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A Concise History of Science in India PDF
A Concise History of Science in India PDF
by
The Indian National Science Academy
Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg, New Delhi 1
©
1971
Indian National Science Academy
Printed in India
At the Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta
PREFACE
There is a world-wide interest in the study of the history of science
today as one important aspect in understanding man's cultural patterns.
This book attempts to present a concise account of the development of
science in one of the most ancient culture areas of the world. Despite
vicissitudes in intellectual and scientific endeavours and periods of stagna-
tion, e.g. about the time of the Renaissance in Europe, the Indian sub-
continent is one of the few areas where a fairly continuous tradition in
science and technology is clearly seen.
Growing interest in Indological research from the end of the eighteenth
century saw new approaches to oriental studies. Anquetil du Perron and
Sir William Jones, among several others, were pioneers in this field. The
searc!h for and the discovery of manuscripts, their patient study, attempts
at correlation with the relics of antiquity brought to light by the archaeo-
logist's spade and efforts to understand developments in one culture area
in the light of those of other culture areas in contemporary periods
characterized this orientation. The linguists. the philologists and the
general historians trained in the liberal arts, who led the way, were
naturally attracted to the vast sacerdotal and canonical texts, law books,
epics, drama and literature. These were more than sufficient to absorb
their energies. The study of ancient and medieval Indian technology and
science which involved the methods of the linguist and the philologist and
the knowledge of scientific disciplines had at first to be slow and halting.
Nevertheless, such studies were developing and making important con-
tributions to the understanding of the progress of science in ancient and
medieval India. The history of Indian science, however, was a far cry
until after World War II.
The genesis of the current interest in the history of science may be
traced to the Symposium on the History of Sciences in South-East Asia
held in Delhi in 1950 under the joint auspices of the UNESCO and the
Indian National Science Academy (then the National Institute of Sciences
of India). The Symposium emphasized the need for an integrated study
of the history of science in India and for straightening out the chronological
problems. It favoured the co-operation of scientists and historians in an
area of endeavour where the methods of their divergent disciplines could
be most fruitfully applied.
After a period of initial deliberations and discussions among its
Fellows, the Academy set up a History of Science Board and, with the
PREFACE
vi
funds provided by the Government of India in the then ~nistry of
Scientific Research and Cultural Affairs. started research unIts for the
collection and study of source materials for the eventual compilation, in
several volumes, of the History of Sciences in India. During 1964-65, the
Board was replaced by a National Commission composed of a number of
scientists and historians in keeping with the recommendations of the 1950
Symposium.
While the Academy, through its History of Science Board and the
National Commission, was thus busy in developing the foundation of study
and research in the history of science. the universities and educational
institutions evinced a growing interest in the teaching of the subject, and
a number of institutions included it in their curricula. From its inception.
the National Con1mission was keenly aware that the universities should
take an active interest in introducing teaching and research in the history
of science and made a nun1ber of recommendations in that direction. In
such circumstances, the publication of a concise history of science in India
was considered to be an effective way of stimulating further appreciation
among the universities in encouraging teaching in the subject apart from
generating interest in this new discipline among scholars, scientists and
general readers.
The editors are conscious of the limitations of their attempt involving
the participation of a number of scholars from different fields. Certain
lack of uniformity in the treatment and presentation of the materials is
perhaps unavoidable. Nevertheless, it has given an opportunity to such
scholars to look at the history of science in India from the viewpoint of
their own disciplines. The original draft of each chapter was referred to
other experts for comments and suggestions for further improvement, which
were freely given. Many of these suggestions bearing on the factual state·
ments were incorporated and comments concerning points of view were
considered in such a manner that the freedom of authors in this respect was
not interfered with. The editors take this opportunity to express their
gratitude to the referees-Prof. Ram Ballabh, Shri T. S. Kuppanna Sastry,
Prof. Ram Behari. Dr. C. Dwarkanath, Hakim Abdul Wahab Zahuri,
Prof. T. R. Seshadri. ProL P. Ray, Shri B. B. Lal, the late Dr. J. C. Sen-
gupta and Dr. G. S. Melkote.
The drafts of the various chapters developed in the aforesaid manner
were considered by the Commission at one of its meetings early in 1970.
The Commission suggested, inter alia, the incorporation of an introductory
chapter containing a survey of source materials, rationalization and avoid-
ance of duplication of the treatment of sources, citations of references in
the f~rm of footnotes and preparation of a consolidated bibliography,
covertng both pritllary and secondary sources, and a resume highlighting
the main achievements in a chronological setting. The editors executed
these tasks in consultation with four historian members of the National
Conunission, Prof. R. S. Sharma. Prof. G. R. Sharma. Prof. S. Nurul Hasan
PREFACE vii
and Prof. Satish Chandra, and received from them valuable suggestions in
the course of this work. for which they record their thanks. The editors'
thanks are also due to Prof. Sukumar Roy. formerly Head of the Depart-
ment of Islamic Studies and Culture. University of Calcutta. for going
through the draft manuscript, particularly sections dealing with the med-
ieval period. and making a number of useful suggestions. Prof. F. C.
Auluck, Member-Secretary of the National Commission, read the draft of
individual chapters. The editors would like to thank him for his many
suggestions and for facilitating the progress of the work in various ways.
Both in the course of the writing of the chapters and their editing,
the editors received ungrudging co-operation from a number of institutions
and persons in the matter of references. books and journals, drawings and
sketches and many technical points. While it is not possible to list all
of them by name, particular mention may be made of the Asiatic Society
Library, the National Library, the Library of the Indian National Archives.
the Archaeological Survey of India, the Zoological Survey of India, the
Botanical Survey of India. the India Meteorological Department. the
Geological Survey of India. Dr. B. Biswas, Dr. Y. P. Rao. Shri M. V. A.
Sastry, Shri M. N. Deshpande, Shri S. R. Rao. Shri M. C. Joshi. Dr. S. P.
Gupta, Prof. G. S. Dikshit and Dr. R. N. Kapil. To all of them, including
those not specifically mentioned, the editors place on record their sincere
thanks for their valuable co-operation and help.
Special thanks are due to Dr. A. K. Bag. Miss Mira Roy, Miss Mamata
Chowdhuri and Shri Vijay Govind, Research Fellows in History of Science
under the National Commission, for rendering all kinds of assistance,
particularly in the preparation of the consolidated bibliography, the check-
ing of references and going through the proofs. and to Mrs. Sandhya Mitra.
Assistant Editor of the Indian Journal 0/ History of Science and other
publications of the Academy, for seeing the entire matter through the press.
The editors deeply appreciate the typing and administrative assistance
given by Shri S. K. Sandhar, Shri B. N. Chakraburtty and Shri S. K. Roy.
Finally, the editors record their sincere thanks to the Baptist Mission
Press, particularly to its energetic Works Manager Shri G. Banerjee and his
assistants, for their meticulous care and interest in the printing of the book.
EDITORS
Calcutta
October 15, 1971
The Indian National Science Academy desires to ac-
knowledge with gratitude the financial assistance received
from the Ministry of Education and Social Welfare,
Government of India towards the working of the National
Commission for the Compilation of History of Sciences in
India and the production of this book.
CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE v
ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLES AND PLATES xiii
1. A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS by S. N. SEN, Indian
Associationfor the Cultivation of Science, Calcutta 1
Archaeological Sources . 1
The Vedic Literature 15
The Vediingas, the Sutras and the Origin of Sanskrit Scientific
Literature . 23
The Philosophical Sutras and Bhii$yas 27
The Arthasiistra, the NitiSiistra and related Arts and Sciences 32
The Epics, the Pura1Jas, the Poetics and the Brhatsaqthitii 35
Buddhist Literary Sources 38
Jaina Literary Sources 42
Persian and Arabic Sources 45
Special Sciences 50
2. ASTRONOMY by S. N. SEN, Indian Association for the Culti-
vation of Science, Calcutta 58
Astronomical Knowledge as revealed in the Sa"..,hitas, Brlih-
ma1Jas and Satras 60
Late Vedic and Pre-Siddhantic Astronomy, Jaina Astronomy 78
The Period of the Composition of the Astronomical
Siddhtintas-the Five Siddhilntas, the Surya-siddhilnta, the
Astronomical Works and Commentaries of the Period 81
Some Astronomical Topics in the Siddhantas . 103
Interrelationship between Indian, Greek, Chinese and Arabic
Astronomy. 130
3. MATHEMATICS by S. N. SEN, Indian Association for the
Culti,ation of Science, Calcutta 136
Metrology and Computations in Prehistoric Times 137
I CONTENTS
Page
Mathematical Knowledge as revealed in the Sa1]1hitas, the
Brahma!las, the Vedarigas and Related Literature 138
Jaina Mathematics 157
Mathematics of the Period Second to Eighteenth Century A.D. 163
Mathematical Contents of the Post-Vedic Period . 172
Study of Arabic and Persian Mathematics in India 204
Interrelationship between Indian and Greek, Arabic and
Chinese Mathematics and the part played by Indian Mathe-
matics in European Renaissance 209
7. BOTANY
Prehistoric Period by K. A. CHOWDHURY, Aligarh Muslim
University, A/igarh 371
The Vedic and Post-Vedic Period by A. K. GHOSH, University
of Calcutta, Calcutta, and S. N. SEN, Indian Association for
the Cultivation of Science, Calcutta 375
Botany in the Medieval Period from Arabic and Persian
Sources by K. A. CHOWDHURY, Aligarh Muslim University,
Aligarh 392
European Interest in Botanical Studies in India from Medieval
Times by A. K. GHOSH, University of Calcutta, Calcutta 400
Page
10. WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA UP TO THE END OF
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY A.D. by B. V. SUBBA-
RAYAPPA, Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi 484
Renaissance in Europe . 486
Western Science after the Renaissance . 487
European Traders and Missionaries in India. 489
Scientific Investigations and Institutions during the Seven-
teenth and Eighteenth Centuries 490
Science and Scientific Organizations in the Nineteenth Century 498
TEXT-FIGURES
Page
1. A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS
1.1. Map showing Early, Middle and Late Stone Age sites 4
1.2. Map showing principal pre-Harappan settlements, and
Harappan and post-Harappan sites. 7
1.3. Map showing principal neolithic and chalcolithic sites. 10
2. AsTRONOMY
2.1. The celestial sphere and some important great circles . 104
2.2. Latitude, zenith distance and declination 105
2.3. Declination, longitude and obliquity of the ecliptic 107
2.4. Ascensional difference 108
2.5. Eccentric model . 112
2.6. Epicyclic model . 113
2.7. Eccentric-epicyclic model for finding the sighra correc-
tion. 115
2.8. Earth's shadow 119
2.9. Conditions of eclipse . 120
2.10. Duration of eclipse 120
2.11. Parallax 121
2.12. Latitudinal and longitudinal parallax . 122
2.13. (a) Astrolabe. The 'face', wadjih, showing the
graduated rim, the 'spider' and the circular
tablets as seen through the 'spider' 127
2.13. (b) Astrolabe. The 'spider' or 'ankabut 128
2.13. (e) Astrolabe. The diopter or al-'i{itlde 128
2.13. (d) Astrolabe. The 'back', ;ahar 128
2.14. Samra, yantra 129
xiv ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLlS AND PLATES
Page
3. MATHEMATICS
3.1. Sketch of an Indus scale 137
3.2. Baudhayana's construction of a square 145
3.3. Transformation of a square into a rectangle 147
3.4. Transformation of a square into a rectangle, according
to Baudhayana 147
3.5. Construction of a square equal to the sum of two
different squares 147
3.6, 3.7. Pythagorean Theorem 148
3.8. Squaring the circle 150
3.9. (a) Mahiivedi 151
3.9. (b) Syena-cit 151
3.10. Geometrical representation of indeterminate equations,
according to Katyayana's Sulba 152
3.11. Geometrical method of finding the value of J2, accord..
ing to Sulba-sutras 155
3.12. Pascal's triangle, meru-prastara 157
3.13. Ge/osia method 180
3.14. Construction of the isosceles trapezium 186
3.15. Gal)esa's geometrical proof for the area of a circle 188
3.16. Relation between diameter and segments of a chord. 189
3.17. Iya, koti-jyii and utkrama-jyii 198
3.18. Hindu rules for spherical trigonometry 202
(Some of the geometrical figures in chapters on Astronomy
and Mathematics in the text are not captioned.
Captions of these figures are given here on the basis of
textual descriptions.)
Page
5.5. Sketches of some ancient iron objects found at Hastina-
pura, Taxila, Sisupalgarh and Ujjain 288
5.6. Sketches of some ancient glass specimens 293
5.7. Map showing the distribution of the Painted Grey
and Northern Black Polished wares 297
5.8. Schematic representation of a native copper-smelting
furnace at Singhara near Khetri in Rajasthan (1831) 300
5.9. Sketch of the remains of a furnace for forging iron
objects at Ujjain (period II) 301
5.10. Possible form of the furnace used by the ironsmiths of
south India 303
5.11. The four 'elements' of the Greek thinker, Empedocles . 311
5.12. The rasasiila-an artist's impression 329
5.13. The kO~lhi . 331
5.14. The dola yantram 332
5.15. The svedani yan/ram 332
5.16. The adhabpiitana yantram 332
5.17. The tiryakpiitana yantram 333
5.18. An efflorescence of punfru; (inset) a'.ulakkal 336
8. ZooLOGY
Page
10. WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA UP TO THE END OF THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY A.D.
10.1. Sketch of the weather chart of India: 16 Sept. 1888 S04
10.2. Sketch of the zenith sector used by William Lambton,
now preserved in the Victoria Memorial Museum,
Calcutta . 508
10.3. Sketch of the theodolite, assembled by S. Mohsin
Husain and used by Waugh and his associates, now
preserved in the Victoria Memorial Museum,
Calcutta . 513
10.4. Sketches of six botanical specimens, reproduced from
leones Roxhurghianae 516
10.5. Sketches of botanical specimens, reproduced from
Wallich 517
10.6. Sketches of fOUf fossils discovered in the Siwalik hills
by H. Falconer and P. Cautley 522
10.7. Sketches showing microsections of igneous rocks from
Raipur and Balaghat districts, Central Provinces 527
10.8. (a) The Hooma or Blackfaced sheep of Tibet 532
(b) Himalayan Bradbill, Psarisomus dalhousiae 532
10.9. (a) Eeheneis albescens. (b) Synaptura cornuta.
(c) Laheo rohita 535
10.10. (a) Lupocyclus strigosus. (b) Acanthephyra armata 536
10.11. The first four Indian medical graduates who went to
London 553
10.12. Electric radiator designed and used by J. C. Bose 557
10.13. (a) The high magnification crescograph designed by
J. C. Bose. (b) Mimosa pudica. (c) Desmodium
plant. 559
TABLES
2. AsTRONOMY
2.1. Nak~atra list in the Vedic Salllhitas, the Vedaliga Jyoti~a
and in the Srlrya-siddhiinta . 67
2.2. The equations of centre of the sun and the moon in the
Romaka-siddhanta 86
2.3. Planetary revolutions in a Mahiiyuga 87
2.4. Longitudes of apogees and dimensions of manda and
sighra epicycles in Vanlha's SUo Si. and the modem
Suo Si. 89
2.5. Diameters of the sun, the moon and the earth, distances
of the sun and the moon from the earth 118
ILLUSTRATIONS, TABLES AND PLATES xvii
Page
3. MATHEMATICS
PLATES
I. A thirteenth century Astrolabe, Archaeological Museum,
Red Fort, Delhi. The Samrat Yantra, Yantar Mantar,
Delhi facing p. 130
II. The Misra Yantra, Yantar Mantar, Delhi. The Ram Yantra
and the Jai Prakiis, Yantar Mantar, Delhi facing p. 131
III. Copper statue of Buddha, Sultanganj . facing p. 298
IV. The Iron Pillar at Delhi facing p. 299
V. Several grains of charred wheat, Mohenjo-daro. Rice grains
from Atranjikhera, c. 2000 B.C. facing p. 370
VI. Several grains of charred barley, Mohenjo-daro facing p. 371
VII. Bengal florican, painted by Mansur, Court artist of Emperor
Jahangir, in c. A.D. 1624 facing p. 440
VIII. Siberian crane, painted by Mansur, Court artist of Emperor
J ahangir facing p. 441
IX. Miniature of the Dodo and a few other birds, painted
during the reign of Emperor Jahangir facing p. 442
1 A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS
S. N. SEN
THE source materials on the basis of which attempts have been made in
this book to present a connected account of the development of science
in India largely comprise archaeological findings, the vast range of the
Sanskrit literature originating from the Vedic times, the canonical as well
as the secular literature of the Buddhists and the Jainas, Arabic and Persian
works, and secondary sources representing scholarly studies, interpretations
and analyses of these materials. The scientific and technical writings,
both primary and secondary, have formed the main basis of discussions of
the various sciences, and as such these have been treated, along with their
scientific and technical contents, in the respective chapters. Here, for the
sake of completeness, we shall do no more than mention some important
texts.
The position is quite different with regard to sacerdotal texts, canonical
literature, philosophical compendia, encyclopaedic works like the Brhat-
saf!1hitii, Arthasiistra (work on polity), epics, purii1)as, lexicographies and
so on in which scientific matters and concepts appear incidentally, mixed
up with the non-scientific, but which are nevertheless exceedingly important
from the point of view of the history of the development of scientific
ideas. The scientific contents and their analyses will, however, appear in
their proper places in the chapters concerned, but in this survey we shall
give an account of such general sources, including the archaeological, and
their chronological position, so that we may not have to refer to them again
and again.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES
/
)
S £ A
aF
8 £ N GAL
Fro. 1.1. Map showing Early, Middle and Late Stone Age sites.
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 5
Pre-Harappan Cultures
Pre-Harappan cultures in various stages of evolution have recently
assumed clearer perspective as a result of intensive archaeological activity
in Baluchistan, Sind, the Panjab and Rajasthan. In north Baluchistan,
earliest settlements have been found in Kili Ghul Mohammad and Damb
Sadaat in the Quetta valley by Fairservis and at Rana Ghundai mound in
the Loralai valley by Ross, all showing a number of periods. Pd. I of Kili
Gbut Mohammad dated 3688 and 3712 by C 14 methods produced no
pottery nor metal objects, Pd. II yielded handmade pottery and Pd. III
both handmade and wheel-turned pottery as well as copper. a Damb
Sadaat, excavated by Fairservis, shows three periods, with somewhat contin-
uous development, dating from 2528 or 2625 B.C. for Pd. I and 2554, 2425
or 2220 B.C. for Pd. II. Wheel-turned pottery, terracotta figurines and
copper objects (Pd. II and lIn are among some of the finds. Rana Ghundai
excavated by Ross yielded a complete sequence through a number of periods.
At Anjira and Siah-damb in the Surab valley in central Baluchistan,
de Cardi unearthed similar neolithic settlements having pottery affinities
with Damb Sadaat. Further south, Nal, in Kalat State, settled somewhat
later than northern and central sites, produced distinctive types of pottery,
copper objects and evidence of lead smelting.
These earliest settlements in semi-arid and mountainous Baluchistan
in the subcontinent show unmistakable cultural affinities, as, for example,
Damb Sadaat I with Kili Ghul Mohammad IV, Anjira III with Damb
Sadaat II-III, Anjira II with Kili Ghut Mohammad II and III, Nal with
Rana Ghundai III and so on. The most important, however, is the
relationship of these settlements with the earlier neolithic settlement at
Mundigak in south Afghanistan, which reveals a progressive evolution in
culture, through periods I to IV, in pottery types from wheel-made to wheel-
turned with varying designs and motifs, in the appearance of copper in
Pd. 12, bronze in Pd. IlIa, stone seals and in the development of some kind of
township with walls and bastions with sun-dried bricks. In some of these
features, Mundigak IV corresponds to Damb Sadaat III and Rana Ghundai
IIIc' Mundigak II-III to Damb Sadaat I-III, Mundigak IV to NaI, whereas
in its later phase, Mundigak itself bears the impress of the Harappan
a By Pd. I, Pd. II, etc., are meant period I, period II, etc., the Roman numbers in
ascending order indicating later dates. In several cases, dates of these archaeological
periods have been given.
6 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
culture. Some of the radiocarbon datings for Mundigak are: Pd. 16-2113
B.C.; Pd. 11I-2360 B.C.
As we move from Baluchistan to the Indus valley, we come across a
number of sites, e.g. Amri excavated by Majumdar and later by Casal,
Kot Diji explored by the Pakistan Archaeological Department, and Kali-
bangan a on the Ghaggar excavated by Lal and Thapar, and the pre-defence
layers of Harappa itself. All these sites present the pre-Harappan phase
in a more marked manner. A fine dark, purple-red ware is the character-
istic feature of all these sites. At Amri, different phases of period I show
affinities with Anjira III, Kili Ghul Mohammad III-IV and Mundigak III,
while during period II Harappan types appear. Kot Diji, about 30 miles
east of Mohenjo-daro, at its levels of carliest settlements, reveals pottery
types akin to Mundigak III and IV and Anjira III-IV and, at later levels, a
mixed culture in which the Harappan is predominant. Radiocarbon
datings carried out at the University of Pennsylvania are 2605 B.C. and
2472 D.C. for the early period and 2335 B.C., 2255 B.C. for the later period.
At Kalibangan, the Harappan citadel phase is preceded by the pre-Harappan
settlement characterized by steatite beads, shell bangles, some pottery
types resembling those of Amri and Kot Diji, and a few copper and bronze
objects as rarities. C14 datings determined by the TF on a large number
of samples from Kalibangan place its pre-Harappan phase between 2371
B.C. and 2098 B.C. although a few lower dates have also been found.
HARAPPAN SITES ,-
WITH PRE -HARAPPAN SETTl.EMENTS :'
o \
MUNDIGAK r··.."·...".
.,0-._.'/ PE.RlANO CiIiUNOAl
, ~'LI GHUL 0
( M~AMMAO
~ ,/ 0 DABARKOl
0, ~ .... _............... 0 ~AMB ~ \..."
\ KECHIBA6 "'''OMT RANA c;,u\\e 0'" ",/
'.., TOGAUO -' GliUNOA.I~.!;, R· ..... _ ../ ... 60-;A~IBAN6AN
\'''-... .LONDO ~~"l~."'~~~ ~ SANDHANAWAlA
; SIAH DAMS 0 OAN.J1RA JHUKAR ~",~Gj~~ BAHAwr,LPUR
, 0 D 1(.1 • .J
SITt: s
l~ MEHI eoNAL 1=) G :,OT.~IJI..._ ,-,_.'
mMOH...EN~9~DARO 0
...... _ •.,.
,..~ SUTKAGEN DOR
;.
NUNDARA
NINDO 0
0
AMRI
(!) lQHU,it1Jq-OARo
@ C~ANHU:,~ARO
,..---_----1
BIKANER
! SOTKAKOH
o • BALAKOT
\
\ I
I
a OTHMANJO BUTH! I )
·l.
.
• HARRO,/
A R.AB/AN ,
~~/~
"
.... ":"'-:SOJANIPUR
:_."
, 0 DE5ALPAR AHMEDABAD
o
'- _~_ _-=l :KHBAWAL f<OTHAL
r:.-:v- A:RALI GON/. <!fLOTHAL
o Pl'f·Harappan Settlements ~ BAllAKOT.
eROJDI
• RANGPUR
MEHGAM
!<INNIRl<HEOA •
o Harappan Sites ~
e Post·Harappan Sites ~
SOMNATtt
o Modern Towns
FlO. 1.2. Map showing principal pre-Harappan settlements, and Harappan and
post-Harappan sites.
with capitals, defensive city outposts, docks and harbours. The Harappan
inscriptions, now numbering about 2,500, have so far defied several attempts
at decipherment. B. B. Lal (5) has shown the direction of writing from
right to left. It is still an open question if the language belonged to
the Indo-European or the Dravidian family, but recent computer studies
carried out in Copenhagen by a team of Finnish scholars indicate a
preference for the latter. a
Marshall's estimate of 3250-2750 B.C. as the period of the Harappan
culture was already scaled down to 2350-1770 B.C. by C. J. Gadd on the
basis of cross-datings with the Sargonic and Isin-Larsa periods. Wheeler's
(3) dating of 2500-1500 B.C. for the entire Harappan span, first suggested
in 1946, remained generally accepted up to 1962. Radiocarbon datings
largely carried out at the TF and recently analyzed by Agrawal have
introduced further refinements in the above date-brackets. Some of these
datings are given below :b
What was happening in the rest of India when cultural evolution was
taking place in the western regions of the subcontinent culminating in the
brilliant Harappan phase between the fourth millennium to the middle of
the second millennium B.C.? Until Wheeler's work at Brahmagiri during
1941-48, northern, central, southern and eastern India formed the
archaeological terra incognita, contrary to expectations raised by many
references in the Sanskrit and the Buddhist literature. During the last
20 years, archaeological excavations in these regions have established the
existence of neolithic and chalcolithic cultures in all these areas as is naturally
to be expected from the extensive Stone Age cultures prevailing in pre-
historic times in these very regions. In Kashmir, Burzahom a gave evidence
of a neolithic site, dated c. 2375 by the C14 method, whose stone and bone
implements, coarse handmade pottery, pit dwellings, and dog burial custom
indicated Burzahom's inspiration from China. This is also true of the
neolithic settlements of Assam in the Garo and Naga Hills.
In south India where Brahmagiri gave the first indication, neolithic
settlements have been discovered at SanganakalIu,b Piklihal,c Maski,tt
Utnur, Tekkalakota,e HaHur,! T. Narsipur,g Hemmige, Nagarjunakonda
and other places, all in Andhra-Karnatak and at Paiyampalli, Gaurimedu
and Mangalam in the Tamilnad. Radiocarbon datings indicate the
comparative lateness of the South Indian neolithic complex, say, between
2000 B.C. and 1485 B.C. One of the samples from Utnur gave as early a
date as c. 2295 B.C. Narsipur and Tekkalakota gave 1805 and 1780 B.C.
Paiyampalli, Sanganakallu, and later phases of Narsipur and Tekkalakota
appeared between 1485 and 1615 B.C. Sequential changes from core and
flake tradition and simple handmade pottery to more developed wheel-
thrown pottery and adoption of copper and bronze tools in the late
phase are clearly noticeable. Sankalia thought that Raichur and Bellary
were probably the original focus of neolithic cultures in South-east India
and stimulated the development of similar cultures in Andhra-Karnatak
and Tamilnad regions. h Allchin favours Daimabad in Maharashtra as
a focal point which in its turn received inspiration from the Harappan
cultures and even from Burzahom as far as early pottery is concerned.'
More interesting perhaps are the post-Harappan phases, mixed with
local cultures, discovered in Saurashtra, Maharashtra, south-east Rajasthan
and Malwa, the Panjab and the Gangetic Doab. In Saurashtra, the
Harappan phase noticed in Lothal, Rojdi and Desalpar yielded to a post-
Harappan phase in Lothal II (1900-1500 n.c.) and Rojdi IB (1800 B.C.).
NEOLITHIC
AND
CHALCOLITHIC SITES
OF
lNDIAN SUBCONTINENT
\ ....... ,
• ""61. ~G,A'I'"
' 'N'PU. },
lAMLUK \
8 A y
S [ '\
o F
B E N G A L
also with the upper neolithic phase of Karnatak. Stone axes, perforated
ring-stone, a stone blade industry and a coarse grey pottery form the cultural
complex of the fi rst phase. In the second phase represented by Daimabad
II and Prakash lA, copper knife blades, a fine reddish-brown ware and
Malwa type spouted wares appear. Jorwe, Nevasa, Chandoli and Sonegao
which represent the third phase yield a variety of both stone and copper
implements, painted red Jorwe wares with spouts, some Lustrous Red
wares, and fibres of cotton, flax and silk. C t , datings on samples from
Sonegao put the Jorwe phase between 1375 and 1290 B.C.; the second
phase (Daimabad II, Prakash IA) may be placed between c. 1700 and
1400 B.C. by comparison with Navdatoli IIIB and IIIe, and the first
Daimabad phase before 1800 B.C.
The penetration of the Harappan culture in its latest phase into the
Ganges-Jamuna Doab is attested by Alamgirpur. While a post-Harappan
phase was persisting in Saurashtra, south-east Rajasthan and a few other
places, this culture disappeared from the Doab. In its place we find the
emergence of a new chalcolithic phase dominated by the use of a variety of
copper implements. Several copper hoards-B. B. Lala counted some 37-
have been discovered in the Doab and in the Chota Nagpu r Hills in Eastern
India, of which some important sites include Bahadarabad in Saharanpur
district, Rajpur Parsu, Bisauli, Fatehgarh, Santal Parganas, Baragunda,
Saguna and others. An interesting point is the association of ochre coloured
pottery with the copper hoard culture in these areas, which is now receiving
closer investigation. The association, in some centres, of copper hoards
with ochre coloured pottery as in Bisauli and Rajpur and, in some other
places, their existence below the Painted Grey \vare, as in Hastinapur, suggest
that copper hoards might belong to ochre coloured or some such pottery
of a pre-Grey Ware period. b As we have already noticed, chalcolithic
copper implements in varying degrees of abundance have been reported
from Saurashtra, Rajputana, Central India and the Deccan trap. These
are largely in the form of flat axe, shouldered celt, antennae sword, dagger,
ring, etc.
The Iron Age in India and its Association with Black and Red, the Painted
Grey and the Northern Black Polished Wares
Compared to the introduction around 1800 B.C. of an Iron Age either
in the Caucasus or in Asia Minor by the Hittites who discovered the process
of smelting iron ores and kept it as a closely guarded secret for several
centuries, the Iron Age in India is of recent date. About 20 years back
Col. Gordon could place the beginning of this age not earlier than 250 B.C.
By 1959 Wheeler, on the basis of new evidence, was able to push it back to
the sixth century B.C. when the Achaemenian Empire extended up to the
Panjab. The discovery in 1940-44 of a new type of pottery, the Painted.
burial and urn burial, also called 'megalith', in which iron objects have
been found with pottery, stone objects and carnelian beads. These types
of burial have been known for a long time from the excavations carried out
between 1851 and 1862 by Meadows Taylor in Shorapur, by Alexander
Rca between 1899 and 1904 in Adichanallur, and by Hunt between 1916
and 1924 in Raigir and Bhongir. Recently, Deshpande found three urn
burials and one pit burial in Tckwada. Brahmagiri,a Piklihal,b Sangana-
kallu and Maski c carry the same type of story. Brahmagiri burial grounds,
excavated by Wheeler, yielded B. and R. wares, mat-painted red pottery
similar to Jorwe type and iron objects. Hallur (in south Dharwar) shows
up an Iron Age fairly early, as indicated by TF radiocarbon datings of
1105 and 955 B.C. At Piklihal, Sanganakallu and Maski, iron objects, in
association with copper and sometimes gold, are common in graves as well
as habitational sites. The large number of south Indian megalithic or urn
burial sites have yielded Black and Red ware, almost uniform types of iron
objects-spade. hoe, pick-axe, sickle, wedge, crowbar, spear, knife, dagger,
sword, chisel, tripod, saucer hook-lamps, occasional copper, bronze or
stone objects and beads. Some grave types and burial customs, developed
during the neolithic-chalcoJithic period, are distinctly indigenous; some
bear similarities with those of Central Asia, Iran or the Caucasus, suggest-
ing the influence of Indo-Iranian speaking immigrants; while still others
are reminiscent of practices noticed in the Levant and the south coast of
Arabia. a
Faience, vitreous paste, glaze and fi nally glass and the techniques
involved in making them appeared during the protohistoric period.
Faience spindle-whorls side by side with those made of pottery have been
found in Mohenjo-daro. e From the same Harappan phase we have the
specimen of a vitreous paste,! an opaque glassy substance, having a chem-
ical composition-silica-88'12 %, ferric oxide-3·20 %, calcium oxide-
1·82 %, alkali oxides-S·04% and cupric oxidc-Q'46 % and a few vitreous
slabs of carnelian blue colour of more or less the same composition. Such
vitreous paste and slabs were intended to be ground to powder and then
used for glazing purposes. Glazed ivory shells, faience and pottery objects
have been found in Mohenjo-daro. In Egypt, green glazes appear much
earlier on Badarian pottery (c. 4000 B.C.) and in Mesopotamia from the
Jemdet Nasr period (c. 3000 B.C.).
True glass turus up in India rather late, at the beginning of the historical
period, whereas this man-made fourth state of matter, in the form ofcoloured
beads, are known in Egypt from predynastic graves at Naquada (4000-
3500 B.C.), Abydos (3500-3250 B.C.), Qau (2600-2500 B.C.) and Dahshur
(2100 n.c.). The art of making glass vessels has been practised in Egypt
and Mesopotamia from about c. 1500 B.C. The earliest true glass objects in
India have so far turned up in Taxila4 in its three main mounds, Bhir (c. fifth
century B.C.), Sirkap and Sirsukh and in Kopia in V.P. (fifth century B.C.),
although references to glass in the Satapatha Brahma1Ja would indicate
its use in India at a much earlier period. Other finds at Dharmarajika
Stupa (c. first or second century A.D.), Ahicchatra (c. from A.D. 100 on-
wards), Chandravalli (c. first century A.D.) and Arikamedu (c. second
century A.D.) belong to later periods. Kopia b has also yielded evidence of
glass manufacture at the site itself. Chemical analyses of Indian specimens
reveal considerable difference from those of contemporary Babylonian,
Roman or Chinese glass and point to an indigenous industry. It is,
however, quite possible that the technical know-how was originally derived
from the craftsmen of this long-established ancient art of West Asia.
The Vedic literature is the oldest Indian and also the most outstand-
ing specimen of the earliest Indo-European literary effort. Unlike the
canonical literature of other great religions, which often represents a com-
plete collection worked out in some definite time, the Vedas are considered
to be revealed (sruti) knowledge par excellence handed down from genera-
tion to generation by a unique method of oral transmission. The whole
literature has been conveniently divided, according to content and chrono-
logy in a general way, into three distinct classes, e.g. the Salflhitlis, the
BrahmalJas, and the A.ralJyakas-Upani~ads. Despite this classification,
there is a great deal of unity and intermixture of materials among the three
divisions. Chronologically, although the Salflhitas are older than the
BriihmalJas and the BriihmalJas than the AralJyakas-Upani$ads, some of the
BriihmafJas are older than, or contemporaneous with, some of the Sa1flhitiis,
and likewise with the Brahma1)as vis-a-vis the A.ral)yakas-Upani~ads.
• ARASlt 1919--20 (1920); see also Lal (B. B. Dr.), pp. 19-22.
b Roy and Varshney, pp. 366-68, 392.
16 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
The Sgveda
The ~gveda is the most ancient and important collection comprising
1,028 hymns and 10,462 (cas distributed over 10 ma!lrla/as or books. From
the researches of Bergaigne, Oldenberg, Bloomfield and others, it is now
well known that these matulalas and the hymns constituting them were
formulated in different periods-how different or ancient it is impossible to
say with any definiteness. The books II to VII, for example, contain the
oldest hymns, and books I and X, containing an assortment of hymns on
diverse subjects, including the oft-quoted cosmogonic hymns, represent the
latest collections. Book IX dealing with the glorification of the soma
drink and carrying forward the soma-cult of the Indo-Iranian period must
be given high antiquity. The portrayal, in the oldest hymn-books, of a
simple patriarchal life in small communities on the banks of the Indus, with
a warm love and adoration of nature and, in the latest books, of an organized
Brahminical hierarchy already propagating the virtues of a society based on
caste, penetrating farther east, clearly indicates the great difference of time
between the primitive origin of the hymns and their redaction into the
J.V<,-Sa'!1hitii we are familiar with.
As to sciences, their origins, although couched in mythological forms,
are traceable in the ~gveda. References to the threefold division of the
heaven, the sun and the moon, their motions through stellar constellations,
solar eclipse, division of time in days, months, year, intercalation, etc.,
clearly herald the beginning of astronomy and calendrical science. Interest
in medicine is reflected in the fact that several of the Vedic gods occasionally
play the role of physicians providing remedies. The foremost among them
are the twin brothers Asvins, sometimes also called Nasatyas, who had the
powers of healing the blind, the thin and the feeble and men with broken
bones. a Another Vedic god who has something to do with healing is
VaruQa, the lord and guardian of ,la, the Vedic equivalent of the Indo-
Aryan word asa (old Persian, aria), which has been variously interpreted
as meani ng 'a regular order in general', 'moral rectitude', 'a true law of the
universe' and so on. b This ,ta which is responsible for the orderly func-
tioning of universal laws such as the fixity of the stars, the movements of
celestial bodies, etc., also controls matters terrestrial and spiritual, including
the orderly or disorderly functioning of bodies of human beings on the
earth. The beginnings of a plant science have been traced in stray references
to external and internal structures of plants, some physiological processes
involved in manuring, plant classification and evolution. Regarding agri-
culture, trade and industry, Winternitz mentions that barley used to be
cultivated, cattle-rearing formed the main source of income, horse was
highly prized and harnessed before the chariot in war and peace, and wood-
workers, cabinet and chariot makers, metal workers, shipbuilders and so
on formed the main backbone for what passed for industries in Vedic
The Samaveda
The Samaveda is an anthology of the J!.gveda. The Sal'flhita has come
down to us in three recensions or schools, e.g. those of the Kauthumas,
the Ranayaniyas and the Jaiminiyas or Talavakaras. It is a collection of
both songs and verses. The majority of the verses are borrowed from the
}hveda, although these are often marked by variations of a linguistic
character or those due to exigencies of musical adaptations. A source book
of great importance for the study of the most ancient history of Indian
music, the Samaveda and its Brlihmatzas and Sutras are also full of interest
from the viewpoint of calendrical astronomy because of their fuller treatment
of gaviim ayana, the sattras of various durations and other ceremonies
built round the daily progress of the sun. As a derivative work, the
Sa'f7hita naturally enough offers no clue towards the determination of its
date except that it is posterior to the J!.gveda.
The Yajurveda
As a compendium of sacrificial formulas, the Sa'flhitii of the Yajurveda
came to be developed in a large number of schools of Adhvaryu priests and
recensions. Although Pataiijali, in the introduction to his Mah{jbhii~ya,
mentions 100 schools of the Veda of the Adhvaryus, works of the following
five schools have come down to us: (a) the Kiithaka or, more correctly,
the Carayaniya-Katha-Sa'f7hitii, representing the main recension of the
Kalha school; (b) the Kapi$thala-(Katha)-Sa1]lhitii, representing another
recension of the same Katha school, preserved only in fragments; (c) the
Maitrliya1,li-Safflhitti, of the MaitrayaQiya school; (d) the Taittiriya-SafJ1hitti,
of the Taittiriya or, more particularly, the Apastamba school; and (e) the
Viijasaneyi-Sa'llhitii, after the teacher YajiiavaJkya Vajasaneya, in the
recensions of Kanva and Madhyandina.
Traditionally, the works of the first four schools are grouped under
the Black Yajurveda and the last Sa'f7hitii belongs to the White Yajurveda,
but both the groups, on the whole, deal with common materials. As to
their relationship to the J!.gveda, both the groups and their recensions
abound in mantras borrowed from the &veda, with, however, many and
profound variations. The chief difference between the Black and the
White Yajuneda lies in the fact that, in the former, the mantras are followed
by, and often intermingled with, theological discussions and explanations, in
prose, called Brahma!JOs, whereas, in the latter, the mantras are carefully
separated from the Briihmartas and the materials treated in a more
systematic manner.
.. Keith (2), p. XClll. d YP:, XII. 97; Taitt. S., II. 3.5.2.
b Ta/I/. S., IV. 1.2; VdJ. S., XVI. 5. ~ FiUiozat (2), pp. 121-28 (French version).
f: ~V., H. 33.4.
28
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 19'
The Atharvaveda
The Atharvaveda comprises 731 hymns and about 6,000 verses grouped
under 20 books of which the first eighteen form the Atharvaveda proper
and the last two supplementary additions of comparatively recent date.
Its borrowings from the ~veda are considerable, as much as one-seventh
deriving without variation from the rcas belonging to books X, I and VIII.
But quite a large number of the verses are original and bear marks of great
antiquity. At the time of its taking shape, the Vedic Indians had already
penetrated to the south-east and settled down in the Gangetic plains, as
evidenced by the mention of a tiger-skin as symbol of royal power. b Society
also became differentiated into four castes with the Brahmat)as claiming the
highest privileges.
The oldest name of this fourth Veda was probably Atharvangirasab.
The frequent separation of this compound word and the mention of the
Veda by each name show 'that the compound is not a congealed formula,
but that the texts are conscious of the fact that each has a distinct indivi-
duality, a right to separate existence.'c Originally, both the words 'athar-
van' and' aligiras' meant fire-priest, the fire-cult playing an important role
in the daily life of the Indian people in much the same way as it did in the
case of the ancient Persians. The two terms further signified two different
species of magic formulas; the atharvan referred to holy magic bringing
about happiness and the angiras to hostile sorcery or black magic.
The Atharvan songs and spells concerning healing of diseases throw
important light on the oldest system of Indian medical sci~ce. Through
these charms and spells the symptoms of a large number of diseases are
described with great clarity. Winternitz notices a remarkable similarity
between the magic incantations of the Indians and those of old Germctns
in the fact that while the Atharvaveda mentions 55, 77, or 99 diseases,
German incantations often refer to 77 or 99 diseases. II Another peculiarity
of the Atharvaveda consists in its recognition of worms as the causes of
many diseases. Descriptions given of these worms are also of consider-
able zoological interest. The Atharvaveda is also very rich in anatomical
nomenclature as will be clear from a glance at Filliozat's list mentioned
previously.
Opinion is divided on the question of origin of the theory of trido~a
or tridhiltu in the Atharvaveda. But the physiological role of air or pralJa
as an organic and cosmic force is well attested in the Sa"mitas, including rr
CI AV., XVill. 3.5; Vaj. S., XVII. 6; Kdth. S., XVII. 11. e Bloomfield, p. xviii.
b Wintcrnitz. I, pt. I, p. 108. cI Winternitz, I, pte I, p. 115.
20 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
the Atharvaveda. This point is important from the point of view of the
evolution of the pneumatic theory, its maturity in later Ayurvedic texts
and the parallelism noticed in some Greek texts such as one treatise on this
subject by Hippocrates and Plato's Timaeus.
The Atharvaveda offers little assistance towards our understanding
of the nature and extent of the Vedic astronomy. Nevertheless, it does
contain stray passages of astronomical consequence, such as the solar
eclipse, the mention of riihu for the first time, intercalation with a thirteenth
month and similar titbits. Its late nineteenth book reproduces the list of
28 nak~atras including Abhijit.
Finally, its cosmogonic and philosophical hymns belonging doubtless
to the latest parts of this Veda are of no less importance to the history of
Indian science. In 63 hymns addressed to goddess earth, a specimen of
good ancient poetry, Mother Earth is described with all her physical geo-
graphical peculiarities as the supporter and preserver of life. Likewise,
time (kala) is recognized as the first cause of all existence. Time is ageless,
begot the yonder heaven and the earth, then the waters, the brahma, the
tapas and the regions of space and so OD.
The Briihma'.las
The BriihmalJas, the second great division of the Vedic literature, have
been styled by Winternitz as the 'Science of Sacrifice'. Eggeling, in his
introduction to the Satapatha Brahma1)a, has traced the genesis of this
class of literature to the gradual dispersal of the Brahma1}.a communities
from the Panjab to the eastern and southern parts of the country and to
the necessity of dividing sacrificial duties among different classes of priests,
namely the Hotar, the Udgatar, the Adhvaryu (the performer of the actual
sacrificial acts) and the BrahmaI}a or high priest.
The beginnings of such theological elucidations may be seen in the
Sa'!1hitiis of the Black Yajurveda where the mantras as a rule are either
followed by, or intermingled with, their dogmatic explanations to constitute
the Briihma!la portion which thus developed into a convenient textbook
for the Adhvaryu priest. This might have stimulated concurrently the
compilation of Briihma!)a texts for the HoUlr and the Udgatar priests. The
Vajasaneyins who came later obviously profited by the experience of the
older schools and from the beginning separated the Brlihmana from the
carefully selected mantras and arranged the whole literature· in a highly
systematic manner. The principal BriihmQ1)as which thus came to be
attached to the different Sa'!1hitlis are enumerated below:
SamhJtd Sa"mita BrlIhmtl(Uls
Schools and recensions
~vtdo Sakala Aitareya
Vaskala Kalqftalci or Sallkhayana
SlJ nJQ veda Kauthuma 1
Rt2n4yanlya J PaJlcavi"ua or Taf){iamoha : Sa(lvimla
Jaiminlya Jaiminlya
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 21
The Ara~yakas-Upani$ads
The third division of the Vedic literature comprises the Ara!lyakas
(forest texts) and the Upani.t. ;ads (secret doctrines), which arose out of the
Sa".,hittis and the Briihma~as of the different Vedic schools. The Aitareya-
1ra'.lyaka which includes the Aitareya Upani$ad is part of the Aitareya
BrahmafJa and likewise the Kau$itaki ArafJyaka-Upani$ad represents the
concluding portions of the Kau$ftaki Brtihma~a. The Paiicavi1]1sa BriihmalJa
ends in the Chtindogya Upani$ad, of which the first section is an ara1,1yaka.
The Jaiminiya and the Kena Upani$ads belong to the Jaiminiya or Talavakara
schools of the Stimaveda. The Upani~ads of the Black Yajurveda schools
include the Taittiriya Ara~yaka-Upani~ad, a continuation of the Brtihma~a
bearing the same name and the Mahtinaraya~a, the Katha or Ktithaka, the
Svetiisvatara, the Maitrliya~i Upanisads. The greatest and the most import-
ant of all Upani$ads is the Brhadiira~yaka which belongs to the Satapatha
BriihmalJa of the White Yajurveda. The l$ii Upani~ad forming the last
section of the Vajasaneyi Salflhita is short but valuable. The MUlJrlaka
and the PraSna Upani$ads are offshoots of the Atharvaveda.
The six of the above-mentioned Upani~ads, viz. the Aitareya, the
Brhadiira1Jyaka, the Chlindogya, the Taittiriya, the Kau$itaki and the Kena,
which, in language and style, resemble the BriihmafJas, represent the earliest
stage of development of this type of literature whose antiquity cannot be
far different from that of the Brahma~as.Q, The Katha, the Svetasvatara, the
MahiinarliyafJa, the l$a, the Mu~{iaka and the PraJna which also contain
the Vedanta doctrine are in all probability pre-Buddhistic. The Maitrtiya1;li
Upani$ad in which the Vedie prose is no longer traceable is of a much
later date and possibly post-Buddhistic.
Besides the Upan#ads mentioned above, some 200 texts bearing the
title of this class and attributed to one or the other of the Vedie schools
have come down to us. Most of them having no connection with the
Veda are akin to the PuraT)as and the Tantras and belong to a much later
date. a Of these several non-Vedic Upani$ads, mention may be made of
the Subala Upani~ad, frequently referred to by Ramanuja and the Garbha
Upani$ad; the former deals with metaphysics, cosmology, physiology and
other matters, whereas the latter, as the title implies, is an embryological
text having some importance in the history of medicine.
Written in the form of dialogues often reminding us of Plato, the
Upani$ads are primarily important as repositories of physical concepts
concerning both the organic and the inorganic world. A sharp distinction
is made between these two worlds-a distinction which, in the view of
Deussen, dominates the Indian view of nature also. b Organic bodies such
as gods, men, animals and plants are in essence the titman itself and
are regarded as wandering souls. Inorganic bodies called mahtibhuttini,
although controlled by Brahman, are not wandering souls, but only the stage,
the material substratum enabling the souls to play their part. Embed-
ded in this concept of mahiibhiitiini is the idea of five elements whose
gradual evolution from water as the only primordial element into earth,
water, fire, wind and ether as the five lnahlibhaftini is traceable in the
Upani$ads.
The Upani$ads tacitly assume that, like the macrocosm, the microcosm
represented by the human body is also constituted of the five elements. Some
physiological concepts applicable to man, animals and plants as also some
elementary principles of classification are met with. Astronomical con-
ceptions are only slightly developed and do not go beyond what we find in
the two other preceding divisions of the Veda. In the simple cosmography
preached by the Upani$ads, the earth is surrounded by water and
has oceans, mountains and seven island continents. The heaven and the
earth form two halves of the egg of the universe, a recurrent conception
throughout the Vedic literature.
• Winternitz, I, pt. I. p. 208. o Winternitz, I, pt. I. p. 22S; Max MUller (I), pp. 23 fr.
b Deussen, p. J86.
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 23
The Kalpasutras
The Kalpasutras are available in four different classes, e.g. the Srallta,
the Grhya, the Dharma and the Sulba. As the materials of the Sa1Jlhitiis
and the Briihma!las constitute the basis of these sutras, passages in them of
scientific import have received fresh treatment and sometimes further ela-
boration at the hands of the siltrakiiras. Such is particularly the case with
regard to the Vedic calendars which have received lengthy treatment in
the Uityayana Srautasiltra and the NidtinaS7ltra of the Stimaveda. The
fourth class of the KalpasQtras, the Sulbasiuras, are often attached to the
Srautasiltras and are important as the oldest Indian works on geometry,
irrational numbers and other mathematical topics.
The Manava Dharmasiistra or the Manu Smrt; and later smrtis
originated from the Dharmasiistras, one of the four great divisions of the
KalpasiUras. The mythical Manu is mentioned in the Taittiriya Sa1Jlhita
and by Yaska; Asvagho~ats references agree in part with some of the
teachings of the Manu 8mrti; and finally the epic Mahabharata preserves a
considerable portion of it. Obviously, the form in which we now have it
developed over a long period of time, and it may be placed. anywhere be-
tween 200 B.C. and A.D. 200. b As a law book dealing with all aspects of
human life, it occasionally furnishes information of scientific value relating
to botany, zoology, agriculture and the like. This work expressing as it does
the soul and the philosophy of life of a large section of the ancient Indian
.. Keith (3), p. 409. b Keith (3), p. 44].
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 25
• Renou and Filliozat, pp. 100-1. C Renou and Filliozat, p. 104; see also Keith
b Keith (3), p. 413. (3), pp. 4]5-16.
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 27
Jyoti~a
might have been composed a little earlier. Keith sums up by saying that
between the dates of the principal Upani~ads and the third or the fourth
century A.D. these different philosophical systems then under active investi-
gation took their final forms. a Dasgupta disagreed with such late dating
of the philosophical sil/ras, as we shall see when we take up the question
of dates of the individual su/ras.
Renou and Filliozat hold that the origin of the speculation constituting
the systems is much older than what is implied in Jacobi's investigations.
It is quite possible that the activity of the Buddhism, by creating an opposite
reaction among the BrahmaQas to defend and strengthen their position,
indirectly contributed to the codification of their philosophies. b The
speculations of logic possibly developed partly in the medical schools.
The Mimiifl1sii
To start with the Mimli1Jlsli (investigation), the term appears in all the
Vedic literature since the Yajur- and the Atharva-veda. The word is used
in the Dharmasiistra, PiiQini knows it and Pataiijali in his Mahabha~ya
speaks of the Mlmarpsakas. Katyayana's Viirttika on certain points agrees
with the phraseology of the MimlifJ1siisutra. The original sufras are attri-
buted to Jaimini about whose personality nothing authoritative is known and
who in all probability was a mythical personage like the founders of other
darsanas. Dasgupta, C however, thinks that the MimiifJ1sasu/ra was probably
written about 200 B.C. The MimiifJ'lsiisatra was commented upon by Sabara-
svamin (fifth century A.D.) and later on by Prabhakara (c. A.D. 600) who
wrote the Brhati and by Kumarila (c. A.D. 700), the author of the Sloka-
vdrttika.d. For the history of science, the Mimal)1sakas hold an important
position through their interpretation of sound and its propagation, which
is different from that of the Vaise~ikas.
The SatrJkhya
The term slirnkhya which first appears in the Svetlisvatara Upani~ad
literally means that which concerns the number and appropriately so inas-
much as it frequently resorts to enumeration, categorization and hierarchi-
cal classification. More generally, however, it also signifies the theory,
reflection, etc., as opposed to practice implied in the Yoga. The first
striking fact about the Sii1fJkhya doctrines is that these are non-Brahm~ie
in the sense that their bases are not to be found either in the Vedie rituals
or in their beliefs and teachings. This led to one theory of its origin out-
side the sphere of the Vedic influence, possibly in the same regions which
witnessed the beginnings of the Buddhism.' In fact, the majority of
scholars-Senart, Jacobi, Garbe, Pischel and, with certain reservations,
G Keith (3), p. 472. " Keith (3), pp. 473-74; Renou and Filliozat, p. 10.
b Renou and Filliozat, p. 2. • Renou and Filliozat, p. 34.
Cl Dasgupta, I, p. 370.
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 29
The Yoga
The YogaS12tra is attributed to Pataiijali who is different from the
author of the Mahabhli~a. The sutra makes reference to the Buddhist
Yogaclira and may be dated between the third and fifth century A.D. Then
there is the Yogabha~ya ascribed to the mythical Vyasa (sixth century A.D.
a Renou and Filliozat, p. 34. d Renou and Filliozat, p. 36; Dasgupta,l, p. 212.
b Keith (3), pp. 487-88. e RenouandFilliozat, p. 36.
C Wintemitz, m, pte II, p. 506. I Keith (3), p. 489.
30 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
The Nyiiya
The term nyiiya variously means 'method', 'rule', 'justice', etc., but
philosophically it signifies 'logic' or 'reasoning'. Later it developed itself
into some sort of syllogism in five parts. The Indians have been interested
in logic from very ancient times, but how ancient it has not been possible
to say with any certainty. The term iinvik$iki (enquiry), the oldest word
for philosophy, has also been stretched to mean logic. The founder of
the Nyaya system is Gotama, sometimes surnamed Ak~apada, contempo-
raneous with Buddha, for which of course no decisive proof exists. But
Gotama and Ak~apada are two different persons, the latter being credited
with the redaction of the Nyayasutra about the third century A.D. An
important point in the development of the Nyiiyasutra is that similar theories
of logic appear in the medical text, the Caraka SafJ'lhitii, which proves the
existence of the Nyiiyasutra from the beginning of the Christian era or
even from pre-Christian times. b
Of the large number of commentaries available, the earliest and the
most important is the Nyiiyabha~ya of Pak~ilasvamin Vatsyayana who
flourished in the fourth century A.D. and before the Buddhist logician
Dignaga. In the beginning of the seventh century A.D., Uddyotakara
Bharadvaja wrote his Nyayavarttika to explain the sutra and the bha~ya.
Some other important commentaries on the Nyaya system include Vacas-
patimisra's Nytiyaviirttikatiitparyalikli, a commentary on Uddyotakara's
above-mentioned work, and the Nyliyasucinibandha, an index on the Nyaya,
Jayanta BhaHa's (ninth century A.D.) Nyayamanjari, Udayana's (tenth
century A.D.) NyiiyavarttikatatparyatikiipariSuddhi, the Nyayaparisi$la, a
supplementary work on logic, and the Nyiiyakusum iinjali, probably the
best known of his works. From about the time of Vacaspatimisra a
tendency developed for syncretizing the doctrines of the two allied schools
of Nyaya and VaiSe$ika, and a large number of Nyiiya-Vaise$ika works in
the nature of commentaries began to appear. But before we deal with
them we have to say a few words on the origin of the Vaise~ika system.
The VaiSe$ika
In the opinion of some historians of ancient Indian thought, the
Vaile#ka system of thinking is considered to be very old. .Richard Garbe
• Winternitz, I, p. 212; Dasgupta places him in A.D. 400.
b Renou and Filliozat, pp. 55-56. S. C. Vidyabhusana dated Aktaplda '8 Nytlyasutra
about A.D. ISO and believed Gautama's Nytlya system as old as SSO B.C. (Dasgupta, I,
p.279).
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 31
a Renou and Filliozat, p. 6S. • Renou and Filliozat, p. 67. C Dasgupta, I, p. 282.
32 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCffiNCE IN INDIA
II Shamasastry, Preface, p. vii. Cl Keith (3), p. 463; Renou and Filliozat, p. 129.
o Keith (3), p. 461.
3-
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 35
of mensuration) dating from the sixth or seventh century A.D., which has
something of the spirit of Vitruvius. G Bhojadeva's Samaranganasutra-
dhara (eleventh century A.D.) is another architectural work which gives
besides details of several machines. Some passages give us the impression
of the existence of an aeronautical science which is probably the result more
of imaginary thinking than of serious scientific investigations. To this
class of literature belongs the Yantrasarvasya Yantra, also of the eleventh
century, which has a chapter on vaimanika prakarana. b
The third aim of life, the fulfilment of klima (love), formed the subject
of serious studies in ancient India, of which the most important text that
has come down to us is the Kamasutra (aphorisms on love) of Vatsyayana
Mallanaga of uncertain date. The work is referred to in Kalidasa's Raghu-
valllsa and Kumiirasambhava, Varahamihira's Brhatsa11lhitii and by Bhava-
bhuti, Subandhu, Magha and others. These facts, coupled with archaic
sutra-bhii$ya style of the Arthasiistra followed in this work, have led
Winternitz to suggest its date as the fourth century A.D., while Keith
considers A.D. 500 as reasonable.
The Purii1)QS
According to Amara's definition, the PuralJas are distinguished by
five characteristics (paiicalak~a!)a), e.g. creation, recreation, genealogies,
cosmic cycles and account of royal dynasties. c There are 18 Mahiipurii1)as,
viz. Vi~!lu, Miirka1J(ieya, Brahmii~(ia, Vayu, Matsya, Bhagavata, Kurma,
Bhavi~ya,Litiga, Pad,na, Sk an da, Brahma Vaivarta, Agni, Brhannaradfya,
Vamana, Varaha, Garu{ia and Brahma. The first, third and fourth conform
to the five characteristics whereas the rest are not far removed from the
S,nrtis. There are a large number of UpapuralJas.
As far as sciences are concerned, special importance attaches to the
Vi$l)u, the M iirkal){ieya, the Vayu, the Bhavi~ya, the M atsya and the Vi~lJu
dharmottara (a Upapuriil)a). The PuraJ)ic cosmology draws upon the con-
ception of the hira~lyagarbha, the pradhana, puru~a and kala-ideas already
formulated in the upani~ads and other philosophical texts. The Garu(ia
PuriiQa gives an elaborate account of five pathological categories of
diseasesd and also deals with veterinary science. The Bhavi~ya PuriiQa is
important from the point of view of zoology, particularly snakes. The
A.gni Puriil)a deals with plant sciencee and also contains reference to zero.
In the Brhanniiradiya PuriilJa, the development of trees through different
stages are described in some details. The Puriinas have elaborate discussion
of the four mundane ages, the yugas, some of winch were utilized by Brahma-
gupta and other orthodox astronomers.
Colebrooke (1), Wilson! and other scholars dated the Purq1)as between
the ninth and thirteenth century A.D. On the basis of Kautilya's reference
• MB, VI. 5.10-17. , Ag. Pu., ch. 247, 26-31.
• MB. XU. 134.8. I Wilson, I, Preface, xvi.
cAmara,1.6.5.
tI Tarkaratna (P.), cbs. 1~208.
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATERIALS 37
to the Purti!Za, Smith thought that this type of literature had already become
authoritative in the fourth century B.C. a In his voluminous studies on the
Pura!Zas, Hazra attempted to fix an approximate date of the DharmaSlistra
portions of the Purii1)as and suggested for the Miirka1Jt!eya, the Vayu, the
Brahmii1Jt/a, the Vi$1Ju, the Matsya and the Bhiigavata a dating ranging from
the third to seventh century A.D. The Bhavi~rya may be dated from c. A.D.
500 onwards, the Agni c. A.D. 800, the Garucja c. A.D. 900, the Brhan-
niiradfya c. A.D. 800 and the Brahma Vaivarta possibly from c. A.D. 700
onwards.
The Poetics
The development of the brilliant literature on poetics, belles-lettres,
romantic and historical poetry which frequently indulge in the description
of nature and its flora and fauna is outside our scope. Nevertheless,
Kalidasa is of special interest to us, and legend has it that he was one of
the nine jewels (Dhanvantari, K$apaJ.1aka, Amarasirpha, Satiku, Vetala-
bhatta, Ghatakarpara, Kfilidfisa, Varahamihira and Vararuci) who adorned
the court of Vikramaditya. This legend has not, however, been taken
seriously. It is generally accepted that Kiilidiisa flourished after Asvagho$a
and during the ascendancy of the Imperial Guptas. His date, though still
uncertain, may fall either in the second half of the fourth or in the fifth
century A.D. b His ~tusarrzhiira, Meghadiita, Kumiira-Sambhava, Raghu-
varrzsa, VikramorvaSiya, Miilavikiignimitra and Abhijfiiina Sakuntala are full
of beautiful descriptions of nature, the seasonal changes, several animals
and plants and insects. Gupta has extracted entomological information
of about 18 insects from the great poet's meticulous observations.
The BrhatsafJ1hitii
Varahamihira occupies a special position in the history of science in
India in view of his wide range of j nterest and contribution to several fields
of knowledge. As an astronomer, astrologer and, above all, an encyclo-
paedic writer, it is difficult to find his peer. His contributions to astronomy
will be discussed in the chapter on astronomy. His encyclopaedic work,
the Brhatsarrzhitii, for which he is sometimes compared with Pliny, is his
magnum opus. Through this work, Varahamihira 'shows himself a master
of learning of his day in wide fields of knowledge, and thoroughly skilled
in language and meter, not at times without a real touch of poetic ability'.c
A critical scholar, scientist and encyclopaedist like al-Biriini did not fail
to notice the merit of the book on which he drew heavily in writing his
own Indica.
The Brhatsaf!1hita provides important information on astronomy,
geography, medici net chemistry, perfumery, botany, zoology, agriculture,
• Smith (V. A.), p. 24. b Renou and Filliozat, p. 207. e Keith (3), p. 529.
38 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INOlA
Canon closely resembles the Pali Canon we now have it." In its present
form, the Trip/takas have probably been in existence from the early
centuries of the Christian era.
before the Christian era and was translated into Chinese for the first time
in A.D. 308. tJ
The Larikavatarasutra, also called the Saddharmalanktivattirasatra, is
one of the important Mahayana siltras. The work is important from the
point of view of Buddhist physical concepts, at least of the Mahayana
school, inasmuch as it teaches the Vijflanavada, the doctrine of consciousness
and also a modified view of the sunyavada. It refutes the philosophies of
the Saf!lkhya, the Nyaya- Vaise~ika and the sophists. The text was translated
into Chinese in A.D. 443 and probably existed between 50 and 100 years
before that time. b The philosophy of Vijfitinavada played an important part
during the fourth and sixth century A.D.
The importance of Nagarjuna in the history of Jndian science need
hardly be overestimated. Apart from being the founder of the Madhya-
mika system of the Mahayana, Nagarjuna, we have it on the authority of
Kumarajiva (c. A.D. 405), was well versed in astronomy, medicine, produc-
tion of precious stones and alchemy. Samuel Beal records that he practised
the art of converting inferior substances into gold and also discovered an
elixir of life. He was the author of the Miilamadhyamakakiirikii containing
one of the best accounts of the siinyavtida and of several other works.
Nagarjuna's date is debatable. Keith places him around c. A.D. 200,
Winternitz in the latter half of the second century A.D., and, according to
Renou and Filliozat, he lived towards the end of the first century and the
first part of the second century A.D.
The Abhidharmako$a of Vasubandhu who flourished in the fourth
century A.D. is an important source book on Buddhist atomism. The
Sanskrit original has long since been lost, but the work has survived in the
fonn of a commentary, the Abhidharmako$avyiikhya by Yasomitra, and
also in Tibetan and Chinese versions. The work was written from the
standpoint of the Sarvastivadins and also dealt with the debates between
the Vaibha~ikas and the Sautrantikas-Buddhist schools who believed in
the atomic constitution of matter. The atomism of these Buddhist schools
appears to have been borrowed from the Vaise~ikas. Another Buddhist
work of uncertain date, but translated into Chinese, is Abhidharmahrdaya
in which a much fuller treatment of the atomic theory is met with. The
earlier and classical Yogacarins appear to have accepted the theory pro-
visionally, but the later ones led by Dignaga (fifth century A.D.), the famous
logician, found no use of it in their system of logic, in which, in consequence,
the theory was refuted. Nevertheless Dignaga's Pramo1)asamuccaya, Hetu-
cakrani17)aya, Nyayamukha, Nyayapravesa and other works throw important
light on the subject. Considerable importance also attaches to the works
Nydyavindu and Sambandhaparik~o by Dharmakirti (seventh century A.D.),
the celebrated successor in the Dignaga school of logic.
Candra-prajnapti mean information on the sun and the moon, and are as
such astronomical texts which more or less follow some of the precepts
and principles found in the Vedaliga Jyotqa. There are also important
differences in the fact that these texts advocate the theory of two suns, two
moons and two series of nak$atras in keeping with their peculiar cosmo-
graphical ideas. The sixth Upfrnga, the Jambadvipa-prajnapti, deals with the
Iaina views of cosmography comparable in many respects with those of the
Pura1Jas. a
The Prakir1Jakas, meaning 'dispersed texts', are 10 in number and may
be likened to the Vedic Parisi$las. We may specially refer to the TalJ1dula-
Veyaliya which, in the form of a dialogue, discusses among others, matters
relating to physiology, anatomy, embryology, measurement of length and
time.
The six Chedasatras mainly deal with rituals and have much in common
with the Buddhist Vinayapifaka. One of them is the Dasasrutaskandha
containing a Kalpasiltra ascribed to Bhadravahu, who died 170 years after
Mahavira's nirvalJa (468 or 467 B.C.). b
There are four Malasatras, viz. the Uttaradhyiiyana, the .Jvasyaka, the
Dasavaikiilika and the Pint/a-Niryukti. The first one often compared with
the Suttanipata of the Buddhists has great literary merit and contains
occasional passages of importance to mathematics.
Finally, we have two individual texts, the Nandisiltra and the Anuyoga-
dvarasufra, sometimes included in the PrakirlJakas. Their importance
lies in the fact that they deal not only with religious matters but also with
secular subjects such as mathematics, grammar, philosophy, polity, kama-
sutra, drama and the Vedas and refer to standard BrahmalJic texts dealing
with the Arthasastra, Vaise$ika system, Lokiiyata philosophy and Vatsa-
yana's Kiimasiitra. O
The contact between India and Persia and West Asia is very ancient,
of which we have evidence from the protohistoric period and particularly
from the time of the Achaemenian power in the historic period. In fact,
in the time of Darius, the Indus basin formed one of the satrapies of his
extensive empire. In these circumstances Indian science and literature
found their way into Iran and West Asia at a fairly early date and several
typically Indian ideas and concepts appeared in the early literature of the
area. This was also reciprocated.
The Persian language, that is Farsi, the language of Fars, one of the
provinces of Persia, is 'the lineal offspring of the language which Cyrus
and Darius spoke, and in which the proclamations engraved by their
commands on the rocks of Behistun ... and Naqsh-i-Rustam, and the
walls and columns of Persepolis, are drawn up'. b Although this ancient
language of the Indo-Iranian group has suffered many vicissitudes and its
continuity was broken by invasions by the Greeks and by the Arabs, its
identity was never lost, being inescapably modified by the culture of the
conquerors.
Another important characteristic of the language is the change of the
script from the cuneiform to the Pahlavi and later on from Pahlavi to
Arabic. Browne has divided the history of the Persian language into
three periods,c e.g. (1) the Old Persian of the Achaemenian period (550-
330 B.C.) written in cuneiform character, of which only inscriptions are
available; (2) the Middle Persian of the Sassanian period (A.D. 226-652),
written in the Pahlavi script, for which it is generally known as Pahlavi
and of which the Zoroastrian theological and liturgical materials constitute
the bulk of the literature; and (3) the Modern Persian of the Muhammadan
period (from about A.D. 900 to the present day) when the Pahlavi of the
Sassanian period adopted the Arabic alphabet with the addition of four
letters for phonetic reasons.
II Sarton (1), I, p. 435. c Leclerc, I, pp. 361 fr.; Browne, I, pp. 11, 478.
b Sarton (I), I, p. 524. a Sarton (1), I, p. 465.
48 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INOlA
spoke it as their mother tongue. In this case the parallel with the Greek
grammar is very close, for the latter also arose not among the Athenians
but among the mixed Alexandrians for whom it was a practical necessity. a
When the grammatical and philological foundation of the Arabic
language was thus being laId, simultaneous efforts on a much more extensive
scale were made to enrich the literature by absorbing the materials from
foreign sources, notably Persian, Indian and Greek. Ibn al-Muqaffa
translated Pahlavi works on logic and medicine and also the Ka/ila-wa-
Dinlna, orJginally transmitted to Persia from India. An Arabic translation
from a Persian version of the Caraka SallJhita was also probably made
dunng this early phase, as we have it from the Fihrist. b Another early
Pahlavi book, the Zik-i Shatro-ayiir, an astronomical work based on Indian
elements, was translated into Arabic by al-Tamimi under the Arabic title
Zij-ashshahriyiir.
During the reign of the second Abbasid Caliph aI-Mansur (753-774),
Sanskrit scientific works were directly available for either translations or use
in composing scientific texts in Arabic. In astronomy and mathematics,
as we shall see later on in chapters on these subjects, Ibrahim al-Fazari
(d. 796 or A.D. ~06), Ya'qub ibn Tariq, al-Khwarizmi (d. c. A.D. 850), al-
Kindi (d. c. A.D. 873), Habash al-Ha$ib {d. c. A.D. 864 or 874) and a few
others translated Sansknt works into Arabic and/or wrote independent
works explaining the Indian system and methods of calculations. In this
effort, Indian astronomers and physicians engaged in Baghdad played no
small part either as interpreters of Sanskrit texts or as translators into
Arabic itself, which they must have mastered for this task.
Many of these early Arabic translations of, or works on, Indian scienti-
fic texts were lost, and a few have been preserved in LatIn translations.
But of works no longer extant, our main source of information is the
Fihrist or 'Index' of Abu'l-Faraj Muhammad b. lshaq al-Warraq of Bagh-
dad, better known as ibn Abi Ya'qub an-Nadim, composed in A.D. 988.
One of the most valuable and remarkable encyclopaedic works in Arabic
(edited by Fliigel), the Fihrist records ancient works and views on philo-
sophy and science in its seventh discourse, in three sections, as follows:
(1) account of materialist philosophers and logicians; (2) account
of mathematicians, arithmeticians, geometricians, astronomers, scientific
instruments makers, mechanics and engineers, musicians and accountants;
and (3) account of medicine, its origin, names of physicians and medical
texts, ancient and modern. The ninth discourse deals, among others, with
Indian sects, and the tenth discourse is devoted to alchemy.c
As far as ludic studies among the Arabic and Persian scholars are
concerned, nobody surpassed Abu Raib.an Muhammad ibn Al;lmad al-
Binini (973-1048), a Persian by birth and a Shi'ite. During the period
between A.D. 1017 and 1030 when he was travelling, as a political hostage,
• Brockelmann, I, pp. 42, 96-98; Sarton (0, I, pp. 490, S02, 524.
II Sachau, I, p. xxx!. e Browne, I, PP. 386-87.
A SURVEY OF SOURCB MATERIALS 49
SPECIAL SCIENCES
• Alvi and Rahman (1), p. 1. b Alvi and Rahman (2), pp. 129, 132, 136, 137 and 139.
fa
A SURVEY OF SOURCE MATBRIAI3 51
Rlylir/atu'/ Flkr Wa'l 'Aq/; al-Khayyami's (c. A.D. 1110) Maqiila? fi-/·J~br.i;
Ahmad b. Thabit's (c. twelfth century A.D.) the Ghunyatu I-Hussab Ii
'//mi'/-Hisiib and the 'Umdatu'r-Rii'id; al·Tiisi's (1201-74) the Tabrir-u-
Uqlidas: the Maqiilah-i-Arshlmfdas fi Takslri'd-Dii'irah, the Kitlibu'l.~urah
Wal-Usfuwiinah and the Ar-Risiilatul-Qifa'fi 'Ilmi'l-Handasah; ZaInu'l-
Abidin's (c. A.D. 1460) the 'Uyun'l Ifisiib, and Baha'u-ddin aI-AmuIi's
(1547-1627) the Khulii~atu'l-lfisiib, to mention a few.
We also know of a number of able commentators who produced
explanatory treatises, translations, etc., on mathematics. Some of them are
Golkonda's Abu Is1}.uq b. 'Abdu'lHih (c. 1555), Abu'l-Faiz Faizi (c. A.D.
1587), 'Atau'lHih Rashidi (c. 1634), Mir M. Hashim b. Qasim al-ijusaini,
MedhnI Mal (c. 1663), Ismatu'lHih as-Saharanpuri (c. 1684) and Lutfu'lHih
Muhandis (c. seventeenth century A.D.), whose works will be noticed in the
section on mathematics.
No less important are the efforts of men like Mahendra Suri (c. four-
teenth century), Kamalakara (c. A.D. 1616), NilakaQtha Jyotirvid, Samra!
Jagannatha (b. A.D. 1652), Nayanasukhopadhyaya (c. A.D. 1730) and others,
some of whom translated Arabic and Persian texts on astronomy and
mathematics and some incorporated new principles and methods found in
these texts in their Sanskrit works based largely on traditional Brahma1)ic
methods. In an earlier age aI-Adami, al-Fazari, Ya'qiib ibn Tariq, al-
KhwarizrrU and several others working outside India and al-Biriinl spend-
ing some time in India rendered this signal service of syncretizing India's
contributions with the new rising astronomical-mathematical learning
among the Arab intelligentsia.
'Ali b. Rabban (A.D. 850), the Qiinf1n of ibn Sina (A.D. 980-1036) and several
works by other leading Arab physicians. Although, to start with, the
system was based primarily on the Greek system, it was later on enriched
by the experiences of the Arab physicians as also by the Ayurvedic system
to which they had access. From about the thirteenth or fourteenth century
A.D., practitioners of the Unani system in India produced a number of
important medical works. Thus, in A.D. 1320, Hakim Diya Muhammad
wrote his Majmuai-Diyaiyya. This work refers to an earlier work, the
M ajmuai-Shamaiyya, a Persian translation of an Ayurvedic book, by Shams-
uddin Mustaufi. Other works include the Tibbe Firozshahi dictated by
Firoz Shah Tughlaq himself; the Macdanush-Shifai-Sikandari compiled,
under the orders of Mian Bhowa, by a number of Hakims and Ayurvedic
physicians; the Tibbi-Shifaul-Khani and the Tibbe-Shihabi by Hakim Shaha-
buddin (fifteenth century A.D.); the Tibbe-Shifai-Mahmudi (fourteenth
century) during the reign of Mahmud Shah, the Bahamanid ruler of the
Deccan; a Persian translation of Vagbhata's work by Hakim 'Ali Muhammad
(fifteenth-sixteenth century A.D.) and the Dasturil-Atbba, also called the
lkhtiyarati-Qasbn, by Hakim Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah (A.D. 1590).
Under the Mughal rulers, the system received further encouragement.
A large number of IJakims and Ayurvedic physicians were engaged in
producing commentaries, translations, etc., of original Arabic works and
also in translati ng and adapting Ayurvedic works. Thus, we have the
Tibbi-Aurangzebi; the Muslajati-Darashikohi; the Talifi-Shariji and the
Tuhfa-Ala/nshahi by Hakim Sharif Khan (A.D. 1725-1806), the Iksiri-Azam
by Hakim Muhammad Azan, and the Jami 1A.sh-Shifaiya by Hakim Afdal
Ali of Faydabad (A.D. 1878).
Veterinary Science
a Mu1)(l. Up., i. 1.5. C Bhag. sa., 90; Uttar. sa., xxv. 7.8.38.
,. Chdnd. Up., vii. 1-4.
60 A CONCISE HISlORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
their religious ceremonies. The Buddhists did not evince much interest
in astronomy due probably to the degeneration in their time of astronomy
into astrology, and to the difficulty of distinguishing between the two. We
find in their literature the term nak$atra-pathaka (a reader of stars) which
refers both to an astronomer and an astrologer. Buddha referred to astron-
omy and astrology as low forms of arts (tiracchiina vijja) and advised
Buddhist monks to refrain from the study of astronomy. a This opinion,
however, was modified later on and the bhik$uS dwelling in the woods were
advised to learn the elements of astronomy.
From what has been stated above, and will appear in what follows,
there is no doubt that astronomy was cultivated to a considerable extent
in India in the Vedic times. The selection of a few fixed stars for the
development of a system of lunar mansions, the fixation of a savana year
of 360 days, based upon the variation of the length of day, the elaboration
of a quinquennial cycle with intercalary months, going back to the time
of the ~gveda, the idea of the four mundane ages and several other findings
abundantly show their interest and proficiency in astronomy. This
Brahmaoic interest and proficiency did not also escape the notice of foreign
observers and writers, for Megasthenes found the yuga system flourishing in
full perfection and Strabo referred to astronomy as a favourite occupation of
the BdihmaQas. b
and month names, are here met with. The importance of the winter solstice
is emphasized through the mahavrata rites which are also dealt with at
length in the BrahmalJas of the Siimaveda. The number 10,800 used to
specify the bricks required for some types of altars appears to be related
to the length of the astronomical yuga characteristic of the later Siddhanta-
jyoti~a texts. The gaviim ayana and the sattras, probably taken over from
the Siimaveda and its Briihma1Jas, find lengthy treatment in these Yajus
texts. The Atharvaveda offers little assistance towards our understanding
of the nature and extent of the Vedic astronomy. Nevertheless, it does
contain stray passages of astronomical consequence, such as the solar
eclipse, the mention of Rahu for the first time, intercalation with a thirteenth
month and a list of 28 nak~atras including Abhijit. Finally, its cosmogonic
and theosophic hymns addressed to Goddess Earth, the glorification of the
sun, and the personification of time as a primordial power have also some
relevance to this study.
The BrahlnalJas are systematized theological works composed for
the main purpose of elucidating the sacrificial texts and explaining the
origin and hidden meaning of sacrifices. Each Sa!flhitii gave rise to a
number of Briihma1)as. In this way astronomical ideas and precepts
embedded in the Sa1'f1hitiis assumed clearer perspective through Brahmal)ic
interpretations. As the materials of the Sa!flhitiis and the Briihma1)as
constitute the basis of the sutras, passages in them of astronomical import
have received fresh treatment and sometimes further elaboration at the
hands of the sutrakiiras. Such is particularly the case with regard to the
Vedic calendars. Although the elements and suggestions of such calendars
are met with in the Vedas proper, different modes of year-reckoning and
calendar-keeping appear clearly in the sutras. The Lalyiiyana SrautasiUra
and the Nidiinasutra of the Stimaveda are particularly important for this
purpose. The Sulba-sutras forming part of the Kalpasutras, as we shall
see in the section on mathematics, are important as the oldest Indian works
on geometry. Finally, we have two Jyoti~a-Vedtiizgas, one in the Yajurveda
recension containing 43 verses and the other in the lJ.gveda recension con-
taining 36 verses, dealing exclusively with astronomy.
sun).' a These passages have been interpreted in two ways. Weber regarded
Aryaman's path as the milky way; Hillebrandt, Ludwig and others as the
ecliptic. Ludwig further traced the inclination of the ecliptic to the equator
in another passage of the ~veda in which the lJ.bhus are described as
wandering afar in their path.
From the way Aryaman's path is described it is not immediately easy
to associate it with the ecliptic, but such inference is quite possible from
the knowledge of the Vedic Hindus about the sun's annual revolution, its
going northward (uttaraya1;la) for half of the year and southward (dak~i1J
ayana) for the remaining half, the references to solstices and other related
matters. Of further significance in this regard is the occurrence of such
terms as devaylina and pitryiina from which Tilak attempted to derive the
knowledge of equinoxes in the Vedic times and therefore of the celestial
equator, the ecliptic and their inclination. b
The Moon
The moon, the next most conspicuous object in the night sky, receives
such appellations as candra, candramas and soma. It has no light of its
own, but assumes 'the brilliancy of the sun'c or 'is adorned with Surya's
arrowy beam' ,et that is it shines with the borrowed light of the sun. The
phases of the moon are described by saying that the moon, 'born afresh, is
new and new for ever'.e Some of its phases received special names and
personifications. Thus, the day before the new moon was called sin ivaIi,
the new moon day kuhu, the day preceding the full moon anumati and the
full moon day raka. An allegorical description of the sun swallowing the
moon on the new moon day so that it can neither be seen in the eastern
nor the western sky is preserved in the Satapatha Brahmat;la l as follows:
'Now the one that burns there (viz. the sun) is, assuredly, no other
than Indra, and that moon is no other than Vrtra. But the former
is of a nature hostile to the latter, and for this reaSOD, though this one
(the moon, Vrtra) had previously (to the night of new moon) risen
at a great distance from him (the sun, Indra), he now swims towards
him and enters into his open mouth.
'Having swallowed him, he (the sun) rises; and that (other) one
is not seen either in the east or in the west •.•
'Having sucked him empty, he throws him out; and the latter, thus
sucked out, is seen in the western sky, and again increases; he again
increases to serve that (sun) as food ... '
The above passage sets forth the moon's elongation from the sun, its
true motion from west to east and the cause of the new and full moon.
The interval between the consecutive new moons or full moons was
seized upon at quite an early date as a natural unit of time, the month,
in much the same way as it was done by the people of other culture areas,
the Babylonians, the Greeks and so on. From several verses and passages
stating that the year consists of 360 days and of 12 months, it appears that
a month of 30 days was widely accepted in the time of the Sal'flhitiis and
the Briihmanas. The month was again divided into two natural halves,
the light half (sukla) from new to full moon and the dark half (kr~tla) from
full to the new moon. The ~gvedic bard had thus no hesitation in pro-
claiming: a
, Twelve are the fellies, and the wheel is single; three are the
naves. What man hath understood it?
'Therein are set together spokes three hundred and sixty,
which in no wise can be loosened.'
The moon's synodic period was later on more correctly given as 291
days. Its sidereal period lying between 27 and 28 days appears to have
been correctly formulated in the days of the early Salllhitas as is clear from
the development of the 27 or 28 nak~atra system.
• .tv., I. 164.48; Ena. trans. by Griffith. C Pallc. Br., vi. 6-8; Ens. trans. by Caland.
• .8V., V. 4O.S-9.
ASTRONOMY 65
The Earth
It is difficult to say definitely if the Vedic Hindus regarded the earth
as spherical. The sphericity of the earth may be implied in such casual
statements as the earth is freely suspended in air, a the dawn precedes the
sunrise b and the like. In the cosmogonic and theosophic hymns of the
Atharvaveda r the earth and the heaven have been imagined as constituting two
hemispheres which the Brahmacarin guards with his creative power. This
and statements like the placing of fire between two receptacles or the union
of two agnis between the two hemispheres of the world suggest terrestrial
sphericity, later on accepted uniformly in Hindu astronomical texts.
The Planets
The study of planets appears 111 late astronomical works. The Vediiliga
Jyoti,ya does not mention them. But this does not mean that the Vedic
Hindus were altogether unacquainted with planets. Weber did not notice
the mention of planets in any texts earlier than the Taittiriya Ara1Jyaka.
In the Maitrliya~lf Upani~ad, planets (graha) are mentioned. In the early
astronomical Sal!lhitiis, planets are mentioned in the context of their
astrological implications. Planet worship is established in Yajfiavalkya's
law-book and is mentioned in the epics, and in the dramas of Kalidlsa
and in the Mrcchaka!ika. Opinion, however, differs as to whether earlier
Vedic works contain any evidence of the knowledge of planets. The 7
iidit)'as mentioned in the ~vedad, were interpreted by Oldenberg as
referring to the sun, the moon and the 5 planets. The number 34 used
to express, in hymn X. 55.4, the lights with which Indra looks around
him and, in hymn 1. 162.18, the ribs of the sacrificial horse has been
explained by Ludwig as referring to the sun, the moon, 5 planets and
27 nak~atras.
More convincing perhaps is the association of Brhaspati, Lord of
Prayer, with the planet Jupiter. The Taittiriya Briih,natza refers to the
conjunction of Brhaspati with the nak~atra Ti~ya. The planet's first birth
'from mighty splendour in supremest heaven' is also referred to in the
~gveda. The IJgveda and the Briihma1)Qs contain the words sukra, manthin
and vena, and attempts have been made to associate them with the planet
Venus; but this interpretation has not found acceptance with all scholars.
Ketu also appears in the Athal'vaveda in the sense of any unusual or strik-
ing phenomenon such as comet, meteor or a falling star. Astronomical
safllhitas, however, do not mention Ketu as a cause of eclipse. Riihu
and Ketu, along with planets, are mentioned in the Mahabhiirata, though
Ketu is omitted in the RiimayalJa. From Varahamihira onwards, in
true astronomical circles, Rahu and Ketu meant the ascending and the
descending node respectively of the moon.
The ingenious Riihu-Ketu theory of eclipse travelled from India to
China Hnd appeared in a Chinese astronomical text Chiu Chih. This
Chiu Chih was the Chinese version of an Indian calendrical work called
Navagraha and its translator was the well-known Tantric-Buddhist astrono-
mer Chhuthan Hsi-Ta who flourished at the Thang court during the first
quarter of the eighth century A.D.
No. in Taitt. Sarrr. MoUra. Sartt. Kiifh. SOfTl. A tltan'aveda No. in Vediinga Jyoti$a No. in Surya-siddhiinta
order (IV. 4.10) (II. 13.20) (XXXLX, 13) order (18) order (VIII. 2-21)
or the beginning of A.fvini, the next nak~atra in Aries marked the initial
point of the Hindu sphere about A.D. 572.
The Hsius
The Chinese hsius were originally selected to mark the equator and
facilitate observation of the culmination of stars. a In their system a
~eries of circumpolar stars were keyed to equatorial stars so that, by observ-
mg the lower meridional transits of the former, those of the latter below
The Mantizi!
The Arabian mantlzils, 28 in number, agree on the whole with the
Indian nak$atras. Their lunar zodiac is headed by ash-Sharaflin, the first
manlizil corresponding to nak~atra As~'ini which marked the point of
intersection between the equator and the ecliptic about the fifth or sixth
century A.D. As many as t 9 manazils agree with the corresponding
nakiatras; there are discrepancies with regard to Ardra, Hasta, SVliti,
Abhijit, 8r01)O, Sravi~lhli and Revati vis-a-vis the corresponding maniizils.
Weber at one time believed that the Arabian lunar stations had been derived
directly from the Indian nak$atras. The recorded evidence of transmission
of Indian astronomical texts, particularly the Siddhlintas, makes such a
view attractive; but, as Filliozat (3) h{\s pointed out, all this, even the close
resemblance between the two systems, does not ipso facto prove an Arab
borrowing from India. Long before the beginning of active Arab scientific
contacts with India during the reign of the AbbAsid Caliphs, the man4zils
found mention in the aI-Qur'An (x. S; xxxvi. 39). The Fihrist records that
the ancient Harranites had a custom of visiting their temples for offering
sacrifices to the moon and performing other religious ceremonies on the
ASTRONOMY 71
27th or 28th day of each month, from which Weber inferred far-fetchedly
knowledge of lunar mansions among the Harranites. a Of greater con-
sequence perhaps were his interpretations of the Hebrew word mazzaloth
or mazzaroth in the Book of Job (38.32) and Book of Kings (23.5) to mean
manazil and suggestion of Chaldean origin. Derivation of the manlizil
from an Iranian system was attempted by Leopold de Saussure.
The Month
The reckoning of the month by the moon and the year by the sun was
widespread among the ancient civilizations. The concept of the month
as a unit of time based on lunation developed in the Vedic times. The
~gveda describes the moon as 'that which shapes the year'.a We have
already referred to the riddle hymn describing the year of 360 days as a
single wheel with 12 months of 30 days each. Two systems of month-
reckoning, e.g. the amlinta and the pun:zimiinta, were in vogue. According
to the former, a month has its beginning and end with the new moon; in
the latter it is with the full mOOD. The Greeks, the Romans and the Jews
also regarded their lunar months as lasting from the first appearance of the
• /Iv.• X. 85.5.
74 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SClENCE IN INDIA
crescent after any new moon tiJI that of the next. Olde?burg was more
favourably disposed to the amanta system. We also have It from al·BiIiinI
t hat the amollta month was the canonical one. At the same time the
derivation of the month names from the nak~atras in which fuIl moon
takes place, as also the practice of starting the year with the full moon of
the month, leave hardly any doubt that the purIJimanta reckoning was equally
in vogue in the time of the BrlihmalJas.
The names of the lunar months were derived from the nak~atras in
which the full moon occurred, e.g. Phdlguna, CaUra, Vaisakha, Jyai~tha
and so on from the /lak~'atras Phalgulli, Citra, Visiikha, Jye~tha respectively.
Another system of naming months after the seasons of the year also
originated during the pcriod of the Salllhitiis and the BriihmafJas. According
to the Black Yajurl'eda, ~uch seasonal or solar months are: spring months-
Madhu, Mcidhava; sunlmer months-Sukra, Suei; rain months-Nabha,
Nahha!Jya; autunlll months-I$a, Orja; Dewy or Hel1lanta months-Saha,
Sahasya; winter nlonths-Tapa, Tapasya. A rough correspondence of
lunar and solar month~ with the seasons was as follows during the period
in question:
I~lf}hlr 11101l1lts Solar IJ10nths Seasons
Caitfa Madhu 1.
VaiSiikha Miidhova J
Spring
Jyai,'.:!!la Sukra l
A5li(lha ~~uci j Sunlnlcr
,-~/'(il'a~/a Nabha 1.
Bhiidrapada Nabha.\Ta j
Rains
Aivina rfia
Kiirtti/,a Orja
t Autumn
J
Miirgasira Saha
(AKrall(i.l'a~a ) Dewy
Pau~a
Miigha
Sahasya
Tapa
J
Ph(i~~/i1Ul
1j Winter
Tapa.~l'a
The Seasons
indicate that to all intents and purposes the year was originally divided
into three seasons, e.g. the warm, the rainy and the cold. The corre-
sponding sacrifices to be performed to mark the beginning of these three
seasons were Vaisvodevo, Varu!lapraghasii and the Siikamedha. Very
befittingly, these sacrifices are called flu mukhtini in the Satapatha BrdhnlQ1,Io.
Two further seasons were in course of time added to the three primitive
ones-the autum between the rainy and the cold and the spring between
the cold and the warm season. Later on or concurrently, their number
was expanded into six by the inclusion of the dewy season (hemanta or sisira).
The Satapatha Briih,na1Ja mentions sometimes five a and sometimes six b
seasons in the year.
Vedic Calendars
More detailed information as to the various types of years and months,
calendars built round them and different ways of making luni-solar adjust-
ments is available in the Nidiina Sutra and the Ltityliyana Srautasutra of
the Samaveda. e The following kinds of year are met with in these satras:
(a) The Sidereal Lunar Year of 324 days-consists of 12 months
of 27 days each.
(b) The Sidereal Lunar Year of 351 days-consists of 13 months
of 27 days each.
The year is thus divided into two halves of six months each marked
by the winter solstice when the Mahiivrata rites are performed and by the
summer solstice when the Vi.yuvat day is observed. Moreover, the winter
solstice fell on the new moon of Jrl agha, that is on the new moon preceding
the full moon in the nak~fjatra Maghii. In the circle of asterisms, the new
moon of M agha when the sun and the moon are in conjunction clearly falls
in the nak~atra Dhani$fhti or Sravi$fhii (ft Delphini). This is also borne
out by the well-known statement of the Vediitiga Jyoti.ya-prapadyete
sravi$thadau suryacandrainasiivudak-(The sun and the moon turn north
at the beginning of the nak.yatra Dhani$fhii). When the winter solstice
lies in Dhani$fhti and the summer solstice in Maghlis (14 nak~atras ahead),
the vernal equinox must lie in the Krttikiis.
Although the equinoxes are not explicitly mentioned in the BriihmaIJas,
the coincidence of the vernal equinox with the Krttikas has been inferred
from the fact that this nak~atra was at the head of the asterisms in the
time of the Briihma!Zas and from the fact that when the vernal equinox
shifted, through precession, to the nak~atra Alvini, the latter became the
head of the nak~atras. The Brahma1)as also contain the important state-
ment that the KrttiklU never deviate from the east, which must have been
the case when this nak~atra marked the intersection of the ecliptic with the
equator.
.. VI., 25--31.
ASTRONOMY 79
The above elements and the measures have been utilized in calculating
the places in the circle of asterisms where the new and the full moon take
place during the whole quinquennial cycle. From the explanation given by
Thibaut, it appears that each nak$atra space (13 0 20') was further subdivided
into 124 parts, and the positions of the new and the full moon were given
in terms of the nak~atra and its subdivisions. a This is a clear indication
of the scientific use of the stellar zodiac for calculating the positions of the
sun and the moon. b
In the Jyoti~a we also find for the first time the rule for determining
the length of the day between the two solstices. The shortest day is given
as 12 muhiirtas at winter solstice and the longest as 18 muhurtas at summer
solstice. In one ayana of 183 days, the day length is said to increase or
decrease by 6 muhartas, whence the daily increase or decrease works out
to 6/183 or 2/61 muhurta.
JAINA ASTRONOMY
The Paitamaha-siddhiinta
This is the most inaccurate of the five siddhantas noticed.
Its astrono-
mical elements are the same as those of the Vediiliga Jyoti$a. Thus
it teaches a quinquennial cycle containing 5 revolutions of the sun, 67
revolutions of the moon, 60 solar months, 62 synodic months, 2 intercalary
months, 1,830 savana days and 1,860 tithis. The cycle begins with the
conjunction of the sun and the moon at the first point of the nak$atra
Dhani$fhti. The rule for the shortest and the longest day is the same as
that given in the Vedanga Jyoti~a.
The VaSi~tha-siddhiinta
Although rated inaccurate in the case of its tithis compared to the
Paulisa, the Romaka and the Surya-siddhtinta, the teachings of the Vasi$fha-
siddhanta were more advanced than those of the Paitamaha. In this
system, the traditional nak$atras were supplemented with a zodiac with
its subdivisions of signs, degrees and minutes for the first time. Lagna,
that is the ecliptic point on the eastern horizon, is mentioned and rough
rules for finding it from the shadow and vice versa are given. We also
find rules for determining day-lengths. Rough rules for calculating mean
longitudes from the length of the midday shadow are given. This
siddhiinta reveals knowledge of the anomalistic month and gives its values
as ~*~ and ~~):Jrl-. More importantly, the Vasi~lha-siddhtinta also deals
with the true motions of the five planets, Venus, Jupiter, Saturn, Mars and
Mercury, and recognizes their motions as direct, stationary (anuvakra),
retrograde (vakra) and again direct. The synodic periods in days of these
planets are given as follows:
Venus 584- y1y days
Jupiter 399-~- days
Saturn 378-lT days
Mars 78o-:i~K days
Mercury 115 days 52 na{liktis 45 vinii{likiis
The siddhanta also gives the equivalence between synodic and sidereal
revolutions for each planet, from which the sun's sidereal revolutions in
a given number of days, or in other words the length of the solar year, can
be easily calculated. For Jupiter, the text gives 36 sidereal revolutions as
equivalent to 391 synodic revolutions. This means that the sun executes
427 sidereal revolutions during the same time as the Jupiter makes 391
synodic revolutions, that is in the course of 391 x 399 days (omitting ~ day).
The length of the solar year, according to the VaJi$lha-siddhiinta, works
out to 365·36 days approximately, a considerable improvement upon the
value adopted in the Vediinga Jyoti$a. At another place, a the siddluinta
specifically gives the sidereal year length as 3651 days, as has been shown
a Psi., ii. 1.
84 A CONCISE HISTOR Y OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
The PauliJa-siddhlinta
Varaha states that 'the siddhanta made by Paulisa is accurate'. The
elements of this siddhanta are presented in chapters 3 to 7 and partly in
chapter 1. These elements include calculation of ahargalJa, that is the
number of civil days elapsed from a certain epoch up to a given date, the
determination from the aharga(la of the mean places of the sun and the
moon and thence their true places. The rules for finding the longitude
of the moon are analogous to the viikyam method found later on in the
Tamil astronomy. This siddhiinta also contains miscellaneous rules for
finding direction, place and time, sine tables and simple calculations of
eclipses. From a statement that there are 43,831 civil days in 120 years,
the length of the year works out to 365·2583 days.
The Paulisa-siddhiinta, in giving the quantities to be added to or
subtracted from the mean sun in order to obtain the true places, reveals
knowledge of the anomaly (kendra) and the equations of the centre.
According to Thibaut's interpretation, the rules indicate that for anomalies
10°, 40°, 70°, 100°, ]30° and 160° the corresponding equations should
be 21', 96', 139', 140', 108' and 50'. But how the equations are obtained
is not mentioned; that is there is no hint as to any epicyclic or eccentric
model upon which to calculate them. a
The sine table given in chapter 4 may be due to Paulisa or may be
a common feature of all the three accurate siddhiintas. The radius adopted
for calculating the table is 120' and not 3438' used in later astronomical
texts. There is also evidence of the beginnings of spherical trigonometry
in the siddhiinta. The fonnula given for the variation of day-length takes
the form:
R sin (ascensional difference) = R tan q, tan S
where rp = latitude and S = the sun's declination.
Paulisa's calculations of lunar and solar eclipses are rough and less
accurate than those given in the Romaka- and the Surya-siddhlinta. The
sidereal period of the revolution of the moon's nodes is given as 6794,6854,
the semi-diameter of the moon as 17' and that of the sun as 16,8'. The
moon's greatest latitude is given as 270' (4° 30'). The parallax in longitude
is expressed in time, that is by the difference in time between the instant
of the new moon and the instant of conjunction as it appears to the observer.
The expression is given by
The Romaka-siddhiinta
The elements of the Romaka-siddhanta are summarized partly in
chapter 1 where matters concerning yuga, ahargafJa, intercalation of lunar
months and such general topics are discussed and in chapter 8 dealing
with eclipse calculations. The title suggests its foreign origin which is
further supported by its astronomical elements and the year being tropical.
It introduces a luni-solar cycle of 2,850 years containing 1,050 intercalary
months and 16,547 omitted lunar days. The total number of synodic
months in this period will be 2,850 x 12+1,050 or 35,250; the total number
of civil days will be 35,250 x 30-16,547 or 1,040,953. The lengths of
the year and the synodic month calculated from these elements compare
favourably with those given by Hipparchus and Ptolemy as follows:
Romaka-siddhiinta Hipparchus-Ptolemy
Year .. 365 days 5 h 55' 12" 365 days 5 h 55' 15·8"
Synodic month 29 days 12 h 44' 2·2" 29 days 12 h 44' 2·5"
sun and that of the apogee, the longitude of the apogee is stated as 75 0
as against Ptolemy's value of 65° 30'. The following equations of centre
of the sun and the moon for their anomalies at intervals of 15° are given
(Table 2.2).
TABLE 2.2
The equations of centre of the sun and the moon in the Romaka-siddhdnta
Romaka
Equation of centre
Sun 34' 42' 1°8'37' 1° 38' 39" 2° 2' 49' 2° 17' 5' 2° 23' 23*
Moon 1° 14' 2° 25' 3° 27' 4° 15' 4° 44' 4° 55'
Ptolemy
Equation of centre
Sun 10 9' 2° l' 2° 23'
Moon S° l'
The S,irya-siddhanta
The Surya-siddhiinta, also called the Saura-siddhanta, was according to
Varahamihira the most accurate of the five siddhantas. The main features
of this work summarized in the Pancasiddhantikti appear in chapters
9-11, 16 and 17; the yuga elements of the sun and the moon are given in
chapter I. 14; chapters 13 to 15 discuss some of its general matters, e.g.
cosmogony, geography, etc. In the history of Hindu astronomy, the
Surya-siddhanta occupies a very important position in that it does not
appear to be the work of a single individual, but underwent periodic revi-
sions and served as a standard astronomical text in different periods of
ASTRONOMY 87
time. Thibaut called Varaha's summary the old version of the siddhlinta
to distinguish it from the modem version we now possess. P. C. Sengupta
has shown that there was certainly an old Siirya-siddhdnta dated about
A.D. 400, which was brought up to date by Varaha himself on the basis
of Aryabhata's iirdhartitrika (midnight) system; and that the modem
Surya-siddhanta, with additions of improved data from Brahmagupta and
others, continued to develop till the twelfth century A.D. or even later.
Coming to Varaha's version, the siddhanta taught that 180,000 years
contained 66,389 intercalary months and 1,045,095 omitted lunar days.
This gives 65,746,575 days in the yuga thus conceived. For the sake of
comparison with the elements given in the modern Siirya-siddhiinta, the
period of 180,000 years can be converted to a mahayuga of 4,320,000 years
by multiplying the former by 24 and the total number of days in such a
period worked out. The mean motions of planets are given in chapter 16.
The integral numbers of revolutions performed by the planets in a mahayuga
can be easily calculated, and they are set down in Table 2.3. The values
TABLE 2.3
Planetary revolutions in a Mahayuga
Aryabhata I
(Ardharlltrika system
Surya-siddhdnta reproduced in
Modern
Planet (Summarized by Brahmagupta's
Siirya-siddhlinta
Varaha) Kharzdakhtldyaka and
in Bhaskara 1's
Mahiibhaskarlya)
Sun 4,320,000 4,320,000 4,320,000
Moon . 57,753,336 57,753,336 57,753,336
Mars . 2,296,824 2,296,824 2,296,832
Jupiter .. 364,220 364,220 364,220
Saturn .. 146,564 146,564 146,568
Mercury 17,937,000 17,937,000 17,937,060
Venus .. 7,022,388 7,022,388 7,022,376
Moon's apogee 488,219 488,219 488,203
Moon's node 232,226 232,226 232,238
Number of civil days
in a mahliyuga .. 1,577,917,800 1,577,917,800 1,577,917,828
Mahiiyuga
The concept of mahiiyuga is the central feature of the Indian astrono-
mical siddhiintas. It developed from the idea of yuga or cycle which is
very old indeed and is met with in the Briihma(la literature. It is a period
at the beginning of which all planetary bodies are in conjunction, during
which they all perform integral numbers of revolutions, and at the end
of which, therefore, they are again in conjunction. In selecting the length
of such a cycle, care was taken that the apsides and the nodes also have
whole numbers of revolutions. The mahayuga of 4,320,000 years is such
a period. Biot demonstrated that the length of the year as 365 days
6 h 12' 35·56" is such that the least number of years containing a whole
number of civil days is 1,080,000. The mahayuga also called the caturyuga
is just 4 times this number. The number 108 is again 4 times 27, the
number of nak$atras.
According to Aryabhata I, a mahiiyuga (simply called a yuga) is
divided into four equal parts or yugapadas, each consisting of 1,080,000
years. In the modern Surya-siddhanta, a mahiiyuga is subdivided into
four mundane ages, e.g. the Krta or Golden Age, the Treta or Silver Age,
the Dvapara or the Brazen Age and the Kali or the Iron Age. a The dura-
tions of these ages are in the descending order of 4, 3, 2 and 1 and have
the following solar years:
The Krta 1,728,000 solar years
The Treta 1,296,000
The Dviipara 864,000
The Kali 432,000
These divisions are in keeping with the traditions of the Smrti and the
Pural,las. Their use in an astronomical siddhanta is met with for the first time
in the works of Brahmagupta, from which it might have been incorporated
in the modern Surya-siddhtinta by its unknown redactor. A special impor-
tance attaches to the Kali or the current Iron Age through which we are
at present passing. At the commencement of this epoch, the planets are
assumed to be in conjunction for the last time at the initial point of the
Hindu sphere. As all astronomical data and calculations given in the
Surya-siddhanta and works following more or less the same system depend
on this assumption, it is important to know its date. This epoch started
at midnight at the meridian of Ujjayini between February 17 and 18,
3102 B.C.
Revolutions of the apogees of the sun and the planets are not recognized
in Varaha's version of the Surya-siddhanta although it is a characteristic
feature of the modern Surya-siddhiinta and other later astronomical texts.
The ahargolJQ method of finding the mean longitudes of the sun, the moon
and the planets is the same as that found in the modern version.
• Fleet, pp. 479-96.
ASTRONOMY 89
TABLE 2.4
Longitudes of apogees and dimensions of morula and sighra epicycles in
Varaha's Suo Sit and the modern Suo Sit
R. r sin"
Patna), scholars have thought for a Jong time that Aryabhata was either
born in Kusumapura or lived and taught in that great city of ancient India.
Such a view now appears untenable in the light of recent studies on the
works of Bhaskara I and his commentators and also of the medieval
commentators of Aryabhata. In these works, Aryabhata is frequently
referred to as an iismaka, that is one belonging to the Asmaka country
which is the name of a country in the south, possibly Kerala. His
work is sometimes designated as Asmaka-sphuta-tantra. These findings
coupled with the fact that commentaries of, and works based on, 1rya-
bhatiya have come largely from South India, from Kerala in particular,
certainly constitute a strong argument in favour of Kerala being the main
place of his life and activity.
Aryabhata's mathematical-astronomical masterpiece, the Aryabhatiya,
is composed in four sections, e.g. Gitikapiida, GaIJitapiida, Kiilakriyiipiida
and Golapiida. Of these the GaIJitapiida deals exclusively with mathematics
and the Dasagitikii deals, among others, with an alphabetical system of
expressing numbers, which will be considered under mathematics in a
separate chapter. The astronomical elements and parameters are given
in the Dasagitikii in his novel alphabetical system. The two remaining
sections, the Kiilakriyii and the Gola, deal with astronomical principles and
methods of computation in a highly condensed form. Kiilakriya means
the reckoning of time, and as such we find in this section a discussion of
such topics as the division of time and the circle, definitions of solar year,
lunar month, civil day, sidereal day, intercalary months, omitted lunar
days, planetary orders and movements, the eccentric-epicyclic models,
use of these models for the calculations of true planetary positions, calcu-
lation of true distances of planets from the earth and related matters. Thus
this section deals more or less with such topics as we find discussed under
chapters called madhyamadhiklira and spa~/lidhiklira of later astronomical
texts. Aryabhata does not give methods for the aharga1)a for calculating
the mean longitudes of planets, the knowledge of which he possibly took
for granted. His treatment of the eccentric-epicyclic model is important,
for it appears possible that Varahamihira might have adopted it in recasting
the older Surya-siddhiinta in the form given in his Pancasiddhiintikii. In
this model, Aryabhata used the hypotenuse in calculating the equation of
the centre as also for the conjunction correction. This was followed up
by astronomers of his school. But Brahmagupta and others used the
hypotenuse for the conjunction correction and the radius as an approxi-
mation for calculating the equation of the centre.
The last section Gola means the sphere. Here the methods of repre-
senting planetary motions in a celestial sphere are explained and such terms
as prime vertical, meridian, horizon, hour circle, equator, ecliptic, etc., are
defined. The sun, the nodes of the moon and planets and the earth's
shadow move along the ecliptic which is inclined to the equator at an angle
of 24°. The rotation of the earth about its axis is given as an explanation
for the apparent westward motion of the stationary asterisms, through
94 A CONCISE IUSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
this astronomical work in ~aka 550 (A.D. 62~) at the age of 30. According
to al-Biriini, Brahmagupta was fronl Bhillamala, a town between Multan
and Ahilwara. Buhler identified BhiJIamala with modern Bhlnmal or Srlmal
near the northern frontier of Gujarat.
The Briihmasphu/a-siddhiinta is a voluminous work comprising 1,008
verses (or 1,022 verses if the last chapter on generalities is included) and
divided into 24 chapters. The main astronomical topics are dealt with
in the first 10 chapters in the following order: mean planetary motions,
true planetary motions, problems of time, space and distance, lunar and
~olar eclipses, risings and settings of planets, the moon's cusps and shadows,
conjunctions of planets. Some of these topics are further discussed in
chapters 13-17, 19--21. Chapter 22 is devoted to astronomical instruments.
Chapters 12 and 18 deal with mathematics and reveal Brahmagupta's
excellence and originality as a mathematician.
The chapter 11, entitled Tantra-parik~i1dhyiiya (examination of other
astronomical systems), is full of historical importance. Fully conscious
of his own abilities, Brahmagupta criticized the views of, and rules and
methods given by, other astronomers, notably Aryabhata I, Sri~ena, Vi~Qu
candra, Lata and Pradyumna. He was also very critical of foreign astrono-
mical concepts and elements which by then had found their way into Indian
astronomical works. He rejected the five-year yuga system of the Vedatiga
Jyoti\\'G and criticized the absurd views of the Jainas who believed in the
two suns and moons and two sets of nak$atras. His undue bitterness
towards Aryabhata did not fail to attract the notice of al-Biriini who,
in spite of his regard for Brahmagupta, freely acknowledged the merit of
Aryabhata and his school. Brahmagupta attacked Aryabhata for dividing
the yuga into four equal parts, for upholding the rotatory motion of the earth,
for beHeving in the eclipses being caused by the shadows of the moon and
the earth and not in accordance with the traditional Riihu-Ketu theory.
All this is understandable if we remember that he followed in the main
the Brahma-siddhiinta and wrote his work at the age of 30 when he was
certainly an enthusiastic supporter of the orthodox view.
From this position he certainly travelled a long way when he composed
at the age of 67 his Kha1){iakhadyaka, based principally on Aryabhata's
iirdharatrika system. Compared to his earlier work it is a small tract in eight
chapters, to which a small appendix (Uttara Kha1){iakhtidyaka) is added.
Here the mathematical chapters are omitted and purely astronomical topics
are dealt with in the foIlowing order: tithis and nak~atras; mean and true
places; time, space and direction; lunar and solar eclipses; rising and setting
of planets; the moon's cusps; conjunction of planets. Although he
reconciled himself, by and large, to Aryabhata's system, he nevertheless
followed his own rules in a number of cases, which he considered to provide
better and more accurate results. He gave methods for finding the instan-
taneous daily motion of planets affected by manda and Jighra inequalities,
correct equations for parallax in longitude and latitude, correct equations
ASTRONOMY 97
for drkkarma and better expressions for va/ana. In all this a better
mathematician was obviously at work.
Brahmagupta's works played an important part in the introduc-
tion among the Arabs of a new mathematics-based astronomy. Both
Brahmasphuta-siddhanta and Kha1,1(iakhadyaka were translated into Arabic,
with the assistance of Hindu pandits, by Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Fazari
(d. 796 or 8(0) and Ya'qiib ibn Tariq (d. 796) under the Arabic titles of
Sindhind and Arkand respectively. These early Arabic translations were
defective and corrupt, but none the less exerted a great influence among the
Arab scholars. Indian commentators of Brahmagupta include Prthiidaka-
svami, Amaraja, BhaHotpala, Lalla, Somesvara, Srldatta and VaruQa.
Prthiidakasvami commented on both the works, whereas the rest concen-
trated on his Kha1,1(iakhiidyaka only, which incidentally proves its greater
popularity.
Valesvara (b. A.D. 880), Manjulaciirya (c. A.D. 932), Aryabhala II (c. A.D. 950),
Sripati (c. A.D. 999), Satiinanda (c. eleventh century)
Several astronomers flourished between the time of Brahmagupta and
Bhaskara II (twelfth century), who made varying contributions to the subject.
Of them mention may be made of Vatesvara, MaiijuHidirya (also called
Muiijala), Aryabhata II, Sripati and Satananda. Vatesvara's importance
lies mainly in his criticisnl of Brahmagupta. A follower of Aryabhata's
system, he attacked Brahmagupta in the same manner as the latter had
attacked his master about 250 years before. The chapter 10 of section 1
of his Vatesvara-siddhiinta is devoted exclusively to criticizing and refuting
the views of Brahmagupta. The book is written in three principal sections,
e.g. mean motions, true motions and problems of time, space and distance,
each divided into a number of chapters. From his own statement we learn
that he was the son of Mahadatta BhaHa, a native of Anandapura in the
Panjab, and was born in saka 802. Author of Laghumanasa in six chapters,
MafijuHicarya introduced into Indian astronomy the corrections due to the
precession of the equinoxes. This precession is in the sense of retrograde
motion and not of oscillation, as we have already noticed. The author of
one Arya-siddhlinta or Mahii-siddhanta calls himself Aryabhata who flourished
about the middle of the tenth century. The work is composed in 18 chapters
and devoted to familiar astronomical topics. It has a special chapter
on kuttaka, i.e. integral solutions of indeterminate equations of the first
degree. Aryabhata IT was a compiler and did not possess the merit of
his illustrious predecessors. He did not also follow Aryabhata I, but
adhered instead to the orthodox views. He mentioned the precession of
the equinoxes. Sripati, son of Nagadeva, is well known for his Dhikoli,
a kar~a work based on the Aryabha/iya, a fuller astronomical work
Siddhlmta-sekhara divided into 20 chapters and his GQ1)itati/aka, a work
on mathematics. Sripati considered, among other things, the moon's
second inequality. Satananda flourished in the eleventh century in Purl
7
98 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
on the coast of the Bay of Bengal. His Bhasvati was composed more or
less in imitation of the Surya-siddhiinta and attained a measure of popularity
among the almanac-makers. Bhtisvati is a kara{la work.
Diviikara Family
Rama
I
Divakara
I
I I
Vi~Q.u Mallari Kelava
I I
NrsiJ]1ha Siva
I
I I I I
Divakara Kamahikara Gopinatha RaJiganatha
• • •
• Hunter, pp. 118 ff.; see also Kaye (I), pp. 9-19.
102 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
In this section we shall deal with some of the salient features of Hindu
mathematical astronomy as generally taught in the various texts summarized
in the foregoing section.
the horizontal plane in the forenoon and in the afternoon. The line joining
these two points is parallel to the east-west line passing through 0; the
north-south line passing through 0 is perpendicular to the former. All
Hindu texts give clear rules for finding these cardinal directions.
The great circle NZSZ' passing through the north-south points and
the zenith and the nadir is the meridian (yiimyottara-vrtta). The great
circle EZWZ' through the east-west points and the zenith and the nadir
is called the prime vertical (sama-ma1J{lala). Brahmagupta, in his Briihma-
sphuta-siddhanta, a defines these circles as follows: 'One circle called the
sama-maf.1{lala has its plane stretching east and west; another lying north
and south is called the yiimyottara-vrtta; another termed the k$itija encircles
the other two like a girdle. At the common centre of these circles is
situated the observer on the earth.'
s N
z·
FIG. 2.1 The celestial sphere and
some important great circles.
In Fig. 2.1, the great circle QEL W represents the celestial equator
(vi~uvanmQ1Jr/ala) of which the poles are P, P'. The angular distance of
the pole from the horizon equals the latitude cP of the observer, which is
equal to the zenith distance of Q, the point where the celestial equator
meets the meridian. Brahmagupta defines the equator as the circle which
meets the horizon at the east-west points and of which the top lies to the
south of the prime vertical by the latitude of the observer, and the bottom
as much to the north of it. Varahamihira defines the interval between the
pole and the horizon as the terrestrial latitude of the observer. Diurnal
motions of planets and stars are represented by small circles parallel to the
equator.
Flo. 2.2
Coordinates
In representing the positions of celestial bodies, the horizontal, the
equatorial and the ecliptic systems are used. In the horizontal system,
the altitude (unnata) or the zenith distance (nata) is defined as in modern
astronomy, but the azimuth is reckoned from the prime vertical either from
the east or the west point on the horizon, but never exceeding 90°. The
azimuth circle is called the drgma1){lala and the azimuth the diga,!lsa. In
the equatorial system, the two coordinates are the declination or kriinti
and the hour angle. Kriinti is the angular distance of the body from the
equator measured along its secondary through the body. Hour angle is
measured in two ways, either by the unnata-ghati (time-altitude) or by
nata-ghat;. Unnata-ghat; is the hour angle between the declination circle
through the body and that through its rising point on the horizon; nata-
ghat; is the hour angle between the declination circle through the body
and the meridian. In the ecliptic system, the position of a body is given
by its latitude (vik~epa) and its longitude (sphufa) measured from the fixed
point marked by Zeta Piscium (Revati).
• A. Gola., 1.
106 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
· Z2 = ~/-
R sIn RS2
12
where 8 1, S2 are the shadows and hI, h2 are the corresponding hypotenuses
of the gnomon. From Fig. 2.2,
,p =Zl+ 81
tP =Z2- 82
that is,
~=Z±8.
Thus the declination of the sun can be found from the latitude of the place
and the meridional zenith distance. In this way the maximum declination
or the obliquity of the ecliptic with the equator, given in Hindu astronomical
texts as 24°, must have been determined.
Relation between the Declination, the Longitude and the 'Obliquity of the
Ecliptic with the Equator
The Surya-siddhiinta t gives the relation between declination, the lon-
gitude and the obliquity of the ecliptic with the equator as follows:
•The sine of the greatest declination is thirteen hundred and ninety-seven;
• SQ. 81., ill. 13, 14, 16. 17. II sa. 81., iii. IS. , SIl. SI., if. 28.
ASTRONOMY 107
by this multiply any sine, and divide by radius; the arc corresponding to
the result is said to be the declination.' According to Bhaskara I, a the R
sine of the given longitude, multiplied by ]397 and divided by the radius,
yields the R sine of the declination for that instant of time.
The relationship may be expressed as follows:
· 8 1397 · R sin" R sin R sin"
€ •
R SIn = R = R
p rMQ = equator;
rsc = ecliptic;
8 = the sun;
r 8 = " = longitude of the sun;
Sy M = CQ = € = obliquity;
8M = 8 = declination of the sun.
f).sCOK, 811m are similar.
Sm CK
8n =OC
R sin 8 R sin €
.. Rsin" =-R-
R . 8 R sin R sin"
E •
Fla. 2.3 . SIn = R
Since € is known, this formula can be applied to find out the longitude of
the sun from its declination.
• MBh.,ili. 6.
108 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
represents the time difference of the sun's risings on the horizon and the
6 o'clock circle.
In Fig. 2.4(b) (see also Fig. 2.4(c», NES is the horizon, EQ the equator,
P the pole, Z the zenith, HGR the diurnal circle of the sun (or star),
PGE the 6 o'clock circle, L PON = the latitude of the place, efJ, and
L ROQ = L BRO = the declination of the sun (or star), 8. The two
important elements in the above constructions are the radius RB of the
diurnal circle, which is called the 'day radius' (dinavyasadala) and the
z
r
N S
E
(a) (ll)
Z R
R
A
(d)
(c)
extra length AB intercepted between the plane of the horizon and that of
the 6 o'clock circle; this length AB is called the earth sine (k$itijyii). Now,
day radius = BR = R cos 8
earth sine = AB = DB tan cP = R sin 8 tan cPo
The ascensional difference L HBG (denoted by doc) is given by (see
Fig. 2.4(d»
Rsinll R.HK R.AB R.Rsin8tan.
(X - BH == -n = R cos a = R tan 8 tan efJ·
Also,
R sin 0« == radius X earth sine
day radius .
ASTRONOMY 109
This rule is expressed by Bhaskara I as: 'The earth sine multiplied by the
radius and then divided by the day radius gives the arc called the ascensional
difference (caradala) by the good astronomers.'
length of time, the number of civil days is the difference between the number
of lunar days and the number of omitted lunar days.
Suppose we are required to calculate the aharga~a, that is the number
of civil days elapsed in time t. a Let t be y years, m months (lunar) and
d days (lunar); y may be expressed in Saka era or in Kaliyuga era, the
relation between the two eras being
year 3,180 Kaliyuga = year I Sakal
Other symbols used in this calculation are:
n18 = number of saura months in time t;
mz = number of lunar months in time t;
mt = number of intercalary months in time t;
d z = number of lunar days in time t;
do = number of omitted lunar days in time t;
ds = number of saura days in time t;
M, = number of saura months in a mahayuga;
M I = number of lunar months in a mahiiyuga;
M t = number of intercalary months in a mahiiyuga;
D z = number of lunar days in a mahayuga;
Do = number of omitted lunar days in a nlahliyuga;
DB = number of saura days in a mahliyuga;
a = ahargalJa in time t.
AhargalJa, by definition, is given by
a = d,-do (1)
Now, dz = 30111Z+d (2.1)
or d, = 30(ms+n1,)+d, .. ml = lnB+m, (2.2)
or dz = 30(12y+m+m,)+d, '.. m, = 12y+m (2.3)
or d, = [30(l2y+nl)+d]+30m( .. (2.4)
or d , = ds+30n1i' where dB = 30(12y+m)+d .. (2.5)
m, and do are determined from the following ratios:
me Me (3)
dB == D,
Al80 frOIH
nl( M( (3.1)
m, = M,
do Do (4)
d" = DI'
The total numbers of intercalary months M., saura months M" saura
days Dlf , lunar days D, and omitted lunar days Do in a mahliyuga are
given as constants in all Hindu astronomical texts from which the above-
mentioned ratios can be calculated. In the Pancasiddhantikii these values
are given not for the mahayuga, but for a different cycle. From m., d,
and do and hence aharga'f)Q a can be found out.
According to Paifcasiddhantika 7
(Romaka), m, = m, 228 ·
· to Surya-siddhanta, m,
Accordmg = m, M,
M,
1,593,336
= m, 51,840,000'
According to Khan{iakhiidyaka, me
.
=~
976
[1- _1_]
14,945 .
do is given in the various texts as follows:
According to Paiicasiddhiintika d = ~ d
and Surya-siddhiinta, 0 703 l·
Thus d z and do being fully known, their difference will give the required
aharga1)a.
PLANETARY THEORIES
The planets, along with other celestial bodies, appear to move west,
daily rising in the east and setting in the west, these revolutions taking place
parallel to the celestial equator. In this apparent western motions, the
planets are, however, constantly beaten by the asterisms and fall behind.
In other words, with reference to the stellar frame, the planets really move
eastward along the ecliptic with different angular velocities. The Hindu
astronomers believed that the linear speeds of planets, in yojanas, are all
equal, with the result that the planets describing orbits closer to the earth
apparently move more swiftly than those describing these orbits at greater
distances from the earth. The planets in the ascending order of distances
from the earth are the moon, mercury, venus, sun, mars, jupiter and saturn.
'The moon being below', writes Aryabhata,a 'completes its small orbit in a
short time. Saturn being above all others completes its large orbit in a long
time.' He says further on, 'The zodiacal signs (a twelfth of the circle) are to
be known as small in a small circle and large in a large circle. Likewise
the degrees and minutes are the same in number in the various orbits.'b
These imply the necessity of dealing with angular distances in describing
planetary motions.
In their direct motion, that is from west to east, the planets appear
sometimes to move slowly, very slowly, fast and very fast. Sometimes,
their motions appear even retrograde. The Surya-siddhtinta C describes such
peculiar planetary motions in the following manner:
vakrlinuvakra kUfila manda mandatarii soma I
tatha sighratarii sighra grahatziimtqtat!hil gatib II
Eceen/ric Model
This model is represented by
Fig. 2.5 in which ACP, A'C'P' are two
circles of equal radii, with centres at 0
and 0'. A'P passing through the two
centres is the apse line. Let two bodies,
one in each circle, move with the same
angular velocity in direct, i.e. anti-
clockwise direction, reaching A, A' or P,
P' at the same time. To an observer at
o the angular motion of C will appear
uniform, but that of C' variable. By
the time the body in the first circle has P
moved from A to C, the body in the FlG. 2.5. Eccentric model.
ASTRONOMY 113
second has moved from A' to C' such that L COA = L C'O'A' = L NCC'.
But seen from 0, C' has moved through the L C'OA' and has fallen
behind C by L CDC' or L OC'O'. As the two bodies approach P and P',
C' will appear to the observer at 0 to move with greater angular velocity
than C. Thus a body moving with uniform speed in an eccentric circle will
appear from the centre to move more slowly at the apogee A' and more
rapidly at the perigee P'.
Epicyclic Model
The same result can be obtained by the epicyclic model (Fig. 2.6) in
which C' is moving in an epicycle of
~
,K' - radius equal to 00', the distance be-
I
I tween the two centres in the eccentric
I
model (Fig. 2.5). C' is moving in the
epicycle with the same angular velocity
in retrograde, i.e. clockwise direction,
as its centre C is moving on the concen-
tric (or deferent circle) in anti-clockwise
direction. It is clear that L A'CC' =
L eOA. L CDC' is the angle by
which the body falls behind C and is
the same as obtained by the eccentric
p model given above.
FIG. 2.6. EpIcyclic model.
epicyclic model.
We shall here discuss only one of the three schemes, e.g. the eccentric-
epicyclic model (Fig. 2.7(a), (b». 0 is the centre of the concentric ACP
(radius = R), A the apsis and 00' the eccentricity ('1)' IT C be the mean
position of the planet on the concentric, its true position on the eccentric
circle will be C' such that ee' is parallel to the line of apsis OA'. Join C'O
cutting the concentric at C1 • Then C1
is the corrected position of the planet
C and L CDC' or L OC'O' is the
equation of the centre.
For the second inequality, an
epicycle is drawn with C' as centre and
radius r2. C'C" is drawn parallel to
OS or 0'S', the direction of the sun.
Join C"O cutting the concentric at C2 •
S Then C2 is the corrected position
of the planet due to conjunction with
the sun and L C20C1 is the second
l
The above method of finding the equation of the argument, that is the
conjunction correction, is called sighrakarma. The technical terms employed
for the various geometrical and trigonometrical elements involved are as
follows:
OS, the direction of the sun from the earth-Jighra
A", the place of superior conjunction-sighra
R, the radius of the concentric (kak$livrtta)-trijyii
r2' the radius of the conjunction epicycle-sighriintyaphalajyii
y, the mean argument (also called anomaly)--sighrakendra
r2 sin y-dobphala, wihupha/a, bhujaphala
r2 cos y-kofiphala
R sin y-sighrakendrajyii
R cos y-sfghrakendrakolijyii
R+r2 cos y = trijyii+kofiphala = sphufako{i
v'tr2 sin y)2+(R+r2 cos ')')2 = V(dobphala)2+(sphulakoli)2 = karfJa
a = equation of argument-sighraphala
R sin C1 = sfghraphalajya.
The Hindu formula for finding the equation of argument is simply expressed
as follows:
trijyii X dobphala
sighraphalajyii = k ·
ar~a
THE SIZES OF THE SUN AND THE MOON, THEIR DISTANCES FROM
THE EARTH, ECLIPSES AND PARALLAX
We have seen that from Vedic times the Indians were interested in
the phenomena of solar eclipses. Good descriptions of them have been
preserved in the Briihnla!la literature, but scientific studies of them were
perfected in the siddhiinla period. The mythological and the PuraQic
Riihu-Ketu theory which had become firmly entrenched in the minds of
laymen and even astronomers and continued long thereafter gave place
to the scientific one based on the relative positions of the sun, the moon
and the earth and the shadows cast by the moon on the earth or by the
earth upon the moon. Contrary to the PuraQ.ic idea of Riihu devouring
the sun or the moon, Aryabhata says: 'The moon obscures the sun and the
great shadow of the earth obscures the moon. When at the end of the
true lunar month (at new moon) the moon, being near the node, enters
the suo, or when. at the end of half month (at full moon), the moon enters
the shadow of the earth, that is the middle of the eclipse, which occurs
sometimes before and sometimes after the exact end of the lunar month
or half month.'tI Varahamihira explodes the Rtihu-Ketu myth and says that
the real cause of a lunar eclipse is the entry of the moon into the
earth's shadow and likewise at the solar eclipse the moon enters the SUD.
• A. Gol4, 37-38.
ASTRONOMY 117
The Diameters of the Sun and the Moon and their Distances from the Earth
For the calculations of the shadows cast either by the earth or the
moon it is necessary to know the diameters of the discs of the sun and the
moon, the earth's diameter and the distances of the sun and the moon
from the earth. Different astronomical texts give different values of these
elements, some of which are summarized in Table 2.5.
The ratio of diameter to distance gives the angular diameter of the
sun or the moon in radians. It is to be noted that the angular diameters
of the sun and the moon are nearly the same and agree approximately
with the modern values. To obtain the angular diameters in minutes,
the above-mentioned ratios are directed in Hindu astronomical texts to be
multiplied by R (= 3438') which is the equivalent in minutes of one radian.
Taking Bhaskara II's figures, the mean angular diameters of the sun and
the moon work out to 32·5' and 32' respectively.
The values of the diameters of the sun and the moon, given above, are
those for their mean orbits and therefore require to be corrected due to their
motions in eccentric circles. This correction is done by multiplying the
mean diameters by the ratio of the true daily motion to the mean daily
motion. Thus, if v: and Vs be the true and mean daily motions of the sun,
v~ and vm those for the moon, d; and dB be the true and mean diameters
of the sun and d~ and dm those for the moon, the following relations are
to be applied: a
,
, v
d
S
== dB .-!.
VB
TABLE 2.5
Diameters of the sun, the moon and the earth, distances of the sun and the moon from the earth >
n
o
SUD Moon z
(j
Earth·s
~ .. ,.- ./,
" diameter
~
trJ
Diameter
(in yojana)
Distance
(in yojana)
Diameter
Distance
Diameter
(in yojana)
Distance
(in yojana)
Diameter
Distance
(in yojana) =
~
~to<
Aryabhata I, Bhaskara I .. 4,410 459,585 0·009596 315 34,377 0·009163 1,050 ~
Bhiskara II .. .. 6,522 689,377 0·009461 480 51,566 0·009308 1,581 tn
n
m
SilTya-siddhtinta .. .. 6,500 689,378 0·009429 480 51,566 0·009309 1,600 z
n
m
Modern values (in miles) .. 86,400 92,900,000 0·0093 2,160 238,900 0·009 7,926 700
z
(equatorial)
7,900002
(polar)
~
5=
A~TRONOMY 119
The above results follow easily from the construction given in Fig. 2.8.
S, E and M indicate the
Mean orbit Mean orbit
positions of the sun, the
of sun Earth of moon earth and the moon as also
their centres.
s. 1 1 S1S2 = diameter
E1E2
sun-d,
of the
= diameter of the
earth-d,
ES = distance of the sun
S L-------+:~-__t~----:-;::?O from the earth-R,
EM = distance of the
moon from earth
-Rm
DE = length of earth's
shadow-L
FlO. 2.8. Earth's shadow. L 1L 2 = diameter of shadow
at moon's orbit-S
Now,
EO EEl EE 2 EE t +EE2 E1£2
AIEl = A1S1 = A 2S 2 == A 1 S 1 +A 2 S 2 == StS2-AIA2
EO = £S. E]E 2 • or L = R,. de
(1)
S1 82-£1£2 ' d,-de '
L}L2 OM DE-EM
Again,
£I E2 = DE = DE
L L _ E 1E2(DE-EM)
1 2- DE
or S = de{L-Rm) (2)
L ·
Proceeding further, S=d.- d.:m.
or S = de-(d.-de) ~7 · (3)
Conditions ofEc/ipse
Let us now consider the situation at a lunar eclipse. The earth's
shadow and the moon about to enter it will both be near the node, the
120 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
point of intersection between the ecliptic and the moon's orbit. In Fig. 2.9,
ON is the ecliptic~ MN the moon's orbit, N the node, 0 the centre of the
shadow of diameter 8 18 2 and
M the centre of the moon's
disc of diameter M 1M 2 •
Let 8 = diameter of shadow,
dm = diameter of moon, N
f3 = OM = latitude of
moon.
Then SlM2' e.g. the part
of the moon eclipsed, is
given by
FIG. 2.9.
Let v3 -vm be the relative diurnal motion of the moon with respect
to the sun (or its shadow) and 13 half the time of duration from first to
last contact, called sthityardha in Hindu astronomy. Then
The above relations also hold good for solar eclipse in which the
diameter of the sun's disc is to be substituted for that of the earth's shadow,
and the latitude is corrected for parallax.
Parallax
The solar eclipse is complicated by the phenomenon of parallax. The
sun and the moon will be in conjunction with respect to the earth when
these bodies and the centre of the earth
z lie in the same straight line. To an
observer on the horizon at the same
time, this will not be so (except when
z' the sun and the moon are at the zenith),
because both the sun and the moon will
appear differently depressed on account
of their unequal distances from the
earth. The angle made by the two
straight lines joining the body to the
centre of the earth and the observer on
its surface is the geocentric parallax
of that body. Thus L OMC and
Flo. 2.11. L OSC are the geocentric parallaxes
respectively of the moon at M and the
sun at S (Fig. 2.11). For the horizontal positions of the sun and the moon
when their zenith distances are 90°, the respective geocentric parallax is
called the horizontal parallax (L OMHC, L OSee). The peculiarity of the
Hindu astronomers was that they did not deal with the absolute parallaxes
122 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCffiNCE IN INDIA
of the sun and the moon, but considered only their differences, that is the
LMCM in the first and LMHeM' in the second case, which was sufficient
H
nt-----+---+---_~--__+_---___t
If the rectangle formed by the components p). and P{3 be considered plane,
From the spherical triangle, KPPo, and keeping in mind that Po, Hare
right angles and KN, KH are quadrants,
ASTRONOMICAL INSTRUMENTS
Several types of simple astronomical instruments were in use among
astronomers in India in ancient and medieval times. Some of these instru-
ments have been variously described in the astronomical sa1J1hitiis and
siddhlintas. These instruments include water clocks, gnomon, staff, arc,
wheel and the armillary sphere.
type in which a metal vessel with a hole was permitted to sink in a larger
vessel containing water. The Surya-siddhiinta describes such a sinking
type clepsydra which is 'a hemispherical copper vessel, with a hole in the
bottom, set in a basin of pure water, sinking sixty times in a day and night'.
Descriptions of similar water clocks are met with in the works of Brahma-
gupta, Lalla, Bhaskara II and others. We know from I-Hsing's account
that water clocks were indispensable in Buddhist monasteries, and skilled
mechanics used to be maintained by the king for their upkeep.
equinoctial, the prime vertical, the 6 o'clock circle and so on. The altitude
or the azimuth of any star is indicated by a movable altitude-azimuth circle.
The horizon is divided into degrees counted either from the east-west
points or the north-south points. Inside the khagola is fixed another
sphere, the bhagola, on which are represented the ecliptic, the lunar and
planetary orbits called the k~epa-vrttas, the declination and diurnal circles.
This can be made to revolve round a polar axis. In the same manner
there is a third sphere, the drggo1a, which is supported on the axis of the
khagola produced. The whole arrangement of the armillary sphere is
such that the khagola and drggo1a remain fixed while the innermost bhagola
alone can be made to revolve.
There is a good description of an armillary sphere in the Siirya-siddhanta,
the Siddhiinta-siromatzi and several other astronomical texts, which
clearly shows the care and pains taken by the Hindu astronomers in eluci-
dating the principles of spherical astronomy to those who wanted to master
the science of the heavens.
The Astrolabe
Among the metal instruments, the astrolabe naturally occupied the
most important place. This versatile instrument although known to the
Greeks was perfected by the Islamic astronomers in West Asia, Central
Asia and Spain and travelled to India along with Arab astronomy. The
Jaipur collection includes an astrolabe dated the 31st year of the reign of
Shah lahan and a Zarqali astrolabe dated the 23rd year of the reign of
Aurangzeb. Such astrolabes have also been found in other places in India,
some of which are at present preserved in a number of Indian museums
and libraries. Most of them are engraved in Persian characters, but a
few engraved in Nagari characters have also come down to us. Among
the medieval astrolabe-makers in India we hear of Zia'u'd-din Muhammad,
son of Qa'im Muhammad, son of Mulla Isa, son of Sheykh Allah-Dad. a
A number of astrolabes in which his name is engraved have been preserved.
The family worked in Lahore. Zia'u'd-din was a skilled astrolabe-maker;
his father Qa'im and grandfather Allah-Dad were skilled mechanics,
proficient in the making of globes and astronomical instruments.
Astrolabes (Arabic A${urlab) are of three types, e.g. the spherical,
the fiat and the rod. Of them the flat type representing the projection of
the celestial sphere on a plane is the most popular. Also known by the
• Nadri, PP. 621-31.
ASTRONOMY 127
In the 'mother' immediately above the circular tablets is set the most
conspicuous part of the astrolabe, e.g. the 'spider' or 'aranea', Arabic
'ankabut or shabaka. The 'spider' (Fig. 2.l3(b) is an open circular structure
so designed that the circular tablets below can be easily seen through. It
consists of an eccentric circle, the ecliptic, of which the rim is divided into
12 parts, each bearing the name of a zodiacal sign. A number of pointed
metal strips artistically cut project inside from the rims of the centric and
128 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
the eccentric circles. Each strip bears the name of a bright star. The
fine points of the ornamental metal projections are called indicators,
sha?iyii. The' spider' is capable of rotation round the central pivot. With
the help of several circular tablets, the 'spider' enables the user to find the
longitudes and latitudes of stars, the hour of day or night from the observed
altitude of the sun or the stars and so on.
On the back of the astrolabe there is a revolving piece called the diopter
or al-'i{iade (Fig. 2.l3(c». It is a ruler of length equal to the dianleter
of the circular back, each end being sharpened to a point and containing
a hole through which the sun's rays pass or the stars can be sighted. The
two arms of the ruler are graduated but differently. The al-'icjiide revolves
round an axis passing through the centres of all the various pieces held
together by a bolt and a screw at either end of the axis. The back of
the astrolabe is divided into four quadrants (Fig. 2.l3(d»). The rim of each
of the two upper quadrants is graduated in degrees at intervals of 5°.
One of them is marked by a set of equidistant parallel lines dividing the
vertIcal radius into 60 equal parts; these are called lines of sines from
which the sines are read off. Other quadrant contains a number of
declination circles. The lower quadrants contain circular scales and
rectangular markings for shadow measurements with a gnomon fitted in
the centre. In other designs, the back is provided with a number of
concentric circles and chronological indications forming a sort of perpetual
calendar. a
Masonry Instruments
Masonry instruments built under Jai Sing's instructions to equip the
observatories at Jaipur, Delhi and other places include huge dials, azimuth
A
instruments, meri-
dian circles, sextants
and several varia-
tions of them. Of
the huge dials
o designed by Jai Sing
himself, the most
F important was the
E equinoctial dial
called samral yantra
(Fig. 2.14). It is
a right triangular
c gnomon ABC with
its hypotenuse AB
parallel to the
earth's axis; to the
FlO. 2.14. Samr41 yantra. gnomon is attached
• Khareghat, pp. 152-157.
9
130 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
a quadrant circle DEFG parallel to the plane of the equator. Each edge
of the quadrant is graduated in hours and minutes, as also in degrees.
The gnomon itself is provided with tangent scales.
Ja; prakiis is a hollow hemispherical dial provided on its concave
face with a number of coordinates. The edge of the hemisphere represents
the horizon. Cross-wires are stretched along north-south and east-west
directions. Only Delhi and Jaipur observatories are fitted with a jai prakas
dial; the diameter of the instrument at Delhi is 27' 5" and that at Jaipur
17' 10".
Riimyantra is a cylindrical instrument which is open at the top and
has a central pillar. The inside circular wall and the floor are graduated.
The floor and the wall are broken up into a number of sectors to facilitate
observations. Wall sections are provided with notches in which sighting
bars can be fitted horizontally. Hunter compared it with a kind of cylin-
drical astrolabe referred to by al-Birfini. This is also an instrument
characteristic of Delhi and Jaipur observatories.
Other instruments comprise the diga'flsa yantra which is a large
circular protractor. It consists of a central pillar 4' high surrounded by
an inner wall of the same height and an outer wall of double the height
of the former. Both walls are graduated. The instrument is used for
azimuth observations. The na{livalaya yantra is a circular dial, the
dak#1J avrtti yantra is a meridian circle, the .5a~·tiilJ1Sa yantra is a graduated
meridional arc, and the ras; va/aya is a set of 12 dials for use in connection
with the rising signs of the zodiac from which the sun's longitudes can be
determined.
The Mib Yaotra. Yutar Mantar. Delhi.. (Courtesy. Archaeological Survey of India,
Now De1hi.) See p. 130
ASTRONOMY 131
by the knowledge that the Hindus of India and the Persians of the Sassanian
period had cultivated among themselves a better and more scientific system
of astronomy indispensable for the making of accurate and reliable calen-
dars. Ibn aI-Adami, in the preface of his astronomical tables Nafm al-iqd,
records the visit during the reign of Caliph al-Mansiir of an Indian astrono-
mer who brought with him to the Caliph's court planetary tables, texts
for the calculation of eclipses, ascension of signs and other matters of
astronomical import. The astrologer Abu-Mashar of Balkh mentions an
Indian astronomer from whom he derived the knowledge of the Hindu great
cycle of 'Kalpa'. These visits and references doubtless proved useful, for
very soon, under orders of aI-Mansur, Brahmagupta's Brahmasphu{a-
siddhiinta and Kha1;l{lakhiidyaka were translated into Arabic with the
assistance of Hindu pandits, by Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Fazari (d. 796 or
806) and Ya'qiib ibn Tariq (d. 796). In the Arabic translations these
works were known as Sindhind and Arkand.
About the same time al-Tamimi translated the Pahlavi astronomical
tables, the Zik-i Shatro-aylir, into Arabic under the title Zij ashshahriytir.
This Persian work was compiled in the closing period of the Sassanian
Empire and exerted considerable influence on the growth of the early phase
of Arabic astronomical literature. We have it from al-Biriini that the
Shatro-ayar itself was based on Hindu astronomical methods of compu-
tation and parameters. In fact, Hindu astronomical texts were eagerly
sought for, studied and translated into Arabic with a view to getting a
better understanding of the Persian tables.
Kennedy, in his excellent survey of Islamic astronomical tables,
has given an impressive list of such tables which were either translations
of siddhiintas or based on methods and parameters contained in them. Some
of these works include the Astronomical Tables of al-Khwarizmi (c. 840)
revised later by Maslama al-Majriti (c. 1000) of Spain, Az-Zij al-Mukhtari
of at-Basan bin Mi~ba1J (c. 870), Az-Zij al-Kabir of an-Nairizi (c. 900),
Mukhta$ar az-Zij of ibn a~-~atrar (c. 11(0). Some of the Arab astronomers
like ibn Yunis and al-Battani who followed Ptolemy in the compilation
of their Zijes had access to the Sindhind and occasionally used Hindu
parameters. In this transmission al-Biriini (973-1048) played a distinctive
role. Instead of directly translating the texts as al-Fazari, ibn Tariq and
others did, he discussed Indian astronomy and astronomical methods
critically in his Ta"rikh a/-Hind, al-QanUn al-Ma'siidi, comparing and con-
trasting them with those of other systems. Interest in Hindu astronomy
declined among the Eastern Arabs after they were acquainted with the
works of Ptolemy, Theon of Alexandria and other Greek authors in their
Arabic translations, but peculiarly enough Hindu astronomy and astrono-
mical parameters continued to remain popular among the astronomers of
Spain.
Some of the special features of Hindu astronomy which were in this
way incorporated in Islamic Zijes are the zero meridian of Uijayini which
assumed the name' Arin', the era of Kaliyuga (February 17-18, 3102 B.C.)
ASTRONOMY 135
which became the 'Era of Flood', the Hindu planetary theory, the tables
of sine (R = 150), the tables of solar declinations, methods of spherical
trigonometry, ascensional difference, calculation of parallax and its appli-
cation to solar eclipse, etc.
The elements of Hindu astronomy passed into Latin Europe through
Latin translations of some of the Islamic Zfjes mentioned above. The
most conspicuous of them is Adelard of Bath's (c. 1142) translation of
al-Khwarizmi's astronomical tables in the version of the Spanish as-
tronomer Maslama al-Majriti. Another incomplete Latin translation of
al-Khwarizmi's tables has been found in Corpus Christi College, Oxford,
which has recently been edited, translated and commented upon by Neuge-
bauer. In 1951, Lynn Thorndike published and translated an anonymous
fifteenth-century Latin manuscript Ashmole 191 II, in which computations
were made for the geographical latitude of Newminster, England, for the
year 1428. The study of astronomical parameters and tables given in the
unsuspecting manuscript has revealed the characteristic features of Hindu
astronomy and another interesting instance of transmission as late as the
fifteenth century possibly through Arabic (Spanish) intermediaries. The
Newminster manuscript begins the Era of Flood from the year 3102 B.C.
which is the beginning of the Kaliyuga era and uses the sine functions
instead of the Greek chord, tabulating them for R = 150, a norm used in the
Kha!l{iakhadyaka and in the Toledan Tables.
In this way Hindu astronomy itself modified by the elements of
Babylonian and Greek astronomy travelled, through the powerful vehicle
of Arabic language, as far west as England. The circuit was completed
when, with the establishment of the Ghaznavid and the Mughal rule in
India, the Greek or rather the more advanced Ptolemaic astronomy in
Arabic version reached India and began to be studied and taught at first
exclusively among the Muslim circles and gradually among select Hindu
astronomers who appreciated its merit, its more refined mathematical
techniques and observational standards.
3 MATHEMATICS
S. N. SEN
length by 0·62 em. The scale shows nine parallel lines cut with a fine saw.
One of these lines is marked by a fine circle and the sixth line from it by a
dot (Fig. 3.1). The measurement of these five intervals shows 1·32 inches
making the distance between two consecutive lines equal to 0·264 inch. If
the length between the circle and the dot can be called the Indus inch, as
Berriman did, this becomes exactly equal to 2 Sumerian shushi. Another
significance of the Indus scale is that 25 Indus inches equal 33 inches which
again equal the yard prevalent throughout north India in Akbar's time.
Mackaya conjectured that the aforesaid scale was a part of the whole,
probably 13·2 inches long, and hinted at a decimal mode of dividing and
measuring lengths such as was characteristic of ancient Egypt and Elam.
I t is then easy to think that such a decimal scale appeared in some original
centre of diffusion in West Asia and then spread to other centres of culture.
This does not preclude the possibility of independent development in
different centres.
Indus seals and inscriptions, as found in Mohenjo-daro, show that
numbers were represented by vertical strokes arranged side by side or in
lateral groups. This might probably be some kind of rod numerals, of
which we have many examples in other ancient culture areas, notably
among the Chinese and the Mayans.
for calendrical purposes would have been possible. This debt to mathe-
matics or the science of calculation (ga~anti, rdsi-vidya) was freely ac-
knowledged and the study of mathematics was always given a pride of place
in the various branches of learning. When Sanat Kumara wanted to know
from Narada the various sciences and arts the latter had studied, he gave
a list which included astronomy and mathematics. In the Vediinga Jyoti$a,
the science of calculation has been likened to the crest on the peacock's
head or the proverbial gem on the snake's hood. Mathematics, along
with astronomy, was also held in high esteem by the Jaina and the Buddhist
monks. One of the four branches of the religious literature of the Jainas,
e.g. the ga1)itanuyoga, was concerned with the exposition of mathematical
principles. The Vinaya Pitaka, Digha Niktiya, Divyiivadiina and other
Buddhist texts also expatiate on the importance of the study of ga~lita or
sQ1J1 khyiina (science of higher calculations).
We have referred to the Kalpasutras as an important source of Vedic
mathematics. One class of this ritual literature is the Srauta-sutra which
deals with directions for the laying of sacrificial fires for agnihotra, the new
and the full moon, the seasonal, the scnna and other sacrifices. Of special
importance for our purpose are sections called Sulba-sutras which are
directly attached to these Srauta-sutras. These sections deal with rules
for the measurement and construction of the various sacrificial altars and
consequently involve geometrical propositions and problems relating to
rectilinear figures, their combinations and transformation, squaring the
circle, circling the square as well as arithmetical and algebraic solutions of
problems arising out of such measurements and constructions. The word
sulba (also spelt as sulva) means a 'cord', a 'rope' or a 'string', and its root
sulb signifies 'measuring' or 'act of measurement'.a Therefore, works
entitled sulba-sutras may be literally taken to mean a collection or
compendium of rules concerning measurements with the help of a cord
of various linear, spatial or three-dimensional figures. Quite appropriately,
the sulba-satras represented the Brlihma~a geometry or mensuration, the
sulba-vijniina, as mentioned specifically in the Manava and other sulbas,
and the sulbavid, the expert geometer, was held in high esteem in the
learned priestly circles.
One would expect a 8ulba section attached to each Srauta-sutra, and
there are Srauta-siltras belonging to all the four Sa1J1hitiis. But what we
possess today are a small number of sulba-siltras attached to the Srautas
belonging only to the various schools of the Yajurveda. Of them the Black
Yajurvedins of the Taittiriya school were the most active, and produced
the most comprehensive Julbas, e.g. those of Baudhayana, Vadhula,
Apastamba and HiraQyakesin. There are two Julbas by Manava and
ViiIiha of the Maltraya'); and one by Laugak~i of the Kiilhaka-Kapi~thala
school. Of the White Yajurvedins, Katyayana, the prolific siltrakara, is
credited with a small but more scientifically executed Sulba work. The
a Datta (4), p. 8.
140 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
ARITHMETIC
Number
Like the Egyptians, the Vedic Hindus adopted 10 as the basis of nu-
meration and developed a great interest in thinking out and naming large
numbers. The Greeks, on the other hand, fought shy of large numbers
and their terminology hardly took them beyond the 'myriad' (10'). The
Egyptians freely dealt with large numbers on the decimal scale, such as
MATHEMATICS 141
CI Taitt. S., 4.4.11.4.; 7.2.20.1. b PaRco Br., xvii. 14.1.2; Eng. trans. by Caland.
142 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INOlA
Fundamental Operations
The four fundamental arithmetical operations, e.g. addition, subtraction,
multiplication and division, are nowhere spelled out in the Vedic literature,
as these were obviously taken for granted being commonplace operations.
One, however, meets with the interesting case of dividing one thousand
into three equal parts in the ~gveda and the Brahma"(las. In the ]J.gveda,
the division of the thousand is not explicitly mentioned, but it is
done so in the Tattiriya Sa",hitad, which, while incorporating the rc,
modifies the last line as 'Ye did divide the thousand into three'. The full
explanation of the arithmetical feat of Indra and Vi~lJu in the proposed
Fractions
Acquaintance with the fundamental arithmetical operations with
elementary fractions is clearly indicated in the Vedic texts and their append-
ages. The ~gveda gives names of a number of simple fractions such as
ardha (1), tripada (1) and the Maitriiyatz i Safllhita mentions plida (1), sapha
(1), kzqfha (-12)' kala (1\)' From the Sulba-sutras onwards we meet
with terms such as a'!lsa, bhiiga to denote fractions in general. These
terms are used in combination with cardinal or ordinal number names;
in the case of the latter the word al'flsa or bhaga is often omitted. A few
examples follow:
tribhiiga, trya'!1sa {
paiicama-bhiiga, paiicama = f,
dviidaJa-bhaga or dvadasa = -l2
paiicadaSa-bhiiga - A
tri-a~/ama, trya~!a ~
dwO-saptama ~
trayastrya~')!a = 3~
paiicamasya caturvi1rlsa = 14 of ~
There are a number of other peculiar modes of expressing fractions, c.g.
ardhii${ama (7l), ardhanavama (8i), ardhadasan2a (91)b or dvi-gutz a (!),
tri-gu!la (!), caturgulJa (!).c
The Sulba-sutras contain several instances of addition, subtraction,
multiplication, division and the squaring of fractions. Consider the follow-
ing example from Baudhayana: d
'Then he measures the area of this square-shaped citi, whose side
is three puru~as less one-third. At the western side of this square is
the handle whose east-west length is half a purU$a plus ten angulas
(one-twelfth pur~a) and north-south breadth one puru~a less one-third.
This makes the (area of the) agni sevenfold plus two aratnis and the
prtidesa.'
Two aratnis and the pradesa equal 60 angulas or ~ purU$a. Expressed in
figures, the above means:
The area of the agni = (3-D2+G+h)(l-~) = 7~.
a Sat. Br., iii. 3.1.13. c MJ1., v. S.
II BSI., ii. 1-3. a Bs/., iii. 219-24.
144 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
The results of a few more statements of this nature are given below:
(1) Number of bricks each k sq. puru~a to cover 7! sq. purtqa
= 7~ -:- d5 = 187~
(2) Number of bricks each ~ of ! sq. purU$a to cover 71 sq. puru~a
30
71 • I 0 !' 1 15. 1
= 2-:""15 2=""2-:""30="2 X
15
= 225 ·
Progressive Series
Indian interest in progressive series has been traced to the Sa1!1hitiis.
The Taittiriya Sarrzhitii indicates the following arithmetical series in which
the odd (ayugma) and the even (yugma) ones are noticeable:
1, 3, 5,. . . 19, 29, 39,... 99
2, 4, 6, 20
4, 8, 12, 20
5, 10, 15, 100
10, 20, 30, 100
The Pancavifl1sa Briihma1) aa prescribes dak~i1.uis in gold measures
(miinas) to be given in geometrical progressions, depending on the nature
and the time of offerings, as follows:
12 (gold miinas), 24, 48, 96, 192 ... 3072, 6144 ... 49152, 98304,
196608, 393216.
In the above examples, the summations of such series are not given.
This is correctly done in the Satapatha BriihmalJa b as follows: ' ... there
are seven of these meters, increasing by four syllables; and the triplets of
these make seven hundred and twenty syllables and thirty-six in addition
thereto.'
In other words, it is proposed to compute
3(24+28 +32+ ... 7 terms) = 3x ~ {2 x 24+(7 -1) x 4} = 756.
It is true that no general rule for finding the summation as indicated
above is given in the Satapatha BrlihmaIJa. But the recurrence of both arith-
metical and geometrical series, with the correct statement of the results of
their summation, strongly suggests that the Vedic Hindus probably possessed
some method of finding the summation of such series. Thus the Brhad-
devatlJ (400 B.C.) gives the summation
2+3+4+ ... +1000 = 500499
and Bhadrabahu's Kalpasi1tra (300 B.C.), a laina canonical work, the sum-
mation of the geometrical series
1+2+4+ ... +8192 = 16383.
The series played an important part in prosody. PiJigala, in his Chandal)-
salra (200 B.C.), used a geometrical series 2, 21, 28 •••
• Pollc. Br., xviii. 3. b Sat. Br., x. 5.4.7
MATHEMATICS 145
GEOMETRY
Postulates
We have already stated that the various sulba-sutras that have come
down to us as parts of the Srauta-sutras are BrahmaQic geometrical manuals
for the construction of sacrificial altars. In the various rules given, certain
assumptions resembling Euclidean postulates are taken for granted. Thus
a straight tine is capable of division into an infinite number of equal parts;
a circle can be divided into any number of parts by drawing diameters;
each diagonal bisects a rectangle and both diagonals bisect each other,
dividing the rectangle into four parts with the vertically opposite ones equal
in all respects; a straight line joining the vertex with the middle point of the
opposite side divides an isosceles triangle into two equal halves; parallelo-
grams drawn on the same base and between the same parallels are equal
to one another; a square inscribed within a circle and touching the circum-
ference is the maximum, and so on. The texts give several rules as to how
to construct a straight line perpendicular to another straight line, a square
with a given side, a rectangle with given sides, an isosceles trapezium of a
Flo. 3.2.
10
146 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
H H
AI--~---"""'"1D
A.e----....j
B I---~D
G c B H c B c
Flo. 3.3. Flo. 3.4. FlO. 3.5.
is to cut off from the larger of the two given squares, ABeD, a rectangular
portion ABEF of which the side BE is equal to the side of the given smaller
square. Then the diagonal AE is the side of the square equal to the sum
of the two given squares. The proof will follow from Fig. 3.5, in which
AEGH is the required square, and ABeD and CKGI are the given squares. a
In other words, the proposed construction is based on what has generally
come to be known as the theorem of Pythagoras.
Pythagorean Theorem
The theorem of the square of the diagonal is more explicitly given in
more or less the same language in all the 8ulba-sutras we know of. Here
is Baudhayana's definition: b
dirghacaturasrasyiik$!layiirajjub piirsvamiini tiryarimiini ca
yatprthagbhute kurutastadubhaya1!l karot; I
'The diagonal of a rectangle produces by itself both (the areas)
produced separately by its two sides.'
The same definition is given by Apastamba. Katyayana's definition
given in the same language is characterized by the explicit mention of the
knowledge of plane figures:
dirghacaturasrasytik~1)Qytirajjustirya1imani ptirsvamtini ca yat
prthagbhute kurutastadubhaya1fl karotiti k$etrajnanam I
Note the word iti k~etrajnanam at the end, meaning 'this is the knowledge
of plane figures'.
A question has often been asked whether such a definition resulted
from empirical guesswork or was based on a proof of some kind.
Although it is too much to expect elaboration of a proof in manuals of this
type there is hardly any doubt that the Vedic sulbavids at this distant date
possessed a valid proof of the theorem, of which the texts themselves provide
• Datta (4). p. 77. b Bl!.• i. 48.
148 A CONCISE HISTOR Y OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
32 +4 2 = 52
122 +5 2 = 13 2
15 2 +8 2 = 17 2 a
72+242 = 25 2
122 +35 2 = 372
15 2 -t-362 = 39 2
w
FIG. 3.6.
The above relationships between sides and diagonals or hypotenuse
for rational rectangles or triangles have been freely used for finding the
perpendicular directions (north-south) at the east or the west point of the
east-west line in altar settings. The method is to take a cord of suitable
length greater than the distance between the two poles one each at the east
and the west point, fasten a loop at either end of the cord, fix it with the
two poles by these loops and then stretch it by the niraiichana mark. The
niranchana mark divides the cord in two portions x and y such that a2+x2 =
y2, where a is the distance between the east-west pole (Fig. 3.6). This finding
of the properties of rational triangles is a strong argument in favour of the
Vedic Hindus possessing proofs of the theorem of the square of diagonal
or the hypotenuse. It is possible that by actually drawing the squares on
the diagonal and the sides of a rational
rectangle, dividing them into elementary
unit squares and then counting them,
they might have arrived at the truth of
this theorem (Fig. 3.7).
Question of Origin
The question of the Greek origin of ....-to-~
the theorem and also whether Pythagoras ,--a--~t--r--""""r---1
himself was the discoverer of it and its
proof has by no means been solved.
The tradition attributing the theorem to
pythagoras is due to Cicero (c. 50 B.C.),
Diogenes Laertius (second century A.D.), FlO. 3.7.
Athenaeus (c. A.D. 3(0), Heron (third
• lUI., i. 49.
MATHEMATICS 149
century A.D.), and Proclus (c. A.D. 460), and therefore started about five
centuries after the death of Pythagoras. Junge pointed out that the Greek
literature of the first five centuries after Pythagoras contained no mention
of the discovery of this or any other important geometrical theorem by
the great philosopher and furthermore emphasized uncertainties in the
statements of Plutarch and Proclus. Although various attempts have been
made to justify the tradition and trace the proof to Pythagoras, no
record of proof has come down to us earlier than that given by Euclid
(Theorem 47, BK I). As to the relation 42 +3 2 = 52 from which the
theorem of rational triangle is derivable, very ancient Egyptian knowl-
edge is attested by the Kahun papyrus of the twelfth dynasty (c.
2000 B.C.), but its association with rational triangles does not seem
indicated in this or other Egyptian papyrii. a It is interesting to note
that among the Egyptians, geometry of surveying was considered to
be the science of the 'rope-stretchers' (harpedonap'tae) who thus appear
to be the Egyptian counterpart of the Indian fulbavids. As to the antiquity
of Pythagorean theorem in China, it is stated, though not proved, in
the arithmetical classic Chou Pei Suan Ching (third or fourth century B.C.);
the numerical relationship 4, 3 and 5 between the sides and the diagonal
of a rational rectangle is also given in this text.
where a, b are the length and breadth of the rectangular base, a', b' the
corresponding ones of the parallel face, and h is the height.
CI Heath, It p. 352.
150 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
of the given square be 20, the radius of the required circle works out to
ax 1·1380718, taking the value of J2 =
1·4142156 as given in the fulba
(vide infra). That the area of the circle 4·068987a 2 is somewhat higher than
4a 2 is fully reflected in the sulba-satras.
p
()
D c
FIo. 3.8.
(_1_)
8.29
minus 1/8th part of the last subdivision. If d be the diameter of
the circle, the side of the required square is given by
7d d 28d ( d d ) 1224
8+8-8.29- 8.29.6-8.29.6.8 =1393 d (approx.).
From the foregoing operations, it is possible to calculate the value of
"'. In the example of circling of the square, the radius r in terms of Q,
half the side of the square is given by
a
r = a+ (J2-1),
3
where
4a' 4
'It = [a ]2 = [1+i(J2-1)]2 = 3·0883
a+ 3tJ2-1)
accepting the Julba value of J2. Other results are 3·0885, 3-004. Baudhi-
yana's use of 3 as the value of." is therefore quite understandable. A more
accurate value of.", e.g. 3-16049, is inferable from the data given in the
MINna Su/ba-satra.
MATHEMATICS 151
ALGEBRA
The altar geometry of the Sulba..satras does not fail to give us a glimpse
of the beginnings of algebraic notions among the Vedic Hindus. These
notions include quadratic equations, indeterminate equations, surds, con-
ception of irrational numbers and determinations of their approximate
values.
Quadratic Equation
The sacrificial ritual often necessitated
enlargement or reduction of the altar in
accordance with a number of plans.
According to one plan, the shape is to remain
the same, all sides being proportionally
increased or decreased. The standard
mahavedi, for example, has the shape of an
isosceles trapezium having for its face, base
and altitude 24, 30 and 36 units respectively
(area 972 sq. units). The standard syena-cit FlO. 3.90. Mahavedi.
(the falcon-shaped altar) consists of a central
trunk of 4 sq. units, two rectangular wings each measuring 1 by
1~ or 1~ sq. units and a rectangular tail (pradesa) 1 by 1~ or 1Th sq.
units and has a total
area of 71 sq. units.
By the first plan, the
measures are left un-
disturbed but the unit
of length is changed
as required. Accord-
ing to another plan,
some parts of the altar
are proportionately
increased while others
are left undisturbed.
Thus, in the case of
syena-cit, while the
FlO. 3.9b. Syena-cit. units for the complete
square are propor-
tionately changed, that of the fractional parts for the two aralnis and
one pradesa are left unchanged. If p represents the modified unit and ~ the
change in area, we obtain the following quadratic equations for the two
types of vedis mentioned above:
Plan I·. I.~o dO. 36 (30p+24p)
II
LY~a"Uye I. lJJ x 2 -_ 36x(30+24)+
2 «
972p2 = «+972
152 A CONCISE msTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Indeterminate Equations
The sulbas contain rules for the construction of a square n times a
given square. The role involves the application of the diagonal square
theorem, for it says that the diagonal of the square produces the double
square, the diagonal of the rectangle formed of
the previous diagonal and the side of the given A
square gives a square thrice as large, the diagonal
of the rectangle formed of the previous diagonal
and the side of the given square produces a
fourfold square and so on. Katyayana gives a
general rule for finding a square n times a given
square. According to this rule, the required
square will be given by the altitude of an B D c
isosceles triangle whose base is (n-l) times
FlO. 3.10.
and the sum of the two equal sides (n +1) times
the side of the given square. That is, in Fig. 3.10,
Be = (n-l)a, AB = AC = (n+l)
-2- a,
m2a 2
l
rn -t)2 l
+( -2- (m2+1)2
a = -2- a2
The questions relating to finding the sizes and number of bricks required
for building the different layers of the altars envisage solutions of simul-
taneous indeterminate equations of the first degree. The Baudh4yana Sulba-
siltra prescribes that a gdrhapatya vedi should be constructed with five
MATHEMATICS 153
layers of bricks, each layer containing 21 bricks so arranged that their rift
in two consecutive layers do not coincide. For a square altar in which
square bricks are used, Baudhayana says that three kinds of bricks having
their sides 1/6, 1/4 and 1/3 of the side (vyayama) of the altar should answer
for the construction. How were the sizes as well as the number of bricks
determined? Since 21 is not a square number and the rifts of consecutive
layers must not coincide, square bricks of at least three different sides must
be used. Suppose a to be the side of the square altar and /1' /2' /8 the side
of each of the three square bricks so that /IPI = /2P2 = IsPs = Q, where
PI' P2' Ps are rational integers. If x and y be the number of bricks of sides
II and /2 for the first layer, and x' and y' those of sides /s and /1 for the
second layer, we have
for the first layer,
x+y=21
xl~+yl; = a2
!.+L =]
pi P:
for the second layer,
x'+y' = 21
x' p'
pi-+-=1
P~ .
In other words, the problem leads to the following simultaneous
indeterminate equations of the first degree:
x+y = 21
~+[=t
m2 1 11
Surds
The technical expressions used in the Sulbas for such quantities as J2,
J3, J4, J18, etc., are dvi-kartl1)i, tr-kara1)i, calu1kara1)i, a~tadaSa-kara1)i,
etc. By using words for ordinal numbers along with kara~i, quantities
JI, JT, are expressed as trtlya-kar~i, saptama-kara1)i, etc. Thus karfJl)i
has been used in the same sense as root or surd. Elementary operations
with surds are clearly indicated in the various places of the texts. To
draw a sautramtl1)iki vedi, an isosceles trapezium of the same shape as,
but one-third the area of, the mahdvedi, Apastamba uses the surds as
follows: 'For a unit prakramtl I/J3 of a prakrama is to be substituted;
154 ..1 CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
· . gIves
the first dlfection 36 2
. the area = J3' 1 (24 30)
J3 +J3
= 324 sq. units;
the second direction gives the area = 12J3 x !(8J3+ 10J3)
= 324 sq. units.
and 2. The third strip is subdivided into three squares of which the
first is marked 3. The remaining two squares are each divided into four
equal strips marked 4 I 5 I () 7 61
by 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8,
9, 10, 11. These I 3 8
eleven strips are added
to the other square in 9 3
the manner shown in
Fig. 3.11 to obtain a 2 0 2
square less a small
square (shaded) at
the corner. The side " "
10
I+!+_l_ and
3 3.4
the area of the shaded square (_1--.)2,
3.4
so that the former
is greater than the sum of the two original squares by the amount (3 ~ 4) 2.
To find the approximate value, suppose x be the thickness of the smallest
strips, 4, 5, ... 11. Then
2x (1 +!+_l)
3 3.4
-x = (_1)2
2
3.4
or
1
x = 3.4 .34' neglecting x 2 which is too small.
The side of the square equalling the sum of the two original squares
or the diagonal of each of the original square is given by
1 1 1
J2 = 1+3+ 3:4 - 3 . 4 . 34 •
One of the cuneiform tablets from the old Babylonian times (1600 B.C.),
now in the Yale Babylonian collection, shows a square with its two diagonals
and values in sexagesimal system, from which J2 in the same system works
out as
J2 = 1; 24,51,10.
Neugebauera has shown that the sexagesimal equivalent of the value
of J2 as given in the SuIba-satras is 1; 24, 51, 10, 37, . .. He has further
hazarded a guess that both the main term and the subtractive correction
of the Hindu value were based ultimately on Balylonian approximations.
The more ancient character of the Babylonian cuneiform texts cannot.
however, be doubted. Serious objections have been raised in accepting
any date for the earliest of the Sulba-sQtras beyond 500 B.C. But that it-
self does not appear to be a reliable ground for making such a suggestion
in view of a more complete and clear textual statement and several
FlO. 3.12.
JAINA MATHEMATICS
Despite great interest attached to mathematics by the Jainas of ancient
India, very little of their mathematical effort has unfortunately survived to
this day. We have of course the mid-ninth century mathematical classic
Ga1)ita-sara-sal'flgraha by Mahavira (c. A.D. 850), but no such comparable
work belonging to the pre-Christian centuries is extant. We only have a
few fragments or insertions in canonical or other types of non-mathematical
literature from which to judge of their early achievements. That a good body
of mathematical literature must have existed at one time seems indicated in
MahAvira's own statement in which he described himself as a mere compiler
from the great ocean of the knowledge of mathematics from which long
lines of holy sages had skilfully gathered many precious mathematical
gems. About the first century B.C. the Sthiindliga-sfltra, a laina canonical
work, listed several mathematical topics which used to be cultivated at
that time. These topics are: saTflkhyayana (science of numbers), parikarma
(fundamental operations), vyavahara (subjects of treatment), rajju (ge-
ometry, like Sulba), ras; (heap, solid mensuration), kalasava1'1)Q (fractions),
yaval-Iavat (equations, algebra), varga (square, quadratic equations), ghana
(cube, cubic equations), varga-varga (biquadratic equations) and vikalpa
158 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Theory of Number
We have already mentioned the Jaina interest in the enumeration of
large numbers. By the conception of sirlaprahelika they suggested a
number of the order of 8,400,00028 • The Jaina terminology uses the
word sthana for the decimal place. As to names beyond thousand (sahasra),
they prefer to proceed as follows: tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands,
tens of thousands of thousands (kofi), tens of koti, hundreds of koli and
so on. In the Jaina system unity is not regarded as a number-eko ga~a
nasa'llkhya na upeti. Numbers are classified into oja (odd) and yugma
(even) as in the Brahma~ system.
The whole range of numbers is again divided into three groups:
sa1?1 khyeya (numerable), asa'llkhyeya (innumerable) and ananta (infinite).
Each group is subdivided into three orders, e.g. the first group (numerable)-
lowest, highest and intermediate; the second group (innumerable)-nearly
innumerable, truly innumerable and innumerably innumerable; the third
group (infinite)-nearly infinite, truly infinite and infinitely infinite. To
form an idea of the highest numerable (utkr$(a sOfJ'lkhyeya) of the first
group, one is advised to count one by one white mustard seeds while filling
with them a trough as large as the size of the Jambudvipa of diameter
100,000 yojana and circumference 316,227 yojana 3 gavyuti 128 dhanu
131 aligula and a little over. a In the same manner, one is to fill up with
same seeds other troughs formed by the various oceans and islands men-
tioned in the Jaina cosmology, and count them one by one. The total
number of mustard seeds will still be less than the highest numerable. All
this is stated in the AnuyogadViira-sutra, which then continues to enumerate
the number-groups of higher orders. If N be the highest numerable number
as defined above, the higher groups may be represented as follows:
(N+l) [(N+l)2 -1]
(N+ 1)2 [(N+ 1)4 -1]
(N+ 1)· [(N+ 1)8 -1]
(N+I)8 [(N+l)16_1]
(N+ 1)16 [(N+ 1)82-1]
(N+l)82 .
The highest numerable number of the Jainas reminds us of the Alef-
zero of modern mathematics, and the Jaina imagination clearly went much
further than that.
The Jainas are strongly believed to have possessed some kind of
numeral symbols although it is not possible to say what these forms were.
The Samavayanga-satra (fourth century B.C.) and the Prajifdpana-sQtra
(second century B.C.) mention ankalipi and ga~ita/ipi in connection with a
list enumerating the different written characters. The two names suggest
that in all probability different numeral forms were in use for different
purposes, orikalipi being used in engraving and ga!,italipi in ordinary writing.
Mensuration
Rajju, as we have seen, was the Jaina name for geometry or mensura-
tion, in which they closely followed the Vedic su/bavids. Of the many
geometrical terms met with in their literature, the following may be men-
tioned: sama-cakravii/a, vrtta (circle), vyiisiirdha, vi~kambhiirdha (semi..
diameter, radius), jiva (chord), dhanupr~lha (arc), sama-caturasra (square),
sama-catu~ko1)a (even parallelogram), caturasra (quadrilateral), iiyata
(rectangle), tryasra (triangle), vi~ama-cakravala, parima1)(1ala (ellipse),
pratara (plane), ghana (solid), ghana-tryasra (triangular pyramid), ghana
caturasra (cube), ghaniiyata (rectangular parallelepiped), ghana vrtta
(sphere), and so on.
A number of formulae concerning the mensuration of the circle were
recorded by Umasvati in his Tattvdrthiidhigama-satra-bh~ya and Jambudvipa-
sa/nasa. These formulae are:
For a circle of diameter d, circumference p and area Ot,
p= YiO.d
Cl = 1 pd.
For the segment of a circle of are a less than a semi-circle, chord c,
sagitta or arrow s and diameter d,
c = Y4a(d-s)
s = l(d-yd2 -CI )
a = y6sI +C2
d=HS2+~).
The relation of the arc a with respect to sand c is found in the works
of Mahavira and Aryabhata II. They have also given alternative formulae
MATHEMATICS 161
Value of 'IT
In the relation given above of the circumference of a circle to its dia-
meter, the value of 'IT is shown to be JIO. The astronomical tract Surya-
prajifapti uses this value as also the less accurate one of 3. In the Uttar-
iidhyiiyana-sutra, it is stated to be a little more than 3. But all medieval
Jaina works systematically used JIO as the value of 1T in spite of a more
accurate value having by then come into general use in all BriihmaQa
astronomical and mathematical works.
Laws of Indices
The power series found in the laina works are limited to successive
squares or square roots, e.g. a 2, (a 2)2, (a') 2, ••• a2", (a l ), (a l )., (a 1)1, (a1)l,
... (a 1/n)t.
In other words,
first square of a means a2
second square of a means a2X 2
third square of a means a2x2x2
nth square of a means a2x2x2x ... to" term.
Notice that the figure obtained occupies 29 places and is divisible by two
96 times. Here we have a clear indication of the application of the follow-
ing laws of indices:
amxafJ = am+fJ
. Inltia
Its . = -r!
. .. I d·Iglt = (r- 1)'.
r
(3) The total number of permutations in which 0r_1 will be next to
a in (2)
r
= (r-l)! = (r-2)!
r-l
Proceeding in this way, different permutations of things can be found
out.
It must be noted, however, that meter and prosody offered a much more
fertile field for the exploration of this branch of mathematics and the
chanda (meter) specialists naturally enough led the way as already noticed
before.
SOURCES
CI Hocrnl6 (I), pp. 89-90; (2), pp. 33-48, 275-79. PI Datta (I), pp. 1-60.
MATHEMATICS 165
(n- )cx- m-
.
sin (n+ 1IX-sIn
)·
noc .
= sin .
nOC-Sln 1 sin nil.
for the construction of sine tables, a formula also used in the Surya·siddhiinta.
Rule for the solution of indeterminate equations of the first degree is found
for the first time in his work although the germs of such equations are
traceable to the sulba-sutras as already noticed. This opened a favourite
line of investigation among later Hindu mathematicians and developed into
a)1ew branch by its own right.
Aryabhata was the founder of a mathematical-astronomical school.
His commentators included, among others, Bhaskara I, Nilakat)tha Soma-
sutvan, Paramesvara, Somesvara, Sii ryadeva and Yallaya. The first three,
while following in the footsteps of their great master, also made important
contributions of their own.
predecessor and tried to improve upon them, often times with success,
which shows that he was neither a mere compiler nor a commentator but
an original investigator. From the fact that the manuscripts of his work
and its commentaries have come down to us in Kanarese and in Telugu
translations, Bhaskara II and other scholars in northern and central India
do not refer to his work and it is not even mentioned in Sudhakara Dvivedi's
Ga1)akatarangi1) i, it is reasonable to infer that his work was in circulation
only in the south.
Gatzita-slira-sa1Jlgraha is a work in nine chapters, dealing with operations
with numbers excluding those of addition and subtraction which are taken
for granted, squaring and cubing, determination of square and cube roots,
summation of arithmetic and geometric series, fractions, rule of three,
mensuration and algebra, including quadratic and indeterminate equations.
His arithmetical operations are based on decimal place-value numeration.
He mentions 24 notational places and uses word numerals as had been the
established practice. He gives operation with zero, but erroneously states
that a number divided by zero remains unchanged. Negative numbers
are used. The process of summation of a series from which the first few
terms are omitted is called by him vyutkalita. In his treatment of fractions
he was the first among the Indian mathematicians to have used the method
of lowest common multiple, called by him niruddha, in order to shorten
the process. In mensuration, Mahavira's treatment is similar in spirit
with that of either Brahmagupta or Bhaskara II, but much fuller and in
certain cases a little more advanced. Like Brahmagupta, he gives the area
of a quadrilateral as
V (s-a)(s-b)(s-c)(s-d)
but does not mention that it holds good only for a cyclic one. For the
volume of a sphere, he gives an approximate rule as ~(!d)S and an accu-
rate one as ~ . ~ . <!d)8, which makes 1T equal to 3·0375.
Mahavira gives two roots for quadratic equations and treats of simple
and simultaneous indeterminate equations of the first degree.
what are found in the works of his predecessors, except that the rules are
more lucid and accompanied by many examples. His algebra is character-
ized by anticipation of the modem theory concerning the sign convention,
use of letters to denote unknown quantities and detailed discussions of
several types of equations, including indeterminate equations of the first
and second degree. The cyclic method (cakraviila) of solving the Pellian
equations, Nx 2+1 = y2, Nx 2+c = y2, described by Hankel as 'the finest
thing achieved in the theory of numbers before Lagrange' is due to him.
His tatkiilika method of analysis contains the germ of modern calculus.
From consideration of right-angled triangles and regular polygons up to
384 sides, he found the value of 1T as ~:;~ and also ~~~ = 3·141666. Some
of his findings will be further discussed in what follows.
and mathematical works and also wrote a few original tracts. His com-
mentaries include Bhaladipika on Aryabhata, Karmadipikti and Siddhanta-
dipikd on Bhaskara I's works, the Vivara~a or Liliivati-vyiikhya on Bhaskara
II. His other commentaries and tracts mostly concern astronomy.
During the fifteenth and the following centuries, south India, particularly
the Malayalam-speaking areas, developed active centres for astronomical-
mathematical studies. These schools produced such works as Kara1)a-
paddhati, Gatzitayuktibhii~ii and Sadratnamiilii which, among others, dis-
cussed for the first time trigonometrical sine, cosine, tan and 11 series
and gave rules for them. While their period of composition has been
inferred from internal evidence, nothing is known about their authors.
Kara1)apaddhati was written by a certain Brahmin of the village of Sivapura.
Ga1)itayuktibhti~ii is an anonymous work in Malayalam on arithmetic and
mensuration primarily aimed at explaining the mathematical portion of
NnakaJ)tha's Tantrasarrzgraha. This NilakaJ)tha Somasutvan (A.D. 1465-
1545), who wrote the best commentary on the Aryabha/iya, also composed
several independent works, including Tantrasarrzgraha, and was widely
known in the south.
About this time in western, central and northern India we hear of a
number of distinguished BrahmaJ)a families zealously pursuing astronomical
and mathematical studies and producing gloss, commentaries and other
explanatory works. At Parthapura at the confluence of the Godavari and
the Vidarbha there flourished Jiianaraja (c. A.D. 1503) who wrote a com-
mentary on Bhaskara's algebra, but was more well known for his Siddhiinta-
sundara, an astronomical compilation. His son Sftryadasa (c. A.D. 1541)
composed the Saryaprakiisa and the Ga1)itiimrtakupikii, the former a com-
mentary on Bhaskara's algebra and the latter on his arithmetic; Jiianaraja's
disciple Ohun4hiraja (A.D. 1541) was also an able commentator on
astronomical works.
GaJ)esa Daivajiia (c. 1507), author of the popular astronomical work
Grahaliighava, hailed from Nandigram on the Arabian Sea about 40 miles
from Bombay (Colebrooke put it 65 miles west of Daulatabad). His
BuddhiviJiisinf on the Lilavati, accompanied by copious illustrations, was
one of the best expositions of this arithmetical classic. His father Kesava,
nephew NrsiQ1ha and cousin Lak~midasa were all accomplished astrono-
mers. Another family of astronomers in Mahara$tra was that of Divakara
of Golagram (lat. 18 0 N, long. 78 0 E) on the northern bank of the GodavarI.
Divakara was a disciple of GaQesa Daivajna and in tum trained his five
sons, Kr~t)a (b. A.D. 1561), Vi$J)u (b. A.D. 1566), Maliari (b. A.D. 1571), Kesava
and Visvanatha (b. A.D. 1578), in astronomy. All of them, particularly Mallan
and Visvanatha, turned out in time to be able commentators. This tradi-
tion was transmitted and fully maintained for a few generations through
Kr~Qa's son NrsilJlha (b. A.D. 1586) and his four sons, Divakara, Kamala-
kara (c. A.D. 1616), Gopinatha and Ratiganitha (c. A.D. 1640). Kamalikara,
the author of SiddJuintatattvaviveka (A.D. 1658), besides being well versed
in Hind~ astronomy and mathematics also picked up some Arabic and
MATHEMATICS 171
first time in Sanskrit the entirety of this great Alexandrian Greek's mathe-
matical-astronomical classic. Jagannatha and other pa1J.Qits in the employ
of Jai Sing must have prepared translations of several other Arabic and
European works on mathematics. We know from Hunter that when he
met a grandson of Jai Sing's principal assistant (Jagannatha), he saw in
his possession the translation into Sanskrit of several European works in-
cluding Elements, a treatise on plane and spherical trigonometry, and
tract on the construction and use of logarithms of which the inventor was
said to be one Don Juan Napier. a However, there now exist manuscripts
of a work entitled Ukardkhya Grantha by one Nayanasukhopadhyaya
(c. A.D. 1730), which deals with spherical geometry and is probably a
translation of an Arabic work. b
step of changing the scale from the sexagesimal to the decimal. Needham
claims that the numeral forms and the method of number writing, as con-
tained in the Shang oracle bone (1400-1100 B.C.), were based on decimal
place-value idea. As to the discovery of zero, he credits South-East Asia
(Indo-China, Java) for it inasmuch as the Hindu culture there 'met the
southern zone of the culture of the Chinese'. The 'emptiness' of Taoist
mysticism no less than the 'void' of Indian philosophy, Needham thinks,
contributed to the invention of a symbol for zero.
TABLE 3.1
2 3 4 5 6 7 7 6 5 4 3 2
left, that is in the order of unit, ten, hundred, etc., in accordance with
the principle--a1iktin41p vamato ,atib (numerals move to the left)-for
174 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
ascertaining their numerical meaning. Notice also how the word yama or
pak~a, meaning 2 when used in the unit place, represents the numbers 20, 200,
2000, 20ססoo and 2000ooo when used in the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 6th and 7th
place respectively.
The word-numerals found extensive use in inscriptions and even
travelled to foreign countries along with the Hindu colonizers. The
following are some of the typical examples of such inscriptions found in
Cambodia, Champa and Java:
(i) Stone inscription of Phnom Bayan, Cambodia (A.D. 604):
6 2 5
rasa - dasra - sarais - sakendrava;~e = in the year 526 of the saka
king, that is 526 saka.
(ii) Stone inscription of Mi-son, Champa (A.D. 609):
975
nava - saptatyuttarapaiica var~asat{jtita saka-vanindra - kiilaparimii-
~am = in the saka epoch 579, that is 579 saka.
Alphabetical System
In the section DaSagitika of the Aryabhaliya is recorded a novel
alphabetical system of expressing numbers with the help of consonants
and vowels, based on the decimal place-value principle. An English version
of the relevant verse runs as follows:
'The varga letters beginning with ka (are to be used) in the
varga (square) places and the avarga letters in the avarga (non-square)
places; ya equals the sum ria and mao The nine vowels (are to be used)
in two nine places, varga (square) and avarga (non-square). (Those)
nine (vowels should be used) in higher places in a similar manner.'a
In this system, 25 varga letters from k to m have values from 1 to 2S and
seven avarga letters from y to h have values from 3 to 10. Their places are
governed by nine vowels a to au, distinction between short and long vowels
being disregarded. Thus the expression khyughr means
khyughr = khu+yu+ghr
= 2x 1~+3x l06+4x toe
== 4,320,000
• A. Dala. paribhdpl stanza.
MATHEMATICS 175
Despite great ingenuity displayed, the system was not without limitations
and ultimately failed to receive widespread use, except among the adherents
of the Aryabhata school.
About the same time a similar but somewhat improved system of
alphabetical notations, called katapayiidi, was developed and used in
mathematical-astronomical texts. The system employs place-value and
was probably known to Aryabhata. It was used by Bhaskara I, Aryabhata
II, Paramesvara and others. Its use is also found in the Jaimini-sutras
of uncertain date.
Literary References
Literary works contain several references to the use of zero before
its appearance in inscriptional records. There zero is expressed by such
terms as 'emptiness', 'void', etc. Piilgala's Chandab-sutra mentions zero
in the rules for calculating the number of long and short syllables in
a meter of n syllables. In the Bakhshiili manuscript we meet with
a symbol 0 which has been called sunya (emptiness, void). This has
been interpreted by Hoernle and Kaye as a symbol for the unknown
quantity from its use in algebraic operations. But the symbol has also
been used in the same text in connection with the decimal arithmetical
notation. Dattaa has interpreted the symbol as a true representation of
zero whose use for an unknown quantity is also understandable if by it
we mean the absence of a quantity which should be there. In the Kash-
mirian Atharvaveda, zero is represented by a dot. The Sanskrit name for
this zero-dot is sunya-vindu as is clearly stated in Subandhu's Viisavadatta
(c. A.D. 6(0).
In the Srivijaya inscriptions of Palembang in Sumatra a dot is used
in writing the 'zero' of the number 605. The early Arab writers on Hindu
numerals system used a dot to represent zero, for which the Arabic term is
tq-~ifr or ~i1r. It is easy to see how from such Arabic words Latin words
for zero, e.g. ciffre, ziffre, zephyrum, cyfra, tziphra, etc., were derived. Sacro-
bosco used the word figura nihili in the full sense of void, emptiness, as the
Hindus had done before.
TABLE 3.2
Numerals without place-value
,
KU~ANA KU~ANA
I I 80 3333 '\J::::J
2 II II 90
3 III 100 11 21 '"/
4 X + ¥¥ ¥hi-. 200 <II >VJf'!i ?f ~
5 IX rJ? 300 <II( (f
6 fiX e~ Y' If 400 {ft
7 III ,X ? 7 500
7f.
8
XX '-1~ 700 2i1
9
? ~ 1000 T <1
]0 7 doc( C(0< 2000 r
20 3 0 () 3000 r
30 4000 1f 9r
40 33 ::I- 6000
h'
so 733 G.~ 8000 <Jlj
60 333
1 10,000 1«
70 7333 Y 120,000 ro
Epigraphic and Inscriptional Records
The epigraphic records of numeral notations in India, of both non-
place- and place-value, are summarized in Tables 3.2 and 3.3.
The Kharo~thi numerals found in the Asokan, Saka, Parthian and
KU$aQa inscriptions of the period from the fourth century B.C. to the second
century A.D. are shown in column 2 of Table 3.2. Strokes and crosses
were used for the first nine digits and symbols for 10 and its higher powers.
With strokes and crosses and the sign ? for 10, the numbers were
built up to 99 on additive principle. The multiplicative principle was used
in developing symbols for 100 and its multiples 2, 3, etc., up to 9. No sign
for 1000 has revealed itself so far. Thus
1,
MATHEMATICS 177
TABLE 3.3
Numerals with place-value
GWALIOR GWALIOR
GURJARA BAuKA MAHTp,l.lA
Inscriptions Inscriptions
Grlnts Inscriptions Inscriptions
Value (BhoJildeva) (Bholadeva)
(A D 595) (A D 837) (A 0.917)
(A D 870) (A.D. 876)
1 '\ 1
2 ~
3 ~
~
~ ~
4
P '6 <is &-
5
~ <J(j Q ~
6 ~ ~
7 7 '( '1 11
8 Tt' r
9
Gl 0} 61 N
0 0 0 0
22 74 J22 274
II 3 )<7333 1/311
(2 + 20) (4 + 70) (2+20+ 100) (4+ 70+ 200)
T
178 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Nasik
100 500 1000 2000 4000 8000
Hindu Originality
The Babylonian origin of the place-value system now appears beyond
doubt. It is immaterial that they chose a sexagesimal scale. But whether
the Hindu decimal place-value was derived from the Babylonian sexagesimal
place-value must remain a matter of conjecture only. The discovery of
cuneiform inscriptions of the Hittite Kings of Mitanni in Cappadocia
(fifteenth or fourteenth century B.C.) and the archaeological finds from Dr,
Harappa and Mohenjo-daro have established India's relations with Western
Asia from the third millennium D.C. There are stray instances of Babylonian
sexagesimal parameters appearing in Indian astronomical texts. But the
fact that the sexagesimal system was never generally adopted in India, the
very ancient and long Indian tradition handed down from the Vedic times
of giving decimal place-names and the various experiments of expressing
numbers on a decimal place-value plan are still valid grounds for believing
in an independent Indian origin of the system with zero.
New Arithmetic
The development of the place-value system meant the evolution of a
new kind of arithmetic which Sarton described as a 'medieval novelty'.
This medieval novelty represented by algorism, the term used to mean
arithmetic, came to Europe largely through Arabic translations of, and
works based on, Indian treatises and influenced in no small measure Euro-
pean mathematical renaissance.
Multiplication, Division
About the four fundamental operations of addition, subtraction,
multiplication and division, the first two need not be considered. Most of
the arithmetical works give four and some five or more methods of multi-
plication, of which the frequently occurring ones are kapala-sandhi, tastha,
rupa-vibhaga, sthana-vibhaga, i$ta-gatlita and the gelosia method. The
latter is sometimes included also under kapala-sandhi. The first method
was in common use, of which Sridhara gives the rule as follows: 'Place the
multiplicand below the multiplier and multiply successively in the direct
or the reverse order; move the multiplier after each operation; this is called
kapala-sandhi.' This is the same as the modern method followed generally in
elementary schools with the multiplier being placed under the multiplicand.
The gelosia or grating method is first noted in GaQesa's Buddhivilasini.
Gao-em explained it with reference to an example of the Liliivatib as
• Needham, III, p. 12.
& Co1ebrooke's translation of the LrJdvatf with notes by H. C. Banerjee, p. 7.
180 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
which means:
'One shall always divide the non-square place (avarga) by twice
the square root of the (preceding) square place, then subtract the square
(of the quotient) from the (next) square place; the quotient placed
at the next place is the root.'
50
Square of the quotient to
be subtracted from the
next square place, 42 = 16
Twice the root, 2 x 34 = 68) 342 ( 5 = quotient or next digit of root
340
25
Square of the quotient, 51 = 25
o
The required square root = 345
For the cube root extraction, we give Brahmagupta's rule which is the
same as that given by Aryabhata I before him.
'The divisor for the second non-cubic (digit) is thrice the square
of the cubic root. The square of the quotient, multiplied by three
and by the preceding, must be subtracted from the next (non-cubic);
and the cube from the cubic (digit): the root (is found)' (Translation
after Colebrooke (2)). The steps are explained in the following example:
2205
Cube of the quotient, 23 = 8
Thrice sq uare of root,
3 X 32 2 = 3072)2 ] 9 7 7 ( 7 = quotient or next digit of
2 1 504 root
Square of quotient multiplied
by thrice the previous root, 4738
72 x 3 X 32 = 4704
343
Cube of the quotient, 78 = 343
o
The required cube root = 327
Special importance attaches to Aryabhata's rules for the extraction of
the square and the cubic root because these, through the use of square,
non-square, cubic and non-cubic places and by the procedures laid down,
clearly indicate the use of decimal place-value notation with zero in Arya-
bhata's time and possibly for a long time before him. These arithmetical
operations were the direct consequence of the decimal place-value system.
In Europe, these modern methods do not appear before Cataneo (A.D. 1546).
Cataldi (A.D. 1613), the author of the Trattato, was one of the first writers
to use similar methods in their entirety. In the fourth century A.D.,
Theon of Alexandria, the noted commentator of Ptolemy's Almagest, gave
a method for approximate extraction of square roots of sexagesimal frac-
tions, but it was approximate, algebraical and different from the Hindu
method. In China, methods of extraction of square root (khai fang) and
cube roots (khai Ii fang) with the help of counting boards appear in the
Chiu..chang Suan..shu (latter half of the first century A.D.). a
GEOMETRY
In the period we are considering geometry did make a progress from
the point where it was left by the Vedic Ju/bavids, but it did not develop
into the type of demonstrative and deductive geometry so favourite among
ca A. Gaffita., 26. II Ll., 79. C Smith (D. E.), II, pp. 486.
184 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Triangle
In two rules of his GalJitaptida, b Aryabhata indicates proportion-
ality of sides in two similar triangles. These have applications in the
gnomon and shadow problems. Aryabhata gives the property of right-
angled triangles as the square of the bhuja (perpendicular side) plus the
square of the koti (side) being equal to square of the ka"Ja (hypotenuse);
that is x 2+y2= Z2. General solutions for such rational triangles are
given by Brahmagupta, Mahiivira, Bhaskara and other writers. Several
rules of the sulba-sutras also envisage solutions of rational triangles.
The solutions in the form m2 -n 2 , 2mn and m2 +n 2 for the bhuja,
kot; and th~ hypotenuse are given by Brahmagupta, Mahiivira and Bhaskara.
Mahavira puts it as: 'The difference of the squares is the perpendicular,
twice their product is the base and the sum of the squares gives the diagonal
of a generated Uanya) rectangle.' In another set of solution, where the
side a is given, Bhaskara II directs this side to be multiplied by twice an
assumed number n and divided by the square of that number less unity to
get the perpendicular. To obtain the hypotenuse, the perpendicular so
obtained is to be multiplied by the assumed number and the side is to be
subtracted from the product. Thus the solutions are:
2an and 2an 2 a(n 2 + I)
0, n2 -1 n2 -1 -a or n2 -1
The area of the triangle as the product of the perpendicular and half
the base is uniformly given by all authors. Brahmagupta, Mahavira and
Bhaskara II further express the area as
Vs(s-a){s-b)(s-c),
where s = j(a+b+c).
Quadrilateral, Trapezium
Bhaskara ll, in one of his aphorisms, states that, for the same set of
sides of a quadrilateral, there are other diagonals, and so the area of the
figure is manifold, for, in such a figure the opposite angles being made to
approach, shorten their diagonal and the other pair going outwards lengthen
theirs. a Mahavira defines five types of quadrilaterals: (1) samacaturasra
(equilateral), (2) dvidvisamacaturasra (equi-dichastic), (3) dvisamacaturasra
(equilateral), (4) trisamacaturasra (equitrilateral) and (5) vi~amacaturasra
(inequilateral). For an equilateral tetragon (tulyacaturbhuja) of side 0, if
one diagonal dt be given, the other d2 is given by
d2 = J4a2-d~.
The area of such a tetragon is given by Id1d2 • For trapeziums, the
area is given by Aryabhata and others as lh(a+b), where h is the perpen-
dicular and a and b the parallel sides.
Brahmagupta, Mahiivira and Bhaskara also give the area of a quadri-
lateral in terms of the sides a, b, c and d and s (where 2s = a+b+ c+d) as
A = V(s-a)(s-b)(s-c)(s-d),
a result true only for cyclic quadrilaterals, but not for any quadrilateral.
Brahmagupta states the above result as follows:
bhujayogiirdhacatu~laya bhujonaghiitiitpadaflJ sak~mam
That is, 'Put down half the sum of the sides four times, reduce (each) by the
sides, multiply the results and take square root; the exact area (is obtained).'
Brahmagupta did not limit the result to cyclic quadrilaterals only for which
the fonnula holds good. This limitation was realized by Bhaskara II
who stated that such a rule, though accurate for a triangle, was inexact
for a quadrilateral. For such quadrilaterals, his diagonals were expressed
in terms of the sides as follows:
_ j(ac+hd)(Qd+bC)
p- ab+cd
_ j(ac+bd)(ah+cd)
q- ad+bc
It is again Brahmagupta who expressed the diagonals of quadrilaterals
in the above manner. An English rendering of his rule runs as follows:
'The sides adjoining each of the two diagonals are multiplied and added
and (the two sets of results) are divided by each other; the quotients are
multiplied by the sum of the products of the opposite sides; the square
roots (of the results) give the diagonals.'b
The above results were rediscovered by W. Snell in the seventeenth
century in Europe. Ptolemy is generally credited with the formula
pq = ac+bd
which directly follows from the above result. But to Brahmagupta belongs
the credit of obtaining expressions for the diagonals which easily lead to
the above formula.
.. U., 170. b B,. Sp. Si., xii. 28.
186 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
p2q2
AD = 21 (4-,- -r) _(p2_q2)
Circle, 7T
In the geometry of the circle, the most important element is the ratio
of its circumference to its diameter, that is 1T. Various approximate values
of 1T, we have already seen, had been in use in India from the time of the
sulba-sutras and early Jaina and Brahmal)a mathematicians. More accurate
astronomical computations demanded an accurate value of 'IT for which
the older values such as 3, JIO, 3·0883 became more and more insufficient.
Brahmagupta still continued to use 3 as an approximate value good for
practical purposes and JIO as the accurate one. But Aryabhata in the
fifth century had already given a value 3·1416 correct up to four decimal
places in the following manner:
caturadhikaf!l satama$lagUl.lo1J1 dva$~tistatJui sahasrd1)dm I
ayutadvayavi~kambhasyasanno vrttapari1;llihal;z \I (Ga1;litapada, 10)
which means:
'Add four to one hundred, multiply by eight and then add sixty-
two thousand; the result is approximately the circumference of a circle
of diameter of twenty thousand.'
In other words,
1f = circumference 8(100+4)+62,000 = 62,832 = 3.1416
diameter 20,000 20,000
Aryabhata still called it an approximate (iisanna) value. This value was
adopted by Lalla, mentioned by Bhattotpala in his commentary of Varaha-
mihira's Brhatsa1J1hitii and finally by Bhaskara II in the reduced form
~:~~. AI-Khwarizmi, the celebrated Arab mathematician of the ninth century,
reproduced Aryabhata's value in his Algebra, almost in the same language,
which, in Rosen's translation, runs as follows:
'The other method is used by the astronomers among them; it is
this, that you multiply the diameter by sixty-two thousand eight hundred
and thirty-two and then divide the product by twenty thousand; the
quotient is the periphery.'
The value of 17 as ¥
is met with in Aryabhata Irs Mahasiddhtinta a
and in Bhaskara Irs Liliivati. This value along with the one reduced from
Aryabhata's is given by Bhaskara as follows:
'The diameter of the circle multiplied by three thousand nine
hundred and twenty-seven and divided by twelve hundred and fifty
gives the near circumference; alternatively, (the diameter) multiplied
by twenty-two and divided by seven gives the gross circumference used
in practice.'b
The Chinese value ~~~ of 1f, given in the Tsu Ch'ung-chih (c. A.D. 370),
occurs in India in a fifteenth-century collection of rituals, the Tantra-
samuccaya. In medieval India, a renewed interest in working out still more
accurate values of ." is noticed among the mathematicians of south India,
where traditional astronomy had also a new lease of life. In the Kara~a
paddhati, Tantrasafllgraha and other works, the values of ." are given in
the form of series, of which the equivalent in decimal is 3·1415926535 ...
Some of the series given in the Kara~apaddhati are as follows:
1]
(1) 17=4 ( 1- 3 +5 - 7I +91 ." pf2 )
±p2+1 '
where p is the last odd divisor less unity.
I 1 1 1 1)
(2) 11' = 2+4 ( 22 -1 - 42 -1 +62 -1 - 82 -1 + ·.. (p-l )2+4 '
where p is the last even number squared.
J 1 I )
(3) 1T=3+6 ( 1.3.3.5+3.5.7.9+5.7.11.13+·" ·
For the area of the circle, Aryabhata gives ter, where e is the circum-
ference, Brahmagupta 3(~r for 'gross' and JIO(~r for 'neat' values and
Bhaskara II ide. For the area of a trapezium, Aryabhata correctly gives
the expression !h(a+b). Mahavira's value for the area of an ellipse is
2ah+h 2 as against the correct value of 1Tab. For the volume of the
sphere, Aryabhata gives 1Tr 2X J 1Tr 2 or J1T. 1Tr8 or 1-471Tr8• Bhaskara
gives the area of a circle and that of the surface and the volume of a sphere
correctly as 1Tr 2, 41Tr 2 and ~1Tr8 respectively in one rule as follows:
'A quarter of the diameter multiplied by the circumference is the
area of a circle. That (area of the circle) multiplied by four is the
net covering the surface of the ball (that is the surface of the sphere).
The surface of the sphere multiplied by the diameter and divided by
six gives the exact volume of the sphere, its cubic content.'a
Flo. 3.15
GalJesa gives simple proofs of the above areas and volume for circle
and sphere. For any circle, it is first divided into two equal parts and each
part into a very large number of equal triangular strips by drawing radii to
the circumference. The semi-circles are then imagined to be stretched into
a straight line opening at the triangular strips (Fig. 3.15). The two sets of
triangular strips can then be made to fit into each other so as to form a
rectangular strip equal to radius X half circumference or TTr 2• Bhaskara
II, in his Go/adhyaya, gives a method of finding the surface of the sphere.
From this the volume of the sphere is determined by imagining the sphere
to be divided into as many pyramids as there are unit square areas on the
surface, the height 'of each pyramid being equal to the radius. The volume
of each pyramid is ! x radius x unit square area, from which that of the
sphere becomes equal to 1x radius x surface of the sphere or iTTrS. Much
a Lr., 203.
MATHEMATICS 189
2c = v'4a(d-a),
where d = diameter.
FIG. 3.16
ALGEBRA
Terminology
Algebra, or more correctly, the geometrical methods of solving al-
gebraic problems, had their crude beginnings in the efforts of the altar-
geometers of the Vedic times. As a distinct branch of mathematics, it
appeared from about the time of Brahmagupta. This development was
due largely to the perfection of the technique of indeterminate analysis
and to a growing interest in such analysis which found ready applications
in astronomical calculations. In fact, Brahmagupta used the terms kUl1aka,
kU!faka-gaf.lita for algebra. The term bija-galJita in the sense of calculation
with unknown quantities (bija) was hinted at by Brahmagupta's scholiast
PrthOdakasvami, and was used by Bhaskara II. Various terms for the
unknown quantity are met with in the Hindu mathematical literature, e.g.
yavat-tavat, yadrccha, vancchii, varf.la, kamika, guIika and avyakta.
mcans Vx+5 =s
Vx-7 =t
:I
I~ I~
12
I 13 31 drsya 300
1 1 1 1
Quadratic Equations
The sulba-siitras contain problems involving quadratic equations of
the. type ax 2 = c; ax 2 +bx = c. The Bakhshiili MS. gives the solution of
a problem in the form which reduces to:
VB2_4AC-B
x= 2A .
None of them gives any rule for solving such equations. Both Aryabhata
and Brahmagupta clearly indicate their knowledge of quadratic equations
and their solutions. In connection with an interest problem, the Aryabhatiya
contains the following solution: a
mu/aphalal.n saphalalJ1 kalamulagu~amardhalnulakrtiyuktanll
mu/a", muliirdhonalll kalahrta'11 syat svamulaphalam II
which means:
'Multiply the sum of the interest on the principal and the interest
on this interest by the time and by the principal. Add to this result the
square of half the principal. Take the square root of this. Subtract
half the principal and divide the remainder by the time. The result
will be the interest on the principal.'
- p + ylJii+4ij}q
x= 2t
where p = principal; t = time; q = sum of interest on principal and interest
on interest in time t; x = interest on principal in unit time.
A similar quadratic solution arising out of an interest problem is
given by Brahmagupta. Such quadratic problems also arise in finding the
number of terms (n) in an A.P. Both Aryabhata and Brahmagupta give
the results correctly, which, as Rodet (in the case of Aryabhatiya) pointed
out long ago, indicate knowledge of the solutions of quadratic equation of
form ax 2 +bx+c = O.
The method of transforming into a whole square the left-hand side
of the quadratic equation ax 2 +bx = c by multiplying both sides by 4a,
adding b2 and taking the square root is given by Sridhara in his algebra
which is lost, but preserved in the quotations of Bhaskara II, J iHinaraja
and Siiryadasa.
That is:
'Two sides are to be multiplied by four times the coefficient of
the square of the unknown; the square of the coefficient of the unknown
is to be added to both sides; then the square root (is to be taken).'
which means:
'The square of the optional lesser number (i~ta hrasva) multiplied
by the prakrti and increased or decreased by the positive or negative
interpolator (k~epaka) gives a square root called the greater root (jye$lha-
mu/a).'
That is
Nx2±c =y2.
The method adopted by Brahmagupta and other early mathematicians
was to find a first set of integral values a and b of x and y and form the
auxiliary equation
Na 2 ±1 = b2 •
From these an unlimited number of integral solutions can be readily
obtained by the lemma discovered by Brahmagupta and applied by later
mathematicians. The Sanskrit term for the lemma is bhavanti. Brahma-
gupta gave the lemma as follows:
mii/aJ?1 dvidhe~lavargiidgu1Jakagu1Jiidi$!ayutavihinacca I
ii.dyavadhogu1)akagulJiib sahiintyaghiitena krtamantyam II
vajravadhaikyafJ1 prathamafJ1 prak$epab k$epavadhatulya I
prak~epasodhakahrte mule prak~epake rupe "
(I Bm. Vargaprakrti, 1.
13
194 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
of the first and the last roots gives the first root. Similarly, the inter-
polator will be the product of the (two) interpolators. For (finding
the roots of the equation with) unity as interpolator, divide the roots
by the square of the interpolator.'
Bhaskara II expresses the lemma as follows:
'The lesser root, the greater root and the interpolator being set
down, other (similar) quantities are to be set down below in order.
From them several roots may be obtained by the method of
bhavanii. Now bhiivanii is being explained. The sum of the cross-
multiplication of the two greater and lesser roots gives the lesser root.
The sum of the product of the two lesser roots multiplied by the
multiplier and the product of the two greater roots gives the greater
root. The product of the interpolators gives the interpolator.'
In the next stanza, Bhaskara states that the rule holds good if, instead
of the sum, the difference be taken. In algebraic symbols, if a1, bI , Cl and
a2' bt" C2 be two sets of values for x, y and the interpolator of an equation
of square nature whose prakrti or multiplier is N, these are to be written
down as follows:
Na~+Cl = b~,
Na:+c 2 = b:.
Then, x = a1b2±a2bl and y = b1b2 +Na1a2 will satisfy the equation: a
Nx2+C1C2 = y2.
N(am:bf +m;/i 2
= (bm~Nar
Here In is the multiplier such that m 2- N is the smallest. This multiplier
is determined by the method of pulverizer (kuttaka), of which the quotient
am+b is the lesser root. Note how the pulverizer is formed by taking
c
the lesser root a as the dividend, the greater root b as the additive quantity
and the interpolator c as the divisor, as stated in the first line of the rule. a
Surds
Operations with quantities like J2, J3, J18, etc. were already well
known at the time of compilation of the sulba-siitras. We have seen some
of the technical terms then used as also geometrical methods of determining
the approximate values of such quantities. In the second or the third
century A.D., Heron of Alexandria determined values of surds with the help
of the following formula:
.. /a -
J N=·v r
+r = a+ 2a -
2
In the centuries before the Christian era, the Jainas appear to use the above
relation in obtaining the value of JIO, their approximate value of 7f. The
same formula with higher terms is given in the Bakhsh81i MS. as follows:
5 (&y
J41 = 6+ 12 - ( 5) ,
2 6+
12
J105 = lO+! _
4 2 (IO+~)
or .
According to another ingeneous method due to NarayalJa Pa1)qita,
a second degree indeterminate equation (square nature) was first formed
and solved; the ratio of the higher to the lesser root gave the approximate
root sought. Let N be the number whose square root is sought. The
square nature with this number will be
Nx2+1 = y2.
If a and b be the lesser and the higher root by solution of the above,
IN = a~ approximately.
In NarayaT,la's formulation, b
'Find the roots (of a square nature) with the number whose
square root is desired (as the multiplier) and unity as the additive and
divide the greater root by the lesser; the result will be the approximate
value of the square root.'
Progressive Series
Problems connected with progressive series, particularly the A.P. and
the G.P., had interested the Vedic Hindus. Although a number of such
series are mentioned in the SaJ11hitas and their sums given correctly in some
cases, there is no indication of any general rule or rules by which to obtain
the sum. These rules we find neatly versified in the works of Aryabhata,
Brahmagupta and others following them. This branch of study came to
be called Sref}hi-vyavahiira. Some of the technical terms used in connection
with the series are: the first term, a-adi, mukha, vadana; common
where the entire expression within the bracket stands for the middle term.
From the above formula, n can also be calculated if s, a and dare
known. The formulas given for this purpose are:
n [n(nil)r
13 +23 +33 + .. , 8 =
As to geometrical progressions, having the first term a, a common
multiplier r and number of terms n, Bhaskara II, in his Lfliivafi gives the
modern rule and several examples. The sum is given by
a(r n -l)
s = ---,-::-r- .
The operations to obtain rn in the formula are rather expressed in an
involved manner, which is explained in GaI).esa's commentary.
In the fifteenth century, NilakaIJtha and some of his contemporaries
and followers successfully handled the summation of infinite series having
a common divisor. To Nilaka1Jtha was also due the geometrical derivation
of some of the A.P. formulae discussed above.
TRIGONOMETRY
Definition of Trigonometrical Functions
Instead of dealing directly with the trigonometrical ratios, the ancient
Hindus dealt with the lengths pertaining to the various elements of an arc
of a circle of given radius. Their trigo-
B nometrical terminology will be better under-
stood by referring to Fig. 3.17.
For the arc AP called dhanu, bow of
the circle with centre 0, PM, the half-chord,
1-- ~--I-_--'--1A is called the jyti or ardha-jyd or jiva, PN or
OM the koti-jyti (also called kojyii) or the
jyd of the arc complimentary to AP and
MA, the difference between the radius and
the kOli-jya, is called the utkrama (reversed)-
jyd. Expressed in terms of sines and cosines
Flo. 3.17 as per modem definition,
o Saraswathi, pp. 322-23.
MATHEMATICS 199
jya AP = PM = R sin 8
kOfi-jyii AP = OM = R cos 8
utkrama-jyii AP = MA = R versin 8 = R-R cos 8
Sine Table
The various relations connecting the sine of any arc with their multiples
and submultiples were given with a view to constructing or calculating sine
tables for different arcs generally lying between 0 and 90°. The Hindu
planetary theories, as we have seen in the section on astronomy, required
such tables for computations of true planetary positions. The general
formula shown against the name of Aryabhata and the Surya-siddhanta
was used for computing the tables ofjya or half-chords in a quadrant divided
into 24 equal parts so that the smallest arc equals 3° 45' or 225'. Since
the Hindu sines are not the ratios of the corresponding half-chords and
the radius, but represent the half-chords themselves, their values obviously
depend upon the length of the radius chosen. The values of the radius
adopted by Varahamihira, Aryabhata and Brahmagupta are 120', 3438'
and 3270' respectively; other writers have used such values as 150', 3415'
and 1000'. The values of 24 sines as given in the Paiicasiddhantikii and the
Aryabhatiya are given in Table 3.4. From the half-chords given in the
200 A CONCISE InSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
texts the sines of the angles are computed, which may be compared with
the ~odern values given in the last column. The accuracy of the Hindu
half-chord tables is quite obvious.
TABLE 3.4
Hindu halfchord (R sin 0) values of 24 angles in a quadrant
Trigonometrical Series
We have noticed the development of an interest in series and their
summation in higher and higher orders, the viirasa1flkalita. The process
was applied to the arc of a circle to obtain expressions of infinite series for
'IT, and trigonometrical functions sin B, cos () and tan B. In 1835, C. M.
Whish first drew the attention of modem scholars to the existence of some
of these series in the medieval astronomical-mathematical works Kara1)a-
paddhati, Tantrasaf!1graha, Yuktibhii$ii and Sadratnamiilii. The series and
their rationales have been recently studied more closely. The originality
exhibited by these Hindu mathematicians and astronomers in handling
along traditional lines series which occupied much later the attention of
mathematicians like Roberval (A.D. 1634), Gregory (A.D. 1671) and Euler
(A.D. 1739) is a clear indication that, at least in mathematics, the decline
was not complete after Bhaskara II. The Kara(lapaddhati, now believed
to be written by one Putumana Somayajin in the fifteenth century A.D.,
gives rules from which the following series can be derived:
Spherical Trigonometry
The representation of the celestial bodies and the various astronomical
elements with the help of great and small circles in the celestial sphere
• MBh. t vii. 17-19. b Marar and Rajagopal, pp. 65-82; Rajagopal, pp. 201-9.
202 A ~ONCISE IDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
where A, Band C are the angles of a spherical triangle, of which the op-
posite sides are a, hand c respectively. Since the Hindus did not deal with
angles, but with lengths, their results were obtained with reference to
suitable plane right-angled triangles in which the properties of similar
triangles were frequently pressed into service. As an illustration, the
problem of finding the rising times of the different signs of the ecliptic on
the equator above the horizon may be considered. This reduces to finding
the relationship between the longitude ,\ (polar longitude in Hindu as-
tronomy), the obliquity E and the declination S of a planetary body on the
ecliptic. The rule given by Aryabhata and others may be represented as
follows:
' ~ R si 11 ,\ • R sin E
R SIll 0 = R
CALCULUS
We have seen that the usual Hindu method in finding the area of a
circle or the volume of a sphere consisted in dividing the area or the volume
into a large number of small elements and then taking their sum. Bhas-
kara II, in particular, had recourse to this method as we have it from the
exposition of his scholiast GaJ.1esa. In the case of the sphere, the entire
volume used to be divided into a large number of pyramids of the same
height equal to the radius of the sphere. The apex of each pyramid co-
incides with the centre, and the base lies on the surface. The base of each
pyramid was taken to be a unit of the scale by which the area of the surface
of the sphere was reckoned. The volumes of these pyramids were then
summed up to obtain the volume of the sphere. Rudiments of integration
are clearly noticeable in such methods.
Ideas of differentials, that is infinitesimal increase of a variable quantity
due to infinitesimal increase in another quantity, are implicit in Bhaskara
II's treatment of the instantaneous motions of planets. In his Siddhiinta..
iiroma1Ji, he defines two kinds of planetary velocities, the gross or rough
velocity (sthillii gati) and velocity at an instant of time (silk~mii or tiitkiiliki
gati). In the former, change of longitude over a long interval of time is
considered and the gross velocity is found by dividing the change in longi-
tude by the time interval. To find the tiitkiiliki gati, it is necessary to find
an infinitesimal change in longitude, d>", corresponding to an infinitesimal
time interval, dr.
That Bhaskara II also carried out such differentiation is clearly indi-
cated in his correct formulation of the expression for the tiitkiiliki gati.
His rule runs as follows: a
'To find the instantaneous velocity (in longitude) of the planet, the
ko/iphala is to be multiplied by the time rate of change of anomaly and
divided by the radius, and the quotient (thus obtained) is to be added
to or subtracted from the velocity of the mean planet according as its
position is in the six signs from the beginning of Cancer or of Capricorn.'
The above rule can be expressed in modem mathematical notations
as follows:
d'A d'A 1 da.
Cit = dt ± R· (r cos a.) . (Ji
where ,\ = true longitude, A= mean longitude, (X = anomaly, r = eccen-
tricity or radius of the epicycle, r cos ex = ko/iphala and R = radius of the
deferent circle.
CI Briggs, I. p. 61.
MATHEMATICS 205
CI law, p. 60.
206 A CONCISE IDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Unlike other Arabic mathematical works al-Karkhi's were free froln Hindu
elements.
Of al-Biruni's (973-1048) mathematical works we possess his al-kitab
fi Istikhrliji'I-Aular fi'd- Dd';rah bi-Khawassi'l-Kha/ti'I Munbani'l- Wiiqi'fihii,
a treatise on the chords of a circle, al..Maqalah Ii Rashikdli'l Hind, an
arithmetical work on the rule of proportions based on Hindu works, and
Riya{iatu'I-Fikr Wa'I-'Aql, a general work dealing with typical mathematical
problems. AI-Biruni's refinements in trigonometry and his construction
CIA manuscript survey has been carried out by the Medieval Unit of the History of
Sciences under the Indian National Science Academy, a preliminary draft of which
has been made available to the author for use in this section.
• Sarton l II pp. 718-19.
MATHEMATICS 207
of accurate sine tables from 0° to 90° at the intervals of 15' are well known.
In this connection he also gave several trigonometrical relations. Accord-
ingly, a special importance attaches to his treatise on the chords among
the Indian collection of his mathematical works.
The same is true of 'Umar b. Ibrahim al-KhayyamI's Maqalalz fl-I-
Jabr-; (c. A.D. 1110), one of the greatest medieval works on algebra. Im-
portant features of 'Droar's algebra are: an admirable classification of
equations, geometric and algebraic solutions of quadratic and higher power
equations, development of binomial series with positive integral exponents,
geometrical postutates, etc. His classification of equations was based on
the number of terms, e.g. trinomial, quadrinomial, etc. He made significant
contributions to the solution of cubic equations which he arranged in 27
groups. The following are a few examples of his quadrinomial cubic
equations:
x S +bx 2 = cx+d
xs+cx = bx2+d
xS+d = bx 2 +cx
'Umar solved the above types of equations by finding the intersection of
the conics. Such geometrical methods of solving algebraic equations paved
the way for the development of analytical geometry at the hands of Des-
cartes in the seventeenth century. In Europe, Renaissance mathemati..
cians like Scipio del Ferro (1465-1526), Tartaglia (1500-57) and Cardano
(1501-76) succeeded for the first time in solving cubic equations.
An arithmetical treatise Ghunyatu'I..Hussiib fi 'lImi'l-lfisiib by A1}nlad
b. Thabit (c. twelfth century) who flourished somewhere in the Middle East
is noticed in the Bankipur collection. The work deals with multiplication,
division, ratio and proportion, extraction of roots, transactions, mensura-
tion and excavation problems. Treatment of conic sections forms part of
his mensuration. The author's another arithmetical work was 'Umdatu'r-
Rti'id.
Abu Ja'far Na$Ir-aI-dln al-l:Iasan at-TusI (1201-74) of Khorasan,
the celebrated mathematician, astronomer and founder director of the
Maragha Observatory, was the most popular authority among the Muham-
madan scientific circles, particularly in the days of the Mughal rule. His
Tabrir-u Uq/idas, Arabic version of the Elements, is available in manuscript
copies in several libraries, being published from Calcutta in 1824. Tabrir,
as Thomas Heath pointed out, was not a translation of Euclid's
text but a rewritten Euclid based on the older Arabic translations. a
Jagannatha's Sanskrit translation was based on this Arabic version. His
other works of which manuscript copies have been found in India
include Maqalah-i-Arshimidas Ii Taksiri'd-DIi'irah and Kitlibu'l-Kurah
a Heath, I, p. 78.
208 A CONCISB HISTORY OF SCIENCB IN INDIA
Situated geographically in the centre of the old world, India was from
the beginning destined to play an important role in the transmission and
diffusion of scientific ideas. In this diffusion mathematics formed no
exception. Commercial and cultural contacts of India with Western Asia
and Egypt extend to prehistoric times. The Persian Empire under Darius
served as a bridge between India and Western Asia with its numerous settle-
ments of the Ionian Greeks. Alexander's invasion and the founding of
the Bactrian Greek kingdoms on the borders of, and within, India provided a
further opportunity of intensification of East-West relationships. Ptolemy's
Alexandria evinced great interest in establishing commercial contacts with
India, an interest which was transformed into a practical reality through
Rome's e~stern policies. The Sino-Indian intercourse depended partly on
the thriving trade along the silk roads, but largely on the spread of Buddhism
into China. The rise of Islam and its bid for political and intellectual
supremacy provided yet another opportunity for the appreciation of Indian
sciences, particularly mathematics and astronomy, in West Asia, North
Africa and in Spain.
The Indian emphasis on arithmetic and algebra is often contrasted
with the Greek preoccupation with geometry. Nevertheless, the close
similarity between the philosophical and mathematical writings of
Pythagoras and his school on the one hand and the Vedic Hindus on the
other has never failed to attract the attention of scholars. Leopold Von
Schroeder, in one of his exhaustive studies, tried to show Pythagoras'
indebtedness to India in respect of (1) his doctrine of transmigration and
metempsychosis, (2) irrational numbers, (3) the theorem known after his
name and (4) the doctrine of five elements. a Regarding Pythagorean
geometry and irrational number, Schroeder held the view, shared by Garbe,
Hopkins and Macdonell, that the square relation among the sides of a
right-angled triangle and the concept of irrational numbers ultimately had
their origin in the sulba-sutras of Baudhayana and Apastamba. Others,
notably Keith, have disputed such views.
As to Sino-Indian intercourse in mathematics, the catalogue of the
Sui dynasty listed a number of Brahmal}.ical works, such as Po-lo-m~n
Suan-fa (BramaY)ical methods of calculations, in 3 books), Po-lo-m~n-wen
ching (BrahmaJ)ical astronomy, in 21 books) and a number of similar Hindu
astronomical tracts already referred to. The establishment, in the seventh
century A.D., of an Astronomical School or Board in Chang-Nan for the
propagation of Brahmat:lical astronomy and the reform of the calendar
after the Hindu model, played an important part in transmitting Hindu
mathematics in China. In the eighteenth century, during the Thang times,
Ch'u-t'an Hsi-ta (Chinese version of Gautama Siddha or Siddhartha),
• Sen (8. N.) (3), pp. 8-30.
14
210 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
abacus of Gerbert was in general use for all calculations and counting
purposes. Adelard (c. 1142), English philosopher, mathematician and
scientist, was probably the earliest Latin exponent of Hindu arithmetic,
trigonometry and astronomy through his translations of al-K.hwarizmI's
mathematical and astronomical works. He probably translated an arith-
metical work attributed to al-Khwarizmi under the title Liber ysagogarum
A/chorismi. But the earliest Latin version of al-Khwarizmi's arithmetic
A/goritmi de numero Indorum, of which the Arabic version is lost, is due to
an unknown translator. Hispano-Jewish John of Seville (c. 1135) wrote
Liber algorismi, an arithmetical work which, although based on al-Khwarizmi,
drew upon other Arabic sources. Robert of Chester (c. 1141) introduced
the study of algebra in Latin Europe by his translation of al-Khwarizmi's
Hi~lib a/-jabr wa/-muqiibala which bears the impress of Hindu algebraic
thought. Villedieu's (Alexandre de Villedieu, d. 1240) Carmen de algorismo,
composed in hexameter, closely followed John's Liber algorismi. Trans-
lations of Carmen into English, French and Icelandic, several commentaries
on it and a large number of manuscript copies found in the libraries of
Europe bear testimony to the influence it exerted and the wide circulation
it enjoyed in the thirteenth century. The work possibly played an important
role in the diffusion of Hindu numerals in Latin Europe. Villedieu's
contemporary John Sacrobosco's Algorismus Vulgaris, another arithmetical
tract, also enjoyed great popularity. Another date often taken to be the
starting point of European mathematical renaissance is 1202 in which year
appeared Leonardo Pisano's arithmetical classic Liber abaci, containing
probably the first complete exposition in Latin of Hindu and Arabic arith-
metic, including decimal place-value numeration.
This is the background of the introduction into Europe of the new
arithmetic, called 'algorism', based on decimal place-value numeration.
In time algorism became one of the active promoters of the Renaissance
itself. This is corroborated by the sudden appearance in quantity of printed
arithmetical works from the sixteenth century in several European countries.
To mention a few, in Italy, Cardano's Practica arithmetice et mensurandi
singularis appeared in 1501 and Tartaglia's La Prima Parte del general
trattato di numeri e misure in 1556. In England, Robert Recorde's The
grounde of artes, teachyng the worke and practise of arithmetike was re-
printed seventeen times before 1601 and Digg's Stratiotios appeared in 1579.
In Germany, the arithmetical movement was led by Jacob KObel, author of
Rechenbiechlin (1514), Stifel, author of Arithmetica integra (1514), and
Christopher Clavius, author of Epitome arithmeticae practice (1583). In
France, Boissiere's L'art d'arythmetique (1554) and Forcadel's L'Arithmetique
(1556-57) helped popularize arithmetic. Elementary as these arithmetical
tracts may now appear, their potentialities were soon felt in the rising trade
and commerce of the Renaissance period, in the teaching programmes of
universities and schools and in the higher pursuits of mathematics in general.
4 MEDICINE
R. C. MAJUMDAR
ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE
The oldest ideas of the Aryans on cosmic forces, origin of life, birth,
death, sickness, pain, happiness and salvation are revealed in the Vedic
hymns where rational ideas and insight are found to be continuously crystal-
lizing out of a matrix of ignorance and superstition, even in the earliest
Safflhittis. Interwoven with archaic concepts of diseases, both of the mind
and the body, as manifestations of the wrath of gods for sins committed
or as possessions by demons, a to be cured by propitiation, ritual practices,
sacrifices or exorcism, sorcery or charms, b we find logical speculations on the
origins of diseases, use of healing drugs, beneficial treatment and surgery.
There is also the clear emergence of the conception of the healing art as not
a mere skill but as a social system tolerating many other ingredients such
as the powers of magic and suggestions, ideas gained by experience and
experiments, the social value of health, compassion to human suffering,
scientific tenets and philosophical speculations. It is from these nebulous
beginnings that the Ayurvedic conception of medical knowledge as a
comprehensive science and philosophy of life developed later.
During this period, the healing art was recognized as a part of the
sacramental duties of the priests. The priest-sorcerers were the physi-
cians, par excellence, though wandering medicine men, mentioned in the
Atharvaveda, also practised medicine and surgery. The tradition of medi-
cine as a part of the religious lore continued unbroken up to the later
period of the Ayurvedic treatises, in which medical science is declared to
be a upiitiga (part) of the Atharvaveda,c the physician a special votary of the
same Vedat! and also Ayurveda as an upaveda (secondary veda), fornling
part of the ~gveda.
The Aryans personified the natural and cosmic forces as gods, and
their influence was considered supreme in causing and curing illness. Water
was the primordial element of the Aryans. 'In the waters is the nectar
of immortality, and in the water is the potent curative powers.'e Divinity
was also conferred upon plants with healing powers. The hymn, o~adhistuti
(ode to the healing plants), is addressed to soma, the moon god and the
divine ruler of plants, and also a terrestrial plant from which sacrificial
liquor was prepared.!
An almost parallel conception of medicine is found in the sacred books
of another branch of the Indo-Aryan community, the Avesta of the Iranians.
The medical data of the Avesta are mostly found in the Videvdat dating
from Vedic times. This book of the A vesta, also known as Vendidad,
escaped destruction by Alexander the Great and was preserved in a Greek
translation. The Spirit of Evil (Ahira Mainya) and other demons bring
• AV., IV. 37. 10; VI. 20. 2; VI. 90; VII. 83; Vffi. 2.12. , CS. Su.• 30. 20.
~ AV., VI. 113. 1-10; RV., VIII. 47.13. I RV., I. 23. 19.
c SSe Su.,1.3, I RJI., X. 97.
MEDICINB 217
CI Videvdat, XXII; VII. 44,58; XX. 3. , RV., X. 97. 1; AV. II. 8. 1; AV., III. 7. 1-6;
" West, pp. 100 fT. V. 30. 3; VI. 83.1; VIl. 76.4.
c: Das GuPta, pp. 299 fr.; AV. I. 12. 3. ! AV., V. 22. 13; XIX. 39. 10; KauJ. Br.,
d AV., XVII. 3. S. V. 1; Gop. Br., TI. 1. 9.
, AV., II. 31. 2-5; V. 2. 3.
218 A CONCISE msroRY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
The medical references in the earlier SQtnhiUis are casual and frag-
mentary, but the later Vedic works are distinguished by a search for order
and by speculations about origins and underlying causes. A number of
passages contain plausible theories about the composition of living and
non-living matter, the biological functions, the relationship of the sarira
(human body and organism) to its environment, the nature of the vital
and motive forces in a living body, and other matters. The theory that the
same five elements, prthivi (earth or solid), apas (water or liquid), vayu
(air or gas), jyoti (fire or radiant energy) and aktisa (ether or empty space),
constitute the human body (microcosm) as well as the macrocosm is accepted
as axiomatic truth in many passages. C Life in its various manifestations is
said to have three possible types of origin, a1)tlaja (oviparous), jarayuja
• M$mdar(R. C.). II. pp. 276-77. b CS. SQ., 16. 12, 29.
222 A CONCISB HISTORY OP SClBNCB IN INDIA
observing the area over which an elephant had p~ssed earlier, he was able to
give many details about the animal and its rider and to correlate his
deductions with details considered unimportant by others. This anecdote
points out the value of accurate observation and deductions in the medical
profession. Jivaka also learnt that erudition and skill in the science of
medicine should not merely lead to a lucrative practice but should be taught
to others in order to benefit humanity.
Jyurveda had its origin in the healing art of the Vedic period. Its
development as a comprehensive and rational medical system came in the
succeeding centuries side by side with the flowering of the philosophies t
arts and sciences in the golden age of Hindu civilization. Our knowledge
of this ancient science CODles mainly from the surviving written treatises t
the oldest of which are the sa,?zhitiis named after Bhela (or BheQa), Caraka
and Susruta. The first has reached us in a single and very incomplete
manuscript but many independent references in other ancient works as
well as the internal evidence put its authenticity and antiquity beyond
reasonable doubt. It is very possibly the oldest medical treatise in existence.
Nagnajit, an authority on toxicology, mentioned in the Ai/areya and Safa-
patha BrdhmalJQs, is also mentioned in this work as a contemporary living
person. This makes the original Bhela Sa'l7hitd a work of the period
(I
• Sharma, (s. v.), pp. 228-30; see JOIl1'1JQ/ of Dept. 01Letters. Calcutta. 6, p. 30.
MEDICINE 223
of many medical treatises which were composed before these two but are
now quite untraceable, and each of these two names a particular earlier
treatise on which it is based. Caraka's original was the salf1hita of
Agnivesa, II a disciple of the medical sage Atreya. Long passages in the
Caraka SOl'fJhita are in the form of questions and answers between Atreya
and Agnivesa. This original Agnivesa Sa",hita was referred to even so late
as the eleventh century A.D. by Cakrapal)i Datta in his AyuTvedadfpika. In
a similar way the SuJfuta Saf!lhita contains a series of discourses between
the holy sage Dhanvantari and his disciple Susruta, b but much of the original
material seems to have been revised by the redactor, Nagarjuna, who has also
made considerable additions to the text, according to the commentator
QalhaJ)acarya.
entire available data on the subject. The original AgniveJa and SuJruta
Sa",hitas must have preceded these works by many centuries, as they had to
be extensively revised and restored.
The Caraka and Susruta Sa1]lhitiis mention the eight different branches
of medical knowledge, a but the treatises are not written accordingly.
The fonner is an exhaustive work on the first branch (therapeutic medicine)
only, though it contains many sections dealing with surgery and the
other six branches. It deals mainly with anatomy, physiology, aetiology
and prognosis, pathology, treatment, objectives, influence of environmental
factors, medicines and appliances, and procedure and sequence of medi-
cation. For discussion of these topics the work is divided into eight sthanas
(sections) containing 150 chapters in all. The Susruta Sa1]lhitii follows
more or less the same pattern, but it gives surgery the place of honour.
In fact, the Dhanvantari school of medicine, to which it belongs, believes
surgery to be the most ancient and most efficacious of the eight branches
of medical knowledge. b The SuSruta Saf!lhitii contains six sthanas deal-
ing with fundamental postulates, pathology, embryology and anatomy,
therapeutic and surgical treatment, toxicology, and a final section on
subsequently gained and specialized knowledge of topics dealt with in
earlier sections, and contains a total of 184 chapters. In both the works
the topics are not distributed in the text in the way that would appear
logical to modern minds, and often the same topic recurs in different isolated
chapters. Still, the over-all picture is of codified, scientific treatises, the
Susruta being more concise in language and a repository of more factual
information; it describes the necessity and modus operandi of dissections
on human cadavers for gaining accurate anatomical knowledge.
The special physiological and pathological ideas of Ayurveda as also
its special methods of a diagnosis and treatment will be discussed later.
Some of its achievements merit special mention. The materia medica is
extensive and represents a full utilization of environmental resources. More
than 600 drugs of animal, plant and mineral origin are used in the Caraka
and about 650 in the SuSruta Sa'1lhitli. The large variety of medicinal
prescriptions, methods of compounding, therapeutic methods including
psychiatric processes and surgical processes employing specific instruments
for each type of operation are scientific, sound and exhaustive. Susruta
describes more than 300 different operations employing 42 different surgical
processes and 121 different types of instruments. Some irrational methods
are, however, prescribed for some mental aberrations and diseases of
new-born infants.
Symptoms are described for a large number of pathological conditions
and diseases, including diabetes mellitus, pulmonary tuberculosis, malignant
Apart from the two great sa1'flhitiis, there were many other treatises
on the therapeutic branch of medicine, termed the Atreya school of medicine.
Some of them are lost beyond all possible hope of recovery, but their names
and subjects are available from references in existing works. Such lost
treatises include the salJ1hitiis credited to Agnivesa, K~arapal)i, JatukaIl)a,
Parasara, HarHa, K~aranada, Visvamitra, Kapila and Gautama. Of the
Dhanvantari school with its stress on surgery, the lost works are the Vrddha
Su.§ruta or Sausruta tantra, the treatises credited to Aupadhenava, Aurabhra,
Pau~kaHivata, Gopurarak~ita, VaitaraI)a and Bhoja. The Bhoja-sa'llhita,
also known as Vrddhabhoja, should not be confused with a lexicon compiled
by Bhojaraja of a much later age.
Among the major existing works of the Atreya school (apart from the
Caraka) are about 50 known commentaries and editions of the Agnivesa
of Caraka SalJ1hitii, a the notable works being those of DrQhabala (ninth
century), Cakrapal)idatta (eleventh century) and Sivadasa (eleventh century).
Among a smaller number of editions and commentaries of Susruta
SalJzhitii, the most notable are those of Nagarjuna (third to fourth
century), I)alhanacarya (tenth-eleventh century) and Cakradatta (eleventh
century).
Next in importance as well as in age (with the possible exception of
KiiJyapa Sa111hitii) come two works with somewhat similar names, the
A~~!tiJiga Safllgraha also known as Vrddha Vagbha{a and the A~ttiizgahrdaya,
known simply as Viigbhata. Both are comprehensive works on thera..
peutics and surgery, one in prose-cum-verse and the other in verse alone.
From the distinctive name of the first work as the 'ancient' Vagbhata,
some assumed differences in quality, and from the very fact of the existence
of two different works, it has been supposed that there were two different
authors of this name, one earlier and one later. The authors (or author)
in both cases, however, claim the same parentage and profess the same
school of Buddhist faith. It is known that Vagbhata was the son of
Siij1hagupta, an inhabitant of Sind and a disciple of Avalokita, the Buddhist
sage, but no separate particulars are available about the other author. The
internal evidence also shows an identity of style, medical views and mode
of presentation, and there is no real evidence to show that there was more
than one author of this name. b
The first mention of a medical book on A~tiinga is found in the memoirs
of the Chinese traveller I'Tsing of the seventh century. The author of this
book has been identified with the Buddhist Vagbhata who may, therefore,
be placed in the seventh century A.D. or a little earlier.
G Keith (3), p. 510. C Sen, Gananath (I), PP. 5 fr.; (2), pp. 32 tf.
b Subba Reddy, Pp. 1-35.
228 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
BHUTAVIDyl
with mental disorders and Susruta's declaration that malignant spirits cause
diseases but do not physically 'possess' human beings (na Ie manu~yaib
saha sa!J1viSanti), it seems likely that in these times bhatavidyii simply meant
psychic disorders caused by unknown forces. The later treatises after
Vagbhata ignore this branch of medicine altogether, possibly to avoid
being branded with the stigma of superstition.
The Caraka Saf!lhitti devotes only one chapter to this branch of medicine
but the Su§ruta has one of its six sthiinas, e.g. Kalpasthiina, entirely on
toxicology. Apart from symptoms, first-aid measures and long-term
treatments, there is a very good classification of different poisons and on
different methods by which unwary persons may be slowly or quickly
poisoned. The detection of some inorganic poisons by flame tests is a
remarkable feature. There is also an exhaustive classification and de-
scription of differen t types of poisonous snakes and the symptoms of their
bites. Similar information (including a faithful account of the symptoms
of hydrophobia) is found for poisonous insects, aquatic and anlphibious
creatures and land animals. In fact, the Kalpasthana of the Susruta
Sa,!lhita is a valuable treatise on toxicology by its own right.
A treatise on toxicology, also named KiiJyapa SalflhiUJ, written in
Sanskrit but printed in local script, is found in ~outh India. Some passages
in this work are identical with certain quotations in the works of QalhaQa,
MEDICINE 231
,. Sen, Gananatha (2), p. 43. b RAy (P. C.), p. lxv. C SSe Ci., 27-19. d SSe Cl. t 29.
232 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
a CSt Cl., 2.; SS. Ci., 16. C Ray (P. C.), p. xxxv. • SSe Ka., 2, 12.
b CS. Ci., 2. d SSt C/., 25. 20. J Sarvadarsanasolfllrana. pp. 137-44.
MEDICINE 233
a CS. Vi.• 4; Ni., 1.13; 5S. Su., to. • C Das Gupta, II. pp. 273-463.
& Sen, Gananatha (2), p. 69.
MEDICINE 235
and 16 mutations, all devoid of cetana (awareness). The. eight aspec~s are:
avyakta (the unmanifested, ultimate ground), mahan (ultImate expenence),
the three fundamental reals (sativa, rajas and tamas) and the three aha/]lkaras
(egos) of guidance, energy and inertia. The 16 mutations are the five
organs of perception, five organs of action, the mind and the five tanmatras
(subtile essence of matter and manifestations). Consciousness and hence
life in a living organism are the contribution of the k~etrajna (eternal,
indestructible and ubiquitous soul) which, at the moment of conception,
voluntarily enters into a divine, human or subhuman plane of existence
inside a material body as karmapuru~a until death separates it. a
The eternal mother-principle, prakrti, out of which all living organisms
are created and gain sustenance possesses three aspects; the fundamental
gU1Jas, or reals, of sattva (tendency to manifestation, essence of intelligence
stuff), rajas (essence of energy) and tamas (material existence, universal
inertia). These aspects of the Ultimate Ground have the inherent poten-
tialities of evolving into varied forms of natural phenomenon, matter,
and animate intelligent life through innumerable permutations and combi-
nations of the 16 mutations. The three reals are first mutated into the
three forms of ahal!1kiira (ego)-spiritual ego of guidance and transformation,
the subjective ego of energy and motion and the objective ego of mass
and inertia. The first ego combining with the second creates the five
organs of sense-perception (vision, hearing, smell, taste and touch), the
five operative organs (speech, locomotion, manipulation, reproduction
and evacuation), and also the mind which is the versatile organ. The
third ego combining with the second creates the five tannliitras (subtile
particles with the potentialities of materialization and perception) which
are the originators of the five material elements (earth or solid, water or
liquid, air or gas, fire or energy, and ether or space) and also of the percep-
tible phenomena of vision, sound, smell, taste and touch. Thus every
living being is a complex aggregate in which a karn1apuru~va remains united
with a material body, mind, sense organs and motile organs, contributed
by and sustained by the 24 tattvas or prakrti.b
Hence all living organisms have a soul associated with it, a mind
composed of the three reals, ten organs evolved out of the three egos
(three humours which are the counterparts of the cosmic principles of air,
dry heat and moisture) and a material body composed of the five gross
elements present in the form of kalas (protective layers), dhatus (component
matters like blood, body fluids, tissues, bones, etc.), malas (eliminations
and excretions), all functioning by the bodily counterparts of natural
phenomena in the shapes of the three do~as (humours), agni (digestive fire)
and kriyas (natural activities like sleep, respirations, pulsations, elimination,
metabolic processes, etc.). C Inasmuch as the fundamental components and
primary elements constitute the living organism, each contributes its specific
nature and properties to the individual in the proportion in which it is present.
II Cs.Scl" 1. b SS. sa., 1. ., SSe SIl., 1; SSe Uttara, 64, 2-3.
MEDICINE 23~
G SSt sa. 1. 20-21. II SSe SQ., 15; SSe Sd., 1 and 2. c SSe 84., 1. 18-19.
238 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
and man are manifestations of one and the same eternal spirit. Spirit and
matter are equally integrated in both. The material contents of both are
constituted of the same five primal elements, endowing their specific and
resultant characteristics to both. Prthvi confers the solid complement to
both; apas the liquid; tejas (the manifestation of radiant energy) confers
vision, body-heat and digestive fire to man; vayu enveloping and permeating
the earth, supporting combustion, helping growth and initiating movements
also permeates the body as vital breath and promotes growth from the foetal
stage, and causes bodily movements; iikiisa confers the orifices and empty
spaces inside the body. Like the infinite diversity present in the universe,
the different units comprising the body are too numerous to count. In the
mind of man also there are as many nloods as in nature. Similar to the office
of the Brahman in the universe is that of the pur~a in man; both can
create life by the act of impregnation, both are unlimited in might and
potentiality; the true nature of both are unknown and unknowable. a
The concept of the 'microcosm' follows the philosophical doctrines
of the Sti'!lkhya and Vedanta schools of Indian thought. The theories
of cosmic evolution of matter and life and of the common constituents
of living and non-living matter (recounted earlier) are also based on Siifllkhya
and Nyaya-VaiJe~ika doctrines. The idea of the eternal and omnipotent
soul serving a span of existence inside an animated body, as a result of the
residual effects of karma (deeds in previous births), is from the Nyaya.
The properties of the five primal elements and the physiological actions
of the different taste-matters (vide later) are also found with variations
in many schools of Indian philosophy. The basic common concepts of
Indian philosophy have also been largely incorporated into Ayurveda.
lyurveda accepts that the highest aim of life is the quest for ultimate truth
and realization; that the perception of our senses is not valid in the absence
of spiritual insight; that suffering is due to the human error of discrimination
between the body and mind which suffer and the spirit which is immune;
that the final wisdom is to shed passions and illusions; that the supreme
essence of power and awareness is present in man, making him potentially
omniscient and omnipotent when he achieves self-realization; and that it is
possible for the trained mind to achieve this self-realization and salvation; a
healthy body, long life and a keen mind being desirable aids to this end.
These ideas are not mere abstract exercises in philosophy; they have far-reach-
ing social, personal and medical consequences and explain the insistence in
Ayurveda on self-discipline in all spheres of life, medical care and hygienic
rules to keep the mind and body at the highest pitch and in perfect long life.
• cs.sa.. s.
MEDICINE 239
It also tranquillizes, lubricates and vitalizes the body. While flowing through
the liver and spleen it obtains a red colouring matter; this coloured modi-
fication of the potent rasa is known as rakla (blood). a
Blood is the first metabolic transformation of the rasa, which is there-
after successively converted into flesh, fat, bone, bone-marrow and, finally,
semen. These seven elementary bodily constituents are the seven dhiitus,
orginating in the nutritive fluid produced from food.
There are many by-products from this chain of metabolic transfor-
Jnations. Apart from body-heat there is iirtava (a special and fiery variety
of blood) formed periodically in women between 12 and 50; ojas (essence of
vitality), a white, unctuous, cool fluid which gives vital power, strength,
activity, good voice, bright complexion and acuteness of the senses; breast-
milk formed in mothers and valuable for nourishment of the child. The
metabolic processes terminate in the openings of the body, each of which
has its specific mala (excretions). Apart from menstrual fluid and breast-
milk formed only in women, the Ina/as are urine, stool, sweat, the excretion
from the eyes, ears, nose, mouth and hair follicles. Hair, bodily hair and
nails are also nlalas. Unlike dhiitus, which are produced according to bodily
requiremen ts, malas are produced according to the quantity and quality
of food, and according to age, bodily size and physical condition. b
The bodily elements are replenished by the rasa and other dhiitus and
are maintained in a proper condition by gathering the necessary ingredients
directly from rasa, and indirectly from food and assimilated drugs and
passing out the excess matter and unwanted constituents. This replenish-
ment and maintenance is a normal and self-regulating process when the
various metabolic processes go on without interruption or obstruction
through their allotted channels. Blocking, depletion or over-production
of any metabolic product prevents proper nourishment and leads to patllo-
logical conditions by obstructing or upsetting the humoral balance. Treat-
ment in such cases, and also for non-elimination of lnalas, consists in
rectification, restoration or elimination by proper dieting, use of suitable
drugs relieving blocked channels, therapeutic processes, blood-letting and
other forms of surgery. Food being at one end of a metabolic chain and
eliminations on the other, improper or obstructed elimination require as
much attention as any other metabolic disturbance.
MEDICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
a CSt Ci., 15; SSt Su., 14. b CSt Su., 28; SSt Su., 14 and 15.
168
MEDICINE 243
MAINTENANCE OF HEALTH
It has been said earlier that diseases are the results of aggravation of
the humours, and that an inherent imbalance of the humours in greater
or lesser degree is present in all human beings, with potentiality of aggra-
vation by wrong food, practices, accidents, etc. The best way to avoid
diseases, therefore, is to keep a strict check on diet, habits and hazards which
are likely to cause such aggravation. Similarly the best way to gain in
health and vigour, both physical and mental, is to live in such a way that
the inherent humoral imbalance is gradually rectified or counterbalanced.
With these ends in view, Ayurveda has formulated an extensive series of rules
concerning daily and seasonal diets, routine, and conduct which can maintain,
and gradually improve, physical health and mental level, ward off senile
decay and promote longevity.
Meticulous cleansing and ablutions are given a special importance in
such routines. The locations of the body where the dO.Jas can be easily
provoked or get blocked are to be cleaned daily. These include the teeth,
tongue, oral cavity, throat, eyes and the entire skin surface. The free
movement of the three humours, blood and other bodily fluids can be
assured by regular and regulated physical exercise avoiding overstrain and
exhaustion. Walking is recommended as a good form of exercise. The
malas of the body (including nails and unwanted hair) should be regularly
eliminated or removed. Shoes, umbrellas, headgear and clothing should
be used against accidental injuries and harmful exposure, both of which
aggravate the humours. Living-rooms and beds should be designed to
the same ends and to secure the best in relaxation and sleep, both of which
can correct humoral derangements. Habits which aggravate the humours,
or conduct which provokes them or leads to accidental injuries (which can
rapidly derange the humours), should be avoided; those which rectify,
should be cultivated. Diets and habits should always be adjusted to
seasonal, climatic and geographical factors. a
Ayurvedic texts give detailed descriptions of the physiological actions
of all edible and potable substances, even organic substances used for
smoking purposes. Such lists and descriptions make the selections of
diets for all types of personal requirements quite easy. The different
tastes of all foods and drugs are given special importance for indicating
their potentiality to augment or rectify the dO$as. This is said to be due
to the fact that the specific tastes (the bland neutral taste exemplified by
water; six pure tastes, e.g. sweet, sour, saline, bitter, pungent and astringent;
and their combinations taking two, three, four, five and all at a time, making
63 tastes in all) emerge in different substances from the collocations in
different combinations and proportions of the five primal elements comprising
them, these elements having intrinsic properties which can augment, rectify
or counterbalance the different humours. b It follows that a judicious
selection of edible and potable substances from the different taste groups can
maintain health and cure diseases. c
All Ayurvedic texts agree that forcible suppression of natural urges-
vomiting tendency, sneezing, hunger, thirst, sleep and breathing-lead to
immediate and mounting aggravation of the ·do~as. Sudden changes of
temperature, prolonged exposure to intense cold, heat or glare, long spells
of strenuous work, over-exercise, carrying heavy loads, personal encounters
with stronger enemies, falls from mounts, violent emotions, mental shocks
and improper sexual practices have same effects in a greater degree. All
these should be carefully avoided by persons desiring health. d
ass. Sll., 4. 32-35. " SSe Su., 29. 23-29. e SSe SQ., 4. 32-35.
246 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
II CSt Vi.• 8. 3~ 13: S5. Suo 1, 4, 5 and 10. ct CS: Su., 10. 8. 9 CSt Su" 9. 26.
t/ CS. Vi.. 8. 13.20; SS. Sii. 2. 5. f! CSt Sli., 15.
C' CS. Su., 15. 24 -25. I CSt Vi., 8. 13.
MEDICINE 247
.. CS. Vi., 4. b CS. Vi.• 4. C CS. Vi., 8. d SS. Sil., 35. 13-IS.
MEDICINE 249
It has been said earlier that all substances are potentially medicinal
drugs as they partake of the properties of the elements constituting them.
But the selection of any food or drug in any disease, or for maintaining
health, depend upon whether it contains the qualities sought for correcting
the humoral state. The intrinsic qualities of all substances are taste,
assimilability, potency, physical properties and specific physiological or
therapeutic action. All these qualities have to be considered in selection;
but taste, assimilability and therapeutic action are more important than
the other two. 4 When a single substance is not available to satisfy all the
CI All. Hr. Su., 2; SSt Su., 1. b CSt Su., 8. c MS., IV. 56. a CS. Su., 26.
250 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
desired qualities (as it is very often the case), more than one material is
used in combination to meet the ends. Thus arise the yogas or prescriptions
containing a multiplicity of drugs.
The four initial requirements of Ayurvedic treatment are good physi-
cians, good nurse-attendants, good medicines and methods, and obedient
patients.
Among specific therapeutic methods, regular cleansing of accumulated
bodily wastes and of internal organs get the pride of place in Ayurveda.
Other methods (apart from oral medication which is the most common)
include eye-drops, eye-salves; gurgles, fumigation of the ear, nose and
throat areas;a liquid unguents, lotions, creams, skin salves, ointments,
nledicated oils, medicated clarified butter, etc., for the skin surface;b supposi-
tories, tampons, soaked cotton swabs for the bodily openings; enemas,
douches, etc., applied by catheter tubes, douche-cans, etc., for the rectal,
vaginal and urethral passages;C sun-bath, steam, steaming decoctions, hot air
and hot surfaces, hot immersion baths, hot fomentation, etc., for sudation
and cleansing the skin pores;d and fomentation with absorbable drugs,
mud-packs and poultices for local medication. The use of water sterilized
by boiJing or immersion of hot substances, e antisepsis by fumigation with
benzoin group of drugs, arsenic compounds, use of hypertonic salt solutions
for surgical dressings, astringents as styptics for bleeding wounds and
abrasions, use of cautery, intense cold and tying blood vessels in uncontroll-
able haemorrhage and use of alcohol for inducing anaesthesia are found
scattered in the texts.
Psychiatric methods! are also among the special methods of
A)'urveda.
AYURVEDIC SURGERY
remedies, the choice was limited to the few locally available metals
and minerals, the synthesis of new inorganic compounds being still
unknown.
Plants provided the natural and traditional drugs for most oral and
non-oral medication. A clear understanding of their properties had led
to their rational classification into different groups according to therapeutic
actions. A list found in Caraka gives 50 different groups.a But in spite of
the wide range of available varieties, many conditions required more than
one drug, sometimes of different groups, sometimes in combination with
animal and mineral matters also. This multiplicity of drugs for a single
disease was based not only on theory but also on experience. If both (or all
three, four, etc.) had been found valuable for various conditions, of a
disease, it was quite logical to use all of them at the onset of a disease,
when the prognosis was still not known. In this way, with new experiments
and new clinical experience through centuries, more and more ingredients
would enter into a single prescription, in the hope of possible benefit to
the patient, due to inherent conservatism, and finally due to the supposed
sanctity of written texts. Nothing would be dropped out against the new
additions, and prescriptions sometimes grew to alarming proportions,
containing literally hundreds of ingredients. To manage into homogenous
form different solid, squashy, semi-solid and liquid substances, a great
deal of compounding skill had to be brought into play. Even in the earliest
texts we find elaborate directions for extracting the active constituents of
organic substances and homogenizing them. Thus developed the remark-
able and elaborate processes met with in the safllhitiis. Many of them have
survived unchanged and form part of modern Ayurvedic pharmacological
practice. They are named and sometimes described in detail in various
passages while giving instructions for compounding prescriptions or extract-
ing drugs from crude materials. They include the processes of solution,
maceration, trituration, extraction with water, preparation of tinctures,
preparation of emulsions, or solutions in oily liquids, extraction of essential
oils and juices, pasting, coagulation, filtration, decantation, sedimentation,
dilution, concentration, precipitation, gel formation, desiccation, dehy-
dration, percolation, evaporation, distillation, fractionation, sublimation,
steaming, combustion, chemical combination, etc. Actual weights and
volumes were obtained by balances and measuring vessels, and a large
number of other apparatus were used. b But all these methods were those
of the pharmacy. There is little evidence of synthetic preparations of either
inorganic or organic compounds. Processes for the dissolution of finely
divided iron, gold, silver, gems, minerals, etc., in vegetable acids for medicinal
preparations are found in some passages. The use of mercury is referred
to in the Su.vruta Sa'11hitii, but only as an ingredient of a cosmetic
preparation. c
CI 5S.S0.,4. II Ray and Gupta, p. 114. C CS. Ci., 11, 11 and 21; SSt CI., 25. 20.
MEDICINE 253
into an ash is prima facie impossible; the metal may be converted into solid
crystallizable derivatives by these processes.) Cinnabar, heated in a closed
crucible with other plants, is said to give powdered ashes of mercury. By
triturating the metal with yet other plant juices, alternatingly heating and
cooling the mixture seven times, and finally heating in a closed crucible with
fresh quantities of the plant juices is said to result in a salt-like ash of mercury.
Mercury is said to be 'killed' by distilling with an excess of sulphur.
The red-brown sublimate of mercuric sulphide is known as rasasindura or
makaradhvaja and is believed to be a highly potent remedy for many
discases and for senile decay. Mercury heated on a sand bath with twice
its weight of resublimed sulphur, and one-eighth its weight of pure gold is
known as siddha-makaradhvaja supposed to be comparable to ambrosia
in its efficiency. Some later works of the same Rasa school are rightly
sceptical about the incorporation of gold into the sublimed product. They
believe that gold is simply left behind, and hence it makes no difference
whether gold is used or not, and that there is no difference between the
two varieties of makaradhvaja. The varieties of makaradhvaja are fairly
representative examples of this class of medicines. After many centuries
of experience, their efficacy is no longer open to question, though not all
that it is claimed to be. Their use has survived up to modern times.
VETERINARY SCIENCES
The description of Ayurveda as a comprehensive science of life and
not as luere medical science is further justified by the existence of branches
dealing with the welfare and treatment of other living creatures besides
human beings and even of trees. This inclusion is logical, for, according
to Ayurvedic treatises, the raison d' etre of this science lies in compassion
for all forms of suffering. On a more practical plane also, the proper
care of livestock and economic vegetation was highly important to a non-
industrial economy based on natural resources and on animals for nutrition
power and transport. A knowledge of the level of veterinary knowledge in
ancient India is obtained from specialized and individual treatises dealing
with cows, horses and elephants. The Rajamarta/Jr/a, an encyclopaedia
of medical knowledge by Bhojaraja (available in a printed edition published
by the Ayurveda Granthamala series, Bombay), contains extracts from the
above treatises and also deals with water-buffaloes, deer, dogs, falcons,
pigeons, etc. The Yogasudhanidhi by Vandimisraa contains a chapter of
conception, obstetrics and special diseases of female animals.
BOVINE lYURVEDA
EQUINE AYURVEDA
AYURVEDA OF ELEPHANTS
PLANT lYURVEDA
• Filliozat (2), pp. 164-75. " SSe Sd., 2. 33. c CS. SU., 4 and 27; SSe SU., 47.
MEDICINE 257
The etiology, diagnosis and treatment of plant diseases (and also of plant
blights and sterility) are dealt with in the Upavanavinoda, mentioned
above, which also contains chapters on classification of plants, selection
and sowing of seeds, watering and care of plants, recipes for nourishing
(culture) solutions, and different methods of propagation, including
bijaruha (by seeds), nlulaja (by roots), skandhaja (by cutting operations),
skandharopaniya (by grafting and layering), agravija (by apices) and by
par!layoni (inside leaves). It also contains some interesting speculations
on the possibility of creating new species of plants with desired scents
and colours in its products, anticipating the modern science of applied
biology by nearly two thousand years.
It has becn noted earlier that there is a close analogy between the
medical traditions of the two branches of the Indo-Aryan family in Iran
and India. Even after the period of the Veda and the latcr Avesta, many
of the basic conceptions are found to be the same, due perhaps to close
communication between the two, though the methods of treatment and
theories of medicine differ. a
An ancient Mesopotamian nledical manual, possibly dating back to
the Hammurabian period (c. 2000 n.c.), contains many medical concepts
which reappear in changed but unmistakable forms in Indian Ayurveda
and the Hippocratic tracts on medicine. The supposed special symptoms
of imminent death, found in this work, are found in a modified form in
Pre-notions de cos, eoan prognoses and Prorrhelique I. They are also found,
though in a less archaic and empirical form, in practically all Ayurvedic
texts. b This general concordance between the ancient Mesopotamian
system and the later Indian and Greek ones is also strikingly observed in the
case of symptoms of demonic possessions, specially of children. C But, in
this case, the On the Sacred Diseases of the Hippocratic collection gives
examples and symptoms but rejects the theory of supernatural origin.
As far as these and some other common ideas are concerned, there is no
reason to believe that such ideas originated in Indian medicine and was
transmitted to Greece or vice versa.
But many other concepts of Greek medicine are extremely likely to
have been Indian in origin and development and are likely to have been
propagated by the spread of Indian medical ideas in many countries, by
direct contacts, and by indirect communications. In the case of Greece
there was communication from very early times, at least as far back as
the fourth century B.C., even before Alexander the Great invaded the Indus
valley (327 B.C.). His army physicians did not know any cures for snake-
bites and other diseases endemic to the area. Indian doctors were called
in and some of them later accompanied the returning army back to Greece. a
Th us began the spread of lyurveda in the Hellenic Empire, though frag-
ments of Jyurveda knowledge must have found their way earlier through
Iran and the maritinlc trade routes, as shown by the fact that substances like
pepper, cardamoms, musk-root plant, indigo and cane-sugar, indigenous to
India at that time, are found among the earliest exports of India to Greek
ports.
The clear enunciation of the theory of an internal and vital organic
breath (akin to the cosmic wind) as the cause of all motor activity of the
living body and its involuntary muscles, as well as that of movements of
fluids circulating inside the body, is part of the ancient works Bhela
Safll/zita b and Agnivesa SalJ1hitii. A much less precise version of this thesis
is found in the Hippocratic texts On Breaths, where bodily wind is simply
stated to be •the cause of the principal phenomenons which accompany the
fevers, shivering, trembling, yawning, resolution of articulation, transpira-
tion, etc.'c The Hippocratic tracts had their origin mainly between the
fourth century B.C. and third century A.D., and do not antedate the Bhela
Sa~nhitii and the Agnil'esa SalJ1hita. The treatment of this theme in the
Caraka and the Susruta is much more elaborate and sophisticated, showing
a gradual local development. Many scholars trot out the theory of later
interpolations or even past forgeries when Indian texts show a higher
development in any concept compared to later or contemporary Greek texts.
These arguments, however, can cut both ways. Again, the typically Indian
concept, found in many basic Indian philosophies of ancient origin, of the
creation of the embryo at the moment of conception, by the simultaneous
congress of the purU$a (self-existent eternal soul), the vital breath, the
parental semen and the maternal seed, is found in a somewhat changed
form in the Hippocratic text, On the Nature of a Child. In this latter
work, the mention of a n1aternal 'semen' is unique in Greek medicine,
though the idea is very common in Ayurvcdic texts. The reference to
puru\~a as an ingredient is also lacking. The ideas of the vital breath
starting at the moment of conception to build up the anatomy and
physiology of the foctus from the fundamental elements is also found in
the texts On the Embryo of Eight Months and in On Flesh. But the details
about the instantaneous commencement and the ingredients are lacking.
The idea of the mother's vital breath, found in all Ayurvedic texts, circulating
also through the embryo is also found in the Embryo of Eight Months,
but the details about the embryonic heart, embryonic blood-circulation
and nutrition are lacking. The attribution of diseases of the nervous system
to obstructed and vitiated wind is a special and remarkable theory of
lyurveda. In On Diet in Acute Diseases, only a few such diseases like
from them. The medical scholars of the two lands, who travelled freely
from one country to the other before and after the Islamic conquest of
India, have contributed much to a mutual enrichment of knowledge. The
science that the Arabs carried with them in their far-flung empire must have
contained a fair amount of Indian contribution, specially in medicine, just
as they brought much of Syrian and Greek science to their Indian Empire.
The Arabs established trading centres in the Malabar Coast of South
India in the seventh century and carried away spices, dyes, drugs and scent
materials to their other centres in Asia, Asia Minor, Africa and Europe.
This made the world of Arab trade conscious of the quality of Indian drugs.
In the eighth century the Arabs conquered the Indian province of Sind.
The cultural genius of the Abbasid rulers, curious about the long reputation
of Indian science and specially Indian medicine, began to send scholars
to India and invite Indian scholars to visit them. Thus began an exchange
of scientific ideas, by direct contact, between the two countries in philosophy,
mathematics, astronomy, chemistry, metallurgy and medicine. A laterQ
Abbasid Caliph, Harun aI-Rashid, was famous for his patronage of learning
and science. He actively encouraged the learning of the Indian system
of medicine and caused some of the classical treatises of India to be
translated into Arabic. An emigrant Indian medical scholar became the
physician-in-chief of the State dispensary after he \vas 'successful in curing
his royal patient of a long-standing stomach trouble'. This Indian scholar
translated the Susruta Saf!1hilii into Arabic under the title of Kila/-Samural-
hind-i of 'Susrud'. The famous scholar Ali ibn Zain translated the Caraka
Sal.nhitii into Arabic as the treatise of 'Sarag'. In later years the Nidtina
of Madhava was translated under the title Badan and the A.J!iiizgahrdaya
as Astankar. These Arabic works were also retranslated into Persian.
The Ayurveda thus became a well-known science in Arabia whence it spread
into Persia, Turkey, Egypt and the Mediterranean countries, which passed
under Arab domination in later ages.
Nearer home, the influence of Ayurvedic system in Iran, even before
its conquest by the Arabs, has been clearly established. The Iranian king,
Chosroes I (A.D. 531-579), had a physician named Burzuya who had brought
a version of the Panca/antra, the Indian Book of Fables, into Iran after a
journey to India. The autobiography of this physician contains a summary
of embryology which has been recognized by Hertel as containing typically
Indian notions. Burzuya, for example, says that delivery is caused by a
wind-and this is 'precisely the teaching of classical Indian medicine'.
It is, of course, not unlikely that this Indian idea was not introduced by
Burziiya, but had reached Iran even before his time, for there is positive
evidence of the Indian influence on the famous medical school established
in the fifth century A.D. at Gundesapur in Susiana by the Nestorians expelled
from the Byzantine Empire. It is interesting to note in this connection
that in the chapter dealing with the functions of the 'wind' in the existing
and vigour were definitely things of the past; so also were dispensaries,
hospitals and medical services maintained at State expense by past Buddhist
and Hindu monarchs. The new generations of medical students had to
depend upon largely on their personal teachers for practical and theoretical
training, augmented no doubt by the great treatises. The main prerequisite
of sustained intellectual development-prestige and security of the intel-
lectual and professional classes in a politically stable and progressive
society-was gone; for India was constantly overrun by powerful foreign
hordes. The martial classes not only ruled the land; they had replaced
the intellectuals as the dominant class in the social hierarchy.
It would be, however, an unjustified oversimplification to ascribe
this static condition and the later stagnation and decay of Ayurveda solely
to political reasons. The seeds of decay lay inherent in Indian thinking,
religious beliefs and social system, and these profoundly affected the Indian
sciences themselves; and medical science was no exception. The intellectual
curiosity and passion for experimental research, which were associated
with the Tantric and Rasesvara faiths, also petered out due to the same
inherited factors.
But, during the broad period of Indian history (A.D. 1200-1800), the
residual impulse of the vigorous medical systems of the earlier ages produced
an impressive array of valuable secondary works before reaching almost
complete inertia. This inertia was helped by the adoption of Unani
(originally Arabic) medicine as the system recognized by the ruling power
along with a passive neglect of Ayurveda. This loss of prestige was followed,
as we shall see, by a loss of popularity as well, during the last centuries
of this period.
social intercourse and was relegated to untrained and illiterate midwives with
horribly insanitary and often highly harmful methods. The teachings of the
classical works regarding detailed exanlination of bodily eliminations and
applications of douches, enemas, etc., were conveniently forgotten; for social
and caste considerations, as well as prudery, dictated against such methods.
The painstaking methods of diagnosis found in lyurveda were replaced
by diagnosis on the basis of case history and feeling the patient's pulse;
the equally painstaking methods of treatment often became limited to oral
medication. Jn the latter sphere, the metallic preparations alone were
reliable, as the original pharmacognosy of plant drugs had long been
forgotten and rubbish offered by traders was often passed on as genuine;
for genuine prescriptions were costly to collect, prepare and store. When
results were disappointing, the science had to take the blame and people
turned more and more to the newly imported Western science of medicine
in hope of cure.
That Ayurveda did not conlpletely die out in these circumstances is a
great tribute to its intrinsic merit and vitality.
government and a section of the people, lyurveda has held its ground all over
India, thanks to the private patronage and financial help from Indian States.
Reference may be made to a few private i\yurvedic institutions referred
to above. Gurukul Ayurveda University, Kangri, is the most famous
and there are Ayurvedic colleges and {ols where the pure Ayurvedic system
is taught in the old orthodox style. But a new turn was given to the system
of instruction towards the end of the nineteenth century by the efforts of a
number of allopathic doctors who ,"vere also trained in Ayurvedic system
and actually practised it. As a result, A~tanga Ayurveda College with
hospitals was established by Kaviraj laminibhusan Ray with a handsome
donation and gift of land. Thereafter, the Visvanatha Ayurveda Maha-
vidyalaya, Vaidya Sastra Pitha and Maharaj Kasimbazar Govinda Sundari
Ayurvedic College were established respectively by M. M. Kaviraj Gananath
Sen, Kaviraj Syamadas Vacaspati and Kaviraj Ram Candra Mullick.
It was thought fit and proper to follow a mixed syllabus, both in theory
and practice, giving rise to what is known as the integrated system. It has
produced a class of practitioners who use both Ayurvedic and allopathic
medicines. In this way the influence of allopathy has entered into the
precincts of Ayul'veda all over the country.
Opinions differ as to the propriety and usefulness of the integrated
systenl. It is held by some that the products of this system acquire no deep
knowledge of Ayurveda, Le. treatment and preparation of medicine, and,
what is worse, use allopathic medicines under the disguise of Jyurveda
without mastering the rudiments of allopathy. The nlischief, they hold,
is mainly due to the fact that those who administer the Medical Department,
including the integrated system, are all allopathic doctors without any
knowledge of ;Iyurveda.
On the other hand, it is argued by others that in the present scientific
age, State recognition should not be extended to a system of medical treat-
ment which does not take cognizance of the modern developments in our
knowledge of anatomy, chemistry, biochemistry, physiology and other
allied sciences, or of such' precision' methods for probing the human malady
as are offered by thermometer, stethescope, X-ray, microscope, test of
blood, stool and urine, etc. The absence of surgery is also a great drawback
in Ayurvedic treatment.
It is an intriguing problem of which no easy or immediate solution
seems to be at hand. Nevertheless, the fact remains that Ayurvedic
system is still a living one and is likely to retain its popularity among the
masses and even a section of the educated classes, save for such diseases
as malaria, typhoid, kala-azar, smallpox, cholera, plague, etc., for which
successful specific remedies have been discovered in modern days. It is
but fit and proper, therefore, that the State should take adequate steps
to ensure a good training in the purely Ayurvedic system for those who
seek it. The government should provide adequate resources for the
improvement of teaching on purely Ayurvedic syllabus, make proper
arrangements for preparation of all sorts of Ayurvedic medicines and
268 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
M. Z. SIDDIQI
The system of the healing art known in India as the Unani Tibb is
the same as that called 'Arabian Medicine' by the European historians
and medical men. They call it 'Arabian' because they had received it
through the Arabic medical writers. The Indians call it Unani because
it is mainly based on the Greek system which was founded by Hippocrates
and developed by Aristotle, Galen and other Greek writers. The Arabic
medical writers, having taken it from the Greeks, developed it further in
the light of Persian medical traditions and of the Indian system of medicine,
modified and improved it as a result of their own observation and
experience, and handed it down to the posterity. Hippocrates has been
accepted as the father of Greek medicine. To him is attributed the Greek
humoral theory which laid down that the living organism consisted of four
humours-blood, phlegm, black bile and yellow bile. Each of them
consisted of four elements-fire, water, air and earth, each of which
possessed some particular quality-heat, coolness, dryness and humidity.
The organism and its single parts possess these essential qualities. The
essential factor in life is the natural heat, the seat of which is the left heart.
It prevades the entire organism. If the humours and their elements are in
proper proportions and are properly mingled, the organism enjoys perfect
health, and, if it is disturbed due to internal or external causes, disease sets
in. The natural heat tries to combat it. It is the duty of the physician
to help the natural healing power of the organism by suitable medicine
when necessary and not to supersede or impede it. The therapeutics of
Hippocrates was not bound by any fixed rules. It was essentially indi-
vidualistic. According to him the physician should treat the sick and not
the sickness.
From the end of the seventh century, the Muslim Caliphs and their
courtiers began to take active interest in Greek philosophy and science
in general and in Greek medicine in particular. They collected together
the masters of Greek medicine from the various parts of their dominions
and Greek medical works from their own dominions as well as from foreign
countries. They also invited several Indian medical men to their capital.
In less than a century they got translated into Arabic most of the Greek
and several of the important Indian medical works. Under their patronage
MEDICINE 269
the Arabs, as well as the non-Arabs, the Muslim and the non-Muslims
began serious study of these medical works from the ninth century and
continued it on a wide scale for many centuries, the main centres of their
activities being Baghdad, Damascus, Cairo, Cordova and various other
capitals of Islamic dominions. During this period they adapted, sum-
marized, commented upon and made certain important additions to the
Greek system of medicine as a result of their own observations and experience
of medical cases.
The earliest of the independent Arabic medical writers was Ali b.
Rabban, who, in A.D. 850, in his book, Firdausul-lfiknzat (Paradise of
Wisdom), summarized the whole system of Greek medicine as well as
the Indian system of medicine on the basis of four important Indian medical
works-Caraka, Su.fruta, Nidtina and A~fj!iitigahrdaya. After him, his
student, Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Zakariyya ar-Razi (Rhazes of Medieval
Europe), who died in the first quarter of the tenth century, made a thorough
study of both the systems, had been in charge of many hospitals, introduced
in them the system of keeping complete records of each case, and, in his
methods of teaching medicine, attached great importance to practical
training of its student. This method was adopted by other physicians also.
But the pride of place atnong the Arabic medical writers belongs to
Abu 'Ali Husain b. Abdallah b. Sina (Avicenna) (A.D. 980-1036). His
Qanun (Canon) was accepted as the most authoritative medical work in
Europe for five centuries (twelfth-seventeenth century). And it is accepted
as the greatest authority on the Unani Tibb in India up to the present day.
He composed 99 books, some of which occupied more than 20 volumes.
Sixteen of his books deal with medical subject. The most important of
thenl is the Canon on medicine.
Both before and after Avicenna, a large nunlber of medical men in
the various parts of Muslim dominions produced, in Arabic or Persian,
a large number of medical books according to Greek system, adapting or
changing or improving its theory or practice in the light of their own
experience. They anticipated the so-called modern theory of the circulation
of blood as well as the germ theory. They made great strides in synlpto-
matology, in special pathology, epidemiology, opthalmology, dietetics,
toxicology and midwifery. They pointed out the connection between
exophthalmos and goitre, introduced the process of bleeding for the treat-
ment of cerebral haemorrhage and apoplexy, performed gastric lavage, used
opotherapy, and could keep a patient unconscious for seven days. They
invented many delicate surgical instruments, performed the amputation
of the ovula and the excision of the whole tongue, removed the diseased
bone from the skull and replaced it by that of a dog. They made important
independent contributions to therapeutics, pharmacy and pharmaceutical
techniques, and used many drugs and chemicals which were entirely un-
known to the Greeks. a
The Greek medicine, thus largely improved, partly modified and better
systematized by the Arabic medical writers than by the Greeks, was carried
to Europe during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The same system
was brought to India by the Muslims in the eleventh century and cultivated
and followed throughout the century for 800 years side by side with the
Ayurvedic system. Perhaps India is the only country in which the two
ancient systems of medicine are still in vogue side by side with the modern
allopathic system.
The Muslim rulers of India and of its various parts were highly interested
and some of them were well versed in medicine. They attracted to their
capitals the best Hakims from the various parts of the Islamic dominions
and reputed Vaids from different parts of India, paid them high salaries
and conferred upon them high titles and also occasionally gave them large
monetary grants and landed properties. They founded numerous free
hospitals in various parts of the country and collected large libraries and
persuaded the Hakims to develop and improve the healing art.
During the reign of 'Alauddin Khalji, there were numerous reputed
Hakims and Vaids in Delhi whose names are mentioned by Barani.
Muhammad b. Tughlaq was well versed in Unani Tibb and personally
examined and treated the patients, and discussed medical problems with
the Hakims. At his persuasion Hakim Diya Muhammad, the son of
Muhammad Masud, compiled in A.D. 1320 a book, Majmuai-Diyaiyya,
on the basis of Arabic, Persian and also some Ayurvedic medical works.
In this book there is reference to another book, Majmuai-Shamaiyya,
which was compiled earlier by Shamsuddin Mustaufi, which is said to be a
Persian translation of an Ayurvedic book. a Firoz Shah Tughlaq had
a thorough knowledge of Unani Tibb. He had dictated a book, Tibbe-
Firoz shahi, on the subject and personally attended to the patients in a large
free hospital founded by himself. He was a good bone-setter and was
specially interested in opthalmology. Mian Bhowa, the Lord Chamberlain
of Sikandar Lodi, collected together numerous competent Hakims and
Vaids and got compiled by them, an Indian treatise of medicine, on the
basis of a dozen of important Ayurvedic works. This book is known as
Ma'danush-Shifai-Sikandari. Mian Taha, another Amir of Sikandar Lodi,
according to a contemporary historian, was well versed not only in Islamic
literature and Indian nlusic and arts and crafts, but also in Indian system
of medicine. He remembered by heart twenty-four thousand verses on
Indian medicine; and Hindu experts in Indian medicine and music took
lessons from him in these subjects. b
The provincial Muslim rulers of the various parts of India followed
the footsteps of the Sultans of Delhi and encouraged their court physicians
to develop medical literature. Thus, during the reign of Muzaffar Shah
of Gujarat (A.D. 1396-1410), Hakim Shahabuddin compiled two books on
medicine: (1) Tibbi-Shifaul-Khani in Persian prose and (2) Tibbe-Shihabi
AbulMFazl has given the names of 39 Hakims of his time in his 'Ain.
But they were only those who were in the service of the court at Delhi.
In the whole country the number of the Hakims who either served in the
various hospitals or carried on private practice in the various parts of
India, during the Mughal rule, must have been several thousands. The
main centres of their medical activities were Lahore, Delhi, Lucknow, Patna,
Murshidabad, Hyderabad, Madras and other important towns. In many
of these centres there were not only well-equipped Unani hospitals, but
also Tibh Miidrasas.
These Hakims made large contributions to the so-called Tibbi-Unani.
A large part of this literature consisted of the translation, commentaries
or sumtnaries of Arabic medical books, or of the translation or adaptation
of Ayurvedic works. And some of them are based on anyone or both of
them. The Tibbi-Aurangzebi, which was dedicated to Aurangzeb, is entirely
based on Ayurvedic sources. The Mu'aalajali- Darshikohi of Nuruddin
MuhaJumad, which was dedicated to Darasdhikoh, is based mainly on
the Greek system, but contains at the end almost the whole of Ayurvedic
materia nledica.
But it would be a mistake to suppose that the Indian Hakims made no
independent contribution to the so-called Tibbi-Unani. The author of
the Khulastu't-Tajarib, after summarizing the Greek theories mainly
according to Avicenna, described a large number of diseases and their
treatment, gave clinical description of many cases and mentioned the medica-
ments according to the Greek as well as the Ayurvedic system. He laid
it down that in the science of medicine experience is the basic principle
of treatment. He described several diseases including whooping cough
which were not recognized in Europe for centuries after him. He has
referred to Greek authors but very seldonl to Ayurvedic works. Hakim
Sharif Khan (A.D. 1725-1806) in his Talifi-Sharifi collected together the names
of such Indian drugs as he had tried and found useful. In his Tubfa-'Alam
Shahi he has discussed the properties of various Indian diets and has remarked
that a patient may be easily cured by the use of proper diets only.
As a matter of fact, Hakims of the various parts of India, during the
different periods, produced a large number of books on the various
branches of medical science on the basis of Unani or Ayurvedic system of
medicine and on the basis of their own experience of medical cases.
The last large and more or less exhaustive book, the Iksiri-A'~am,
on the various diseases from head to foot, their causes, their diagnosis and
their treatment according to the Greek system, was compiled by Hakim
Muhammad A'zam Khan, in four big volumes on the basis of most of the
important medical works on the Unani Tibb in Arabic or Persian, written
in or outside India. The book, in spite of its large size, has already under-
gone four editions.
The author has never referred to any Ayurvedic work. But he has
often mentioned the Indian medicaments after dealing with the treatment
of the various diseases. He also compiled another large book, The Mubili
MEDICINE 273
The author of this chapter wishes to thank Dr. M. Z. Siddiqi who has contributed
the section on the U1IIlni Tibb in India (pp. 268-73), and Shri H. N. Gupta and
Kaviraj Bagala Kumar Majumdar who rendered valuable assistance in the preparation
of the major part of the other sections.
18
5 CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY
B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA
Pottery
There is evidence to indicate that in the prehistoric period the technique
of pottery-making was known in India. It would appear that the pots were
hand-made in that period, the potter's wheel being unknown. There were
also no kilns specially built for firing the pots. Heating was done by raising
a small fire around the pots which were placed in circular pits after covering
the pots partially with sherds. The common shapes were globular pots
of various sizes with round bases and flaring slips. Bowls with several
shapes of bases were also in use. Hand-made, coarse and ill-fired redware
sherds with microliths have been found in the excavations (late levels) of
the prehistoric rock shelters at Lekhahia (Mirzapur district in Uttar
Pradesh), and also in Baluchistan, Mundigak, Langhnaj (north Gujarat),
Nagarjunakonda (Andhra Pradesh) and Birbhanpur (West Bengal). a
Hand-modelled pottery, coarse grey or black burnished and ill-fired, with
mat-marked bases has been noticed at Burzahom (Kashmir; about ten miles
north-east of Srinagar) in the early neolithic phase (c. 2375-1500 n.c.).
In the southern Deccan (e.g. Brahmagiri, Sanganakallu, Utnur, Piklihal,
Paiyampalli and T. Narasipur) hand-made grey or buff-brown pottery
(some having black or red burnished slip) with ring feet and hollow
pedestals, and bands of red ochre on the surface, have been found
(c. 2300-1800 B.C.). The wheel-thrown ware also appeared soon in this
region as evidenced by the Black-and-Red painted pottery.b
In the history of the wheel-turned pottery, as also of other chemical
practices in India, special significance attaches to the Indus Valley Civilization
which was by far the largest of the world's three most ancient civilizations.
This great civilization, now referred to as the Harappa Culture, is known to
have flourished during the period c. 2300-1750 B.C. and its sites have been
located in the Panjab, Haryana, western Uttar Pradesh, north Rajasthan
(former State of Bikaner), Kutch, Saurashtra, central and southern Gujarat,
and Baluchistan, covering an area of roughly 840,000 square miles. a
In the early occupations at Harappa and other regions, generally
designated as the pre-Harappan culture (c. 2600-2400 B.C.), wheel-made pots
with red wash and black paintings have been found, as also of polychrome
styles. The pottery of the pre-Harappan occupation at Kalibangan, a site
on the now dried up Ghaggar river in the district of Ganganagar in Raja-
sthan, is light and thin in fabric, even though the sturdy fabric with incised
designs is not wanting. The colour of this pottery is red to pinkish, painted
in black, sometimes with white painting over half-slipped dull surface. On
the basis of the fabric and decoration, this pottery, which presents a number
of motifs, has been classified into six groups-labelled Fabric A to Fabric
F.b
The pottery of the Harappan culture which consists of mainly wheel-
made ware, turned in various shapes and sizes out of the well-levigated
alluvium of the Indus, comprises the Red, Buff, Black-and-Red, Coarse Grey
and the Micaceous Red ware with paintings in black over red. C The
colour and the other characteristics of these wares depended obviously
upon the composition of the clay used and the techniques of firing under
either oxidizing or reducing conditions. Mica, sand and lime were used
as tempering materials. The presence of mica in the clay generally helped
not only in the working of the pot on the wheel but also in the process of
drying of the pottery without cracking. The red shades which developed
on the pottery were due to the presence of iron compounds in the clay,
which would undergo change in colour in the course of firing as a result of
the oxidizing atmosphere in the kiln. Not infrequently the black or choco-
late designs painted on the body of the ware were executed using mangani-
ferous haematite compositions. However, the exact information respecting
the techniques employed for obtaining the distinctively coloured pottery still
appears to be scanty. Decoration of pottery often consisted of several
designs, geometrical, plant or animal forms fashioned normally in black
paint. The designs included, among others, squares divided into a number
of triangles and rectangles, wavy lines, loops, chequers, lattice work, rosettes,
forms of peacock, flying birds, deer and fish, pipal and palm leaves, and
occasionally human forms. The potters were indeed skilled craftsmen of
high order as evidenced by the exquisitely executed miniature vessels. 'The
general impression given by the Indus pottery is that of efficient mass
production', cJ and what is remarkable is the extreme standardization of
production.
The white ash remains of the kilns point out unmistakably that wood
or charcoal was used as a source of fuel. At Harappa have been found
three types of furnaces, viz. round, cylindrical and pear-shaped pits, with
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••
i :J:
t
250
e
CL
FIG. S.1. Bar-diagram showing the chronological spread of different cultures and wares. a
or without brick-lining. The art of glazing the pottery was also known.
In the production of the glaze on the surface, gums and allied organic sub-
stances were used along with the glazing materials which consisted of finely
AREA OF MALWA
MAP WARE
yo
t-
I N (; I A N o C. E A N
Km' I,,' ? 200
, ...co
,
JORWE
WARE
FlO. 5.2. Map showing the spread of Malwa, Jorwe and Lustrous Red wares. 1I
A Thapar (2), p. 36.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 279
Though copper and bronze were in common use, there are indications
that an alloy of copper and arsenic (3-4·5 %) was also used in the place of
low grade bronze. The Harappan metalsmiths appeared to have a sound
knowledge of cold-working and the annealing of metal. Evidently they
used crude copper (with considerable sulphur content) for casting plain
objects, and refined copper for shaping it into the desired types of vessels.
Possibly the vessels were shaped, raised or sunken by hammering. Not un-
often open moulds were used for casting purposes. A number of bun-shaped
ingots and castings have been found on the sites of Mohenjo-daro and
Lothal, and it is not unlikely that the copper ingots (99·46-99·8 % pure)
which have been found at the latter site were imported from outside, possibly
from Mesopotamia. Obviously, smelting operations utilizing the ores were
carried out in the neighbourhood of mines and, as Mackay says, the rough
'metals' were transported and made available to the workers for refining and
subsequent workings. Though the kilns used for these purposes have yet to
be found, Mackaya is of the opinion that the ore (possibly with alternate
layers of charcoal) was smelted in an open hearth, using charcoal as fuel over
a cavity in the ground so that the molten metal would run into the cavity.
There is no denying the fact that, in comparison with the other chalcolithic
cultures at Ahar, Navdatoli, Chandoli, Nevasa, lorwe, etc., where a
number of copper objects like chisels, bangles and fish-hooks have been
found, the Harappan culture was far advanced in the technique of metal-
working. This was probably due to the special attention bestowed on
the durability, utility and elegance of the metallic tools and implements.
However, a fact of special significance is that the metallurgy of iron was
unknown to the Harappan metal-workers.
While considering the metal-working and metallurgical practices in
the pre-Vedic period, a reference to what is termed as 'copper-hoards' is
necessary. These copper artifacts, about a thousand in number and many
of them found in hoards (hence the name), have been reported from some
34 sites in Uttar Pradesh, Central India, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa and Andhra
Pradesh. The types of copper-hoards include flat axes, shouldered axes,
bar-celts, or chisels, harpoon-heads, spearheads, rings, antennae swords
and anthropomorphic objects. b The tools, which might have been fashioned
by closed casting, are largely of copper and hence the knowledge of alloying
might have been unknown to their makers who were probably semi-nomadic
metalsmiths. Although the chronological problem relating to the copper-
hoards has not been solved satisfactorily yet, their probable date may
be c. 1700-1000 B.C. There is a view associating the copper-hoards with
some pre-Aryan tribal people who inhabited the Ganga basin.c, d A striking
feature of the problem of these hoards is that none of them has been
found in stratified deposits, nor has any pottery been found so far in direct
association with them, although the Ochre-Coloured ware has been noticed
·05
~6
I
~8
o 6 If
_ .............._ . . . . INCHIS
cosmetic and medicinal purposes. Lapis lazuli (beautiful blue stone, princi-
pally silicate, stained deep blue by the presence of other minerals), turquoise
(hydrous phosphates of aluminium and copper used as a gem), alabaster
(pleasing form of stained gypsum or hydrated calcium sulphate used for
ornamentation), haematite (ferric oxide), jasper (impure opaque silica),
amethyst (either quartz or aluminium oxide used as a semi-precious stone)
and agate (crystalline coloured variety of silica) are among a number of
mineral objects found in different sites of the Harappan culture. Obviously,
the Harappan artisans must have had an intimate knowledge of the processing
and properties of these naturally occurring chemical substances. A close
examination of the finds indicates that the Harappan craftsmen had de-
veloped to a high degree the art of shaping as well as polishing the precious
and semi-precious stones which were used generally for the production of
beads with great dexterity.
While the remarkable achievements of the Harappan people in the
practical chemical arts of pottery, metal-working, use of minerals and the
like have come to light, there is little or no information about the specula-
tions or conceptual frame of the people relating to their achievements. Even
not much is known of the people of this great civilization. The Harappans
had developed a script which has been characterized partially as 'picto-
graphic'. a So far about 400 distinct signs have been observed and the
script is not found to be alphabetic. The letters on the inscribed sherds
found at Kalibangan indicate that the direction of writing was from right
to left. The script has yet to be deciphered on a rational basis, and only
its decipherment would throw light on the thoughts and practices of the
Indus valley people; it may also unfold the origin and evolution of these
people in a way more authentic than what is presently known.
In the next phase of the early Indian cultural history (c. 1500-600 B.C.)
we have to consider the chemical knowledge and practices of a new set of
people with a new social order, often referred to as the Indo-Aryans who are
believed to have settled first in north-western India and gradually extended
their settlements over the whole of north India. The probable date
of this presumed Indo-Aryan cultural settlement has not been settled yet
beyond doubt. Till recently, the chronological range of the Harappan
culture was recognized to be c. 2500-1500 B.C., while the radiocarbon
analysis" of the charcoal remains of this culture-area, points to a date
gaseous carbondioxide (C1'02) and the latter gets into the vegetation as a result of
plant metabolism and also into the animals which feed on vegetation.
When carbon-14 disintegrates, nitrogen is formed and beta particle is emitted. In
5570±40 years, known as the half-life period of carbon-14, half of a given number of
atoms of the radiocarbon undergoes radioactive decay and, with the lapse of time, the
radioactivity goes on decreasing. It has been calculated that in about 70,000 years,
practically all its radioactivity will be lost. The quantity of radiocarbon in contemporary
materials is too small and far below the sensitivity limit of an isotope-measurement device
such as the mass spectrograph. However, its radioactivity can be measured and, by
comparing the radioactivity of a particular carbon remnant (like plant remains,
charcoal, marine shells and carbonate deposits) with that of carbon of the present time,
the time elapsed in relation to the carbon remnant can be arrived at mathematically.
It is generally assumed that all living organisms possess the same proportion of
carbon-14/carbon-12 and that the radiocarbon disintegrates at the same rate after
their death. These assumptions are not found to be strictly correct and hence a certain
amount of error creeps in the reckoning of dates by the radiocarbon method.
(For details see McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of Science and Technology, 1960,
Vol. II, PP. 291-96).
G The earliest levels of Mohenjo-daro and Lothal for which no carbon-14 dates are
Pottery
The Indo-Aryans, according to some scholars, seem to have developed
and used a type of pottery now designated by the archaeologists as the
Painted Grey ware (P.G. ware).c A fact that merits attention is that
P.G. ware even at its earliest occurrence in India is of a fully developed
type. As some similar ceramic ware has been found outside India in parts of
Greece, Iran and Siestan probably dating back to second millennium B.C., it is
possible that the settlers on the plains of the Ganga and the Yamuna had
a knowledge of this type of ceramic and, utilizing the then existing local
ceramic techniques, might have developed the appropriate baking condi-
tions for the production of the P.G. ware. This ceramic, the approximate
date range of which is c. 1000-400 B.C., is a thin grey deluxe ware and mostly
wheel made, well burnt, glossy and copiously painted. The decorative
motifs on this pottery include bands, criss-cross lines, dots and dashes,
circles and swastikas. Generally, the pottery shapes comprise carinated
bowls, cups and dishes. d The archaeological evidence indicates, by and
large, an extensive western distribution of the P.G. ware (which was
first noticed at Ahicehatra) in the valley of the Sarasvati or the modern
Ghaggar and also the Gangetic plains. Apart from the Painted Grey
ware some other types of pottery like Coarse-Red ware, Fire-Red ware,
Plain-Grey ware were also in use then. Later came into use probably in
10
1',,"
, "
. .
" .: ,;i
~ I I
•
8 9
FlO. 5.4. Skctchcs of some pottery types: 1, Harappan pottery (Lothal);" 2, Black-and-
Red ware (Ahar);l1 3, Malwa ware (Navdatoli);C 4 and 7, Painted Grey ware:
dish (Ahicehatra) and bowl (Panipat);cI 5, Jorwe ware: white stipped pot with
designs of elongated and hatched bodies of animals;' 6 and 8, Northern Black
Polished ware: painted and incised (Kausambi) ;/9 and 10, Black-and-Red
megalithic pottery (Brahmagiri);' 11-12~ Painted pottery (Rangpur~ and Bahal'
respectively).
FlO. 5.5. Sketches of some ancient iron objects found at Hastinapura,· Taxila,b Sisupal.
garh and Ujjain. c 1, door ring; 2, fragment of a chain; 3, miniature bell
(Hastinapur) ; 4, staple from a looped head; S, ringed chain; 6, circular piece
of iron with a nail rivetted into it; 7 slightly convex iron disc with
perforation; 8. lower portion of an iron axe (Taxila);" 9. spike of square
section (Sisupalprh);O and 10. spearhead (ujjain).'
• Lal (D. B.) (2), pp. 98-100. CAl, S, p. 92.
b Marshall, III, PI. 205; Ghosh (A.), PI. 18. • IAR, 19S6-S7. Pl. 35.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 289
even about two thousand and five hundred years back in northern as
well as ceotral India.
In south India, a number of iron objects have been discovered in the
megalithic burials, and the finds include fiat axes, tanged daggers, wedge-
shaped blades, spears, arrow-heads, horse-bits, sickles or bill-hooks, varieties
of flanged spade, hoe and pick-axe, chisels, tripods, tridents, knives and
saucer hook-lamps. The megalithic burials (which may also be called the
Iron Age burials) are found distributed in most parts of peninsular India
as well as in Khandesh and Nagpur. The probable date of the advent of
iron in south India is supposed to be between 1050 and 950 B.C. a as indicated
by the radiocarbon dating of the finds at Hallur in Dharwar district of
Mysore State, Le. nearly just at the same time in the north or perhaps a
little earlier still, although the mode of introduction of iron into south
India is yet to be established on sound evidence. b It is interesting to note
that almost identical iron tool types have been found at various sites
extending from Adichanallur in Thirunelveli district in the Madras State
to Nagpur in the Maharashtra-places which are separated by a distance
of almost 900 miles.
A question that naturally arises is: from where was obtained the
knowledge of iron-smelting by those who brought it to India? It would
appear that the production of iron from the naturally occurring ores was
known in the Near East, and the earliest smelting operations of iron can be
dated as far back as the second millennium B.C. and in the region of Asia
Minor or the Caucasus. It has been recognized that between 1800 and
1200 B.C. the Hittitics were well known for the smelting of iron. By about
1000 B.C. there was extensive use of iron in the Near East even though iron
could not replace copper and bronze which had established themselves as
metals in the service of man and which quantitatively were in greater use
than iron.
Presumably the Indian iron metal-workers might have become ac-
quainted with the iron metallurgical practices of the Near East, and it might
have taken some time for them to adapt those practices depending upon the
availability as well as quality of the iron ore occurring in India. In course
of time, however, they appear to have excelled themselves in the art of
smelting and forging iron objects. It may therefore be surmized that by
about 1000-800 B.C. the iron-smelting operations were in vogue in India and,
in the next four to five centuries, the Indian iron and steel objects earned
the admiration of the western world.
Reference has already been made to the ~gvedic word ayas which
gradually began to acquire the connotation of iron. C The process for extract-
ing iron, as indicated in the ~gveda, has been construed to mean by some
scholars in terms of 'shining stones' (ores), medicinal plants (carbonaceous
The post-Vedic period and later the Classical Age of India (c. 600 B.C.-
A.D. 740) afford substantial evidence which testifies to the Indian chemical
knowledge and practices of far greater import. Discernibly the chemical
knowledge became refined and practices culminated in notable feats of
excellence during this period. They include the production of glass and
pottery, fermentation methods and dyeing techniques. Recent archaeo-
logical evidence sheds fresh light on the new achievements in glass and cera-
mic ware as well as metallurgical operation. There are a number of literary
sources belonging to this period giving information of value on various
chemical practices. Of them, particular mention may be made of the
Arthasastra by Kautilya, the two Ayurvedic classics, the Caraka and the
SuSruta Sa",hit4s (original compositions may belong to the early centuries
before the Christian era though the extant ones are later), and the
Glass
The term glass covers a wide range of substances which may differ in
chemical composition and some physical properties but which possess the
essential characteristics of having cooled from a state of fusion to a solid
state without crystallization (under-cooling). Chemically glass is regarded
as a mixture of silicates.
Though it is not clear when and where the invention of glass occurred
first in the old world either in Mesopotamia or Egypt, it is now recog-
nized that the specimens of blue glass found at Tell Asmar (in Mesopo-
tamia) are attributable to a period c. 2700-2600 B.C. The cemeteries of
Ur III (c. 2100 B.C.) and also at Assur under the Ziggurat (c. 1800 B.C.) in
Mesopotamia have yielded glass beads. It would appear that not only glass
was known in Egypt by about 2000 B.C. at the time of the XII Dynasty but
even there were real glass factories there by about the fifteenth century B.C. at
the time of the XVIII Dynasty in the reign of Amenhotep II (1448-1420
n.c.). Remains of a glass house and fragments of glass in several stages
of manufacture have been found at the city of Tell el Amarna (1450-1400
B.C.).a, lJ
In India the Mohenjo-daro and Harappan sites have not given clues to
the effect that the use of glass was known there; only gIazed C beads of
steatite or faience have been largely found. A few early objects of glass
in the form of beads have been noticed at Maski, a chalcolithic site in the
southern Deccan, pointing to the fact that glass was known in India at least
at the beginning of the first millennium B.C. d, But in the succeeding centuries,
the glass industry steadily gained momentum and began to show signs of
technical excellence which seemed to have manifested itself to a remarkable
degree in the early centuries of the Christian era, as evidenced by the
archaeological finds in over 30 sites. The glass objects (beads, bangles,
ear-reels, eye-beads, etc.) unearthed at these sites are in various colours
such as blue, green, red, white, yellow, orange and purple. In a few
places some tiles and broken parts of vessels have also been found.
Of the most important sites, mention may be made here of Hastinapur,
Taxila, Ujjain, Maheswar, Nasik, Bhita, Ahicchatra, Kopia, Nalanda,
Nevasa, Ter, Kolhapur, Kondapur, Prakash, Brahmagiri and Arikamedu. e
t For a comprehensive treatment of the subject see History of Glass by Dikshit, M. G.,
Bombay, 1969.
292 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
e G I"
1
I I
'
2-
~
3 4
til 5
e
'/I
6
~ 7 • 8
A
9
10 11
• E:!P 1111 ' I''''''
""'01"
~". -_ .....; JLu
11
\ _ .
'~.'
1"3
14 is 16
FIG, 5.6. Sketches of some ancient glass specimens. a 1, ear-reel from Taxila; 2-4,
seals (Taxila, Maheswar and Patna respectively); 5-6, eye-beads (Bhir Mound,
Taxila); 7, bead (Sirkap, Taxila); 8, bead (Ahicchatra); 9, fragment of a
blue finger-ring (Ter); 10, wine flask (Taxila); 11, flask in branded agate
style (Ter); 12, Roman glass bowls (Arikamedu); 13, bangle piece
(Taxila); 14, spirally wound glass bangle (Nevasa); 15, millefiori glass
(Arikamedu); and 16, blue glass amulet made in imitation of the triratna
symbol (Ter).
a Dikshit (M. 0.), pp. 4, 11, 19, 30, 35,42,45, 50 and 51.
294 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Ceramics
Mention has already been made of the Northern Black Polished ware.
Bowls, dishes, lids and handis (carinated jars) are the general shapes of the
N.B.P. ware, sometimes with decoration, which have been found in different
fJ Dikshit (M. G.), pp. 43 fr. IIBrh. S., 42, 8 and 10.
b Wheeler (I), PP. 263-67. , Lal (Dr. B. BJ, pp. 17-27.
C Wheeler, Ghosh and Krishna Deva, pp. 96 tT.
Specimen SiOI Fe20a AI 2 0 a PbO Sn02 Sb2 0 a MnO Cu CuO CU20 CaO MgO Na.O K.o HIO
Red opaque glass -- -- 37·09 3·16 34·85 - Nil 0·11 7·20 6·46 0-70 10'33 0·87
White opaque glass .. -- 61·32 1'70 Nil - 5·08 0·26 Nil 9-74 1'64 20'26&
Thin drawn strips of haematinum 39-79 2'45 38·93 0·22 - ? 5·31 - - 2·81 ? 10-02 0-57
,Green blue glass tile '- 70-57 1'60 2·46 - - - 0·05 - 0·55 4'60 2'68 14-99 2'65
Turquoise blue powder of de-
composed glass .. _. 67·48 3-64 - - 2·42 - - - 3·63 - 4·92 1·80 2-48 0·55 14'15
Fragments of a light green flask .. 68'34 1'20 1'67 - - - 0-34 - 8'44 1·44 17·76 0094 0'43
Green blue glass tile .. 71-01 1·84 3-74 - 0·05 0·24 - 3'73 2·32 14·99 2-65
Amethyst glass ., .. 58'12 1'74 8'75 - - - 0·17 - - 8·85 4'01 16-74 4·83
Brown glass fragments .. 53·81 8·47 1·51 - 0'08 - - 6·27 4·50 23'52 2·35
Thin curved fragments of light
blue glass .. .. 70-69 0·81 2·88 - - 0'01 - - - 7'05 0-50 12-86 4'85
Blue glass bangle .. .. 68·11 2·27 2'22 - - - - 0·44 - 4·91 3'74 19·10
TABLE 5.2
Chemical analysis ofglass specimen (in percentage) from Arikamedu a
Dull blue opaque beads -- 73·6 1'9 1·1 0·4 3'9 1·4 2·1 13·4 2'00
Specimen Si02 S~03 PbO C r 20 a Al 2 0 a Fc 2 0a MoO CaO MgO CuO Naso KIO H 2O TiO.
Small black pcrforated beads .. 62'24 - 8·46 7·20 0·02 3·13 1·55 - 16·70 - - 0·51
Pale yellow beads .. .. 70·30 - - - 5·30 1·20 0·08 2·38 1·20 - 19·31 - - Tr.
Strips of dark blue to black glass .. 64'80 - - Tr. 4·90 2·95 0·06 3·71 2·10 Tr. 21·03 - - 0·45
Green bead with black and coral red
decoration .. .. .. 67·13 - - Tr. 6·70 1·50 0·03 3·03 1·60 - 19·61 - - 0'40
Fragment of black bangle .. .. 66·13 - - 7·26 0·86 0'07 2·24 1·33 Tr. 21·70 - - 0'41
Unperforated spherical beads of clear
glass .. .. .. 63·30 - - - 7·09 2·50 0·10 3·64 1·85 - 20·52 - - 1·01
Broken pieces of pale yellow-green glass 66·60 - - 6·98 1'62 0·03 2·49 Tr. - 21'70 - - 0·51
Deteriorated glass .. .. 60·72 - - - 10'80 0·20 - 8·S5 1·12 - 18'30
TABLE 5.4
Chemical analysis ofglass specimens (in percentage) from Nalanda G
parts of north India (hence its name)tJ and also at some places in central
as well as southern India. Possibly the N.B.P. ware which, as stated
already, appeared first in the region of modern Bihar and eastern Uttar
Pradesh might have spread in course of time to some other parts of
northern, central and southern India. In north India, they have been found
in large numbers in Uttar Pradesh (Ahicchatra, Mathura, Hastinapura,
Kausambi, Sarnath, Bhita, Jhusi, Masaon, Sravasti and Atranjikhera);
Bihar (Patna, Rajgir, Giriak and Vaisali); Rajasthan (Bairat); Madhya
Pradesh (Sanchi, Nagda, Ujjain, Eran, Maheswar and Tripuri); Bengal
(Bangarh and Chandraketugarh); Orissa (Sisupalgarh); Maharashtra
(Prakash, Bahal, Nasik, Nevasa, Ter and Kaundanyapur); and Andhra
Pradesh (Amaravati and Chebrolu). The probable date of the N.B.P. ware
spread may be about the sixth century B.C. to second century B.C.
The N.B.P. ware seems to have been made on a fast-spinning wheel,
using fine clay and firing to a high temperature in kilns. It is possible, as
BAY
OF
BENGAL
NORTHERN BLACK } _ _ •
POLISHED WARE
PAIJTED IREY WARE-- 6
Fio. 5.7. Map showing the distribution of the Painted Grey and Northern Black
Polished wares.
CI It is indeed a misnomer to call this ware Northern Black Polished ware, although the
archaeologists have been maintaining this nomenclature.
298 A CONCISE msroRY OF SCIENCE IN INDlA
be responsible not only for the production of colour ranging from jet black
to glossy-grey but also metallic sound, which are the characteristics of this
ceramic. The black colour of the ware has been attributed to the presence
of ferrous oxide (about 13 %)" which would develop (by the action of
reducing gases formed in the kiln) on the original highly ferruginous slip
which used to be applied to the surface of the ceramic body consisting of a
levigated mixture of clay and red ochre. The polishing might have been
done before or after the firing. The black polished film of some samples, on
chemical analysis, has been found to contain silica 46·55 %, ferrous oxide
25·20%, alumina 15·53%, lime 4·74% and magnesia 3·43%. The
formation of ferrous silicate may be causative of colouring the body black;
and it is not unlikely that the deposition of carbon in the pores of the
pottery as a result of the smoky atmosphere of the kiln also plays its role
in the black coloration of the pot. There are divergent views on the
chemical aspects of the N.B.P. ware. According to the analysis of the
archaeological chemist in India, 'the lustre on the surface of the ware
appears to be composed of some easily fusible material, possibly of organic
origin, which undergoes incipient fusion at a low heat'. b
The chemical analysis carried out at the British Museum Laboratory
shows that the unfired pots were dipped in a suspension of ferruginous
inorganic material probably resembling a red earth; and that, after firing
to a temperature of c. 800°c, the kiln was sealed so that the pots cooled
in a reducing atmosphere. According to yet another analysis conducted
at the Laboratory of the M.S. University of Baroda, the shining black slip
might have been produced by an application of a carefully selected liquid
clay, 'peptized' by the addition of an alkaline material (like sajji-matti, rhe
or khari, which is available abundantly in the plains of the Ganga), which
interacts chemically with alumina and silica of the clay. On firing, the
ware is said to acquire the necessary strength as well as the glaze-like gloss
on the surface. C
The N.B.P. ware specimens found at Taxila, probably belonging to the
first or second century A.D., reveal an advanced state of workmanship and
sophistication. Well-finished ware with painted lips, handles, spouts, etc.,
have been discovered. Decorated pottery, though rare, comprises those
having painted or neatly impressed designs which include triangles, loops,
festoons, common flowers, cocks or peacocks.
Ceramic ware with utilitarian devices continued to show signs of
excellence in the Classical Age as evidenced by terracotta seals, plaques,
figurines, bricks and tiles. Apart from the wheel~thrown pottery, the
mould-made pots also came into use. Special types of glossy pottery too
were produced using mica dust, besides those with graceful and appeal-
ing designs which included among others lotuses, certain geometrical
forms, spirals and ornate pendants. At Ahicchatra have been observed
Meta/-working
In the working of metals too India of this period had to its credit
spectacular achievements of excellence, particularly in the Classical Age.
The metal-workers skilfully worked on copper, bronze, brass and iron.
The art of jewellery using precious metals and stones was in a flourishing
state. A significant find connected with the jewellery craft has been reported
from Ahicchatra. A solid copper bolt (241" in length and a circum-
ference of 14" at the centre and 12" at the ends), found in the Rampurva
Asoka Pillar near Nepal border, reveals an advanced workmanship. a
In the Classical Age, there were centres well known for the metal
industry. Vatsyayana in his Kiimasiitra includes dhiituviida (metal-working)
in the list of 64 kalas. The Chinese piligrim, Hiuen Tsang, has given a
description of how brass was being extensively used in India at the time
of his visit, and spoken of a huge copper image of the Buddha (80 ft. in
height) and a brass temple being built (height expected to reach 100 ft. or
more) by Harsha. b
A remarkable sculpture of the Classical Age, which sheds light on the
copper metal-working of the time, is the huge statue of the Buddha (7 ft.
6 in. in height and nearly a ton in weight), probably belonging to the
fifth century A.D. Discovered in the ruins of a Buddhist monastery at
Sultanganj (in Bihar) by an engineer of the East India Company in 1864
and now housed in the Museum and Art Gallery of Birmingham, this huge
statue appears to have been cast in two layers, the outer layer by the eire
perdue technique. The inner layer seems to have been cast in segments on
a mould composed of sand, clay, charcoal and paddy husks, using iron
bands for holding the segments together. C Some Sanskrit texts of this
period, viz. Miinasiira, Silparatna and Vi$1Judharmottara, give an account
of the eire perdue process.
Another historic vestige which gives an insight into the admirably
qualitative as well as quantitative workmanship of the artisans of the
Classical Age is the famous Iron Pillar now located in Meharauli (Delhi)
near Qutub Minar/I It has a height of 24 ft. 3 in. (with 1 ft. 8 in. below
ground); its diameter diminishes from 16·4" below to 12·05" above. The
specific gravity of the metal is over 7·5 and the pillar weighs more than
six tons. Essentially made of wrought iron, its chemical composition is:
iron 99'72 %, carbon 0·08 %, silicon 0·046 %, sulphur 0·006 %, phos-
phorus 0·114 % and manganese nil. 'It is not many years since the
production of such a pillar would have been an impossibility in the largest
foundries of the world, and even now there are comparatively few places
where a similar mass of metal could be turned out.'a The probable date of
this pillar is about A.D. 400, and since then it has been existing without any
rust or signs of decay. The reason for this may be that a thin protective
film of magnetic oxide (FcsO,) might have been formed on the surface as a
result of treatments given to the surface of the pillar, such as painting with
a mixture of different salts, heating and quenching. It is very likely that the
rather high phosphorus and the negligible sulphur or manganese content
might be the factors causative of the high corrosion resistance of the pillar.
I n addition to this famed pillar of iron, a colossal iron pillar of bigger
dimensions in two pieces and of a later date (about twelfth century A.D.)
has been found at Dhar in the Malwa region as will be seen later. These
examples illustrate that copper and iron metallurgical practices touched
new heights during this period.
Copper Metallurgy
There has been some recent evidence which gives a glimpse of the
possible techniques employed by the early metal-workers for extracting
copper from its ores. Obviously the process of winning the metal from
the ore must have been a simple one. A process in vogue even in the last
century has been described as follows. C The ore is crushed to a powder on
an anvil of stone with a hammer. It is then mixed with cow-dung, made into
-- -._--- ~-----
balls (pi~{ii) and roasted. The charge consists of roasted ore, charcoal and
iron slag, the last acting as flux smelted for 9-10 hours in a blast furnace
made of clay and sand. The slag is first drawn off and the smelted copper
which would accumulate at the bottom of the furnace is removed the follow-
ing day. The mass is again melted, refined in an open furnace using a strong
blast from below, and finally cast into bars. By this method the yield of
the metal is said to be 2!-71 %. It is very likely that, in ancient times also,
a process not altogether different from the above was employed for the
extraction of copper from its ores.
Iron Metallurgy
Recent archaeological excavations, especially at Ujjain, have given
some clues to the ancient practices concerning iron metallurgy. Probably
the smelting operations consisted in heating alternate layers of the ore and
charcoal. There is evidence to indicate that calcium compounds were
= --~~----
2--=_
-;;:=-
---=- !:=.
--
:- --
as regards their quality, the worst of them was as good as the best English
iron. The price was still less than that of the market price of the cheapest
English bar iron then sold in India. Indian iron was preferred by the British
Flo. 5.10. Possible form of the furnace used by the ironsmiths of south India.
(Reproduced from JIBS, 1, p. 159)
for producing steel of good quality. It is very likely that the crude smelting
furnances of the tribals are, probably to a great extent, the direct
descendants of the ancient methods of iron manufacture in India. a
Literary Evidence
As stated earlier, some literary works belonging to this period throw
ample light on the chemical practices which were flourishing then. Kau-
tilya's ArthaJiistrab is indeed a mine of information from the point of view of
the history of chemical practices in India. Even though the text does not
contain accounts ofanalysis which would bear scrutiny from the point of view
of modern chemical analysis, the observational approach and also the
methods of purification, as recorded in the text, are worth noting. There is
in this text a section on the examination of precious articles to be received
into the treasury. Details are given of the characteristics of pearls and pearl
strings, ruby, beryl and other precious substances. 'Hexagonal, square or
round, of pleasant colour, having a suitable form, clear, smooth, heavy
and lustrous' are the characteristics of gems while 'dull colour, with grains,
with a hole in the bottom, broken, badly bored (and) covered with scratches'
are their blemishes as stated in this section.
In the Arthasiistra, the section on mines and factories deals elaborately
with the occurrence and nature of the ores of gold, silver, copper, lead, tin
and iron. It is stated that in the case of all ores, when there is increase in
heaviness there is increase in metal content. 'Ore from rocks or a region
of the earth, which is heavy, unctuous and soft (and which is) tawny, green,
reddish or red (in colour) is copper ore.' Lead ore is 'crow-black or of
the colour of the dove or yellow pigment or studded with white lines (and)
smelling like raw flesh'. Iron ore is 'grey like saline earth or of the colour
of a baked lump of earth'. Obviously, the physical characteristics of the
ores were well known. The director of mines was expected to be an
expert in the science of metallic veins, exploration of ores, metallurgy and
the art of colouring gems. Among the duties of the director of mines
was that he should 'establish factories for copper, lead, tin, vaikriinta,
brass, steel, bronze, bell metal and iron, and also (establish) trade in metal
ware'. Factories and commerce relating to conch-shells, diamonds, gems,
pearls, corals and caustics were also contemplated.
The text also describes in detail the qualities of gold and silver. Gold
which is of the colour of 'lotus filament, soft, lustrous and not producing
any type of sound' is stated to be the best, the reddish yellow-coloured
metal of middle quality, and the red-coloured one, of the lowest quality'.
If the gold produced from the mines becomes brittle when admixed with
lead, it is to be turned into leaves by heating and pounding on wooden
anvils. Alternatively it could be processed by infusion with the pulp of the
bulbous roots of kadali (Musa sapientum) and vajrii (Euphorbia antiquorum).
As regards silver, the text says: 'that which is white, smooth or soft is the
best and the impure silver should be purified with one-fourth part of lead,
and (on purification) that in which a crest has appeared at the top, which
is clear, lustrous and of the colour of the curd is pure'.
The artisans of Kautilya's time must have been not only skilled in
setting (k~epa1)a), stringing (gu!Za) and making solid or hollow articles of
gold but also in the art of mixing the metals in the molten state in correct
proportions. In the work of setting jewels in gold, the artisan, according
to the text, should use five parts of pure gold, and two parts of gold alloyed
with four parts of copper or silver. Silver with a quarter part copper, and
gold with a quarter part silver were not considered to be good metals to
work with. For the preparation of silver articles, solid or hollow silver
CHBMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 305
could be mixed with half the amount of gold. The Arthalastra also gives
a description of different methods employed for shaping gold and silver
articles. As regards minting, the text says that silver coins should be made
of four parts of copper, eleven parts of silver and one part of either iron,
tin or lead, while copper coins could be made of four parts of silver, eleven
parts of copper and one part of iron or any other metal. Undoubtedly,
these compositions must have been arrived at by the technicians after a good
deal of experimentation, though the text does not contain details in this
respect.
In the Arthasiistra is found an account of fermented juices. 'Sugar-
cane juice, jaggery, honey, treacle, the juice of jambu (Eugenia jambolana)
and the juice of jackfruit infused with a decoction of me..r;asrngi (Gymnema
sylvestra) and long pepper, kept for one month, six months or a year and
then mixed with cidbhita (a kind of melon), urwiruka (Cucumis usitatissimus),
sugar-cane stalk, mango fruit and myrobalan or unmixed (with these)
constitute the group of fermented juices.' For purposes of fermentation
depending upon the composition of the fermenting mixture, a ferment
(kb;va) was also employed. Such a ferment generally consisted of one
drol)a of the pulp of mii$a beans (Phaseolus radiatus) raw or cooked, with
one-third part of rice grains, morata (Alangium salvifolium) and the like.
The brewers of Kautilya's time seem to be well versed in the preparation
of several types of intoxicating liquors such as medaka (prepared from rice
grains), prasanna (flour, bark and the fruits of kramuka), iisava (wood-apple
fruit, treacle and honey), maireya Uaggery mixed with black pepper powder
and decoction of the bark of me..r;asrngi) and madhu (grape juice). Yet
another liquor was mahiisurii which was prepared from mango juice with
certain essences.
The Arthasiistra gives a quantitative account of the extraction of oil.
'One-sixth is the amount of oil from linseed, one-fourth from sesame' and
the like. The text also has classifications such as sour fruit juices, liquids,
spices, vegetables, etc., obviously based on their manifest chemical charac-
teristics.
An important aspect that should not go unnoticed from the point of
view of the Indian alchemy is that in the Arthasiistra, there are descriptions
of rasapaka and rasaviddha. The word rasa has been interpreted by some
scholars as meaning mercury, and even some attempts have been made to
find in these descriptions the earlier chemical practices in India based on
mercury. On a deeper analysis, it becomes indeed 9ifficult to justify the
meaning of rasa as mercury, as probably the former means the smelted
(liquid) ore. a The origin of alchemy in India is discussed elsewhere in this
chapter.
Let us now tum our attention to the two medical classics. The Caraka
Sa111hitii" gives an account of the use of several minerals, metals and metallic
compounds, among which the following may be mentioned: adrija or
G SSe Su.,ll.
20B
CHBMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCmMY 307
techniques relating to them had reached an advanced stage during the time of
Varahamihira. Some of the preparations are worthy of mention. In the
chapter on gandhayukti (preparation of perfumes) several recipes are given of
compounded or delicately blended perfumes. It has been stated that
gandharIJava (ocean of perfumes) can be prepared from 16 substances,
if every four of them are permuted variously as desired, and in proportions
of one, two, three or four parts respectively. Va/aka, sprkka, aguru,
madanaka, dhanya, karpilra, co/a, ghana, saileya, nagapu~pa, vyaghranakha,
nakha, tagara, karciira, malaya and u.sira are the 16 substances men-
tioned. Not all these substances have been identified from the modem
scientific point of view. Perhaps vii/aka may be a kind of andropogan
and aguru, a fragrant aloe wood. What is worthy of note is the quantitative
approach to blending the perfumes of desired quality. Varahamihira, in a
tabular form, describes how a number of perfumes of high quality can be
prepared and says that the number of perfumes resulting from the 16
ingredients mixed in all possible combinations is 174,720.
The Brhatsa1J1hitii gives an account of some adamantine compositions
like vajra-lepa and vajra-sa1J1ghata. a Vajra-lepa consists of extracts of
certain types of plants, fruits, seeds, barks, etc. (like unripe ebony fruit,
wood-apple), blossoms of silk cotton and guggulu (a fragrant gum; exuda-
tion of Amuris agallochum). The process described is as follows: 'Boil
them in a drolJa of water and reduce it to an eighth of its original volume.
Mix the residue with sriviisaka (probably the resin of Pinus longifolia),
kunduruka (exudation of deodar), gugguJu, linseed, resin of hi/va fruit, etc.,
and make it into a paste.' This glutinous material could be applied on to
the roofs and walls of temples and mansions. Its life has been stated to
be ten million years. Vajra-saf!lghiita is a metal-cement consisting of
eight parts of lead, two of bell-metal and one of iron rust or brass. It is
melted and poured hot as desired.
PIGMENTS
paddy husk. The plaster was levelled and polished with a trowel or a
polishing stone. The fine plaster was one of white lime wash (to a thickness
of about 0·1 mm.) applied to the rough plaster when the latter was still
wet. The ground was allowed to dry. Animal glue was used so as to
serve as the binding medium for the pigments used. The Vi$/Judharmot-
tara Pur(1)a describes the preparation of the ground for painting in a
methodical way.
To sum up, the main features of the chemical knowledge and practices
in India during the post-Vedic as well as the Classical Age seem to bespeak
a concerted and methodical approach. Needless to add that they attracted
the attention of the contemporary world. Nevertheless, we are in aridity
regarding the theories concerning these practices. And techniques of ex-
cellence went ahead of theorizing tendencies. But towards the close of the
period under reference, a new way of understanding certain chemical sub-
stances and an equally new way of processing them for a purpose that
was at once sublime and mystical came on the scene. An esoteric theo-
retical approach supported by an experimental technique of an entirely
different character attracted the attention of a particular section of people
who had faith in the ideals and practices of what is known as Tantrism.
These constituted the base for alchemy and iatro-chemistry in India.
ALCHEMY
Alchemy is the forerunner of modern chemistry. The latter, about
two hundred years old, has developed as a result of experimentation,
observation and inference. The former, on the other hand, for over two
thousand years revolved round only two objectives, viz. (i) the transmutation
process for converting base metals (like lead, tin, mercury or copper) into
the noble metals (gold or silver); and (ii) preparation of the Elixir of Life
for attaining immortality. The objectives were in fact two sides of the
same coin. For, they were concerned with the problem of change. In
one case it was a change from the inferior metal to the superior one; in the
other, it was a change from the despised old age to the exhilarating
youthful state. To achieve these objectives the alchemists developed com-
plicated processes and secret practices, whose number was legion, involving
metals, minerals and herbs. The alchemists, too, had their laboratories
in which they ceaselessly endeavoured to prepare gold artificially and to
evolve the Elixir of Life. But, more often than naught, their endeavours
appeared to be not only mysterious but even superstitious. In addition,
mystical methods, astrology and allegory influenced not inconsiderably the
alchemical ideas and practices.
A brief historical account of alchemy is desirable to understand the
origin of alchemy in India in a perspective. tI , b. C The word 'alchemy' is
Arabic (al-chemy). It seems to have been derived from the Egyptian khem-it
• Holmyard, pp. 17 fr. bRead, pp. 12 fr. D Taylor, PP. 4(}-SS.
310 A CONCISE IDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
(the black) or the Greek word chyma (black molten metal). Probably the
art of transmutation of base metals into gold was flourishing in Egypt
(the country of the black soil) when the Arabs came to know of it. In
Greece, alchemy was a favourite practice among metal workers. The
Arabians are said to have added the article af- to chyme or chaemea.
The origin of alchemy is indeed obscure. However, in different periods
of history, alchemical thought and practices were extremely popular in China,
Egypt, Greece, India, Arabia and Western Europe. There is a reasonable
view held by some scholars that China might have been the original home
of alchemy. Chinese alchemy seems to be very ancient, probably belong-
ing to the early centuries before the Christian era, though Wei-Po-Yang,
the well-known Chinese alchemist, produced the first alchemical treatise
only in the second century A.D. The Chinese had reverence for cinnabar
(mercuric sulphide) which occurs naturally in China. They considered it
as the energetic essence and bestower of long life. The two components of
cinnabar-mercury and sulphur-were supposed to be the yin (female) and
yang (male) principles respectively.a This concept was in perfect accord with
the Chinese religio-philosophic system known as Taoism,b which not only
enunciated its own yin and yang principles to interpret nature and man but
was also concerned with material life and immortality. It is possible
that Chinese alchemical practice might have found its roots in these ideas,
with cinnabar as the prime substance. For centuries the alchemists of
China indulged in strange practices for obtaining the 'medicine' or a 'pill
of immortality' as well as converting mercury or base metals into gold.
I t is not unlikely that the cinnabar-centred Chinese alchemical thought
might have influenced similar ideas in other countries which in turn appear
to have modified the main alchemical theme to suit their own religio-
philosophical speculations.
The history of alchemy tells us that this ancient practice was not all
fiction and mystery. For example, in Alexandria in Egypt, as alchemy
grew, it tried to acquire a rational basis. By about the fifth century B.C.,
the Greek thinkers had developed a theory of four elements: earth, fire,
water and air, and the four primary qualities: hot, cold, dry and moist.
Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) conceived of these elements and their qualities as
emphasizing the unity of matter amidst all the changes.
The 'primary matter' as he called it could undergo transformation into
different substances depending upon the primary qualities affecting it.
Thus, for example, the primary matter, a potential one, would become
earth with the pair of primary qualities, cold and dry; water with cold and
wet; fire with hot and dryness; and mr with hot and wetness. In any case
this theory appeared to explain satisfactorily the problem of change. C
The alchemists of the Hellenistic culture of Alexandria in Egypt were
quick to realize the importance of this theory; for this theory held out
the possibility of transmuting base metals into gold or silver by changing
.. Mason, pp. 55-57. • Needham, II, pp. 33 fT. C Tatoo, I, pp. 231-32.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 311
FIRE
EARTH
AIR
WATER
thought that a base metal could be converted into a noble metal under
proper astrological influences. The then known metals were also associated
with the sun, moon and the planets. If the Greek theory of matter was one,
the astrological belief was another which shaped the later alchemical thought
in Egypt. Pseudo-Democritos (Bolos) probably belonging to the second
century B.C. and Zosimos who lived in the fourth century A.D. were the noted
exponents of alchemy in Egypt.
Alchemical practice in Egypt came under yet another influence. The
skilled metal workers and other artisans attached to the temples knew the
'dyeing' of metal, stone and fabrics. They were also adepts in the art of
producing cheaper substitutes for gold or silver. To them, then, alchemy
meant an occult gift enabling them to transform the inferior metals to the
noble metals too. Only they thought that the inferior metal should be
'killed', obtained in a native state and then processed suitably to transmute
them into either silver or gold.
In the Middle Ages alchemy was dominant in the Arabian countries.
The Arabic alchemy, which appears to have drawn its ideas from the alchemy
of Alexandria as well as that of China, specially emphasized what has come
to be familiarly known as the sulphur-mercury theory. All substances, in
particular metals, were regarded to have been formed by the interaction of the
two principles, Sulphur and Mercury. Sulphur represented an abstract
312 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
principle composed of hot and dry, while mercury represented cold and
moist. In essence, sulphur (the Sophie-sulphur as it was called to distinguish
it from ordinary sulphur) meant the property of combustibility and stood for
the element fire. Sophie-mercury meant the fusibility of metals and stood
for the element water.
The alchemical sulphur-mercury theory developed also on mystical
lines. The mystic sect, called the 'Brethren of Purity" was the chief
exponent of Islamic alchemy. The conception upheld by the Brethren of
Purity was that macrocosm was recapitulated in microcosm, the man.
They thought of even the natural substances like metals and minerals
in terms of 'bodies' and 'spirits' corresponding to the human body and
soul.
Most of the Arabic alchemical works have been attributed to one by
name Geber or Jabir ibn Hayyan (about eighth century A.D.) who classi-
fied substances into spirits, metals and bodies. He also emphasized the
operational qualities such as fusion, combustion, evaporation, pulverization
and malleability. Geber himself was a great experimentalist in a number
of medicinal preparations as well as an alchemist.
It would appear that the Islamic alchemy gradually found its way into
western Europe by about the twelfth century A.D. The Arabic texts on
alchemy were translated into Latin. Mystical representations and symbol..
ism of alchemy found new and faithful followers. Of great interest was
the spectacular emergence of a number of esoteric symbols including those
of the masculine and feminine, the active and the passive. The synthesis
of Sophie-sulphur and Sophie-mercury, the two principles of union, was
considered to be the 'Philosopher's Stone', the perfect and potent trans-
muting agent. This is a concept of the later European alchemy. In line
with the Philosphcr's Stone was the life-prolonging agent which would
transmute man from a state of ageing to one of long life, and went under
the enchanting name, Elixir of Life. The Philosopher's Stone as well as the
allied Elixir of Life were the goal sublime of alchemists, ever in sight and
never reached.
The imagery of Sophie-sulphur and Sophie-mercury went further and
even included 'Philosophical water', also called 'menstruum', associated
with the Philosopher's Stone. a In later alchemical writings, these enig-
matic and mystical ideas found different expressions which are too numerous
to be recounted here. A characteristic of them was the form of a union
of masculine-feminine principles and a conjoining liquid called menstruum
which was supposed to serve as a medium for the union. The menstruum
was symbolically represented in the form of a dragon or serpent which
was, in fact, an important alchemical imagery bound with religious
and mythological conceptions. Religion, mythology, number-superstition
and symbolism exerted profound influence on the European alchemy
too.
• Read, p. 9.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 313
stantially different from what has been known. Nevertheless, there are
a few admittedly tantrik texts which deal with alchemical ideas as part
of their psycho-experimental-symbolic treatment of the tantrik goals and
related practices. Among them mention may be made of Mtitrklibhedatan-
trama. and Rasiir1)avakalpa of the Rudrayiimala b in Sanskrit. Besides there are
a number of texts in a few languages other than Sanskrit, like Tamil, Telugu,
Kannada, Malayalam, Bengali, Marathi, Oriya and Gujarati. Particular
mention should be made of the Tamil texts. There appear to be about two
hundred works in Tamil on the Siddha system of medicine having alchemical
ideas and of them special importance attaches to the Amudakalaijnanam,
Muppu, Muppuvaippu, Muppucu1.l1;Jam, Carakku, Guruseynir, Paccaivetfu-
sil/ram and Pannir-kiin{lam by Agastya; Karjaikan{lam, Vtilalai-sutram and
Narjuktin{iam by Konganavar; Karumana-sutram, CU1JIJakiinrjam, Pancamitram,
Viida-siltranz, Sendilra-sutram, Gurunill, Karumiina-sutram and Vakiira Kalangu
by Ramadevar; Karpam and Viilai-siltranl by Bogar; Karagapp a, Pilrva
Muppu-sutram and Dravakam by NandISvar; Viidakiivyam by Karuvurar;
Muppu-sutram by Romar~i; Karpavidhi and Siltranz by KaiHisa Muni;
Vtikyanz by Macea Muni; satram by Suryanandar; and Jfianam by Satya
Muni. So far these texts have remained practically unstudied and a
comparison between the Sanskrit and the Tamil sources would be possible
only when the latter are studied in detail with reference to their alchemical
ideas.
.. Subbarayappa and Roy, pp. 42-49. b Roy (M.) (2), pp. 137-42.
316 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
The practitioners of Ayurveda were as much concerned with the cure of·
the bodily diseases as with the maintenance of youthful form and vitality
of the body as it aged. Increased powers of mind, a total immunity pos-
sibly against all diseases, good fortune and charming personality were
also their goal. The medical treatment known as vajikara1)a, for increasing
the strength and virile power, forms a part of the cikitsii as explained in
the Caraka and the Susruta Salllhittis. For this purpose, a number of
compositions are mentioned and these, however, do not make even a
reference to mercury. The Swruta mentions the rasayanas a (elixirs and
rejuvenators) capable of making a human body possess an almost life-long
youth and extraordinary mental faculties. It also speaks of compositions
(e.g. satapiika vacaghrta) which could make one live for five hundred years.
In the preparation of these rasiiyanas, it may be noted, metals are not used.
Essentially the rastiyanas are herbal although sometimes gold is used along
with other substances of vegetable origin.
Soma as an elixir finds a place also in the Susruta SafJ1hitii. The Soma
elixir is supposed to enable one to live for ten thousand years with a youth-
ful body and all the enjoyments associated with it. It is claimed that he
who consumes this elixir becomes superhuman, and that his muscular
energy will not be inferior to the combined powers of a thousand wild ele-
phants. He can move about in space freely and majestically with re-
splendant personality. Nevertheless the Soma elixir could be taken only
by the select section of the population. b
The other Ayurvedic classic, the Caraka Sa/'flhitii, in its sections on viiji-
kara1)a and rasayana which form part of the cikitsiisthiina, describes certain
processes and recipes for giving unrivalled strength to the body and a
longevity of even a thousand years. A number of other vitalizers of vege-
table origin are also mentioned. A reference, however, is made to the
usc of metals like iron, gold and silver as components of certain elixirs.
Again, as in the Susruta, the emphasis in the Caraka Sa/llhitii is still on
herbal preparations. One could live as long as ten thousand years without
any ailment by drinking extracts of some of them. Like the Susruta,
the Caraka also enjoins that the rejuvenation and virilification are meant
only for the privileged castes. C
• SSe CI., 26, 30. b SSe CI., 29, 8. c CS. C/., 4, 38.
CHBMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 317
CI RflV., 11, 181-84. c RPS., 11, 32-33. • RAy (p.) (I), p. 199.
b R(IV.t 14, 121-25. , RHr., 18, 23-69.
320 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
the root. When mercury is rubbed with this bulb in a mortar and then
heated in a crucible, it is said to acquire the property of converting a thou-
sand times its own weight of the base metal into gold. Thus the exudate of
the bulb is regarded as having extraordinary qualities for bringing about
transmutation. Another text, the Dhtitumaiijari, speaks of a process by means
of which mercury, molten sulphur and orpiment, when suitably processed
so as to assume the form of fumes, can convert inferior metals into gold.
What happens chemically during the process of transmutation, which is
rather a complicated one, cannot be surmised until an experimental veri-
fication is attempted from the modern chemical point of view. It would,
however, appear that the colour of the inferior metal, say copper or tin,
changes into that of the noble metal, gold or silver respectively. The
coloration that occurs may be uniform and too intimate enough to expose,
under ordinary conditions, the true colour of the inferior metal. The
specific gravity and the other normal physical characteristics of the trans-
muted metal are likely to manifest themselves, as a result of skilful mani-
pulation of the ingredients such as mercury or its compounds, arsenic salts,
sulphur, and some quantities of the noble metals themselves. The Indian
rasaviidins knew the distinction between the artificial 'gold' and the real
gold. In one of the Tamil texts on alchemy (Amudakalaijiiiinam by
Agastya), a it has been stated clearly that if the artificial 'gold' (emam) and
the natural gold (tangam) are subjected to calcination separately, and the ashes
(bhasma) so obtained are treated in such a way as to make the 'face' of
the metal appear, the difference between the two types of metals can be
easily recognized. In other words, the base metal, which has been trans..
muted, can be converted into its oxide and the latter is reduced to the
metallic state again, while the real gold remains unaffected by this method.
Processing of Mercury
One of the important aspects of the rasavidyii relates to the eighteen
treatments or salJ'lskiiras which mercury has to undergo, jf it is to exhibit
its supreme powers not only as a trusted promoter of long and prosperous
life but also to convert base metals into the noble ones. The Indian
rasavadins adopt the following for this purpose: (1) svedanam (steaming
or heating using a water bath); (2) mardanam (grinding or trituration);
(3) murchanam ('swooning' or making mercury lose its form); (4) utthtipanam
(also uddhara1)a; revival of form); (5) patanam (sublimation or distillation);
(6) rodhanam or bodhanam (potentiation); (7) niytimanam (restraining);
(8) sandipanam (stimulation or kindling); (9) gaganabhak$a"(lam (also
abhrakagrlisa or consumption of 'essence' of mica); (10) caralJam (amal.
gamation); (11) garbhadruti (liquefaction-internal); (12) blihyadruti
(liquefaction-external); (13) jtiro(lom (digestion or assimilation); (14) ran-
janam (coloration); (15) saro(lam (blending or preparation for trans-
formation); (16) sa'!1krama!lam (acquiring power of transformation);
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 321
CLASSIFICATION
The well-known rasasiistra texts like the Rasahrdaya, the Rasarf.1ava, the
Rasaratnasamuccaya and the Rasapraktisasudhakara have classified the
chemical substances into mahiiraso, uparasa, dhiitu, ratna and vi.ya. There is
also a category of substances designated as sadhiiratza rasa. The reason for
such a classification is not very clear. According to tradition, the maho-
rasas and the uparasas are classified in the order in which they find their
usefulness with reference to mercury (rasendra). There is also a view
that mercury alone has the appellation of rasa, and all the others are
called uparasas. Generally, the mahiirasas, eight in number, are: abhraka
(mica), vaikriinta (a precious stone having eight surfaces and six angles,
probably tourmaline), miik$ika (copper pyrites), vimala (iron pyrites), ii/djatu
(bitumen), sasyaka (copper sulphate), capala (a compound of bismuth or
G The above information is based on the discussions with Dr. D. S. Joshi, Department of
Rasasastra, Benares Hindu University, Varanasi; more details of the SQlfUkdras are
available in the well-known texts.
2IB
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 323
selenium) and rasaka. The eight uparasas are: gandhaka (sulphur), gairika
(red ochre), ktisisa (iron sulphate), tuvari (alum), to/aka (orpiment), manab-
iila (realgar), afijana (collyrium; compounds of antimony) and kanku~fha
(probably tinstone or cassiterite).a Some of the texts differ from one
another in the number of mahii- and uparasas as well as the substances
comprising them. While the Rasaratnasamuccaya gives the above classifica-
tion, another text, the Rasaprakiisasudhiikara, considers riijavarta (lapis
lazuli) as a mahiirasa in the place of capala. b The Rasahrdaya, on the other
hand, does not consider mica as a mahiirasa, but regards kiinta or loadstone
as a mahiirasa. c The RasiirfJava includes darada (cinnabar) among the
mahiirasas and riijavarta among the uparasas. d
Under the category of dhtitus, usually seven metals are named: svanJa
(gold), rajata or ttira (silver), tamra (copper), loha (iron), niiga (lead), vanga
(tin) and yasada (zinc). But, the three alloys (misraloha), viz. brass (pittala),
bell-metal (kiifl1sya) and a mixture of five metals (vartaka), also come under
the category of dhiitu. Again, some of the texts differ from one another
in this scheme. The RastinJava e mentions six metals including copper,
while the Rasapraktisasudhtikaraf recognizes copper under the category of
'odorous' metals. On the other hand, the Rasaratnasamuccaya does not
accord a place to copper among the dhiitus.
The ratnas generally are precious gems. The principal gems used
by the rasavadins are: vaikranta (also classed under mahiirasa), siiryakiinta
(sun-stone; aventurine feldspar mainly containing silicate of sodium and
potassium with disseminated particles of red iron oxide which cause fire-
like flashes of colour), candraktinta (moon-stone; a type of feldspar con-
taining silicates of aluminium, sodium, potassium, calcium, barium, etc.,
which possesses a bluish pearly opalescence), hiraka (diamond), mauktika
(pearl), garudodgiira (emerald), riijavarta (lapis lazuli), marakata (topaz),
nita (sapphire) and padmartiga (ruby).g Ruby, sapphire, topaz, emerald
and diamond are considered to be superior, as also are pearls of big size and
bright appearance. Sun-stone, moon-stone, amethyst, lapis lazuli, etc., are
referred to as minor gems.
Under the categories of vi~as and siidhiiratza rasas a number of plant
products and minerals are mentioned, which need only a passing mention
here.
'Purification' processes
The minerals or metals are invariably subjected to purification processes
which are rather complicated ones. Though these processes are meant for
, purifying' the substances, more often than naught, some extraneous
material is added onto them. In general, purification means, according to
the rasasiistra texts, removal of the deleterious principles present in the
naturally occurring substances, so that they become fit for internal use.
There are a good number of such processes in these texts. A few examples
may be cited.
Sulphur is purified by melting it in the medium of cow's ghee and
straining the molten mass through a cloth into milk or the juice of Bhf1iga-
raja kept in a pot. a It is then washed with warm water and the process
repeated several times. In another process, the mouth of a vessel containing
milk is tied with a piece of cloth over which is placed powdered sulphur.
This is then covered with an earthen bowl which is heated from outside
so that sulphur melts and drops gradually into milk. Purification of sulphur
is considered necessary as otherwise the impure sulphur, when taken in,
would produce harmful effects such as loss of beauty, strength and vision.
Mica is purified by heating it strongly and adding the hot powdered sub-
stance into a mixture of sour gruel, cow's urine, decoction of the three
myrobalans, cow's milk, etc. The process is repeated seven times. 1J
Vaikranta is purified by boiling it with the decoction of kulattha (horse-
gram). The deleterious principles of nliik.yika can be removed in the same
way. Mercury is purified by rubbing it for three days with the decoction
of certain plants like kumari (Aloe indica), citraka (Plumbago zeylanica) and
red mustard, or by rubbing it with lime and filtering through a cloth.
Thereafter it is again rubbed with some quantity of garlic and common salt,
and washed. c The gems are purified by subjecting them to the action of
the' vapours' of a plant called jayanti. Metals, in general, are purified by
heating and subsequently immersing them in butter milk, sour gruel, cow's
urine and the decoction of kulattha.
Preparations
The rasaviidins had undoubtedly acquired remarkable experience in the
methods of preparing a nunlber of compounds of mercury, and also con-
verting some of the minerals into what is known as bhasma. The principal
compounds of mercury are rasakarpura (mercuric chloride), rasapu~~pa
(mercurous chloride), rasasindura (red form of mercuric sulphide), kajjali
(black form of mercuric sulphide) and lnakaradhvaja (a sulphide of mer-
cury). Generally the metals and minerals are converted into bhasmas for
internal use as medicines.
Rasakarpilra is prepared by rubbing pure mercury repeatedly with a salt
(audbhida lavalJa) and the juice of snuhi (Euphorbia neriifo/ia). It is then
taken in a bottle, the outside of which is coated with mud, and heated
uniformly on a salt-bed (/avalJa yantra) for a day.1t A white mass
of rasakarpura results. Rasapu~pa is prepared as follows: Purified
mercury is intimately mixed with an equal quantity of rock salt and ferrous
sulphate (kiisisa) by rubbing the two for a long time. The mixture is then
placed in a glass bottle, the outside of which is coated with mud and rag,
and carefully heated. When the fumes start emanating from the bottle,
the mouth of the bottle is closed by a piece of chalk and molasses. The
heating is continued for six hours. Rasapu~flpa collects at the neck of the
bottle as a white substance.
Rasasindura is obtained by heating an intimate mixture of mercury
and sulphur in equal quantities on a sand-bath for about twelve
hours. Sulphur in excess goes out as evidenced by the pale blue flame
emerging out of the container which is generally a coloured and thick-walled
glass bottle, the outside of which is coated as usual with mud and rag.
Mercuric sulphide deposits at the upper part of the bottle as a pinkish red
substance. Kajjali is the black variety of mercuric sulphide which is ob-
tained by rubbing thoroughly three parts of mercury with one part of
sulphur.
The most popular preparation called makaradhvaja contains mercuric
sulphide and certain stimulants like camphor, pepper and cloves. During
its preparation a certain amount of gold is also added.
The preparation of bhasma involves considerable skill. Generally,
the bhasmas are oxides in a finely powdered form. The process is one of
incineration of the metallic substance, after the metal or the mineral is
treated as desired, usually with sulphur, lime juice or the extracts of certain
plants like kunziiri and Inusali. The substance is subjected to prolonged
heating which is technically known as pUla by means of which the former
becomes more and more refined and medicinally potent. The source of
heat is the fire of cow-dungs and, depending upon the quantity of the cow-
dung cakes used as also the way in which they are heaped, different degrees
of heat are sought to be given to the substance. The substance itself is
placed in an earthen flat container and enclosed by another, and sealed
with mud plaster. The puta-piika, as the process is called, is believed to
produce extraordinary qualities, both physical and chemical, in the metallic
substance, now called the bhasma. The bhasma is an extremely fine powder,
very light and, when thrown on water, just spreads itself as a thin film
on it. Several types of putas a are recommended for processing different
metallic substances, involving many operational techniques with a view
to obtaining the most efficient compositions. For example, in what is
known as mahiiputam, a cubical pit-three feet in length, breadth and
depth-is prepared and filled with cow-dung cakes. A crucible containing
the substance to be heated is kept covered in the middle of the heap of
cakes. When the cakes are set fire to, the process of heating starts and
lasts till all the cakes are reduced to ashes. In another pUfa called gaja-
pUlam, the cubical pit is of twenty-two and a half inches in length, breadth
and depth. An eighteen-inch cubical pit is called variihaputam, and a
fifteen-inch one, kukku{apu!am. In the place of cow-dung cakes', some-
times husk is also used as a source of fire as in the case of bhiil,u;lapu{am.
In special cases, solar heat is preferred (suryapu{am).
II Sharma (T. N.), pp. 40 -44, b RRS., 5, 13. c RH,., 9, 16. d RRS., 4, 64-69.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 327
THE LABORATORY
APPARATUS
A number of apparatus and appliances called yantras were employed
by the rasavtidins. The crucible, mii~r;ii yantra, was predominantly earthen.
To prepare the crucibles, earth of ant-hill, rice husk, iron rust, chalk,
human hair and a few other ingredients should be compounded and
rubbed together in goat's milk so as to form a dough-like mass which would
then be shaped into the desirable forms, and sun-dried. There were various
types of crucible for different operations. For the extraction of zinc from
calamine, 4 a crucible of the shape of brinjal (Solanum melongena) to which
is attached a tubular end which expands towards its mouth like a flower'
was generally used. For heating mercury and sulphur together, the following
details of a mu~ii yantra are given in the RasarfJava: b 'The apparatus consists
of two crucibles, each twelve digits in length; one of them has a narrow
orifice. In this is to be taken sulphur, and mercury in the other. Mercury
and sulphur are to be moistened with filtered garlic juice. The sulphur
containing crucible is to be inserted into the one having mercury, and
the apparatus carefully lowered into an earthen pot over which another
earthen pot is to be kept, and the rims luted with cloth. It is heated from
outside by cow-dung fire for three days.' Of the other types of crucibles,
mention may be made of the gostanimu$ii c (crucible of the shape of udder
of cow, used for liquefying substances) and the pakka mi1~iid (a pot-type
used for roasting purposes).
In addition to the mii$ii yantra, the other types of apparatus men-
tioned include:~ kO$lhi yantram, do/ii yontram, svedani yontram, different types
of piitana yantram, dipikii yontram, (lheki yantram, jiira~a yantram, garbha
yon/ram, haTflsapaka yontram, kacchapa yontram, vidyiidhara yantram,
somanala yantram, vii/ukii yan/ram, /ava~a yantram, niilikii yantram, bhUdhara
In the do/a yantram, the substance is kept in a piece of cloth, tied and
suspended by means of a rod which is placed across a pot half-filled with the
desired liquid. The substance is kept immersed in the liquid. The liquid
is then heated from outside. The svedanf yantram is used for steaming
purposes. The mouth of a pot is covered with a piece of cloth and the
substance to be steamed is placed on the cloth. Water is kept in the pot
and this is again covered by means of another pot. The substance is
steamed by boiling the water.
The piitana yantram, which is employed for purposes of sublimation
or distillation, consists of a well-baked pot of suitable dimension. Water
is taken in this pot to its neck. Over this pot is kept inverted another big
pot. The junction of the two necks of the pots is kept tight by the appli-
cation of a dough made of lime, raw sugar and buffalo's milk. The inside
bottom of the upper vessel is smeared with the substance and it is heated
FI<i. 5.14. The do/ti yan/ram. FIG. 5.15. The.\ !'edani )'alllram.
pot and the upper one is kept cooled by applying wet rags. The sublimate
deposits in the interior of the upper pot, Le. the sublimation is directed
upwards (urdhvapiitana). There is also a variant of this procedure. A pot
or a vessel is provided with a long tube fitted in an inclined position, which
is in communication with inside of another vessel. The latter serves as
the receiver. The substance kept in the former is heated when the vapours
condense in the receiver which is kept cooled (tiryakpiitana).
In another apparatus called the tlheki yantram, a hole is made slightly
below the neck of a pot and one end of a bamboo tube is introduced into
it. The other end is fitted into a brass vessel which is filled with water.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 333
a The Nayanmirs who were the Saiva saints of south India flourished from the sixth or
seventh century onwards. Thirumii]ar, a sixth-century Saiva yogi, enunciated the
doctrine of Pati-Pasu-PiSam; Majumdar (R. C.), III, pp. 327 If.
336 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
II The sketch is based on the photograph taken on 2 April 1969 at Thiru Alanka~u, a place
about 40 miles west of Madras, which the author visited for observing the etDorescence
between 3 a.m. and 4 a.m. when the fullmoon was low on the western sky. The Siddha
Vaidya Dr. T. K. Sivarao accompanied him and gave a practical demonstration of the
traditional ways of collecting, grading and later purifying pun;ru, in accordance with
the well-known tex.ts of the Siddha systems.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 337
Meta/-working
The metal-smiths in the central, eastern and southern parts of India
evolved intricate forms of both copper and bronze images, which were
fashioned hollow and solid castings on a large scale by the well-known
A Reeves, p. 23.
b According to this, the entire length of an image is nine times the height of the face,
which is generally nine inches; the length of the image is divided into 108 equal parts
which are proportionately distributed over the different limbs (Acharya, p. 297).
340 A CONCISE HJSTOR Y OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Brass and copper melt surely with (the help of) cinders just kindled.
Silver melts with (the help of) glowing cinders, while gold with (the help of)
cinders flaming fivefold.
After making a hole with an iron, on the top of the crucible and holding
it tightly with a pair of tongs, (one) should pour molten metal into the
mouth of the tube in a continuous stream and stop when it is filled to the
brim of the tube.
The adjacent fire should be put out for the purpose of cooling (the
mould with the molten metal). When the image gets cooled naturally,
the expert should break the clay very carefully.
Then the metal image verily resembles that in wax, endowed with
similar limbs and other details. a
The icons of the medieval period were indeed noted for their exquisite
forms and lasting metallic lustre. The icon production, which was a
flourishing metal-art particularly in south India, went hand in hand with
the building of imposing temples in increasing numbers. The Vijayanagar
empire was noted for brisk trade in a wide variety of bronze objects.
Iron smelting and forging operations were also followed with further
achievements. In the temples at Puri and Konark in Orissa are found a
number of iron beams. There are as many as 239 iron beanls (up to 17'
long and 6" x 4* or 5* x 6* in section) in the garden temple (also
called Gunduchiburi) at Puri. The Konark temple contains beams (29 in
number) of even larger dimensions (18'-35' long and about one foot
square). A chemical analysis of these beams shows that they are made
of wrought iron (iron: 99·64%; manganese: nil; carbon and
sulphur: traces; and phosphorous: 0·15%; specific gravity: 7·8) more
or less similar in composition to that of the Iron Pillar at
DelhLb The probable date of these beams may be about
the twelfth century A.D. The Iron Pillar at Dhar (ancient capital of Malwa)
is another notable vestige of the medieval period. It is of a much larger
size than the Iron Pillar at Delhi, its total length being 43' 8". To quote
Vincent Smith: 'whilst we marvel at the skill shown by the ancient arti-
ficers in forging a great mass of the Delhi Pillar, we must give a still greater
measure of admiration to the forgotten craftsmen who dealt so success-
fully in producing the still more ponderous iron mass of the Dhar Pillar
monument with its length of (over) 42 ft.'e The Dhar Pillar is now lying
broken in three pieces; the largest being 24' 311 and square in section.
Perhaps the fourth piece is missing. The weight of the pillar is estimated
to be about seven tons. While the local tradition maintains that the pillar
has been made of the saptadhatus (seven metals), the chemical analysis shows
that the pillar is made of wrought iron like the Delhi Pillar. As Neogi puts
it, 'it must not be forgotten that the Dhar Pillar in its completed COD-
dition would be the biggest iron pillar in the whole world.'tI The date
of this pillar is believed to be about the twelfth century A.D. Another
G Reeves, pp. 19-20. b Ncogi (1), pp. 21-26. C Smith (Y. A.) (2), p. 145. fI Neogi (1), p. 30.
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 341
iron pillar, probably belonging to the fifteenth century A.D., is that in the
temple of Achaleswar on Mount Abu in Rajasthan. It is 12' 9" high with
a Saiva trident on its top. The foregoing achievements amply illustrate
how skilful and imaginative were the metal-smiths in India.
In the medieval period, there were many centres famed for making the
damascened swords, i.e. those on the surface of which certain patterns like
swirls, water ripples and the like are fashioned. Obviously steel of high
quality must have been used for making these swords. The blades were
etched probably by using some chemicals about which practically no
information is available. A microscopic examination of these blades has
revealed the dexterity with which the damascene pattern was given to the
steel before forging it into blade form. Indian damascened swords were in
great demand in foreign countries.
In the Moghul period, there were metallic guns of large dimensions
made of bronze and iron. The great gun of Agra (made of brass; weight:
over 53 tons; length 14' and bore 22!") and Malik-i-maidan (made of
bronze; copper: 80,4%; tin: 19·53%; length: 14' 3*; diameter: 4' 10" at
mouth~ 2' 4!" at bore; probably cast in Ahmednagar and now in Bijapur)
deserve ~pecial notice. It is believed that the latter was the largest of its
type in the world then. The sixteenth century A.D. was specially noted for
the production of guns, although it would seem that guns were in use
in India even in the fifteenth century A.D. Iron guns of bigger dimensions
were also in use, particularly in eastern India, the maximum length of a gun
noticed being 31', and weight about 47 tons. One of the iron guns observed
at Dacca (now lost probably in floods) weighed about 30 tons, and the iron
ball which it contained had a weight of about 465 pounds. a
PAPER MANUFACTURE
Before the introduction of paper into India, the ancient literature was
preserved generally on palm-leaves (tala patra) in south India and birch bark
(bhurja pa/ra) in Kashmir and northern regions of the country. But paper
began to be used considerably in the fourteenth or fifteenth century A.D.
And in the later half of the fifteenth century, Kashmir was producing paper
of attractive quality from the pulp of rags and hemp with lime and soda
added to whiten the pulp. The Kashmir paper even acquired the status
of being an important article of present among the contemporary kings.
There were other paper-producing centres in the Panjab (Sialkot), Oudh
(Zafarabad), Bihar (Bihar town and Arwal), Bengal (Murshidabad and
Hooghly), Gujarat (Ahmedabad), Aurangabad and Mysore. Sialkot
produced paper of very high quality in brands such as 'Mansinghi', 'Nimt-
tariri' and' Khasab-i-Jehangiri'. Zafarabad, also known as Kiighdishaher
(paper city), used to manufacture glossy and strong paper from bamboo
pulp, though it was somewhat brownish in appearance. Unpolished
paper was also being produced there. Paper from Bihar centres was
also very fine. Gujarat, which probably produced the largest quantity of
paper in the late fifteenth and the early sixteenth centuries, even exported
the Tndian paper to the west Asian countries and Turkey. This paper
was white, glossy and in all sizes, thick and thin, and in colours. In the
Moghul period, Aurangabad developed into an important paper-producing
centre and supplied paper to other parts of south India. During Tipu's
time, a paper-making factory was started in Mysore where a special type
of paper having gold surface was produced by mixing the desired quantity
of powdered gold into the pulp before sheeting.
'The technique of paper-making was more or lcss the same through-
out thc country differing, of course, only in the preparation of pulp from
different materials. The skill of the Indian artisan streamlined the product
to greater excellence. Generally thc rags were thoroughly cleansed, boiled
and beaten into a pulp with watcr to the consistency of cream. A finely
woven wire sieve was dipped into the vat (daba). A horizontal shaking
motion was given to the sieve, which caused the fibres to felt or interlock,
the water draining away through the fine holes in the sieve. The sheet
was then placed between felt and subjected to pressure. After drying,
the paper was dipped in size (mandi) to render it non-porous, and finally
dried and smoothened by passing it through rollers under pressure. To
size the paper and render it fit for ink, a glue, somewhat gelatinous, was
first prepared in the vessel which contained this mixture, a rod was placed
and a cleft stick used for holding the sheet of paper during the process
of dipping. As soon as the paper had been sufficiently saturated, it was
withdrawn by gently rolling it round the stick which had been laid over
the vessel. The sheet of paper was afterwards hung to dry. It was then
smoothened and polished by rubbing it on wood with the convex side of
a chank-shell. Jute, sunn, ambaree, moorve, old sacks and fishing nets
were also used as raw materials. Forbes Royle observes that the fibrous parts
of many lily and aloe-leafed plants have been converted into excellent paper
CHEMICAL PRACTICES AND ALCHEMY 343
A reference has already been made to the knowledge and practical appli-
cations concerning cosmetics and perfumery as contained in Varfihamihira's
BrhatsalJ1hitii. In the medieval period, this industry registered consider-
able progress, and new techniques and compositions were developed.
Special texts, both in Sanskrit and in the other languages like Marathi
and Kannada, dealing with perfumery and elegant methods of fragrant
upkeep of the body, were also composed during this period. Of them, the
Gandhasiira of Gatigadhara (eleventh or hvelfth century A.D.) deserves
mention.£" The text gives six processes for the preparation of cosmetics
as follows: bhavanii (infusion of fragrant powders with the desired liquids),
pacana (digestion of materials probably for curing purposes), bodha (tem-
pering or intensifying the perfume), vedha (further intensification or 'excita-
tion '), dhupana (fumigation with aromatic incenses, vapours, etc.) and
viisana (preparation of scents utilizing the perfumes of flowers). Details
are given of the pacana process in terms of pUfapaka, gartaplika, ve 1) upiika,
doliipaka, kharparapaka, baijayilra and kiilapiika. These details throw
• Ghori and Rahman, pp. 139-40. C Gode, I, PP. 297-308; III, pp. 1-12.
bRAy (P.) (I), PP. 234-35.
344 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
rose water and the attar of roses, obtained from the petals of roses (for
which Ghazipur in Uttar Pradesh is famous), was a well-known chemical
practice in the medieval period. It would appear that the rose itself was
introduced into India from Persia through the Arabs, and that the method
of extracting attar (Arabic word: itr meaning perfume) was discovered by
the mother of Nurjehan in A.D. 1612. Ain-i-Akbari gives a detailed account
of the use of rose water in the preparation of perfumes. a Akbar was fond
of perfumes and Ain-i-Akbari speaks of the 'Regulations of the Perfume
Officer of Akbar'. The perfume industry received fillip as a result of the royal
baths and the religious needs. In paticular, the royal baths were noted
for an extravagant use of perfumes, both blended and natural, and this is
borne out by the references found in the Mtinasolliisa of King Somesvara.
written by one Nilakantha who was also the reputed author of several
works on Sanskrit literature. In addition, there is also a treatise on fire-
works in Persian, by Zain-ul-Abidin, the Muslim King of Kashmir (A.D.
1420-70).
The word 'biina' in the sense of a rocket finds a place in the Sanskrit
work of PraHiparudradeva mentioned above. The authorship of the
important works on pyrotechnics in Tamil is generally attributed to one
Bogar or Boganathar who is among the eighteen Siddhas of Tamilnadu
and who, according to the local tradition, had contacts with China. The
Tanlil works on pyrotechnics describe three principal types of fireworks,
viz. those which pierce through air (rockets), those which produce sparks
of coloured fire, and those which blaze with various colours and end with
explosions. Saltpetre, sulphur, charcoal, iron powder, bamboo tubes
and flats, mercury, cinnabar, copper salts, camphor, rice paste, arsenic
substances, pulp of castor seeds and wicks are among the important
ingredients mentioned in these works for the preparation of different fire-
works. Several formulae, 98 in number, for the manufacture of some
20 types of fireworks, are found in considerable detail in these Tamil sources.
Of particular significance is the fact that the metal dusts (of copper, iron
or steel, lead, brass and zinc) are used for producing sparklings of different
colours. The date of the works attributed to Bogar is uncertain. On
the basis of some internal evidence found in the text, its probable date is
twelfth to thirteenth centuries A.D.
Spectacular display of fireworks was a common feature in marriages
and other ceremonies in medieval ]ndia. ]n the fifteenth century A.D.,
various kinds of fireworks were displayed at Vijayanagar during festivals.
Even foreign travellers like Barbosa in the sixteenth century A.D. have
given vivid descriptions of the display of fireworks in certain parts of
India. Bernier has given an account of 'bannes' in warfare and how
they used to be thrown against the enemy as a sort of grenade attached
to a stick, and cherkysu thrown to explode with a view to separating
fighting elephants.
CONCLUSION
APPENDIX
I. Agasti (Sesbania grandiflora Pers.) .. bark contains tannin (a) and gum.
2. Amlavetasa (Rheum emodi Wall.) . . root contains large proportion of
chrysophanic acid, emodin,
rhaponticin, tannin, resins (h),
mucilage (c), etc.
13. Kanya kumari (Aloe indica) or ghrta kumari aloin (a mixture of glycosides).
14. Kulattha (Dolichos biflorus Linn.) .. grain with husk contains albu-
minoids, starch, oil, fibre and
phosphoric acid; enzyme urease.
15. Musali (Curculigo orchioides Gacrtn.) resin, tannin, mucilage, fat, starch
and ash containing oxalate of
potassium.
16. Nimba (Citrus acida or Citrus bergamia Ris ct juice contains citric acid (7-10 ~/~),
Poi) phosphoric and malic acids; and
citrates of potassium, sugar, muci-
lage, etc.; peel contains a volatile
oiL
17. 5Jgru (Morillga olel/era Lam.) bark contains alkaloid and 2 resins;
seeds yield oil which is a good
source of behenic acid.
18. PaIasa (Buteo [rondusa, Roxb. & Keon) . . gum and bark contain kniotannic
and gallic acids, soluble Dlucilagc
and ash which yield pyrocatechin;
seeds contam fat, albuminoids, etc.
)9. Vi~Q.ukranta (Clitona ternalea Linn.) root-bark contains starch, tannins
and resins; seeds contain oil, resin
and tannic acid.
NOTES:
TilE word' agriculture' (agri = field; culture = tillage) means tillage of the
soil leading to production of crops. The origin of agriculture could be
traced to the early human attempts at settling down in congenial environ-
ments and gradually exploiting the anin1al and plant resources which were
found easily accessible. Undoubtedly, wild plants, their roots, fruits and
seeds were among the principal plant resources belonging to the vegetable
kingdom used as food by early man. In course of time it is natural to
suppose that he must have gained a practical knowledge of their growth..
characteristics, factors conducive to their rearing as well as reproduction,
and their effect on the human system. There were indeed several steps
between the necessity of gathering wild fruits, roots and seeds, and that of
the regular cultivation of plants which produce them. When man began
to lead a settled life, possibly being assured of an adequate supply of wild
plant products some of which he could also store for a reasonable period,
he was doubtless in a definite position to indulge in what may be called
plant domestication even if it was on a small scale. The archaeological
evidence indicates that in the old world the main area of such a domestica..
tion of plants was the Near East which is sometimes referred to as the
'Fertile crescent', and which included a Mesopotamia, eastern coast of the
Mediterranean and the Nile valley. It is now known that by about the
eighth or seventh millennium B.C., there were definite practices of plant
domestication in the Near East although the beginnings of cultivation
occurred at different periods in different places of the region. The digging
stick and the hoe were the early contrivances of cultivation and the plough
appears to have arrived on the scene by about the fourth millennium B.C.
(probably in the eastern Mediterranean region) when agriculture became
one of the most important productive enterprises. b
a AV., 111,17.2. II Auboyer, p. 65. C Taitt. S., VII, 2.10.2. a Ktilh. S., X, 6.
t AV., VI, 140.2; VITI, 7.20; IX, 6.14.
I AV., X, 9.26; XI, 1.28; XII, 3.18, 29.30; Kolh. S., X, I; Ail. Br., I, I; Sat. Br., I,
1.4.3; II, 5.3.4, etc.; Chand. Up., III, 14.3.
f/ AV., VI, 140.2; VIII, 7.20; IX, 6.14; Taitt. S., VII, 2.10.2; Ka/h., S., X, 6; XI,S, etc.
23
354 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCmNCE IN INDIA
made of stone; and water was raised, with the help of the wheel, in a pail
using a leather strap. a Yet another device is referred to as dro!la, which
was a sloop. There was also a ghalayantra b or udghiitana which was of
the type of a drum-shaped wheel round which went a pair of endless ropes
with gha{a or earthen pots tied to them at equal distances. The technical
details of all these devices are, however, still unavailable.
soil which would be conducive to their efficacy. The two medical classics
give details of the distinctive traits of different types of soil commended for
the culture of medicinal herbs and certain grains. Susruta recommends a
ground 'which possesses a soil which is glossy, firm, black, yellowish or
red and does not contain any sand, ash or any other alkaline substance, is
permeable to the germination of seeds and easily pervious to the roots of
plants growing thereon, and which is supplied with the necessary moisture
from a nearby stream or reservoir of water'. a He divides the land into
three categories, viz. jangala, anupa and stidhtira1)a, according to the geo-
graphic and climatic conditions. Jtingala is one which presents a flat sur-
face and has scanty growth of thorny shrubs, isolated hills or knolls, where
strong gales of warm wind blow and water gets drained. Anupa is a watery
or swampy region with woods and forests, hilly and which is impassable
owing to its network of rivers and sheets of accumulated water. Siidhiira1)a
is midway between the two. A similar type of classification is found in the
Caraka Sa",hitii. b
The Arthasastra, which throws enough light on the state of agriculture
possibly of its time, speaks of the science of agriculture and the Director of
Agriculturec (Sltiidhyak$a). The latter was expected to be conversant wi th
the suitability of the soil, ploughing, preparation of the soil, selection of
proper seeds, etc., on the one hand, and the amount of rainfall that was
expected to occur in different seasons of the year on the other. The text
says: 'In conformity with that, he (the Director) should cause crops to be
sown, requiring plenty or little water. Stili-rice, vrihi-rice, kodrava, sesa-
mum, priyaizgu, diiraka and varaka (Phaseolus trilobus) are the first sowings.
Mudga, mii~a and saimbya are the middle sowings. SafDower, lentils,
horse-gram, barley, wheat, kaliiya, linseed and mustard are the last sowings
... which should be in conformity with the season. .. A (region) where
the foam strikes (phenaghiital) the banks is suited for creeper fruits; (regions
on) the outskirts of overflows, for long pepper, grapes and sugar-cane;
those on the borders of wells, for vegetables and roots, those on the borders
of moist beds of lakes, for green grass ...'
The Arthasastra refers to the preparation of the field by ploughing
three times (trin kar$akiin) in heavy rains. d Often deep ploughing was
done. The ploughshare which was fitted in the central bent portion (po/ra)
of the plough was made of iron.
According to this text, the seeds need treatment before sowing, keeping
the seeds (rice, wheat, barley) in the dew (by night) and drying in the sun
(by day) for a week would bestow on them the desirable qualities. The
seeds of pulses were to be similarly treated for three to five days and nights.
Honey, ghee, pig's fat, cow's dung, etc., were also used for treating different
seeds. When sprouted, the seeds were fed with fresh acrid fish along with
the milk of snuhi (Euphorbia antiquorum) plant. Though the text does not
give details of the method of watering different plants, it significantly
asserts that' the (farmers) shall pay a water-rate of one-fifth when lifted
from rivers, lakes, tanks and wells'.tJ Irrigated cultivation has been classi-
fied so as to include flower-gardens, fruit-orchards, vegetables, wet crop-
fields and roots.
PaQiill b mentions a practical classification in terms of cultivated and
uncultivated lands. The former was known as kar~a and the latter included
u~ara (waste land) and gocara (pasture). The fields were also classified on
the basis of the crops grown (vraiheya where vrihi was raised; saileya-siili;
ma~~ya-beans; tilya-sesamum, etc.) and also the quantities of seed required
for sowing (prasthika-field sown with a prastha measure of seed; draulJika-
drof)a, etc.).
There were three crops, one sown in the rainy season and collected in
granary in Magha (January-February), another sown in autumn and col-
lected in granary before Caitra (March-April) and the third sown in spring
and stored by Jye~tha (May-June). Two or three crops in a year imply
the knowledge of crop rotation. No doubt rotation of crops as a scientific
method developed in modern times. Without implying that such a practice
was consciously developed with the help of scientific observations, we may
say that the knowledge of the requirements of different crops and the
different harvest seasons may have led to a rudimentary form of crop
rotation. But it must be added that the method had not come into general
practice. The cultivator took advantage of the double or triple harvest
system or kept the fields fallow depending on the wealth of his fields and
as his resources permitted or his needs required. A passage in the Artha·
sastra suggesting that for augmenting the finances, the administration could
prevail upon the cultivators to raise a second crop indicates that the practice
of keeping lands fallow was also resorted to in many cases. The sowing
of mixed crops was also widely practised. Patafijali tells us that sesamum
was sown with beans (main crop), and the ploughing was done according to
the requirements of the main crop. The seeds of the minor crop used to
be sown by scattering them here and there. c
As a recognition of high position accorded to agriculture by the rulers
as well as the people at large, the construction of tanks and other types of
reservoirs was considered to be an act of religious merit even. Construc-
tion of irrigation works was regarded as one of the most important welfare
activities which the State was expected to provide. There are many in-
scriptions testifying that the rulers honoured this responsibility with devo-
tion. The Maurya monarchs took keen interest in the irrigation schemes.
This is borne out by the account of Megasthenes d who speaks of a band of
officers who 'superintend the rivers, measure the land, as is done in Egypt,
and inspect the sluices by which the water is let out from the main canals
into their branches, so that everyone may have an equal supply of it'. An
irrigation work of historical significance in Saurashtra, called SudarSana
ones like the Amarakosa and the BrhatsalJlhita have in them sections on
certain aspects of agriculture, a specific text known as Kr~i Parasara deals
entirely with agriculture. The contents of the latter may be taken to be
as clearly indicative of the then existing knowledge and practice relating to
agriculture, such as soil classification and land use, manuring, rotation of
crops, irrigation, agricultural meteorology, tillage implements, protection
of crops from diseases and pests, care of draught animal and grazing of
cattle. The Kr~i Parasara asserts:' ... one taking to agriculture can become
a sovereign monarch in the world. Rice is vitality, rice is vigour too, and
rice (indeed) is the means of fulfilment of all the needs (of life). Gods,
demons and human beings-all subsist on rice. .. Blessed is agriculture,
holy agriculture and agriculture is the life of creatures. .. One furrow is
conducive to victory, three are the givers of success and furrows numbering
five give always crops.'a
The text no doubt has portions relating to rites and ceremonies in
association with various agricultural operations. Not infrequently super-
stitious ideas, too, find expression in it. Nevertheless, it must be noted
that religious practices of several descriptions were intricately woven into
the social fabric of the ancient Indians and, as agriculture was the mainstay
of the people, religious rites of superstitious nature were considered necessary
in order to be successful in that operation which was, more often than
naught, a gamble in rain.
Use of Manure
The Brhatsa1flhita fI prescribes that seeds which have been properly
treated are to be sown with the addition of pork or venison into the soil
(where previously sesame crop was raised, dug up and trodden) and sprin-
kled daily with water mixed with milk (k~ira). It says further: a 'To promote
inflorescence and fructification, a mixture of one iirlhaka (64 palas) of
sesame, 2 ii{ihakas of excreta of goats or sheep, one prastha (16 palos) of
barley powder, one to/a of beef thrown into one dro1)a (256 palas) of water
and standing over seven nights should be poured round the roots of the
plant.' In order to ensure sprouting and growth of luxurious stem and
foliage, according to the Brhatsa1J1hita, b the seed should be soaked in an
infusion made of paddy powder, urad (mii$a), sesame and barley which are
mixed with decomposing flesh and the whole mass steamed with the addition
of turmeric (haridrii). For the growth of kapittha (Feronia elephantum), the
seeds should be soaked for a short time in a decoction of iispho!a (Jasmine),
lima/aki (Phyllanthus embellicus), dhava (Gris/ea tomentosa), viisaka (Justiea
adhatoda), vetula (Calamus rotung), suryavalli (Gynandropsis pentaphyta),
syiimii (Echites fructeseens) and atbnuktaka (Aganosma caryophyllata) boiled
in milk. The soaked seeds should be dried in the sun and the process
is to be repeated for a month. A circular hole is to be made in the ground
(1 cubit in diameter and 2 cubits in depth), and the milky decoction poured
into it. When it dries up, it is burnt and pasted over with ashes mixed
with ghee and honey. Three inches of soil should now be thrown into
them along with the powder of bean, sesame and barley, and then again
three inches of soil. Finally, washings of fish are to be sprinkled and the
mud beaten to a thick consistency. Now the treated seeds should be
placed in the hole. c
According to the Agnipurli1J.a,d 'a tree becomes laden with flowers and
fruits by manuring the soil with powdered barley, sesamum and the offal
matter of a goat mixed together and soaked in washings of beef for seven
consecutive nights. A good growth of these is secured by sprinkling the
washings of fish on them'.
The Kr~i Parlisara says: 'In the month of Mligha a dung heap is to be
raised with the help of a spade. When it becomes dried in the sun, smaller
balls are made out of it. In the month of Phtilguna, the dried balls are
placed into holes dug for the purpose in the field, and at the time of sowing
they are scattered into the field.'tl The practice of not disturbing the dung
heap for a month means the minimization of the loss of nitrogen, the chief
fertilizing element, that of drying into balls results in the reduction of active
ammonia which may be injurious to the plants, while that of placing the
dung balls into pits increases the humus which undoubtedly contributes to
the fertility of the soil.
The use of flesh of animals, fish-washings, vegetable products and the
fann-yard manure consisting of the excreta of various animals, mixed with
litter which would absorb the animal urine, indicates that the farmers of the
ancient period were well aware of their fertilizing property and also the
G Brh. S., 55, 17-18. C Brh. S., 55, 22-26. e Kr. PI' 109-110.
,. Brh. S., 55,26-27. cI Ag. Pu., 282,11-12.
360 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
physical effects of the manure upon the texture and water-holding power
of the soil, although they did not certainly possess the precise chemical
knowledge of these fertilizers. It is now known that the farm-yard manure
contains all the essential plant nutrients, viz. nitrogen, phosphoric acid and
potash. It is obvious that the knowledge of manuring in those early days
was apparently the result of extensive practical observations and not based
on the laboratory observations of the modern type.
Irrigation
As already noted, one of the types of land went under the appelation
nadi-mtitrka which depended on irrigation utilizing the river water. There
is enough evidence to indicate that due recognition was given to irrigation,
both natural and artificial. The former channelled the water of the rivers
and the monsoons in the northern and north-eastern parts of India
respectively and the latter which utilized the stored water in tanks, pools
and wells was adopted in the central, north-western and southern parts
of India.
The Naradasmrti states that the erection of dyke in the middle of
another man's field is not prohibited in view of the fact that it would be
advantageous for irrigation purposes, while the loss is trifling. It states
further that a man with the permission of the owner cane restore a decayed
dyke although without the owner's consent he cannot use it. Nirada
• VaiSyavarga, 12-15, 26. & Kr. P.,lIo-I7. C Ndr. Smr., II, 17 and 20.
AGRICULTURE 361
classifies the dykes into kheya (which is dug into the soil to drain off excess
water) and bandhya (which is constructed to prevent the water from flowing
out)."
The State evinced keen interest in the upkeep of irrigation works and
even framed rules for their proper functioning. A large number of canals
were constructed with a view to not only carrying the water from the rivers
or tanks but also preventing the lands from being inundated by swollen
rivers. Rightly, therefore, the Amarakosa refers to the canals as drains
(jalanirgamab). b In the eighth century A.D. King LaliHiditya of Kashmir got
constructed a series of water-wheels to distribute the seasonal flood waters
of the Vitasta and the Mahapadma lakes to various villages and this resulted
in the irrigation of the fields. Later in the ninth century, during the
reign of Avantivarman, his minister Surya constructed a number of dams
and irrigation canals which enabled the country to possess abundant agri-
cultural produce. C
Reference has been made already to the Sudarsana Lake. When this
lake burst again due to heavy rainfall, Cakrapalita, who was the governor
of the region, reconstructed it after two months' effort involving huge
expenditure. The embankment made was 100 cubits in length, 68 cubits
in breadth and seven-man height d (about 312 cubits).
Crops
In the Gupta period there were three harvests-summer, autumnal
and vernal crops-as mentioned in the Brhatsa1J1hitii. e The seeds sown in
summer would be duly reaped in SriivalJa (early part of autumn) and the
harvest was known as autumn crops. The grains sown in autumn yielded
vernal crops and those sown in early spring gave the summer crops in
Caitra or Vaisakha/ It is reasonable to suppose that the first two crops
were stable crops such as rice and wheat, and the last was of pulses,
beans, etc. The rules of cultivation depending upon the season, rainfall,
etc., had established themselves and the farmers had the necessary practical
knowledge of engaging in agricultural operations leading to the production
of a number of grains. A number of crops were grown during this period
such as rice, wheat, barley, peas, lentil, pulses, spices and vegetables.
Kalidasa in his Raghuvafl1sa refers to paddy being grown in the fields of
Bengal. g The varieties of rice grown included stili, kamala, niviira, uiiccha-
paddy and sytimiika-paddy, red rice, yellow rice and hog's rice. .. Soli-
paddy was grown as transplantation and this means that the transplantation
technique was known to the cultivators. Wheat was grown in the Panjab,
Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, central India and Rajasthafi, as a rabi or winter crop
and wherever possible through irrigation. Of the vegetables grown, the
a Nar. Smr., 9, 18. ~ Brh. S., 8, 47; 9,42-43; tt, 2-3; 15, 2; 27, 1.
b Amara., Pdtdlavarga, 7. f Brh• S.,8,12.
c Rajl., 4, 191; 5, 69-72, 80-121. g Maity, pp. 80-81.
d E.l., VUI, 43.
362 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
bladder, etc. The text says that oil in which the pounded mass of ginger,
bala and jaliimiifJ1si has been cooked, and rock-salt and honey added,
should be applied to the roots of the horns. The powder of the roots of
wood-apple tree, apiimtirga, dhiitaki, palala and kUlaja when rubbed into
gums removes toothache. Ginger, turmeric and the three myrobalans are
indicated in the cure of sore-throat, and a certain prepared collyrium for
the eyes. For the reunion of fractures, priyangu mixed with salt is recom-
mended. The bilious disorders are stated to be cured by the administration
of cow's ghee in which liquorice has been cooked. Ailing calves should
be made to drink piifhii stirred in butter-milk or turmeric dissolved in milk
for the alleviation of their suffering. Oilcake in general was considered to
be an elixir for the cattle. Salt is to be given to the cattle once in 15 days
to prevent constipation, colic diseases and loss of appetite. a On the whole,
animal husbandry was of sufficiently high order in the ancient period.
In the ancient period, agriculture in India, though noted for its extensive
and vigorous growth, was not entirely free from conventional practices
which sometimes bordered on superstitions and astrological beliefs. Agri-
cultural meteorology, for that matter, was undoubtedly based on conventional
knowledge and a good deal of astrological calculations made inroads into it.
The rainfall in different seasons of the year was sought to be correlated
with the nak$atras or lunar asterisms, and one of the planets was considered
to be the presiding deity of the rainfall of the year. The commencement
of the agricultural operation, worship of the plough and the animals,
auspicious time for harvesting, etc., were conceived in terms of the prevail-
ing planetary influences. Even now, this type of knowledge is current in
most rural parts of the country.
While considering agricultural practices in India in the ancient period,
there is one important aspect which should not go unnoticed. India for
ages has been known for its pithy sayings and proverbs which contain
specialized information on various subjects in an epigrammatic style. These
are in several Indian languages like Maithili, Tamil, Bengali and Hindi.
Many a popular saying has been found in one of the manuscripts on
Vrk$liyurveda and in the Kr# Pariisara enshrined in the Adyar Library,
Madras. Some of these sayings are given below: b
'Wheat should be sown in a somewhat dry field and barley in a
wet field. If there is heavy rain, then chicken-pea should be sown.
Maize, jowar and millet should be sown somewhat sparesely.
Whosoever sows millet at the intervals of a step, and jowar at the
intervals of frog's leap, would be able to fill his barn with the crop.
If the August-September (Bhadon) sowing of paddy be done in a
field which has been well dug up and prepared (in the month of Jeth,
i.e. May-June), then there would be plenty of rice-Bakes (chinda) to
enjoy.
quality. Western Kashmir was famous for saffron and fruits, the Pandyan
kingdom for ginger and cinnamon, Malabar for cardamom and the Malay
hills (modern Ootacamund) for the fragrant sandalwood and Kerala, South
Canara and Bengal for coconuts. In particular, Kerala was the land of
the coconuts and by-products which with salt panned at the seashore paid
for the major imports of cloth, metals and even grains. Out of the
fibres of the nut ropes were made and used for binding the ships together
and also as cables. The kernel found use not only as the main ingredient
of a number of sweetmeats but also as a source of oil which was used, as
it is now, for lighting purposes and as hair-oil. The other products in-
cluded charcoal from shell, the trunk of the tree for construction of shelters
and houses, fishing boats, etc.
Of the new plants introduced in this period, the cashew (the nut) of
South Anlerican origin was the most valuable as a money crop then as
now. The cultivation of pineapple did not register significant progress,
while the potato, guava and custard apple grew better outside Goa where
they were introduced first by the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century.
About A.D. 1550, the Jesuits of Goa introduced systematic mango-grafting,
which improved the Indian fruit out of all recognition and created a further
source of income for the horticulturists. Tobacco and chillies (capsiculn)
were also introduced in India in the latter half of the sixteenth century.a
In respect of irrigation, wells, tanks and canals continued to be the
principal means. In the Upper Gangetic plains and Dakhif)a b wells were
common. In the Panjab, arhat or rahat (Persian wheel) was used as a
device for lifting water while in the Agra region the charas, a sort of a
bucket made of leather, was used to lift water with the help of yoked oxen.
A t places where the water-table was rather high, denkli, which was based
on the lever principle, was in use. In the south, tanks were constructed
in increasing numbers. A Chola king built the Great Anicut (below the
island of Srirangam across the river Kaveri) which was a huge dam con-
structed out of unhewn stone, 1,080 feet long and 40-60 feet broad. C There
was yet another tank at Porumamilla of greater dimensions-some 6,250
yards long (slightly less than four miles), 83 yards in height and 10 yards
broad or wide. This tank was completed in two years probably in the
thirteenth century A.D. and we are informed by the Porumamilla tank
inscription (A.D. 1291) that there were 1,000 labourers working every day
and a fleet of 100 carts were pressed into service to bring the masonry
material for the construction of the sluice and the dam. Tank-digging
was considered to be one of the greatest meritorious acts in which the king
and the people at large took abiding interest. The tank builders exhibited
extraordinary skill not only in the construction of tanks but also in the
restoration of breaches and distribution of excess of water from tank to tank
in times of floods. a Wells were also in use for purposes of irrigation and
CI Gode (p. K.), III, p. 2S. e Imperial Gazetteer of India, IX, p. 306.
b Habib, p. 26. a Appadorai. pp. 204-12.
368 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Seed-sowing Machine
According to B. A. Keen, formerly Director of the Imperial Agricultural
Research Institute at Pusa during 1930-31, India was a homeland of seed-
sowing machines. He inclines to the view that the drilling of seeds was
practised in India in the eighteenth century and probably earlier. Dr.
Anderson of Fort St. George, Madras, remarks that this type of contrivance
had been in use from time immemorial. It consisted of a wooden bowl with
three or four tube outlets depositing seeds behind the coulters. The bowl
was continuously replenished by hand. As there has been no change for
years, identically the same type being in use today, it is reasonable to suppose
that it was by no means a new contrivance which came on the scene towards
the close of the eighteenth century (1796). In the U.K. although the
• Habib. p. 28.
AGRICULTURE 369
main practices in soil cultivation were well established by 1725, it was only
in the first quarter of the eighteenth century that the first practicable im-
plement for sowing of seeds in rows was invented there. This was the system
of drilling seed in rows and horse-hoeing in between introduced by Jethro
Tull. The first account of it appeared in 1731 in a book entitled New
Horse-hoeing Husbandry or An Essay on the Principles of Tillage and Vege-
tation. A more comprehensive treatise, Horse-hoeing Husbandry, was
published in 1753, thirteen years after TuB's death. It is, therefore, reason-
able to assume that the seed-sowing machine of India was at least as old
as that used in the U.K., if not earlier.
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
In Sher Shah's reign, in every pargana the land was measured after
every harvest and revenue collected according to the measurement. The
crops of industrious farmers were protected from unnecessary injury by
soldiers. During Akbar's time, the cultivators were relieved of a number
of taxations, supplementary taxes and fee by which even Hindu rulers had
many a time raised the total amount of the land tax above the limit fixed
by the constitutional law. The land was classified according to its soil
and crop-bearing qualities. One-third of the average produce was collected
as land revenue. The taxes were fixed in money value, but every ryot
was allowed to pay in kind also, if he thought that the money rate was not
fair and if the assessment of his land seemed to him too high, he had the
right to insist upon the measurement and division of the crops. A rebate
on the full demand was allowed in various cases, e.g. when the land had
24
370 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
suffered from floods or had been out of cultivation for three years. Further,
the tax was remitted so long as the land lay fallow. The settlement was
first made annually but afterwards for a period of 10 years on the basis of
average payments for the preceding term. It is well known that the most
important change introduced by Todar Mall was the one in the language
and the character used in the revenue accounts to be written in Persian.
Todar Mall's bandobast or arrangement became a legend in northern India.
Soveralarains of cbarred wboat, MoheDjo-daro"
(CourtaY.ArchaeoloJica1 Survey of India, eatcutta.l
SN paJeI 351, 371-72
-x6 .-.---
_ . . . . . . . .-At' _",,,*"~ c -- _ •
_ ~_"-L.$._Oaea~"1IfI_'_I"-,'D."'~ f, -
-- -- -_ . . ~~ -~ ,>----"' -
7 BOTANY
PREHISTORIC PERIOD
K. A. CHOWDHURY
THE prehistoric period is many times longer than the historic period. It is
now believed that for about half a million years wandering men in small
groups lived the life of food-gatherers, taking shelter sometimes in caves
and at other times leading a natural life in the open. It was during this
period that stone tools were brought into use for the purpose of hunting.
This period is known as the Old Stone Age. Some archaeologists believe
that wood, a botanical product, was also used along with stone during this
era, but actual evidence of use of wood is known only from the late Palaeo-
lithic Age. At this time men of the Clactonian culture in England used yew-
wood (Taxus barcatus L.) for spear. About the same time an entire spear
of yew-wood, as Hawkes and Woolley have discussed, was found in Germany
inside the skeleton of an elephant. a We can, therefore, say that the oldest
record of use of botanical product is from upper palaeolithic era.
India cannot claim the use of botanical products to such an early date.
Here our oldest record is from the sites of Indus Valley civilization, in
which cereals, woods and other plant products were used. Actual evidence
of this sort in India is scanty and scattered and does not allow a chrono-
logical history of the uses of plants. It has therefore been planned to give
here the history of uses of cereals, cotton and wood alone. The other
plant remains have to be kept aside for the time being. A profitable
discussion on them will be possible when more data are available.
CEREALS
that there was some contact between the Indus Valley and Mesopotamian
(DRS) civilizations. Here Helbaek's opinion is interesting. He has
pointed out that these two cereals have been cultivated together from
the very beginning of village-farming in West Asia. Luthra has shown
that the wheat recovered from Mohenjo-daro belongs to Triticum vulgare
ViII. (T. aestivum L.) and T. compactum Host a and that from Harappa to
T. compactum Host and T. sphaerococcum Perciv. All these three types of
wheat are now put under the Bread or Vulgare group by cytogeneticists. b
Archaeologists have advanced the hypothesis that wheat originated in
South-West Asia and spread over to Europe and North Africa on the one
side and to India on the other side via the trans-Caucasian region. C Con-
firmation of this hypothesis is, however, still awaited.
Interesting is also a recent find from western India. Two different
types of wheat, namely Triticum vulgare-compactum and Triticum sp., have
been reported by Mittre from the chalcolithic site of Navdatoli-Maheshwar.
At present there is no evidence available to show wherefrom this wheat
came. When this information is available through scientific investigations
of the archaeological plant remains from places lying between those of the
Indus Valley civilization and the afore-mentioned chalcolithic site, the
significance of the wheat specimen found at the latter place will be
realized.
Barley from Mohenjo-daro and Harappa has yielded Hordeum vulgare
var. nudu/n and H. vulgare var. hexastichum respectively. The cultivated
barley is now classified under two main kinds-two-rowed and six-rowed.
These are again grouped under smaller sub-groups based on other morpho-
logical characters. Vavilov has suggested the possibility of its centre of
origin in two places. Firstly, low-awned and hulled type from Ethiopia
and North Africa and, secondly, short-awned, awnless, hulI1ess and hooded
type from China, Japan and Tibet. On the other hand, Helbaek holds
the opinion that the origin of barley started with wild two-rowed hulled
barley (H. spontaneum). The cultivated two-rowed barley, hulled and
naked (H. distichum), directly came from it. From the latter the six-rowed
types originated. The cultivated six-row, lax-eared, hulled and naked (H.
telrastichum), developed in the plains, while the six-row, dense-eared, hulled
and naked (H. hexastichum)t originated in the mountain region. But the
investigation by Chowdhury (K. A.) of remains of barley from Afghanistan
does not fit into Helbaek's scheme. It will therefore be seen that the
origin of the cultivation of barley still remains to be worked out. When
this is done we shall be in a position to say how Indian barley is related to it.
Rice
The origin of rice in India is no less obscure. Some are of the opinion
that rice originated in China some 4,800 years ago and came to India later.
De Candolle did not believe it. tJ The earliest direct evidence of the use of
rice in India, as shown by Chowdhury (K. A.), is from Hastinapur, near
Meerut-a chalcolithic site (about 3,000 years old). At Hastinapur, only
charred paddy was found but also the use of rice-husk as a binder for mud
wall of houses. This has raised the possibility of the use of rice in north
India much earlier than the age of Hastinapur indicates, because the use
of a by-product comes to people when they have made use of the main
natural product for a pretty long time. This interpretation is well sup-
ported by two written documents. Firstly, rice is mentioned in the
Atharl'aveda. Secondly, ayurvedic literature written by Susruta recommends
rice as cures for certain ailments. All these evidences strongly support
the view that rice was used as food hundreds of years before 1000 B.C.
Again, occurrences of rice-husk have recently been reported by Ghosh
(S. S.) from Gujarat. The age is said to be 2QOO-1600 B.C. The sites were
Lothal in Gujarat and Rangpur in Saurashtra. But Mittre has raised some
doubt over this identification because of insufficient material available to
Ghosh. It will therefore be judicious to be on the look-out for further
evidence of rice from Harappan excavations before we can be sure that it
was used as food at that time. Here Mittre's report on rice from the
chalcolithic site of Navdatoli-Maheshwar in western India is interesting.
He identified these remains as Oryza sativa L. This is the first record of
ancient rice from south India. We must await more such finds from this
part of India before we attempt a profitable discussion on it.
Ragi
Sankalia and his co-workers b have excavated a large number of pre-
historic sites in south India. In course of their investigations they found
out ragi (Eleusine coracana (L.) Gaertn.) at a site of 2000 B.C. The origin
of ragi is said to be Indian. Many more sites of ancient ragi have to be
located before we can confirm the belief that ragi originated in India.
corrON
Cotton (Gossypium sp.), a commercially important plant product of
the present century, can be traced back to Indus Valley civilization. From
Mohenjo-daro, fragments of cotton cloth and string were recovered. Micro-
scopic examination by Gulati and Turner of these fragments led to their
identification as lint from G. arboreum which is now extensively grown in
India. Researches on the origin of old world cotton are interesting in this
context. In 1947, Hutchinson, SHow and Stephens put forward the hypo-
thesis that cultivated. cotton arose in the Indus Valley but later Hutchinsonc
has rejected it and suggested an alternative area in Africa. Much earlier,
Wattd pointed out that India derived some of its original stock of cotton
WOOD
The oldest record of use of wood, in the Indian region, is from Harappa
proper and from sites of Harappan culture in Gujarat. In the former
two woods were found to have been used from a coffin, namely deodar
(Cedrus deodara Loud.) and rosewood (Dalbergia latifolia Roxb.). Both
are well known for the scent that they give off. Other wood remains found
here and exanlined by Chowdhury and Ghosh (1) were used for a wooden
mortar (Zizyphus mauritiana LamIe. Syn. Z. jujuba Lam. non Mill.) for
pounding grains. Choice of these woods for specific purposes shows not
only knowledge of where the trees grow but also of the characteristic
qualities of the woods used. Here is a strong evidence to show that
Harappan culture was based on years of experience on the use of this
botanical product. The charred. timbers recovered from Lothal in Gujarat
and studied by Rao and Lal were Acacia sp., Albizzia sp., Tectona grandis
L. f., Adina cordi/olia (Roxb.), Benth. and Hook., Soymida febrifuge A. Juss.
This is a clear indication that the Harappans knew of the quality of these
timbers nearly as much as we know of them today.
Of the old wood, special mention should be made of the two largest
remains of wooden tools and implements which have been found at Burzhom
in Kashmir and Chirand in Bihar, belonging to the neolithic complex of
these sites. These remains indicate the various types of trees and plants
which were used by the neolithic people of those areas.
The other plant remains of later age are Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.
and Holarrhena antidysenterica Wall. from Hastinapur, a chalcolithic
site; these were used as firewoods (Chowdhury and Ghosh (3». Near
about the historic period (2,000 years) at Pataliputra a wooden pali-
sade was put up as a protective measure against erosion by the River Ganges.
The wood piles were of sal (Shorea robusta Gaertn.), one of the most
a Brown, p. 2.
BOTANY 375
durable timbers in India, when used in contact with soil. The quality of
the wood of the piles was estimated to be one of the best that sal can produce
(Chowdhury and Ghosh (4)). For a gate at Sisupalgarh the timber used
was Acacia sp. (Chowdhury and Ghosh (2)). An analysis of the use of
all these wood remains invariably gives the impression that prehistoric
men possessed sufficient sound knowledge of the properties of wood to
make good use of them.
Now coming to ancient literature, there are many instances of reference
on the uses of wood. Occasionally, instructions regarding timbers to be
used for various purposes were also given. When an analysis of these
instructions is made, one gets the impression that basic knowledge on the
seasoning properties of wood was available at that time. For the first
time mention is also made of the craftsmen called vaddhaki who worked
with wood.
Thus it will be seen that the people of India had acquired a sound
knowledge of the properties of wood and its efficient utilization even about
5,000 years ago. If the people of Vedic Age can be credited with the
practices of the rotation of agricultural crops, the credit of woodworking
certainly belongs to a people of a much earlier age.
a o$lUlhibhya/l swIM mulebhyab svtlM tulebhy~ svaha ka(r(iebhya/l. svaha valJebhyab sv4ha
pU$pebhyab svaha pha/ebhyal) svtlM I vanaspatibhyab svdhd miUebhyab svahd
tulebhyab svdhiJ skandhobhyab svdlu2 sakhdbhya/l svdha par1)ebhyal) svaha pUl/Jebhyab
svtlM II -Taitt. S., VII, 3.19-20.
b AV., VIII, 7. C AV., VUI, 12.27; Eng. trans. by Bloomfield.
BOTANY 377
J!.gveda which clearly distinguishes wood (daru) from the softer part of a
tree. Majumdar (G. P.) (1) observes that the ancient Hindus differentiated
the stem broadly into two parts-the outer called the tvac, va/kala (skin) and
the inner the sara, that is the wood or essence enclosing the pith (majja)
and lasting till the end. The Taittiriya Sa1J1hita separates the outer part
into two layers, the outer valka and the inner valkala. The Brhadiirattya-
kopani~ad, while comparing a human being with a tree, provides some
information about the internal structure of the latter as follows:
'A man is indeed like a mighty tree; his hairs are his leaves and
his skin is its outer bark. The blood flows from the skin (of man),
so does the sap from the skin (of the tree). Thus blood flows from a
wounded man in the same manner as sap from a tree that is struck.
His flesh (corresponds to what is) within the inner bark, his nerves
are as tough as the inner fibres (of the tree). His bones lie behind his
flesh as the wood lies behind the soft tissue (sakara). The marrow
(of the human bone) resembles the pith (of the tree).'a
It is clearly noticed that a plant is divided internally into an epidermis
(tvac), a bast or softer tissue (sakara), fibrous tissue (kinara) within the
bast, the inner wood (diiru) and the pith (majjii) embedded in the wood.
From the use of such words as sakrt (animal refuse) and kari~va (dried
cow-dung) in the ~gveda some scholars have inferred the knowledge of
manuring, but such an interpretation does not readily follow from the
context. The ~gvedic expression, ii nimrucab sakrdeka apiibharatkim ... ,
means' one carries off the refuse at the sunset'. In the Taittiriya SalJ1hitii,
the cow-dung is hailed at one place, e.g. yacchakrt karoti tasmai sviihii, but
it does not imply knowledge of manuring. Somewhat indicative, however,
is the following statement in the Atharvaveda: b
kari$i1,li'll phalavati/'fZ svadhamiro'll ca no grhe I
audumbarasya tejasii dhlita pU$li!Jl dadhatu me II
which has been translated by Whitney as follows:
'Rich in manure, rich in fruit, svadhii and cheer in our house-
prosperity let dhatar assign to me through the keenness of the (amulet
of) udumbara.'
The Taittiriya Sa/tlhita clearly mentions the ripening of corn twice in
the year, dvib samvatsarasya sasyam pacyate, C but whether it also indicates
Pariisara's Vrk$iiyurveda
In contrast to the type of literature mentioned above which is concerned
with medicine, polity, epic poetry or matters of general interest and which
deals with, or refers to, certain aspects of botany only incidentally, Para-
sara's Vrk$oyurveda is a full-fledged treatise on plant science. A copy of
the manuscript of this much referred to botanical work was discovered by
the late Vaidyasastri Jogendranath Vi~agratna of Navadwip, whose son
N. N. Sircar published an account of it, with extensive quotations, in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society in 1950. The work possibly dates from
the first century B.C. or the first century A.D. Written in the sutra style,
the work is divided into six parts, e.g. vijotpattikii1;l{1a, vanaspatik{l1;u}a,
vtinaspatyakiilJt/a, viriidhavallikii1;lr)a, gulma-k$upakii1;lr)a and cikitsitakatzrla.
The last part dealing with the treatment of plant diseases is missing from
the extant manuscript. The first part, the vijotpattikiiJ;uJa, is further sub-
divided into eight chapters, e.g. vijotpattisutriyiidhyiiya (an outline of plant
morphology), bhumivargiidhyiiya (nature and properties of soil), vana-
vargiidhyaya (description and distribution of forests), vrk~angasiUriyiidhyiiya
(more detailed treatment of the morphology of plant members), pU$piinga-
siitriyiidhyiiya (flower, its parts, functions and classification), pha/tinga-
sutriytidhytiya (definition, function and classification of fruits), a~tiiitga
sutriyadhyiiya (discussion of eight plant limbs-root, stem, bark, heart-
wood, sap, excretions, oleaginous products and spines and prickles) and
dvigatziyiidhyiiya (seeds and embryonic plants).
Sircar states that Vrk~ayurveda evidently formed the basis of botanical
teaching preparatory to pharmaceutical studies in ancient India, an arrange-
ment comparable to modern practice. It also appears that Parasara's
method of botanical nomenclatur~ based on three types of synonyms, e.g.
those of botanical significance (paricayajiiapikii saf!1jiiii), those with thera-
peutic index (gulJaprakasikd sal.njiia) and those associated with names of
habitats or special events, was largely followed by Caraka, Susruta and
other authors of medical treatises in preparing chapters on ayurvedic
pharmacopoeias. Accordingly, a further importance attaches to this work
inasmuch as it can help in the identification of plants mentioned in ancient
medical treatises.
MORPHOLOGY
Root
Plants are divided broadly into two parts, the subterranean part called
InaJa (root) and the aerial part called vistara or tllla (shoot). The IniNa
means an organ by which the plant is fixed to the soil. The use of the
word piidapa to mean a plant is significant as it implies the ability of the
plant to absorb water from the soil with the help of its root, the piida.
Various types of adventitious root-fibrous roots originating in the branches
(siikhii siphii), prop roots (aharoha)-are recognized. The Arthasiistra
indicates knowledge of edible bulbous roots.
act like roots but are not true roots are recognized and termed kanda (yan-
mulameva vija"l sa kandab).
Differentiation of plants into trees, shrubs and herbs on the basis of
their stems being long or short, hard or less strong, or succulent is notice-
able. The term vrk~\'iidani meaning a guest plant sucking food from the
host plant clearly points to a parasite, and the term vrk$iiruhii (living on
another tree) is nothing but the description of epiphytes. Mosses (saiviila),
green algae (jalanili) and mushroom (charra) are recognized as lower plants.
Leaf
Patra and parfJa used to denote leaf are derived from its falling nature
and its green colour. A leaf may be petiolate (savrnta, patravrnta) or
sessile (vrntahina). The leaf blade or lamina is called pak$a and may be,
according to Parasara, of four kinds, e.g. samapak$a (two wings sym-
metrical), vi~'iamapak~\'a (two wings asymmetrical), samakarlJa (symmetrically
incised) and vi$amakarfJa (asymmetrically incised). In the petiolate leaf,
the petiole may be attached to the base of the lamina (priintagranthika) or
to the axis (stem) (l'rntahandhana). The Vrk~'iiyurveda reveals knowledge
of the phyllotaxis called patrabandhana, of which various types are dealt
with. Compound leaves are differentiated from the simple and named
after the number of leaflets, e.g. dvipatra, tripatra, saptapatra, and so on.
The leaves have also been described and named after their shapes, e.g.
asvapar~laka (Shorea robusta), resembling the ear of a horse, mU.$ikaparl)i
(Sal vinia), resembling the ear of a mouse, kiSaparl)i (Achyranthes aspera),
resembling the ear of a monkey. a
We now know that there are two principal types of venation, e.g.
parallel in which the veins run more or less parallel to one another, and
reticulate when the veinlets are irregularly arranged. Parasara observes
that veins carry nutrients to the leaves and are visible like so many lines.
The venation is of two types, namely pragUl)a and vel/ita; in the former the
veins are arranged in parallel and in the latter obliquely in the form of a
network. Leaves characterized by pragufJa venation are called mauiijapatra
and those by the velJita are termed jiilikapatra. b
Flower
Parts of a typical flower are named as prasavabandhana, pU$paVrnfa
(pedicel), sthiilaka (thalamus), jiilaka (sepals), dala, pU$padala (petals). No
suitable name for androecium is available, but its component parts, e.g.
stamens (kesara), anther (kUlja/ka) and pollen grains (parliga, kesarare!1u),
are recognized. Likewise, the parts of a gynoecium are named as vijiidhara
(ovary), variilaka (style) and varii/akasir$a (stigma).
Fruit
Different kinds of fruits such as green (saliilu), fleshy (k~r;iraka), dry
(viina) and legume (sami, simba) are recognized. Parasara has a special
chapter on fruits (phaliingasutriyiidhyiiya), in which functions and classi-
fication of fruits are discussed.
HISTOLOGY
PHYSIOLOGY
Nourishnlent
As to the physiology of nourishment, scattered references amply indi-
cate the knowledge that plants receive their food materials from the soil
in the form of solution through the agency of the root. The use of the
term plidapa for the root, as already pointed out, is significant. In the
Mahiibhiirata, plants are stated to drink water with the help of air just as
water is sucked to the mouth through the lotus petiole. C Majumdar has
argued that the analogy, though imperfect, indicates that 'the knowledge
of the existence of the sucking force in the leaves of trees corresponding to
the existence of a sucking force in the mouth of man-a knowledge which
is only a very recent discovery-was an accomplished possession with the
ancients'. d Parasara's transporting systems, e.g. syandani in the stem and
sirajiiliini in the leaves, are clearly stated to be engaged in the important
work of transporting and circulating sap. The phenomenon of the cir-
culation of sap also appears in KaJ)iida's Vaise~ika Sutra: utsrotasastamab
Plant Pathology
Plant diseases and their treatment received careful attention. Accord-
ing to Varahamihira, plant diseases are caused by cold climate (low tem-
perature), wind (dryness) and sun (heat) and indicated by the yellowness
of the leaves, non- or under-development of buds, dryness of the branches
and the exudation of the sap. The same view is held by Kasyapa. GUI)a-
ratna observes that plants are afflicted by diseases, displacement or dis-
location of flower, fruit, leaves and bark in the same way as the human
body suffers from jaundice, dropsy, emaciation, stunted growth of finger,
nose, etc., and respond to treatment like human bodies. Varahanlihira's
prophylactic treatment includes the application to the root of mud kneaded
with ghee and vi{langa and thereafter of milk diluted with water. The
Agllipurii~la prescribes a mixture of vidanga with rice, fish and flesh. For
the cure of barrenness, the Brhatsaf!1hitii and the AgnipuriifJa prescribe a
hot decoction prepared of kulattha (Dolichos biflorus), mii$a (Phaseolus
nlungo), mudga (Ph. radiatus), tila (Sesamum indicum) and yava (barley),
which is to be applied to the root.
a VS. t 5.2.7.
b Majumdar (G. P.) (1), pp. 62-65.
25
386 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
TAXONOMY
Nomenclature
Plants have been named in consideration of (1) special association,
(2) special property such as medicinal, domestically useful, etc., (3) morpho-
logical characteristics, e.g. shape of leaf, number of leaflets in a compound
leaf, shape and colour of flowers, etc., (4) local association, (5) environ-
mental association and (6) other peculiarities. An attempt to express either
the salient external features or some prominent qualities, medicinal or other-
wise, is clearly reflected in the system. Thus bodhidruma (Ficus religiosa),
asoka (Saraca indica) and sivasekhara (Datura) are examples of special
association; dadrughna (Cassia fistula), arsoghna (Amorphopha/lus cam-
panulatus), kU~lhanasini (somaraji), dantadhavana (Acacia catechu), karpasa
Classification
Plants were classified in accordance with three distinct principles, e.g.
botanical (udbhida), medicinal (virecaniidi) and dietetic (annapaniidi).
Compared to the broad Vedic classification of plants into vrk~a, o~'ijadhi and
virudh, attempts of this period are much more elaborate and scientific.
Manu divided plants under eight classes as follows: b
(1) O~adhi-bearing abundant flowers and fruits, but withering
away after fructification, e.g. rice, wheat.
(2) Vallaspati-bearing fruits without evident flowers.
(3) Vrk~'a-bearing both flowers and fruits.
(4) Guccha-bushy herbs, e.g. Jasminum (mallikii).
(5) Gulma-succulent shrubs.
(6) Tr~a-grasses.
(7) Pratana--creepers which spread their stems on the ground.
(8) Valli--climbers and entwiners.
Susruta and Caraka more or less adhered to the broad-based classi-
fication of the Vedic period and recognized some of the classes given by
Manu as forming subclasses. According to them, plants are of four classes: c
(1) Vanaspati-which bears fruits but not flowers.
(2) Vrk~a or viinaspatya-which bears both fruits and flowers.
(3) Virudh-which creeps on the ground or entwines.
(4) O~adhi-annual herbs which wither away after fructification.
Susruta's commentator QalhaQa gives p1akia (Ficus infeetoria) and
udamhara (Ficus glomerata) as examples of vanaspati and the mango and
ECOLOGY
ARBORl-HORTICULTURB
K. A. CHOWDHURY
Wheat
During the reign of Delhi Sultanate, according to Amir Khusrau, a
the chief crops were pulses, wheat, barley, millet, peas, rice, sesame oil-
seeds, sugar-cane and cotton. Canal irrigation introduced by Firiiz Shah
Tughluq near Hissar and Firiizabad greatly improved the production of
wheat, sugar-cane, sesame and pulses in these areas. The city of Delhi used
to get wheat, rice and sugar-cane from Manikpur (near Allahabad) because
of the high quality of crops produced there. During Akbar's time wheat
(Triticum sp.) was grown throughout north India, and in the states ofcentral,
western and eastern parts. In Bengal wheat was grown in sufficient quantity
although it was recognized that the quality was not so good. b During this
period of 600 years, no mention has been made of varieties of wheat in
any record. This is rather surprising because with different climate-soils,
complex in the country with almost no irrigation, one could expect varieties
of wheat which would grow well in different localities.
Rice
Cultivation of rice (Oryza sativa L.) during Akbar's time shows that
more than one variety was in existence. According to lin, C three varieties
were cultivated in the subahs of Agra, Allahabad and Oudh. These were
dark-coloured rice (persian: shali mushkin), munj rice (believed to be
related to the present basmati variety grown in Debra Dun and adjoining
districts) and the common rice. Another variety that used to be grown in
Bengal is mentioned also in the Ain as given below: CJ
'If single grains of each kind were collected, they would fill a
large vase. It is sown and reaped three times in a year, on the same
piece of land with little injury to the crop. As fast as the water rises,
the stalks grow, so that the ear is never immersed; inasmuch as those
experienced in such matters have taken the measure of a single night's
growth as six cubits.'
There may be a slight exaggeration here but we know that this variety of
rice is still grown in certain parts of Assam and Bengal.
Another point to note here is that agriculturists by using selection
method had classified rice into varieties and utilized the different varieties
to suit different environmental conditions. In view of the past history of
rice cultivation in India, one wonders whether the experience of rice culti-
vation for such a long time is not responsible for an advanced knowledge
in this cereal.
Barley
Jgu Uav) (Hordeum vulgare L.) was usually cultivated where wheat was
grown. There was no barley cultivation in Bengal and Assam. Generally
speaking, the proportion of wheat and barley cultivation was 3: 1. According
to Ain, about 1/5 of the entire land under cultivation was covered by barley.
Millets
Under the general term millet, many small-grained cercals are cultivated,
mostly in the drier parts of the country. During Akbar's tinlc tax was
ilnposed on the following millets:
Persian nalnes Hindusthani English na/nes Latin names
nanles
Jowar Sorghum, joar Sorghum vulgare Pers.
Great minet
Shamakh Sanwan, sanwa Echinochloa frumenta-
Japanese millet
cea (Roxb.) Link.
Kodron Kodu, kondo? Kodo millet Paspalaum scrobicula-
tum L.
Gal or kunguni Kangri, kangu Italian or horse- Setaria italica L. Beau
kukum tail millet
Arzan Chin, morhi, anu Common millet Panicum miliaceum L.
Manwah Mandua, mandaI Ragi finger millet Eleusine coracana (L.)
Gaertn.
Lahdarah Bajra Bulrush or pearl Pennisetum typhoides
millet (Bunn. f.) Stapf and
C. E. Hubb.
Kudiri ? ? ?
Barti ? ? ?
CI Sarkar (J.), II, p. 134.
394 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Pulses
Under the name pulses come a number of leguminous seeds which
are eaten as a source of vegetable protein. During Akbar's reign many
of these were grown and tax was collected on their production. These
are given below with their Persian, Hindusthani and English, and Latin
names:
Oil-seeds
Many crops were cultivated for oil-yielding seeds. The important
ones were linseed (Linum usitatissimum L.), safflower (Carthamus tintorius
L.), Sesame or til (Sesamum indicum L.). Then mustard and toreya are
also mentioned. Toreya is BrassicQ campestris L. var. toria Dutt and
Full, while mustard includes a number of species and varieties, such as
B. compestris L. var. dichotoma Watt, the ka/isarson; B. compestris L. var.
sarson Prain, yellow sarson; B. hirta Moench, white mustard, soled ral;
B.juncea (L.) Czem and Coss, raj; B. napus L., the kalisarson, and B. nigra
Koch, the kalirai. It is quite possible that the entire lot of oil-yielding
mustards was grouped together at that time for the purpose of taxation.
We know now that scientific classification of plants was then absent.
Cash Crops
Under cash crops, sugar-cane was extensively cultivated all over the
country. 'In Bengal sugar-cane was pre-eminent both in volume of output
and quality.'a Cultivation of cotton (Gossypium arboreum L.) has been
reported in smaller areas than that of the sugar-cane. Its cultivation was,
however, not restricted to the so-called cotton tract, but beyond it. North
I ndia used to grow cotton in a fairly large quantity. Surprisingly Bengal
is reported to have produced an important crop of cotton which is not the
case today. The reason might have been lack of proper transport. Bengal
was at that time at the height of production of muslin cloth which necessi-
tated easy accessibility to cotton. During the latter part of the Muslim
period, indigo (Indigofera tinctoria L.) was an important cash crop in
great demand for internal use as well as for export. b Incidentally, this
dye-yielding plant of the seventeenth century had its own history written
in volumes in commercial literature of the time. The best quality came
from Bayana tract near Agra. Inferior quality grew in the Doab, Khurja
and Koli (Aligarh). A place called Sarkheja, near Ahmedabad, has also
the reputation of producing good quality indigo. The indigo grown in the
south (Telingana) was considered. to be of medium quality. In fact, indigo
plantation was quite common from Bengal to Khandesh. Of interest from
a scientific point of view is that with the disappearance of cultivation of
indigo, its adverse effect on the fertility of soil for growing wheat and other
spring crops was realized. We now know about the nitrogen fixation
ability of the roots of indigo plant but in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries this knowledge was not available. But all the same cultivators
did realize that something went wrong with the soil if indigo was not grown.
Another dye-yielding plant was known during Akbar's time. It was called
al (Morinda tinctoria Roxb.) and produced a red dye. Cultivation of both
these plants was stopped when use of synthetic dyes came into vogue. C
Henna or mehndi (Lawsonia lnermis L.) is another dye-yielding plant
that was taxed during Akbar's reign. Leaves of this plant are crushed
into a thick paste and applied by women and girls on their hands and feet.
When removed after half an hour or so, hand and feet retain a red colour.
This is still the practice in villages, while the women of the urban area use
modem nail-paints. Again, pan (Piper betle L.), which is chewed along with
areca nut (Areca catechu L.) and other ingredients, was taxed by the Emperor.
a Habib, p. 40.
b Sarkar (J.), pp. 71, 78,93.
C Habib, pp. 42-44.
394 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Pulses
Under the name pulses come a number of leguminous seeds which
are eaten as a source of vegetable protein. During Akbar's reign many
of these were grown and tax was collected on their production. These
are given below with their Persian, Hindusthani and English, and Latin
names:
Oil-seeds
Many crops were cultivated for oil-yielding seeds. The important
ones were linseed (Linum usitatissimum L.), safflower (Carthamus tintorius
L.), Sesame or til (Sesamum indicum L.). Then mustard and toreya are
also mentioned. Toreya is BrassicQ campestris L. var. toria Dutt and
Full, while mustard includes a number of species and varieties, such as
B. compestris L. var. dichotoma Watt, the ka/isarson; B. compestris L. var.
Gardens
Much has been written about the Mughal gardens by both Indians
and foreigners but before the Mughals came into the scene considerable
attention had been paid by the kings of Delhi Sultanate and the Hindu
kings. Babur's remarks a on this aspect of Indian culture, when he reached
Delhi, seem to be in indiscordance with the available facts. That his son
Humayun appreciated the layout of gardens and buildings of Bengal to
make him overstay there is enough proof against Babur's remarks. Akbar
and his successors made many improyements in this respect at Delhi and
Agra and these gardens even now are considered worth visiting by Indians
and foreigners.
Gardens at that time contained not only flower plants but also fruit
trees. The latter used to bring a considerable income to the exchequer.
We also know of the renowned imperial gardens at Agra where all sorts of
exotic trees were planted and maintained under the personal supervision of
the emperors.
Introduction ofPlants
Books on Indian economic plants give many plants which have been
introduced in the country from outside. It is not always possible to find
out when and by whom each of these plants was introduced. There are,
however, records available indicating when a few of them were introduced
during the Muslim period. Mention has already been made of cherry
(Prunus avium L.) which was introduced in Kashmir from Persia during
Akbar's time. Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum L.) came to India from
South America via Arabia. Pilgrims from south India are said to have
brought it with them when they returned home after Haj. Tobacco was
introduced in north India during Akbar's time when one of his lieutenants
in the south brought this as a present for the Emperor. Akbar did
not indulge in tobacco-smoking except for once. His son Jahangir passed
orders for the prohibition of tobacco. But it was an ineffective royal
order; people went on smoking but not publicly. Gradually its cultivation
spread from west to east and south to north.
Another important plant introduced in the country was pineapple
(Ananas cosmus (L.) Merr.) by the Portuguese in the west coast during the
sixteenth century. It became a very popular fruit to grow. Its cultivation
spread rapidly from Gujarat to Bengal. During J ahangir's time many
thousands of this plant were grown in the imperial garden at Agra. To
do this an artificial, moist tropical environment had to be developed-a
rather expensive affair. Other South American plants of importance
introduced about this time were papaya (Carica papaya L.) and cashewnut
(Anacardium occidenta/is L.), but the spread of their cultivation was much
slower than that of the pineapple. It was only in the seventeenth century
268
8 ZOOLOGY
J. L. BHADURI
K. K. TIWARI
BlSWAMOY BISWAS
PREHISTORIC PERIOD
G Nordeosklol~ p. 7.
402 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
268
ZOOLOGY 405
Flo. 8.2. Skull of the Harappan dog, Canis lenggeranus harappensis Prashad.
A, lateral; B, dorsal; C t ventral views.
were perhaps imported by the people of Harappa along with those of the
sambhar and chital for medicinal purposes), a chital, sambhar, barasingha,
four-horned antelope, blackbuck and hog deer. The sambhar, barasingha
and chital, specially the last, were fairly widespread as their renlains had
been found in several prehistoric and historic sites from different parts of
India.
The abundant molluscs which included. many marine forms like XQncus
(Chank shell) and Area (Arc shell), etc., were apparently used for food
(along with the domestic animals) as well as for ornamental purposes. The
remains of bangles and their fragments at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro,
and cores of shells from which these had been sawn off, point to the existence
of a well-developed bangle industry at those sites. Possibly several species
of turtles recovered at many sites might also have served ornamental pur-
poses in addition to fulfilling the dietary requirements.
Among the 12 species of reptiles, eight belong to tortoises and turtles
in seven genera, while the remaining ones are the crocodile, gharial and two
species of monitor lizards.
Fishes are scantily represented and their remains do not furnish their
identity with certainty. There are carp and other 'teleostean' remai ns,
Rita rita and Wallago sp., both freshwater forms, and Arius sp., an estuarine
fish. The scantiness of fish remains, however, may not indicate paucity
or lack of interest in fish. There is definite evidence, furnished by the un-
earthing of several fish-hooks from these sites, which indicate that angling
was a common pastime, as also the netting of fishes. a
Strangely enough, no remains of the tiger and lion are found though
the former was by no means uncommon to the Harappans as we shall see
later. The occurrence of rhinoceros remains at Harappa and Mohenjo-
daro is interesting indeed. It has also been discovered at Lothal in Gujarat
and formed the subject of neolithic haematite drawings in Mirzapur. The
distribution of this dweller of marshy forest lands is now severely restricted,
though only in historic times it was hunted by the Mughal Emperor Babur
at Peshawar in the former North-West Frontier Province of undivided Tndia.
Judged from the archaeological finds and from references in the Vedic and
the Puranic texts, it is apparent that rhinoceros was a fairly comn1on animal
in certain parts of India until recent historic times.
The animal remains dug up from the prehistoric sites give concrete
evidence of the association of the people with the animal world and of the
extent to which these were harnessed in the service of man. Some idea as
to the impact of animal life on the prehistoric Indian cult ure and on the
thought processes of these people can also be gathered from the glyptic
art represented on seals, paintings on pottery and animal figurines and toys.
Large numbers of steatite seals excavated from Harappa and Mohenjo-
daro bear engravings of animals in profile with inscriptions in a pictographic
script still remaining undeciphered. Some of the animals depicted-the
unicorns and chimaeras-are apparently mythical, but others are immedi-
ately recognizable as beasts obviously familiar to the artists of those times.
The dexterity and sureness of touch with which many engravings have
been executed are indeed commendable, specially the humped bull, in which
even the wrinkles on shoulders and dewlaps have been faithfully reproduced.
The recognizable animals on seals from Mohenjo-daro, according to
Mackay, are the short-horned bull (a smaller humpless breed), zebu or
10. 8.3. Representation of animals on seals of Mohenjo-daro. A, short-homed bull; B, Indian humped
bull; C, buffalo; D, elephant; E, rhinoceros; F, tiger; 0, gharial; H, chinkara; J, domestic
goat; K, wild goat (after Mackay, 1931, 1938).
ZOOLOGY 409
a Mackay (I), pp. 385-92; Mackay (2), I, pp. 326-35. c Mackay (1), p. 385.
b Vats, I, PP. 300-309; vide also pp. 451-58.
410 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Valley people, and has been represented on the seals by two types, one
with flat back, square head and stout legs, and the other less heavily built
and with a sloping head.
Among the wild animals only the tiger, rhinoceros, gaur, blackbuck (1)
and chinkara appear to have impressed the Indus Valley artists sufficiently
to warrant a place on the seals. The tiger, fairly well-represented, is of
special interest on two seals, where the animal is depicted as standing
below a tree, tail curled up and turned behind intently watching a man
perched safely above on the tree (Fig. 8.3F). Apparently, such a scene
might not have been an unusual one during those days.
Many animals are shown along with a manger, or tethered, indicating
domestication or a state of captivity. The accuracy with which several
animals are depicted on the seals reveals the intimate acquaintance of the
artist with them, an acquaintance which could have been resulted only
from close and sustained observations, and from a real understanding of
the animal life.
A remarkable feature is the non-representation of the cow on the seals.
The animal was surely as abundant as the buH, yet there is not one figure
depicting it. In strange contrast to this, as we shall see further on, the
cow assulned. importance alnong the Aryans who inhabited 1ndia in later
times. Similarly, the absence of the lion, another well-known animal of
the Vedic Indians, is conspicuous. It is difficult to explain why it is so;
perhaps it may have something to do with their traditional beliefs rather
than zoology.
Turning to the other forms of animal representations, we find the list
of species further enhanced by the figurines, toys and paintings on pottery.
Animal figurines arc found in large number, apparently made as toys for
children, containing some curious inconsistencies like the hare with a long
tail or cattle with a truncated tail. As on seals, the most popular objects
for figurines are the short-horned bull and the brahminy bull, followed
by the rhinoceros. The ram, not depicted on the seals, appears to be
popular as figurines.
Animals represented through this form of art at Mohenjo-daro are
the two kinds of bulls, rhinoceros, dog, mastiff, elephant, gharial, hare,
monkey, turtle, antelope (blackbuck 1), horse (1), pig (rare), sheep, goat,
buffalo and other unidentified species. Birds like the dove, domestic
fowl, peacock, bunting (1), duck and goose are also representeda (Fig. 8.5).
The Harappa toys, as Vats" has pointed out, contain representations
of the two bulls, rhinoceros, goat and ram. The tiger (which is found
only on the seals in Mohenjo-daro), elephant and pig are also depicted.
The monkey and possibly the cat were also known and squirrels and reptiles
were very popular. The mongoose, snake and pangolin also figure. The
crocodile, turtle, and the fish among aquatic animals, and the duck, peacock,
hen, kite, pigeon, sparrow, dove, parakeet and owl among birds find
representation in the toy art (Fig. 8.6). There is also a toy that looks much
like a grasshopper.
Flo. 8.8. Animal motifs on Harappa wares. A, peacock with other animals; B, ibex;
C, fisherman with net and pole (after Vats, 1940).
and they appear to be so, the pottery fish designs may throw some light on the
climatic conditions then prevailing in Baluchistan. Hora rightly concludes
that Baluchistan, now an arid area. might have had more rainfall and
voluminous perennial streams during those times, since at least three of the
fish motifs on the pottery represent genera which live in such streams.
F
FIo. 8.10. Mythical animals depicted on seals of Mohenjo-daro. At unicorn; B,
human figure with hoofs, horns and tail; C, ram +bull +man +
elephant +tiger ; D, three-headed beast; E, 'triskillon'; P, heads and
necks ofsix animals radiating from a common ring (after Mackay, 1931).
416 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
HISTORICAL PERIOD
With the advent of the Aryans and the development of the Vedic
literature, prehistory passes into history in India. Animal world, to the
Vedic people, was not a separate entity, but a part of the great cosmic
a Macdonell and Keith, I and I I. " Rao (H. S.), pp. 251-80.
27
418 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
27 D
ZOOLOGY 419
pigeon, etc., birds of prey like the vulture, hawk, eagle, owl, aquatic and
semi-aquatic forms like the heron, stork, curlew, ducks, geese, swan, and
several others.
The mammals known to the Vedic people are of three categories,
domestic, semi-domestic and wild. Practically all the species represented
in the Harappa culture were known, not surprisingly, because the advent
of the Aryans did not make any change in the wild life then extant. The
domestic animals were the cow, buffalo, elephant, horse, camel (not very
popular), ass, mule, sheep, goat, pig, dog and cat. The jackal and the
wolf, and possibly the hyena, ~kirted the forests around human habitations.
The mongoose and the rat were fonns common within and around settle-
ments.
Among wild beasts were the carnivores like the lion, tiger, leopard,
bear, wolf and hyena. The artiodactyls included the antelope, gazelle,
spotted deer, barasingha, sambhar, etc. There is al~o mention of others,
such as the polecat (?), wild boar, monkey, gaur, porcupine, hare and
pangolin (?), and the rhinoceros and elephant.
It is rather surprising that the ~gveda docs not mention the tiger, a
beast so familiar to the Harappans and so common in the later sa1!lllitas.
The most popular carnivores in the ~gl'eda are the wolf and the lion.
Among the domestic animals, cattle and horse occupy the place of honour;
and there are plenty of special terms to distinguish different kinds among
these and their calves and foals. In the later stage of the Vedic period,
the cow became a very important animal; it was sanctified and its slaughter
had been prohibited (except on certain special occasions), a decree that has
been so faithfully honoured by the Hindus of all castes even to this day.
The mythology and legends of the Vedic period have been considerably
influenced by animals. Many animals, specially the horse and also the
kine, goat and deer, figure as the mounts of gods or drawing their luminous
cars through the air. The importance of the cow in the Vedic and post-
Vedic literature has already been mentioned. In the ritual of sacrifice, the
most common practice to appease the galaxy of gods, animals (of several
types) figure prominently. The serpent, as a noxious creature, is one of
the most conspicuous animals, specially as the foe of lndra, appearing in
the form of a demon. Many birds are alluded to as bringing bad omen or
good luck.
The ethology of animals did not escape the attention of the Vedic
bards. In fact, many animal names take after some peculiar traits either
in their structures or in their habits.
The Indian python, frequently referred to in the sacred and mytho-
logical lores, is the ajagar (the swallower of goats). The Indian koel's
habit of depositing its eggs in the nests of other birds is noticed, and the
Viijasaneyi and the MaitriiyalJi SafJ1hitiis call this bird anya-viipa which
means sowing for others; its other name parabhrta also connotes its
parasitic habits. The spiders are called ur~aniibha, meaning wool in the
420 A CONCISE HISTORY Of' SCIENCE IN INDIA
a The figure of speech 'toothed rope', or 'the rope full of tecth', is also used in the
Athan'aveda. Thus 'on a distant path shall move the biting rope (thc serpent) ... "
AV., IV, 3.2. The Satapat"a Briihma~la has it ' ... for snakes are like rope, and
snakes' haunts are like wells (pits) .... (Sat. Br., IV, 4.5.3).
b The J!.gveda refers to the lion as follows: 'Exceedingly wise they roar like lions
mightily' (~V., I, 64.8); 'roar as the lions roar' (~V., III, 26.5.7); 'like a dread lion'
(!V., IV, 16.14); 'as a snared lion leaves the trap that caught him' (~V.• X, 28.10).
(' 'The forest animals, the wild animals homed in the woods, the man-eating lions
and tigers that roam' (AV., XII, 1.49). Elsewhere, 'Thyself a tiger, dost thou
upon this tiger-skin stride (victorious) through the great regions' (A V., IV, 8.4).
The tiger's skin was a mark of royalty, as the tiger, and also the lion, was regarded
as the king of animals.
cI ,8V•• VII, 103; English translation by Griffiths.
ZOOLOGY 421
(2) What time on these, as on a dry skin lying in the pool's bed,
the floods of heaven descended,
the music of the frogs comes forth in concert like the cows
lowing with their calves beside them.
(5) When one of these repeats the other's language, as he who
learns the lesson of the teacher.
your every limb seems to be growing larger as ye converse
with eloquence on the waters.
(7) As BrahmaQs, sitting round the brimful vesseL talk at the soma-
rite of Atiratra,
so, frogs, ye gather round the pool to honour this day of all
the year, the first of rain-time.
Post-Vedic literature follows the tradition of the Vedas in recording the
names of animals and some observations on their natural history. As
food and as offerings for sacrifice, animal life had acquired an important
status. The sport of hunting which is one of the time-honoured recreations
and means for obtaining protein food must have assisted in amassing
observations which gradually accumulated and served as a storehouse of
knowledge that stimulated thought and developed concepts about classi-
fication, heredity, embryology, etc.
and Sanchi (100 B.C.). The animals mentioned in the inscriptions on rock
and pillar edicts of Asoka have been given by Chakravartil' and Hora. d
Jayaram has given an account of the knowledge regarding animal life in India
during the early Jaina and Buddhist period. An important development
a Hora (5), pp. 1-13. C Chakravarti (M.), pp. 361-74.
b Hora and Saraswati, pp. 15-30. (1 Hora (2 ii), PP. 43-56.
424 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
the poet's deep sympathy with Nature, his keen powers of observations, his
skill in depicting the Indian landscape in vivid colours.'a This is true indeed
not only of Kiilidasa but also of many other Sanskrit poets and dramatists.
Animals and plants figure prominently in Kalidasa's poetry, details
about which can be seen in Law's book b on the birds of Kfllidasa, and in
various articles by GuptaC dealing with birds and insects mentioned by the
poet. His understanding of animal life can be easily gauged by an account of
summer in ~IUSalJ1hiira, in which the effects of heat on animal life are vividly
portrayed by the thirst or lethargy that it produces in serpent, lion, elephant,
buffalo, boar, gazelle, peacock, crane, frog and fish; and the devastation
caused by forest fire is graphically described as the tongues of flame devour
trees and shrubs and drive before them crowds of terror-stricken beasts.
Varahamihira, the great encyclopaedist, did not fail to mention nature
and animals in his BrhatsOfJ1hitii, in which he has extensively described the
cow, dog, cock, tortoise, goat, horse and elephant in separate sections.
The An10rokoso, a great lexicographic work by Amar Singha, gives
meanings, synonyms and definitions (at places) of practically all animal names
in the Vedic and post-Vedic texts. For a list of animal names current during
and before this great lexicon (as important as PaDini's grammar), one can
unhesitatingly refer to this work. Though not zoological by any means,
the animals have been listed according to their habitats as well as habits.
Classification of Animals
The class udbhijja comprises the fixed plant world. Terms such as
pra/uda and l'i.\. 'kira came to be used later by Caraka and Susruta for birds,
the former to indicate those which tear their food with their beaks and the
latter for those which scatter their food with claws. There is also the use
of the term paficanakha (five-clawed) which includes sviivit (? pangolin),
,val/aka (porcupine), godhii (monitor lizard), kharjga (rhinoceros), kurma
(tortoise) and .\'a!hl (hare).
The division of the animal world into four groups according to their
modes of birth, first made in the Vedic literature, gained wide currency in
the post-Vedic literature and found frequent mention in the Pura1)as and
the Mahiihhiirara. Caraka and Susruta both followed this classification in
their medical treatises.
According to Caraka a the jariiyuja (placental animals) includes man,
the quadrupeds, etc.; the a1){laja (egg-born or oviparous) fishes, reptiles
and birds; the svcdaja (born of moisture and heat, i.e. spontaneously or
asexually reproduced) worms, mosquitoes, etc.; and all animals, born of
vegetable organisms, are included in the ,class udhhijja. He further men-
tions that each )'oni has innumerable divisions and consequently the ap-
pearance, etc., of organisms are also exceedingly varied.
PalJini defines k.yudra jantu as small organisms or animals without
bones (anasthi) or animals so small that hundreds or even thousands of
them can he held ill the palnl of a hand or animals up to the size of the
mongoose. l) Patafijali further elaborates the definition of small animals
(k~\'udra jantu) as follows: 'What are k~~udra jantu? Boneless are k~fludra
jantu. Or those that number more than a thousand in a palmful are
k~'udra janfu. Or those that cannot be easily crushed are k~r;udra jantu.
Or animals up to ichneumon (nakula) are k.yudra jantu.'
The definitions of small (or minute) organisms given by PaQini and
Patafijali are, however~ defective, since these include boneless and bloodless
(red blood) creatures up to the size of the mongoose (ichneumon), the
latter having both bones and blood. Obviously, these are an assemblage
of small organisms from very minute to those up to the size of ichneumon.
Prasastapadu, the well-known Vaise~ika philosopher, divides animals
into two great divisions: ayonUa or animals that are asexually reproduced
and are of small dimensions (k~udra ;antu) of Pat:tini and Patafijali, and
)'onija or sexually reproduced from the union of male and female germ
elements. The yonija are further subdivided into jarayuja (man, domestic
and wild quadrupeds), or viviparous~ and afJ{laja, the oviparous animals
like birds and sarisrpa (reptiles, etc.).
. rn Prasastapada's own words:
latra sariral!l dvividhal?1 yonijamayonija1ll ca I tatrayonija-
mQnapek~r:;asukrasof.li1am . .. I Lvukraso~itasannipiitaja,?f yo-
nija1!1 tattu dVividha,!, jariiyujamal,2qaja1!1 ca I miinu~apaSu
mrglil,2afJf jarayujafJ1 pak~isarisrpii1Jama1)rjajaf!11 c
jivaja (viviparous), afJcfaja and udbhijja. Sankara, like Caraka, agrees that
udbhijja animals arise from vegetable organisms, but he also holds the view
that svedaja animals must be included partly under a~l{laja and partly under
udhhijja.
Seal a thinks that Satikara's explanation takes it that, though vegetable
organisms may pass off into animal, inorganic matter without bfia (seed or
ovum) cannot give rise to animal life or, in other words, life cannot arise
de novo, the elementary fact that every student of biology has to learn in
school. Patafijali, however, believes that not only animal organisms but
also vegetable organisms, e.g. grasses, can grow from inorganic matter.
The durva grass is cited as an example; it can grow from deposits of hair
of goats and cows, just as scorpions are seen to develop from cow-dung.
Patafijali explains that these are not cases of growth but merely of unfold-
ing (transformation).
A different system of classification of animals has been devised by
Umasvati in the ancient Jaina work, Tattl'tirthiidhigamasiitra. Here, the
number of senses possessed by an organism is taken into account, and the
animal is placed in an ascending series according to this number.
1. Those animals which possess two senses-touch and tastc: 1J
a Seal, p. 180.
b tad yalhd krmyiidiniim aplidika-niipuraka-1!aQ(iiipada-sQlikha-suklikii sambukli-
jaliikii-prabhrtintif11 ... spadanarasanendriye bhavatab I
-TSu. Bh., II, 24.
c pipilika-rohi/Jikii-upacikti-kunthu-tuburuka-trapusabija-karptisliSlhikii-.satapad-
J'utpataka-lr~apatra-kd~thahtira/..a-prabhrtIntimIri~i !Jparsanorasanaghrii(Uini I
-TSii. Bh., II, 24.
ZOOLOGY 429
3. Animals with the senses of touch, taste, smell and sight :a,
(i) Bhranlara, vara!a and saranga-becs, wasps and hornets.
(ii) Mak#ka, puttikii, da/!lSa and ,na.\~aka-dipterous flies, gnats,
mosquitoes.
(iii) Vrscika and nan~vavarla-scorpions and spiders.
(iv) Kifa-patanga-tlying and non-flying insects.
4. Animals (man and the tiryakyollis) with five well-developed and
active senses: b
(i) Matsya-fishes (Pisces).
(ii) Uraga-limble~s reptiles including snake~.
(iii) Bhujanga-limbed reptiles and (?) amphibian~.
(iv) Pak~\'l-birds (Aves).
(v) CatuYJoda-quadrupeds (Mammalia).
The first three divisions as stated above cOlne under the invertebrates
and include svedaja and udbhijja of the earlier classifications and the fourth
includes only vertebrates.
The fourth is further subdivided into the oviparous and viviparous
groups:
(a) A~qaja-fishcs and reptiles, including sarpa (snakes), godhii
(monitor lizard), krka/asa (chameleons and garden lizard~),
grhagolika (wal1-lizard~) ~ I1latsya (fi~hes), kurma (tortoise),
nakra (crocodiles), si,~unulra (dolphins and porpoises) and
I0I11apak~\'a paksi (birds with feathered wings). C
Two flaws in this otherwise good classification can be
noticed. One is the inclusion of dolphins among ol,ulaja
(perhaps their fish-like features and behaviour caused this
mistake) and the ODlission of frogs because they were
traditionally believed to be udbhijja, that is, bursting forth
from the ground.
(h) Jarayuja-placental mammals. Here jariiyuja is restricted to
mean those mammals that have non-deciduate placenta, e.g.
man, cow, buffalo, goat and sheep, horse, a~s, camel, deer,
yak (chamara), hog, gavaya (mithun), lion, tiger, bear, panther,
dog, jackal, cat, etc. d
a bhramara-varala-5iiraJiga-mak~\ikii-puttikii-dalJ1ja-majaka-''ficika-nandyiiva
rla-kila-palangiidiniilll calviiri sparianarasanaghriilJa-caktiuffl\\i I
-TSu. Bh., II, 24.
b ie,\iimitn ca tiryagyonijallii", malJyoragabhujangapak~'i-calu~padiintitn ~arve~ii", ca
lIiirakamanu~yadeviinat" paiicendriyani I
-TSii. Bh., lI, 24.
C QlJcJajiinii1fl sarpa-godhii-krkaliisa-grlzago/if..a-ma/:;yo-kiirma- nakro-~ijumdrii-
diniiml
-TSu. Bh., )1,34.
d JarayujiiniIf/1 manu~ya-go-mQhi${jjtivikiiscQ-kharo$lra-mrga-camara-vQriiha-ga-
vaya-si",ho-vyiighrark$Q-dvipisva-srgala-miirjiircidinii", I
-TSu. Bh., II, 34.
430 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Except for the first two, it is not possible to identify the others by
names only. It should, however, be acknowledged that Caraka ascribed
certain disea~es of men to parasites living inside various parts of the body.
The creatures with poisonous fangs listed by Caraka under the gomiiyu-
varga include the rats, snakes (iisivi$a), leeches, wall-lizards, spiders, scor-
pions, frogs, fishes, mongooses, flying insects, centipedes, hornets, tigers,
lions, dogs and hyenas. Nine kinds of snakes, of which a few are apparent-
ly poisonous, are also listed.
Susruta has listed 20 kinds of worms (krmi) or parasites of men, ori-
ginating in faeces (puri.yaja), cough or phlegm (kapha;a) or in blood (raktaja).
Excepting for two or three, all the other names of parasites are different
from those of Caraka.
The noxious animals whose poisons are dangerous to man are listed
by Susruta in some detail. The seat of poison of celestial serpents lies in
their breath, of terrestrial ones in their fangs, and of cats, dogs, monkeys,
makaras, frogs, piika-matsyas, monitor lizards (godhii) , tllolluscs (snails),
pracalakas (a kind of insect), geckos and many insects in their teeth
and claws.
Among the noxious forms are listed 18 types of rats, 67 'families' of
insects and 30 kinds of scorpions. The scorpions are classified into Inane/a-
vi$a or mild-poisoned (12 kinds) germinating from cow-dung or any other
rotten substances, nladhyavi.~·a or medium-poisoned (3 kinds) and strongly
poisoned or tik~\'1Jav(\'a (15 types) which germinate from the putrefied
dead body of a snake or any poisoned animal. Their characters and etfect~
of venom are also described. Spiders are classed into fatal (non-curable)
and non-fatal (curable) types depending on the nature of theIr poison. Of
the 16 kinds of spiders listed, eight are fatally poisonous and the other
eight are mildly poisonous. Centipedes are divided into eight kinds, and
among insects, following centipedes, are listed eight different kinds of
frogs that are said to be venomous.
Snakes are treated by Susruta in great detail. Five different' families'
are noted, of which one is non-venomous and four (including a hybrid
group) are venomous. The venomous group includes diirvikara, the
cobras of 26 varieties. hooded serpents, swift in their movements and with
marks of chariot-wheels, ploughs, umbrellas, etc., on their hood. Ma~ujali, a
another group of venomous serpents containing two species, are thick,
slow-moving, nocturnal and bear circles or rings on their bodies. They
do not have hoods. Riijitnat, b the third group of venomous serpents,
contains ten forms, non-hooded and nocturnal in their habits, bears series
of dots or marks, often of variegated colours, on the upper parts and sides.
a The description of ma~u;lali (vipers) given by Susruta IS fairly accurate. He hsts two
species of vipers, and this IS in agreement WIth the current knowledge about Indian
snakes. Only two species of vipers, Vipera russelli and Echis carinatus, are known
in India. and the description given by Susruta tallies fairly wetI with that of
V. ru.\Selli-the RussetI·s viper.
b This corresponds fairly well with coral snakes.
ZOOLOGY 433
Last but not the least, we should like to refer to Ghosal's elaborate
treatJnenl, in his own way, of classification of animals in ancient Hindu
literature. a
EMBRYOLOGY
parent to the offspring. The offspring belongs to the same species as the
parent-how does it happen? And, the answer given is: species are like
so many moulds into which the ovum is cast, even as molten metals are
cast into the oven.
Caraka and Susruta are of the opinion that in the fertilized ovum all
organs are potentially present and they unfold in a certain order. Just as
the bamboo-seed contains in miniature the entire structure of the bamboo,
or the mango-blossom contains the stone, pulp and fibres which appear
separated and distinct in the ripe fruit, so is the case with the fertilized ovunl.
Only the structures are so minute that they cannot be distinguishcd. a
In Caraka and Susruta we meet with a theory, very much akin to the
idea of pangencsis put forward by Darwin to explain the transnlission of
hereditary characters. Caraka assumes that the spenns of the male parent
contain elements derived from each of its organs and its tissues, like' gcm-
nlules~ of Darwin or 'ids' of Spencer. Sankara is of the same view, attri-
buting to the sperm every organ of the parent organism in miniature~ which
holds in potentia the whole organisnl that is developed out of it.
To explain, then, why congenital deformities of parents are not trans-
nlitted to the offspring, Caraka has an ingenious explanation, attributed to
Atreya. which again resembles the theory propounded by Darwin. If the
clnbryo derives its structure from every organ of the parents, why are
congenital defornlities like blindness, dumbness, lameness or any other
~IJnilar defects not translnitted to the offspring? After all, the fertilized
ovum is a nliniature of all the organs and tissues of the parents. The
difllculty is solved by the assumption that though composed of elements
arising from the whole parental organism, the fertilized ovum is not in-
fluenccd by the developed organs of the parents with their congenital or
acquired idiosyncrasies. The parental bfja (seed) contains the whole parental
organisnl in miniature but is independent of its developed deformed organs.
Only if the bija of an clement representing a particular organ or tissue may
happen to be defective or abnormal, the corresponding organ or tissue of
the offspring will be similarly characterized; in other words, congenital
deformities being somatic in character do not affect the germ plasm, and
hence the normal and natural offspring.
The determination of sex of the offspring was another iOlportant
question that engaged the thought of ancient Hindus.
The influence of nutrition on the characters of the bija, specially as
regards sex, health, colour, etc., of the offspring is freely admitted and
various recipes and rituals were prescribed and practised to produce the
birth of a male child.
It was generally believed that certain items of diet, ghee and milk for
the male, and oil and beans for the female parents were favourable to the
hija (seed). The sexual characters of the offspring were believed to follow
a law of alternate rhythmic change with respect to the menstrual cycle of
the female parent before conception. According to this belief fertilization
of the ovum on the fourth day after the menses, or on the alternate days
succeeding, was favourable to the foetus developing male characters, and
on the fifth, seventh and alternate following days to the foetus developing
into a female. Another factor determining sex of the offspring is the
relative preponderance of the 'sperm and germ cells' in the fertilized ovum.
Susruta says, the birth of a male child marks the preponderance of semen
over the ovum (in its conception); the birth of a daughter shows the pre-
ponderance of the female element. A child of no-sex is a product when
ovum and sperm are equal (in their quality and quantity).a Translated
into modern idiom of hormones this will very much read like 'preponderance
of male hormones will tend to bring in maleness, that of the female hormones
femaleness, the condition of sexlessness arising when the two hormones in
the developing foetus are balanced'. Goldschmidt's experiments on sex-
uality on Lymantria dispar conducted during the first two decades of this
century have produced results akin to what Caraka and Susruta deduced
about 1,600 to 1,SOO years back without any apparent experimental aids.
In a recent publication, Verdi,lJ without quoting any authorities,
writes: 'From time immemorial, there is a belief, in our land, about a
link between determination of sex of human progeny and lunar phases.
According to many, conceptions taking place during time periods between
new moons and full moons-where the nights are called "luminous"-
result in male children and conceptions taking place during time periods
between full moons and new nloons- where the nights are called dark "-H
COSMOGONY
The question of the origin of the world and life therein, which assumed
great importance in the later Vedic period (specially in the Upani~r;ads),
had been raised even in the early saf!lhitiis. The tenth book of ~gveda
has many hymns posing cosmogonical problems. These early speculations,
though confused and larded with mythological and theological notions,
are nevertheless interesting as the sources from which flew various streams
of later thought.
Older ideas in the J!.gveda about the world centred round creation,
gods or individual deities having generated the world. The conception of a
distinct creator different from, and superior to, all gods, appearing under
the various names of Puru$a, ViSvakarman, Hira~yagarbha or Prajiipati,
was a later development. 'Whereas creation, according to the earlier view,
is regularly referred to as an act of natural generation with some form of
the verb jan "to beget", these cosmogonic poems speak of it as the manu-
facture or evolution from some original material.'a In the well-known
Puru.~·a-sukta (the hymn of man), this material constituting the world is
Puru~'a, the thousand-headed and thousand-footed primeval giant covering
the earth and even extending beyond it. b His head became the sky ~ his
navel the air, his feet the earth; the moon, the sun and the wind springing
respectively from his mind, eyes and breath. The germ of pantheism is
inherent in the hymn, when it says that 'Puru~a is all this world, what has
been and shall be' and again 'one-fourth of him is all creatures and three-
fourths are the world of the immortals in heaven'.
The Puru!ja assumes the role of the creator Prajapati in the Brtilllna~1aS,
and in the Upani.5ads he is identified with the universe. Later, in the dual-
istic Sti/?1khya philosophy, Puru!ja is identified with the 'soul' as opposed to
the matter.
In other hymns dealing with the origin of the world, creation is not
the collective effort of gods, but of an individual creator. This agent of
generation was the sun, 'the soul of all that moves and stands'.c Here
we al"lo sec the first distinction between the mobile (jangall1a) animals and
the fixed (sthavara) plants. Two cosmogonic hymns are addressed to the
'all-creating' VMvakarman, probably synonymous with the sun, 'called by
many names though one'.d
A much bolder step was the theory that the waters produced the first
germ of things, the source of the universe and the gods. c
In another cosmogonic hymn of considerable beauty,! the primeval
germ appears in the form of hira'.1yagarbha, the germ of gold, a notion
doubtless suggested by the rising sun. Here, too, the waters are, in pro-
ducing a~ni, regarded as bearing the germ of all life.
Two other cosmogonic poems explain the origin of the world philo-
sophically as the evolution of the existent (sat) from the non-existent (asat).
I n the somewhat confused account given in one of them,g three stages of
creation may be distinguished; first the world is produced, then the gods
and lastly the sun.
These ideas are presented more forcefully and beautifully in the Crea-
tion Hymn: h
Then was not non-existent nor existent: there was no realm of air, no ~ky
beyond it.
What covered It, and where? and what gave shelter? Wa~ water there,
infathomed depth of water!
Death was not then, nor was there aught immortal: no sign was there, the day's
and night's divider.
That One thing, breathless, breathed by its own nature: apart from it was nothmg
whatsoever.
narknc~~ there was: at first concealed in darkness this All was indiscnminated
chao~.
All that exi~tcd then was void and formless: by the great power of warnlth was
born that unit.
Thereafter rose Desire In the beginning, Divine, the primal seed and germ of spirit.
Sages who ~earched with their heart's thought discovered the existent's kinship
m the non-existent.
Tr,msverse]y was their severing line extended; what was above ]t then, and what
below it?
There were begetters, there were mighty forces, true action here and energy up
yonder.
Who verily knows and who can here declare it, whence It was born and whence
comes this creation?
The gods are later than thi~ world's productIon. Who knows then whence it
first came into being?
He, the fir~t origin of this creation, whether he formed it all or did not form it.
Whose eye controls this world in hIghest heaven, he verily knows it, or perhaps he
knows noLa
Apart from its literary merit, this poem is most noteworthy for the
daring speculations which find utterance in so remote an age. Being the
only piece of sustained speculation in the IJgvcda, it is the startingpoint
of the natural philosophy which assumed shape in the evolutionary Sii/!1khya
system. ]t will, indeed, ever retain general interest as one of the earliest
specimens of the Aryan philosophic thought. With the theory that, after
the non-existent had developed into the existent, water came first and then
intelligence was evolved from it by heat, the cosmogonic accounts of the
Briihnl01)aS substantially agree. Here, too, the non-existent beconles the
existent, of which the first form is the water. On these floats hira~lya
garhha, the cosmic golden egg, whence is produced the spirit that desires
and creates the universe. Always requiring the agency of the creator
Prajapati at an earlier or at a later stage, the Briihnla~las in some of their
accounts place him first, in others the water. The fundamental contradic-
tion, due, perhaps, to mixing up the theory of creation with that of evolution,
is removed in the Sii,!lkhya system by causingPuru.ya, or soul, to play the part
of a passive spectator, while Prakrti, or primordial matter, undergoes
successive stages of evolutionary development. The cosl11ogonic hymns of
the ~gveda are thus not only the precursors of Indian philosophy but also
of PuralJos, of which one of the main objects is to describe the origin of
the world and life therein.
The trail blazed by ancient Indian naturalists tapers into the medieval
period without much variations on the theme. The advent of the Muslims,
particularly of the Moghuls from the sixteenth century onwards, added a new
perspective to the study of animals, inasmuch as they attemped to record
Sukraniti
Anatomical details on the domestic animals, like the elephant, horse,
cattle, etc., were mostly confined to the external morphological characters
like the colour of body, colour of hair, proportions of body-parts, gait,
temperament, etc. B. K. Sarkar has ably summarized the information on
these aspects of elephants and horses available in ancient texts, specially
a Hora (3 ii), pp. 145-69.
440 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
(J Ali, p. 841.
442 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
MiniatUre of the -dodo and a few other birds, painted 4uriDI tho reip of Emperor
1ahaDair. (First publisbod iD lo1l1'1lll1 flir 0ntIt1tDlt7r., 19'8. Vol. 99; hloob
reeoived tbtouIh tho cOurtesy 01 Prof. Dr. Brwin Stresemamt. BerBn). See p.44t
ZOOLOGY 443
FlO. 12. Mythological' yali " the composite beast of the Tamil country
(after Rao, 1957).
include goat, sheep, pig, cow, bull, buffalo, the beasts of burden such as
the ass, mule and horse, and the elephant, camel, dog and bitch. Mytho-
logical yali, the composite beast, also figures (Fig. 8.12).
INTRODUCTION
world coming to the fore, both intuitively and on logical grounds, should
be understood in this light. To illustrate what has been stated above the
two good examples arc the speculative inquiries of the Indians and of
the Greek~.
Let us consider the Greeks first. a, b The carly Greek thinkers attempted
for the first time to give a rational interpretation of the natural occurrences.
Some of them tackled the problem of one in many, of finding the single
'principle', 'substance' or 'essence', which could explain all the ob-
served phenomena. Thales of Miletus (c. 624-565 B.C.) thought that
water was the 'substance' or primal matter which would remain un-
changed amidst all observed modifications. Obviously he had observed
how water would change, flow without any shape or colour and undergo
a cycle of movement on earth and in air. He conjectured that there was
a substance (water) 'from which all other things came to be, it being con-
served'. That water was the primordial substance was known to the
Babylonians. But they had imagined it in a mythological setting. But
Thales of Miletus discarded the mythological element and tried to interpret
the natural happenings in the universe of matter in terms of a single sub-
stance. In consequence he became the stimulator of a SystClll of Greek
philosophy and of attempts at formulating unitary conceptions.
FolJowing on, another Milesian philosopher, Anaximander (c. 6] 1-
575 B.C.), speculated on the essential unity of matter and assulned, as the
first principle, an unlimited substance (Infinite), a qualitatively undeter-
mined eternal matter in motion (apeiron). Yet another Milesian philo-
sopher, Anaximenes, specified the concept of Anaximander by saying that
the first principle was 'air' (pneuma) with dynamic qualities (perpetual
motion). Later Anaximenes, a contemporary of Anaximander, thought
that the process of condensation or rarefaction caused transformations of
the primary substance into various others. Herac1eitus of Ephesus (c. 540-
475 B.C.) regarded 'fire' as the fundamental principle in an ingenious
way. He thought that the world was one and at the same time many.
He held that the whole world was in a flux of change, and change alone
was real. 'Fire' was representative of this change and so it was the funda-
mental principle. As against this Parmenides of E]ea in South Italy re-
garded change as illusion and introduced the concept of One.
From these unitary conceptions, each of which had its inherent defi-
ciencies to account for all the observed phenomena, a pluralistic presenta-
tion was put forward by the Sicilian philosopher Empedoc1es (c. 500-
430 n.c.). Adding 'earth' as the fourth principle, Empedocles sought
to explain the multiplicity of phenomena in tenus of earth, water, air and
fire. He called them the 'roots of the world'. He also introduced the
idea of force eternally acting on these 'roots' in a speculative way, in
terms of love and strife and held that they were responsible for all combina-
tions and separations respectively. He went a step further and main-
tained that these 'roots' were causes of all occurrences even in macro-
cosm. Anaxagoras, a contemporary of Empedocles, assumed a number
of infinitely small 'seeds' (Aristotle called them hOllleOmeres) of infinite
variety in infinite space, subject to the action of mind or breath (nous)
which directed production, evolution and dissolution of the world. This
type of speculation reached another stage when Leucippus (fl. c. 475 B.C.)
and Democritus (c. 470-400 B.C.) postulated an atonlic view of the sub-
stance and said that atoms were of the ~ame substance, but of different
sizes and shapes. The Greek atomism, needless to add, was one of intuition.
The author of the 'Principle of Uncertainty' in modern physics,
Werner Heisenberg, in his observation on the foregoing Greek concep-
tions, remarks that 'some statelnents of ancient philosophy arc rather
near to those of nlodern science. This simply shows how far one can
get by combining the ordinary experience of nature that we have, without
doing experiments with the untiring effort to get some logical order into
this experience to understand from general principles'. According to
Heisenberg, the 'Fire' of Heracleitus corresponds to the t110dern concert
of energy, 'for energy is a substance which 1110VeS and from which all
things are nlade'. Further, he holds that as the atolns of Democritus
are devoid of qualities, havc extcnsion in space, and nlotion, the 'neutron'
of tnodern physics resembles the former. But he warns that 'this com-
parison should not be misunderstood. It may seem at first sight that
the Greek philosophers have by sonle kind of ingenious intuition camc
to the sanle or very sinlilar conclusions as we have in modern times only
after severa] centuries of hard labour with experiments and mathematics ...
There is an cnornlOUS difference between modern sciences and Greek
Philosophy, and that is just the empiristic attitude of modern science'. a
In India, the first monistic principle expressed in the J.?gl'eda Sa/lllli1ii,
the oldest literary rccord of the Vedic Age, is 'water'. Latcr in the
Upani..\'ads, in a progressive way, the doctrine of five elements took shape.
As this aspect of thc Indian world-view is discussed in the following pages,
details of the gradual unfolding of this doctrine arc not presented here.
There arc, however, noticeable differences between the EmpedocIean theory
of four elements and the Indian doctrine of the five clements. What is
important, nevertheless, is the notable commonness of attempt at reducing
the knowable phenomena into the interplay of four or five elements respec-
tively. In both, the fundamental principles like earth, water, etc., had
not only their philosophical implications but also assumed a plural
presentation. Like the Greeks, Indians also developed an atonlic theory.
The Indian atomic theory, from its simple beginnings, became a favourite
frame of protracted discussion, as will be seen later, among the Indian
speculative philosophers. Logic and causal considerations occupied a
pride of place in these discussions. Similarly, Leucippus, the originator
of the Greek atomic theory, is believed to have stated that 'Nothing occurs
The inclusion of space, time, self and mind in this generic conception
of substance has a far greater import from the standpoint of the modern
scientific epistemology. The latter which tries to throw light on the nature
and structure of modern scientific knowledge, particularly about the physical
world, is still unable to steer clear of the conceptual inadequacies con-
cerning substance. What is substance? This question with its contest-
able character has remained still unsolved by modern scientific epistemo-
logists. This is evidenced by the vicissitudes through which the problem
of matter has passed as a result of scientific investigations in the last century
and half, viz. the law of conservation of mass, the law of conservation of
energy, the fundamental particles, wave nature of electron, energy-matter
relationship and the like.
The scientific approach takes cognizance of the 'observables' and
the associated causal mechanism; the unobservables are outside its prov-
ince. The observational procedure deliberately excludes the observer;
for the latter, the subjective element, is believed to run counter to the
objective investigation based on the scientific methods of experimentation,
mduction and deduction. The exclusion of the subjective element (i.e.
a complex mechanism involving the notion of 'I', mind, senses, nerve
Impubes and other determinants of observation) which is an integral part
of the observational procedure seems to have come in the way of arriving
at the conception of substance by the modern scientific epistemologists. The
fact is that the observer participates in the methods of observation and
necessarily the self and mind of the observer would also constitute the
determinants of observation. If the observational procedure were to lead
to the comprehension of substance or the world-stuff, it has of necessity
to be inclu5,ive of these determinants. In this respect the Nyaya-Vaise~~ika
conception of substance with its causal garment merits serious attention.
The foregoing discussion, though brief, may be kept in mind while under-
standing the different speculative inquiries of the Indian thinkers, who
have tried in their own way to present a view of the physical world, in the
history of scientific ideas.
It must be noted that the Indian physical concepts, in their origin
and ramification, have been an integral part of the Indian religio-phiJo-
sophical systems, both orthodox and heterodox. For, within the confines of
the respective philosophical positions alone the physical concepts attempt
to explain the material world. The Indian thinkers believed that the special
knowledge as contained in the different sciences was always relatively real
and gave only the glimpse of the Absolute. Real knowledge, they thought,
was necessary to realize the Absolute. Obviously towards this end they
speculated on what may be called the interrelatedness of things and the
thought processes associated with them.
MAIN LITERARY SOURCES
Even though the physical concepts of the Indian thinkers are in point
of fact bold and imaginative, strangely there are no Indian texts which
29
450 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
exclusively deal with them. Each system of Indian thought has built up
its own physical and metaphysical views. One has to go through a volu-
minous literature to locate the origin and trace the evolution of the Indian
physical concepts. The Vedic literature (the four Saf!1hitas, BriihmalJas,
Aratlyakas, Upani~ads and the Vediiligas); the PuralJas, epics and itihtisas:
the literature of the Nyaya-Vaise~ika, Safllkhya, Yoga and the Mimarrzsas;
the Buddhist and the Jaina texts; the tantrik literature; works on lyurveda
and astronomy are among the important literary sources which contain the
fundamental as well as evolved physical ideas of Indians over a long period-
perhaps stretching to about two thousand years. The literature is as
varied as it is vast; for even in the works of a particular school of thinking
the conceptual scheme relating to certain physical concepts like atomism,
space and time, presents a wide spectrum of ideas. Nevertheless, it would
be wrong to conclude that the speculations are an ensemble of dogmatic,
complex assertions. On the other hand, they are refreshingly noted
for their logical structure cast in a well conceived and rigorously balanced
causal sequence. In essence, then, they are logical postulates.
Among the main literary sources those which expound one of the
systems of Indian thought, viz. the Vaise~ika, are very important from the
point of view of the physical concepts. The Vaise~ika sutra of Kal)ada
and the Padarthadharmasarrzgraha of Prasastapada are the two principal
authorities of the Vaise$ika school. Though a gloss on the Vaise~ika sutra,
the Padarthadharmasa1Jlgraha has the characteristics of an original work.
The Vaise$ika school is supposed to have been propounded by a sage
called KaQada. Kal)ada, Kal)abhuj or KaJ)abhak~a, as he is differently
referred to, means one who eats particle or grain, indicating probably the
atomic particles; and this is attributed to the fact that Kal)ada enunciated
the essentials of an atomic theory.a The VaiSe#ka, even in its sulra form,
is very old, possibly pre-Buddhistic. b However, the origins of the Vaise~ika
sutras are obscure. There are reasons to believe that the Vaise~ika school
in its beginning was heterodox in position not taking shelter under the
umbrella of orthodox Vedic views. Later it appears to have absorbed
the Vedic concept of dharma and thus entered the orthodox fold. c Never-
theless, it is rather important to note that the Vaise~ika recognizes both
perception and inference as means of acquiring knowledge and does not
accord a pride of place to the authority of the Vedic tenets.
In its ten chapters the Vaise$ika sutra of KalJada deals with a number
of physical concepts, the most important of which afe those concerning
substance, motion, attributes, space, time and atomism. These were
developed later by a number of followers of the Vaise~ika and the Nyiiya
schools. By about the tenth century A.D. the two schools began to be
recognized by a syncretic nomenclature, the Nyaya·VaiJe~ika. The VaiJe~ika
and the Nyiiya schools developed a theory of causation known as arambha-
viida. The two significant aspects of the arambhavada are: (i) that the cause
fa Ui, pp. 4 if. b Das Gupta (S. N.), I, pp. 281-82. c Hiriyanna (2). pp. 39-40, 84.
29B
THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS 451
and the effect are different and (ii) that there is a continuity (siinvayata)
between the two. In this process of thinking the relation between the
li-,hole and its parts is rather interesting. The whole, when it comes into
existence, is non-existent as separate parts; for as an effect it has a new
beginning. Yet when the whole is destroyed the parts exist, and the parts
have altogether a different significance. The important physical concepts
of the Nyiiya- Vaise$ika in general and the atomism in particular are based
upon this theory of causation. a
Apart from the Vaise$ika sutra and the Padiirthadharmasal'flgraha of
Prasastapada, the other Nyiiya- Vaise~\)ika texts which contain significant ac-
counts of the Jndian physical concepts and deserve special mention are:
Nyiiya-sutra by Gautama (c. fourth century D.C.); Nyayabhii~ya by
Vatsyayana (c. fourth century A.D.); Nyaya-viirttika by Udyotakara (seventh
century A.D.); Nyayasiira by Bhasarvajfia (eighth century A.D.); Nyaya-
varttika tiitparyarika by Vacaspati Misra (ninth century A.D.); Nyiiyamaiijari
by Jayanta Bhatta (ninth century A.D.); Vyomavati by Vyomasivacarya
(c. ninth century A.D.); Kiral)iivali by Udayana (tenth century A.D.); Nyaya-
kandati by Sridhara (tenth century A.D.); Saptapadarthi by Sivaditya
(eleventh century A.D.); Nyiiyalilavatiby Vallabhacarya (twelfth century A.D.);
Nyiiyasiddhiintadipa by Sasadhara (twelfth century A.D.); Tattvacintama~i by
Gailgesa Upadhyaya (thirteenth century A.D.); Upaskiira and Ka!Ziida-
rahasya by Sankara Misra (fifteenth century A.D.); Padarthatattva nirupa1)a
by Raghunatha Siromani (sixteenth century A.D.); and Bhiisapariccheda and
Nyiiya-/nuktiivali by Visvanatha (seventeenth century A.D.).b
Of the Jaina texts, UmasvatI's Tattvarthadhigamasutra (second century
A.D.); Bhagvati Sutra (c. fourth to fifth centuries A.D.); Siddhasena Divakara's
Nyiiyiivattira (sixth century A.D.); Nemicandra's Dravyasa/J1graha (twelfth
century A.D.); Mallisena's Syiidviidamaiijari (thirteenth century A.D.) are im-
portant. Among the noted Buddhist works are Sarrzyutta Nikiiya, Dhamma-
saliga~i, Buddhagho~a's Atthasiilini and Visudhimagga (c. fifth century
A.D.); Vasubandhu's Abhidham/nakosa (fourth to sixth centuries A.D.); Abhi-
dhammamatthasafl1graha; Diilnaga's Pramii~asamuccaya and Nyayapravesa
(sixth century A.D.) and Dharmakirtti's Nyiiyabindu (seventh century
A.D.).
In this short account an attempt is made only to present a bird's-eye
view of the important physical concepts of the Indian thinkers as contained
in the literary sources. Perhaps it would have been appropriate if a period-
wise presentation of these concepts and conceptual schemes was attempted
bringing to the fore at the same time their originators. In the present
state of knowledge it is feared that such an attempt may result in historically
tantalizing inaccuracies. In view of this, what follows is a broad historical
outline of the significant views and concepts of the Indians concerning the
physical world. Later, they are discussed under such heads as are relevant
to our purpose.
c. A.D. 1200- 1800 Rise and spread of neo-Iogic (na1'Ya nyiiya) in eastern
India
Physical concepts becoming intertwined with the theory
of knowledge and kindred logical questions; new
meanings of ~pace. time and atonlism in relation to
the Suprcme.
UNIVERSAL CONCEPTIONS
CI ~v., X, 129. b 8V., X, 158.4. C' Brh. Up., v, 5.1. d Chand. Up., VII, 10.
456 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
StiflJkhya
The classical Siif?1khya has the following enumeration:
prakrti-puru$a
I
mahan (consciousness)
I
I
aharikiira (ego) five tann1iitras
I
monas (mind)
I
I
I
I
ten indriyas
I
five bhiitas (elements).
• Kaul. up., I, 7. b Taitt. Up., II, 2.1. C Mail. Up., III, 1-2; VI,4.
THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS 457
The elements have the following attributes: iiktisa (sound); viiyu (sound
and touch); teias (sound, touch and odour); ap (sound, touch, colour and
taste); and prthvi (sound, touch, colour, taste and odour). There are two
noteworthy aspects in this scheme: (i) the attributes are based upon the
five senses; and (ii) the five elements are thought of in relation to these
attributes. This integrated concept, therefore, includes the sensorial and
the gross. The subtle are the tanmiitras which have potential power of
affecting the sense and the gross are the five elements corresponding to
the five senses. The subtle ones, presumably, have been conceived as the
ground for the five gross forms.
According to the SiifJ1khya, all gross things are formed by the grouping
and regrouping of the five elements. The noticeable differences among
substances are due to the different types of collocations or groupings. It
may be noted that the SiifJ1khya holds that there can be no production of
a thing which is non-existent previously, in tune with its theory of causa-
tion known as the satkiiryaviida. In this view, the production means a change
in the arrangement and that which is potentially present or the unmanifest be-
comes manifest-a sort of a 'continual transformation (parifJiima)'. The
five elements play their role in this transformation.
The SlJfllkhya doctrine of the five elements did influence a great deal
in the development of certain concepts of the Ayurveda, the principal Indian
medical system. For, the lyurveda has adopted the principles of Sarrzkhya
with certain modifications, bestowing special importance on the five elements
and their role even in the physiological processes. a
According to the lyurveda, the world consisting of the inorganic as well
as the organic is formed out of the five elements. Even the substances which
are used as medicines are, as a rule, composed of five elements. The indriya
or the sensory organ has in it the five elements; only the particular indriya
will have one element in greater proportion and the other four in relatively
smaller proportions. The human body is considered as a combination of
the five elements and soul.
In the Susruta SafJthitii b there is a clear exposition of the way in which
the five elements constitute a human body from its very conception. The
embryo which has in it the energetic principles is separated into form by
viiyu. The tejas transforms the embryo. The ap bhata maintains its moist
structure, while the prthvi tries to give shape and size to it, and keep it intact
by contributing hardness to it. Akiisa offers expanse to the embryo and
develops it. Thus comes into play the body or sarira on account of the five
elements.
The Ayurveda recognizes five types of substances, viz. iikiisiyadravya,
viiyaviyadravya, taijasadravya, iipyadravya and piirthivadravya. c It should
be emphasized that, according to the Ayurvedic concept, each of the five
types of gross bodies contains the particular element in greater proportion
while the other four are also present in it, of course, in minute but different
proportions.
The five elements are also associated with the formation of the six
rasas, viz. madhura (prthvi+ap); amla (tejas+prthvi); lavalJa (ap+tejas);
tikta (akasa + viiyu); kafu (tejas+ vliyu); and ka$iiya (prthvi+ vayu). d Yet
it should not be understood that the corresponding two elements alone
constitute a particular rasa; only these two are predominant in it while
the other three would also enter into its composition. Thus is maintained
the wholistic nature of the doctrine of five elements.
The Silfltkhya enumeration of the five elements should be viewed in
the light of the SaflZkhya thought-structure itself. For, according to the
SlJ1fZkhya, the material universe emanates out of prakrti which is conceived
to be the 'rootless root of the universe'. It is believed to be unmanifest
and in a state of equilibrium with respect to the three gUlJas, viz. sattva,
raja$ and lamas. Thus, prakrti, though single, is complex. As a result
of interaction of pur~a, prakrti is imagined to unfold or evolve itself. In
this process, matter first in the subtile form and later in the gross form, owes
its origin to the three gUlJas. The gUlJas are the constituent principles
of the universe, and matter is an offshoot of the intermingling of these three
gutlas. The five elements are even recognized in terms of the three gu~as
in different combinations. The gUtlas, however, are not the qualities of
prakrti, nor of the elements. They are abstractions bordering on the
conception of substance. Sattva is that which is light and fine, rajas that
which is active, and tamas that which is gross and heavy. These postula-
tions obviously are intended to account for the whole variety of the uni-
verse as the substratum of change. In this process of change the gU1Jas persist,
only their modes become potent. It would appear that the Sli1J1khya be-
lieves in the indestructibility of matter and in the continual operation of
force in terms of the modes of the perpetually active gU1Jas.
The VaHe~~ika and the Nyaya systems have their own assessment of
the five elements. They have given a concise and clear account of each of
the five elements as follows:
Prthvi (earth)
It is of two kinds: eternal and evanescent, eternal in the form of atoms
and evanescent in the form of products. The latter comprise many sub-
stances which are commonly perceived. The special quality of earth is
odour. The earthy products are threefold: (i) in the form of body; (ii) the
sense organ (olfactory); and (iii) objects of perception. The objects
include rocks, minerals, various kinds of stones, gems, diamond, etc. on
the one hand and vegetables, grasses, herbs, trees with their flowers and
fruits, and other types of plants. Earth possesses fourteen qualities: colour,
taste, odour, touch, number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction, dis-
junction, distance, proximity, gravity, fluidity and faculty.a
Ap (water)
Like earth, water is also of two kinds: eternal and non-eternal. It
is eternal in the form of atoms and non-eternal as products. Its products
are again threefold: (i) body; (ii) sense organ; and the (iii) object. The
body is in the region of VaruI)a. The sense organ is that of taste. The
objects exist as rivers, oceans, hails, moon and the like. The special quality
of water is taste. Its colour is white. It has also fourteen qualities: colour,
taste, touch, number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction, disjunction,
distance, proximity, gravity, viscidity, fluidity and faculty.b
Tejas (fire)
Fire, regarded as white and brilliant, is of two kinds: eternal (atoms)
and non-eternal (products). The products are also threefold: (i) body
(which belongs to the region of the sun); (ii) sense organ (visual); and
(iii) objects which are of four types: earthly, heavenly, stomachic and
mineral. The earthly fire is that which is perceived ordinarily, such as
wooden fire. The heavenly is the one observed as sun, lightning and the
like. The stomachic fire is that which brings about the digestion of food.
The mineral fire exists in the form of gold and other metals. Fire has
colour as its special quality. It has in all eleven qualities: colour, touch,
number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction, distance, disjunction, proxi-
mity, fluidity and faculty. a
Vayu (air)
Air is also eternal (in the shape of atoms) and non-eternal (as pro-
ducts). The products are of four types: (i) body, existing in the region
of the Maruts (atmospheric); (ii) sense organ, pervading all over the body
(tactile); (iii) object (that which is actually perceived as air and is the sub-
stratum of tactile sensation); and (iv) breath (air in the body which moves
various fluids and secretions on account of its distinct functions). The
qualities of air are touch, number, dimension. distinctness, conjunction,
disjunction, proximity, distance and faculty. Air has motion and the
motion is transversal (tiryak). It enables the clouds to keep at rest and
also moves them from place to place. It also causes the showering of rains
and does not let the weighty substances fall to the ground. b
Aktisa
While earth, water, fire and air are considered material, the fifth ele-
ment, iikiisa, is regarded as non-material, one and all-pervading. Its
special quality is sound. The auditory organ is of aka.fa itself. Its general
qualities are: sound, number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction and
disjunction. r
It will be seen from the foregoing enumeration that all the knowable
or sensorial objects are categorized with reference to these five elements.
In fact, they are generic names signifying the respective atomic states, gross
matter, senses, the different forms and even attributes. It is interesting to
note that in the Nyiiya-VaiSe{tika classification of the five elements, there
is a significant relation between the elements and the senses. The visual,
gustatory, olfactory, tactual and auditory organs are respectively made of
fire, water, earth, air and dkiisa. The principle governing this relation
seems to be one of 'like apprehending like'. The eye apprehends colour
and colour is the specific attribute of fire element; hence eye must have
in it the fire element. Likewise tongue apprehends taste and taste is the
specific attribute of water; hence the element composing the tongue is
water and so on. However, the principle of 'like apprehending like'
seems to find its limitation with reference to the internal organ, namely
manos. Though manas experiences qualities such as pleasure and pain,
• PBh., pp. 97-99. b PBh., pp. 111-13. " PBh.• pp. 143-44.
THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS 461
it is not made of any substance which possesses these qualities. The role
of nlanas as a substance is discussed later.
Of great importance is the fact that the Nyaya-Vaise~sjka view of the
five elements is a part of its concept of what is designated as dravya (sub-
stance). Substance is the first of the six categories. The other five are
gU~la (attribute), karma (action), siinuinya (generality), vise~a (particu-
larity) and samavaya (inherence).a These six categories, it is emphasized,
arc not subjective notions, nor are they necessities of thought. In the
Nyii)'a-Vaise~'ika scheme they are the feals, and a knowledge of them is the
knowledge of reality.
Substance is considered to be the most important, as it is the sub-
stratum (iisraya) fOf the others. It is of nine types: (i) pr/hvi (earth); (ii) ap
(water); (iii) tejas (fire); (iv) VQYu (air); (v) iikiisa; (vi) dis (space); (vii)
kala (time); (viii) ii/mii (self); and nlanas (mind).b The salient features
of the Nytiya- Vai~~e~\'ika conception of substance i~ shown on the following
page. In this plural presentation, the finite and material (prlhlll, ap, tejas
and vtiyu), the non-material and the ubiquitous (iikiisa, dis and kiila), and
the conscious self (ii/Ina) as well as mind (nlanas) have been integrated in
a rational way. The self is a generic title and includes the individual
selves. It possesses all-pervasive character and hence has the highest
dimension without any motion. Mind, the internal organ, is capable of
bringing about cognition, pleasure, pain and the like. I t aids self, of course,
with the help of the sense organs. Mind is considered to be atomic without
any specific quality and is believed to possess motion as it cognizes objects
instantaneously. Both self and mind are essential for experience-one
having consciousness and the notion of 'I', the other not having con-
sciousness, yet nourishing the notion of 'I'.
The foregoing nine substances of the Nyiiya-Vaise~flika focus an inte-
grated view on the world-stuff or substance in an ingenious way. It will
be observed that this conception of substance is inclusive of the attributes
also. For, it is stated that the attributes cannot exist apart from the sub-
stance; they inhere in the latter. Yet the substance is not identical with
or togetherness of its qualities. In this respect the Nyiiya-Vaise~ika differs
from the SafJ1khya and also the Buddhist view on matter.
ATOMISM
One of the most noteworthy Indian physical concepts is atomism.
Perhaps it may not be proper to consider this concept chemical or physico-
chemical for the reason that the Indian atomism is one of speculation,
based on causal consideration. When the atoms, the primordial stuff
of the world, unite to form the gross bodies, the process seems to be a physical
one strictly following a plausible causal mechanism. In this manner the
Nyaya-Vaise$ika, the Jaina and the Bauddha schools have expounded
eternal in eternal in eternal in eternal in eternal and eternal and eternal and eternal and eternal and
atomic state atomic state atomic state atomic state one one one plural plural
corporeal corporeal corporeal corporeal ubiquitous ubiquitous ubiquitous ubiquitous corporeal
principle of principle of principle of principle of principle of - >
("')
olfactory organ gustatory visual tactile auditory 0
organ organ organ organ Z
("')
(limited by Cii
ttl
the air-hole)
:c
specific specific specific specific specific - - (;i
quality- quahty- quality- quality- quality- d
~
odour taste colour touch sound ~
14 qualities: 14 qualities: II qualities: 9 qualities: 6 qualities: 5 qualities: 5 qualities: 14 qualities: 8 qualities: 0
"'T1
colour, colour, colour, touch, sound, number, number, cognition, number, tn
taste, taste, touch, number, number, dimension, dimension, pleasure, dimension, (')
odour, touch, number, dimension, dimension, distinctness, distinctness, pain,
r;
distinctness, z
touch, number, dimension, distinctness, distinctness, conjunction conjunction desire, conjunction, n
~
number, distinctness, distinctness, conjunction, conjunction and and aversion, disjunction,
dimension, dimension, conjunction, disjunction, and disjunction disjunction effort, priority,
Z
distinctness, conjunction, disjunction, proximity, disjunction virtue, posteriority Z
conjunction, disjunction, distance, distance 0
vice, and faculty 5=
disjunction, distance, proximity, and faculty,
distance, proximity, fluidity faculty number,
proximity, gravity, and faculty dimension,
gravity, viscidity, distinctness,
fluidity and fluidity and conjunction
faculty faculty and
disjunction
(The five generic qualities: number, dimension, distinctness, conjunction and disjunction common to all the substances)
THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS 463
their atomic concepts. The word used for atom is a~u or paramiilJu.
Each school has conceived of a~u or paranta'.lu as a logical necessity to
explain the physical world in furtherance of its own philosophical ideas.
say how far the Greeks were influenced by the Indian atomism against their
philosophical convictions. All that can be said with a fair degree of cer-
tainty, based on the available evidence, is that the concept of atom is a
product of an intuitive mind imbued with a spirit of free inquiry. The
Indian and the Greek thinkers were intuitive and indulged in free inquiry.
Therefore, the two atomisms might have originated independently of each
other.
CI Bhag. SU., 10.5.570. b Mishra (U.) (2), I, p. 317. (' Mishra (U.) (2), I, pp. 3J7-20.
30B
THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIE\VS AND CONCEPTS 467
lute and without beginning, the skandha is not absolute and beginningless.
Two a1Jus produce a dvipradesa (a skandha). Similarly a tripradesa skalldha,
caturpradesa skandha and so forth are thought of. According to the
Jainas there are also skandhas with countable units (saf!lhatapradesika),
uncountable units (asal.nkhyiitapradesika), infinite units and in finite-fold
combinations. Further, with reference to vibration and non-vibration,
there are varieties of skandhas according as the component atoms vibrate,
non-vibrate, partly vibrate and partly non-vibrate.
The atoms combine because of their inherent attributes, viz. snigdha
(attractive force), rak~a (repulsive force) and even snigdhatva-ruk~atva
(attractive-cum-repulsive force). These two attributes are natural to or
inherent in the atoms as well as the skandhas. This is in contradistinction
to the concept of adr${a of the Nyiiya-Vaise$fka. According to Umasvati,a
combination of similar or dissimilar atoms occurs when there is a difference
of at least two units of snigdha or ruk$a. In other words, the atoms can-
not combine if they do not have sufficient degree of snigdha or ruk~f)a; nor
would they combine when they are of equal degree. Likewise, two similar
types of atoms (say, those which have cohesive forces) cannot enter into
combination. In a refreshing approach, the Jaina appears to hold the
view that a combination means the coming into play of the cohesive and re-
pulsive forces which are natural to the atoms.
Further, each atom is said to possess the attributes (bhiivas) of touch,
taste, odour and colour, even so potentially; for pudga/a, composed as it is
of atoms, possesses these attributes. According to the Jaina view, these
four qualities associated as they are with what is called vyavahiira para-
,niilJu in contradistinction to the indivisible sak~ma paramiilJu, are also
capable of being divided. While the atoms of the Nyiiya-Vaise~')ika differ
from one another qualitatively, the Jaina atoms are all similar without
any qualitative or quantitative differences. In short, they are of one class
without any distinction such as, earth-atom, water-atom, etc., like those
of the Nyaya- Vaise$ika. Thus every atom is capable of producing any
colour, odour, taste and touch. However, it is believed that, in relation to
the attribute of a skandha, the corresponding atoms may have attributes
also.
The atom, according to the Bhagavatisutra, b is endowed with one
colour (black, blue, red, yellow or white), one taste (bitter, sour. astrin-
gent, acidic or sweet), one smell (pleasant or unpleasant) and two touches
(cold and cohesive, warm and cohesive, cold and dry or warm and dry).
However, the atom is not considered to be heavy or large, but light (aguru-
/aghu) in its own state. There is no matter lighter than atom. C The at-
tributes are present in every atom to an equal extent, participating in trans-
formations and aggregations. It is of interest to note that the Jaina thinkers
do not regard the aggregate (skandha)as a new substance, but as a special form
of the aggregation of atoms which are infinite in number. A noteworthy
a TSu. Bh., 5. 23. b Bhag. Su., 20, 5.668. C Bhag. Su., 25. 4.740.
468 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
ATTRIBUTES OF MATIER
Gurutva (gravity)
The Nyiiya- Vaise#ka holds that gravity is the cause of falling b when
there is no conjunction or self-reproduction of motion. Though imper-
ceptible, gravity can be inferred from the action of falling. The falling
of rain water is considered to be due to gravity. The Vaise$ika thinks
that gravity resides in the object as a whole and not in its parts. The
body of a man does not fall because gravity is said to be counteracted by
the effort of the man to keep standing. An object placed high up does
not fall because of its conjunction with its support. The arrow which is
shot out in air does not fall to the ground because of the impetus it
possesses, and the impetus neutralizes the effect of gravity. The theory of
impetus of the Vaise~~ika has been discussed later. Gravity is supposed
to be eternal as well as temporary. The gravity of the atoms of earth
as well as of water is considered eternal, while the gravity of the products
Dravatva (fluidity)
Fluidity is considered to be the quality of the three corporal sub-
~tance~-earth, watcr and fire. It is the cause of the action of flowing in
the same way as gravity is the cause of the act of falling. Fluidity is of two
types: natural and incidental. The former is the specific property of water.
Even so water is said to lose this quality on becoming a solid in the form
of srh.)W or hail. There is even a view that the fluidity of watery atoms
is brought about by some external agency like subtle supernatural fire.
Strangely, salt is considered to be aqueous in nature because in course
of time it 'melts into an aqueous form' (possibly referring to the prop-
erty of deliquescence due to the presence of magnesium chloride in com-
nl0n salt). Likewise, fire is also regarded as a substance possessing the
quality of fluidity, for fluidity of melted butter or gold is caused by fire. a
Snigdha (viscidity)
As a specific quality of water, viscosity or viscidity is the cause of
cohesion and smoothness. As a result of this quality, agglutination or a
holding together of particles (pi~l(!ibhiiva) occurs in the fornl of a lump.
I n other words, viscidity counteracts any tendency of the particles to dis-
perse. Thus it is an operative cause of conjunction against a possible
tendency of disjunction. Water is said to possess this property because
the particles of earth or flour, for example, are agglutinated in contact with
it to form a dough. b
Sthitisthapaka (elasticity)
Elasticity is a particular kind of the attribute, saf!lskara (faculty). It
is a quality of only the earthy substances which have their component..
particles packed together. It is this property that is responsible for a bow,
a thread or a branch of a tree which can undergo contraction or expan..
sian. It would appear that elasticity is thought of a~ a cause or force
bringing about a come-back to the original condition in an object which
has already experienced the opposite state. C
MOTION
In the Indian view of the physical world, the idea of motion is of funda-
mental importance. For, it is believed that motion is necessary not only
for the creation of the world but for its destruction even. In other words,
both conjunction and disjunction, of cosmic or atomic order, are inherent in
a substance which serves as the substratum of motion. The characteristics
of motion, according to the Nyliya- VaiSe{iika, are: (i) one kind of motion
is possible at a time in one substance; (ii) the substance experiences motion
from without; (iii) motion exists only for a few moments; (iv) it is pro-
duced by infinite substances with limited foons; (v) it has no quality and
(vi) it is destroyed by the effect it produces in a particular direction. The
Vaise$ika siilra says that motion is non-eternal and has the character of
being an effect and a cause. In particular, it is the cause of velocity and
elasticity.
It has been mentioned earlier that one of the six categories of the
Nyaya-Vaise#ka system is action (karman). Action is thought of in terms of
throwing upwards (utk$epa!la), throwing downwards (apak$epa!la), contrac-
tion (likuncana), expansion (prasiira~a), and going (gamana).b In fact, the five
actions represent the Nyaya-VaiJe#ka concept of motion. Evidently, in these
CJ PBh., pp. 649 If.
THE PHYSICAL WORLD: VIEWS AND CONCEPTS 473
five actions what distinguishes the one from the other is the direction in which
the action takes place. Throwing upwards and throwing downwards arc
obviously vertical motions in opposite direction brought about by effort.
Both contraction and expansion are explained in terms of conjunction
and disjunction of particles in space. Gamana is motion in general in any
direction. It is conceived of in terms of conjunction or disjunction
with points of space in diverse directions. It is quite clear that in this
scheme, motion has not been conceived with reference to both space and
time.
The Vaise$ika holds the view that matter in its atomic or gross state
is intrinsically static. The inert matter is set in motion by some quality
present in it. For example, the falling motion is due to the quality of
gravity present in it. The quality of fluidity is the cause of flowing. Even
throwing upwards or downwards is caused by the quality, effort. Ga/nana
takes place as a result of the two qualities, viz. conjunction and disjunction.
In the case of atomic matter the position appears to be different. It is
pointed out that only the free atoms which exist at the time of total destruc-
tion of the universe are in motion. The first cause of this motion is held
to be adr~!a (the unseen). In the Nyiiya-Vaise#ka concept of motion,
adr..~ta seems to occupy an important position. Even some of the natural
movements like attraction of needle by magnet, flow of air, upward rise of
sap in the plants, etc., are considered to be due to adryta.a
The motion of free atoms caused by adr~')ta is responsible for the coming
into being of the material world. The free atoms have two types of
motions-creative and non-creative. The former causes conjunction of
atoms eventually giving rise to gross bodies. The latter, on the other
hand. brings about occasional grouping of atoms.
The Vaise~ika holds that when a body moves its motion belongs to
itself and to no other. One event of motion cannot produce another
motion; i.e. it cannot initiate its own kind of motion. This means that
perpetual motion is impossible. A body can have at a particular moment
one unit of motion which just produces the minimum possible change
in the positions of the body. How then could the body have continued
motion? In this respect the concept of sa1?lskiira, one of the attributes,
is of great significance. There are three forms of sa1?lskara, namely vega
(impetus), bhavanii (mental impression) and sthitisthiipaka (elasticity).b
The last has been dealt with already. The second is non-physical in
character and hence does not merit attention at this stage. The Vai.fe~fj;ka
concept of vega is important in this respect that it signifies the idea of
momentum, for vega is stated to be not only caused by motion but also
is recognized as a cause of motion. According to Vyomasivacarya and
Sridhara, vega is caused by nodana (impelling push), abhighiita (impact)
and sa1J1yuktasa1J1yoga (forces which set in compound conjunction)c. It
is, therefore, reasonable to suppose that vega is produced by a force or
opposite direction. The point worthy of note is that the impact of the
pestle with the mortar as well as the continuance of the upward motion for
some time is explained in terms of vega.
The Vaise~'iika explanation of the motion of objects is obviously quali-
tative, considering as it does the motion in terms of change with reference
to space only. Nowhere does it appear to takc cognizance of another
mode of perception with respect to motion, i.e. time. The general idea
is that motions arc cau~ed by qualities in the substance. This is in
keeping with the position that actions and qualities cannot be considered
without their substratum, viz. substance.
The falling motion of a body has been examined in considerable detail
by the Vaise~'iika. In the case of a body falling vertically due to gravity
it is believed that gravity causes the initial falling, and impetus, too. is said
to be produced concomitantly. Even though the downward motion
becomes subject to the combined action of gravity and impetus, the
explanation offered by the VaiSe~'iika does not appear to have the connota-
tion of acceleration at all. It would appear that gravity which causes the
fir~t unit of motion from which arises the impetus, becomes ineffective,
and the subsequent falling motion is considered to be due to impetus alone.
Gravity as understood by the Vaisc,.''lika should not he confused with the
modern concept of gravity. It may be reiterated that in the VaiSe.yika
school gravity is a quality having a causal function with falling as its effect.
Historically, the impetus theory appeared in Europe, only in the
fourteenth century A.D. though John Philoponus of Alexandria had put
forward a similar view as early as the sixth century A.D. In India, how-
ever, the impetus theory is unmistakably recognizable in the Prasasla-
piidabhii$ya (c. fifth century A.D.) and the elements of the theory can be
found in the Vaise~'ika sUlra which, as indicated already, is pre-Buddhistic
(c. seventh century B.C.).
the efficient cause of notions such as 'youth', 'old', etc. In other words,
because of time, the growth and decay in material objects are perceived.
Time is thought of in diverse ways on account of the diversity of such
situations as production, continuance and disappearance of all things.
Events derive their chronological order on account of time. The past,
present and future are empirical divisions of time. The coming into being
of an effect indicates the future; its persistence means the present; and
its destruction connotes the past. The notions of past and future are
with reference only to the present, according to the Nyaya-Vaise$ika.
In this interpretation, time is reckoned in terms of its kriyii or action also. a
The present relates, say in the case of falling object, the action of falling
and the object; the past means that the connection between the object
and the falling action is over; and future refers to such a connection yet to
materialize.
Space and time have many things in common in the Nyiiya-Vaise~ika.
Yet they are distinctly separate substances, even though they possess
the same qualities. The difference lies in interpreting time on the basis
of action while space is not conceived of that way.
The Jainas, in general, believe that time is ajiva (non-conscious) and
without any kaya, but eternal and without motion, even though SOIne
thinkers among them differ from this viewpoint. The present, past and
future are referred to by the Jainas as phenomenal time, vyavahara kala
or samaya, i.e. they are intimately connected with certain events or pheno-
mena bringing about changes. Obviously this is 'relative-time'.b The
Jainas also think that there is yet another time known as niscayakala, i.e.
nounlenal tinle. The noumenal time is the basis or support (iidhara) of
the phenomenal time. Besides, it is the cause of changes in substances
and without it no change is possible. In sum, the Jaina view of time is
not wholly different from that of the Nyiiya-Vaise..fJika. However, there
seems to be one important difference, viz. the Jainas (the Digambaras)
do not consider time as one and all-pervasive. Instead they hold that
there are distinctive time units corresponding to distinctive human
experiences. They are the ultimate time-units, called kiilalJus, Le. atoms
of time-as indivisible as atoms, discrete and infinitesimal. Each kiilii(lu
is supposed to occupy only one pradesa and hence kala has no 'kiiya'.c
While the Nyiiya-Vaise~ika and the Jaina schools recognize the abso-
lute reality of time, the Buddhists and the followers of Stil'flkhya and the
Vedantins deny the objective existence of time. The followers of the Yoga
school of Pataiijati seem to accept only k~alJa (i.e. moment) as the ultimate
unit of time and imagine an uninterrupted flow of these ultimate units. The
Vedantins regard time as of nescience (avidyii), i.e. time has no reality.
In addition to the foregoing, there are a number of other views
about time. For example, the celebrated Purii1)as speak of time as all-
powerful Deity. The Yoga Viisi~1ha says that time and space are relative
4 Mishra (V.) (I), pp. 180-82. b Dr. Sa",., 21, 22. C Mishra (D.) (2), I, p. 321.
478 A CONCISE HJSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
thought-models which are dependent upon mind. A few tantrik texts con-
sider time even as Sakti which governs creation, persistence and destruction.
But these views deserve only passing mention.
HEAT
PillIpiikaviida
The piluplikaviida envisages the action of heat at various stages. When
an earthy body (pot) is heated, the fire element enters into it with great
force, thus setting into motion the earth-atoms. Udayanacarya says that
the impact is so strong that the motion produced by the fire element results
in the destruction of the previous structure (vyuha). As a result, disjunction
of atoms takes place, i.e. the dyads are split and atoms become isolated.
At this stage, fire destroys the original colour of the earth-atoms which,
as a result, attain a native state. Fire now produces in them the red
colour. Afterwards, the unseen force (adr~ta) causes conjunction of atoms
into dyads which ultimately form, through triads, the pot once again.
This is evidenced by the fact that before the action of heat the constituent
parts of the pot are not hard, while they do become hard after heating.
Though a series of events takes place, the Vaise$ika holds that the original
shape of the pot remains the same.
Another interesting aspect of Ithe pilupiikaviida is that the whole
process is enumerated in terms of distinct stages, and the time necessary
for attaining each stage is reckoned in terms of moments-nine, ten or
eleven. a The heating process involving ten moments, broadly, is as follows:
(i) motion produced in the atoms, and isolation of atoms; (ii) destruction
of the original colour; (iii) production of the red colour; (iv) destruction
of the motion of the atoms produced earlier; (v) production of the creative
motion between the atoms; (vi) disjunction between the at0111S and iik{isa;
(vii) destruction of the conjunction produced earlier; (viii) cOIning into
bell1g of productive conjunction; (ix) production of the dyad; and (x) pro-
d uctlon of the red colour in it, and formation of the triad. Likewise,
details are also given of processes involving nine or eleven movements.
There are even processes involving six, five, four or three moments, in
con~onance with the different stages of the processes reckoned. What is
of inlportance in this scheme is that the colour of the pot is produced by the
colour of the triads which owe their colour to the constituent dyads which,
111 turn, owe it to the colour of the atoms themselves.
Pitharapiikavtida
According to the pi{harapiikaviida which sets forth the view that
the colour change takes place in the entire body of the pot, i.e. the pot
in the oven or the furnace relnains structurally intact. It does not undergo
any change in size or shape, and the invisible process of disintegration at
the level of atoms is wholly untenable.
These two views obviously try to explain a common phenomenon on
logical grounds without going into the quality or quantity of heat itself.
The idea relating to the differences in the sources of heat is also not thought
of. Different types of fuels are stated to be differcnt forms of fire. There
i~ a view held by Vijfiana Bhik~u that heat is latcnt in the fuel and under
favourablc conditions it breaks forth. Udayanacarya has given expression
to a more rational view that the solar heat is the source of all fonns of heat
manifested. b
Another aspect of the element fire vis-a-vis what is known as piika
deserves consideration. Piika, in general, seems to connote conjunction
of the element fire in different ways with earthy substances. For example,
when a mango fruit is kept surrounded with straw, the heat produced
changes its colour from green to yellow without affecting the taste of the
fruit. This is a case of conjunction involving fire element. Similar types
of conjunctions are possible resulting in the change of taste, smell and
touch. The Nyiiya-Vaise~ika tries to explain different transformations
such as production of milk from grass, formation of curd, cream, etc., on
the basis of conjunction involving fire atoms.
LIGHT
turned back. Again they establish contact with his own face. The re-
flected image is perceived as a result of the peculiar colour of the mirror's
own surface. a
It will be seen from the foregoing observations that the speculation
concerning light centres round the fact that the rays issue forth from the
eye itself to establish contact with the object. The contact-theory, as it
may be called, seems to derive its sanction from (i) the fact that the principle
of visual organ is tejas (fire) and (ii) an observation that the light rays appear
to emanate from the eyes of 'night-walkers', i.e. cats and other feline
animals. The Nyiiyabhti~,;ya asserts that there is no justification for the
assumption that there is a difference of character between the eye of the
cat and the human eye. b
Of particular interest are the different views about the characteristics
of the visual sense organ itself. The Nyiiya-Vaise#ka holds that the eyes
arc produced mainly from the ultimate particles of tejas so that they
apprehend colour alone. It is pointed out that this particular type of pro-
duction is rendered possible by adr~!a. The Buddhists, however, believe
that the blue eyeballs represent the visual organ. These eyeballs, which
are material, perceive the external objects because of external light and
the past deeds of the observer. They do not subscribe to the idea that
the visual organ moves up to the object of perception at a distance. In
respect of the number of visual organs, too, there are differing views. The
author of the Nyiiyabhii~~ya, Vatsyayana, states that there are two inde-
pendent eyes and hence two sense organs of sight. Udyotakara, in his
N)'ilyaviirtika, asserts that there is only one organ of sight. This view
is supported by the later exponents of the Nyiiya-Vaise$ika like Viicaspati
Misra and Visvanatha as well as by the Buddhist, Vasubandhu.
SOUND
preserve it with diligence and care only in the nature of elaborate com-
mentaries. Thus ensued an in-breeding in scientific thinking and, in effect,
the creative spirit of India was at its lowest ebb from the twelfth to almost
the middle of the nineteenth century A.D.
It is true that India had absorbed already some of the Chinese practical
arts such as alchemy, paper-making and pyrotechnics. But the Chinese
culture-area was in no better position to provide further stimuli which
could make inroads into the Indian scientific thinking and practice. The
intellectualism of Arabic science with which India had close links shifted
to Europe and, by the twelfth century A.D., Spain, the westernmost province of
the Islamic world, developed into a meeting ground of Arabian, Jewish and
Christian thoughts, with such Indian elements as were assimilated by the
Arabian men of science. In the succeeding two centuries it was Europe
which provided a social si tuation, as will be seen below, that was favourable
to certain new intellectual endeavours. India could well have looked to
Europe and derived inspiration from what was happening in Europe then.
But, again, the political and social factors appear to have overpowered the
knowledge-seekers and innovators, with the result that India had to wait
patiently till the western science was introduced by the Europeans who
came as traders first and governed the country later.
RENAISSANCE IN EUROPE
mind with mind which leads to intellectual culture and creation. On the
other hand, the city life of the leisured and intelligent classes in northern
Italy gave an ideal environment for the birth of the Renaissance'.4 Further,
there was in that period an increase in commerce and an expansion of urban
living. The artists and craftsmen became a part of the urban population,
having had their share of prosperity and recognition by the widening upper
classes who possessed the requisite wealth for material well..being. The
new world was under exploration, and the newly acquired treasures gave
leisure and comfort for intellectual pursuits. The navigation with the use
of astronomical instruments and the abiding interest in cartography brought
about not only a widening of the horizon of the physical world but also of
human intellect. In particular, astronomy, mathematics, medicine and
mechanics assumed new dimensions, meriting serious and imaginative
attention.
• Dampier. p. 101.
488 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
II Burkill, p. 17.
490 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
India', was granted a Charter by Queen Elizabeth I on the last day of 1600.
This Company traded at first with the Spice Islands, and it was only in
1608 that it could send its first vessel to Surat. The latter, under the name
'The United East India Company of the Netherlands', set foot on the Malabar
Coast a little earlier. The French East India Company came into being
in 1664. The European naturalists, medical men, engineers and other
technical men who came out to India in association with such commercial
and trading enterprises were responsible in no small measure for the intro-
duction of western science in India. Of them, as will be seen later, the
British, after establishing their supremacy in 1757, played a great role in
not only establishing a number of scientific and technical institutions but
also promoting scientific investigations in India.
Jesuit Missionaries
The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries also witnessed the entry into
India of a number of Jesuit missionaries (belonging to a religious order of
the Roman Catholic Church, founded in 1534 by Ignatius Loyola) who
carried with them the then prevalent learning in Europe in astronomy,
geography and natural history. Unofficial agents as they indeed were of
the Portuguese Company trading in India, the Jesuit missionaries were also
active in the political field particularly in the Mughal court. Fathers
Antonio Ceshi (mathematician), Johann Groeber and Albert d'Orville
(astronomers), Bouchet, Mandeslo, Noel, Boudier, Figuerado, Gabelsperger,
Strobl and Tieffenthaler (geographers) spared no efforts in furtherance of
their knowledge in the respective sciences. Some of them were associated
with the astronomical observatories of Sawai Jai Singh early in the
eighteenth century. To what extent their knowledge of western science
was able to influence the local pa1)(iits and rulers cannot be said with certain-
ty. Likewise, in what form the Indian scientific ideas which they carried
with them to Europe were assimilated into the then evolving scientific
knowledge is a nloot point. However, in the field of geography of India
the latitude and longitude measurements which were determined scientifically
by some of the Jesuit missionaries contributed not a little to the geographical
knowledge of India.
BOTANICAL STUDIES
CIIt would appear that up to the end of the nineteenth century there were as many as
457 persons interested in the botanical explorations, among whom 104 were surgeons
or physicians and 111 were administrative officers. -Burkill, p. 232.
& King (G.), p. 904.
C Burkill, p. 9; King (G.), p. 90S.
492 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN JNDIA
SURVEY
a Phillimore, I, p. 2.
494 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
were not lagging behind in their efforts towards surveying the strategically im..
portant geographical parts. In the Presidency of Madras, Robert Kelly (1738-
1790) and Michael Topping (1747-1796) were the pioneers. Kelly attempt..
ed to cover the south peninsula with an atlas of degree sheets compiled
from measured routes. Topping, who founded the Madras Observatory
(1792) and the Surveying School (1794), advocated 'a continuous series of
triangles that should be spread throughout India', a and endeavoured to
prepare a 300-mile line of triangles along the coast from Madras to Palk
Straight. Even though he did not have the necessary knowledge of geo..
desy, Topping appeared to have favoured a trigonometrical survey of
India. Collin Mackenzie of the Madras Engineers, who placed the topo-
graphical survey (i.e. delineation of the natural and other features of an
area) on a solid foundation, was well known for his survey of the Deccan
including Mysore. Towards the close of the eighteenth century substantial
progress was made in both the land and coastal surveys. Some parts of
Upper India were also surveyed notably by Frederick Sackville (Bundel-
khand), Francis White (Delhi), Colebrooke (Rohilkhand) and Webb (Oudh
and Gorakhpur). James Blunt surveyed Cuttack and produced a valuable
map. Nevertheless, all these could not assume an all-India character even
towards the close of the eighteenth century as they were scattered and dis-
joined.
METEOROLOGICAL RECORDINGS
Objects
The objects of the Asiatic Society were stated in an ornate style by
William Jones in his opening address as follows: 'You will investigate
whatever is rare in the stupendous fabric of nature, will correct the geo-
graphy of Asia by new observations and discoveries, will trace the animals,
and even traditions, of those nations, who from time to time have peopled
or desolated it; and will bring to light their various fonns of government,
with their institutions, civil and religious; and you will examine their im-
provements and methods in arithmetic and geometry, in trigonometry,
mensuration, mechanics, politics, astronomy and general physics; their skill
in surgery and medicine and their advancement, whatever may be in ana-
tomy and chemistry. To this you will add researches into their agriculture,
manufactures and trade, and whilst you enquire into their music, archi-
tecture, painting and pottery. You will not neglect those inferior arts, by
which comforts, and even elegances of social life, are supplied or improved. 'b
Indeed the canvas of investigations was wide; for not only did it em-
brace the letters, sciences and arts, the inanimate rocks and the animate
fauna and flora but even covered a wide range of human thinking and
reflections. In fact Jones himself said: 'If now it be asked, what are the
intended objects of the enquires within these spacious limits, we answer:
Man and Nature-whatever is performed by the one and produced by the
other within the geographical limits of Asia.'
William Jones
William Jones himself set an example in this direction. He became
well versed in Sanskrit and threw fresh light on the antiquity of the Indian
Zodiac, the lunar year of the Hindus, the Hindu chronology, Indian plants,
etc. He prepared a catalogue of the Indian plants with their names both
in Sanskrit and Linnaean generic nomenclature. To perpetuate the botani-
cal interests of William Jones, Roxburgh established the genus Jonesia Roxb.
(Sarca L.). A man of deep culture, William Jones did signal service to
the furtherance of oriental and scientific pursuits in India by establishing
the Asiatic Society. He died at an early age of forty-eight in 1794. During
his stay in lndia, short as it was for about ten years, the Asiatic Society
steadily progressed towards its becoming a premier society of its type in
Asia. There was no Indian as member of the Society when it started.
However, now and then, papers written by Indians used to be presented.
In April 1785, a paper in Persian entitled 'The Care of the Elephantiasis and
other Disorders of the Blood', written by a Muhammadan medical man,
was translated into English by Jones himself and presented by him to the
Society. It was only in 1829 that a few Indians were elected as members
of the Society for the first time.
The Asiatic Society had no building of its own for twenty-four years.
As long as Jones was alive, the meetings were held in the Grand Jury
Room of the old Supreme Court. It was only in 1808 that the Society was
able to function in its own building on Park Street in Calcutta.
For a long time the East India Company was primarily concerned with
the manufactures and the produce typically Indian. Nevertheless, when
it consolidated its political position in the later half of the eighteenth
century, the Company found it prudent to have a few scientific and technical
establishments like the Survey Department and the Botanical Gardens as
pointed out earlier. But it did not promote or organize studies of the
natural history of India on scientific lines. However, the naturalist-
members of the Asiatic Society were greatly interested in investigations of
the rich and varied fauna and flora as well as geology and geography of
India, and the Society encouraged such investigations.
EDUCATION
The East India Company for long was concerned mainly with its
commercial interests and hence chose to be indifferent towards the promo-
tion of education of the people of India as one of its distant objectives even.
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 497
In the last two decades of the eighteenth century, however, some efforts
were made for establishing a few educational institutions. Governor-
General Warren Hastings founded in 1781 a Madrassa at Calcutta by
providing a building for it at his own expense which was afterwards charged
to the Company. The object of this institution was to promote the study
of the Arabic and Persian languages and the Muhammadan Law, with a view,
more especially, to the production of well-qualified officers for the Courts
of Justice. a Nevertheless, in later years the curriculum underwent some
change by including courses in natural philosophy, astronomy, geometry,
arithmetic, logic and rhetoric. But it must be noted that the English
language was not introduced as one of the subjects of study, nor was western
learning taught there. In 1791 Jonathan Duncan, the Resident at Banares,
opened the Hindu College with the object of educating the Hindus in their
own language by prescribing courses in theology, medicine, music,
mechanics, arts, grammar, mathematics, history, philosophy, law and
literature.
Of considerable historical significance from the point of view of the
introduction of English education in India, is the active interest evinced by
one of the Directors of the East India Company, Charles Grant who wrote
a treatise (1792-97) entitled Observations on the State of Society among
the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain, Particularly with Respect to Morals;
and Oil the Means of Improving It. Even though in this treatise Grant made
some devastating remarks, many of them being in the nature of half-truths,
he entered a vigorous plea to impart western education to the Indians in
English, failing which in the Indian languages themselves. In his treatise
he wrote: 'Perhaps, no acquisition in natural philosophy would so effec-
tively enlighten the mass of people, as the introduction of the principles
of mechanics and their application to agriculture and the useful arts. Not
that the Hindoos are wholly destitute of simple mechanical contrivances.
Some manufactures, which depend upon patient attention and delicacy of
hand, are carried to a considerable degree of perfection among them; but
for a series of ages, perhaps for two thousand years, they do not appear
to have made any considerable addition to the arts of life. Invention
seems wholly trepid among them; in a few things they have improved by
their intercourse with Europeans, of whose immense superiority they are
at length convinced; but this effect is partial, and not discernible in the
bulk: of the people. The scope for improvement, in this respect, is prodi-
gious.' Further, he advocated the improvement in agriculture by the
introduction of mechanical contrivances. b However, as it happened, the
introduction as well as the growth of English education and, as part of it,
the scientific and technical education could take roots in India only in the
nineteenth century.
The first railway line was laid in 1853 between Bombay and Thana
covering a distance of about 20 miles. In the next fifteen years the length
covered by the railways rose to 1,088 nliles, and by 1871 it was 5,077 miles.
There was indeed a rapid advance in railway construction and by the end
of the century, Le. in the next span of about 30 years, 24,760 miles of rail-
ways were laid, a connecting the important towns, harbours, and coal and
other mineral-producing areas. In fact, the railway enterprise in India
received from the government rather an extraordinary encouragement in
preference to the construction of canals for irrigation purposes, as the
former proved to be an effective carrier of goods of comnlcrcial inlportancc
in furtherance of the enlightened self-intercst of the British. Whatever
might have been the reason, the notable fact was that the railways created
new types of employment, trade marts, new townships and introduced an
element of mobility and intercourse anlong the different sections of the
people, with obvious impact on certain social changes even.
Apart from the telegraph and the railway, it may be noted that, as a
result of the military and commercial motives on the one hand and adminis-
trative exigencies which cropped up from time to tilne on the other, the
government had to adopt concerted measures for l11aking the then existing
scientific service organizations more broad-based and utilitarian, as also
establishing some new scientific institutions. Thus, among others, the
meteorological, survey and botanical organizations developed all-India
character~ the geological survey came into being; and research institutes in
engineering, bacteriology, medicine and agriculture were established. All
these had impact, in their respective spheres, on the political and economic
life of the nation. The network of scientific institutions of necessity spread
over different parts of the country, and the gradual involvement of some
of the local inhabitants in the scientific investigations, produced not Ul1-
noticeably a scientific climate in the country. Added to this, the learned
societies took the lead not only in supporting a number of investigations
but also publishing in their transactions and journals the important scientific
findings of the investigators, some of whom travelled far and wide, on the
plains and the hills, in pursuit of their researches. Though the people as
a whole could not admittedly imbibe the true scientific spirit and were not
educated enough to appreciate the importance of the scientific efforts, they
could not but witness the growing influence of western science and its
gradually taking roots in India.
M eteor%gy
His account of the important cyclones a which occurred in the East from
1829 to 1857 is well known.
]n the south, as early as 1836, the Rajah of Travancore founded at
Trivandrum an observatory in which extensive observations were recorded
by John Allan Broun, astronomer to the Rajah, from 1852 onwards. A
branch of this observatory was also established in 1855 at Agastya-mula
(a peak 6,200 ft. high), and the hourly observations made there yielded
valuable data on atmospheric pressure, temperature, humidity and evap-
oration. Meteorological observations were also in progress by medical
men and army officers at Banga]ore, Mysore, Coorg, Doddabetta on the
Nilgiri hills (8,640 ft. high) and Sikandarabad. b
In the west, Benjamin, Norton and Colonel Sykes were the leading
meteorologists. In particular, Sykes not only brought out the outstanding
features of his barometrical indications relating to diurnal and nocturnal
tides but also analysed systematically his hygrometric observations. He
described the spectacular circular and white rainbows in the Deccan, the
peculiarity of the winds, frequency of calms, quantity of electricity in the
atmosphere and the peculiar atmospheric opacity in hot weather. c The
Bombay Observatory, established in 1823, made valuable contributions to
meteorology from 1842 onwards, under George Buist, Orlebar, Montriou,
Fergusson, Morland and Chambers.
Though the meteorological stations in different parts of the country
were actively engaged in the collection of valuable data, the need was felt
for a general system of meteorological observations on a uniform plan.
In 1863, Thomas Glaisher prepared a report pleading for such a recourse.
Perhaps the year 1864 is of considerable significance in the history of meteo-
rology in India; for in that year occurred a major cyclone which gripped
Calcutta and the neighbourhood with devastating consequences-loss of
over 80,000 human lives and huge damage to property on land, and ships
on the sea. The Bengal Famine of 1866 was another natural calamity
which further necessitated the development of meteorological observations.
In 1865 a meteorological committee was appointed at Calcutta C to
consider the best means of establishing a system of observations for the
protection of that port '.d The committee recommended the appointment
of observers, who were assistants in the Electric Telegraph Department, to
record the data and transmit thenl by telegraph to the meteorological
observatory attached to the Surveyor-General's office at Calcutta. Soon
meteorological reporters were appointed to the Governments of the Panjab
(A. Neil) and the North-West Provinces (Murray Thomson). In 1867,
H. F. Blanford, who was then Professor of Natural Sciences at the Presi-
dency College at Calcutta and who was to playa great role in the evolution
of the meteorological department, to be noticed later, was appointed as
Meteorological Reporter to the Government of Bengal.
a The term cyclone was coined by Piddington, ~ Markham, pp. 281-83.
based on the Greek word Kuklos which con- C Markham, pp. 285 and 288-89.
notes the coil of a snake. tJ Markham, p. 291.
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 503
FIG. 10.1. Sketch of the Weather Chart of India: 16 Sept. ]888. (Reproduced from Regi01wl
Meteorological een/fl', Nagpur, Si/rer Jubilee Souvenir, Appendix Ill.)
Astronomical Investigations
In respect of astronomical investigations, there were some individual
attempts to observe the transit of planets like Mercury and Venus. James
Prinsep observed the transit of Mercury on the 5th of May 1832 using a
four-foot achromatic telescope of four inches aperture, mounted equatorially
and provided with a delicate micrometer. a Colonel Tennant made obser-
vations on the transit of Venus, and its egress from the sun, on the 9th
of December 1874 at Roorkee. b These individual efforts amply illustrate
the versatility of the persons concerned, and their abiding interest in
matters celestial.
At the Madras Observatory important astronomical work was in
progress, a summary of which can be found in Markham's book. Briefly
stated, John Goldingham and his deputy Warren, both trained astronomers,
were engaged in many an astronomical observation. In their work they
were ably helped by two Indian assistants who made regular astronomical
observations relating to the sun's transit every day at noon, the eclipse of
the Jupiter's satellites occurring al010st every night, and the transits of a
number of recognized stars, with a view to regulating the astronomical
clock. Thomas Glanville Taylor, who succeeded Goldingham, equipped
the observatory with new and more powerful instruments including transit
instruments, astronomical clocks, telescopes and circular measurer.c He
began the compilation of the Star Calalogue which was published in ]844 in
its final form containing the places of some 11,000 stars. d
N. R. Pogson, who was associated with this observatory for a period
of thirty years (1861-1891), equipped it with precision instruments, the
principal among them were a transit circle and an 8!-inch equatorial.
The former was employed for the preparation of a catalogue of 5,000 stars.
With the latter Pogson discovered six minor planets and seven variable
stars. The minor planets, noticed between the orbits of Mars and Jupiter,
were Asia (17 April 1861), Freia (2 February 1864), Sappho (3 May ]864),
Sylvia (16 May 1866), Can1illa (17 November 1868) and Vera (6 February
1885).e It was Pogson who thought of establishing a branch of this ob-
servatory in the Palni or Nilgiri hills, particularly for the photographic and
spectroscopic observations of the sun and the stars. But no action ensued
in his lifetime. The Madras Famine of ]876-1877 which occurred due to
the failure of the moonsoon rains gave a fillip to the establishment of a
solar physics observatory, inasmuch as the Commission of Inquiry which
was appointed by the government to investigate the cause of the famine,
brought to the notice of the government' a correlation between the seasonal
distribution of rain in India and sunspot periodicity and hence recommended
Geomagnetic Studies
In respect of geomagnetic studies~ as early as 1834 India participated
in the global study of the carth~s nlagnetism~ which was organized by the
Gottingen Magnetic Union with a view to recording simultaneous magnetic
observations at 50 stations during 1834-1841. b Out of the six stations in
the whole of Asia selected for this purpose, there were three in
India-at Madras, Simla and Trivandrum. Later in 1840, a magnetic
observatory was started at Colaba (Bombay) through a fortunate accident.
In that year, a magnetic observatory was proposed to be started at Aden
and as for some reasons it was not materializing then, the instruments were
diverted to Colaba where a meteorological and time determination ob-
servatory had already been at work since 1823. The magnetic observatory
was shifted from Colaba to Alibag (18 miles south-east of Bombay) in
1904, in view of the introduction of the electric traction for the street tram
service then, lest the electric current should vitiate the magnetic observations.
The Alibag Observatory is regarded as one of the primary magnetic ob-
servatories of the world.
Isostasy
In the field of geophysics, the officers of the Trigonometric Survey of
India continued to provide the lead. In 1864, the Surveyor-General
Walker applied to the Secretary of State for India, seeking permission to
undertake a series of pendulum experiments in connection with the trigo-
nometrical survey. The proposal found the support of most of the eminent
Fellows of the Royal Society which, for this purpose, even lent an astro-
nomical clock and two invariable pendulums which were supplemented by a
copper vacuum cylinder and an air pump. Captain J. P. Basevi,c who
was entrusted with this task, did experiments at nineteen stations of the
Indian Arc from Dehra Dun to Cape Comorin, in addition to two stations
Q Kodaikanal Observatory~ p. 2.
b Alibag Db.fierva/ory, p. 3.
C Basevi, pp. 251-72; Professional Papers, III, PP. 97-108; 199-208.
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 507
on the east coast, and two on the west coast as also in the Minicoy Island.
The hnperial Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg lent two convertible
pendulums (which were already used on the Russian Arc) with a view to
establishing a connection between the Indian and the Russian experiments.
These investigations led to the important discovery of isostasy, i.e. a condi-
tion supposed to exist in the earth's crust, whereby equal earth masses under-
lie equal areas down to an assumed level of compensation. These were
interpreted mathematically by A. Pratt, as a result of which the theory of
isostatic compensation elncrged. a
Other Physicalln\'estigations
O'Shaughnessy who, as statcd before, was the first to conceive of
and lay the telegraphic line, contributed scveral memoranda based on his
electric experiment~ relating to the conlmunication of telegraphic signals by
induced electricity.f) Schwendler, who held the post of Superintendent
Electrician of Government Telegraphs in India, conducted experiments on
the use of platinum for the emission of brilliant light when a sufficiently
strong electric current was passed through it. He also investigated the
proper method of supplying signalling currents.r Major Waterhouse of
the Survey of lndia examined the influence of the newly discovered dye
called eosin, on the photographic action of the solar spectrum upon the
bromide and bromide-iodide of silver. Another work for which he is
well known related to the photographs of the solar disc which he took in
connection with the transit of Venus in December 1874/l
SURVEY OF INDIA
William Lambton
In the history of the Survey of India the name of William Lambton
(I753-1823) has particularly a distinct place. For it was Lambton who
initiated a progressive survey of the whole country and ushered in the
Great Trigonometrical Survey of India. In brief, the trigonometrical
surveying is divided into three distinct branches. e Firstly, some sites are
selected for measuring base lines so as to form the ends of certain ranges
a Pratt (J), pp. 3Jo-16; Pratt (2), pp. 34-24. tf Bose (p. N.) 0), PP. 18-19.
b Bose (P. N.) (1), pp. 15-16. , Markham, p. 61.
c Bose (P. N.} (I), pp. 16-17.
508 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Flo. 10.2. Sketch of the Zenith Sector used by William Lambton, now preserved in the
Victoria Memorial Museum, Calcutta. (Courtesy, Sri S. N. Sen who got
the sketch made in connection with the Inventory of Scientific Instruments 01
Historica/lmportance, now under preparation by him.)
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 509
George Everest
Special mention has been made already of George Everest who made
con~picuous contributions to the Survey of India. In 1824, he continued
the Great Arc of triangulation across the Narmada to Sirnoj (on parallel
24°). But on account of ill health he returned to England, and six years
later was again in India with the most up-to-date instruments that he could
obtain in Great Britain to carry on the trigonometrical survey. His new
instruments included compensation bars (instead of the chains), a large
theodolite with an azimuth circle of 36" diameter, two double vertical
circles (three feet in diameter; for astronomical observations), heJiotropes
and reverberatory lamps.
In October 1830, Everest was appointed as the Surveyor-General of
India as well as Superintendent of the Great Trigonometrical Survey, and
he occupied this high office for about ]3 years. It may be said wi th-
out exaggeration that this period was by far the most important in the
progress of geodetic work in India, and the man solely responsible, not only
for the organization of the survey work but also for the achievements of
high order, was undoubtedly Everest. With great ability and imagination,
he evolved a working plan for the trigonometric survey, recruited and
5J2 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
trained the statT for his purpose and, more importantly, secured in an
abundant measure the goodwill and support of the government at home
and the Court of Directors in England. In his arduous task, he was ably
assisted by Andrew Scott Waugh, a surveyor of the highest calibre, who
befittingly 5lucceedcd him as Surveyor-General in 1843. Of the other loyal
assistants, Renny, Wilcox, Boileu, Logan, Oliver, Murphy, Armstrong and
James proved eminently fit for field-work. As to the instruments, he
had already in his possession, as stated above, the most accurate and useful
ones. Imaginative as he doubtless was, he managed to get one Henry
Barrow, a skilled mechanic, from London as mathematical instrument
maker. Even so he had already observed an Indian, Mohsin Husain of
Arcot in south India, who proved his mettle in mechanical repairs and
adjustments, and reconstruction of old instruments. Husain even accom-
panied Everest in some of the surveys and impressed him as a remarkable
mechanic with inventive talents. Of hinl Everest said: 'He has both genius
and originality; his conduct is marked by the highest probity, and he is one
of the few on whose word I could place entire reliance.'a When Barrow
gave up the job and left for home, Everest appointed Husain as the mathe-
matical instrument maker at Calcutta. For his ingenuity, Husain was
granted a personal allowance of Rs.l50 per month even after Everest left.
For his projected work, Everest organized two field and six subordinate
meridional series, and kept one field party under his own charge. Between
1832 and 1841, all the field-work of Everest's two sections of the Great
Arc fronl Bidar in the then Nizam's territories to Banog in the Himalayas-
a direct distance of about 870 miles, from the latitude 17° 55' to 30° 29'-
was completed. As regards the six subordinate meridional series, he was
able to complete three of them) viz. Budaon, Rangheer and Amua (central
India, near Sagar), whilst the other three, viz. Karara, Chindwar and Gora,
were in progress.
Andrew Waugh
Andrew Waugh, who was born in Cannanore (Kerala) and who later
worked intimately with Everest, took up the triangulation of the region
between the Great Arc series and Calcutta, and completed it with great
accuracy. He then proceeded with the north-eastern Himalayan series in
1845 and brought it to a successful conclusion in 1850. It is interesting to
note that this was the largest series in the world at that time, being some
1,690 miles long from the Dehra Dun base to that of Somakhoda, in the
Purnea district of Bengal. While the main chain of this series was in
progress, the heights of the major Himalayan peaks were fixed using a
theodolite. Of the 79 peaks so determined, the highest called the 15th
peak, which was 29,002 feet above sea-level, was named as Mount
Everest by Waugh, in honour of George Everest. b
Radhanath Sikdar
The notable Indian who did remarkable work in the Great Trigono-
metrical Survey of India was one by name Radhanath Sikdar (1813-
1870). A distinguished student of the Hindu College (Calcutta), Radhanath
joined the Trigonometrical Survey in 1831 and made a name for himself
in the survey work and the associated mathematical applications. He ac-
companied Everest, Waugh and Renny in their work concerning the Great
Arc, and was found to be the ablest of the eight of the native computers
then working. He proved his acumen by preparing the Auxi Tables.
George Everest said of him thus: '... a hardy, energetic young man who
received an exceedingly good education in mathematics at the Hindoo
College. .. Of the qualifications of Radhanath I cannot speak too highly;
in his mathematical attainments there are few in India-European or native-
that can at all compete with him; and it is my impression that even in
Europe these attainments would rank. very high. As a computer he is
quite indefatigable and there is no person in my department so thoroughly
skilful in the application of the various formulae. .. Eventually he will
furnish a convincing proof that the aptitude of your countrymen for the
practical, as well as the theoretical parts of mathematics, is no wise inferior
to that of Europcans.'a In 1864, Radhanath was elected a Corresponding
Member of the Society of Natural History (Bavaria}-a rare distinction
conferred by a reputed German Philosophical Society on a foreigner. He
was for several years on the Physical Science Committee of the Asiatic
Society, and compiled the meteorological observations (1853-1864) which
appeared in the Society's Journal.
BOTANICAL INVESTIGATIONS
Roxburgh
In the nineteenth century, the botanical investigations took rapid
strides and the efforts made earlier towards cultivation of the commercially
important exotic plants met with considerable success. Roxburgh set an
example for those who collaborated with or followed him by his zeal and
devotion to the study of plants as well as cataloguing them scientifically.
The Indian Linnaeus, as Roxburgh became known later, systematically
formulated and gave a scientific shape to the Garden. Under his care
and influence, the Garden, in addition to its being a viable ground for
promoting plants of commercial interest, became an active centre of botani-
cal investigations. In this respect, he appeared to have drawn inspiration
from the earlier work of Koenig. Roxburgh drew up a catalogue of about
3,500 species growing in the Garden, and employing local artists, prepared
illustrations of a number of plants. His work was published in two parts
in 1814 under the name Bortus Bengalensis by his trusted friend William
Carey (1761-1834), who himself had developed an admirable Botanical
Garden at Seranlpore near Calcutta. Roxburgh also compiled vast informa-
tion for his important publications, viz. Flora Indica (excluding that of
the Himalayas; published posthumously in 3 vols; 1820, 1824 and 1832
under Carey's editing) and Plantae Coromandelianae (in 3 vo1s; 1795, 1802
and 1819). His labour did not end with them. He produced over 2,300
coloured illustrations in 35 volumes depicting various plants. In fact
these illustrations were found very useful by the famous botanist of the
Kew Garden, Joseph Dalton Hooker (1817-1911), when he planned his
Flora of British India. For his systematic and untiring botanical work,
Roxburgh has been rightly reckoned as the I: Father of Indian Botany'.
In the words of George King who worked about fifty years later at the
Garden: 'Roxburgh was the first botanist who attempted to draw up a
systematic account of the plants of India and his book, which is on the
Linnaean System, is the basis of all subsequent works on Indian botany,
and until the publication of Sir Joseph Hooker's monumental work, it
remained the only single book through which a knowledge of Indian plants
could be acquired. 'a Roxburgh was succeeded by Buchanan Hamilton
(1762-1829) who was a zoologist as well as a botanist. He had already
explored the Mysore and Bengal areas and produced a commentary on van
Rheede's Hortus Malabaricus. He sent about 1,500 specimens and 400
drawings to his friends in Europe.
• Santapau, p. 3.
516 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
"
Flo. 10.4. Sketches of six botanical specimens. (Reproduced from the coloured illustra-
tions of leones Roxburghianae.) (A) Crota/ariafuil'a Roxb. (Fasc.IV, p. 14);
(B) Hippocratea arborea Roxb. (Fasc. III, p. 46); (e) Berberis asiatica Roxb.
(Fasc. I, p. 16); (D) Hypericum cernuum Roxb. (Fasc. J, p. 28); (E) Elaeo-
carpus ~aftit1'1H Ro..:h (J;'n.,. " ft '2Q\. tT:l'\ " d ~_.- • • - • ,-
WESTERN SCIENCB IN INDIA 517
FIG. 10.5. (A) Oxyspora panicu!ata Wall. (Reproduced from Wallich (2), p. 88.)
(B) Kiulsurapropinqua Wall. (Reproduced from Wallich (I), Tab. 15.)
(C) Aeschynanthus ramosissima Wall. (Reproduced from Wamch (2), p. 71.)
Other Investigators
In the south, Robert Wight (1796-1872), who was working at Samul-
cottah, went about in a systematic manner and collected a number of plant
specimens, some of which were sent to Robert Graham at Edinburgh and
William Hooker at Glasgow. He brought out jointly with Walter Arnott
the publication entitled Prodromus Florae Peninsulae Indiae Orientalis (1834).
Griffith was another colJector who gathered as many as 9,000 species in the
thirteen years of his stay in India at this time.
Complementary to the Botanic Garden at Calcutta was one at Saharan-
pur. George Govan, John Forbes Royle and Thomson worked there, and
threw light on the botany and other branches of the natural history of the
Himalayan mountains. Hugh Falconer who was at this garden and later
at Calcutta brought to light the fossil flora of India.
Thomas Thomson conducted botanical investigations in the northern
plains, the Himalayas as well as Kashmir. He collaborated with John
Dalton Hooker (son of WiJIiam Hooker) in the publication of the first
volume of Flora Indica (1855). Their combined collections were astonish-
ingly of the order of 150,000 specimens (about 9,500 species). Thomas
Anderson (1832-1872) succeeded Thomas Thomson at the Botanic Garden.
Charles Baron Clarke (1832-1908), who was also associated with the Garden,
though a mathematician by training, took great interest in the flora of
India and tried to categorize them 'areawise' (phytogeographicalIy). He
is well known for his monograph on the ferns of northern India.
The Herbarium
The Garden with its 15,000 trees and shrubs including a 200-year-old
great banyan tree (about 950 roots; circumference 1328 ft.) and a number
of astounding herbaceous species is a living storehouse of botanical knowl-
edge. Its Herbarium is a house of almost all the dried plant materials of
the whole of the Indian subcontinent, Asia, Europe and Australia.
Nathaniel Wallich, as stated before, distributed its rich botanical collections
to the principal institutions and botanists of Europe. The present collec-
tions date from 1832. George King says in the Centenary Report of the
Botanic Garden: ' ... It (the Herbarium) consists of plants contributed by
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 519
almost every worker of botany in India since that date, and of considerable
contribution from botanists in Europe. It is first and foremost an Indian
Herbarium, but the plants of South-Eastern Asia, of Japan, of Persia and
of Asia Minor are fairly well represented. Those of Europe are also ex-
cellently represented; but in African and American plants the conection is
comparatively poor. Constant communication and interchange of speci-
mens have been kept up for the last fifty years with the great nation collec-
tion at Kew, and to the distinguished Directors of that institution, Sir
William Hooker and his son and successor Sir Joseph, the Calcutta Her-
barium is indebted for valuable contributions. Interchanges have also
been kept up with other European botanic institutions, such as the Her-
barium of the British Museum, of the Jardin des Plants, Paris, the Imperial
Gardens at St. Petersburgh and Berlin, the Royal Botanical Gardens at
Buitenzorg in Java, at Peradeniya in Ceylon, and at Saharanpur; and many
other institutions.' The Herbarium, the first in India and recognized as
one of the most important herbaria in Asia, has indeed vast collections
numbering over two millions of specimens. Housed earlier in the Superin-
tendent's bungalow, they are now meticulously preserved in the building
which became available in 1883 and 1884.
George King
The Garden suffered extensive damage from two terrible cyclones which
occurred in 1864 and 1867. As a result of the cyclone of 1864, it was
submerged in six to seven feet deep water, and the saline tidal effect pro-
duced a distressing spectacle. In 1871, the Garden was renovated and re-
organized under the direction of its new and energetic Superintendent
George King, who also worked out its phytographical arrangement.
Qualified in medicine in the University of Aberdeen, King came to
India as Superintendent at the Saharanpur Garden (1869), was Assistant
Forest Conservator at Dehra Dun (1869-1870) and a year later was trans-
ferred to Calcutta to work at the Botanic Garden. He was also appointed
as Professor of Botany at the Medical College, Calcutta. The present
Botanical Survey of India was established in 1890 mainly as a result of
the persuasive efforts of King who became the first ex-officiO Director of
the Survey. He collected valuable materials relating to the flora of the
Malay Peninsula. In 1887 he started the publication of the Annals of
the Royal Botanic Garden. His meritorious service resulted in his becoming
later the Director of the Royal Botanic Garden at Kew (1897).
David Pram
After the retirement of George King, David Prain who was then the
Curator of the Herbarium became the Director of the Botanical Survey.
He undertook a number of taxonomic studies relating to Papaveraceae,
Leguminosae, Scrophulariaeeae and the like, and brought out a series under
S20 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
GEOLOGICAL EXPLORATIONS
EARLY INVESTIGATIONS
• Vo~y, p. 120. • Bose (p. N.) (I), pp. 29-30. o Malcalmson (2), p. 302.
WEUBRN SCIENCE IN INDIA 521
India, particularly between Bellary and Bijapur between the years 1836 and
1847. He observed the chloritic band as well as the clay iron beds at some
places, and threw light on the origin and age of kankar, regur and laterite.
It was Newbold who first detected the occurrence of veins of manganese in
the laterite. His classification of the rocks of the south Maharashtra
region is well known. a
In central India, Captain James Franklin sought to describe the forma-
tion of the Vindhyan. In 1833 R. Everest examined the sandstone and
trap formation in the west of Mirzapur,b while J. Finnis investigated the
lithology of the rocks found between Nagpur and Hoshangabad in 1834. c
During 1848-1852 Captain W. S. Sherwill of the Revenue Survey was the first
to examine the structure of the Rajrnahal hills. a He also discovered the coal
of the Chuparbhita Pass. About this time, J. Homfrey's first published
account on the Raniganj coalfields as contained in his descriptions of the
Damodar Valley also appeared. e
As to the geology of the Himalayas, Captain J. D. Herbert's is a judi-
cious and scientific account which describes the rocks and other forma-
tions of the mountains as well as the minerals found in the region.' In
1831 H. Falconer explored the Siwalik hills and inferred the Tertiary Age
of this formation, comparing it with the Molasse Horizon of Switzerland.
PALAEONTOLOGY
The most outstanding work of Falconer was on the fossil bones of the
Siwalik region, in association with Proby Cautley (the foremost engineer at
that time in charge of the Jamuna Canal Project), which has earned for
the former a great name as a palaeontologist. Falconer, Cautley and two
other engineers, William Baker and Henry Durand, brought to light the
remarkable fossil fauna of the Sub-Himalayan Range. g, h The sketches in
Fig. 10.6 represent the four fossils of Mastodon perimensis Falc. and Caut.,
Sivatherium giganteum Falc. and Caut., Mastodon sivalensis Falc. and Caut.
and Equus sivalensis Falc. and Caut., discovered by Falconer and Cautley in
the Siwalik hills, the originals of which have been preserved in the British
Museum of Natural History and reproduced from the cast collections of the
Geological Survey of India, preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
C Unequalled for richness and extent in any other region then known, the
3 4
Flo. 10.6. Sketches of four fossils discovered in the Siwalik hills by H. Falconer and
P. Cautley. (Originals preserved in the British Museum of Natural History ;
reproduced from the cast collections of the Geological Survey of India
preserved in the Indian Museum. Calcutta.) (1) Cranium of Mastodon
perimensis Falc. and Caul.; (2) cranium of Sivatheriurn giganteum Falc. and
Caul.; (3) palate and part of cranium showing 2nd and 3rd molars of
Mastodon siva/emu Falc. and Caul.; (4) cranium of Equus siva/ends Falc.
and Caut.
WESTBllN SCmNCB IN INDIA 523
Thomas Oldham
Oldham was indeed a meticulous and imaginative investigator, who
brought to bear upon his investigations a rare insight nurtured by deep
experience, the impact of which was felt by his co-workers as well as those who
followed him. Among his co-officers were J. G. Medlicott, W. Theobald,
H. B. Medlicott, W. T. Blanford and H. F. Blanford. His early works in
India related to the examination of the Khasi hills, Damodar valley, Rajmahal
hills, the entire coal-producing context of the Bengal region and the coal belts
of the Satpura range.
He proposed the name Vindhyan a to connote the great Sandstone
Formation of the northern and central India, and indicated that the Vindhyan,
noted as it is for the absence of organic remains, could not well be cor-
related with any of the great European formations. This led him to believe
that it might be Cambrian. He was able to establish the identity of the
vast thick layers of sandstones and shales with plant fossils which lay on
the Vindhyan, with the coal groups of Burdwan, Hazaribag and Cuttack.
He gave the name Mahadevas b to the series of thick and ferruginous sand-
stones. With great ingenuity he classified different rock groupsC and was
hopeful of finding an accurate parallelism between the rocks of India and
those of Australia.
Oldham also initiated the study of the earthquakes in India. d Under
his able guidance, the first catalogue of the Indian earthquakes as also a
list of some 300 thermal springs e in India were compiled. Further, it was
Oldham who realized the necessity and importance of training some Indians
as geologists through apprenticeship. He followed it up by recruiting Ram
Singh (1873), ](jshen Singh and Hira Lal (1874).
H. B. Med/icott
H. B. Medlicott, who was Professor of Natural History and Economic
Geology at the Thomson College of Engineering at Roorkee,f joined the
Geological Survey in 1854, and worked with Oldham. He studied the
Himalayan geology from 1857 to 1861. He also threw light on the
glacial action relating to the great blocks of gneissose granite along the
base of the Dhuladhar in the Kangra valley. g His survey of the northern
side of the Narmada valley enabled him to confirm the threefold division
of Vindhyans. He showed that the rocks of the Raipur basin did not
belong to the coal-bearing series. It was Medlicott who suggested the
term Gondwana h for the great southern continent. In 1876 Medlicott
succeeded Oldham as Superintendent, and was designated as Director of
the Geological Survey of India in 1885.
great Indian desert, a and surveyed also the eastern and northern frontiers
of Sikkjrn. Both Oldham and Blanford worked on the correlation and
classification of the peninsular formation of India. Blanford and his
brother, H. F. Blanford, along with W. Theobald examined the Talchir
boulder-beds in the Cuttack district and ascribed their origin to ice action.
For his distinguished work, Blanford was awarded the famous Wollaston
Gold Medal by the Geological Society of London. b Another noted geologist
was O. Feistmantel who studied the plant fossils and attempted to classify
the Gondwana System based on them.
In the south, H. F. Blanford examined the geology of the Nilgiri hills. c
F. Stoliczka, who was another geologist working in the south, brought out in
four volumes the Cretaceous fauna of southern India. Bruce Foot investi-
gated the southern regions of Trichinopoly as well as Bellary areas. V. Ball
was another noted geologist of the Survey, who made distinct contributions
to the understanding of the geology of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
The rocks of the Nicobar were shown by him to be coral, magnesium
claystone with conglomerates, gabbro and serpentine in confirmation of
the earlier observations of Hochstetter. a
William King (who succeeded H. B. Medlicott in 1887 as Director of
the Geological Survey of India) discovered the Singareni coalfields in the
State of Hyderabad. In 1872 T. H. Holland discovered large deposits
of high-grade iron ore, chromite and magnesite in the Salem district of
Madras, and corundum in Mysore. In 1893 he came across an acidic
pyroxene-bearing (hypersthene) rock in the Madras Province, and to this
he proposed the name Charnockite in memory of Job Charnock, the founder
of Calcutta. e
'Among the results which have influenced the course of geological
science may be placed the recognition of the importance of deposits formed
in land, the great Vindhyan and Gondwana System and the Gangetic
alluvium being revealed as land deposits. The recognition of the Upper
carboniferous glacial epoch in India, extending into Australia, South Africa
and South America, gave rise to the conception of the vast southern conti-
nent of Gondwanaland. The study of the Assam earthquake, in 1897, led
to the discovery of three main types of earthquake waves-a discovery that
has proved so fruitful in investigations regarding the internal structure of
the earth. The rich fossil mammalian fauna of the Siwalik hills, described
in a series of brilliant Memoirs which adorn the museums of the world,
throw light on the evolution of the mammals and even of man himself.'!
• Blanford (W. T.) (2), p. 86. d Bose (p. N.) (1), p. 46.
b Bose (P. N.) (I), p. 40. , Holland, PP. 117-249.
o Blanford (H. F.), p. 241. I Centenory of the GSl, p. 116.
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 521
of officers rose to 12. However, it was not before 1873 that the Indian
apprentices were able to join the Survey and participate in the geological
investigations, even as subordinate assistants. The honour of being the
first Indian to hold a graded position in the Geological Survey of India
belonged to P. N. Bose (1880). P. N. Dutta was another who joined the
organization in 1888. By the end of the century there were fourteen officers
in the Geological Survey out of whom only two were Indians. Both P. N.
Bose and Dutta were geologists of high distinction. The former mapped
the Vindhyans and the igneous rocks of Raipur and Balaghat areas of the
Central Provinces. P. N. Bose was the first to give accounts of micro-
sections of rocks in the progress reports. P. N. Dutta discovered the vast
deposits of manganese ore in the Bandara and Chhindwara river valley
(1893-1894), besides the Devonian and Mesozoic beds of the northern Shan
States.
FIG. 10.7. Sketches showing microsections of igneous rocks from Raipur and Balaghat
districts, Central Provinces. (Reproduced from Bose (P. N.) (2), p. 61.)
a Markham. p. 233. b Piddington, pp. 322-40. C Indian Museum: 1814-1914, pp. 5-9.
34
530 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
of the Museum were also proposed, with Barnes Peacock, the then Chief
Justice of Bengal, as the President.
John Anderson, who had served earlier as Professor of Natural Science
in Free Church College at Edinburgh, became the first Curatora of the new
Museum in September 1866. In recognition of his knowledge, Anderson
was also permitted by the Board of Trustees to hold the professorship of
anatomy at the Medical College, Calcutta, in addition to his duties at the
Museum. James Wood-Mason, who assisted Anderson in organizing the
Museum for about 16 years, succeeded the latter as Superintendent of the
Museum in 1886.
The Asiatic Society made over its rich collections of zoological, geo-
logical and archaeological objects to the Board of Trustees of the Museum.
Later the Society was paid I-~ lac of rupees as compensation for its claim
to acconunodation in the projected building for the Museum. The building
itself became ready for occupation in 1875. On the first of April 1878,
the galleries were thrown open to the public. Immediately after the Great
Exhibition which was held at Calcutta in 1883, the industrial collections
displayed at the exhibition had to be amalgamated into the Indian Museum.
The new display sector needed additional accommodation and in 1891 a
new wing in Sudder Street came up for this purpose.
The Indian M useUID, based on the pattern of British Museum, is indeed
an interesting and valuable assemblage of the scientific and the artistic
sections. The public galleries are divided into (i) archaeological, (ii)
geological, (iii) industrial, (iv) zoological, (v) anthropological (ethnological)
and (vi) art sections. The last is the only section in charge of the Trustees
of the Museum while the others are under the respective departments of
the Government of India. The zoological and anthropological sections of
the Museum gave rise to the Zoological Survey of India in 1916.
ZOOLOGICAL STUDIES
Few studies would afford us more solid instruction or more exquisite de-
light; but I never could learn by what right, nor conceive with what feeling,
a naturalist can occasion the misery of an innocent bird, and leave its young,
perhaps, to perish in a cold nest, because it has gay plumage, and has never
been delineated, or deprive even a butterfly of its natural enjoynlcnt, because
it has the misfortune to be rare or beautiful.'a The compassion for the
zoological objects was so strong in William Jones that he could not lend
his weight to their studies.
Right at the beginning of the nincteenth century, Govcrnor-General
Wellesley took the initiative to establish a college at Fort William and attach
to it a natural history department located at Barrackpore with a view to
studying birds and other animals, under the leadership of Francis Buchanan.
Between 1800 and 1804, many livc animals arrived at Barrackporc sent by
officials from different parts of the Company's territories. The institution
soon languished for want of support from Wellesleis successor. In the
Fren~h possession of Pondichery Jean Baptiste Le5chenault de la Tour and
his associates collected and examined a l1wuber of zoological specimens. b
a Bose (P. N.) (I), p. 57. e For details, see the relevant papers published in
b Kinnear, pp. 766-67. the volumes of AR., JASB and Proceedings of the
e Hodgson, pp. 178-86. Asiatic Society.
cI Kinnear, p. 769. I Bose (P. N.) (l), p. 58.
532 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Blyth
E. Blyth who, as statcd before, was thc first Curator of the Asiatic Society
Museunl worked on birds and mammals for about 22 years. His study
included the specimens from India, Burma, Ceylon, Afghanisthan and the
Malay Peninsula. He prcpared, with characteristic zeal and care for
minute details, The Catalogues of Birds ((1849; issued in 1852) and MOlnnlalia
(1863) which were in the Asiatic Society's collection. His investigations
covered the species of wild sheep, predatory and sanguinvorous habits of
Magaderma, lynx, Cuculidae, some little known birds, mole, orangutan,
Phylloscopus, new Indian pigeon akin to the 'stock-dove' of Europe,
reindeer, certain types of asses and the like. d In 1862 he retired to England
because of ill health. It is interesting to note that Charles Darwin fre-
quently quoted Blyth as an excellent authority and even referred to him
as one of the finest zoologists of his time. It ,has been rightly recognized that
'Blyth was certainly the founder in this country of a school of what may
be called field zoologists. The active correspondence he kept up with the
sportsmen-naturalists in various parts of the country, and his elaborate
notices of the presentations which were made by them to the Society, not
to speak of his numerous Memoirs, contributed an impetus to the study
of natural history, which has done more to its extension in India than all
the previous publications.'ll
/IKinnear, p. 770.
b Tiekell (1), pp. 569-83.
c TickeD (2), pp. 32-33.
d For details, read about 50 papers published by Blyth in J ASB.
, Bose (p. N.) (1), pp. 62-64.
534 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Flo. 10.9. (A) Eeheneis a/beseens.(Reproduced from Day, I, PI. LVIl. fig. 2.)
(B) Synapfura cornuta. (Reproduceo from Day, II, PI. XCIV, fig. 4.)
(C) Lobeo rohita. (Reproduced from Day, II, PI. CXXVII, fig. 4.)
deep sea dredging in Indian waters be undertaken, and three years later a
Marine Survey Department was established by the government. During
the period 1874-1881, Armstrong was able to gather marine zoological
material from shallow water up to a depth of 100 fathoms. Wood-Mason
MEDICAL INVESTIGATIONS
Though the medical officers began serving the British Army in India
as early as 1754,a and in the succeeding years, their number in the Indian
Medical Service was steadily on the increase, medical research as such did
not take place in India even up to the middle of the nineteenth cen-
tury. Between 1847 and 1850, however, Edward Hare introduced success-
fully the practice of administering quinine in fevers. Henry Vanoyke
Carter and Crawford made some important dissections and prepared
the woodcuts which illustrate Gray's Anatomy. Carter also investigated
the origin and development of famine fever, leprosy, elephantiasis and
mycetoma. Ronald Ross worked on the origin of malarial fever and
P. J. Freyer on the development of the operation of litholapaxy and prosta-
tectomy, while Leonard Rogers conducted investigations on cholera,
dysentery and liver abscess. b
The now familiar Haffkine Institute at Bombay was started in 1896
as the Plague Research Laboratory, with Dr. Waldemar Mordecai Wolff
Haffkinc as the Director. It was in 1896 that for the first time the dreadful
plague, which probably travelled to India from China, was detected in
Bombay in an epidemic form. Haffkine, who was at that time studying
prophylactic inoculation against cholera in Bengal, was associated with a
committee (constituted by the Government of Bombay) to enquire into
this epidemic. Soon the necessity arose for establishing a laboratory for
developing an effective vaccine against the disease. With ingenuity Haffkine
was able within two months to prepare a broth vaccine against the plague
bacilli, with which he carried out the inoculation of about 8,000 people
in a few weeks. In 1906 the name of the laboratory where Haffkine
worked was changed into Bombay Bacteriological Laboratory and in 1925
to its present name, thus associating with it the name of Haffkine. The
laboratory did work on the plague prophylactics, relapsing fever, grumic-
worm disease and the like, gradually extending its investigations into the
biochemical field also.
ENGINEERING INVESTIOAnONS
ARCHAEOLOGY
Soon after its establishment, the Asiatic Society, under the guidance
of William Jones, encouraged antiquarian studies in the classical texts and
epigraphs, monuments and other architectural remains of India. Indian
cpigraphical studies took new strides due mainly to the devoted efforts
of H. T. Colebrooke and H. H. Wilson. The impressive architectural
remains and several cave paintings received attention of scholars like
Malet (Ellora), Salt (Kanhari), Sykes (Ellora), Goldingham (Elephanta),
Erskine (Ajanta), Chambers (Mahabalipuram) and Mackenzie (Amaravati),
who out of love for the ancient relics of India brought to light their
hidden history.a
The antiquarian investigations were the forerunners of further efforts
in field archaeology, and the latter assumed new meaning as a result of the
lead given by James Prinsep. Prinsep also studied the Kharo~thi and the
Brahmi scripts. Markham Kittoe and Alexander Cunningham carried
out work on the rock edicts of Asoka at Dhauli, and Dhamek stupa (1834-
1835) at Saranath respectively. The latter was probably the earliest excava-
tion of an ancient site in India. Later, Cunningham took up investigations
on the Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythic dynasties, and identified the ancient
site of Sankisa. Markham Kittoe surveyed the vihiiras and chaityas in
Gaya and elsewhere in Bihar, and continued the excavations initiated by
Cunningham in the ruins at Saranath. h, c
Edward Thomas specially studied the Indian numismatics from about
the third century B.C. to the sixteenth century A.D. His work on the South
Indian epigraphy is well known. J. Stevenson and Bhau Daji were the
others who were engaged in the epigraphical studies in western India.
Further, James Fergusson made an extensive architectural survey (1829-
1847) of ancient buildings, while Meadows Taylor devoted particular
attention to the megalithic tombs. d
In 1848 Cunningham emphasized the importance of undertaking an
archaeological survey of the country with the support of the government.
Realizing the necessity of such a survey, Governor-General Canning estab-
lished the Archaeological Survey of India in 1861, befittingly with Cunning-
ham as the first Archaeological Surveyor. In the next four years, Cunning-
ham explored an extensive area from Gaya in the east to the Indus in the
tJ Roy (S.), pp. 12-19. b Roy (S.), p. 29. c Markham, p. 244. tJ Roy (S.), p. 30.
S40 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
north-west, and from Kalsi in the north to the Dhamnar caves in the south,"
while Cunningham's explorations were exclusively confined to north India.
James Burgess investigated western and southern India. b, t
The prehistoric archaeology in India owes its inspiration to the pioneer
efforts of H. P. L. Mesurier of the East India Railway (neoliths in the valley
of the Tosney river) and Robert Bruce Foote of the Geological Survey
(palaeoliths at Pallavaram).d
Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the archaeological depart-
ment underwent some structural changes. In the beginning of the twentieth
century, it received the necessary financial support and encouragement
from the government, and in the next two to three decades, archaeology
established itself in India.
SCIENTIFIC PUBLICATIONS
in the Presidencies of Bombay and Madras. The distressing fact was that
all those institutions, besides being ill equipped, did not attempt to enthuse
the young minds to develop a rational spirit beyond the confines of the
traditional ideas.
Minto's Renlarks
Lord Minto in his minute on the subject of education in India observed
in 1811 as follows: 'It is a common remark that science and literature are
in a progressive state of decay among the natives of India. From every
inquiry which I have been enabled to lnake on this interesting subject,
that remark appears to me but too well founded. The number of the
learned is not only diminished, but the circle of learning, even among
those who still devote themselves to it, appears to be considerably contracted.
The abstract sciences are abandoned, polite literature neglected, and no
branch of learning cultivated but what is connected with the peculiar
religious doctrines of the people. The immediate consequence of this state
of things is, the disuse, and even actual loss, of many valuable books; and
it is to be apprehended, that unless government interpose with a fostering
hand, the revival of letter may shortly become hopeless, from want of
books, or of persons capable of explaining them.
'The principal cause of the present neglected state of literature in India
is to be traced to the want of that encouragement which was formerly
afforded to it by princes, chieftains, and opulent individuals under the
native government. Such encouragement must always operate as a strong
incentive to study and literary exertions, but especially in India, where the
learned professions have little, if any, other support. The justness of these
observations might be illustrated by a detailed consideration of the former
and present state of science and literature at the three principal seats of
Hindoo learning, viz. Benares, Tirhoot and Nuddea. Such a review would
brin.g before us the liberal patronage which was formerly bestowed, not
only by princes and others in power and authority but also by the zamindars,
on persons who had distinguished themselves by the successful cultivation
of letters at those places. It would equally bring to our view the present
neglected state of learning at those once-celebrated places; and we should
have to remark with regret that the cultivation of letters was now confined
to the few surviving persons who had been patronized by the native princes
and others, under the former governments, or to such of the immediate
descendants of those persons as had imbibed a love of science from their
parents.
'It is seriously to be lamented that a nation particularly distinguished
for its love, and successful cultivation of letter in other parts of the Empire,
should have failed to extend its fostering care to the literature of the
Hindoos and to aid in opening to the learned in Europe the repositories
of that literature. 'tl
• Sharp. p. 19.
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 543
Mahavidyalaya
For various reasons, however, the proposal could not be implemented
for a decade. In 1816 the reputed social reformer Raja RanI Mohan Roy
started a school at Suripara in Calcutta for teaching the Hindu boys in
English.. In May 1866 some liberal-minded gentlemen of Calcutta includ-
ing David Hare (an ordinary watch-maker by profession but a great philan-
thropist), Raja Ram Mohan Roy, the Raja of Burdwan, Raja Radha Kanta
Deb and Sir Hyde East, the then Chief' Justice of the Supreme Court,
collected over a lac of rupees, and on 20 January 1817 founded a 'Seminary
for the instructions of the sons of the Hindus in the European and Asiatic
languages and sciences'. The subjects taught included arithmetic, astron-
omy, chemistry and natural philosophy. It was indeed a rare institution
divided into two sections-a school which imparted instructions in English,
Bengali, grammar and arithmetic, and a college in which were taught,
besides the languages, the sciences including astronomy, mathematics and
chemistry. A fact of great significance was that teaching of English was
given an important place in this institution which was named at that time
the Mahavidydlaya or Mahdpii{haSa/ii. b Later it became the Hindu College
ensued between the two groups of members of the Committee the well-
known controversy between the Anglicists (who were supporters of English
and Western education) and the Orientalists (who sought to promote
oriental learning in classical languages).
English Education
At that time Lord Macaulay came to India (1834) and Lord William
Bentinck was the Governor-General in Council. Macaulay as the President
of the General Committee recommended (in February 1835) the use of
English as medium of instruction and the promotion of Western learning.
He said: 'I think it is clear that we are not fettered by pledge expressed or
implied; that we are free to employ our funds as we choose; that we ought
to employ them in teaching what is best worth knowing; that English is
better worth knowing than Sanskrit or Arabic; that the natives are desirous
to be taught English, and are not desirous to be taught Sanskrit or Arabic;
that neither as the languages of law nor as the languages of religion have
Sanskrit and Arabic any peculiar claim to our encouragement; that it is
possible to make the natives of this country thoroughly good English
scholars, and that to this end our efforts ought to be directed.'a Bentinck
(in March 1835) directed that all funds be employed for imparting to the
native population a knowledge of English literature and science through the
medium of English language and that no portion of it should be expended
on the printing of Oriental works. Nevertheless, as before, a knowledge
of English literature and science was not to be imparted on a massive scale,
for it was meant for the upper classes who in turn were expected to 'filter
it down to the masses'. In the next two years twelve new schools were
started in the Bengal Presidency alone. The public response for English
education was on the increase. By 1838, there were some six thousand
pupils taking up new courses in English. Governor-General Lord Hardinge
declared in a resolution (1844) thus: 'In every possible case a preference
shall be given in the selection of candidates for public employment to those
who have been educated in institutions thus established, and specially to
those who have distinguished themselves therein by more than ordinary
degree of merit and attainment.,,,
In the Presidency of Bombay, a society for the promotion of education
was formed in 1815 and it established schools in Bombay, Surat, Thana
and Broach. Chaplain, who was Commissioner in the Deccan, founded
the Hindu College at Poona in 1821 and the course of instruction at this
college included mathematics, astronomy and medicine. However, it was
the then Governor of Bombay, Monstaurt Elphinstone, who gave a signi-
ficant direction to the growth of education in the Bombay Presidency. He
encouraged Vernacular education while English was taught as one of the
languages. Later the Bombay Board of Education, created in 1840, took
active steps towards the promotion of English education in the Presidency.
G Sharp. p. 116. b Sharp, p. 90.
35 B
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 547
Establishment of Universities
In the history of education in India, the year 1854 is important, for
in that year came out the famous Educational Despatch of Charles Wood
(later Lord Halifax) who was then the President of the Board of Control.
The Wood's Despatch had as its primary object 'the diffusion of the im-
proved arts, science, philosophy and literature of Europe; in short of
European knowledge'. It also recommended the creation of the depart-
ments of Public Instruction in Bengal, Madras, Bombay, the North-Western
Provinces and the Panjab, each under a Director of Public Instruction.
With this machinery the general education, and as a part of it science
education, was to be imparted on a massive scale. In addition, three
universities were to be established on the model of London University.
Even though Wood recognized that the education of the country's rural
population should be the direct responsibility of the government, he wanted
the universities 'to place the benefits of education plainly and practically
before the higher classes in India'.
The three universities, which were established at CalcuttalJ (January
1857), Bombay (July 1857) and Madras (September 1857), were only affiliat-
ing and examining bodies in the Faculties of Law, Science, Civil Engineering,
II Even in 1845, the Council of Education submitted a proposal for the establishment
of a university in Calcutta. But this proposal did not meet with the approval of the
Court of Directors in England.
548 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Art colleges
including Ori-
ental colleges .. 17 3,182 44 3,994 67 6,037 104 12,985
Professi onal
colleges 8 679 19 2,126 18 1,545 37 3,292
Calcutta, which was affiliated a year later to the Calcutta University. For
some years it was associated with the Presidency College and, in 1880, it
was shifted to its present quarters at Sibpur near Calcutta. The college,
which imparted instruction mainly in civil engineering to students mostly
from Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Burma and Assam, had also a mechanical
testing laboratory and a mining section.
In the Bombay Presidency, Elphinstone founded at Bombay in 1821
an engineering institution which developed later into a college. In 1854
Poona had an engineering school to provide education for subordinate
officers of the Public Works Department. The institution which became a
college in 1856 was later affiliated to the Bombay University. In the
beginning there was no system of levying tuition fee; instead scholarships
were awarded with guarantee of appointment for successful candidates. It
was only in 1870 that tuition fee was levied for the first time.
It may be noted that the aforesaid engineering institutions offered only
licentiateship courses till 1880 when they began to run both degree and
licentiateship courses. They were well equipped, and on the theoretical side,
the instruction was stated to be on par with that in England at that time.
In 1847, after the conclusion of the First Panjab War, steps were taken
to implement the construction of the Ganges Canal. Some large workshops
sprang up at Roorkee for that purpose. James Thomason, Lieutenant-
Governor of North-Western Provinces, proposed the establishment of a
college to supply trained engineers for the employment in the Upper Ganges
Canal Project. In 1853 Thomason died, and a year later his name was
befittingly associated with this college. a In 1864 it was affiliated to the
Calcutta University. The courses offered at the college were at three
levels, viz. (i) engineer class; (ii) upper subordinate class and (iii) lower
subordinate class. The instructions were of a high order and the engineers
twned out by this college were in great demand.
Industrial Schools
In the Presidency of Bombay, a school of industry was established
early in 1879 at Ratnagiri. Later another came into being in Byculla.
Further, there were three other minor industrial schools, while attempts
were also made to have a network of industrial schools under the Municipal
Boards.
At Madras, an industrial school named the School of Ordinance
Artificers was opened in 1840 by Major Maitland, Superintendent of the
Gun-carriage Manufactory.b Yet another institution known as the School
of Industrial Arts was opened in 1850 by Hunter, a medical man by
profession, 'with the liberal and enlightened. design of creating among the
native population a taste for the humanizing culture of the fine arts'. Hunter
also started another school of industry (1851) 'in order to afford to the
rising generation of the country the opportunity and means of acquiring
useful handicrafts'. The two schools were amalgamated under the name of
School of Industrial Arts which was taken over by the government in 1855.
In 1886 there were six industrial schools in the Presidency, three in Madras
and three in the mofussil. The average attendance at the schools in Madras
was about 60, while the total number of students of the technical schools
and colleges in that year was less than 1,000, out of a total of about four
and a half lakhs of students. a
In 1887 the Victoria Jubilee Technical Institute at Bombay started
courses in electrical, mechanical and textile engineering. The engineering
institutions whose number rose to 12 by the end of the nineteenth century
were supplYing qualified men to meet the demands for constructing build-
ings, roads and canals. In addition, there were some technical schools
engaged in the training of craftsmen. Needless to add that they were being
run in such a way as to be in line with the commercial interests of the British
Government.
In Bengal, the Calcutta School of Arts offered courses which were
comparable with that of any school of art in England; and there were as
many as 157 students receiving training in 1886. In the North-Western
Provinces and Oudh, there was practically no school of art worth the name
even by the close of the nineteenth century. However, there were two
industrial schools at Gorakhpur and Banaras, a survey school at Calcutta
(1879) and a school of engineering at Bankipur in Bihar (1896). An in-
teresting development was the establishment at Dehra Dun of the Imperial
Forest School in 1878-1881 for the technical training of executive forest
officers, with the courses extending over 18 to 21 months. b
Technical
University School level classes in
level
r - - ---., , - --A--
High Schools
r - ~
Engg'Indus- .
Med. Eugg. Art Med. and trial Agn. Art Agri.
Survey
Institutions 3 4 4 17 20 45 26 36 8
No. of pupils 533 218 655 1,040 755 1,379 142 2,171 289
It must, however, be stated that the government was not blind to the
importance of technical education for training the requisite number of
technicians for industrial employment. But the economic policies pursued
• T,cJmiCtll Education ba India. p.IO. bOp. cit., pp. 18-19. cO,. dt.• p. S.
WESTERN SCIENCB IN INDIA 551
by the government at that time did not help the flow of capital leading to
active industrial establishments which could, in tum, employ technicians.
In 1888 the Government in a resolution stated as follows: 'Technical edu-
cation proper is the preparation of man to take part in producing efficiently
some special article of commercial demand. It is the cultivation of the
intelligence, ingenuity, taste, observation, and manipulative skill, of those
employed in industrial production so that they may produce more effici-
ently. And thus technical education of the special, as contradistinguished
from the preparatory kind, is an auxiliary of manufacture and industrial
capital. In India at the present time the application of capital to industry
has not been developed to the extent which in European countries has
rendered the establishment of technical schools on a large scale with the
required success. But the extension of railways, the introduction of mills
and factories, the exploration of mineral and other products, the expansion
of external trade, and the enlarged intercourse with foreign markets, ought
in time to lead to the same results in India as in other countries, and create
a demand for skilled labour and for educated foremen, supervisors and
managers. 'It may be conceded that the effect of these various influences
on an Asiatic people is very gradual, and that it would be premature to estab-
lish technical schools on such a scale as in European countries, and thereby
aggravate the present difficulties by adding to the educated unemployed a
new class of professional men for whom there is no commercial demand. 'a
The result of such a policy was that technical and managerial staff of even
the well-developed industries like cotton, jute and coal consisted of only
foreign technicians for a fairly long time.
Medical Education
Medical education had a humble beginning in the first quarter of the
nineteenth century. As stated already, the study of indigenous systems of
medicine was part of the teaching course at the Madrassah (Calcutta)
and the Sanskrit College (Banaras). In 1822 a 'Native Medical Institution'
was established at Calcutta, which offered a three-year course through
the medium of Urdu. In this institution which had in the beginning about
twenty students, there used to be only one lecturer who delivered medical
lessons in the native language. The dissection practised was that of the
'inferior animals'. In 1826 the Sanskrit College at Calcutta was running
medical classes on orthodox lines, using wax models for teaching anatomy,
and the instruction was in the native language. Even this attempt did
not last a decade. Another effort made by Elphinstone to have a medical
institution in Bombay in the same year also ended in a failure after it had
been in existence for about six years.
The Bengal Presidency was the first to have had an organized medical
service. Perhaps, for this reason Calcutta had the honour of having the
first modem medical college for teaching western medical science through
FIG. 10.11. The first four Indian medical graduates who went to London. (Reproduced
from the Centenary of Medical College, p. 26.)
Agricultural Education
Agricultural education did not appear to have received sufficient
attention in the beginning of the nineteenth century, as there did not seem
to be distinctly separate institutions imparting agricultural education.
Madras had an agricultural farm (estd. 1854) to which was attached a school
of agriculture in 1886. The engineering college at Poona (Kirkee), too,
had an agricultural wing (1879). The importance of agricultural education
was stressed by the Agricultural Conference held in 1888. A year later
Dr. J. A. Voelcker) of the British Royal Agricultural Society, made a num-
ber of suggestions in order to improve upon the agricultural education and
practices. Even so it was only in 1897 that the government accorded the
rightful place to agricultural education in the same way as it did for the
other subjects.
In the closing decade of the nineteenth century agricultural schools
were opened in Coimbatore, Nagpur and Kanpur. The Sibpur Engineering
College also developed an agricultural wing, while the Madras Agricultural
School soon became a college. However, it was the Bombay University
which was first to recognize agriculture as a separate subject for degree
examination. Even so, it was only in 1905 that steps were taken for starting
an agricultural college at Poona.
Veterinary science also received its attention. The Indian Cattle
Plague Commission which was appointed in 1869 made recommendations
The Trends
The following figures give an insight into the turns and trends in the
field of scientific education in the last two decades of the nineteenth century.
In 1882 out of 18 professional colleges, there were 12 for law (Bengal lead-
ing with 7) and only three each for medicine and engineering. In the suc-
ceeding decade the number of arts colleges rose from 67 to 104 and law
colleges from 12 to 27, while the number of medical and engineering colleges
increased each by one only, from three to four (1892-1893). Further, out of
over 16,000 students in 1892-1893, there were less than 2,000 taking up law,
800 medical and 500 engineering.
The after-career of the Indian graduates between 1871 and 1882 can
be understood by the following figures (based on the Statistical Reports
for the corresponding years):b
Number Number
Legal Medical Engg.
Province of entering
profession profession profession
graduates service
---~.,~~-----
Asutosh Mookerjee
In the field of mathematics, Asutosh Mookerjee (1864-1924),11 who
became later the architect of the UDiversity of Calcutta, made important
contributions. Even as a student, at the age of sixteen, he wrote his first
paper which dealt with a new proof of the 25th proposition of the First
P ~K
Flo. 10.12. Electric Radiator designed and used by J. C. Bose. R, radiator;
S, spectrometer; M, plane mirror; F, funnel; C, cylindrical mjrror; p, total
reflecting prism; P, semi-cylinders; t, tangent screw by which the receiver
is rotated; v, voltaic cell; r, circular rheostat; G, galvanometer; and
K, crystal holder. (Reproduced from Bose (J. C.), fig. 17, p. 87.)
Crystals' appeared in the May 1895 issue of the Jouma/ ofthe Asiatic Society
of Bengal. Bose also determined the refractive indices of many substances.
Further, he studied the influence of the thickness of the air-gap between
• Till the last decade of the nineteenth century, chemical investigations in India were
of a sporadic type. For a brief ac:count of this, see Chakravarti (R. NJ, pp. 46-47.
• Illy (p.) (2), pp. 59-70.
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 561
Indigo
In respect of indigo there was a favourable factor, though it was prone
to be short-lived. The decline of the indigo industry in the West Indies
at that time acted as a powerful incentive to cultivate indigo on a large
scale in India. The East India Company brought planters from the West
Indies, while the required capital was raised from the savings of the Com-
pany's public servants. The result was that there was a phenomenal growth
of indigo-processing factories in Bengal and Bihar by the end of the eight-
eenth century. In the first half of the nineteenth century Bihar, Banaras
and the Doab regions emerged as the principal producers of indigo. But
the industry had to see its end towards the close of the nineteenth century
as a result of the discovery of the synthetic dye (1856) in England.
II The following account is based on the publications of Mehta and Thomas as well as
the official reports of the industries c:oDCCl'Ded.
36B
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 563
owned by the British capitalists with 100,000 looms and over two lakh
spindles for producing jute goods. When the traditional handloom industry
of cotton fabrics fell a foul prey to the British Government's tariff policies,
the Indian capitalists, particularly the Parsees, embarked upon the modern
cotton industry. The first cotton mill was established in BOlubay in 1853
with about 25,000 spindles; later another was established at Ahmedabad.
Within a decade, Bombay and Ahmedabad became industrial centres for
cotton fabrics (10 in Bombay and 3 in Ahmedabad). In 1890 there were as
many as 137 mills which mostly produced cotton yarn for export to China
and Japan. But soon Japan began to compete with India and captured the
Chinese market.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
mechanics' institute and in 1825, Birmingham. But within a few years, there
were as many as 600 such institutes which catered to more than a hundred
thousand apprentices. Practically every town, large or small, had its own
mechanics' institute. Nevertheless, these organizations did not appear to
have in them the necessary potential which could stimulate a vigorous growth
of modern science in Britain. Illiteracy of the craftsmen and apprentices,
inadequate financial support, and inlbalances in management eventually
led to the failure of the mechanics' institutes. Even within a decade of their
establishment the institutes could not attract mechanics and artisans in
sufficient numbers for purposes of training.
While the new organizations were showing signs of withering away,
the established organizations of repute, like the Royal Society and the
Royal Institution, seemed to be in no better shape. In the nineteenth
century it was becoming increasingly apparent that scientific pursuits in
Britain were on the decline and the State was in no mood to otTer
the much needed support. Hunlphry Davy even thought of writing on the
decline of British science, but died before he could complete it. In 1830
Charles Babbage, Professor of Mathematics at the Cambridge University,
wrote in his Reflections on the Decline of Science in England that the English
people were rather indifferent to science and its intellectual possibilities,
and considered the profession of law more attractive than scientific pursuits.
He made a vigorous plea for the promotion of science in Britain at a national
level.
In 1831 the Yorkshire Literary and Philosophical Society called a
meeting of the 'Friends of Science' where the British Association for the
Advancement of Science took its birth. The aim of the new organization
was, as stated under its objectives, 'to give a stronger impulse and more
systematic direction to scientific enquiry, to obtain a greater degree of national
attention to the objects of science as well as a removal of those disadvantages
which impede its progress, and to promote the intercourse of the cultivators
of science with one another and with foreign philosophers'. a
Further, the scientific and technical education did not register sub-
stantial progress in Britain even in the nineteenth century. The universities
seemed to be reluctant to offer specialized courses in sciences. In 1832
Baden Powell was still exhorting the Oxford University authorities to pay
more attention to scientific studies. The Cambridge University gave
encouragement more to mathematical studies than to experimental sciences.
The London University (the model of the first three Indian universities) was
no doubt of liberal disposition. Yet in 1858 it was still examining the
desirability or otherwise of offering specialized science degrees.
The foregoing historical factors are of considerable importance to the
understanding of the impact of modern science and technology on India,
especially in the nineteenth century, in view of India's direct political,
economical and educational contacts with Britain, and the policies pursued
by the latter from time to time in these fields. All the same, it is indeed
refreshing to note that India showed indications of having received a
substantial impact of western science by the end of the nineteenth century.
The first two decades of the twentieth century, which inherited the
impact of the western science, witnessed newer efforts in the direction of
providing a sound base for modern scientific teaching as well as research in
India. The role of Governor-General Curzon needs special mention in this
respect. His Educational Code and the Universities Act of 1904 heralded
the dawn of unitary and centralized system of education. The universities,
which were hitherto only the affiliating bodies, not only instituted regular
inspection of colleges which were affiliated to them but also transformed
themselves into teaching institutions. The Act declared 'that the universities
to be incorporated for the purpose (among others) of making provision
for the instruction of students, with powers to appoint university professors
and lecturers, to hold and manage educational endowments, to erect, equip
and maintain university laboratories and museums, to make regulations
relating to the residence and conduct of students, and to do all acts, con-
sistent with the incorporation of this Act, which tend to the promotion of
study and research'. Immediately after the passing of the Act, it is significant
to note that the Government of India made a recurring grant of five lacs
of rupees per annum for a period of five years for the improvement of
the university and collegiate education. Curzon believed not only in the
education of the many but also in the co-ordination of the technical educa-
tion with the industrial development. He even visualized that qualified
Indian engineers and technical men would in time replace the Europeans
in the Indian industry.
In 1902 the Board of Scientific Advice was established wi th a view to
co-ordinating the scientific work which was carried out by official agencies.
The reports of the Board used to be communicated through the Secretary
of State for India to the Royal Society of London, for advice, though later
this effort proved ineffective. The Imperial Agricultural Research Institute,
as stated before, was started in 1903, and the Forest Research Institution
at Dehra Dun in 1906. In 1911 the Indian Research Fund Association was
founded by the Government of India for medical research. In the same year
came into being the Indian Institute of Science at Bangalore (through the
munificence of J. N. Tata) for advanced scientific research. In addition,
several specialized scientific societies were in the offing at this time.
As the multitude of scientific institutions was spread over different
parts of the vast country, the need arose, as early as 1913, for a periodic
congressional gathering of scientific workers for exchange of information
and stimulation of research activities. Thus in January 1914 the first
session of the Indian Science Congress Association was held under the
Presidentship of Asutosh Mookerjee at Calcutta in the premises of the Royal
Asiatic Society of Bengal. Thirty-five scientific papers were discussed in
six sections (Chemistry, Physics, Geology, Zoology, Botany and Ethnology),
and over hundred scientists from different parts of the country were present
WESTERN SCIENCE IN INDIA 567
at this meeting for the first time. In his Presidential Address Asutosh
Mookerjee emphasized: 'Personal association amongst scientific men is
pregnant with important consequences, not merely by a fruitful exchange
of ideas. The cultivators of science, by periodical meetings and discussions,
may bring their aims and views prominently into public notice, and may
also, whenever necessary, press them upon the attention of the government,
a contingency by no means remote; for, as experience has shown, even the
most enlightened governments occasionally require to be reminded of the
full extent of the paramount claims of science upon the public funds.'
On his part, Asutosh Mookerjee played an effective role in making
the Calcutta University the first institution to start postgraduate teaching
and research in 1916. As a result of his efforts, some leading wealthy men
of Bengal came forward with large endowments for this purpose. By 1919
the Calcutta University had postgraduate classes in physics and applied
physics, chemistry, applied mathematics and experimental physiology.
Undoubtedly, in the beginning of this century the modern science entered
on a new stage in India and began to grow rapidly in the succeeding years.
11 RESUME
B. V. SUBBARAYAPPA
Q Though named after Bharata, a legendary monarch of the Lunar line, according to
the Vi${fu Pura(lQ, the country belonging to the north of the ocean and to the south of
the snowy mountains is called Bhdratavar$Q-a geographical definition.
b This word is derived through the Greeks from the Persici2ed form of the Sanskrit term
Simlhu (the river).
569
of this subcontinent had assumed more or less the present shape and topo-
graphy possibly by the early Pleistocene time (about one to two million
years ago), save, in front of the newly elevated mountain ranges, the region
which formed almost a longitudinal depression or a foredeep corresponding
to the high mountainous terrain. It has been conjectured that this depres-
sion got filled up by alluvial and wind-blown deposits, and became the
plains fit enough for habitation geologically not very long ago. a Known
as the Indo-Gangetic plains because of flow of many a river belonging to
the Indus-Ganges system, the plains are reputed for their fertility and
effective manoeuvrability for agricultural operations, and have been the
home, from time to time, of a number of different groups of people who
developed their agriculture, arts, crafts and industries. There has been yet
another fertile alluvial tract covering the region of modern Gujarat and
Kathiawar formed by the river and estuarine depositions, which also wit-
nessed the growth of advanced human settlements. In contradistinction to
these alluvial formations which geologically are not old enough, is the much
older laterite rocky terrain of the peninsula comparatively less fertile than
the northern plains, and here also is found evidence of early human in-
habitants some of whom belonged to the neolithic and chalcolithic stages. It
should be noted that the natural environments provided by these geological
features of the subcontinent and not inconsiderably the latter's geographical
position with reference to the other culture-areas of the then known world
have been not only stimulative to, but also determinative of, the endeavours
of man the maker and man the thinker in this part of the globe.
As to the early man who wandered on this subcontinent there is little
or no information, for no skeletal remains of the palaeolithic man have been
unearthed so far in this region. Anthropologists believe that the terrain
now known as the Siwaliks (a later phase of the Himalayan elevation) might
have been the home of early man in India. In any case, in this area have
been discovered some stone-tools which indicate a chopper-chopping tool
culture in existence there perhaps over 150,000 years ago. That the early
human had been active and groups of men existed in different parts of the
subcontinent have been evidenced by some types of stone-tools found in
the Punjab, Peninsular India, Kashmir, Bengal, etc. The Middle Palaeo-
lithic Age in India corr~sponds to c. 25000 B.C. and the Late Stone Age to
c. 5000 B.C. The neolithic culture which is characterized by some kind of
habitation and agricultural practices leading to production of food has been
noticed in the regions of Andhra, Karnatak and Kashmir even as late as
c. 2000 B.C., while in some other parts of India like Rajaputana, Central
India, the Deccan, etc., the chalcolithic culture has also been found in the
period 1800 B.C. b However, earlier still in the region covering Sind, the
Punjab, Rajaputana, Saurashtra and Baluchistan, there flourished a civili-
zation (c. 2300-1750 B.C.) which was by far the largest of the world's three
most ancient civilizations, covering an area of roughly 840,000 square miles.
The fact worthy of note is that in this subcontinent different culture mani-
festations have occurred in different periods and in different parts of the
land, not always in the recognized sequence.
The neolithic man in India, apart from his primitive attempts at agri-
culture of which we have hut scanty information, a was quite familiar with
certain plants and animals which were part of his environment. His prac-
tical knowledge of animals has been handed over to us in the form of what
are called 'haematite drawings' in the caves or sheltered rocks. Such
drawings have been found on the rocky walls of the Vindhya hills in Mirza-
pur district (depicting hunters attacking a rhinoceros with barbed spears),
in the caves of Hoshangabad district (portraying a giraffe), of the Kaimur
hills (showing stag-hunts), and at Singanpur (representing an animal resem-
bling a kangaroo, also horse and deer). It would seem that rhinoceros was
then more widely distributed in India than at present. The neolithic potter
was able to produce earthen vessels (generally globular with round bases
and flair slips) which were hand-made, the potter's wheel obviously being
unknown to him in the initial stages, as evidenced by the finds in the pre-
historic rock shelters of Mirzapur, Laghnaj, Nagarjunakonda, Birbanpur,
Burzahom and certain sites in the southern Deccan. Later he was able to
devise the wheel and produce the wheel-thrown pottery, the specimens of
which have been found in some of the neolithic settlements in south India.
• Archaeological evidence indicates the use of rice (Oryza sativa L.) and wheat (Triticum
vulgarfl..compactllm) in the chalcolithic sites of Navdatoli and Maheswar.
571
found on the Harappan seals are in common with those of Syria and Crete. a
There is no denying the fact that there was a movement of ideas and tech-
niques among the diverse culture-areas in the third and the second millen-
nium B.C., and that the Harappan culture lay on the periphery of the already
well-established central and western Asian cultures.
Be that as it may, the Harappan culture displayed certain original
characteristics and underwent its own civilizational experiences. The over-
all picture of this culture appears to be that it had a reasonable agricultural
surplus and a farming economy, developed a way of settled life and material
culture enriched by many a craft and industry. The craft of potting had
registered a technological progress. The Harappan pottery was mainly
wheel-made, turned in various shapes and sizes out of the well-levigated
alluvium of the Indus. The unearthed pottery specimens with a number
of designs and colour combinations throw light on the fact that the pro-
duction technique was standardized to a high degree. The Harappan
potters also knew the art of glazing and it would appear that the glazed
pottery found at Mohenjo-daro was probably the earliest specimen of its
type. Metalsmiths were well versed in the techniques of making beads,
sheet-making, rivetting, coiling and casting. The bronze figurine discovered
at Mohenjo-daro was probably cast by the cire-perdue process. A number
of metallic tools, mostly of copper and bronze, found in this area reveal
that the Harappan metalsmiths had sound knowledge of cold-working and
annealing of the metal. Of the tools, a special word needs to be said
about a true saw which has the teeth and the adjoining part of the blade set
alternatively from side to side, for a similar type of saw was unknown else-
where until Roman times (5, pp. 275-83). Apart from metal-working,
the Harappans knew the use of a number of minerals for ornamental, cos-
metic and medicinal purposes. They had developed social sanitation and
public hygiene to a high level as borne out by the town-planning, paved
streets, water-supply, public baths and hydropathic establishments, dis-
charge and drainage systems, etc., in their urban living. They also knew
spinning and weaving and were well known for the burnt-brick-and-mortar
constructions. Doubtless they had evolved a system of measurement and
computational techniques which were necessary for not only constructions
but also commercial transactions.
The animal representations on the Harappan pottery, seals, figurines
and toys give an insight into their familiarity with and domestication of
animals. Some 92 species of animals have been identified and of them
mammals (41), molluscs, marine and land forms (31), reptiles (12), fishes (5)
and birds (2) are notable. The domestic animals included the humped cattle,
buffalo, ass, sheep, goat, elephant, camel, pig, dog and cat. The wild life
comprised, among others, elephant, tiger, rhinoceros, wolf, jackal and chital,
but no lion. A large number of seals depict a curious legendary animal
called the unicorn, a male beast with one horn, a heavily built body of an
antelope or an ox with a long tuffed tail. The widely used domestic animal
was the bull, and although the figure of cow is not represented on any of
the seals, it was an important domestic animal (8, pp. 404-16).
The Harappans had attained a reasonably good level of agricultural
practices; yet the plough was not in use. Likewise, of the metals, iron
was unknown to the people of the Indus valley; and of the animals, horse
was probably not in use then. The plough, iron and the horse of a superior
breed began to be used in India by a new set of people of a new social
order, whose thoughts and practices have come down to us in the form of
several literary compositions known as the Vedas, Briihma!1as, Ara1Jyakas
and the Upani~ads.
VEDIC PERIOD
This new set of people, sometimes referred to as the Aryans, made
notable contributions to the development of science and technology in
India, and from about the fifteenth century B.C. to about the eleventh or
twelfth century A.D., the history of science in India is, by and large, that of
their thoughts and religious practices, of their arts and crafts which took
into their fold not a few of the 10caHy existing thoughts and techniques
which they encountered, reshaped and assimilated.
!Jla
PancabhQtas
Another doctrine which gradually took shape out of certain speculative
layers of the ~gvedic thought and the early Upani$ads is the one concerning
Vedic Astronomy
In the Sgveda are found certain symbolic hymns and references which
throw ample light on the astronomical ideas of the Vedic Indians. Keen
observers as they indeed were, the Vedic priests possessed adequate knowl-
edge of the course of the sun, the path and phases of the moon, the bright
wandering objects or the planets, the starry firmament, occurrences of
eclipses and the like. Their intuitive minds developed a thought-pattern
concerning the motion of the astronomical bodies. The moon became the
obvious choice for determining the month and, in fact, the moon was
referred to as masakrta (maker of month) similar to the modern word,
month, being derived from the word 'mooneth'. There were two systems of
574 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Vedic Mathematics
The mathematical knowledge in the Vedic period seemed to be of a
high order. That the numbers and their reckoning had a special appeal is
clear from the fact that the Yajurveda has names of numbers even up to
10 12 and the PancavilJ1sa Brahma'.la gives an account of numbers in ascend-
ing decimal scale. It is interesting to note that the highest terminology of
the Greeks (which probably came into use by about the fourth century B.C.)
was myriad (10 4) and of the Romans was mille which denoted just a thousand
(lOS) only. It may be added that in some of the later Jaina and the Bauddha
literature is found terminology to express numbers as large as 1029 and 1053
(3, pp. 140-41).
A proper scientific vocabulary of number names was also developed
so as to be permissive of operations including addition, subtraction and
multiplication. Fundamental arithmetical operations involving elementary
fractions were also known, as evidenced by the occurrence of such names,
as ardha (I), tripada (1) in the ~gveda, and pada (1), sapha ('), kU~lha (~7j)
and kala (ti) in the Maitraya1)i SCUflhito. A'1lsa and bhdga denoting frac-
tions in general occur in the Sulba-sutras (3, pp. 143-44). In the field of
geometry, the Sulba-sutras (Rules of the Thread or Measuring Chord),
which as part of the Kalpa-sutras deal with sacrificial altar-constructions
(citi) using a definite number of bricks of fixed dimensions, deserve special
Medical Knowledge
As to the medical knowledge of the Vedic Indians, the SQ'!1hitiis refer
to a number of ailments affecting the head, eyes, ear, heart~ lungs, stomach,
skin, rheumatism, etc. Diseases are said to be caused by congenital factors,
change of seasons and minute organisms in the body. There is, however,
no attempt to classify the diseases based on some principle. No doubt the
magical procedures, charms and imprecations, chanting of mantras and
other rituals were part of the general treatment of diseases. But a large
number of plant remedies were known and some minerals and animal
products were also used as healing agents. The Vedic physiology was
based upon the concept of pro(lQ (breath) which was supposed to be the
P.G. Ware
In respect of the material culture and technological practices of the
Vedic period, a special significance attaches to the advent of the Painted
Grey ware and iron. The Indo-Aryans, according to some scholars, devel-
oped and used a de luxe type of pottery now christened by the archaeo-
logists as the Painted Grey ware. It has been surmized that the Indo-Aryan
settlers on the Indo-Gangetic plains possessed a knowledge of some similar
ceramic used in parts of Iran, Sistan, etc. (c. second millennium B.C.), and,
utilizing the locally existing ceramic techniques, they evolved the appropriate
baking conditions for the production of the Painted Grey ware. This ware,
first noticed at Ahicchatra and belonging to a date range of c. 1000-400
B.C., has, by and large, an extensive western distribution. A point worthy
of note is that a number of iron objects have been discovered in association
with the later phase of this ware in several excavated sites (5, pp. 285-87).
Iron
Though there are no details of the iron metallurgical practices in the
Vedic literature, it is reasonable to suppose that the smaU furnaces em-
ployed for the extraction of iron might well have been of an open hearth
31
578 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
type. The word ayas used generally for the metals like copper or bronze
began to acquire the connotation of iron as noticed in the later Vedic texts.
On the basis of the archaeological evidence it seems to be fairly certain
that iron was introduced into India by c. 1000-800 B.C. A charcoal sample
from an early level of Atranjikhera II (where some iron objects were found)
gives a radiocarbon date of 1025 ±110 B.C. At Hastinapur have been found
a couple of slags of iron in the later levels of the Painted Grey ware
horizon, indicating local iron-smelting operations as early as c. 1100-800
B.C. It may be mentioned that the earliest smelting operations of iron
can be dated as far back as the second millennium B.C. in the region
of Asia Minor and Caucasus, and there was by the end of the second
millennium B.C. an appreciably large use of iron in the Near East whence
the Indian iron metal-workers possibly derived their technical knowledge.
But the fact of significance is that within the next five to six centuries
of the advent of iron in India, the technical proficiency reached was so
high that the Indian iron and steel objects earned the admiration of the
western world (5, pp. 287-90).
Agriculture
In the Vedic period agriculture was an important vocation and not a
few of the then social and religious customs were associated with the agri-
cultural operations of ploughing, sowing, reaping and threshing. The
plough, sickle, sieve and the contrivance for winnowing were among the
agricultural implements. Of the important grains grown in this period, viz.
wheat, rice and barley, significantly enough the ~gveda does not mention
rice at all indicating that rice was a wild growth and not yet cultivated in
the early period of the Indo-Aryan settlement. The Yajurveda and the
Atharvaveda contain references to rice of different varieties as well as to
several agricultural operations. The Vedic farmers are credited with the
practice of improving the fertility of the soil by the method of rotation
fallowing and this system appears to have been followed in the west at a later
date, according to Roxburgh, the Father of Indian botany (6, pp. 352-54).
POST-VEDIC PERIOD
lyurveda
In the post-Vedic period, the lyurveda as a rational assemblage of
methodical concepts and systematic therapeutic practices occupies an
honoured position. Even though the celebrated classical texts of the
Ayurveda, viz. the Caraka and Swruta Salflhitas, which have come down
to us, took their present form probably in the early centuries of the Christian
. era, the thoughts and practices enshrined in them were doubtless in vogue
from about the seventh or sixth century B.C. The prime object of the
1yurveda is the preservation of human life, of animals and even of plants.
In man, life is the manifestation of body, senses and the spirit according to
37 D
S79
sara, sthira, sandra and drava. Substances are taken in for the growth as
well as maintenance of the body in the context of these gu1JDS. Virya has
been recognized generally as of two kinds, U$1Ja and sita, and as causative
of certain manifestations such as cheerfulness, strength, thirst, giddiness,
etc. Viptika may be understood as the biochemical processing of food,
while prabhtiva represents the over-all effect on the body and mind.
The theoretical basis for the way in which the food gets digested and
assimilated into the body is again the doctrine of the pancabhutas. The
agency which brings about the transformation of the food into the rasas is
referred to as jiithariigni which means literally 'fire in the stomach', but
connotes a wealth of meaning inclusive of all digestive processes in the
stomach as well as in the intestines. The word agni is significant, for it
actually cooks (ptika) and cooks specially (viptika) the food for absorption
by the bodily tissues. The chyle or rasa, in its sojourn in the body, gets
transformed into rakta (blood), mafJlsa (muscle), medas (fat), asthi (bone),
majja (marrow) and sukra (semen) in the order stated. The rasa and the
aforesaid six are known as saptadhiitus which maintain the body. At each
stage of transformation, the causative agent is called dhatvagni. Each
dhiitu has three manifestations, viz. sthula (gross), suk$ma (fine) and kitta
(refuse). The first is in the nature of the concerned dhatu and the second
passes on potentially the character of the succeeding dhlitu. According to
the Ayurveda the principal seat of rasa is heart, and the fluid moves on
through 24 tubular vessels called dhamanis. Besides dhamanis, there are
also siriis (small vessels which do not pulsate) and srotas (minute vessels
which lie in between smaller dhamanis and siros).
Treatment in lyurveda is a two-way process: elimination of deleteri-
ous ingredients and replenishment with the harmonious ones, so that
the trido$as become tridhtitus again. All drugs, therapeutic procedures and
even surgery are employed towards this end. Among the specific thera-
peutic measures are cleansing accumulated bodily wastes, internal as well
as external medication; use of eye-drops and eye-salves; gurgles; fumi-
gation of ear, nose and throat regions; liquid unguents, lotions, creams, oils,
etc., for the skin: suppositories, tampons, soaked cotton swabs, etc., for
the bodily openings; enemas and douches; various kinds of bath; fomenta-
tions; antisepsis by fumigation; hypertonic salt solutions for surgical
dressings; astringents as styptics for bleeding wounds and abrasions, etc.
(4, pp. 248-50). As to the drugs, the Jyurveda has an extensive materia
medica. The Caraka Safllhitti lists over 341 plant substances, 177 drugs of
animal origin and 64 mineral compositions, while the Swruta Sal'flhitii
contains over 395, 57 and 64 respectively (4, p. 251). Generally the plant
products were preferred for both oral and non-oral medication, for it was
believed that the organic plants were composed of the five bhUtas while the
inorganic metals and minerals were supposed to consist of prthvibhuta only.
In addition, the availability of a wide variety of medically efficacious plants
in the environment was also responsible for such a preference. A prac-
titioner in Ayurvedic medicine was expected to observe high standards of
581
Surgery
Susruta describes surgery (sastrakarma) under eight heads: chedana
(incision), bhedana (excision), lekhana (scarification), vedhana (puncturing),
e~a1Ja (exploration), aharar.za (extraction), visriiva~la (evacuation) and sivana
(suturing). The surgical instruments described include 101 varieties of
blunt instruments, and 20 kinds of sharp instruments, such as forceps,
tongs, scalpels, catheters, bougies, trocar, syringes, speculums, needles,
saws, scissors, lances, hooks and probes. A number of them resembled
the mouths or beaks of birds, beasts or some other types of animals.
Details are given of how they should be made from fine metal (steel
or the pancaloha), their dimensions, handles, etc. Cataract-crouching
was an established surgical feat with which even the surgeons of
ancient Greece and Egypt were not familiar. In the Susruta Sa1J1hitii
there is a vivid account of craniotomy and anal fistual operation
bestowing careful attention on pre- and post-operative treatments. The
Indian surgeons were aware of how the blood vessels should be ligated,
and often used cautery. They laid stress on practical training to attain the
much needed proficiency in surgery. Incisions were practised on fruits,
scarification on stretched skins of deer, goat or sheep with the hair still on
them, puncturing on distended bags, venesection on blood vessels of dead
cattle or the hollow stalks of lotus plants, cauterization on meats, suturing
on thick cloth and so on. The marrow of jackfruits and similar types of
pulps and the teeth of dead animals provided the practising ground for
extraction. The suturing material employed generally was made of flax,
hemp and bark fibres. D. Guthrie rightly observes: 'It was in surgery
above all that the ancient Hindus excelled. Su§ruta described more than a
hundred instruments. This was their greatest contribution to the art of
healing and the work was bold and distinctive. It is not unlikely, though
difficult to prove, that some of it was of Greek origin. Some, indeed., state
that the Greek drew much of their knowledge from the Hindus.'tI As
Neuberger says: 'The outstanding feats of the ancient Indian surgery related
to laparotomy, lithotomy and plastic operations. 'b The Susruta Sa",hitd
Physical Concepts
While the Ayurveda had established itself as medical science par
excellence, there were, during the post-Vedic period, certain systems of philo-
sophical thought which were assuming a crystallized or aphoristic form.
or them, the Vais~ika system deserves special mention. Supposed to
have been propounded by a sage called Kat).ada, KaJ)abhuj or Ka.t)abhak~a,
the VaiSe~ika Sutras deal with a number of physical concepts encompassing
substance, attributes, motion, space, time and atomism in a cryptic form.
It so happened that these concepts set the tone as it were for the inter-
pretations of the physical world by a number of exponents over a long
period of time. The Nyaya Siitras, the proto-layers of which could be
found even in the fourth century B.C. supported the Vais~ika views and, as
t
N.B.P. Ware
A new type of ceramic known as the Northern Black-polished ware came
on the scene (c. 600-500 B.C.), first in the region of modern Bihar and eastern
Uttar Pradesh and in course of time spread to some of the other parts of
northern, central and southern India. Made on a fast-spinning wheel using
fine clay and fired to a high temperature in kilns under controlled conditions,
this black-to-glossy-grey ceramic was reputed for its metallic sound. Its
wide distribution and association with iron need special notice (5, pp.
294-98).
Glass
It would appear that in the first quarter of the first millennium B.C.
the technique of production of glass objects like beads and bangles, mostly
the former, was known in India. Yet it was perhaps from the sixth century
B.C. onwards that the progress of glass technology became noticeable. At
Taxila the Bhir Mound has yielded in the sixth-fourth century B.C. levels a
number of glass beads of several shapes and colours. As one of the out-
posts of the north-western frontier of the Mauryan empire then, Taxila was
prone to receive and assimilate foreign influences in the technique of glass
production. That this was the case has been borne out by the glass objects
found later at the new city of Sirkap at Taxila during first century B.c.-first
century A.D. Production of glass objects was rather widespread inasmuch
as a number of glass objects have been found in places like Ujjain,
Nasik, Ahicchatra, Sravasti, Kolhapur, Kaundinya, Brahmagiri and
Arikamedu to name a few out of some 30 sites known. The early Indian
glass-makers were skilful in controlling the temperature of fusion, mould-
ing, annealing, blotching and gold-foiling, the last being done in an
exquisite manner (5, pp. 291-94).
Iron
In the post-Vedic period the knowledge of the use of iron in the form
of a number of tools and implements was not only on the increase but also
widespread. The use of bellows which made its debut during this period
enabled the ironsmiths to produce a number of tools and implements on a
large scale. Iron objects of different descriptions including bars, knives,
hooks, sickles, arrowheads, hoes, rings, daggers, nails, choppers, etc., have
been reported from a number of archaeological sites and the date-range of
most of these finds is 600-200 B.C. The sharp iron implements were used
with great effect in the clearance of jungles and expansion of settlements.
The ploughshare tipped with iron enabled deep ploughing which resulted
in more agricultural produ~, particularly sugar-cane. The quality of iron
and steel objects produced during this period was indeed of a high order
and some of them were considered to be eminently fit for presentation.
584 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Ktesias (fifth century B.C.) speaks of two swords of Indian steel presented
to Artaxeses Mnemon. Later it has been recorded by Quintius Curtius
that in the gifts which Alexander the Great received from Porus of Taxila
(326 B.C.) were 100 'talents' of steel.
Agriculture
Agriculture registered substantial progress during this period, particularly
under the royal control and patronage of the Mauryan rulers. The Artha-
sastra which sheds light on the importance attached to agriculture speaks
of the science of agriculture and the Director of Agriculture. Likewise the
State had accorded a special position to mining and minerals, for the agri-
cultural produce and the minerals determined to a great extent its economy.
It gave encouragement to the settlement of people on unoccupied land and
vigorously supported agricultural practices. Keen interest was taken in the
irrigation schemes as evidenced by the account of Megasthenes who informs
us of officers employed by the State to superintend the rivers and inspect
the sluices through which the water was let out from the main canals into their
branches so as to ensure an equitable supply. Special mention should be
made of the well-known Sudarsana Lake in Saurashtra, which was con-
structed by Pusyagupta under Chandragupta Maurya and restored later by
Tusaspa, the Yavana governor under Asoka, for irrigational purposes (6, pp.
356-57).
Mathematics
If the Classical Age represents a glorious period in the history of India,
verily does it so in the history of Indian science and technology. From about
the fourth century A.D. to about the eighth or ninth century and also a
couple of centuries later, different branches of science made great headway
and even became codified in the form of scientific and technical texts. The
astronomical and mathematical texts are of particular significance. There
were leading mathematicians who were also well versed in astronomy like
Aryabhata I, Bhaskara I, Brahmagupta, Mahavira, Aryabhata II, MuiijAla,
Sripati, Sridhara and Bhaskara II. Aryabhata I knew rules for the extrac-
tion of square and cube roots, dealt with areas of triangles and trapezia,
circles, spheres, arithmetical progression, summation of series, fractions,
etc. He enunciated a rule for the solution of indeterminate equation of the
first order. He gave the value of 1r correct to four places of decimal (3'1416)
though he knew it was approximate. He also gave the values of 24 sines
Uytl) for the computation of trigonometrical angles; what is more, he devel-
oped an ~lphabetical system for expressing numbers on the decimal place-
value model. The decimal place-value notation itself, using nine digits and
zero, was already in use in India by about the fifth century A.D. It is to be
S8S
said to the credit of the Indians that they accorded a name, symbol and the
right place for zero in an ingenious way. Severus Sebokht, a Syrian scholar
of the seventh century A.D., referred to the Indian decimal place-value
notation 'a computing that surpasses description' and was full of praise for
the dexterity with which it was formulated. The decimal notation spread
to Indo-China and Japan probably in the sixth or seventh century A.D.,
and the Indian numerals found an able exponent in the Arabic mathe-
matician al-Khwarizmi in the ninth century A.D. AI-Khwarizmi's works
were translated into Latin in England by Adelard of Bath in the twelfth
century and in the next century or so the Indian decimal place-value
notation had established itself in Europe and has since become universal.
Of the other contributions of the Indian mathematicians, those of
Bhaskara I include a method of solving indetenninate equations of the first
degree, while of Brahrnagupta a formula for the sum of n terms of the
Arithmetic Progression of which the first term is unity and the common
difference is unity. The latter was able to state succinctly the rules regard-
ing the volume of the prism, area of cyclic quadrilateral and the formula for
the length of two diagonals of a cyclic quadrilateral. He also ~knew the
theory of non-recurring continued fraction and gave the general solution in
integers of the indeterminate equations of the first degree. Brahmagupta is
well known for his dealing with the indeterminate equation of the second
degree: Ny 2+ 1 = x 2• Mahavira has given an account of the use of zero
and the summation of n terms of a Geometrical Progression. Bhaskara II
developed a method known as cakraviila or cyclic method for rational
integral solutions of the indeterminate equation of the second order. He
also worked out a geometric proof of the Pythagorean theorem. There is a
view that Bhaskara almost hit upon the root idea of differential calculus,
but as he did not conceive of the idea of limit he was unable to evolve the
notion of modem calculus which, as we now know, owes its development
to Newton and Leibniz.
Astronomy
In astronomy, there came into light a new class of astronomical litera-
ture which went under the name of siddhiinta. Of the recognized 18
siddluintas, five, viz. Saura, Vdsi$lha, Pau/iSa, Romaka and Paitdmaha, have
been dealt with by Varahamihira in his Pancasiddhantikti, and of them, the
Silryasiddluinta is considered to be the best and most accurate. Although
the date of this treatise is uncertain, its present form, presumably, contains
different layers of astronomical ideas, some very old and the others
comparatively recent.
It is very likely that the divisions of time, the concept of mahliyuga,
cosmology, nak$atra system, etc., which are included in this work are
among the ancient ideas while, possibly, the epicyclic theory and the
associated views might have been later accretions, even so before the time of
Varihamihira. Al-BiliinI says that the SQryasiddhanta might have been
586 A CONCISE msTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Medicine
The lyurveda continued to maintain its high tradition and was in-
cluded as one of tho important subjocts of study in the general curriculum
587
Atomism
In the Classical Age and the succeeding centuries the philosophical
works of the Nyaya and the Vais~ika systems and some of the Bauddha
and Iaina schools, which came out with full intellectual vigour presenting
strong epistemological positions, are of great importance. In them is found
a rational explanation of the basic stuff of the gross world in terms of atoms.
The Nyiiya-Vaise~ika texts, in particular, describe in detail and in a logical
way the formation of gross bodies from the atoms through dyads (dvyQ1)uka)
and triads (trya1)uka or trasare1)u). The four bhutas-prthvi, ap, tejas and
viiyu-are considered to be atomic in their eternal states. The two atoms
are regarded as the material cause for the coming into being of a dyad which
is an effect. Three dyads are the cause for producing a triad which is again
an effect. The cause brings about the effect, but is absorbed immediately
into the latter which in turn assumes the role of a cause to continue the
sequence. The noteworthy characteristic of Indian atomism is the causal
garment associated with it. Further, according to the Nyiiya-Vaise$ika, two
like atoms unite only in the presence of another type of atom, the latter
functioning as an accessory cause, and this explains conclusively the presence
of different qualities in a single substance. Also, it is pointed out that the
structural arrangement (vyUha) of the dyads in a triad gives rise to different
qualities in a substance. Such a profound concept, which can bear
testimony even from the modern chemical point of view, is not found in
the early schools of atomism elsewhere including the Greek atomism
(9, pp. 461-69).
In the west, the atomic views of Greek thinkers found an able exponent
in Lucretius (first century B.C.), but later for reasons unknown a practically
receded to the background for over a thousand and six hundred years, for
it was only in the seventeenth century A.D. that Gassendi, Boyle, Newton and
Huygens revived them with certain modifications. On the other hand, the
Vaise~ika atomism found a number of protagonists for over two thousand
years right up to the eighteenth century A.D. Though sometimes bordered
on polemics, the Indian atomism was virile enough to attract into its fold
the intellectuals of different dispositions either as adherents or opponents.
Impetus Theory
Yet another Indian physical concept of considerable relevance to the
history of science, which found adequate expression in the Vais~ika texts,
the Prasastapadabhii~ya and the Vyomavati, relates to the notion of impetus to
account for continued motion of a body. It is postulated that when the
body experiences the first unit of motion, a quality of impetus (vegp) is
possessed by it; and as a result the body continues to move in the same
direction. However, when the moving body encounters an obstacle,. it
would come to rest or continue its motion with diminished strength accord-
ing as the latter neutralizes the quality of impetus fully or partially. The
texts also describe the motion of bodies like an arrow, javelin and pestle.
G It may be noted that Aristotle opposed the atomic views of his predecessors and it was
the Aristotelian interpretation of the physical world that held a dominatina position
in Europe for a lona time.
591
It is interesting to observe that in the west it was not before the fourteenth
century A.D. that we come across a theory of impetus which permitted a
description of continued motion of a projectile. Till then the Aristotelian
views of the motion in terms of the projector transforming to the immediate
layer of air (medium) the power to thrust the projectile, the layer transfer-
ring its impulse to the next layer of air and so forth held the field, although
in the sixth century A.D. John Philoponus of Alexandria, who did not
concur with this view, suggested that the projector imparted a motive power
to the projectile itself. The Vaise~ika conception of impetus in all its details
is a distinct forerunner of what was later developed in the west on mathe-
maticallines (9, pp. 472-75).
Biological Sciences
Plants and animals received adequate attention of poets of nature,
lexicographers, encyclopaedists and philosophers who in their works have
given considerable details of their types, characteristics, habitats, etc.
Kiilidasa in his great lyrics and dramas has given a vivid description of the
plant and animal life, particularly of the birds and insects. Amara de-
scribes a wide range of plants and animals along with their synonyms accord-
ing to their habitats and habits. In the Brhatsa1J1hitii is found an account
of plant pathology (7, p. 385) and of animals including cow, dog, cock,
goat, horse, elephant, etc. Prasastapada, the well-known exponent of the
Vaise~ika system, attempts at a simple but meaningful classification of
animals and plants. The animals are categorized into ayonija (asexually
produced) and yonija (sexually produced), the latter being further sub-
divided into jarayuja and alJrlaja (8, pp. 426-27). Plants are classified
into vrk~~a, trlJa, o~adhi, gulma, latii, avatana and vanaspati.
A work of considerable interest from the point of view of the botanical
knowledge of this period is Vrk.yiiyurveda of Parasara. Though presumed
to be a text belonging to the first century B.C. or first century A.D., there is
no doubt that it has many later accretions. In any case, this text gives
succinctly an outline of plant morphology and certain aspect of plant
physiology, as also a graphic description of the germinating process. It
presents a system of nomenclature based on three factors, viz. the botanical
significance, therapeutic value and habitat (7, pp. 379-80).
Technological Practices
As to the technological practices of the Classical Age, metal-working
was in a flourishing state. The historic vestiges like the Iron Pillar at
Delhi and the copper statue of the Buddha at Sultanganj in Bihar bear
eloquent testimony to the skills of the metalsmiths of the time. The Iron
Pillar which has a height of about 24 feet and a weight of more than six
tons is made of wrought or malleable iron (99·72 %) and has remained still
without any signs of rust even though it is about 1,500 years old. The
huge statue of the Buddha-about seven feet six inches in height and nearly
592 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
a ton in weight-was cast in two layers with great dexterity (5, pp. 299-300).
There is no doubt that the metal-workers displayed spectacular skills in
producing new appliances and utilitarian forms. The art of jewellery using
precious metals and stones was in a flourishing form. There were in different
parts of the country centres well known for metal industry producing
exquisite metallic forms; and dhatuvada (metal-working) came to be regarded
as one of the 64 kalas. Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim, describes a
huge copper image of the Buddha (80 ft. in height) and a brass temple
(height expected to reach over a 100 ft.) by Emperor Harsha. Though the
furnaces employed for winning the metals from their ores were small and
primitive from the modern standards, the metal-workers had developed the
necessary expertise and aimed at excellence. In south India, bronze-
working in an elegant style was in a flourishing state. Similarly, advanced
state of workmanship and sophistication were exhibited in the production of
ceramic ware of high appeal. Special types of glossy pottery were produced
using mica dust and in graceful designs. At Ahicchatra have been
observed cylindrical pits of large dimensions and it is probable that these
were the special types of kilns for the turning and baking of ornamental
pottery and tiles.
Agriculture
But the more important component of the economic well-being of the
people of the Classical Age, and a couple of centuries succeeding it, was,
undoubtedly, agriculture as evidenced by rather a wide variety of agricultural
products raised in different parts of the country and also the royal en-
couragement given to irrigation works. In addition, the use of aragha!fa
for irrigation purposes was on the increase. As the State had realized the
importance of the cultivation of waste lands, land-grants were made in an
increasing measure on many an occasion. Agricultural practices received
adequate attention of codifiers like Amara and Varahamihira who included
them in their well-known compilations. Some of the other works like the
Naradasmrti, Brhaspatismrti, Vi~tludharmottara and the Agnipura!la, too,
dealt with agricultural and allied practices. What is more, time was ripe
for the appearance of even specific texts like the Kr$i-Pariisara (6, p. 358) and
the Vrk$tiyurveda (6, p. 362) which, exclusively devoted to agriculture and
horticulture, became reference manuals. Cryptic sayings in the regional
languages like Bengali, Maithili and Tamil portraying agricultural practices
entered the folklore, and the fanners spared no efforts in living up to them.
The foregoing bird's-eye account shows how the different branches of
science had taken roots in India by about the twelfth century or so and
how India participated effectively in the evolution and even transmission
of scientific ideas and techniques. It is refreshing to note that Said-al-
Andalusi, an astronomer and historian of science in the eleventh century
A.D., accords in his work, Kitdb Tabaka! al-Umam (the Categories of
Nations), the first place to India among the contemporary nations which
593
had developed sciences then. In the next two or three centuries which in
the west provided the decisive converging historical and social influences
to usher in the Renaissance later, India's scientific output began to show
signs of decay. The foreign invasions and internecine strifes, which unleased
forces of disruption and unsettlement on the one hand and the rigid caste-
ridden social structure which was impermeable to new outlook and endeav-
ours on the other, seemed to be too powerful to stimulate scientific think-
ing. In effect, history did not appear to be on the side of India during the
crucial two or three centuries so that India could participate in the
Renaissance and thus become one of the early homes of modem science.
MEDIEVAL PERIOD
In the medieval period from about the twelfth century to the end of
the eighteenth century A.D., the history of science and technology in India
developed two facets, one concerned with the already chartered course of
the earlier tradition and the other with the new influences which came up
as a result of the Islamic and later the European impacts. These two did
not always run parallel, nor were they invariably complementary to each
other. But they existed side by side, sometimes endeavouring to assimilate
the impact of each other. A noteworthy feature was that several important
scientific works, particularly in astronomy and medicine, were rendered
from Sanskrit to Persian or Arabic and vice versa. Though in respect of
scientific ideas the mutual impact was not so appreciable and each strand
of scientific thought proceeded generally along the established path, the
technological practices undoubtedly underwent perceptible changes and, in
fact, some new technological developments took place in such fields as
paper, gunpowder, enamelling, glass and metal-working. In addition,
certain types of new plants and fresh horticultural practices also appeared.
These developments, however, looked dwarfs before the new intellectual
endeavours that Europe witnessed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
and the gigantic strides of modem science and technology thereafter. The
Indian astronomy, mathematics, physics, chemical practices, plant and
animal sciences chose to move in the previously determined grooves and so
were unable to develop a fresh method and an attitude conducive to the
development of modern science. Most of the scientific works which
appeared in the medieval period were in the nature of commentaries or
expositions of the earlier treatises.
Astronomy
In astronomy, after Bhaskara II, a number of commentaries dealing
with the already established astronomical notions appeared.
Mahendra Sun, who flourished in the court of Emperor Firoz Shah
Tughlak as one of his court astronomers, wrote a tract called YantrartiJa
38
594 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Mathematics
l'mraY8l)a P~4ita, son of Nrsitpha Daivajfia, was well known for his
work on arithmetic, Ga1)itakaumudi, and on algebra, Bijagaflitiivatalflsa, on
which later a number of commentaries appeared. GaJigadhara of Gujarat
wrote a commentary on the Liltivati and his brother, Vi~Qu PaQQita, produced
• The versatile metallic instrument, astrolabe, was introduced into India by the Muslims
and it was already in use durina the reign of Shah Jaban. Labore was reputed for the
production of astrolabes of hiab quality.
38B
595
Medicine
Though Ayurveda did not progress as vigorously as it did in the ancient
period, some important treatises like the Siirangdlwra Sa"mitii, the Cikitsasa1fl-
graha by Vatigasena (a redaction of the earlier Sa1flhitli by Agastya who
was one of the Siddhas of south India), the Yogaratnlikara (popular in south
India) and the Bhavaprakiila of Bhavamisra were compiled. The Sararig-
dhara Satnhitti, a text of the thirteenth century includes opium in its materia
medica and employs pulse and urine examination for diagonostic purpose,
possibly follOWing Chinese and Arabic practice. The Bhlivaprakasa con-
tains an exhaustive list of diseases and their symptoms, as also of drugs
current in his time. The etiology of syphilis which was introduced into India
by the Portuguese seamen in the fifteenth century is also discussed in the
596 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
popular. The Hakims were held in high esteem and enjoyed royal patron-
age. The rewards and remunerations paid to them were so attractive that
not a few highly qualified Hakims from Iran and other places came to
India and worked in many new free public hospitals which the Mughal
rulers established. in all the cities under their control. A fact that should
not go unnoticed is that in these hospitals thousands of Hakims and the
Ayurvedic Vaidyas worked side by side. Lahore, Delhi, Lucknow, Patna,
Murshidabad, Hyderabad and Madras were the important centres of
Unoni Tibb, which had well-qualified Uniini hospitals and Madrasas of Tibb.
A good number of medical works also appeared during the Mughal rule.
The Tibbi Aurangzebi, dedicated to Aurangzeb, is based on Ayurvedic
sources. The Musalajati-Diirshikohi of Nuruddin Muhammad, dedicated
to Darashikoh, deals with Greek medicine and contains at the end almost
the whole Ayurvedic materia medica.
Some independent contributions to the Tibhi-Uniini were also made by
Hakims on the basis of their own experiences of medical cases which they
handled with great care and originality. They developed. treatment of the
venereal diseases and made fresh contributions to epidemology, toxicology,
therapeutics and Uniini Materia Medica.
Chemical Practices
Of the new technological practices which soon established themselves
in the medieval period, special mention should be made of paper-making,
gunpowder and pyrotechnics. The art of paper-making was introduced
into India probably in the eleventh century A.D. from Nepal which in turn
might have obtained the technique of paper production from China. Before
the introduction of paper, the ancient literature was preserved generally on
palm-leaves in south India and birch-bark in Kashmir and northern regions
of the country. About the fourteenth or fifteenth century A.D. paper began
to be used and, in the later half of the fifteenth century, Kashmir was
producing paper of attractive quality from the pulps of rags and hemp
with lime and soda added to whiten the pulp. Sialkot, Zafarabad,
Patna, Murshidabad, Ahmedabad, Aurangabad and Mysore were among
the well-known centres of paper production. Zafarabad was significantly
known as Kaghalishaher (paper city) and produced glossy and strong paper
from bamboo pulp. Ahmedabad's paper was of export quality, glossy
and in different sizes and colours. During Tippu's time, Mysore possessed
a paper-making factory producing a special type of paper having gold
surface. The technique of paper-making was practically the same through-
out the country, differing only in the preparation of the pulp from different
raw materials. The Mughal rulers and the Peshwas gave considerable
encouragement to the production of paper which became an important
vehicle of royal communication and legal transactions.
Gunpowder was an article of warfare at the beginning of the sixteenth
century. The M ughals knew the technique of production of gunpowder
and its use in gunnery. The Indian craftsmen were quick to learn the
technique and evole suitable explosive compositions. The SUkraniti, a six-
teenth- or seventeenth-century treatise in Sanskrit attributed to Sukracarya,
contains a description of how the gunpowder can be prepared using salt-
petre, sulphur and charcoal in different ratios for use in different types of
guns. Such formulations were not unknown in India earlier, because
certain composition of fireworks were already in use. The available
evidence seems to indicate that pyrotechnic practices were current in India
even in the thirteenth or fourteenth century. There are works dealing
with pyrotechnics in Sanskrit, Marathi, Tamil, Malayalam and Persian.
The principal types of fireworks included those which pierce through air
(rockets), produce sparks of fire, blaze with variegated colours and end
with explosion. Generally metal-dusts were used for the production of
sparklings of different colours. Spectacular display of fireworks was a
common feature in marriages, major religious festivals and royal ceremonies
in medieval India as even now.
The metalsmiths, particularly in the central, eastern and southern parts
of India, were known for the production of intricate forms of both copper
and bronze images which were being produced on a large scale by the
well-known eire perdue process. Metal icons were fabricated according to
S99
the traditional measurements in an attractive style, erecting several figures
even on one pedestal. Iron-smelting and forging operations were also
followed with further achievements such as the production of large iron
pillars for use in temples, and of damascened swords using steel of high
quality. The latter were in great demand in foreign countries at that time.
Cosmetics and perfumes were becoming increasingly popular and some
new compositions also appeared to cater to the needs of the royal baths
and religious ceremonies, particularly during the Mughal period. lin-i-
Akbar; speaks of the 'Regulations of the Perfume Office of Akbar'. The
attar of roses was a popular perfume, the discovery of which is attributed
to the mother of Nurjehan.
Agriculture
As to agriculture, the pattern of raising food crops practically remained
the same as in early India. However, important changes occurred in the
introduction of new crops, trees as well as horticultural plants by the
foreign traders and enforcement of new land tenure system by the rulers.
The principal crops were wheat, rice, barley, millets, pulses, oilseeds, cotton,
sugar-cane and indigo, and of them the cultivation of cotton was on the
increase and that of sugar-cane more widespread in Mughal times. The
Western Ghats continued to yield black pepper of good quality and Kashmir
maintained its tradition for saffron and fruits. Ginger and cinnamon from
the Tamilnad, cardamom, sandalwood and coconuts from Kerala were
becoming increasingly popular. Indigo plantation was widespread in
Bengal and Khandesh, and the best quality came from Bayana region near
Agra. Tobacco, chillies, potato, guava, custard apple, cashew and pine-
apple were the important new plants which made India their new home
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Malwa and Bihar regions
were also well known for the production of opium from the poppy plants.
On the Western Ghats the cultivation of coffee plants had just begun in the
seventeenth century. Improved horticultural methods were adopted with
great success. The systematic mango-grafting, introduced by the J esuits
of Goa in the middle of the sixteenth century, improved the native fruit to
a phenomenal extent. During Shah lahan's rule the plantation of tem-
perate climate fruits, till then confined to imperial gardens, was extended to
other suitable areas and this resulted in an extensive cultivation of fruit
trees in the country.
As regards irrigation, wells, tanks and canals continued to be the
principal means of irrigation. In the Panjab arhat or rahat (persian
wheel), in the Agra region the charas (a sort of a bucket made of leather
used to lift water with the help of yoked oxen) and at places where the
water-level was high the denkli were the water-lifting devices. In the south,
tanks were constructed in increasing numbers. In the north, canals like
the Eastern Jamuna canal and Nahr-i-d-Bihist conveyed water from long
distances to the fields. Of the agricultural implements, special mention
600 A CONCISE lDSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
1814 under the name Hortus Bengalensis. He also produced Flora Indica
and Plantae Coromandaliane (10, pp. 491-93).
Survey
Early in the eighteenth century, the French geographer, Delise, pub-
lished a fairly accurate map of the southern coast of India (1723) and
Bowignon d'Anville prepared the well-known Carte de I'Inde (1752) based
upon the then available knowledge brought to him by the Jesuit missionaries.
But, a systematic survey of the country was achieved only by the Britishers
after they established their rule in India. Thus Plainsted began the survey
work of the coasts of Chittagang (1761) and Hugh Cameron, of the 24-
Parganas. Rennell, who was appointed by Clive as the Surveyor-General,
produced the first Map of Hindoostan in 1783. In the Madras Presidency,
Robert Kelly and Michael Topping were the pioneers, and the latter also
founded the Madras Observatory and a surveying school. Towards the
close of the eighteenth century substantial progress was made in both the
land and coastal surveys (10, pp. 493-94).
Asiatic Society
An event of far-reaching importance occurred in 1784 and that was
the establishment of the Asiatic Society which in the subsequent years rose to
be a learned society of pivotal importance not only for initiating and in-
fluencing a number of scientific investigations but also establishing certain
important scientific organizations. William Jones, the Founder-President
of the Asiatic Society till his death in 1794, provided the initial stimuli so
that the Society could make rapid progress towards its objective, namely,
'Man and nature-whatever is performed by the one and produced by the
other within the geographical limits of Asia' (10, p. 495).
NINETEENTH CENTURY
In the history of modem science in India the nineteenth century is the
most important period, for it was during these hundred years that there
was a gradual expansion of the scientific pursuits in botany, geology, trigo..
nometrical survey, meteorology, zoology, archaeology, etc., on the one
hand and the establishment of the service organizations like the Trigono-
metrical Survey, the Geological Survey and the Botanical Survey of India
on the other. More importantly, the scientific and technical education
received the necessary support and the first three Indian universities were
established right at the time of the Indian Mutiny to be followed later by
two other universities at Lahore and Allahabad. Telegraph and the rail-
ways, too, made their appearance in the middle of this century and assumed
an operative network soon. The closing decades of the century are more
remarkable, for they heralded the dawn of scientific interests exhibited by'
602 A CONCISE mSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Trigonometrical Survey
The political necessities and exigencies of the East India Company
demanded a thorough geographical knowledge of the country under its
occupation. Though Topping and Rennel in the Madras Presidency had
conducted a systematic survey work earlier, it was William Lambton, an
outstanding geographer and geodesist as he was, who brought in the trigono-
metrical survey, and his scientific mapping of southern India using geodetic
instruments (which included chains, pickets, theodolite and a zenith sector,
the last being still preserved in the Victoria Memorial Hall at Calcutta)
was to serve as a foundation for a general survey of the whole country.
When his results with detailed explanations were published, it was soon
realized that 'a survey was proceeding in India that would yield geodetic
results of the highest importance to science'. In 1818 came into being the
Great Trigonometrical Survey of India. George Everest, who worked as
surveyor under Lambton, undertook later the survey of North India and
became Surveyor-General of India and Superintendent of the Great Trigo-
nometrical Survey in 1830. As a result of a network of first quality survey
work, the Himalayan region was explored, the highest peak in the world
was discovered and rightly named after Everest. In 1878, the trigonometrical,
topographical and the revenue surveys were clubbed under the title, Survey
of India. Colonel Waugh and Major-General Walker were the other two
distinguished surveyors of India. To Radhanath Sikdar belongs the honour
of the first Indian to have worked with Everest in the survey work and the
associated mathematical applications and to have won his master's approba-
tion. In 1864 Radhanath was elected a corresponding member of the Society
of Natural History (Bavaria)-a rare distinction conferred by this society
on a foreigner (10, pp. 507-14).
Geological Survey
The Geological Survey of India came into being in 1851 and was
established as a Government Department in 1857. Thomas Oldham, who
came to India in 1851 as Superintendent of Geological Survey, was solely
Botanical Investigations
After the death of Roxburgh, Nathaniel Wallich undertook botanical
investigations in Nepal, Assam, Penang, Singapore, etc., and classified his
rich collections which became a veritable mine of infonnation for the
European botanists of the time. He donated some of his collections to
the reputed Linnean Society in England and produced Plantae Asiaticae
Rariores in 3 volumes with 300 coloured plates in 1832. The botany of
the Himalayan region assumed importance and a number of species of
plants were collected. The Botanic Garden at Calcutta as well as the one
at Saharanpur grew in size, and in the fonner a herbarium of international
repute took shape. The herbarium not only housed almost all the dried plant
materials of the whole of the Indian subcontinent, Asia Minor, Europe
and Australia but also maintained international exchanges of specimens.
George King who became the Superintendent of the Garden in 1871 did
great service in reorganizing it on a scientific basis. In 1890, when the
present Botanical Survey was established, he was appointed as the first
Director of the Survey, and later he became the Director of the famous
Royal Botanic Garden at Kew in England. The scientific investigations
of the Botanical Survey of India have been largely responsible for the
growth on the Indian soil of such exotic plants as cinchona, rubber, tea,
potato, coffee, certain fibrous plants, tobacco, etc., of commercial impor-
tance (10, pp. 514-20).
604 A CONCISE IUSTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
Indian Museum
The Asiatic Society which continued to play an effective role in en-
couraging scientific investigations into the natural history of the country
gave a lead in the direction of antiquarian studies. This provided the initial
stimulus for the Indian archaeology and the Archaeological Survey of India
was started in 1860 with Cunningham as the first Surveyor.
The Society had already accumulated a number of materials and
curios which included ancient relics, coins, plant specimens and minerals as
a result of investigations conducted by the members of the Society, and it
was realized that they deserved preservation. Besides, the Society had
under its care the government's collection of minerals, fossils and the like
under the name of Museum of Economic Geology (1840). Time was ripe
for the establishment of a well-planned museum in Calcutta and the initiative
taken by the Society resulted in the establishment of the Indian Museum
in 1867. The scientific staff of the Indian Museum made valuable contri-
butions to zoology and brought out a number of zoological notes and
volumes relating to birds, mammalia, reptiles, mollusca, lepidoptera,
fishes and the like (10, pp. 528-30).
Scientific and Technical Education
The two institutions which came into being in the last two decades of
.
the eighteenth century, viz. the Calcutta Madrasah (1781) and the Benares
605
this Association enabled him to have the distinct honour of being the first
Indian to receive the Nobel Prize for Physics.
At the end of the nineteenth century the emergent picture revealed the
growing interest in modem science evinced by the Indian students, the
government's keen desire to reform the universities enabling them to take up
teaching as well as research and an enlargement of the area of involvement
of the government, educationists, industrialists and philanthropists in laying
a solid foundation for the growth of modem science and technology in India.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--contd.
c. 1500 B.C. The ]J.gveda: concept of natural law The Panjab and Kashmir
(rta); monistic idea concerning water; regions; earliest lite-
'lunar mansions' or the nak$atra rary composition of
system of marking the ecliptic, begin- its type
nings of calendar system; knowledge of
diseases and cure; agricultural prac-
tices, use of plough, wheat and barley;
fermentation methods; use of horse of
superior breed.
c. 1000 B.C. The Yajurveda: the whole series of 27 or Western D.P.; mentions
28 nak$atras headed by Krttikti, number- rice
names on the decimal scale up to 1012 ;
agricultural practices, mentions rice.
c. 1000 B.C. The Atharval'eda: astronomical knowl- Some parts of the
edge; details of nak~alras, method of Atharvaveda seem to
intercalation; more detailed medical be earlier
knowledge and associated practices; Concept of pra1,'la as
lists of different plants and animals. the sustainer of life
c. 1000-600 B.C. The Briihma1,'las, Ara1,'lyakas and Upani- The idea of cosmic cycle
$ads: astronomical ideas, cosmic cycle; possibly influenced
beginnings of mathematical series (both the Greek thinking
A.P. and G.P.); more physiological later
and anatomical knowledge; doctrine of
the pancabhutas; further elucidation of
the world of the living and non-living.
Painted-Grey ware: in association with A de luxe pottery main-
iron. Iy in northen and
north-western parts of
India
Production and use of iron. In small open-hearth
furnaces
Agricultural practices-rotation fallow-
ing method to increase the soil fertility.
c. sixth-fifth cent. Northern Black-Polished ware, associated Mainly in eastern parts;
B.C. with the use of iron: making of steel. later spread to central
and other parts of
India
Glass objects at Taxila. Bhir mound at Taxila
Codification of medical knowledge into
the Ayurveda:
VedMga JyotilQ: five-year cycle; further NaklQtra system con-
elaboration of calendarical science. tinued to be the basis
608 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SClBNCBS IN INDIA
CHRONOLOOICAL TABLB-Contd.
Fifth cent. A.D. Aryabhatlya: theory of the rotation of the Growth of the Indian
earth, epIcyclic theory for the planetary decimal place-value
motIOns; values of ." and sines; alpha- system
betical system of expressing decimal
place-value notation; extraction of
square and cube roots; indeterminate
equation of the first order.
39
610 A CONCISE HISTORY OF SCIENCE IN INDIA
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--contd.
39 B
611
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--eontd.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--contd.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--cOnfd.
CHRONOLOOICAL TABLE-eOntd.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE--concld.
Al Ancient India
AIHS Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences
AP Asian Perspectives
AR Asiatick Researches
ASB Asiatic Society of Bengal
CB Chronica Botanica
CF Cultural Forum
CGPO Calcutta G.P.O. Centenary Volume
CHI Cambridge History of India
CMJ Calcutta Medical Journal
CR Calcutta Review
CRASB Centenary Review of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
CS Current Science
CULHI Cultural Heritage of India
EB Encyclopaedia Britannica
Ie Islamic Culture
leAR Indian Council of Agricultural Research
IF Indian Forester
IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly
IJHS Indian Joumal of History of Science
IJMG Indian Journal of Meteorology and Geophysics
1MB Indian Museum Bulletin
IS Indische Studien
ISCA Indian Science Congress Association
JA Journal Asiatique
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JASB Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
JBRS Journal of the Bihar Research Society
JBBRAS Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society
JBNHS Journa! of the Bombay Natural History Society
JDL/CU Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University
JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
JGRS Journal of Gujarat Research Society
JMG Journal of Meteorology and Geophysics
JMGA Journal of the Madras Geological Association
JMSUB Journal of the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda
(Humanities)
JNES Journal of the Near Eastern Studies
JOI Journal of the Oriental Institute
JORIM Journal of the Oriental Research Institute, Madras
JPSl Journal of the Palaeontological Society of India
JRA! Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
JT! Journal of the Textile Institute
JUG Journal of the University of Gauhati
JZSI Journal of the Zoological Society of India
KB Kew Bulletin
CS. Vi - - Vimanasthina
CS. Sa - - SarirasthAna
CS.ln - - Indriyasthana
CSt Ci - - Cikitsasthana
CS.Ka - - Kalpasthana
CSt Si - - Siddhisthana
Chand. sa Chandab-slitra of Pingala
Ci.Sam.C Cikitsa-satpgraha of Cakradatta
Chand.Pr Chandogya Prapathaka
Chand. Up Chandogya Upani~ad
Ci.Sam.N Cikitsa-saIPgraha of Nakula
Ci.Sam.V Cikitsa-saI]1graha of Vangasena
Cunnak Cunnakandam
DS Dhammasangani
DM DhatumafijarI
DRM Dhaturatnamalii
Dhi Dhikoti
DN Digha Nikaya
Div Divyavadana
Dr. Sa", Dravyasa Q1grah a
Drg. G DrggaJ)ita
Fir·lfik Firdausul-IJikmat
F Fihrist
GTr G~akatarailgiJP
GK Gal)itakaumudi
GAK GaJ)itamrta-kupika
GS GaQitasara
GSS GaQita-sara-saJ11graha
GrC; GaJ}.itatattva-cintiInaQi
GT GaT).itatilaka
GYBh GaQitayuktibha~a
Gar. Up Garbha Upani~ad
Ghun.lfi Ghunyatu'l-Hussab fI'Ilmi'l l:Iisiib
Gil. Ms Gilgit Manuscript
Gil.Bv - - Bhai~ajyavastu
Gil. Cv - - Ovaravastu
Gol. D GoladIpika of Paramesvara
Gol. S Golasira
Gop. Br Gopatha Brllunatta
GL Grahallghava
GM Graha\lam8.\lQana of Paramesvara
GAP GQ4hlrtha-prakUiki of Raitganitha
ABBREVIATIONS 621
HS HArita Satpbita
BV Harivarpsa
Hst. .Jyur Hastyayurveda or Palakapya Saij1hita
HLS Hayalilavatinama-satpgraha of Jayadatta
JDP Jambudvipaprajfiapti
JDS Jambudvipasamasa
Jalni. Shi J ami'ush-Shifaiya
Lbhv LaghubatigIvibhailgi
LBh Laghubhaskariya
LBh. Y LaghubhaskarIya-vyakhyi
U Laghujataka
LMd Laghumlnasa
622 ABBRBVIATIONS
LMd. V Laghumanasa-vyakhya
LTCi Laghutithi cintamaQi
LVSi Laghu- Vasi~tha-siddhanta
Lat. Sr. Sa Utyayana Srautasutra
Li LilavatI of Bhaskara II
Li. V Ltlavati-vyakhya of Paramesvara
LP Lohapaddhati of Suresvara
Naf/,i. P Naqr-parik~a
Naf/,i. Vi Na~-vijiiana
Nar. Smr Narada Smrti
Navdrik Navailkura
Hi. sa Nidinasiitra
NBh Nyayabha~ya of Vatsyayana
NB Nyaya-bindu
NK Nyaya-kandalI
NL Nyaya-UlivatI of Vallabha
NM Nyaya-maiijari of Jayanta Bhatta
NMk Nyiya-muktivall
AABllBVIATIONS 623
NP Nyiiya-pravesa
NSti. Nyayasara of Bhasarvajiia
NSi. D Nyayaslddhantadipa of 8asadhara
NS Nyaya-slitra of Gautama
NV Nyaya-varttika of Udyotakara
NVTT Nyaya-varttika-Hitparyatika of Vacaspati Misra
NAv Nyayavatara
SRM Sadratnamala
$d.S SaQdarsanasamuccaya
Sake Si Sakalya-siddhanta
Sali. S Salihotra Satphita
Stili-SS Salihotrasarasamuccaya by Kalhat)a
Sam. Si Samrat-siddhanta
SV Samaveda
SK Satpkhya Karika
SPBh Sarpkhyapravacana-bha~ya
Sarrzkh. Ar SarpkhyayanaAraQyaka
Samav. Sa Samavayailga-slitra
SN Sarpyukta Nikaya
SP Saptapadarthi of Sivaditya
Sarng. P Sanigadhara-paddhati
Siirng. S Siimgadhara Sarphita
Sat. Br Satapatha BrahmaQa
Sau. PBh Sauraprak.asa-bha~ya
Sau.PG Sauraprakasa-ga~ta
Sau. Bh Saurabha~ya
Sham ash-Shamsiyah of Hasan an-Nishapflri
She Khu/. Hi Sharh Khu1a~atu'l-ijisab of Lutfu'IHih Muhandis
She TUB. Hi Sharh Tabrir-u-U~lili'l-Handasah Wa'l-l:Iisab of
Mir Hashim b. Qasim al-ijusainr
She Uq/ Sharh Uqlidas by Abmad b. 'Umar al-Karabisi
She Shanl Sharhu'sh-Shamsiyah of Abu lsbaq b. 'Abdu'lHih
Si. D Siddhanta-darpaQa
Si. Cu Siddhanta-ciiQamaJ)i
Si. Di Siddhanta-dipiki
Si. Se Siddhanta-Sekhara
Si. Si Siddhanta-siroma1)i
Si. Si. V Siddhanta-siromat).i-vyakhya
Si. Su Siddhanta-sundara
SI. TV Siddhanta-tattva-viveka
SY Siddhayoga by Vrnda Kunda
SI. R Siddhanta-rahasya
Si. SBh Siddhinta-sirvabhauma
ABBRBVIAnONS 625
SR Silparatna
Si. Dh. Vr §i$Yadhivrddhida
Sl. V . Slokavarttika of Kumarila
So. Ni SOQ halanigh aD t u
So. Si Soma-siddhanta
Sthii. sa Sthananga-sutra
SN Sukraniti
SUI Pr Siiryaprajiiapti
sa. Sf Siirya-siddhanta
sa. Sf. v Suryasiddhanta-vivaraQu
SS Susruta SarphiHi
SS.Su - - - SUtrasthana
SSe Ni - - - Nidanasthana
SSe Cf -~ ---- Cikitsasthana
SS.Ka - - - Kalpasthana
SSe Utt ---- Uttaratantra
ST SuvarQatantra
SVM Syadvadamafijari
UV Upavanavinoda
Umd. Ra Umdatu'r-Ra'id by Abroad b. Thftbit
Uttar. Sa Uttaradhyayana-siitra
UBi 'Uyiin'll:lisab by zainu'l 'Abidin
vs Vai§e$ika-siitra
va Vai§e$ika Upaskira
626 ABBREVIATIONS
Vlij. S Vijasaney! S . t l
Vci. S VAjIcikitsl-sal}1graha
VK Vakyakaraoa of Paramesvara
Va. Si Vasi~tha-siddhanta
Vii. V Vasana-varttika
Vat. Si Vatesvara-siddhanta
va.pu VayupuraI}.a
VJ VedaJiga-jyoti~a or Jyoti~a-vedatiga
Vend Vendi dad
Vet.P Vetikkampavidhi
Vid Videvdat
Vi.Pu Vi~Qudharmottara PuraJ)a
VP Vinayapitaka
VP. Culla - - Cullavagga
Vr. 1 yur Vrk~iiyurveda
VV Vyomavati
B. SECONDARY SOURCES
GADD, C. J.-cSeals of Ancient Indian Style found at UR', PBA, 18, 1932.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 647
JACOBI, H.-(l) 'On the Dating of the ~eda', 114, 23, 154-59, 1894.
650 BlBUOGRAPHY
Locy, W. A.-Biology and Its Makers, 3rd edition, New York, 1953.
LUTHRA, J. C.-' Ancient Wheats and its Viability', CS, 4, 489, 1936.
MACDONELL, A. A.-A History of Sanskrit Literature, London, 1905.
MACDONELL, A. A., and KEIrn, A. B.-Vedic Index of Names and Subjects,
2 vols., London, 1912.
MACKAY, E. 1. H.-(l) 'Seals, Seal Impressions and Copper Tablets, with
Tabulation', vide John Marshall's Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civiliza-
tion, II, pp. 370-405, London, 1931.
MACKAY, E. 1. H.-(2) Further Excavations at Mohenjo-daro-being an official
account of archaeological excavations at Mohenjo-daro, carried out
by the Govt. of India between the years 1927 and 1931, 2 vols.,
Delhi, 1937-38.
MAHESHWARI, P., and KAPIL, R. N.-'A short history of botany in India',
JUG, 9, 1-34, 1958.
MAHESHWARI, P., SENGUPTA, 1. C., and VENKATESH, C. S.-'Flora', GI,
1, 1965.
MAHESHWARI, P., and SINGH, D.-Dictionary of Economic Plants in India,
New Delhi, 1965.
MAHMOOD, SYED-History of English Education in India, 1781-1873, Aligarh,
1895.
MAlTY, S.-Economic Life of Northern India in the Gupta Period (c. A.D.
300(550), Calcutta, 1957.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(l) Vanaspati (Hindu Knowledge of Botany and its
Application to the Sciences of Medicine and Agriculture), Calcutta
University, 1927.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(2) 'Botany in Ancient India: Past and Present',
C ULBI, old series, 3, 421-43, Ramakrishna Centenary Memorial,
Calcutta.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(3) Upavana Vinoda, Calcutta, 1935.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(4) 'The White Sandal', se, 6, 492-95, 1941.
MAJUMDAR, G. P.-(5) 'The History of Botany and Allied Sciences in
Ancient India', AIHS, UNESCO, Paris, 1951.
MAJUMDAR, N. G.-Explorations in Sind, MASI, No.8, xi+172, Delhi,
1934.
MAJUMDAR, R. C. (Ed.)-History and Culture of Indian People; Vol. I,
The Vedic Age; Vol. II, The Age of Imperial Unity; Vol. III, The
Classical Age; Vol. IV, The Age of Imperial Kanauj; Vol. X, The
British Paramountcy and Indian Renaissance, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
Bombay, 1947-61.
MALCOLMSON, J. 0.--(1) 'Note on saline deposits in Hyderabad', JASB, 2,
77-79, 1833.
MALCOLMSON, J. 0.-(2) 'Fossil shells in Hyderabad', JASB, 3,302-03,1834.
MALCOLMSON, J. G.--{3) 'Notes explanatory of a collection of geological
specimens from the country between Hyderabad and Nagpur', IASB,
5, 96-122, 1836.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 653
Page Page
2 line· 22, read • t' for ' .' after 321 line 24, read 'kanya or kumdri' for
'neolithic' ,kanytl kumarl'
54 line 30, read 'sizable' for 'sizeabJe' 327 line ll,read 'lomtlrckii' for 'Jamarkii'
126 Footnote, read 'Nadvi' for 'Nadrl' 327 line 25 t read 'kanyd or kumari' for
189 line 34, read 'bht2vita' for 'bhavita' 'kanya kum~rl'
204 line 2, read '114' for '58' 338 line 9, read' Wrightia' for' Wrigutia'
231 2nd sub-heading, read 'VAJIKARAliA' 345 line 10, read 'particular' for 'paticular'
for 'VAl/KARAYA' 348 line 8, read 'constituents' for 'consti-
249 line 16, read 'tranquillization ' for tutents'
'tranquilization' 348 line ]2, read 'lamarcki;' for 'Iamorkii'
249 line 19, read 'tranquillized' for 349 line 2, read 'Kanya or kumar;' for
'tranquilized' •Kanyd kumdri'
255 line 19, read 'As~aStlstra' for 'Asvaistra' 356 Footnote, line 2, read 'Strabo' for' Abo'
359 line 3, read 'inflorescence' for
268 line 24, read 'pervades' for 'prevades'
,inflorescence'
274 line 4, read 'Lavoisier' for ,Lavoiser'
359 line ]4, read 'Genondropsis pentaphy/la'
275 line 23, read -tekhania' for 'Lekhahia' for 'Gynandropsis pentaphyta'
285 Footnote, line 5, reaii ' Atranjikhera' 443 read 'Fig. 8.12' for 'Fig. 12'
for 'Atranjikheda' 489 Footnote, read 'po 5' for 'po 11'
287 line 28, read 'Qila' for 'Quila' 581 line 23, read 'fistula' for 'fistual'
289 line 25, read 'Hittites' for 'Hittitics' 584 line 2, read 'Artaxerxes' for 'Artaxeses'
292 line 21, read 'lens-like' for ')ense-)jke' 587 line 20, read 'Kittlb' for 'Kilal'
302 line 26, read 'Waziri' for 'Naziri' 601 line 3, read 'Delisle' for 'Delise'
302 Footnote, line 1, read 'Consultations' 602 line 12, read 'Rennell' for 'Rennel'
(or •Cousu/tations' 603 line 9, read 'and' for 'adn'
317 Footnote, line 1, read 'Y.Sii. 4.1' for 60S line 35, read 'Mookerjee' for 'M ukherji'
·~S';.50' 653 read 'Nadvi' for 'Navri'