the government to investigate the cause of the famine,
brought to the notice of the government' a correlation between the seasonal
distribution of rain in India and sunspot periodicity and hence recommended
II Bose (P. N.) (I), p. 10.

b Bose (P. N.) (I), p. 18.
C Phillimore, II, pp. 195-96; Markham, p. 329.
d Regional Meteorological Centre, Madras, pp. 2-4
, Black, PP. 312-13; Markham, PP. 333-34.
that necessary steps be taken for solar observations'.a When C. Michie

Smith was appointed as Government Astronomer to succeed Pogson in
1891, the project began to take some shape. In 1895, Michie Smith selected
Kodaikanal in the upper Palni hills as the location for establishing a solar
physics observatory. The construction work was taken up in 1899 and in
the same year the administrative control of this observatory was transferred
to the India Meteorological Department. The Solar Physics Observatory
started functioning in 1900. Sunspot spectra, hydrogen content of solar
prominences, spectrum of the night sky, variation in the area of hydro-
gen absorption, and meteorological and seismological studies were among
the important investigations undertaken in this observatory.
Geomagnetic Studies
In respect of geomagnetic studies~ as early as 1834 India participated
in the global study of the carth~s nlagnetism~ which was organized by the
Gottingen Magnetic Union with a view to recording simultaneous magnetic
observations at 50 stations during 1834-1841. b Out of the six stations in
the whole of Asia selected for this purpose, there were three in
India-at Madras, Simla and Trivandrum. Later in 1840, a magnetic
observatory was started at Colaba (Bombay) through a fortunate accident.
In that year, a magnetic observatory was proposed to be started at Aden
and as for some reasons it was not materializing then, the instruments were
diverted to Colaba where a meteorological and time determination ob-
servatory had already been at work since 1823. The magnetic observatory
was shifted from Colaba to Alibag (18 miles south-east of Bombay) in
1904, in view of the introduction of the electric traction for the street tram
service then, lest the electric current should vitiate the magnetic observations.
The Alibag Observatory is regarded as one of the primary magnetic ob-
servatories of the world.
Isostasy
In the field of geophysics, the officers of the Trigonometric Survey of
India continued to provide the lead. In 1864, the Surveyor-General
Walker applied to the Secretary of State for India, seeking permission to
undertake a series of pendulum experiments in connection with the trigo-
nometrical survey. The proposal found the support of most of the eminent
Fellows of the Royal Society which, for this purpose, even lent an astro-
nomical clock and two invariable pendulums which were supplemented by a
copper vacuum cylinder and an air pump. Captain J. P. Basevi,c who
was entrusted with this task, did experiments at nineteen stations of the
Indian Arc from Dehra Dun to Cape Comorin, in addition to two stations
Q Kodaikanal Observatory~ p. 2.
b Alibag Db.fierva/ory, p. 3.
C Basevi, pp. 251-72; Professional Papers, III, PP. 97-108; 199-208.
on the east coast, and two on the west coast as also in the Minicoy Island.
The hnperial Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg lent two convertible
pendulums (which were already used on the Russian Arc) with a view to
establishing a connection between the Indian and the Russian experiments.
These investigations led to the important discovery of isostasy, i.e. a condi-
tion supposed to exist in the earth's crust, whereby equal earth masses under-
lie equal areas down to an assumed level of compensation. These were
interpreted mathematically by A. Pratt, as a result of which the theory of
isostatic compensation elncrged. a
Other Physicalln\'estigations
O'Shaughnessy who, as statcd before, was the first to conceive of
and lay the telegraphic line, contributed scveral memoranda based on his
electric experiment~ relating to the conlmunication of telegraphic signals by
induced electricity.f) Schwendler, who held the post of Superintendent
Electrician of Government Telegraphs in India, conducted experiments on
the use of platinum for the emission of brilliant light when a sufficiently
strong electric current was passed through it. He also investigated the
proper method of supplying signalling currents.r Major Waterhouse of
the Survey of lndia examined the influence of the newly discovered dye
called eosin, on the photographic action of the solar spectrum upon the
bromide and bromide-iodide of silver. Another work for which he is
well known related to the photographs of the solar disc which he took in
connection with the transit of Venus in December 1874/l
SURVEY OF INDIA
In the nineteenth century the survey work assumed a new dilnension

and was carried out in a truly scientific manner using a number of instru-
ments which included the theodolite, chronolneter, telescope, prismatic
compass, perambulators, planetables and sextants. The surveyors were
able and devoted men among whom the names of William Lambton and
George Everest stand out prominently.
William Lambton
In the history of the Survey of India the name of William Lambton
(I753-1823) has particularly a distinct place. For it was Lambton who
initiated a progressive survey of the whole country and ushered in the
Great Trigonometrical Survey of India. In brief, the trigonometrical
surveying is divided into three distinct branches. e Firstly, some sites are
selected for measuring base lines so as to form the ends of certain ranges
a Pratt (J), pp. 3Jo-16; Pratt (2), pp. 34-24. tf Bose (p. N.) 0), PP. 18-19.
b Bose (P. N.) (1), pp. 15-16. , Markham, p. 61.
c Bose (P. N.} (I), pp. 16-17.
Flo. 10.2. Sketch of the Zenith Sector used by William Lambton, now preserved in the
Victoria Memorial Museum, Calcutta. (Courtesy, Sri S. N. Sen who got
the sketch made in connection with the Inventory of Scientific Instruments 01
Historica/lmportance, now under preparation by him.)
of triangles which are then measured as accurately as possible. The base

of the triangle is computed, and by trigonomctrical methods, the distances
of other points visible from its extremities are ascertained through angular
observations with the help of suitable instruments. Secondly, the desired
range of triangles is constructed by determining the positions of selected
points on the earth's surface by the angles taken from the ends of the
measured base line, and then carried on fronl point to point in succession
so as to form a network of positions along a belt of the country. Then
the primary triangulation is completed by a specilic number of such belts
across the desired area of survey in the directions of both latitude and
longitude. Thirdly, the triangulation so done is checked by astrononlical
observations of latitude and longitude at selected points.
Lambton was well versed in trigonometrical computations, geography
and geodesy. The cxperience of his military service convinced hun of the
need of employing the geodetic methods which would help determine the
size and figure of the earth's surface through determinations of triangulation,
altitude, longitude and gravity. Lambton's efforts for a scientific mapping
of India using the geodetic science received great support and warm appreci-
ation from the goverrunent. Encouraged by this, he had already proposed
in the closing year of the eighteenth century, a mathematical and geographi-
cal survey across the peninsula from coast to coast, which 'was to serve as
a foundation for a general survey of the whole country, being controlled
by astronomical observations and carried out on scientific principles, and
wa~ to be capable of extcll~ion in any direction and to any distance.'a. b
In ISOO, an independent trigononlctrical survey was organized in
Madras. Lambton commenced his task in Mysore area, measured a base
line near Bangalore, and in the next eighteen nlonths carried out a pre-
liminary triangulation of Mysore. In his earlier attempts Lambton used a
chain of blistered steel consisting of forty links of two and a half feet each
with a total measurement of 100 feet. He had also in his possession one
three-foot theodolite, one circular instrument, one zenith sector, a small
transit telescope, two steel chains, six thermometers, one astronomical
telescope and two small chronometers, with which he carried out his sub-
sequent work. As the first operation of his general trigonometrical survey,
he measured a base line near St. Thomas Mount at Madras for his triangles
north and south through the Carnatic. He then completed a meridional
arc from Cuddalore to Madras and by observations of latitude at both
ends he was able to attain a value Qf the degree for his work. By 1815 he
had compiled a general map of the southern region. Further, he deter-
mined the largest arc ever measured in any other country, having an ampli-
tude of 90 53' 45" and so close to the equator. c Lambton's efforts resulted
not only in covering the entire peninsula as high as 15° N. lat. with a net-
work of triangles, braced by main cross belts and but also in fixing the
geographical position of a number of prominent points. His results
II Markham, pp. 63 if. II Phillimore, II, p. 3. C Bose (P. N.) (I). p. 4.

were published 'with such explanations and discussions that proclaimed to

the whole scientific world that a survey was proceeding in India that would
yield geodetic results of the very highest importance to science.' a
Lambton's systematic work earned him a permanent place in the
field of geodetic measurements. As General Walker said of him later
(1870): 'Of all Colonel Lambton's contributions to geodesy, the most
important are his measurements of meridional arcs, the results of which
have been employed up to the present time, in combination with those of
other parts of the globe, in all investigations of the figure of the earth.'
What is more, Lambton produced a profound impact upon his flagmen who
were Indians. In the words of Everest who collaborated with him: 'I
learnt how to value the natives of southern India, who, knowing no master
but Lieutenant-Colonel Lambton, unconnected with and unknown by the
government they served, without provision for themselves in case of their
being crippled by sickne~s, accident or age, or for their families in the event
of their death, yet ventured fearle~sly and without a murmur to face those
awful dangers which would have made the stoutest hearts quirl and ~hrink.'b
Such then was Lambton whose qualities of head and heart were a great
source of inspiration to his followers. As to Lambton himself, he wrote
in one of his reports thus: 'In 20 years devoted to this work I have scarcely
experienced a heavy hour. Such is the case when the human mind is ab-
sorbed in pursuits that call its powers into action. A man so engaged,
his time passes on insensibly, and if his efforts arc successful his reward is
great, and a retrospect of his labours will afford him an endless satisfaction.
If such should be my lot I shall close my career with heartfelt satisfaction,
and look back with unceasing delight on the years I have passed in India.'c
Lambton had two technical assistants, Henry Voysey as surgeon
and geologist of whom we shall speak later, and George Everest as surveyor.
Soon he extended his great work and carried his central arc northwards
into Berar before he breathed his last on his way to Nagpur in 1823.
His work was continued with equal precision by Everest in Upper India.
There is no denying that both Lambton and Everest contributed a great
deal to the geodetic mapping of India on scientific lines.
Mackenzie and others

In 1815, Mackenzied was named the Surveyor-General of India with
the object of controlling the surveys of the three Presidencies, but he did
not have any authority over the survey work in progress under Lambton.
In 1818, however, Lambton's work, which by then had reached beyond
the limits of the Madras Presidency, came under the over-all control of
the government under the name 'The Great Trigonometrical Survey of
India'.
• Phillimore, II, p. 4. c Markham, p. 69.

• Phillimore, ill, p. 396. d Markham, pp. 73 If.
Even though appointed as the Surveyor-General of India, Mackenzie

chose to remain in the Madras Presidency for two years, reorganized the
department effectively and, on his own part, started the survey of the then
Northern Circars with the help of his assistants, William Scott, Henry
Hamilton and Marcellus Burke. This survey, later designated as the
'Rajamundry Survey', was completed in 1824 with full details by using plain-
table, angular instruments and field-books.
In 1822, it was decided to prepare an atlas of India so as to depict the
whole country on the quarter-inch 5calc, and for this purpose selections
were made from the different surveys and suitably reduced. These consti-
tuted the standard map of India for the next eighty years.
The survey of the Hitnalayas was also taken up in right earnest by
John Anthony Hodgson who is well known for his survey of Sirmur and
Garhwal (1816-]818), making the Chaur peak as his principal station of
observation. Early in 1817, WilliaJll Spencer Webb started an independent
survey of the Kumaon hills and cOlllpleted his work in 1821. The survey
up the river Brahmaputra was also undertaken at this tinle. Hodgson
became the Surveyor-General of India (1821) and initiated revenue survey
of Upper Provinces one by one. He even held charge as Revenue Surveyor-
General from ]823 to ]826. Valentine Blacker who produced important
maps of Central India was Surveyor-General from 1823 to 1826.
In the Bombay region, while James Southerland took up a regular
survey of the Deccan (1810), Thomas Jervis started an independent survey
of the southern Konkan, though both these surveys seemed to lack the
dcsi red accuracy.
George Everest
Special mention has been made already of George Everest who made
con~picuous contributions to the Survey of India. In 1824, he continued
the Great Arc of triangulation across the Narmada to Sirnoj (on parallel
24°). But on account of ill health he returned to England, and six years
later was again in India with the most up-to-date instruments that he could
obtain in Great Britain to carry on the trigonometrical survey. His new
instruments included compensation bars (instead of the chains), a large
theodolite with an azimuth circle of 36" diameter, two double vertical
circles (three feet in diameter; for astronomical observations), heJiotropes
and reverberatory lamps.
In October 1830, Everest was appointed as the Surveyor-General of
India as well as Superintendent of the Great Trigonometrical Survey, and
he occupied this high office for about ]3 years. It may be said wi th-
out exaggeration that this period was by far the most important in the
progress of geodetic work in India, and the man solely responsible, not only
for the organization of the survey work but also for the achievements of
high order, was undoubtedly Everest. With great ability and imagination,
he evolved a working plan for the trigonometric survey, recruited and
5J2 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
trained the statT for his purpose and, more importantly, secured in an
abundant measure the goodwill and support of the government at home
and the Court of Directors in England. In his arduous task, he was ably
assisted by Andrew Scott Waugh, a surveyor of the highest calibre, who
befittingly 5lucceedcd him as Surveyor-General in 1843. Of the other loyal
assistants, Renny, Wilcox, Boileu, Logan, Oliver, Murphy, Armstrong and
James proved eminently fit for field-work. As to the instruments, he
had already in his possession, as stated above, the most accurate and useful
ones. Imaginative as he doubtless was, he managed to get one Henry
Barrow, a skilled mechanic, from London as mathematical instrument
maker. Even so he had already observed an Indian, Mohsin Husain of
Arcot in south India, who proved his mettle in mechanical repairs and
adjustments, and reconstruction of old instruments. Husain even accom-
panied Everest in some of the surveys and impressed him as a remarkable
mechanic with inventive talents. Of hinl Everest said: 'He has both genius
and originality; his conduct is marked by the highest probity, and he is one
of the few on whose word I could place entire reliance.'a When Barrow
gave up the job and left for home, Everest appointed Husain as the mathe-
matical instrument maker at Calcutta. For his ingenuity, Husain was
granted a personal allowance of Rs.l50 per month even after Everest left.
For his projected work, Everest organized two field and six subordinate
meridional series, and kept one field party under his own charge. Between
1832 and 1841, all the field-work of Everest's two sections of the Great
Arc fronl Bidar in the then Nizam's territories to Banog in the Himalayas-
a direct distance of about 870 miles, from the latitude 17° 55' to 30° 29'-
was completed. As regards the six subordinate meridional series, he was
able to complete three of them) viz. Budaon, Rangheer and Amua (central
India, near Sagar), whilst the other three, viz. Karara, Chindwar and Gora,
were in progress.
Andrew Waugh
Andrew Waugh, who was born in Cannanore (Kerala) and who later
worked intimately with Everest, took up the triangulation of the region
between the Great Arc series and Calcutta, and completed it with great
accuracy. He then proceeded with the north-eastern Himalayan series in
1845 and brought it to a successful conclusion in 1850. It is interesting to
note that this was the largest series in the world at that time, being some
1,690 miles long from the Dehra Dun base to that of Somakhoda, in the
Purnea district of Bengal. While the main chain of this series was in
progress, the heights of the major Himalayan peaks were fixed using a
theodolite. Of the 79 peaks so determined, the highest called the 15th
peak, which was 29,002 feet above sea-level, was named as Mount
Everest by Waugh, in honour of George Everest. b
II Phillimore, Ill. p. 458. b Cyclopaedia of India, Ill, pp. 80-81.

WBSTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 513
FIG. 10.3. Sketch of the Theodolite, assembled by S. Mohsin Husain and

used by Waugh and his associates, now preserved in the Victoria
Memorial Museum, Calcutta. (Courtesy, Sri S. N. Sen who got
the sketch made in connection with the Inventory of Scientific
Instruments of Historical Importance, now under preparation
by him.)
33
514 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIBNCE IN INDIA
During Waugh's time, attention was also paid to the formation of a

gridiron of triangulation to the westward of the Great Arc series in the
Panjab and Sind. This work which was commenced in 1847 was nearing
completion when Waugh retired in 1861. About this time (1855), the
work on the Kashmir series was also in progress under the direction of
Captain Montgomerie. On the retirement of Waugh, the government
bifurcated the offices of the Superintendent of the Great Trigonometrical
Survey and the Suveryor-General, and appointed Colonel Walker to the
first, and Colonel Thuillier to the second. Walker continued the work on the
Great North-Western Gridiron and remeasured some of the Great Arc series.
Radhanath Sikdar
The notable Indian who did remarkable work in the Great Trigono-
metrical Survey of India was one by name Radhanath Sikdar (1813-
1870). A distinguished student of the Hindu College (Calcutta), Radhanath
joined the Trigonometrical Survey in 1831 and made a name for himself
in the survey work and the associated mathematical applications. He ac-
companied Everest, Waugh and Renny in their work concerning the Great
Arc, and was found to be the ablest of the eight of the native computers
then working. He proved his acumen by preparing the Auxi Tables.
George Everest said of him thus: '... a hardy, energetic young man who
received an exceedingly good education in mathematics at the Hindoo
College. .. Of the qualifications of Radhanath I cannot speak too highly;
in his mathematical attainments there are few in India-European or native-
that can at all compete with him; and it is my impression that even in
Europe these attainments would rank. very high. As a computer he is
quite indefatigable and there is no person in my department so thoroughly
skilful in the application of the various formulae. .. Eventually he will
furnish a convincing proof that the aptitude of your countrymen for the
practical, as well as the theoretical parts of mathematics, is no wise inferior
to that of Europcans.'a In 1864, Radhanath was elected a Corresponding
Member of the Society of Natural History (Bavaria}-a rare distinction
conferred by a reputed German Philosophical Society on a foreigner. He
was for several years on the Physical Science Committee of the Asiatic
Society, and compiled the meteorological observations (1853-1864) which
appeared in the Society's Journal.
BOTANICAL INVESTIGATIONS
Roxburgh
In the nineteenth century, the botanical investigations took rapid
strides and the efforts made earlier towards cultivation of the commercially
important exotic plants met with considerable success. Roxburgh set an
a Phillimore, IV, pp. 340-41; 461.

33B
example for those who collaborated with or followed him by his zeal and
devotion to the study of plants as well as cataloguing them scientifically.
The Indian Linnaeus, as Roxburgh became known later, systematically
formulated and gave a scientific shape to the Garden. Under his care
and influence, the Garden, in addition to its being a viable ground for
promoting plants of commercial interest, became an active centre of botani-
cal investigations. In this respect, he appeared to have drawn inspiration
from the earlier work of Koenig. Roxburgh drew up a catalogue of about
3,500 species growing in the Garden, and employing local artists, prepared
illustrations of a number of plants. His work was published in two parts
in 1814 under the name Bortus Bengalensis by his trusted friend William
Carey (1761-1834), who himself had developed an admirable Botanical
Garden at Seranlpore near Calcutta. Roxburgh also compiled vast informa-
tion for his important publications, viz. Flora Indica (excluding that of
the Himalayas; published posthumously in 3 vols; 1820, 1824 and 1832
under Carey's editing) and Plantae Coromandelianae (in 3 vo1s; 1795, 1802
and 1819). His labour did not end with them. He produced over 2,300
coloured illustrations in 35 volumes depicting various plants. In fact
these illustrations were found very useful by the famous botanist of the
Kew Garden, Joseph Dalton Hooker (1817-1911), when he planned his
Flora of British India. For his systematic and untiring botanical work,
Roxburgh has been rightly reckoned as the I: Father of Indian Botany'.
In the words of George King who worked about fifty years later at the
Garden: 'Roxburgh was the first botanist who attempted to draw up a
systematic account of the plants of India and his book, which is on the
Linnaean System, is the basis of all subsequent works on Indian botany,
and until the publication of Sir Joseph Hooker's monumental work, it
remained the only single book through which a knowledge of Indian plants
could be acquired. 'a Roxburgh was succeeded by Buchanan Hamilton
(1762-1829) who was a zoologist as well as a botanist. He had already
explored the Mysore and Bengal areas and produced a commentary on van
Rheede's Hortus Malabaricus. He sent about 1,500 specimens and 400
drawings to his friends in Europe.
Nathaniel Wallich and William Carey

The Dane Nathaniel Wallich (1786-1854), who was Professor at the
Medical College, Calcutta, succeeded Buchanan Hamilton in 1815 as the
Superintendent of the Botanic Garden. He came to India as a surgeon
in the Danish settlement of Serampore. That was the time when Britain
and Denmark were at war as a consequence of which, in India, Serampore
was annexed by the Britishers, and Wallich was among the prisoners held
by them. However, the East India Company did not Jose much time in
making use of his acumen and permitting him to undertake botanical
exploration. Wallich, too, displayed great enthusiasm, undaunted by the
• Santapau, p. 3.
"
Flo. 10.4. Sketches of six botanical specimens. (Reproduced from the coloured illustra-
tions of leones Roxburghianae.) (A) Crota/ariafuil'a Roxb. (Fasc.IV, p. 14);
(B) Hippocratea arborea Roxb. (Fasc. III, p. 46); (e) Berberis asiatica Roxb.
(Fasc. I, p. 16); (D) Hypericum cernuum Roxb. (Fasc. J, p. 28); (E) Elaeo-
carpus ~aftit1'1H Ro..:h (J;'n.,. " ft '2Q\. tT:l'\ " d ~_.- • • - • ,-
WESTERN SCIENCB IN INDIA 517
new situation, and proceeded with botanical investigations in Nepal, Assam,

Penang, Singapore, etc., and classified his rich collections. Later he
donated the major part of his collection to the Linnaean Society (founded
FIG. 10.5. (A) Oxyspora panicu!ata Wall. (Reproduced from Wallich (2), p. 88.)
(B) Kiulsurapropinqua Wall. (Reproduced from Wallich (I), Tab. 15.)
(C) Aeschynanthus ramosissima Wall. (Reproduced from Wamch (2), p. 71.)
in England in 1720). The European botanists of his time looked upon

these collections as a veritable mine of information for their own researches.
Wallich is remembered for his work, Plantae Asiaticae Rariores (3 volumes;
300 coloured plates; published in 1832 by the East India Company) and
TentamenFlorae Nepa/ensis. He collaborated with William Carey in the later
publications of Roxburgh.
William Carey, as already mentioned, took a leading part in the found-

ing in 1820 of the Agricultural Society of India. Carey was a remarkable
investigator and, as noted already, had developed a botanic garden includ-
ing a herbarium on his own at Serampore, and spared no efforts for the
successful propagation of certain imported seeds and plants on the Indian
soil. After Carey's death, his herbarium was donated to the University of
Copenhagen, and the duplicates to William Hooker in England. In 1842
Voigt, his disciple, brought out a united catalogue of the plants grown in the
Botanic Gardens at Serampore and Sibpur under the title Hortus Suburbanus
Calcuttensis.
Other Investigators
In the south, Robert Wight (1796-1872), who was working at Samul-
cottah, went about in a systematic manner and collected a number of plant
specimens, some of which were sent to Robert Graham at Edinburgh and
William Hooker at Glasgow. He brought out jointly with Walter Arnott
the publication entitled Prodromus Florae Peninsulae Indiae Orientalis (1834).
Griffith was another colJector who gathered as many as 9,000 species in the
thirteen years of his stay in India at this time.
Complementary to the Botanic Garden at Calcutta was one at Saharan-
pur. George Govan, John Forbes Royle and Thomson worked there, and
threw light on the botany and other branches of the natural history of the
Himalayan mountains. Hugh Falconer who was at this garden and later
at Calcutta brought to light the fossil flora of India.
Thomas Thomson conducted botanical investigations in the northern
plains, the Himalayas as well as Kashmir. He collaborated with John
Dalton Hooker (son of WiJIiam Hooker) in the publication of the first
volume of Flora Indica (1855). Their combined collections were astonish-
ingly of the order of 150,000 specimens (about 9,500 species). Thomas
Anderson (1832-1872) succeeded Thomas Thomson at the Botanic Garden.
Charles Baron Clarke (1832-1908), who was also associated with the Garden,
though a mathematician by training, took great interest in the flora of
India and tried to categorize them 'areawise' (phytogeographicalIy). He
is well known for his monograph on the ferns of northern India.
The Herbarium
The Garden with its 15,000 trees and shrubs including a 200-year-old
great banyan tree (about 950 roots; circumference 1328 ft.) and a number
of astounding herbaceous species is a living storehouse of botanical knowl-
edge. Its Herbarium is a house of almost all the dried plant materials of
the whole of the Indian subcontinent, Asia, Europe and Australia.
Nathaniel Wallich, as stated before, distributed its rich botanical collections
to the principal institutions and botanists of Europe. The present collec-
tions date from 1832. George King says in the Centenary Report of the
Botanic Garden: ' ... It (the Herbarium) consists of plants contributed by
almost every worker of botany in India since that date, and of considerable
contribution from botanists in Europe. It is first and foremost an Indian
Herbarium, but the plants of South-Eastern Asia, of Japan, of Persia and
of Asia Minor are fairly well represented. Those of Europe are also ex-
cellently represented; but in African and American plants the conection is
comparatively poor. Constant communication and interchange of speci-
mens have been kept up for the last fifty years with the great nation collec-
tion at Kew, and to the distinguished Directors of that institution, Sir
William Hooker and his son and successor Sir Joseph, the Calcutta Her-
barium is indebted for valuable contributions. Interchanges have also
been kept up with other European botanic institutions, such as the Her-
barium of the British Museum, of the Jardin des Plants, Paris, the Imperial
Gardens at St. Petersburgh and Berlin, the Royal Botanical Gardens at
Buitenzorg in Java, at Peradeniya in Ceylon, and at Saharanpur; and many
other institutions.' The Herbarium, the first in India and recognized as
one of the most important herbaria in Asia, has indeed vast collections
numbering over two millions of specimens. Housed earlier in the Superin-
tendent's bungalow, they are now meticulously preserved in the building
which became available in 1883 and 1884.
George King
The Garden suffered extensive damage from two terrible cyclones which
occurred in 1864 and 1867. As a result of the cyclone of 1864, it was
submerged in six to seven feet deep water, and the saline tidal effect pro-
duced a distressing spectacle. In 1871, the Garden was renovated and re-
organized under the direction of its new and energetic Superintendent
George King, who also worked out its phytographical arrangement.
Qualified in medicine in the University of Aberdeen, King came to
India as Superintendent at the Saharanpur Garden (1869), was Assistant
Forest Conservator at Dehra Dun (1869-1870) and a year later was trans-
ferred to Calcutta to work at the Botanic Garden. He was also appointed
as Professor of Botany at the Medical College, Calcutta. The present
Botanical Survey of India was established in 1890 mainly as a result of
the persuasive efforts of King who became the first ex-officiO Director of
the Survey. He collected valuable materials relating to the flora of the
Malay Peninsula. In 1887 he started the publication of the Annals of
the Royal Botanic Garden. His meritorious service resulted in his becoming
later the Director of the Royal Botanic Garden at Kew (1897).
David Pram
After the retirement of George King, David Prain who was then the
Curator of the Herbarium became the Director of the Botanical Survey.
He undertook a number of taxonomic studies relating to Papaveraceae,
Leguminosae, Scrophulariaeeae and the like, and brought out a series under
S20 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
the title Noviciae Indica (1889-1898). later he published a book under

the title Bengal Plants.
The Botanical Survey of India

The object of the Botanical Survey of India was not only to inten-
sify the botanical exploration of the country particularly of the western
Himalayan region but also to co-ordinate the scientific activities of the
provincial botanical departments in Bombay, North-West Frontier Provinces,
Madras and Bengal. Theodore Cooke, who was then the Principal of
Science College, Poona, was the Director for Bombay region, J. F. Duthie
was for north-western India at Saharanpur, and M. A. Lawson was for
the southern region at Madras. They had undertaken a number of impor-
tant botanical investigations. As a result, valuable publications like Flora
of the Bombay Presidency (Theodore Cooke, 2 vols; 1901-1908), Bengal
Plants (Prain 1903) and Flora of Upper Gangetic Plain (Duthie) were brought
out, while the Flora of Madras appeared later. The scientific investigations
of the Botanical Survey of India have been largely responsible for the growth
in the Indian soil of several exotic plants of commercial importance such
as cinchona, rubber, tea, potatoes, coffee, certain fibrous plants, spices, and
tobacco.
GEOLOGICAL EXPLORATIONS
EARLY INVESTIGATIONS
In the early decades of the nineteenth century, some of the versatile

European naturalists, medical men and engineers were, in addition to their
own fields of employment, actively engaged in geological investigations in
the Deccan, central and north India, and the Himalayas. In 1820 H. W.
Voysey, who as a surgeon was associated with the work of Lambton in the
latter's survey work, published an account of the diamond mines of south
India. CI He also prepared a geological sketch ofthe' Nalla Mala Mountains',
north of the river Krishna, and suggested the name of' Clay Slate Formation'
to the rocks of which the mountains are composed. In 1835 P. M. Benza,
who was surgeon to the Governor of Madras, examined the geology of the
Nilgiris and noticed the basaltic dykes. He described specially the several
varieties of iron ores occurring in the region, as also the highly fossiliferous
intertrappean limestone with oyster and other shales at Rajamundry.b
Another medical man, T. G. Malcalmson, studied the formation of the
Deccan Trap, and also gave an account of the Lonar Lake as being in the
form of a 'vast crater nearly 500 feet deep, and four or five miles round on
the upper margin, the water being green and bitter, supersaturated with
alkaline carbonate, and containing silex in solution, as well as some iron t.c
Captain 1. T. Newbold studied systematically the geology of southern
• Vo~y, p. 120. • Bose (p. N.) (I), pp. 29-30. o Malcalmson (2), p. 302.
WEUBRN SCIENCE IN INDIA 521
India, particularly between Bellary and Bijapur between the years 1836 and
1847. He observed the chloritic band as well as the clay iron beds at some
places, and threw light on the origin and age of kankar, regur and laterite.
It was Newbold who first detected the occurrence of veins of manganese in
the laterite. His classification of the rocks of the south Maharashtra
region is well known. a
In central India, Captain James Franklin sought to describe the forma-
tion of the Vindhyan. In 1833 R. Everest examined the sandstone and
trap formation in the west of Mirzapur,b while J. Finnis investigated the
lithology of the rocks found between Nagpur and Hoshangabad in 1834. c
During 1848-1852 Captain W. S. Sherwill of the Revenue Survey was the first
to examine the structure of the Rajrnahal hills. a He also discovered the coal
of the Chuparbhita Pass. About this time, J. Homfrey's first published
account on the Raniganj coalfields as contained in his descriptions of the
Damodar Valley also appeared. e
As to the geology of the Himalayas, Captain J. D. Herbert's is a judi-
cious and scientific account which describes the rocks and other forma-
tions of the mountains as well as the minerals found in the region.' In
1831 H. Falconer explored the Siwalik hills and inferred the Tertiary Age
of this formation, comparing it with the Molasse Horizon of Switzerland.
PALAEONTOLOGY
The most outstanding work of Falconer was on the fossil bones of the
Siwalik region, in association with Proby Cautley (the foremost engineer at
that time in charge of the Jamuna Canal Project), which has earned for
the former a great name as a palaeontologist. Falconer, Cautley and two
other engineers, William Baker and Henry Durand, brought to light the
remarkable fossil fauna of the Sub-Himalayan Range. g, h The sketches in
Fig. 10.6 represent the four fossils of Mastodon perimensis Falc. and Caut.,
Sivatherium giganteum Falc. and Caut., Mastodon sivalensis Falc. and Caut.
and Equus sivalensis Falc. and Caut., discovered by Falconer and Cautley in
the Siwalik hills, the originals of which have been preserved in the British
Museum of Natural History and reproduced from the cast collections of the
Geological Survey of India, preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
C Unequalled for richness and extent in any other region then known, the
fossils created no little sensation throughout the scientific world. The

Wollaston Medal in duplicate was awarded in 1837 to both Falconer and
Cautley by the Geological Society of London; and the learned societies of
Europe and America hastened to mark their appreciation by the bestowal of
appropriate honours. Sir Charles Lyell announced the award of the
Q Newbold, p. 268. I Herbert, pp. i-cJxiii.

b Everest (I), p. 475. g Falconer, pp. 233-34.
C Finnis, p. 71. h Falconer and Cautley (1), p. 706; (2), pp. 38-50;
4 SherwiI1, p. 3. (5), pp. 39-53; (4), pp. 115-34; (5), 193-200; and
• Hom!rey, p. 728. (6), p. 193.
2
3 4
Flo. 10.6. Sketches of four fossils discovered in the Siwalik hills by H. Falconer and
P. Cautley. (Originals preserved in the British Museum of Natural History ;
reproduced from the cast collections of the Geological Survey of India
preserved in the Indian Museum. Calcutta.) (1) Cranium of Mastodon
perimensis Falc. and Caul.; (2) cranium of Sivatheriurn giganteum Falc. and
Caul.; (3) palate and part of cranium showing 2nd and 3rd molars of
Mastodon siva/emu Falc. and Caul.; (4) cranium of Equus siva/ends Falc.
and Caut.
WESTBllN SCmNCB IN INDIA 523
Geological Society of London in terms which must have been no mean

incentive to young Falconer for he was at that time under thirty.'a The
Memoirs by Falconer and Cautley on the Sivatheriunz giganteum, Felix
cristata and Ursa sivalensis, and on fossil species of the camel and hippo-
potamus were published in the Asiatic Researches. Apart from these,
Falconer completed in 1855 a descriptive catalogue of the vertebrate fossils of
the Siwalik hills, the Narmada, Perim Island, etc., which were preserved in
the Museum of the Asiatic Society. When he died, a committee consisting
of the presidents of the Royal, Linnaean, Geological, Geographical, and
Ethnological Societies of England raised a 'Falconer Memorial Fund', and
installed his marble bust in the Royal Society. Falconer's Fauna Antiqua
Sivalensis was edited and published by Murchison in 1865 posthunlously.
Of the other early important geological investigations, special mention
may be made of the work done by A. Fleming of the Bengal Medical Service
on the Salt Range of the Panjab during 1848-1853. He described the
height and course of the Salt Range as also its physical features and strati-
graphy. b Another investigation was by Captain Hannay who studied
meticulously the earthquakes in Assam for about four years (1839-1843),C
Colonel Baird Smith of the Bengal Engineers also recorded and analysed
the nature of Indian earthquakes, and even made observations on the
general distribution of subterranean disturbing forces in operation through-
out India. In 1845 he published a comprehensive account of the Asiatic
earthquakes which occurred in 1843.£1 Apart from these investigations,
1. A. Hodgson and R. Everest studied glacial and river actions respectively.
GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA
In 1835 the government became interested in making adequate supplies

of coal for the steamers for purposes of navigation. In the very next year
Governor-General Auckland constituted a committee for the investigations
of coal and mineral resources of India, with John McClelland of the Medical
Services as its Secretary. The committee enjoined on the government
that immediate steps be taken for a 'geological survey of the coal formation
in India'.
The economic value of the geological investigations proved of im-
mediate concern to the East India Company, the coalfields of the eastern
parts of India looming large in this respect. Then in Britain, geology
more than chemistry had assumed importance as a very useful branch of
science with far-reaching practical possibilities. The result was that in
1835 the Geological Survey of Great Britain was formed. The British
Association for the Advancement of Science (founded in 1831) came forward
prudently enough to offer financial support to geological investigations.
In this direction again the Indian coalfields and other mines looked very
II Bose (p. N.) (I), p. 61. C Hannay, p. 907.

~ Fleming, pp. 229-79, 333-68, 444-62. II Smith (R. B.), p. 604.
attractive. On the initiative of McClelland, D. H. Williams of the British

Geological Survey came to India in 1846, and his, immediate concern was
with the exploration of the coalfields in Raniganj, Jharia, Taldange, Dhanbad
and Karanpura areas. He set about it in a planned way and in less than
two years was able to survey a number of coalfields. It was the desire of
Williams to conduct the investigations up the Damodar valley. However,
towards the end of 1848 he got an attack of jungle fever and died in Hazari-
bag. Truly Williams laid the foundation for the geological survey of India.
In 1851 Thomas Oldham succeeded Williams as Superintendent of the
Geological Survey of India. He was only 35 years of age then and already
a Fellow of the Royal Society of London, Professor of Geology in the
University of Dublin, Local Director of the Geological Survey of Ireland,
and President of the Geological Society, Dublin. a With his coming to
India, the geological investigations became broadbased and more purpose-
ful as he undertook in an effective manner a systematic geological survey
of India. In this task Oldham received great encouragement from
Governor-General Canning who evinced abiding interest in the geological
explorations. As a consequence, officially, the Geological Survey of India
was established as a Government Department. The object of the new
organization, as assented to by the Governor-General, was to have'coalfields
of this country systematically surveyed'. As a result, in the next two
decades the Survey's activities were in the main confined to protracted
investigations of coalfields in Jharia, Bokaro, Narmada valleys, etc.
The Geological Survey of India made rapid progress and had to its
credit a number of achievements in the later half of the nineteenth century,
under the successive directions of Thomas Oldham, H. B. Medlicott,
William King and C. L. Griesbach. A concise and authentic account of
the steps taken by Oldham to place the new organization on a solid founda-
tion, and also the varied investigations of the Survey have been given in the
publication issued in 1951 on the occasion of the centenary of the Survey.
While the reader is referred to this publication, as also the papers, reports
and notes which appeared particularly in the Memoirs and Records of the
Geological Survey of India, the following briefly highlights some of the
important geologists and their main investigations up to the end of the
nineteenth century.
Thomas Oldham
Oldham was indeed a meticulous and imaginative investigator, who
brought to bear upon his investigations a rare insight nurtured by deep
experience, the impact of which was felt by his co-workers as well as those who
followed him. Among his co-officers were J. G. Medlicott, W. Theobald,
H. B. Medlicott, W. T. Blanford and H. F. Blanford. His early works in
India related to the examination of the Khasi hills, Damodar valley, Rajmahal
• Markham, pp. 216-17.

hills, the entire coal-producing context of the Bengal region and the coal belts
of the Satpura range.
He proposed the name Vindhyan a to connote the great Sandstone
Formation of the northern and central India, and indicated that the Vindhyan,
noted as it is for the absence of organic remains, could not well be cor-
related with any of the great European formations. This led him to believe
that it might be Cambrian. He was able to establish the identity of the
vast thick layers of sandstones and shales with plant fossils which lay on
the Vindhyan, with the coal groups of Burdwan, Hazaribag and Cuttack.
He gave the name Mahadevas b to the series of thick and ferruginous sand-
stones. With great ingenuity he classified different rock groupsC and was
hopeful of finding an accurate parallelism between the rocks of India and
those of Australia.
Oldham also initiated the study of the earthquakes in India. d Under
his able guidance, the first catalogue of the Indian earthquakes as also a
list of some 300 thermal springs e in India were compiled. Further, it was
Oldham who realized the necessity and importance of training some Indians
as geologists through apprenticeship. He followed it up by recruiting Ram
Singh (1873), ](jshen Singh and Hira Lal (1874).
H. B. Med/icott
H. B. Medlicott, who was Professor of Natural History and Economic
Geology at the Thomson College of Engineering at Roorkee,f joined the
Geological Survey in 1854, and worked with Oldham. He studied the
Himalayan geology from 1857 to 1861. He also threw light on the
glacial action relating to the great blocks of gneissose granite along the
base of the Dhuladhar in the Kangra valley. g His survey of the northern
side of the Narmada valley enabled him to confirm the threefold division
of Vindhyans. He showed that the rocks of the Raipur basin did not
belong to the coal-bearing series. It was Medlicott who suggested the
term Gondwana h for the great southern continent. In 1876 Medlicott
succeeded Oldham as Superintendent, and was designated as Director of
the Geological Survey of India in 1885.
w. T. Blanford and others

W. T. Blanford, who joined the Geological Survey in 1885, was a
geologist of distinction. He surveyed the Raniganj coalfield (1858-1860),
and recognized three different groups of rocks there.( He prepared a
geological map detailed on the scale 1" : 1 mile which was first to be pub-
lished on that scale. Further, he examined the physical geography of the
a Oldham (I), p. 304. I Markham, p. 225.

b Oldham (I), p. 315. fI Medlicott (2), p. 64.
C Oldham (I), pp. 300-26. IlCentenory of the GSI, p. 9.
4 Oldham (3), pp. 163-216. • Blanford rH. T.) (1), pp. 1-196.
• Oldham (2), pp. 99-162.
great Indian desert, a and surveyed also the eastern and northern frontiers
of Sikkjrn. Both Oldham and Blanford worked on the correlation and
classification of the peninsular formation of India. Blanford and his
brother, H. F. Blanford, along with W. Theobald examined the Talchir
boulder-beds in the Cuttack district and ascribed their origin to ice action.
For his distinguished work, Blanford was awarded the famous Wollaston
Gold Medal by the Geological Society of London. b Another noted geologist
was O. Feistmantel who studied the plant fossils and attempted to classify
the Gondwana System based on them.
In the south, H. F. Blanford examined the geology of the Nilgiri hills. c
F. Stoliczka, who was another geologist working in the south, brought out in
four volumes the Cretaceous fauna of southern India. Bruce Foot investi-
gated the southern regions of Trichinopoly as well as Bellary areas. V. Ball
was another noted geologist of the Survey, who made distinct contributions
to the understanding of the geology of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
The rocks of the Nicobar were shown by him to be coral, magnesium
claystone with conglomerates, gabbro and serpentine in confirmation of
the earlier observations of Hochstetter. a
William King (who succeeded H. B. Medlicott in 1887 as Director of
the Geological Survey of India) discovered the Singareni coalfields in the
State of Hyderabad. In 1872 T. H. Holland discovered large deposits
of high-grade iron ore, chromite and magnesite in the Salem district of
Madras, and corundum in Mysore. In 1893 he came across an acidic
pyroxene-bearing (hypersthene) rock in the Madras Province, and to this
he proposed the name Charnockite in memory of Job Charnock, the founder
of Calcutta. e
'Among the results which have influenced the course of geological
science may be placed the recognition of the importance of deposits formed
in land, the great Vindhyan and Gondwana System and the Gangetic
alluvium being revealed as land deposits. The recognition of the Upper
carboniferous glacial epoch in India, extending into Australia, South Africa
and South America, gave rise to the conception of the vast southern conti-
nent of Gondwanaland. The study of the Assam earthquake, in 1897, led
to the discovery of three main types of earthquake waves-a discovery that
has proved so fruitful in investigations regarding the internal structure of
the earth. The rich fossil mammalian fauna of the Siwalik hills, described
in a series of brilliant Memoirs which adorn the museums of the world,
throw light on the evolution of the mammals and even of man himself.'!
Pramatha Nath Bose

In 1851 when the Geological Survey of India formed its nucleus, there
were only one superintendent and two assistants, and in 1861 the number
• Blanford (W. T.) (2), p. 86. d Bose (p. N.) (1), p. 46.
b Bose (P. N.) (I), p. 40. , Holland, PP. 117-249.
o Blanford (H. F.), p. 241. I Centenory of the GSl, p. 116.
of officers rose to 12. However, it was not before 1873 that the Indian
apprentices were able to join the Survey and participate in the geological
investigations, even as subordinate assistants. The honour of being the
first Indian to hold a graded position in the Geological Survey of India
belonged to P. N. Bose (1880). P. N. Dutta was another who joined the
organization in 1888. By the end of the century there were fourteen officers
in the Geological Survey out of whom only two were Indians. Both P. N.
Bose and Dutta were geologists of high distinction. The former mapped
the Vindhyans and the igneous rocks of Raipur and Balaghat areas of the
Central Provinces. P. N. Bose was the first to give accounts of micro-
sections of rocks in the progress reports. P. N. Dutta discovered the vast
deposits of manganese ore in the Bandara and Chhindwara river valley
(1893-1894), besides the Devonian and Mesozoic beds of the northern Shan
States.
FIG. 10.7. Sketches showing microsections of igneous rocks from Raipur and Balaghat
districts, Central Provinces. (Reproduced from Bose (P. N.) (2), p. 61.)
P. N. Bose retired from the Geological Survey in 1903 when T. H.

Holland (who joined the organization eight years later than he) succeeded
him as Director. Bose's geological acumen attracted the attention of the
Maharaja of Mayurbhanj and, as a result, he became the State Geologist
of Mayurbhanj. It was largely due to his efforts that the extensive as well
as rich deposits of iron ore in that State were discovered. Later, there
came about an accidental meeting between Bose and the renowned in-
dustrialist J. N. Tata who, on the advice of the former, soon took active
steps for establishing an iron and steel works at the present location at
Jamshedpur.
Apart from the geological investigations with which the Geological
Survey was primarily concerned, it had realized the importance of imparting
education in geology at collegiate level. As early as 1892, it moved in this
matter and even permitted one of its officers to work as part-time Professor
528 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIBNCB IN INDIA
of Geology at the Presidency College, Calcutta. T. H. Holland was the

first professor of this type. The Geological Survey also began to recruit
several specialists in mining and metallurgy towards the close of the nine-
teenth century, during the time of C. L. Grieshback, and these specialists
constituted the nucleus of staff of the Department of Mines and Inspection
which, first organized in 1902, was later designated as the Department of
Mines. n
TIlE INDIAN MUSEUM
The scientific investigations conducted by the members of the Asiatic

Society in different parts of the country and on different branches of
natural history necessarily led to the accumulation of a wide variety of
materials and curios such as the ancient relics, coins, plant specimens and
minerals. Though the Society did not conceive of the establishment of a
museum, gradually it was realized that the accumulated objects deserved
preservation. As early as 1796, the idea gained ground that a suitable house
be built for their reception, preservation and presentation. But the Asiatic
Society itself had to wait till 1808 to move into a house of its own. In 1814
Nathaniel Wallich entered a powerful plea for the establishment of a museum
to house 'the object of science and of those reliques which illustrate ancient
times and manners'. To quote from his note submitted to the Asiatic
Society for this purpose: 'It is, however, in the department of science that
a museum in this country would be found most specially serviceable and
the facility of the accumulation is proportionable to the extent of its utility.
In natural history, botany, anatomy, chemistry, mineralogy, and other
branches, a collection would accumulate rapidly if once commenced; and
from the first moment of the accumulation would furnish additional matter
into the stock of knowledge.'b And in 1814 the Asiatic Society resolved
that a museum be formed 'for the reception of all articles that may tend
to illustrate oriental manners and history, or to elucidate the peculiarities
of art and nature in the East'. The last included the native manufactures,
animal skeletons, birds (stuffed or preserved), dried plants and fruits,
minerals of every description, metals and alloys. Wallich was rightly
chosen as the Honorary Superintendent of the 'Oriental Museum of the
Asiatic Society'. The museum was broadly divided into two sections:
(i) archaeological, ethnological and technical; and (ti) geological and zoo-
logical. The collections of Wallich, Colonel Stuart, Tytler, General
Mackenzie, Brian Hodgson, Captain Dillon and Babu Ram Kamal Sen
were among the first curious objects of the museum. After the resignation
of Wallich, curators were appointed from time to time on payment of small
amounts for longer or shorter periods.
In 1835 the Government of India, encouraged by the working of coal
mines and the discovery of new minerals, conceived the idea of founding a
• Ghosh (A. K.) (0, pp. 331-33; (3), PP. 307-10.

b Mitra, p. 33.
Museum of Economic Geology at Calcutta,a, b and provided necessary

financial assistance to the Asiatic Society to preserve the government's
collection. In 1836, however, when the finances of the Asiatic Society
were crippled as a result of the failure of its Bankers, attelnpts were made
to get a grant from the government with a view to employing a paid whole-
time curator on a modest monthly salary to look after the 'public depositary
of the products of nature in India' under the care of the Society. But it
was not till 1839 that the Court of Directors in London could sanction the
grant for the salary of the curator, maintenance of the museum and for
certain other purposes. In the meantime the Society persisted in its demand
and presented a second petition for securing a tcmporary grant, which
met with the approval of the governnlent. J. T. Pear~on of the Bengal
Medical Service was appointed Curator who was succeeded by McClelland,
the distinguished ichthyologist. In 1841 Edward Blyth who was chosen
by H. H. Wilson in England became the paid whole-time Curator.
As noted above, the Society with the financial support of the govern-
ment had also preserved the government's collection of minerals, fossils
and the like under the name of Museum of Econolnic Gcology. In May
1841 Captain G. D. Tremenheere, who was sent by the government to
England to procure more such collections, returned with a large treasure
of specimens of minerals which needed preservation and proper arrange-
ment. But as Blyth was not by training a geologist, the necessity arose
for employing yet another curator for the management of the geological
collections for which purpose Piddington was appointed. The Curators
Blyth and Piddington steadily built up the collection~, classified the exhibits
and brought to light the scientific knowledge latent in them. In 1856 the
collections owned by the Government were removed and displayed at in the
office of the Geologjcal Survey of India. In the meantime, the archaeo-
logical and zoological collections continued to pour into the Asiatic Society
building.
Time was now ripe for the foundation of a well-planned museum in
Calcutta. c The Asiatic Society took the initiative between the years 1856
and 1858, and negotiated with the government for the transfer of its own
collections to such a public museum under certain terms. In 1867 came into
being the Indian Museum under the Act No. XVII of 1866 passed by the
Governor-General of India in March 1866. The Act envisaged: 'The
Governor-General of India in Council shall cause to be created, at the
expense of the Government of India, a suitable building in Calcutta or near
the site now occupied by the Small Cause Court, to be devoted in part to
collections illustrative of the Indian archaeology and of the several branches
of the Natural History, in part to the preservation and exhibition of other
objects of interest, whether historical or economical, in part to the records
of the offices of the Geological Survey of India, and in part to the fit
accommodation of the Asiatic Society of BengaL' The names of Trustees
a Markham. p. 233. b Piddington, pp. 322-40. C Indian Museum: 1814-1914, pp. 5-9.
34
of the Museum were also proposed, with Barnes Peacock, the then Chief
Justice of Bengal, as the President.
John Anderson, who had served earlier as Professor of Natural Science
in Free Church College at Edinburgh, became the first Curatora of the new
Museum in September 1866. In recognition of his knowledge, Anderson
was also permitted by the Board of Trustees to hold the professorship of
anatomy at the Medical College, Calcutta, in addition to his duties at the
Museum. James Wood-Mason, who assisted Anderson in organizing the
Museum for about 16 years, succeeded the latter as Superintendent of the
Museum in 1886.
The Asiatic Society made over its rich collections of zoological, geo-
logical and archaeological objects to the Board of Trustees of the Museum.
Later the Society was paid I-~ lac of rupees as compensation for its claim
to acconunodation in the projected building for the Museum. The building
itself became ready for occupation in 1875. On the first of April 1878,
the galleries were thrown open to the public. Immediately after the Great
Exhibition which was held at Calcutta in 1883, the industrial collections
displayed at the exhibition had to be amalgamated into the Indian Museum.
The new display sector needed additional accommodation and in 1891 a
new wing in Sudder Street came up for this purpose.
The Indian M useUID, based on the pattern of British Museum, is indeed
an interesting and valuable assemblage of the scientific and the artistic
sections. The public galleries are divided into (i) archaeological, (ii)
geological, (iii) industrial, (iv) zoological, (v) anthropological (ethnological)
and (vi) art sections. The last is the only section in charge of the Trustees
of the Museum while the others are under the respective departments of
the Government of India. The zoological and anthropological sections of
the Museum gave rise to the Zoological Survey of India in 1916.
ZOOLOGICAL STUDIES
As noted already, the botanical investigations registered rapid progress

in the first quarter of the nineteenth century mainly because of the devoted
efforts, among others, of the two eminent botanists, William Roxburgh and
Nathanial Wallich. The same, however, cannot be said of zoological
researches. It would appear that no zoological study worth the name
was carried out till then, and the main reason was lack of interest in zoology
as such. Even such of the members of the Asiatic Society as were avowedly
naturalists did not seem to be particularly concerned with zoological re-
searches. William Jones who was so fond of natural history, strangely
enough, gave expression to his disinterestedness in zoological studies in his
tenth anniversary discourse to the Society, and wondered: 'Could the
figure, instincts, and qualities be ascertained either on the plan of Buffon,
or on that of Linnaeus without giving pain to the object of our examination?
• A few years later the dcsianatiOD was cbanaed into Superintendent.

34 B
Few studies would afford us more solid instruction or more exquisite de-
light; but I never could learn by what right, nor conceive with what feeling,
a naturalist can occasion the misery of an innocent bird, and leave its young,
perhaps, to perish in a cold nest, because it has gay plumage, and has never
been delineated, or deprive even a butterfly of its natural enjoynlcnt, because
it has the misfortune to be rare or beautiful.'a The compassion for the
zoological objects was so strong in William Jones that he could not lend
his weight to their studies.
Right at the beginning of the nincteenth century, Govcrnor-General
Wellesley took the initiative to establish a college at Fort William and attach
to it a natural history department located at Barrackpore with a view to
studying birds and other animals, under the leadership of Francis Buchanan.
Between 1800 and 1804, many livc animals arrived at Barrackporc sent by
officials from different parts of the Company's territories. The institution
soon languished for want of support from Wellesleis successor. In the
Fren~h possession of Pondichery Jean Baptiste Le5chenault de la Tour and
his associates collected and examined a l1wuber of zoological specimens. b
l/odgson and Tiekell

Early in the nineteenth century, however, Major-General Hardwicke
of the Bengal Artillery and Captain Sykes of the Bombay Army made
attempts to collect and describe some mammalian spccimens, as also birds
and insects. The first notable zoological study was in 1829 when Brian
Houghton Hodgson published a paper on a new species of Buceros. C
Hodgson, who was in Nepal as as~istant to the Resident at Kathlnandu for
over twenty years from 1823, collected, with the assistance of local hunters,
a large number of mammals and birds, and studied them minutely. One
of the first animals studied by him was the serow named by hinl as Anti/ope
Tlzar. d His unceasing investigations brought to light new species of Para-
doxurus (three in number), Cervus, Falconidae, Mercelinc birds, Indian
snipes, porcupines, Plecotus, Talpa macruka, a new genus of the Plantigrada,
Sylviidae, Meropidae, etc. e The most remarkable studies of Hodgson
were on the birds of Nepal and the animal named by hinI as Takin. His
observations on the two new flying squirrels, mammals of Tibet, tame
sheep and goats of the sub-Himalayas and Tibet, polecat, ~tag, some rumi-
nants, monkeys, musk-deer, otter, chiru antelope and the like are characterized
by 'deep research and great acwnen, and are very full in details of struc-
ture'.! The Catalogue of his drawings and specimens of mammals and
birds from Nepal and Tibet presented to the British Museum was published
in 1847. It lists one hundred and fifteen species, of which about ten were
from Tibet. While living in Darjeeling, between 1845 and 1858, he wrote
a Bose (P. N.) (I), p. 57. e For details, see the relevant papers published in
b Kinnear, pp. 766-67. the volumes of AR., JASB and Proceedings of the
e Hodgson, pp. 178-86. Asiatic Society.
cI Kinnear, p. 769. I Bose (P. N.) (l), p. 58.
FIG. 10.8. (A) The Hooma or BlackraceJ sheep of Tibet.

(Reproduced from Hodgson (2), PI. IV,)
FIG. 10.8. (B) Himalayan Bradbill, Psarisomus dalhousioe (Hodgson's

drawing). (Reproduced from Blanford (W. T.) (3), p. i.)
an important article entitled 'Physical Geography of the Himalayas' in

which he described three altitudinal areas and the associated animals.
Hodgson was indeed a classical worker on the Indian vertebrates.
In 1839 Walter Elliot, both an archaeologist and geologist, published
a catalogue of the species of mammalia found in the southern Maharashtra
country, which contains details of as many as 58 species.
Indian ornithology attained a new height as a result of the protracted
studies of Lt. S. R. Tickella who is regarded as one of the best field naturalists
of India. For nearly 30 years he studied scientifically a number of different
birds, their eggs and nests, and prepared descriptive lists of them. His
observations on the birds of Borabhum and Dholbhum are of special merit. b
He contributed to the knowledge of sloth bear, brown flying squirrel,
ant-eater and the gibbons. In addition, he brought to light a new species
of hornbill as well as a supposed new genus of the Gadidae of Arkan/ The
manuscript prepared by him on the Indian mammals and birds, with ade-
quate illustrations, is still preserved in the library of the Zoological Society
of London. Blanford made use of the material of this nlunuscript when
he wrote the Manl1nals in The Fauna of British India series.
Blyth
E. Blyth who, as statcd before, was thc first Curator of the Asiatic Society
Museunl worked on birds and mammals for about 22 years. His study
included the specimens from India, Burma, Ceylon, Afghanisthan and the
Malay Peninsula. He prcpared, with characteristic zeal and care for
minute details, The Catalogues of Birds ((1849; issued in 1852) and MOlnnlalia
(1863) which were in the Asiatic Society's collection. His investigations
covered the species of wild sheep, predatory and sanguinvorous habits of
Magaderma, lynx, Cuculidae, some little known birds, mole, orangutan,
Phylloscopus, new Indian pigeon akin to the 'stock-dove' of Europe,
reindeer, certain types of asses and the like. d In 1862 he retired to England
because of ill health. It is interesting to note that Charles Darwin fre-
quently quoted Blyth as an excellent authority and even referred to him
as one of the finest zoologists of his time. It ,has been rightly recognized that
'Blyth was certainly the founder in this country of a school of what may
be called field zoologists. The active correspondence he kept up with the
sportsmen-naturalists in various parts of the country, and his elaborate
notices of the presentations which were made by them to the Society, not
to speak of his numerous Memoirs, contributed an impetus to the study
of natural history, which has done more to its extension in India than all
the previous publications.'ll
/IKinnear, p. 770.
b Tiekell (1), pp. 569-83.
c TickeD (2), pp. 32-33.
d For details, read about 50 papers published by Blyth in J ASB.
, Bose (p. N.) (1), pp. 62-64.
w. T. Blanford and others

The versatile W. T. Blanford while engaged in geological work spared
no efforts in collecting and describing the molluscs, reptiles, birds and
mammals. His observation on the birds included those of central, western
and southern Iodia, as also the eastern and northern frontiers of Sikkirn.
He studied in detail the genus Gymnops (Lacertidae), the Sind 'Ibex',
Markhor, the Indian antelope, Felis shawiana, Go/unda elliotti, Tracna-
lopterum, Arvicola and a number of reptiles and amphibia. a In England,
after retirement, Blanford was appointed the editor of a series of volumes on
The Fauna of British India. He himself wrote the volume on mammals which
was published between 1888 and 1891 as well as two volumes on birds.
To the fields of herpetology and malacology W. Theobald made valu-
able contributions. He investigated Batrachia, Helicidae and Gastropoda.
For about 25 years he was engaged in the study of land and freshwater
shells of India and Burma. Theobald also compiled the Catalogue of
reptiles in the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. H. Benson,
T. Hunter and W. T. Blanford were the other three investigators in
this field. G. Nevil was noted for his study of marine and estuarine
mollusca. H. Godwin-Austen described and catalogued a number of
birds in various parts of Assam. G. E. Dobson prepared a monograph
on the Asiatic Chiroptera and was recognized as one of the outstanding
authorities on that order of the Mammalia. He studied some new species
of Chiroptera verspertilio, Tiaenops persicum, Rhinolophine bats, Molossus
and the like. F. Stoliczka devoted himself to a systematic study of the
organism in mollusca and various other invertebrates and vertebrates.
R. Lydekker is remembered for his studies of the fossil vertebrata of India
and deer, antelopes, wild oxen, sheep and goat. b
The study of fishes also received due attention. McClelland produced
a monograph on the Indian Cyprinidae, while E. Blyth, as noted already,
was the author of several papers on fishes. The most remarkable investi-
gators in this field were undoubtedly F. Day and Buchanan Hamilton.
The fonner brought but in two volumes an authoritative account of the
fishes of India.
The other noted zoologists who worked in India included A. L. Adams
(mammals), Jerdon (wrote Birds and Mammals of India), Aitchison
(mammals), A. o. Hume (mostly birds), Oldfield Thomas (genus Mus), G. S.
Rodon (bears and the Himalayan game animals) and R. C. Wroughton
(rodents).c
The scientific staff of the Indian Museum played a leading role in
furtherance of zoological investigations which are too many to be described
in detail in this short compass. Briefly,t! a number of zoological notes
n Fot details, see about 40 papers published by W. T. Blanford in IASB.
b This account is based on the papers published in IASB and Proceedings of the Asiatic
Society.
(' Kinnear. pp. 771-75.
d Prashad (2). p. xiv.
were prepared by Atkinson on Rhynchota. Investigations on Lepidoptera

(in general butterflies and moths) were carried out by Moore, de Niceville,
Wood-Mason and Elwes. T. Anderson worked on the new and little
known Asiatic shrews. Spiders and mimic ants were studied by Walsh,
and snakes by Sclater. Lt.-Colonel Alcock published a number of papers
Flo. 10.9. (A) Eeheneis a/beseens.(Reproduced from Day, I, PI. LVIl. fig. 2.)
(B) Synapfura cornuta. (Reproduceo from Day, II, PI. XCIV, fig. 4.)
(C) Lobeo rohita. (Reproduced from Day, II, PI. CXXVII, fig. 4.)
on corals, actinians, crustaceans and other marine animals collected during

his voyages on the Investigator. In collaboration with Frank Finn, Alcock
also conducted investigation into the theory of warning colours (also known
as aposometic colouration relating to the gaudy colours of some stinging
insects). In addition, Alcock brought out his well-known work entitled
Materials for a Carcinological Fauna of India (published in six parts from
1885 to 1900) which contains valuable information on marine crabs of the
Indo-Pacific region.
In 1871 a committee (with Stoliczka, Blanford, Anderson, Wood-Mason,
Oldham and others) constituted by the Asiatic Society recommended that
deep sea dredging in Indian waters be undertaken, and three years later a
Marine Survey Department was established by the government. During
the period 1874-1881, Armstrong was able to gather marine zoological
material from shallow water up to a depth of 100 fathoms. Wood-Mason
FIG. 10.10. (A) Lupocyc!u.\ sfr;goslls. (Reproduced from Wood-

Mason (J.), Crustacea, Pl. XLVI.)
Flo. 10.10. (B) Acanthephyra armata. (Reproduced from Wood-Mason,

Crustacea, PI. III.)
undertook deep sea biological investigation in the Andamans and Nicobars.

The marine survey vessel, the Investigator, with its complete deep sea equip-
ment was active, particularly between 1884 and 1898 in the Bay of Bengal,
the mouths of the Ganges and the Persian Gulf. A series of monographs
relating to Hexactinellid sponges, Madreporarian and Alcyonarian corals,

Echinoderms, fish and Crustacea appeared. a
AGRICULTURAL AND VETERINARY RESEARCH
In the field of agricultural research no significant research programmes

seemed to have been undertaken in the nineteenth century. The Famine
Commission in 1880 recommended strongly the revival of the departments
of agriculture both at the centre and in the provinces for improvement of
agriculture and affording famine relief. It was only towards the end of
the century that agricultural departments came into existence in a few places
like Bombay (1885), Madras (1889), ShiJlong (1894), Allahabad (1895),
Nagpur (1895) and Calcutta (1896).b In 1889-1891,1. A. Voelcker, Consult-
ing Chemist to the Royal Agricultural Society, visited India at the invitation
of the Secretary of State for India, and submitted a report on the improve-
ment of agriculture in India. In 1903 the Indian Agricultural Institute
was established at Pusa in Bihar. The origin of this institute can be traced
not only to the recommendation by the Royal Agricultural Commission
in 1896, which emphasized researches in agriculture, but also to a generous
donation of £20,000 (afterwards raised to £30,000) made by Henry Phipps
in 1903 with the request that the amount might be devoted to some object
of public utility in India, preferably in the direction of scientific research
(a part of this donation was later utilized for the establishment of the
Pasteur Research Institute at Coonoor). The Government of India took
steps for attaching a farm of some 1,300 acres to the Agricultural Institute
for experimental cultivation and demonstration. Some advanced courses in
agricultural education were also started in 1908. Consequent upon the
earthquake which shook Bihar in 1934, the institute was moved to its
present location in Delhi.
The first step towards providing facilities for investigating into diseases
of stock in India was taken in 1890 when Linard was appointed as Imperial
Bacteriologist at the College of Science at Poona. His important duties
included the determination as far as possible by biological research, of the
means of preventing and curing such diseases. As the climatic conditions
of Poona were not found conducive to such researches, the laboratory
was shifted to Mukteswar in 1893. C In this laboratory, investigations on
rinderpest were undertaken, and in the next five to six years a potent
rinderpest serum was developed. Gradually the work on the preparation
of anti-serums for anthrax and studies in Black quarter and Mallein were
taken up. A course of instruction in tropical veterinary diseases and in
serum therapeutics was also started.
II Rao (H. S.), pp. 360-61.

b Prashad (2), p. xix.
C The renowned bacteriologist Robert Koch paid a visit to this laboratory in 1896.
538 A CONCISB mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
MEDICAL INVESTIGATIONS
Though the medical officers began serving the British Army in India
as early as 1754,a and in the succeeding years, their number in the Indian
Medical Service was steadily on the increase, medical research as such did
not take place in India even up to the middle of the nineteenth cen-
tury. Between 1847 and 1850, however, Edward Hare introduced success-
fully the practice of administering quinine in fevers. Henry Vanoyke
Carter and Crawford made some important dissections and prepared
the woodcuts which illustrate Gray's Anatomy. Carter also investigated
the origin and development of famine fever, leprosy, elephantiasis and
mycetoma. Ronald Ross worked on the origin of malarial fever and
P. J. Freyer on the development of the operation of litholapaxy and prosta-
tectomy, while Leonard Rogers conducted investigations on cholera,
dysentery and liver abscess. b
The now familiar Haffkine Institute at Bombay was started in 1896
as the Plague Research Laboratory, with Dr. Waldemar Mordecai Wolff
Haffkinc as the Director. It was in 1896 that for the first time the dreadful
plague, which probably travelled to India from China, was detected in
Bombay in an epidemic form. Haffkine, who was at that time studying
prophylactic inoculation against cholera in Bengal, was associated with a
committee (constituted by the Government of Bombay) to enquire into
this epidemic. Soon the necessity arose for establishing a laboratory for
developing an effective vaccine against the disease. With ingenuity Haffkine
was able within two months to prepare a broth vaccine against the plague
bacilli, with which he carried out the inoculation of about 8,000 people
in a few weeks. In 1906 the name of the laboratory where Haffkine
worked was changed into Bombay Bacteriological Laboratory and in 1925
to its present name, thus associating with it the name of Haffkine. The
laboratory did work on the plague prophylactics, relapsing fever, grumic-
worm disease and the like, gradually extending its investigations into the
biochemical field also.
ENGINEERING INVESTIOAnONS
Certain types of investigations in engineering were in progress, par-

ticularly in the later half of the nineteenth century. The railways, construc-
tion of bridges, canal works, lock and dam systems including the regulators
and devices for discharge of excess of water, improvement of rivers for
navigation, construction of lighthouses, arches and the like, drainage and
water supply demanded engineering skill of no mean order. As these had
to be accomplished in the Indian conditions, the engineers had to make
innovations. The profession of engineering, which was held in esteem,
attracted into its fold able men who, amidst their routine, found time,
prudently enough, to study not a few of the engineering problems and, in
II Crawford, p. 370. b Crawford, pp. 368-69.

the process, made original contributions. Details of such contributions can

be noticed in a number of volumes of professional papers, the first of which
came out in 1863 from Roorkee, one of the main centres of engineering
activity then, under the editorship of J. G. Medley. A special study of
these volumes is necessary before an attempt is made to present an authen-
tic account from the point of view of the history as well as achievement of
the engineering investigations in India.
ARCHAEOLOGY
Soon after its establishment, the Asiatic Society, under the guidance
of William Jones, encouraged antiquarian studies in the classical texts and
epigraphs, monuments and other architectural remains of India. Indian
cpigraphical studies took new strides due mainly to the devoted efforts
of H. T. Colebrooke and H. H. Wilson. The impressive architectural
remains and several cave paintings received attention of scholars like
Malet (Ellora), Salt (Kanhari), Sykes (Ellora), Goldingham (Elephanta),
Erskine (Ajanta), Chambers (Mahabalipuram) and Mackenzie (Amaravati),
who out of love for the ancient relics of India brought to light their
hidden history.a
The antiquarian investigations were the forerunners of further efforts
in field archaeology, and the latter assumed new meaning as a result of the
lead given by James Prinsep. Prinsep also studied the Kharo~thi and the
Brahmi scripts. Markham Kittoe and Alexander Cunningham carried
out work on the rock edicts of Asoka at Dhauli, and Dhamek stupa (1834-
1835) at Saranath respectively. The latter was probably the earliest excava-
tion of an ancient site in India. Later, Cunningham took up investigations
on the Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythic dynasties, and identified the ancient
site of Sankisa. Markham Kittoe surveyed the vihiiras and chaityas in
Gaya and elsewhere in Bihar, and continued the excavations initiated by
Cunningham in the ruins at Saranath. h, c
Edward Thomas specially studied the Indian numismatics from about
the third century B.C. to the sixteenth century A.D. His work on the South
Indian epigraphy is well known. J. Stevenson and Bhau Daji were the
others who were engaged in the epigraphical studies in western India.
Further, James Fergusson made an extensive architectural survey (1829-
1847) of ancient buildings, while Meadows Taylor devoted particular
attention to the megalithic tombs. d
In 1848 Cunningham emphasized the importance of undertaking an
archaeological survey of the country with the support of the government.
Realizing the necessity of such a survey, Governor-General Canning estab-
lished the Archaeological Survey of India in 1861, befittingly with Cunning-
ham as the first Archaeological Surveyor. In the next four years, Cunning-
ham explored an extensive area from Gaya in the east to the Indus in the
tJ Roy (S.), pp. 12-19. b Roy (S.), p. 29. c Markham, p. 244. tJ Roy (S.), p. 30.
S40 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
north-west, and from Kalsi in the north to the Dhamnar caves in the south,"
while Cunningham's explorations were exclusively confined to north India.
James Burgess investigated western and southern India. b, t
The prehistoric archaeology in India owes its inspiration to the pioneer
efforts of H. P. L. Mesurier of the East India Railway (neoliths in the valley
of the Tosney river) and Robert Bruce Foote of the Geological Survey
(palaeoliths at Pallavaram).d
Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the archaeological depart-
ment underwent some structural changes. In the beginning of the twentieth
century, it received the necessary financial support and encouragement
from the government, and in the next two to three decades, archaeology
established itself in India.
SCIENTIFIC PUBLICATIONS
Admittedly it is alnlost an impossible task to give an exhaustive account

of the scientific publications which came out in India during the nineteenth
century in such a short survey as this. But as scientific publications are a
reliable index to the nature and structure of the scientific activities in pro-
gress, it is perhaps necessary to mention at least the important scientific
publications. The transactions of the Asiatic Society continued to come
out under the title Asiatick Researches till 1839 (first published in 1788;
in all 20 volumes). In 1821 Wilson started the Quarterly Oriental Journal.
This periodical and also the Transactions of the Medical and Physical
Society carried short notes on important discoveries (which the Asiatick
Researches by its very form could not publish). Both these stopped publica-
tion in 1827. The demand for this serial was so great that more than
one pirated edition was printed in Europe then. As stated already, on the
efforts of James Prinsep (Secretary of the Asiatic Society), the Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal was started in 1832. Though largely devoted
to literary publications, the Journal used to publish scientific papers also
and superseded the Asiatick Researches. Between 1832 and 1904, as many
as 75 volumes in two parts each (with several supplementary numbers) were
published. From 1834 to 1847, the Indian Review and Journal of Foreign
Science was published at Calcutta.
In the field of medicine, there were a number of publications. Among
them mention may be made of Transactions of the Medical and Physical
Society (Calcutta: 1825-1845); Indian Journal of Medical Science (Calcutta:
1834-1836); Indian Annals of Medical Science (Calcutta: 1853-1877);
Madras Quarterly Journal of Medical Science (Madras: 1860-1868); Indian
Medical Gazette (Calcutta: 1866 onwards); Madras Monthly Journal of
Medical Science (Madras: 1870-1873); and Scientific Memoirs by the
Medical Officers of the Army of India (Series: 1885).~
a Markham, pp. 262 1f. d Roy (S.), p. 39.
b Black, pp. 320-72. , Prashad (2), p. xvi.
r Markham, p. 271.
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INOlA 541
In zoology, several valuable publications in series appeared in the last

three decades of the nineteenth century. Birds of India (by T. C. Jerdol,
1862-1863); Stray Feathers (I-XI; edited by Hume, 1873-1888); Indian
Lepidoptera (by Hewitson and Moore, 1879-1888); Garne Birds of India,
Burma and Ceylon (by Marshall, 1879-1881); Butterflies of India, Burma
and Ceylon (by Marshall and de Niceville, 1882-1890); Natural History of
the Mammalia of India and Ceylon (by Sterndale, 1884); Avifauna of the
British India (by Murray, 1888-1890); a number of the Descriptive
Catalogues of the collections of the Indian Museum; and Reports of the
R.I.M.S. Investigator (started in 1887); Fauna of British India (edited by
w. T. Blanford, 1888; the first of the series to be published by the
authority of the Secretary of the State for India); and Fishes of India
(by F. Day, 1875-1878) deserve special mention. a In addition, the Journal
of the Bombay Natural History Society began to appear from 1886.
As to geology, the Memoirs pertaining to the completed surveys and
mintra1 investigations (started in 1856 and issued from time to time),
Palaeontologia Indica (started in 1861) and the Records (started in 1868 as
an annual) merit particular attention. Further, the detached papcrs and
reports, which had been accumulating since 1851, wcre collatcd in three
volumes: vols. I and II by H. B. Medlicott and H. F. Blanford; and vol.
III by V. Ball and F. P. Mallet.
Sonle noteworthy publications in botany have been indicated already.
They related to the works of Roxburgh, Wallich and George King. As
has been seen, the Botanical Survey of India began to publish the Annals
from 1887 due to the efforts of King who also published a series of papers on
the Flora of the Malay Peninsula (1889-1896). His successor David Prain
brought out a series under the title 'Noviciae Indica' (1889-1898). Barclay
of the Bengal Medical Service published another series on the parasitic
Rust Fungi (of the order Uredinae), between the years 1886 and 1891. b
In meteorology, Menloirs (started by H. F. Blanford in 1876), Indian
Meteorologist's Vade Mecum and Climate of India, Burma and Ceylon by
Blanford; Handbook of Cyclonic Storms in the Bay of Bengal and Clbnalo-
logical At/as by Eliot deserve special mention. Apart from the foregoing
there were a number of other publications ·including periodicals relating to
different branches of science published by the newly formed societies as well as
some government organizations in the last quarter of the nineteenth century.
SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL EDUCATION
Education in India in the early part of the nineteenth century was

neither widespread nor designed towards the promotion of science as well as
technical arts and crafts. A few centres of learning then functioning in
Bengal, Bombay and Madras were largely concerned with traditional
learning and narrow scholasticism. In the first two decades of the century
a number of missionary schools sprang up in and near Calcutta as well as
• Prashad (2), p. xiv. b Prashad (2), p. xv.

in the Presidencies of Bombay and Madras. The distressing fact was that
all those institutions, besides being ill equipped, did not attempt to enthuse
the young minds to develop a rational spirit beyond the confines of the
traditional ideas.
Minto's Renlarks
Lord Minto in his minute on the subject of education in India observed
in 1811 as follows: 'It is a common remark that science and literature are
in a progressive state of decay among the natives of India. From every
inquiry which I have been enabled to lnake on this interesting subject,
that remark appears to me but too well founded. The number of the
learned is not only diminished, but the circle of learning, even among
those who still devote themselves to it, appears to be considerably contracted.
The abstract sciences are abandoned, polite literature neglected, and no
branch of learning cultivated but what is connected with the peculiar
religious doctrines of the people. The immediate consequence of this state
of things is, the disuse, and even actual loss, of many valuable books; and
it is to be apprehended, that unless government interpose with a fostering
hand, the revival of letter may shortly become hopeless, from want of
books, or of persons capable of explaining them.
'The principal cause of the present neglected state of literature in India
is to be traced to the want of that encouragement which was formerly
afforded to it by princes, chieftains, and opulent individuals under the
native government. Such encouragement must always operate as a strong
incentive to study and literary exertions, but especially in India, where the
learned professions have little, if any, other support. The justness of these
observations might be illustrated by a detailed consideration of the former
and present state of science and literature at the three principal seats of
Hindoo learning, viz. Benares, Tirhoot and Nuddea. Such a review would
brin.g before us the liberal patronage which was formerly bestowed, not
only by princes and others in power and authority but also by the zamindars,
on persons who had distinguished themselves by the successful cultivation
of letters at those places. It would equally bring to our view the present
neglected state of learning at those once-celebrated places; and we should
have to remark with regret that the cultivation of letters was now confined
to the few surviving persons who had been patronized by the native princes
and others, under the former governments, or to such of the immediate
descendants of those persons as had imbibed a love of science from their
parents.
'It is seriously to be lamented that a nation particularly distinguished
for its love, and successful cultivation of letter in other parts of the Empire,
should have failed to extend its fostering care to the literature of the
Hindoos and to aid in opening to the learned in Europe the repositories
of that literature. 'tl
• Sharp. p. 19.
The Charter of 1813

In Britain then attempts were being made by some enlightened members
of Parliament to make the East India Company assume legal responsibility
for educating the Indians. In 1813 when the Charter was renewed, a clause
was introduced which stated thus: 'And be it further enacted, that it shall
be lawful for the Governor-General in Council to direct that out of any
surplus which may remain of the rents, revenues, and profits arising from
the said territorial acquisitions, after defraying the expenses of the military,
civil, and commercial establishments, and paying the interest of the debt,
in manner hereinafter provided, a sum of a not less than one lac of rupees
in each year shall be set apart and applied to the revival and improvement
of literature, and the encouragement of the learned natives of India, and
for the introduction and promotion of a knowledge of the sciences among
the inhabitants of the British territories in India; and that any schools,
public lectures, or other institutions, for the purposes aforesaid, which
shall be founded at the Presidencies of Fort William, Fort St. George, or
Bombay, or in any other parts of the British territories in India, in virtue
of this Act, shall be governed by such Regulations as may from time to time
be made by the said Governor-General in Council; subject, nevertheless,
to such powers as are herein vested in the said Board of COlnmissioners for
the Affairs of India, respecting colleges and seminaries; provided always,
that all appointments of offices in such schools, lecturerships, and other
institutions, shall be made by or under the authority of the governments
within which the same shall be situated.'a
Mahavidyalaya
For various reasons, however, the proposal could not be implemented
for a decade. In 1816 the reputed social reformer Raja RanI Mohan Roy
started a school at Suripara in Calcutta for teaching the Hindu boys in
English.. In May 1866 some liberal-minded gentlemen of Calcutta includ-
ing David Hare (an ordinary watch-maker by profession but a great philan-
thropist), Raja Ram Mohan Roy, the Raja of Burdwan, Raja Radha Kanta
Deb and Sir Hyde East, the then Chief' Justice of the Supreme Court,
collected over a lac of rupees, and on 20 January 1817 founded a 'Seminary
for the instructions of the sons of the Hindus in the European and Asiatic
languages and sciences'. The subjects taught included arithmetic, astron-
omy, chemistry and natural philosophy. It was indeed a rare institution
divided into two sections-a school which imparted instructions in English,
Bengali, grammar and arithmetic, and a college in which were taught,
besides the languages, the sciences including astronomy, mathematics and
chemistry. A fact of great significance was that teaching of English was
given an important place in this institution which was named at that time
the Mahavidydlaya or Mahdpii{haSa/ii. b Later it became the Hindu College
CI Sharp, p. 22. b Dhar, pp. 128-36.

and also the nucleus of the present Presidency College at Calcutta. Of

particular significance is the fact that the Hindu College nourished young
men who subsequently devoted themselves to the spread of English edu-
cation. In the beginning the institution had a strength of only 20 students
and for several years the number did not exceed 70. Between 1817 and
1824 the institution was managed entirely by a joint committee of Europeans
and Indians. According to the progress report of the institution (1827-
1828), the studies included natural and experimental philosophy, chemistry,
mathematics, algebra, TyUer's Elements of General History, Russel's Modern
Europe, works of Milton and Shakespeare, the number of students being
436. a
Soon the Vidyiilaya ran into financial difficulties and when the pecuniary
aid from the government was ~ought, the latter thought it wise to exercise
some control over the affairs of the institution. Thus was appointed H. H.
Wilson as Visitor to the Vidyiilaya to represent the General Committee of
Public Instruction. The institution had already earned the remark of
the General Committee of Public Instruction (1831) that 'a command of
English language and a familiarity with its literature and science had been
acquired (by this institution) to an excellence rarely equalled by any school
in Europe. A taste for English has been widely disseminated and indepen-
dent schools conducted by young men reared in the Vidyiilaya are springing
up in every direction'.
The General Committeeb itself was set up by the East India Conlpany
in 1823 to promote the objectives of the Clause of the renewed Charter
of the Company. The Committee had ten members and the great Oriental
scholar H. H. Wilson was its Secretary. As it happened the Committee
sought to encourage Oriental learning in preference to the 'useful knowledge'
(sciences). The Committee's attempt met with a wave of disapproval
at home and in England.
Raja Ram Mohan Roy's Petition

At home, Raja Ram Mohan Roy exhorted Governor-General Lord
Amherst to encourage instruction in scientific subjects, and not 'to lead
the minds of youths with grammatical niceties and metaphysical distinc-
tions of little or no practical use to the possessors or to society'. In his
historic petition to the Governor-General, Ram Mohan Roy emphasized
as follows: 'Humbly reluctant as the natives of India are to obtrude upon
the notice of government the sentiments they entertain on any public
measure, there are circumstances when silence would be carrying this re-
spectful feeling to culpable excess. The present rulers of India, coming
from a distance of many thousand miles, to govern a people whose lan-
guage, literature, manners, customs, and ideas which are almost entirely new
and strange to them, cannot easily become so intimately acquainted with
a Mahmood, p. 26. b Sinha, p. 53.

WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 54S
their real circumstances as the natives of the country are themselves. We

should, therefore, be guilty of a gross dereliction of duty to ourselves, and
afford our rulers just ground of complaint at our apathy, did we omit, on
occasions of importance like the present, to supply them with such accurate
information as might enable them to devise and adopt measures calculated
to be beneficial to the country, and thus second by our local knowledge
and experience, their declared benevolent intentions for its improvements.
'The establishment of a new Sanskrit School in Calcutta evidences
the laudable desire of government to improve the natives of India by edu-
cation-a blessing for which they must ever be grateful; and every well-
wisher of the human race must be desirous that the efforts made to promote
it should be guided by the most enlightened principles, so that the stream
of intelligence may flow in the most useful channels.
'When this seminary of learning was proposed, we understood that the
government in England had ordered a considerable sum of money to be
annually devoted to the instruction of its Indian subjects. We were filled
wi th sanguine hopes that this sum would be laid out in employing European
gentlemen of talents and education to instruct the natives of India in
mathematics, natural philosophy, chemistry, anatomy and other useful
sciences, which the nations of Europe have carried to a degree of perfection
that has raised them above the inhabitants of other parts of the world.
'While we looked forward with pleasing hope to the dawn of knowledge
thus promised to the rising generation, our hearts were filled with mingled
feelings of delight and gratitude; we already offered our thanks to Provi-
dence for inspiring the most generous and enlightened nations of the West
with the glorious ambition of planting in Asia the arts and sciences of
modern Europe.
(We find that the government are establishing a Sanskrit School under
Hindu Pandits, to impart such knowledge as is already current in India ...
This seminary (similar in character to those which existed in Europe before
the time of Lord Bacon) can only load the minds of youth with grammatical
niceties and metaphysical distinctions, of little or no practical use to the
possessors or to society. The pupils will thereby acquire what was known
two thousand years ago, with the addition of vain and empty subtilties
since produced by speculative men, such as is already commonly taught in
all parts of India.
'The Sanskrit language, so difficult that almost a lifetime is necessary
for its acquisition, is well known to have been, for ages, a lamentable check
on the diffusion of knowledge; and the learning, concealed under this
almost impervious veil, is far from sufficient to reward the labour of ac-
quiring it .. !tI
In England, the Court of Directors of the East India Company repri-
manded the Committee by saying that 'it was encouraging a great deal
of what was frivolous and mischievous in Oriental learning'. PI There also
• Sharp, pp. 101-102. • Sharp, p. 92.

35
ensued between the two groups of members of the Committee the well-
known controversy between the Anglicists (who were supporters of English
and Western education) and the Orientalists (who sought to promote
oriental learning in classical languages).
English Education
At that time Lord Macaulay came to India (1834) and Lord William
Bentinck was the Governor-General in Council. Macaulay as the President
of the General Committee recommended (in February 1835) the use of
English as medium of instruction and the promotion of Western learning.
He said: 'I think it is clear that we are not fettered by pledge expressed or
implied; that we are free to employ our funds as we choose; that we ought
to employ them in teaching what is best worth knowing; that English is
better worth knowing than Sanskrit or Arabic; that the natives are desirous
to be taught English, and are not desirous to be taught Sanskrit or Arabic;
that neither as the languages of law nor as the languages of religion have
Sanskrit and Arabic any peculiar claim to our encouragement; that it is
possible to make the natives of this country thoroughly good English
scholars, and that to this end our efforts ought to be directed.'a Bentinck
(in March 1835) directed that all funds be employed for imparting to the
native population a knowledge of English literature and science through the
medium of English language and that no portion of it should be expended
on the printing of Oriental works. Nevertheless, as before, a knowledge
of English literature and science was not to be imparted on a massive scale,
for it was meant for the upper classes who in turn were expected to 'filter
it down to the masses'. In the next two years twelve new schools were
started in the Bengal Presidency alone. The public response for English
education was on the increase. By 1838, there were some six thousand
pupils taking up new courses in English. Governor-General Lord Hardinge
declared in a resolution (1844) thus: 'In every possible case a preference
shall be given in the selection of candidates for public employment to those
who have been educated in institutions thus established, and specially to
those who have distinguished themselves therein by more than ordinary
degree of merit and attainment.,,,
In the Presidency of Bombay, a society for the promotion of education
was formed in 1815 and it established schools in Bombay, Surat, Thana
and Broach. Chaplain, who was Commissioner in the Deccan, founded
the Hindu College at Poona in 1821 and the course of instruction at this
college included mathematics, astronomy and medicine. However, it was
the then Governor of Bombay, Monstaurt Elphinstone, who gave a signi-
ficant direction to the growth of education in the Bombay Presidency. He
encouraged Vernacular education while English was taught as one of the
languages. Later the Bombay Board of Education, created in 1840, took
active steps towards the promotion of English education in the Presidency.
G Sharp. p. 116. b Sharp, p. 90.
35 B
In Madras, the spread of English education was not so rapid at the

beginning of the nineteenth century. However, the missionary schools
were very active imparting general education. It appeared that the Chris-
tian missionaries were more successful there among the Tamil population
than in any other part of India. The Protestant Mission, under the patron-
age of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, which established
schools at Madras, Tanjore and Trichinopoly, continued to be active. A
few more schools were founded at Palamcottah, Thirunelveli, Ramanatha-
puram and Sivaganga. But the Committee of Public Instruction which
was constituted in 1826 as a result of the efforts of Sir Thomas Munro was
not so active as it was expected to be. The Court of Directors in their
Despatch of September 1830 enjoined: 'We wish that there should be an
English teacher at each institution who should not only give instruction in
the English language but who may likewise be capable of assisting the
students in the study of European science.'
By and large in the three Presidencies, the position with regard to
general education including courses in science was far from being satis-
factory. In the meantime, the Orientalists continued to take energetic
steps to promote oriental learning. Conflicting views and disproportionate
efforts, which appeared to raise their heads now and then, seemed to be
detrimental to the spread and growth of the new knowledge including
scientific subjects.
Establishment of Universities
In the history of education in India, the year 1854 is important, for
in that year came out the famous Educational Despatch of Charles Wood
(later Lord Halifax) who was then the President of the Board of Control.
The Wood's Despatch had as its primary object 'the diffusion of the im-
proved arts, science, philosophy and literature of Europe; in short of
European knowledge'. It also recommended the creation of the depart-
ments of Public Instruction in Bengal, Madras, Bombay, the North-Western
Provinces and the Panjab, each under a Director of Public Instruction.
With this machinery the general education, and as a part of it science
education, was to be imparted on a massive scale. In addition, three
universities were to be established on the model of London University.
Even though Wood recognized that the education of the country's rural
population should be the direct responsibility of the government, he wanted
the universities 'to place the benefits of education plainly and practically
before the higher classes in India'.
The three universities, which were established at CalcuttalJ (January
1857), Bombay (July 1857) and Madras (September 1857), were only affiliat-
ing and examining bodies in the Faculties of Law, Science, Civil Engineering,
II Even in 1845, the Council of Education submitted a proposal for the establishment
of a university in Calcutta. But this proposal did not meet with the approval of the
Court of Directors in England.
Medicine and Surgery, besides Arts. They were noticeably active in

promoting collegiate education in different places and at different levels.
The growth of educational institutions and the studentship between 1860
and 1892 may be summarized thus:"
1860-1861 1870-1871 1881-1882 1891-1892

.---_" r "-
No. of Stud- No. of Stud- No. of Stud- No. of Stud-

Instt. ents Instt. ents Instt. ents Instt. ents
Art colleges
including Ori-
ental colleges .. 17 3,182 44 3,994 67 6,037 104 12,985
Professi onal
colleges 8 679 19 2,126 18 1,545 37 3,292
The administrative exigencies of the East India Company demanded

the employment of engineers and doctors for its engineering and medical
services in subordinate positions, even though on a small scale. For its
calculated exploitation of the natural resources of India and also for the
maintenance of its own personnel on the one hand and political as well as
economic influences on the other, the Company could not but establish the
minimum number of engineering and medical institutions.
Engineering and Allied Technical Education

As has been stated already, Madras possessed a survey school even
towards the close of the eighteenth century (1794) started by Michael
Topping, the East India Company's Astronomer and Geographical Marine
Surveyor at the Presidency of Fort St. George. The school, which passed
through vicissitudes from time to time, trained a number of apprentices who
were taught, in a course extending to Ii year, subjects like algebra,
mensuration, building-construction, surveying, plan drawings, etc. In 1842
an attempt was made to establish a college of engineers, and it took
concrete shape only in 1855 due to the encouragement of A. J. Arbuthnot
who was Director of Public Instruction in the Madras Presidency. This
college became the civil engineering college in 1859, and in 1877 was affili-
ated to the Madras University. From 1880 onwards the college registered
rapid progress and emerged as one of the best engineering institutions in
the country.
As early as 1848, Governor-General Lord Dalhousie suggested that
each of the three Presidency towns should have an engineering college.
But it was only in 1856 that an engineering college could be started at
• Imperial Gazetteer of 11ldJD, IV, p. 4S5.

WBSTBRN SCIENCE IN INDIA 549
Calcutta, which was affiliated a year later to the Calcutta University. For
some years it was associated with the Presidency College and, in 1880, it
was shifted to its present quarters at Sibpur near Calcutta. The college,
which imparted instruction mainly in civil engineering to students mostly
from Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Burma and Assam, had also a mechanical
testing laboratory and a mining section.
In the Bombay Presidency, Elphinstone founded at Bombay in 1821
an engineering institution which developed later into a college. In 1854
Poona had an engineering school to provide education for subordinate
officers of the Public Works Department. The institution which became a
college in 1856 was later affiliated to the Bombay University. In the
beginning there was no system of levying tuition fee; instead scholarships
were awarded with guarantee of appointment for successful candidates. It
was only in 1870 that tuition fee was levied for the first time.
It may be noted that the aforesaid engineering institutions offered only
licentiateship courses till 1880 when they began to run both degree and
licentiateship courses. They were well equipped, and on the theoretical side,
the instruction was stated to be on par with that in England at that time.
In 1847, after the conclusion of the First Panjab War, steps were taken
to implement the construction of the Ganges Canal. Some large workshops
sprang up at Roorkee for that purpose. James Thomason, Lieutenant-
Governor of North-Western Provinces, proposed the establishment of a
college to supply trained engineers for the employment in the Upper Ganges
Canal Project. In 1853 Thomason died, and a year later his name was
befittingly associated with this college. a In 1864 it was affiliated to the
Calcutta University. The courses offered at the college were at three
levels, viz. (i) engineer class; (ii) upper subordinate class and (iii) lower
subordinate class. The instructions were of a high order and the engineers
twned out by this college were in great demand.
Industrial Schools
In the Presidency of Bombay, a school of industry was established
early in 1879 at Ratnagiri. Later another came into being in Byculla.
Further, there were three other minor industrial schools, while attempts
were also made to have a network of industrial schools under the Municipal
Boards.
At Madras, an industrial school named the School of Ordinance
Artificers was opened in 1840 by Major Maitland, Superintendent of the
Gun-carriage Manufactory.b Yet another institution known as the School
of Industrial Arts was opened in 1850 by Hunter, a medical man by
profession, 'with the liberal and enlightened. design of creating among the
native population a taste for the humanizing culture of the fine arts'. Hunter
also started another school of industry (1851) 'in order to afford to the
rising generation of the country the opportunity and means of acquiring
• Richey, p. 357. " Richey, p. 344.

useful handicrafts'. The two schools were amalgamated under the name of
School of Industrial Arts which was taken over by the government in 1855.
In 1886 there were six industrial schools in the Presidency, three in Madras
and three in the mofussil. The average attendance at the schools in Madras
was about 60, while the total number of students of the technical schools
and colleges in that year was less than 1,000, out of a total of about four
and a half lakhs of students. a
In 1887 the Victoria Jubilee Technical Institute at Bombay started
courses in electrical, mechanical and textile engineering. The engineering
institutions whose number rose to 12 by the end of the nineteenth century
were supplYing qualified men to meet the demands for constructing build-
ings, roads and canals. In addition, there were some technical schools
engaged in the training of craftsmen. Needless to add that they were being
run in such a way as to be in line with the commercial interests of the British
Government.
In Bengal, the Calcutta School of Arts offered courses which were
comparable with that of any school of art in England; and there were as
many as 157 students receiving training in 1886. In the North-Western
Provinces and Oudh, there was practically no school of art worth the name
even by the close of the nineteenth century. However, there were two
industrial schools at Gorakhpur and Banaras, a survey school at Calcutta
(1879) and a school of engineering at Bankipur in Bihar (1896). An in-
teresting development was the establishment at Dehra Dun of the Imperial
Forest School in 1878-1881 for the technical training of executive forest
officers, with the courses extending over 18 to 21 months. b
Position of Technical Education in India (1884-1885)C
Technical
University School level classes in
level
r - - ---., , - --A--
High Schools
r - ~
Engg'Indus- .
Med. Eugg. Art Med. and trial Agn. Art Agri.
Survey
Institutions 3 4 4 17 20 45 26 36 8
No. of pupils 533 218 655 1,040 755 1,379 142 2,171 289
It must, however, be stated that the government was not blind to the
importance of technical education for training the requisite number of
technicians for industrial employment. But the economic policies pursued
• T,cJmiCtll Education ba India. p.IO. bOp. cit., pp. 18-19. cO,. dt.• p. S.
WESTERN SCIENCB IN INDIA 551
by the government at that time did not help the flow of capital leading to
active industrial establishments which could, in tum, employ technicians.
In 1888 the Government in a resolution stated as follows: 'Technical edu-
cation proper is the preparation of man to take part in producing efficiently
some special article of commercial demand. It is the cultivation of the
intelligence, ingenuity, taste, observation, and manipulative skill, of those
employed in industrial production so that they may produce more effici-
ently. And thus technical education of the special, as contradistinguished
from the preparatory kind, is an auxiliary of manufacture and industrial
capital. In India at the present time the application of capital to industry
has not been developed to the extent which in European countries has
rendered the establishment of technical schools on a large scale with the
required success. But the extension of railways, the introduction of mills
and factories, the exploration of mineral and other products, the expansion
of external trade, and the enlarged intercourse with foreign markets, ought
in time to lead to the same results in India as in other countries, and create
a demand for skilled labour and for educated foremen, supervisors and
managers. 'It may be conceded that the effect of these various influences
on an Asiatic people is very gradual, and that it would be premature to estab-
lish technical schools on such a scale as in European countries, and thereby
aggravate the present difficulties by adding to the educated unemployed a
new class of professional men for whom there is no commercial demand. 'a
The result of such a policy was that technical and managerial staff of even
the well-developed industries like cotton, jute and coal consisted of only
foreign technicians for a fairly long time.
Medical Education
Medical education had a humble beginning in the first quarter of the
nineteenth century. As stated already, the study of indigenous systems of
medicine was part of the teaching course at the Madrassah (Calcutta)
and the Sanskrit College (Banaras). In 1822 a 'Native Medical Institution'
was established at Calcutta, which offered a three-year course through
the medium of Urdu. In this institution which had in the beginning about
twenty students, there used to be only one lecturer who delivered medical
lessons in the native language. The dissection practised was that of the
'inferior animals'. In 1826 the Sanskrit College at Calcutta was running
medical classes on orthodox lines, using wax models for teaching anatomy,
and the instruction was in the native language. Even this attempt did
not last a decade. Another effort made by Elphinstone to have a medical
institution in Bombay in the same year also ended in a failure after it had
been in existence for about six years.
The Bengal Presidency was the first to have had an organized medical
service. Perhaps, for this reason Calcutta had the honour of having the
first modem medical college for teaching western medical science through
II Technical Education in India, p. 36.

S52 A OONCISB HISTOR.Y OF SClBNCB IN INDIA
the medium of English. G In 1833 Lord William Bentinck appointed a

committee to examine the state of medical education which was being im-
parted then in Calcutta. The committee recommended the establishment
of an institution, in which 'the various branches of medical science cultivated
in Europe should be taught and as near as possible on the most approved
European system'. Soon the Native Medical Institution was abolished
and, as a result, a medieal college came into being in 1835 with the main
object of producing sub-assistant surgeons for employment in military and
civil stations in India. Dr. M. J. Bramley was appointed as the Superin-
tendent with Drs. H. H. Goodeve, Nathaniel Wallich and W. B. O'Shaugh-
nessy on the teaching staff. It was Goodeve who introduced human dis-
section in the course of studies for the first time in India. Later he also
arranged for advanced instructions in England for the bright medical
graduates.
In the new institution, dissection of human body was undertaken by
the students. One Madhusudan Gupta was the first to dissect a human
body in 1836 to the booming of the guns at the Fort William to mark the
occasion. 'It had needed some time, some exercise of the persuasive art,
before Madhusudan could bend up his mind to the attempt; but having
once taken the resolution, he never flinched nor swerved from it. At the
appointment hour, scalps in hand, he followed Dr. Goodeve into the
godown where the body lay ready.' Apart from dissection, students were
also taught to observe actually the diagnosis and treatment of diseases in
the local hospitals. In 1838 a ward with 20 beds and an attached out-
patients' department served as the nucleus of the first hospital, and in 1840,
the first lying-in hospital with 100 beds was constructed in the college
grounds. b
In March 1844 the first batch of four Indian students (Bhola Nath
Bose, Gopal Chandra Seal, Dwaraka Nath Bose and Surji Coomar
Chuckerbutty) was sent to England for medical training under the guidance
of Dr. Goodeve in the University College of London. In 1845 the course
of instruction was remodelled so as to be within the stipulated conditions of
the Royal College of Surgeons of England and of the Apothecaries' Society
of London. The period of study was also extended to five years. In a
decade the Medical College received recognition of the Royal College of
Surgeons of England and the University of London (1846). In 1850 it had
as many as 8 professorial chairs (anatomy, chemistry, materia medica,
medical jurisprudence, surgery, medicine, midwifery and ophthalmic
surgery). In the next year was introduced a three-year course of medical
training with a view to training subordinate doctors for serving in the civil
hospitals and jails. In 1857 the Medical College was affiliated to the newly
established University of Calcutta. Later were added to the college, chairs
in dentistry (1861) and hygiene (1864). As the institution became oversized,
the apothecary and the licentiate classes were taken out and a new medical
• Richey and Sharp, pp. 312-15. • SolMlllr. p. 70.

school started in 1873. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century the
college was indeed in a flourishing state attracting to its fold students from
far and wide. What is more, in 1892 the medical degree of the Calcutta
University was recognized by the General Medical Council of Great Britain.G
FIG. 10.11. The first four Indian medical graduates who went to London. (Reproduced
from the Centenary of Medical College, p. 26.)
At Madras, a medical school was established in 1843, even though the

establishment of such a school for the training of the medical apprentices
of European descent and also of native medical pupils for the military
subordinate service was sanctioned as early as 1835. In 1846 a chair in
chemistry and materia medica was added to the school. In 1851 the school
was raised to the status of a college which in 1855 received recognition
by the Royal College of Surgeons of London. b The Medical College,
which was subsequently affiliated to the Madras University, had two
sections, the senior one which led to degree level, and the junior one intended
for the education of apothecaries and licentiates. The Surgeon of the
General Hospital, Madras, was in charge of the college. In 1846 four
professorships were sanctioned for anatomy, physiology, midwifery and
ophthalmology.
In the Presidency of Bombay, Governor Sir Robert Grant initiated steps
in 1837 for the establishment of an institution for medical education.o In
his honour after his unfortunate death in 1838, sanction was duly accorded
• Sornenir, pp. 70-72. • Richey, p. 330. • Richey, p. 335.

554 A CONCISE IDSrORY OF SCIBNCB IN INDIA
to the establishment of a medical institution, and thus came into being in

Bombay in 1845 the Grant Medical School to which was accredited the Sir
Jamshedji Jeejeebhoy Hospital as the 'School of Practice'. From 1851
onwards new departments were added to this institution which, in 1854,
received recognition from the Royal College of Surgeons. Later the institu-
tion was affiliated to the Bombay University(1860) as a college for training of
graduates as well as apothecaries. In the last two decades of the nineteenth
century, the Government adopted liberal policies as a result of which the
Grant Medical College established itself on sound lines.
The three medical colleges in the three Presidencies were found in-
adequate to meet the demand of medical personnel of the times. Steps
were, therefore, taken for the establishment of 28 medical schools, with short
courses, in different parts of the country such as those at Agra (1853), Nagpur
(1867), Sealdah (1873), Dindigul and Patna (1874), Nellore (1876), Cuttack
(1876), Indore (1878), Tanjore (1883), Ludhiana (1894) and Dibrugarh
(1900)."
In 1855 was created what was designated as the Countess of Dufferin
Fund with the avowed object of providing medical education to Indian
women in a college staffed entirely by women. The effort resulted in the
establishment of the first medical college for women in 1916, and that was
in Delhi. b
Agricultural Education
Agricultural education did not appear to have received sufficient
attention in the beginning of the nineteenth century, as there did not seem
to be distinctly separate institutions imparting agricultural education.
Madras had an agricultural farm (estd. 1854) to which was attached a school
of agriculture in 1886. The engineering college at Poona (Kirkee), too,
had an agricultural wing (1879). The importance of agricultural education
was stressed by the Agricultural Conference held in 1888. A year later
Dr. J. A. Voelcker) of the British Royal Agricultural Society, made a num-
ber of suggestions in order to improve upon the agricultural education and
practices. Even so it was only in 1897 that the government accorded the
rightful place to agricultural education in the same way as it did for the
other subjects.
In the closing decade of the nineteenth century agricultural schools
were opened in Coimbatore, Nagpur and Kanpur. The Sibpur Engineering
College also developed an agricultural wing, while the Madras Agricultural
School soon became a college. However, it was the Bombay University
which was first to recognize agriculture as a separate subject for degree
examination. Even so, it was only in 1905 that steps were taken for starting
an agricultural college at Poona.
Veterinary science also received its attention. The Indian Cattle
Plague Commission which was appointed in 1869 made recommendations
• Crawford, II. pp. 433-51. b Kbanolkar, pp. 2-3.

leading to the establishment of veterinary colleges at Babugarh (1877),

Lahore (1882), Bombay (1886), Madras and Calcutta (1893). Towards
the close of the last century, veterinary services and associated research
establishments were organized. However, it may be observed in this
connection that as early as 1799 surgeons trained in the veterinary college
at London were already in service in India and engaged in the studies
relating to the breeding of cavalry horses. a
The Trends
The following figures give an insight into the turns and trends in the
field of scientific education in the last two decades of the nineteenth century.
In 1882 out of 18 professional colleges, there were 12 for law (Bengal lead-
ing with 7) and only three each for medicine and engineering. In the suc-
ceeding decade the number of arts colleges rose from 67 to 104 and law
colleges from 12 to 27, while the number of medical and engineering colleges
increased each by one only, from three to four (1892-1893). Further, out of
over 16,000 students in 1892-1893, there were less than 2,000 taking up law,
800 medical and 500 engineering.
The after-career of the Indian graduates between 1871 and 1882 can
be understood by the following figures (based on the Statistical Reports
for the corresponding years):b
Number Number
Legal Medical Engg.
Province of entering
profession profession profession
graduates service
---~.,~~-----
Bengal 1,696 534 471 131 19

Bombay 625 324 49 76 28
Madras 808 296 126 18
NW. Provinces 130 61 33 6
The Panjab 38 21 5
C.P. 14 8
TOTAL 3,311 1,244 684 225 53
It will be observed that, in the course of 10 years, out of over 3,000

students, hardly nine per cent took to medical and engineering profession.
The first preference was suitable lucrative jobs in government; the next
was legal profession, equally lucrative.
• Dutta (S.), p. 1. b Mahmood, p. 102.

556 A CONCISB msrORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Organizationally also by the end of the nineteenth century the univer-

sities, five in number, continued to be examining bodies. They were to
await the Indian Universities Act of 1904 to provide for postgraduate
teaching and research in both arts and science. Even towards the close of
the century there was no organized system of technical education in India.
In effect the attitude of the government towards the promotion of scientific
and technical education was one of indifference, and at times of direct
antagonism.
Towards the close of the nineteenth century there were about 170
colleges, mostly concentrated in large cities, which did not appear to have
been established according to a well-conceived plan. There were as many
as 22 colleges in Calcutta, 14 in Madras and two to three in each of the
cities like Allahabad, Nagpur, Dacca, Bombay and Poona. The relation-
ship between the colleges and the universities did not seem to be as intimate as
it should have been. It was only the Universities Act of 1904,a which came
out during the time of Lord Curzon, that sought to bring about a direct
relationship between them. It was again Curzon who realized the impor-
tance of technical education in relation to industrial development. Above
all, science could become a separate study only in the first decade of the
twentieth century, as indicated later.
THE NEW LEADERSIDP
The sustained work of the scientific service organizations on the one

hand and the growth of scientific education on the other, despite their
inherent deficiencies and the rather limited spheres of activity, did not fail
to stimulate the Indian intellectuals, who received scientific training, to
engage themselves in scientific investigations on their own. As a result,
the last quarter of the nineteenth century witnessed some Indians who
came forward either to establish scientific institutions or to conduct
scientific researches with great zeal and devotion. Even the government
scientific establishments began to realize the scientific capabilities of the
Indians. Thus interest in modem science in India assumed a new dimension
in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Apart from the well-
known fields of investigation in the natural sciences, mathematics and
physical sciences appeared also as enchanting fields of research to the emerg-
ing university graduates, some of whom made noteworthy contributions
even in a short time.
Asutosh Mookerjee
In the field of mathematics, Asutosh Mookerjee (1864-1924),11 who
became later the architect of the UDiversity of Calcutta, made important
contributions. Even as a student, at the age of sixteen, he wrote his first
paper which dealt with a new proof of the 25th proposition of the First
• Orange, pp. 5-6. & SOIlV~nir, pp. 32-34.

Book of Euclid. It appeared in 1881 in the Messenger of Mathematics of

Cambridge under the title: 'On a Geometrical Theorem'. While a student he
gave a new method for solving Euler's equation based on the properties of
ellipse. Unfortunately he could not find any suitable guide for his researches
at that time. In 1887 he took up the study of Monge's differential equation
to all conics, and published four papers in that field. His other papers
included those on isogonal trajectories, hydrodynamics and the determination
of certain means of elliptic functions.
Jagadish Chandra Bose

The first Indian contribution to physics was by Jagadish Chandra
Bose, a and that was in 1895. As Professor at the Presidency College,
Calcutta, J. C. Bose's researches were concerned with electric waves and
their interaction with matter.
Bose devised his own instruments with great ingenuity and, with the help
of them, succeeded in generating waves which had much smaller wavelengths
(a few millimetres-from 25 rom to 5 rom). He also investigated the quasi-
optical properties of these waves, such as refraction, total reflection, polar-
ization, and rotation of the plane of polarization. His first scientific publica-
tion entitled 'On Polarization of Electric Waves by Double Refracting
R
P ~K
Flo. 10.12. Electric Radiator designed and used by J. C. Bose. R, radiator;
S, spectrometer; M, plane mirror; F, funnel; C, cylindrical mjrror; p, total
reflecting prism; P, semi-cylinders; t, tangent screw by which the receiver
is rotated; v, voltaic cell; r, circular rheostat; G, galvanometer; and
K, crystal holder. (Reproduced from Bose (J. C.), fig. 17, p. 87.)
Crystals' appeared in the May 1895 issue of the Jouma/ ofthe Asiatic Society
of Bengal. Bose also determined the refractive indices of many substances.
Further, he studied the influence of the thickness of the air-gap between
• Bose (D. M.) (2), pp. 7-21.

SS8 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
two dielectric slabs, on total reflection. Yet another investigation of his

related to the study of the rotation of the plane of polarization. He
demonstrated that a bundle of twisted jute fibres registered right- or left-
handed rotation depending upon the right- or left-handed twist of the fibres.
Bose had a remarkable originality in the design and fabrication of
apparatus. In 1897 when he was invited to deliver a lecture at the Royal
Institution in London, he took with him an apparatus-similar to a micro-
wave spectrometer with transmitter and receiver-constructed by himself
at Calcutta. In an ingenious way he also constructed models in which
mechanical or light stimuli could produce electrical responses. In 1900
he read a paper, 'On the Similarity in Responses in Inorganic and Living
Matter', at the International Congress in Physics at Paris and later at the
British Association for Advancement of Science at Bradford. His obser-
vations were met with criticism, and in order to convince his critics, Bose
worked for two years in the Davy-Faraday Laboratory of the Royal Insti-
tution. He published eight papers during this period and completed a
monograph: Response in the Living and Non-living.
The investigations of Bose showed that not only animal but also
vegetable tissues under different kinds of stimuli (mechanical, application
of heat, electric shock, chemicals and drugs) produce similar electric re-
sponses. He also proceeded to show that similar electric response to
stimulation could be noticed in certain inorganic systems.
It is well known that J agadish Chandra Bose later took up investiga-
tions on the phenomena of response-behaviour in plants, particularly
Mimosa pudica, Biophytum sensitivum and Desmodium gyrans (Indian
Telegraph plant). In 1907 his book Comparative Electrophysiology ap-
peared. In all his investigations Bose displayed a new spirit and tried
to offer original interpretations. He even attempted to devise models
which were illustrative of the physical basis of memory. In recognition
of his outstanding work, Bose was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society
in 1920.
Bose retired as Senior Professor of Physics in 1915 but continued
to be associated with the Presidency College as Emeritus Professor for
about two years. In the meantime he raised money from the public for
the establishment of a research institution. The new institute (called Bose
Institute) came into being in November 1917 just north of his house on
the Acharya Prafulla Chandra Road (formerly Upper Circular Road) in
Calcutta. He nurtured this institution as its life Director till his death in
November 1937. In his dedicatory address at the inaugural ceremony of
the Institute, Bose observed: 'The advancement of science is the principal
object of the Institute, and also the diffusion of knowledge. The investi-
gations to be carried out in the Institute are for the further and fuller in-
vestigations of the many and ever opening problems of the nascent science
which includes both Life and Non-life.'
'I have sought to associate the advancement of knowledge with the
widest possible civic and public diffusion of it.' He then expressed to
WESTEllN SCmNCB IN INDIA 559
desire II that so far as the limited accommodation permits, the facilities of

the Institute should be available to workers from all countries. In this
Flo. 10.13. (A) The High Magnification Crescograph deSIgned by J. C. Bose;

(8) Mimosa pudiea; and (C) Desmodium plant. (Reproduced from Bose
(D. M.) 0), pp. 22 and 16-17 respectively.)
I am attempting to carry out the traditions of my country which, so far back

as 2S centuries ago, welcomed all scholars from different parts of the world
within the precincts of the ancient seats of learning at Nalanda and Taxila'. CJ
• Bose (D. M.) (1), p. 28.
Prafulla Chandra Ray

In chemistry,a Prafulla Chandra RAy (1861-1944)b conducted systematic
chemcial analyses of a number of rare Indian minerals with the object of
discovering in them some of the missing elements in Mendeleev's Periodic
Table. The results, though inconclusive, were published in the Memoirs
of the Geological Survey of India in 1900. In the course of his analytical
investigations, P. C. RAy noticed the formation of mercurous nitrate, a
compound which was not known then. In 1896 he communicated a pre-
liminary note on this to the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
P. C. RAy's abiding interest in chemistry can be traced to the influence
of extremely stimulating lectures of Alexander Pedler who was then
Professor of Chemistry at the Presidency College. In his younger days,
P. C. RAy saw in chemistry a great potential source for producing materials
and resources for human benefit on a large scale. He was then 21. He
appeared at a competitive examination and won the Gilchrist Prize which
enabled him to go to Edinburgh for further studies.
In the University of Edinburgh P. C. Ray got the B.Sc. degree in 1885
and D.Sc. in 1887. The subject of his Doctorial dissertation was 'Con-
jugated Sulphates of the Copper-magnesium Group: A Study of Isomor-
phous Mixtures and Molecular Combinations'.
On his return to Calcutta in 1888, as it happened, P. C. Ray had to
struggle hard for a suitable job for a year. During this period he received
support and encouragement from Jagadish Chandra Bose. In 1889 he
began his career as Assistant Professor of Chemistry in a temporary capa-
city in the Presidency College at Calcutta. He was an extremely inspiring
teacher, lucid and lively in his exposition. P. C. Ray retired as Professor
of Chemistry from the Presidency College after 27 years of service, and later
became the Palit Professor of Chemistry at the newly founded University
College of Science. It was largely owing to his efforts that the latter insti-
tuion received the initial stimuli to become one of the centres of active
chemical research in India.
P. C. RAy was a meticulous research worker. His researches at the
Presidency College related to the isolation of mercurous nitrate, alkaline
earths as well as methyl-ammonium and other alkyl ammonium nitrites.
In the University College of Science he studied the compounds of metallic
elements with organic sulphur derivatives, and examined the formation
and behaviours of some of their simple derivatives. Under his guidance a
number of students conducted researches on certain double sulphates,
chemical and physical properties of compounds of zinc, cadmium, mercury,
and so on. He thus became the founder of what has come to be known
as the Indian Chemical School
• Till the last decade of the nineteenth century, chemical investigations in India were
of a sporadic type. For a brief ac:count of this, see Chakravarti (R. NJ, pp. 46-47.
• Illy (p.) (2), pp. 59-70.
Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science

In the last quarter of the nineteenth century the importance of science
as the most fruitful intellectual activity, that it was in the West with its
profound impact on economic and social life, was being increasingly realized
by some of the enlightened Indians even. In evidence of this, it may be
noted that the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science was estab-
lished by Dr. Mahendra Lal Sircar at Calcutta in 1876. Mahendra Lal
was a remarkable man who had realized that science was the most powerful
instrument of modern civilization. He had a brilliant academic record at
the Calcutta Medical College, having won many a medal and distinction.
His open-mindedness and aversion to dogmatic approach enabled him to
advocate homoeopathic system also. A flrnl believer in the rationality of
science, Mahendra Lal desired that the Indians should cultivate science on
their own not only for their economic bettenncnt but also for self-regenera-
tion. In 1869 in the August issue of the Calcutta Journal of Medicine,
he wrote an article on the need for a national institution for the cultivation
of science by the natives of India. Sir Richard Tenlple, Lieutenant-
Governor of Bengal, lent his support to his efforts. After six years of
persuasive hard work and even against some opposition, he collected enough
funds (a few lacs of rupees raised by prominent citizens of Calcutta and a
donation of fifty thousand rupees by the Maharaja of Vizianagram) and
ushered in the Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science on
15 July 1876.
In its initial stages the Association was intended to be a sort of a
training school for the diffusion of scientific knowledge. In an eloquent
address he said: 'For a variety of reasons the natives of India have long
ceased to take an active part in the world of intellect. .. I would emphati-
cally say that the Indian youth have shown as much aptitude for, and love
of science, as the youth of any country in the world ...' How true did
his words reverberate! In the early decades of the present century, the
Association attracted young research workers including the distinguished
C. V. Raman. From its earlier phase as teaching institution in sciences, the
Association began to encourage researches in the physical sciences. Raman,
who later became Professor of Physics at the Calcutta University, was
associated with this institution from 1907 to 1933. As a result of his
researches at the laboratories of the Association, he won international
recognition, was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society (1924) and awarded
the Nobel Prize in Physics (1930) for his discovery of a new effect, now
known as the Raman effect, in light scattering (appearance of additional lines
in the spectrum of light scattered by a substance when illuminated by mono-
chromatic light). Another eminent physicist K. S. Krishnan, also worked
there and became the first Mahendra Lal Sircar Professor in 1933. The
Professorship was created out of a donation of over a lac of rupees
from Rai Bahadur Behari Lal Mitra, a wealthy citizen of Calcutta. In the
history of development of modem science in India, the foundation of the
36
Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science is an important land-

mark; for it heralded the dawn of a national effort for the promotion of
scientific movement in the country and an involvement of enlightened
citizens.
STATE OF INDUSTRY
While the participation of Indians in the modern scientific investigations

was clearly noticeable towards the close of the nineteenth century, the
industry in India presented a sharp contrast. Perhaps a brief reference to
the state of industry in India during the nineteenth century may not be out
of place here. a In the west there was a constant interaction between
science-based technology and industry at that time. New industries sprang
up spectacularly as a result of the applications of science in the leading
western countries. But in India there was practically no industrial base in
the modern sense even in the first half of the nineteenth century. The
East India Company thought it prudent to adopt a policy of complete
Laissez faire in the field of industry. In its own interest in the cotton
textiles, the Company even adopted a negative attitude which is too well
known to merit special mention in this short account.
It may be noted here that as early as the seventeenth century A.D. India
enjoyed a leading position in respect of its manufactures including superfine
textile fabrics, indigo and saltpetre. Gujarat, Coromandel Coast and the
Indo-Gangetic region were important regions of production. Surat,
Musalipatam and Hoogly were the noted ports for export of high quality
goods. However, the commerce in textile products began to show signs
of decay by the end of the eighteenth century and almost went into oblivion
by the middle of the nineteenth century.
Indigo
In respect of indigo there was a favourable factor, though it was prone
to be short-lived. The decline of the indigo industry in the West Indies
at that time acted as a powerful incentive to cultivate indigo on a large
scale in India. The East India Company brought planters from the West
Indies, while the required capital was raised from the savings of the Com-
pany's public servants. The result was that there was a phenomenal growth
of indigo-processing factories in Bengal and Bihar by the end of the eight-
eenth century. In the first half of the nineteenth century Bihar, Banaras
and the Doab regions emerged as the principal producers of indigo. But
the industry had to see its end towards the close of the nineteenth century
as a result of the discovery of the synthetic dye (1856) in England.
Jute and Cotton

The jute industry, from its beginnings in 1855 in Serampore (Bengal),
began to fiowish rapidly. In less than SO years there were some 20 mills
II The following account is based on the publications of Mehta and Thomas as well as
the official reports of the industries c:oDCCl'Ded.
36B
owned by the British capitalists with 100,000 looms and over two lakh
spindles for producing jute goods. When the traditional handloom industry
of cotton fabrics fell a foul prey to the British Government's tariff policies,
the Indian capitalists, particularly the Parsees, embarked upon the modern
cotton industry. The first cotton mill was established in BOlubay in 1853
with about 25,000 spindles; later another was established at Ahmedabad.
Within a decade, Bombay and Ahmedabad became industrial centres for
cotton fabrics (10 in Bombay and 3 in Ahmedabad). In 1890 there were as
many as 137 mills which mostly produced cotton yarn for export to China
and Japan. But soon Japan began to compete with India and captured the
Chinese market.
Iron and Steel

The iron and steel industry was indeed in distress. This important
industry proved a failure practically during the whole of the nineteenth
century despite the concerted efforts made in this direction. In the Salem
region a (Madras Presidency) one such effort was made in 1825 by Josaiah
Marshall Heath, an erstwhile civil servant of the East India Company.
He resigned from the lucrative job, raised loan from a British firm in
Calcutta and spent four years in England to get the technical information,
machinery and a few workmen. By 1830 he had erected the iron-smelting
works at Porto Novo-two large and two small furnaces-for conversion
of high grade iron ore (72 %iron) into iron, using charcoal of good quality.
Heath had planned to produce 400 tons of bar iron annually. The quality
of the bar iron so produced received approbation even in England. In
the meantime he had exhausted his resources and applied for government
assistance to the tune of a lac of rupees as well as grant of exclusive rights
for 25 years. Heath got both; and the rights granted to him were in fact
similar to the Parliamentary privileges granted to Messrs. Boulton and
Watt of England. But in the iron-smelting process using charcoal as the
reducing agent he experienced difficulties, running as many as twelve un-
successful trials. Again he was in financial trouble; and the Porto Novo
works virtually came to an end by the middle of the nineteenth century.
In Bengal, an ironworks was started at Barakar by a private firm in
1839, and another near Ranigunj in 1855. Both of them met with failure.
In 1875 the Bengal Iron Company came into being and, within two years
of its erection, it began to produce pig iron at Rs.40 per ton as against the
English pig iron at Rs.60 per ton. But the technological innovations,
which were taking place in England then, enabled England to sell the pig
iron at Rs.29 per ton in the very next year. This struck a serious blow to
the Indian works. In 1882 the government took over the works and
appointed one Ritter Von Schwarz," an Austrian, who had a good deal of
experience in mining and iron-smelting operations, to examine the works
• Public Consultations, 1833. II Fin. Deptt., Aug. 1882.

and submit new proposals. Schwarz prepared a detailed report including

the plans of operation for about 25,000 tons of finished iron per year. The
Bengal Iron Company was sold by the government to a private firm in
1889 when it was named the Bengal Iron & Steel Company. This Company
was producing about 40,000 tons of iron by 1900; it was not producing
any steel.
Coal and others

Coal-mining, from its small beginnings in 1820, progressed rapidly,
particularly in the last decade of the nineteenth century, to meet the in-
creasing demands of the jute and cotton industries, and the railways.
Among the other industries may be mentioned the tanning industry (flourish-
ing in Madras, Kanpur and Bombay), paper production (in Bengal,
Lucknow and Poona) and a chenucal works (in Calcutta). The last, known
as the Bengal Chemical Works, was started in 1900 by Prafulla Chandra
Ray who pooled all his resources to establish this industry which gradually
rose to be one of the important chemical manufacturing concerns. But
India was still without industries for producing sulphuric acid, alkalis and
other heavy chemicals. These made their appearance only in the twentieth
century.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
While considering the implantation of modern science in India in the

eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, a historically important context
should not go unnoticed. Towards the close of the eighteenth century,
and practically the whole of the nineteenth century, it was not Britain but
France and later Germany which led the way in measures for the promotion
of scientific and technological activities then. It is true that Britain ushered
in the Industrial Revolution in the middle of the eighteenth century with
far-reaching effects. The industrial face of Britain became bright and
gradually the tempo of industrial production increased. The new produc-
tion units and the townships which grew around them attracted into their
fold the craftsmen as well as amateurs in large numbers. New associations
were founded at industrial centres, such as Liverpool, Sheffield and
Yorkshire. Their numbers were astonishingly on the increase, 10 to 20
per decade, with the result there were over hundred such societies by the
end of the nineteenth century covering practically all the important towns.
The new organizations enabled the scientists and technicians to think
and work together irrespective of their social positions. More significantly,
some of them played a substantial role in the ramification of scientific
education by establishing new universities in their respective localities.
Apart from these organizations, there also sprang up what were known
as mechanics' institutes. a In 1823 London and Glasgow had each a
a Cardwell, pp. 27-81.

WPSl'ERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 565
mechanics' institute and in 1825, Birmingham. But within a few years, there
were as many as 600 such institutes which catered to more than a hundred
thousand apprentices. Practically every town, large or small, had its own
mechanics' institute. Nevertheless, these organizations did not appear to
have in them the necessary potential which could stimulate a vigorous growth
of modern science in Britain. Illiteracy of the craftsmen and apprentices,
inadequate financial support, and inlbalances in management eventually
led to the failure of the mechanics' institutes. Even within a decade of their
establishment the institutes could not attract mechanics and artisans in
sufficient numbers for purposes of training.
While the new organizations were showing signs of withering away,
the established organizations of repute, like the Royal Society and the
Royal Institution, seemed to be in no better shape. In the nineteenth
century it was becoming increasingly apparent that scientific pursuits in
Britain were on the decline and the State was in no mood to otTer
the much needed support. Hunlphry Davy even thought of writing on the
decline of British science, but died before he could complete it. In 1830
Charles Babbage, Professor of Mathematics at the Cambridge University,
wrote in his Reflections on the Decline of Science in England that the English
people were rather indifferent to science and its intellectual possibilities,
and considered the profession of law more attractive than scientific pursuits.
He made a vigorous plea for the promotion of science in Britain at a national
level.
In 1831 the Yorkshire Literary and Philosophical Society called a
meeting of the 'Friends of Science' where the British Association for the
Advancement of Science took its birth. The aim of the new organization
was, as stated under its objectives, 'to give a stronger impulse and more
systematic direction to scientific enquiry, to obtain a greater degree of national
attention to the objects of science as well as a removal of those disadvantages
which impede its progress, and to promote the intercourse of the cultivators
of science with one another and with foreign philosophers'. a
Further, the scientific and technical education did not register sub-
stantial progress in Britain even in the nineteenth century. The universities
seemed to be reluctant to offer specialized courses in sciences. In 1832
Baden Powell was still exhorting the Oxford University authorities to pay
more attention to scientific studies. The Cambridge University gave
encouragement more to mathematical studies than to experimental sciences.
The London University (the model of the first three Indian universities) was
no doubt of liberal disposition. Yet in 1858 it was still examining the
desirability or otherwise of offering specialized science degrees.
The foregoing historical factors are of considerable importance to the
understanding of the impact of modern science and technology on India,
especially in the nineteenth century, in view of India's direct political,
economical and educational contacts with Britain, and the policies pursued
CI Mason, pp. 358-60.

566 A CONCISB IUSTORY OF SCIENCB IN INDIA
by the latter from time to time in these fields. All the same, it is indeed
refreshing to note that India showed indications of having received a
substantial impact of western science by the end of the nineteenth century.
The first two decades of the twentieth century, which inherited the
impact of the western science, witnessed newer efforts in the direction of
providing a sound base for modern scientific teaching as well as research in
India. The role of Governor-General Curzon needs special mention in this
respect. His Educational Code and the Universities Act of 1904 heralded
the dawn of unitary and centralized system of education. The universities,
which were hitherto only the affiliating bodies, not only instituted regular
inspection of colleges which were affiliated to them but also transformed
themselves into teaching institutions. The Act declared 'that the universities
to be incorporated for the purpose (among others) of making provision
for the instruction of students, with powers to appoint university professors
and lecturers, to hold and manage educational endowments, to erect, equip
and maintain university laboratories and museums, to make regulations
relating to the residence and conduct of students, and to do all acts, con-
sistent with the incorporation of this Act, which tend to the promotion of
study and research'. Immediately after the passing of the Act, it is significant
to note that the Government of India made a recurring grant of five lacs
of rupees per annum for a period of five years for the improvement of
the university and collegiate education. Curzon believed not only in the
education of the many but also in the co-ordination of the technical educa-
tion with the industrial development. He even visualized that qualified
Indian engineers and technical men would in time replace the Europeans
in the Indian industry.
In 1902 the Board of Scientific Advice was established wi th a view to
co-ordinating the scientific work which was carried out by official agencies.
The reports of the Board used to be communicated through the Secretary
of State for India to the Royal Society of London, for advice, though later
this effort proved ineffective. The Imperial Agricultural Research Institute,
as stated before, was started in 1903, and the Forest Research Institution
at Dehra Dun in 1906. In 1911 the Indian Research Fund Association was
founded by the Government of India for medical research. In the same year
came into being the Indian Institute of Science at Bangalore (through the
munificence of J. N. Tata) for advanced scientific research. In addition,
several specialized scientific societies were in the offing at this time.
As the multitude of scientific institutions was spread over different
parts of the vast country, the need arose, as early as 1913, for a periodic
congressional gathering of scientific workers for exchange of information
and stimulation of research activities. Thus in January 1914 the first
session of the Indian Science Congress Association was held under the
Presidentship of Asutosh Mookerjee at Calcutta in the premises of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Bengal. Thirty-five scientific papers were discussed in
six sections (Chemistry, Physics, Geology, Zoology, Botany and Ethnology),
and over hundred scientists from different parts of the country were present
at this meeting for the first time. In his Presidential Address Asutosh
Mookerjee emphasized: 'Personal association amongst scientific men is
pregnant with important consequences, not merely by a fruitful exchange
of ideas. The cultivators of science, by periodical meetings and discussions,
may bring their aims and views prominently into public notice, and may
also, whenever necessary, press them upon the attention of the government,
a contingency by no means remote; for, as experience has shown, even the
most enlightened governments occasionally require to be reminded of the
full extent of the paramount claims of science upon the public funds.'
On his part, Asutosh Mookerjee played an effective role in making
the Calcutta University the first institution to start postgraduate teaching
and research in 1916. As a result of his efforts, some leading wealthy men
of Bengal came forward with large endowments for this purpose. By 1919
the Calcutta University had postgraduate classes in physics and applied
physics, chemistry, applied mathematics and experimental physiology.
Undoubtedly, in the beginning of this century the modern science entered
on a new stage in India and began to grow rapidly in the succeeding years.
11 RESUME
B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA
I N the preceding chapters a concise account has been given of the

various branches of science as they developed in India in the ancient
and medieval periods, and also of the growth of western science in India
up to the end of the nineteenth century A.D. The treatment has been
subjectwise, and each subject has been dealt with in a broad chronological
setting.
In this resume an attempt has been made to highlight some important
aspects and achievements of Indian science in the pre.. and protohistoric,
Vedic and post..Vedic periods, the Classical Age and after up to C. A.D.
1200, the medieval and the modern periods. Chapter and page numbers
are given in bold and ordinary types respectively in brackets, wherever
necessary, to indicate the portions or sections to be referred to for further
details. A chronological chart depicting the major scientific and techno-
logical texts and developments up to the end of the nineteenth century A.D.
is also appended.
THE great subcontinent of Asia, which in area is nearly equal to that of

Europe with the exception of Russia and which goes under the name of
Bhiiratavar$ao, or India,b has played a distinct role in the history of techno-
logy and science. Geologically it is believed that during the Mesozoic era
(about 230 million years ago) a great part of the now known Himalayan
region was beneath the sea (called the Tethys sea), while the peninsula,
possibly with the exception of the coastal area, must have been a land at
least since the Permo-Carboniferous period (over 300 million years ago). The
gradual uplift of the Himalayas is supposed to have occurred mainly in
Eocene-Oligocene (about 30 to 40 million years ago), and the final phase of
the mountain elevation in the Pleistocene periods. The principal features
Q Though named after Bharata, a legendary monarch of the Lunar line, according to
the Vi${fu Pura(lQ, the country belonging to the north of the ocean and to the south of
the snowy mountains is called Bhdratavar$Q-a geographical definition.
b This word is derived through the Greeks from the Persici2ed form of the Sanskrit term
Simlhu (the river).
569
of this subcontinent had assumed more or less the present shape and topo-
graphy possibly by the early Pleistocene time (about one to two million
years ago), save, in front of the newly elevated mountain ranges, the region
which formed almost a longitudinal depression or a foredeep corresponding
to the high mountainous terrain. It has been conjectured that this depres-
sion got filled up by alluvial and wind-blown deposits, and became the
plains fit enough for habitation geologically not very long ago. a Known
as the Indo-Gangetic plains because of flow of many a river belonging to
the Indus-Ganges system, the plains are reputed for their fertility and
effective manoeuvrability for agricultural operations, and have been the
home, from time to time, of a number of different groups of people who
developed their agriculture, arts, crafts and industries. There has been yet
another fertile alluvial tract covering the region of modern Gujarat and
Kathiawar formed by the river and estuarine depositions, which also wit-
nessed the growth of advanced human settlements. In contradistinction to
these alluvial formations which geologically are not old enough, is the much
older laterite rocky terrain of the peninsula comparatively less fertile than
the northern plains, and here also is found evidence of early human in-
habitants some of whom belonged to the neolithic and chalcolithic stages. It
should be noted that the natural environments provided by these geological
features of the subcontinent and not inconsiderably the latter's geographical
position with reference to the other culture-areas of the then known world
have been not only stimulative to, but also determinative of, the endeavours
of man the maker and man the thinker in this part of the globe.
As to the early man who wandered on this subcontinent there is little
or no information, for no skeletal remains of the palaeolithic man have been
unearthed so far in this region. Anthropologists believe that the terrain
now known as the Siwaliks (a later phase of the Himalayan elevation) might
have been the home of early man in India. In any case, in this area have
been discovered some stone-tools which indicate a chopper-chopping tool
culture in existence there perhaps over 150,000 years ago. That the early
human had been active and groups of men existed in different parts of the
subcontinent have been evidenced by some types of stone-tools found in
the Punjab, Peninsular India, Kashmir, Bengal, etc. The Middle Palaeo-
lithic Age in India corr~sponds to c. 25000 B.C. and the Late Stone Age to
c. 5000 B.C. The neolithic culture which is characterized by some kind of
habitation and agricultural practices leading to production of food has been
noticed in the regions of Andhra, Karnatak and Kashmir even as late as
c. 2000 B.C., while in some other parts of India like Rajaputana, Central
India, the Deccan, etc., the chalcolithic culture has also been found in the
period 1800 B.C. b However, earlier still in the region covering Sind, the
Punjab, Rajaputana, Saurashtra and Baluchistan, there flourished a civili-
zation (c. 2300-1750 B.C.) which was by far the largest of the world's three
most ancient civilizations, covering an area of roughly 840,000 square miles.
II Majumdar (R. C.), I, p. 82. b Sankalia (4), pp. xxi-xxii.

The fact worthy of note is that in this subcontinent different culture mani-
festations have occurred in different periods and in different parts of the
land, not always in the recognized sequence.
PRE- AND PROTOHISTORIC PERIOD
The neolithic man in India, apart from his primitive attempts at agri-
culture of which we have hut scanty information, a was quite familiar with
certain plants and animals which were part of his environment. His prac-
tical knowledge of animals has been handed over to us in the form of what
are called 'haematite drawings' in the caves or sheltered rocks. Such
drawings have been found on the rocky walls of the Vindhya hills in Mirza-
pur district (depicting hunters attacking a rhinoceros with barbed spears),
in the caves of Hoshangabad district (portraying a giraffe), of the Kaimur
hills (showing stag-hunts), and at Singanpur (representing an animal resem-
bling a kangaroo, also horse and deer). It would seem that rhinoceros was
then more widely distributed in India than at present. The neolithic potter
was able to produce earthen vessels (generally globular with round bases
and flair slips) which were hand-made, the potter's wheel obviously being
unknown to him in the initial stages, as evidenced by the finds in the pre-
historic rock shelters of Mirzapur, Laghnaj, Nagarjunakonda, Birbanpur,
Burzahom and certain sites in the southern Deccan. Later he was able to
devise the wheel and produce the wheel-thrown pottery, the specimens of
which have been found in some of the neolithic settlements in south India.
The Harappan Culture

In India the history of technology and science begins naturally with the
Indus valley civilization which is often referred to as the Harappan Culture,
Harappa along with Mohenjo-daro being the important sites of archae-
ological value in the Indus valley. The Harappan culture had established
commercial links with the neighbouring cultures in the central and western
Asian regions. It is interesting to note that some Harappan seals have
been found in the Lower Mesopotamia. There seemed to be brisk com-
mercial relations between the Harappan culture and that of Mesopotamia
at the time when the former was in a flourishing state. The archaeological
evidence at Lothal indicates that there was sea-borne trade too. Some of
the ceramic appearances, seals, amulets and ornamental forms found in the
Harappan settlements, on closer analysis, are noticed to have their parallels
in the Mesopotamian cultures. Even the religious belief like the worship
of the Mother-goddess representing a fertility cult which was in vogue in
the Harappan urban civilization was more or less similar to that practised
in the early Sumerian village-cultures. Not a few of the animal motifs
• Archaeological evidence indicates the use of rice (Oryza sativa L.) and wheat (Triticum
vulgarfl..compactllm) in the chalcolithic sites of Navdatoli and Maheswar.
571
found on the Harappan seals are in common with those of Syria and Crete. a
There is no denying the fact that there was a movement of ideas and tech-
niques among the diverse culture-areas in the third and the second millen-
nium B.C., and that the Harappan culture lay on the periphery of the already
well-established central and western Asian cultures.
Be that as it may, the Harappan culture displayed certain original
characteristics and underwent its own civilizational experiences. The over-
all picture of this culture appears to be that it had a reasonable agricultural
surplus and a farming economy, developed a way of settled life and material
culture enriched by many a craft and industry. The craft of potting had
registered a technological progress. The Harappan pottery was mainly
wheel-made, turned in various shapes and sizes out of the well-levigated
alluvium of the Indus. The unearthed pottery specimens with a number
of designs and colour combinations throw light on the fact that the pro-
duction technique was standardized to a high degree. The Harappan
potters also knew the art of glazing and it would appear that the glazed
pottery found at Mohenjo-daro was probably the earliest specimen of its
type. Metalsmiths were well versed in the techniques of making beads,
sheet-making, rivetting, coiling and casting. The bronze figurine discovered
at Mohenjo-daro was probably cast by the cire-perdue process. A number
of metallic tools, mostly of copper and bronze, found in this area reveal
that the Harappan metalsmiths had sound knowledge of cold-working and
annealing of the metal. Of the tools, a special word needs to be said
about a true saw which has the teeth and the adjoining part of the blade set
alternatively from side to side, for a similar type of saw was unknown else-
where until Roman times (5, pp. 275-83). Apart from metal-working,
the Harappans knew the use of a number of minerals for ornamental, cos-
metic and medicinal purposes. They had developed social sanitation and
public hygiene to a high level as borne out by the town-planning, paved
streets, water-supply, public baths and hydropathic establishments, dis-
charge and drainage systems, etc., in their urban living. They also knew
spinning and weaving and were well known for the burnt-brick-and-mortar
constructions. Doubtless they had evolved a system of measurement and
computational techniques which were necessary for not only constructions
but also commercial transactions.
The animal representations on the Harappan pottery, seals, figurines
and toys give an insight into their familiarity with and domestication of
animals. Some 92 species of animals have been identified and of them
mammals (41), molluscs, marine and land forms (31), reptiles (12), fishes (5)
and birds (2) are notable. The domestic animals included the humped cattle,
buffalo, ass, sheep, goat, elephant, camel, pig, dog and cat. The wild life
comprised, among others, elephant, tiger, rhinoceros, wolf, jackal and chital,
but no lion. A large number of seals depict a curious legendary animal
called the unicorn, a male beast with one horn, a heavily built body of an
• Mode, pp. 1-12.

antelope or an ox with a long tuffed tail. The widely used domestic animal
was the bull, and although the figure of cow is not represented on any of
the seals, it was an important domestic animal (8, pp. 404-16).
The Harappans had attained a reasonably good level of agricultural
practices; yet the plough was not in use. Likewise, of the metals, iron
was unknown to the people of the Indus valley; and of the animals, horse
was probably not in use then. The plough, iron and the horse of a superior
breed began to be used in India by a new set of people of a new social
order, whose thoughts and practices have come down to us in the form of
several literary compositions known as the Vedas, Briihma!1as, Ara1Jyakas
and the Upani~ads.
VEDIC PERIOD
This new set of people, sometimes referred to as the Aryans, made
notable contributions to the development of science and technology in
India, and from about the fifteenth century B.C. to about the eleventh or
twelfth century A.D., the history of science in India is, by and large, that of
their thoughts and religious practices, of their arts and crafts which took
into their fold not a few of the 10caHy existing thoughts and techniques
which they encountered, reshaped and assimilated.
!Jla
Of the principal Vedic thoughts which are of relevance to us, mention

should be made of the natural law (rta) which finds adequate expression in
the JJgveda. The Vedic seers conceived of this law as the real governing
force of the universe and even the Vedic gods are considered to be either
under the operation of this law or its guardians. The natural phenomena
like the flow of rivers, occurrence of night and dawn, are explained in terms
of this natural law. It is now known that there was among the Baby-
Ionian sa a conception of natural law with reference to divinity. Among the
Greek thinkers, Heraclitus (co sixth century B.C.), Democritus (c. fifth
century B.C.), Plato (427-347 B.C.) and Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) are known
to have given expression to the idea of natural law. A fact of great signi-
ficance is that the importance given to and the role of rfa in the movements
governing the human world and the cosmic universe alike, as depicted. in
the JJgl'eda and the later Vedic literature, point out that the Vedic people
had an instinctive conviction in the natural order-a conviction which is of
prime importance for sustenance of scientific attitude (9, pp. 453-55).
PancabhQtas
Another doctrine which gradually took shape out of certain speculative
layers of the ~gvedic thought and the early Upani$ads is the one concerning
(I Needham, II. pp. S33 fr.

573
the pancabhutas. Wholistic in nature, the fivefold character of the ponca-

bhatas, viz. prthvi, ap, tejas, viiyu and akiisa, aimed at a coherent explanation
of the apparently unordered and seemingly diverse world of matter, quali-
ties and motion. It was tacitly assumed that the five bhiitas to which
belonged all the subtle and the gross, the perceptibles and the imperceptibles,
and the limited and the unlimited, provided a base for rational interpretation
of the problem of matter. With such wide application, the doctrine of
the pancabhutas was able, as no other could, to permeate practically all the
departments of Indian thinking and to beconle, as it did, an integrated
component of the major philosophical systems. The SalJ7khya, Nyiiya and
the VaiSe#ka have laid a special emphasis on the paiicabhutas, while the
Jaina, Bauddha and Carvaka recognize the first four hhutas. Special
Inention should be made of the SiiJ]lkhya which in addition enumerates
the five tanmiitras or the subtile states corresponding to the five bhfitas.
Perhaps the tanmatras were conceived so as to share the characteristics of
both mind and matter. It is interesting to note that in the west the doctrine
of five elements-earth, water, air, fire and ether-also played an important
role in the Aristotelian interpretation of the universe and attracted the
attention of thinkers in Europe as well as in West Asia for a long time.
Nevertheless, the way in which the paiicabhuta doctrine became intertwined
not only with the general inquiry into the intelligible reality but also with the
notions concerning the human body merits special attention. It may be
emphasized that the Indian classical medical texts are indeed one in describ-
ing the interplay of the five bhiUas in the organic as well as inorganic world.
Human body is regarded as a combination of the bhiitas and of soul. In the
Susruta Sa/!lhita there is an integrated exposition of the way in which the
five bhutas shape the human body from its very conception. The food-
stuffs and other substances are classified in terms of the five bhutas, as also
the six rasas which, according to the classical medical texts, play an impor-
tant role in the physiological processes. Such, then, was the viability of
the doctrine of the paiicabhutas, a proper understanding of which is ab-
solutely essential for obtaining an insight into various facets of science in
India (9, pp. 455-61).
Vedic Astronomy
In the Sgveda are found certain symbolic hymns and references which
throw ample light on the astronomical ideas of the Vedic Indians. Keen
observers as they indeed were, the Vedic priests possessed adequate knowl-
edge of the course of the sun, the path and phases of the moon, the bright
wandering objects or the planets, the starry firmament, occurrences of
eclipses and the like. Their intuitive minds developed a thought-pattern
concerning the motion of the astronomical bodies. The moon became the
obvious choice for determining the month and, in fact, the moon was
referred to as masakrta (maker of month) similar to the modern word,
month, being derived from the word 'mooneth'. There were two systems of
reckoning-the amanta and the pur!limanta. The ~gveda refers to a number

of nak~atras (asterisms) as well as the course of the moon through them.
The names of the lunar months were after those of the nak~~atras in which
the full moon occurred. Known as 'lunar mansions', the nak~atra system
seems to be characteristically Indian. For, according to Max Muller, 'the
Babylonian Zodiac was solar and, in spite of repeated researches, no trace
of a lunar Zodiac has been found, where so many things have been found,
in the cuneiform inscriptions. But supposing even that a lunar Zodiac has
been discovered in Babylon, no one acquainted with the Vedic literature,
and with the ancient Vedic ceremonial, would allow himself to be persuaded
that the Hindus borrowed that simple division of the sky from the Baby-
lonians'.a It must, however, be noted that there is some sort of an agree-
mentb between the nak~atras and the Chinese hsius, 28 in number, which
were named after constellations with determinant stars. The Arabian
manazils, again 28 in number, correspond, by and large, to the nak~atras;
and as many as 19 manazils are in agreement with the corresponding
nak$atras. But as a lunar Zodiac, the Chinese system appeared later
(c. second century B.C.) and later still the Arabian manazils. The
Indian nak~atras are 27 or 28 in numberC (the Atharvaveda mentions 28
nak~atras) and in each nak~atra, the brightest star is referred to as yoga-tara-
a star connected with the first point on the ecliptic of the division or near it,
north or south, but always being capable of occultated by the moon or in
conjunction with the moon or planets. In effect, the yoga-tartis furnished
the Vedic priests with the necessary means of observation (2, pp. 66-72).
The priests whose reputation and survival in the Vedic society depended
upon the performance of sacrificial rites at auspicious times had developed
calendars which were tuni-solar. In other words, they used the nak~'atras
also to follow the motions of the sun, although they did not map the sky
by the heliacal risings or settings of certain stars in the same way as the
Babylonian or the Egyptian star-gazers did. Even so they were able to
co-relate the motions of the moon and the sun in their own way. In course
of time, a method of intercalation came into vogue and an additional
month of 30 days (subsequently 25 or 26 days a month) was added at the
end of a specific period, normally five years, for luni-solar adjustments.
The length of the five-year period (5 x 360 = 1,800 days) was thus made up
to 1,830, 1,825 or 1,826 (modern figure 1,8261 days) (2, pp. 75-76). The
lunar day, tithi, is again peculiar to Indian astronomy. The lunar month
was divided into two pak$as of 15 tithis each. The 30 ti/his of the lunar
month were found to overrun the days of the actual lunar month of 27
• Max MWler, p. 126.

b Nine of the Indian noklatras agree with the corresponding hsius both in respect of the
determinant stars and the number of stars associated with the constellations; for eleven
naklfltras, the determinants are different though they belong to the same constellations;
for the remaining MklQtrtlS the determinants are selected from different constellations.
e To Abhljit, the 28th 1I/lkIQ'ra (determinant two lyrae), no nakltltra space has been
assiped in the ecliptic.
575
or 28 days. 'They were probably introduced merely to establish some

sort of harmony between the revolutions of the sun and the moon, and to
help trace the path of the moon through the nak~atras. But since the
apparent velocity of the moon (and hence the lunar day) is not uniform,
the tithis were purely spatial abstractions. 'a
Another important aspect of the Vedic astronomy is the concept of a
cosmic cycle associated with the cosmic creative spirit. According to the
Satapatha Brahma'.la, Prajapati's year consists of 10,800 moments. It
would seem that this figure was derived from the 12 months, 30 nychthe-
mera of each month and 30 moments of each nychthemeran (i.e. 12 x 30 x
30 = 10,8(0). The ~gveda has 10,800 metrical divisions of 40 syllables
each, thus giving a figure of 432,000 (10,800 x 40) syllables. This figure of
432,000 gave rise to an important astronomical period in the Siddhantic
astronomy later in India, in terms of a mahliyuga of 12,000 divine year
being equivalent to 360 solar years (12,000 x 360 = 4,320,000 years). It is
interesting to note that in about the fifth century B.C. Heraclitus alluded
to a Great Year of 10,800 years and Berossos, the Babylonian astronomer,
spoke of a cosmic cycle of 432,000 years. 'These figures first appeared in
India long after the Satapatha Brahmaf)a was written, and although Greek
and Babylonian astronomers were not otherwise greatly influenced. by
Indian ideas, they must have been in this respect.'lJ
Vedic Mathematics
The mathematical knowledge in the Vedic period seemed to be of a
high order. That the numbers and their reckoning had a special appeal is
clear from the fact that the Yajurveda has names of numbers even up to
10 12 and the PancavilJ1sa Brahma'.la gives an account of numbers in ascend-
ing decimal scale. It is interesting to note that the highest terminology of
the Greeks (which probably came into use by about the fourth century B.C.)
was myriad (10 4) and of the Romans was mille which denoted just a thousand
(lOS) only. It may be added that in some of the later Jaina and the Bauddha
literature is found terminology to express numbers as large as 1029 and 1053
(3, pp. 140-41).
A proper scientific vocabulary of number names was also developed
so as to be permissive of operations including addition, subtraction and
multiplication. Fundamental arithmetical operations involving elementary
fractions were also known, as evidenced by the occurrence of such names,
as ardha (I), tripada (1) in the ~gveda, and pada (1), sapha ('), kU~lha (~7j)
and kala (ti) in the Maitraya1)i SCUflhito. A'1lsa and bhdga denoting frac-
tions in general occur in the Sulba-sutras (3, pp. 143-44). In the field of
geometry, the Sulba-sutras (Rules of the Thread or Measuring Chord),
which as part of the Kalpa-sutras deal with sacrificial altar-constructions
(citi) using a definite number of bricks of fixed dimensions, deserve special
• Taton, p. 137. " Taton, PP. 137-38.

attention. Of them, mention may be made of Baudhayana, Vadhu/a,

Apastamba, Hira/Jyakesin, Mtinava, Varaha and Katyayana. They deal
with positions and spatial magnitudes with reference to the construction
of geometrical forms on which the sacrificial fires had to be raised.
The other geometrical notions found in them include the construction
of squares and rectangles, relation of the diagonal to the sides, and
equivalent rectangles and squares. Both Apastamba and Baudhtiyana
describe a square equal to the sum of two different squares like 32+4 2 = 52;
52 +12 2 = 13 2 ; 82 +15 2 = 17 2 ; 72 +24 2 = 25 2 ; 122 +25 2 = 37 2, etc. It is
well known that according to the theorem attributed to Pythagoras (c. fifth
century B.C.) 'the transverse chord of a rectangle produces (by the con-
struction of) a square on itself, what the length and the breadth produce
separately'. According to the Sulba-siitras the diagonal of a rectangle
produces by itself both (the areas) produced separately by its two sides. No
wonder then some western scholars share the view that the origin of the
Pythogorean theorem can be traced to the Indian Sulba-sutras.
Another notable aspect of the Vedic mathematics is the way in which
the values of such irrational numbers as J2 and J3 are given to a high
degree of approximation, although the method by which these values are
arrived at has not been indicated in the sulba texts. Yet another relates to
permutations and combinations. The Vedic meters with syllables such as
6,8,9, 11, 12 and so on were formed by permutations and combinations of
syllables by changing the long (guru) and short (laghu) sounds within each
syllable group. The triangular array formed by the biononlial coefficients
(referred to as Pascal's triangle which appeared in Europe not before the
sixteenth century A.D.) was known in India in the form of meruprastiira, a
pyramidal expansion of the number of combinations of 1, 2, etc., syllables
formed of short and long sounds. This was dealt with later in a method-
ical way by Pingala (c. third century B.C.) in his Chandab·siUra, and was
further extended to a binomial theorem (a-t--b)1J by HaHiyudha in the
eleventh century A.D. a
Medical Knowledge
As to the medical knowledge of the Vedic Indians, the SQ'!1hitiis refer
to a number of ailments affecting the head, eyes, ear, heart~ lungs, stomach,
skin, rheumatism, etc. Diseases are said to be caused by congenital factors,
change of seasons and minute organisms in the body. There is, however,
no attempt to classify the diseases based on some principle. No doubt the
magical procedures, charms and imprecations, chanting of mantras and
other rituals were part of the general treatment of diseases. But a large
number of plant remedies were known and some minerals and animal
products were also used as healing agents. The Vedic physiology was
based upon the concept of pro(lQ (breath) which was supposed to be the
• Bag, pp. 68-74.

sustainer of life. Nosology was, by and large, descriptive in approach and
etiology was noted for its absence. The anatomical and physiological
facts, though found considerable in the Vedic texts, appear to be without
any rational classification. Nevertheless, the Vedic medical vocabulary
speaks of their careful observation of the human body and its ailments,
and these paved the way for codification of knowledge later as found in the
lyurveda which is regarded as a part (upanga) of the Alharvaveda.
Knowledge ofPlants and Animals

There is ample literary evidence to show that the Vedic Indians pos-
sessed considerable knowledge of the morphology and internal strt.llPture of
plants. And they were able to distinguish and name the different parts of
plant-root, shoot, stem, leaves, twigs, flowers and fruits. They knew the
difference between the tvac or valkala (skin) and the inner sara (nutrient
fluid). Plants were divided broadly into three groups-vrk~a (tree), o$adhi
(herb) and virudh (creeper). The Atharvaveda subdivides the herbs into
seven types based on their morphological and other characteristics (7,
pp. 376-78).
Of the animals, there are over 260 names used in the Vedic literature,
denoting mammals, birds, some reptiles, fishes and insects. The Atharva-
veda gives an account of 16 types of krmis which are poisonous and causa-
tive of diseases in cattle and man. The domestic animals included the cow,
bull, buffalo, elephant, horse, sheep, goat, dog and cat. As to the wild
animals, lion was known to the Vedic Indians.
P.G. Ware
In respect of the material culture and technological practices of the
Vedic period, a special significance attaches to the advent of the Painted
Grey ware and iron. The Indo-Aryans, according to some scholars, devel-
oped and used a de luxe type of pottery now christened by the archaeo-
logists as the Painted Grey ware. It has been surmized that the Indo-Aryan
settlers on the Indo-Gangetic plains possessed a knowledge of some similar
ceramic used in parts of Iran, Sistan, etc. (c. second millennium B.C.), and,
utilizing the locally existing ceramic techniques, they evolved the appropriate
baking conditions for the production of the Painted Grey ware. This ware,
first noticed at Ahicchatra and belonging to a date range of c. 1000-400
B.C., has, by and large, an extensive western distribution. A point worthy
of note is that a number of iron objects have been discovered in association
with the later phase of this ware in several excavated sites (5, pp. 285-87).
Iron
Though there are no details of the iron metallurgical practices in the
Vedic literature, it is reasonable to suppose that the smaU furnaces em-
ployed for the extraction of iron might well have been of an open hearth
31
type. The word ayas used generally for the metals like copper or bronze
began to acquire the connotation of iron as noticed in the later Vedic texts.
On the basis of the archaeological evidence it seems to be fairly certain
that iron was introduced into India by c. 1000-800 B.C. A charcoal sample
from an early level of Atranjikhera II (where some iron objects were found)
gives a radiocarbon date of 1025 ±110 B.C. At Hastinapur have been found
a couple of slags of iron in the later levels of the Painted Grey ware
horizon, indicating local iron-smelting operations as early as c. 1100-800
B.C. It may be mentioned that the earliest smelting operations of iron
can be dated as far back as the second millennium B.C. in the region
of Asia Minor and Caucasus, and there was by the end of the second
millennium B.C. an appreciably large use of iron in the Near East whence
the Indian iron metal-workers possibly derived their technical knowledge.
But the fact of significance is that within the next five to six centuries
of the advent of iron in India, the technical proficiency reached was so
high that the Indian iron and steel objects earned the admiration of the
western world (5, pp. 287-90).
Agriculture
In the Vedic period agriculture was an important vocation and not a
few of the then social and religious customs were associated with the agri-
cultural operations of ploughing, sowing, reaping and threshing. The
plough, sickle, sieve and the contrivance for winnowing were among the
agricultural implements. Of the important grains grown in this period, viz.
wheat, rice and barley, significantly enough the ~gveda does not mention
rice at all indicating that rice was a wild growth and not yet cultivated in
the early period of the Indo-Aryan settlement. The Yajurveda and the
Atharvaveda contain references to rice of different varieties as well as to
several agricultural operations. The Vedic farmers are credited with the
practice of improving the fertility of the soil by the method of rotation
fallowing and this system appears to have been followed in the west at a later
date, according to Roxburgh, the Father of Indian botany (6, pp. 352-54).
POST-VEDIC PERIOD
lyurveda
In the post-Vedic period, the lyurveda as a rational assemblage of
methodical concepts and systematic therapeutic practices occupies an
honoured position. Even though the celebrated classical texts of the
Ayurveda, viz. the Caraka and Swruta Salflhitas, which have come down
to us, took their present form probably in the early centuries of the Christian
. era, the thoughts and practices enshrined in them were doubtless in vogue
from about the seventh or sixth century B.C. The prime object of the
1yurveda is the preservation of human life, of animals and even of plants.
In man, life is the manifestation of body, senses and the spirit according to
37 D
S79
Ayurveda. In its doctrinaire approach, this science of life owes a great

deal to the philosophies of the SiifJlkhya, Yoga and the VaiSe$ika adopting
the Vaise~ika principles in so far as the dravya-gulJa vijniina, the trido$a
theory and the saptadhiitus are concerned, and the Stilllkhya principles
relating to the paifcabhautika body and its evolution from puru$a-prakrti.
As has been noticed, the lyurveda believes that the world consisting of the
inorganic as well as the organic (sthiivarajangamarupa) is fonned out of the
pancabhutas. The entire gamut of substances used for medicinal purposes
are referred to, broadly, as iikiisfyadravya, viiyaviyadravya, taijasadravya,
tipyadravya and ptirthivadravya. The Ayurveda deals with the science of
medicine in terms of eight divisions (a${iingas), viz. salya (surgery), stilakya
(treatment of diseases of E.N.T.), kayacikitsii (internal medicine), bhiila-
vidya (treatment of supernatural diseases), kaumiirabhrtya (paediatrics),
agada (toxicology), rastiyana (rejuvenation) and wijikaralJa (virilification).
Of the two most important classical texts of the lyurveda (4, pp. 224-27),
the Caraka Saf/1hitii gives importance to internal medicine and the Susruta
Sal!1hitii accords a special position to surgery.
Central to the diagnosis as well as treatment of diseases, according to
the Ayurveda, is the doctrine of trido$as-viita, pitta and kapha. They are
referred to as tridJuitus when they are in their normal states, supporting the
bodily functions; and they become trido$as or vitiating agencies if they are
deranged or in a state of imbalance. Though rakta (blood) is not included
as the fourth factor or agency, the Ayurveda recognizes the role of rakta
along with the tridhiitus in the maintenance of the bodily functions. The
+
tridhiitus are recognized in terms of the five elements thus: iikasa vayu ~
vota; agni ~ pitta; and ap+prthvi -:,. kapha. The trido$as are believed
to be all pervasive in the body, though certain areas as cardinal seats for
each of them have been recognized. Each of the trido$as is thought of in
terms of five functional aspects, vata: pro1,la (governing respiration), udana
(for uttering sounds and speech), samana (separation of digested juice),
vyiina (carrying the bodily fluids) and apiina (expelling faeces, urine, etc.);
pitta: piicaka (aiding digestion and imparting heat), ranjaka (imparting red-
ness to the chyle so that it could become blood), siidhaka (increasing brain
power), alocaka (aiding vision) and bhriijaka (improving complexion); and
kapha: kledaka (moistening food), avalambaka (imparting energy and
strength), bodhaka (tasting), tarpaka (governing the functions of eye and
other sensory organs) and sle$maka (lubricating). The foregoing methodi-
cal conceptual scheme is a characteristic of the Indian system of medicine.
Of the other characteristic concepts of the Ayurveda, those concerning
rasa, gulJa, virya, vipaka and prabJuiva deserve special mention, for the
Jyurveda holds that every substance, animal, vegetable or mineral, is a
repository of these five attributes. Rasas are six in number (madhura,
amla, lava!la, katu, tikta and kO$aya). There is a detailed account of the
properties and effects of each of these rasas in the Ayurvedic classics, as the
knowledge of the rasas is considered as essential for therapeutics. The
term g&qUJ refers to saririka gw)as, twenty in number such as guru, laghu,
sara, sthira, sandra and drava. Substances are taken in for the growth as
well as maintenance of the body in the context of these gu1JDS. Virya has
been recognized generally as of two kinds, U$1Ja and sita, and as causative
of certain manifestations such as cheerfulness, strength, thirst, giddiness,
etc. Viptika may be understood as the biochemical processing of food,
while prabhtiva represents the over-all effect on the body and mind.
The theoretical basis for the way in which the food gets digested and
assimilated into the body is again the doctrine of the pancabhutas. The
agency which brings about the transformation of the food into the rasas is
referred to as jiithariigni which means literally 'fire in the stomach', but
connotes a wealth of meaning inclusive of all digestive processes in the
stomach as well as in the intestines. The word agni is significant, for it
actually cooks (ptika) and cooks specially (viptika) the food for absorption
by the bodily tissues. The chyle or rasa, in its sojourn in the body, gets
transformed into rakta (blood), mafJlsa (muscle), medas (fat), asthi (bone),
majja (marrow) and sukra (semen) in the order stated. The rasa and the
aforesaid six are known as saptadhiitus which maintain the body. At each
stage of transformation, the causative agent is called dhatvagni. Each
dhiitu has three manifestations, viz. sthula (gross), suk$ma (fine) and kitta
(refuse). The first is in the nature of the concerned dhatu and the second
passes on potentially the character of the succeeding dhlitu. According to
the Ayurveda the principal seat of rasa is heart, and the fluid moves on
through 24 tubular vessels called dhamanis. Besides dhamanis, there are
also siriis (small vessels which do not pulsate) and srotas (minute vessels
which lie in between smaller dhamanis and siros).
Treatment in lyurveda is a two-way process: elimination of deleteri-
ous ingredients and replenishment with the harmonious ones, so that
the trido$as become tridhtitus again. All drugs, therapeutic procedures and
even surgery are employed towards this end. Among the specific thera-
peutic measures are cleansing accumulated bodily wastes, internal as well
as external medication; use of eye-drops and eye-salves; gurgles; fumi-
gation of ear, nose and throat regions; liquid unguents, lotions, creams, oils,
etc., for the skin: suppositories, tampons, soaked cotton swabs, etc., for
the bodily openings; enemas and douches; various kinds of bath; fomenta-
tions; antisepsis by fumigation; hypertonic salt solutions for surgical
dressings; astringents as styptics for bleeding wounds and abrasions, etc.
(4, pp. 248-50). As to the drugs, the Jyurveda has an extensive materia
medica. The Caraka Safllhitti lists over 341 plant substances, 177 drugs of
animal origin and 64 mineral compositions, while the Swruta Sal'flhitii
contains over 395, 57 and 64 respectively (4, p. 251). Generally the plant
products were preferred for both oral and non-oral medication, for it was
believed that the organic plants were composed of the five bhUtas while the
inorganic metals and minerals were supposed to consist of prthvibhuta only.
In addition, the availability of a wide variety of medically efficacious plants
in the environment was also responsible for such a preference. A prac-
titioner in Ayurvedic medicine was expected to observe high standards of
581
ethics of the medical profession, such as self-control, courage. compassion,

purity of mind and body and expert knowledge of the medical science. He
was enjoined to prepare medical prescriptions from carefully selected raw
materials under his own supervision (4, pp. 245-46). As a comprehensive
medical science of all living creatures, the Ayurveda was concerned with the
treatment of animals and plants too. There are special treatises dealing
with the treatment of bovine animals (ga viiyurveda), horses (asvavaidya),
elephants (hastyiiyurveda) and plants (vrksiiyurveda) (4, pp. 254- 56).
Besides, other standard works on the Ayurveda, some of the puralJas and
encyclopaedic works also contain sections of this type of medical procedures.
Surgery
Susruta describes surgery (sastrakarma) under eight heads: chedana
(incision), bhedana (excision), lekhana (scarification), vedhana (puncturing),
e~a1Ja (exploration), aharar.za (extraction), visriiva~la (evacuation) and sivana
(suturing). The surgical instruments described include 101 varieties of
blunt instruments, and 20 kinds of sharp instruments, such as forceps,
tongs, scalpels, catheters, bougies, trocar, syringes, speculums, needles,
saws, scissors, lances, hooks and probes. A number of them resembled
the mouths or beaks of birds, beasts or some other types of animals.
Details are given of how they should be made from fine metal (steel
or the pancaloha), their dimensions, handles, etc. Cataract-crouching
was an established surgical feat with which even the surgeons of
ancient Greece and Egypt were not familiar. In the Susruta Sa1J1hitii
there is a vivid account of craniotomy and anal fistual operation
bestowing careful attention on pre- and post-operative treatments. The
Indian surgeons were aware of how the blood vessels should be ligated,
and often used cautery. They laid stress on practical training to attain the
much needed proficiency in surgery. Incisions were practised on fruits,
scarification on stretched skins of deer, goat or sheep with the hair still on
them, puncturing on distended bags, venesection on blood vessels of dead
cattle or the hollow stalks of lotus plants, cauterization on meats, suturing
on thick cloth and so on. The marrow of jackfruits and similar types of
pulps and the teeth of dead animals provided the practising ground for
extraction. The suturing material employed generally was made of flax,
hemp and bark fibres. D. Guthrie rightly observes: 'It was in surgery
above all that the ancient Hindus excelled. Su§ruta described more than a
hundred instruments. This was their greatest contribution to the art of
healing and the work was bold and distinctive. It is not unlikely, though
difficult to prove, that some of it was of Greek origin. Some, indeed., state
that the Greek drew much of their knowledge from the Hindus.'tI As
Neuberger says: 'The outstanding feats of the ancient Indian surgery related
to laparotomy, lithotomy and plastic operations. 'b The Susruta Sa",hitd
• Guthrie, p. 19. • Neuberger, pp. 57-S8.

is regarded as the earliest document which gives a detailed account of rhino-

plasty. Yet another feat related to the joining of the lips of wound by
causing them to be bitten by ants and then cutting off the body of the ants,
leaning behind the mandibles which would clamp the wound. The Arabs
adopted this method later. a
Indian medical knowledge and surgical practices influenced in no
small way those in Greece and Arabia. The Hippocratic treatise On
Breath deals in much the same way with its pneumatic system as we find
in the Indian concept of vayu or prii1)a. Plato in his Timaeos, strangely
enough, discusses pathology almost in the same manner as the doctrine of
the trido~a. Filliozat says: 'India may very well have influenced the Hippo-
cratic Collection and the Timaeos particularly, since Plato failed to
mention his sources and since, moreover, his doctrine is closer to the Indian
than to that of any contemporary Greek school. The influence of Indian
ideas on certain aspects of Greek medicine during Plato's time is further
supported by the mention of Indian medicaments, including pepper, in the
Diseases of Women, part of Hippocratic collection. Indian medical knowl-
edge must have seeped through the Parthian empire, then the overlord of
parts of India and Greece alike along the trade routes described by Strabo
and Pliny. tb Megasthenes described diseases of elephants and their reme-
dies borrowed from the Hastyayurveda. The Roman Celsus (c. first century
A.D.) gave in his medical works a graphic account of lithotomy which was
practised in India much earlier. Galen (A.D. 131-201) of Pergamum, who
spent most of his life in Rome t makes no secret of his borrowing from the
Indian sources the material relating to ointment for the eyes and the Indian
plaster. It is well known that the Indian herbals were sought after in the
Roman world.
Physical Concepts
While the Ayurveda had established itself as medical science par
excellence, there were, during the post-Vedic period, certain systems of philo-
sophical thought which were assuming a crystallized or aphoristic form.
or them, the Vais~ika system deserves special mention. Supposed to
have been propounded by a sage called Kat).ada, KaJ)abhuj or Ka.t)abhak~a,
the VaiSe~ika Sutras deal with a number of physical concepts encompassing
substance, attributes, motion, space, time and atomism in a cryptic form.
It so happened that these concepts set the tone as it were for the inter-
pretations of the physical world by a number of exponents over a long
period of time. The Nyaya Siitras, the proto-layers of which could be
found even in the fourth century B.C. supported the Vais~ika views and, as
t
could be expected, a syncretic Nyiya-Vai§~ika school came into being in

course of time. The Indian philosophical systems are of great value from
the point of view of the physical ideas which developed in India.
• Taton. p. 157. & Taton. p. lS6.

583
N.B.P. Ware
A new type of ceramic known as the Northern Black-polished ware came
on the scene (c. 600-500 B.C.), first in the region of modern Bihar and eastern
Uttar Pradesh and in course of time spread to some of the other parts of
northern, central and southern India. Made on a fast-spinning wheel using
fine clay and fired to a high temperature in kilns under controlled conditions,
this black-to-glossy-grey ceramic was reputed for its metallic sound. Its
wide distribution and association with iron need special notice (5, pp.
294-98).
Glass
It would appear that in the first quarter of the first millennium B.C.
the technique of production of glass objects like beads and bangles, mostly
the former, was known in India. Yet it was perhaps from the sixth century
B.C. onwards that the progress of glass technology became noticeable. At
Taxila the Bhir Mound has yielded in the sixth-fourth century B.C. levels a
number of glass beads of several shapes and colours. As one of the out-
posts of the north-western frontier of the Mauryan empire then, Taxila was
prone to receive and assimilate foreign influences in the technique of glass
production. That this was the case has been borne out by the glass objects
found later at the new city of Sirkap at Taxila during first century B.c.-first
century A.D. Production of glass objects was rather widespread inasmuch
as a number of glass objects have been found in places like Ujjain,
Nasik, Ahicchatra, Sravasti, Kolhapur, Kaundinya, Brahmagiri and
Arikamedu to name a few out of some 30 sites known. The early Indian
glass-makers were skilful in controlling the temperature of fusion, mould-
ing, annealing, blotching and gold-foiling, the last being done in an
exquisite manner (5, pp. 291-94).
Iron
In the post-Vedic period the knowledge of the use of iron in the form
of a number of tools and implements was not only on the increase but also
widespread. The use of bellows which made its debut during this period
enabled the ironsmiths to produce a number of tools and implements on a
large scale. Iron objects of different descriptions including bars, knives,
hooks, sickles, arrowheads, hoes, rings, daggers, nails, choppers, etc., have
been reported from a number of archaeological sites and the date-range of
most of these finds is 600-200 B.C. The sharp iron implements were used
with great effect in the clearance of jungles and expansion of settlements.
The ploughshare tipped with iron enabled deep ploughing which resulted
in more agricultural produ~, particularly sugar-cane. The quality of iron
and steel objects produced during this period was indeed of a high order
and some of them were considered to be eminently fit for presentation.
Ktesias (fifth century B.C.) speaks of two swords of Indian steel presented
to Artaxeses Mnemon. Later it has been recorded by Quintius Curtius
that in the gifts which Alexander the Great received from Porus of Taxila
(326 B.C.) were 100 'talents' of steel.
Agriculture
Agriculture registered substantial progress during this period, particularly
under the royal control and patronage of the Mauryan rulers. The Artha-
sastra which sheds light on the importance attached to agriculture speaks
of the science of agriculture and the Director of Agriculture. Likewise the
State had accorded a special position to mining and minerals, for the agri-
cultural produce and the minerals determined to a great extent its economy.
It gave encouragement to the settlement of people on unoccupied land and
vigorously supported agricultural practices. Keen interest was taken in the
irrigation schemes as evidenced by the account of Megasthenes who informs
us of officers employed by the State to superintend the rivers and inspect
the sluices through which the water was let out from the main canals into their
branches so as to ensure an equitable supply. Special mention should be
made of the well-known Sudarsana Lake in Saurashtra, which was con-
structed by Pusyagupta under Chandragupta Maurya and restored later by
Tusaspa, the Yavana governor under Asoka, for irrigational purposes (6, pp.
356-57).
CLASSICAL AGE AND LATER UP TO c. 1200 A.D.
Mathematics
If the Classical Age represents a glorious period in the history of India,
verily does it so in the history of Indian science and technology. From about
the fourth century A.D. to about the eighth or ninth century and also a
couple of centuries later, different branches of science made great headway
and even became codified in the form of scientific and technical texts. The
astronomical and mathematical texts are of particular significance. There
were leading mathematicians who were also well versed in astronomy like
Aryabhata I, Bhaskara I, Brahmagupta, Mahavira, Aryabhata II, MuiijAla,
Sripati, Sridhara and Bhaskara II. Aryabhata I knew rules for the extrac-
tion of square and cube roots, dealt with areas of triangles and trapezia,
circles, spheres, arithmetical progression, summation of series, fractions,
etc. He enunciated a rule for the solution of indeterminate equation of the
first order. He gave the value of 1r correct to four places of decimal (3'1416)
though he knew it was approximate. He also gave the values of 24 sines
Uytl) for the computation of trigonometrical angles; what is more, he devel-
oped an ~lphabetical system for expressing numbers on the decimal place-
value model. The decimal place-value notation itself, using nine digits and
zero, was already in use in India by about the fifth century A.D. It is to be
S8S
said to the credit of the Indians that they accorded a name, symbol and the
right place for zero in an ingenious way. Severus Sebokht, a Syrian scholar
of the seventh century A.D., referred to the Indian decimal place-value
notation 'a computing that surpasses description' and was full of praise for
the dexterity with which it was formulated. The decimal notation spread
to Indo-China and Japan probably in the sixth or seventh century A.D.,
and the Indian numerals found an able exponent in the Arabic mathe-
matician al-Khwarizmi in the ninth century A.D. AI-Khwarizmi's works
were translated into Latin in England by Adelard of Bath in the twelfth
century and in the next century or so the Indian decimal place-value
notation had established itself in Europe and has since become universal.
Of the other contributions of the Indian mathematicians, those of
Bhaskara I include a method of solving indetenninate equations of the first
degree, while of Brahrnagupta a formula for the sum of n terms of the
Arithmetic Progression of which the first term is unity and the common
difference is unity. The latter was able to state succinctly the rules regard-
ing the volume of the prism, area of cyclic quadrilateral and the formula for
the length of two diagonals of a cyclic quadrilateral. He also ~knew the
theory of non-recurring continued fraction and gave the general solution in
integers of the indeterminate equations of the first degree. Brahmagupta is
well known for his dealing with the indeterminate equation of the second
degree: Ny 2+ 1 = x 2• Mahavira has given an account of the use of zero
and the summation of n terms of a Geometrical Progression. Bhaskara II
developed a method known as cakraviila or cyclic method for rational
integral solutions of the indeterminate equation of the second order. He
also worked out a geometric proof of the Pythagorean theorem. There is a
view that Bhaskara almost hit upon the root idea of differential calculus,
but as he did not conceive of the idea of limit he was unable to evolve the
notion of modem calculus which, as we now know, owes its development
to Newton and Leibniz.
Astronomy
In astronomy, there came into light a new class of astronomical litera-
ture which went under the name of siddhiinta. Of the recognized 18
siddluintas, five, viz. Saura, Vdsi$lha, Pau/iSa, Romaka and Paitdmaha, have
been dealt with by Varahamihira in his Pancasiddhantikti, and of them, the
Silryasiddluinta is considered to be the best and most accurate. Although
the date of this treatise is uncertain, its present form, presumably, contains
different layers of astronomical ideas, some very old and the others
comparatively recent.
It is very likely that the divisions of time, the concept of mahliyuga,
cosmology, nak$atra system, etc., which are included in this work are
among the ancient ideas while, possibly, the epicyclic theory and the
associated views might have been later accretions, even so before the time of
Varihamihira. Al-BiliinI says that the SQryasiddhanta might have been
586 A CONCISE msTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
formulated by one named Lata who in tum recorded the revelations of a

solar divinity to an asura named Maya. There is a view that this astrono-
mical compilation is probably Babylonian in origin, equating the asura to
some Babylonian. Yet another view is that the asura Maya is an outlandish
form of Turamaya (the Sanskrit form of Ptolemy of Egypt).
The Suryasiddhiinta deals with measurement of time, sine-tables and
cosine functions, meridians, equinoxes and solstices, eclipses, planetary
motions, inclination of the nak$atras to the ecliptic, heliacal risings and
settings of stars, relative motions of the moon and the sun, some astrono-
mical instruments and calendarial computations. While some of the
astronomical ideas are related to the Alexandrian or Greek sources, there
are also in the text not a few of the notions characteristically Indian.
The Indian astronomers knew that the equinoctial and solstitial points
do not remain stationary and to account for this they thought of a libratory
motion instead of a rotatory precession. In the Suryasiddhanta it is stated
that in a mahayuga (a period of 4,320,000 years, at the end of which all the
moving celestial bodies are presumed to return to their original positions
after having completed a whole number of revolutions) the circle of asterism
falls back eastward by thirty-score (30 x 20 = 6(0) revolutions. If the
limits of the libratory movement are assumed to be 27° in either direction,
it gives an annual rate of the motion of equinox as 54 seconds, which is
near to the modem value of about 50 seconds per year.
Of the Indian astronomers, Aryabhata I developed the theory of the
rotation of the earth as well as that of the epicycles. Brahmagupta who
did not accept the theory of Aryabhata regarding the rotation of the earth
was an accredited astronomer not only in India but also in Arabia. His
two astronomical treatises, Briihmasphulasiddhiinta and Khatlt;lakhiidyaka,
were rendered into Arabic by Muhammed ibn Ibrahim al-Fazari and
Ya'qub ibn Tariq respectively in the late eighth century A.D., under the
Arabic titles of Sindhind and Arkand. AI-Khwarizmi prepared an abridged
version of the former. It is supposed that an Indian astronomer paid a
visit to the court of Abhasid Caliph, ai-Mansur, taking with him tables of
the equations of planets and other astronomical data. Munjala worked
out the corrections due to the precession of equinoxes in the sense of a
retrograde motion and not of oscillation or libration. He even gave a correc-
tion for the second inequality of the moon. Sripati based his astronomical
work, SiddhantaJekhara, on the work of Brahmagupta and dealt with the
moon's second inequality. Bhaskara II, following Brahmagupta, further
elaborated the ideas concerning the revolution of the planets by epicyclic-
eccentric theories. He also analysed the motion of the sun by considering
the changes in longitude (2, pp. 92-124).
Medicine
The lyurveda continued to maintain its high tradition and was in-
cluded as one of tho important subjocts of study in the general curriculum
587
of the universities at Nalanda, Srivikramasila and Valabhi. The Buddhist

scholars attached great importance to the medical profession which enabled
them to serve the sick and the emaciated as a part of their religious and
social obligation. The noted medical writers of this period, Vagbhata and
Nagarjuna, were Buddhists. Vagbhata's A~tii;,gahrdaya was by far the
most concise exposition of the Ayurvedic knowledge. Important com-
mentaries on this work were written by Arut,ladatta, Candrananda, Hemadri
and Indu. Another valuable clinical guide dealing with the medical diag-
nosis was the RugviniScaya by Madhava, also known as the Miidhavanidiina
(a compilation from the Caraka, Susruta and A~lii;,gahrdaya), on which
Vijayarak$ita (Madhukosa) and Vacaspati (AtarikadarpalJa) wrote com-
mentaries. Vrnda and Cakrapa~i produced valuable medical treatises in
the form of Siddhayoga and Cakrasa",graha respectively (4, pp. 226-27).
The Arabs had an intimate knowledge of the Indian drugs when they
established trading centres on the Malabar coast in the seventh century A.D.
Later, when Sind was conquered by them, there was an active interchange
of scholars well versed in different sciences. The Abbassid Caliphs gave
great encouragement to the translation of the Indian medical texts. An
emigrant Indian scholar translated the Susruta Saf?1hitii into Arabic under
the title of Kita/-Samurai-hind-i of 'Susrud'. Ali ibn zain translated the
Caraka Sa",hitii into Arabic as the treatise of 'Sarag'. The Mlidhavanidiina
and A$tlingahrdaya were also rendered into Arabic under the titles of 'Badan'
and' Astankar' respectively (4, pp. 259-62). It is reported that Khalid, the
Vazir of Caliph aI-Mansur, was the son of the chief priest in a Buddhist
monastery in Balkh. The chief priest was called a Barmark. When Balkh
was conquered by the Caliphs, Khalid's mother was also captured and the
son, who was converted into Islam, became the founder of the Barmaki a
family which is recognized to be responsible to a great extent for introducing
Indian medicine, arithmetic and astronomy into Arabia. Under its direc-
tion the medical, pharmacological and toxicological texts in Sanskrit were
among the Indian scientific texts rendered into Arabic. Later, al-Razi or
Rhazes (A.D. 865-925) incorporated the Indian medical knowledge in his
comprehensive book known to medieval Europe as Liber continens (kitab-al-
haw;) which was translated into Latin by Moses Farachi (c. thirteenth
century A.D.) and which became the standard medical work of the Middle
Ages."
In this period there were also two other schools of medicine, the
Rasacikitsa and the Siddha, which mainly employed minerals or metallic
compounds as well as the naturally occurring salts as medicines. The
quasi-religious practices and tantrik procedures are an integral part of these
two systems (4, pp. 232-33) which extol mercury, sulphur, mica and the
like as possessing divine healing powers, and are invariably linked with the
alchemical and iatro-chemical practices.
• Majumdar (R. C.), IV, pp. 4SO-S1.

• Sin&er, pp. 148 and 162.
S88 A CONCISE IDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
A/cherny and latro-chemistry

By about the sixth or seventh century A.D. when the tantrik beliefs and
practices were finding adherents in different strata of society, a new way,
esoteric in essence, of understanding certain chemical substances and of pro-
cessing them by an experimental technique of an entirely different character,
made its appearance in India. Known as rasavidyii and centring round
mercury, the rasa which was held in veneration because of its presumed divine
origin as the creative essence of Siva, this new approach developed into a
complex system of thought and practice so as to aid the tantrik attainment
of the eight siddhis (a!limiidi). It was also a manifestation of human in-
clination to surpass rigidities, be they of caste, sex or creed, that had taken
firm roots in the Indian society. The tantras offered a system of thought
and practice obliterating these rigidities by mystical ways which, it was
tacitly assumed, would ensure a state of perpetual youth to the body and
a divine experience to the mind. In respect of the former, mercurial
preparations and compositions of a number of other chemical substances,
principally mica and sulphur, were considered to be extremely potent for
the preparation of the elixir of life. On deeper analysis, it would seem that
this particular strand of thought, alchemical in content, owes its origin to
the other culture-areas, notably China and Arabia, with which India had
intimate contacts during this period.
In its fully developed form, the mercury-based alchemy in India relates
to the male-female symbolism (mercury and sulphur presumed to be the prin-
ciples of Siva and his consort respectively) and its association with cinnabar
(mercuric sulphide) which was assumed to be the main life-prolonging essence.
It is not unlikely that the Indian alchemy obtained its seed ideas from
the southern regions of China where a similar type of alchemical thought
based on Yin (female) and Yang (male) which extolled cinnabar in the same
way is noticed. Nevertheless, the rasaviidins adapted them in such a way that
in a century or two the alchemical knowledge became formalized in a way
characteristically Indian. The twin aspects of alchemy, viz. preparation of
the elixir of life and transmutation of base metals into gold or silver~ were
fostered with considerable ingenuity, although the former was the main
concern of the alchemists in India.
The rasavidya gradually developed into a methodical knowledge and
a number of texts which presented a wide variety of alchemical knowledge
appeared from about the tenth century onwards. The rasastistra texts, as
they came to be known, describe a number of chemical substances under
the mahdrasas, uparasas, navaratnas, dhatus, poisons and plants as also
many apparatus (5, pp. 322-33), some of them complicated, used for pro-
cessing these substances. A detailed study of these texts reveals how skilled
were the rasavadins in performing a number of 'purificatory' processes in
order to remove the deleterious effects of the metals and minerals so that the
latter would become eminently fit for internal use. Of them, the eighteen
stl/flSkaras of mercury merit particular mention. They include rubbing
589
with various medically efficacious plant juices and extracts, incorporation of

sulphur, mica, certain alkaline substances, etc. The rasaviidins believe that
mercury, after it has undergone sequentially the seventeen processes, has all
the powers of transmutation. At this stage it should be tested for its
powers and, if the test is positive, it should be used for the eighteenth
process leading to its assimilation into and the rejuvenation of the body
(5, pp.320-22). This concept seems to be peculiar to Indian alchemy.
There is yet another alchemical practice peculiar to India and this
relates to the prime substance known as muppu which occupies an important
place in the Tamil works on alchemy. Regarded as the union of three
naturally obtained salts (puniru, kalluppu and aru;Jakkal), muppu is recog-
nized as of four types, viz. viida muppu, vaidya muppu, yoga and jniina
muppu. The first is used in the Tamilian alchemy, the second in the Siddha
system of medicine, the third and fourth seem to connote their effect on
spiritual practices. It would appear that the Tamilian muppu corresponds
to the later European concept of 'Philosophers' Stone', for the muppu,
with compounds of mercury added to it, is presumed to possess extraordinary
potency of transmuting baser metals into gold as well as rejuvenating the
human system. There seemed to be a number of methods of preparing
muppu of the desired potency and these are kept as closely guarded secrets
by the practitioners of the Siddhavidyii and alchemy (5, pp. 334-38).
There are a number of medical texts dealing with alchemy in Tamil and
a careful study of them may be of great value from the point of view of the
history of the movement of alchemical ideas. For, one of the reputed
Tamilian alchemists, by name Ramadevar, says in one of his works a that
he visited Arabia~ assumed the name of Yaqub and taught the muppu salt-
based alchemy there (perhaps in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D.).
Interestingly enough, in the fifteenth century Paracelsus, a Swiss physician,
gave a new direction and meaning to alchemy by introducing salt as the
third fundamental principle in addition to mercury and sulphur, and by
exhorting that alchemy was to engage itself in the noble task of transform-
ing the naturally occurring minerals into medicinal compositions beneficial
to humanity. It is well known that such an attitude had already found
roots in the Siddha system of medicine and also in the iatro-chemical
rasasastra texts in India.
In particular salt was given a proper place in addition to mercury and
sulphur in the Tamilian alchemy. Perhaps protracted. studies may bring
to surface the historical link in the movement of alchemical ideas between
India and the west.
Atomism
In the Classical Age and the succeeding centuries the philosophical
works of the Nyaya and the Vais~ika systems and some of the Bauddha
• CUMQkli(uJam 600 by Yaqub, verse Nos. 117 and 466.

and Iaina schools, which came out with full intellectual vigour presenting
strong epistemological positions, are of great importance. In them is found
a rational explanation of the basic stuff of the gross world in terms of atoms.
The Nyiiya-Vaise~ika texts, in particular, describe in detail and in a logical
way the formation of gross bodies from the atoms through dyads (dvyQ1)uka)
and triads (trya1)uka or trasare1)u). The four bhutas-prthvi, ap, tejas and
viiyu-are considered to be atomic in their eternal states. The two atoms
are regarded as the material cause for the coming into being of a dyad which
is an effect. Three dyads are the cause for producing a triad which is again
an effect. The cause brings about the effect, but is absorbed immediately
into the latter which in turn assumes the role of a cause to continue the
sequence. The noteworthy characteristic of Indian atomism is the causal
garment associated with it. Further, according to the Nyiiya-Vaise$ika, two
like atoms unite only in the presence of another type of atom, the latter
functioning as an accessory cause, and this explains conclusively the presence
of different qualities in a single substance. Also, it is pointed out that the
structural arrangement (vyUha) of the dyads in a triad gives rise to different
qualities in a substance. Such a profound concept, which can bear
testimony even from the modern chemical point of view, is not found in
the early schools of atomism elsewhere including the Greek atomism
(9, pp. 461-69).
In the west, the atomic views of Greek thinkers found an able exponent
in Lucretius (first century B.C.), but later for reasons unknown a practically
receded to the background for over a thousand and six hundred years, for
it was only in the seventeenth century A.D. that Gassendi, Boyle, Newton and
Huygens revived them with certain modifications. On the other hand, the
Vaise~ika atomism found a number of protagonists for over two thousand
years right up to the eighteenth century A.D. Though sometimes bordered
on polemics, the Indian atomism was virile enough to attract into its fold
the intellectuals of different dispositions either as adherents or opponents.
Impetus Theory
Yet another Indian physical concept of considerable relevance to the
history of science, which found adequate expression in the Vais~ika texts,
the Prasastapadabhii~ya and the Vyomavati, relates to the notion of impetus to
account for continued motion of a body. It is postulated that when the
body experiences the first unit of motion, a quality of impetus (vegp) is
possessed by it; and as a result the body continues to move in the same
direction. However, when the moving body encounters an obstacle,. it
would come to rest or continue its motion with diminished strength accord-
ing as the latter neutralizes the quality of impetus fully or partially. The
texts also describe the motion of bodies like an arrow, javelin and pestle.
G It may be noted that Aristotle opposed the atomic views of his predecessors and it was
the Aristotelian interpretation of the physical world that held a dominatina position
in Europe for a lona time.
591
It is interesting to observe that in the west it was not before the fourteenth
century A.D. that we come across a theory of impetus which permitted a
description of continued motion of a projectile. Till then the Aristotelian
views of the motion in terms of the projector transforming to the immediate
layer of air (medium) the power to thrust the projectile, the layer transfer-
ring its impulse to the next layer of air and so forth held the field, although
in the sixth century A.D. John Philoponus of Alexandria, who did not
concur with this view, suggested that the projector imparted a motive power
to the projectile itself. The Vaise~ika conception of impetus in all its details
is a distinct forerunner of what was later developed in the west on mathe-
maticallines (9, pp. 472-75).
Biological Sciences
Plants and animals received adequate attention of poets of nature,
lexicographers, encyclopaedists and philosophers who in their works have
given considerable details of their types, characteristics, habitats, etc.
Kiilidasa in his great lyrics and dramas has given a vivid description of the
plant and animal life, particularly of the birds and insects. Amara de-
scribes a wide range of plants and animals along with their synonyms accord-
ing to their habitats and habits. In the Brhatsa1J1hitii is found an account
of plant pathology (7, p. 385) and of animals including cow, dog, cock,
goat, horse, elephant, etc. Prasastapada, the well-known exponent of the
Vaise~ika system, attempts at a simple but meaningful classification of
animals and plants. The animals are categorized into ayonija (asexually
produced) and yonija (sexually produced), the latter being further sub-
divided into jarayuja and alJrlaja (8, pp. 426-27). Plants are classified
into vrk~~a, trlJa, o~adhi, gulma, latii, avatana and vanaspati.
A work of considerable interest from the point of view of the botanical
knowledge of this period is Vrk.yiiyurveda of Parasara. Though presumed
to be a text belonging to the first century B.C. or first century A.D., there is
no doubt that it has many later accretions. In any case, this text gives
succinctly an outline of plant morphology and certain aspect of plant
physiology, as also a graphic description of the germinating process. It
presents a system of nomenclature based on three factors, viz. the botanical
significance, therapeutic value and habitat (7, pp. 379-80).
Technological Practices
As to the technological practices of the Classical Age, metal-working
was in a flourishing state. The historic vestiges like the Iron Pillar at
Delhi and the copper statue of the Buddha at Sultanganj in Bihar bear
eloquent testimony to the skills of the metalsmiths of the time. The Iron
Pillar which has a height of about 24 feet and a weight of more than six
tons is made of wrought or malleable iron (99·72 %) and has remained still
without any signs of rust even though it is about 1,500 years old. The
huge statue of the Buddha-about seven feet six inches in height and nearly
a ton in weight-was cast in two layers with great dexterity (5, pp. 299-300).
There is no doubt that the metal-workers displayed spectacular skills in
producing new appliances and utilitarian forms. The art of jewellery using
precious metals and stones was in a flourishing form. There were in different
parts of the country centres well known for metal industry producing
exquisite metallic forms; and dhatuvada (metal-working) came to be regarded
as one of the 64 kalas. Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim, describes a
huge copper image of the Buddha (80 ft. in height) and a brass temple
(height expected to reach over a 100 ft.) by Emperor Harsha. Though the
furnaces employed for winning the metals from their ores were small and
primitive from the modern standards, the metal-workers had developed the
necessary expertise and aimed at excellence. In south India, bronze-
working in an elegant style was in a flourishing state. Similarly, advanced
state of workmanship and sophistication were exhibited in the production of
ceramic ware of high appeal. Special types of glossy pottery were produced
using mica dust and in graceful designs. At Ahicchatra have been
observed cylindrical pits of large dimensions and it is probable that these
were the special types of kilns for the turning and baking of ornamental
pottery and tiles.
Agriculture
But the more important component of the economic well-being of the
people of the Classical Age, and a couple of centuries succeeding it, was,
undoubtedly, agriculture as evidenced by rather a wide variety of agricultural
products raised in different parts of the country and also the royal en-
couragement given to irrigation works. In addition, the use of aragha!fa
for irrigation purposes was on the increase. As the State had realized the
importance of the cultivation of waste lands, land-grants were made in an
increasing measure on many an occasion. Agricultural practices received
adequate attention of codifiers like Amara and Varahamihira who included
them in their well-known compilations. Some of the other works like the
Naradasmrti, Brhaspatismrti, Vi~tludharmottara and the Agnipura!la, too,
dealt with agricultural and allied practices. What is more, time was ripe
for the appearance of even specific texts like the Kr$i-Pariisara (6, p. 358) and
the Vrk$tiyurveda (6, p. 362) which, exclusively devoted to agriculture and
horticulture, became reference manuals. Cryptic sayings in the regional
languages like Bengali, Maithili and Tamil portraying agricultural practices
entered the folklore, and the fanners spared no efforts in living up to them.
The foregoing bird's-eye account shows how the different branches of
science had taken roots in India by about the twelfth century or so and
how India participated effectively in the evolution and even transmission
of scientific ideas and techniques. It is refreshing to note that Said-al-
Andalusi, an astronomer and historian of science in the eleventh century
A.D., accords in his work, Kitdb Tabaka! al-Umam (the Categories of
Nations), the first place to India among the contemporary nations which
593
had developed sciences then. In the next two or three centuries which in
the west provided the decisive converging historical and social influences
to usher in the Renaissance later, India's scientific output began to show
signs of decay. The foreign invasions and internecine strifes, which unleased
forces of disruption and unsettlement on the one hand and the rigid caste-
ridden social structure which was impermeable to new outlook and endeav-
ours on the other, seemed to be too powerful to stimulate scientific think-
ing. In effect, history did not appear to be on the side of India during the
crucial two or three centuries so that India could participate in the
Renaissance and thus become one of the early homes of modem science.
MEDIEVAL PERIOD
In the medieval period from about the twelfth century to the end of
the eighteenth century A.D., the history of science and technology in India
developed two facets, one concerned with the already chartered course of
the earlier tradition and the other with the new influences which came up
as a result of the Islamic and later the European impacts. These two did
not always run parallel, nor were they invariably complementary to each
other. But they existed side by side, sometimes endeavouring to assimilate
the impact of each other. A noteworthy feature was that several important
scientific works, particularly in astronomy and medicine, were rendered
from Sanskrit to Persian or Arabic and vice versa. Though in respect of
scientific ideas the mutual impact was not so appreciable and each strand
of scientific thought proceeded generally along the established path, the
technological practices undoubtedly underwent perceptible changes and, in
fact, some new technological developments took place in such fields as
paper, gunpowder, enamelling, glass and metal-working. In addition,
certain types of new plants and fresh horticultural practices also appeared.
These developments, however, looked dwarfs before the new intellectual
endeavours that Europe witnessed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
and the gigantic strides of modem science and technology thereafter. The
Indian astronomy, mathematics, physics, chemical practices, plant and
animal sciences chose to move in the previously determined grooves and so
were unable to develop a fresh method and an attitude conducive to the
development of modern science. Most of the scientific works which
appeared in the medieval period were in the nature of commentaries or
expositions of the earlier treatises.
Astronomy
In astronomy, after Bhaskara II, a number of commentaries dealing
with the already established astronomical notions appeared.
Mahendra Sun, who flourished in the court of Emperor Firoz Shah
Tughlak as one of his court astronomers, wrote a tract called YantrartiJa
38
dealing with astronomical instruments. tJ Paramesvara, who belonged to

Kerala, was a prolific commentator on the Suryasiddhtinta, Mahdbhiiskariya,
etc. In Kerala were families of astronomers and almanac-makers. Nna-
kaJ.ltha Somasutvan, who was the disciple of Paramesvara's son, was a
noted commentator of Aryabha/iya. He also wrote a few original works
containing refined methods of astronomical calculations. Cakradhara,
Makaranda, Lak~midasa, Jiianaraja and GaJ:lesa Daivajiia were the other
commentators. In his Graha/iighava, Ga~esa Daivajiia avoided trigono-
metrical calculations and introduced simple arithmetical methods instead.
There were also families of astronomers in Maharashtra and of them
special mention should be made of the Divakara family. Divakara was
himself a disciple of Gal)esa Daivajna and his family produced well-known
commentators such as Vi~Qu, Nrsitpha and Kamalakara. To another
family of astronomers represented by Vallala, who migrated from Madhya
Pradesh to Banaras, belonged Kr~~a Daivajiia who wrote valuable
commentaries on the works of Bhaskara I~. His brother, Raghunatha,
produced a commentary on the Suryasiddhiinta and Raghunatha's son,
Munisvara, brought out Marici, a commentary on the Siddhdntasiroma1)i of
Bhaskara II. Islamic astronomical ideas had penetrated already into the
minds of some Indian astronomers of whom KamaHikara was reputed for
lending his suppot to the former. Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh II of Jaipur was
greatly interested in astronomy and was well acquainted with Ptolemy's
Almagest and Euclid's Elements in Arabic versions, as also with the works of
the Maragha school of astronomers like Na~Irii'd-din-at-Tusi, al-Gurgani,
Jamashid Kashi and Ulugh Beg.. He even had considerable knowledge of
the European astronomy. It was Jai Singh who set up the five observatories
which stand as monuments to his deep interest in astronomy at Delhi, Ujjain,
Banaras, Mathura and Jaipur.
Comprising massive instruments in masonry, these observatories
enabled him and the astronomers associated with his work to record a
number of observations which formed part of his astronomical table, the
Zij Muhammed Shahi, compiled both in Persian and Sanskrit. In this
task, he had the able assistance of his principal astronomer Jagannatha
PaQQita. The instruments, Jai Prakash, Ram-yantra and Samral-yantra, are
Jai Singh's own inventions. Jaga.nnRtha translated Ptolemy's Almagest
into Sanskrit under the title the Samral-siddhtinta (2, pp. 101-103).
Mathematics
l'mraY8l)a P~4ita, son of Nrsitpha Daivajfia, was well known for his
work on arithmetic, Ga1)itakaumudi, and on algebra, Bijagaflitiivatalflsa, on
which later a number of commentaries appeared. GaJigadhara of Gujarat
wrote a commentary on the Liltivati and his brother, Vi~Qu PaQQita, produced
• The versatile metallic instrument, astrolabe, was introduced into India by the Muslims
and it was already in use durina the reign of Shah Jaban. Labore was reputed for the
production of astrolabes of hiab quality.
38B
595
an arithmetic called Ganitasara on the model of Srldhara's work. Para-

mesvara's commentaries·included among others Bhatadipika (on the Arya-
bha(iya), Karmadfpikli and Siddhiintadipikii (on the Mahabhaskariya), the
LIliivati-vyiikhya. In Kerala there also came into light works such as
Kara~apaddhati, Ga~litayuktibhii$li and Sadratnamalii which gave rules for
trigonometrical sine, cosine, tan and 'IT series. NilakaQt.ha Somasutvan pro-
duced Tantrasa'flgraha which also contains rules of trigonometrical series.
Apart from his profound scholarship in Indian astronomical calcula-
tions, Gal)esa Daivajna produced Buddhiviliisini, a commentary on the
Liliivati, containing a number of illustrations. Kamaljkara's brother,
Raghunatha, composed a commentary entitled Mitabhii$il)i on the Li/tivali.
Kr~Qa of the ValHila family brought out Navtitikura on the Bijago1)ita of
Bhaskara II in which is found an elaboration of the rules of indeterminate
equation of the first and second orders. NilakaIJtha Jyotirvid, who was in
the court of Akbar, compiled Ttijik (also an astrological work) introducing
a large number of Persian technical terms. Fai?i, at the behest of Akbar,
produced a Persian version of the Liliivati, and Ata Ullah Rashidi translated
Bhaskara's BijagalJita during the reign of Shah Jahan. Jagannatha who, as
stated before, was in the court of Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh of Jaipur, trans-
lated Euclid's Elelnents under the Sanskrit title of RekhiigaIJita, from the
Arabic version Tabrir-u Uqlidas by Na~iru'd-din-at- Tusi. The Samarqand
school of mathematics and astronomy also penetrated into India, particu-
larly during the Mughal period. Both Babar and Humayun evinced keen
interest in mathematics and astronomy. Akbar caused the introduction of
mathematics as a subject of study among others in the educational system.
Interesting it is to note that in the different libraries in India there are a
number of Arabic versions of Euclid's Elements and its commentaries,
geometrical works of Archimedes and copies of works of mathematicians
of the Middle East and Central Asia. Na~iru'd-din-at-Tusi, the founder-
director of the Maragha observatory, was reco1!nized as the authority
among the Muslim scholars. Arabic versions of his works are also avail-
able in some of our libraries.
Medicine
Though Ayurveda did not progress as vigorously as it did in the ancient
period, some important treatises like the Siirangdlwra Sa"mitii, the Cikitsasa1fl-
graha by Vatigasena (a redaction of the earlier Sa1flhitli by Agastya who
was one of the Siddhas of south India), the Yogaratnlikara (popular in south
India) and the Bhavaprakiila of Bhavamisra were compiled. The Sararig-
dhara Satnhitti, a text of the thirteenth century includes opium in its materia
medica and employs pulse and urine examination for diagonostic purpose,
possibly follOWing Chinese and Arabic practice. The Bhlivaprakasa con-
tains an exhaustive list of diseases and their symptoms, as also of drugs
current in his time. The etiology of syphilis which was introduced into India
by the Portuguese seamen in the fifteenth century is also discussed in the
text. The drugs mentioned include metallic preparation of the rasacikitsii

system and even imported drugs.
As to the rasacikitsii system, it started as non-Ayurvedic in its approach
and dealt principally with a host of mineral medicines, both mercurial and
non-mercurial. Some esoteric views concerning mercury, mica, sulphur,
copper sulphate, etc., also got mixed up with the therapeutic procedures of
this system. Though initially subscribed to the male-female symbolism
and adopted a classification of substances in tune with this symbolism, the
rasacikitsa school gradually adopted the pancabhuta doctrine, supposing
that mercury, the main pillar of this system, was an embodiment of all the
bhatas. The Siddha system, mostly prevalent in Tamilnad and attributed
to the reputed Siddhas, who were supposed to have evolved many a life-
prolonging composition, is particularly rich in mineral medicines. The
efficacy of these medicines is sought to be enhanced by the use of specially
processed naturally obtained salts known as muppu. There was no doubt
an interaction between the rasacikitsti school and the Ayurvedic system to
mutual advantage.
Another important system of medicine which flourished in India in
the medieval period is the Unani Tibb, sometimes referred to as Arabian
medicine by the western historians, for it came down to them through the
Arabic medical writers. It is also known as Unani because it is based upon
the Greek system of medicine (Uniini being an outlandish name for Ionia of
the Greek Archipelago). It should be emphasized that the Greek medicine
when it reached Arabia underwent certain modifications at the hands
of Arabic medical writers who also incorporated into it some of the Persian
as well as the Indian medical traditions. Ali bin Rabban summarized the
whole system of Greek medicine as well as the Indian medical knowledge
in his book, Firdausu-l-Hikmat. His disciple, al-Razi or Rhazes, studied
both the systems. The work of Avicena, the most famous Arabic medical
writer, is known as Qtinun (the Canon) which has been accepted in India
as the greatest authority of Untini Tibb.
The Unani came to India along with the Muslims by about the eleventh
century and soon found a congenial environment for its growth. During
the reign of Alauddin Khalji there were already a number of Hakims of
repute. Muhammed bin Tuglaq was not only a patron of Uniini but also
well versed in the Uniini Tibb. At his instance Hakim Diya Muhammad
compiled a book, Majma'-e-Diyae, incorporating the Arabic, Persian and
Ayurvedic medical knowledge. Firoz Shah Tughlaq who had a compre-
hensive knowledge of Undn; Tibb wrote a book, Tibbe Firozshahi. During
the time of Sikandar Lodi the Hakims and the Vaidyas worked together.
Mian Taha, the Amir of Sikandar Lodi, is said to have remembered by
heart as many as 24,000 verses on Indian medicine. Apart from the Delhi
Sultans, the provincial Muslim rulers in Gujarat and the Deccan encour-
aged Hakims and Vaidyas and caused either translations or independent
medical works to be written. But it was in the period of the Mugbals
that the Un4ni Tibb registered rapid progress and became increasingly
597
popular. The Hakims were held in high esteem and enjoyed royal patron-
age. The rewards and remunerations paid to them were so attractive that
not a few highly qualified Hakims from Iran and other places came to
India and worked in many new free public hospitals which the Mughal
rulers established. in all the cities under their control. A fact that should
not go unnoticed is that in these hospitals thousands of Hakims and the
Ayurvedic Vaidyas worked side by side. Lahore, Delhi, Lucknow, Patna,
Murshidabad, Hyderabad and Madras were the important centres of
Unoni Tibb, which had well-qualified Uniini hospitals and Madrasas of Tibb.
A good number of medical works also appeared during the Mughal rule.
The Tibbi Aurangzebi, dedicated to Aurangzeb, is based on Ayurvedic
sources. The Musalajati-Diirshikohi of Nuruddin Muhammad, dedicated
to Darashikoh, deals with Greek medicine and contains at the end almost
the whole Ayurvedic materia medica.
Some independent contributions to the Tibhi-Uniini were also made by
Hakims on the basis of their own experiences of medical cases which they
handled with great care and originality. They developed. treatment of the
venereal diseases and made fresh contributions to epidemology, toxicology,
therapeutics and Uniini Materia Medica.
Study of Animals and Plants

In the thirteenth century A.D., Hatpsadeva compiled, at the instance of
Saudadeva, the Jaina king of Jinapura, a work known as Mrga-pak~fli-siistra
which gives a general, though not always, scientific account of some of the
beasts and birds of hunting. The Muslim kings of India, as warriors and
hunters, maintained a fleet of pedigree animals, such as horses, dogs,
cheetahs and falcons. The Mughal kings who were fascinated by the
animals, both domesticated and wild, have described in their memoirs and
biographies the distinctive characters, ecology, anatomical aspects, local
names, etc., of the animals which were in their menageries. Babur and
Akbar, amidst their political preoccupations and war, found time to fondle
and study them. Akbar evinced special interest in producing good breeds
of domestic animals, elephants and horses; and the breeds of horses in his
stables were as fine and sturdy as those of Arabia. His possessions in-
cluded as many as about 9,000 cheetahs or hunting leopards, a species
practically extinct now in India. The greatest naturalist of the Mughal
kings was undoubtedly Jahangir who in his Tuzuk-;-Jahangiri recorded his
observations and experiments of breeding trials and hybridization. He
described about 36 species of animals. His court artists, specially Mansur,
produced elegant and accurate portraiture of animals, some of which are
still preserved in several museums and private collections.
As a naturalist, Jahangir was interested in the study of plants, and his
court artists in the floral portraiture. Some 57 plants have been described
in his work, as also the types of inflorescence, pollination and methods of
fruit preservation.
Chemical Practices
Of the new technological practices which soon established themselves
in the medieval period, special mention should be made of paper-making,
gunpowder and pyrotechnics. The art of paper-making was introduced
into India probably in the eleventh century A.D. from Nepal which in turn
might have obtained the technique of paper production from China. Before
the introduction of paper, the ancient literature was preserved generally on
palm-leaves in south India and birch-bark in Kashmir and northern regions
of the country. About the fourteenth or fifteenth century A.D. paper began
to be used and, in the later half of the fifteenth century, Kashmir was
producing paper of attractive quality from the pulps of rags and hemp
with lime and soda added to whiten the pulp. Sialkot, Zafarabad,
Patna, Murshidabad, Ahmedabad, Aurangabad and Mysore were among
the well-known centres of paper production. Zafarabad was significantly
known as Kaghalishaher (paper city) and produced glossy and strong paper
from bamboo pulp. Ahmedabad's paper was of export quality, glossy
and in different sizes and colours. During Tippu's time, Mysore possessed
a paper-making factory producing a special type of paper having gold
surface. The technique of paper-making was practically the same through-
out the country, differing only in the preparation of the pulp from different
raw materials. The Mughal rulers and the Peshwas gave considerable
encouragement to the production of paper which became an important
vehicle of royal communication and legal transactions.
Gunpowder was an article of warfare at the beginning of the sixteenth
century. The M ughals knew the technique of production of gunpowder
and its use in gunnery. The Indian craftsmen were quick to learn the
technique and evole suitable explosive compositions. The SUkraniti, a six-
teenth- or seventeenth-century treatise in Sanskrit attributed to Sukracarya,
contains a description of how the gunpowder can be prepared using salt-
petre, sulphur and charcoal in different ratios for use in different types of
guns. Such formulations were not unknown in India earlier, because
certain composition of fireworks were already in use. The available
evidence seems to indicate that pyrotechnic practices were current in India
even in the thirteenth or fourteenth century. There are works dealing
with pyrotechnics in Sanskrit, Marathi, Tamil, Malayalam and Persian.
The principal types of fireworks included those which pierce through air
(rockets), produce sparks of fire, blaze with variegated colours and end
with explosion. Generally metal-dusts were used for the production of
sparklings of different colours. Spectacular display of fireworks was a
common feature in marriages, major religious festivals and royal ceremonies
in medieval India as even now.
The metalsmiths, particularly in the central, eastern and southern parts
of India, were known for the production of intricate forms of both copper
and bronze images which were being produced on a large scale by the
well-known eire perdue process. Metal icons were fabricated according to
S99
the traditional measurements in an attractive style, erecting several figures
even on one pedestal. Iron-smelting and forging operations were also
followed with further achievements such as the production of large iron
pillars for use in temples, and of damascened swords using steel of high
quality. The latter were in great demand in foreign countries at that time.
Cosmetics and perfumes were becoming increasingly popular and some
new compositions also appeared to cater to the needs of the royal baths
and religious ceremonies, particularly during the Mughal period. lin-i-
Akbar; speaks of the 'Regulations of the Perfume Office of Akbar'. The
attar of roses was a popular perfume, the discovery of which is attributed
to the mother of Nurjehan.
Agriculture
As to agriculture, the pattern of raising food crops practically remained
the same as in early India. However, important changes occurred in the
introduction of new crops, trees as well as horticultural plants by the
foreign traders and enforcement of new land tenure system by the rulers.
The principal crops were wheat, rice, barley, millets, pulses, oilseeds, cotton,
sugar-cane and indigo, and of them the cultivation of cotton was on the
increase and that of sugar-cane more widespread in Mughal times. The
Western Ghats continued to yield black pepper of good quality and Kashmir
maintained its tradition for saffron and fruits. Ginger and cinnamon from
the Tamilnad, cardamom, sandalwood and coconuts from Kerala were
becoming increasingly popular. Indigo plantation was widespread in
Bengal and Khandesh, and the best quality came from Bayana region near
Agra. Tobacco, chillies, potato, guava, custard apple, cashew and pine-
apple were the important new plants which made India their new home
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Malwa and Bihar regions
were also well known for the production of opium from the poppy plants.
On the Western Ghats the cultivation of coffee plants had just begun in the
seventeenth century. Improved horticultural methods were adopted with
great success. The systematic mango-grafting, introduced by the J esuits
of Goa in the middle of the sixteenth century, improved the native fruit to
a phenomenal extent. During Shah lahan's rule the plantation of tem-
perate climate fruits, till then confined to imperial gardens, was extended to
other suitable areas and this resulted in an extensive cultivation of fruit
trees in the country.
As regards irrigation, wells, tanks and canals continued to be the
principal means of irrigation. In the Panjab arhat or rahat (persian
wheel), in the Agra region the charas (a sort of a bucket made of leather
used to lift water with the help of yoked oxen) and at places where the
water-level was high the denkli were the water-lifting devices. In the south,
tanks were constructed in increasing numbers. In the north, canals like
the Eastern Jamuna canal and Nahr-i-d-Bihist conveyed water from long
distances to the fields. Of the agricultural implements, special mention
600 A CONCISE lDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
should be made of a seed-sowing machine, consisting of a wooden bowl

with three or four tube outlets so as to deposit seeds behind the coulters,
which was already in use in the early part of the eighteenth century. In
the medieval period agriculture was placed on a solid foundation by the
State which brought about a system of land measurement and land classi-
fication, beneficial both to the rulers and the tillers.
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA UP TO c. 1900

Modern science, noted for its methodology of induction and concerned
essentially with the phenomenal world as against the noumenal, developed
firm roots in Europe, particularly in Italy, France, England, Germany and
Scandinavia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It so happened
that in these two centuries the Portuguese, Dutch, French and the British
had established commercial and colonial interests in India. The versatile
Europeans who came to India as missionaries, explorers or administrators
were attracted by the flora, fauna, minerals, geographic features, climatic
conditions and the like; in other words, by the natural treasures of India.
Even though the Britishers, who ultimately became the paramount rulers
of India in the later half of the eighteenth century, were by and large instru-
mental in the promotion of modern science in India for over a hundred and
fifty years, India had already the glimpses of modern scientific investi-
gations in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Beginnings of Botanical Investigations

Garcia da Orta, the Portuguese physician, who came to Goa in 1534,
studied and nursed a number of Indian medicinal plants, and his Colloquies
contains an account of local fruits and plants. Later Hendrich Van Rheede,
the Dutch Governor of Malabar Coast, also investigated a number of
plants and seeds with the help of some European surgeons with whom he
came into contact and the local medical practitioners whom he employed
for the purpose. In the eighteenth century, botanical investigations took
rapid strides. On the Madras coast the Dane, John Gerhard Koenig,
who joined the Tranquebar Mission as a surgeon and later became the
Natural Historian of the East India Company in the Madras Presidency,
gathered huge specimens of plants and sent many of them to the University
of Lund in Sweden. At Calcutta, Robert Kyd paved the way for the
establishment of the Royal Botanic Garden for nW'Sing commercially
beneficial plants. The Garden, which came into being in 1787 at Sibpur
on the west bank of the River Hooghly, became a place of botanical studies
through the efforts of William Roxburgh. The Indian Linnaeus and
Father of Indian botany, as Roxburgh was known later, drew up a cata-
logue of about 3,500 species growing in the Garden and, employing local
artists, prepared illustrations of a number of plants, which appeared in
601
1814 under the name Hortus Bengalensis. He also produced Flora Indica
and Plantae Coromandaliane (10, pp. 491-93).
Survey
Early in the eighteenth century, the French geographer, Delise, pub-
lished a fairly accurate map of the southern coast of India (1723) and
Bowignon d'Anville prepared the well-known Carte de I'Inde (1752) based
upon the then available knowledge brought to him by the Jesuit missionaries.
But, a systematic survey of the country was achieved only by the Britishers
after they established their rule in India. Thus Plainsted began the survey
work of the coasts of Chittagang (1761) and Hugh Cameron, of the 24-
Parganas. Rennell, who was appointed by Clive as the Surveyor-General,
produced the first Map of Hindoostan in 1783. In the Madras Presidency,
Robert Kelly and Michael Topping were the pioneers, and the latter also
founded the Madras Observatory and a surveying school. Towards the
close of the eighteenth century substantial progress was made in both the
land and coastal surveys (10, pp. 493-94).
Asiatic Society
An event of far-reaching importance occurred in 1784 and that was
the establishment of the Asiatic Society which in the subsequent years rose to
be a learned society of pivotal importance not only for initiating and in-
fluencing a number of scientific investigations but also establishing certain
important scientific organizations. William Jones, the Founder-President
of the Asiatic Society till his death in 1794, provided the initial stimuli so
that the Society could make rapid progress towards its objective, namely,
'Man and nature-whatever is performed by the one and produced by the
other within the geographical limits of Asia' (10, p. 495).
NINETEENTH CENTURY
In the history of modem science in India the nineteenth century is the
most important period, for it was during these hundred years that there
was a gradual expansion of the scientific pursuits in botany, geology, trigo..
nometrical survey, meteorology, zoology, archaeology, etc., on the one
hand and the establishment of the service organizations like the Trigono-
metrical Survey, the Geological Survey and the Botanical Survey of India
on the other. More importantly, the scientific and technical education
received the necessary support and the first three Indian universities were
established right at the time of the Indian Mutiny to be followed later by
two other universities at Lahore and Allahabad. Telegraph and the rail-
ways, too, made their appearance in the middle of this century and assumed
an operative network soon. The closing decades of the century are more
remarkable, for they heralded the dawn of scientific interests exhibited by'
the Indian intellectuals, some of whom made noteworthy contributions in

the fields of mathematics, physics and chemistry. Indeed the progress in
scientific endeavours in the nineteenth century was in tune with the general
advancement of India, for as Majumdar says: 'If we analyse the progress
of Indian people during the nineteenth century, it will appear that there
was hardly any aspect of life and society which was not deeply affected by
the western impact. The nineteenth century was a great dividing line,
and these hundred years changed the face of India far more than did the
preceding thousand years.'"
Trigonometrical Survey
The political necessities and exigencies of the East India Company
demanded a thorough geographical knowledge of the country under its
occupation. Though Topping and Rennel in the Madras Presidency had
conducted a systematic survey work earlier, it was William Lambton, an
outstanding geographer and geodesist as he was, who brought in the trigono-
metrical survey, and his scientific mapping of southern India using geodetic
instruments (which included chains, pickets, theodolite and a zenith sector,
the last being still preserved in the Victoria Memorial Hall at Calcutta)
was to serve as a foundation for a general survey of the whole country.
When his results with detailed explanations were published, it was soon
realized that 'a survey was proceeding in India that would yield geodetic
results of the highest importance to science'. In 1818 came into being the
Great Trigonometrical Survey of India. George Everest, who worked as
surveyor under Lambton, undertook later the survey of North India and
became Surveyor-General of India and Superintendent of the Great Trigo-
nometrical Survey in 1830. As a result of a network of first quality survey
work, the Himalayan region was explored, the highest peak in the world
was discovered and rightly named after Everest. In 1878, the trigonometrical,
topographical and the revenue surveys were clubbed under the title, Survey
of India. Colonel Waugh and Major-General Walker were the other two
distinguished surveyors of India. To Radhanath Sikdar belongs the honour
of the first Indian to have worked with Everest in the survey work and the
associated mathematical applications and to have won his master's approba-
tion. In 1864 Radhanath was elected a corresponding member of the Society
of Natural History (Bavaria)-a rare distinction conferred by this society
on a foreigner (10, pp. 507-14).
Geological Survey
The Geological Survey of India came into being in 1851 and was
established as a Government Department in 1857. Thomas Oldham, who
came to India in 1851 as Superintendent of Geological Survey, was solely
• Majumdar (R.. C.), X, Pt. II, pp. 95-96.

603
responsible for a systematic geological work which was, to begin with,

confined to investigations of coalfields in the eastern and central India.
H. B. Medlicott and the Blanford brothers (JI. T. Blanford and H. T.
Blanford) were the other noted geologists. Both Oldham and W. T.
Blanford worked on the correlation and classification of peninsular forma-
tion. The Blanford brothers and Theobald elucidated the origin of the
Talchir boulder beds and Godwin-Austen discovered the oldest rocks in the
Khasi and Jaintia hills in Assam. Some palaeontological studies were also
undertaken by Falconer, Feistmantel, Lydekker adn Pilgrim. In 1875 a
first-class medal was awarded to the Geological Survey of India for its
exhibits at the Congress Intemationale des Sciences Geographiques held at
Paris. Apart from these investigations, the Geological Survey of India also
studied the Indian earthquakes. Bairdsmith of the Bengal Engineers made
observations on the general distribution of subterranean disturbing forces
in operation throughout India. T. H. Holland discovered the hypersthene-
bearing granatoid rocks in the Madras Province. P. N. Bose and P. N.
Dutta were the two Indians who occupied covenanted posts and were
known for their geological acumen. The former was the first to publish
the study of micro-section as an aid to the study of rocks, and the latter was
largely responsible for the present location of the Tata Iron and Steel Works
at Jamshedpur. P. N. Dutta discovered the vast deposits of manganese
ore in the Bhandara and Chindwara river valley (10, pp. 523-28).
Botanical Investigations
After the death of Roxburgh, Nathaniel Wallich undertook botanical
investigations in Nepal, Assam, Penang, Singapore, etc., and classified his
rich collections which became a veritable mine of infonnation for the
European botanists of the time. He donated some of his collections to
the reputed Linnean Society in England and produced Plantae Asiaticae
Rariores in 3 volumes with 300 coloured plates in 1832. The botany of
the Himalayan region assumed importance and a number of species of
plants were collected. The Botanic Garden at Calcutta as well as the one
at Saharanpur grew in size, and in the fonner a herbarium of international
repute took shape. The herbarium not only housed almost all the dried plant
materials of the whole of the Indian subcontinent, Asia Minor, Europe
and Australia but also maintained international exchanges of specimens.
George King who became the Superintendent of the Garden in 1871 did
great service in reorganizing it on a scientific basis. In 1890, when the
present Botanical Survey was established, he was appointed as the first
Director of the Survey, and later he became the Director of the famous
Royal Botanic Garden at Kew in England. The scientific investigations
of the Botanical Survey of India have been largely responsible for the
growth on the Indian soil of such exotic plants as cinchona, rubber, tea,
potato, coffee, certain fibrous plants, tobacco, etc., of commercial impor-
tance (10, pp. 514-20).
604 A CONCISE IUSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Meteorology and other Physical Investigations

In the beginning of the nineteenth century, the importance of studies
in weather, cyclone, tides, etc., was keenly felt. Some meteorological
observations were also made at the coastal towns. The efforts were con-
tinued and, between 1865 and 1871, several provincial meteorological organi-
zations came into being and to consolidate their work was established the
India Meteorological Department in 1875. Preparation of daily weather
charts, issuing cyclone warnings, seismological studies, solar physics, and
terrestrial magnetic studies were among the important functions of this
department. As early as in 1834 India participated in the global study of
the earth's magnetism organized by the Gottingen Magnetic Union to
record the simultaneous magnetic observations at 50 stations, of which
three were in India. A magnetic observatory was already in existence in
1826 at Colaba in Bombay and was later shifted to Alibag in view of the
introduction of the electric traction for the street tram since then, lest the
electric current should vitiate the magnetic observations. In 1895 the
foundation of the solar physics laboratory was laid at Kodaikanal and it
started functioning in 1900. Spectroscopic work, hydrogen content of the
solar prominences, spectrum of the night sky, etc., were the important
investigations undertaken in the laboratory (10, pp. 501-507). As regards
geophysics, Basevi and his co-workers observed the gravity anomalies in
the Himalayan region, and these were interpreted mathematically by A. Pratt,
as a result of which the theory of isostatic compensation emerged.
Indian Museum
The Asiatic Society which continued to play an effective role in en-
couraging scientific investigations into the natural history of the country
gave a lead in the direction of antiquarian studies. This provided the initial
stimulus for the Indian archaeology and the Archaeological Survey of India
was started in 1860 with Cunningham as the first Surveyor.
The Society had already accumulated a number of materials and
curios which included ancient relics, coins, plant specimens and minerals as
a result of investigations conducted by the members of the Society, and it
was realized that they deserved preservation. Besides, the Society had
under its care the government's collection of minerals, fossils and the like
under the name of Museum of Economic Geology (1840). Time was ripe
for the establishment of a well-planned museum in Calcutta and the initiative
taken by the Society resulted in the establishment of the Indian Museum
in 1867. The scientific staff of the Indian Museum made valuable contri-
butions to zoology and brought out a number of zoological notes and
volumes relating to birds, mammalia, reptiles, mollusca, lepidoptera,
fishes and the like (10, pp. 528-30).
Scientific and Technical Education
The two institutions which came into being in the last two decades of
.
the eighteenth century, viz. the Calcutta Madrasah (1781) and the Benares
605
Sanskrit College (1791), sought to encourage only the indigenous system of

education including medicine and arithmetic. In 1813, when the East
India Company's charter was renewed, a clause was introduced to the
effect that a sum of not less than one lac of rupees might be spent 'for the
introduction and promotion of the knowledge of the sciences among the
inhabitants of the British territories in India'. In 1817 was established at
Calcutta the Mahavidyalaya, 'Seminary for the instructions of the sons of
the Hindus in the European and Asiatic languages and sciences', by some
enlightened gentlemen including David Hare and Raja Rammohan Roy.
The need for educating the Indian students in modern science and in the
medium of English was brought home to the British Government in no
unmistakable terms by Rammohan Roy. William Bentinck, Macaulay
and Dalhousie were among the principal administrators who contributed to
the growth and spread of scientific education. The Wood's Despatch of
1854 made possible the creation of the universities on the model of the
London University, and with the establishment of the three universities at
Calcutta, Bombay and Madras in 1857, the scientific and technical education
in India assumed a definite form. The universities, however, were only
the affiliating and examining bodies. As the administrative exigencies of
the government dcmanded the employment of local doctors and engineers,
some engineering and medical institutions were also established, and in-
structions were imparted at two levels in colleges and schools. The notable
institutions were the engineering colleges at Sibpur (Calcutta), Poona and
Roorkee; medical colleges at Calcutta, Bombay and Madras, Victoria
Jubilee Technical Institute at Bombay, School of Industrial Arts at Madras,
agricultural and veterinary schools at a number of places in the three
presidencies. Towards the close of the nineteenth century there were
about 170 colleges including four medical and an even number of en-
gineering colleges, and a number of technical schools affiliatcd to the five
universities, which were offering courses in scientific subjects, medicine~
engineering, agriculture and certain crafts (10, pp. 541-56).
A remarkable feature of the last two decades of the nineteenth century
was that the Indian bright students came forward to take up independent
investigations even in mathematical and physical sciences. Asutosh
Mukherji, J. C. Bose and P. C. Ray were well known for researches in
mathematics, physics and chemistry respectively (10, pp. 556-60). In par-
ticular, J. C. Bose devised his own experiments with great ingenuity and
displayed a new spirit of inquiry. P. C. R~y became the founder of what
has come to be known as the Indian Chemical School and leader of the
Indian chemical industry. What is more, the importance of modem
science as a new and purposeful way of understanding was increasingly
realized, and local attempts were initiated for the promotion of scientific
investigations and diffusion of scientific knowledge. The Indian Association
for the Cultivation of Science was established by Mahendra La! Sircar in
1876, through public endowments, with the object of promoting scientific
interests. The physical investigations conducted by C. V. Raman later at
this Association enabled him to have the distinct honour of being the first
Indian to receive the Nobel Prize for Physics.
At the end of the nineteenth century the emergent picture revealed the
growing interest in modem science evinced by the Indian students, the
government's keen desire to reform the universities enabling them to take up
teaching as well as research and an enlargement of the area of involvement
of the government, educationists, industrialists and philanthropists in laying
a solid foundation for the growth of modem science and technology in India.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
Date Scientific and Technological Developments Remarks
c. 150000-25000 B.C. Early Palaeolithic or Early Stone Age:

Chopper-chopping tool culture. The Panjab Cl
Hand-axe culture. The Panjab, Peninsular
India, barring ex-
treme south India Cl
C. 25000-5000 D.C. Middle Palaeolithic or the Middle Stone do
Age: predominance of flake tools,
scrappers, borers, points, etc.
c. 5000-3000 B.C. Mesolithic or the Late Stone Age: pre- Gujerat, Maharashtra,a
dominance of microliths, flakes, blades, Madhya Pradesh,
lunates, borers, scrappers, chisels, Mysore, Tinnevelly,
trapezoids, triangles, drills, etc. (Tam ilnadu), Birban-
pur (West Bengal),
etc.
c. 3500 B.C. Neolithic Age. Baluchistan
c. 2300-1750 B.C. Flourishing Period of Harappan Culture: Sind, Baluchistan, the
copper-bronze technology, eire perdue Panjab, Rajaputana
process; wheel-made decorated and and Saurashtra; influ-
glazed pottery; settled agriculture, enced later settle-
wheat and barley; domestication of ments also
animals; drainage and public bath.
burnt brick and mortar constructions;
grid system of town planning; spinning
and weaving; measurement and com-
putational techniques.
c. 2000 B.C. Some Neolithic settlements; agriculture; Andhra, Karna tak,
cave-drawings and paintings, depicting Kashmir and Bengal
mainly animals; hand-made and later regions
wheel-made pottery.
c. 1800 B.C. Some Cha/co/ithlc settlements; use of Saurashtra, Rajaputana,
copper tools; Black-and-Red ware; central, southern and
Ma/wa ware and Jorwe ware; spouted eastern India
vessels.
CI Sankalia (4), pp. xxi-xxii.

607
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--contd.
c. 17()(}-1000 B.C. Ochre-coloured ware: copper-hoards. Closed casting of the

alloyed and unalloyed
metal
c. 1500 B.C. The ]J.gveda: concept of natural law The Panjab and Kashmir
(rta); monistic idea concerning water; regions; earliest lite-
'lunar mansions' or the nak$atra rary composition of
system of marking the ecliptic, begin- its type
nings of calendar system; knowledge of
diseases and cure; agricultural prac-
tices, use of plough, wheat and barley;
fermentation methods; use of horse of
superior breed.
c. 1000 B.C. The Yajurveda: the whole series of 27 or Western D.P.; mentions
28 nak$atras headed by Krttikti, number- rice
names on the decimal scale up to 1012 ;
agricultural practices, mentions rice.
c. 1000 B.C. The Atharval'eda: astronomical knowl- Some parts of the
edge; details of nak~alras, method of Atharvaveda seem to
intercalation; more detailed medical be earlier
knowledge and associated practices; Concept of pra1,'la as
lists of different plants and animals. the sustainer of life
c. 1000-600 B.C. The Briihma1,'las, Ara1,'lyakas and Upani- The idea of cosmic cycle
$ads: astronomical ideas, cosmic cycle; possibly influenced
beginnings of mathematical series (both the Greek thinking
A.P. and G.P.); more physiological later
and anatomical knowledge; doctrine of
the pancabhutas; further elucidation of
the world of the living and non-living.
Painted-Grey ware: in association with A de luxe pottery main-
iron. Iy in northen and
north-western parts of
India
Production and use of iron. In small open-hearth
furnaces
Agricultural practices-rotation fallow-
ing method to increase the soil fertility.
c. sixth-fifth cent. Northern Black-Polished ware, associated Mainly in eastern parts;
B.C. with the use of iron: making of steel. later spread to central
and other parts of
India
Glass objects at Taxila. Bhir mound at Taxila
Codification of medical knowledge into
the Ayurveda:
VedMga JyotilQ: five-year cycle; further NaklQtra system con-
elaboration of calendarical science. tinued to be the basis
608 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SClBNCBS IN INDIA
CHRONOLOOICAL TABLB-Contd.
Sulba-sutras: beginnings of geometry; As aid to construction

anticipation of the Pythagorean theo- of sacrificial altars
rem; development of the knowledge of
the irrational numbers.
Early ideas of the VaUe~ika; Sa",khya As part of the respective
and the Mlnullpsa; of the Bauddha, religio-philosophical
Jaina and the CArvika; physical con- position
cepts: atomism, space, time, motion
and sound.
Fourth cent. B.C. to The Ayurvedic treatises-the Caraka and Emphasis on herbal
fourth cent. A.D. theSuJrutaSarrzhitds: thetrido~atheory; medicine; skill in
physiology; anatomy; pathology; rhinoplasty, laparo-
therapeutics; surgical practices. tomy and lithotomy
Development of the orthodox philosophi- Respective epistemo-
cal sutras; the Jaina, the Bauddha logical positions
schools; extension of the doctrine of defined
five elements, space, time and sound.
The Arthasdstra of Kautilya: mining,
metal-working, agriculture and irri-
gation.
Bhagavatl-sutra; TattvllrthMhigama-siitra
ofUmasvatl: atomism, classification of
living and non-living.
Recasting of astronomical ideas; adop- Possibly some Baby-
tion of the zodiacal system; knowledge Ionian and Greek
of the motion of planets. influences
Progress in mathematics; permutations Pingala's Chandab-sutra
and combinations-meruprastrara and
the early binomial ideas.
Increased and Widespread use of iron; Use of bellows for ex-
constructtion of the Sudar'ana Lake traeting and forging
iron
Glass objects at a number of places. Foreign influences, par-
ticularly Roman, at
Taxila (Sirkap) and
Arikamedu (Tamil-
nadu)
Fifth cent. A.D. NyayabJu2lYa of Vltsylyana-atomic
ideas further extended; views on vision
and propagation of sound; impetus
theory; classification of animals
and plants.
609
CHRONOLOGICAL TABu--contd.
PaddrlhIJdharmasa1f7graha of Prawta- Also known as PraSasta-

pada; atomism, space, time, motion, piJdablui$ya; though
sound. a bht71ya on the
Vai~$ika categories,
an independent work
Fifth cent. A.D. Aryabhatlya: theory of the rotation of the Growth of the Indian
earth, epIcyclic theory for the planetary decimal place-value
motIOns; values of ." and sines; alpha- system
betical system of expressing decimal
place-value notation; extraction of
square and cube roots; indeterminate
equation of the first order.
Metal-working; art of jewellery; Iron Made of wrought iron

Pillar now at Delhi. (99·72%)
Copper statue of the Buddha from Sultan- Cast in two layers

ganj in Bihar (now in Birmingham
Museum).
Sophisticated ceramic ware. Particularly on the

Indo-Gangetic plains
Sixth cent. A.D. Pailcasiddhdnlikd of Varahamihira-the The Siiryasiddhilnta con-

five siddhlintas: Saura, Pau/isa, Roma- sidered as the best and
ka, Brtihma and Paitamaha; concept of the most accurate
mahtiyuga (4,320,000 years); notion of
the libration of the equinoxes in the
SiiryasiddJulnta.
Brhal Sa",hitd of Varahamihira-a num- Encyclopaedic work

ber of chemIcal processes; plant and
animal classifications.
Amarakosa: classification and synonyms Lexicon

of plants and animals, minerals and
metals.
Buddhist logic and Jaina views. Problem of matter elu-

cidated
Seventh-eighth cent. Brahmagupta-astronomer and mathe- Both translated into

A.D. matician: BrahmasphulasiddhanlQ and Arabic in the eighth
Kha{lf/tlkhlJdyaka; lemma for solution cent. A.D., under the
of the indeterminate equation of the titles Sindhind and
second order; formula for the sum of Arkand
II terms of Arithmetic progression;
rules for the volume of a prism; area
of the cyclic quadrilateral, etc.
39
Nyt2ya-vtlrtika of Udyotakara; further

elucidation of atomic views.
RugvinlScaya of Miidhava; emphasis on Also called Madhava-
diagnostic methods. nidtina; translated into
Arabic under the title
Badon
Use of the Persian water-wheel (araghal/a)
ASltiligahrdo.va of Vagbhata; an authori- Rendered into Arabic
tative comptlation of the Ayurvedlc under the title Astan-
knowledge based on the earher works. kar
Ninth-tenth cent. Ga(litasdrasamgraha of Mahavira- Flourished in Mysore

A.D. operations Involving zero and summa-
tion of n terms of GeometrIcal Progres-
sion.
Kr#-Pardsara and Vrksdyurveda. Manuals on agriculture
and botany
Alchemical practices; Rasahrdaya of As part of tantrik
Govinda Bhagavat. practice
SiJdha system of medicine. Mostly followed in
TalTIJlnadu; use of
mainly mineral medi·
cines
Mufijtlla's elucidation of the precession As against the earlier
of equlOoxes. Iibrallon concept
Eleventh-twelfth Sridhara's method of solving quadratic

cent. A.D. equations.
SiddhdntaJlroma(li of BhAskara II: astro- Influenced later astro-
nomical and mathematical work in four nomers and mathe-
parts; cakral'ola method for rational maticlans; a ournber
integral solutions of the indeterminate of commentaries fol-
equation of the second order; geo- lowed; represents the
metric proof of the Pythagorean theo- height of Indian
rem; root idea of differential calculus; astronomy and mathe-
further elaboration of epicyclic-eccen- matics
tric theories for planetary motions;
analysis of the motion of the sun by
considering longitudinal changes.
MtJnasolldsa of Somadeva; alchemical Encyclopaedic work
ideas; iron-casting; perfumery.
Knowledge of paper-making. Derived possibly from
Nepal and Arabia
39 B
611
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--eontd.
Uniini Tibb. Incorporation of Per-

sian, Arabic medical
and A.yurvedic knowl-
edge from Central
Asia
Metal stirrup; introduction of paper.
Thirteenth-fifteenth Slirarigdhara SamhittJ: opium in its mate- Foreign influences

cent. A.D. ria medica, urine and pulse cxanlination
for diagnostic purpose.
Rasasasrra texts: Rasaretavo, Rosaratllii- Skill in complex chemi-

kara; Rasaratnasamuccaya, etc.; classical processes
fication of alchemical and iatro-
chemical substances, details of experi-
mental techmques.
Narayal)a PaJ)~tita: further refinement of

arithmetic and algebraic operations.
Paramesvara, a prolific commentator on Belonged to Kerala

earlier astronomical and mathematical faml1y of astronomers
works.
NilakaJ)tha Somasutvan: elucidation of Of the Aryabha/iya

astronomical ideas. school
Pyrotechnics. Production centres in

the south
c. sixteenth cent. GaQeM Daivajfta, astronomical and Maharashtra school

A.D. mathematical commentator; Diviikara
family of astronomers and mathemati-
cians.
More Rasaidstra texts; use of mercurial Iatro-chemistry became

and non-mercurial compositions as established
internal medicine becomes widespread.
BhdvapraktUa: extensive materia medica ;

treatment of syphilis.
Gunpowder and guns. Largely used during the

Mughal period
'Ain-i-Akbarl: astronomical ideas; crafts;
agriculture and animal husbandry; per-
fumery; pyrotechnics.
Advent of the Portuguese physician Publication of Garcia's

Garcia da Orta, introduction of new Colloquies (lS6S)
economic plants.
612 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCB IN INDIA

-----------_._--~'--- ----
c. seventeenth cent. Tuzuk-j-Jahangiri: study of animals and
A.D. plants.
Advent of the Dutch, French and the Establishment of 'fae-
British. tones' for commercial
transactions; study of
Indian 80ra
Publication of Hortus Ma/abaricus of In 12 volumes with
Heindric Van Rbeede (1686-1703). illustrations; at
Amsterdam
Eighteenth cent. Synchronization of Arabic astronomical
A.D. and mathematical knowledge with that
of India.
1723-27 Construction of Jantar Mantars at Delhi, Huge masonry astro-
UjjalO, Mathura, Banaras and Jalpur, nomical instruments
by Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh II.
Sam rat Siddhanta of Jagannatha. Translation of the
ArabIc version of
Ptolemy's Almagest
Reklu2gocaita of Jagannatha. Translation of the
Arabic version of
Euclid's The Elements
1737 d'Anville's first map of south India and Based on the knowledge
his map of India, carte de I'lnde. of the Maragha
school of astronomy
and Jesuit sources
c.1755 Botanical investigations of Koenig in The collections sent to
south India. the University of
Lund in Sweden
1761 Survey work of Plainstead on the coasts
of Chittagong.
1764 Ganges river course surveyed by RennelI. The British East India
Company's organized
survey work
1781 Madrasah at Calcutta. Established on the ini-
tiative of Warren
Hastings
1783 First Map of Hindoostan by Rennell.
1784 The Asiatic Society founded at Calcutta. William Jones, the
Founder-President
1785 First presentation of a paper in Persian Translated and pre-
by a Mohammedan scholar entitled sented by William
'The Care of the Elephantiasis and Jones himself
other Disorders of the Blood'.
613
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--cOnfd.
1787 Royal Botanic Garden at Slbpur Robert Kyd, first Hono-

(Calcutta). rary Superintendent
1791 SOlllSkrta Pt2thaStllt2 at Banaras. By the efforts of Jona-

than Duncan
1792 Madras Observatory established. By Michael Topping
J793-94 William Roxburgh as the Superintendent Commencement of

of the Royal Botanic Garden. systematic botanical
studies
1794 Survey School at Madras. Beginnings of trigono-

metrical survey
1795 Commencement of the Geodetic work of In the Peninsula

Lambton.
1795 Commencement of the publication of the In three volumes, 1795,

Flora Indica. 1802 and 1819
Nineteenth cent.
A.D.
1800 Establishment of the Trigonometrical

Survey Department at Madras.
1813 Renewal of East India Company's Char- Beginnings of British

ter-introduction of a clause for spend- interests in educating
ing one lac of rupees per year for the the Indians in science
promotion of the knowledge of sciences
among the people of India.
1814 Nathaniel Wallich as the Superintendent H is botanic collections

of the Botanic Garden. sent to the European
centres of botanical
studies
1815 General map of southern region by Measurement of the

Lambton. largest meridional arc
1817 Establishment of MahdvidyiJlaya (Hindu Public patronage of

College) at Calcutta. Raja Ram- English education
mohan Roy's primary role in the intro-
duction of the study of western sciences
in India.
1818 Formation of the Oreat Trigonometrical

Survey at Calcutta.
1822 Preparation of an Atlas of India on the

quarter inch scale.
CHRONOLOOICAL TABLE-eOntd.
1830 George Everest as the Superintendent of

the Great Trigonometrical Survey.
1832 The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Its forerunners: (i)
Bengal: in the first volume James Asiatick Researches
Prinsep's observation of the transit of and (ii) Gleanings
mercury on the 5th May, 1832, made in Science
with a four feet achromatic telescope of
4 Inch aperture, mounted equatorially
and provided with a delicate wire
micrometer.
1835 Calcutta Medical College.
1843 Medical School at Madras.
1845 The Grant Medical School at Bombay.
1847 Engineering Institution at Roorkee. Later became Thomason
Engineering College
1851 Establishment of the Geological Survey Thomas Oldham's
of Jndia. efforts
1851 The first telegraph line between Calcutta By William O'Shaugh-
and Diamond Harbour. nessy
18S3 The first railway line laid. Near Bombay
1854 Charles Wood's Despatch for the creation On the model of the
of the universities. London University
Engineering School at Poona.
1856 Engineering College at Sibpur (Calcutta).
1857 Establishment of the first three univer- Only affiliating and exa-
sities at Calcutta, Bombay and Madras. mining bodies
1859 Civil Engineenng College at Madras.
Establishment of Archaeological Survey Cunningham as the Ar-
of India. chaeological Surveyor
1867 Indian Museum came into being at Galleries thrown open
Calcutta. to the public only in
1878
1875 Establishment of India Meteorological
Department.
1876 Foundation of the Indian Association for By Mahendra Lal Sircar
the Cultivation of Science. through public endow-
ments
1881 Publication of the first mathematical In the M~ssenger 01
paper of Asutosh Mukberji. Mathematics
615
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--concld.
J884 Centenary of the Asiatic Society of ]n its publications over

Bengal. 500 papers in mathe-
matJcal and physical
sciences, 560 in zOQoo
logy, 320 in botany
were published (1788-
1882)
1890 Imperial Bacteriological Laboratory at Later shifted to Mukte-
Poona. swar (1893)
Botanical Survey of India formed. George King, the first
Director
1895 FoundatIon of the Solar Physics Labo- Started working from
ratory at Kodaikanal. 1900
J. C. Bose's first scientific paper on the In JASB
polarization of electric waves by double
refraction.
1896 Plague Research Laboratory at Bombay In 1906, the name was
with Haffkine as its Director. changed to the Haff-
kine Institute
P. C. RAy's work on mercurous com- Preliminary Dote ap-
pounds. peared in JASB
Recommendation of the Royal Agricul- Establishment of Im-
tural Commission emphasizing research perial Agricultural
on agriculture. Research Institute at
Pusa (Bihar) in 1903
1897 J. C. Bose's lecture at the Royal1nstitute,
London, with his own apparatus.
1900 J. C. Bose's paper, 'On the Generality of Read at the Inter-
the Molecular Phenomena produced by national Congress in
Electricity on Living and Non-living Physics, Paris
Substances'•
P. C. RAy's analyses of a number of rare Published in the Mem-
Indian minerals to discover in them oirs of the Geological
some of the missing elements in Mende- Survey of India
leers Periodic Table.
ABBREVIATIONS
A. PERIODICALS, SERIAL PUBLICATIONS AND SOME

SELECTED ORGANIZATIONS
Al Ancient India
AIHS Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences
AP Asian Perspectives
AR Asiatick Researches
ASB Asiatic Society of Bengal
BMFNISI Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the National Insti-

tute of Sciences of India
BCMS Bulletin of the Calcutta Mathematical Society
BI Bibliotheca Indica
ELlA Bulletin of the London Institute of Archaeology
BNISJ Bulletin of the National Institute of Sciences of India
BSOS Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies
CB Chronica Botanica
CF Cultural Forum
CGPO Calcutta G.P.O. Centenary Volume
CHI Cambridge History of India
CMJ Calcutta Medical Journal
CR Calcutta Review
CRASB Centenary Review of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
CS Current Science
CULHI Cultural Heritage of India
EB Encyclopaedia Britannica
GA Gollingische gelehrte Arzeigen

GI Gazetteer of India
GSl Geological Survey of India
nos Harvard Oriental Series

HKDVS Historisk-filosofiske skrifter u.a.d. Kongelige Danske
Videnskabemes Se1skab
ABBlUMATlONS 617
Ie Islamic Culture
leAR Indian Council of Agricultural Research
IF Indian Forester
IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly
IJHS Indian Joumal of History of Science
IJMG Indian Journal of Meteorology and Geophysics
1MB Indian Museum Bulletin
IS Indische Studien
ISCA Indian Science Congress Association
JA Journal Asiatique
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JASB Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
JBRS Journal of the Bihar Research Society
JBBRAS Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society
JBNHS Journa! of the Bombay Natural History Society
JDL/CU Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University
JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
JGRS Journal of Gujarat Research Society
JMG Journal of Meteorology and Geophysics
JMGA Journal of the Madras Geological Association
JMSUB Journal of the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda
(Humanities)
JNES Journal of the Near Eastern Studies
JOI Journal of the Oriental Institute
JORIM Journal of the Oriental Research Institute, Madras
JPSl Journal of the Palaeontological Society of India
JRA! Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
JT! Journal of the Textile Institute
JUG Journal of the University of Gauhati
JZSI Journal of the Zoological Society of India
KB Kew Bulletin
MASB Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal

MAS] Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India
MGS] Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India
MIM Memoirs of the Indian Museum
MILS Madras Journal of Literature and Science
NGWG/PH Nachrichten von der kOniglichen Gese1lschaft der

Wissenschaften Zll G6ttingen (Phil-hut. Klasse)
NISI National Institute of Sciences of India
620 ABBREVIATIONS
CS. Vi - - Vimanasthina
CS. Sa - - SarirasthAna
CS.ln - - Indriyasthana
CSt Ci - - Cikitsasthana
CS.Ka - - Kalpasthana
CSt Si - - Siddhisthana
Chand. sa Chandab-slitra of Pingala
Ci.Sam.C Cikitsa-satpgraha of Cakradatta
Chand.Pr Chandogya Prapathaka
Chand. Up Chandogya Upani~ad
Ci.Sam.N Cikitsa-saIPgraha of Nakula
Ci.Sam.V Cikitsa-saI]1graha of Vangasena
Cunnak Cunnakandam
DS Dhammasangani
DM DhatumafijarI
DRM Dhaturatnamalii
Dhi Dhikoti
DN Digha Nikaya
Div Divyavadana
Dr. Sa", Dravyasa Q1grah a
Drg. G DrggaJ)ita
Fir·lfik Firdausul-IJikmat
F Fihrist
GTr G~akatarailgiJP
GK Gal)itakaumudi
GAK GaJ)itamrta-kupika
GS GaQitasara
GSS GaQita-sara-saJ11graha
GrC; GaJ}.itatattva-cintiInaQi
GT GaT).itatilaka
GYBh GaQitayuktibha~a
Gar. Up Garbha Upani~ad
Ghun.lfi Ghunyatu'l-Hussab fI'Ilmi'l l:Iisiib
Gil. Ms Gilgit Manuscript
Gil.Bv - - Bhai~ajyavastu
Gil. Cv - - Ovaravastu
Gol. D GoladIpika of Paramesvara
Gol. S Golasira
Gop. Br Gopatha Brllunatta
GL Grahallghava
GM Graha\lam8.\lQana of Paramesvara
GAP GQ4hlrtha-prakUiki of Raitganitha
ABBREVIATIONS 621
HS HArita Satpbita
BV Harivarpsa
Hst. .Jyur Hastyayurveda or Palakapya Saij1hita
HLS Hayalilavatinama-satpgraha of Jayadatta
lkh. Q Ikhtiyarati-Qasimi or Dasturil-Atbba

Iks. A~ Iksirj-A'~am
JDP Jambudvipaprajfiapti
JDS Jambudvipasamasa
Jalni. Shi J ami'ush-Shifaiya
KLV Kalpalatavatara of Kr~t}a Daivajfia

KS Kamasiltra of Vatsyayana
KCMT KakacaQQesvarimatatantra
KG Katikali Grantha of NarasiI}1ha Sastri
KR KaQiidarahasya of SaIikara Misra
KKu Karaoakutuhala
KP KaraQapaddhati
KD Karmadipika
Kiis. S Kasyapa Satphi ta
Ks[ Katyayana-sulba-siitra
Kiilh. S Kathaka Saijlhita
Kau$. Ar Kau~Itaki AraQyaka
Kau$. Br Kau~Itaki Brahmal)a
Kau$. Su Kau~itak.i-siitra
Kau$. Up Kau~itaki Upani~d
KCi Kautuka CintamaI}i of Gajapati Prataparudradeva
Kha. Tal' Khayrut-Tajan b
Khul. Hi Khula~atu'l-l:Iisab of Baha'u'ddln al-' Amuli
Khu/. Taj Khulastu't-Tajarib
KK KhaQQakhadyaka
KKV Khat)Qakhadyaka-vivaraoa
KV Kirat)avaU of Udayana
KA. St. Mut Kitab Arshimidas fi'd-Dawa 'iri'l-Mutamassah
KFak. Jab Kitib al-Fakhri fi'l (l:Iisab) Jabr-i-wa'l Muqabilah
KIst. MWaq al-KiUib fi Istikhraji'l (Autar) ... Mu~ani'l.
Waqi'fiha
KKUst Kitabu'l-Kurah Wal-Ustuwinah
Kr.P Ktli-Parasara
Lbhv LaghubatigIvibhailgi
LBh Laghubhaskariya
LBh. Y LaghubhaskarIya-vyakhyi
U Laghujataka
LMd Laghumlnasa
622 ABBRBVIATIONS
LMd. V Laghumanasa-vyakhya
LTCi Laghutithi cintamaQi
LVSi Laghu- Vasi~tha-siddhanta
Lat. Sr. Sa Utyayana Srautasutra
Li LilavatI of Bhaskara II
Li. V Ltlavati-vyakhya of Paramesvara
LP Lohapaddhati of Suresvara
Ma. Shi. Sik Ma'danush-Shifai-Sikandari

MNi Madhava Nidana or Rugviniscaya
MK Madhukosa by Vijayarak~ita
MB Mahabharata
MBh Mahabhaskariya
MBh. V Mahabhaskariya-bha~ya
MSi Mahasiddhanta
Mait. S MaitrayaJ)l SaQIhita
Mait. Up MaitrayaQi Upani~ad
Maj. Di Majmuai-Diyaiyya by Diya Muhammad
Maj. Sha Majmuai-Shamaiyya
Ma. Sii Manasara
MiL u/l Manasollasa or Abhi1a~itarthacintamal)i
Msl Manava-sulba-sutra
MS Manu SalJ1hiHi or Manu Smrti
Maq. Arsh. Tak. Maqalah-i-Arshimidas fi Taksiri'd-Da'rah of
Do Na~ir-al-din at-Tiisi
Maq. Jabr Maqalah fi'l-Jabr-i of al-KhayyamI
M Marici
Mat. Bh. T Matrkabheda Tantra
MP Matsya Pural)a
Mi.Bh Mitabha~iQI of Ranganatha
Megh Meghaduta of Kalidasa
Mr cch Mrcchakatika
MrPS Mrga-pak$i-sastra
MU1)f/,. Up MUQ.Qaka Upani~ad
Naf/,i. P Naqr-parik~a
Naf/,i. Vi Na~-vijiiana
Nar. Smr Narada Smrti
Navdrik Navailkura
Hi. sa Nidinasiitra
NBh Nyayabha~ya of Vatsyayana
NB Nyaya-bindu
NK Nyaya-kandalI
NL Nyaya-UlivatI of Vallabha
NM Nyaya-maiijari of Jayanta Bhatta
NMk Nyiya-muktivall
AABllBVIATIONS 623
NP Nyiiya-pravesa
NSti. Nyayasara of Bhasarvajiia
NSi. D Nyayaslddhantadipa of 8asadhara
NS Nyaya-slitra of Gautama
NV Nyaya-varttika of Udyotakara
NVTT Nyaya-varttika-Hitparyatika of Vacaspati Misra
NAv Nyayavatara
PTN Padartha-tattvanirupaQa of Raghunatha SiromaQi

PiSi Pitamaha-siddhanta or PaiHimaha-siddhanta
PSi Paiica-siddhantika
Pane. Br Paiicavirpsa BrahmaQa
Par. S Parada Saq1hita
Par. Y Paradayoga
Pall PatigaQita of 8ridhara
Pro Sm Pra~a~asarnuccaya
PBh Prasastapada Bha~ya or Padarthadharma-sarpgraha
Prase Up Prasna Upani~ad
PuSi Pulisa (or Paulisa)-siddhanta
Qanun Qanun fi-l-tibb by ibn Sina

Qiinun. Ma al..QanOn al-Ma'siidi of al-Birfini
Raj. Mii RajamartaQQa by Bhojaraja

Rajl RajataraIigitU
Ram RamayaQa
RBhK Rasabhe$ajakalpa of Surya PaQQita
RdCi Rasendra-cintamal).i of Rama Chandra
Rd.Cu Rasendra-cuQamal)i of Somadeva
Rd.Sii Rasendrasara
Rd.SS Rasendrasara-saIflgraha of Gopalakr~Qa Kaviraj
RHr Rasahrdaya of Govinda Bhagavat
RK Rasakaumudi of Jiiana Candra
RM Rasamatigala
RMr. or RAm Rasamrta of Ramesvara
RMu Rasamuktavali of Devanatha
RPd Rasapaddhati of Bindu Pa~lC~lita
RPr RasapradIpa
RPS Rasaprakasa-sudhakara of Yasodhara
RRL Rasamjalak$mi of Ramesvara Bhatta
RRM Rasaratnamala of Narasitpha Kaviraja
RRS Rasaratna-samuceaya of Vagbhata
~v Rasin)ava
1qJv. K. Rasal'l}avakalpa in Rudrayamala
RRNa Rasaratnikara of Nagarjuna
RRNi RasaratnAkara of Nityanatha
624 ABBRBVIATlONS
RSK Rasasanketa-kalika of eatnUOQI

RS Rasasara of Govindacarya
RAv Rasavatara
RvD Rasesvara-darsana by M4dhavacarya
RG RekhagaQita
~V ~gveda
~ts ~tusatpharaof Kalidasa
RSi Romaka-siddhanta
RkS R~svayamvara
SRM Sadratnamala
$d.S SaQdarsanasamuccaya
Sake Si Sakalya-siddhanta
Sali. S Salihotra Satphita
Stili-SS Salihotrasarasamuccaya by Kalhat)a
Sam. Si Samrat-siddhanta
SV Samaveda
SK Satpkhya Karika
SPBh Sarpkhyapravacana-bha~ya
Sarrzkh. Ar SarpkhyayanaAraQyaka
Samav. Sa Samavayailga-slitra
SN Sarpyukta Nikaya
SP Saptapadarthi of Sivaditya
Sarng. P Sanigadhara-paddhati
Siirng. S Siimgadhara Sarphita
Sat. Br Satapatha BrahmaQa
Sau. PBh Sauraprak.asa-bha~ya
Sau.PG Sauraprakasa-ga~ta
Sau. Bh Saurabha~ya
Sham ash-Shamsiyah of Hasan an-Nishapflri
She Khu/. Hi Sharh Khu1a~atu'l-ijisab of Lutfu'IHih Muhandis
She TUB. Hi Sharh Tabrir-u-U~lili'l-Handasah Wa'l-l:Iisab of
Mir Hashim b. Qasim al-ijusainr
She Uq/ Sharh Uqlidas by Abmad b. 'Umar al-Karabisi
She Shanl Sharhu'sh-Shamsiyah of Abu lsbaq b. 'Abdu'lHih
Si. D Siddhanta-darpaQa
Si. Cu Siddhanta-ciiQamaJ)i
Si. Di Siddhanta-dipiki
Si. Se Siddhanta-Sekhara
Si. Si Siddhanta-siroma1)i
Si. Si. V Siddhanta-siromat).i-vyakhya
Si. Su Siddhanta-sundara
SI. TV Siddhanta-tattva-viveka
SY Siddhayoga by Vrnda Kunda
SI. R Siddhanta-rahasya
Si. SBh Siddhinta-sirvabhauma
ABBRBVIAnONS 625
SR Silparatna
Si. Dh. Vr §i$Yadhivrddhida
Sl. V . Slokavarttika of Kumarila
So. Ni SOQ halanigh aD t u
So. Si Soma-siddhanta
Sthii. sa Sthananga-sutra
SN Sukraniti
SUI Pr Siiryaprajiiapti
sa. Sf Siirya-siddhanta
sa. Sf. v Suryasiddhanta-vivaraQu
SS Susruta SarphiHi
SS.Su - - - SUtrasthana
SSe Ni - - - Nidanasthana
SSe Cf -~ ---- Cikitsasthana
SS.Ka - - - Kalpasthana
SSe Utt ---- Uttaratantra
ST SuvarQatantra
SVM Syadvadamafijari
Tah. Uq Tabrir-u-Uqlidas of Na~ir-al-d'fn at-Tusi

Taitt. ilr Taittiriya AralJyaka
Taitt. Br Taittiriya BrahmaQa
Taitt. S Taittiriya SaJTlhita
Taitt. Up Taittiriya Upani~ad
Tal. Sha Talifi-Sharifi
TS Tantrasatpgraha
Ta'rikh. H Ta'rikh aI-Hind
TRD Tarka-rahasya-dipika of GUl)aratna
TC Tattvacintamal,1i of Gangesa
TSu.Bh Tattvarthadhigama-sutrabha~ya '(Umasvati)
Tib. Firoz Iibbe-Firozshahi
Tib. Shi Ii bbe-Shihabi
Tib. Aur Tibbi-Aurangzebi
Tib. Shi. Mah Tibbe-Shifai-Mahmudi
Tib. Shi. Kh Tibbi-Shifaul-Khani
TP Tithipatra of Makaranda
Tris Trisatika
Tub. 'A/am Tul}fa-'Alam Shahi
UV Upavanavinoda
Umd. Ra Umdatu'r-Ra'id by Abroad b. Thftbit
Uttar. Sa Uttaradhyayana-siitra
UBi 'Uyiin'll:lisab by zainu'l 'Abidin
vs Vai§e$ika-siitra
va Vai§e$ika Upaskira
626 ABBREVIATIONS
Vlij. S Vijasaney! S . t l
Vci. S VAjIcikitsl-sal}1graha
VK Vakyakaraoa of Paramesvara
Va. Si Vasi~tha-siddhanta
Vii. V Vasana-varttika
Vat. Si Vatesvara-siddhanta
va.pu VayupuraI}.a
VJ VedaJiga-jyoti~a or Jyoti~a-vedatiga
Vend Vendi dad
Vet.P Vetikkampavidhi
Vid Videvdat
Vi.Pu Vi~Qudharmottara PuraJ)a
VP Vinayapitaka
VP. Culla - - Cullavagga
Vr. 1 yur Vrk~iiyurveda
VV Vyomavati
Yo. Sn1r Yajiiavalkya-sInfti

YV Yajurveda, Yajurveda SarphiHi
YVK --Kr~Qa
Yt. R Yantraraja or Yantrarajagama
YA Yogal1)ava
YR Yogoratnakara
YSN Yogosudhanidhi
Y.Su Yoga-siitra
YVa Yoga Vasi~tha
yy Yogayatra
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. PRIMARY SOURCES
Abhidharmakosa of Vasubandhu-Edited by Rahula Sankrityayana with

Sanskrit commentary Niilandikii, Benaras, 1942.
Agattiyarcarakku-MS. No. D. 1870, Govt. Oriental Manuscripts Library,
Madras.
Agni Pura~a-Edited by Pandits of Anandasrama Press, Poona, 1822.
Ain-i-Akbari-(l) Translated into English by H. Blochmann, 2 vols., Asiatic
Society, Calcutta, 1867-77.
(2) Vol. 3 translated into English by H. S. Jarrett and annotated
by Jadunath Sarkar, 1948.
Aitareya Ara~yaka-Edited and translated by A. B. Keith, Oxford at the
Clarendon Press, 1909.
Aitareya Briihma~a-(l) Edited by Satya-Vrata Samasrami with the com-
mentary Vediirthaprakiisa of Sayanacarya, 4 vols., Asiatic Society,
Calcutta, 1895-1907.
(2) Translated by Martin Haug, 2 vols., Bombay, 1863.
Aitareya Upani$ad-( 1) Edited by Vidyaranya with the commentary
Bhii$yam of Sailkaracarya, 2 vols., Poona, 1889.
(2) Translated into English by S. Radhakrishnan, vide his Thirteen
Principal Upani$ads, London, 1953.
Amarakosa-(l) Edited by V. Jhalakikar with the commentary of Mahes-
vara and Raghunath Shastri, Bombay, 1907.
(2) Translated into English by H. T. Colebrooke, Serampur, 1808.
Amudakalaijniinam 1200 of Agathiyar-Madurai, 1817.
Anuyogodvara-satra-Edited with the commentary of Hemacandracarya in
two parts, Nimaya Sagara Press, Bombay, 1915-16.
lpastamba-Julba-siitra-Edited with German translation by A. BUrk,
ZDMG,5S, 543-91, 1901, and 56, 327-91, 1902.
ArthaJtlstra of Kautilya--(l) Edited in Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, Nos.
79, 80, 82, Trivandrum, 1924, 1925.
(2) Edited and translated into English with critical explanation
by R. P. Kangle, parts I, II, III, Bombay University, 1960, 1963, 1965.
(3) Translated into English by R. Sbamasastry with an introductory
note by J. F. Fleet, 4th edition, Mysore, 1951.
lryabhaliya of Aryabhata-(l) Translated into English with notes by W. E.
Clark, University of Chicago Press, 1930.
628 BIBLIOGRAPHY
(2) Translated by P. C. Sengupta, Journal of the Department of

Letters, Calcutta University, 16, 1-59, 1927.
A~liingahrdaya of Vagbhata-Edited by A. Kunte with commentary Sar-
vtingasundara, Bombay, 1891.
A~liinga Sa1]1graha of Vagbhata-Edited with Sanskrit introduction by
Nandakishore Sarma, Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay, 1951.
Asvaslistra of Nakula-Edited by S. Gopalan, Madras Government Oriental
Series, No. 57, Tanjore, 1952.
Asvavaidyaka of Jayadatta Suri-Edited by U. C. Gupta, Asiatic Society,
Calcutta, 1887.
Atharvaveda-(I) Edited by Visvabandhu with the commentary of
Sayanacarya, Visvesvarananda Vedic Research Institute, 4 vols.,
Hoshiarpur, 1960-62.
(2) Translated into English by M. Bloomfield as Hymns of the
Atharvaveda, Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1897.
(3) Translated into English by R. T. H. Griffith, 2 vols., Chowkhamba
Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi, 1968.
Avesta-English translation by Darmesteter and Mills, SBE, Nos. 4, 23, 31,
Oxford, 1880-87; German translation by K. F. Geldner in three parts,
Stuttgart, 1886-93; translated also into French by Darmesteter under
the title Ie Zend Avesta, 3 vols., Paris, 1892-93.
Ayurveda-dipikii-Vide CarakaSal!lhitti with the commentary Ayurveda-
dipika of Cakrapal)idatta. Edited by J. T. Acarya, Bombay, 1941.
Bakhshiili Manuscript-Edited by G. R. Kaye, Archaeological Survey of
India, New Imperial Series, No. 43, parts I and IT, 1927-33.
BiilJasastram l00-MS. No. D. 2301, Govt. Oriental Manuscripts Library,
Madras.
Baudhiiyana-sulba-sutra-(I) Edited with Dvarakanatha's commentary and
translated into English by G. Thibaut, published in the Paf.ulit, old
series,9 and 10, 1874-75; new series, 1, Benaras, 1877.
(2) Edited by W. Caland, vide Baudhtiyana Srautasi1tra, 3 vols.,
Calcutta, 1913.
Bhagavatgitii-Edited by G. K. Sastri, Gondal, Kathiawad, 1953.
Bhagavati Sutra-Edited by ~~i Nanak Cal)QajI with a Sanskrit commentary
of Abhayadeva Suri, 4 vols., Benaras, 1882.
Bhli$iipariccheda of Visvanatha Tarkapaiicanana-Edited by Pancanan
Sastri with commentaries Mukttivalisarrzgraha and Nytiyasiddhtinta-
mukttivali, Calcutta, 1934.
Bhiisvati of Satananda-Edited with the commentary Bhasvati-vivara1JQ by
Madhava Misra, Benaras, 1871.
Bhiivaprakiisa of Bhava Misra-Edited with Hindi commentary Vidyotini
with illustrated botanical notes, 2 vols., KasI Sanskrit Series, No. 130,
Benaras, 1938.
Bhe/a Stl1flhita-Edited by Ashutosh Mukherjee, JDL/C U, 6 (special
volume), Calcutta, 1921.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 629
Bijag~itam Avyaktaga~itam-(l) Translated into English (a portion only) by

H. T. Colebrooke, vide his Algebra with Arithmetic and Mensuration
from the Sanscrit of Brahmegupta and Bhiiscara, London, 1817.
(2) Edited by Sudhukara Dvivedi, Benaras Sanskrit Series, 1927,
with the commentary Naviilikura by Kr~l)a Daivajiia, Anandasrama
Sanskrit Series, Poona, 1920.
BijagaIJitiivatal?lSa of NarayaQa PaJ)Qita-Edited by K. S. Shukla, Akhil
Bhftratiya Sanskrit Parishad, Lucknow, 1970.
Bogarsutiram lDO-MS. No. R. 253, Govt. Oriental Manuscripts Library,
Madras.
Bower Manuscript-Edited by A. F. R. Hoernle, Archaeological Survey of
India, n.i.s., No. 22, 1909, reprinted with editions, Bombay, 1914.
Briihmasphufasiddhanta of Brahmagupta-(I) Edited with a commentary
by Sudhakara Dvivedi, Benaras. Originally published in the Pa~lf)it,
n.s., 23-24, 1901-02.
(2) Edited with Viisana by Ram Swarup Sharma, 4 vols., Indian
Institute of Astronomical and Sanskrit Research, New Delhi, 1966.
Brhadara~lyaka Upani:jad-- Edited with a conlmcntary by Kasinath Sastri,
Poona, 1895. For English translation, vide under Aitareya
Upani.Jad.
Brhaddel'atii-Edited and translated into English by A. Macdonell, 2 parts,
HOS, Nos. 5 and 6, Cambridge, 1904.
Brhajjataka of Varahamihira-(l) Edited with the commentary Vrtti by
Bhattotpala, Bombay, 1863.
(2) Translated into English by N. C. Iyer, Madras, 1885.
Brhat-cintama1,1i of GalJcsa Daivajna-Editcd by D. V. Apte with the com-
mentary Subodhinf of Vi~I)u Daivajiia, Anandasrama Sanskrit
Series, No. 120, Poona, 1942.
Brhat Pariisara Saf!lhita-Edited by Giridharalala Sarma and Govinda
Sarma with the commentary Subodhinf, Bombay, 1933.
Brhaspatismrti-English translation by Julius Jolly, SBE, 33, part 1,
pp. 271-390, Oxford, 1889.
Brhatsa'11hitd-(1) Edited by H. Kern, Calcutta, 1865.
(2) Edited with English translation by V. Subrahmanya Sastri and
M. R. Bhat, 2 vols., Banga]ore, 1947.
Buddhiviliisini of GaI)esa Daivajiia-Edited by Dattatreya Apte, vide Liliivati
with the ~ commentary Buddh i viliisin i, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series,
No. 107, Poona, 1937.
Candraprajifapti-Edited by Amolakrisi, Hyderabad.
Caraka Sa11Zhita-Edited with English, Hindi, Guzarati translations, 6 vols.,
Gulab Kunverba Xyurvedic Society, Jamnagar, 1949.
Chandab-si1tra of Pirigala-Edited by Visvanath Sastri with the commentary
Mrtasanjivani of HaUiyudha, Calcutta, 1874.
Ch4ndogya Upani$ad-Edited by Ranganath Sastri Vaidya with the com-
mentary Mitak$ara of Nityananda, Poona, 1915.
630 BmLIOGRAPHY
Cikitsa Sa",graha of Cakradatta-Edited by JIbananda VidylsAgara,

Calcutta, 1888.
Cikitsli-sllra-sa1J1graha of Vangasena-Edited by Jibananda Vidyasagara,
2nd edition, Calcutta, 1893.
Cullavagga-Translated into English by T. W. Rhys Davids and
Oldenburg, SBE, No. 17, pp. 327-439; No. 20, pp. 1-414,
1882-85.
Cunnakandam 600 of Yakub-Madurai, 1954.
Dhammasangani-Translated into English by Max MUller, SSE, Vol. 10,

Oxford, 1881.
Dhatumanjari-Edited (a portion only) by P. Ray, vide History of Chemistry
in Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 414-42, Calcutta, 1956.
Dhtituratnamiilii-Edited (a portion only) by P. Ray, vide History of
Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India. pp. 409-10, 1956.
Digha Nikaya-Edited by T. W. Rhys Davids and J. E. Carpenter, Pali
Text Society, 3 vols., London, 1890.
Divyavadiina-A collection of early Buddhist legends, edited by E. B.
Cowell and R. A. Neil, Cambridge, 1886.
DravyasalJ1graha of Nemicandra-Edited by Javaharlal Sastri with the
commentary Vrtti of Brahmadeva in Ramcandra Jaina SastramaHi,
No. 10, Nimaya Sagara Press, Bombay, 1907.
Drgga~ita of Paramesvara-Edited by K. V. Sarma, Visvesvarananda
Vedic Research Institute, Hoshiarpur, 1963.
Firdausul-Hikmat-Edited by M. Z. Siddiqi, Sonne Press, Berlin, 1928.

Ferishta-Translated into English by John Briggs from the original Persian
of Mahomed Kasim Ferishta, 4 vols., London, 1829.
GalJakatarang;1)i of Sudhakara Dvivedi-Originally published in the PalJrlit,

reprinted, Benaras, 1892.
Ga~itakaumudi of NarayaQa-Edited by Padmakara Dvivedi, 2 parts,
Benaras, 1936 and 1942.
GalJitaslira of Sridharacarya-(I) Edited by Sudhakara Dvivedi, Nimaya
Sagara Press, Bombay, 1899.
(2) Edited and translated into English by K. S. Shukla, Lucknow
University.
Gal)ita-sara-sa'!1graha of Mahavira-Edited with English translation and
notes by M. Rarigacarya, Madras, 1912.
Ga~itatilaka of Srlpati-Edited by H. R. Kapadia with the commentary of
SiIphatilaka Sun, Gaekwad's Oriental Series, No. 78, Baroda, 1937.
Gtl1)itayuktibha~ci-Edited by Ramavarma (Maru) Tampuran and A. R.
Akhilesvara Iyer, part I, Mangalodayam Press, Trichur, 1948.
Garbha Upanilad-Edited with the commentary Dipika of Naray~a and
Sarpkarinanda in the Anandl§rama GranthivalI, No. 29, pp. 168-
81, Poona, 1895.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 631
Garu4a Purt2~-Edited by Tarkaratna Pancanan, Bangavasi edition,

Calcutta, B.S. 1314 (1907-08).
Gi/git Manuscript-Edited by N. Dutta,3 vols., Srinagar, Kashmir, 1939-50.
Go/adipika of Paramesvara-(l) Part I, edited by T. Ganapati Sastri,
Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, No. 49, Trivandrum, 1916.
(2) Part II, edited and translated into English by K. V. Sarma, Adyar
Library, Madras, 1957.
Gopatha Brahma~a-Edited by Dieuke Gaastra, Leiden, 1919.
Grahalaghava of Gal)esa Daivajfia-(l) Edited by L. Wilkinson with the
commentary of Mallari, Calcutta, 1843.
(2) Edited by Sifarama Jha with the commentary Siddhamanjari, 2nd
edition, Bombay, 1941.
GrahaIJi'i$taka of Paramesvara-Edited and translated into English by K. V.
Sarma, 101, Madras, 28, parts i-iv, 47-60, 1961.
Gii(ihartha-prakiisikii of Ranganatha-(1) Edited with the text of Sarya-
siddhtinta by F. E. Hall and Bapudeva Sastri, Calcutta, 1859.
(2) Edited with the text of the Suryasiddhiinta by Jivananda Bhatta-
carya, Calcutta, 1891.
Hamdardi $ibbat-Delhi, November 1959, pp. 3-6; May 1960, pp. 4-9.
Hiirlta SafJ1hitii of Atreya-Edited by Kaviraja Vinodlal Sengupta, Calcutta.
HarivafJ1sa-Translated by M. N. Dutt, Calcutta, 1897.
Hastyiiyurveda or Piilakiipya Sa1'J1hitii of Palakapya-Edited by Sivadatta
Sarma, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 26, Poona, 1894.
Hitopadesa of NarayaI)a Pal)~ita-Nirnaya Sagara Press, 14th edition,
Bombay, 1947.
Islamic Tibb-Hyderabad, A.H. 1356 (A.D. 1938).
Jambiidvipaprajnapti-Edited by A. N. Upadhya and Hiralal Jain, Jaina
Sanskriti Sarprak~aka Sangha, Solapur, 1958.
Jambudvipasamasa of Umasvati-Edited with the Tikii of Vijaya Simha
Suri, Satyavijaya-granthamala, No.2, Ahmedabad, 1922.
Kiikaca~(iesvarimatatantra-Edited by P. Ray in History of Hindu Chemistry,
Calcutta, 1902; also reproduced in the History of Chemistry in Ancient
and Medieval India, edited by P. Ray, Calcutta, 1956.
Kalpalatavatara of Kr~t,la Daivajiia-Edited with introduction by T. V.
Radhakrisna Sastri, Tanjore Sarasvati Mahal Series, No. 78, Tanjore,
1958.
Kalpasiitra of Bhadrabiihu-(l) Translated by Hermann Jacobi, vide his
laina Siltras, pp. 217-311, 1884.
(2) Edited by Nimaya Sagara Press in two parts, Bombay, 1924-25.
KamasQtra of Vitsyayana-Edited by Damodara Sastri Gosvami with the
commentary Jayamarigala of Ya§odhara, Benaras, 1929.
Ka1;U2darahasya of Satikara Mi§ra-Edited by DhuQQhiraja Sastrt, Chow-
khamba Sanskrit Book Depot, Benaras, 1917.
632 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Karal)okutahala-(l) Edited by Sudhikara DvivedI with the commentary

Vtisanti, Benaras, 1881.
(2) Edited with the commentary of Sumatihar~a, Bombay, 1901.
KaralJapaddhati-Edited by K. Sambasiva Sastri, Trivandrum Sanskrit
Series, No. 126, Trivandrum, 1937.
Karmadipikli of Paramesvara-Edited by Balavantaraya Apte with the
commentary Karmadlpikti of Paramesvara, Anandasrama Sanskrit
Kdsyapa Sa/?1hitti-Edited by Hemaraja Sarma, Kasi Sanskrit Grantha-
mala, No. 154, Benaras, 1953.
Ktityayana-sulba-sutra-Edited with Karka's Bhii$ya and Mahidhara's Vrtti
in the KasI Sanskrit Series, Benaras, 1936.
Kathaka Sa/?1hita-Edited by Schroeder Von Leopold, 4 vols., Leipzig,
1909-27.
Kausika-sutra-Edited by M. Bloomfield, lAOS, 14, 1889.
Kau~itaki Ara1Jyaka-(I) Edited by Ganesa Apte, Anandasrama Sanskrit
Series, Poona, 1922.
(2) Translated into English by A. B. Keith, 1908.
Kau.yftaki Brahma!1a-( 1) Edited by Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, Poona,
1911.
(2) Translated into English by A. B. Keith, vide his ~gveda
Brohma!1as, 1920.
Kau,.~itaki Upani$ad-Edited and translated into French by Louis Renou,
Paris, 1948.
Khulli$atu'l-/fisab of Baha'u'ddin al-'Amuli-Printed along with Persian
translation, Calcutta, 1862; Constantinople, 1851; Cairo, 1881;
Arabic text with German translation by Nesselmann; French
translation by M. A. Marre, Rome, 1864.
Kha!1{iakhadyaka of Brahrnagupta-Edited with the commentary of Catur-
veda Prthiidakasvami by P. C. Sengupta, Calcutta University, 1941;
translated into English by P. C. Sengupta, Calcutta University, 1934.
Kira!lavali of Udayana-Edited by N. C. Vedantatirtha with the commentary
Prakiisa of Vardhamana and Dravya of Bhatta Vadindra, BI,
No. 200, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1956.
Kitlib al-athar al-baqiya 'ani-l-qurun al-Khaliya of al-Biriini-English trans-
lation by E. Sachau under the title Chronology of Ancient Nations,
London, 1879.
Kitlib al-Fakhri !i'/-/fisab labr-i- Wa'l-Muqobilah of al-KarkM-Extracts
from this work published by F. Woepcke in his Extrait du Fakhri,
precede d'un memoire sur r algebre indeterminee chez les Arabes,
Paris, 1853.
Kr~i-Pardsara-Edited by Girija Prasanna Majumdar and S. C. Banerjee,
Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1960.
Laghubhdskariya of Bhlskara I-Edited and translated into English by
K. S. Shukla. Lucknow University, 1963.
BmLIOGRAPHY 633
Laghujataka-Edited by Ciranjiva Sarma with the edition of Bhattotpala,

Benaras, 1921.
-Laghumanasa of MaiijuHicarya or Muiijiila-Edited by Balavanta Dattatreya
Apte, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 123, Poona, 1944.
Laghutithi-cintama!li of Gal)esa Daivajiia-Edited with the commentary of
Visvanatha by D. V. Apte, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 120,
Poona, 1942.
Laghu-Vasi$lha-Siddhanta- Vide Vindhyesvari Prasad Dube's edition of
Jyauti$asiddhanta Sal!1graha, Benaras, 1881; republished in 1917.
Liifyayana Srautasutra-Edited by Hari Narayana Apte, Anandasrama
Sanskrit Series, No. 53, Poona, 1907.
Lilavati of Bhaskara 11-( 1) Translated into English by J. Taylor, Calcutta,
1816.
(2) Edited with Colebrooke's translation and notes by Haran
Chandra Banerjee, Calcutta, 1927.
Macarif-February 1945.
Miidhavanidiina or Rugviniscaya-Edited with the commentary Madhukosa
of Vijayarak~ita and SrikalJthadatta and extracts from the com-
mentary Atankadarpaf)a of Vacaspati Vaidya by Vaidya Jadavji
Tricumji Acharya, Bombay, 1939.
Madhukosa by Vijayarak~ita-Edited, vide Rugviniscaya of Madhavakara
with the commentary Madhukosa of Vijaya Rak~ita, Calcutta, 1865.
Mahabhiirata-Critically edited by V. S. Sukthankar and others, 22 voIs"
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, 1933-59.
Mahiibhtiskariya of Bhaskaracarya-(1) Critically edited with the com-
mentary of Govindasvami by T. S. Kuppanna Sastri, Govl. Oriental
Manuscripts Library, Madras, 1957.
(2) Edited with English translation, notes and comments by Kripa
Shankar Shukla, Lucknow University, 1960.
Mahiisiddhtinta of Aryabhata II-Edited by Sudhakara Dvivedi with his
own commentary, Benaras Sanskrit Series, Benaras, 1910.
Mahavagga-Translated into English by T. W. Rhys Davids and Oldenburg,
SBE, Vol. 13, pp. 73--355; Vol. 17, PP. 1-325, Oxford, 1881-82.
Maitriiya1)i Sa11Jhita-Edited by Schroeder Von Leopold, 2 vols., Leipzig,
1925.
Maitriiya1)i Upani$ad-Edited and translated by E. B. Cowell, Calcutta,
1870.
Manasara-(l) Edited by P. K. Acarya, Allahabad, 1933.
(2) Translated (a portion only) by P. K. Acarya, Allahabad.
ManasolliJsa of Some~vara or Abhila$itiirthacintamal)i-Edited by G. K.
Shrigondekar, Baroda, 3 vols., Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Nos. 28,
84, 138, 1925, 1939, 1961.
Mdnava-Su/ba-satra-Edited and translated into English by J. M. Van
Gelder in his Miinava Srautasutra, Satapitaka, Vols. 19 and 27,
New Delhi, 1961-63.
634 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Manu Sa1flhitll or Manu Smrti-Edited by Ganganatha Jha with the com-

mentary Manubhli$yam of Medhatithi, BI, No. 256, 3 vols., Asiatic
Society, Calcutta, 1936-39.
Maqd/ah fi'/-Iabar-i of al-KhayyamI-French translation by F. Woepcke
under the title L'algebre d'Omar Alkhayyami, translated and
accompanied by unedited manuscripts, Paris, 1851.
Marici of Munisvara-Edited by Vi~lJu Dattatreya Apte, Anandasrama
Sanskrit Series, No. 122, Poona, 1943.
Miitrklibheda Tantra-Edited by Chintamani Bhattacharya, Calcutta, 1933.
Matsya Puriitla-(l) Edited in Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 54, Poona,
1907.
(2) Translated into English by Taluqdar, parts I-II, Sacred Books of
the Hindus, No. 17, Allahabad, 1916.
Mrga-pak$i-slistra of Harpsadeva-Translated into English by Sundara-
carya, P.N. Press, Kalahasti, ]927.
Mii!l{1ukya Upani$ad-Edited by Jabasi Sarma Kathvate with the com-
mentary Ktirikti of GauQapada and Bhii~ya of Sankaracarya, Ananda-
srama Sanskrit Series, No. 10, Poona, 1890.
Narada Smrti-English translation by Julius Jolly, SBE, 33, part I, pp.
1-267, London, 1889.
Nar/f-parik$ii-Edited with a commentary by Satya Deva Vasi~tha, Nimaya
Sagara Press, Bombay.
Narji-vijiitina-Edited with a commentary by G. K. Ray, Hitabadi Press,
Calcutta.
Naviilikura of Kr$Qa Daivajiia-Same as Kalpalatavatiira of Kr$J)a Daivajiia.
Nidanasiitra of Pataiijali-Edited, vide Chtindoga-pitr-medha Sutra, Vol. 4,
pp. 121-31, Vani Bhusan Press, Varagur, 1915.
Nyiiyabhti~yam of Vatsyayana~Edited in Anandasrama Sanskrita Grantha-
vali, No. 91, Poona, 1922.
Nyaya-bindu of Durveka M isra-Edited with the commentary Nyayabindulika
of Dharmottaracarya by Candrasekhara Sastri, Kasi Sanskrit Series,
No. 22, Benaras, 1924.
Nyiiya-kandali of Sridhara-Edited by Vindhyeswari Prasad Dvivedi,
Benaras, 1895.
Nyliya-Lillivati of Vallabha-Edited by Harihara Sastri and Dhundhiraja
Sastri with the commentary Vrtti of Bhagiratha Thakkura, Chow-
khamba Sanskrit Series, No. 64, Benaras, 1934.
Nyliya-maRjari of Jayanta Bhatta-Edited by Gangadhara Sastri Tailangh,
vide his edition of Nyayasiltra with the commentary Nyayamanjari
of Jayanta Bhatta, Vizianagram Sanskrit Series, No. 10, 2 vals.,
Benaras, 1895.
Nyliya-muktavalI-Vide Bhallipariccheda of Visvanatha Tarkapancanana.
Nyliya-pravesa of Dinnaga-Edited by AnandaSankara B. Dhruva with
the commentary Yrtti of Haribhadra, 2 vois., Oriental Institute,
Baroda, 1927-30.
BmLIOGRAPHY 635
Nydyasdra of BhAsarvajiia-Edited by Satish Chandra Vidyabhusana with

the commentary Nyayatatparyadipika of JayasiJPha Suri, Calcutta,
1910.
Nyliyasiddhtintadipa of SaSadhara-Edited by Vindhyesvari Prasad Dvivedi
and Dhundhiraja Sastri, Benaras, 1924.
Nyiiya-siitra of Gautama-Edited by Phanibhusana Tarkavagisha with the
commentary Nyiiyabhii~~yam of Vatsyayana and translated into
Bengali with notes, Sahitya Parisad Granthavali, No. 63, 5 vols.,
Calcutta, 1928-30.
Nyiiya-viirttika of Udyotakara-Edited by Vindhyesvari Prasad Dvivedi
with the commentary Nyaya-suci-nibandha, BI, No. 113, n.s., 625, 834,
869, 907, 1008, 1074, 1377, Calcutta, 1887 -1914.
Nyiiya-viirttika-tatparyalikii of Vacaspati Misra-Edited by Rajeshwara
Sastri, Kasi Sanskrit Series, No. 24, Benaras, 1925-26.
Nyayiivatara of Siddhasena-Edited with the commentary Vivrti of Siddhar~i
GaQi and translated into English by Satish Chandra Vidyabhusana,
Calcutta, 1909.
Padiirthadharmasafllgraha-Translated into English by Ganganath Jha,

Benaras, 1916; reprinted from the Pa(l{iit, Benaras, 1903-05.
Padiirtha-tattvanirapa~la of Raghunatha SiromoJ)i-Edited by Vindhyeswari
Prasad Dvivedi with the commentary Vyiikhyii of Raghudeva,
reprinted from the Pa1JQit, Benaras, 1916.
Paiicasiddhiintika of Varahamihira-Edited with an original commentary
in Sanskrit and an English translation and introduction by G. Thibaut
and S. Dvivedi, Benaras, 1889; reprinted, Motital Banarsidass, 1930.
Paiicavirrzsa Briihma(la-Translated into English by W. Caland, Asiatic
Society, Calcutta, 1931.
Parada Sal'/1hita-Edited by Niranjan Gupta. Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay.
Paradayoga of Sivarama Yogindra-Bombay Sanskrit Press, Lahore,
1923-24.
Ptiliga1)ita of Sridhara-Edited with English translation and notes by K. S.
Shukla, Lucknow University, 1959.
Ptitimokkha-Translated into English by T. W. Rhys Davids and H.
Oldenburg, SBE, 13, pp. 1-69.
Pitamaha-siddhfmta or Paitiimaha-siddhtinta-Vide the edition of Panca-
siddhiintikii of Varahamihira.
Prasastapiida-bha~ya or Padtirthadharmasafl1graha-Edited with the sub-
commentaries Sakti of Jagadisatarkalatikara, Setu of Padmanabha
Misra and Vyomavati of Vyomasivacarya, Chowkhamba Sanskrit
Series, No. 61, Benaras, 1930. Edited also by Subhadra Jha, with the
Nytiya-kandaJi of Sridhara, Varanasi, 1963.
PraJna Upanqad-Edited with the Bha$)'a of SaIikaracarya, AnandAsrama
Sanskrit Series, No.8, Poona, 1888. For English translaton, vide
under A/tareya Upani~ad.
636 BmLIOGRAPHY
Pratyak$Q Sarira-Edited by Gananath Sen, Kalpataru Publisher, Calcutta,

2 parts, 1940-41.
Public Consultations, Madras Records-Indian Iron and Steel Company of.
Porto Novo Works by J. Campbell, August, 1841.
PuliSa (or Paulisa)-siddhlinta-Vide Pancasiddhlintikii of Varahamihira.
Qtinun !i·/-tibb by ibn Sina-Latin translation of the whole Qaniin by
Gherado of Cremona, Venice, 1544, 1582, 1595; Louvain, 1658.
Arabic editions published from Tehran, Constantinople, Beirut and
BuHiq (1877). French translation of ibn Sina's anatomy by P. de
Koning under the title Trois traites d' anatomie arabe, Leyden, 1903.
Rdjamtirtar.u!a by Bhojaraja-Edited by Brahmasankar Misra, Vidyabhavan

Ayurveda Granthamala, No. 49, Varanasi, 1966.
Riijatarangil:zi of KalhaI)a-English translation by M. A. Stein, 2 vols.,
Delhi, 1961.
Riimtiya~a-Edited with the commentary RtilniiyalJatilaka of Ramanujacarya
by H. C. Bhattacharya, 7 vols., Calcutta, 1869-86.
Rasahrdaya of Govinda Bhagavat-Edited by Jadavji Tricumji Acarya,
Ayurveda Granthamala, Bombay, 1936.
Rasakaumudi of Jfiana Candra-Edited, Lahore, 1923.
Rasapaddhati of Bindu PaOQita-Edited with the commentary of Mahadeva
Pat)Qita, Ayurveda Granthamala, Nos. 14 and 15, Bombay, 1925.
Rasaprakiisa-sudhiikara of Yasodhara-Edited by Jadavji Tricumji Acarya,
Ayurveda Granthamala, Vol. 1, Bombay, 1910-11.
Rasariijalak$mi of Ramesvara Bhatta-Edited (a portion only) by P.
Ray, vide History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India,
pp. 404--405, Calcutta, 1956.
Rasaratna-samuccaya of Vagbhata-Edited by Vinayaka Apte, Ananda-
srama Sanskrit Series, Poona, 1890.
Rasar~ava-Edited by P. C. Ray and Haris Chandra Kaviratna, BI, No. 174,
Rasiir~avakalpa in Rudrayama/atantra-Asiatic Society, Calcutta, MS. No..
8375.
Rasaratniikara of Nagarjuna-Edited (a portion only) by P. Ray, vide
History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 311-20,
Calcutta, 1956.
Rasaratniikara of Nityanatha-Edited with the Hindi commentary Rasa-
pradipikii of Saligrama, Bombay, 1897.
Rasasanketa-kalikd of Camul)Qa-Edited by Jadavji Tricumji Acarya,
Ayurveda Granthamala, No.6, Bombay, 1912.
Rasasiira of Govindacarya-Edited by Jadavji Tricumji Acarya, Ayurveda
Granthamala, No.6, Bombay, 1912.
Rasendra-cintamo!,i of Rima Chandra-Edited by Jivananda Vidyasagar,
Saraswati Press, Calcutta, 1878.
Rasendra-cQ(i4ma1); of Somadeva-Edited (a portion only) by P. RAy,
BIBLIOGRAPHY 637
vide History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India, p. 351,

Calcutta, 1956.
• Rasendraslira-sa1J1graha of GopiHakr~l)a Kaviraj-Edited by Upendranath
Sengupta, Calcutta, 1912.
Rasesvara-darsana by Madhavacarya-(l) Vide SarvadarsanaSal!1graha
edited by Isvaracandra Vidyasagara, Calcutta, 1885.
(2) Translated into English by E. B. Cowell and A. E. Gough,
London, 1882.
Rekhiiga~ita-Edited with a critical preface, English translation and notes
by K. P. Trivedi, 2 vols., Bombay, 1901-02.
~gveda-(l) Edited by F. Max Muller, 6 vols., London, 1854-74.
(2) Translated into English by H. H. Wilson, 6 vols., London, 1850.
(3) Translated by R. T. H. Griffith, 1896; reprinted in the
Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, 1963.
~tusa1flhtira of Kalidasa-Edited with a commentary Candrikii of Manirama,
Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay. 1952.
Romaka-siddhtinta-Vide the edition of the Pancasiddhantikii of Varaha-
mihira.
$ar/darsanasamuccaya of Haribhadra-Edited with Gut)aratna's com-

mentary Tarkabhti~ya-dipikii by Luigi Suali, Asiatic Society,
Calcutta, 1914.
Stikalya-siddhiinta-Vide Brahma-siddhiinta, edited by Vindhyesvari Prasad
Dvivedi, Benaras Sanskrit Series, No. 152, Benaras, 1912.
Siilihotra Sa1flhitci--Vide Asvavaidyaka of Jayadatta Suri.
Stimaveda-(l) Edited by Satyavrata Sama~rami with the commentary of
Sayanacarya, 4 vols., Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1874-78.
(2) Translated into English by R. T. H. Griffith as Hymns of Sama-
veda, 1907; reprinted by Varanasi Chowkhamba Series, 4th edition,
. 1963.
Sa1flyukta Nikaya-Translated by T. W. Rhys Davids and F. L. Woodword,
5 vols., London, 1917-30.
Sa'flkhya-kiirikii of Jsvarakr~l}a-Madras,1930; also edited with anonymous
commentary, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1967.
Sii1J1khyapravacana-bhii~ya of Vijiianabhik~u-Edited by F. E. Hall,
Sii",khyayana Ara~yaka-Same as Ka~itaki Aratzyaka.
Saptapadtirthi of Sivaditya-Edited by Amarendramohan Tarkatirtha and
Narendra Chandra Vedantatirtha with the commentaries Mita-
bhjjli~i of Mddhava Saraswati and Padartha-candrikli of Se~anatha
and Balabhadrasandarbha of Balabhadra, Calcutta, 1934.
'sanigdhara-paddhati-Edited by Peter Peterson Bombay Sanskrit Series,
t
No. 38, Bombay, 1888.

Sarrigdhara-sa1fJhitii-Edited by Jivananda Vidyasagara, Calcutta, 1874.
638 BIBLIOGRAPHY
SarvadarsanaSQ'ftgraha of M4dhavicirya-Translated into English by E. B.

Cowell and A. E. Gough, London, 1882; reprinted in Chowkhamba
Sanskrit Series, 1961. •
Satapatha Brahmal)a-(I) Edited by A. Weber with extracts from the com-
mentaries of Sayana, Harisvamin and Dvivedagatiga, Leipzig, 1924;
2nd edition, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, No. 97, Varanasi, 1964.
(2) Translated into English by Julius Eggeling, 5 vols., SBE, 12, 26,
41, 43, 44; reprinted by Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, 1966.
Siddhtinta-darpa~a-Edited with English translation by K. V. Sarma,
Madras, 1955.
Siddhanta-dipikii-Same as Karmadipikii of Paramesvara.
Siddhanta-sekhara of Sripati-Edited by Babuaji Misra, 2 parts, Calcutta
University, 1947.
Siddhiinta-siromaQi-Edited with Bhaskara's commentary Vasanii by Sudha-
kara Dvivedi, Kasi Sanskrit Series, No. 72, Benaras, 1929.
Siddhtinta-tattva-viveka of Kamalakara-(1) Edited with notes by Sudha-
'kara Dvivedi, Benaras Sanskrit Series, Benaras, 1885.
(2) Edited with a commentary by Gangadhara Misra Sarma,
Lucknow, 1929. .
Siddhayoga by Vrnda KUI}Qa-Edited by Hanumanta Sastri Pandhye in the
Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 27, with the commentary of
SrikaIJtha, Poona, 1894.
Siddhiinta-siirvabhauma-Eilited with introduction by Muralidhara Thakkura,
the Prince of Wales Sarasvati Bhavana, Text No. 41, Benaras, 1932.
Silparatna of Srikumara-Edited by T. Ganapati Sastri, 2 parts, Trivandrum,
1922-29.
Si~yadhivrddhida of Lalla-Edited by Sudhakara Dvivedin, Benaras, 1886.
Slokavarttika of Kumarila-Edited by S. K. Ramanatha Sastri, with the
commentary Ttitparyatikti, Madras University Sanskrit Series, No. 13,
Madras, 1940; also English translation by G. N. Jha, BI, 4, 1909.
Soma-siddhiinta-Edited by Vindhyesvari Prasad Dvivedi in his Jauti$a-
siddhiintasa1flgraha, Benaras Sanskrit Series, No. 152, Benaras, 1912.
Sthtlnanga-sUtra-Edited with Vivara(la of Abhayadeva Suri, Nimaya Sagara
Press, Bombay, 1918-19.
Sukraniti of Sukracarya-(I) Edited by Brahmanasara Misra, KasI Sanskrit
Series, No. 185, Benaras, 1968.
(2) Translated into English by B. K. Sarkar, Sacred Books of the
Hindus, No. 13, Allahabad, 1914.
Saryaprajnapti-(l) Edited with the commentary of Malayagiri, Agamodaya
Samiti, 1918.
(2) Edited and translated into Hindi by Amolakrisi, Hyderabad.
SiJrya-siddhanta-(l) Translated by Rev. E. Burgess into English with
notes and an appendix, 1860; reprinted under the editorship of
Phanindrala1 Ganguli with an introduction by P. C. Sengupta,
Calcutta University, 1935.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 639
(2) Edited, with the commentary of Param~vara, by Kripa Shankar

Shukla, Lucknow University, 1957.
~usruta Sa",hita-Translated into English by Kunjalal Bhishagratna, 3
vols., Calcutta, 1907-15; 2nd edition, Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series
Office, Varanasi, 1963. Edited by Nripendranath Sengupta and Balai
Chandra Sengupta with the commentary Nibandhasa'flgraha, 2 parts,
Calcutta, 1938.
Suvar~atantra-Edited (a portion only) by P. Ray, vide History of
Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 443-46, Calcutta, 1956.
Syadvadamaiijari of Mallisenasuri-Edited by Motilal Osavala, Arhata..
mataprabhakara Office, Poona.
Tabakat a/-Atibba of Ibn Abi Usaibia-Edited by A. Milller, 1884.

Tahrir-u-UqIidas of Na~iru'ddin at-Tusi-A shorter redaction of The
Elements, including the fifteen books, published from Constantinople,
1801; Books I to VI, published by the Calcutta School Book Society,
1824.
Taittiriya Ara~yaka-Edited by Hari Narayana Apte, with the commentary
of Sayanacarya, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 36, Poona, 1897.
Taittiriya Brahn1a~a-Edited by Hari Narayana Apte, with the commentary
of Sayanacarya, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 37, 3 vols.,
Poona, 1898.
Taittiriya Safl1hita-Edited by Roer and Cowell, with the commentary
Vediirthaprakiisa of Sayanacarya, 6 vols., Calcutta, 1854-99.
Translated by A. B. Keith, HOS, Nos. 18, 19, 1914.
Taittiriya Upani$ad-Edited by Vamana Sastri, with the commentary of San-
kanicarya and of Anandagiri, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 12.
Poona, 1889. For English translation, vide under Aitareya Upani$ad.
Tantrasa1]1graha of NilakaQtha-Edited by Suranad Kunjan Pillai, with
SaIikar Variar's commentary Laghuvivfti, Trivandrum Sanskrit Series,
No. 188, Trivandrum, 1958.
Tattviirthtidhigama-siltrabhii$ya of UmasvatI-Edited by Kesavalal, with
UmasviitI's own commentary, Calcutta, 1902.
Ta'rikh a/-Hind of al-Biruni-English translation by E. Sachau under the
title Alberuni's India, London, 1910.
Tithicintiima1)i of Gaijesa-Edited by D. V. Apte, with the commentary of
Visvanatha, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 120, Poona, 1942.
Tithipatra of Makaranda-Published under the title Makaranda Sari!)i,
Benarasi Press, Benaras, 1884.
TriJatl of Sridharacirya-Edited by Sudhakara Dvivedi, Nirnaya Sagara
Press, Bombay, 1899.
Upavanavinoda-Edited by G. P. Majumdar, Calcutta, 1935.
VaUel!kasatra of KaJJ.ada-Edited and translated into English by

B. Faddegon; edited by Dhundhiraja Sastri with the commentaries
640 BIBLIOGRAPHY
PraSQstaptlda-bhtl$ya of Prasastapada and Upaskara of Satikara

Misra, Kist Sanskrit Series, No.3, Benaras, 1923.
Viijasaneyi Sa",hitii or Sukla Yajurveda Sa1?7hitti-Edited by Vasudevi
Laksmana Sastri Panasikara, with the commentaries of Uvvatacarya
and of Mahidhara, Bombay, 1929. Translated by R. T. H.
Griffith, 1899.
Vasi~tha-siddhiinta-(l) Edited by Vindhyesvari Prasada Dvivedi, Benaras,
1881 ; republished in Jyauti$asiddhiinta Sa1J1graha, Benaras, 1917.
Vasanii-viirttika-Edited with the text of Siddhiinta-siromalJi together with
commentaries Viisaniibhii~ya and Marici, published in the Pa1;l(1it,
Nos. 30 and 31, Benaras, 1908-09.
Vatesvara-siddhiinta-Edited by Ram Swarup Sharma and Mukunda
Mishra, part I, Indian Institute of Astronomical and Sanskrit
Research, New Delhi, 1962.
Vdyupura~a-Edited in Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 49, Poona, 1911.
Vedanga-jyoti$a or Jyoti$a-vedaliga-Edited with English translation and
Sanskrit commentary by R. Shamasastri, Mysore, 1936.
Vendidad-Vide Zend Avesta, part I, translated by J. Darmesteter, SBE, 4,
Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1880.
Videvdat-Same as Vendidad.
Vi~!ludharmottara Pura~a-Edited by Priyabal Shah, Gaekwad's Oriental
Series, No. 130, Baroda, 1958.
Visuddhimagga of Buddhagho$a-( 1) Translated into English by Maung
Tin Pe, Path of Purity, Pall Text Society, London, 1931.
(2) Edited by H. C. Warren, and revised by D. Kosambi,
Cambridge, 1950.
ViSvavallabha-MS. No. 195, available in Vallabha Vaisnava Matha Library,
Nathwar, Rajasthan.
Vrk~ayurveda of Surapala-MS. No. 324D (Mr. Walkar, 187), Bodleian
Library, Oxford.
Vyomavati-See under Prasastapiida-bhii$ya.
Ydjnavalka Smrti-Translated into English by 1. R. Gharpure with notes

from commentaries Mitiik$arii of Vijfianesvara Bhik~u, Viromitro-
daya of Mitra Misra, and DIpakalikii of SiilapaQi, The Collection of
Hindu Law Texts, vols. 2 (parts 1-7) and 29, Bombay, 1936-44.
Yogoratnakara-Edited by Annamoresvara Kunte, Anandasrama Sanskrit
Series, No.4, Poona, 1889.
Yoga-siltra ofPatafijali-(l) Edited by Kasinath Sastri with the commentary
Sii1flkhyapravacanabhli.~ya of Vyasa Misra, Anandasrama Sanskrit
(2) Translated into English by Houghton Woods, HOS, Vol. 17,
Cambridge, 1914.
Yogayatrd of Varahamihira-Transliterated text, German translation and
notes first published by H. Kern in IS, 10, 14, 15, 1868-78.
BI8LIOGRAPHY 641
B. SECONDARY SOURCES
,,"CHARYA, P. K.-Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, London, 1927.

AGRAWAL, D. P.-(l) An Integrated Study of the Copper-bronze Technology
in the Light of Chronological and Ecological Factors, Ph.D. Thesis for
the Banaras Hindu University, 1968.
AGRAWAL, D. P.-(2) 'Harappa Culture: New Evidence for a Shorter
Chronology', Science, 143, 950-52, 1964.
AORAWALA, V. S.-India as known to P(1)ini.· A Study in the Cultural
Material in the A~fiidhyiiyi, Varanasi, 1913.
Agriculture in Ancient India, Indian Council of Agricultural Research, New
Delhi, 1964.
, Alibag Observatory, India Meteorological Department', IJMG, 5, 1954.
ALI SALIM-' The Moghul Emperors of India as Naturalists and Sportsmen t,
parts 1-3, JBNHS, 31, 833-61; 32, 34-63, 264-73, 1927.
A.LLCHIN, BRIDGET-'The Indian Middle Stone Age: Some New Sites in
Central and Southern India and their Implications', BLIA, No.2,
1-36, 1959.
ALLCffiN, BRIDGET AND RAYMOND-The Birth of Indian Civilization-India
and Pakistan before 500 B c., Penguin Books, 1968.
ALLCHIN, F. R.-Pikliha/ Excavations, Andhra Pradesh, Government
Archaeology Series, No.1, pp. xvii+ 154, Hyderabad, 1960.
AL VI, M. A., and RAHMAN, A.-( 1) Fathullah Shirazi-A Sixteenth-century
Indian Scientist, N1SI, New Delhi, 1968.
ALVI, M. A., and RAHMAN, A.-(2) Jahangir-the Naturalist, NISI, New
Delhi, 1968.
ApPADORAI, A.-Economic Conditions in Southern India, 2 vols., Madras,
1936.
AIuuAN-The voyage of Nearchus from Indus to Euphrates-an account
of the first navigation attempted by the Europeans in the Indian
Ocean, edited by William Vincent, London, 1797. Also vide Ancient
India as described by Arrian and Megasthenes, translated from the
fragments of the Indica of Megasthenes collected by Schwanbeck
and the 1st part of Indica of Arrian, by J. W. McCrindle; 2nd revised
edition by R. C. Majumdar, Calcutta, 1960.
AsHRAF, K. M.-Life and Conditions of People of Hindusthan, Delhi, 1959.
AUBOYER, J.-Daily Life in Ancient India (from c. 200 B.C. to A.D. 700),
English translation by S. W. Taylor, Bombay, 1965.
AUROBINDO, SHRI-On the Vedas, Pondicherry, 1964.
AVALON, A.-Principles of Tantra, 2 parts, Madras, 1914.
BAG, A. K.-'Binomial Theorem in Ancient India', JIBS, 1, 68-74, 1966.
BAGCm, P. C.-'On the Foreign Element in the Tantra', IHQ, 7, 1-16,
1931.
BALL, V.-Economic Geology of India, Calcutta, part III, 1881.
BANBlUEE, M. N.-'Iron and Steel in the ~gvedic Age', IRQ, 5, 432-40,
1929.
642 BmUOORAPHY
BANERJEE, N. R.-The Iron Age in India, Delhi, 1965.

BARMAN RoY, B. B.-'Aeronautics in Ancient India', BNISI, No. 21, 281-
86, 1963. •
BASALLA, GooRoB-'The Spread of Western Science', Science, 156,611-20,
1967.
BASEVI, JAMES PALLADIS-'On the Pendulum Operation about to be under-
taken by the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India', JASB, 34,
part 2, 251-72, 1865.
BECK, H. C.-'Beads from TaxiIa', MASI, 65, New Delhi, 1941.
BERGAIGNE, A.-'La Satphita du Rig-Veda', JA, 8th series, 8, 193-271,
1886; 9, 191-287, 1887.
BERNIER, F.-Travels in the Moghul Empire, English translation by Irving
Brock, 2 vols., London, 1826.
BERRIMAN, A. E.-Historical Metrology, J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., London,
1953.
BHADURI, S.-Studies in Nyiiya-VaiSe#ka Metaphysics, Poona, 1964.
BHARATI, AOHEHANANDA-Tantric Tradition, London, 1965.
BHATIACHARYA, BENOYTOSH-Siidhanamiilii, 2 voIs., Baroda Oriental
Institute, 1925.
BHATIACHARYYA, S. P., and SEN, S. N.-'Aharga1)a in Hindu Astronomy',
IJHS, 4, Nos. 1 and 2, 144-55, 1969.
BHAU DAJI-'Brief Notices on the Age and Authenticity of the Works of
Aryabhata, Varahamihira, Brahmagupta, Bhattotpala and Bhaskar-
acaryya', JRAS, 1, n.s., 392-418, 1865.
BISWAS, K. (Ed.)-Calcutta Royal Botanic Garden, ISOth Anniversary
Volume, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1942.
BLACK, C. E. D.-A Memoir of Indian Surveys: 1875-1890, London, 1891.
BLANFORD, H. F.-'On the Geological Structure of the Nilgiri Hills', MGSI,
1, part 2, 211-48, 1858.
BLANFORD, W. T.-(I) 'On the Geological Structure and Relations of the
Ranigunj Coalfield, Bengal', MGSI, 3, part 1, 1-196, 1861.
BLANFORD, W. T.-(2) 'On the Physical Geography of the Great Indian
Desert with special reference to the former existence of the sea in
the Indus Valley, and on the origin and mode of formation of
sand hills', JASB, 45, part 2, 86-103, 1876.
BLANFORD, W. T.-(3) Fazma ofBritish India, Birds, 1st edition, Ill, London,
1895. '
BLOOMFIBLD, M.-'On the Relative Chronology of the Vedic Hymns',
JAOS, 21, 2nd half, 42-49, 1901.
BoDENHEIMER, F. S.-The History of Biology: An introduction, W. Dawson,
London, 1958.
BoILEU, J. T.-'Tables for determining the elastic force of aqueous vapour
in the atmosphere and the temperature of the dew-point', IASB,
13, part 1, 135-70, 1844.
BosE, ATINDRA NATH-SociaJ and Rural Economy of Northern India (c. 600
B.C.-A.D. 2(0), I-D, Calcutta University, Calcutta, 1942-45.
4 1B
BlBUOGIlAPHY 643
BosE, D. M.--(l) Jagadish Chandra Bose (1858-19J7)-A life sketch.
Calcutta, 1958.
.BOSE, D. M.--(2) 'Jagadish Chandra Bose (1858-1937)', BMFNISI, New
Delhi, I, 7-21, 1966.
BoSE, J. C.-Col/ected Physical Papers, Bose Institute Transactions, Calcutta,
1927.
BoSE, P. N.-(l) 'Natural Sciences', Centenary Review of the Asiatic Society
of Bengal (from 1784 to 1883), part III, Calcutta, 1885.
BoSE, P. N.-(2) 'Notes on the igneous rocks of the districts of Raipur and
Balaghat, Central Provinces', RGSJ, 21, part 2, 56-61, 1888.
BRADFIELD, E. W. C.-Indian Medical Reviews, Delhi, 1938.
BRocKELMANN, C.-Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, 2 vols., Leipzig,
1901.
BROWN, H. B.-Cotton, 2nd edition, McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1938.
BROWNE, E. G.-A Literary History of Persia-from the Earliest Times until
Firdawsi, London, 1902.
BURKILL, L. H.-Chapters in the History of Botany in India, Calcutta, 1965.
BURNouF, E.-Vendidad sade, J'un des livres de Zoroastre, lithographie
d'apres Ie manuscript Zend de la Bibliotheque Royale, Paris,
1829-43.
CAMMIADE, L. A., and BURKITI, M. C.-'Fresh light on Stone Ages of

South-East India', Antiquity, 4, 327-39, 1930.
CANDOLLE, D. A.-Origin of Cultivated Plants, London, 1884.
CARDWELL, D. S. L.-The Organization of Science in England, London,
1957.
CASAL, J. M.-Fouilles d'Amri, 2 vols., Paris, 1964.
CASTIGLIONI, ARTURo-History of Medicine, 2nd edition, Kegan Paul.
London, 1947.
Centenary of the G.S.I., 1851-1951-A Short History of First Hundred
Years, pp. 1-122, 1951.
Centenary of Medical College, Bengal (1835-1934), Calcutta, 1935.
CHAKRAVARTI, QNTAHARAN- The Tantras: Studies on their Religion and
Literature, Calcutta, 1963.
CHAKRAVARTI, GURUGOVINDA-'Growth and Development of Permutations
and Combinations in India', BCMS, 24, 79-88, 1932.
CHAKRAVARTI, M.-'Animals in the Inscriptions of Piyadasi', MASB, 1.
361-74, 1906.
CHAKRAVARTI, R. N.-'Prafulla Chandra Mitter', BMFNISI, 1, pp.44-57,
New Delhi, 1966.
CHALAM, G. V., and VENKATESHWARLU, l.-Introduction to Agricultural
Botany in India, Bombay, 1965.
CHANDRA Man-The Technique of Mughal Painting, Lucknow, U.P.
Historical Society, 1949. '
644 BIBLIOGRAPHY
CHAUDHURI, S.-'Concordance of the Fauna in the Riimaya~a', IRQ, 28,

135-41, 240-56, 350-59, 1952; 29, 56-63, 121-28, 276-85, 378-86,
1953;30, 148-5~ 195~ •
CHILDE, V. G.-'India and the West before Darius', Antiquity, 13, 5-15,
1939.
CHOUDHURY, M.-'The Embryonic Development and the Human Body in
the Yiijiiavalkya 8mrti', IJHS, 2, 52-60, 1967.
CHOWDHURY, K. A.-'Plant Remains from Oehi Morasi Ghundhai,
Afganisthan', Anthropological Paper, SO, 2 parts, American Museum
and Natural History, New York, 1963.
CHOWDHURY, K. A., and GHOSH, S. S.-(I) 'Plant Remains from Harappa',
AI, 7, 3-19, 1951.
CHOWDHURY, K. A., and GHOSH, S. S.-(2) 'Wood Remains from Sisu-
palgarh', AI, 8, 28-32, 1952.
CHOWDHURY, K. A., and GHOSH, S. S.-(3) 'Plant Remains from Hastina-
pura: 1950-52', AI, 10, 11, 121-37, 1954-55.
CHOWDHURY, K. A., and GHOSH, S. S.-(4) 'Indian Woods', 1, XX.
CHRISTENSEN, A.-L'Iran sous les Sassanides, Copenhagen, 1936.
COEDES, G.-'A propos de l'origine des chiffres arabes', BSOS, 6,323-28,
1930-32.
COLEBROOKE, H. T.-(l) 'On the Vedas or Sacred Writings of the Hindus',
AR, 8, 369-475, 1805.
COLEBROOKE, H. T.-(2) Algebra with Arithmetic and Mensuration from the
Sanscrit of Brahmegupta and Bhiiscara, London, 1817.
CORDIER, E.-Etude sur la medecine Hindoue, Paris, 1894.
CRAWFORD, D. G.-A History of Medical Service in India.' 1600-1913,
2 vols., London, 1914.
Cyclopaedia of India, 1 and 3, Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta, 1907, 1909.
DAMPIER, W. C.-A History of Science, Cambridge, 1948.

DARMESTETER, JAMES-(l) ttudes iraniennes, 2 vols., Paris, ]883.
DARMESTETER, JAMES (2)-Zend-Avesta, English translation by Mills and
Darmesteter, SBE, 4, 23 and 31, Oxford, 1877-83, 2nd edition,
1895; translated previously in French by M. A. du Perron, 2 vols.,
Paris, 1771.
DAS, S. K.-'The Jaina School of Astronomy" IHQ, 8, 30-42, 1934.
DASGUPTA, A. P.-The Victoria Memorial tells the history of Indian P. & T.,
CGPO, Calcutta, 1968.
DAS GUPTA, S. N.-History of Indian Philosophy, I-V, Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1932-51.
DATTA, B.-(l) 'The Bakhshali Mathematics', BCMS, 21, 1-60, 1929.
DATTA, B.-(2) 'The Jaina School of Mathematics', BCMS, 21, 115-45,
1929.
DATTA, B.-(3) 'NaraY8JJ.a's Method for finding Approximate Value of a
Surd', BCMS, 23, 187-94, 1931.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 645
DAnA, B.-(4) The Science of Sulba, Calcutta University, 1932.

DATTA, B.-(5) 'The Algebra of NarayaQa', Isis, 19,472-85, 1933.
-DATIA, B., and SINGH, A. N.-History of Hindu Mathenlatics, parts I and
II, MotHaI Banarsidass, Lahore, 1935 and 1938.
DATTA, S.-Fifty Years of Science in India: Veterinary Research, ISCA, 1963.
DAY, F.-'The fishes of India being a natural history of the fishes known to
inhabit the seas and fresh waters of India, Burma and Ceylon', 2 vols.,
London, 1876, 1878.
DE CARDI, BEATRICE-(l) 'New Wares and Fresh Problems for Baluchistan',
Antiquity, 33, 15-24, 1959.
DE CAROl, BEATRICE-(2) 'Anjira and Siah Damb', PA, 2, 86-182,1965.
DEO, S. B., and ANSARI, Z. D.-Chalcolithic Chandoli, Poona, 1965.
DE TERRA, H., and DE CHARDIN. T.-'Observations on the Upper Siwalik
Formation and later Pleistocene Deposits in India', PAPS, 76,
791-822, 1936.
DE TERRA, H., and PATERSON, T. T.-Studie~ on the Ice Age in India and
Associated Hunlan Cultures, Washington, 1939.
DEUSSEN, P.-The Philosophy of the Upani~~'ads, English translation by A. S.
Geden, Edinburg, 1906.
DHAR, GOKULNATH-'The Presidency College', CR, 128-36, 1917; also see
Presidency College Centenary Volume, Calcutta, 1956.
DIKSHIT, K. N.-Prehistoric Civilization of the Indus Valley, Madras, 1939.
DIKsHIT, M. G.-History of Indian Glass, Bombay, 1969.
DREYER, J. L. E.-A History of Astronomy from Thales to Copernicus,
Dover, 1953.
DUTT, N. (Ed.)-Gilgit Manuscripts, 3 vols., Srinagar, 1939-50.
DUTT, R. C.-Economic History of India in the Victorian Age, 7th edition,
London, 1950.
Durr, U. C.-Materia Medica of the Hindus, Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta,
1877.
DVIVEDI, SUDHAKARA-Ga1;lakatararigi1;li, Benares, 1892.
ELOOOO, CYRIL-Medical History of Persia and the Eastern Caliphate from

the earliest times until the year A D. 1932, University Press, Cambridge,
1951.
ELLIOT, H. M., and DOWSON, J.-The History of India as told by its own
Historians, 8 vols., Allahabad, 1964.
EVEREST, R.-(l) 'Some geological remarks made in the country between
Mirzapur, and from Sagar northwards to the Jamna', J ASB, 2,
475-81, 1833.
EVEREST, R.-(2) 'On the intluence of the moon on atmospherical
phenomena', JASB, 3~ 345, 631-35, 1834.
FAIRSERVlS, W. A.--(l) Excavations in the Quetta Valley, New York, 1956.
FAIRSBRVIS, W. A.-(2) A.rchaeological Surveys in the Zhob and Loralai
Districts, New York, 1959.
646 BmUOORAPHY
FALCONER, HUGH-' Note on the occurrence of fossil bones in the Sivalik

range', JASB, 6, part 1, 233-34, 1837.
FALCONER, H., and CAUTLEY, T.-(I) , Synopsis of fossil genera and species-
from the upper deposits of the tertiary strata of the Sivalik Hills, in
the collection of the authors', JASB, 4, 706-07, 1835.
FALCONER, H., and CAUTLEY, T.-(2) 'Sivatherium giganteum-a new fossil
ruminant genus from the valley of the Markanda in the Sivalik
Branch of the Sub-Himalayan Mountains', JASB, 5, 38-50, 1836.
FALCONER, H., and CAUTLEY, T.-(3) 'Note on the fossil hippopotamus of
the Sivalik Hills', AR, 19, part 1, 39-53, 1836.
FALCONER, H., and CAUTLEY, T.-(4) 'Note on the fossil camel of the
Sivalik Hills', AR, 19, part 1, 115-34, 1836.
FALCONER, H., and CAUTLEY, T.-(5) 'Note on the Felis cristata, a new
fossil tiger from the Sivalik Hills', AR, 19, part 1, 193-200, 1836.
FALCONER, H., and CAUTLEY, T.-(6) 'Note on the Ursus sivalensis, a new
fossil species from the Sivalik Hills', AR, 19, part 1, 193-200, 1836.
FERMOR, LEWIS- 'The Development of Scientific Research in India to the
End of the Nineteenth Century', Year-Book of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, 9-22, Calcutta, 1935.
FILLIOZAT, JEAN-(l) 'Les Gajacastras et les auteurs Grecs', JA, 222, 164-
75, Paris, 1933.
FILLIOZAT, JEAN-{2) La doctrine classique de la Medecine Indienne ses oigines
et ses parallels Grecs, Imprimerie Nationale, Paris, 1949; translated
into English by Deb Raj Chanana, Munshiram Monoharlal,
Delhi, 1964.
FILLIOZAT, JEAN-(3) 'L'Inde et les echanges scientfiques dans l'antiquit6',
WH, 1,353-67, 1953.
FILLIOZAT, JEAN-(4) 'The expansion of Indian medicine abroad', India's
Contribution to World Thought and Culture, Vivekananda Rock
Memorial Committee, Madras, 1970.
Finance Department-Temporary Appointment of Ritter Von Schwarz,
August, 1882 (Nos. 891-921), National Archives, New Delhi.
F'INNIS, J.-' Geology of the country between Hosungabad on the Nerbudda
and Nagpur',JASB, 3, 71-75,1834.
FIRMIN, SAINT-Medecine et legends bouddhiques de l'lnde, Paris, 1916.
FLEET, J. F.-'The Kaliyuga Era of 3102 B.C.', JRAS, 479-96, 1911.
FLEMING, A.-' The Salt Range " JASB, 22, part 2, 229-79, 333-68, 444-62,
1853.
FOOTB, R. B.-(l) 'On the Occurrence of Stone Implements in Various
Parts of Madras and North Arcot District', MJLS, 3rd series, 1866.
FOOTE, R. B.-(2) 'On Prehistoric Man in Old Alluvium of the Sabarmati
River in Gujarat, Western India', RBAAS, 1894.
FORBES, R. J.-Metallurgy in Antiquity, Leyden, 1950.
GADD, C. J.-cSeals of Ancient Indian Style found at UR', PBA, 18, 1932.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 647
GA~GOPADHYAY, R.-Some Materials for the Study of Agriculture and Agri-

culturists in Ancient India, Serampore, 1932.
-GARBE, R.-(l) Aniruddha's Commentary and the Original Parts of Vedantin
Mahiideva's Commentary on the SO'!1khya-sutras, translated with an
introduction on the age and origin of the Sarpkhya System, BI,
Calcutta, 1892.
GARBE, R.-(2) Siif!1khya and Yoga, Triibner, London, 1896.
GARBE, R.-(3) The Philosophy of Ancient India, Chicago, 1897.
GARBE, R.-(4) Sii,?lkhya Philosophie, Leipzig, ]916.
GARRISON, F. H.-History of Medicine, Philadelphia, 1929.
GELDNER, K. F.-'Zoroaster', EB, 9th edition, 1888.
GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA-The Role of Geological Survey in National
Planning, 3, Calcutta, 1961.
GHANI, M. A.-A History of Persian Language and Literature at the Mugha/
Court-Biibur to Akbar, part I, Allahabad, 1929.
GHORI, S. A. K., and RAHMAN, A.-'Papcr Technology in Medieval India\
IJBS, 1, No.2, 133-49, 1966.
GHOSH, A.-(l) 'Taxila (Sirkap): 1944-45', AI, 4, 41-84, 1947-48.
GHOSH, A.-(2) Indian Archaeology-A Review, 1962-63, Govt. of India,
New Delhi, 1965.
GHOSH, A., and PANlGRAHI, K. C.-' The Pottery of Ahichchhatra, district
Bareilly, D.P. " AI, No.1, 37-59, 1946.
GHOSH, A. K.-(l) 'A Short History of the Geological Survey of India',
SC, 11, 331-33, 1946.
GHOSH, A. K.-(2) 'William Carey (1761-1834)', SC, 13, 218-25, 1947-48.
GHOSH, A. K.-(3) 'Geological Survey of India, 1851-1951', SC, 16,
307-10, 1951.
GHOSH, S. S.-'Further Record of Rice (Oryza spp.) from Ancient India',
IF, 87, No.5, 295-301, 1961.
GHOSHAL, P.-Hindu Prii1Jivijiiiin (in Bengali), Gurudas Chattopadbyay
& Sons, Calcutta, 1957.
GILES, P.-' The Aryans', CHI, 1, 58-68, 2nd Indian reprint, 1962.
GODE, P. K.-Studies in Indian Cultural History, 3 vols., Poona, 1960.
GoWSCHMIDT, R. B.-(I) Physiological Genetics, McGraw-Hill, New York,
1938.
GoLDSCHMIDT, R. B.--(2) Theoretical Genetics, Univ. California Press,
Berkeley, 1955.
GoPINAm KAVIRAJ-Gleanings from the History of Bibliography of the
Nyliya-Vaise$ika Literature, Indian Studies: Past and Present,
Calcutta, 1961.
GoRDON, D. H.-'The Early use of Metals in India and Pakistan', JRAl,
80, 1952.
GUENTHER, H. V.-Yuganaddha.· the Tantric View of Life, Chowkhamba
Sanskrit Series, Benaras, 1952.
648 BIBLIOGRAPHY
GULATI, A. N., and TURNER, A. J.-' A Note on the Early Histol"1 of

Cotton', JTI, 20, 1929.
GUPTA, C. S.-lInsects in the Literature of Kalidasa', BNISI, 21, 145-72~
1963.
GUPTA, S. P.-' Copper hoards in Gangetic Basin: further copper hoards, a
reassessment in the light of new evidence " JBRS, 51, parts I-IV,
1-7, 1965.
GUTHRIE, D.-History of Medicine, London, 1920.
HABm, IRFAN-Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707), Bombay,

1963.
HANNAY, S. F.-'Memoranda of earthquakes and the other remarkable
occurrences in Upper Assam from January 1839 to September 1843',
JASB, 12, part 2, 907-09, 1843.
HASAN, N., HASAN, K. N., and GUPTA, S. P.-'The Pattern of Agricultural
Production in the Territories of Ambar (1650-1700)', 28th Indian
History Congress, Mysore, 1957.
HAWKES, J., and WOOLLEY, L.-History of Mankind, Cultural and Scientific
Development, Vol. 1, Prehistory and the Beginnings of Civilization,
London, 1963.
HAZRA, R. C.-Studies in the Puro1,lic Records on Hindu Rites and Customs,
University of Dacca, 1940.
HEATH, T. L.-The Thirteen Books of Euclid's Elements, 3 vols., Dover
Publication, 1956.
REGDE, K. K.-'Technical Studies in Northern Black Polished (N.B.P.)
Ware', JMSUB, 11.
HEISENBEltG, W.-Physics and Philosophy, London, 1959.
HELBAEK, H.-The Palaeethnobotany of Near East and Europe in Prehistoric
Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan, Braidwood and Howe, Chicago,
1960.
HERBERT, J. P.-'Report of the mineralogical survey of the Himalaya
Mountains lying between the Rivers Sutlej and Kalee', JASB, 11,
part 1, pp. i-clxiH, 1842; 13, part 1, 171, 1844.
HIRIYANNA, M.-(l) Outlines of Indian Philosophy, London, 1927.
HIRIYANNA, M.-(2) The Essentials of Indian Philosophy, London, 1969.
HODGSON, B. H.--(I) 'On the new species of Buceros', AR, 18, 169-88;
1833.
HODGSON, B. H.-(2) 'Notice of the mammals of the Tibet with descriptions
and plates of some new species', IASB, 11, part I, 275-89, 1842.
HOERNLE, A. F. R.-(l) 'Notices on Bakhshali Manuscript', lA, 12, 89-90,
1883.
HOERNLB, A. F. R.-(2) 'nte Bakhshalr Manuscript', lA, 17, 33-48,275-79,
1888.
HOERNLB, A. F. R.-(3) Studies in the Medicine of Ancient India, part 1-
Osteology or the Bones of the Human Body, Clarendon Press, Oxford,
1907.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 649
HOERNLB, A. F. R.-(4) (ed.)-The Bower Manuscript, n.Ls., No. 22, Govt.

of India, 1909; reprinted with additions, Bombay, 1914.
• HOLLAND, T. H.-'The Charnockite Series, a group of Archaean
Hypersthenie Rocks in Peninsular India', MGSI, 28, part 2, 117-249,
1900.
HOLMES, J. D. E.-A Description of the Imperial Bacteriological Laboratory:
Mukteswar-its Works and Products, Calcutta, 1913.
HOLMYARD, E. I.-Alchemy, London, ]945.
HoMFREY, J.-'Coalfields of the Damodar Valley and the adjacent countries
of Birbhum and Purulia', IASB, 11, 728, 1842.
HOMMEL, F.-'Ueber d. Ursprung u. d. Alter d. arabischen Sternnamen u.
insbesondere d. Mondstationen', ZDMG, 45, 592-619, 1891.
HORA, S. L.-(1) , Ancient Hindu Conception of Correlation between
Form and Locomotion of Fishes', IASB, Science, 1, 1- 7, 1935.
HORA, S. L.-(2) 'Knowledge of the Ancient llindus concerning Fish and
Fisheries of India-Fishery Legislation in Ashoka's Pillar Eddict V
(246 B.C.)', IASB, Lett., 16, 43-56, 1950.
HORA, S. L.-(3) 'Knowledge of the Ancient Hindus concerning Fish and
Fisheries of India-Matsyavinoda or a Chapter on Angling in the
Manasollasa by King Somesvara (A.D. 1127)', IASB, Lett., 17,
145- 69, 1951.
HORA, S. L.-(4) 'Fish in the Ramaya~a', lASB, LeU., 18, 63-69, 1952.
HORA, S. L.-(5) 'Fish in the lii/aka Sculptures" lASB, LeU., 21, 1-13,
1955.
HORA, S. L.-(6) 'Fish Paintings of the Third Millennium B.C. from Nal
(Beluchistan) and their Zoo-geographical Significance', MIM,
14, 78-84, 1957.
HORA, S. L., and SARASWATI, S. K.-'Fish in the la/aka Tales', IASB,
Lett., 21, 15-30, 1955.
HUNTER, W.-'Some Account of the Astronomical Labours of Jayasinha,
Rajah of Ambhere, of Jayanagar', AR, 5, 177-211, ]797.
HUTCIDNSON, 1. A.-'Origin of the Old World Cotton', Heredity, 8, 225,
1954.
HUTCHINSON, J. B., SIWW, R. A., and STEPHENS, S. G.-The Evolution of
Gossypium, Oxford University Press, London, 1947.
leones Roxburghianae, or Drawings of Indian Plants, Botanical Survey of

India, Fascicles I-IV, Calcutta, 1964, 1968, 1969, 1970.
Imperial Gazetteer of India, 4, 1909.
Indian Archaeology-A Review-(Each volume dealing with the results of
excavations like Rupar, 1953-54, Lothal, 1954-55, 1955-56, etc.,
Rojdi, 1957-58, 1958-59, etc., Kalibangan, 1960-61, 1961-62, etc.;
references cited in the footnotes), New Delhi, 1962-63.
Indian Museum.' 1814-1914, Calcutta, 1914, see also 1MB, 1, 5-9, 1960.
JACOBI, H.-(l) 'On the Dating of the ~eda', 114, 23, 154-59, 1894.
650 BlBUOGRAPHY
JACOBI, H.-(2) 'The Dates of the Philosophical Siitras of the BrahmlQas',

JAOS, 31, 1-29, 1911.
JACOBI, H.-(3) 'Review of Die Sa1}lkhya Philosophie by R. Garbe',
GA, 50-51, 1919.
JACOBI, H.-(4) Deutsche Literatur Zeitung, 1922.
JAYARAM, K. C.-' Some Observations on the Knowledge of the Ancient
Hindus regarding Animal Life during the Early Jain and Buddhist
Period (c. 600 B.C.)', JZSI, 2,34-38, 1950.
JOLLY, JULIus-Indian Medicine, translated into English with notes from
German by C. G. Kashiker, Poona, 1951.
JOSHI, G. G.-Bharatiya Kr$isastra Bangmayasuti, Sahitya Samsar, 19th
February and 30th April, 1955.
JOSHI, R. V.-(l) 'Narmada Pleistocene Deposits at Maheshwar', JPS],
2, 1958.
JOSHI, R. V.-(2) 'Stone Age Industries of the Damoh Area, Madhya
Pradesh', AI, 17, 5-36, 1961.
JOSHI, R. V.-(3) 'Acheulian Succession in Central India', AP,8, 1964.
KANGLE, R. P.-The Kautilfya Arthasastra-A Study, parts II and III,

Bombay, 1963.
KAYE, G. R.-(l) A Guide to the Old Observatories at De/hi, Jaipur, Ujjain,
Benaras, Calcutta, 1920.
KAYE, G. R.-(2) 'Hindu Astronomy', MASI, 18, Calcutta, 1924.
KAYE, G. R.-(3) The Bakhshiili Manuscript-A Study in Medieval Mathe-
matics, Archaeological Survey of India, n.i.s., 43, parts I-JII, 1927-33.
KEITH, A. B.-(l) 'Vedic Calendar', JRAS, 627-40, 1914.
KEITH, A. B.-(2) Veda of the Black Yajurveda, Harvard Oriental Series,
Nos. 18 and 19, 1914.
KEITH, A. B.-(3) A History of Sanskrit Literature, London, 1920.
KEITH, A. B.-(4) Indian Logic and Atomism, Oxford, 1921.
KEITH, A. B.--(5) Buddhist Philosophy in India and Ceylon, Oxford, 1923;
reprinted by Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, 4th edition, 1963.
KENNEDY, E. S.-'A Survey of Islamic Astronomical Tables', TAPS, n.s.,
46, 123-77, 1956.
KERN, H.-The Brhat Safllhitli of Varlihamihira, BI, Calcutta, 1865.
KEsWANI, N. H.-'The Concepts of Generation, Reproduction, Evolution
and Human Development as found in the Writings of Indian (Hindu)
Scholars during the Early Period (up to A.D. 12(0) of Indian History',
BNISI, 21, 206-25, 1963.
KHAN, F. A.-'Kot Diji', PA, 2, 11-85, 1965.
KHANOLKAR, V. R.-Progress of Medical Science, Fifty Years of Science
in India, Calcutta, 1963.
KHAREGHAT, M. P.-Astrolabes-M. P. Khareghat Memorial, Vol. IT, edited
by D. D. Kapadia, Bombay, 1950.
KINo, G.-Presidential Address, Sec. K, British Association, Dover, 1899.
BIBLJOGllAPHY 651
KING, L.-Memoirs of Zahirruddin Muhammad Bdbur, Vol. 11, London,

1921.
KINNEAR, NORMAN-'The history of Indian mammology and ornithology"
parts I and IT, JBNHS, SO, parts 4 and 5,766 fT.
Kodaikanal Observatory, India Meteorological Department, New Delhi\
1957.
KOSAMBI, D. D.-(l) Introduction to the Study of Indian History, Bombay,
1956.
KOSAMBI, D. D.-(2) 'The Beginnings of the Iron Age of India', JESHO,
6, 309-18, 1963.
KRISHNADEVA and WHEELER, R. E. M.-'Northem Black Polished Ware',
AI, I, 55-58, 1946.
KRISHNASWAMI, V. D.-(1) 'Environmental and Cultural Changes of Pre-
historic Man near Madras', JMGA, 13, 58-90, 1938.
KRISHNASWAMI, V. D.-(2) 'Stone Age in India', AI, 3, 11-57, 1947.
KRISHNASWAMY, A.-Combined Annnal Progress Report (1951-52) and
Final Report (1-6-49 to 31-3-52) of the Scheme for 'The Collections
of Information on Indigenous Veterinary Medicine from Ancient
Literature and Sanskrit Manuscripts', ICAR, 1952.
KUPPANNA SASTRY, T. S.-Mahiibhtiskariya of Bhaskaracarya, Govt.
Oriental MS. Library, Madras~ 1957.
KUPPUSWAMY SASTRY, S.-A Premier of Indian Logic according to Annam-
bhatia's TarkasQ'l1graha, Madras, 1932.
LABAI, RENB-Trait! akkadien de diagnostics et prognostics medicaux.

LAL, B. B.-(l) 'Further Copper Hoards from the Gangetic Basin and a
Review of the Problem', AI, 7,20-39, 1951.
LAL, B. B.-(2) 'Excavations at Hastinapur and Other Explorations in the
Upper Ganga and Sutlej Basins, 1950-52', AI, 10 and 11, 5-151,
1954 and 1955.
LAL, B. B.-(3) 'Paleoliths from the Beas and Banganga Valleys, Panjab',
AI, 12, 58-92, 1956.
LAL, B. B.-(4) 'Birbhanpur, a Microlithic Site in the Damodar Valley,
West Bengal', AI, 14, 4-48, 1958.
LAL, B. B.-(5) 'The Direction of Writing in the Harappan Script',
Antiquity, 40, No. 157, 52-55, 1966.
LAL, B. B., and THAPAR, B. K.-'Excavations at Kalibangan, New Light
on the Indus Civilization', CF,34, 1967.
LAL, B. B. (DR.)-'Examination of Some Ancient Indian Glass Specimens',
AI, 8, 17-27, 1952.
LAW, No No-Promotion of Learning in India during Muhammadan Rult,
London, 1916.
LAW. S. C.-KalidJiser Pdkhl (in Bengali), Gurudas Chattopadhyay &
Sons, Calcutta, 1934.
LEcLERc-Butoire de la mldecine arabe, 2 vols., 1876.
LEvI, Mo S.-'Notes sur les Indo-Scythes', lA., 8, 444-84, 1896.
652 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Locy, W. A.-Biology and Its Makers, 3rd edition, New York, 1953.
LUTHRA, J. C.-' Ancient Wheats and its Viability', CS, 4, 489, 1936.
MACDONELL, A. A.-A History of Sanskrit Literature, London, 1905.
MACDONELL, A. A., and KEIrn, A. B.-Vedic Index of Names and Subjects,
2 vols., London, 1912.
MACKAY, E. 1. H.-(l) 'Seals, Seal Impressions and Copper Tablets, with
Tabulation', vide John Marshall's Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civiliza-
tion, II, pp. 370-405, London, 1931.
MACKAY, E. 1. H.-(2) Further Excavations at Mohenjo-daro-being an official
account of archaeological excavations at Mohenjo-daro, carried out
by the Govt. of India between the years 1927 and 1931, 2 vols.,
Delhi, 1937-38.
MAHESHWARI, P., and KAPIL, R. N.-'A short history of botany in India',
JUG, 9, 1-34, 1958.
MAHESHWARI, P., SENGUPTA, 1. C., and VENKATESH, C. S.-'Flora', GI,
1, 1965.
MAHESHWARI, P., and SINGH, D.-Dictionary of Economic Plants in India,
New Delhi, 1965.
MAHMOOD, SYED-History of English Education in India, 1781-1873, Aligarh,
1895.
MAlTY, S.-Economic Life of Northern India in the Gupta Period (c. A.D.
300(550), Calcutta, 1957.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(l) Vanaspati (Hindu Knowledge of Botany and its
Application to the Sciences of Medicine and Agriculture), Calcutta
University, 1927.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(2) 'Botany in Ancient India: Past and Present',
C ULBI, old series, 3, 421-43, Ramakrishna Centenary Memorial,
Calcutta.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(3) Upavana Vinoda, Calcutta, 1935.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(4) 'The White Sandal', se, 6, 492-95, 1941.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(5) 'The History of Botany and Allied Sciences in
Ancient India', AIHS, UNESCO, Paris, 1951.
MAJUMDAR, N. G.-Explorations in Sind, MASI, No.8, xi+172, Delhi,
1934.
MAJUMDAR, R. C. (Ed.)-History and Culture of Indian People; Vol. I,
The Vedic Age; Vol. II, The Age of Imperial Unity; Vol. III, The
Classical Age; Vol. IV, The Age of Imperial Kanauj; Vol. X, The
British Paramountcy and Indian Renaissance, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
Bombay, 1947-61.
MALCOLMSON, J. 0.--(1) 'Note on saline deposits in Hyderabad', JASB, 2,
77-79, 1833.
MALCOLMSON, J. 0.-(2) 'Fossil shells in Hyderabad', JASB, 3,302-03,1834.
MALCOLMSON, J. G.--{3) 'Notes explanatory of a collection of geological
specimens from the country between Hyderabad and Nagpur', IASB,
5, 96-122, 1836.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 653
MARAR, K. M., and RAJAGOPAL, C. T.-'On the Hindu Quadrature of the

Circle', JBBRAS, n.s., 20, 65-82, 1944.
~ARKHAM, CLEMENTS R.-Memoire on the Indian Surveys, 2nd edition,
London, 1871.
MARSHALL, 1.-(1) Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization-being an
official account of archaeological excavations carried out by the
Govt. of India between the years 1922 and 1927, 3 vols., London, 1931.
MARSHALL, J.-(2) Taxi/a, 3 vols., Cambridge Univ. Press, 1951.
MASON, S. F.-The History of Sciences, London, 1953.
MAX MULLER, F.-(l) History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, London,
1859; reprinted by the Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series.
MAx MULLER, F.-(2) 'India what can it teach us', vide his collected works,
13, London, 1899-1900.
MCCRINDLE, J. W. (Tr.)-Ancient India as described in Classical Literature,
Westminster, 1910.
MEDLEY, J. G. (Ed.)-Professional Papers on Indian Engineering, Thomason
College, Roorkee, Series I-Vols. I to IV, 1863-67.
MEDLICOTT, H. B.-(l) 'On the Sub-Himalayan rocks between the Ganges
and the Jumna', JASB, 30, 22-31, 1861.
MEDLICOTT, H. B.-(2) 'Note relating to Sivalik fauna', JASB, 34, part 2,
63-65, 1865.
MEHTA, M. M.-Structure of Indian Industries, Bombay, 1955.
MIKAMI, Y.-The Development of Mathematics in China and Japan, 1913.
MISHRA, B. B.-The Indian Middle Classes.' Their Growth in Modern Times,
London, 1961.
MISHRA, UMESH-(1) The Conception of Matter according to Nyiiya VaiSe#ka,
Allahabad, 1936.
MISHRA, UMESH-(2) The History of Indian Philosophy, 2 vols., Allahabad,
1957.
MITRA, RAIENDRALAL-'History of the Society', CRASB, part I, Calcutta,
1885.
MITIRE, V.-Technological Report on Archaeological Remains, Deccan
College Postgraduate and Research Institute, Poona, 1961.
MODE, H.-Harappa Culture and the West, Calcutta Sanskrit College
Series, No. 16, Calcutta, 1961.
MOOKERJI, R. K.-Hindu Civilization, parts I and II, Bombay, 1957.
MUOHOLKAR, R. N.-Directory of Technica/ Institution in India, Poona, 1915.
MUKHERJI, S. N.-History of Education in India (Modern Period), Baroda,
1951.
MUKHOPADHYAYA, G. N.--(I) The Surgical Instruments of the Hindus,
3 vols., Calcutta University, 1913-14.
MUKHOPADHYAYA, G. N.-(2) History of Indian Medicine, 3 vols., Calcutta
University, 1923.
NAVlU, SAYED SULAIMAN-'Some Indian Astrolabe Makers', Ie, 9, 621-31,

1935.
654 BIBLIOGRAPHY
NAGARAJA RAo, M. S.-Stone Age Hill Dwellers of Tekkalakota, Poona,

1965.
NATH, B.-'Advances in the Study of Prehistoric and Ancient Anim~
Remains in India: A review', RZSI, 61, 1-63, 1968.
NEEDHAM, J.-Science and Civilisation in China, I-IV, Cambridge University
Press, 1954-63.
NEOGI, P.-(l) Iron in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1914.
NBOGI, P.-(2) Copper in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1918.
NEUBERGER, MAX-Geschichte der M edizin, 2 vols., 1906-11, English
translation by E. Playfair, London, 1910-25.
NEUGEBAUER, 0.-(1) The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, Princeton University
Press, 1952.
NEUGEBAUER, 0.-(2) 'The Astronomical Tables of al-KhwarizmI',
HKDVS, 4, No.2, 1962.
NEWBOLD, 1. T.-' Notes on the South Maharatta Country, classification of
rocks', JASB, 14, part 1, 268-306, 1845.
NOLDEKE, TH.-Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden,
aus der arabischen Chronik des Tabari ubersetzt, und mit ausjUrh/ichen
Erliiuterungen und Ergiinzungen versehn, Leyden, 1879.
NORDENSKIOLD, E.-The History of Biology, English translation by L. B.
Eyre, London, 1929.
OLDENBURG, H.-(l) 'Ueber die Liedverfassen des lJ.gveda', ZDMG, 42,

199-247, 1888.
OLDENBURG, H.-(2) 'Zur Geschichte der Sarpkhya Philosophie', NGWG/
PH, 218-53, 1917.
OLDHAM, T.--{l) 'On the geological relations and probable Geological Age
of the several systems of rocks in Central India and Bengal', MGSI,
2, part 1, 300-26, 1860.
OLDHAM, T.-(2) 'The thermal spring of India', MGSI, 19, part 2, 99-162,
1883.
OLDHAM, T.-(3) 'A catalogue of Indian earthquakes for the earliest time
to the end of 1869', MGSI, 19, part 3, 163-216, 1883.
ORANGB, H. W.-Progress of Education in India: 1, Calcutta, 1902-07.
PAunUER and BRAUNET-Livres Sacres de tous les peuples, Vol. 2.

PEARSE, THOMAS D.-'A Meteorological journal from 1st March, 1785 to
28th February, 1786', AR, 1, 441-65, 1788.
PHILLIMORE, R. H.-Historical Records of the Survey of India, 4 vols.,
Dehra Dun, 1945-58.
PIDDINGTON, HENRy-'Museum of economic geology in India', JASB, 11,
part 1, 322-40, 1842.
PIGGOT, STUART--(l) Some Ancient Cities of India, London, 1945.
PlGGOT, STUART-(2) Prehistoric India to ]000 B.C., London, 1950.
PINGREE, DAVID-'A Greek Linear Planetary Text in India', lAOS, 79,
282-84, 1959.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 655
PISCHEL, R., and OELDNER, K. F.-Vedische Studien, 2 vols., Stuttgart,

1889 and 1892.
J'RASHAD, B.--(l) 'Animal Remains from Harappa', MASJ, 51,
pp. 1-62+seven plates, 1936.
PRAsHAD, B. (Ed.H2) The Progress of Sciences in India during the Past
Twenty-five Years, Calcutta, 1938.
PRATr, ARCHDEACON, 1. H.-(I) 'On the influence of mountain attraction
on the determination of the relative heights of the Mount Everest,
near Darjeeling, and the lofty peak lately discovered near Kashmir',
JASB, 28, 310-16, 1859.
PRAIT, ARCHDEACON, 1. H.-(2) 'On the degree of uncertainty which local
attraction, if not allowed for, occasions in the map of a country,
and in the mean figure of the earth as determined by geodesy', JASB,
34, part 2, 34-42, 1865.
PRINSEP, JAMES-' Experimental researches on the depressions of the wet
bulb hygrometer', J ASB, 5, 396-432, 828, 1836.
Public Consultations, Indian Iron and Steel COlnpany or Porto Novo Works,
Madras Record Office, 4th June, 1833.
RA1AGOPAL, C. T.-'A Neglected Chapter of Hindu Mathematics', SM,

15, 201-19, 1949.
RAo, H. S.-'History of Our Knowledge of the Indian Fauna through the
Ages', JBNHS, 54, 251-80, 1957.
RAo, K. R., and KRISHAN, LAL-Plant Remains froln Lothal. (In press.)
RAo, S. R.-(1) 'Ceramics of the Indus Valley in Gujarat (2500 B.c.-8oo
B.C.)', Marg, 14, 20-27, 1961.
RAO, S. R.-(2) 'Excavation at Rangpur and other Explorations in Gujarat',
AI, 18 and 19, 5-207, 1963.
RAy, 1. C.-Life in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1948.
RAy, P. (Ed.HI) History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval India,
Calcutta, 1956.
RAy, P.-(2) 'Prafulla Chandra Ray', BMFNISI, New Delhi, 1,59-70, 1966.
RAy, P., and GUPTA, H. N.-Caraka Sa1J1hitii (A Scientific Synopsis),
National Institute of Sciences of India, New Delhi, 1965.
RAy, P. C.-History of Hindu Chemistry, 2 vols., Calcutta, 1902, 1925.
RA,YCHAUDHURI, ~. P.--(l) 'Some Aspects of Agricultural Practices in
Ancient India (3250 B.C.-A.D. 8(0)', BNISI, 21, 107-17, 1963.
RA,YCHAUDHURI, S. P.-(2) 'Land Classification in Ancient India (2500
B.C.-A.D. 600)', JIBS, 1, 107-11, 1966.
READ, JOHN-Through Alchemy to Chemistry, London, 1957.
REBvEs, RUTH-Cire Perdue Casting in India, New Delhi, 1962.
Regional Meteorological Centre, Madras, India Meteorological Department,
New Delhi, 1960.
Regional Meteorological Centre, Nagpur, Silver Jubilee Souvenir, 1945-70,
India Meteorological Department, Nagpur, 1970.
RmNAUD, M.-Fragments arabes et Persons relatifs a I'Inde, IV, 1844.
656 BIBUOORAPHY
REINBOLD, MULLER-' Die Medizine im ~gveda', Asia Major, 6, 315-87,

1930.
RENOU, L.-Ecoles Vediques et la formation du Veda, Paris, 1947. •
RENOU, loUIS, and FILLIOZAT, JEAN-L'Inde classique, ~cole Fran~aise
d'Extreme-orient, Hanoi, 1953.
Report ofRoyal Commission on Agriculture, 1928.
RICHEY, 1. A.-Selections from Educational Records, II, Calcutta, 1922.
RODET, L.-'Le~on de calcul d'Aryabhala', JA, Septieme Serie, 13,
393-434.
ROSEN, F.-The Algebra of Mohammed Ben Musa, Royal Asiatic Society,
London, 1831.
Ross, E. J.-'A Chalcolithic Site in North Baluchistan', JNES, S, 1946.
RoY, M.-(l) 'Scientific Information in the Riimiiyal,1a', BNIS1, 21, 58-66,
1963.
Roy, M.-(2) 'RasiirlJavakalpa of the Rudrayamalatantra', IIBS, 2, No.2,
137-42, 1967.
RoY, P., and VARSHNEY, Y. P.-'Ancient Kopia Glass', Glass Industry,
34, 366-68, 392, 1953.
RoY, S.-Story of Indian Archaeology (1873-1961), New Delhi, 1961.
RHYS DAVIDS, T. W.-Dialogues of the Buddha, 3 parts, London, 1926.
SACHAU, E.-Alberuni's India, Kegan Paul, London, 1910.

SANKALIA, H. 0.-(1) 'The Microlith Industry of Langhnaj, Gujarat',
JGRS, Bombay, No.4, 275-84, 1956.
SANKALIA, H. D.-(2) 'Animal Fossils and Palaeolithic Industries from the
Pravara Basin at Nevasa District, Ahmednagar', AI, 12, 1956.
SANKALIA, H. D.-(3) From History to Proto-history at Nevasa (1954-56),
Poona, 1960.
SANKALIA, H. D.-{4) Prehistory and Proto-history in India and Pakistan,
Bombay, 1962.
SANKALIA, H. 0.-(5) 'Beginning of Civilization in South India', STD,
2, 28-40, 1968.
SANKALIA, H. D., and OED, S. B.-Excavations at Nasik and Jorwe, Poona,
1955.
SANKALIA, H. D., SUBBA RAO, B., and DEO, S. B.-The Excavations at
Maheshwar and Navdatoli, 1952-53, Deccan College, Poona, 1958.
SANTAPAU, H.-'The Botanical Survey of India', se, 30, 1964.
SARASWATHI, T. A.-'The Development of Mathematical Series in India
after Bhaskara II', BNISI, No. 21,320-43, 1963.
SARKAR, B. K.- The Positive Background of Hindu Sociology, I (non-
political), Allahabad, 1914.
SARKAR, H.-'Fish-hooks from the Indus Valley', JASB, Science, 19, 133-
39, 1951
SARKAR, M. L.-'On the Desirability of a Native Institution for the Culti-
vation of Science by the Natives of India', eMJ, Calcutta, 1869.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 657
SARTON, GEORGE-(I) Introduction to the History of Science, I-ill, Carnegie

Institution of Washington, 1927-48.
~ARTON, GEORGE-(2) Appreciation of Ancient and Medieval Science during
the Renaissance (1450-1600), University of Pennsylvania Press, 1955.
SASTRI, T. S. KUPPANNA-'The Vasi~tha Sun and Moon in Varahamihira's
Pancasiddhtintikii', JOR/M, 25, parts I-IV, 19-41, 1957.
SATYA PRAKAsH and RAWAT-ChelnicaJ Study of Some Indian Archaeological
Antiquities, 1965.
SCHMIDT, O.-'On the Computation of the AhargaQa', Centaurus, 2, 140-
80, 1951-53.
SCHROEDER, L.-Indiens Literatur und Kultur.
SCHUBRING, W.-Die la inas, in Re/igionsgeschtliches Lesebuch von A.
Bertholet, 2 Auff. Nr. 71, Tiibingcn, 1927.
SEAL, B. N.-Positive Sciences of Ancient Hindus, London, 1915; reprinted
by Motital Banarsidass, Delhi, 1958.
SEN, l-'Some Concepts of Organic Evolution of the Ancient Hindus',
BN/SI, 21, 184-88, 1963.
SEN, GANANATHA-(l) Pratyakyasarira, I, fourth edition, Calcutta, 1940.
SEN, GANANATHA-(2) Ayurveda Paricaya (in Bengali), Visvabharati Grantha-
laya, Calcutta, 1944.
SEN, S. N.-(l) 'Study of Indeterminate Analysis in Ancient India', Ithaca,
Hermann, Paris, 493-97, 1962.
SEN, S. N.-(2) 'Aryabhata's Mathematics', BNISI, 21, 297-319, 1963.
SEN, S. N.-(3) 'Transmission of Scientific Ideas between India and Foreign
Countries in Ancient and Medieval Times', ENISI, 21,8-30, 1963.
SEN, S. N.-(4) 'An Estimate of Indian Science in Ancient and Medieval
Times', Scientia, March and April 1966.
SEN, S. N.-(5) A Bibliography of Sanskrit Works on Astronomy and Mathe-
matics, National Institute of Sciences of India, New Delhi, 1966.
SEN, S. N.-(6) 'Indian Elements in European Renaissance', Organon, 4,
55-59, 1967.
SENGUPTA, P. C.-(l) 'Origin of the Indian Cyclic Method for the Solution
of Nx 2 +1 = Y2', BCMS, 10, 73-80,1918-19.
SENGUPTA, P. C.-(2) 'Hindu Astronomy', CULB/, old series, 3, pp. 341-77.
SENGUPTA, P. C.-(3) 'Solstice Days in Vedic Literature and Yajurveda
Antiquity', Ancient Indian Chronology, 155-74, Calcutta University,
1947.
SHAMASASTRY, R.-The Vedic Calendar, lA, 18, 26-32, 45-71, 1912.
SHANMUGAVELU, M.-A Study of Siddha Vaidya Muppu, Coimbatore, 1968.
SHARMA, G. R.-The Excavations at Kausambi (1957-59), Allahabad, 1960.
SHARMA, R. S.-Light on Early Indian Society and Economy, Bombay,
1966.
SHARMA, S. V.-'Historical Value of BheQa Satphita', BNISI, %1, 228-30,
1963.
SHARMA, T. N.-Rasamitra, Benaras, 1969.
42
658 BIBLIOGRAPHY
SHERWILL, W. S.-Geographical and Statistical Report of the District of

Beerbhoom, Calcutta Gazette Office, Calcutta, 1855.
SHARP, H.-Selections from Educational Records, 1, Calcutta, 1920.
SIDDIQI, M. Z.-Studies in Arabic and Persian Medical Literature, Calcutta•
Universi ty, Calcutta, 1959.
SINGER, C.-A Short History of Science, Oxford, 1943.
SINHA, D. P.-Educational Policy of East India Company in Bengal up to
1854, Calcutta, 1964.
SIRCAR, NITYENDRA NATH-' An Introduction to the Vrk$iiyurveda of Para-
sara', IASB, 16, part I, 123-39, 1950.
SMITH, D. E.-History of Mathematics, 2 vols., Dover Publication, 1958.
SMITII, M. A.-The Fauna of British India, Reptilia and Amphibia, 3
(Serpents), London, 1943.
SMITH, R. B.-' Register of Indian and Asiatic earthquakes for the year
1843', JASB, 14, parts 1 and 2, 604-22, 1845.
SMITH, V. A.-(I) 'The Iron Pillar of Dhar', JRAS, 6, 143-46, 1898.
SMITH, V. A.-(2) The Early History of India, 1924.
SONA ULLAH-Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1921-
22 and 1922-23.
SOUNDARA RAJAN, K. V.-(l) 'Stone Age Industries near Giddalur, District
Kurnool" AI, 8, 64-92, 1952.
SOUNDARA RAJAN, K. V.-(2) 'Studies in the Stone Age of Nagarjunakonda
and its Neighbourhood:, AI, No. 14,49-113, 1958.
Souvenir, Indian Science Congress Association, 51st and 52nd Sessions,
Calcutta, 1964.
SRINIVASA, K. S.-'Indian Botany in Retrospect with Particular Reference
to Algal Systematics', lASB, 7, Nos. 1 and 2,49-78, 1965.
STCHBRBATSKY, I.-Buddhist-Logic, I, Leningrad, 1932.
SUBBARAO, B.-(I) Stone Age Cultures of Bel/ary, Poona, 1948.
SUBBARAO, B.-(2) The Personality of India, Baroda, 1958.
SUBBARAYAPPA, B. V.-(l) 'On Indian Atomism', BNISI, 21,118-29,1961.
SUBBARAYAPPA, B. V.-(2) 'An Estimate of the Vaise$ika Sutra in the History
of Science', IJRS, 2, No.1, 21-34, 1967.
SUBBARAYAPPA, B. V., and Roy, M.-'Matrkabheda Tantram and its
Alchemical Ideas', IJRS, 3, No.1, 42-49, 1968.
SUBBA REDDY, D. V. (ED.)-Bulletin of the Department of History of Medi-
cine, 1 (devoted fully to Indian medicine), Osmania Medical College,
Hyderabad, 1963.
SUBRAMANIAN, R.-'Analysis of glass-beads from Arikamedu', CS, 19,
19-20, 1950.
SUBRAHMANYAM, B. R.-'Appearance and Spread of Iron in India-An
Appraisal of Archaeological Data', JOI, 13, No.4, 349-59, 1964.
TAKAKusu, J.-A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and

the Malay A.rchipelago (A.D. 671-95)-being a translation of I'Tsing's
work, Oxford, 1896.
BIBUOOllAPHY 659
TATON, R. (ED.)-A General History of Science: Ancient and Medieval
Periods (tr.), London, 1957.
'tAYLOR, SHERWOOD F.-The Alchemists, London, 1947.
Technical Education in India, papers relating to 1886-1904, Calcutta, 1906.
THAPAR, B. K.-(l) -Maski, 1954, a Chalcolithic Site of the Southern
Deccan', AI, 13,4-142, 1957.
THAPAR, B. K.-(2) 'Prakash, 1955, a Chalcolithic Site in the Tapti Valley',
AI, 20 and 21, 4-167, 1964-65.
THAPAR, B. K.--(3) 'Neolithic Problem in India', Indian Prehistory: 1964,
Poona, 1965.
THIBAUT, G.-(l) 'On the Sulbasiitras of Baudhayana', published in the
Pa1)r/it, May 1875, 17 February 1876; continued in new series,
October 1876 to 1877.
THIBAUT, G.-(2) 'Contribution to the Explanation of the Jyoti~avedailga',
IASB, 46, 411-37, 1877.
THIBAUT, G.-(3) 'On the Hypothesis of the Babylonian Origin of the so-
called Lunar Zodiac', JASB, 63, 144--63, 1894.
TlUBAUT, G.-(4) 'On Some Recent Attempts to determine the Antiquity
of Vedic Civilization', lA, 24, g5-100, 1895.
THOMAS, P. J.-Basic Industries of India, Bombay, 1946.
nCKELL, S. R.-(l) 'List of birds collected in the jungles of Birbhum and
Dholbhum', JASB, 2, 569-83, 1833.
TICKELL,S. R.-(2) 'Description of a supposed new genus of Gadidae of
Arakan', JASB, 34, part 2, 32-33, 1865.
TILAK, B. G.-The Orion or Researches into the Antiquity of Vedas, 4th
edition, Poona, 1955.
TODD, K. R. U.-(l) 'The Microlith Industries of Bombay', AI, 6, 4-16,
1950.
TODD, K. R. U.-(2) 'Palaeolithic industries of Bombay', JPSl, 2, 1958.
TRAIL, HENRy-'A meteorological diary kept at Calcutta from 1st February,
1784 to 31st December, 1785', AR, 2, 410-71, 1799.
UI, H.-The VaiSe~ika Philosophy, Varanasi, 1962.
VATS, M. S.-Excavations at Harappa, 2 vols., Delhi, 1938-40.

VAVIUJV, N. I.-'The Origin, Variation, Immunity and Breeding of Culti-
vated Plants', CB, 13, 1950.
VEOJ, R.-Sampon Ki Dunia (in Hindi), Bijiian Parishad, Prayag, 330 pages,
1951.
VERDI, S. S.-Aulo-eugenics and Sex Predetermination, Chandigarh, 1968.
VOYSBY, H. W.-'On the diamond mines of southern India" AR, 15,
120-23, 1825.
WALUCH, N.-{l) Tentamen Florae Nepalensis, Calcutta, 1823.
WALLICH, N.-(2) Plantae Asiaticae Rariores, London, 1830.
WARMINGTON, E. H.-The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India,
2 vots., Cambridge, 1928.
660 BIBLIOGRAPHY
WAIT, G.-'Gossypium', KB, 193 and 321, 1926 and 1927.

WATTERS, T.-on Huan Chwang's Travels in India (A.D. 629-645), edited by
T. W. Rhys Davids and S. W. Bashell, Delhi, 1961. •
WEBER, A.-The History of Indian Literature, translated from the 2nd
edition by John Mann and Theodor Zachariae, London, 1876. (See
also his article in IS, X, p. 217, for the derivation of manazil.)
WEST, E. W.-Bundahism, Pahlavi Texts, 1, Oxford, 1880.
WHEELER, R. E. M.-(l) 'Brahmagiri and Chandravalli', AI, 4, 263-67,
1947.
WHEELER, R. E. M.-(2) Early India and Pakistan, London, 1959.
WHEELER, R. E. M.-(3) Civilization ofthe Indus Valley and Beyond, London,
1966.
WHEELER, R. E. M.-(4) The Indus Civilization, 3rd edition, Cambridge
University Press, 1968.
WHEELER, R. E. M., GHOSH, A., and KRISHNA DEvA-'Arikamedu-An
Indo-Roman Trading Station on the East Coast of India', AI, 2,
17-124,1946.
WHISH, C. M.-'On the Hindu Quadrature and the Infinite Series of the
Proportion of the Circumference to the Diameter .. .', TRAS, Great
Britain and Ireland, 3, part III, 509-23, 1835.
WmTEHEAD, A. N.-Science and the Modern World, London, 1942.
WHITNEY, WILLIAM D.-'On the Views of Biot and Weber respecting the
Relations of the Hindu and Chinese Systems of Asterisms, etc.',
lAOS, 8, 1-72, 1866.
WINTERNITZ, M.-A History of Indian Literature, I-ill, Calcutta University,
1959. Vol. III, 2 parts, Motilal Banarsidass, 1963, 1967.
WooD-MASON, J.-Illustrations of the Zoology of H.M.S. Investigator,
Crustacea, 1894.
WOODS, H. l-Yoga System ofPatanjali, Cambridge, Mass., 1914.
ZIMMER, H. R.-Hindu Medicine, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore,

1948.
INDEX
Abacus of Gerbert, 212 Agricultural colleges and schools, 554-55
Abhayadeva Suri, 145 Agricultural implements, 360
Abhidhammapilaka, 39,40 Agricultural meteorology, 33
Abhidharmahrdaya, 41 Agricultural proverbs, 364-66
Abhidharmakosa, 41 Agricultural research, 537
Abhidharmakosa vylikhylJ, 41 Agri-horticultural Society, 500
Abhi]it, naksatra, 61, 68, 81 Ahamktlra (ego), 236
Ahhijlfdna Sakuntala, 37 Ahar, see under culture
Abhi/asittlrtha cintlimacri, 34 Aharga1,U1, 82, 84, 85, 88
Absolute, 449 method of computing, 109-11
Abu 'Ali Husain b. AbdalHih b. Sina, 54, 269 Ahicchatra, 13, 15, 285, 291, 292,297, 299
Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Zakariyya ar- Al,lmad b. Th!bit, 52, 207
Rlzf, 269 Al)mad b. 'Umar al-KarAbIsI, 206
Abu Isbaq b. 'Abdu'IHih, 52, 208 A'in-, Akbarl, 50, 56, 345
Abu Kamil, 190 Aitareya Ara{lyaka, 21
Abii'l-Aswad, 47 Aitareya Brlihmacra, 20, 62, 76, 222
Abii'l-Faiz Faizi, 52 A/tareya Upan/3ad, 21
Abii'l-Faraj Muhammad b. Ishaq ai- Ajanta, 308
Warraq, 48 Ajitakcsakambali, 32
Abii'I-Fazl, 50, 217 Ajivakas, 32
Abu Man$Ur Muwafl'aq ibn 'Ali al-HarawI, Akalat\ka, 44
47 Akiisa, 460, 466, 475, 476, 482
Abu Ma'shar, 49, 134, 211 Aklisabhairavakalpa, 56
Abu Raiban Muhammad ibn Abmad aI- Aklisiyadravya, 458
BIriinI, see under aI-BirOn} AQapAda,30
Abydos, 14 AI, a red dye, 395
Aciiranga, 42 Alabaster, 283
Acids, 307 Alamgirpur, 6, 12, 13,287
Adamgarh,3 Alchemy, 309-12,588
at-AdamI, 52, 211 apparatus, 330-33
Adelard of Bath, 135, 211, 212, 585 Indian, 313-18
Adhtuma, 466 literature of, 55, 314-15
Adhasvastika·(nadir), 103 Alcock, 535
Adicanallur, 14, 289 Alef-zero, 159
Aditl,453 Algebra, 151-57, 189-98
Aditya Pur~, 49 Algorism, new arithmetic, 179
Agadatantra (toxicology), 228, 230-31 Algorismus vulgaris, 212
AprilS,302 Algoritmi de numero lndorum, 212
Agni (diaestive fire), 241 Alibag Observatory, 506
Agnl Pur/Jfla, 26, 36, 56, 173, 229 255, 256, Ali b. Rabban, 54, 269, 596
379, 385, 592 Ali ibn zain, 260
Agnivda, 52, 233 Alkaloids,349
Sa"mlta, 223, 224, 226, 234, 258 AllAh-Did, 126
Agnyddh4na, 59 Almogtst, 101, 102, 171, 182, '94
662 INDEX
Alphabetical system of expressing number, Ap,459

174-75 Apaklep~, 472
Altitude, unnata, 105 Apama1)(iala, ecliptic, 105
Altitude of nonagesimal, 123 Apastamba, 18, 2S
Aunara, ~asUpha, 26, 36, 37 Apeiron, 446
AmarAja, 97, 166 Apianus, 157
Amarakosa,26,423 Apoklima, inclination, 132
AmaravatI, 297 Apple, 398
Ambergris, 344 Appollonius of Perga, 112, 206
Amethyst, 283 Apricot, 398
Aminuddin aI-LAhorJ, 208 Apse line, nlcoeca rekhtl, 114
Amplitude, udaya, 123 Apyadravya, 458
Amri, 6 Aquatic forms, 419
Anaxagoras,447 Arabic mathematics in India, 204-5
Anaximander, 446 mathematical works, 205-8
A~~ja,36,219,425 Aramhhavtlda, 450
ACl4akkal, 335 Ara(lya, 36
Anderson, John, 530 Ara1Jyakas-Upani,ads, 15, 21-22
Ariga (Jaina), 42 Arbori-horticulture, 390-91
Arigiras, 19 Area Jyoti$a, 140
Angular distance, 111 Archaeology, 539-40
Ariguttaraniktlya, 39, 40 Archimedes, 206, 208
Animal husbandry, lJ, 33, 363, 369 Ardhartltrika system, 85, 87, 94, 96
Animals, Areas and volumes, 149
anatomy of, 434 Areca nut, 395
classification of, 425-32 Arilaunedu, 15,291,293,294
embryology, 434 Arin, Arabic version of Uijayini, 134
heredity and sex determination, 434-36 Aristarchus of Samos, 112
Indus Valley civilization, 404-16 Aristotle, 268, 572
in epics, 421-22 Arithmetiea integra, 212
in medical and other works, 422-24 L'Arithmitique, 212
in Sa"mittls, Br4hma(UlS and Upani,ads, Arkand (Arabic name for Kha~(lakhddya·
417-21 ka),97, 134
physiology, 434 Armillary sphere, go/ayantra, 125-26
Aniruddha, 29 Arogyamalljari, 55, 233
Anjira, 5,6 Arrowheads, 289
'Ankabut, shabaka, spider, 127-28 L'art d'arythmetique, 212
Arika/ipi, 159 Arthalastra, 1, 23, 27, 32-34, 43, 56, 72,
Annim Bhatta, 31 75, 256, 290, 303-5, 354, 355, 379, 381,
Anomalistic month, 83, 85, 132 385 390, 424, 584
Anomaly, kendra, 84, 85 date of Kautilya's, 34
AntakrtadaSa, 42 ArthaJdstra, Bdrhaspatya, 32
Antelope, 406, 410, 413, 419, 423, 440 Auihropod,418,443
Ante/ope Thor, 531 ArtiodactyIs, 419
Antennae sword, 281-82 ~datta,226,S87
AnthroPQmorph, 281-82 Aryabhata I, 51, 72, 8S, 86, 87, 90, 92-94,
Ants, 418 96,97, lOS, 111, 114, 132, 158,165,166,
Anukramtllli,26 168, 169, 170, 175, 180, 181, 182, 183,
Anumati, name for moon's phase, 63 184, 186, 187, 188, 191, 192, 196, 197,
Ani4pa,389 199,202, 210, 584, 586
AnuttQ1'(l-aupapt2likadala, 42 Aryabhata IT, 51, 97, 160, 167. 180. 187.
Anuyogadv4rasfitra, 43, 141, 158, 159, 161, 192, 199, 200, 584
162 ~hapya.51,91,92,93-94,9'. 99.16',
.lnvrk,ucl. 27, 30 170,191,199,200,594
INDEX 663
Aryabhollya-bJu'4ya, 99 I Atomism, 447, 461-69, 589-90
Aryaman's path, 62, 63 Jaina, 44
Arya meter in scientific composition, 24, 29 Atranjikhera, 13, 287, 297
•Aryo Siddhanta, 97 Atreya Punarvasu, 52, 223, 261
Aso1fl/chytltapradelika, 467 Atreya school, system, 226, 228-29
Asava, 305 Atri, 60
Ascending node, 120 Attar, 345, 397
Ascensional difference, cara, 84, 107-9, 135 Atthasdlini, 40
Asiatic Society, The, 495-96, 499, 529,601 Attributes of matter, 470--72
Asiatick Researches, 500 Audaka, 425
Asmacakra, 358 Audayika system, 94
Asmaka-sphuta-tantra, 93 Aupadhenava, 226
A§oka,39 Aupaptitika, 42
A§okan edicts, 2 Aurabhra,226
Ass, 419 Auxi Tables, 514
Assur, 291 Avaklepa~a, 472
Altadhydyl, 25, 26 Avalamvayana sam/rittl, 231
~tanga Ayurveda College, Calcutta, 267 A vassaya, 31
A$larigahrdayasQ'llgraha, 53, 226, 227, 269, Avasyaka, 43
587 Avesta, 46, 257
A~I{lIigasaTflgraha, 53, 226 medical data of, 216
Astankar, Arabic translation of A~langa- Avesta, Khorda, 46
h,daya, 26O Avicenna, 269, 596
Astrolabe, 126-29 Ayas, 284, 289, 578
Astonomers, name of, in Brhatsa",hitd, 79 Ayurveda, 46. 213 ff.
Astronomical Board at Chang-Nan, 133, bovine, 254-55
209 classification and diagnosis of diseases,
Astronomical investigations, in the 19th 246-48
century, 505-6 common constituents of living and non-
Astronomy, 58 if. living matter, 237
Indian, among Arabs and in Latin cosmic origin of matter and life, 235-36
Europe, 133-35 digestion, metabolism and elimination,
Indian, in China, 133 241-42
Jaina, 78 eight arigas or divisions, 227-28
late Vedic, 78 elephants, 255
pre-Siddhintic, 78 equine, 255
Vedic-SalTlhitt'lJ, BrtJhmafJos, Sutros, extant classical works, 226
60 fT., 573-75 general principles of treatment, 248-49
Asuri, 29 genetics and embryology, 238-39
Asuta, 306 influence in Central Asia, 261
Mvaghoea, 24, 37 influence in Tibet, 261
Aswzmedha, 417 inorganic and metallic remedies, 253-54
AivaiiJstra, 54, 255 lost treatises of, 226
Alvavaldyaka, 54, 255, 581 maintenance of health, 243-44
Atarikadarp~ of Vicaspati, 227, 587 materia medica, 2S 1-52
'Atau'llIh Rashidi, 52, 171, 208 medical anthropology, 242-43
Atharvan, 19 origin and antiquity, 213-15
AtMrvtMgirasab, 19 plant, 256-57
Atharvaveda, IS, 18, 19-20, 21, 28, 59, 61, practice and application, 245-46
65, 66, 67, 68, 214, 215, 216, 217, 219, present condition, 266-68
259, 285, 352, 353, 373, 378, 385,417, sleep and dream, 244-45
574 special methods of treatment, 249-50
Atomic character of elements (of the spread in ancient Iran and HeDenic
NIstikas),32 countries, 2S7-S9
664 INDBX
spread in the Arabic world, 259-60 Bentinck, W" 546

spread outside India, 257-62 Bernier, F., 485
static period in the middle age, 262-63 Bhadrahdhav; Sa"mit4, 158
surgery, 250--51 Bhadrab4hu, 43, 80, 144, 158
theories and concepts, 235-45 Bhagatrav, 11
theory of microcosm and philosophical Bhtigavafa Pura1JQ, 36
concepts, 237-38 Bhagavafgltd, 49
three humours, 239-41 Bhagavatl.Sutra, 42, 80, 158, 162
works composed in the middle age, Bhagra Pir, 282
263-64
Bhang, 391, 396
tfyurvedadipikd, 223
Bhdnumati, 230
A.yurvedic Samhitds, 222-23
Bharadvaja, 25, 60
chronology of, 223-24
Bhd$tipariccheda, 31
contents of, 224-25
Bhasarvajfla, 31
Ayurvedic system of medicine, 52
Bhaskara I, 51, 90, 94, 95, 125, 165-66,
Azimuth, digamsa, 105, 203
175, 192,200, 584
Azimuth circle, drgma1){iala, 105
Bhaskara II, Bhaskaradirya, 51,91,92.97,
98, 100, 117, 125, 145, 158, 168-69,
Babbage, Charles, 565 175, 180, 183, 184, 187, 188, 189. 191,
Babur, as a naturalist, 440 192, 193, 194, 197, 198, 199, 200,201,
Babylonian astronomy, influence of, on 203, 204, 208, 584, 585, 586, 593
Indian astronomy, 131-32 Bhasma, a process of converting minerals,
Bacon, Francis, 487 324
Baddi'u/-Kanun, 208 Bhtisvatl, 51, 90, 98
Badami, 308 Bhii$yas, philosophical, 27-32
Badan, Arabic translation of Nidana, 260 Bhatadipikd, 99, 170
Badarian pottery, 14 Bhattotpala, 92, 95, 97, 158, 166, 187
Bagh, 308 Bhau Daji, 539
Bahadarabad, 12, 282 Bhavabhuti, 35
Bahal, 11, 13, 279, 297 Bhavamisra, 53, 264, 595
Baha'u-ddIn aI-AmulI, 52, 208 Bhtivana l1emma), in algebra, 193, 194
Bairat, 13, 287, 297 Bhtivapraktisa, 53.264, 595
Bakhshili Manuscript, 51, 164-65, 183, 190, Bhavi$ya Pura(U1. 36
191,195 Bhe(la or Bhela Sa"mitlJ, 52, 222, 227, 258,
BakhtyashQ' family, 47 259
Balances, characteristics of good and false, Bhikkunivibhanga, 39
33 Bhir Mound, 292, 293
BdnaJdstra, 56, 345 Bhita, 291,292,297
Bangarh, 297 Bhoja, Bhojadeva, 34, 35
Banks, Sir Joseph. 402 Bhojaraja, 54, 254
Barasingha, 406, 419 Bhoja-Sa"mitd, 226
B4rhaspatya-Arthalastra, 32 Bhudhara, 92
Barley, 7, 16, 351, 371-72, 393, 578, 599 BhiJdhara yantram. 333
Basevi. J. P., 506, 604 Bhutavidy4 (knowledge of mental diseases
al·BattAni. 134 and diseases of supernatural oriJin),
Baudhiyana, 18, 25, see also under Sulba- 228,229-30
Sutras BhQtavi$J)u, 94 ,
Beads, 33, 292 Blja, 435
Bear, 443 Bfjagattita. of BhIskara n, 51, 98, 99, 168,
Bees, 418 171, 208, S95
Bellows, 290 Brjagafllt4vata",sa, 51, 169,594
Bengal Chemical Works. 564 BiU-hooks, 289
Bengallron Companyt 564 Binomial theorem, 26, 157, 576
Bengal Plants, 520 Biophytum sensll/vum, 558
INDEX 665
Birds, 413, 418,421,422 I B~ra~yaka Upam~a~ 21, 377, 378
of Nepal, 531 I BrhaddJulra Parikarma, 145
Birjlda, iron-smelting tribe, 302 i Brhajjataka, 95, 132
-Birs, iron-smelting tribe, 302 : Brhanndradlya PurclfUl, 36
al-BirilnI, 48, 51, 52, 53, 84, 85, 94, 130, i BrhatT, 28
134, 206, 211 I Brhatsa",hita, 1, 24, 26, 35, 37-38, 56, 79,
Bisauli, 12, 282 I 94, 187, 256, 291, 307-8, 343, 358, 379,
Blackbuck, 406,410,411 I 385, 390, 391,424, 591
Black, Joseph, 274, 347 Brhat-lithicintt2m01;ri, 99
Blades, 289 British Association for the Advancement of
Blanford, H. F., 502-4, 526, 603 Science, 565
Blanford, W. T., 525, 533, 534, 603 Bronze Age, 2
Blyth, E., 533-4 Buddha, 30, 32, 38
Boar, 419, 424, 443 Buddhacarita, 29
Board of Scientific Advice, 566 Buddhagho$<l, 40, 385
Bogar, 335 Buddhist Council, 39 .
Bogarsutiram, 56 Buddhivi/llsini, 170, 179, 595
BoHeu, J. T., 501 Buffalo, 405, 409, 419, 423, 440
Boissiere, 212 Bull, 408, 409, 410, 413, 443
Bombay Natural History Society, 500 Bunting, 410
Bombelli, 157 Burins, 3
Bose Institute, 558 Burzahom,9
Bose, J. C., 557-59, 605 Buxar, 13
Bose, Pramatha Nath, 526-27, 603 I
Botanical Garden, Saharanpur, 518 i Cakra, circle. astronomical instrument, 125

Botanical Garden, The Royal, 402, 492-93, I CakrapaQidatta, 53, 55, 223, 226, 227, 230,
603 I. 231, 233, 247, 253, 262, 263, 388,587
Botanical investigations, 514-20, 600 i Cakrasa'llgraha, 53, 55, 227, 231, 233, 587
Botanical knowledge in the Sa'llhitas, : Cakravli/a or cyclic method of solving
Brtihma1)l1s, Upan;~ads, 376-78 i second degree indeterminate equation,
Botanical Survey of India, 520, 601 i 194-95, 585 '
Boudier, Father, French Jesuit, 102 i Calculus, 169, 203-4
Bourgignon d'Anville, 493,601 : Calendar, luni-solar, 72
Bovine liyurveda, 254-55 Vedic, 75-76
Bower Manuscript, 53 Calendrical science, 16
Boyle, Robert, 347 Camel, 405, 419
Brahmagiri, 9, 14, 291 CaQe-ieivara, 92
Brahmagupta, 51, 84, 86, 90, 94, 95-97, Candracchliyagar,tita, 99
104, 125, 134, 158, 166, 168, 169, 180, CaN/ramana, 99
181, 183, 184, 186, 188, 189, 191, 192, CandrAnanda, 227, 587
193, 198, 199,200,211,584, 586 Candraprajffaptl, 42, 43, 50, 158
Brahmagupta's lemma, 166, 193 Canon (QanuIJ) of Avicenna, 269, 596
Brahma1JfJS, division of the Vedic literature, capa, astronomical instrument, 125
20-21 Cara, caradala, ascensional difference,
Bra1und(rt/a Pur4(la, 36 107-9
Brahma Pur~, 36 Caraka, Caraka Sa",hita, 29, 30, 31, 48,
Brahma-s/ddh4nta, 96 52, 53, 213, 221, 222, 226, 228, 234,
Brahma-siddhdnta-vasan4bh4IYa, 98 247, 251, 252, 253, 256, 258, 259, 260,
Brtlhmasphura-siddh4nta, 51, 85, 86, 94, 95, I 261, 262, 269, 290, 305, 315, 386, 388,
96-97, 134, 166, 211, 586 II 389,435, 578, 580
Brahmasi1tra, 27 Carayanlya-katha-sa",hit4, 17
Bra/una Valvarla Purt2(la, 36 : Cardamom, 367, 391, 599
Brahminy Duck, 421 : Cardano, 2lJ7, 212
Brethren of Purity, 312 carey, William, 402, SOO, SlS-16, SI8
666 INDEX
Carmtn de algorismo, 212 Classification of alchemical substances,

Carnivores, 419, 420 322-23
Carte de /'Inde, 493, 601 animals, 44-
Cirvaka, 27, 31-32,44, 573 land, 33, 354-55
school, 452 plant, 387-89
Cash crops, 39S-96 Clay slate formation, 520
Cashew, 367, 399 Cleaver, 3
Cat, 405, 419, 443 Clepsydra, 124--5
Cataldi, 182 Coalfields, 523-24
Catalogue ofBirds, the, 533 Cochineal insects, 418, 421
Cataneo, 182 Cock, 420
Cattle-rearing, 16, 33 Coconuts, 398
-tending, 354 Coffee, 366
Catura~uka, 464 introduction of, 400
Cdturmdsya, seasonal sacrifices, 59,60, 74-75 Colatitude, 106
Cautley, Proby, 521 Comet, 66
Cavendish, Henry, 274, 347 Conception of two suns, two moons, two
Cereals, 371-73 sets of naklatras, Jaina, 80
Chambal, 279 Constellations, 16, 68-69
ChandObs""a, 26, 144, 156,175,576 Coordinates, celestial, 103, 105
Chdndogya Upanilad, 21,32,59, 65 polar, 202 .
Chandoli, 11, 12, 279, 281 Coot, 421
Chandomaitjarl, 26 Copernicus, 112
Chandoviciti, 26 Copper, 11, 280, 304, 323
Chandraketugarh, 297 hoards, 12, 281-2
Chandravalli, 15 implements, 12
Charles, Robert, 495 knife blades, 12
Charnockite, 526 metallurgy of, 300
Charter of 1813, 543 Core tools, 3
Chebrolu, 297 Cosine series, 170
Cheda..siltra (Jaina), 42, 43 '" Cosmetics, 343
Chemical practices, 33 Cosmic energy, 453
Cherries, 398 light, 453
Cherry, introduction of, 399 Cosmogony, 436-38
Chhuthan Hsi·Ta, 66, 133, 209, 210 Cotton, 7, 12, 373-74, 395, 562-63, 599
Chillies, 367 Cow, 410, 419, 443
introduction of, 400 Crabs, 418, 423, 444
Chimaera, 407 Crane, 424, 440
Chinkara, 409, 410, 411 Creation, hymn of, 436
Chiroptera, 534 Crescograph, 559
Chisels, 289 Crocodile, 410, 423
Chital,406 Crops, 356, 361-62
Chiu-chang Suan·shu, 182, 210 rotation of, 353
Chill Chih, chiu-ehl-li, 66, 133, 210 Crustacea, 535, 537
Christopher Clavius, 212 Cube roots, 166, 167, 584
Chuquet, 183 methods of extracting, 180, 181-82
Cikltsastl1fll1'aha, 53, 255, 595 Cuckoo, 418
Cikits4s4rasa1tJlra/uJ, 53 Cullavagga, 39
Cinnamon, 367 Culture,
Circle, 186 Ahar, 11, 279, 280-81
area of, 187 Banas, Banasian, 11, 277, 279
Circulation of blood, 35 Clactonian, 371
CIre podue process, 280, 339-40, 571, 598 Harappan. 2, 6-8,276, 279, 280-81,283,
Clarke, Charles Baron, SI8 570, 571
INDBX 661
mesolithic, 2 Desalpar, 6, 9
neolithic, 2 Descartes, Rene, 207, 487
neolithic-chalcolithic, 9-12 Desmodium gyrans, S58
palaeolithic, 2 Determinant star, yogatdrtJ, 68
pre-F1arappan, 5,276 Devadatta, 55, 265
Stone Age, 2 Devanandin, 44
Cunningham, A., 539-40 Devayana, 63
Curzon, Lord, 556, 566 Dhamek stupa, 539
Cylinder, volume of, 189 Dhammasal'igtini, 39
Cyrus, 45 I Dhanu, astronomical instrument, 125
i Dharma, 466
pabil-Qawa'idu'/-Qisab, 208 : DharmakIrti, 41, 451
Didlbhdi, 92 ! Dharmarajika stupa, 15
Dahshur,14 I Dharrnar~, 133
Daimabad,9, 11,12, 279 Dharmasastras, 24, 28, 29
Dak~i(Uiyana, 63, 81 Dhiitu in llyurveda, 242, 248, 249, 250
Dak~i1Jovrtti yantra, meridional circle, 101, Dhtitu/..arha, 39
130 Dhatu or metallic substances, 313, 323
J)alha1)i2carya, 223, 226, 229, 230, 433 Dhtituratnamalti, 55, 265
Dalhousie, Lord, 548 Dhatuvada, 299
Dalton, John, 487 Dheklyantram, 332
Damascened swords, 34 J Dltlkoli, 5J, 97
Damb Sadaat, 5 Ohuncjhirija, 170
Darada, 319 Dhiipayantram, 333
Darius, 45 Diffusion of Western Sciences, 488-89
Dark Age, 484 Diga1f!sa, azimuth, 105
Darsona, 27 Digamsa yantra, 130
Dar $an'ati-Parkar Ma'FawlJ'idu'I-Ajkiir, Digestion in tlyurveda, 241-42
208 Digg, 212
Darsapur(Ulmdsa, 60 Dlghaniktlya, 39,40, 139, 385
Darwin, Charles, 487 DignAga, 30, 41, 44, 451
Dasasrutaskhandha, 43 Dinkard, 46
DasavaiklJlika, 43 Diophantos, 206
Dasturi/-Atbba, 54, 271 Dioptre, al-'iqMe, 128, 129
Davy, Humphrey, 565 Discs, 292
Day, 72-73 Diseases
ekavimsa, 76 caused by k$etriya, change of seasons
-length, variation of, 73, 81, 84 and krmis, 217
lunar, 73, 78 classification and diagnosis of, 246-48
radius, dinavyllsadala, 108 general principles of treatment, 248-49
savona or civil, 72, 78, 81, 85 named in early Vedic texts, 218
solar, 73, 78, 81 psychosomatic view of, 218
Day, P., S34 special methods of treatment, 249-50
Deccan Trap, 520 three possible origins of, 217
Decimal place-value notation, numeration, Diurnal rotation of the earth, 94
164, 167, 172, 178, 179, 211, 584 DivAkara family, 51, 100, 170, 171, 594
Declination, kratati, lOS Division, methods of, 179-80
relation with latitude and zenith distance, DivodAsa-Dhanvantari, 53,223
106 school, system, 228-29
relation with longitude and obliquity. Divytlvadllna, 40, 139
10&-7 Dobson, O. E., 534
Deduction. method of, 488 Dodo, 442
Deer,406 DOl, 405, 410, 419, 440
Democritus. 447,572 Do/ayalltram, 331
668 INDEX
Domestic species, 405 English, S46-48

DOla in 4yurveda, 240-41, 243, 244, 248, industrial, 549-50
249,250 medical. 551-54
Dove, 410, 411, 413 scientific and technical, 541-56,604 •
Dravatva, 470 technical, 550-51
Dravya, 461 Eight siddhls, 313-14
Dravyaparam41;1u, 468 Eisagoge, 132
Dr(!habala, 53, 222, 223, 226 Electrum, 280
Dream in liyurveda, 244-45 Elements, Euclid's, 101, 103, 171
DrelklllJO, drkkana, decan, 132 Arabic version, 205, 206, 207
Drgga1,Jita, 99 Elephant, 405, 409, 410, 413, 419, 423, 440,
Drggati, altitude of the nonagesimal, 123 443
Drgmal'(laJa, azimuth circle, 105 llyurveda of, diseases of, 255-56, 259
Drk,epa, zenith distance of nonagesimal, Elimination in ayurveda, 241-42
123 Eliot, John, 504
Drltivada, 42 Elixir of life, 309, 312
Du Bois, Charles, 491 Elliot, Walter, 533
Duck, 410, 411 Elphinstone, Monstuart, 546
Dutch in Malabar, 401-2, 491 Embryo, 434, 458
Duthie, J. F., 520 Embryology, 238-39
Dutta, P. N., 527, 603 Empedocles, 446
DVlldaslJha, 76 Engineering colleges, 549
Dvapara or Brazen Age, 88 Engineering investigations, 538-39
DvArakAnatha Yajva, 146 Eocene-oligocene, 568
Dvipradesa, 467 Epicycle, nlcocca vrtta, 114
Dyad, 462,464, 590 model, 89, 113
for manda and sighra corrections, 89
Eagle, 419 Epicyclic-epicyclic model, 114
Ear-rest, 292 Epitome arithmeticae practice, 212
Earth, diurnal rotation of, 94, 586 Equations, algebraic, 189-95
sphericity of, 65 classification of, 189, 207
Earthquakes of India, 525 indeterminate, 95, 97, 152, 165, 166, 167,
Earth sine, k,itijylJ, 108, 109 169
Earth's shadow, length and diameter of, indeterminate, of the first degree, 192,
117-19 210, 585
East India Companies, 489-90 indeterminate, of the second degree, 192-
Eccentric-eccentric model, in planetary 95,585
schemes, 114 quadratic, lSI, 164. 167, 168, 191-92,
Eccentrie-epicyclic model, theories, 93, 98, 206.207
112 quadrinomial cubic, 207
Eccentric model, 112-13 technical terms for, 189
Eclipse, 16, 20, 61, 64-{)5, 116-21 writing of. 190
calculation of, 84, 85, 90 Equation of argunient. 115
conditions of, 119-20 Equations of the centre. 84. 85. 89
duration of, 120-21 Equator, celestial. vi~uvan mal'(lala, 104
Rdhu-ketu theories of, 65-66 Equinoctial shadow. 106
Svarbhlnulegend, 64 Equinoxes. 76-77
Ecliptic,apama~~~,62,66. 81, lOS knowledge of. in Vedic times. 63
obliquity of, 106, 107 precession of, 91
Ecology, plant. 389 Era of Flood, 135
Ecphantus, 94 Eran, 279, 297
Education in India. 496-97 Ethics of medical profession. 245-46
agricultural and veterinary, S54-SS Ethology of animals, 419
enaineerin& 548-49 Euclid, 51, 101, 171, 205. 206
INDEX 669
Euler, 201 I!
Upper Gangetic Plain, 520
Everest, George, 510, 511-12, 514, 602 Flower, in plant, 382-83, 396
I
Everest, R., 501, 523 , names in Persian and Latin, 397
Eye-beads, 292 F orcadel, 212
Fossils of Sivalik hills, 521-22
I
Faience, 14-15, 291 Fossil vertebrata of India, 534

Faizi, 171, 208 Fowl, 410, 421
Falcon, 421 Fractions, 143-44, 164, 166, 167
Falconer, Hugh, 521-23,603 Franklin, James, 521
Falconidae, 531 French geographers of India, 493
False positions (regula falsi), method of, in Frog, 420, 422, 424
algebra, 164, 190 Fruit, in plant, 383, 396
Faraday, Michael, 487 names in Persian and Latin, 398
Faridu'd-Din Abmad, 208 Fruit trees, 398
Fategarh, 282 Fundamental operations, in arithmetic,
Fathullah Shirazi, 50 142-43, 160, 575
Fauna of British India, 534
al-Fazari, Muhammad ibn lbriihim, 47, Gadanigraha of $oQhala, 227
48, 52, 97, 134, 211 Galen, 268, 582
I
Feistmantel, 0., 526, 603 : Galileo, 487

Fermat, 194 Gamana, 472-73
I
Ferment, 305 Ga1)aka, 59

Fermented juices, 305 Ga1)lJkatarangirtl, 82, 167
Fertile crescent, 350 Gandhaka, 306
Fibre-plants, 396 GaJ)e§a Daivajfia, 99, 170, 179, 188 203
I
I ' ,
Figueredo, Father, Portuguese Jesuit, 102 i 594,595
Fihrist, 48, 70 Gangiidhara, 99, 169, 594
Firdausul-Hikmat, 53, 269,596 GangeSa U padhyaya, 31
Fire-cult, 18 GaIJitiidlzyiiya (of Siddhdnta Siromacri), 51,
Fire-flies, 418 98
Fire-priest, 18 GafJita-kaumudi, 51, 169, 594
Fire-works, 345, 598 I Ga(litalipi, 159
Firishta, 271 GaIJitdmrtakupiklJ, 170

First point of Aries, 69 Ga1)itlInuyoga, Jaina, 59, 139
Fishes, 407, 409, 410, 413, 414, 421, 422, GaIJita-slJra-sa1T2graha, 51, 157, 166, 167
424,443 Gartitatattva-cinrt2mafli, 99
Fishes of India, 534 Garzitatilaka, 51,97, 168
Fish-hooks, 280 : GalJuayuktwh41lJ,170,595
Five elements as constituents of human Garbha Upanilad, 22, 220
I
body, 219, 237 Garcia da Orta, 400, 489, 600

Five siddhdntas, Pailcasiddhantiktl, 81, 82- Gardens, kitchen, 396
90 Mughal,399
Five-year cycle, 81 Garga. 73, 79, 131
Flakes, 3 GlJrhapatya vedl, 152
Flamsteed, 101 Garu(la PurlJfI/l, 36
Flasks,292 I Gau(lapadabhdsYa, 29
Flax,12 Gaur, 406, 409, 410
Flecotus,531 I
I Gautarna, astronomer in China, 133
Fleming, A., 523 I Gavtlm ayana, 17, 18, 60, 61
Flies, 418 I Gavayurveda, 2SS, 581
Flora 01British India, 515 Gazelle, 409, 419.424

Flora Indica, SIS, 518, 601 Geber,312
Flora of Bombay Presidency, 520 Oeckos,432
Madras, 520 Oems (in the Arthal4stra). 33
670 INDEX
Genetics, 238-39 Govan, George, 518

Geological explorations, 520-28 Govinda Bhagavat, 55, 233, 264, 265
maps, 525 GovindAcarya, 5S
Survey of India, 523-28, 601, 602 Govindasvami, 55, 95, 99
Geomagnetic studies, 506 Graha, 65
Geometrical terms, Jaina, 160 GrahaCdra, 35
Geometry, 145-50, 183-89 Graha~ghava,99, 100,170,594
postulates in $u/ba-sQlras, 145 Graharzama(Z(lana, 99
Geostatic schemes, 112 Grammar, 25
Ghaggar, 285 Grtimya, 36
Oharial> 409, 410 Grant, Charles, 497
Ghunyatu'/-Hussab Ii 'I/mi' /-Qisab, 52, 207 Grape, 398
Gilbert, William, 487 Grasshopper, 411
Giriak, 297 Great ADicut, 367
Glass, 14-15, 291-96, 583 Greek astronomy, influence of, on Indian
bangles, 294 astronomy, 131-32
beads, 33, 292 Greek meclicine in India, 268-73
chemical composition of, 297-99 Gregory, of Gregory's series, 201
discs, 292 Grhyasutra, Hira!lyakesi, 32
flasks, 292 Grounde of artes, teachyng the worke and
intaglios, 292 practise ofarithmetike, the, 212
lens-like objects, 292 Grtsamada,6O
millefiori, 292 Guava, 398
mosaic, 292 Giitlhtirtha-praktisikii, 100, 171
rings, 292 Gu1,Ul, 304, 461
sealings, 292 GUJ)aratna, 32, 44, 381, 384
swirled, 292 Gungeria, 282
tiles, 292 Gunpowder, 55, 345, 598
white cameo, 292 al-Gurgani, 101, 594
Glaze, glazing, 14-15, 277 Gurukul Ayurveda University, Kangri, 267
Gnat, 421 Gurutva,470
Gneissose granite, 525 Gypsum, 282
Gnomon, sanku, 103, 106, 125
Gnosticism, 46 I:Iabash al-iji$ib, 48, 211
Goad,36O Haematite, 283
Goat, 405, 409, 410, 413, 419 drawings, 403-4
Godwin-Austen, 534 HaffIdne Institute, 538
Gol4dhyaya (of Siddhanta $;roma~i), 51, 98 Hakim Af"al 'Ali of Faydabad, 54
Goladlplkd,99 Hakim 'Ali MuJ,ammad, 54, 271
Go/ast2ra, 99 Hakim Diya Mubammad, 54, 270, 596
Go/ayantra, armillary sphere, 125-26 Hakim Mu1)ammad Azam, 54, 272
Gold, 280, 284, 285, 304, 306, 323 Hakim Mul)amrnad Kasim HindQ Shah,
adulteration of, 33 54,271
alloys, 33 Hakim Shahabuddin, 54, 270
assaying, 33 Hakim Sharif Khan, 54, 272
Ooldingham, John, 495,505 Hallyudha, 26, 156,576
Goldsmith, 33 Hallur, 9, 14
Gonds.302 Hamdard Dawakbana, Delhi, 273
Gondwana, 525 Hamilton-Buchanan, 402, 515, 534
Goose,410 HaJpsadeva,439
Gopl~, 55, 265 Hand-axe, 3
Gopatha Brmunatra, 21 Hannay, 523
GopUl'arakfita, 226 Haoma, the liquor of immortality. 217
Gotama, 30, 54 Harappa,6
INDEX 671
Harappan culture, see culture HiraQyake§in, 25
Harappan inscriptions, 8 Hira1JyiJkla tantra, 230
Hardinge, 546 H~ab a/-jabr wa/-muqdba/a, 212
eHardwicke, 00 To, 501 Hilabu'l hindi, 211
Hare, 410, 419, 440, 443 Histology, plant, 383
Hare, David, 499, 60S Historia Coe/estic Britannica, 101
Haribhadra, 32, 44 Hitopadesa, 294
Hirita, Htirita-SamhitIJ, 53, 226, 386 Hodgson, Brian Houghton, 531-32
Harrow, 360 Hodgson, Jo A., 511
Hoe, 14,289
Harvey, 487
Hog deer, 406
Hasan an-N"'lShapUrl, 208
Holland, T. H., 526, 528, 603
al-aasan bin Mi~b8.b, 134, 211
Hooker, J. D., 515, 518
al-I;Iasan ibn al-$abbal), 47
Hooker, W., 518
Hastinapur, 12, 13, 287, 288, 292, 297
Hook-lamps, 14, 289
Hastydyurveda, 55, 256, 259, 581, 582
Hooma or blackfaced sheep of Tibet, 532
Halhayoga, 30, 234
Hora, hour, 132
Hawk, 419, 421
Horizon, celestial, K~itija, 103
Hayailliivati, 54, 255
Horse, 16,405,419,440
Health, maintenance of, in tlyurveda, 243-
Hor/us Bengalensis, 515,601
44
Hortus Malabaricus, 491,515
Heat, 478
Hortus Suburbanus Calcuttensis, 518
Heath, J. M., 563
Hosangabad, 404
Heisenberg, W., 447
Hospitals in Kambuja (Cambodia),
Heliostatic model, 112
ayurvedic, 262
Hemacandra, 44
Hour angle, 105
Hemadri, 227, 587
Hsius, Chinese lunar mansions, 69-70, 131
Hemmige,9
Hsiu stars in oracle-bones carvings, 70
Hen, 411
Huai Nan Tzu, 70
Henna or mehndi, a dye-yielding plant, 395
Humoral theory, Vedic conception of, 217
Heraclides, 94
Greek parallel and question of origin, 259
Heraclitus, 444, 447, 572, 575
Humours, three, in ayurveda, 239-41, 247
Herbarium, the, 518-19
Humped cattle, 405
Herodotus, 290, 374
Husain, ~Mohsin, 512
Heron, 421
Hybrids, 433
Heron of Alexandria, 161, 195
Hydropathic establishments in Harappan
Hetucakranir~ya, 41
culture, 215
Hexactinellid sponges, 537
Hypersthene rocks, 526
Hibernation, 420
Hieuen Tsang, 299, 351
Himalayan Bradbill, 532 Iatrochemical texts, iatrochemistry, 55,
geology, 525 264-66, 334-38, 588
peaks, survey of, 512 Ibex, 413, 533, 534
Hbigula, cinnabar, 253 Ibn aI-AdamI, 134
Hipparchus, 85, 102, 112 Ibn aI-Muqaffa, 48
Hippocrates, 268 Ibn q-$affir, 134
Hippocratic tracts on Ibn Yunis, 134
Breaths, 258, 582 I-Hsing, 125, 133, 210
Diet on acute diseases, 258 lkhtiyarati-Qasimi, 271
Embryo 01 eight months, 258 lksiri-A 'Jilm, 54, 272
Flesh, 258 Imperial Agricultural Institute, 537, 566
Medicine, 257, 258 Impetus theory, 474, 590
Nature 01a child, 258 Income and expenditure, 164
Sacred diseases, 257 Indeterminate analysis, equation (kUllaka),
Hira Lall, 52S 95, 97, 152, 165, 166, 167, 169, 192-95
672 INDBX
Indian alchemists, 328 Irrigation, 351, 353,360-61, 367

Indian alchemy, 313-18 lid Upanilad, 21
origin of 316-18 Ismatu'llih as-Sahlranpliri, 52, 208
Indian Association for the Cultivation of Isostasy, theory of, 506-7
Science, 561-62, 605 Uvarakn\1a, 29
Indian Institute of Science, 566 I-tsing, 53, 226
Indian Museum, 528-30, 604
Indian Science Congress Association, 566 Jackal, 406, 413, 443
Indices, laws of, 161-62 Jacob Kobel, 212
Indigo, 366, 395, 562, 599 Jagannatha, Samrit, 52,101-3,171,172,594
Indo-Aryans, 283-84 Jahangir, as a naturalist, 441-42
Indu,227 Jaiminlya BrdhmalJO, 20
Induction, method of, 488 Jaiminlya Upani~ad, 21
Indus inches, 138 Jaina astronomy, 78, 80-81
canon, chronology of, 43-44
scale, 137
canonical literature, 42-43
Industrial schools, 549-50 cosmography, 80
Indus Valley Civilization, 2, 6-8, 275-76, mathematical sources, 158
351 mathematical topics, 157
Inequality of the sun, 113 mathematics, 157-63
Initial point of the Hindu sphere, 69 philosophical, scientific and technical
Inorganic remedies, 55, 253-54 literature, 44-45
salts, 55 lainendra Vyakara~a, 44
Inscriptions, Harappan, 8 Jai Praklis, hemispherical dial, 101, 102,
Insects, 421, 422 130, 594
Instruments, masonry (astronomical), Jai Sing, Sawai, 101-2, 129, 171, 172, 490,
129-30 594
Intercalary months, 75, 85, 87 astronomical instruments of his obser-
Intercalation, 16, 85 vatories, 126-30
Interest, 164 Jambudvipa-prajifapti, 42,43, 80, 161, 162
Inverse rule of three, 182-83 Jambudvlpasamtisa, 158, 160
Iron, 11, 304, 323, 577-78, 583-84 lami'ush-shi/aiya, 54, 273
Age, 12-14 Jamshid Kashi, 101
arrow-heads, 13 Jamuna canal, 368, 521
axes, 13 JanAsraya,26
chisel, 14 lartiyuja, 36,219,425
crowbar, 14 Jasper, 283
dagger, 14 Jtitakas, 423
hoe, 14,289 Jatukan)a, 53, 226
hook-lamps, 14, 289 Jaugada, 287
knife, 14 Jayadatta SUrI, 54, 255
metallurgy of, 287-90, 301 Jayadeva, 54, 255
objects, 287-88 Jayantabhatta, 30, 32,465
pick-axe, 14 Jesuit Missionaries, 490
Pillar at Delhi, 299, 591 Jhusi, 297
Pillar at Dhar, 340 Jlvaja, 425
saucer, 14 nvajlvdbhigama, 42
sickle, 14 Jlvaka, physician of king Birnbislra, 221
spade, 14 Jftinar~a,99, 169, 170, 191t~94
spearheads, 13 John of Seville, 211, 212
sword, 14 Jones, William, 401, 402, 495-96, 530, 601
tripod,14 J orwe, 11, 12
Mdac,14 Joumol 0/ the Asiatic Society 0/ Bengal, 500
Iron and steel, industry of, 563 Jute, 562
Irrational numbers, 1S4-56, 576 ly4milra, chord, 132
INDEX 673
Kahun papyrus, 149 Kautukacintlimaf'i, S6

KaUa/i, 324, 325 K4yacikits4 (therapeutics), 228
Kdla, 460 Kena Upan;$ad, 21
«dit1{ul, 478 Kendra, anomaly, 84,132
Kaldsavar{la (fractions), 157 Kelly, Robert, 494
Kalhana, 54 Ketu, 65, 66
Kali, Kaliyuga or Iron Age, 8R. 109. 110, Kha1J(laklu2dyaka, 51, 94, 96-97, 99, 111,
134,135 134, 135,211,586
relation with Saka era, 110 Kha1J(lakhadyaka-vivara1Jil, 98
Kalibangan, 6, 279, 283, 351, 411. 412 Khandesh, 289
Kalidasa, 35, 37, 391, 424, 591 Khayrut-Tajdrib, 271
Kalila-wa-Dimna, 48 al-Khayyami, 'Umar b. IbrAhim, 47, 52,
Kalluppu, 335 207
Kalpalatllvatdra, 171 Khuddakanikliya, 39
Kalpasutras, 24-25, 61,136,138,139,575 Khu/iJ$atu'I-Uistlb, 52,208
Kalpiivatafl1sikii, 42 Khula$tu't-Tajlirib, 272
KalylJ~ktiraka, 45 Khuntia chokhs, iron-smelting tribe, 302
Kamalakara, 52, 92, 100, 170, 180, 594 a]-Khwarizml, 48, 49, 52, 135, 180, 187,
Kamandaki, 34 190, 211, 212
Kamastistra, Kiimasulra, 23, 32, 34, 35, 43, Kila/-Samurai-hind-i, Arabic translation of
232, 299, 379, 390 Susruta, 260
KaQida,31,45~582 Klli Ghul Mohammad, 5, 6
Kapala-sandhi (door-junctIOn, Gelosia) al-Kindi, 48. 49, 211
method of multiplicatIon, 168, 179, 180 King, George, 402, 492, 515, 518,603
Kapha, one of the three humours, 240, 241, King, Williams, 524, 525
579 Kira1Jllvali, 31, 384, 388
Kapila,29 Kishen Singh, 525
KararzakutUhaIa, 98, 100 KitlJb'I-Abniya'an Haqd'iq'I-Adwiya, 47
Kara1)Qpaddhati, 170, 187, 20l, 595 Kittib al-iithlir al-baqiya 'ani-l-qurim ai-
Karikala I, 357 Khaliya (ChrolWlogy ofAncient Nations),
al-Karkhi, 51,206 49
Karma, 461, 468 Kitlib Arshrmidas fi'd-Dawtl'iri'l-MutamlJs-
Karmadipikd, 99, 170, 595 sah, 51, 206
Kartar;, astronomical instrument, 125 Kittlb Arshimidas Ii Ulu!i'/ Handasah, 51,
KtlIdya, 458 206
KASyapa, astronomer in China, 133 Kitlib al-Fakhri fi'l Qisab Jahr-/-Wa'l
K4Iyapa SQlTlbitli, 226, 227, 230 Muqt2bilah, 51, 206
Kalapayadi system of expressing numbers, Kitlib fi lstikharajil-Auttlr fi'd-DIJ'irah . .•
175 Munfwni'I-Wtiqi'ftha, 51,206
Kalha Brtihma~, 21 Kitdbu'I-Kurah Wai-Usluwanah, 52, 208
Katha-Kapi$lhala school, 18, 139 Kitchen garden, 396
KdfhakaSalfJhittl, 17,21,67,75,353,378 Kite, 411
Katha (Klilhaka) Upalli$ad, 21 Kittoe, Markham, 539
KDtlulvallhu, 39 Knives, 289
Kalu,458 Koenig, John Gerard,401,402, 491,515.600
Kity4yana, 25, 26, 28, 223 Kopia, 15,291,292
Kaumarabhrtya (knowledge of infantde dis- KO$lhi, 331
orders, care of young children, children Kot Diji, 6
diseases), 228, 230 Krdnti, declination, 105
lCaundanyapur, 291, 297 Kr~i-paddhatl, 56
lCausambi, 13, 287, 297 Krli-Partlsara, 56, 358, 359, 364, 379, 592
K.alqltaki ArQ(lyaka-Upaniiad, 2 J Kr$i-Samgraha, 56
](mqitaki Brah~, 20, 77 Kr#tantra, 56
Kautilya, 27, 29, 33, 72 KnJ)a Daivajfta, 100, 171, 594
43
674 INDEX
Krta or Golden Age, 88 Laws of signs, 169

K$aranlda, 226 Lead, 304, 323
K~rapaQi, 53, 226 Leaf, in plant, 382, 401, 402
K$aydha, omitted lunar days or omitted Leeches, 422, 433
tithis, 109 Legend of Soma, 18
K~mendra, 26 Length of the day between two solstices, 79
K$epal)a, 304 Lens-like objects, 292
K$etrasam4sa, 158 Lentil, 11
K$itija, celestial horizon, 103, 104 Leonardo Pisano, 211, 212
K$itiJYli, earth sine, 108 Leucippus, 447
Ktesias, 290, 584 Lexicography, 25
Kucumara tantra, 232 Liber abaci, 212
Kuhu, name for moon's phase, 63 Liber algorismi, 212
Kulli, 414 Liber ysagogarum Alchorismi, 212
KumAra, astronomer in China, 133 Light, 480-81
Kumirajiva, 41 Lildvatl, 51,98,99, 168, 170, 171, 179, 180,
Kumarasambhava, 35, 37 187, 205, 208, 594
Kumw-ila, 28, 465 Lime, 282
Kunda Kunda, 44 Lingam, 317
Kiirma Purd(ltl, 36 Linnaeus, Karl, 401, 402, 491
KUflaka, Kuf/akagaflita, other name for Lion, 407, 410, 420,440, 443
algebra, 189 Liplll, minutes, 132
Kyd, James, 501 Liquid principle, 326
Kyd, Robert, 402, 492, 600 Lizard, 413
Locusts, 418
Lidyiyana, 433 Logarithms, 103
Lagadha, 78 Logos, 445
lAghu Arhanniti, 34, 44 Lokatattvanir(Ulya, 32
Laghubhdskariya, 51, 95, 99, 165 Lokayatas, 27, 31-32, 43
Laghujdtaka, 95 Lonar Lake, 520
Loghumtlnasa, 51, 97, 99 Longitude, mean, 83
Laghutithicintiima1)i,l00 method of computing, 109-111
Laghu Vasi$/ha-siddhanta, 92 of planetary apogees, 89
La Hire, 101 of sun's apogee, 86
Lak,midAsa, 98, 99, 100, 594 polar, 68
LA/itavistara, 31 relation with zenith distance and de-
Lalla, 94, 97, 125, 187, 199 clination, 106
Lambton, William, 507-10,602 Lothal, 6,9
Lands, classification of, 354-55 Lotus, 391
waste, 357 Lunar day, omitted, 85
lArikllvatt2rasutra,41 day, tithi, 73
Lapis lazuli, 283 mansion, common origin hypothesis, 72
Lapwing, 421 mansion, question of Babylonian origin
LAta, 86,90,96,586 of, 71-72
Latitude, polar, 68 month, 73, 109
relation with zenith distance and de- month, names of, 74
clination, 106 year, sidereal, 75, 76
LaIY4yana Srautasiitra, 24, 61, 75 zo~,IDansions, 66-72,131,574
LavafIQ, 458 Luni-solar calendar, Vedic, 72
lAvafUJ yantram, 233 cycle, five year, 78
Lavoisier, A. L., 274, 347 Lutfu'lllh Muhandis, 52, 208
lAwtlmi'u/-Lubdb Ii Shorb Khuidlatu'l Lydekker, R. t 534, 603
tIistlb, 208 Macaulay, Lord, 546
Laws of indices, 161-62 Macdanush-Shifai-Sikandarl. 54,270
INDEX 675
Mackenzie, Collin, 494, 510-11 Makaranda, 99, 594

Macrocosm, 22 Makkhali Gosila, 32
Midhava,32 MaID in tJyUTveda, 242, 249, 250
Madhavakara, 53, 227, 247, 248, 260, 262, Malacology, 534
587 Mlllavikilgnimitra, 37
MadJrava Nidana, 227, 247, 260,587 Malayagiri, 80, 81, 158
Madhu, 285, 305 . Malayendu Suri, 99, 171
Madhuko$a of VijayaraQita, 227, 587 Malcalmson, T. G., 520
Madhura, 458 Malliri, 100, 170
Madhvika, 306 Malliklrjuna SQri, 92
Madhya /agna, ecliptic point on the meri- Mallisena, 451
dian, ]23 Mammalia, 533
Miidhyamika system of the Mahayana, 41, Mammals, 418, 421, 422
53,468 of India, 534
Madira, 306 MlJnasara, 34, 299
Madras Observatory, 494, 601 M~ollasa, 34,339, 345,439
Madrassa, 497, 505 Manava,25
Madya, 306 MlJnavadharmast2stra, 24, 32
Magha,35 Alandrl/, 66,68, 70-71, 72,131,574
Mahdbhiirata, 24, 25, 29, 32, 35, 36, 66, Manda corrections, 89
223, 379 Manda-karma, 114
Mahabhaskarrya,51,95,99,594 Manda-kendra, anomaly, 114
MahabhlJ$ya, 17, 26, 28, 29-30 Manda-parivrtta, eccentric circle, 114
Mahabhutiini, 22 MandaphaJa, equation of centre, 114
Mahadevas, 525 MandOcca, apogee, 114
MahanlirtJya~ Upani$ad, 21 Mango, 391, 397
Mahara.; Kasirnbazar Govinda Sundari Mango-grafting, 367
Ayurvedic College, 267 MafijuUicarya, Muftjila, 51, 90, 92,97, 99,
Mahiirasas, 222,313,588 584
MahlJsiddhlinta, 51,97, 167, 187 Mannewars, 302
Mahliskandha, 466 Mansur, 441
MahtisurlJ, 305 al-MansQr, AbbAsid caliph, 48, 134, 211
Mahdvagga, 39 Manthin, 65
Mahavastu, 40 Manure, manuring, 16, 352, 358-59
Mahdvedl, 151 Manu-SmrtI, 24, 32, 34, 95, 256
MahlJvibhariga, 39 Map of Hindoostan, 493, 601
Mahll vidylJlaya, 543-44 Maqalah-i-Arshlrnldas tr Taksrri'd Dtl';rah,
Mahlvira, Jain mathematician, 45, 51, 145, 52,W7
157, 158, 160, 166-67, 168, 180, 184, Maqalah-ft-l Jabr-i, 52,207
185, 188, 192, 210, 584, 585 aJ-Maqalah/1 R4shikll-li'J Hind, SI, 206
Mahllvrata, 61, 74 MarA.gha school of astronomers, 101
Mahdvratrya day, 74 Marlci, 101, 171, 594
Mahliy~a, 87, 88,91,109,110,575 Marine Survey Department, S35
Mahendra S11rI, 52, 99, 171, 593 MIlrka1;ldeya PurD1}a, 36
Mabes~,287,291,292, 297 Markhor, 534
Maitrl2yafll-Sa"uuttl, 17, 18,21,67,68,143, Masaon,297
218, 378 Mishlllih, 47
Maitrtfya1)r UpanilQd, 21, 65 Maski,9, 14, 291
MaitrtlyfJflrya school, 18, 25 Maslama al-Majritl, 134, 135
Maize, introduction of, 400 Mastiff, 410
Al~hi~a,39,40 Materia medica, 251-52
Majmuai-Diyaiyya, 54, 270 plants and animal substances as basis,
M~~~~~,~,no 251-52
Makamdhvtl/a, mercuric sulphide, 254, 32S Unani, 273, 597
676 INDEX
Mathanasitpha,55 Metals and- metal-working, 279-81, 299-

Mathematics in European renaissance, 209, 300, 338-41, 571, 592
211-12 Meteor, 66
Mathematics, interrelationship between Meteorological recordings, 494
Indian and Greek, Arabic and Chinese, Meteorology, 501-4, 604
209-11 Meters, Vedic, 156
Mathura, 297 Meton's or Metonic cycle, 85, 132
MlJtrktibhedatantra, 55, 315 Metrics, 25
Matsya PurllflQ, 36, 49 Metrology, 137
Mtitsyika, 344 Mica, 276
McClelland, J., 523-24, 528, 534 Microcosm, 22, 219, 237-38
Mean argument, 1t 5 Microliths, 3
Mechanics Institute, 564-65 Microsection of rocks, 527
Medaka, 305 Millets, 393-94, 599
Medhni Mal, 52, 208 Milindapaifha, 31, 40
Medical anthropology, 242-43 Mimti'!Jsa, Mima'!Jsli Siitra, 28
colleges and schools, 551-54 Mimosapudica, 558
investigations, 538 Mining, 33
nighan/us, 264 Minting coins, 33
profession, ethics of, 245-46 Mir M. Hashim b. Qasim al-J:lusaini, 52
treatises translated into Arabic, 260 Mitabhii~i1J;, 171, 595
Medicine in Buddhist literature, 220-22 Mohenjo-daro, 6, 7, 8, ]4,279, 351, 371,
Gilgit Manuscripts, 22 I 372,405,407,408,409,4]0,570
later Vedic texts, 219-20 Molluscs, 407, 418
Vedic period, 216-19 Mongoose, 405, 410, 413, 420, 443
Medlicott, H. B., 524-25 Monkey, 410, 413, 419, 421, 423
Megalith, Megalithic burials, 14, 289 Month, 72, 73-75
Megasthenes, 34, 60,582 amtinta, 73, 74, 574
Meghaduta, 37 anomalistic, 83
Mehi,279 intercalary, 75, 83
Melon, 398 lunar, synodic, 73, 83
Meng ehhi Pi Than, 161 purflimtinfa, 73, 74, 574
Menstruum, 312 saura,I09
Mensuration, 160 sidereal, 78, 81
Merceline birds, 531 solar, 81, 83
Mercuric chloride, 324 synodic, 78, 81, 85
Mercuric sulphide, 324 Mookedee, Asutosh, 556-57, 566-67, 605
Mercurous chloride, 324 Moon, 63
Mercury, its powers, 318 semi-diameter of, 84
eighteen processes, 320-22 Moon's elongation, 63
transmission of, 318-19 diameter, semi-diameter, 116, 117
Mercury, mercurial preparations, as distance from earth, 116-17
remedies, 253, 254 greatest latitude, 84
Meridian circle, yt2myottara vrtto, 104, 130 second inequality, 97
Meridional arc, 130 sidereal period, 64
Meropidae, 531 synodic period, 64
Meru-prastlJra, Pascal triangle, 26, 156-157, Moorhen, 421
576 Mortars, 282
Mesopotamia, 279, 281, 291, 350, 371 Mosquitoes, 418, 421
Mesozoic era, 568 Motion, 472
Metabolism in Ilyurveda, 241-42 Mrcchakatika,65
Metallic guns, 341 Mrdauka,306
Metallurgical operations, 33 Alnra.Pakl~$as"o,439,S97
Metal mirrors, 280 Muci]agc,349
INDEX 677
Mughal gardens, 399 Nakula, 54, 2SS
Mubi!i A';am, 272-73 NaI, 5, 279, 412
Mukhta~ar QZ-Zij, 134 Nalanda, 291
• Mu[amlidhyamakakdrikd, 41 Ncllikdyantram. 333
mulAPIN,71 Nalla Mala Mountains, 520
Miilasarvastivadins, 40 NdmaliriglJnusdsana, 26
Millasiitra, Jama, 42, 43 Ndmamald, 26
Mulberry, 398
Ndndlsutra, 43
Mule, 419
Napier, 103, 172
Multiplication, methods of, 179-80
Naquada, 14
MUIJrJaka Upani$ad, 21, 59
NArAyaQa PaJ;l4ita, 51, 145, 169, 193,196,
Mundane ages, four, 60, 88
197, 198, 200, 594
PuraQic,36
Narcotics, 396
Mundlgak, 5, 6, 279
al-Nasavl, 180
Mundy, 442
Nasik, 11, 279, 287, 291, 292, 297
MuniSvara, 98, tOO, 101, 171
Nasir al·Din at·Ttlsi, 52, 101, 171,207,208,
Muppu, 335, 589, 596
594, 595
al-Muqaffa,47
N~ir-l-Khusraw. 47
Mnrtali, 302
N~r b. 'Abdullah, 51, 206
Muslajati-Darashikohi, 54, 272, 597
N~tikas, 27, 31-32
Mustard, 7
Nata, zenith distance, 105
Myna, 418
Mythos, 445 Nata ghat', 105
NdtyaslJstra, 23, 26
al-Naubakht, 47
Ntibhi, 455 Navagraha, 66
Ndr!Iparik~d, 234 Navanltaka, 261
Nadir (adha svastif..a), 103, 104 Navtlrikura, 171, 595
Ntif!"ivalaya yantra, 130 NavQlala, 339
Nii(/ivijfUJna system of diagnosis (feeling of Navdatoli, 11, 12.279, 281, 287
pulse), 233-34 Navya-Nyliya, 453
NagaI,13 Nayana§ukhopadhyAya, 52, 172
Nagara, 13 Nemlcandra, 145, 451
Nagarjuna, 41, 53, 220, 222, 223, 226, 231, Neo-Platonism, 46
317, 587 Nestorian Christians, 46, 47
Nagarjuna's date, 41 I Nevasa, II, ]2, 279, 281, 291,293, 294, 297
Nigarjuna, Siddha, 233 Nevil, G., 534
Nagarjunakonda, 9 Newbold, J. T., 520
NdglJrjunatantra, 231 Newminster manuscript, Ashmole 191 II,
Nagda, 13, 279, 287, 297 135
Nagnajit, authority on toxicology, 222 Newton, Issac, 487, 585
Nagpur, 289 Nidanil, 53, 269
Nahr-i-Bihist, 368 Niddnasutra, 26
an-Nairizi, 134, 211 Nidllnasutra of the Samaveda, 24, 61) 75
NaklfltradarlQ, 59 Nighanlavas, 26
Nak~tra list in the SarphiUJs, Jyoti~a and Nil,JjtJliku, 94
SiiryasiddJu2nta, 66 Nikayas,39
Nak~tra list in the Vigor manuscripts, 38 Nilgai, 406, 440
Nak~tra-palhaka, 60 Nl1akaJ)tha Jyotirvid, 52, 171, 595
NaklQtras, 18, 20, 43, 60, 61, 64, 66-72, Nl1akaJ)lha Somasutvan, 51, 94, 99, 165,
131 170, 198, 201, 594, S95
NaklOtra space, 68 Nimitan/ra, 229
NaklOtra system, origin of, 66 Nit'fl/lyt2van, 42
NakptrQ Tina, conjunction of Bthaspati Nirukta, 2S, 26
with, 65 NisrlJ4rthatliltl, 171
678 INDEX
Nlti§lstra, 32, 34-35,44 Oblique ascension, 107

NltivAkyAmrta, 34 Obliquity of the ecliptic, 107, 108
Nityanatha, Siddha, 233 Ocean-mining, 33
Noh, 13 Oil-seeds, 11, 394-95, 599
Nonagesimal, tribhona lagno, tribhona, 123 OIdWun, T.,524-25, 602
Noviciae Indica, 519 Omar Khayyam, see al-Khayyami
NfSiIpha, 98 Omitted lunar days, 85, 87, 109
Organic breath, theory of internal and vital,
NfSUpha Daivajfta, 92, 594
Greek parallel, 258-59
Number, 140-42
Ornithology, 533
alphabetical system of expressing, 174-75,
O'Shaughnessy, W. B., 498,507
584
Ospery, 421
irrational, 154-56, 576
Owl, 411, 419
Kalapayddi, 175
naming of large, 140, 141 Pacioli, 180, 183
principles of addition, subtraction etc. in Paddrthadharmasa",graha, 31
naming, 142 Padtirthatattvaniruparza, 31
theory of, 159 Padma Purtil)O, 36
Numerals, Brahmi, 138, 177 Pahlavi, 45, 46, 48
epigraphic and inscriptional records, Paitlimaha-siddhanta, 50, 82, 83
176-79 Paiyampalli, 9
Owalior, Bhojadeva inscriptions, 177, Pak~a, half Iunation, 73
178 Pa/abhti, equinoctial shadow, 106
Kharo~thI, 138, 177 Pilakipya, 55
NAnlghAt, 177 Ptilaktipyasa",hita, 55, 256, 259
Nlsik,178 Palaeontology, 521-23
Rod,138 Pali canon, 39-40
without place-value, 176 Pali literature, non-canonical, 40
with place-value, 177 PailcabhUtas or five elementary principles
word, 173-74 constituting material substances, 237,
NOshIrwAn, the Just, 46 334, 455-59, 572-73
Nyaya, 27,30,41 Paiicasiddhlintikli, 50, 73, 79, 82-90, 93,
, Nydya and Vaise,ika schools, syncretiza- 103, 110, 111, 125, 132, 173, 199, 200,
tion of, 30, 31 585
Nytlyabhtl3Ya, 30 Paficasikha, 29
NytlyddhammakaMo, 42 Paifcatantra, 46, 260
Nydyakandall, 31 Paifcavi",sa Brahmarza, 20, 62, 64, 144, 575
Nydyakusumdlljali, 30 Pangenesis, 435
Nytlyanl4vati, 31 Pangolin, 410
NydyamalfJarl, 30,32 Pa~ini, 25, 223
Ny6yamukha, 41 Panipat,13
Nyt2yamukttlvan, 31 Papaya, 399
Nyc2yapariJilla, 30 Paper manufacture, 341-43
Ny4yapraveSa, 41, 44 parada, 313
Ny4yas4ra, 31 parada Samhittl, 265
Ny4yaslddMntadlpa, 31 Parallax, 84, 86, 96, 116, 121-24, 135
NydyasQcinibandha, 30 geocentric, 121, 122
Nyc2yasutra, 27,30 horizontal, 121, 122, 123
Nydya.WllIelika, 44 Param4(lu, 466
doctrines in ayurveda, 238 Paramdvara, SI, 92, 94, 95, 99, 165, 169,
literature, 451 175, 181, 594
NylJyav4rttika, 30 ParUara, 53, 56, 79, 379-80
Ny4yavdrttikatlltparyalfkll, 30 parasites, 431
NylJyavllrttikatc2tparyaf/kll-pariJuddhi, 30 Parikarma (fundamental operations), 157
Nya,avIndu. 41 Parket, 411, 413, 418
INDEX 679
Parrnenides of Elea, 446 Pitta, one of the three humours, 2 t 7, 240,
Parthivadravya, 458 241,247,579
.Partridges, 440 Planetary revolutions in a Mahllyuga, 87
Parvataka tantra, 230 Planetary theories, 111-16, 132
Pascal's triangle, 26, 156, 576 Planets, 65
Plitana yantram, 331 Planets, synodic periods of, 83
Pataftjali, 17, 24, 25. 26, 28, 29, 34, 223 Planet worship, 65
Pathology, plant, 385 Plantae As;at;cae Rariores, 517, 603
PlifigaT)ita, 51, 168 Plant as a living organism, 35
Patna, 297 Plantation of
Paulisa-siddhtinta, 50, 82, 132, 199 horticulture, 354
Paulus Alexandrinus, 132 sugarcane, 354
Peaches, 398 Plant lJyurveda, 256-57
Peacock, 410, 413, 421, 424 Plant classification, 16, 36
Pear, 398 Plant diseases, treatment of, 362-63
Pellian equation, 164, 166, 169, 194 Plant evolution, 16
cyclic method of solving, 169, 194-95 Plantigrada, 531
Pellos, 183 Plant in Indian alchemy, 326-28, 348-49
Pepper, 391 Plant, introduction of, 399-400
Perfumes, 308 Plant science
Permo-carboniferous period, 568 arbori-horticulture, 390-91
Permutations, permutations and combI- classification, 387-89
nations, 156, 162-63 ecology, 389
Persian mathematics in India, 204-5 flower, 382-83
mathematical works, 205-8 fruit, 383
Petiver, James, 491 histology, 383
Pharmacological practice, ayurvcdic, 252 leaf, 382
Philosopher's stone, 312 morphology, 381
Philosophical nourishment, 384
concepts in ayurveda. 237-38 pathology, 385
sutras and bh(J~yas, 27-32 phyllotaxis, patrabandhana, 382
water, 312 physiology, 383-84
Phylloscopus, 533 reproduction, sex and heredity, 385-86
Phyllotaxis, 382 root, 381
Physical investigations, 501-7 seed and germination, 381
Physiology, plant, 383-84 shoot and stem, 381
Phytographia, 491 taxonomy, 386
fr, value of, 149-50, 161, 165, 169, 186-87, Plant science in medical works, 378-79
584 in PurlJf)Os, ArthaSastras and Brhat·
fI series, 170, 187 SD1fIhittJ, 379
Pick-axe, 289 Plato, 448, 572, 582
piddington, H., 501-2 Pleistocene, 3, 568-69
Pig, 405, 410, 419 Pliny, 290
Pigeon, 411, 419 Plough, 352, 355, 360
Pigments, 308-9, 343-44 Plutarch, 149
Piklihal,9,14 Pneuma, 446
Pill of immortality, 310 Pneumatic theory, 20
Pl/uplJkavada,478-79 Pogson, N. R. t SOS
Pif)tIa- Niryukti, 43 Polar latitude, 68
Pineapple, 399 Polar lonsitude 68
t
Piiagala, 26, 144, 156, 175, 576 Pole-cat,419

Pit burial, 13-14 Po-lo-men literature in China, 38, 133
PilharaptJkavada, 478-79 Po-Io-min Suan-fa, 209
Plt(Y4no,63 Po-Io-""",.wen-chln" 209
680 INDEX
Pomegranate, 398 G.P., summation of, 198, 585

Pond-heron, 421 summation of natural numbers, 197
Porcupines, 418, 443, 531 summation of triangular numbers, J 97
Porto Novo works, 563 summation of squares and cubes of
Portuguese in Goa, 400-1, 489 natural numbers, 198
Porumamilla, 367 Protyle, 448
Pottery (see also wares), 275-79, 285-87 PtthQdakasvami, 51, 97, 98, 166, 169, 189
Powell, Boden, 565 Prthvi, 459
PTabhlkara, 28,465 Pseudo-Democritos, 311
Prabhas Patan, 11, 13 Ptolemaios as Turamaya, 90
Ptolemy, 85, 101, 102, 112, 171, 182, 185,
Practica arithmetice et mensurandi singu-
206
loris,212
Public health and sanitation, 33
Pradyumna, 96, 132
Pudgala, 466, 467, 468
Prahladpur, 13 Puggalapannatti, 39
Prain, David, 519-20 Pulses, 394-95
Prajlpati legend around RohiQi and Punfru, 335, 337
MrgdIt1a,68 Purana Quila, 287
PrajnlJpand, 42 Purt2l1fJS,36
Prajfl4panll-sutra, 159 date of, 36-37
Prakash, II, 12, 13,279,291,297 PurAQic cosmology, 36
Prakfrttaka (Jaina), 42, 43 Purification processes, 323
Prakrti, 235, 236, 458-59 of sulphur, 324
Pramo1,ltJsamuccaya, 41 Puru$a, 235-36
Pr4!'1l, physiological role of, 19,576-77 Purvamlmtimsli, 27
Prasanna, 305 Pu~kalavata, 226
Prasat'a(Ul, 472 PII~paculika, 42
PraSastapida, 31, 450, 465 PUlpiktl, 42
Prama Upani$ad, 21 PUla, 325
Praina Vyakara1,ltJ, 42 Putumana SomayAjin, 201
Prasttlrllnayanopaya (in permutation and Pyramid, volume of, 189
combination), 162 Pyrotechnics, 55, 345-46, 598
Pratiparudradeva, 56 Pythagoras, 149, 209
Prt2Usdkhyas,25,26 Pythagoreans, 112
Pratt, A., 507 Pythagorean Theorem, 136, 147, 576, 585
Prllya1)iya atiratra, 77 in the su/basutras, 147-48
Precession of equinoxes, 91,97, 586 question of origin, 148-49
Precious gems, 323 Python, 419, 209
Preparation of
bhasma, 325
rasaJillga, 328 Q4'im Muhammad, 126
Priestley, Joseph, 274, 347 al-Qalasidi, 180
Prima Parte del general trattato dl numerie al-QiJniin a/-Mas'iidi, 49, 134
misure, LA, 212 Qaru2n of ibn Sina, 54
Prime vertical, sama-ma(l(lala, 104, 105 Qau, 14
Prinsep, James, 500, 539 Quadrant, turlya, 125
Proclus, 149 Quadratic equation, 151, 164, 167-68
Prodromus Florae Peninsulae Indiae Orien- indeterminate, 166
ta/is,518 Quadrilateral
Profit and loss, in arithmetic, 164 area of, 167, 184-85
Progressions, 164 cyclic,18S
Progressive series (Srt(lhl-vyiJvah4ra), 144- five types of, 18S
45, 196-98 measure of diagonals of, 185
A.P., rth summation oft 198 rational, 186
A.P., summation oft 197, S84, S8S Qucrns, 351
INDEX 681
Quintus Curtis, 290 Rc'Jm yantra, 102, 130, 594
Qur'an, 47
Qusta ibn LQqi, 190 IRana Ghundai, 5,412
Ranganatha, 92, 98, 170
Rangpur,11
Radio-activity, 487
Rasacikitsa school of medicine, S5, 231,
Radio-carbon datings, 6-13, 283-84
232-33, 253, 262, 264, 587, 596
Ahar,11
Rasahrdaya, 55, 233, 264, 314, 319,321, 322
Banasian phase, 11
Rasa in iJyurveda, 241-42
B. and R. period, 13
Burzahom, 9 Rosaka, 319
Chirand,13 Rasakarpilra, 324
Rasa1J(Jk~alramt1likd, 55
Daimabad, 12
Hastinapur, 13 Rasapaka, 305
Jorwe phase, 12 Rasaprakl2Jasudhl1kara, 55, 314, 319, 321,322
Kahbangan, 6, 8 Rasapu3pa, 324
Kausambl, 13 RasarlJja/aklmI, 55
Kot Dlji, 6, 8 Rasaratndkara, 55, 231, 233, 264. 314
Lothal, 8 Rasaratnasamuccaya, 55, 231, 233, 253,
Mohenjo-daro, 8 314, 323
Mundlgak,6 RasartJilva, 55, 233, 314, 319, 321, 322
Narsipur,9 Rasar1)Qvaka/pa of the Rudraydma/atantra,
Navdatoli, 11, 12 55,315
N.B.P. period, 13 Rasa.§aliJ, 328
Paiyampalli, 9 Rasas4ra, 55, 264
P.G. ware period, 13 RasaJiJstra, iatrochemical works, 55, 264-
Prakash, 12 66,314
Rojdi,8 Rasasllstra school, 55
Sanganakallu, 9 Rasasindilra, mercuric sulphide, 254, 324,
South Indian neolithic complex, 9 325
Tekkalakota,9 Rasavc2din, 313
Utnur,9 RastlvatiJra, 265
Raghunatha SiromalJi, 31, 465 Rasaviddha, 305
Raghuva1flsa, 35, 37 Rasavidytl,313
Ragi, 373 Rasdyana, 228, 231, 316
Rahu, 20, 61, 65-66 Rasendracintc:'l1nafll, 55, 233
Rahu-Ketu theory of eclipse, 96, 116, 133 Rasendracii(lamarrl, 55, 233
Raigir,14 RasendrasClrasa""raha, S5, 265, 314
Railways, introduction of, 490 R4Si (solid mensuration), 157
Rairh,287 R4fivalaya, 130
Ra./amdrtatrda, 54, 254, 255 Rdfi yantra, 101
RtijapraJn1ya, 42 Rat, 405, 443
Rajas,rdjasika, 236, 245, 459 Ratio, proportion, 182-83
RtJjayak~md, 18 Ratnas, 323
Rcijgir, 297 RAy, P. C., 560, 605
Rajpur Parsu, 12, 282 8bhus, 63
ROkd, name for moon's phase, 63 Reamers, 280
Rakta (blood), 242 Rechenbiech/in, 212
Ram, 410 Rectilinear figures, combinations and
RAmacandra, 55,233 transformations of, in the $u/basQtra,
Ramadevan, 318 146-47
Raman, C. V., 561, 605 Regeldetri, 183
Rlm!nuja, 22 Rejuvenation, 219, 31 S
R4mdyQflO, 32, 36, 66, 214, 379, 391 RekhlJgQlJlta, 103, 171, S9S
Ram Mohan Roy, S44-4S, 60S Remainder problem, 210
Ram Singh, S2S Renaissance, 486-87
682 INDEX
RenDell, James, 493, 601, 602 SaJihotrasdrasamuccaya, 54, 2SS

Reproduction, sex and heredity in plant, Salt manufacture, 33
385-86 Salt Range, S23
Reptiles, 407, 422, 443 Sa/yatantra (surgery), 228
Resins,349
Sama-marz(la!a, prime vertical, 104
RevatT, Zeta Piscium, 105
Sdmantabhadra, 44
$.gveda, 15,16-17, 18, 20,60,61,62, 63,64,
Samt2nya, 461
65,66, 72, 125, 131, 142, 143, 173,214,
SamarDnganasutradhtira, 35
215, 219, 223, 259, 284,285, 289, 315,
Samavtiya, 461
353, 374, 376, 377, 447, 572, 574
~noceros,406,407,408,409,410,440
SamavdyDnga, sutra, 42, 159
Rice, 11,353, 357,372-73, 392-93,578,599 Stimaveda, 15, 17, 18, 20, 59, 60, 61
Right ascension, 107 Sambandhaparik31J, 41
Rings, 292 Sambhar (animal), 287, 406, 419
Ar-RislJlah Ii Auna'/-AshklJla .00 mina'd- Samghlitaparamarzu, 469
DIJ'irah, 51, 206 Samkhya, 27, 28-29, 41,44,49
Ar-Ristilatu'/-Qi/a'jl 'Ilml'/-Handasah, 52, doctrines in liyurveda, 238
208 SlimkhyaklJriktJ, 29
Riydf/atu'l Fikr Wa'l 'Aql, 52, 206 SaTpkhyakarikabhdn'a, 29
Robert of Chester, 21 J, 212 Samkhytina (arithmetic), 59
Robert Recorde, 183 SlimkhyapravacanabhlJ3Ya,29
Rock edicts of Asoka, 539 Samkhyasiitra, Stirpkhyapravacana, 29
Rojdi,6, Stimkhyasutravrtti, 29
Romaka-s;ddhdnta, 50, 82, 84, 85-86, 94, 132 Stimkhyatattvakaumudl, 29
Root, in plant, 381 StUllkhytiyana (science of numbers), 157
Rope-stretchers, Egyptian, 149 SamriJ1-siddhiinta, 102, 171, 594
Roxburgh, Wo, 353, 402, 492, 493, 496, Samra, yantra (huge dials), 101, 102,129,594
514-16, 578, 600 Samsklira, 473
Royal Botanic Garden, 402, 600 Sa1/Jyoga,472
Royal Institution, 565 Stl1fJyuktanikaya, 39
Royal Society, 565, 566 Sanchi, 297
Royle, John Forbes, 518 Sanwuwood,366,391,599
!ta, 16,62,454,455,572 Sandhydbhti1Ya, 338
]J.tusamhara, 37 Sadgarn literature, animals in, 442-44
RugvinlScaya, 53,227,248, 587 Sanganakallu, 9, 14
RilkIO, 467 Sadkara,24
Rule of three, 164, 166, 167, 182-83 SadkarAclrya,465
Rumphius, George Eo, 401 SadkaramiSra, 31, 256, 465
Rupar, 13,287 SankaranArAYaQa, 95, 99
Rynchota, 535 8a1JkhacUr1)Q, 319
SatikhadrlJvaka. 307
Sabarasvlmin,28 Sankhy4yana Ara(lyaka, 72
Sacrobosco, 211, 212 SMkhy4yana Br4hma1)Q, 20
sa~s~amuccaya,32,44, 381, 384 StJrikhylJyana-grhyasiitra, 53
SaddharmalankiJvatarasutra, 41 Sanskrit scientific literature, origin of,
SadratnamlJ14, 170,201, 595 23-27
Safai,282 Sinticandragaoa, 80
Sahni, Ruchi Ram, 504 SintisOri,44
84kalya-slddht2nla, 92 Sanvayata, 451
St2kamedha, 75 SaptapadlJrthl, 31
S41akyatantra (treatment of diseases of Saranath,297
eyes, ears, nose, tongue, oral cavity, SlJrtfgadhara Paddhati, 390
throat), 228, 229 Simgadhara, $an;gadhara SQ1fIhittl, 263, 595
SaUhotro, S4 Sarthauti, 282
S4JUaotrtl3ll1llhll'" 54.2SS Suus crane, 441
INDEX 683
Sarvadarsanasamgraha, 32 Sikdar, Radhanath, 514, 602

SarvasiddhtintasalfWraha, 32 Sickles, 289, 352, 360
.Sarvastivadins,468 Siddhahemacandra, 44
Sdadhara, 31 Siddha Nagarjuna, 55, 233
$QIII1",Ja yantra (sextant), 101, 130 Siddha Nityanatha, 55, 233, 264
Satananda, 51,90,97 Siddhtinta, meaning of, 82
Satapatha Brc2hma1)Q, 15, 20,21,62, 63, 75, eighteen original, 82
144, 217, 222, 575 Siddhdnta-darpa7Ja, 99
Sattras, 59, 60, 61 Siddhtintadipikll, 99, 170, 595
Sattva, Stittvika, 236, 245, 459 Siddhl1ntarahasya, 100
Satyakitantra, 229 Slddhtinta-sdrvabhauma, 101
Sanaka or Sa unaka SQl]tltitlJ, 231 Slddluinta-sekhara, 91, 97, 586
Sautrama1)ikf vedi, 153 Siddhdnta-siroma~i, 51,91, 98, 99, 100, 117,
Sautdintikas, 41, 468 168,171,203,594
Savana, civil day, 72, 73, 78, 81 SiddJuinta-sundara, 99, 170
Sdvana year, 76 Siddhantatattvaviveka, 100, 170
Scale, decimal, 138 SiddhtJntatilaka, 51
Indus, 137 Siddhasena, 158
Scheubel, 157 Siddhasena Divakara, 44, 451
Scientific and technical education, 541-56 Siddha system, 315, 335
Scientific publications, 540-41 Siddhayoga, 53, 55, 227, 233,587
Scipio del Ferro, 207 Siddhi, 316-17
Scorpion, 412, 422, 432 Sidereal lunar year, 75, 76
Seal, Brajendranath, 433 Sidereal month, 78, 81
Seasons, 72, 74-75 Siestan, 285
Seed and germination, 380-81 Sieve, 360
Seed, dicotyledonous, 380 Slghra, 115, 116
monocotyledonous, 380 corrections, 89
Seed-sowing machine, 368-69 Karma, 116
Semi-aquatic forms, 419 Kendra, 116
Series, summation of, t 64 phala, 116
arithmetic, 167 Sminka, 162, 163
geometric, 167 Silk, 12
trigonometrical, 170 Silk-road, 13]
Serpents, 418, 4]9, 420 Silk-worm, 421
Sesamum, 7 Silparatna, 299
Severus Sebokht, 211, 585 Silver, 280, 304, 323
Sbamsuddin Mustaufi, 54, 270 SiIPhatilaka SUrl, 168
Sharh Khu/ll$atu'l-Qisdb, 208 Simultaneous linear equations, 164
Shorh Tabrir-u-Ululi'l-Handasah Wa'l- Sindhind (Arabic name for Brahma-
QislJb, 208 sphula-siddhllnta), 97, 134, 211
Sharb Uq/idas, 51, 206 Sine series, 170
Sharbu'sh-Shamsfyah, 208 Sine tables, 84, 165
Shark, 423 Sinivlin, name of moon's phase, 63
Sheep, 405, 410, 419 Sircar, Mahendralal, 561
Shen Kua, 161 Sirius, heliacal rising of, 58
Sher Shah, 369 Sirkap, IS, 292
Ship building, 34 SrrlQPrahe/iktl, Jaina time-scale, 141, 1S9
Shivanjpur, 282 Sirsukh,15
Shoot, 381 Sisupalgarh, 287, 288, 297
Shoot and stem, 381 SilYadh1vrddhlda, 125
Shrew, 405 Sinawavlsal,308
Asiatic, S3S SUtar, slddha, SS, 232
Siah-damb, S Sivadisa, 226
684 INDEX
Siv!ditya, 31 Sridhara, 465

Six o'clock circle, unma!,(lala, 105, 107, 108 Srldharacarya, 5], 158, 16~, 169,180, 206,
Siwaliks, 569 584
Skonda Pur~, 36 SrIdhara of Nyayakandali, 31
Skandha, 466,467 SrikaQtha, 231
Sleep in ayurveda, 244-45 Sripati, 5], 91, 97, 158, 168, 193, 584, 586
Slokav4rttika, 28 Srisena, 86, 96
Sle~m4, one of the three humours, 217, Star Catalogue, 505
240,241,247 Statue of Buddha, 299
Snake, 410, 413, 417, 418, 420, 431 Steatite seals, 292
Snell, W., 185 animals in, 407
Snigdha, 467, 471 Steel, 290
Snipes, 531 Stem, 381
Soda-lime glass, 292 Sthalaja, 425
SocjhalanighaQfU, 227 Sthiinaligasutra, 42, 145, 158, 189, 190
Sodhanatantra, 231 Sthitisthiipaka, 471
Solar day, 73, 78, 81 Sthityardha, half time of duration of
Solar month, 81, 83 eclipse, 121
Solar year, length of, 83 Stifel, 157, 2]2
Solstice, 72, 76-77 Stoliczka, F., 534
Summer, 73, 76, 81 Stone Age, 3
Winter, 73 Early, 2, 3
Soma, 59, 285, 316 Late, 2, 3, 569
Somadeva, 34, SS, 233 Middle, 2, 3
Somarasa, 315 sites, 4
Soma-siddhanta, 92 Stone blade industry, 12
Some§vara, 97, 165 Stork, 419
Sonegao, 1I, 12 Strabo,6O
Sonpat,13 Stratchey, Richard, 501
Sophic mercury, 312 Stratiotios, 212
Sophic sulphur, 312 Strawberry, 398
Sound,481-82 Subala Upani~ad, 22
Space, 475, 476, 477 Subandhu, 35, 175
Space, measurement of, 33 Substance, 448, 461, 463
Spade, 360 Sudadana Lake, 356-57, 361
Sparrow, 411, 418 Sugar<ane, 395, 599
Spears, 289 . Sukra,65
Species Plantarum, 491 Sukranlti, 34, 55, 345, 390, 439-40, 598
Sperm and germ ceDs, 436 Sulba, meaning of, 139
Sphere, area of, 188 Sulba-siitras, 24, 61, 125, 136, 139, 143, 145,
celestial, 103, 104 ]47, 155, 165, 186, 191, 192, 195, 209,
volume of, 188 575
Sphujidvaja, J32 Apastamba, 139, 140, 146, 147, 152,
Spider, 411, 419, 422, 535 153, 209, 576
Spotted deer, 419 Baudhiyana, 139, 140, 146, 147, 152,
Square nature (varga prakrti), 193, 196 153, 209, 576
Square roots, 164, 166, 167, 584 HiraJ.lyakeain, 139, 576
methods of extracting, 180-81 KAtyayana, 139, 140, 147, 152, 576
Squaring the circle, 149-50 Laugik$i, 139
Squirrel, 413, 443 MAnava, 139, 140, 576
Sravasti, 287, 297 Vldhula, 139, 576
Sre(lhl-vyavah4ra (proaressive series), 196- VlrAha, 139, 576
98 Sulphur-Mercury theory, 312
Srldatta, 97, 166 SU11lfDflalaviJ4sin1, 385
INDEX 685
Sumati, 90 Tabulae Astronomicae, 101
Sumerian shush;, 138 al-Ta/him Ji-awlJ'i1 Sind'at a/-ttllfilm, 49
Sun, 61 Tabrlr-u-Uqlidas, 52, 171,207,595
~undararija, 146 Taluir-u-U~iUi, 208
Sun, diameter or semi-diameter of, 84, 116, Taljasadravya, 458
117 Taittirlya Ara~Yaka-Upani$Qd. 21, 65
inequality of, 113 Taittiriya Brdhma(IQ, 20, 65, 68, 378
Sun's distance from the earth, 116-17 Taittiriya SQlflhitti, 17, 21, 24, 67, 76, 141,
Sun's path, 62 142, 144, 218, 376, 377
Sun-Tzu Suan-Ching, 210 Taittiriya school, 18, 25, 139
Sunyavada, 41 Talifi-sharifi, 54, 272
Surd, 285 Ta/lak~a1;Ul, number name (Jaina), 141
SurapIDa, 56, 362 Tamas, ttimasika, 236, 245, 459
Surds. 153-56, 164 TaT]Uiula-vevtiliya, 43
Surgery, ayurvedic, 250-51, 581-82 Tamil texts on alchemy, 315
Surgical processes described In Atharvaveda, T{l1:u!amaM Brahma(Ul, 20
219 Tanks, 356
Survey of India, 493-94, 507-14 in South India, 357
Slirya, 454 Tanmlitra, 236, 573
Sfiryadasa, 99, 169, 170, 191 Tannins, 349
Siiryadeva, 94, 165 Tan series, 170
Suryaprajilapti, 42,50, 80, 81, 158, 161 Tantrasa'f!Kraha, 99, 170, 187, 201
SiiryapraklJsa, 170 Tamrasamuccaya, 187
Suryas;ddhtinta, Modern, 90-92 Tantrism, 313
Suryasiddhlinta (also Saura), 50, 67, 68. 72, Taoism, 310
81, 82, 84, 86-92, 94, 98, 99, 100, 106, Ta'rikh a/-Hind, 49, 134
111, 114, 120, 124, 125, 165, 171, 199, Tarkarahasyadlpikli, 32,44
Tarkasa1]lgraha, 31
585, 586, 594
Tartaglia, 157, 180, 207
Susrula, SuSruta SaTflhitti, 52, 53, 54, 213,
222, 224, 226, 228, 229, 230, 244, 247,
Tiitkaliki gatl, instantaneous velocity, 203
Tattvacintama~i, 31
251, 253, 254, 256, 258, 259, 262, 269,
Tattva,thMhigamasutra, -bh/4ya, 44, 158, 160
290, 305, 307, 386, 389, 435, 573, 578,
TattvavaislJradl, 30
580,581
Taxila, 15, 287, 288, 291,292, 293
SuSruta tantra of Vtddha Susruta, 226
Taxonomy, plant, 386-87
SUlra literature, dating of the, 25
Taylor, Medows, 539
Sutras, 23 Tejas, 459
dating of the philosophical, 27-28 Tekkalakota, 9
philosophical, 27-32 Tekwada, 11,14
Satra style, 23-24 Telegraph, introduction (If, 498
Suttapilaka, 39 Tell Asmar, 291
Suttavibhariga, 39 Tell-el-Arnama, 291
Suvar1Jiltantra, 307, 319 Tentamen Florae NepaJensis, 517
Suvrttatilaka, 26 Ter, 291, 293, 294,297
SilyagatjMga, -stitra, 42 Terminology, in algebra, 189
Svarbhanu legend, in eclipse, 64 Tethys sea, 568
Sveda)a, 36, 220, 425 Tetrad, 464
Svetasvatara Upani~ad, 21, 28, 32 Tetragon, area of, 185
Swirled glass, 292 Thibit b. Qurra, 51, 206
Syenacit vedi, lSI, 152 Thates of Miletus, 446
Sylvidae, 531 Theobold, W., 526, S34
Synodic lunar year, 76 Theodolite, sketch of, 513
Synodic month, 78, 81, 83,85 Theon of Alexandria, 134, 182
Syphilis, introduction of, 264, 595 Tbeophrastus,374
686 INDEX
Theravidins, 38, 40 Trigonometrical Survey of India, the Great,

Thirteenth month, 20 507-9, 601, 602
Thomas Thomson, 518 Trigonometry, 198,203
Three aha1flkaras (ego), 236 spherical, 84, 95, 103, 135,201-3
Threefold division of the universe, earth, Tripi/aka, 38, 39
61,62 Tripods, 289
Three fundamental reals, sattva, rajas and Tripple sphere of light, 62
tamas, 236 TripradeJa, 467
Tripuri, 287, 297
Tiaenops persicum, 534
TriJatika, 51, 168
Tibbe Firozshahi, 54,270,596
Trivandrum Observatory, 502
Tibbe-Shi/ai-Mahmudi, 54, 271 TryQ1)uka, 464
Tibbe-Shihabi, 54, 270 Tsu Ch'ung-chih, 187
Tibbi-Aurangzebl, 54, 272, 597 Tul).fa-AlamshAhi, 54, 272
Tibbi-Shifaul-Khani, 54, 270 Turiya, quadrant, 125
Tickell, R. S., 533 Turquoise, 283
Tiger, 407, 409, 410, 420, 440 Turtle, 410
Tikta, 458 at-TUst, see Nasir aI-Din at-TOsY
Time, Tutfluz, 306
division of, 72
measurement of, 33 Ucchedavada, 32
Ny4ya-ValSelika view, 475-77 Udaya, amplitude, 123
relative, 478 Udayadivakara, 95
Udaya /agna, rising ecliptic point, 123
Time-altitude, unnata ghati, 105
Udayana, 31, 383, 388
Tin, 323
Udbhijja, 425, 427
Tissa Moggaliputta, 39
Uddyotakara, Bharadvaja, 30,465
Tithi, lunar day, 73, 83, 109, 574
Ujjain, 13, 287, 288, 291, 292, 297, 301
Tithipatra, 99, 100 UklJrakhya Grantha, 172
Tobacco, 367, 399 Ulugh Beg, 101
Todar Mall, 370 UmAsvimin, Urnisviti, 44, 158, 160, 161,
Toledan Tables, 135 451
Topping, M., 494,601, 602 'Umdatu'r-Ra'id, 52,207
Tortoise, 409 Unani system of medicine, 53, 268-73
TrairaJika, rule of three, 182-83 Unicorn, 407, 415-16
Traiti du triangle arithmetique, 157 United Brotherhood of Koenig, 402, 492
Transmutation, 308 University Act of 1904, 556, 566
processes, 319-20 Universities, establishment of, 547-48
Trapezium, 184-85 Unknown quantity (in algebra),
isosceles, 186 terms for, 189
Trattato, 182 symbol for, 190
Tret' or Silver Age, 88 U1II1UlfI(iala, 6 o'clock circle, 105, 107
Triangle, 184 Unnata, altitude, 105
area of, 184 Uptlriga (Jama), 42
solution of rational, 184 Uparasas, 313, 323, 588
Trlbhona, tribhona lagna, nonagesimal, 123 UptlsakadaJa, 42
Tridents, 289 Upasktlra, 31, 256
7'ridh4tu, 19,217 Upa~inodQ,256,257,390
TrIdoIQ, three dolQS, three humours, 19, Urill, 291
236,239-41,243,244,334,579, 5BO, 582 Ordhva sl'astika (zenith), 103
Triaonometrical functions, definitions of, Urn bwial, 14
198 Uianas,34
relations, 199 Utk,epa(lll, 472
series, 201 Utnur, 9
sine table, 199-201 Utpalini, 26
INDEX 687
UttarddhyaYQ1l/J-SiUra, 43, SO, 158, 161 Vdi,tha. 60
Ut taramim4msd, 27 Vaiinha-Siddh4nta, so, 82, 83, 132
UttardyafllJ, 63, 81 Vasubandhu, 41
f/lyim'l Qisllb, 52, 208
Vate§vara, 51, 97
Uzbeck, 440
Valesvara-SiddMnta, 51, 97
Vi~yAyana, 24, 390
Vacaspatimi§ra, 29, 30, 31, 46S
Vt2da muppu, 335 VAtsyAyana Mallaniga, 35, 43
VAdhlila,2S VAtsyayana, Pak$ilasvimin, 30
Vagbhata, elder, 53, 221, 226, 247, 253, 262 Vaudhaka tantra, 230
Vagbhata's works, Persian translation of, Vdyavrya dravya, 458
54,271 Vayu Purd{ul, 36,49, 229
Viigbhala, younger, 53, 226, 227, 228 Vdyu, vilta, one of three humours, 217, 240,
Vaibha$ikas, 41, 468 247, 460, 579
Vaidya Sastra Pitha, 267 Ved4rigas, 23
Vaikhiinasa, 25 Vedliriga Jyot;~a, 27, 43, 50, 59, 61, 65, 66,
Vaisali, 297 68, 73, 77, 78-79, SO, 81, 82, 96, 124,
Vaise#ka, 27, 30-31 138, 139, 140, 173
Vaise#ka Sutra, 31, 43, 450 VedlJnfa, 27
date, 31 Videvdat, medical data of, 216
Vai~uvatiya or vi~uvat day, 77 Vedic calendars, 75-76
VaiSvadeva, 75 Vedic literature, 15-23
Vtijaseneyf.Sa"mita, 17, 18, 21, 218, 376, chronology of, 22-23
378 Vena, 65
school, 25 VendidlId, 46, 216
Vlljicikitsdsa1]tgraha, 54, 255 Vernal equinox, 107
Vlljikarafla, 316 Verspertilio, 534
Vtljikara/Jatantra (knowledge of virilities), Veterinary science, 54, 254-57
228, 231-32 colleges, 554-55
Vajra/epa, 308 research, 537
Vajra-sa11tKhllta, 308 Vetikkampavidhi, 56
Vdkyakara~, 99 Vibhariga, 39
VallabhAcarya, 31 Victoria Jubilee Technical Institute, 550,
ValUila family, 51,100 605
Valukd yantram, 333 VidycJdharayantram, 333
Vamadeva, 60 Vijayanandin, 86, 132
Vdmana Purtl1)a, 36 Vijnanabhik~u, 29, 30
Vandimijra, 254 VijiflJnavdlkl, 27, 41
Vangasena, 263, 595 Vika/pa (permutations and combinations),
Van Rheede, 401, 491,600 157-58
Varaha,25 Vikramorvaslya, 37
Varahamihira, 34, 35, SO, 66, 82, 85, 86, 92, Vimarddrdha, half-time of obscuration in
94-95, 104, 116, 125, 131, 132, 158, eclipse, 121 '
187, 199, 291, 585, 592, Villedieu, 211, 212
date of, 38 Vinay~#aka, 38,40,43,139
Vardha Purll{la, 36 Vindhyan, 525
Vdrasa11'ka/ita (in progressive series), 197, Vipakasutra, 42
201 VUel'l, 461
Varga (square, quadratic equations), 157 Vi$l)ucandra, 84, 96
Vargaprakrti (square nature), 193 Vi$l)udeva, 5S
Varga-varga (biquadratic equations), 157 Vil~mottara, Pur4{la, 36, 49, 299, 592
Vt2rttika, 26, 28 V~ Purdfla, 36, 49
Varuoa, the lord and guardian of rIa, 16, 62 Vispered, 46
Varu1)aJJragMsd,75 VlJuddhi-Maggo, 40
VdfavadatttJ, 175 V;'UVtmIIIlltIt/tlla, 104
688 INDEX
V/pJVatprabh4, 106 Weights, unearthed at Mohenjo-daro aD

ViSvajyoti, 453, 4SS Harappa, 137
Vi§vA mitra, 60 Wheat, 7, 11~- 351, 371-2, 392, 578, 599
VisvanAtha, astronomer and mathematician, White Cameo, 292
92, 98, 100, 170 Wight, Robert, 518
ViSvanAtha (ValSe,Ika), 31 Williams, D. H., 524
VisvanAtha Ayurveda MahividyAlaya, 267 Winnowing, 360
Vitreous paste, 14 Winter solstice, 73
chemical composition, 14 Wolf, 405, 406
Vitruvius, 35 Wollaston Medal, 521
Vlyoga,472 Wood, in prehistoric period, 374-75
Voelcker, J. A., 554 Wood-Mason, 535
Voltaire, 47 Wood's Despatch of 1854, 547, 605
Voysey, Henry, 510, 520 Word-numerals, 173-74
Vrk~iiyurveda, 56, 256, 362, 364-66, 390, Worms, 417, 431
58t, 592 causes of diseases, 19
ParASara's, 379-80, 382, 383, 388, 591
Yajifa, 454, 455
Vfl1da, Vrndakuo4a, 53, 55, 227, 233, 253,
Yi1jifavalkya Smrti, 25, 32, 34, 65
587
Yajfiavalkya Vajaseneya, 17
Vr~(lidaSdb, 42
Yajurveda, 15, 17-19, 21, 28, 59, 60, 68, 74,
Vulture, 419
131,575
VYA4i, 26
VyakhylJprajlfapti, 42 relationship to the J!.gveda, 17
Yaklmli, 18
VyAsa,29
Vyomdivlclrya, 31,473 Yall,443
Yallaya, 92, 94, 165
Vyomavatr, 31, 590
Yamaka, 39
VyUha, 464, 478
Yamyottara-vrtta, meridian, 104
Wallich, Nathaniel, 402, 515-17, 528, 603 Yang, 310, 317, 588
Wares, Yantrartija or Yantrardjagama, 99, 171, 593
Black and Red (B and R), 3, II, 12-14, YantrarQja/lktJ, 99
276,279 Yantrasarvasya Yantra, 35
Buff, 276 Ya'qOb an-Nadim, 48
Coarse Grey, 276 Ya'qfib ibn TAriq, 47, 48, 52, 97, 134, 211
Coarse Red, 285 Yashts,46
Cream slipped, 279 Yiska, 24, 25, 26
~rared,276,285 Yama,46
Fire Red, 285 Ydodhara, 55
Jorwe, 12, 278,279 Yuomitra, 41
Lustrous Red, 11, 12, 278, 279 Yavanajdtaka, 132
Malwa, 278, 279 Ydvat-tcJvat, 157, 190
Micaceous Red, 276 Year, pseudo solsticial, 76
Northern Black Polished (N.B.P.), 3, 12- saura, 109
14, 297-98, 583 silvana or civil, 76
Ochre coloured, 281 sidereal lunar, 75, 76
Painted Grey (P.G.), 3,12-14,285-86,577 synodic lunar, 76
Plain Orey, 285 Yin, 310, 317, 588
Red, 276 Yoga, 27, 28, 29-30, 49
Red slipped" 7, 279 school as a discipline for keeping health,
Warning colours, theory of, 535-36 23+-35
Watll' clock, 124-5 Yoga!Jh4n'a, 29
Water rate, 356 Yogacara, 468
Waugh, Andrew, 512-14 Yopeirins,41
Weather chart, 504 Yogar,atn4kara, 263, S95
Weights and measures, 33 Yoganaal'O, 262
INDEX 689
YogaSataka, 53, 261 Zenith distance of the nonaaesimal, drlc~po,

Yogatara, determinant star, 68 123
Yogavdrttika,3O • Zenith sector, 508, 509
Yogaydtrd, 95 Zero,
Yojano, 111 literary and inscriptional references to,
Yoke, 360 175
fuga, 60, 61, 76, 85 operations with, 167, 168, 169, 175
Yuga, five yearly, 74, 96 symbol for, 175, 585
Yugasudhtinidhi, 254 Zeta Piscium (Revali), 105
YuklibhliiO, 201 Zia'u'd-din Muhammad, 126
Yuktikalpalaru, 34 Az-Zij a/-Kab;r, 134
Zij Muhammad Shahr, 101, 594
Zaid ibn Thibit, 47 Az-Zij al-Mukhtari, 134
zainu')-Abidln, 52, 56, 208 Zik-;-Shatro-aydr, Zlj-ashshahrfydr, 48, 134,
Zarqali astrolabe, 126 211
Zarrin Dast, 47 Zink, 323
Zebu, 408 Zodiac, lunar, 66-72
Zend-Avesta, 46 steUar, 131
Zenith (urdhva svastika), 103, 104 Zodiacal signs, names of, in VrhaJjtJtaka,
Zenith distance, nata, 105 132
Zenith distance, relation with latitude and Zoological studies, 530-37
declination, 106, 203 Zoroaster, 46
ERRATA
Page Page
2 line· 22, read • t' for ' .' after 321 line 24, read 'kanya or kumdri' for
'neolithic' ,kanytl kumarl'
54 line 30, read 'sizable' for 'sizeabJe' 327 line ll,read 'lomtlrckii' for 'Jamarkii'
126 Footnote, read 'Nadvi' for 'Nadrl' 327 line 25 t read 'kanyd or kumari' for
189 line 34, read 'bht2vita' for 'bhavita' 'kanya kum~rl'
204 line 2, read '114' for '58' 338 line 9, read' Wrightia' for' Wrigutia'
231 2nd sub-heading, read 'VAJIKARAliA' 345 line 10, read 'particular' for 'paticular'
for 'VAl/KARAYA' 348 line 8, read 'constituents' for 'consti-
249 line 16, read 'tranquillization ' for tutents'
'tranquilization' 348 line ]2, read 'lamarcki;' for 'Iamorkii'
249 line 19, read 'tranquillized' for 349 line 2, read 'Kanya or kumar;' for
'tranquilized' •Kanyd kumdri'
255 line 19, read 'As~aStlstra' for 'Asvaistra' 356 Footnote, line 2, read 'Strabo' for' Abo'
359 line 3, read 'inflorescence' for
268 line 24, read 'pervades' for 'prevades'
,inflorescence'
274 line 4, read 'Lavoisier' for ,Lavoiser'
359 line ]4, read 'Genondropsis pentaphy/la'
275 line 23, read -tekhania' for 'Lekhahia' for 'Gynandropsis pentaphyta'
285 Footnote, line 5, reaii ' Atranjikhera' 443 read 'Fig. 8.12' for 'Fig. 12'
for 'Atranjikheda' 489 Footnote, read 'po 5' for 'po 11'
287 line 28, read 'Qila' for 'Quila' 581 line 23, read 'fistula' for 'fistual'
289 line 25, read 'Hittites' for 'Hittitics' 584 line 2, read 'Artaxerxes' for 'Artaxeses'
292 line 21, read 'lens-like' for ')ense-)jke' 587 line 20, read 'Kittlb' for 'Kilal'
302 line 26, read 'Waziri' for 'Naziri' 601 line 3, read 'Delisle' for 'Delise'
302 Footnote, line 1, read 'Consultations' 602 line 12, read 'Rennell' for 'Rennel'
(or •Cousu/tations' 603 line 9, read 'and' for 'adn'
317 Footnote, line 1, read 'Y.Sii. 4.1' for 60S line 35, read 'Mookerjee' for 'M ukherji'
·~S';.50' 653 read 'Nadvi' for 'Navri'
• Hoadinl and sub-heading Dot counted.

A Concise History of Science in India PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

A Concise History of Science in India PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA

'La categorie qui s~est interessec aux sciences comprcnd hui{

Sa'id al-Andalusi <Arab astrono-

D. M. BOSE, Chief Editor

INDIAN NATIONAL SCIENCE ACADEMY

4. MEDICINE by R. C. MAJUMDAR, Historian, Ex-Vice-

s. CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY by B. V. SUBBA-

6. AGRICULlURE by S. P. RAYCHAUDHURI, formerly of the

8. ZOOLOGY by J. L. BHADURI, University of Calcutta (retired),

9. THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS by

11. R~SUM~ by B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA, Indian National Science

s. CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY

5.1. Bar-diagram showing the chronological spread of

8.1. Neolithic haematite drawings showing stag, boar and

3.1. Table showing examples of word-numerals 173

5. CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY

9. THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS

The archaeologist's spade has turned up objects of great value

• Sankalia (4), pp. ix-x.

Within the broad neolithic-chalcolithic framework, cultural differen-

The Stone Age

G Sankalia (4), pp. xxi-xxii.

STONE AGE SITES

• Eirly Stone Age SItes

H. D. Sankalia for Bombay and Maharashtra regions, B. B. Lal for

Harappan Culture: The Bronze Age Civilization of the Indus Valley

The general characteristics of this civilization as enumerated by

or faience, metal tool types, and town planning according to a gridiron

Afohenjo-daro, Sind B.C. Kalibangan, Rajasthan H.C.

TF-75 Harappan level 1760±] ]5 TF-138 Harappan 1217 ± 103

From a careful analysis of these and other radiocarbon data, D. P.

11 See a note on 'Harappan may be Dravidian', Scientific American, November 1969,

Neolithic-Cha/colithic Cultures outside the Harappan limits

a JAR, 1960-61 ; 1961-62; 1962-63. f 1AR, 1964-65.

FIG. 1.3. Map showing prmcipal neolithic and chalcolithic sites.

To these sites may be added Rangpur, a Prabhas Patan (Somnath), b Bhagat-

" Rao (2), pp. 5-207. « JAR, 1956-57.

c JAR, 1954-55; 1955-56. k Covered in detail by Sankalia (3).

CJ Lal (1), pp. ~39. lJ Santalia (4), p. 223.

Grey wares, in Ahicchatra 4 and later on in Hastinapur,b Rupar,c Panipat,

a Ghosh and Panigrahi, pp. 55-59. j JAR, 1962-63.

b Lal (2), pp. 138-47. k JAR, 1963-64.

(' JAR, 1953-54. l JAR, 1962-63; 1964-65.

, JAR, 1963~; 1964-65. p Sankalia (4), PP. 281-82.

FAIENCE, VITREOUS PASTE, GLAZE AND GLASS

• Wheeler (J), pp. 187-99. cI Allchin (B. and R.), p. 229.

THE VEDIC LITERATURE

The Four Salflhitiis

(I ~v., X. 39.3.5. lJ Filliozat (2), p. 76 (French version).

times. a No less important are the philosophical hymns enquiring about

CI Winternitz, I, pt. 1, pp. 55-57.

From the geographical data embedded in these texts, it appears that

attested in both the Atharvaveda and the Yajurveda. a A large number of

Sa'l'hill'J Sa"milti Brdhmatws

If the Briihma~as, in the course of their theological disputations, sought

tI Wintcmitz, I, pte I, p. 206.

Chronology of the Vedic Literature

composed earlier than 1200 B.C. Leopold von Schroeder- suggested a

THE VEDANGAS, THE SOTRAS AND THE ORIGIN OF

We now come to another important group of literature, the Vedarigas,

The Sutra Style

fJ Schroeder, pp. 291 If. fJ Winternitz, I, pte I, p. 271.

elucidating the satras, sometimes in the form of a dialogue between the