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    Multidisci ear.) CLIMATE AND CULTURE ‘Multidisciplinary Perspectives on a Warming World How does culture interact withthe way societies understand, ive with and act in relation to climate change? While the importance of the exchanges between culture society and climate in the context of global environmental change is increasingly recognised, the empirial evidence is fragmented and too often con- strained by dsciplinery boundaries. Written by an international team of experts, this book provides cutting-edge and critical perspectives on how culture both facilitates and inhibits our ability to address and make sense of climate change and the challenges it poses to societies globally. Through a set of case studies spanning the social sciences and humanities, it explores the role of culture in relation to climate and its changes at different temporal and spatial levels; ilhs- trates how approaching climate change through the cultural dimension enriches the range and depth of societal engagements; and establishes connections between theory and practic, which ean stinfulate action-oriented initiatives. GIUSEPPE FEOLA is Associate Professor of Social Change for Sustainability at Utrecht University (the Netherlands) and Visiting Fellow at the School of Archaeology, Geography and Environmental Science at the University of Reading (United Kingdom). His research examines how societies (can) change towards sustainability, where and why. Core empirical themes in Giuseppe’s rescarch are sustainability transition in agricultural systems, social movements and post-capitalist ‘transformations. Giuseppe isthe recipient of a Starting Grant from the European Research Council and a Vidi Grant from the Netherlands Research Organization, HILARY GEOGHEGAN is Professor in Human Geography at the University of Reading (United Kingdom). Hilary researches at the intersection of the social and. natural sciences and explores the emotional and affective relations between people and the material world. Using the geographical concept of landscape, she has worked. ‘on the human geographies of climate change. Hilary is currently examining the social and more-than-human dimensions of forest management which result from climate change-induced movement of pests and diseases. ALEX ARNALL is Associate Professor in Environment and Development atthe University of Reading (United Kingdom). He specialises in the tudy of migration, ‘movement, and displacement of people and things. His work is characterised by an environmental theme, including climate change, agricultural development and food systems. Much of Alex's empirical research has taken place inthe Maldives and Mozambique. Alex’s research has been funded by the Economic and Social Research Council, Department for International Development, British Academy and Norwegian Research Council CLIMATE AND CULTURE Multidisciplinary Perspectives on a Warming World Edited by GIUSEPPE FEOLA, ek Unversity HILARY GEOGHEGAN sei of Ring ALEX ARNALL. avery of Reaking CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE ‘Univesity Pring House, Cambridge C2 SBS, United Kingdom One Lite Plrs, 2 Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA 477 Wilianstow Road, Pot Melbouve, VIC 3207, Ausealia 314-221, 3d Floor, Pot 3, Splendor Forum, asla Dist Cente, "New Delhi 11002, fin 79 Anson Road, 06-0006, Singapore 079006 Cambridge Univesity Press is part ofthe Universo Cambie It frters he Univesty’s mission by disseminating knowledge in he pursuit of ‘tacation, lensing, nd research th highs iteratioal eels of excellence. sewscambrigeork Information on his tier wo came np 9781108122508 DOK: 1 10179781108505254 (© Cambie Univesity Press 2019, ‘This publication isin copyright Subject to stastay exception and tothe provisions of leant aleve lining areement, ‘eo reprodactio of any prt may ake place without he woes emision of Cambege University Pres Fist published 2019 Prints in the United Kingdom by TI International Ltd Padstow Corneal ‘A catalogue recor fortis publi avlble fom the Brith Library: itary of Congress Cataloging in: Publication Date Names: Fol, Giuseppe, 1979 editoe.| Geoghegan, iy, it | Amal, ‘Alecaer H, (Alexander Ho, 1978 editor “Tie: Cine ad cue‘mulidsplinary perspectives ona warming weed / etd by Gioseppe ola (Uri Universiy, The Netherlands), Hiry Geogheran (University of Reading), “alex Amal (University of Renin) Description Cambie; NewYork, NY: Canbige University ress, 2019 Tacloesbbiogzaptial efetences and index. enter: LCCN 2019004252 | ISBN 978110842255 lk paper) Subjects: LESH: Climati changes ~ Social aspects | Global warming ~ Soci aspects, ‘Casifeaton: LCC OCHS CABHZTS 2019] DDC 042/823 TLC rear availble at pee le gov 2019003232, [SBN 974 1-108-429505 Hardback (Cambudge Univesity ress has o responsibility forthe prsistnce oacerey of ‘UL for eternal thirty term! websites refered oo ths publication does ot grote tat ny content on such weber Will em curt oF appropri Contents List of Contributors Foreword 1 Climate and Culture; Taking Stock and Moving Forward HILARY GEOGHEGAN, ALEX ARNALL AND GIUSEPPE FEOLA. Part I Knowing Climate Change 2 Cultures of Prediction in Climate Science 3. Visualising Climate and Climate Change: A Longue Durée Perspective SEBASTIAN VINCENT GREVSMUML 4 Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia: Articulations and Complementarities among Different Knowledges 5 Thin Place: New Modes of Environmental Knowing through Contemporary Curatorial Practice Part Being in a climate Change World ‘6 Multi-temporal Adaptations to Change in the Central Andes, age vii a 46 9% 115 u7 wi Contens 7 Not forthe Faint of Heart: Tasks of Climate Change Communication in the Context of Societal Transformation 8 At the Frontline or Very Close: Living with Climate Change on St. Lawrence Island, Alaska, 1999-2017 9 Localising and Historicising Climate Change: Extreme ‘Weather Histories in the United Kingdom Part III Doing in a Climate Change World 10 From Denial to Resistance: How Emotions and Culture Shape (Our Responses to Climate Change ALLISON FORD AND KARI MARIE NORGAARD 11 Effective Responses to Climate Change: Some Wisdom from the Buddhist Worldview 12 Creating a Culture for Transformation KAREN 0°BRIEN, GAIL HOCHACHKA AND IRMELIN GRAM-HANSSEN 13 Back to the Future? Satoyama and Cultures of Transition and Sustainability 14 Culture and Climate Change: Experiments and Improvisations ~ An Afterword Index Mat 168 27 219 243 266 291 309 307 Contributors ‘Alex Arnall is Associate Professor in Environment and Development at the University of Reading, United Kingdom. John Clammer is Professor of Sociology at O.P. indal Global University, Delhi, India, and he previously taught for dver twenty yeas in Japan, at Sophia University and the United Nations University. Peter Daniels is Senior Lecturer atthe School of Environment, Griffith University in Brisbane, Australia. Georgina Endfield is Professor of Environmental History and Associate Pro Vice Chancellor for Research and Impact in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences atthe University of Liverpool, United Kingdom. Giuseppe Feola is Associate Professor of Social Change for Sustainability at Utrecht University, the Netherlands, and Visiting Fellow at the School of Archaeology, Geography and Environmental Science at the University of Reading, United Kingdom. Allison Ford is doctoral candidate at the University of Oregon, United States. Hilary Geoghegan is Professor in Human Geography at the University of Reading, United Kingdom, Gabriele Gramelsberger is Professor for Philosophy of Science and Technology at RWTH Aachen University, Germany. Irmelin Gram-Hanssen is PhD candidate at the University of Oslo, Norway. ‘Sebastian Vincent Grevsmiihl is CNRS researcher at the Center for Historical ‘Studies (Centre de recherches historiques, CRH-EHESS) in Paris, France. vill List of Contributors Lesley Head is Professor and Head of the School of Geography in the Faculty of Science at the University of Melbourne, Australia, Clara He ‘Musson is Lecturer at Carlow Institute of Technology, Ireland. Matthias Heymann is Associate Professor atthe Centre for Science Studies at ‘Aarhus University, Denmark. Gail Hochachka is PhD candidate atthe University of Osto, Norway. Igor Krupnik is Chair of Anthropology and Curator of Circumpolar Ethnology at the National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution in Washington, DC, United States. Martin Mahony is Lecturer in Human Geography at the University of East Anglia, United Kingdom, Susanne C. Moser i Director and Principal Researcher of Susanne Moser Research & Consulting, and Research Faculty at Antioch University New England, United States Kari Marie Norgaard is Associate Professor of Sociology and Environmental Studies atthe University of Oregon, United States. Karen O'Brien is Professor in the Department of Sociology and Human Geography at the University of Oslo, Norway, and co-founder of CHANGE. Julio C. Postigo is Professor atthe Department of Geography, Indiana University, United States. Joe Smith is Director of the Royal Geographical Society (withthe Institute of British Geographers), He was formerly Professor of Environment and Society, and. Head of Geography, at the Open University, United Kingdom, Renata Tyszezuk is Professor of Architectural Humanities at the University of Sheffield, United Kingdom, [Astrid Ulloa is an anthropologist and Professor in the Department of Geography at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Lucy Veale is REF Manager atthe Faculty of Science at the University of Nottingham, United Kingdom, 4 Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia Articulations and Complementarities among Different Knowledges 4.1 Introduction Global climate change and subsequent mitigation and adaptation rocesses are {issues that transcend local contexts and bring together different knowledaes, ideas and practices related to territory, landscapes, ecosystems and the environment, both ‘human and non-human, Climate in particular brings together different cultural conceptions and different ways of knowing, interpreting, perceiving, representing, ‘acting and reacting in relation to the weather, climatic phenomena and climatic ‘variability. These notions respond to practices, daily experiences and relationships with beings that exist in the material and symbolic environment. They are also related to the ways in which diverse cultures interact with nature, which implies that there are multiple notions of nature that coexist in relations of confrontation, complementarity or inequality. Global climate change and its causes, effects and adaptation mechanisms are closely interconnected with culture (Crate 2008, 2011; Crate and Nuttall 2009a, 20096; Heyd 2011;,Ulloa 201 1a, 20116). However, global actions against climate chiange have been backed by a single ‘ype of knowledge. The notions that support the global policies of climate change are based on the concepts of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (PCC), which interprets climate based on scientific constructions of natural processes (Rossbach 2011). Likewise, the IPCC responds to specific ways of producing knowledge that are reflected in the implementation of programmes and actions based on this knowledge (Baucon and Omerlsky 2017; Castree 2017). This global knowledge not only has political implications but also makes. 4 local impact because itis implemented via a global policy that toes not include local worldviews and knowledges. Climate change global discourse could be considered, as Heikkinen ef al. (2016) state, as an ontological politics that refers 68 Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia o “to global discourses as human artifacts that instrumentalize the social and political ‘way of problem framing by including certain epistemic assumptions and standas- ddized methods for knowledge production’ (2016:214) ‘Local inhabitants (indigenous, Affo-descendant and peasants) have their own views on weather and other non-human elements of the environment, ‘They demonstrate the intricate articulations of these conceptions, as they relate to climate, through music, territory, health, body, time, agriculture and dreams, among others. Indigenous peoples” knowledge of meteorological phenomena and, climate has allowed them to manage its impact through many generations, This knowledge is also closely related to gender, age, specialisation, location and environmental transformations, including climate change, and has occurred historically. Indigenous peoples, like other societies, have generated strategies to manage and confiont environmental transformations. For example, in times of ‘drastic changes in climate, indigenous knowledges related to practices of agricul tural diversity have allowed the management of food production, the generation of allernative crops in diverse ecosystems and the creation of exchange networks with other peoples, Indigenous peoples have the smallest ecological footprint, but the effects of climate change are, and will be, more evident in thet tervtories due to different circumstances, such as: their close interrelation with the non-human environment; the fragility, biodiversity and endemism of many ecosystems where they live; the loss of territories by forced displacement and violence; the refusal to recognise their rights and the lite influence and participation in political decision- ‘making arenas regarding global and national policies of climate change that affect their teritories and thei lives. Approaches to local knowledge related to climate management and prediction strategies, as well as discussions related fo vulnerability, are basic to understanding. the cultural dimensions of climate (Crate 2008, 2011; Ulloe 2008; Crate and Nuttall 2009, 2009). However, there is a lack oF knowledge about the ways of knowing. of indigenous peoples and the climate variability management strategies that they use, To account for these strategies, it is necessary to start from local knowledge situated in both specific and sacred places, These are spaces of meeting and ‘memory; they intersect with everyday experience and are embedded in practices that reinforce indigenous peoples” relationships with the non-human elements in their lives, Even though proposals have been made for the articulation of various knowl edges to address climate change, attempts at intercultural and interdisciplinary agreements continue to face problems regarding comparisons with specialised science in terms of indicators, scales and ways of systematising knowledge. ‘There also exist methodological differences surrounding the variables to be con- sidered, especially in relation to prediction processes, as in the case of 70 Astrid Ulloa seonarios and the local ways of predicting their impact. Likewise, the dialogue between specialised scientific and indigenous knowledges is presented in tems of expert knowlege based on a particular ontology, which cannot be Lomologous to other ontalogies, such as that of indigenous peoples. However, indigenous peoples question the imposition ofa geopolitis of knowledge which does not include them and atthe same time demand acknowledgement oftheir own postin in terms of their knowledges, In similar way indigenous peoples consider tht their exclu- sion from the global strategies agenda is @ problem of climate injustice. These situations reveal tat the existing processes of articulation between knowledges have not allowed for the positioning of diferent ontologies and have maintained the expert scientific tradition. In this context, I argue that local knowledges, given their ontologies, epistemol- ogies and gender differences, require a diferent understanding based on territorial relationships and ways of producing knowledge, Therefore, itis necessary to recognise other cultural ways of approaching knowledge. To achieve this, { propose that a new way of analysing climate should be created based on local ‘knowledges and teritoralsed knowledge and highlighting leal peoples’ ways of producing knowledge, including a gender perspective based on their ontologies and relational epistemologies. This analysis is based on two phases of fekdwork, which were conducted with ‘ team of indigenous and non-indigenous researchers. The invesigations were developed in urban, rural and indigenous contexts in Colombia between 2005 and 2013. However, I focus here on the perspectives of indigenous peoples, which emerged from collaborative research with indigenous researchers in their teri= tories. Their perspectives are presented in sedtions ofthis text to shew their voices (from ethnographic fieldwork, interviews and representations), the complexity of cultural perspectives and ther practices in relation tothe notions of meteorological change and climate in specific contexts. ‘This chapter is divided into four séctions. The first section presents a discussion on how indigenous knowledge has been approached regarding climate, The second section presents the dialogic strategies that exist between different knowledges, the surrounding ways of approaching and understanding climate variability, the predictions, the joint strategies used to face vulnerability and the problems and disagreements that have emerged. The third section explores a proposal for understanding indigenous knowledges based on their territorial relationships and gender diferences, highlighting the perspective of indigenous women, drawing on Pasto! and Kaménts4 Biyé,? The final section £ Speci, asta pope who live prisply Pas, nthe Depa of Naito, Cobain » Specialy, Kamdes Biv people who ve im the lee Stundoy, nthe Doenent of Pomsyo, Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia n discusses the scope of a climate perspective that arises from the recognition of ‘other ontologies and epistemologies and the implications that this might have for indigenous peoples, 422 Indigenous Knowledge on Weather and Climate igen ge Since ancient times, indigenous peoples have developed systems of knowledge and interaction with nature, For example, rainbows, different kinds of precipitation, atmospheric transformations such as frost and climatic eycles such as winters and summers are considered living beings and perceived and interpreted according to terttorial and cultural particularities. The conceptions about weather and climate are culturally constructed; in some cultures there are no considerations of weather o¢ climate other than as living beings, These conceptions are related to knowledges that are not transmitted as rules or formulas; they are affected by everyday expe ence, immediate perception, accumulated observation, beliefs or generalised opi ‘ions in the social environment wich are transferred through oral communication and the relationship of their specific practices with the climatic conditions at particular times. Weather and climate are culturally assigned values, which allow analysis of everyday experiences and environmental transformations. Multiple analyses have been done on indigenous peoples and their relation to climate, highlighting the conceptions, ritual practices and symbolism associated ‘with specific meteorological phenomena. For example, rain, hailstorms, clouds or nbows and their effects on health and disease are recurrent themes in various cultures (Goloubinoff ef al. 1997). In tis sense, Lammel (1997) explains thatthe ‘most important meteorological phenomena for the Totonac people of Mexico are rain, storms and thunder, which are associated with the supernatural world, while the rainbow is atributed toa negative ety. Siera (2011) explores how relation ships between the Kaggaba, U'wa and Misak peoples of Colombia and the climate primarily revolve around the rans, the rainbow and the thunder, which come from the complex relations these peoples have with the water and their specific cosmo- visions. These expressions and actions of cultural beings are affected by climate change, which has repercussions for the cultural practices associated with notions of territory ‘The relationships between the manifestations of climate and culture are evident in practices such as annusl predictions (e.g. the cabafiuelas observation of the atmosphere during fanuary to predict the weather forthe year), the elaboration of local calendars, which establish temporal and spatial relationships with climatic effects, and local predictions based on observations. In relation to predictions, there is the case of the peasants of Pera, who at the end of June observe the departure of the Pleiades star cluster to predict the weather and the amount of rainfall (Orlove n Astrid Ulloa et al. 2004). Likewise, there are indigenous peoples that associate the climate with astronomical phenomena, such as the presence or absence of stas or planets at specific times. For example, among the Coras of the Sierra Nayarit the deities that represent cold weather are associated with the planet Venus (Sprajc 1997). ‘The relationships between culture and environmental management in conditions of climatic variability or in extreme ecosystems (e.g. deseris) are evidenced in the Tinks with water, specific species or meteorological changes. Ameng the Way people in Colombia, the moon, which is a masculine being, and its changes allow ‘the prediction of weather variations. If the moon is hidden at, for instance, seven, ‘o'clock at night towards the southwest, it means that it will not rain during the spring (Iguarén 2011), Similarly inthe face of minor ehanges in ecosystems, there are cultural know!- edges that show the complexities and subtleties of the relationship with the environment, as is the case in the Afican societies (such as the Gabaya, Komas sand Tikar peoples) analysed by Dounias (2011), where their relation to subtle climatic changes and bioindicators, such as insects, reveals @ deep understanding of the fragility of ecosystem balances. Dounias states, ‘Insects are particularly relevant biotemporal indicators, since they are capable of reacting to minute alterations of climatic conditions, in thresholds that the human being is incapable of feeling’ (Dounias 2011:237), Rituals and symbols are another key aspect of the relationship between climate ‘and culture. Weather and its changes are perceived and represented in diverse images that imply specific practices (performed by specialists or the whole com- munity), for example, representations relafed to the abundance or scarcity of resources, as well as the power of non-humans, such as the wind or rain, Guaraldo (1997) reports that in Mexico there are mortuary representations that are related to the devastating and lethal power of rolling winds or tothe perception of strong and excessive winds. Villela (1997) describes how the Nahua, Mixteca and Tlapaneca indigenous peoples of Mexico develop rituals around supernatural beings associated with the elements, such as rain, to promote agricultural produc- tion. These rituals and representations allow us to understand these conceptions and evidence the complex network of meanings between climate and culture. I is important to highlight the work on cultural bioindicators, specifically in terms of fauna, which allows the prediction of climatic variations. In Mexico, the Nahua predict rainfall based on the behaviour of ants and swallows (Villela 1997). In Bolivia, Yana (2008) describes how, by reading animal behaviours, periods of rought or rainfall can be predicted. Other works relate climatic transformations with religious practices. In Mexico, Hémond and Goloubinoff (1997) analyse climate changes and the relationship between agricultural cycles and religious ‘ceremonies. Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia B In Colombia, studies on climate and weather are not so numerous. However, some researchers have reported indigenous cosmovisions and their relation to lunar cycles, planetary movements, star positions or weather and annual cycles inked to seasonal climate changes (see, for example, for Colombia, Arias de Greiff and Reichel 1987; Pardo 1987; Ortiz 1987; Correa 1987; Ulloa 2011a, 2011b; Ulloa and Prieto 2013). Likewise, there are authors who have investigated, with indigen- ‘ous researchers, the perspective and interpretation of indigenous views on the meanings of water and the rainbow, for example, among the Guambianos or Misak in Colombia (Aranda etal. 1998), ‘Moreover, studies have been initiated that account for the knowledge of indigenous peoples in general and of women specifically with regard to climate change (Ulloa etal. 2008). Works such as that of Yana (2008), a Bolivian Aymara indigenous researcher, have begun to analyse and systematise climate bioindica- tots and indigenous perceptions according to gender. In her analysis she finds that there are d.fferences in practices in relation to climate variability. Men react by changing their management responses to agriculture, while women create sym- bolic strategies to maintain the balance between humans and non-humans. For example, in terms of prevention strategies against drought, men say: ‘when it snows ina dry place or in the mountain range, then we predict that we have to sow in humid places and sow little in dry places, because we know that we are going to lose’, while the women say: ‘we make a dish (offering of sweets, herbs, colored wool, ete.) [10 offer to beings related to climate] ... with that we only defend ourselves" ‘Yana 2008:50), ‘Among the works from an indigenous perspective are a number of texts by Zonia Puenayin (2009, 2011, 2013), who analyses the effects of climate change on agriculture and the climate-related cosmovisions of the Pasto people. Also, Catherine Ramos, along with indigenous researchers Ana ‘Tenorio and Fabio Mufoz (2011), investigated the conceptions of the Nasa in relation to climate changes, agricultural calendars and their relationship ‘with the perceptions of cold and hot: “The composition of the world in cold. and hot is then the main feature of the Nasa worldview, which is reflected in its classification of the world of plants, diseases, soils and the body’ (Ramos et al. 2011:254), In terns of the effects of climate change, indigenous knowledge is also considered in relation to specific places and their historieal transformations. For example, Tupaz and Guzman (2011) show how, in their Pasto culture, the climate is formed by ancestral elders (sun, rain, rainbow, snow, frost) and their signals are expressed in their territory. In this way, the Pasto territory is related to memory and transformations that allow us to understand the behaviour of the ancestral elders. 4 Astrid Ulloa In general, the examples presented above describe how indigenous peoples have conceptions and practices related to weather and climate. However, these examples do not present the way that indigenous peoples produce knowledges and why it is necessary to consider other ontologies to understand the diversity, of relationships among humans and non-humans, including those related to climate. The diversity of cultural relations with climate evidences multiple responses and proposals in the face of climate change. At the same time, cultural diversity and associated knowledges, perceptions, representations and practices are related to the visions of national and global discourses and policies on climate change, and this implies the need for dialogue with intent to establish, intercultural relationships. 43 Dialogue between Different Climate Knowledges ‘The debates led by some social researchers about climate change, and. the ‘proposals of indigenous peoples to be part ofthe discussions and policies related to it, have opened new scenarios in which global and national policies of climate change try to include indigenous knowledges. In this process, experts and dis ciplinary knowledge began to include indigenous knowledge in order to establish relationships and comparisons in search of complementarity and integration and {o contribute to the understanding of environmental and climatic problems (Nazarea 2006; Ulloa 2008). In these contexts, there have been several processes, of interrelation, dialogue or complementarity of knowledges. These processes hhave been implied for indigenous peoples? different situations. For example, indigenous peoples have positioned their knowledges, and their demands for the recognition of these knowledges, in local proposals for climste variability ‘management, which implies their inclusion. Indigenous peoples have managed to position their demands end knowledge using global terms and concepts, such as climate change and adaptation, which could be understood as hytrid natures or climate syncretism, as analysed by Rossbach (2011) and Cantor (2015). Indigenous peoples, in collaboration with researchers from different disciplines, hhave generated interdisciplinary and intercultural analyses that have allowed knowledge exchange related to local ways of predicting seasonal changes, rain fall or climatic variability, These strategies of interdisciplinary and intercultural dialogues have allowed a better approach to local processes related to climate (Ulloa 2013), However, intercultural and interdisciplinary proposals present general problems, such as decontextualisation of knowledge, since they are converted into data that are not analysed in relation to specific contexts. This decontextualisation of Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia 35 knowledge is reflected in the processes of interrelation and/or comparison between, indigenous knowledge and expert knowledge (Rossbach 2011; Reyes-Gareia etal, 2016), which entail the following problems: + Dithiculty in comparisons in terms of indicator, scales and ways of systematising knowledge + + Methodological differences around the variables to be considered in relation to prediction processes, whieh isthe ease of climate scenarios and local ways of prediction se temporal and spatial dimensions + Prioritisation of expert knowledge based on a particular ontology + Non-nclusion of gender and cultural differences + Predominance ofa single way of understanding the relationship between natare! culture + Impositions of notions of risk or vulnerability focused on humans + Inclusion of some practices and knowledges as requirements without actully being the basis ftom which climate change policies are developed (On the other hand, global policies apd programs on climate change have intended to include indigenous knowledges. However, in practice, global policies privilege single vision and knowledge and their application privileges expert knowledge in ‘order to implement programs into local processes, in particular for indigenous peoples. This perspective disregards indigenous knowledges given that indigenous relations with the non-humans as living beings are not taken into account. ‘The aforementioned processes of articulation between knowledges have three fundamental problems: the notions of nature, ie. what kind of ontological relation- ship is established between humans and non-humans; the understanding of what knowledges are and how they are produced from the specific ontology in which they are immersed and the lack of recognition of differences among different cultures related to age, localisation and especially gender differences. Faced with the first problem, it has been established in the social sciences that there are diverse notions of natures (interrelated, separate, coproduced, among ‘others) but that one has become hegemonic, the dual conceptualisation of nature! culture which isa reflection of Western thought or modem ontology (Escobar 2015; Ulloa 2016). This supremacy of Wester thought has not allowed the positioning of| other ontologies, nor the clear understanding of cultural diversity and the categories related to nature or climate. This leads to an inability to establish commensurabilty and equality between diferent categories and variables in the analysis of climate change, Even though these problems are current, there have been conceptual streams, like the ones centred in the Anthropocene, which have opened new discussions, 6 Astrid Ulloa and positioned the problem of climate change under a reconceptuaisation of the duality of nature/culture in the social sciences. This has also led toa conceptual, methodological and political rethinking of these dualites. This new wave allows for academic knowledge to influence national/global decision-making processes and has opened the way to new ways of producing knowledge (Chakrabarty 2009; Latour 2013, 2014; Emmet and Lekan 2016). However, unique geopolitics of knowledge remain present. These view climate change as a global problem that requires global responses and which erases historical relations of power and inequalities that have led to said transforma- tions, The current process surrounding climate change reflects the environment- alism of the 1970s and 1980s that, even if it gave rise to different positions, tendencies and conceptions, in the end created a unified response, an ideal vision and a global proposal for sustainable development (Leff et al. 2003; Leis and Viola 2003). Now, in the face of climate change, the globel solution becomes the responsibility of all citizens of the planet, centred on a unique vision of nature (reconfigured) and its management based on expert knowledge (Liverman 2015; Ulloa 2017), However, this whole process, which is global, gives rise to a series of actions and solutions focused on specific actors at an international level (COPS, IPCC) involving centralisation and, therefore, control over the production of global knowledge about climate change (Watts 2015; Heikkinen etal. 2016). It is a repositioning of an Anglo-Eurocentric episteme grouped in the “rethinking” of duality which supposes to generate a new configuration (but based on dual categories) of the geopolitics of knowledge production. However, modem thought appears not only as the centre of the cause but also as the solution, and this implies that other ontologies are not ingluded (Ulloa 2017). ‘The effect of this is the consolidation of a vision that emerges from the expert knowledge found in the universities of countries that lesd the centres of academic production in Europe and the United States. These centres establish rules ranging from what should be done and how to solve the problems of climate change, or the Anthropocene, to what suitable political ‘options are possible. In this sense, the geopolitics of knowledge are reconfi- gured as they become centred on the production and legitimacy of the experts. Therefore, the global discussions related fo the Anthropocene do not include other forms of knowledge production related to climate change, as is the case of indigenous, Afro-descendent and peasant perspectives in Latin America, ‘Moreover, although climate change is presented asthe result of htman activities ‘on the entire planet, its eauses are not completely broken down, leaving aside the diversity of options and knowledge, as well as the unequal power -elations. This leads to a lack of recognition of other ontologies and epistemologies. Indigenous Knowledge Reganting Climate in Colombia ‘The second problem implies tht what we understand as knowledge differs when ‘we thnk of ndizenous peoples. For these groups, knowledges interelated among beings and is produced when beings are embeded in terttory which is, tthe same time, alive (Ingold 2000; Escobar 2015; Ulloa 2015, 2016). Generally, in climate change policies thee isan absence of local knowledge and tesitorialsituatedness, siven tht subjectivtics, identities and praties around nature and its specie transformations, and in particular places, are ot given equa status with expert knowledge. In other wor, these policies do not inchude other ways of thinking about the relationships between humans and noa-husrans, for example, those which are mediated by diverse social, politcal and economic relations that, although aticulated to global processes, respond to other ontologies. These other ‘ontologies allow us to rethink politcal relations an action associated with climate change and to postion other points of view and strategies for their confrontation Finally, theres lack of knowledge regarding gender inequalities, given that analyses on climate change and knowledge reflect very litle on gender relations and do not recognise a dep differentiated knowledge brtween men and women, ven in scientific knowledge. This is evident in the production of knowledge, as well a8 in the absence of local knpwledge in global climate change policies Moreover, global policies ofelimate change affect indigenous men and women differently, bat the general poices are implemented withoata gender perspective For example, differentiated knowledge between men and women isnot included, nor are the ways in which women manage climate variability. These processes have been questioned in international spaces, which in um has allowed climate change policies, and results attributed to those policies and programs, to partially include women, although without diteet focus on indigenous women, Furthermore, acess to information is minimal for vasous peoples who speak orher languages, of who cannot access or understand the scientific knowledge proviuced. These exclusions are more evident for women (Iniesta-Arandia et a. 2016) Given that global and even national policies on climate change do not contain gender diferences,intemational organisations have initiated programs simed at the inclusion of women, These range from participation processes tothe visibility ofthe impacts of climate change and the search for funds to develop programs that respond to specific implications of climate change for women (Aguilar eal 2009; FMICA 2010; Jungehlsing 2012; Davis etal. 2015) Based on the ete cism of the absence of gender analysis in climate change research, various approaches have been developed that call for overcoming stereotypes or the mechanical inclasion of women in order fo compensate for gender inequalities (Robe 2007). However, inthe scenarios of climate change. participation of indigenous women is very limited, as is their access to information, s0 they w Astrid Ulloa «demand their inclusion in the discussions and in climate juste demands for the reversal ofthe causes of climate change. ‘The politics of climate change and the approaches of social sciences that centre ‘on the Anthropocene have not changed, nor will they change, the unequal relation- ships in terms of the production of knowledges or gender inequalities, Therefore, ‘indigenous peoples’ knowledges, and their perspectives on the nos-human, have become the centre of a permanent struggle to propose another way of rethinking, climate change. ‘The previous analyses show the need to create new ways of approsching indigen- ‘ous perspectives and their particular way of producing knowledges on climate change as a starting point. A dialogue needs to be established, not only among knowledges, but in terms of understanding the different ontologies and epistemolo- gies that arise to really face the processes of global climate change, as well as the gendered process of the production of knowledges in specific culuurel contexts. inaddition to the 44 Processes of Production of Knowledge among Indigenous Peoples “The previous conclusions lead to the need fora new proposal that articulates know! cedges and recognises cultural and knowledge diversity regarding climate. To do this, ‘we must first fully understand indigenous knowledge production processes. This, proposal will approach local knowledges (indigenous knowledge or traditional environmental knowledge) by understanding them in a contextualised way and from their inherent worldview and dynamics, where the producers of such knowl cege are seen from their capacity for action and according to gender. This leads to 4 positioning of other ontologies and relational epistemologies around climate. Indigenous peoples maintain rlations with the non-human; these relate to teri- tories and cultural practices that respond to specific and localised notions of nature. ‘The relationships established can be reciprdcal between the human and the non ‘human (the latter understood as a category that ean include diverse beings as related) and mediated by the use, access, control, rights (of all beings) and collective or individual decision-making that articulates diverse cultural and teritorial dimen- sions. In specific places, these processes are evidenced by representatons, classifica- tions and practices according to gender. Places are those in which being and doing relate to each other according to the cultural and territorial places occupied by different living beings. Likewise, all these practices imply other notions of care given that, for indigenous peoples, the care of life includes the, human and non= ‘human, which in tum is par of indigenous knowledge fluidity and which responds to ccltural principles of being and doing in specific places. Ths i called ancestral law, ‘of laws of origin; these are the norms that relate with the non-human. Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia Pp Ancestral law structures indigenous thinking and establishes forms of political and cultural control over the human and non-hurman through cultural governabily Indigenous peoples, therefore, demand their autonomy, which is elated to territor- ial order and control, environmental management and food sovereignty, ic environmental sel-determination. This cultural goverability is based on cultural practices in accordance with each indigenous context. For example, forthe Pasto people, the territory is seen“ living being, a being that, according tothe law of origin, fel, listens, produces sounds, gets sick andi restored” (Puenayén 2013:276). Inthe law of origin, the territory is sacred and a person must actin accordance with the noms ofthe sid law in oder to guarantee autonomy and govemabilty of his or her territories. By acting in accordance with their ancestral laws, indigenous peoples are seen a8 ‘environmental authorities that take eare and control oftheir territories natures and ‘ood sovereignty. This leads to autonomous environmental management as abasic axis in the curent demands of indigenous peoples, responding tthe great teritor- ial pressures and imposition of models of relationships with nature that have fragmented the territories and affeeted the knowledge related to ecological and food practices. i The principles that underlie the jaw of origin, or ancestral law, are part of the clement that articulate the ways of thinking and practices of indigenous peoples, Like the Pasto people, several indigenous peoples, such as the Kaméntsé Biya ‘people, demand recognition oftheir law of origin, given that actions such as those associated with climate cannot be imposed trom outside but should take into account the cultural processes related to the ways of producing knowledge and the places where such knowledge is produced. Under these notions of ancestral law, climate is often not a category, or some ‘thing ‘natura’, but isthe result of relations between humans and non-buroans. Moreover, knowledge processes differ between men and women. In general, practices of indigenous women are not very well documented. Therefore, produe- tion of knowledge related to climate has to be contextalised historically and culturally For indigenous peoples, knowledge is differentiated between men and women Here, the focus is onthe knowiedge of women. For them, care and continuity of life expressed through the physical, the social and the territorial, aswell as the now hhuman, are very closely related to the daily changes in weather. I fllow the categories that I have developed in ather text in relation tothe process that implies the production of knowledges among indigenous peoples. These involve, from situated and historical perspectives, ways of knowing; places of knowledge; spaces of power; words of power life practices and local methodologies for research frm their ovin viewpoint (Ullos 2016, 20188, 2018b).I focus specifically on Past and 80 Astrid Ulloa ‘Kam&tst Biyd women in order to show how the production of knowledge related to non-humans is gendered. 4.5 Perspectives of the Pasto and Kamétsii Biyé Women ‘The indigenous women of the Pasto and Kaméntsé Biyé peoples have a particular ‘way of relating tothe non-human, based on ancestral law, which implies a process of closeness and knowledge of specific places and beings and which allows for ‘ways of caring that involve the bods, the non-human and the tertory. These ‘complex networks of territory and the beings that inhabit them meaa any transfor- ‘mation and degradation of thei terrtories/environments, from intemal or external causes, are perceived and felt by the women in a more immediate way. In particular, for the Pasto people, environmental changes are affecting biodi- versity, whieh implies a Toss of knowledge. This leds to transformations ofthe practices of both men and women and the social networks that ere established around teritory'nature. For Pasto men, environmental scarcity has implied greater ‘mobility as they search for new economic options, and this affects the processes of care ofthe human and the non-human. Inthe face of these environmental and socio- caltural situations, women have created alternatives related tothe consolidation of their networks in the recovery of knowledge, particularly those cenceming seed and care practices, which have led to new gender relations in the communities (Puenaysn 2013). Pasto women have organised themselves into collective activ- ities called mingas de pensamiento (to think gollectively) in order tostrengthen the cultural and ancestral practices related to recovery of seeds and to exchange them a5 a way to maintain biodiversity and food sovereignty. For the Kaméntsé Biyé people, envirogmental transformations and climate change are ‘making the earth sick’, leading to loss of practices (such as planting in spirals and having polycultures), crops and seeds (Juajibioy and Cantor 2013). They also point out that cultural change and is effects have transformed the territory, eg. changes in traditional farming practices caused by the new surge of rmonocrops. In the same way, they point out that generational changes and the migration of younger generations also cause transformations in their territories. ‘The women’s response has been to retum to practices like the ehagra (area of caltivation) because they consider that, ina chagra, life relationships are learned among mothers and children, as Concepcién Juajbioy states: The chagra slike a family, some plants help each other and protect ea ‘balance all plants must be diverse inthe family they all help each other, the same happens ‘with the plans, they take cae of each other, each plantas is place nextto te others, plants stick and grow in one place and not in others, they have ther specific place, inthe chagra, Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia 81 ‘one becomes closer tothe children, that’s where we learn the main values of respect and ‘are towards others. (Iyjibioy cited in Cantor and Jusjbioy 2013:163) In the face of these transformations, the Pasto and Kaméntsé Biyé women have _Renetated alternatives linked tothe processes that involve the production of know!- edge, which are-reflected in daily practices related to food sovereignty. In these contexts, food sovereignty, or food autonomy as itis also named, is directly linked to lifeina territory and withthe process of permanently maintaining, the circulation of life since itis associated with all beings Iti also related to social processes and relationships between men and women, both individually and collectively, which establishes a social order, These processes involve not only production, reproduction and circulation of food but also knowledge that is reflected in the territory and in everyday and symbolic practices. ‘To understand these dynamics, its important to explain how indigenous women produce the knowleége which circulates in specific places through words and life practices, 4S1 Ways of Knowing ‘Once cultural relations are establishéd with entities or non-human beings related to the climate, there are ways to perform readings that indicate their stability or change. Conceptions, perceptions and local representations about weather and climate are based on indigenous knowledge of the relationships between meteor- ological and climatic conditions regarding flora, fauna and cultural aspects. These interrelationships allow us to talk about local knowledge systems based on experi- ‘ences and perceptions of weather and climate, given that local knowledge is related, to specific places i which relationships are established with the non-human, Within these approaches, cultural indicators and how they are understood are presented as basic tothe relationships between climate and culture and as inputs for local strategies inthe face of environmental transformations. ‘Knowledge about nature and climate is expressed in the management of indica- tors, in the reading of signals that are found in various aspects of environmental elements. These can late to size and colour and to changes in seasons which affect appearance or transformations, among others. Likewise, the cultural knowledge of ‘weather and climate is based on practices, experiences and perceptions, which ‘manifest in the reading of the indicators. The indicators are complex and focus on aspects such as behaviours or reactions of humans and non-human, and they ean be of various types: astronomical, meteorological, biological, physical- geographical, forms of objects, body sensations, sensitive responses or symbolic signals (Ulloa 2014), 2 Astrid Ulloa For the Pasto people, some of the indicators respond to symbolic clements that are presented through dreams and that express the relationships that must be considered in regard to environmental changes, e.g. as they relate to water scarcity: {Pasto people consider thal} each one of the natural resources is protected by the spitis of| nature. [arcisa tll that] she lived this experience of meeting the sprit of water, which revealed herin her dreams thatthe community should protect and take car of the water in the Large swamp, over the Paramo ofthe resguardo (reserve). (Puenayén 2013:302). Dreams are very important for Pasto people; through them the ancestral beings related fo climate show their annoyance to different people as a result of human practices which affect the water or the forests. Therefore, the person who had the dream has to share the situation with the community to begin the ritual and ask for permission from any ancestral being that is related with the cultural practices that affect them, 45.2 Places of Knowledge Among indigenous peoples, knowledge production processes are associated ‘with specific places within which concepts flow and practices associated with such knowledge are established. Among these places are the culivation areas, in which knowledge is transmitted and circulated following socially estab- lished relationships between knowledge and differentiated practices and between men and women. In these spaces, there are interactions between, complex processes of transmission betweén generations and new knowledge that is spatialised t ‘As an example, I focus on the cultivation sites among the Kaméntsé Biyé people, The Jaja, the chagra ot space |for cultivation, is a place of vital importance and can be understood as a central space in life. Its a place where f great variety of species are planted, guaranteeing food and traditional medicine. The Jajatt is the place where the family strengthens its bonds and where social and cultural practices are transmitted; itis the place where the individual reproduces theit culture and learns to relate to the non-human and to others. It is also the place where the people grow their own food and ‘medicinal plants, and they cultivate their thoughts and the culture of the Kaméntsé Biya man and woman (Cantor and Juajibioy 2013). These spaces are an example of the inscribed knowledge in the territory; they are spaces that midwives, for example, can access, allowing for the circulation of their particular knowledge in their daily practices In particular, climate change has brought about transformations it these cultiva- tion places, which has caused the loss of seeds and plant varieties, as well as Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia 8 associated practices and knowledge. As Clementina Muchachasoy puts it, “I you lose the Kaméntsé Biyé thinking, you lose the feeling, the Innguage and the practice, the cultivation of the chagra’ (Cantor and Juajbioy 2013:172), Faced with these dynamics, women have recovered cropping practices, such as spiral cultivation, that use litle space, allow the combination of a diversity of species and represent the interrelations between Ge various worlds of the territory. Thus, the women have recovered ancestral knowledge related to biodiversity. Parallel to this, they have created networks of women to exchange experiences, seeds and strategies and to maintain exchange of knowledge. 45.3 Spaces of Power ‘Sacred sites are spaces that are appropriated and socially constructed according to ‘each culture, They have specific places of decision-making or of symbolic and cultural importance. These sucred sites are places of power and they become increasingly important in environinental processes since the decision-making surrounding the relations between} humans and non-kumans is carried out in those places, For Pasto people the testory is living being that feels, listens, talks, gets sick and recovers, The ancestral beings have inscribed in the territory the history of the Pasto people and structured it into three worlds (top, middle and bottom). The sacred sites are “where passive and active energies are united, these cosmic ‘energies, the sun and the moon, the spirits and all the other components of nature are interacting in the teritory to manifest life” (Puenayin 2013:276). Thus, lite ‘manifests in the lagoons, inthe spiritual places where men and women meet with ancestral beings. They are spaces of power for memory and knowledge, as well as, for relationships with the non-human, and they are reactivated through rituals (Puenayn 2013), 454 Words of Power All places and knowledge are associated with the idea of words of power, which implies specialised and precise knowledge abcut specific relationships with the territory or the non-human, These words of power are linked to various representations associated with these relatioasbips. Words of power representations bring together knowledge and beings that inhabit territories with specific characteristics and qualities; they are named with words that gencrate action and incidence of said beings in symbolic or everyday processes, 4 Astrid Ulloa For the Kaméntsa Biya people, words such as sun, wind, rain or thunder link not only the graphic, sound or tactile representations associated with these concepts but also the symbolic representations that imply power. The word links the knowledge of these beings and generates concrete actioas, such as in the territories associated with environmental changes and transformations (Cantor and Juajibioy 2013). For the Pasto people, traveling through the territory is associated with the word and the circulation of thoughts: ‘The territory and its natural components are full of ancestral wisdom; the mythical roads and places are interwoven with the Words of the elderly through oraity in the mingas [rollective processes] of thought, mingas of work, and especially in storytling. (Puenayin 2013, 290) 48S Life Practices ‘The above aspects are understood by indigenous peoples, men and women, sur- rounding ways and practices of life, which are the ways in which local cultures ‘construct possible worlds based on diverse relationships among humans and between humans and the non-human, For the Pasto people, one of the practices of life has to do with the mingas, or collective processes, which seek to strengthen ancestral knowledge and that allow putting into practice the laws of origin in the use and ordering ofthe teritory in accordance with local planning and cultural governability. These protesses are also related to the practices of knowing and walking the territory as a process of knowledge (Ulloa 2018a, 2018b). 48.6 Methodological Strategies for Knowing “The aforementioned practices can be combined with methodological strategies to enable indigenous peoples to focus on ways of perceiving and actingin accordance with indigenous ways of knowing and suggest cultural methodological tools to understand the environment. These ways of knowing involve knowledge trans- ‘mitted from generation to generation according to gender and w bodily and cognitive dispositions to be, feel, do and act in relation to all non-humans in the territory, That isthe case of Pasto men and women who follow specific criteria for doing research within thei territories (Table 4.1). {As evidenced, there are different methodological ways to approach the rela- tionships between knowledge and climate. In summary, we can say that the knowledge related to climate responds to conceptions that eaci culture has Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia 8s Table 4.1 Concepmual criteria of indigenous Pasto research Observe Look tthe dit evens, tok in dt at how Lam doing job o experience, observe the eee, the : times Achar (Wait catiously for ome Have te ability catch concept, an ia, sttey. Purpose) lee peveaton Be awa of something pret the aton A rovenve pent wots Finale Cmca he ees on Someing you wat 0 ow ncag sda out sotag Attion Hive yur senses xeon he bjt Wor o wor, eve) fce Contemplate Pato meditation nd sen he nature ade Be Curious ate imestting what ds the atenton ofthe ore orth mtr Chapa (wach acl) —_—_—B Fig of someone who want eter sacred ‘place and, in this case, their ideas or precepts. Explore vee woo mteryo ofthe uknown ty a neff nie peep «work, ato, Spatimen or sow save ave your Know in ney, hehe nce ‘rer ofthe sa Inspect Mentor jobs and proces are fillowed ueun pan es Intros Ask Why? Where? When? Wo? What fo? Find out, ‘Comers and ning (ot cles Sharpen your eng Hear ihe wow ofthe owe, taserbe te message ‘the vous ofcoscece Hew wke of Shame Mediate Pace te senses in te silence, capil the ps, the rset te penn elt Beawae Beveryalen wheats arr Wheat eees ‘ein et “ake the pulse Mea the stent of pit of kaowede and comps, seng of te willpower ih he Revopie Ko he tests of wate, recognise th natural recs tl orci he aed ry Reg Ma Sigal Inde the mesures, ma, annonar (opt «physical signal, usually a stone) when it starts and ‘when it ends, ask how to advance, what to change. 86 Astrid Ulloa Table 4.1 (cont) Memorise Have the ability to keep the precepts, memories, ideas, secrets, mysteries, Explore Have precepts, criteria, opinions of others, surveys Keep tack of| Be aware of something curious, Touch Experience the sense of knowing whether something 1s hard, sof, cold, bot Taste Know if something is sour, sweet, biter, salty, ‘friendship, 2 memory job. Select, pick Experience the beautiful, the sad, the memory, the ide, the fantasti, the mysterious. ‘Source: Asociacién Shaquiten (2008) about the human and the non-human; beings or entities that make up the non- human; characteristics of the entities; related places; gender differences; associated practices and ways of knowing, 46 Final Reflections: Siuated/Globalised Knowledge ‘with a Gender Perspective Indigenous knowledges are located and embedded in the teritory and interrelated ‘with different dynamies for each activity. These knowledges have teen related to different conceptions of time and space, which implies epanicular way of under- standing the said dimensions of each practice. Likewise, these knowledges are differentiated according to gender, which implies ways of being, doing and feeling in a territory, and with non-humans, in a differentiated way for both men and ‘women, At the same time, these knowledges are crossed by multi-scale processes that permanently link them to dynamics and policies based on other knowledges. ‘Therefore, itis necessary to propose strategies of dialogue that include diverse ‘ways of co-producing knowledges and conceptual and methodological changes that allow such dialogue, These processes allow us not only to understand know edge in a contextuslised way, but to make contributions visible in local practices, and policies. ‘To establish this dialogue, I will review the advances that have been made from relational ontologies and feminist perspectives in relation to climate and ate change, since they allow us to address part of the problems previously raised, ‘These perspectives contribute to create a new way of analysing the ontologies and epistemologies that sustain worldviews of indigenous knowledge. The Indigenous Knowledge Regarding Climate in Colombia 9 perspective of relational ontologies allows us to understand how “human and non buman (the organic, the non-organic, and the supematural or spiritual) are an integral part of these worlds in their multiple interrelations” (Escobar 2015:98) Previous debates and discussions have allowed us to understand and postion the diversity of ontologies and the inequalities that exist between them in ferms of power in decision-niaking in climate change discussions, especially indigenous ontologies, which exist under unequal conditions of recognition, These ontologies are based on diverse notions of nature, which leads to multiple epistemologies. Aso, i is important to understand that knowledge is produced in specific local teritrilised contests, which are in tum differentiated by gender, location, age ot specialisation. Final, we need to raise our awareness to understand thatthe non- Jhuman forms pact ofthe environmental processes as this leads tothe recognition of thee rights. Given that knowledge production processes and global geopolitics have gener- ated inequalities, its necessary to recognise indigenous peoples’ demands for the inclusion oftheir knowledge according to gender differences in local contexts and their articulation of global-loca tfansformations. Likewise itis important 19 rethink environmenral and climate! geopolitics: knowledge; representations and relationships with the non-human.;The feminist perspective on climate change highlights the inequalities between Ways of knowing and the power relations that have been established from the geopolitics of expert knowledge, and which gen- erate processes of production, circulation and localisation of knowledge in a differentiated way among indigenous peoples, and between men and women (oiesta-Arandia etal, 2016). These perspectives demand that climate change policies and associred knowledge include ontological and epistemological plur- ality for an intercultural and interdiseiplinary dialogue when analysing climste and climate change, as well as a gender perspective as central in all processes. Discussions on elimate change should recognise other alternatives and strategies based on cultural perspectives. Fm this point of view, itis necessary to take into secount other cultunl relationships between human and non-human beings. This implies the need to focus more on the causes and consequences of elimate change and the unequal power relations around the production of knowledge between the Global North and South, and between these and indigenous peoples (Uloa 2013, 2018, 20180). These knowledge debates ae liked to the demands of climate justice led by indigenous peoples, given that it has been the mechanism to initiate the debate on the nced for a new understanding of knowledge geopolitics, Therefore, in the reconfiguration of environmental justice perspectives, four dimensions are pro= posed for rethinking the processes associated with both geopolities of knowledge ‘and inequalities thst are not included in debates on climate change: reversing 8 Astrid Ulloa inequalities based on the dual notions of culture and nature; rethinking global environmental and climate policies; reconfiguring the legal and rights issues recognised in local/national and intemational contexts and incliding cultural demands and multiple perspectives In this way, indigenous peoples are putting their knowledge within the world’s political fields, based on relational ontologies, as a basic premise to understand the reciprocity, complementarity and connections between all beings. This perspective also implies another conception of rights to consider: the rights of non-humans. This implies notions of being, existing and feeling, which expand the ideas of recognition and participation and include non- fhumans and territory as living beings with feelings and emotions and as political agents. Acknowledgements Translation from Spanish by Naira Bonilla. 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