Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Tabari Volume 11
Tabari Volume 11
History of al-Tabari
The Challenge to the Empires
Volume XI
Translated by Khalid Yahya Blankinship
VOLUME XI
The Challenge to the Empires
A.D. 633-635/ A. H. 11-13
16
Editorial Board
Ihsan Abbas, University of Jordan, Amman
C. E. Bosworth, The University of Manchester
Franz Rosenthal, Yale University
Everett K. Rowson, The University of Pennsylvania
Ehsan Yar-Shater, Columbia University ( General Editor)
SUNY
OP
VOLUME XI
transmitters are, for the sake of brevity, rendered by only a dash (-)
between the individual links in the chain. Thus, "According to Ibn
Humayd-Salamah -Ibn Ishaq" means that al-Tabari received the
report from Ibn Humayd, who said that he was told by Salamah, who
said that he was told by Ibn Ishaq, and so on. The numerous subtle
and important differences in the original Arabic wording have been
disregarded.
The table of contents at the beginning of each volume gives a brief
survey of the topics dealt with in that particular volume. It also in-
cludes the headings and subheadings as they appear in al-Tabari's
text, as well as those occasionally introduced by the translator.
Well-known place names, such as, for instance, Mecca, Baghdad,
Jerusalem, Damascus, and the Yemen , are given in their English
spellings . Less common place names, which are the vast majority,
are transliterated. Biblical figures appear in the accepted English
spelling. Iranian names are usually transcribed according to their
Arabic forms, and the presumed Iranian forms are often discussed
in the footnotes.
Technical terms have been translated wherever possible, but
some, such as dirham and imam , have been retained in Arabic
forms. Others that cannot be translated with sufficient precision
have been retained and italicized, as well as footnoted.
The annotation aims chiefly at clarifying difficult passages, iden-
tifying individuals and place names, and discussing textual difficul-
ties. Much leeway has been left to the translators to include in the
footnotes whatever they consider necessary and helpful.
The bibliographies list all the sources mentioned in the annota-
tion.
The index in each volume contains all the names of persons and
places referred to in the text , as well as those mentioned in the notes
as far as they refer to the medieval period. It does not include the
names of modem scholars . A general index, it is hoped, will appear
after all the volumes have been published.
For further details concerning the series and acknowledgments,
see Preface to Volume I.
Ehsan Yar-Shater
1^
Contents
Preface / v
Abbreviations / xi
Al-Namariq / 176
Al-Sagatiyyah in Kaskar / 1182
The Battle of al-Qarqus, Which Is Also Called al -Quss, Quss al-
Nalif, the Bridge, and al-Marwahah / 188
Lesser Ullays / 1195
Al-Buwayb / 1196
Al-Khanafis / 2115
What Stirred Up the Matter of al-Qadisiyyah / 2211
Index / 235
e
Abbreviations
OP
1ianslator's Foreword
Although the reports in this volume are quite detailed for what
they do cover, they must be carefully scrutinized for their sources
and content before we can be satisfied that they do in fact contain
accurate information, as the better part of three centuries separated
al-Tabari, who died in 310 (923), from the events he described here.
Although he scrupulously cited his sources and can be shown to
have often quoted from them almost verbatim, these sources them-
selves can be traced with certainty only to an earlier stage in the col-
lection of Islamic history, represented by the writers Ibn Isbaq
(d. 1511/767), Ibn al-Kalbi (d. 204/819), al-Wagidi (d. 207/822), and
Sayf b. `Umar (d. 170-93/786-809). From the first three, all of
whom are cited in this volume, there are works extant that enable
us to assess their tendencies to some extent, as well as to verify their
use of their own sources. For an assessment of the value of their
transmissions, the reader is ^ referred to the relevant articles in the
Encyclopaedia of Islam and other secondary literature.
It is the fourth writer extensively quoted by al-Tabari, Sayf b.
`Umar, with whom we are mainly concerned here. As his work sur-
vives principally in the transmission of al-Tabari and those who
took from him and is found nowhere in independent form, he has un-
fortunately been rather ignored in modern criticism. Yet it is Sayf's
lengthy reports that fill most of the pages of this and several other
volumes. The historical evaluation of this volume therefore depends
to a large extent on our assessment of the nature of Sayf's reports and
al-Tabari's use of them, and it is to these problems that we must
turn our attention.
Abu `Abdallah Sayf b. Umar al-Usayyidi al-Tamimi was a Kufan
traditionist who died in the reign of Harlin al-Rashid (170 - 93 /
786 - 809).' Other than the possibility that he was accused of zan-
daqah (Manichaeism) in the inquisition (mihnah) that began under
al-Mahdi in 166 (783) and continued into the time of al-Rashid,'
nothing is known of his life, except what can be determined from
his traditions. As he is alleged to have transmitted from at least nine
i. The sources on Sayf include the following: Ibn Abi Hatim , far]), 1l/1, 27s, Ibn
Hibbin, Mairdhin, 1, 345 ; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, io6; Dhahabi, Mizdn, II, 255; $a-
fadi, Waft, XVI, 66; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 295-96.
z. On the mil/nah itself, see Tabari, III, 517, 522, 548-51 , 604, 645; Vajda, "Zin-
digs," 173 - 229.On the accusation against Sayf, see Ibn Hibbin, Majrdbin, 1, 345 -
46; Dhahabi, Mizdn, II, z55-56; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 2.96.
xvi Manslator's Foreword
traditionists who died in 140-46 (757-63), and even from two who
died in 126 - z8 (744 - 46), he may have been elderly when he died.
This is also suggested by the possibility that Abu Mikhnaf, who
died considerably earlier than Sayf, in 157 (774), may have quoted
from him.3 Sayf's work was originally recorded in two books, Kitdb
al-futub al-kabir wa-al-riddah and Kitdb al-jamal wa-masir `A'is-
hah wa`Ali, which are now lost but survived for a number of cen-
turies after Sayf's own lifetime! They made an enormous impact on
the Islamic historical tradition, especially because al-Tabari chose
to rely mainly on them for the events of 11- 36 (632- 56), a period
that spanned the reigns of the first three caliphs and included all the
early conquests of Iraq, Syria, Egypt, and Iran. Although al-Tabari
also quoted other sources in this volume, as we have indicated, the
overwhelming bulk of his material for this period is from Sayf. In-
deed, it is also probable, though not certain, that he has reproduced
the vast majority of Sayf's work. Sayf is only rarely cited by other
writers independently of al-Tabari.5
Generally, Sayf's description of the conquests transmitted in this
and other volumes of al-Tabari emphasizes the heroism of the Mus-
lim warriors, the hardships they endured, and the toughness of their
opponents, features that seem plausible enough and are also found
in other conquest narratives beside those of Sayf. However, Sayf's
narratives differ in the extent to which he introduces traditions not
found elsewhere, often reporting them from transmitters not other-
wise known. These unique narratives frequently contain fantastic
or legendary motifs to an extent far greater than is found in the ver-
sions of other historians. Although the fantastic and tendentious na-
ture of Sayf's reports has often been noted, for example, by Julius
Wellhausen,6 the exact value of his corpus as a primary source has
never been assessed in detail.
Clearly, Sayf's exaggerated traditions cannot have been entirely
invented by him, for they were intended to be convincing as history
to an audience that had a certain knowledge of its own immediate
past. Sayf thus has to deal with subjects and personages already fa-
miliar to his hearers in ways that would not offend them. This lim-
8. Donner, Conquests, 143-44, 303 n . 36, 306 n. 94, 317 n. 212, 319 n. 247,
333 n . 118, and esp. 338 n. 179.
9. Donner, Conquests, 198-200.
to. Tabari, I, 268o - 93; Gibb, Arab Conquests, 15, dismisses Sayf's report as
"Arab legend" in a single sentence.
it. For example, the assertion that Kh31id b. al-Walid advanced toward Kaskar on
the Tigris already in his first raid . See pp. 15 - to, below. However, as both Abu
Mikhnaf (p. 5, below ) and Ibn Khayyal, Ta'rikh, 100-2, contain similar reports
drawn from independent sources, they cannot have been created by Sayf, however
much he may have embroidered on the battle scenes ; rather, they belong to the tribal
tradition.
ri
Translator's Foreword xix
1z. E.g., when al -`Abbas alone of all the Medinan Muslims is reported to have
piously refused to receive delegations from the riddah tribesmen; Tabari, 1, r 873.
13. This is indicated by his quotation from sources involved in the killing of al-
Husayn (pp. 2.04, zo6, zi 6, 222. Sayf' s partisanship also suggests that the factions of
early Islam persisted longer in the original kin groups than has generally been rec-
ognized.
14. On Mudar's loyalty to the Umayyads in Khurisin, see Blankinship, " Thbal
Factor," 596-6o0.
xx Tianslator's Foreword
15. For this phrase, see Petersen, `Alf and Mu 'dwiya, pp. 81-82.
'Ifanslator's Foreword xxi
18. However, Sayf nonetheless endowed certain of `All's partisans with military
roles in the early conquests that are not attested elsewhere . Those mentioned in this
volume include Milik al -Ashtar b. al-Hirith al-Nakha`i (pp. too, 168), Sa d b. `Amr
b. Harim al-Khazraji (p. 109 ), al-Hirith b . Hassin al-Dhuhli (p. 117), Ma`bad b. Ak-
tam al -Khuzi`i (p. 117), `Urwah b. Zayd al-Khayl al-Till (p . 209), and possibly `Ab-
dallih b. Yazid al-Awsi ( pp. 190, 193 -941.
19. Among those who fought against `All's party and who were attributed military
roles in the early conquests in Sayf 's reports alone, this volume includes Rabi'ah b.
'Id l al-Yarba'i (p. 48 ), Dhu al-Kale` al-Himyari (pp. 77, 81, 9z., 165, 168,171), Abu al-
A`war b. Sufyin al-Sulami (pp. 91 , 164, 168, 170, 171), Mu`iwiyah b. Hudayj al-Su-
kuni (p. 92.), Hawshab b. Yazd al-Hamdani (p. 91), Masruq b. Harmalah al.'Akki (pp.
93, 165 , 168), Qabith b. Ashyam al-Laythi (pp. 93 - 94), Ilishr b. `igmah al-Muzani (p.
164), `Algamah b. Hakim al -Kinini (pp. 165, 168), `Amr b . Shimr (p. 168 ), and Sha-
bath b. Rib`i al-Riyilii (p. 103 ).
so. On Sayf's fabricated personages in general, see al-`Askari, Khamsl n wa-mi'ah
$afadbi, which is entirely devoted to twenty-three Tamimis whom Sayf is said to have
fabricated; most of them are mentioned in this volume.
'Ilanslator's Foreword xxiii
z1. Majhtilnn authorities contained in this volume and claimed by Sayf to have
transmitted directly to him include `Amr b. Muhammad, al-Muhallab b. `Ugbah al-
Asadi, `Abd al-Rahmin b. Siyih al-Ahmari, Talhah b. al-A`lam al-llanafi , `Abd al-
Malik b. `Asa' al-Bakkai, Muhammad b. `Abdallah b . Sawid b. Nuwayrah, Ziyid b.
Saijis al-Ahmari, Sufyin al-Ahmari , Bahr b. al-Furst al--`Ijli, al-Ghu$n b. al-Qisim al-
Kinini, Abu Sufyan Talhah b. `Abd al-Rahman, Mubashshir b. Fuuiayl, Sahl b. Ynsuf,
Abu `Uthman Yazid b . Asid al -Ghassani, al-Mustanir b. Yazid al - Nakha`i, al-Na4r b.
al-Sari al -4abbi, and Abu al-Khassib Hamzah b. `Ali b. al-Muhaffiz . Of these, only
Talhah b. al-A`lam and Hamzah are named elsewhere than in Sayf 's isndds. On pp.
rob - 7 we are presented with the incredible information that the al-Muhallab and
`Abd al-Rahmin, both included in this list, actually participated in the early con-
quests with Khalid . That would make them about 150 years old when they were
transmitting to Sayf!
xxiv Translator's Foreword
T- I
Translator's Foreword xxv
zs. Or see Ibn al-Kalbi 's even briefer version, cited in Ibn Khayyas, Ta'rikh, 118.
z6. Kufi, Futulj, 1, 218-71.
27. Kufi, Futuh, I, 168-74.
TYanslator's Foreword xxvii
r 8o- 81(, not only remained captive in Ibn Actham's version but be-
came a Muslim as well28 Thus the fanciful Kufan tradition of the
conquests grew, perhaps encouraged by the need for the constantly
repressed and downtrodden city of al -Kufah to recover a modicum
of military self-esteem through the elaboration of a glorious, if
mythical, past.
Like the work of Ibn A'tham, the transmissions of al-Tabari from
Sayf contained in this volume belong more to the realm of historical
romance than to that of history. But, unlike early tribal or national
epics, which arose entirely in an oral milieu and were notoriously
devoid of interested messages, the work of Sayf arose in the highly
articulated political environment of the `Alids' controversy with
their opponents and is thus filled with ideological content and ten-
dentiousness . Its nearest parallel outside Muslim history is perhaps
to be sought in the Late Roman Historia Augusta (c. 395 c.E.), itself
a work by a single polemicist who was on the losing side in an ideo-
logical struggle . Like Sayf, that anonymous Latin writer strove to
present personages whom he identified as being of his own party in
earlier times in a favorable light by retrojecting his own fabrications
about them into the past. Like Sayf's work, the Historia Augusta
contains some authentic matter that it may be possible to disengage
from the mass of fabrications and alterations 29
This assessment of Sayf in no way undermines the authority of
other early Muslim writers whose works may have an entirely dif-
ferent character, just as the Late Roman historian Ammianus Mar-
cellinus is in no way affected by the fraud of the Historia Augusta.
On the contrary, it is greatly to the credit of the medieval Sunni
Muslims who assessed the quality of traditions in the rijal books
that they unanimously rejected Sayf's authority in the most abso-
lute way possible. They did so despite the fact that his traditions
could have been used to back their emerging Sunni consensus on
early Islamic history. This suggests that their condemnation of
Sayf's traditions was motivated by a concern for the truth, rather
than by a wish to gain advantage in the partisan arena of the time.
They realized that his transmissions were exaggerated and fraudu-
lent, and they said so. In fact, the condemnation of Sayf by the medie-
val Muslim `ulama' ought to serve as a reminder to modem scholars
that ancient and medieval texts were not always dictated by the pre-
vailing political or religious climate and that the search for truth
had its place in earlier times as well as in our own.
Finally, it should be remembered that Sayf's work remains impor-
tant, even though his traditions have been shown to be largely un-
historical. For, although they may cast only a limited amount of
light on the early Islamic conquests, they constitute one of the most
important sources of the early Abbasid period for the development
of Sunni attitudes toward early Muslim history, as well as for the
emergence of polemic between Sunni and Shi i. In particular, they
enlighten us on the position of the minority anti `Alid party in al-
Kufah and provide details of the party's attitude toward many indi-
vidual historical personages.
There remains the question why the generally sober al-Tabari
adopted Sayf's versions wholesale in his history, probably to the det-
riment of other versions that were still available in his time but that
may have perished partly because of his ignoring them in favor of
Sayf. Although a final answer cannot be given here, it seems likely
that Sayf's transmissions fulfilled two important desiderata in al-
Tabari's mind. First, his versions agreed with al-Tabari's ideological
position for he, too, was a jama`i Sunni who preferred to minimize
the strife among the early Muslims. Al-Tabari thus handed on Sayf's
transmissions, even though he can hardly have been unaware of the
latter's poor reputation, which had already developed before his
time. Perhaps he felt that he did not have to be as meticulous about
historical transmissions as he might have been about normative
1iadiths. In a couple of instances al-Tabari showed an awareness of
Sayf's weakness, once when he denied Sayf's story of Khalid b. al-
Walid's conquest of al-Basrah (pp. 114 - 115 ) and once again when he
changed Sayf's dating of the alleged Tarnimi conquest of Khurisin
(Tabari, I, 268o(.
But in describing the conquests generally al-Tabari scarcely de-
viated from Sayf's reports. This brings us to the second attraction
that Sayf may have had for al-Tabari: detail. Sayf's transmissions are
almost always far more verbose than parallel reports of more sober
traditionists . This characteristic probably not only made them pref-
erable to al-Tabari but may have seemed a guarantee of their accu-
ri
TYanslator's Foreword xxix
ter 7117 C.E., the term would still not be appropriate to that empire in
the early seventh century c.E., the period covered in this book. At
that time the Romans still held, however tenuously, vast areas of
Syrian, Egyptian, Punic, Berber, Armenian, and Latin population,
and the extent of their rule differed little from what it had been in
the mid-fifth century c.E., a period for which the designation "Ro-
man" is generally accepted.
I wish to extend my thanks to the Tabari Ifanslation Project for
the opportunity to translate , annotate, and publish this work. I also
give my thanks to my wife for her patience, and support while I was
working on this volume.
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Abu Ja`far: I When Khalidz was done with the business of al-Yama-
mah,3 Abu Bakr al-$iddiq wrote to him while Khalid was still there.
`Ubaydallah b. Said al-Zuhri ° - his uncles - Sayf b. `Umar6 -
`Amr b. Muhammad7 -al-Sha`bi:e [Abu Bakr wrote,) "Go on toward
Iraq until you enter it. Begin with the gateway to India, which is al-
Ubullah .9 Render the people of Persia ( Fars ) 10 and those nations un-
der their rule peaceable."
`Umar b. Shabbah" - `Ali b. Muhammad,12 by the chain of trans-
mitters previously mentioned- those I recorded in that chain: Abu
Bakr sent Khalid b . al-Walid to the territory of al-Kufah , in which
was al-Muthanna b. Harithah al-Shaybani. 13 Khalid departed in al-
Muharram i i (18 March - r 6 April 63 3), going by way of al-Ba$rah,
where Qutbah b. Qatadah al-Sadusi14 was.
Abu Ja`far-al-Wagidi: Is There is a difference of opinion about the
matter of Khalid b. al-Walid. One view holds that he went straight
from al-Yamamah to Iraq, whereas another states that he returned
from al-Yamamah to Medina and then went to Iraq from Medina,
going by way of al-Kufah until he reached al-I Iirah.'6
V, 65-69. For an analysis of his tendencies, see Petersen, `Ali and Mu`dwiya, 28-31,
33-34, 37-44, and passim.
9. Ancient Apologos, on the site of present -day Iraqi al-Bagrah, a few miles up the
Shag al-'Arab from the Persian Gulf. Its position as the chief port of Iraq probably
earned it the title "the gateway to India." See Tabari, I, :377; El', s.v al-Obolla; Le
Strange, Lands, 47; Donner, Conquests, 3x9 n . 66. Donner notes that it is unlikely
that Khilid b. al-Walid had anything to do with the conquest of al-Ubullah, which
was actually accomplished by `Utbah b. Ghazwin somewhat later. However, Ibn
Khayyit, Ta'rikh, too- I , records Khilid's campaign in the vicinity of al-Bagrah in-
dependently of Sayf, which suggests that Khilid at least may have led a raid there al-
though `Utbah actually reduced the area. Balidhuri , Futnh, 4r8-zz, mentions Khi-
lid's prior presence in the vicinity of al-Bagrah but gives the major role in its conquest
to `Utbah.
to. Although this word often refers to the mountainous province of southwestern
Iran centered around Shiraz, which was the homeland of the Sasanian dynasty, its
meaning here and elsewhere appears to encompass the whole Sasanian kingdom. In
such cases I have used its English cognate Persia to translate.
1 I. Abu Zayd, the mawld of the Banu Numayr, c. 172-262/ 788-876, well-known
historian and traditionist from al-Bagrah . See Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 1115; Sezgin,
GAS, 1, 345-46.
12. Al-Madi'ini, d. between 215/830 and 230/845. See Elz, s.v al-Madi'ini.
13. The famous tribal leader from northeastern Arabia, d. 14/635 or later. See Ibn
al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 147; II, 438 ; Donner, Conquests, 181-83 , 189-95 , 197-200,
202-3, 377-78, 380-81.
14. He is sometimes called Suwayd b . Qutbah b. Qatidah. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt,
VII, 75-76; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, Too-I , 114; Balidhuri, Futub, 295; Kufi, Futub,
1, 9o; Ibn `Abd al-Ban, Isti`db, III, 257; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, III, 2.37-38; Donner, Con-
quests, 181, 330 n. 71,411.
T5. Muhammad b. `Umar, d. 207/ 823. See El ', s.v al-Wakidi ; Ibn al-Nadim, Fih-
rist, II1.
16. Important town on the west bank of the Euphrates , capital of the defunct Lakh-
mid kingdom . See EP, s.v al-Hira ; Musil, Middle Euphrates, 102-3, esp. It. 57.
The Events of the Year i 2 3
37. The most important part of the Rabi'ah group of tribes, the Bakr were located
in northeastern Arabia . They tended to be more sedentary than their nemesis, the
Tamim . They played a big role in the conquest of Iraq. See EP, s.v. Bakr b. Wa'il.
3 8. A major district east of the Great Swamp between the Euphrates and Tigris. See
EP, s.v Kaskar; Le Strange, Lands, 39, 43, 80, map II; Morony, Iraq, 155-59•
39. The modern Qa$r al-Qa'im, a spring and favorite campground on the edge of the
desert west of the Euphrates, z2 km . southeast of al-Qadisiyyah . See Musil, Middle
Euphrates, 284, and accompanying map of northern Arabia.
40. A Rabi'ah tribe later prominent in al-Knfah and evidently already found in the
vicinity before Islam. See EP, s.v.`Idjl; Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, I,141 ; II, 24-16,353.
41.On him, see Donner, Conquests, 181-8z, 33o n. 74, 365, 378 , 383, 398.
42. Attested independently as well in Ibn Khayya4 , Ta'rikh, 108. See also Morony,
Iraq, 187.
43. The marzubdn of al-Hirah . See Donner, Conquests, 180, 329 n. 67; Morony,
Iraq, 187.
44. Lit., "Kisra's cavalry."
6 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
frontier between the Sasanian domains and the Arabs, came out to
fight Khalid. They met the Muslims at the confluence of the rivers.
Al-Muthanna b. Harithah went against the Iranian cavalry, and God
routed them. When the people of al-Hirah saw that, they came out
to receive Khalil. Among them were cAbd al-Masih b. `Amr b.
Bugaylah45 and Hani' b. Qabi$ah.46
Khalid asked 'Abd al-Masih, "From where do you come?" He re-
plied, "From my father's back." Khalid asked, "From where did you
come out?" `Abd al-Masih answered, "From my mother's womb."
Khalid said, "Woe to you! On what are you standing?" He replied,
"On the ground." Khalid said, "Woe to you! What are you in?" `Abd
al-Masih responded, "In my clothes." Khalid said, "Woe to you! Do
you comprehend (ta`gi1[?" He replied, "Yes, and I register (uqayyid)
too."47 Khalid said, "I only ask you." `Abd al-Masih said, "And I an-
swer you." Khalid then asked, "Are you for peace or war?" `Abd al-
Masih replied, "For peace." Khalid went on, "Then what are these
fortresses that I see?" cAbd al-Masih answered, "We built them for
the foolish, in order to confine him, until the mild-tempered comes
to restrain him."48
Then Khalid said to them, "I call you to God, to His worship, and
to Islam . If you accept, you obtain the benefits we enjoy and take up
the responsibilities we bear. If you refuse, then [you must pay] the
jizyah. If you refuse the jizyah, then we will bring against you a peo-
ple who love death more than you love drinking wine." They an-
swered, "We have no need to fight you." He made peace with them
on [the payment of[ one hundred and ninety thousand dirhams.49 It
45• A]-Azdi. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 2.07; II, 126; Baladhuri, Futuh, 297; Ibn
Durayd, Ishtiqdq, 485; Donner, Conquests, 183, 331 n. 83; Morony, Iraq, 876.
46. Hani' b. Qabigah b. Hani' b. Masud al-Shaybani. Abu `Ubaydah says he already
was an important leader at the time of the Battle of Dhu Qar, but that statement also
could refer to his grandfather. See Tabari, 1, 8028 -29; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 149;
II, 279; Baladhuri, Futnh, 297; Yiqut, Mu`jam, IV, 2.93-94; Donner, Conquests, 183,
331 n. 84.
47. This contains an untranslatable play on the two words, both of which mean "to
bind or tie," in addition to their other meanings.
48. This story appears in a slightly different form in Balidhuri, Futuh, 297, and
also is repeated below, p. 33.
49. Elsewhere the payment of al-Hirah is said to have been eighty, eighty-four, or
one hundred thousand dirhams , the latter possibly rounded up from the former fig-
ures, which have the authority of YahYi b. Adam. See Baladhuri, Futnh, 297-98.
This report would seem to represent the mathematical sum of two versions giving
ninety and one hundred thousand as the amount.
The Events of the Year r z 7
was the first jizyah that was borne to Medina from Iraq.
After this Khalid descended on Banigya . Bu^buhra b. $aluba made
peace with him on the payment of one thousand dirhams and a
hooded cloak (laylasdn[. Khalid wrote a document for them.
Khalid made peace with the inhabitants of al-Hirah in exchange [2o2o]
for their agreeing to scout,50 which they did.
Hisham-Abu Mikhnaf-al-Mujalid b. Sa`id5' -al-Sha`bi: The
Banu Bugaylah52 read to me the letter of Khalid b. al-Walid to the in-
habitants of al-Mada'in:53
From Khalid b . al-Walid to the rulers of the Persians:
Peace be upon whosoever follows right guidance. Praise be
to God, Who has scattered your servants, wrested your sov-
ereignty away, and rendered your plotting weak. Whoever
worships the way we worship, faces the direction we face in
prayer, and eats meat slaughtered in our fashion, that person
is a Muslim who obtains the benefits we enjoy and takes up
the responsibilities we bear. Now then, when you receive
this letter, send me hostages and place yourselves under my
protection. Otherwise, by Him other than Whom there is no
god, I will most certainly send against you a people who love
death just as you love life.
When they read this letter, they became astonished. That was in
the year 12.
Abu Ja`far: As for others beside Ibn Ishaq , Hisham, and those I
have mentioned before, regarding the matter of Khalid and his
march to Iraq, they include what was reported by [the following]:
`Ubaydallah b. Sa`d al-Zuhri-his uncle-Sayf b. `Umar-`Amr
b. Muhammad-al-Sha`bi: When Khalid b. al-Walid was done with
al-Yamamah, Abu Bakr wrote to him, "God has given you victory;
therefore, go into Iraq until you meet `Iyad .11 s4 He also wrote to `Iyad
the Euphrates. See Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 3g ; 1I, 360; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagat, VII, 398;
Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 1311, 142, 1158; Baladhuri, Futnla, 165-66, 174, 176-77, 204-
10, 221, 2z5, 236, 409 ; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, III, 48 , 50; Theophanes, Chronicle,
39-40•
5 5. The actual location of this place is doubtful , as it may lie in either Syria or Iraq.
A middle course would place it on the Euphrates toward Syria . See Donner, Con-
quests, 312 n. 163, 333 nn. 113 -14; Morony, Iraq, 192. Musil, Middle Euphrates,
311, places it at `Ayn al-Arnab, a desert spring about 4z km . west of Hit on the
Euphrates.
56. Though often referred to in this volume, he is probably a legendary character
invented to glorify Sayf 's tribal group, the Tamim, and in particular his subtribe, the
Usayyid. The fact that he is made out to be an Usayyidi like Sayf suggests that Sayf
rather than his informants is responsible for inventing him. This al-Qa`ga` is absent
from the genealogy books, and there is no evidence for his existence outside of Sayf's
reports, as shown in Donner, Conquests, 365, 370, 390 - 91, 406, 409-10, 430. Re-
ports mentioning al-Qa`ga`, like this one, usually contain legendary glorifications.
See al-'Askari, Khamslin wa mi'ah salaabi, 71-146, and `Abdalldh b. Saba', 161-
81. He is the alleged brother of the commander `Agim b. `Amr al-Usayyidi, whose ex-
istence is independently attested in Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 1108, 11110. The existence of
this `Agim may have suggested the invention of al-Qa`gi'.
57. Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, III, 99, gives b. Ghawth . He is unknown from any source
other than Sayf, from whom Ibn Hajar's report is probably derived.
58.On the so-called Apostasy Wars of the year 11 /632-3i, see Volume X of this
translation series.
The Events of the Year 12 9
59. Harmalah b. Muraytah al `Adawi of the Tamim, mentioned only by Sayf. See
Donner, Conquests, 417, 425, 434. His name and that of his father are both terms for
garments, meaning approximately "Wrap, the son of Skirt," which suggests a legend-
ary invention. The inclusion of the two Tamimis illustrates Sayf 's anxiety to show
the role of the Tamim in the conquest, which in fact was accomplished more by the
Rabi'ah, in conjunction with certain Hijizi tribes. AI `Askari gives a detailed analy-
sis, in which he denies Harmalah 's existence. See al--`Askari , Khamsiin wa mi'ah $a-
habi, 245-6o.
6o. Sulmi b. al-Qayn al-`Adawi of the Tamim, always mentioned by Sayf in con-
junction with Harmalah, as here, and also said to be an imaginary figure ; see previous
note. However, his mention by Ibn al-Kalbi, (amharat, 1, 67;11, 509, with a complete
genealogy shows that he was not invented by Sayf but already existed in the Tamimi
tribal tradition and could have been a real person.
6 r. Two of the great tribal groupings of the Arabs, the Rabl'ah and the Mudar rep-
resent the two major branches of the Nizir or Ma'add. This genealogical connection
could be brought forth to jusify an alliance in case of need, but more often the Rabi'ah
were at odds with the Mudar in Islamic times . The Rabi`ah generally derived from
settled or partly settled tribes of eastern Arabia and Iraq, whereas the Mudar tended
to represent the nomads of northern Arabia . See El', Supplement, s.v. Rabi`a and Mu-
Oar.
6z. This commander appears only in Sayf and probably is a fabrication of the tribal
tradition, as Caetani, Annuli, II, 957 n. 3, holds. The name may have been suggested
by that of the mawld Hurmuz, who was captured at `Ayn al-Tamr and whose descen-
dants lived in al-Basrah in early `Abbasid times. See Ibn Khayyit, 7b'rikh, ioz.
63. Ibn `Ugbah, unknown except in Sayf's isndds.
64. Al-Ahmari, unknown except in Sayf 's isndds.
65. Al-Hanafi; he occurs almost exclusively in Sayf 's isndds and very frequently is
io The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
quoted by him in this and other volumes ofTabari . For his full name, see Tabari, I,
zzi, below. AVAskari, Khamsun wa mi'ah.ahdbi , 274, 278, points out, however,
that this Talbah is attested as a transmitter in an isndd other than through Sayf; the
one such case of this that I have come across is in Tabari , I, 3 139, which would show
that he is not one of Sayf 's inventions. Hanzalah b. al-A`lam , who appears in Tabari,
1, 3 z49f is probably a Hanafi and in the right generation to be Talhah 's brother.
66. Al-Mughirah b. `Utaybah b. al-Nahhas al-`Ijli. He was appointed the judge of al-
Kufah by either `Umar b. Hubayrah (gov. 1o3-5/722-24 ) or Khilid b. `Abdallih (gov
105-zo/724-38 ). See Waki`, Quddh, z3-24.
67. Presumably a plural of al-Zadhabi or rather al-Zadhabihi . See Tabari, Intro-
ductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, DCw; Sam`ini, Ansdb, VI, 2z8; Ibn al-
Athir, Lubdb, 1, 488 (al-Zadhabihi).
68. Son of the famous pre-Islamic poet Hitim al-Tai, who was renowned for his
generosity. `Adi was the most imyortant leader of the Tayyi' in early Islam . See E12,
s.v `Adi b. Hitim; Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, I, z56; II, r 39; Ibn Hazm, famharah, 402;
Donner, Conquests, 33,1178 - 79, 195, 201, 243 , 3711, 385, 387.
The Events of the Year 12 11
and `Aim b. Amr69 and their guides Malik b. `Abbad70 and Salim b.
Nagr, one before the other by a day. Finally, Khalid and his guide Rafi` (20231
set out. Khalid had set for all of them a redezvous at al-Hufayr'71
where they were to combine and fight their enemy. The gateway of
India was the most important and the most strongly guarded of the
entrances into Persia, and its commander would fight the Arabs on
the land and the Indians at sea. (Al-Muhallab b. cUqbah and `Abd al-
Rahman b. Siyah al-Ahmari -to whom the Hamra' attribute their
origin and are thus called Hamra' Siyah72 - also participated with
Khalid).
When Khalid's letter reached Hurmuz, he sent the news to Shiro
b. Kisra73 and to Ardashir b. Shira74 and mobilized his forces. Then
he hastened to al-KawaZim75 with those of his forces who were first
69. Al-Usayyidi, whose alleged brother is al-Qa`ga` b. `Amr al-Tamimi. `ASim's ex-
istence is rejected as legendary by al-'Askari, Khamsun wa mi'ah .ahdbi, 149-78,
and `Abdalldh b. Saba', 182-85 ; however, his participation in a raid against Jiubarah
(or Jawbarah ) in the Kaskar district is attested in Ibn Khayyal , Ta'rikh, rob, in a re-
port from Ibn Isbaq, which would show that this Aim was not fabricated by Sayf,
though Sayf has exaggerated his role . Ibn Khayya4, Ta'rikh, 110, mentions his partic-
ipation at the disastrous Battle of the Bridge . Kufi, Futub, 1, 196, also reports his pres-
ence at al-Qidisiyyah. Donner, Conquests , 370, 378 , 390, 406, 425, summarizes the
list of reports about him, all of which probably derive from Sayf except that of lbn
Khayyat.
70. Al-Awsi of the Anor. Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 177;11, 384. Not mentioned
by Ibn Hajar in IIdbah or by Magdisi in Istib$dr.
71. The first stage on the pilgrimage route from al -Ba$rah to Mecca . See Yigiit,
Mu`jam, II, 277.
72. This implies that `Abd al-Rabman b. Siyah in fact may be a legendary epony-
mous ancestor, for the Hamra ' were certainly not all descended from one male ances-
tor contemporary with Khalid b. al-Walid. On the Hamra ', see Morony, Iraq, 197,
243. However, note that the texts on which he relies are drawn exclusively from Sayf's
reports in Tabari and that these texts contain exaggerated legendary matter regarding
"al-Qa`ga` b. `Amr, ' who is made the commander of the Hamra'.
73. An anachronism representing Shiruyah , who ruled as Qubidh 11 over the Sas-
anian empire in February - September 628 c .E., before dying of the plague. Christen-
sen, L'Iran, 487-91 ; CHI, 111/1, 170; Caetani, Annali, II, 951 n . 1, 957 n. 4•
74. An anachronism representing Ardashir III, who reigned over the Sasanian
realm September 628 -April 630 . See Morony, Iraq, 72. According to CHI, III/ r,
170-7 i , however, he had already been killed in June 629. Also Ardashir appears as an
adult in Sayf's reports, whereas he actually seems to have been a very young child.
See also Christensen , L'Iran, 491-92; Frye, The History of Ancient Iran, 337, 361;
Caetani, Annali, II, 957 n. 4,963 n. i.
75. The same as (al-(Ka;imah, a watering place containing many wells of brackish
water two stages south of al-Bagrah on the road to al-Babrayn . It also was the southern
extremity of the great trench dug by the Sisinian king Sibur II Dhu al -Aktif (309-
r z The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
to arrive, in order to meet Khalid, sending ahead his fast horses, but
he did not find it to be Khalid's trail. However, Hurmuz learned that
the Muslims had set a rendezvous at al-Hufayr; therefore he changed
his line of march, preceding them76 to al-Hufayr. Hurmuz stopped
there to arrange his forces . He put in charge of his two wings" two
brothers named Qubadh and Anushajan'78 who shared a common
descent with Ardashir and Shire from Ardashir the Great.79 The Per-
sians bound themselves together in chains. Those who did not favor
that said to those who did, "You have chained yourselves for your en-
emy! Do not do so, for this is an evil omen." Those chained an-
swered the others, saying, "As for you, you are telling80 us that you
intend to flee."
When the news reached Khalid that Hurmuz was at al-Hufayr, he
turned his troops toward Ka imah.A1 That reached Hurmuz, who
then hastened to precede Khalid to Ka imah and reached it ex-
hausted. Hurmuz was one of the worst of the governors of that fron-
tier in his treatment of the Arabs, so that all the Arabs were enraged
at him. He had become a proverbial paragon of wickedness to them,
120241 so that they would say, "More wicked than Hurmuz" and "More un-
grateful than Hurmuz."
Hurmuz and his troops ordered their ranks, binding themselves
with chains . The water was in their hands . Khalid, coming against
them, stopped in a waterless place . His men spoke to him about
that; therefore, he commanded his herald to say, "Will you not make
camp and put down your baggage, then fight them over the water?
79 c.E. ) as far as Hit on the Euphrates to keep the Arabs out of Iraq . See Yiqut, Mu-
`jam, IV, 43 r; Caetani, Annali, II, 957 n. 7.
76. Text: yubddiruh; read: yubddiruhum, as in Ms. C.
77. Text: mujannabatih; read: mujannabatayh , as in Kos., IH2, and Ibn Kathir.
78. Qubidh is found only in Sayf's transmissions and is possibly an embellish-
ment. But Aniishajin was evidently a member of one of the prominent Persian noble
families of al-Sawed. He is called the son of (ushnasmi = Gushnasp Mih, who may
have held the rank of hirbadh . See Tabari, 1, 2245; Ibn Khayyit, Wrikh, 119 (where
he is called al-Nnshajinj; Balidhuri, Futon, 418; Morony, Iraq, x86.
79. Founder of the Sisinian royal house, he ruled 224-41 c.E. See Frye, The History
of Ancient Iran, 292, 294. The tradition that the family of Anushajin was a branch of
the Sisinian royal house also is found independently in Ibn Khayyit , Ta'rikh, 114,
with reference to his first cousin Tamahij.
8o. See Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda at Emendanda, ocxi.
Sr. Apparently the same as al-Kawi;im just mentioned . See note 75, above.
The Events of the Year r z 13
For, by my life, the water will most assuredly go to the more persist-
ent of the two forces and the most noble of the two armies." Then
the baggage was put down while the cavalry was standing by. The in-
fantry came forward and then advanced against the enemy until it
met them and the two sides fought. God sent a cloud, which left
[puddles of] water82 behind the Muslims' line, thereby giving them
strength. When the daylight shone forth, there was no chained man
in the valley.
`Ubaydallah - his uncle - Sayf - `Abd al-Malik b. `Ata' al-Bak-
ka'i:83 Likewise. Both this and the preceding isnads report: Hur-
muz sent his men treacherously to trick Khalid , and they plotted
with him to do that. Thus Hurmuz went forth while different men
[of his] called out, "Where is Khalid?" Meanwhile, Hurmuz had
made an arrangement with his horsemen [ to surprise Khalid]. When
Khalid showed himself 84 Hurmuz dismounted and summoned him
to individual combat. Khalid dismounted and walked over to Hur-
muz. They met, exchanging a couple of blows . When Khalid seized
him closely, Hurmuz's bodyguards attacked treacherously and pur-
sued Khalid . But that did not keep Khalid from killing Hurmuz. Al-
Qa`ga` b. `Amr attacked Hurmuz's bodyguards, laying them low,85
while Khalid was fighting them. The Persians were defeated. The
Muslims rode hard in pursuit of them until night . Khalid collected
their equipment, which included the chains. These were a camel
load, a thousand pounds (rail(. The battle was called Dhat al- [ZO251
Salasil.86 Qubadh and Anushajan escaped.
cUbaydallah - his uncle - Sayf - `Amr b. Muhammad - al-
Sha`bi: The Persians made their conical caps I galanis) suit the level
of their ranks in their tribes ] `asha-'ir). Those of the highest nobility
had caps worth one hundred thousand dirhams . As Hurmuz was
from among the highest nobility, his cap was worth one hundred
thousand. Abu Bakr gave it as spoil to Khalid. It was inlaid with jew-
els. The highest nobility among the Persians is to be from [one of] the
seven houses 87
`Ubaydallih - his uncle - Sayf - Muhammad b. Nuwayrah88 -
Han:;alah b. Ziyad b. Han7,alah:89 When those sent out in pursuit
came back on that day, Khalid's herald called [on the troops] to break
camp. Khalid went with his forces, followed by the baggage train,
until he stopped at the site of the present great bridge at al-Bagrah.
Qubadh and Anushajan had escaped. Khalid sent news of the victory
and what was left of the spoils (akhmas), as well as the elephant, [to
Medina] and also proclaimed the victory to his men. When Zirr b.
Kulayb90 brought the elephant along with the spoils and it was led
around in Medina so that the people might see it, the weak among
the women would say, "Is what we are seeing from among God's
creatures?" for they considered it invented. Then Abu Bakr sent it
back with Zirr.
When Khalid stopped at the site of the present great bridge at al-
Ba^rah, he sent al-Muthanna b. Harithah in pursuit of the enemy. He
also sent Ma`gil b. Muqarrin al-Muzani9' to al-Ubullah to collect its
money and captives for him. Macqil went forth until he reached al-
Ubullah and then collected the money and captives.
Abu Ja`far: This story about al-Ubullah and its capture differs
from what is known to the biographers and differs from what the
[2oz6] true traditions have brought [us] 9x For the conquest of al-Ubullah
was only in the days of `Umar, when it was accomplished at the
hands of cUtbah b. Ghazwan93 in the year 14 (63 S - 36) of the hijrah.
We will mention this matter and the story of its conquest when we
reach that [time], God willing.
Continuation of the report of Sayf - Muhammad b. Nuwayrah-
Hanzalah b. Ziyad: Al-Muthanna went along until he reached the
canal of the woman (nahr al-mar'ah],94 where he came to the for-
tress in which the woman was [holding out]. He left al -Mu`anna b.
Harithah95 to besiege her in her castle. Meanwhile , al-Muthanna
moved against the man, besieging him. Al-Muthanna stormed their
positions by force, killing them and dividing up their property as
spoil. When the woman heard that, she made peace with al-Mu-
thanna and became a Muslim. After that al-Mu`anna married her.
Khalid and his amiss did not move the peasants during any of their
conquests, because Abu Bakr had instructed him beforehand [not to
do so] . Thus he took captive the children of the fighters who had
been acting on behalf of the Persians but left alone those of the peas-
ants who had not resisted, making a covenant of protection for them.
On the day of Dhat al-Salasil and al-Thiny, 96 the share of a horse-
man [in the spoils ] reached one thousand dirhams, whereas that of a
foot soldier was a third of that.
of al-Ubullah and founding of al-Ba $rah are well attested in many sources. See EI',
s.v `Otba b. Ghazwin; Donner, Conquests, 411-13; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagat, III, 98-99,
VII, 5-8 ; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 113-15 ; Ya`giibi, Ta'rikh, II, 163 ; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, I, 121 , II, 577; Ibn Hazm, /amharah, 26o-6,.
94• A canal that led into the Tigris from the west a little north of al-Ubullah. Don-
ner, Conquests, 179, 329 n. 66. Her name is given as Tamihij or Kamin Dar. She is
called the wife of Aniishajin and variously described as the daughter of Khusraw II,
which is unlikely, or of Khusraw 11's alleged relation Narsi . See Ibn Khayyas, Ta'rikh,
100, 114 ; Balidhuri, Futdh, 418; Morony, Iraq, , 86. The canal's mention as Nahr al-
Murrah in Ibn Khayyil is a mistake, but Ibn Khayyit 's version also states, in contrast
to Sayf's typically bloody version given here , that the woman made peace with the
Muslims for twelve thousand dirhams.
95. Al-Muthanni's possibly legendary brother, known only from Sayf 's reports.
Donner, Conquests, 382,397-98.
96. The same as al-Madhir in the next report . Al-Thiny refers to a canal there.
97. This place also actually was conquered by `Utbah b. Ghazwin later, so that
Sayf's report here is chronologically improbable . See Morony, Iraq, 127 (map), 160;
Donner, Conquests, 329 n. 66.
98. Musil, Middle Euphrates, 192-93 , insists that this phrase shows that this bat-
tle actually occurred in October 633.
i6 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
99• Ibn Sarjis al-Ahmari , another informant of Sayf whose name occurs only in
Sayf's isnads.
roo. Al-Sari b. Yalaya, as elsewhere in Tabari.
101. Shu'ayb b. Ibrahim. See Ibn al- Nadim, Fihrist, rob.
102. Unknown except in Sayf's isndds.
103. Or Shira.
104. Vocalization conjectural.
ros. The capital of Khnzistan in southwestern Iran . See EP, s.v al-Ahwaz.
rob. The mountainous region of Media in western Iran, centered around Hamad-
hin. See EP, s.v. Djibal.
107. Text: `askar; read: `askarn, as IH and Cairo ed.
io8. Text: mujannabatih; read: mujannabatayh, as Kos., IH, and Ibn Kathir.
io9. `Uthmin's notorious half-brother and governor of al-Kufah, he died at al-Ba-
likh near al-Raqqah in the reign of Mu`awiyah. See Zubayri, Nasab, 138-40; Ibn
Hajar, I$dbah, III, 637-38.
The Events of the Year i 2 17
coming to the rescue. (The Arabs call every river10 nahr, a twisting
stream thiny. Khalid went forth, going along until he descended on
Qarin with his masses of troops at al-Madhar. The two sides met
while Khalid was in battle formation . They fought with rage and ran-
cor. Qarin came out to challenge the Muslims to individual combat.
Khalid and Abyatl al-Rukban"' Macqil b. al-Acsha b. al-Nabbash12
responded to the challenge, racing for him. Ma `gil beat Khalid to
Qarin and killed him, while `A$im slew Anushajan13 and cAdi slew
Qubadh. Qarin's nobility had lapsed. After him the Muslims did not
fight anyone whose nobility had lapsed among the Persians . An [2028]
enormous number of the Persians were slain . At this the Persians
gathered their ships together, so that the waters kept the Muslims
from pursuing them.
Khalid stayed at al-Madhar. He turned over the spoils to those who
had taken them [in combat], as much as these spoils amounted to.
He divided [the four-fifths of] the spoils [that the troops were enti-
tled to among them] and also gave out of the fifths to those who had
been tried in battle. Then he sent the rest of the fifths with a dele-
gation under Said b. al-Nu`man14 of the Banu `Adl b. Ka`b.1s
`Ubaydallah-his uncle-Sayf-Muhammad b. `Abdallah-Abu
`Uthman: 16 Thirty thousand were slain on the night of al-Madhar,
aside from those who were drowned . If not for the water (obstructing
the Muslims ' pursuit), they would have been wiped out completely.
Those who escaped did not get away except weaponless or virtually
so.
Sayf - `Amr and Mujalid - al-Shacbi : The first to encounter
Khalid when he descended on Iraq was Hurmuz at al-Kawa im.
Then he stopped on the Euphrates on the Tigris bank ,"1 finding no
phrates to the other bank, the one nearer to the Tigris and thus called the Tigris bank.
This is confirmed by the context, which shows that he was exercising caution in the
new environment. The whole report occurs also in the context of his campaign up the
lower Tigris.
x 18. The present oasis of al -Jawf in northern Saudi Arabia, to which Khalid is said
to have gone on his departure from Iraq for Syria . See EP, s.v. Damat al -Djandal.
119. The land tax, but often used in historical texts interchangeably with jizyah.
See EP, s.v. Kharadj.
xzo. Tat: al-jizd'; read: al-khardj, as Ms. C.
i 2.x. The famous early scholar of al-Ba$rah, who lived 1x - x 10/641-72.9. But his
father's name is more usually given as Yasar. See EP, s.v Hasan al-Bagri ; Ibn Hajar,
Tahdhib, II, 2.63-70.
x2.2.. Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 4114; XII, 309, provides the information that Mafan-
nah was a woman 's name.
12.3. A mawid is basically a client of an Arab tribe. In the Jahiliyyah mawlds ap-
pear to have been most often freed slaves, as is the case here . But in Islamic times, in
the wake of the early conquests, it became normal for a non-Arab embracing Islam to
enroll in an Arab tribe under the sponsorship of a tribal member as his mawid, and
this latter sense of mawld as client became more widespread than the first meaning.
The second meaning is virtually ignored in EP, s.v. Mawli.
124. These two mawlds do not seem to appear elsewhere.
1125. Brother of al-Nu`min b. al-Muqarrin, he particpated in the conquest of Tiha-
mah, settled in al-KOfah, and took part in later campaigns in Iraq and Iran. See Ibn
Sa'd, Tabagdt, VI, 19 ; Donner, Conquests, 97,371,4o6,418-19,438.
116.lbxt: a]-jizd' : read: aI-khardj.
The Events of the Year r z 19
the latter to scatter his agents about and put his hand on the tax
money. Then he waited for his enemy, gathering intelligence.
r27. See Donner, Conquests, 329 n. 66; Musil, Middle Euphrates, 2.93, places it at
cAyn Dahik near the Euphrates about 5 2 km. southeast of al-Hirah.
128. Unidentified.
i z9. Local notables of the Sasanian empire and its former territories in the cali-
phate. See E12, s.v Dih$an.
20 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
13o. Text : bn; read : can. Muhammad b. Abi `Uthman is unknown except in this
isndd, whereas Muhammad-Abu `Uthman is frequent . See Tabari, Introductio,
Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, Dcxi.
r31. A1-Juhani, apparently found only in reports derived from Sayf. See Donner,
Conquests, 373, 385,403. His mention in Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh, II, 164, probably also de-
rives from Sayf.
13z. Of the `Abdallih b. Sayyar b. As'ad branch of the `Ijl. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, II, 5o1.
The Events of the Year r z 21
Among those taken from the Bakr b . Wa'il he captured a son of jabir
b. Bujayr'33 and a son of `Abd al-Aswad.134
139. A place on the left bank of the Euphrates near al -Hirah, identical to Quss al-
Natif and Baqusyatha, mentioned elsewhere in al-Tabari. See Musil, Middle Eu-
phrates, 306.
140. Translated according to the note in the Leiden edition.
141. A tribe of the Bakr b. Wa'il. See El', s.¢ Taimallah; see also Ibn al-Athir, Lu-
bdb, I, 19o-91 , for the variety of genealogies offered for the Bakri Taym.
142. A tribe of the Bakr b. Wa'il later prominent in al-Balrah . It would seem from
the existence of a separate Qubay`ah b. Rabi`ah that the Qubay`ah were originally
independent of the Bakr but later joined them. See Ibn Hazm , Jamharah, 292-93,
319-2I; Ibn al-Athir, Lubdb, II, 70.
143. Unidentified.
The Events of the Year z z 23
alone, making light of you, then make light , but I think they will
hasten against you and quickly divert your attention from the food."
But his men disobeyed him, for they spread out carpets, put out the
food, and invited each other to eat, so that they came to the meal in
groups.
When Khalid reached them he halted , ordering the baggage to be
set down. When it had been put down he went to face them. Khalid
personally appointed certain troops to guard his rear. Then he came
forward144 in front of the line and called out, "Where is Abjar? 145
Where is `Abd al-Aswad? Where is Malik b. Qays?" (The last was a
man from the jidhrah ).t46 These men all shrank back from him, ex-
cept for Malik, who came forth to fight in single combat . Khalid
asked him, "0 son of a filthy woman , what made you dare show
yourself to me from among them , though there is no faithfulness in
you?" Then he struck him and killed him.
Khalid thus turned the Persians away from their food before they
had eaten. Jaban said, "Did I not tell you, 0 people? By God, I have
never felt anxiety on account of any [enemy ] chief until today." As [zo34]
they were unable to eat, [the Persian troops], to display their tough-
ness, said, "We will leave our food until we finish with them; then
we will come back to it ." Jaban replied, "Nevertheless, I think, by
God, that you have only put it aside for them , 147 though you do not
perceive. Therefore now obey me . Poison it, so that, if it is for you, it
will be the easiest way to die, whereas, if it is against you, [at least]
you will have done something to justify yourselves." They an-
swered, "No!" [believing themselves] to have the strength to defeat
the Muslims.
Jaban put `Abd al-Aswad and Abjar in charge of his two wings.
Khalid had kept to combat formation during the previous days. The
two sides fought fiercely. The polytheists were increased in rabidity
and ferocity because they expected Bahman Jadhuyah to come.
144. Text : nadar; read: badar, as Ms. C. See Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Ad-
denda et Emendanda, cxxix, ncxt.
145. Perhaps Abjar b . Jabir b. Bujayr al -`Ijli. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 159; II,
150,2.91.
146. Text : Jadhrah; read: Jidhrah. This is the Jidhrah b. Dhuhl b. Shayban, a Bakri
clan. See Ibn al-Kalbi , Gamharat, 1, 141,II, 262. Malik b. Qays seems not to be men-
tioned elsewhere.
147. That is, the Persians ' Muslim enemy.
24 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
148. A subdistrict on the lower Nahr Sura in Bihqubidh , east of the Euphrates. It
disappears after the conquest. See Morony, Iraq, 149. But see note 234, below.
149. He is Zahm b . Ma`bad b. Shardhil b . Sab` b. Qubari al-Sadusi. See Ibn al-Kalbi,
GKamharat, II, 225; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, VI, So; VII, 5 5; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah,1, 159.
The Events of the Year i z. 25
The others would respond, "Yes." Then those who knew would say,
"This is it; therefore it has been named rugaq." The Arabs would
call it gird. I50
'Ubaydallah-his uncle-Sayf-`Amr b. Muhammad-al-Shacbi
-an informant-Khalid: On the day of Khaybar, the Prophet of God
gave the people as spoils bread, stew, roast meat, and whatever other
than that they would put into their bellies without becoming sated.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb- Sayf-Talhah- al-Mughirah: On the river
were mills that ran with water red [with blood] for three days, grind-
ing grain for the troops, who were eighteen thousand or more . Khalid
sent the news by a man called Jandal from the Ban-5 `Ijl. A tough [2036]
guide, he brought to Abu Bakr the news of the conquest of Ullays, the
amount of spoils, the number of captives, how the spoils [ akhmas]
had been divided, and who had done great deeds of valor. When he
came to Abu Bakr and the latter, noticing his toughness and the so-
lidity of the news he had brought, said, "What's your name?" the
man said, "Jandal." Abu Bakr said, "How wonderful, Jandal!
The soul of `ISam has made `ISam black
and accustomed him to attack and daring."151
Abu Bakr then commanded that he be given a girl from among those
captives, and she subsequently bore him a child.
The enemy's dead reached seventy thousand , 152 most of them from
Arnghishiya.153
r 5 5. This word appears to be related to the more familiar Arabic root s-kh-r, itself
taken perhaps from Aramaic in this meaning. A gloss in the Cairo ed. from Yiqut,
Mu'jam, supports this explanation.
156. Unknown except for his mention here and in one more report shortly after
this. His name, which means "Sea, the son of the Euphrates River," would seem an-
other of Sayf's topical inventions, like Harmalah b. Muraytah (see note 59, above) and
al-Rabi` b. Masar b. Thal] "Spring Herbage, the son of Rain, the son of Snow" See al-
'Askari, Khamsdn wa mi'ah $ahdbi, 265-68.
157. Perhaps suggested by the name of al-Furst b. Hayyan al -ljli, who chronologi-
cally could not have had a son who transmitted to Sayf.
158. Text : yunshi'n; read : yansulna, as in Kos. and Cairo ed.
159. Apparently an unidentified place.
i6o. A canal flowing out of the Euphrates, perhaps near the present Abu $ukhayr
The Events of the Year 12 27
south of al-Hirah, then running parallel to the river until it reentered it at an un-
known distance downstream. See Musil, Middle Euphrates, 293-95•
161. Apparently, the governors.
162. Ar. qalansuwwah. This would appear to be the type of headgear wom by Per-
sian and Mesopotamian officials and nobles since early antiquity. It also is parallel to,
if not the same as, the high crowns of the kings sh own on Sasanian coins. See Morony,
Iraq, 186-88 ; El2, s.v. Libas.
163. According to Musil, Middle Euphrates, z95, this was at the modem Abu $u-
khayr, in the gardens of Ja`arah , on the Euphrates southeast of al-Hirah . The various
canals originated from here, so that Fam al -'Atiq actually was the starting point of
the `Atiq canal from the Euphrates.
164. See Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, ocxi.
z8 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
165. A place about 17 km. southeast of al-Najaf containing a Sisinian palace. See
El=, s.v al-Khawamak; Le Strange, Lands, 75-76; Musil, Middle Euphrates, 104-6,
esp. n. 59.
166. A place in Iraq io km. west of al-Kufah . Although later a famous city owing to
its possession of the shrine of `All, at this time it was probably of no importance, if it
existed at all. See Ell, s.v al -Nadjaf; Le Strange, Lands, 76-78.
767. Lit. "the two ruined towers." These were located in the suburbs of al-Kufah
and gave their name to their locale . See Yiqut, Mu`jam, IV, 796-zoo.
168. One of the forts of al-Hirah. See Musil, Middle Euphrates, 287-88, 295.
169. Al-Asadi. A Companion of the Prophet, he is variously said to have died at al-
Yamimah in 11 /632, Ajnidayn in 13 /634, or Harrin later and to have participated at
al-Yarmuk in 15 /636 and the conquest of Damascus . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I,
55; II, 242; Ibn Sa 'd, Tabagat, I, 292; VI, 39; Balidhuri , Futuh, 117, 300, 317;
Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh, 11, 86, Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, II, 208-9; Donner, Conquests, 359, 367,
369, 388.
170. Al-Fihri, he was a poet, fought for the Meccans at Uhud and became a Muslim
on the conquest of Mecca in 8/630. He was said to have been killed in the Battle of
al-Yamimah in 11 1 63t, although Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 94, does not list him among
the dead there . He seems to have been mentioned on the Iraqi front only by Sayf,
though others said he went to Syria and died there. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat,1, 34;
II, 242; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, VII, 407; Zubayri, Nasab, 448; Balidhuri, Ansdb, 1, 40-
41, 736, 254-55, 297, 379, 328-30, 334; lybahini, Aghdni, VII, 28-29; Ibn Hajar,
I$dbah, II, 209 - 10; Donner, Conquests, 372, 407, 405.
171. This character, along with Zayd b. `Adi and the latter's father, 'Adi al-Awsat,
appears to be mentioned only by Sayf. Probably `Adi b. `Adi is meant to be the brother
of Zayd, owing to their collocation in the tradition . See below p. 30. As `Adi al-Awsat,
their father, is said to have been slain at Dhii Qir, he cannot be the same as the famous
The Events of the Year r z 29
rin al-Muzani, 172 who was the tenth of ten brothers , besieged Qagr
Banff Mazin, where Ibn Akkalt73 was, while al-Muthanna laid siege
to Qa$r Ibn Buqaylah, inside of which was `Amr b. `Abd al-Masib.174
The Muslims invited all of them [to terms], giving them a day's
grace, but the people of al-Hirah refused obstinately, so that the
Muslims skirmished with them.
'Ubaydallah b. Sa`d-his uncle-Sayf-al-Ghusn b. al-Qasim175
-a man from the Band Kinanah176 (Abu Ja`far said that `Ubaydal-
lah's version was thus), and [also] al-Sari - Shucayb - Sayf - al-
Ghu$n b. al-Qasim-a man from the Band Kininah: Khalid had en-
joined his commanders to begin by calling on [the enemy to surren-
der]. If they accepted, they accepted, but if they refused, the com-
manders should give them a day 's respite [before attacking]. Khalid
also said, "Do not give your enemy access to your ears, thus lying in
wait for you to meet with disaster, but rather fight them, and do not
turn the Muslims away from the struggle with their enemy."
The first of the commanders to start the battle after the day when
the enemy had been given a respite was Dirar b. al-Azwar , who was
in charge of fighting the people of al-Qagr al-Abya4. They arose in
the morning to find themselves besieged . Dirar called on them [to
choose] one of three things : Islam, payment of jizyah, or resistance.
They chose resistance, shouting to each other, "Use ceramic rollers (1040]
(al-khazdziA!" Thereupon Dirar said, "Stand back so that what they
throw will not reach you, until we see what they are shouting
about." Immediately the top of the fortress was filled with men
1:liran poet 'Adi b. Zayd al- Mar'i, who also had a son named Zayd but was killed by
al-Nu`min b. al-Mundhir c. 600 C.E., long before Dhii Qar. It is not impossible that it
was the poet and his son who suggested the names for this later alleged family, espe-
cially given the propensity for Sayf's traditions to show famous throwbacks to the Ji-
hiliyyah as embellishments. On `Adi b. Zayd al- Mari and his son, see Tabari, 1, r o r 6
- 19; I3bahani, Aghdni, II, 119-4 3; Eh, s.v 'Adi b. Zayd.
172. Mentioned only by Sayf, who often seems to create brothers of more famous
persons. See Donner, Conquests, 372. Only six brothers are listed by Ibn Sa`d, Ta-
bagdt, VI, r8-r9.
It 73. Unidentified, but he appears below (p. ; S) as I3iri b. Akkal. The first name,
identifying him as a Hiran, seems merely a means of filling in the absence of a real
first name for him in the tradition.
174. Probably the same as `Abd al-Masih b. `Amr b. Buqaylah. See p. 6 and note 4 S,
above.
175. Al-Kinini. Only mentioned in Sayf 's isndds.
176. An important branch of the Mu4ar concentrated in the Hijiz . See En, s.v. Kin-
ins.
30 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
177. The exact form and purpose of these is obscure, but they were probably cylin-
drical household implements of some kind . See al-Fayrdzabadi, Muhit, s.v m-d-y,
kh-z-f.
178. The father of `Adi b. `Adi and Zayd b. `Adi. See note 171, above.
179. A waterhole belonging to the Bakr b. Wa'il, where occurred the famous battle
in which the Arabs of the Bakr tribes crushingly defeated the Persians , thus pre-
figuring the later Islamic conquests . It took place sometime between 604 and 611 C.E.
See EP, s.v Dhii Kar; Tabari,1, 1015-37; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, I, 482-90. It was lo-
cated between al-Kiifah and Wasil , nearer to the former west of the Euphrates. See
Yaqut, Mu'lam, IV, 293-94. Musil, Northern Need, 169 n. 9S, 236, and Arabia De-
serta, 503, identifies it with the present AN Ghar, which in Middle Euphrates, 102,
io6, he locates near al-Hirah.
i 8o. Thus the Leiden text. This word caused earlier writers considerable difficulty.
if it is interpreted as the vocative of the participle of hard, yabri, it could mean "de-
creasing." Ibn Durayd, Ishtigaq, 485 n . 3, suggests that it be read Harith , Buqaylah's
name.
The Events of the Year 17. 31
ing but a little green herb (bugaylah)!" and that name stuck. `Amr
sent them, the chiefs, to Khalid, each accompanied by a confidant,
in order that he might make peace with the people of each fortress
through the mediation of its commander.
Khalid met the party of each fortress among them separately,
without the others. He began with the companions of `Adi, saying,
"Woe to you! You are not Arabs! Why do you seek vengeance from
the Arabs or the Iranians ? Why do you seek vengeance from fairness
and justice?" `Adi answered him, "Indeed we are pure Arabs, and
others arabicized."181 Khalid continued, "If you were as you say, you
would not have opposed us and detested our business ." `Adi told
him, "That we have no tongue but Arabic most certainly proves
what we say." Khalid said, "You have said the truth." Then he con-
tinued : "Choose one of three things . You may enter our religion, in
which case you will enjoy what we enjoy, and you will bear the ob-
ligations we bear, whether you arise and migrate [with us] or stay in
your dwellings. Otherwise, there is payment of the jizyah, or else re-
sistance and fighting. By God, I have brought you a people who are
more covetous of death than you are of life." `Adi replied, "Rather,
we will give you the jizyah." At this Khalid said, "May you perish!
Woe to you ! Disbelief is a desert that makes one lose his way. It is the
foolish [one] among the Arabs who follows it."
At this point, two guides met Khalid, one of them an Arab. Khalid
left aside the Arab and employed the Iranian instead.192
The people of al-Hirah then made peace with him for r 90,000 [dir-
hamsl , 183 and they kept that [agreement]. They also gave him gifts.
He sent [the news ofl the conquest and the presents to Abu Bakr
r81. Here the pure Arabs are `Arab `aribah, whereas the arabicized are muta'ar-
ribah . This twofold division was basic to the early Arab Muslim genealogical scheme.
According to the version favored by the Yemen tribes , the Arabs descended from Qab-
fan were aI.cdribah, the pure, original Arabs, and those descended from `Adnan, who
in turn was distantly descended from Abraham 's son Ishmael, were only arabicized
Arabs, called al-musta`ribah . See Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Qasd wa amam, 12-14 ; Inbah,
57-58 . However, another version, less favorable to the Yemen, stated that al-`aribah
had become entirely extinct long before, so that all present Arabs were only musta`-
ribah. See Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Qa$d wa amam, I r - 12; Ibn Hazm, Jamharah, 8 - 9.
Here, however, Sayf's intention seems to be to show that the Christian natives of al-
Hirsh, although they spoke Arabic , were the result of a more recent mixing of Arab
and non-Arab elements and thus unlike the pure Arabs coming from the desert.
r82. The purpose of these guides is obscure.
183. See p. 6, and note 49, above.
3 2 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
184. The former Lakhmid kings of al-Hirah , who had possessed the greatest of the
Arab kingdoms before their sudden downfall in 6o2 C .E. See E12, s.v Lakhmids.
185.1\ o Sisinian-period palaces at al-Hirah. See Le Strange, Lands, 75-76.On
al-Sadir see Yaqut, Mu`jam, III, 201- 2, where the first four lines of this poem are
quoted.
186.Or "gardens." See Tabari, lntroductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda,
ocxi.
187. Unidentified place.
188. lbxt: Qubays; read: Qabus, as Kos. This is a shortening of Qibus by poetic
license. Abu Qibus is al-Nu`min III b. al-Mundhir IV Id. 6oz C. E.), the last king of al-
I-Iirah.
199. Or "like the mange of goats." See Tabari , lntroductio, Glossarium, Addenda
et Emendanda, cm-cm, ncxi.
190.Or "have divided." See Tabari, lntroductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emen-
danda, Doi.
191. Ar. k4-darrat al-dar` al-fakhuri. The meaning does not seem entirely satis-
factory, but the words darrah and dar` are connected by Ibn Man;ur, Lisdn, s.v
d-r-r, and Fayruzibidi, Mubi«, s.v d-r-r, where both terms give the sense of udder. In
this line of poetry the implication appears to be that, when the Hirans were strong,
no one could dare even to covet their possessions , let alone attack them , while at the
same time they were inexhaustibly generous.
192. Text: min; read : Banff, with Ya`qubi and M. See Tabari, lntroductio, Glos-
sarium, Addenda et Emendanda, ncxi.
193. Two of the Jewish tribes of Medina who contended with the Prophet . See EP,
s.v. Kuray;a; Ell, s.v. Nadir fBanu'll.
The Events of the Year 12. 33
194. Abu Isri'il Yunus b. Abi Ishaq `Amr b. `Abdallih al-Hamdini al-Sabi-1, he
was an important Kufan traditionist of mixed reputation who died in the period
152-59/769-76. See In al-Kalb-1, oamharat, I, 228; II, 597; Ibn Sad, Tabagat, VI,
363; In Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, 433-34.
195. Text: `uglatun; read : `amaluhu, as in Cairo ed.
196. See p. 6, above.
34 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
amir, the ant knows better than the camel what is in its own house."
Muhammad197 - Abu al-Safar'98 - Dhu al-Jawshan al-Qibabi:199
[These] agree with this report from this place.
[2-0441 Al-Zuhri:200 A man from al-I)ibab agrees with them about this re-
port.
All these: With Ibn Buqaylah was a servant who had a pouch tied
around his loins. Khalid took the pouch and poured its contents into
his palm. He inquired, "What is this, 0 `Amr?" `Amr answered,
"This, by the faith of God, is poison of an hour." Khalid asked, "Why
do you fill your pouch with poison?" `Amr replied, "I am afraid that
you might follow other than what I prefer. I have reached my term of
life, and death is dearer to me than any evil thing that I might bring
upon my people and my town." After saying, "No one dies until he
comes to his allotted time," Khalid declared, "In the name of God,
the best of names , the Lord of the earth and the Lord of the heaven,
by Whose name no sickness harms, the All -Compassionate, the
Merciful!" At this, those present reached for him to stop him from
[taking] it, but he was too swift for them and swallowed it. Then
`Amr said to them, "By God, 0 Arabs, you will possess whatever you
want as long as there is one of you, 0 generation!" When he came to
the people of al-Hirah, he said, "I have not seen anything clearer in
good fortune than today."
Khalid refused to write any agreement for them except on condi-
tion of the handing over of Karamah bt. `Abd al-Masih to Shuwayl
[as a hostage]. That was hard for the Hirans to bear, but she said,
"Make it easy for yourselves and hand me over, for I will ransom my-
self." Thus they did, and Khalid wrote the agreement between him
and them, [as follows:]
In the name of God, the All-Compassionate, the Merci-
ful. This is the covenant that Khalid b. al-Walid has made
for `Ad! and `Amr2'AI the two sons of cAdi, cAmr b. `Abd al-
Masih, lyas b. Qabijah, and IIiri b. Akkal. (%Ubaydallah said
the name of the last was) Jabri. These men were the leaders
(nugabd') of the people of al-Hirah, who accepted their role
and enjoined it on them.) Khalid has given them a covenant
in return for one hundred ninety thousand dirhams payable
annually, for the jizyah of those working in this world, [in-
cluding] their monks and priests, except for those among
them who have no work, cut off from worldly life, abandon- [20451
ing it (`Ubaydallah reported here, "Except for those having
no work, cut off from worldly life, abandoning it.") or2o2
[those who are] traveling, abandoning the worldly life.
Khalid promises that he will protect them. If he does not
protect them, then they have no obligations until he does
protect them. If they commit betrayal in deed or in word,
then the [Muslims'] conscience is free of [any obligation to]
them.
This was written in the month of Rabic al-Awwal of the year l 2 116
May - 14 June 63 3), and the document was given to the people of al-
H-irah.
When the people of al-Sawad rebelled after the death of Abu Bakr
they made light of the agreement and caused it to be lost, rebelling
among those who had rebelled. The Persians dominated them. When
al-Muthanna conquered them for the second time they offered [to
accept] the same terms [again]; however, al-Muthanna did not re-
spond favorably, but answered them with an additional condition.
When al-Muthanna was driven back from the land, they rebelled
[again] among those who rebelled and assisted [the revolt), making
light of the agreement and causing it to be lost. When Sa`dm con-
quered the land and they [once again] offered the same agreement, he
asked them to accept) one of two conditions, but they did not re-
2or. Previously, on p. 30, above, Zayd b. `Adi had been mentioned . Perhaps `Amr
here is a confusion with the name of `Amr b. `Abd al -Masih.
2o2. Text: wa; read : aw, as Kos. and Cairo ed.
203. That is Sad b. Abi Waggag Malik al-Zuhri, the victor of al-Qadisiyyah and the
conqueror of central Iraq, who also founded the city of al-Kufah . He was governor of
al-Kilfah from its foundation to 20 /64 r and again in 25/646 . He died at al-`Agignear
Medina in 50/670 or 55 /675. See EP, s.v. Sacd b. Abi Waggag ; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, I, 20; II, 495 ; Ibn Sad, Tabagdt, III, 137-49; VI, 12-13.
36 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
204. As is apparent from pp. 40 and 184, below, this refers to the property aban-
doned by either members of the defunct Sisanian dynasty or those nobles who had
fled with them.
soy. This term, meaning "gem" in the singular, appears to fit the context less well.
sob. Al-Bajali; he was famous not only for his participation in the early conquests
and the founding of al-Kafah but also for his role on `All's side in the First Civil War.
He is said to have died at Qargisiya' in 51 /671. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 222,
if, 258; Donner, Conquests, 68, 175 , 178, 196 -98, zoo -s, 216, 242-43, 2.6o, 369,
381-82,387,407,409,432, 438; Crone, Slaves, 114.
207. Al-Umawi al-Qurashi, d. 13 (63 s). An early Muslim , he appears to have been
somewhat headstrong and to have disagreed with both Abu Bakr and'Umar. See E12,
s.v. Khalidb . Said; Donner, Conquests, 87, 113- 14, 116 -17,13 5, 358, 360, 365-67.
The Events of the Year r z 37
:08. That is, they claimed to be nomadic Arabs who had become sedentarized.
209. jamil b. Zayd. As a traditionist, he was considered weak, though some impor-
tant people like Sufyin al-Thawri transmitted from him . Although he is said to have
been either a Knfan or a Baran, his associations seem to have been mainly with al-
KUfah, and Sayf 's claim to have transmitted from him only confirms this. See Ibn
Hajar, Thhdbib, II, 114.
zro. Unknown . Ibn Idajar's article on jamil does not mention any transmission
from his father. It would appear that Sayf has tacked "his father" on to the end of an
isndd, as he may have done in many other cases as well.
211. This report appears to mean that Shuwayl heard the Prophet listing the towns
that would be conquered, information that he was given by God. Knowing that Kari-
3 8 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
mah was in al-Hirah and that al-Hirah was in the list, he requested that he be given
her as part of his booty when the town was captured. Shuwayl does not appear in the
Sfrah or in Ibn Hajar's I$dbah. See the next report.
212. Tiext : fa dafa`aha; read : bi-daf'iha, as Kos.
xr;. Normally, $aldh is broken after at most every four raka`dt, when the leader of
the worship says saldm to his right and left.
2114. The famous Muslim long-distance raid of the year 8/6x9 into modem Jordan
east of the Dead Sea, in which Khalid b. al-Walid is said to have saved the Muslim
army. However, there is some doubt about the actual nature of this raid, as the sources
The Events of the Year 12 39
report very few martyrs by name, other than the three top commanders . See Watt,
Medina, 53-55; Ell, s.v Mu'ta.
215. A mawid of the Animas of the Bajilah and a miller by trade , he was a very fa-
mous Kufan traditionist, who was regarded as reliable by such mulaaddithun as Ab-
mad b. Hanbal and al-Bukhiri, owing to his transmissions from al-Sha`bi. He trans-
mitted particularly plentifully from Qays b. Abi Hizim, who is mentioned in this
isndd. He is said to have transmitted between three hundred and five hundred bad-
iths. He died in 145-46 /762-63. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, VI, 344; Ibn Khayyis,
Ta'rikh, 651; In Hajar, Tahdhib, I, 291-92.
216. Abu `Abdallih Qays b. Husayn b. `Awf b. `Abd al-Harith b. al-H3rith b. `Awf
al-Bajali al-Abmasi, a Kufan traditionist who nevertheless transmitted traditions
from many Companions of the Prophet who never left Medina . He is said to have been
on his way to render allegiance to the Prophet when the latter died . He is also claimed
to have preferred `Uthmin and to have attacked `Ali, wherefore many of the early Ku-
fan transmitters avoided quoting from him . In spite of this, he generally enjoyed a
high reputation later. He died in the period 84-98 /703 -17. See Ibn Sad, T'abagdt,
VI, 36,67; In Khayyal, Ta'rikh, 425; Ibn `Abd al-Ban, Isti`ab, III, 247-48; In Hajar,
Tahdhib, VIII, 386-89; Isabah, HI, 267, 271-72.
217. Apparently Mahan Abu Salim al-Hanaf-i, a Kufan traditionist who was exe-
cuted in 83 / 702 by al-Hajjij. This would make him a little early for Sayf 's isndd, but
Sayf is not meticulous about chronology. See Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X, 25-26.
218. Unidentified.
219. The same as Qusyatha or Baqusyithi on the west bank of the Euphrates op-
posite al-Marwajaah not far from al-Kufah . See Musil, Middle Euphrates, 306.
40 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
ble for the jizyah231 of those whom you have been chosen to
represent.) (The jizyah is] two million (dirhams] to be paid
every year by232 everyone who is able, other than what is re-
quired of Banigya and Basma. You have given satisfaction to
me and the Muslims , and we have given satisfaction to you,
to the people of lower Bihqubadh, and to whoever has joined
with you of the people of central Bihqubadh, regarding your
possessions, that there is in them nothing belonging to the
family of Kisra or those who fled with them. Witnessed by
Hisham b. al-Walid, al-Qacgac b. cAmr, Jarir b. cAbdallah al-
Himyari, Bashir b. cUbaydallah b. al-Kha$a$iyyah, and Han-
Z.alah b. al-Rabic, and written in $afar -17. (17 April - 15 May
633).
Khalid b. al-Walid sent out his agents (cummal] and support
[2052] troops. He sent as agents [the following]: cAbdallah b. Wathimah al-
Na$ri233 stayed at the upper part of the district at al-Falalij to offer
protection and collect the jizyah. Jarir b. cAbdallah was in charge of
Banigya and Basma. Bashir b. al-Kha$a$iyyah was in charge of al-
Nahrayn and stayed at al-Kuwayfah234 by Banbura.235 Suwayd b.
Mugarrin al-Muzani was sent to Nistar236 and stayed at al-cAgr,237
which is called cAgr Suwayd to this day and was not named for Su-
23 1. Text: barb; read : jizyah, as Cairo ed . See also Tabari, Introductio, Glossar-
ium, Addenda et Emendanda, Dcxn.
232. Text: thumma; read : `an, as IH and Cairo ed . See also Tabari, Introductio,
Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, Dcxn.
233. Sayf later places him in the North African campaign in 27 /648. See Tabari, 1,
2814.
234. Also known as Kuwayfat Ibn `Omar for `Ubaydallih b. `Umar b. al-Khattab,
who stayed there when he was out of favor for slaying the alleged assassins of his
father without a hearing. It was near Bazigiyi, which, according to Ibn Rustah, A`Idq,
182, lay 1o km. south of the Nahr Kuthi and 15 km. north of Qa^r Ibn Hubayrah. See
Yaqut, Mu`jam, IV, 496 ; Le Strange, Lands, map H . This would place it near to Ba-
rusma according to Le Strange . But Yaqut, Mu'jam, I, 412, followed by Morony, Iraq,
149, would place it near al -Hillah in Bihqubadh.
235. Described by Yiqut, MOM, 1, 331, as a place near al-Hirah, but his report
parallels that of Sayf here and may be derived from it.
236. A subdistrict of lower Bihqubadh, possibly north of Furit Siryi on the Great
Sarit Canal, a part of the Nahr Sara. See Morony, Iraq, 149-50 ; E12, s.v Bihkubidh.
237. `Aqr Bibil, near the site of Babylon on the east side of the east branch of the
Euphrates . See Yiqut, Mu`jam, IV, 136 ; Morony, Iraq, 150.
The Events of the Year r z 43
238. Suwayd b. `Abd al-Rahman, who fought against al-Mukhtar in al-Kufah in 66/
685, defended it again against Shabib b. Yazid in 76/625, and was rewarded with-the
governorship of Hulwan in 77/696. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 76; II, 5 19.
239. His existence is denied by al-`Askari, Khamsdn wa mi'ah iabdbl, 277-79,
and `Abdalldh b. Saba', 187, as he is found only in reports derived from Sayf. His
mention in Ibn Hajar, I. dbah, I, i i o, appears to be derived only from Sayf.
zoo. A subdistrict of lower Bihqubidh . See Morony, Iraq, 149-50 . Yaqut, Mu'jam,
V, 317, gives it as Dawragistan, which is clearly wrong, as it refers to a place in Kha-
zistan.
241. Mentioned by Yaqut, Mu'jam , V, 317, as a place near al-Hirah , but the report
is clearly derived from Sayf, showing no independent knowledge.
z42. One of the three great branches of the great northeast Arabian tribe of the
Tamim. The others are the Hangalah b. Malik, which is divided into the Darim and
the Yarbo`, and the `Amr b. Tamim. See Ell, s.v. Sa'd al-Fizr ; Ibn al-Kalbi, G'`amharat,
1,59; 11, 9,497.
243. Lit., "the watercourse ." Although several places with this name are men-
tioned, here it refers to two subdistricts, upper and lower Sib, in the 4assuj of Sura
near Qagr Ibn Hubayrah north of al-Hillah and east of the east branch of the Eu-
phrates. See Yaqut, Mu`jam, III, z93, Le Strange, Lands, map U. In this volume, it
normally appears in reference to a specific canal , presumably that from which the
district took its name.
2.44. The first three persons on this list are attested in sources other than Sayf,
though not, except for al-Muthanna, in this campaign; the presence of the latter four
appears to be fictitious.
44 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
245. This man is mentioned by In Khayyit , Ta'rikh, 109, in connection with the
Battle of the Bridge . Ibn Khayyat calls him Bahmin b. Khurhurmuzin (voweling of
last word is conjectural) . Presumably both Jadhuyah and Khurhurmuzan are derived
from a single original word, as they resemble each other somewhat in the Arabic
script. As Ibn Khayyit 's report is derived from lbn Ishaq, this Bahman must not be
an invention of Sayf, though Sayf may have introduced him into contexts when he
did not originally exist, as here. Sayf's version of Bahman's role in the Battle of the
Bridge (see below pp. 188 - 931 may be profitably compared with Ibn Khayyal's.
246. Original Pahlavi name is Veh -Ardashir. This city, a part of the Sasinian capi-
tal complex of al-Mada'in, was a round, walled city on the west bank of the Tigris and
already in decline by the time the Muslims came . See EP, s.v. al-Madi'in; Le Strange,
Lands, 34 - 35, map H.
247. This term, meaning "Nabataean," is used to refer to the non-Arab Syriac-
speaking population of the Fertile Crescent. See Ell , s.v. Nabataeans.
248. Or "surrender."
149. Both comments to the messengers are plays on their respective names.
The Events of the Year 12 45
Persia. Embrace Islam so that you may be safe. If not, make [20541
a covenant of protection with me and pay the jizyah. Oth-
erwise, I have brought you a people who love death just as
you love drinking wine.
`Ubaydallah - his uncle - Sayf - Muhammad b. Nuwayrah -
Abu `Uthman; and al-San - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Muhammad b. `Abd-
allah-Abu `Uthman, al-Muhallab b. `Ugbah, Ziyad b. Sarjis-Si-
yah,250 and Sufyan al-Ahmari-Mahan: The kharaj was brought to
Khalid within fifty nights. Those who had guaranteed payment and
those who were the chief men of the country districts (rasatiq) were
hostages in his hands. Khalid gave all of that to the Muslims, who
were thereby strengthened in their affairs. The Persians were left
split by the death of Ardashir regarding the kingship but in agree-
ment on fighting Khalid and supporting each other [in that]. The
Persians stayed like that for a year, while the Muslims were pene-
trating up to the Tigris. The Persians held nothing between al-Hirah
and the Tigris, nor did any of them have a guarantee of security ex-
cept for those who had written to Khalid and received a written
charter from him. The rest of the people of al-Sawad were either in
flight, defending themselves in fortresses, or fighting [in the field].
The agents for collecting the kharaj were asked for written acknowl-
edgments and would write releases for those liable to pay the kharaj
out of one prototype:
In the name of God, the All-Compassionate, the Merciful.
Release is given to whoever is from such-and-such from the
jizyah for which the amir Khalid b. al-Walid made peace
with them. I have received that for which Khalid made
peace with them. Khalid and the Muslims are a united force
for you against whoever changes Khalid's peace. As long as
you acknowledge the jizyah and refrain [from breaking the
agreement], your security will be guaranteed and your peace
kept. We will be faithful to you. [20551
They made to witness for them those companions whom Khalid had
caused to witness: Hisham, al-Qa`ga`, Jabr b. Tariq,25' Jarir, Bashir,
z5o. Perhaps representing the father of Sayf's dubious `Abd a1-Rai min b. Siyih al-
Abmari.
25 r. Jibir b. Tiriq b. Abi T ariq b. `Awf al-A masi al- Bajali, he was a Companion of
the Prophet who occasioned a hadith. He fought at al-Qidisiyyah and settled in al-
Kufah. See lbn Hajar, l$abah, 1, 2 t 2.
46 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
25z. Azdidh b. Fasi'ah al-Firisi, the Persian mawla of Bahir b. Raysin al-Himyari.
One of his traditions transmitted by other than Sayf appears in the collection of Ibn
Mijah, so that he does not appear to be a fabrication of Sayf. But his status as Com-
panion is denied by the best authorities, including al-Bukhiri and Abu Hitim. See
Ibn Hajar; I$dbah, I, x9. As his patron Bahir b. Raysan appears only as a governor of
Yemen for Yazid b. Mu awiyah and is later mentioned in connection with al-Kufah at
the time of al-Mukhtir 's revolt in 66/686, it seems that the reference to Azd idh here
is chronologically far out of place . SeeTabari, II, 277, bor.
253. Al-Hajjij b. Khuwaylid al-Ahmasi, a noble of the Bajilah, he governed one of
the subdistricts of al-Hirah . See Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 223; II, 191; lbn Hajar,
I$dbah, 1, 31x.
254. Mentioned only by Sayf, apparently once . Ibn Hajar, l$abah, III, 485 , gives his
name as Milik b. Yazid, but derives the report from Sayf• thus it is unlikely that this
Milik was a Companion of the Prophet. Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, II, 396, lists two
Milik b. Yazids and twenty Milik b. Zayds but provides little information about
them, so that one of them may be the one meant here.
25 5. Abu Rawq al-Hamdani ; he was a Kufan transmitter generally deemed reliable
who also wrote a tafsir of the Qur'in. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 2x7; II, 205; Ibn
Sa`d, Tabagat, VI, 369; Ibn Durayd, Ishtiqdq, 418 (giving his nisbah as al-Ash`ari(;
Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, x24.
x56. `Abd Khayr b. Yazid al- Khaywini of the Hamdin; he was a Kufan transmitter
who fought for `Ali at $iffin. See Ibn Muzahim, $iffin, 136, 342, 353; Ibn Sa'd, Ta-
bagat, VI, 221; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, III, 96; Tahdhib, VI, 124-25.
257. The mawld of the Asad; he was a Kufan transmitter of tradition and had a good
reputation but is said to have been a leader of the Shi`ah. He lived with Habib b. Abi
Thibit and died in the time of al-Mangur. See Ibn Sa 'd, Tabagat, VI, 363 ; Ibn Hajar,
Tahdhib, VI, 340-41.
z58. A Kilian mawid of the Banu Kihil of the Asad and a well-known transmitter
of tradition with a fair reputation; he died in 119/737 at the age of seventy-three. See
Ibn Sa d, Tabagat, VI, 320; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, II, 178-80.
The Events of the Year i z 47
z59. Unidentified.
z6o. The Sasanian king Khusraw I Anushirwin, who reigned 531-79 C.E.
z61. The Sisinian king Bahrim V, who reigned 42.0-38 C.E.
261. `Ayn al-Tamr. An oasis 61 km. west of Karbala' and due south of al-Ramidi,
it was administratively part of upper Bihqubadh. Its inhabitants were of the Taghlib,
Namir, and Asad. See EP, s.v `Ayn al-Tamr; Le Strange, Lands, 65, 8r; Musil, Arabia
Deserta, 361-63, 365, esp. n. 92; Middle Euphrates, 197-98, 307-8; Yiqut, Mu-
`lam, IV, 176-77.
163. A large town on the Euphrates strategically situated at the head of the irriga-
tion system of central Iraq. See EP, s.v. al-Anbir; Le Strange, Lands, 65-66; Musil,
Middle Euphrates, 295 -97.
264. Identified by Musil as al-Fur4ah, then further identified with the ruins of al-
$ilihiyyah 48 km. northwest of Abu Kamil on the Euphrates. The same as ancient
Roman Dura Europus, which marked the Roman-Persian frontier. See Musil, Middle
Euphrates, 10-13,252,313.
48 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
2,65. Mentioned only in transmissions from Sayf in this volume ; otherwise uniden-
tified.
z66. Unidentified.
z67. But which Qirar?
z68. As he does not occur in other sources, he is called an invention of Sayf by al-
`Askari, `Abdallah b. Saba', 187.
269. Al-Hugayn b. Malik al.' Anbari of al-Bagrah, he founded a lineage in that city.
See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat,1, 81; II, 336.
270. Of the `Amr b. Yarbu' of the Tamim , a Bayran, he fought on the side of `A'ishah
at the Battle of the Camel in 36/656 , then was governor of Herat for Mu`awiyah. See
Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 68; II, 479.
The Events of the Year 112 49
275. A part of the Mada'in complex of cities, it lay on the west bank of the Tigris 5
km. south of Veh-Ardashir = Bahurasir. See EP, s.v al-Mada'in.
276. Text himl; read: jamal, as in Ms . B and Cairo ed.
z77. Or " He started the fighting." See Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda
et Emendanda, ncxn.
278. This is a Persian expression meaning "Good! Bravo!" See Steingass, Persian
Dictionary, 3.
The Events of the Year 112 Sr
peace with a condition that Khalid did not accept, so that he sent
back Shirzadh's messengers empty-handed.
Khalid came to the narrowest place in the trench with the army's
weakest camels, which he slaughtered and then threw into the
ditch, filling it up. Then he launched an assault across the ditch, the
weak camels' [bodies) being the bridges for his troops. The Muslims
and the polytheists came together in the ditch, but the enemy re-
coiled into their fortress. Shirzadh sent messengers to Khalid,
[again] requesting peace according to what he wanted. [This time]
Khalid accepted his request, including the condition that he leave
Shirzadb's way free, delivering him with a group of light cavalry to
the Persian lines,27 but without letting them take any goods or valu-
ables with them. Thus Shirzadh departed.
When he came to Bahman Jadhuyah and told him the news, Bah-
man blamed him. Shirzadh answered,
I was among a people who had no minds! Their origin is
from the Arabs. I heard them at their coming pronouncing
upon themselves a sentence [of defeat[. Rarely does it hap-
pen that a people pronounce a sentence against themselves
but that it takes effect upon them. Then the troops fought
against the Muslims, but these put out a thousand eyes
among our troops and the inhabitants of the land. At this, I
knew it was sounder to make peace.
When Khalid and the Muslims had become secure at al-Anbar, [2o6r]
and the inhabitants of al-Anbar, feeling safe, had come forth, Khalid
saw that they wrote in Arabic and were learned in it. He asked them,
"What are you?" They replied, "A group of Arabs who settled amid
a group of Arabs [who were here] before. The first of them settled al-
Anbar in the days of Bukhtina"ar'280 when he allowed the Arabs.
Thereafter they did not leave it." Khalid then asked, "From whom
did you learn writing? "281 They answered, "We learned writing from
the lyad."282 They quoted the saying of the poet:283
284. Or, " the cut sheet," referring to writing material , as in Ibn Hishim.
285. Here Bawazij al-Anbar, near the town of al-Anbar, is meant, rather than the
distant Bawazij on the upper Tigris. According to Baladhuri , Futtila, Sot, and Yiqut,
Mu`jam, I, 503, it was conquered not by Khalid, but by jarir b. `Abdallah al-Bajali,
certain of whose mawlas settled it.
286. Apparently Abu Nagr Muhammad b. Qays al-Asadi al-Walibi, a Kufan tradi-
tionist who transmitted from al-Sha`bi. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, VI, 361 ; Ibn Hajar,
Tahdhib, IX, 412-13.
287. Lit., "him," with no antecedent.
The Events of the Year 12. 53
188. Husayn b. Baer al -`Awfi of the Sad Tamim. He was appointed by the Prophet
to collect the sadagah of part of the Tamim and the Ribab . He stayed in the desert
later, though he frequently visited al -Bagrah . See Ibn al-Kalbi, (amharat, I, 77; II,
335, 606.
189. This would be a son of Bahram Chnbin, the general who rebelled against
Khusraw II Parwiz S 9o-9 r c.E. and is enumerated as Bahram VI in the list of Sisinian
monarchs. In view of the fact that the rebellion was put down and its adherents exe-
cuted, it is unlikely that anyone from this family would reemerge as a commander of
a frontier garrison at this late date . Rather, this is probably another case of Sayf's
adorning his reports with invented personages of illustrious ancestry, a tendency that
also occurs with the reappearance of the defunct dynasty of al-Hirah in Tabari, 1,
2116. On Bahram Chnbin, see Theophylact, History, rot-1, 150, 152- 53, and pas-
sim; Pseudo-Sebeos, History, 14-16, 18-20,29, 331-32.
190. `Aggah b. Qays al-Namari, the defender of `Ayn al-Tamr, who was captured
and executed by Khalid. See Ibn al-Kalbi, (amharat, I, r67; II, 19 r.
191. Al-Namir b. Qasit, a smaller branch of the Rabi`ah who originated in southern
Yamimah, then migrated in the wake of the Thghlib to al-Jazirah, where they were
located partly at Ra's al-`Ayn on the Khibnr River. See In al-Kalbi, (`amharat, I,
141; n, 444•
291. One of the two branches of the Wail, the other being the Bakr, the Taghlib
were located in the Jazirah . They opposed Islam and clung to Christianity for a long
time. See El', Supplement, s.v. Taghlib; Ibn al-Kalbi, (amharat, II, 27-28, 541-42.
54 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
kings and routed your crack troops. I am warding them off with
Jzo63J these Arabs. If our Arabs defeat Khilid, it is your victory. If it is the
other way, you will not be reached by them until they have become
exhausted. Then we will fight them while we are strong and they are
weakened." At this, they admitted the excellence of his view.
Thus Mihrin stuck to the spring, while `Aggah confronted Khilid
on the road. In charge of `Aggah's right was Bujayr b. So-and-So,293
one of the Band `Utbah294 b. Sa`d b. Zuhayr.295On his left was al-
Hudhayl b. `Imrin.296 Between cAqqah and Mihrin was half a day's
journey.297 Mihrin was in the fortress with the mobile troops of Per-
sia, while cAqqah was on the road of al-Karkh298 in a defensive posi-
tion.
Khilid came upon him while putting his troops in battle forma-
tion. Khilid completed readying his troops for battle and then said to
his two wings, "Hold back for us what the enemy has , for I am going
to charge." He personally assigned covering forces and then charged
while `Aggah was arranging his lines. Khilid engaged him in close
combat and took him prisoner. `Aggah's line was defeated without
fighting, the Muslims taking many of them prisoner. Bujayr and al-
Hudhayl fled, with the Muslims in pursuit. When the news reached
Mihrin, he fled with his troops and abandoned the fortress. When
the defeated remnants of `Aggah 's forces, both Arabs and Persians,
reached the fortress, they rushed into it , taking refuge there.
Khilid approached with the Muslim troops to besiege the fortress.
He had with him `Aggah as a prisoner and cAmr b. al-$a`iq.299 The
293. Bujayr b. al-'Abd b . 'Alqamah, the grandfather of `All's wife Umm Habib al-
Sahbi'. See Ibn al- Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 164; II, x28.
294. Text: `Ubayd; read: `Utbah. See Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et
Emendanda, ncxn.
295. A clan of the Sa` d b. Zuhayr of the Taghlib. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 164;
11,578.
2.96. Al-Taghlibi from al-Jazirah; he seems to be featured only in reports from Sayf,
who improbably alleges that he was a follower of the Tamimi false prophetess Sajila,
who was really from the Taghlib. This seems to be an attempt to remove the stigma
of Sajih ' s resistance to Islam from the Tamim by transferring it to their Taghlibi ri-
vals. See Tabari, I, 1911, 1913 , 1915, 1920,1930-
297. Ar. rawliah aw ghadwah , lit. "a going home at night or a going forth in the
morning."
z98. A common Iraqi place name . See Yigf1t, Mu'jam, IV, 447. None of the specific
Karkhs that he lists fit here.
x99. Apparently `Amr b. Khuwaylid al-$a'iq al -Kilibi. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, 1, 96; II, 176; Ibn Durayd, Ishtiqdq, 297; Yiqut, Mu'jam, I, 166. His death does
not seem to be reported except in this place.
The Events of the Year 12 55
enemy hoped that Khalid would be like those of the Arabs who
would raid [and withdraw], but when they saw Khalid was intent [on
taking them], they asked for a safe-conduct. But Khalid refused any
but his own terms, and they agreed to this readily. When they opened
[the gates ], Khalid handed them over to the Muslims, who bound
them.300 Khalid commanded that cAqqah, who had been their pro-
tector, be beheaded so that the prisoners might despair of life. When
the prisoners saw him thrown onto the bridge, they despaired of life.
Then Khalid called for `Amr b. al-$a`iq, who was beheaded as well.
Khalid beheaded all the men of the fortress and took possession [zo64]
of all that their fortress contained, seizing as spoils what was in it.
Khalid found in their church forty boys who were studying the
Gospel behind a locked door, which he broke down in getting to
them. He asked, "What are you?" They replied, "Hostages." He di-
vided them among the Muslims who had performed outstandingly
in battle. They included Abu Ziyad, the mawld of the Thagif,301Nu-
$ayr, the father of Musa b. Nu$ayr,302 Abu `Amrah,3o3 the grandfather
of 'Abdallah b. `Abd al-A`la the poet ,304 Sirin,305 the father of Mu-
hammad b. Sirin,306 Hurayth, and cUlathah.307 Abu `Amrah went to
308. Reportedly an early Muslim, he is said to have been of the marginal al-Ghawth
or $iifat al-Rabin b. Murr b. Udd, who were confederates of the Jumab of the Quraysh,
according to Ibn al -Kalbi, damharat, II, 53 z, Ibn `Asikir, Tbadhib, VI, 299. However,
according to another tradition, he was the son of `Abdallih b. `Amr b. al-Muni` al-
Kindi but was attributed to his mother Hasanah, a mawldh of the Jumab. This tra-
dition also states that Shurabbil was himself a confederate of the Qurashi Zuhrah
clan. See Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, VII, 514; Ibn Qutaybah, Ma`drif, 325; Ibn Hazm, fam-
harah, 162. Balidhuri, Ansdb, I, 214, gives both versions but prefers that of Ibn al-
Kalbi. In any case, he was associated with the Qurashi nobles. He participated in the
conquest of Syria and died in 18/639.
309. This tribal grouping from al -Hirah contained settled Christian elements from
various origins . See Ibn al-Athir, Lubdb, If, III; Thmingham, Christianity, 156,
171, 225, 278.
310. Humrin b. Abin al-Namad; he was actually the captive of a Faziri , who sold
him to `Uthmin. He became one of the secretaries or the chamberlain of `Uthman
during the latter's caliphate . `Uthmin became angry with him for an indiscretion,
whereupon Humran moved to al-Ba$ rah, where he lived in the quarter of al-Jufrah
and was one of the leaders of the pro-Umayyad party against al -Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr
in 71/69z. After al-Muo'ab was killed he was able to take power briefly as governor of
al-Ba$rah for the Umayyads . He also is said to have taken power in al-Ba $rah for the
Umayyads on the abdication of al-Hasan b. `Ali at the beginning of 41166 1, which
would appear to be a retrospective duplication of the later occasion . He is further said
to have been a Syriac speaker, to have had a Jewish mother, and to have been given his
Namari genealogy by his descendants . See Tabari, I, 2923-24, 3030,11, 11, 799, 8o1,
817-18, 837; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gxamharat,1, 167; 11, 332; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, V, 283; Ibn
Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 195, 342 ; Balidhuri, Futnla, 432; Yigiit, Mu'jam, IV, 176.
311. That is, Ibn `Affan the caliph. See Note 310, above.
312. These two men are unidentified.
313. The Yashkur were an important subgroup of the Bakr b. Wi'il, who were set-
tled mostly in the oases of al-Yamimah. See Ibn al-Kalbi, G°amharat, II, 26, 592.
314. The Murrah b. `Awf, a subgroup of the Ghatafin who were later prominent in
al-Jazirah . See E11, s .¢ Gha;afin; Ibn al-Kalbi, G`amharat,1, 92,127; II, 19-20, 433.
However, the family of Abu `Amrah are usually considered to have belonged to the
Shaybin. See notes 303 and 304, above.
;15. Ibn Ukht al-Namir is al-Sa'ib b. Yazid al-Kindi . His tribal designation is in
some doubt, however. Both he and his father are usually considered to have been
Companions. Some have held Ibn Ukht al-Namir to have been the last Companion
alive in Medina, dying in 82/7o1 or later. His paternal uncle was al -`Ala' b. al-Had-
rami, the early governor of al-Babrayn . The caliph `Umar is said to have put him in
charge of the market of Medina . See Ibn al-Kalbi, ('`amharat , I, 239; 11, 499; Ibn Hajar,
I$dbah, 11, I2-13; Tbadhib, III, 450-51.
Also it is most striking that this list does not include Yasir, the grandfather of the
The Events of the Year 112 57
historian Ibn Islaaq. This could be because Sayf did not want to include in this glo-
rious ancestry the dean of the more sober Medinan school of historians . For other, dif-
ferent lists of the captives of `Ayn al -Tamr, see Ibn Khayyas, Ta'rikh, rot; Ibn al-
Athir, Kdmil, 11, 395; Yiqut, Mu`jam, IV, 176.
;16. AI `Askari, Khamsnn wa mi'ah sahdbi, 154, 274, considers him a fabrication
by Sayf because he appears only in Sayf 's isnads.
317. Unidentified.
318. A tribe belonging to the Qu4a`ah, they were already concentrated in northern
Syria and the reaches of the Euphrates at the time of the Islamic conquest. See EP, s.v.
Bahri'; Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, II, 88-89, 220.
319. The great Syrian tribe of the Qudi'ah that tended to hold a dominant position
under the Umayyads, it dominated a large territory in the Syrian Desert stretching
from Dumat al-Jandal to Palmyra . See EP, s.v. Kalb b. Wabara ; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, 11, 76-79 , 369; Donner, Conquests, 106-7.
32.o. This tribe, which was basically established in southern Syria , particularly in
the area of the present state of Jordan , is best known for the sixth century c.E. Roman
client state that it had founded east of the Jordan river, with its capital at Bugri al-
Sha'm (ancient Bostra). The Bann Ghassin were Monophysite Christians, so that, al-
though here they are portrayed as resisting the Muslims, the actual extent of their
support for the Romans is doubtful . See Elt, s.v. Ghassin; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat,1,
176; II, 35-38 , 273; Donner, Conquests, 107-8.
311. An Arab tribal confederation not linked closely with either the Ma`add or the
58 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
ja`im 322 Even before Wad-Pah323 had come to them with the Kalb, the
Bahra', and his supporter Ibn Wabarah b. Rumanis ,324 and Ibn al-
1jidrijan3 25 had come to them with the I) aja`im, and Ibn al-
Ayham326 with groups of the Ghassan and the Tanukh, they caused
grief to `Iyiid and suffered from him as well.
When word of Khalid 's approach reached them , their two leaders,
Ukaydir b. `Abd al-Malik327 and al-Judi b. Rabi ah,32s disagreed
[about what to do]. Ukaydir said, "I am the most knowledgeable of
people about Khalid. No one is better omened than he, nor sharper
in war. No people, regardless of whether they are few or many, ever
see Khalid's face but that they flee from him. Therefore obey me and
make peace with the enemy." But they refused him, so that he said,
"I will never conspire with you to make war on Khalid. It is your af-
fair." Then he went on his way. That [word] reached Khalid, who sent
out `A$im b. `Amr to stop Ukaydir. Aim captured Ukaydir, who
said, " I have not met other than the amir Khalid ." When he was
brought to Khalid, the latter had him beheaded and took the property
that had been with him.
Yemen, the Tanukh lived between al-Hirah and al-Anbir on the Euphrates, with
other branches in Qinnasrin and around Aleppo . See El', Supplement, s.v. Tanukh;
Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat , 1, 297; II, 80 - 84, 544-45.
322. Phylarchs of the Arab marches for the Romans before the Ghassinids, also
possibly associated with northern Syria, as they were of the Salih , a branch of the
Quda`ah. See El', s.v. Salih ; Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 3 26;11, 86, z40, 296. See also
note 433, below.
32.3. Unidentified.
3 7.4. Al-Kalbi. Wabarah was the half brother of the last Lakhmid king of al-Hirah,
al-Nu`min b. al-Mundhir, through their mother. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 290;
II, 581 ; Zubayri, Nasab, 267. Possibly this tbn Wabarah is simply another adornment
to the narrative.
3 z5. Neither of the two al-Hidrijins found in Ibn al -Kalbi, darnharat, 11, 313, nor
the one in Ibn Durayd, Ishtigdq, 3 27, seems remotely connected with this personage.
32.6. Jabalah b. al-Ayham al-Ghassan, the last ruler of the Ghassinid client state
of the Romans. He embraced Islam but afterward reverted to Christianity, retiring to
an estate in Cappadocia, where his descendants long flourished . Caskel places his re-
version to Christianity after the Battle of the Yarmuk . See Ell, s.v. Djabala b. al-Ay-
ham; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 193; II, 248 ; Kiifi, Futnla, I, 125-27, 132.
327. Al-Sukuni al-Kindi. He was the Christian prince of Dumat al-Jandal who was
forced to pay tribute by the Prophet 's expedition of 9/631 to Tabnk . At the Prophet's
death in I I/63z he stopped and either migrated or was forced to migrate toward al-
Hirah, near which he built a new Dnmah , according to Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I,
7.41; II, 566-67. This suggests that the Dumah in question here may have been nearer
to al-Hirah than Dumat al-Jandal, which would better fit Khalid 's itinerary in the
text. See also Tabari, 1, 1702 -3, 2374; Ibn Hishim, Sfrah, II, 526.
328. Unidentified.
The Events of the Year r z 59
329. A great tribal grouping of northeastern Arabia , the Tamim represented the ar-
chetypical Arab nomads more than nearly any other group. They consisted of three
main branches-the Sad, the Han;alah, and the `Amr-clans not belonging to these
groups joined later. They were strongly represented in al-Bagrah , al-Kufah, and Khu-
rasan . See El', s.v Tamim b. Murr; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 59; II, 7-10, 544.
330. Text: dsirnhum; read: dstihum, as in Ms. IH and Cairo ed.
3 3 r. The pre-Islamic period, especially in Arabia, often translated as "the Age of
Ignorance," "ignorance" meaning ignorance of Islam ; thus the term is used today to
refer to what is un-Islamic. See E12, s.v. Djahiliyya.
3 3 2. Another possible translation, based on the text of IK, is "do not give them over
to the devil 's possession."
6o The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
proached the gate and did not leave it until he had torn it out. The
Muslims rushed in upon the enemy, killing the troops and making
captives of the children, whom they kept with those who were left
over. Khalid purchased the daughter of al-Judi , who[se beauty] was
12.067] extolled. Khalid remained at Diimah but sent al -Agra` back to al-
Anbar. When Khalid was returning to al-Hirah and had gotten near
enough to reach it by morning, al-Qa`ga` made the people of al-Hirah
welcome him; thus, they went out to meet him in celebration. Cer-
tain of them would say to others , " Pass on by us, for this is liberation
from evil."
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb- Sayf - Muhammad , Talhah, and al-Muhal-
lab: While Khalid was staying at Dumah, the Persians [only] made
suppositions about him , but the Arabs of al-Jazirah ,333 being angry
on account of `Aggah, wrote to them. As a result, Zarmihr34 went
forth from Baghdadh335 with Riizbih ,336and the two of them headed
for al- Anbar and set a meeting at Hu$ayd and al-Khanafis 337 AI-Zi-
brigan, who was in command at al-Anbar, wrote to al -Qa`ga` b.
`Amr, who was at that time Khalid 's deputy in charge of al-Hirah.
Al-Qa`ga` sent out A`bad b. Fadaki al- Sa"di,338 giving him charge of
al-Hu$ayd, and also sent out `Urwah b. al-Ja`d al- Barigi,339 giving
him charge of al-Khanafis. He said to the two of them , "If you see
any forward troops, advance boldly [against them]." They went forth
[2068] and blocked the two Persians from [entering] the countryside, shut-
3 3 3. The area between the Euphrates and Tigris rivers, inhabited at this time
mostly by the Rabi`ah. See EP, s.v. al-Djazira.
334. Unidentified and mentioned only by Sayf in this section.
335• Text: Baghdad; read Baghdadh, as elsewhere . See Tabari , Introductio, Glos-
sarium, Addenda et Emendanda, ocxn. The mention of the `Abbasid capital here is
possibly an anachronism.
336. Unidentified and mentioned only by Sayf in this section.
337. Musil, Middle Euphrates, 134 n. 70, 309- 10, based on Sayf's traditions, lo-
cates al-Khanifis at al-Kazimayn, the modem northern suburb of Baghdad, 55 km.
east of al-Anbar, though placing al-Husayd closer to `Ayn al-Tamr. The sparseness of
the textual evidence and the doubtful value of Sayf's transmissions renders these pos-
sibilities uncertain, however.
338. Mentioned only by Sayf. See Ibn Hajar, IIdbah, I, i 10; `Askari, Khamsan wa
mi'ah $abdbi, 87, 89, 340.
339• Al-Azdi, enumerated as one of the Prophet's Companions and a transmitter of
tradition. After settling in Syria , he much later was sent to al-Kufah by `Uthman,
where he was one of the latter's opponents. He must have lived a long time, for he is
also reported to have been an informant for al-Sha'bi at al -Kiifah . See Tabari , 1, z9zi;
Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, VI, 247; Ibn Hajar, I. dbah, II, 476.
The Events of the Year r z 6r
ting them up. Ruzbih and Zarmihr [did not engage] the Muslims
while waiting for those of the Rabicah who had corresponded with
them to gather, for they had been corresponding with each other and
had agreed on a time to meet.
When Khalid returned from Dumah to al-Hirah , on the eve of his
departure, and that [news] reached him, when he had laid plans to
attack the people of al-Madi'in, he disliked disobeying Abu Bakr
and adding anything to his instructions . Therefore, he hastened to
send al-Qa`ga` b. `Amr and Abu Layli b. Fadaki against Ruzbih and
Zarmihr. These two preceded him to `Ayn al-Tamr. A letter came to
Khalid from Imru` al-Qays al -Kalbi, 340 saying that al-Hudhayl b.
clmran had gathered troops at al-Mu^ayyakh and Rabi`ah b.
Bujayr341 was encamped at al-Thiny342 and at al -Bishr343 with troops.
Both were angry on account of `Aggah and were heading for Zarmihr
and Ruzbih . Khalid went forth with al -Agra` b. Hibis in command
of his vanguard, leaving `Iyati b. Ghanm as his deputy in charge of
al-Hirah. He followed the route of al-Qa`ga` and Abu Layli to al-
Khanifis until he reached them at al `Ayn. Then he sent al -Qa`ga`
to Hu$ayd, putting him in command of the troops, and he sent Abu
Layla to al-Khanifis . Khalid said [to the two of them ], "Push them
so that they may be gathered along with those who called on them
for help in seeking revenge. And, if not, then attack them ." But the
two [Persian commanders] refused except to remain in their posi-
tions.
340. Imru' al-Qays b. al-Asbagh of the Bann `Abdallih; according to Sayf, he was
the Prophet 's agent in charge of taxes for the Kalb. Thma4ir bt. al-A sbagh al-Kal-
biyyah, also of the Banu Abdallah and the mother of `Abd al-Rabmin b. `Awl's son
Abu Salamah, may have been his sister, but no Imru' al-Qays appears among the sons
of al-Agbagh in Ibn al -Kalbi, (amharat,1, 2.82.. Therefore we may be faced with an-
other of the siblings of distinguished persons with whom Sayf is wont to embellish
his reports. See Tabari, I, 187x; Ibn Hajar, lldbah, 1, 63; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Isti db, I,
107; Zubayri, Nasab, 2.67.
341. Al-Taghlibi, attested in an isndd other than from Sayf in Tabari, I, 1976-77.
Otherwise, outside Sayf's reports he figures only as the father of `Ali's concubine al-
Sahba'. Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 164 ; 11, 288, refers to the father of al-Sahbi' as Ha-
bib b. Bujayr. For his daughter, see note 369, below.
34z. On the southern slope of Jabal Bishri in the Syrian desert , it is still known as
Jubaylat al-Thiny. See Musil, Middle Euphrates, 312..
343. The earlier form of the name of the present Jabal Bishii in the Syrian desert
west of Dayr al-Zawr. See EP, s.v. al-Bishr; Musil, Middle Euphrates, 312..
6z The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
Hu$ayd
When al-Qa`ga` saw that Zarmihr and Ruzbih made no move, he set
[2o69] off toward Hu$ayd. Ruzbih was in charge of those Arabs and Per-
sians whom al-Qa`ga` passed by. When Ruzbih saw that al-Qa`ga`
intended [to attack] him, he sought reinforcements from Zarmihr,
who came to his aid in person , leaving al-Mahbudhan344 in charge of
his troops. The two sides met at Hu$ayd and fought. God slew the
Persians in great numbers . Al-Qa`ga` killed Zarmihr, and Ruzbih
was also killed. `I$mah b. `Abdallah, one of the Banu al-Harith b.
Tarif of the Banu I?abbah,345 killed him. `I$mah was one of al-bara-
rah. Every clan (fakhdh) that migrated in toto is called al-bararah,
whereas every group that migrated out of a tribe ( bafn) is called al-
khiyarah 346 Thus the Muslims consisted of khiyarah and bararah.
On the Day of Hu$ayd the Muslims captured many spoils. The rem-
nants of Hu$ayd retreated to al-Khanafis and gathered there.
A1-Khanafis
(The same transmitters]: Abu Layla b. Fadaki set out with those al-
ready with him and those who had joined him for al-Khanafis. The
defeated remnants of Hu$ayd had retreated to al-Mahbudhan. When
al-Mahbudhan perceived [that], he and those with him fled, retreat-
ing to al-Mu$ayyakh, where al-Hudhayl b. `Imran was. Abu Layla
met no treachery at al-Khanafis. They sent the news to Khalid to-
gether.
fis, he wrote to his own forces, appointing for al- Qa`ga`, Abu Layla,
A`bad,348 and `Urwah a night and an hour on which they were to
geographical location here on the upper Euphrates . Curiously, the following report re-
veals the inhabitants of al-Musayyakh not to have been of the Rabi`ah at all, let alone
of the Bakr or the Taghlib.
348. Abu Layla and A' bad are not the same person . Ibn IHajar, 1$abah, 1, 110, un-
derstands them as brothers.
349• Possibly `Aglat Hawran in the Wadi IHawran, in the Syrian Desert 27 km.
southwest of Alus on the Euphrates. See Musil, Middle Euphrates, 31 I -12.
350. Possibly the wadi of Abu jaltah, about 45 km. southwest of Hit . See Musil,
Middle Euphrates , 310- 11.
3 51. Possibly the spring of al-`Asibiyyah, 27 km. north-northwest of `Ayn al-Tamr.
See Musil, Middle Euphrates, 311.
352. A large waterhole still having the same name, Io km. beyond al-`Agibiyyah.
See Musil, Middle Euphrates, 311.
353. A site 6o km. northwest of al-Baradan, also still bearing the same name. See
Musil, Middle Euphrates, 311.
354 Either al-Bahrani or al-Namari . See Donner, Conquests, 312 n. 163, 333 n.
113.
355• A nomadic Qaysi tribe from western Najd, the Hilal emigrated out of their
homeland less than the other Qaysi tribes in this period. See EP, s.v Hilal ( tribe); In
al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 92;11, 15, 282.
3 56. This family and its members do not seem to be identifiable or to appear else-
where.
64 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
357. For the Aws Manah, see Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat,1,167. The element Qirwash
could be a confusion with the Qawgan that appears in Ibn al -Kalbi 's tree, for the con-
sonantal outlines of the two words in Arabic are similar.
358. Almost certainly the same as the Labid b. `Utbah al- Namari mentioned in Ibn
al-Kalbi, Gamharat,1, 167; II, 375, for the latter was also of the Aws Manah and was
slain by Khalid. The appearance of the element Jarir in his name presumably is a con-
fusion with the name of Jarir b . `Abdallah al-Bajali, who also appears in this report.
3 59• He was a chief of the Tamimi Yarbu' who was killed by Dirar b. Malik al-Az-
war during the Riddah wars of 11 /632. `Umar held his killing against Khalid b. al-
Walid, and it became a famous episode . See Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 69; II, 393; Ibn
Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 75, 83-84 ; Baladhuri, Ansdb, 1, 53o; Tabari, 1, 1750, 188o, 1909,
1912, 1921 - 24, 1926 -27,1963; Ibn Hajar, l$dbah, III, 357.
360. Possibly, the lands in the line may refer to Iraq with its original inhabitants,
whereas the newcomers (lit., "those who come to water") may refer to the Arab Mus-
lim migrants to it.
The Events of the Year r z 65
one of that army escaped to deliver the news . Khalid took the chil-
dren captive, sent God 's fifth to Abu Bakr with al-Nu`man b. `Awf
b. al-Nu`man al-Shaybani, 368 and divided the spoils and the captives
[among his troops] . `Ali b. Abi Talib bought the daughter369 of Ra-
[2073 ] bi`ah b. Bujayr al-Taghlibi, taking her [for himself], and she bore him
`Umar37o and Rugayyah371
Al-Hudhayl, when he had escaped, took refuge at al-Zumayl with
`Attab b. So-and- So,372 who was at al-Bishr with a large force . Khalid
attacked them at night with an attack like the last one , from three
directions. They had already heard the news about Rabicah. They
were slain in great numbers , unlike the numbers killed before. The
Muslims got from them what they wanted . Khalid had taken an oath
that he would most certainly seek out the Taghlib in their own
homeland. Khalid divided their spoils among the men and sent the
fifths to Abu Bakr with al-$abbah b. So-and-So al-Muzani373 In the
fifths were the daughter of Mu'dhin al-Namari , 374 Layla bt.
Khalid, 375 and Rayhanah bt. al-Hudhayl b. Hubayrah .376
Then Khalid turned from al-Bishr toward al-Rudab,377 where Hilal
b. `Aggah37s was. His troops had deserted him when they heard of
368. Meant to be the son of the `Awf b. al-Nu'min mentioned in Ibn al-Kalbi,
Gamharat, I, 147; II, 211, this al-Nu`man seems to be mentioned only by Sayf.
369. Umm Habib al-Sahba'. Ibn al-Kalbi calls her the daughter of Habib b. Bujayr
and, with Ibn Sa'd, reports she was captured at `Ayn al-Tamr. See Ibn al -Kalbi, Gam-
harat, 1, 164 ; 11, 535; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, III, 2o; V, 117; al-Zubayri, Nasab, 42.
370. He had an extensive progeny. See Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, III, zo; V, 117; Zubayri,
Nasab, 80; Ibn Hazm , /amharah, 66-67. He lived into the reign of al-Walid I. See
Zubayri, Nasab, 42-43.
371. `Umar's twin sister, she married her paternal first cousin Muslim b . `Agil, to
whom she bore at least three sons. See Zubayri, Nasab, 45.
37z. Unidentified.
373. Unidentified.
374. Unidentified.
375. Unidentified.
376. Al-Taghlibiyyah; she is supposed to have been the daughter of a famous Tagh-
libi leader who flourished c. 61o C.E. She is not mentioned elsewhere, however. See Ibn
al-Kalbi, c amharat, 1, 163; II, z86; Ibn Durayd, Ishtigdq, 336.
377. Probably a place at or near al-Rugafah is meant. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, III, 50;
Musil, Middle Euphrates, 313.
378. AI-Namari, the son of `Aggah b. Qays, who had already been killed at `Ayn al-
Tamr. See above, pp. 53-55• In Ibn Ish aq's report , p. 124, below, however, his name is
given as Hilal b. 'Aqqah b. Bishr. Probably Qays, not Bishr, is correct , as Bishr is prob-
ably owing to a corruption introduced by the name of Jabal al-Bishr that occurs in his
story here. SeeTabari, I, 191 r, etc.; Ibn al -Kalbi, camharat, 1, 167.
The Events of the Year 112 67
Khalid's approach, and Hilal drew back from it, so that Khalid did
not meet any treachery there.
Al-Firdd
Then, after al-Rudab and his surprise attack on the Taghlib, Khalid
headed for al-Firad. Al-Firad is [on] the border of Syria, Iraq, and al-
Jazirah. He completed the fast of Ramadan on that journey, X19 in
which the attacks and battles had been continuous, one after
another3B0-the rajaz3s, poets often speak of them-connected with
whatever battles had gone before. [2,0741
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Muhammad and Talbah, as well as
`Amr b. Muhammad-a man from the Banu Sad-7,afar b. Dahi,382
and al-Muhallab b. `Ugbah: When the Muslims came together at al-
Fira4, the Romans became hot and angry and sought help from the
nearby outposts of the Persians, who had also become hot and angry
and sought reinforcements from the Taghlib, lyad, and Namir.383
These supplied them with reinforcements, then came to blows with
Khalid, so that when the Euphrates was between them they said,
"Either cross over to us, or we will cross over to you." Khalid an-
swered them, "Rather, cross over to us." They said, "Then back away
so that we may cross." Khalid replied, "We will not do [that], but
cross over downriver from us." That was in the middle of Dhu al-
Qa`dah of the year rz (2 11 January 634).
The Romans and the Persians said to one another: "Keep your sov-
ereignty in your own hands. This is a man who is fighting on the ba-
sis of religion. He has intelligence and knowledge. By God, he will
most definitely be victorious, whereas we will most certainly fail."
But they did not profit from that [advice] and crossed the river below
Khalid. When their lines were complete, the Romans said, "Wear
distinctive emblems so that we may know from which of us came
379. That puts him on his way to al-Firi4 on i Shawwal it j9 December 633 j.
380. Or " like pearls on a string."
3 8 1. One of the Arabic poetic meters, the only one allowing for couplets instead of
continuous rhyme. See El', Supplement, s.v Radjaz.
381. Vocalization of Dahi conjectural . His mention in Ibn Hajar, 1. dbah, II, 243, is
culled entirely from Sayf.
383. 1. W. Fuck, in EP, s.v lyid, considers the claim that Khilid defeated all these
groups together dubious.
68 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
what was good or bad today," and they did [this[. Thereupon, they
fought a long, hard battle. Then God defeated the enemy. Khalid said
to the Muslims, "Press your pursuit of them. Do not grant them any
respite." The cavalry commander would corner a group of them with
the spears of his men; having collected them, they would kill them.
On the day of al-Firad, one hundred thousand were slain in the battle
and the pursuit.
After the battle Khilid stayed at al-Fira4 for ten [days], then
announced384 the return to al-I Tirah on as Dhu al-Qa`dah (3 i Janu-
[7075] ary 634). He commanded Aim b. `Amr to lead them on their jour-
ney and ordered Shajarah b. al-A`azz385 to take charge of the rear.
Khilid himself gave out that he was in the rear.
Khalid's Pilgrimage386
Abu Jacfar: Khilid set out as a pilgrim from al-Firaci on z5 Dhu al-
Qa`dah (31 January 634) but kept his pilgrimage a secret. He had
with him a number of his companions. He wandered through the
land randomly until he arrived at Mecca by dead reckoning. That
came to him easily, in a way that it would not come to either guide
or wolf.387 He traveled on one of the roads of the people of al-Jazirah;
no stranger way nor one more appropriate388 than it, despite its dif-
ficulty, has been seen. Therefore his absence from the troops was
short, so that the last of them had not arrived in al-Hirah before he
came to them in the company of the commander of the rear whom
he had appointed, and the two of them arrived together. Khilid and
his companions had shaven their heads. His pilgrimage was un-
known except to those in the rear whom he had told about that. Abu
Bakr did not learn of that until later, when he reproached him for it.
His punishment was that he was sent to Syria.
Khalid's journey from al-Fira4 [crossed] the width of the land ran-
domly by his own reckoning. The road from al-Firac} passed through
389. Unidentified.
390. In the territory of the tribe of Asad, it is to be located near al-Buzakhah, which
was an area about 50 km. southwest of Ha'il, according to Musil, Northern Negd, zzz
- 23. Yigiit, Mu`jam, V, 54, is not very helpful.
391. Properly Dhit `Irq, it is a station two stages (about 9o km.) northeast of Mecca
just below the Hijaz escarpment on the pilgrimage route from al-KUfah . It is also the
miqdt for the pilgrims coming from Iraq, meaning that they must don the pilgrim's
garb there, if not before . See Igtakhri, Masalik, 27; Ibn Khurdidhbih, Masdlik, 125,
1132, 147, 1186, 190; Ibn Rustah, A`ldq, 179-811; Ibn al-Faqih, Bulddn, z6- 27; Ibn
Hawgal, $nrat a1=Ard, 34; Muqaddasi, Tagdsim, 78, 1106, 1109.
392. The famous plain some 22 km. east of Mecca where the pilgrims assemble an-
nually on 11o Dhu al-Hijjah . See Ell, s.v `Arafa.
393. Possibly this name refers to the mountain al-Sudd in the territory of the Gha-
tafin. See Yiqut, Mu` jam, 111, 197.
394. This is the river, still bearing the same name, that separates the present-day
states of Syria and Jordan. It was the site of the decisive battle that gave the Muslims
control of Syria. See El', s.v al-Yarmuk ; Tabari,1, 2347-49; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh,
118-19, Ki1fi, Futnh, I, 2118-71.
395. Or "prosperity" (Ar. na` mah), following Ms. IH.
396. He is mentioned in Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, 1,107; II, 277, as al-Haytham al-
Mugatta` b. Hubayrah; therefore the name given here is probably a confusion.
70 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
397. This is the caliph Mu`iwiyah b. AN Sufyan , who reigned 40-60/66! -8o. See
Ell, s.v. Mu`awiya.
398. This would appear to be the predecessor of Baghdad , the `Abbasid capital on
the west side of the Tigris.
399• That is, from the west. Ustin al `Al consisted of a large district containing the
territory on the `Isa Canal between al-Anbir and Baghdad . It appears to have been
much larger that a rustdq, being rather an ustdn . See Ibn Khurdidhbih, Masdlik, 7,
735; Ibn al-Faqih, Bulddn, 199; Muqaddasi, Taqdsim, 133; Yigiit, Mu`jam, IV, 70-
71; Le Strange, Lands, 8o; Morony, Iraq, 145. On the usage of ustdn and rustaq, see
Morony, Iraq, 129, 534, 536.
400. A great Arab tribal grouping , the Qu4a`ah basically represented the original
tribes of northwestern Arabia and Syria. See Ell, s.v. Ku4a'a; Ibn al -Kalbi, Gam-
harat, I, 774; II, 73-76, 470; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Inbdh , 59-64 ; Ibn Hazm, Jamharah,
8, 440.
401. That is, Khilid.
402.. A close relative of `Umar from the same Qurashi clan , the `Adi, she was suc-
cessively the wife of `Abdallih b . Abi Bakr, `Umar's brother Zayd b. al-Khattib,
`Umar himself, and finally al-Zubayr b. al-`Awwim. `Iyid b . `Umar was her son. She
died after 36/656. See EP, s.v.`Atika; Ibn Hajar, I dbah, IV, 356- 57; Zubayri, Nasab,
777, 349, 365-66.
403. Kannaz b. al-Hu$ayn, he fought for Islam at Badr, was present at the conquest
of Mecca, and died at Medina at the age of sixty-six. He was said to have been a con-
federate of Hamzah , the Prophet 's uncle, and thus was counted among the Quraysh.
The Events of the Year r z. 71
See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 138; II, 369; Wiqidi, Maghdzi, 139 , 153; Ibn Hisham,
Sirah, I, 678 ; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, 111, 47; Baladhuri, Ansdb, I, 270,354 ; Ibn Hajar, Igd-
bah, IV, 177.
404. A noble Qurashi, the husband of the Prophet 's eldest daughter Zaynab, he be-
came a Muslim in 6/627 . See Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, IV, 121-23.
405. The well-known Companion, cousin of the Prophet's wife Khadijah, husband
of Abu Bakr's daughter Asma', father of the anti-Umayyad `Abdallih b. al-Zubayr, he
is best known for his role in the Battle of the Camel in 36/656 , in which he was slain
fighting `Ali. See Ell, s.v. al-Zubayr b. al--`Awwim.
406. This daughter, Umimah, bom before 8/630, died before 61/68o, had for her
mother Zaynab, the eldest daughter of the Prophet Muhammad, and thus had the
Prophet's blood in her veins. Later `All married her, and she bore him Muhammad a]-
Awsat, who died young. When `Ali had died , her distant Hashimi cousin al-Mughirah
b. Nawfal b. al-Harith b . `Abd al-Muttalib married her to prevent Mu`iwiyah from
doing so. She bore a son, Yahyi, to al-Mughirah. She also remained al-Mughirah's
wife for more than twenty years and went into exile with him at al-$afri ', where both
died. The existence of her children leaves the possibility that descendants having the
Prophet 's blood from other than the line of Fitimah may exist, though none is at-
tested in the nasab books . See Baladhuri, Ansdb, I, 400; Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh, II, 253; Ibn
Hajar, I$dbah, IV, 236 - 37; Ibn Hazm, /amharah, 16. Interestingly, Zubayri, Nasab,
22, specifically denies that Umamah had any children , and on p . 88 he claims that
Nawfal b. al-Harith b. `Abd al-Muttalib has no descendants in the male line.
407. An important transmitter of tradition, with access to the house of `Umar b. al-
Khattib, he seems to have died c. 64/684 in Syria . He is said to have been of Ethiopian
origin, specifically from the Cushitic Beja people , but also, with less probability, to
have been among the captives from `Ayn al-Tamr. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, V, 10-11;
Ibn Khayyat, Tb'rikh, 99; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, I, z66.
408. A Medinan transmitter of tradition with a fair reputation , he died in 13 2/750
or, less probably, 139/756 . His patrons the Huragah are the Banu Hamis b. `Amir b.
Tha`labah b. Mawdu`ah b. Juhaynah . See Sam`ini, Ansdb, IV, 129 ; Ibn al-Athir, Lu-
bab, 1, 293 ; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 186-87.
409. One of the clans of the Quraysh of Mecca . See Ibn al-Kalbi, c amharat,1, 4; II,
498; Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, 5 -7, 94 .
410. `Ali b. Majidah , he transmitted from `Umar b . al-Khattab. Little seems to be
known about him. See Ibn Sa`d, Tabagdt, V, 463 ; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 375.
72. The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
411. This entire report also appears in Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, 1, 17, where the text
differs only slightly. Interestingly, Ibn Hanbal 's report does not specify the year. His
version is also distinguished by a different chain of transmitters from Ibn Ishaq on
down.
412.. A descendant of `Umar b. al-Khattib . His family was in the service of the early
`Abbisids, when two of his first cousins (or brothers) held high posts in the adminis-
tration of Medina . See Zubayri, Nasab, 360.
413. An Arab mawld of the Sa`d b. Bakr b . Hawizin, he was a Medinan poet and
traditionist, who died in 130/ 748. See Igbahini, Aghdni, XI, 79-85 ; Ibn Hajar, 7bh-
dhib, XI, 349.
414. Improbably said to have been a contemporary of `Umar b. al-Khattib . See I$-
bahini, Aghdni, XI, 79-80.
415. Al-Zuhri, one of the great Companions of the prophet and a part of the Qurashi
aristocracy. He is credited especially with a major role in the election of the caliph
`Uthman. He left an enormous progeny of some twenty sons and at least eight daugh-
ters who are named in the sources . Many of these were later transmitters of tradition
who always were sure to emphasize his role, as did also his other relatives at Medina,
like Ibn Shihib al-Zuhri and al-Miswar b. Makhramah. He died in 32./653 at the age
of seventy-two. See EP, s.v `Abd al-Rahmin b. `Awf; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, III, 124-37;
Zubayri, Nasab, 265-73; Ibn Hazm, lamharah, 131-35; Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, II, 416-
17-
q
46
The
Events of the Year
13
(MARCH 7, 634- FEBRUARY 24, 635)
This year Abu Bakr sent the armies to Syria after his return from
Mecca to Medina.
Ibn Humayd - Salamah-Muhammad b. Ishaq : When Abu Bakr
returned from the pilgrimage of the year 1 2., he prepared the armies
[to go] to Syria. He sent out `Amr b. al-`A^i416 in the direction of Pal-
estine.417 `Amr took the road of al-Mu`rigah418 to Aylah .419 Abu Bakr [zo79)
4 16. Al-Sahmi. He earned fame for his military exploits, particularly the conquest
of Egypt, which he then governed twice . He embraced Islam in 8 /6:9. He supported
Mu`iwiyah in the civil war and is supposed to have played an important role in the
arbitration that followed $iiin. He died in office in 431663. His mother was from the
`Anazah. See EP, s.v `Amr b . al-`Aj; Zubayri, Nasab, 4o9-11 ; Ibn Hajar, lsdbah, III,
A-3.
417. Ar. Filastin. Although this is a well-known geographical term, it should be
noted that the boundaries of late Roman Palestine were not the same as those of the
modem territory established under the British Mandate . Roman Palestine consisted
of three provinces, Palaestina Prima, Secunda, and Salutaris, embracing some terri-
tory east of the Jordan and also extending into what is now southern Lebanon. Early
Muslim Filastin, however, basically consisted of only the Roman Palaestina Prima,
extending from the Mount Carmel ridge in the north to Gaza and the desert in the
south . Any specific report in this volume could refer to either the wider Roman or the
narrower early Muslim definition . See Le Strange, Palestine, z6-3 5 ; El', s .v. Filastin;
also see map in this volume.
418. Lit. "the sweat causing." It is the road from Mecca to Syria via the humid Red
Sea coast. See Caetani, Annali, II, 11 zr n. 3; Donner, Conquests, 115.
419. A town at the northern end of the Gulf of `Agabah, located just to the north-
west of the present Jordanian city of al -`Agabah. See E12, s.v. Ayla; Le Strange, Pal-
estine, 549.
74 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
420. Al-Umawi al-Qurashi. He was the elder brother of Mu`awiyah, with whom he
embraced Islam in 8 /630. Afterward, he governed Syria for `Umar for a rather brief
period until his death in 18 /639. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 8; II, 596 ; Ibn Sa'd,
Tabaqdt, VII, 405-6; Zubayri, Nasab, 114-26; Ibn Khayyit, Tb'rikh, ][03,130,157,
Ibn Hajar, lsdbah, III, 656-57.
421. `Amir b. `Abdallah b. al-Jarrab al-Fihri of the Quraysh. He was one of the ear-
liest Muslims and greatest Companions. He played an important role in the election
of Abu Bakr. Later, he governed Syria until his death of the plague at the age of fifty-
eight in 18/639 at `Amwas in Palestine . See EP, s.v Abu `Ubayda b. al-Djarrah; Ibn
Sa`d, Tabagdt, VII, 384 -85; Ibn Ilajar, Isdbah, II, 252-54. Kufi, Futnh, I, 122, makes
him the overall commander on the Syrian front from the outset. On the exact route
he took to Syria, see Kufi, Futah, I, 100-1.
422. An important city in the northernmost Hijaz of Saudi Arabia, it has kept its
original name. See El', s.v. Tabuk.
423. Basically al-Balga' is the plateau east of the Jordan River, corresponding
roughly to the modem state of Jordan . In early Islamic times it was both a region and
an administrative district. Its capital was `Amman . It included at the minimum the
land from the Wadi al -Zarga' in the north to the Wadi al-Mujib in the south. Thus it
appears to have corresponded partially to the defunct Ghassinid phylarchy. See EP,
s.v al-Balgi'; Ibn Khurdadhbih, Masdlik, 77; Ya`qubi, Bulddn, 326; Mugaddasi, Ta-
gdsim, 187s Yaqut, Mu`jam, 1, 489; Le Strange, Palestine, 32-35, 41 -
424. `Abdallah b. Abi Bakr b. Muhammad b. `Amr b. Hazm al -Ansari, he was a
Medinan traditionist from a family of early traditionists and jurists and therefore well
placed to transmit the Medinan tradition . He died in 130/748 or 13 5 /75 3. See Ibn Ha-
jar, Tbadhib, V, 164-65.
The Events of the Year 13 75
said, "0 Bann cAbd Manaf,425 you have willingly renounced your
[right to] command; others have taken it up." As for Abu Bakr, he did
not hold it against him, but, as for `Umar, he harbored a secret
grudge against him on account of it. Then Abu Bakr sent the troops
forth to Syria. The first man he put in command of a division (rub`)
of them was Khalid b. Said. But `Umar took to saying, "Are you
going to put him in command even though he has done what he has
done and has said what he has said?" He kept on (about it] with Abu
Bakr until the latter dismissed him and appointed Yazid b. AN Suf- [z.o8o]
yon to command.
Al-Sari - Shucayb - Sayf - Mubashshir b. Fuday1426 - Jubayr b.
$akhr, the Prophet's guard427-his father: Khalid b. Said b. al `A4i
was in Yemen at the time of the Prophet, being (still) there when the
Prophet died. He came [to Medina] a month after his death wearing
a silken robe. `Umar b. al-Khallab and `Ali b. AbiTalib encountered
him. `Umar shouted at those with him: "Rip up his robe! Can he
wear silk and be left alone, in peace, in the midst of our men?" At
this they ripped up his robe. Khalid said: "0 Abu Hasan! 0 Bann
`Abd Manaf! Have you been defeated regarding it? " `Ali answered,
"Is it a power struggle that you prefer or a caliphate? " Khalid re-
sponded, "No one will struggle over this matter who is more deserv-
ing of it than you, 0 Banu Abd Manaf." `Umar said to Khalid: "May
God break your teeth! By God, (if) a liar will not cease talking about
what I have said, then he will harm only himself." After this `Umar
reported to Abu Bakr what Khalid had said. When Abu Bakr as-
signed the commands for the fight against the apostates, he included
Khalid among those whom he appointed. `Umar [sought to] prevent
him from doing that, saying: "He is bound to fail. He is too impul-
sive (da`ff al-tarwi'ah). He has indeed told such a lie that whoever
propagates it or talks about it will not leave the earth.428 Therefore
425. The Banu `Abd Manaf were the branch of the Quraysh from which the Proph-
et's family, the `Alids, the Umayyads, and the `Abbisids were all derived . Here Khalid
b. Said, who also was one of them, is taunting them for allowing Abu Bakr to become
ruler, for the latter was not of the `Abd Manaf, who had hitherto possessed the com-
mand. See EP, s.v Kuraysh; Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, 5-7, 13, 17.
426. Apparently yet another transmitter mentioned only by Sayf.
42.7. Unidentifiable, but evidently not a Companion . Perhaps his title is meant to
indicate he was the guardian of the Prophet 's tomb . His only other mention is in
Tabari, 1, 2575, where he transmits from `Agim b. `Umar b. al-Khatkab, who lived
c. 6/627 to 70-73/689-692. See Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 53.
428. Ar. Id yufariq al-arda mudlin bihd aw khd'idun fiha. This obscure phrase
76 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
do not seek his aid." But Abu Bakr did not go along429 with him,
rather putting Khalid in command of support troops at Tayma'.430
He followed `Umar in part of his affair and resisted him in part.
Al-Sari - Shucayb - Sayf - Abu Ishaq al-Shaybani431- Abu $a-
12o8 i I flyyah al-Taymi432 [of the] Taym b. Shayban, Talhah-al-Mughirah,
and Muhammad-Abu `Uthman: Abu Bakr commanded Khalid to
stay at Tayma'. He went forth in a detachment until he stopped at
Tayma'. Abu Bakr had ordered him not to leave it, to summon those
around him to join him, to accept only those who had not aposta-
tized, and to fight only those who fought against him until he re-
ceived a different command. Thus he remained, and large numbers
[of troops] joined him. The Romans, on hearing of the hugeness of
that army, levied forces in Syria from the adjoining Arabs to send
against the Muslims. Khalid b. Said wrote to Abu Bakr about that
and about the gathering of those whom the Romans had mobilized
and those who had joined them from the Bahra', the Kalb, the Sa-
1-ih,433 the Tanukh, the Lakhm,434 the Judhazn,435 and the Ghassan,
from the near side of Ziz5>436 at Thuluth.437 Abu Bakr wrote back to
him: "Advance, and do not flinch. Seek God's help."
would seem to imply that Khilid's supporters should not be allowed to set out in fur-
ther military campaigns.
429. Text: yulatamal; read : yabtamil, with Cairo ed. and Tabari, Introductio,
Glossarium, Addenda at Emendanda, Dcxii.
430. An important oasis in the northern Hijiz between Khaybar and Tabuk, it has
retained the same name to the present. See Ell, s.v Tayma'.
43 1. Sulayman b. Abi Sulayman Fayruz, the mawld of the Shayban . He was a Kufan
traditionist, who died between 1 2.9/747 and 142/759 , probably nearer to the former,
in which case Sayf can barely have transmitted from him . He enjoyed a high reputa-
tion. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, VI, 345; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 641; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib,
IV2197-98.
432. Unidentified.
433. An Arab tribe concentrated in the region of Hawran in Syria , the Salih seem
to be little mentioned after this time and perhaps were absorbed by other groups. See
Ell, s.v Salih; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 179; II, 86, 507. See also note 322, above.
434. The ruling tribe of al-Hirah in Iraq ; the Syrian branch of the Lakhm seems to
have migrated as early as the fourth century C.E. to the area of Hawran , al-Jawlin, and
Palestine, where it was absorbed by the Judham . See El', s.v Lakhm, Ibn al-Kalbi,
Gamharat, 1, 176;11, 53-56,375-76; Donner, Conquests, 105-6.
435• A major Arab tribe of Palestine, TYansjordan, and northwestern Arabia at the
time of the conquest and later. See El', s.v. Djudhim ; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat,1, 176;
if, 53 - 56, 2.64 ; Donner, Conquests, 1o5-6.
436. A village in central Jordan east of the Dead Sea, less than 3o km. south of 'Am-
man on the pilgrimage route; it is now al-Jizah . See Yaqut, Mu'jam, III, 163 -64; Le
Strange, Palestine, 393 , 554-55.
437. Unidentified.
The Events of the Year 113 77
Thus Khalid set off toward them. When he had drawn near them
they split up, abandoning their camp , whereupon Khalid made camp
there. Nearly all those who had gathered against him entered Islam.
Khalid wrote to Abu Bakr about that, and Abu Bakr wrote back to
him, "Advance, but do not make any attacks, so that you will not be
assaulted from the rear." Therefore he set off with those who had
gone forth with him from Tayma' and those who had joined him
from the edge of the sand438 until they stopped in the area between
Abil,439 Ziza', and al-Qaslal.040 One of the Roman patricians called
Bahan441 came against him, but Khalid defeated him, slaying his [2082]
troops . He wrote about that to Abu Bakr and asked him for rein-
forcements.
The first of the recruits of Yemen and what is between Mecca and
Yemen had come to Abu Bakr, among them Dhu al-Kala`.442 Also
"Ikrimah443 came back to him, having campaigned with those who
438. This presumably refers to the great Nufud Desert of northwestern Arabia.
439• That is, Abil al-Zayt, which is mentioned by Yiqut, Mu`jam, I, 50; Le Strange,
Palestine, 38z. Its site is near the present village of Harti in northernmost Jordan just
south of the Yarmuk River.
440. A town of al-Balgi' 25 km. south of 'Ammin and hence directly adjacent to
Zizi'. Though the existing fort there dates from Umayyad times, the town most likely
already existed before , especially as the name seems to reproduce the Latin castel-
lum. Numerous Qastals exist in greater Syria. See Yiqut, Mu'jam, IV, 347; Le
Strange, Palestine, 483; Creswell and Allan, Early Muslim Architecture, 173-77.
441. This Roman general , who is called Baanes by Theophanes, was probably of Ar-
menian origin (Bihin = Vahan). He may have joined Herakleios when the latter
passed through Armenia in his fight against the Sisinians , for he is first recorded de-
feating the Persians in northern Iraq in late Rajab 6 (early December 6z7j. Later, at
the Yarmuk, he was defeated and killed , though Ibn al-Bitriq, Ta'rikh, 11, 15 , says that
he escaped and fled Herakleios 's wrath by becoming a monk at Mount Sinai. Dissen-
sions caused by him may have contributed to the defeat , though it would seem un-
likely that he would have been declared emperor as asserted by Theophanes. See
Theophanes, Chronicle, 23, 37 - 38; Stratos, Byzantium, Ix, 58 - 72, 206 - 9. He is
identified by Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 118, who erroneously calls him Hihin, as a Per-
sian who became a Christian, which lends some support to an Armenian origin for
him. On Theophanes's dating being off by a year, see Theophanes, Chronicle, xvii-
xviii.
442. Samayfa' b. Nikur al-Himyari, of the leading family of Yemen, embraced Is-
lam before the Prophet 's death, settled in Him$, and later fought for Mu `iwiyah at
$iffin, where he fell . See Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, II, 236, 510; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, I,
266; III, 261, 264; V, 18; VII, 440; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 219-20, 222; In Hazm, lam-
harah, 434; Ibn Hajar, Tbadhib, 1, 492 -93; Crone, Slaves, 95•
443. `Ikrimah b. Abi Jahl ` Amr al-Makhzumi . He was the sal of the Prophet's most
irreconcilable opponent and himself remained an opponent of Islam until after the
conquest of Mecca in 8/630. After he embraced Islam, however, he threw into it much
of the energy that had characterized his earlier opposition , was entrusted by Abu Bakr
78 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
had been with him from Tihamah'444 `Uman , al-Bahrayn,445 and al-
Sarw446 Abu Bakr wrote on their behalf to those in charge of taxes
(al-$adagat) that they replace those who asked to be replaced. All of
the troops asked to be replaced , so the army was named the Replace-
ment Army ( jaysh al-bidal).447 Then they went to Khalid b. Said.
At this point Abu Bakr became anxious on account of Syria,
whose matter caused him concern . Abu Bakr had sent `Amr b. al-
`ASI back to a post to which the Messenger of God had appointed
him -that of (overseeing) the taxation of the Sa'd Hudhaym ,448 the
`Udhrah,409 and those associated with them of the judham and the
Hadas450 - before his going to `Uman. Then he departed for `Uman
with a promise that his office would be restored to him when he re-
turned. Abu Bakr fulfilled that promise . When he became anxious
about Syria, Abu Bakr wrote to `Amr, saying, "I have restored you to
the office to which the Messenger of God appointed you once and
with a grand campaign in which he circled the Arabian Peninsula during the Riddah
wars, and was martyred fighting for the faith at Ainidayn , Mari al-$uffar, or al-Yar-
mak, the first being perhaps the most likely. See Ibn al-Kalbi, (,amharat,1, 17; 11,
353; Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, VII, 404 ; Zubayri, Nasab, 310-11 ; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 20
-21, 63, 98, 104, 107, 118 - 19; Kufi, Futuh , I, 72-75, 78-80, 82-84, 121, 123; Ibn
Hajar, Tbadhib, II, 496-97.
444• The coastal plain of Arabia adjoining the Red Sea . Tihamah is clearly set off
from the interior by the great Hijiz escarpment that extends along the length of Ara-
bia. Tihimah is mostly a desert plain , hot and humid . See Ell, s.v. Tihima ; Yiqut,
Mu'jam, II, 63-64.
445• The coastlands of Arabia fronting on the Persian Gulf. The modem eastern
province of Saudi Arabia, also called al-Ahsa', makes up most of this territory. Its
capital was Hajar, in the vicinity of modem al -Dammam. Early Islamic Bahrayn is
not to be confused with the modem usage , which confines the term to the present-
day island state of al-Bahrayn. See Yaqut , Mu`jam, 1, 346-49.
446. Lit., "the escarpment" It refers to the great west Arabian escarpment adjoin-
ing the Red Sea. It begins in Yemen and gradually declines in height from there north
to Syria. Many specific al-Sarws are identified, but here it should be taken as meaning
(north) Yemen in general. See Yagiit, Mu`jam,111, 204 - 5 (al-Sarah, which means the
same), 217-18.
447• The passage is obscure . It appears that `Ikrimah 's troops were sent home and
that he received replacements, which he then led to Syria . Thus Caetani, Annali, II,
i i8o - 8 r. Those in charge of taxation were also in charge of recruitment . Perhaps
each tribe had to furnish a certain quota . Alternatively, the text may mean that those
who volunteered were sent to Syria, and all did so.
448. A Qu4i' ah tribe of northwestern Arabia associated with the `Udhrah. See Ibn
al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 330;11, 91- 92, 494; Donner, Conquests, 102-3,105 - 6,109.
449• A Qu4i' ah tribe of the northern Hijaz, they were concentrated around Wadi
al-Quri, extending to Tabuk and Tayma'. See EP, s.v. `Udhra; Ibn al-Kalbi, dam-
harat, 1, 330;11, 91-9 3, 565-66 ; Donner, Conquests, 88, 102-3, 11o5 - 6, 109.
450. A large subtribe of the Lakhm. Their territory before Islam Jay in Transjordan.
See Ibn al -Kalbi, damharat,1, 247; II, 290; Donner, Conquests, ro5-6, 109.
The Events of the Year i 3 79
named you once more, when you were sent to `Uman. [I have done
this} in fulfillment of the promises of God's Messenger, so that you
have taken it up once and then again. I would like, Abu cAbdallah,
to devote you entirely to that which is better fo you in your [present]
life and your return to God, unless that which you have now is pref-
erable to you." `Amr wrote back to him, "I am one of the arrows of
Islam, and you, after God, are the one who shoots them and collects
them. Look for the strongest, most fearsome, and best of them and
aim at something with it, if [news) comes to you from some direc-
tion." He also wrote to al-Walid b. `Ugbah with the like of that, and [20831
he replied expressing preference for going forth to fight (jihad).
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Sahl b. Yusuf451- al-Qasim b. Mu-
1iammad:452 Abu Bakr wrote to `Amr and to al-Walid b. `Ugbah, who
was in charge of half of the tax district of the Qutia`ah. Abu Bakr had
seen them off when he sent them to collect taxes. He gave each a sin-
gle piece of advice:
Fear God in secret and in open, for "Whoever keeps his
duty to God, God makes for him a way out and bestows pro-
vision on him from whence he does not expect";453 "And
whoever keeps his duty to God, God forgives his sins and
makes his reward great."454 For keeping one's duty to God is .
the best admonishment God's worshipers can give to one
another. You are on one of God's paths. On that path may
you not be diverted from, abandon, or be careless regarding
those things that hold support for your religion and protec-
tion for your affairs. Therefore neither flag nor slacken.
He also wrote to the two of them: "Appoint deputies in charge of
your offices. Call to arms those in the areas around you." Thus `Amr
put `Amr b. So-and-So al `Udhri4ss in charge of the upper part (`ulyd (
451. Al-Salami of the Salimah b . Sad of the Ansar; he may have been the grand-
nephew of the pro-`Uthman Ansari poet Ka'b b. Malik , a connection that would fit
Sayf's pro `Uthman tendencies . His identity and existence are in some doubt, how-
ever. Tabari, 1, 1574; Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, II, go; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Ist1`ab, II, 98-99.
451. The grandson of the caliph Abu Bakr and hence an authority on the latter, al-
Qisim was one of the famous traditionists and scholars of Medina. His father was
Muhammad b. Abi Bakr 110-38 /631-58), the partisan of `Ali who participated in the
revolution against the caliph `Uthman, but al -Qasim can hardly have known him. He
lived 36-106/656-715. See Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, V, 187-94; Zubayri, Nasab, 279; Ibn
Hajar, 7badhib, VIII, 333-35.
453. Qur' an, 65: 2-3.
454. Qur'an, 65: 5.
455. Unidentified.
8o The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
456. This probably is the area of the northern Hijiz near the Red Sea, where `Amr
had close relations with the Qu(W ah tribe of Bali, which was the tribe of his grand-
mother and one of his wives. See Zubayri, Nasab, 408, 411 ; Watt, Muhammad at
Medina, 111 , seems to err in asserting that `Amr's mother was also from the Bali.
457.On the reward for works being according to intention, see the famous hadith
in Bukhari, Sahib, I, 2.
458. A division ( fund) of Syria with its capital at Tiberias, al-Urdunn was probably
derived from the Roman province of Palaestina Secunda but did not exactly corre-
spond to it. See El', s.v al-Urdunn (second part ); l takhri, Masdlik, 58-59; Ya`qubi,
Bulddn, 32.7-28 ; Ibn Khurdadhbih, Masdlik, 78; Muqaddasi, Tagdsim, 161-64; Ya-
qut, Mu'jam, 1, 147-49; Le Strange, Palestine, 30-32.
459• Al -`Amirl of the `Amir b. Lu'ayy of the Quraysh . He embraced Islam in 8/630
after Hunayn . Participating in the conquest of Syria , he died there of the plague in 18/
639 or else at Mari al-$uffar or al-Yarmuk. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, VII, 404 - 5; Zu-
bayri, Nasab, 417-18; Kufi, Futnh,1, 1z3; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, II, 93-94.
The Events of the Year 13 81
Abu Bakr saw them off on foot. He also put Abu `Ubaydah b. al-Jar-
rib in charge of [some of] those who had gathered and put him in
command of Himg.460 Abu Bakr went out with him; his two com-
manders [also] walked, the troops being with the two of them and
behind them. Abu Bakr admonished each of the two.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Sahi - al-Qasim, Mubashshir -
Silim,461 and Yazid b. Asid al-Ghassini - Khalid and CUbidah:462
When al-Walid came to Khilid b. Said to support him, when the
troops of the Muslims whom Abu Bakr had supplied him with came
-they were named the Replacement Army - and when Khilid had
heard about the commanders and their coming to him, he attacked
the Romans, seeking credit for himself but exposing his rear. The
commanders hastened to fight the Romans . Bihin feigned flight
from him, recoiling with his army on Damascus. Khilid attacked [zo85J
with his army, which included Dhu al-Kali`, `Ikrimah, and al-
Walid, until he stopped at Marj al -$uffar463 between al -Wiqu$ah464
460. The Emesa of Roman times, it is still one of the largest cities of Syria . In early
Islamic times the name also applied to its province ) jund). See EP, s.v. Him$; I$-
takhri, Masalik, 61; Ya`qubi, Bulddn, 324 - 25; Yiqut, Mu'jam, II, 302 - 4; Le
Strange, Palestine, 25, 35-36, 39.
461. This is a reference to Salim b. `Abdalli h b. `Umar b . al-Khattib, who died in
106/725 . In the preceding parallel isndd Sayf- Sahl-al-Qisim, Sayf quotes an un-
identifiable and probably fictional transmitter to link himself with the famous grand-
son of Abu Bakr; here he probably is doing the same to link himself with the famous
grandson of `Umar b . al-Khaftib. On Salim b. `Abdallih, see Ibn Sa d, Tabagat, V,
195-zo1 ; Zubayri, Nasab, 357; Ibn Hajar, Tbadhib, III, 436-38.
462. These two transmitters, who are always cited together by Sayf in this volume,
appear to be Khilid b. Ma`din al -Kali`i al-Himsi Id. 104-8/721-26) and `Ubidah b.
Nusayy al-Kindi al-Urdunni Id. 118 /736), as suggested in Tabari , Indices, 164, 309.
These identifications appear plausible in view of their biographies , which reveal them
to have been important Syrian traditionists . See Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, VII, 455-56; Ibn
`Asikir, Tahdhib, V, 89-91; VII, 217-18; Dhahabi, Siyar, IV 536-41; V, 323-24;
Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, III, 118 - 20; V, 113 - 14. Donner, Conquests, 134, 317 n. 211,
appears unaware or unconvinced of their identities , however, and indeed they are
never fully identified in Sayf's reports; nor do the rijdl books ever say that they trans-
mitted to Abu `Uthmin, Sayf's rdwi here. Sayf may have wanted to imply that his
reports were derived from these outstanding traditionists without having actually to
say so. In other instances he has attributed reports to famous, reliable traditionists
through unknown persons of his own invention.
463. A plain extending south of Damascus , near Tall Shaqhab. See E12, s.v. Mardi
al-$uffar; Le Strange, Palestine, 504. It was the site of a famous battle mentioned here
and on pp. 107, 109, below. For the battle, see also Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 104. Kufi,
Futub, I,15o, has turned the apparent Muslim defeat in this battle into a victory, led
by Khilid b. al-Walid no less, in which not a single Muslim was either killed or
wounded!
464. The present-day village of al-Yiqu$ah at al-Yarmuk. See EP, s.v al-Yarmuk.
The report of Yiqut, Mu'jam, V, 3 54- 5 5, seems to be derived wholly from Sayf.
8z The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
465. His mother was Haminah for, improbably, Umayyah) bt. Khalaf b. As'ad al-
Khuza`iyyah. Said was born in Ethiopia when many of the Muslims went there to
escape persecution by the Quraysh about 615 C.E., which would make him very
young at the time of Mari al -$uffar. See Ibn `Asakir, Tahdhib, VI, i z6; Ibn Hajar, Iqd-
bah, II, 45.
466. Lit ., "asking for rain."
467. A place in Wadi al-Quri in the Hijaz. See Baladhuri, Futvh, 14, I z8 -29, 779;
Donner, Conquests, 114.
468. Hisham b. `Urwah b. al-Zubayr b. al--`Awwam al-Asadi al-Qurashi, the
nephew of `Abdallah b. al-Zubayr and the grandnephew of the Prophet's wife `A'i-
shah. He was well placed to transmit traditions in Medina and was one of the most
important traditionists of his generation . Like many of the early traditionists from
noble Qurashi families, he was the son of a slave mother. He visited al-Kafah three
times and finally became one of the companions of al-Mangur in Baghdad, where he
died. He lived c. 61/68o to 145 -46/762- 63. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, VII, 321; Zubayri,
Nasab, 148; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, 48-51.
The Events of the Year 13 83
listened to `Umar with regard to Khalid b . Said after the latter had
done his deed.
`Amr took the coastal road, and Abu `Ubaydah followed the same
route. Yazid took the Tabuk road , and Shurahbil went by the same [2o86]
path. Abu Bakr named the chief cities of Syria for them [as objec-
tives] . He knew that the Romans would divert their attention; there-
fore he desired to have the descending one ascend and the ascending
one descend, so that they would not forsake one another.469 It turned
out as he had supposed, and they achieved what he had wanted.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - `Amr - al-Sha`bi: When Khalid b.
Said came to Dhu al -Marwah and the news [of that] came to Abu
Bakr, he wrote to Khalid, "Remain where you are, for, by my life, you
are one who plunges forward then shrinks back in fear, ever seeking
to save [yourself] from deep difficulties that you do not wade into [in-
tending] what is right, nor do you persevere for it ." When afterward,
Abu Bakr gave permission to him to enter Medina, Khalid said,
"Pardon me ." Abu Bakr replied, "Is it to be stupid prattle, even
though you are a man of cowardice in warfare ? " When Khalid had
gone from his presence, Abu Bakr said, "Umar and 'Ali were more
knowledgeable about Khalid. If only I had listened to them about
him, I would have feared40 him and avoided him."
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Mubashshir and Sahl ; and Abu `Uth-
min-Khalid, `Ubidah; and Abu Hirithah:471 The commanders led
the whole of the army toward Syria . `Ikrimah served as a covering
force for the army. The Romans heard about that, so they wrote to
Herakleios .472 Herakleios went forth until he stopped at Him,
where he prepared troops to [face] the Muslims and mobilized his
469. This would appear to mean that he had them fan out to fill in the gaps along
the front so that the different divisions could support one another more easily in the
event of a Roman attack.
470. Or "been ashamed to use."
471. Mu1riz b. jiriyah ( or Hirithah) b. Rabi`ah b . `Abd al -`Uzzi b. `Abd Shams al-
`Abshami al-Qurashi, he was said to have governed Mecca for `Umar b . a1-Khatlib
and to have been killed in the Battle of the Camel in 36 /656. Sayf's frequent citations
from him are probably owing to the fact that his descendants had settled in al-Kufah
and were prominent there. See Zubayri, Nasab, 159; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 153; Ibn
Hazm, jamharah, 78; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, III, 368. The same person also is mentioned
as one of the witnesses against Hujr b. `Adi in 51 /671 in Tabari, II, 13x. For the iden-
tification of Abu Hirithah as Muhriz, see Tabari, I, 2573, which appears decisive; cf.
Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, ncxrv.
472. Ar. Hiraql. The Roman emperor, ruled 610 - 41 c.E. The best native source for
his reign is Theophanes, Chronicle, 6-40.
84 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
479. Although the Romans were Christians and therefore People of the Book (ahl
al-dhimmah I and thus properly speaking not polytheists , they often are referred to as
such in these passages of Sayf. It is difficult to tell whether or not this reflects the
development of Muslim-Christian polemic in Sayf's time, but it is not unlikely, given
the increasingly ideological content of the struggles of the early `Abbasid period. For
the development of some of this polemic, see Sahas , John of Damascus, passim; Ibn
Hisham, Sirah, 1, z.32-33.
480. Or "disbelieve in."
4811. Lit ., "in mutual support. " See Ibn Man;ur, Lisdn, s.v. s-n-d.
482. Text : 1i-yu.alli; read : 1i-ya.il, with Mss. Hi', Kos., and IA . The other reading,
which is preferred by the Leiden and Cairo eds., based on Ms. IH2, would mean "lead
his companions in worship," which does not appear to fit the context.
483. Ar. batnrigah, Latin patricii. It was an honorary title, revived by Constantine
for his closest associates, but it gained greater meaning when it was added to the no-
menclature of the supreme military commander, a magister utriusque militiae, in
415 C. E. In Justinian's time (517-65 C.E.) there were five such magistri, but it is not
clear whether they yet held the title of patrikios. See Jones, Later Roman Empire, l 06,
1176, 178,
perhaps "find out the qualities of."
484- Or 192'609.
86 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
The Muslims moved from the camp where they had joined forces
and camped against the Romans , right in front of them , on their
route. The Romans had no route except against the Muslims. `Amr
said, "O people, rejoice! By God , the Romans are surrounded! It
rarely has happened that anything good comes to he who is sur-
rounded." Thus the Muslims remained before them, on their road
and their (only] way out, during $afar 13 (6 April-4 May 634) and
the two months of Rabi` (S May- 2 July). The Muslims were able nei-
ther to do anything against the Romans nor to reach them, the ravine
-which is al-Wagn4ah-being behind them and the trench before
them. The Romans could not go forth at all but that the Muslims
prevailed against them, until the month of Rabi al-Awwal (S May-
3 June) had gone by.
[zo89) Meanwhile, the Muslims had requested reinforcements from Abu
Bakr, informing him of the situation in $afar. He then wrote to
Khalid (b. al-Walid] to join them and commanded him to leave al-
Muthanna in charge of Iraq . Khalid came to them in Rabic.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Muhammad, Talhah, `Amr, and al-
Muhallab : When the Muslims had camped at al-Yarmuk and re-
quested reinforcements from Abu Bakr, he said , "Khalid is for it,"
and thereupon sent a message to him while he was in Iraq , asking
him and urging him to get going. Thus it was that Khalid came
through. Khalid came to the Muslims , while Bahan came to the Ro-
mans, having sent ahead before him the deacons, monks, and priests
to incite desire (for victory] in the Romans and to urge them to fight.
The arrival of Khalid coincided with the arrival of Bahan. Bahan led
his forces out like a powerful [leader ]. Khalid took charge of fighting
him, while the [other) commanders fought those in front of them.
Bahan was defeated, and the [other ] Romans followed one another
successively into defeat, plunging into their trench (in flight]. The
Romans saw a good omen in Bahan ,485 and the Muslims rejoiced in
Khalid. The Muslims fought in a ferocious rage, and the polytheists
fought with vehement anger. The latter numbered one hundred forty
thousand, of whom eighty thousand were bound, forty thousand of
these chained and forty thousand tied with turbans.486 They were
485. This reference seems out of place, but it means that, before the battle, the Ro-
mans were cheered by the arrival of Bahan, as is clear from,p. i 6o, below.
486. This was to prevent their fleeing in the face of danger or defeat.
The Events of the Year 13 87
A1-Yarmuk [zo901
Abu Ja`far: Abu Bakr had assigned to each one of the commanders in
Syria a district ( kurah ) ]to conquer]. Thus he assigned Him$ to Abu
cUbaydah b. `Abdallah b. al-Jarrah, Damascus to Yazid b. Abi Suf-
yan, al-Urdunn to Shurahbil b. Hasanah, and Palestine to `Amr b. al-
`A$i and cAlqamah b. Mujazziz 489 When the latter two had accom-
plished their mission in Palestine cAlqamah stayed on, and `Amr490
went to Egypt . When the commanders were about to enter Syria a
large enemy force attacked each commander among them. Thus
they agreed in their opinion to join together in one place and meet
the combined force of the polytheists with the combined force of the
Muslims . When Khalid saw the Muslims fighting under separate
banners he said to them , "Are you interested, 0 chiefs, in something
by which God will strengthen his religion , and through which nei-
ther loss nor harm will come to you either with it or from it? "
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Abu `Uthman Yazid b. Asid al-Ghas-
sani- Khalid and `Ubadah : There came to it", with the command-
ers and the four divisions ( junnd) twenty-seven thousand (men], in
addition to three thousand from the defeated remnants of Khalid b.
487. These numbers do not add up to the alleged total of one hundred forty thou-
sand. Probably there is a scribal error. In any case, the numbers are fanciful.
488. This version thus dates the Battle of al-Yarmiik to 5 Jumada al-Akhirah 13 (6
August 634).
489. Al-Mudliji al-Kinani . He was put in charge of several expeditions by the
Prophet and the early caliphs, beginning in 9/630, until he was killed in a seabome
attack on Ethiopia in zo/ 641. His father's name is also given as Mubarriz. See Ibn al-
Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 44; 11, 154 ; Ibn Hisham, Sirah, II, 639-40; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagat, II,
163; Ibn Ilajar, I$dbah, 11, 505 -6.
490. 'Amy is not mentioned in the text here, but the addition is demanded by the
context.
491. That is, al-Yarmuk.
88 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
49Z. text : khanddiq; read: ai-khandaq, with Kos. This change is demanded by the
following reference to "borders " in the singular and also accords with the rest of the
text. On trench warfare, see EP, s.v. Khandak.
The Events of the Year 13 89
493• These would appear to be battalion-sized units, based on the numbers given,
perhaps akin to the tribal regiments , but Sayf's information is not trustworthy. Their
appearance here is almost certainly an anachronism , as Marwin b. Muhammad is
explicitly credited with initiating the use of karddis in the second (eighth) century.
See Tabari, 11, 1941 , 1944; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 373.
494• Al-Zuhri al-Qurashi, the newphew of Sad b. Abi Wagga$. He embraced Islam
in 8/630, commanded at Jalula' in 17/ 638, settled in al-Kufah, and was killed fight-
ing on 'Ali's side at $iffin in 38/658 . See E12, s.v. Hashim b. `Utba; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, I, zo; II, 28o; Ibn Khayyat, TL'rikh, 127, 132, 219-21 ; Kufi, Futub, 103-4,114-
16, Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, III, 593-94; Donner, Conquests, 119, 137, 207, 362, 400, 405,
409-10.
495• Al-`Amri al-Tamimi. He is mentioned only by Sayf. See Donner, Conquests,
365. He is meant to represent the father of Sayf's alleged authority Han;alah b. Ziyad
b. HanZalah, mentioned on p. ooo .'Askari, Khamsdn wa mi'ah $abdbi, 227 - 41,
identifies him as one of Sayf's fabrications for the glorification of the Tamim tribal
grouping. Sayf's Usayyid clan was a part of the `Amr Tamim.
496. Al-Kalbi. He was allegedly sent as an emissary to the Roman emperor in 7/
628, migrated to Syria, and died in al-Mizzah near Damascus c. 50/670. A variant
tradition alleges that he became a Muslim only in the time of Abu Bakr. See E12, s.v.
Dihya; lbn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 28S; Ii, 232; Ibn Hishim, Sirah, II, 234, 607, 612-
13; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, IV, 249-51; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 47, 51, 74; Ibn `Asikir, Tah-
dhib, V, 221-23; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, I, 473-74; Donner, Conquests, 137, 366.
497. Abu al-Hasan al-Kufi. It is curious that a Kufan should be mentioned among
the defeated remnants of Khalid b . Said . Perhaps this is a further embellishment by
Sayf. See Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, III, 664; Donner, Conquests, 366.
498. The son of Khalid b. al-Walid and a Khath'ami woman, he later served Mu-
`awiyah as governor of Himg, bore his standard at $iffin, and died of poison at Him$
in 46/666. His role at al -Yarmuk is found only in Sayf's report, which is doubtful, as
he otherwise first appears as a commander in the reign of `Uthmin. See E12, s.v. `Abd
The Events of the Year r 3 91
al-Rabmin b . Khilid; Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 23; U, 129; Zubayri, Nasab, 324-
27; Ibn Khayyit, Tb'rikh, 198, 222, 240-41; Ibn Hajar, I$abah, III, 67-68 (discount-
ingSayf's version ); Donner, Conquests, 366.
499• Al-Fihri. He is chiefly famous for having led many of the original Muslim con-
quests in northern Syria, al-Jazirah, and Armenia . Later he led one of Mu iwiyah's
wings at $iffin . Said to have been born in Mecca c. 6zo c. E., he died in Armenia or
Damascus in 42 /662. If his birth date is accurate , he can hardly have fought at al-
Yatmik or commanded conquests soon after. Perhaps his birth date was invented to
explain how he could have been a Qurashi but not a Companion . See EP, s.v. Habib
b. Maslama; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 34; U, 289; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt , VII, 409-10;
Zubayri, Nasab, 447; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh , 149,1157 - 58,1169, 222., 237; Balidhuri,
Futila, 132 (improbably subordinated to Khilid b . al-Walid), 161, 174 , 176-77,189,
z07-8, 219,12I , 225, 228, 234-39, 2.41; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, I, 309; Tbadhib, II, 190-
91; Theophanes, Chronicle, 44; Donner, Conquests, 150,153,247,363.
Soo. Al-Jumalni. He was the son of one of the Prophet's inveterate opponents who
had been slain at Badr. His wife was a daughter of Abu Sufyin . $afwin became a Mus-
lim in 8 /630, visited Medina to make hijrah, then returned to Mecca, where he died
in 36 - 42/656 - 662. As it is denied that he participated in any campaigns , his pres-
ence at al -Yarmuk, which is found only in Sayf, probably is yet another of the latter's
attempts to improve on the reputations of Companions unpopular with the Shi'ah.
See In al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 24; II, 535; Zubayri, Nasab, 388; In Hajay I$dbah, II,
187-88.
501. This same Said, the son of Khalid b. Said , had already been slain by the Ro-
mans according to another report of Sayf; see p. 82, above; cf. note 465, above.
5oz. `Amr b. Sufyin al-Sulami, a confederate of Abu Sufyin who seems to have be-
come a Muslim even after Hunayn, which makes his status as Companion doubtful
(Bukhiri makes no mention of it ). He figured as a commander in several campaigns,
especially naval ones, including that against Cyprus in 26 /647 and the very signifi-
cant victory over the emperor Constans II off Lycia in 34 /655. A supporter of Mu-
'iwiyah, he fought for the latter at $iffin, was with `Amr b. al `Ag in Egypt, and set-
tled in the jund of al-Urdunn . See EP, s.v. Abu'I-A`war al-Sulami; Ibn Khayyit,
Ta'rikh, 219, 222; Kufi, FutO, 1, 123; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, II, 540-41; Theophanes,
Chronicle, 45; Donner, Conquests, 136-38, 363.
503.Only found in Sayf, this name would appear to refer to a son of `Abhalah al-
Aswad Dhi al-Khimir b . Ka'b al--`Ansi, the false prophet of Yemen who appeared in
the Riddah period . However, another, perhaps more likely candidate for the father of
this man is Subay` (or Sab') Dhu al -Khimir b. al-Hirith b. Malik (al-Thagafi ? al-Hili-
li? ), who was killed fighting against the Muslims at Hunayn in 8/630 . See E11, s.v al-
Aswad b. Ka'b al `Ansi ; Tabari, I, 165 5 , 1664; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 272; 11, 199;
Wagidi, Maghdzi, 885, 907, 911; Ibn Hishim, Sirah, II, 437; Balidhuri, Ansdb, 1, 62.
504. Al-Qamri. He concluded peace with the Qamrah for the Prophet, then later
fought in Syria. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 42; II, 572 ; Ibn Hazm, /amharah, 185.
Ibn Hajar, I$abah, II, 517, is taken from Sayf.
92 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
505. Apparently the famous Abu Musa al -Ash`ari is intended. An Iraqi who gov-
erned al-Bagrah and al-Kufah, he died at al-Kufah or Mecca between 41 /661 and 53/
673. As he is not otherwise attested in Syria, he is most unlikely actually to have
taken part there, so that his presence in this list is probably another of Sayf's pro-Iraqi
embellishments. In Tabari, I, 25 23, Sayf even says that `Umar made him governor of
the Syrian coast, which is certainly false. See Eft, s.v al-Ash`ari, Abu Mesa; Ibn Ha-
jar, Isdbah, II, 359 - 60; Donner, Conquests, 176, z12, 215 - 16, 366, 417, 420-z1,
433,436,439-
5o6. Al-Sulami. He dubiously claimed to have been one of the very earliest Com-
panions. He joined the Prophet toward the end of the latter 's mission, perhaps c. 7/
6z9 or more probably 9/ 631. He settled in Him$ . Sayf later claims a post for him in
Syria. See Tabari, 1, 1166, 1168, 2523, 2526 ; Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 125; II, 167;
Ibn Sa`d, Tabagdt, VII, 403; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, III, 5-6; Donner, Conquests, 366.
507. Al-Kindi. He also settled in Hims, where he , or at least his son, became one of
the most important men in the city. See Ibn al-Kalbi, (`amharat, 1, 236 ; II, 513; Ibn
Hajar, Isdbah, II, 1151 Donner, Conquests, 132,1139, 150, 363 ; Crone, Slaves, tot.
5o8. Al-Sakuni al-Kindi . He settled in Egypt and supported `Uthman, then Mu-
`iwiyah, in the first civil war. From Egypt he campaigned against the Sudan and
North Africa. He died in 52/672. His alleged participation at al-Qadisiyyah is prob-
ably an embellishment by Sayf, meant to show harmony and cooperation between the
Companions of Syria and Iraq, as well as to refute Shi `i criticism of prominent pro-
Umayyad Syrians . See Tabari, 1, z22o- 22; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 178, 218, 241, 247-
49; Kind!, Wuldh wa quddh, 1z, 15, 17-19, 11, 27 - 30; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, III, 431;
Donner, Conquests, 207, 367, 396.
509. Al-Dawsl, the confederate of the Banu Umayyah , said to have been martyred
at Ajnadayn, in which case he could not have fought at al -Yarmiik. His daughter mar-
ried `Uthman b. `Affin . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Oamharat, I, 215; II, 266 ; Balidhuri, Fu-
to,135 ; In Hajar, IIdbah, I, 249; Donner, Conquests, 359, 363.
510. This could be anyone.
511. Mentioned only by Sayf, as indicated by Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, III, 330; Donner,
Conquests, 367. The afar here are a branch of the Aws of the Ansir. See Watt, Mu-
hammadatMedina, 152, 152,154, r6r-62.
5!2. Hawshab b. Yazid al -Hamdini. He was from Hims and fell fighting for Mu-
`awiyah at $iffin in 37/657. His participation at al-Yarmuk is mentioned only by
Sayf. See Ibn al-Kalbi, (amharat, 1, 232; II, 32.2; Ibn Khayyit , Ta'rikh, 210, 22.2;
Donner, Conquests, 367.
The Events of the Year 13 93
5113. One of the earliest Companions from the Anyir, he is said to have attended the
swearing of allegiance at al-`Agabah by Mecca before the hijrah, then to have fought
at Badr, and is last mentioned at al-Khandaq in 5/627 . All other sources give him a
straight Najjiri genealogy. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 185; II1 457; Wigidi, Ma-
ghdzi, 26, 164,447; Ibn Hishim, Sirah, I, 458, 613, 705 ; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagat, III, 517;
Balidhuri, Ansdb, 1, 244 ; Magdisi, Istib$dr, 8;; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, III, 251 ; Donner,
Conquests, 367.
514. Unidentified and mentioned only by Sayf. See Donner, Conquests, 367.
515• Masruq b. Harmalah al-'Akki . He seems to have been mentioned only by Sayf
in the conquests, but other sources mention his siding with Mu 'iwiyah in the first
civil war. Presumably, then, Sayf's description of Masruq's early military activities is
meant to palliate his other, later role. See Tabari, 1, 1986-87, 1993, 1997, 2399-2400;
Ibn Muzilaim, $iffin, 507; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, III, 408; Donner, Conquests, 367.
516. Al-Bahrini (or al-Sulami ), the confederate of the Lawdhin of the Aws. He
fought at Badr and disappears from the sources after Ubud . Only Sayf has him at al-
Yarmuk and gives his allegiance as belonging to a Banu `I$mah, the identity of whom
cannot be discerned ; probably the name results from a copyist 's error in which there
was confusion with the just-mentioned `Igmah b. `Abdallih. See Ibn al-Kalbi, (jam-
harat, 1, 177, 328; II, 578; Wigidi, Maghazi, 168; Ibn Hishim, Sirah, 1, 695; Ibn Sa`d,
Tabagat, III, 554; Ibn Hajar, I$abah, 11, 4S3; III, 103 ; Donner, Conquests, 367.
517. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf, as shown by Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, I, 218;
Donner, Conquests, 367. The Salimah were a tribe of the Ansir. See Watt, Muham-
mad at Medina, 152, 154, 169.
518. Qabith b. Ashyam (Qays) al-Laythi al-Kinini . After fighting at Badr against
the Muslims he embraced Islam about 8/630, settled in Him$, and shed blood in de-
fense of the caliph `Uthmin's house in Medina in 35/656. See Tabari, 1, 967, 3016;
Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 36; 11, 454 ; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagat, VII, 411; Ibn Khayyit,
TL'rikh, 9; Ibn Hajar, I$abah, III, 221-22; Donner, Conquests, 3 62 (under Qiyitha).
519. `Uwaymir (or `Amir) b. Zayd al-Khazraji, a famous Companion who settled in
Damascus, where he transmitted many traditions before his death in31-32/651-
52. No military exploits of his are recorded except by Sayf. See EP, s.v. Abu 'l-Dardi';
Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 188; 11 165; Ibn Sa 'd, Tabagdt, VII, 391-93; Donner, Con-
quests, 131, 136, 367.
5 20. An outstanding opponent of Islam until the fall of Mecca , he is often portrayed
in an advisory capacity thereafter until his death in32/653 at a great age. He was the
father of the caliph Muiwiyah. His ties with Syria before Islam are widely reported.
See EP, s.v. Abu Sufyin ; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 8; 11, 536 ; Donner, Conquests,
96, 362.
94 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
52.6. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf. See Ibn Hajar, ILabah,111, 487.
96 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
glance . But you have not seen the wonders and proofs that
we saw, nor have you heard what we heard. Therefore
whoever among you enters into this affair sincerely and
with [true intention] is better than we.
Jurjah said, "By God, you have indeed told me the truth and not
tried to deceive me or to persuade me with a friendly tone ." Khalid
said: "By God, I have indeed told you the truth . I do not bear any hos-
tility toward you or toward anyone among you. God is indeed the
master of what you have asked about." Jurjah said , "You have spoken
the truth to me ." He turned his shield over and inclined toward
Khalid, saying, "Teach me Islam." Therefore Khalid brought him to
his tent and poured over him a skin of water. Then Jurjah made two
prostrations ( rakcatayn ) of worship.
The Romans attacked when Jurjah had gone over to Khalid, for
they thought Jurjah was making a charge . They drove the Muslims
from their positions, except for those covering them, `Ikrimah and
al-Harith b. Hisham.529
, Khalid rode, and Jurjah was with him, while
the Romans were in the midst of the Muslims . The troops called to
each other and regrouped, and the Romans retreated to their posi-
tions . Khalid then marched with them until the two sides were
striking each other with swords . Khalid and Jurjah kept smiting the
enemy from before sunrise until the sun had inclined toward set- [2o99]
ting. Then Jurjah was struck down, without having performed any
worship in which he prostrated himself , except for the two prostra-
tions by which he had embraced Islam. The troops performed the
first worshipuo (al-Old) and the midafternoon worship by sign 53n
The Romans weakened . Khalid rushed upon the enemy with the
center until he was between their cavalry and their infantry. The
battle site had a wide space for pursuit [but only] a narrow way of es-
529. Al-Makhzumi, the brother of Abu Jahl and first cousin of Khalid b. al-Walid.
He embraced Islam at the conquest of Mecca in 8/63o and took part in the conquest
of Syria, where he died in the plague of 18 /639, or else at al -Yarmnk. See Ibn Sad,
Tabagdt, VII, 404; Zubayri, Nasab, 301-2; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 6o, 119, 13o; Kufi,
Futilb, 1, I2o- 21; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, 1, 293-94.
530. Evidently the noon worship j;uhrj.
531. This means that , with the battle going on, the men did not assemble for the
formal worship in the usual way but performed their assigned worship in some un-
specified symbolic way. Usually jaldt al-khawf, the "fear prayer," involves shorten-
ing the worship ritual, delaying it, or doing it in turns; but the term also may mean
performing it by sign, especially from an animal's back. See Bukhari, $abih, 11, 17-
19; Muslim, $abih, I, 277-78, 334-6; Malik, Muwatta', 130-31.
98 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
cape. 532 When their horsemen found a way to go they went, leaving
behind their infantry in their battle order. Their horses went along,
speeding away with their riders into the desert. The [Muslim] troops
delayed their worship so that they worshiped after the victory. When
the Muslims saw the Roman cavalry heading to escape, they opened
[their ranks] for them [to pass] and did not impede them. Thus they
went on and scattered throughout the country.
Khalid and the Muslims rather advanced on the infant ry, breaking
them as if a wall had been pulled down on them . Then they were at-
tacked in their trench. Khalid rushed against them in it, so that they
headed for al-Wagiigah until the bound [men] and the others of them
fell into it. Those who were bound who feared for themselves pulled
into it those who persisted in fighting . Thus one would pull in ten
who could not bear his [weight ]. As often as two fell in, the rest were
weaker. One hundred twenty thousand plunged into al-Waqu$ah,
eighty thousand bound and forty thousand unfettered, beside those
who were killed in the battle among the cavalry and infantry. The
share [in the spoils] of a cavalryman on that day was one thousand
five hundred [dirhams] . Al-Figar and some of the Roman nobles
wrapped themselves up in their mantles ( baranis) and then sat
down, saying, "We do not like seeing such a day of evil , because we
have not been able to see a day of joy, and because we have not suc-
[2.roo] ceeded in protecting Christianity." They were struck down while
wrapped in their mantles.
Al-Sari-Shu`ayb-Sayf-Abu `Uthman-Khalid and `Ubadah:
Khalid awoke the morning after that night in the tent of Theodore.
When he entered the trench he took up quarters in it , while his cav-
alry surrounded it. The troops fought until the morning.
Al-Sari - Shucayb - Sayf - Abu `Uthman al-Ghassani - his
father:m On that day, `Ikrimah b. Abi Jahl said, "[Would] I fight the
Messenger of God in every place, yet flee from you today?!" Then he
called out, "Who will take an oath (to fight] to the death?"Al-Harith
b. Hisham and Qirar b. al-Anwar gave him their oaths of allegiance
[on that condition], along with four hundred of the Muslim notables
and horsemen .5" They fought in front of Khalid's tent until they all
were disabled with wounds. Many were killed, though some recov-
ered, including Qirar b. al-Azwar. `Ikrimah was brought wounded to
Khalid after the men had arisen. Khalid put cIkrimah's head on his
thigh. [He was also brought] `Ainr b. `Ikrimah,535 and he put his head
on his leg. He began to wipe their faces and let water dribble into
their throats while saying, "Ibn al-Hantamah536 claimed that we
would not die as martyrs."
A1-Sari-Shucayb-Sayf-Abu `Umayss37-al-Qasim b.'Abd al-
Rahman538-Abu Umamah,539 who participated at al-Yarmuk along
with 'Ubadah b. al-$amit:540 The women fought on that day during
535. Alleged son of `Ikrimah b. Abi Jahl, to whom Zubayri, Nasab, 311, credits no
offspring, rather specifically denying that `Ikrimah had any children . Ibn Hazm, lam-
harah, 145, has `Umar for `Amr b. `Ikrimah but may have derived his report from
Sayf.
536. That is, `Umar b. al-Khattab. Al-Hantamah bt. Hishim b. al-Mughirah al-
Makhzumiyyah was his mother. See Zubayri, Nasab, 347.
537. `Utbah b. `Abdallih b. `Utbah b. `Abdallih b . Masud al -Hudhali, the great-
grandson of lbn Masud and a Kufan traditionist in early `Abbasid times . He enjoyed
a good reputation . See Ibn Said, Tabagdt, VI, 366; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 97.
538. A mawid of the family of Abi Sufyin b. Harb al -Umawi and a Damascene
transmitter of tradition . According to differing reports, he was either the mawld of
Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu`iwiyah or of Juwayriyyah bt. Abi Sufyin . He participated in an
attack on Constantinople and died in I I 2/73o. His reputation as a transmitter is
weak. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, VII, 449-5o; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 3zz-24.
539. Al -$udayy b. `Ajlan al-Bahili, he settled in Syria and fought at $iffin , probably
for Mu`awiyah, despite a report to the contrary, for he died at Himg. A visitor to the
caliph al-Walid 1, he was known as the last of the Companions alive in Syria . His birth
date was either c. 617 C.E., or 25 /646, according to two variant versions, the latter of
which would exclude his having been either a Companion or probably even having
fought at $iffin. Although not featured in the Sirah, he is reported by Abu Mikhnaf
to have been sent out to fight a Roman force in al-'Arabah during the conquest of
Syria . He died in 86/705. Caskel thinks two Abu Umimahs , a Companion and a tra-
ditionist, have been conflated. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, Ii, 539, Ibn Sa'd, Ta-
baqdt, VII, 41I-I2; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 382; Baladhuri, Futnh, 130, 177, 318; Ibn
`Asakir, Tahdhib, VI, 419-24; Ibn Hajar, l$dbah, II, 182; Tahdhib, IV, 420-21; Don-
ner, Conquests, 115 - I 6.
540. Al-Khazraji , one of the few important Anger in the conquest period. He was
one of the nagibs appointed by the Prophet for Medina, fought in all the Prophet's fa-
mous battles, then migrated to Syria, where he died in Palestine at al-Ramlah or Je-
rusalem in 34 / 655 at the age of seventy-two. He governed Him g under `Umar and par-
ticipated in the conquest of Egypt and the Cyprus campaign of 28/649. He reportedly
expressed opposition to Mu`awiyah during the latter's governorship . This would not
be surprising in view of Mu`iwiyah's hostility to the An$ir. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, 1, 189; II, 559; Ibn Sa d, Tabagdt, VII, 387; Ibn Khayyat, T8'rikh, 157, 166,
Iso; Baladhuri, Futlih, 156-58, 161, 166-67, 181-82; Ibn `Asakir, Tahdhib, VII,
209-17; Ibn Hajar, I dbah, II, z68-69; Donner, Conquests, 153-54,364.
100 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
541. She first married al-Sa'ib b . Abi Hubaysh b. al-Muttalib b. Asad b . `Abd al-
`Uzzi, who was captured at Badr, became a Muslim in 8/63o at the conquest of
Mecca, and died in the reign of Mu`iwiyah . Later she married 'Abd al-Rabmin b. al-
Harith b. Umayyah al-Asghar b. `Abd Shams. No children of hers are mentioned in
the sources. On these persons, see Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 19; II, 499 ; Ibn Sad,
Tabagdt, VIII, 739; Zubayri, Nasab, 125, 15 j ; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, II, 9, 394 ; Donner,
Conquests, 365.
542. Text : kharajat; read: jurilaat, with Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Ad-
denda et Emendanda, Dcxu.
543• See note 541, above.
544. Ibn Hudhayfah al-`Adawi al-Qurashi. He embraced Islam in 8/63o. See Ibn al-
Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 26; II, 321; Zubayri , Nasab, 370, 374; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Isti db,
IV, 41-42 ; Ibn Hajar, W bah, IV, 42.
545• Al -Nakha`i. He is mentioned only by Sayf and hence is regarded by `Askari,
Khamsnn wa mi'ah saladbi, I 15 -16, 13 3, 142, 193, as a fabrication by Sayf, and this
is not unlikely.
546. Unidentified but probably intended as a Nakha `i to serve as the link between
the Nakha`i al-Ashtar in the report and al-Mustanir.
547• Milik b . al-Harith al-Nakha`i, a Kiifan leader and strong supporter of `Ali,
who made him governor of Egypt . He is alleged to have been poisoned when going
there to take up his post in 37-38 /658-59 . See EP, s.v al-Ashtar ; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt,
VI, 213; Ibn Khayyal, Ta'rikh, 151, 218, 237; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, III, 482; Donner,
Conquests, 153, 207, 2-411 364, 394-
548. Text : la-zurt; read : la-dzart, an emendation suggested in note to the Leiden
ed. and followed by the Cairo ed.
549. Perhaps this bracketing of one of Abu `Uthmin's main sources with him in
the same level of the isndd, coupled with the omission of Khilid 's constant compan-
ion in the isndd, `Ubidah, means that the text is corrupt here.
The Events of the Year 13 101
550. Al- Makhznmi, he seems to have been a Muslim by 7/62.9. He usually is said
to have been martyred at Ajnidayn or Mari al -$uffar; only Sayf puts him and the oth-
ers in this list at al -Yarmuk. Thus it would appear that Sayf has adapted this martyrs'
list for his purposes, naming them as victims of al-Yarmuk, which is the first of his
Syrian battles, just as the other sources put them at Ajnidayn, the first of those
sources' Syrian battles. On Salamah, see Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 23; II, 504; Ibn
Hishim, Sirah, II, 322, 383; Zubayri, Nasab, 302 - 3; Baladhuri, Futuna, 135; Kufi,
Futuh, 1, 147 ; Ibn Hajar, !5dbah, II, 68 - 69; Donner, Conquests, 357, 368.
551. Al-Umawi al -Qurashi. Despite the statement that he was one of the early
Muslims, he seems only to have taken part in those battles occurring from the fall of
Mecca in 8/630 onward. He is said to have governed Wadi al-Qura for the Prophet and
to have been slain at Ajnidayn, Maoj al-$uffar, orFihl, according to sources other than
Sayf. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 9; II, 183; Zubayri, Nasab,174-7S ; Ibn Khayya5,
Ta'rikh, 72, 104, 118; Baladhuri, Futuh, 40, 135; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, II, 539; Donner,
Conquests, 357, 360, 363.
55 z. Al-Umawi al-Qurashi . He embraced Islam in 7/629 . Being literate, he was one
of the Prophet's secretaries and is said to have governed al-Babrayn for him. He is also
said to have been slain at Ajnidayn or Marj al-$uffar or else to have died in 27/648 or
29/650. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 9; II, 101; Zubayri , Nasab, 174 - 75; Ibn
Khayyat, Ta'rikh , 73, 104, 118; Baladhuri, Futull , 99, 127, 135, 580, 58z; Kufi, Fu-
tula,1, 147; lbn Hajar, Isdbah,1, 13-14 ; Donner, Conquests, 357, 360, 368.
5 5 3. Actually `Amr b. Tufayl b. `Amr al-Dawsi, he also is stated to have been mar-
tyred at Ajnidayn . Ibn al-Kalbi also confused `Amr with his father, who already had
perished fighting against Musaylimah . See Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 214; II, 185,
558; Ibn Khayyit, Tb'rikh, 9r; Baladhuri, Futuh, 135; Ibn Hajar, isdbah, 11, zz5-z6,
544; Donner, Conquests, 359-59 , 364,368,373-
554. Son of the Prophet 's paternal aunt Arwa, an early Muslim and a veteran of
Badr. He was killed at Ajnidayn according to all the sources other than Sayf. See Ibn
al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 18; 11, 559; Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, m, 123-24 ; Baladhuri, Futuna,
135; Kufi, Futuh, 1,147; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, II, 233-34 ; Donner, Conquests, 357, 368.
555• Al- Makhznmi al-Qurashi . He is said to have been an early Muslim. He is re-
ported in the other sources to have died at Ajnidayn or even Mu'tah. See Ibn al-Kalbi,
Gamharat, I, 22; II, 276; Zubayri , Nasab, 338; Baladhuri, Futuh, 135i Kufi, Futuh,
I, 147; Ibn `Abd al -Barr, Isti`ab, III, 609; Ibn Hajar, !$dbah , III, 559 ; Donner, Con-
quests, 358, 368.
556. Al-Sahmi al-Qurashi , brother of `Amr b . al-`A$i and one of the earliest Mus-
lims. He is said by other sources to have died at Ajnidayn . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat,1, z5; II, 284 ; Zubayri , Nasab, 409; Ibn Khayyat , Ta'rikh, 104; Baladhuri, Fu-
tub, 116, 1135; Kufi, Futuh, I, 126 - 27, 13 2; Ibn Hajar, !Sdbah, 111, 604 ; Donner,
Conquests , 357, 368.
1oz The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
557• Al- Jazari. He died 145 - 48/762-65 in al -Kufah or al-Raqqah . He had a good
reputation as a traditionist. He is said to have had charge of the army roll of al -Jazirah
while his father was governor there for `Umar II. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, VII, 478; Ibn
Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 108 - 9. See note 558, below.
558. Maymun b. Mihran al -Jazari, mawld of the Nagr. Born c. 40/661 , he grew up
in al-Kufah but c . 81/700 moved to al-Raqqah, whence his nisbah, al-Jazari, referring
to al-Jazirah . Originally called a supporter of `Ali like most Kufans, his affinities
were with the Qaysi tribes of al -Jazirah, which tended to be anti-`Alid, so that he
changed his position in favor of `Uthman . He served as treasurer to the Jaziran gov-
ernor Muhammad b. Marwan, then was put in charge of taxation and justice in al-
Jazirah by the caliph `Umar U. He was one of the most knowledgeable religious schol-
ars in the time of the caliph Hisham , and his career most interestingly combines po-
litical and religious roles. He died in 117/735. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, VII, 477-79;
Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X, 390-92.
559• "Romans of the Arabs" refers to the Syrian Arab tribes supporting Rome.
56o. This sentence is repeated on p. 94, above.
561. This can refer to hardly any other than the Taurus Mountains above Cilicia in
Anatolia, which formed the border between the Muslims and the East Roman Empire
for centuries. In Herakleios's mouth it is a retrospective anachronism.
The Events of the Year 113 103
562. It is identified by Musil, Arabia Deserta, 79n. 20, 336 n. Si, 556 , 558, as Sab`
Biyar, a waterhole in the Syrian desert 15o km. east-northeast of Damascus and rot
km. south-southwest of Palmyra, located in the Wadi Suwa, which has apparently
kept the same name.
56;. Still a large town in southern Syria bearing the same name, it was the ancient
Bostra, seat of the Ghassinid phylarchs allied with the Romans. As such it was an
important target . See EP, s.v BoSra.
564. Al-`Amiri aI-Qurashi. An early Companion of the Prophet, he died in Syria in
18/639. In some traditions he has been confused with his brother `Abdallah. See Ibn
al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 27; II, 257; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, VII, 405; Zubayri, Nasab,
419-20; Ibn "ajar, 1$dbah, II, 322-23; IV, 34.
1104 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
565. This is a dialectical variant of sham, the plural of shamah, a beauty mark,
which here is related to the connected word shimah, meaning a quality. This sen-
tence and the next make a play on the root sh-'-m. See Ibn Manzur, Lisan, s.vv. sh-'-
m, sh-y-m.
566. Ibn Yazid al-Asadi al -Kinini, a Kufan transmitter who also was considered
one of the Syrians, possibly owing to his having been one of the Syrian Qaysi immi-
grants to al-Kufah under the Umayyads . He had a poor reputation . See Ibn Hajar, Tah-
dhib, X, 171-7z-
567. Or "knights."
568. According to Theophanes , Chronicle, 38, the Theodore present at al-Yarmuk
was not Herakleios 's brother but another Theodore, the Sakellarios (Keeper of the
Purse). This is confirmed by Ibn Khayyal, Ta'rikh, r i 8, who calls him the Sakellar-
ios, a eunuch of Herakleios . See note 882, below.
569. Either the defeated Roman remnants or the Muslims.
57o. That Abu `Ubaydah would have assumed command so soon after a victory
while the victorious Khalid was still present seems unlikely. Far more probably Abu
`Ubaydah was in command from the very beginning , but Sayf or the tradition behind
him, at pains to show the superiority of the Iraqis over the Syrians, has concealed his
true role in order to exaggerate the role of Khalid . In historical traditions other than
those of Sayf, Abu `Ubaydah, not Khilid, was the commander at al-Yarmuk . See Ibn
Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 118; Donner, Conquests, 361-62.
The Events of the Year 13 1105
Abu Umamah: Having two horsemen with me, I was sent out to
reconnoiter from Marj al-$uffar until I entered al-Ghitah.571 I pried
around in it between its houses and its trees . One of my two com-
panions said, "You have reached to where you were commanded.
Therefore go back, and do not cause us to perish." I responded, "Stay
in your place until morning comes to you or until I come to you."
Then I went along until I wended my way to the city gate. There was
not a soul to be seen on the earth . I removed my mare 's bridle, hung
her nosebag on her, and leaned on my spear. Then I put my head down
and did not perceive (anything) until [I heard] the key being moved
in the gate to open it. I arose and performed the morning worship ;572 1211051
then I mounted my horse and attacked it.573 I stabbed the gatekeeper,
killing him.574 Then I turned away, going back . They came out to
search for me but then left me alone out of fear that I would have an
ambush [ready] . I found my way to my nearer companion, whom I
had commanded to stay. When they saw him they said, "This is an
ambush. He has reached his ambush." Thus they went away. My
companion and I traveled until we found our way to our other com-
panion. Then we went on until we came to the Muslims.
Abu cUbaydah had resolved not to depart until `Umar's advice and
command came to him . When it came to him the Muslims de-
parted, [ traveling] until they encamped before Damascus. Abu
1Ubaydah left Bashir b. Kab b. Ubayy al-Himyari575 behind at al-Yar-
muk with a cavalry force.
Al-Sari-Shu`ayb-Sayf-cAbdallah b. Sa id576-Abu Sagd517-
571. The cultivated area around Damascus . See El', s.vv. Ghuta, Dimashk.
572..Faldt al-fair, which is between first light and sunrise.
573. Or "him," apparently referring either to the gate or the gatekeeper, who has
not yet been mentioned.
574. This indicates that Abu Umamah was trying to get out of the city at the time
to make the rendezvous with his impatient companion . Down to the thirteenth -
fourteenth/nineteenth-twentieth centuries, the gates of Near Eastern cities usually
were closed from dusk to dawn.
575 • Apparently mentioned only by Sayf, according to Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, I, r 59.
576. The grandson of Abu Said Kaysin al-Maqburi and not `Abdallih b. Said b.
Thibit b . al-Jidh` al-Anyiri, as is suggested by the index of the Leiden edition, p. 3:4.
See note 577, below.
577. Kaysin al-Maqburi, mawld of Umm Sharik al-Laythiyyah and a Medinan
transmitter of traditions , who died in 100/719 or, according to other reports, between
123/741 and 126/744. See Ibn al-Athir; Lubdb, Ill, 168; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 38;
VIII, 453- 54, who shows that he transmitted to his grandson, as in this isndd.
io6 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
58o. This refers to the elephant that accompanied Abrahah on his attempt to cap-
ture Mecca, an event mentioned in the 105th sarah of the Qur'an. Modem scholars
believe that this campaign must have taken place c. 555 c.E. or earlier, though Mus-
lim tradition holds that it coincided with the year of the Prophet's birth, c. 571 C.E.
See Elr, s.v. al-Fil.
581. Lit., "a fourth." The term is probably used here because there were four divi-
sional commanders, hence four divisions, that prefigure the later four divisional dis-
tricts of Syria under the early Umayyads, the junds of Filastin, al-Urdunn, Damascus,
and Him8.
58:. A place in the Wadi `Arabah two marches north of Aylah, which lay just
northwest of the modem port of al-'Aqabah in Jordan. See E11, s.v `Araba; Le Strange.
Palestine, 441; Donner, Conquests, 115 - 16. Thus `Amy's line of march lay on the
"low road," following the coast to Aylah, then the bottom of `Arabah until he as-
cended into the Palestinian Naqab (Negev) to the west.
rob The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
583. A great Yemeni tribe later prominent in Syria as well as Egypt and al-Kufah.
See EP, s.v. Kinda ; Ibn al-Kalbi, G`amharat, 11, 47-53, 371-72.
584. Another great Yemeni tribal grouping having two main branches : the Azd al-
Sarah located in `Asir and the Azd `Uman of `Uman, the latter apparently being added
to the former in the Islamic period . See EP, s. v. Azd; Ibn°al-Kalbi, damharat, II, 41-
44,1117-
585. An important place in the early Islamic history of Syria, jabiyah lies some 8o
km. south of Damascus, just north of Nawa . See EP, s.v. Djabiya; Le Strange, Pales-
tine, 460-61; Yaqut, Mu`jam, 11, 91-92.
586. This is the ancient town of Rabbath Moab, now al-Rabbah, a dozen kilometers
north of al-Karak. Interestingly, the very early Armenian writer Pseudo -Sebeos, His-
tory, 1 23 -24, states that the Arabs began their invasion of Syria from "Moabite Rab-
bath, at the borders of Ruben 's Mandl." This accords not only with the tradition cited
here but also with the tradition asserting that the first expedition to Syria, which was
sent by the Prophet himself, reached Mu'tah, a place about a dozen kilometers south
of al-Karak. See Le Strange, Palestine, 494-95, 509 - 10; Baladhuri, Futull, 134; Ya-
qut, Mu`jam, V, 31; Donner, Conquests, 116, 314 n. 188.
587. A village near Gaza. Variant accounts give its name as al-Dabiyyah or al-Da-
biyah, the latter being the same as al-Dathinah, with different pointing of the Arabic
letters. Possibly it was ancient Anthedon . See Le Strange, Palestine, 437; Baladhuri,
Futuli, 130; Yaqut, Mu`jam, II, 417; Donner, Conquests, ii 15.
The Events of the Year 113 log
588. Greek droungdrios, the title of a high-ranking military officer, who might
command a division or a fleet . See Ostrogorsky, History, z51. It is first mentioned by
Theophanes, Chronicle, 68, referring to the year 79-80 /698-99 . Probably better read
as al-Durunjdr.
589. The itinerary for Khalid 's march from Iraq to Syria suggested by this report
follows a northern route not far from the Euphrates, then descending on Damascus
via Palmyra . It thus contrasts with the route given by Sayf on p. 113, below, which
passed through Diimat al -Jandal far to the south. The northern route suggested here
is favored by Caetani , Annali, II, 1192-1236, and opposed by Musil , Arabia Deserta,
553 - 73. Donner, Conquests, 119- 27, does not favor one route over the other. The
route given in Kinfi, Futull, I, 135-36, closely follows that presented here.
590. Musil, Middle Euphrates, 34 n. z3 , identifies it as the shrine of al-Mushayhid
about 5 km . east of the present Iraqi city of al-Ramadi, an the right bank of the Eu-
phrates. See also Donner, Conquests, 121, 180, 185; Morony, Iraq, 221, 224 n. 55.
591. Sad b. `Amr b. Harim al- Khazraji, said to have fought at Uhud and much later
to have fought for `Ali at $iffin . See Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, 1, 284 - 85; 3z; Donner, Con-
quests, 422 (under Said). On his family's connection with $andawda ', see Musil,
Middle Euphrates, 300.
592. It is identified by Musil , Arabia Deserta, 555, as Qulban Qirijir, a waterhole
on the eastern border of the Wadi Sirhan some 37 km. east -southeast of Kaf in al-Qu-
rayyat district of northernmost Saudi Arabia and 50o km . southwest of `Ayn al-
Tamr. This is considered plausible by Donner, Conquests, 123. However, Quragir
could also be an unknown place whose name is now lost.
593. He is called al-Namari on p. 64, above.
594• A town in the Syrian Desert z5 km . east-northeast of Tadmur ( Palmyra); it is
now called Rakah . See Yagnt, Mu`jam, I, 15 3; Le Strange, Palestine, 395) Musil, Ara-
bia Deserta, 565.
1 10 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
595. The ancient Palmyra (biblical Tadmor), it still bears the same Arabic name of
Tadmur and lies 14o km. east of Himg . It used to belong to the Kalb. See Ell, s.v Pal-
myra; Le Strange, Palestine, 540-42. Kufi, Futiila, I, 140-41, details Khilid's attack.
596. A town in the Syrian desert about halfway between Tadmur and Damascus; it
still has the same name. See Le Strange, Palestine, 79, 481.
597. It is a settlement in the Jabal Sanir and in any case near al -Qaryatayn, with
which it is confused in one report . See Yaqut, Mu'jam , II, 315 -16; Le Strange, Pal-
estine, 456, 481; Musil, Arabia Deserta, 564.
598. Identified by Musil, Arabia Deserta, 563, with the Roman station of Casama,
which he further identifies with Khan al-Manqurah , some 3 r km. south-southeast of
al-Qaryatayn and 95 km. east-northeast from Damascus.
599• A minor branch of the Qudi'ah. See Ibn al-Kalbi , Gamharat, 1, 179 (under
Masga`a b. at-Taim), 11, 403.
boo. A plain about 25 km. east -northeast of Damascus near `Adhra'. It is consid-
ered part of al-Ghutah . See EP, s.v. Mardi Rahit; Yaqut, Mu'jam, III, 2r =22; V, 101;
Le Strange, Palestine, 69, 503-4; Musil , Arabia Deserta, 558, 56o.
601. The Islamic date for this Easter is 19 $afar 13, which does not accord with the
other dates given in the text . On this, see Musil, Arabia Deserta, 563.
602. Text: Artah ; read : Abi Artah. See Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda
et Emendanda, Dcxtwcxtn. He is Busr b. Abi Artah al-`Amiri al -Qurashi . A young
Companion of the Prophet, he first appeared - apart from this tradition - in the re-
inforcements sent by the caliph `Umar from Medina to assist in the conquest of Egypt
in 20/641. Later he settled in Damascus, supported Mu`awiyah against `All in the
first civil war, fighting at $iffin, after which he was sent to track down `All's followers
in the Hijaz and Yemen, where he gained an evil reputation for the executions he per-
petrated and methods he followed. He often campaigned against the Romans and be-
came governor of al-Balrah . He died after 52/672, when he last campaigned . See EI2,
s.v. Busr; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 28; II, 230; Ibn Muzihim, $iffin, 44, 412, 424,
426-29, 459-60, 46z, 503 -4, 507; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, VII, 409; Zubayri, Nasab, 439;
Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 1;6, 222, 227, 2.30, 238 , 259, 382; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Isti'db, I,
154 - 63; Ibn `Asikir, Tahdhib, III, 223 - 28; Ibn Hajar, lldbah, 1, 147 - 48; Theo-
phanes, Chronicle, 44, 48, 52.
The Events of the Year 13 III
[Abu Ja`far):6w The letter of Abu Bakr came to Khalid at al-Hirah [2I to)
when he had just returned from his pilgrimage. It said,
Journey until you reach the Muslim armies at al-Yarmuk,
for they are distressed and causing distress . Do not by any
means return to the like of what you have done , for your
worry will not, with God's help, worry the masses of the.
troops, and your method of removing the people 's distress
will never remove it. May your intentions and your favored
position gladden you, Abu Sulayman! Therefore complete
your work], so that God may make [it] complete for you. Do
not by any means let self-admiration enter you, so that you
lose and fail. See that you do not rely upon any work [of
yours], for God controls the bestowal of favor, and He is the
Owner of reward.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - `Abd al-Malik b. `Ala' al- Bakka'i -
al-Mugalli` b. al-Haytham604 al-Bakka'i - his father: The veterans
of the battles of the conquest among the people of al -KUfah would
make threats at Mu`awiyah upon [hearing] certain things that
reached them. They would say: "What does Mu`awiyah want? We
are the men of Dhat al-Salasil!" They would name what happened
between it and [the battle at] al-Firad without mentioning what fol-
lowed, out of contempt for what came after in comparison to what
occurred before.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - cAmr b. Muhammad - Ishaq b.
Ibrahim -7afar b. Dahi; Muhammad b. `Abdallah-Abu `Uth-
man; Talhah-al-Mughirah; and al-Muhallab b. `Ugbah-`Abd al-
Rahman b. Siyah a1-Ahmari: Abu Bakr had sent Khalid b. Said b.
al-`Ao to Syria at the time he sent Khalid b. al-Walid to Iraq. He en-
joined on him the like of what he had enjoined on Khalid [b. al-
Walid]. Khalid b. Sa9d went along until he descended on Syria, but
603. This paragraph and the one following it are an almost exact repetition of text
found on pp. 69-70, above.
604. Text: `Atd"an al-Haytham; read: 'Afd' al-Bakkd'i `an al-MugafllW b. al-
Haytham, as in the isndd on p. 69, above.
6o5. None of the fifteen Ishaq b . Ibrihims mentioned in Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, I,
213 - 23 , seems to fit this isndd chronologically; therefore the Ishaq here must be
considered an unknown person mentioned only by Sayf.
112 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
606. It would seem that "desert " is implied by the word barr in such reports.
607. That is, their braggadocio.
608. Perhaps meaning the Muslims.
609. Perhaps meaning the Romans . The text is obscure and possibly corrupt. See
notes to Leiden text.
The Events of theYearl3 1113
to the troops, with Umayr b. Sa`d al -An$ari,610 and [informed the ca-
liph) about his setting out for Syria . Khalid summoned the guides
and departed from al-Hi-rah going to Dumah. Then he struck into the
open country to Quragir.
Then he said'611 "How is there a way for me by which I will emerge
behind the Roman forces, for if I face them directly, they will block
me from relieving the Muslims? " All of the guides said, "We know
only a route that does not bear armies, which the lone rider takes. Do
not by any means expose the Muslims ." Khalid nonetheless resolved
on it, but no one responded to him in that except for Raft` b. `Ami-
rah,612 [who did so) in extreme fear. Therefore Khalid stood up in
their midst to say, "Do not by any means let your ways be diverse,
nor your certainty weakened ! Know that aid comes according to the
level of the intention, and reward according to the level of the ac-
count613 The Muslim ought not to care about something he falls
into, considering God's aid to him." They said, "You are a man for
whom God has brought together the good; it is your affair." Thus
they complied with his wishes, resolving on, being satisfied with,
and desiring the like of what Khalid desired . He commanded them
to take enough water to drink (li-al-shafah)614 for five [nights' jour-
ney) 615 He also gave orders to the commander of each cavalry troop
bro. Of the `Amr b. `Awf b. Malik b. al-Aws, he was one of the very few Anger to
play a major role in the conquests, campaigning against the Romans in al-Jazirah, Ci-
licia, and Cyprus. He also governed Himg for `Umar and al-Jazirah for `Uthman. See
Ibn al-Kalbi, Camharat, 1, 178; II, 569; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, VII, 402; Ibn Khayyax,
Th'rikh, 158; Baladhuri, Futul,,, 161 , x8z, 185, 194, 209 - 12, 216, z19; Maqdisi, Is-
tib$nr, 181-82; Ibn Hajar, I$abah, III, 32..
61 i. Here begins the detailed story cited by al-Tabari of Khalid 's famous march
across the desert . Considerable effort has gone into trying to show which route he
took. See Caetani, Annali, II, 1192 - 1236; Musil, Arabia Deserta , 553-73; Donner,
Conquests, 1120-27. See also pp.1o9-10, above.
61 z. Ibn Abi Raft` al-'J'ai, he is said to originally have been a Christian. He em-
braced Islam in 8/629 . Later he was a tribal leader of the Sinbis branch of the Tayyi'
in al-Knfah. He died 23 / 644. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Oamharat, 1, 256; II, 483; Ibn Hisham,
Sirah, II, 6z4 - z5; Baladhuri, Futub, 131; Kiifi, Futala, I, 136- 38 ; Ibn `Abd al-Ban,
Isti' ab, 1, 497 - 98; Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, I, 497-98 ; Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 89.
613. Ar. hisbah. A variant reading has hasanah, meaning "good deed," so that re-
ward would be "according to the level of the good deed." In meaning this parallels the
famous canonical badith in Bukhiri, I, z.
614. See Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium , Addenda, et Emendanda, cccxm-
cccxrv.
615. Musil, Arabia Deserta , 556, 569 -70, explains that this means six stages, not
five, because they would be camping in the desert five nights.
1 14 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
616. See Musil, Arabia Deserta, 570. On p. 554, however, he suggests that their
ears were caused to tremble from thirst.
617. Or, "tied up their mouths ." See Musil, Arabia Deserts , 5 54, 5 57, 570-
61g. See Musil, Arabia Deserta, 570, who also suggests that this implies that the
camels ' urethras were bound up so they could not urinate.
619. This man seems to be quoted only by Sayf. However, his alleged father is the
well-attested Kufan who carried al-Husayn b . 'Ali's head to Damascus . See note
Ioo1, below.
6zo. From Ibn Hajar, I. dbah, 111, 486, it appears that this is his only historical men-
tion . The notice, which contains the same report as here, comes from Abu Ismail
Muhammad b . `Abdallaih al-Azdi's Futnh al-Sham, and this probably derives ulti-
mately from Sayf.
6z1. Musil, Arabia Deserta, 571, suggests that this means "a low, round shrub."
The Events of the Year 13 11115
water under the sand. Raft' said, "0 Commander, by God, I have not
come to this waterhole for thirty years. I only came to it once before,
when I was a boy, with my father." Thus they prepared themselves
and then attacked, the enemy not believing that any army could [2114]
cross [the desert] to them.
Al-Sari -Shu`ayb- Sayf-`Amr b. Muhammad - Ishaq b. Ibra-
him - Zafar b. Dahi: Khalid led us to attack from Suwa to Mu-
$ayyakh Bahra' in al-Qu$wana,622 one of the waterholes. We took al-
Mu$ayyakh and the Namir by morning when they were unawares,
and when a company were drinking in the face of the morning, while
their cupbearer was singing to them, saying,
Should you two not rouse me in the morning before the army of Abu
Bakr?
Then his head was cut off and his blood was mixed with his wine.
Al-Sari - Shu'ayb - Sayf - Amr b. Muhammad, by his isndd
that has already been mentioned: When the Ghassan heard of Kha-
lid's going out against Suwa and its destruction, and his raid on Mu-
$ayyakh Bahra` and its destruction, they assembled at Mari Rihit.
[Word of] that reached Khalid, who had already left the Roman fron-
tier fortresses and their armies on the border of Iraq behind him, so
that he now lay between them62o and the Yarmuk. He directed him-
self toward them,624 going forth from Suwa after he had returned to
it with the captives of the Bahra'. He stopped at al -Rummana-
tayn,625 which were two markers of the road, then he stopped at al-
Kathab,626 until he came to Damascus, then Marj al-$uffar. On it, he
met the Ghassan under al -Harith b. al-Ayham . 627 He overthrew
62%. Voweling uncertain. Possibly the same as the Qugwan mentioned in Yiqut,
Mu`jam, IV, 366, as it is attributed to the Bakri Taym or the Sad Tamim . This place
is identified by Musil, Middle Euphrates, 311, as the modem region of al-Qisi due
west of Hit in the desert on the south side of the Hawrin valley. Kiifi, Futtila, 1, 138,
gives al-Kawithil as the name at this place in Khilid's itinerary.
623. That is, the Roman forces in Iraq.
624. That is, the Ghassan at Marj Rihit.
625. According to Musil, Arabia Deserta, 572, this name denotes two low, natural
domes east of Damascus that now are unidentifiable.
626. Emended by Musil, Arabia Deserta, 572, to kathib, it denotes a low, sandy
mound east of Damascus, now unidentifiable.
627. This appears to be the only mention of such a person . It could either be a mis-
take for Jabalah b. al-Ayham, as is likely, or else an otherwise unknown brother of
Jabalah along the lines of the brothers Sayf provides for other famous men. On Jabalah,
see note 3 z6.
r r 6 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
their camp and their families and stayed on the plain for some
days. He sent Abu Bakr the fifths [of the spoils] with Bilal b. al-
[z.rrs] Harith al-Muzani .628 Then he went out from the plain until he
came to the canal of Bu$ra, which was the first city in Syria that
was conquered by Khalid and those with him of the troops of Iraq.
After that, he set forth from it and came to the Muslims at al-
Waqu$ah . He was in command of nine thousand when he fought
the enemy there.
Al-Sari - Shucayb - Sayf - Muhammad, Talhah, and al-Muhal-
lab: When Khalid returned from his pilgrimage, the letter of Abu
Bakr came to him, [commanding him] to go forth with half of the
troops and to leave al-Muthanna b. Harithah in charge of the re-
maining half and saying, "Do not by any means take brave [men] un-
less you also leave behind brave [men] for him too. When God grants
you victory, bring them back to Iraq, and yourself with them, for then
you will be governing your province ." Khalid had the Companions
of God's Messenger brought to his presence and appropriated them
for himself, not al-Muthanna. He rather left to al-Muthanna num-
bers of men from among those he was satisfied with [ahl al-
ganacah) who were not Companions. Then he looked at those who
remained, pulling out those who had come to the Prophet in delega-
tions or otherwise, and left to al-Muthanna their numbers from the
people with whom he was satisfied. Then he divided the army into
two halves.
Al-Muthanna said, "By God, I will not keep to other than the ex-
ecution of Abu Bakr's command in its totality regarding having in
[my] company half of the Companions, or a part of the half. By God,
I do not hope for victory except by them. Wherefore then do you de-
nude me of them?" When Khalid saw that, after having held back
from him, he provided al-Muthanna with replacements from among
the Companions until he was satisfied . Among those whom he gave
him as replacements from among them were Furat b. Hayyan al "Ijli,
628. An important tribal leader, he was a Muslim by 6/6z8, was assigned land by
the Prophet near Medina , commanded the Muzaynah regiment at the conquest of
Mecca in 8/630, took part at al-Qidisiyyah, and later moved to al-Bagrah, before
dying in 6o/68o at eighty years of age . See Tabari, I, 2574-75; Ibn al-Kalbi, dam-
harat, II, 226, Wagidi, Maghdzi, 276, 425-26, 571, 799- 800, 820, 896, 1014, 1029;
lbn Sa`d, Tabagat, 1, 272, 291, 339; Ibn Khayya4, Tfrikh, 273; Balidhuri, Futi 1, 13 -
14; Ibn Durayd, Ishtiqdq, 182; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, I, 164.
The Events of the Year 13 117
635. See Hurmuz and Bahman Jadhuyah above , pp. 9-13, i6 - i 9, 27- -23,37,43-
44, 51. This new collocation would appear to be either an accidental or intentional
juxtaposition of the aforementioned names.
636. The site of ancient Babylon, it lies east of the Euphrates just north of the pres-
ent al-Hillah . See En, s.v Babil; Le Strange, Lands, 71-72.
637. Text : al-Kawkabad : read: al-Karukbadh, asTabari, Introductio, Glossarium,
Addenda et Emendanda, Doan.
638. Text : al-Khukabad; read : al-Kharukbadh, as Tabari, Introductio, Glossar-
ium, Addenda et Emendanda, gun. Owing to the similarity of their forms , it is pos-
sible that these two names or titles are a doublet of the same original . The persons
bearing them appear to be unknown except in Sayf' s reports, as is the case with most
of the Persians he names.
639. The large district on the lower Tigris between Kaskar and al -Ba$rah . See the
detailed article in EI' , s.v. Maisan ; Le Strange, Lands, 43, 8o, map II; Morony, Iraq,
127, 159 -63; Donner, Conquests, r59-6o.
The Events of the Year 13 1119
They met at Babil and fought each other a fierce battle on the
nearer bank of al-$arahM0 on the first road . Then al-Muthanna and
some of the Muslims came against the elephant by turns, for it had
scattered the ranks and the squadrons, and they gained its slaughter, 121][81
killing it. They then defeated the Persians. The Muslims pursued
them, killing them until they had brought them beyond their frontier
outposts . They remained in these, but the pursuers continued to fol-
low the defeated remnants until they reached al-Mada'in.
'Abdah b. al-Tabib al-Sa`di641 spoke (poetry) regarding that. 'Ab-
dah had migrated (hajar)642 owing to the migration of a wife of his,
so that he participated in the Battle of Babil . When she had caused
him to despair, he returned to the desert and declaimed:643
Is the rope of Khawlah after the parting still joined,
or are you, living far away from her, lonlyJ preoccupied?
Lovers have days that they remember,
and the course of a journey, before the departure, had its imag-
ined appearance.
Khuwaylah644 has settled among a group with whom I am ac-
quainted645
before al-Mada'in; among them are the rooster and the ele-
phant.
They strike the heads of the Persians in open daylight;
among them are horsemen who are neither weaponless nor
sway in the saddle.
And so on . Al-Farazdaq,646 when he was enumerating the noble
640. This is the Great S arah Canal, which branched off from the Euphrates just
above Babil and carried water due east as far as the Tigris . See Le Strange, Lands,
72-73, map II.
641. `Abdah b. Yazid al-Tabib al --`Abshami, the poet. See Tabari, 1, 2292; Ibn al-
Kalbi, (. amharat, I, 78; II, 134 ; Ibn Durayd, Ishtiqdq, 262; Igbahani, Aghdni, XVIII,
163-64.
642. That is, he migrated from the Arabian peninsula to the conquered lands, here
to Iraq.
643. Lines 1,;, and 4 of this poem are also found in Igbahani , Aghdni, XVIII, 163.
Yigiit, Mu`jam, V, 75 (al-Mada'in), has all four lines plus one more . Both vary from
Tabari's text.
644. The diminutive for Khawlah.
645 Or, "I visited:'
646. The famous Bagran Tamimi poet, he died in 110 /728 or 112/730. See EP, s.v
al-Farazdah.
1 20 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
[21119j houses of the Bakr b. Wa'il and mentioned al-Muthanna and his kill-
ing of the elephant, Isaid]:641
The house of al-Muthanna, who slew the elephant by force,
is at Babil, for the sovereignty of Babil belongs to a horseman.
Shahrbaraz died at the time of the defeat of Hurmuz jadhuyah.
The Persians quarreled amongst themselves. The lands of the Sawad
between the Tigris and Burs648 remained in the hands of al-Mu-
thanna and the Muslims . Then the Persians agreed after Shahrbaraz
on Dukht-i Zaban,649 the daughter of Kisra, but no order of hers was
carried out, she was deposed, and Sabur b. Shahrbaraz650 was made
king.
When Sabur b. Shahrbaraz became king, al-Farrukhzadh b. al-
Bindawan took charge of his affairs. He asked Sabur to marry him to
Azarmidukht 651 the daughter of Kisra, and so he did, but she became
angry at that and said, "0 cousin, would you marry me to my
slave?" He replied, "Be ashamed of such talk, and do not repeat it to
me again, for he is your husband!" Therefore, she sent a message to
Siyawukhsh al-Razi,652 who was one of the treacherous killers
among the Persians, and complained to him about what she feared.
He said to her, "If you dislike this, do not go back to him about it.
Rather, send a message to Sabur, telling him to have al-Farrukhzadh
come to you. I will protect you from him." She did so, and Sabur did
so. Siyawukhsh readied himself. When it was the night of the wed-
ding, al-Farrukhzadh approached and went inside, where Siya-
wukhsh unleashed himself on him, slaying him and those with
him. Then he rushed out with her to Sabur. She came into his pres-
ence, and they went in to him and killed him. Azarmidukht bt.
Kisra became queen, and the Persians were occupied with that.
647. A version of the complete poem is found in Farazdaq, Diwdn, II, 666-70.
648. Now called al -Biris, it was the ancient Borsippa and presently shows extensive
ruins. It is located z1 km . southwest of Babil between the two branches of the Eu-
phrates. See Musil, Middle Euphrates, 38 n. 30, 39, 245-46, 276, 278 , and accom-
panying map of northern Arabia (h zo); Morony, Iraq, 148, 174.
649. Mentioned only in this place by Sayf.
650. Mentioned only by Sayf . See note 633.
65 r. She reigned a year and a half, or probably less, in about 630-32 C.E. See Tabari,
1, 1064 - 65; Christensen, L'Iran, 493; Frye, History, 337; CHI, III, 171.
652. Sjyawukhsh b. Mihrin b. Bahram Shubin, he is allegedly the grandson of the
usurper Bahram VI (590- 91 C.E .). He probably is yet another imaginary scion of a pre-
Islamic house said to have been conquered by the Muslims in the early campaigns.
Sayf improbably claims that he was the king of al-Rayy in 22/643. SeeTabari, I, 2.447,
2653- 54. His alleged father Mihran is mentioned above , pp. 5 3 - 54• See note 289.
The Events of the Year 13 121
News about Abu Bakr was slow in reaching the Muslims . AI-Mu- [2r 2o]
thanna made Bashir b . al-Khagagiyyah his deputy in charge of the
Muslims and put Said b. Murrah al-`Iill in his place in the forward
outposts. Al-Muthanna set out to go to Abu Bakr [first] in order to
tell him the news about the Muslims and the polytheists , [second]
to ask his permission to seek the help of those whose had clearly
shown their repentence and their regret from among the people of
apostasy ( ahl al-riddah ) who had asked his permission to join cam-
paigns, and [third] to inform him that he had not left behind anyone
more able than they to fight the Persians, to wage war on them, and
to help the immigrants ( muhdjirin ) He arrived at Medina when
Abu Bakr had fallen ill.
After Khalid had set out for Syria, Abu Bakr fell ill with the illness
from which he was to die within months. Al-Muthanna arrived
when he had become better. Abu Bakr entrusted [the succession] to
`Umar. When al-Muthanna told him the news , he said, "I must con-
sult `Umar." When cUmar came, he said to him,
Listen, 0 `Umar, to what I say to you , then act according
to it. I hope to die on this day of mine . (That was a Monday.)
If I die, do not by any means let the evening enter before you
have summoned the men Ito go] with al -Muthanna . If I delay
until the night, do not by any means let the morning come
before you summon the men (to go] with al-Muthanna. Do
not let any catastrophe at all, even if it is great , keep you
from the matter of your religion and your Lord 's counsel.
You saw what I did on the day the Messenger of God died,
and the people were never stricken with the like of it. By
God, if I were to weaken in the affair of God and the affair of
His Messenger, He would abandon me and punish me, so
that Medina would be consumed by fire 654 If God grants vic-
tory to the commanders in Syria, return the troops of Khalid
to Iraq, for they are its people , the governors of its affairs
alone, and the people of violence and courage against the en-
emy.
653. Here this term seems clearly to mean the Muslims fighting in Iraq, rather than
its better-known usage, referring to the Qurashis who had migrated from Mecca to
Medina.
654. This would appear to be an allusion to the Battle of al-Harrah, called FJarrat
al-Ndr, "the Harrah of the Fire," which was so disastrous to the Medinans. It took
place in 63/683 and witnessed the slaughter of many of the descendants of noble Qu-
rashi and An$iri lineages. See Eft, s.v al-Harra; Ibn Khayyil, Ta'rikh, 289-314.
122 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
[21.21] Abu Bakr died at night . `Umar then buried him at night and said
prayers over him in the mosque . He also summoned the men to [join]
al-Muthanna after Abu Bakr had been interred. `Umar said, "Abu
Bakr knew that it would annoy me to put Khalid in charge of warfare
in Iraq when he ordered me to send back his troops but left aside
mention of Khalid himself."
Abu Ja`far: The matter of Abu Bakr reached Azarmidukht when
one half of al-Sawad was under his control . Then he died, and the
Persians were diverted by internal affairs from removing the Mus-
lims from al-Sawad in the time between the rule of Abu Bakr to the
accession of `Umar and the return of al-Muthanna with Abu
`Ubayd655 to Iraq. At that time, most of the troops of the people of
Iraq were at al-Hirah and the outposts on al-Sib , whence raids
brought them to the bank of the Tigris. The Tigris was a barrier be-
tween the Arabs and the Persians. This is the story of Iraq during the
reign of Abu Bakr, from its beginning to its end.
655. Abu `Ubayd b. Masud al -Thagafi, he is the father of al-Mukhtar, the famous
Shi`i rebel in al-Kufah 65-67/685-87 . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 118; II, 561;
ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, to8-1o ; Baladhuri , Futdh, 3o7-10; Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh, II, 161-
6:; Ibn Hajar, IIabah, IV, 13o-31; Donner, Conquests, 174, 191-94, 211, 223, 375•
656. That is, "the little left-handed one, the son of temporal joys."
The Events of the Year i 3 123
them to come out and cut off their heads . He took many captives
from cAyn al-Tamr and from among the sons of those garrison troops
and sent them to Abu Bakr. Among those captives were Abu `Am-
rah, the mawld of the Shayban'657 who was the father of `Abd al-A`la
b. Abi `Amrah;658 Abu `Ubayd, the mawld of al-Mucalla of the An-
gar, from the Banu Zurayq;659 Abu `Abdallah, the mawla of the
Zuhrah;660 Khayr, the mawld of Abu Dawud al-An$ari, who was
also one of the Banu Mazin b. al-Najjar ;661 Yasar, who was the grand-
father of Muhammad b. Ishaq, the mawld of Qays b. Makhramah b.
al-Muttalib b. cAbd Manaf;662 Afiah,663 the mawla of Abu Ayyub al-
An^ari, who was also one of the Banii Malik b. al-Najjar ; 6" and
Humran b. Aban, the mawln of `Uthman b. `Affan. Khalid b. al-
Walid also slew Hilal b . `Aggah b. Bishr al-Namari and hanged him
on a tree at `Ayn al-Tamr.
Then Khalid proposed to go into the desert from Quragir, which
was a waterhole belonging to the Kalb, to Suwa , which was a water-
hole belonging to the Bahra '. Between them was five days' journey.
Khalid was unfamiliar with the route, wherefore he sought a guide.
He was introduced to Rafi ` b. `Amirah al-Ta'i. Khalid said to him,
"Set off with the men." Rafi` answered him, "You will not find that
[route] bearable with the horses and the baggage. By God, even the
lone rider fears for himself from it. No one travels along it without
exposing himself to danger. It is five long nights, during which no
water is to be obtained, while it is also easy to lose the way." Khalid
121231 said to him, "Woe to you! By God, I have no alternative to that. A
strict order from the commander has come to me about that . There-
fore, command as you see fit ." He responded , "Take much water.
Whoever of you can make the ears of his camel prick up from [want
of] water, let him do it , for they are murderous wastes, except for
what God prevents. Find me twenty huge , fat old camels for slaugh-
ter." Khalid brought them to him. Rafi busied himself with them,
making them thirsty until he had exhausted them from thirst. Then
he brought them to water so that they would drink, until , when they
were full, he directed himself to them, cutting off their lips and then
tying them up with bags, so that they could not ruminate. Then he
left their backs free [of loads] . Then he said to Khalid, "Go."
Khalid set out in his company, making haste with his horses and
baggage. Every time he stopped at a campsite , he pressed the water
out of the stomachs of four of those old camels . He took what was in
their paunches and gave it to the horses to drink. Then the men
drank from what water they had carried with them. When Khalid
grew fearful for his companions on the last day in the desert, he said
to Rafi` b. `Amirah, who was bleary-eyed, "Woe to you, 0 RAW!
664. Khilid b. Zayd, one of the most famous of the Ansir, he was a supporter of `Ali,
for whom he fought against the Khirijites in 3 8 /65 8 and whom he served as governor
of Medina . He is best known, however, for his death in a campaign against the Ro-
mans in 49 - 52/669-72 or, in one less probable report , 55/675. See E12, s.v Abu
Ayyub; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, r86, II, 343; Ibn Muzihim, $iffin, 93, 366, 368-
69; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, III, 484-85; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 77, 223, 232, 248; Ibn `Abd
al-Barr, Isti`db, 1, 403-5; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, I, 405-6.
The Events of the Year 13 125
What [news] do you have? " Rafic answered, "You have reached a co-
pious source, God willing." When they came near the two emi-
nences, he said to the men, "Look. Do you see a bush of boxwood
like the seat of a man? " They replied, "We do not see it." He said,
"We belong to God and to him we return!6 5 Then you have perished,
by God! And I have perished too, you bastards! Look!" When they
searched again, they found it; it had been cut down, but a part of it
remained. When the Muslims saw it, they shouted, "God is
Greater!" Rafi` b. cAmirah also shouted, "God is Greater!" Then
they dug at its root. They dug and uncovered a spring, from which
they drank until they had quenched their thirst. After that, camp-
sites [with water( were continuous. Rafi` said, "By God, I never came
to this waterhole but one time: I came to it with my father when I
was a boy." A Muslim poet said:6"
Rafi"s eyes are God's; how was he guided? (2124(
He went into the desert from Quragir to Suwa
Not giving the camels drink for five days; when the army traversed
it, it wept.
No human being was seen to traverse it before you.
When Khalid reached Suwa, he attacked its inhabitants, who were
of the Bahra', before morning. Some people among them were drink-
ing wine, which they had in a vat. They were gathered around it,
while their singer was singing: 667
Will you two not give me another drink before the army of Abu
Bakr?
Perhaps our deaths are near, though we do not know.
Will you two not give me another drink in the glass, again giving
me reddish-colored, pure, flowing wine?
Will you two not give me another drink of the best dark wine,
of the good-quality wine that diverts from the cares668 of the
soul?
669. This line would support Caetani 's contention that Khalid came via the region
of Jabal Bishri to the northeast rather than by the route suggested by Musil.
670. Al-Ghawr is the deep rift valley extending from the headwaters of the Jordan
River through the Dead Sea to the head of the Gulf of 'Aqabah. See EP, s.v al-Ghawr;
Le Strange, Palestine, 15, 30- 32, 5z- 53, 67-68; Yiqut , Mu'jam , IV, 216-18.
671. Site of the first battle between the Muslims and Romans in the conquest of
Palestine, its exact location is uncertain but somewhere on the plain of southwestern
Palestine, perhaps about 25 km. west -southwest of Jerusalem, south of the present
village of Bayt Jimil. See Ell, s.v Ajnidayn; Le Strange, Palestine, 389; Donner, Con-
quests, 129, 315 n. 189 . Tabari, I, 2398-2402, and Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 103-4, give
other versions of this battle . Kufi, Futtib, 1,143-48, has an exaggerated and distorted
version putting Khilid b . al-Walid in command even here.
672. A large town founded c. 86/705 by Sulaymin b. `Abd al-Malik and still extant,
it was the administrative center of early Muslim Palestine . See Ell, s.v al-Ramla; Le
Strange, Palestine, 15, 28 , 39, 41, 303-8 ; Yaqut, Mu'jam, III, 69-70.
673. Also Bayt fibril, ancient Betogabra-Baetogabris-Eleutheropolis, it lies 35 km.
west-southwest of Jerusalem . It was populated by the Judhim . See Er, s.v. Bayt Dji-
brin; Le Strange, Palestine, 15, 28 - 29, 39, 41, 64 , 380,4'z - 13; Yiqut, Mu'jam, I,
519.
The Events of the Year 13 r27
674. Al-Asadi al-Qurashi, he was a Medinan scion of the famous Zubayri house and
a traditionist of good reputation . He died 110-20 /7x8-38 . See lbn Sa'd, Tabagat, V,
184; Zubayri , Nasab, 2.50; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 93.
675. Text : al-Qubuglar; read: al-Qubiqular, as suggested by Constantine Porphy-
rogenitus, De Administrando Imperio, 3x3. The Greek koubikouldrios, Latin cu-
bicularius, is a title rather than a name ; it designated a chamberlain, who usually
was nonmilitary and a eunuch . See Jones, Later Roman Empire, 566-70. But in the
troubles of the seventh century, eunuchs could command troops as well, as attested
in Theophanes, Chronicle, 43, for the year 27 - 28/648 - 49. This koubikouldrios
would seem to be identified with the Sergios of Theophanes , Chronicle, 37, and per-
haps also with the eunuch on p. 36.
676. Closely related to the Mahrah in the genealogical tree , but apparently from the
Syrian Arabs. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 328 ; II, 545•
677. Unidentified and apparently not mentioned elsewhere.
r 28 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
asked him, "Why? " He said, "[It is] the day for the miserable that I
do not want to see. I have not seen in this world a day worse than
this." The Muslims cut off his head while he was wrapped up. Ajna-
dayn occured on z8 Jumada al-101i of the year 13 (30 July 634). A
group of the Muslims were slain on that day, including Salamah b.
Hisham b. al-Mughirah, Habbar b. al-Aswad b. `Abd al-Asad'678
Na`im b. `Abdallah al-Nahham,679 Hisham b. al `A^i b. Will, and a
group of others from the Quraysh. (We were not given the names of
any of the Angar680 who were killed in it.)
121271 In this year, Abu Bakr died on 2r or 22 Jumada al-Akhirah (22- 23
August 634).
678. This is an apparent mistake for Habbir b . Sufydn b. `Abd al-Asad al-Makh-
zumi al-Qurashi, whose martyrdom at Ajnidayn is corroborated by a number of
sources, though Mu'tah also is mentioned . The better-known Habbar b. al-Aswad b.
al-Muttalib was a different individual . See note S S 5
679. Al-`Adawi al-Qurashi, he is said to have been one of the earliest Muslims.
Other versions put his death at Mu 'tah or al-Yarmuk. Though an early Muslim, he
did not leave Mecca for Medina until 6 /6z8. He was said to have been employed col-
lecting the tax of a part of the Khuza`ah at the end of 8 or the beginning of 9/630. See
Ibn al-Kalbi, (amharat, I, z6; II, 448 (under Nu`aym); Wagidi, Maghdzi, 973-74;
Ibn Hisham, Sirah, I, 258-59, 343-44; Ibn Sa d, Tabagdt,1, 2.93; IV, 72,138- 39; V,
170-71; Zubayri, Nasab, 380; Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, III, 567-68.
680. The Medinan Arabs, who entirely embraced Islam in the prophet's lifetime
and formed the backbone of his forces . See EP, s.v. Angar; Watt, Muhammad at Medi-
na, 151-91.
681. A measure of area, 1592 square meters. See Morony, Iraq, 100, 103 , 531. But
it is also, as here, a dry measure equal to four agfizah. See Fayruzabidi , Mubit, s.v,
j-r-b. A gafiz varies from 496 to 640 liters.
68z. The day of the week matches with the date.
The Events of the Year 13 129
686. Of these three isndds, all go through Muhammad b. `Umar al -Wagidi, the
third transmitter in the first isndd.
687. Al-Hirith b. Abi Usamah, he was a transmitter of Ibn Sa`d's traditions who
died in 282/895 . See E11, s.v. Ibn Sa'd.
688. Abu 'Abdallih al-Ba*ri, he was a famous transmitter of the traditions of al-
Wagidi. His great work al-Tabaqdt al-kabir is still extant and often cited in these
pages. He lived c. 168 - 230/784 - 845. See Elr, s.v. Ibn Sa'd.
689. Actually a mawld of the Layth , he was an important Medinan transmitter
whose authority was impugned by many scholars but nevertheless deemed trustwor-
thy by Muslim in his Sallih. He died at an age over seventy in 153/770. Al-Dhahabi
and Ibn Hajar allege that he is different from Usamah b. Zayd b . Aslam, the grandson
of `Umar b. al-Khattib's mawld Aslam, but it appears from their biographies that the
two are either the same person or were two persons whose stories have become con-
fused. Ibn Said, Tabaqdt, V, 413; In Khayyis, TL'rikh, 662; Dhahabt, Mizdn, I, 174-
75; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, I, 207-10.
690. Muhammad b. Hamzah b. `Amr al -Aslami, he was a Medinan transmitter
with a mixed reputation . See Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, V, 248; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 127.
691. Apparently this is `Amr b. Shu`ayb b. Muhammad b. 'Abdallih b. `Amr b. al-
`As al-Sahmi al -Qurashi, a noble Hijizi traditionist of mixed reputation who died at
al-Ti'if in 118/736. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 25; II, 184; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, V,
2.43; Zubayri, Nasab, 411; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 516; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 48-
55.
692. Shu`ayb b. Muhammad, he was a resident of al-Ti'if and Medina . See Ibn al-
Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 25; It, 530; Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, V, 243; Zubayri, Nasab, 4i x; Ibn
Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 356-57, VIII, 51-55.
693. Tabari, Index, 517, identifies this person as Muhammad b. 'Abdallih b. al-
Zubayr b. `Umar b. Dirham, the mawid of the Asad, who died in 203/819 and hence
was nearly contemporary with al-Wagidi. Although al-Wagidi did quote from him,
he is not the Muhammad b. 'Abdallih meant here, for there is no evidence he quoted
from al-Zuhri . See Ibn Hajar; Tahdhib, IX, 254 - 55. Rather, the Muhammad here is
Muhammad b. `Abdallih b. Muslim b. `Ubaydallih b. `Abdallih b. Shihab al-Zuhri,
the nephew of the great al - Zuhri and a Medinan traditionist of mixed reputation.
This nephew was murdered in 152 / 769 or 157/774. He is the only Muhammad b.
'Abdallih attested as transmitting both from al-Zuhri and to al-Wagidi. See Zubayri,
Nasab, 274; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 278-8o.
694. Muhammad b. Muslim b. `Ubaydallih b. `Abdallih b. Shihab al-Zuhri al-Qur-
ashi, c. 50-124 /670-742., he was one of the most famous early Islamic scholars. He
migrated from Medina to Damascus in 81 / 700, where he was on intimate terms with
the Umayyads, especially the caliph Hishim, whose children he tutored. See EP, s.v
al-Zuhri; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 20; Il, 424; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, II, 388-89; Zu-
bayri, Nasab, 274j Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 445-51.
695. That is, `A'ishah bt. Abi Bakr, daughter of the first caliph and wife of the
Prophet. She was bom in 614 C.E. (or earlier) and died in 58/678. See EP, s.v. `A'isha
bint Abi Bakr; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, II, 374-78; also, note 766.
696. Text: `an; read: b., as Tabari, 1, 2730, and Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda
et Emendanda, Dcxttt.
The Events of the Year 13 131
697. A great-great grandson of the caliph Abi Bakr. Zubayri, Nasab, 2.78-79, de-
scribes his genealogy only down to his father `Imrin, omitting this `Omar himself,
who does not seem to be attested elsewhere.
698. Text : Mat`in; read : Ma;`im. This `Umar was Abi Qudimah al -Makki, the
mawla of `A'ishah bt. Qudamah b. Ma;`in of the famous Meccan family of the Ju-
mab clan of the Quraysh. He is said to have served as the judge of Medina and was
renowned for his piety and trustworthiness as a traditionist . See Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib,
VII, 43 3 - 34• Waki`, Qu4dh, 1, z68, reports that he was judge of Mecca under al-Man-
sir or al-Mahdi.
699. A Medinan transmitter of tradition who is held to be reliable, he was a son of
the famous `A'ishah bt . Talbah b. `Ubaydallah and was named for his maternal
grandfather. His sister married the caliph al -Walid I. See Zubayri, Nasab, 278-79; Ibn
Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 17- 1 S.
700. The day of the week matches with the date.
701. The Islamic day begins at sunset , so that he actually died on a Monday, as on
P. 129.
702.4arir b. Abd al-Hamid b. Qurt al -Rabbi, 107-10/725-28 to 188/ 804, he was
a traditionist with a fair reputation . He was born in a village near Isfahan , grew up in
al-Kifah, and then migrated to al-Rayy, where he became judge . See Ibn Hajar, Tah-
dhib, II, 75-77.
703. Al-Najjiri al-Ansari, he was a very famous Medinan traditionist and judge at
Medina (in 126/744), al-Hirah, and al-Hashimiyyah near Baghdad (in 143/760 to his
death in 143 - 46/760 - 63). See Ibis al-Kalbi, Oamharat, I, 186; II, 589; Ibn Khayyat,
Td'rikh, 554, 645; Waki `, Qudah, 1, 178-79 ; III, 241 - 45; Maqdisi, Istib. dr, 63; Ibn
Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, 2zr-2.4.
704. Al-Makhzimi al-Qurayhi , 15-19/636-40 to 93-94 / 717 -13, he was a Medi-
132 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
nan scholar of major importance in the transmission of tradition from the Compan-
ions. He often is considered the most important figure of the generation after the
Companions. He is said to have been whipped by the governor of Medina for refusing
to render allegiance to Abd al-Malik 's sons in 84 /703, just as he is similarly reported
to have been lashed for refusing to pay allegiance to Ibn al -Zubayr in 681688 . He mar-
ried the daughter of Abu Hurayrah . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 11; II, 501; Ibn
Sa`d, Tabagdt, II, 379 - 84; Zubayri, Nasab, 345-46 ; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 113, 335,
377,407; Ibn Hajar, Tbadbib, IV, 84-88.
705. Muhammad b. al-`Ala ' b. Kurayb al-Hamdini, 170-248/786 - 861, he was an
important Kufan traditionist with a good reputation . See Ibn Sa d, Tabagat, VI, 414;
Ibn Hajar, Tbadhfb, IX, 385-86.
706. "Text: Nu'aym; read: Na`im, as is the common Arabic name today. He was al-
Fadl b. `Am; nicknamed Dukayn, b. Hammed b. Zuhayr b. Dirham al -Mulai, the
mawld of the family of Talhah b. `Ubaydallah al-Taymi, and an influential scholar of
al-Kufah. He lived 130- 119/748 - 834. See EP, s.v. Abu Nu`aym; Ibn Said, Tabagat,
VI, 400 - 1; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 783; Ibn Haja; Tbadhib, VIII, 270-76.
707. According toTabari, Indices, 305, he is `Amir b. Sa'd b. Abi Wagqag al-Zuhri
al-Qurashi, who indeed is attested as a transmitter of tradition in Medina . See Zu-
bayri, Nasab, 264; Ibn Haja; Tahdhib, V, 63-64. See also note 711, below. It is curi-
ous but not exceptional to find a Medinan transmitter like this in the middle of a Ku-
fan isndd.
708. That is, Jarir b. `Abdallih al-Bajail, d. 51/671. See note 1o6, above.
7o9. Sallam b. Salim, the mawld of the Hanifah, he was a Kufan scholar of good
reputation who died in 179/795 . See Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, VI, 379 ; Ibn Khayyit, Ta-
'rikh, 719; Ibn Haja; Tahdbib, IV, 281-83.
710. `Amr b. `Abdallah al-Sabi`i al-Hamdani, c. 33/654 to 126- 29/744-47, he was
a very important Kufan traditionist with a fair reputation . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, 1, 128 ; II, 167; Ibn Sad, Tabagdt, VI, 313 - 15; Ibn Hajar, Tbadhib, VIII, 63 -
67.
711. Text : Said ; read : Sa`d, as Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium , Addenda at
Emendanda, ncxm . He is `Amir b. Sa'd b . Abi Wagqag al-Zuhri al-Qurashi. See
above, note 707.
The Events of the Year 13 133
712. Text : `an; read: b., as Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emen-
danda, Dcxm.
713. Text: a1-Rahhal; read : al-Rijil. This Malik was a Medinan transmitter who is
identified only in the article on his father in Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 2.95. See note 714,
below.
714. Abu al-Rijil Muhammad b. `Abd al -Rabmin b . `Abdallih b. Harithah ai-
Najjiri al-An$iri, he was a Medinan transmitter of tradition with a mixed reputation.
He was called Abu al-Rijil, "the father of the men," because he had ten sons . Ibn Sa`d,
Tabaqdt, III, 488; VIII, 480; Maqdisi, Istibsdr, 60; Dhahabi, Mizdn, III, 6z7; Ibn Ha-
jar, Tahdhib, IX, 295 - 96; XII, 94.
715. Abii Tlumaylah, the mawld of the Angar, he was a traditionist from Marw who
was considered trustworthy. See Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, VII, 375; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI,
293-94.
716. It is hard to say which Muhammad b. `Abdallih this might be . Tabari, In-
dices, 517, proposes al-An$iri, but even that does not narrow the field sufficiently.
See Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 247-88.
717. The famous Meccan jurist `Ata' b. Abi Rabib, the mawld of the Quraysh, 27/
646 to 114 - 15/732 - 33. See Elz, s.v `Ali' b. Abi Rabah ; Ibn Sad, Tabagdt, V, 467-
70; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 510; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 199-2o3.
718. `Abdallih b. `Ubaydallah b. `Abdallah b . Zuhayr al-Taymi al-Qurashi, he was
a famous Meccan traditionist of good reputation who served as judge of al -Ta'if for
Ibn al-Zubayr. He died in 117-18 /735-36. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat,1, 21; 11, 119;
Ibn Sa`d, Tabagdt, V, 472 - 73; Zubayri, Nasab, 293; Ibn Khayyat , Ta'rikh, 516;
Waki`, Quddh, I, 261-62; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 306-7.
719. AI-Khath`amiyyah, she is possibly the most important woman of early Islam
after Khadijab and `A'ishah . She was successively the wife of a Hilili, then `All's
brother ia`far b. Abi Tilib, and then the two caliphs Abu Bakr and `All. One of the
earliest Muslims, she migrated with her husband la`far to Ethiopia, where they re-
mained for about twelve years representing the Prophet's interests . Her sons Muham-
mad b. ja`far ISee Tabari, 1, 3012, 3094 , 31391 and Muhammad b. Abi Bakr, brought
up in `All's household, participated in the killing of the caliph `Uthmin . She was also
the center of a genealogical marriage nexus, being related through her sisters to the
Prophet's uncles Hamzah and al -`Abbas, as well as to the early conqueror Khilid b.
al-Walid. She lived until at least 38/658 . See EP, Supplement, s.v. Asmi'; Ibn al-
Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 226; IT, 198; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagdt, VIII, 280- "85; Zubayri, Nasab,
44, 80-8Z, 277; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Isti'db, IV, 234-36; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, IV, 231; Watt,
Muhammad at Medina, 322, 380-81.
134 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
720. Abu Bakr's eldest son, who only embraced Islam about 8/630. Later, he fought
for his sister `A'ishah at the Battle of the Camel, after which he returned to Mecca,
where he died 53 - 58 /673 -78. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 21; If, 1z8 (under b.
`Arig); Zubayri, Nasab, 276, 278; Ibn `Abd al- Barr, Isti`db, II, 399-402; Ibn Hajar,
Igdbah, 11, 407-8 (under b. `Abdallih b. `Uthmin).
721. Al-`Anbari, 117/735 Or 119 /737 to 195- 96/811-12, he was a scholar of al-
Bagrah with a good reputation who also served twice as judge of that city, in 170/786
and from 181 /797 to 191 / 807. His judgeship was stormy. He was the first follower of
Abu I;Ianifah to hold that position and opposed the Mu `tazilah . Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt,
VII, 293; Ibn Khayya5, Ta'rikh, 514, 708, 738, 749, 754; Waki', Quddh, II, 137-42,
147-54; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X, 194-95.
722. Muhammad b. `Abdallah b. al-Muthanni b. `Abdallih b. Anas b. Malik, 118/
736 to z12-15 /8z7- 30, he was an important Baran traditionist with a good repu-
tation . He served as judge of al-Bagrah 191-92 / 807-8, then moved to Baghdad, where
he was judge at `Askar al-Mahdi , then took charge of the ma$dlim court, then was
judge of al-Bagrah again 198-99 /814-15 . See Ibn Sa`d, Tabagdt, VII, z94-95; Ibn
Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 5x6,738 -39,749,759, 778; Waki', Quddh, II, 154 -55, 157-61;
Maqdisi, lstib.dr, 33; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 274-76.
723. Al-Ash`ath b. `Abd al-Malik al-Humrani, the mawid of Humrin b. Abin, he
was a Bagran traditionist with a good reputation . He died in 142/759 or 146/763. He
seems to have opposed the Qadariyyah. See Ibn Sad, Tabagdt, VII, 276; Ibn Hajar,
Tahdhib, 1, 357-59.
724. Unidentified and mentioned only in this one place in al-Tabari.
725. Infamous as one of the killers of the Caliph `Uthman, he lived 10- 38/631-
58. He was a strong partisan of his stepfather `Ali, whom he served as governor of
Egypt until he was executed by Mu`awiyah's forces. See Ell, s.v. Muhammad (b. Abi
Bakr) ; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 21; II, 423; Zubayri, Nasab, 277; Ibn Khayya5,
Ta'rikh, 189-90, 203, 213, 218, 232; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, III, 472-73.
726. Sufyan b. Waki` b. al-Jarrab al-Rawisi al -Kilibi, he was a Kufan traditionist
with a poor reputation who died in 247/ 861. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, VI, 394 (noticing
only his father); Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 123-25.
727. Sufyan b. `Uyaynah b. Abi ` Imrin, the mawid of the Hilil, he was a Kufan
traditionist of excellent reputation who moved to Mecca in 163/780, remaining there
for the rest of his life. He lived 107-98/725-814. His father was a tax agent for Khilid
al-Qasri . Ibn Sa d, Tabaqdt, V, 497-98; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 493, 758; lbn Hajar,
Tahdhib, IV, 117-22.
728. The mawid of Whin of the Abni', who were apparently associated with the
Jumah of the Quraysh, he was a Meccan traditionist of excellent reputation who died
in 125 -26/743- 44. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, V, 479-80; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 556;
Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 28-30.
The Events of the Year 13 1135
laykah -`A'ishah: Abu Bakr asked her, "In how many [layers] was
the Prophet shrouded ?" She said, "In three robes." He said, "Wash
these two robes of mine-they were worn out -and buy me another
robe." I said, "0 father, we are wealthy." He said, "O daughter, the
living have more right to the new than the dying. Only these two are
for the liquid pitch and pus."729
AI-cAbbas b. al-Walid730 - his father731- al-Awza1i732 -'Abd al-
Rahman b. al-Qasim :733 Abu Bakr died in the evening, after the sun
had set, on the eve of Tuesday, 734 and he was buried at night on the
eve of Tuesday.
Abu Kurayb-`Aththam735 -Hisham-his father : Abu Bakr died
on the eve of Tuesday and was buried at night.
Abu Zayd - `Ali b. Muhammad, according to his isnad, which
has been mentioned before : Abu Bakr was carried on the litter on
which God's Messenger had been carried . `Umar prayed over him in
the Mosque of God 's Messenger. `Umar, `Uthman, Talhah, 736 and
729. Ar. muhlah wa . adid. This refers to torments of hell in Qur in 14 : 16;18: z9;
44: 45; 70: 8.
730. Al-`Abbas b. al-Walid b . Mazyad al-`Udhri, 169-70/786-87 to 269 - 71/88z-
84, a traditionist of Bayrut with a good reputation who followed the school of al-
Awzi`i. See In Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 131-33.
731. Al-Walid b. Mazyad al -`Udhri, c. 126 /744 to 203/8,8 -19, he was the great
Bayrati transmitter of the juristic school and tradition of al-Awzi `i. See EP, s.v al-
Awzi`i; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, 150-51.
732.. Abu `Amr 'Abd al- Rahmin b. `Amr, 88 -157/707 - 74, though other death
dates varying from 151 / 768 to x58/775 are given . He is the founder of the great Syrian
school of Islamic jurisprudence associated with his name . Possibly descended from
captives from Sind, or otherwise an authentic Arab from the Hamden, he seems to
have been born in Damascus . He is said to have been appointed judge of Damascus
by the caliph Yazid b. al-Walid in 126 /744. He settled in Bayrut toward the end of his
life. See El', s.v al-Awzi'i; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagdt, VII, 488; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 666;
Waki`, Quddh, III, 207; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VI, 238-42.
733. `Abd al-Ralamin b. al-Qasim b. Muhammad b . Abi Bakr, the son of the famous
Madani faqih. His mother was Quraybah bt. `Abd al-Rahmin b. Abi Bakr, his father's
first cousin. Respected for his piety and well known as a traditionist , he may have
caused the removal of Khilid b. `Abd al-Malik from the governorship of Medina when
he complained to the caliph Hishim about him in 118 /736. He died either in 126/
744 or 131/749 . By misreading the text of Waki`, Caskel has wrongly made him judge
of Medina in 150 -55/767 -72, a position actually held by his son . See Ibn al-Kalbi,
Gamharat, I, 21; II, 130; Zubayri, Nasab, 279 -80; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 557; Ibn
Hajar, Tahdhib, VI, 254-55.
734. That is, "on Monday night."
73 5. Text: Ghannim ; read: `Aththim . He is Abu `Ali `Aththim b. `Ali al- Kilibi,
d. 194 - 95/810 - 11, who was a Kufan traditionist enjoying a sound reputation. Ibn
Sa`d, Tabagdt, VI, 392; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 754; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 105-6.
736.Talhah al-Khayr b. `Ubaydallih al-Taymi al-Qurashi, d. 36/656, he was one of
the early Companions known chiefly for his later political roles in the shurd council
1 136 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
that elected the caliph `Uthman and his participation in the Battle of the Camel,
where he was killed fighting against `Ali. See EI', s.v Talha; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat,
I, zl; II, 556; Ibn Sa d, Tabagat, III, 214-25; Zubayri, Nasab, 280-91 ; Ibn Hajar,
Isdbah, II, 229-30.
737. `Abdallih b. `Umar b. al-Khattib al-`Adawi al-Qurashi, born c. 6x2 C.E., died
73-74/693-94, he was the son of the second caliph and a famous Medinan tradition-
ist of outstanding reputation for scrupulousness and honesty . El', s.v `Abdallah b.
`Umar b. al-Khattib; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, z6; II, i zo; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, IV, 142-
88; Zubayri, Nasab, 348, 350 -51, 356- S7; Ibn Hajai, 1$dbah, II, 347-50.
- 73 8. Actually, Abu Bakr b. `Abdallah b. Muhammad b. Abi Sabrah b. Abi Ruhm al-
`Amiri al-Qurashi, 102 - 62/721 - 79. He was a Medinan traditionist with a rather
poor reputation, perhaps because of his participation in politics . He was judge of
Medina 133/751 or 136/753-54 to 141/758. He was a tax collector for the northern
Arabian tribal districts of Tayyi' and Asad, whose money he turned over to the anti-
`Abbasid rebel Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyyah. For this he was imprisoned by al-
Mangur, but later freed owing to his role in stopping a slave rebellion in Medina. Still
later, he settled in Baghdad, where he served as judge for al-Mahdi. See Ibn al-Kalbi,
Gamharat, I, 27; II, 222; Zubayri, Nasab, 428-30; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 634, 681,
686; Waki`, Qutldh,1, zoo-2, 224; III , 253-54; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XII, z7-28.
739. Al-Asadi al-Qurashi, he was a rather obscure member of the great Zubayri
family of Medina and was a Zubayri on both sides, his mother being Umm Hakim bt.
`Abdallah b. al-Zubayr. See Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 469-70.
740.Tabari, Indices, 373, 409, suggests that this is `Umar b. `Uthman b. `Umar b.
Musa b. `Ubaydallah b. Ma`mar al-Taymi al-Qurashi, a blue-blooded Medinan tradi-
tionist who was judge of al-Basrah 169-70/785-87, but who died later in Medina.
On him, see Zubayri, Nasab, 29o-91; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 698; Waki`, Quddh, II,
133 - 37; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 482- 83. However, al-Wagidi is not said to have
transmitted from him but is specifically said to have transmitted from `Amr b. `Uth-
man b. Hani', the mawld of `Uthman, a rather obscure Medinan who was quoted by
the Knfans. This `Amr is also mentioned in the next khabar here. On him, see Ibn
Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 79.
741. Al-Asadi al-Qurashi, he was a pious member of the Zubayri family who died
in 121 /739. SeeZubayri, Nasab, 243; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 524, 532; Ibn Hajar, Tah-
dhib, V, 74.
The Events of the Year 13 1137
the shoulders of God's Messenger and `Umar 's head at Abu Bakr's
loins.
`Ali b. Muslim al-Tusi742 -Ibn Abi Fudayk743 -'Amr b. `Uthman
b. Hani'704-al-Qasim b. Muhammad: I went into `A'ishah's pres-
ence and said , "0 mother, reveal to me the tomb of the Prophet and
his two companions." She then revealed to me three tombs, neither
raised high nor cleaving to the ground , laid out in the basinlike
depression inside of the red court . I saw that the tomb of the Prophet
was put in front, Abu Bakr's tomb was at his head, and `Umar was at
the leg of the Prophet.
Al-Harith - Ibn Sad - Muhammad b. `Umar - Abu Bakr b.
CAbdallah b. Abi Sabrah - `Amr b. Abi 'Amr 745 - al-Muttalib b.
cAbdallah b. Hanlab : 746 The tomb of Abu Bakr was made flat like the
tomb of the Prophet. Water was sprinkled on it . `A'ishah carried out
the mourning for him.
Yunus747-Ibn Wahb748-Yunus b. Yazid749-Ibn Shihab-Said b.
al-Musayyab : When Abu Bakr died, `A'ishah carried out the mourning
for him. Umar b. al-Khaflab approached until he stood at the door. He
forbade the women to weep for Abu Bakr, but they refused to stop . [ 21321
`Umar said to Hisham b. al-Walid , "Go inside and bring me the
742. He was a Khurisini who settled in Baghdad . He lived 16o-25 3/777-867. See
Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 382-83.
743. Muhammad b. Ismail b. Abi Fudayk Dinar, the mawld of the Dil, he was a
Medinan traditionist with a fair reputation . He died in 199-zoo /815- 16. See Ibn
Sa'd, Tabagat, V, 437; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 762; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 61.
744• See note 740, above.
745• The mawla of al-Muttalib b. `Abdallih b. Hantab, he was a Medinan tradi-
tionist with a mixed reputation. He died in 144 /761. See Dhahabi, Mizdn, III, 281 -
8z; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VIII, 82-84.
746. Actually, al-Mullalib b. `Abdallih b . al-Muttalib b. Hantab al-Makhzumi, a
blue-blooded Qurashi, he was a Medinan traditionist with a mixed reputation. See
Ibn al-Kalbi, (amharat, I, 22;11, 439; Zubayri, Nasab, 339; Dhahabi, Mizdn, IV,129;
Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X, 178-79.
747. Yunus b. `Abd al- A`li b. Musa al-$adafi 170-264/787-877 . He was an Egyp-
tian traditionist with a good reputation who was especially famed for his knowledge
of the readings of the Qur'an. He was wrongfully imprisoned by the `Abbasid governor
of Egypt 218 -35/843-50. Kindi, Wuldh wa qudah, 454-56,470-71,475, 506; Dha-
habi, Mizdn, IV, 481 ; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, 440-41.
748. `Abdallih b. Wahb b. Muslim, the mawld of the Qurayhh , 125-97/743-813.
He was the greatest Egyptian traditionist of his generation , having a mostly favorable
reputation. Ibn Sa d, Tabagdt, VII, 518; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VI, 71-74.
749. Al-Ayli, the mawld of Mu`iwiyah b. Abi Sufyin. He was one of the main
transmitters of al-Zuhri' s traditions; however, his reputation as a traditionist is
mixed. He died in upper Egypt in 159/776. Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, VII, 52o; Dhahabi, Mi-
zdn, IV 4484; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, 450-52.
138 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
daughter of Abu Quhafah, the sister of Abu Bakr."750 When she heard
that from `Umar, `A'ishah said to Hisham, "I forbid my house to
you." But `Umar said to Hisham, "Goon in, for I have given you per-
mission." Thus, Hisham entered and brought out Umm Farwah, the
sister of Abu Bakr, to `Umar, who raised his whip over her and gave
her a number of blows. The weeping women scattered when they
heard that.
Abu Zayd-`Ali b. Muhammad, according to his isnad: When he
was suffering the illness from which he died, he quoted:
Every owner of camels is succeeded by an heir,
and every owner of spoil is despoiled.
Every owner of absence comes back,
but the one absent because of death does not come back.
His last words were , "My Lord, take me as a Muslim and join me
with the righteous."
75o. Umm Farwah, Abu Bakr's much younger half-sister, the wife of al-Ash`ath b.
Qays al-Kindi and mother of his children , Muhammad, Ishaq, Ismail, Hubabah, and
Quraybah. See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, VIII, 2.49; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, IV, 482 - 83; Ibn `Abd
al-Ban, Isti`db, IV, 484-85.
751.Text: `an; read : b., as Tabari, 1, 2730, and Introductio, Glossarium , Addenda
at Emendanda , Dcxin.
752. He was a minor Medinan transmitter of mixed reputation. See Dhahabi, Mi-
zan, II, 277; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, V, 17; also, note 699, above.
The Events of the Year 113 139
dye himself with henna and black dye (katam). When he died, Abu
Quhafah was living at Mecca. On hearing the news of his death, he
said, "A weighty misfortune!"
758. Of the same Qurashi clan as Abu Qul}ifah, she is reputed to have embraced
Islam early and to have died before her husband. See Zubayri , Nasab, 294; Ibn Hajar,
1$dbah, IV, 447.
759. `Abdallih b. Lahi 'ah b. 'Uqbah al-Hadrami, 96-174/715-90. He was a most
famous traditionist of Egypt with a mixed reputation . He served as the first chief
judge of Egypt appointed by the caliph 15 5 -64/771-8o. E12, s.v. Ibn Lahi`a; Ibn Sa`d,
Tabagdt, VII, 516- 17; Ibn Khayyil, Ta'rikh, 714; Waki`, Quddh, III, 235-36; Kindi,
Wuldh wa quddh, 368 - 70; Dhahabi, Mizdn, II, 475 - 83; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, V,
373-79-
760. Al-Najjari al-Angiri, d. 140/757, he was a Medinan traditionist with a fair rep-
utation. Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 641; Dhahabi, Mizdn, III, 178; lbn Hajar, Tahdhib,
VII, 422-23.
761. This collocation of three sons with similar names would appear to be a fic-
tional genealogical motif . Abu Bakr's alleged brothers are not otherwise attested to
and have no other role in the tradition . They are not mentioned in Ibn al -Kalbi, Gam-
harat, I, 21, nor Zubayri, Nasab, 275.
762. See Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, III, 169; VIII, 249; Zubayri, Nasab, 276, where her ge-
nealogy differs somewhat from that given here . As she is scarcely mentioned in the
sources and omitted by Ibn Hajar, it would appear that she never embraced Islam and
thus perhaps died before 6io C.E.
763. He was famous for bringing supplies to the Prophet and Abu Bakr when they
were hiding in the cave on the eve of the hi jrah to Medina. He was injured at the siege
of al-Ti'if and died later, in 11 /632-33. See Wagidi, Maghdzi, 930-31, 938 ; Ibn Hi-
shim, Sirah, I, 48 1- 86; II, 486; Zubayri, Nasab, 275, 277; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, II, 283-
84. Ibn al -Kalbi, Camharat, 1, 21; II, io8, assigns him a completely different mother
than Qutaylah al-`Amiriyyah.
764. Nicknamed Dhit al-Nitigayn, she was one of the most important early Mus-
The Events of the Year 13 141
lim women, for she was not only the daughter of Abu Bakr and thus `A'ishah's elder
sister, but also the wife of al-Zubayr b . al-`Awwam and the mother of several of his
children, including `Abdallah, the leader of the Zubayris in the second civil war. She
died in 73/693 . See EP, s.v. Asma'; Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, VIII, 149-5 5; Zubayri , Nasab,
236; 275 - 76; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Isti`db, IV, 231 - 34; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, IV, 219-30.
765. Abu Bakr was her second husband. She embraced Islam early, then migrated
to Medina, dying there in 6/628 . Another genealogy also is offered for her. See Ibn
Sa'd, Tabaqdt, VIII, 176 - 77; Zubayri, Nasab, 176; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Isti'db, IV,
448-52 ; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah , IV, 450-51.
766. This statement appears to contradict the alleged age of `A'ishah of nine years
at the time of the consummation of her marriage to the Prophet in Shawwal 1
April-May 613 , for which see al -Baladhuri, Ansab, I, 4o9-1 i; Ibn I3ajar, 1$dbah,
IV, 359- 6o. Even if she was born at the end of the Jahiliyyah period, in 609 C.E., she
would have been at least thirteen solar years old by the year 1 /622-13.
767. Ja`far al-Tayyar, the brother of the caliph `Ali, c. 590 c.E.-8/6z9. He was one
of the most important early Muslims, leading them in Ethiopia, where he headed the
Muslim mission c. 615 c. E.-7/618, until he returned at the time of the Khaybar cam-
paign. Shortly afterward, he was slain at Mu'tah. See En, s.¢ Dja`far b. Abi'J alib; Ibn
al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 5; 11, 254 ; Ibn Said, Tabaqdt, IV, 34-41; Zubayri, Nasab, 39,
8o-Si ; Ibn `Abd al -Barr, Isn`db,1, 210-13; Ibn Hajar; I$dbah, I, z37-38.
768. See Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqdt, VIII, 360; Maqdisi, Istib$dr,116,134 ; Ibn `Abd al-Ban,
Isticdb, IV2.171- 74; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, IV, 2.69-70.
769. She was born after her father's death in 131634 . She married Talhah b. `Ubayd-
allah, to whom she bore two sons and a daughter, the famous `A 'ishah bt. Talbah.
Umm Kulthum then married `Abd al-Rabman b . `Abdallih al-Makhznmi, to whom
she bore four children . See Ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, VIII, 462; Zubayri, Nasab, 278, 283,
318; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, IV, 493.
142 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
776. AI-Makhzuml al-Qurashi, he was the first cousin of Khilid b . al-Walid and
half-brother of Umm Salamah , the Prophet's wife. The Prophet appointed him to be
in charge of the Kindah and al -$adif, but later he was transferred to $an `i'. See El',
s.v, $an`a'; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 23; II, 420; Ibn Hishim, Sirah, II, 600; Zubayri,
Nasab, 316; Ibn Khayya5, Ta'rikh, 72, 98, 107; Balidhuri, Ansdb, 1, 456, 529; Futa11,
82-83, 121 - 23, 125 , 127; Ibn Hajar, l$dbah, III, 465-66.
777. The capital of Yemen, then as now. See El', s.v. $an`a'.
778. Al-Khazraji al-An$ari , he was one of the Medinans who became Muslims be-
fore the hijrah and subsequently participated in all the Prophet 's battles. Appointed
governor of Hadramawt by the Prophet, he may have remained in charge of it until the
end of `Umar 's reign . Later he opposed the caliph `Uthmin. He died after 40/661. See
Tabari, I, 2796; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 192;11, 607; Ibn Hishim, Sirah, 11, 6oo;
Ibn Sa 'd, Tabagdt, III, 598 ; Ibn Khayyas, Ta'rikh, 72, 98, 107; Balidhuri, Futul3, 83,
110-23, 125; Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh, II, 81, 136, 148-49, 186; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Isti`db, I,
564-65; Maqdisi, Istib$dr, 176-77; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, I, 558-59.
779. This extremely ancient term, which is even found in the Old ibstament (Gen.
Io:26), continues to this day to denote the region of eastern Yemen . See E12, Supple-
ment, s.v Ha¢ramawt.
780. Al--`Adawi al-Tamimi, he was a confederate of the Nawfal b . Abd Manif of the
Quraysh and embraced Islam at the conquest of Mecca in 8/630 . He was first sent by
Abu Bakr to collect the taxes of the district of Khawlin, which had revolted. (Some
sources wrongly give Hulwin.) He governed $anT for along time, 14-35 /635-56.
At the Battle of the Camel, he sided with `A'ishah, but he is said to have been killed
at $iff`m in 38/658 fighting for `Ali. However, this reversal might be aj,ocryphal, as it
is omitted by many early sources. See El', s.v, $an`a'; Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 67;
II, 590; Wagidi, Maghdzi, 1012; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 107, 196; Baladhuri, Futflli,
119,123; Ya`qubi , Ta'rikh, II, 136, 181 , 186, 205 , 210; Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Isti`db, III,
661-64; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, 111, 668-69.
781. The name of a Yemeni tribe which also denotes two districts , one southeast of
$an`a', the other northwest of $a'dah . The former, called Khawldn al-'Aliyah, ap-
pears to be the one meant here . It seems to have contained the city of Dhimai. See
E12, s.v. Khawlin ; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, II, 56 - 57 , 345 - 46; Ibn Khurdidhbih,
Masdlik, 137-38, 142, 148, 192, 248 ; Yiqut, Mu'jam, II, 407; V, 69 (Mikhlaf Dhi
Jurrah wa Khawlin).
78z. This is the still-extant town bearing the same name in the coastal plain of
Yemen between Ta`izz and al -Hudaydah. See El', s.v. Zabid ; Abu al-Fidi', Tbgwim,
88-89.
783. This is a wadi north of Zabid. See El', s.v. Zabid.
784. Al -Khazraji, he was one of the most famous of the An$ai becoming a Muslim
before the hijrah and subsequently taking part in all the Prophet 's battles, until the
Prophet sent him to Yemen in 9/631 . He died of the plague at al-Uglauwanah in the
jund of al-Urdunn in 18/639 at the age of thirty-eight . See In al -Kalbi, Gamharat,
1, 190; II, 409 ; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagdt, III, 583 - 90; VII, 387-89; Ibn Khayya5, Ta'rikh, 24,
72-73, 130; Balidhuri, Futula, 83 -88, x65,179 , x86,278, Ibn `Abd al -Ban, Isti'db,
111, 355-61 ; Maqdisi, Istib$dr, 136-41 ; Ibn Hajar, l$dbah,111, 426-27.
785. A district and town of Yemen which lay some 48 farsakhs (under 30o km.)
1144 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
south of $an`i', just north of Ta`izz, between Dhimir and Zabid. It was inhabited by
groups of the Kindah and Ma`afir. See Ibn Khurdidhbih, Masdlik, 140, 143 - 44;
Muqaddasi, Tagdsim, 53, 70, 87, 90, IoS, II;; Yiqut, Mu`jam, II, 169-70; Abu al-
Fidi', Tagwim, 9o-91.
786. The confederate of the Umayyads, he embraced Islam early and was appointed
by the Prophet c. 8/629 to al- Bahrayn. `Umar then made him governor of al-Ba$rah,
but he died on his way there in 14 /635, or, less probably, in z1 /642. See Ibn Hishim,
Sirah, II, 576, 6oo, 607; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, IV, 359-63; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 97-98,
107, 110- I1, 113,.154; Balidhuri, Futub, 95-104, io8; Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh, fl, 84, 136,
147, 151, 156-57; lbn `Abd al-Barr, Isti db, III, 146 - 48; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, II, 497-
98.
787. A district in the south of Saudi Arabia in the mountains of `Asir on the border
with Yemen. In early Islamic times, it contained inhabitants from the Madhhij,
Hamdan, and Azd. See Ell, s.v Nadjrin.
788. Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, II, 286, shows that this `Abdallih was mentioned only by
Sayf, which means that this important report on the governorships of Yemen may be
derived from Sayf rather than from al-Madi'ini 's authorities. `Abdallih's equally un-
known brother `Ukkishah is said to have been the Prophet' s governor for the Sakiin
and Sakisik in Yemen, but according to Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, II, 494, this also is only
from Sayf. For Sayf's reports on them, see Tabari, I, 1852-53, 1997-2000.
789. Near Najran, between Bishah and $a'dah in `Asir. See Ibn Khurdidhbih, Ma-
sdlik, 133, 13 S, 188, 2.48 ; Yaqut, Mu`jam, II, 126 -z7; Abual-Fida', Tagwim, 83, 94-
95. However, it might make more sense to identify it with the present Baljurashi in
Bilid Ghimid, halfway between al-T i'if and the Yemeni border. This is because oth-
erwise there is no governorate between al-Ti'if and Najran, and because Jurash is
mentioned as belonging to Mecca rather than to $an`a', which would seem to place it
north of Najran.
790. AI-Sulami, his mother was an Abyssinian slave, and he was one of the four
famous black Arabs (aghribat al-`Arab). An opponent of al-`Abbas b. Mirdis al-Su-
lami, he also fought the Ghatafani tribes of Fazirah and Murrah before Islam. He is
said to have been the standard-bearer of the Sulaym at the conquest of Mecca in 8/
63o and to have participated in the Battle of Hunayn. See Ibn al-Kalbi, G'`amharat, I,
I22; II, 3481 Mubarrad, Kdmil, I, 2.47; III, 22.6-27; I$bahini, Aghdni, XVI, 139-46;
Ibn `Abd al-Barr, Isti`db, I, 434-37; Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, I, 452-53.
791. The last two lines are cited in a variant version in Mubarrad , Kdmil, I, z47,
along with two other completely different lines . Seven lines are cited in Suyuti, Khu-
lafd', 86, also including the last two here.
The Events of the Year 13 145
799. `Abd al-Majid b. Suhayl b. `Abd al-Rahman b. `Awf al-Zuhri al-Qurashi, the
son of a concubine, he was a Medinan traditionist with a good reputation. See Zu-
bayri, Nasab, z7z; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VI, 380-81.
goo. Al-Zuhri al-Qurashi, he is the son of the great Companion `Abd al-Rahman b.
`Awf and Tilmadir bt. al-Agbagh al-Kalbiyyah, the princess from Dumat al-landal. He
was in charge of justice and security at Medina 49-54/669-74. An important Medi-
nan traditionist, he died in 93-94/712- 13 at the age of seventy -two. See Ibn al-Kalbi,
(amharat, 1, zo; II, Io6; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, V, 155 - 57; Zubayri, Nasab, 267; Ibn
Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 276,407; Waki`, Quddh , 1, 1 16-18 ; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XII, I 15-
18.
The Events of the Year 13 147
Asma' bt. `Umays was steadying him with tatooed hands. He said,
"Will you be satisfied with him whom I have left as [my[ successor
over you? For, by God, I do not shun the effort [to reach) the best opin-
ion, nor have I appointed a relative. I have designated `Umar b. al-
Khattib as my successor; therefore, hear him and obey." They re-
sponded, "We hear and obey."
`Uthman b. Yahya801- `Uthman al-Qargasaniso2 - Sufyan b.
`Uyaynah-Ismail-Qays: I saw `Umar b. al-Khaftab while he was
sitting with the people, a piece of writing in his hand, and saying,
"0 people, hear and obey the speech of the successor of God's Mes-
senger when he said, 'I have not ceased to admonish you.' 11 He had
with him a mawlu of Abu Bakr named Shadids03 who had a piece of
writing on which was the appointment of `Umar as successor.
Abu Ja`far-al-Wagidi-Ibrahim b. Abi al-Natir804-Muhammad
b. Ibrahim b. al-Harith:805 Abu Bakr summoned `Uthman to him in
private and said to him, "Write, 'In the name of God, the all-Com-
passionate, the Merciful. This is what Abu Bakr b. Abi Quhafah has
enjoined on the Muslims. Now then.... "' At this point, he fainted,
losing consciousness. `Uthman wrote, "Now then, I have appointed
`Umar b. al-Khattab as my successor over you. I have not neglected [21391
the best among you." Then Abu Bakr awoke and said, "Read [it[ to
me." When he read [it) to him, Abu Bakr said, "God is Greater," and
then went on, "I see that you were afraid that the people would quar-
rel if I died suddenly in my coma." `Uthman said, "Yes." Abu Bakr
said, "May God reward you kindly for the sake of Islam and its peo-
ple!" Abu Bakr confirmed [the text) from this place.
Yunus b. 'Abd al-MA - Yahya b. `Abdallah b. Bukayr806 - al-
8oi. Unidentified, not otherwise mentioned, and possibly confused with the iden-
tical next name.
802. He is Abu `Amr `Uthman b. Yahya b. `Isa al-$ayyad, d. 258 /872. Although he
died fifty-eight solar years after Ibn `Uyaynah, he is reported to have transmitted from
him. See Sam`ani , Ansdb, X, 384.
803. Unidentified and not mentioned elsewhere.
804. He is Ibrahim b. Salim b. Abi Umayyah, nicknamed Barden, the mawid of
`Umar b. `Ubaydallih al-Taymi of the Quraysh . He was a Medinan traditionist with
a fair reputation . He lived c. 79-80 /698-99 to 153-54/770-71. See Ibn Hajar, Thh-
dhib, I, 120-21.
805. Al-Taymi al-Qurashi. A Medinan traditionist who was considered trustwor-
thy, he died in 119 -21/737- 39. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Oamharat, I, 21; II, 423; Zubayri,
Nasab, 295; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 524, Ibn Hajar, Thhdhib, IX, 5-7.
806. The mawld of the Makhzum of the Quraysh, 154 -231 /771-845 . He was an
Egyptian traditionist with a mostly good reputation. He was best known as a major
1148 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
transmitter of al-Layth 's traditions. Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, VII, 5 i 8 (bare mention); Ibn
Khayyaj, Ta'rikh, 796; Dhahabi, Mizdn, IV, 391 ; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XI, x37-38.
807. Al-Fahmi, he lived 94 -175/713- 91. He was one of the great traditionists of
Egypt, enjoying an outstanding reputation . His family orginally were Iranians from
Igfahin. His father was a mawid of the Quraysh who enrolled in the Fahmi regiment
of the army in Egypt . Al-Layth himself was born at the village of Qarqashandah,
about 2.5 km. from al -Fustit. He visited Iraq in 1161/778. In 167 /784 his prestige was
so great that he when he complained to the caliph about the judge in Egypt , the latter
was removed from office. See E/', s.v al-Layth b. Sad ; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, VII, 517;
Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rikh, 715; Waki`, Qudah, III, 113, 136 ; Kindi, Wuldh wa Qudab,
89-90, 118, 131 , 134, 365-66, 371-73, 384; Dhahabi, Mizdn, IV, 4z3; Ibn Hajar,
Tahdhib, VIII, 459-65.
8o8. `Ulwin b. Dawnd, the mawla of Jarir b. `Abdallih al-Bajali, d. 180/796, he
was a traditionist whose transmissions were rejected by later scholars. The variant
name `Ulwin b. $alih, which is given for him, owes to a confusion with that of $alih
b. Kaysan, who follows him in this isndd. See Dhahabi, Mizdn, III, io8- io (where
the report mentioned here is criticized) ; Ibn U ajar, Lisdn, IV, 188-9o.
809. Al-Zuhri al- Qurashi, he was a minor Medinan traditionist of the great Zuhri
family. See In al-Kalbi, Oamharat, 1, 10; II, 571; Zubayri, Nasab, 171; Ibn Hajar,
Tahdhib, VII, 473.
81o. That is, of Adharbayjin. See note in Cairo ed.
811. Text : al-babr; read : al-bujr. See note in Cairo ed., which has corrected it to
al-bajr; but see Fayruzibidi, Mubii, s.¢ b-j-r for correct vocalization.
The Events of the Year 13 1149
Calm down, may God have mercy on you, for this will
only cause you a relapse in your condition. Regarding your
matter, the people are (divided] between only two men, ei-
ther a man who has viewed [things] as you have and is thus
with you, or else a man has opposed you and thus is your ad-
viser and companion as you like. We have not known you to
desire other than the good. You have not ceased to be a righ-
teous man and one who sets matters aright. You do not
grieve for anything from this world.
Abu Bakr said,
Indeed, I do not grieve for anything from this world, ex-
cept for three (things] which I did that I wish I had left aside,
three that I left aside which I wish I had done, and three
about which I wish I had asked God's Messenger. As for the
three that I wish I had left aside, I wish that I had not thrown
open the house of Fitimah"12 to reveal something, even
though they had locked it with hostile intent. I wish that I
had not burned al-Fuji'ah al- SulamiR13 and that I had
quickly killed him or forbearingly let him go. I wish, on the
day of Saqifat Bani Sa`idah,A14 that I had thrown the matter
upon the neck of one of the two men (meaning `Umar and
Abu `Ubaydah) so that one of them would have become the
Commander [of the Faithful] and I would have been his min-
ister (wazir). As for those I left aside, I wish that on the day
I was brought al-Ash`ath b. Qays815 as a prisoner I had cut off
8 t z. The daughter of the Prophet, c. 604 c.e. - I 1 /63z. On her, see EP, s.v. Fatima.
The story in question here seems to refer to the attempt to compel `Ali and Fitimah
to swear allegiance to Abu Bakr as caliph . What they are hiding here is not clear, how-
ever. See Tabari, I, 1822, 1825-26 ; Baladhuri, Ansdb, I, 585-87.
813. He is Bujayrah b. lyas b. `Abdallah b. `Abd Yalil, who was burned for treason.
See Tabari, 1, 1903 - 5; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 122; 11, z28 - 29; Baladhuri, Futah,
117, 123.
814. The meeting hall of the Bann Si `idah in Medina, where Abu Bakr was ac-
knowledged as caliph upon the death of the Prophet. On it, see Tabari, I, 1817-25,
1837 - 45; Ibn Hisham, Sirah , 11, 656-60; Ibn Sa`d, Tabaqat, III, 615 - 17; Bukhari,
$abih, V, 8; Baladhuri, Ansdb, 1, 579 - 84, 589; Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh, 11, 136 - 38. This
enormously important event led to the establishment of the caliphate , with all the
political and other consequences that entailed . Abu Bakr here is expressing scruples
about the responsibility of government that he has borne.
815. Al-Kindi, he was an important prince in Hadramawt who embraced Islam in
the Prophet's lifetime. After the latter's death, however, he rebelled and had to be sub-
1 50 The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
his head, for I imagine that he does not see any evil but that
he helps it along. I also wish, when I sent Khalid b. al-Wallid
to fight the people of apostasy, that I had stayed at Dhu al-
Qa$$ah, 816 so that if the Muslims had triumphed, they
121141) would have triumphed, but if they had been defeated, I
would have been engaged or [provided) reinforcement. Fur-
thermore, I wish, when I sent Khalid b. al-Walid to Syria,
that I had sent `Umar b. al-Khattab to Iraq; thereby, I would
have stretched forth both of my hands in God's path. (He
stretched forth both his hands.) I also wish that I had asked
God's Messenger with whom the government rests, so that
no one would contend about it. I wish I had asked him
whether the An$ar have a share in the government. I wish I
had asked him about the inheritance of the brother's daugh-
ter and the paternal aunt, for I have some doubts in my mind
about the two of them.8t7
Yunus - Yahya: Then `Ulwin came to us after the death of al-
Layth. I asked him about this report. He transmitted it to me just as
al-Layth had transmitted [it], letter by letter. He informed me that
he himself had transmitted it to al-Layth b. Sa`d. I asked him about
his father's name. He informed me he was `Ulwan b. Dawud.
Muhammad b. Ismail al-Muradi818 - `Abdallah b. $alih al-
dued by force. After he was forgiven, he fought in Syria, then went to Iraq, where he
became prominent in al-Kiifah . His tepid support for `Ali in the first civil war often
was cited as the cause of the latter's defeat. He died in 40-41 /661-6z, but left behind
a great propenny that continued to have influence in al-Kufah . E11, s.v al-Ash'ath; Ibn
al-Kalbi, Camharat, 1, 236; II, 381 (under Ma`dikarib b. Qais); Ibn Muzahim, $iffin,
passim ; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, VI, 22-23; lbn Khayyal , Ta'rikh, zz8; Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah,
1, 51-52; Crone, Slaves, iio.
816. A place about 38 km. from Medina on the way to al-Rabadhah . From there Abu
Bakr had dispatched his armies in all directions to fight against the Riddah. See Ya-
qut, Mu'jam, IV, 366.
817. The rights of the brother's daughter or the paternal aunt to inherit are not dealt
with in the relevant Qur'inic verses, Qur'an 4 : 11-12 ,176. This problem consider-
ably exercised the minds of early Muslim legal specialists and is treated in various
books of figh. A very detailed treatment can be found in Ibn Qudimah, Mughni, VI,
317-z6,329-35.
818. Possibly this is Muhammad b. Isma il b. Yusuf al-Tirmidhi, who is specifi-
cally reported to have transmitted from `Abdallah b. $alih al -Mi$ri. This is despite
the fact that this Tirmidhi has al- Sulami rather than al-Muridi for his tribal nisbah,
according to the rijdl books. He is considered reliable and died in 280 /893, so that he
could have transmitted to al-Tabarl . See Dhahabi, Mizdn, III, 484; Ibn Hajar, Tah-
dhib, V, 256; IX, 62-63.
The Events of the Year 13 151
819. The mawld of the juhaynah, d. 222 - 23/837 - 38, he was the secretary of al-
Layth b. Sad and was an Egyptian traditionist with a mixed reputation. Though he is
said to have been born in 173 / 789; that is impossible, as it precedes his patron 's death
by only two years . See Ibn Sad, Tabagdt, VII, 518; Ibn Khayyal, Ta'rikh, 787; Dha-
habi, Mizdn, II, 440-45; lbn Hajar, Tahdhib, V, z56-6t.
820. A mistake for b. Dawud.
Si,. AI-Zuhri al -Qurashi, yet another of the great Medinan family of traditionists.
He died in 95 /714 or, less probably, 105/7x3, at the age of seventy-three. See Ibn Sa`d,
Tabagdt, V, 153-55; Zubayri, Nasab, 266; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 489; IbnHajar, 7hh-
dhib, 111, 45-46.
82z. A district in Medina less than z km. south from the Prophet 's house and city
center. At that time, it contained the dwellings of the Harith of the Khazraj . See Yi-
qnt, Mu'jam, 111, z65; Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 15 z Imapl, 167.
823. Text: `an; read: b., as Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emen-
danda, Dcxiu.
8x4. Al-Khazraji al-Angiri , he was a minor Medinan transmitter with a mixed rep-
utation . See Dhahabi, Mizdn, IV, 92; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X, 95•
8z5. Al-Taymi al-Qurashi, died 151/768, he was a Medinan traditionist with a poor
reputation . See Dhahabi, Mizdn, IV, 218 - 19; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, X, 368-69.
8z6. Unidentified and appears only here in al-Tabari.
827. Unidentified.
828. lbxt: `Abdalldh ; read : ` Ubaydalidh, as Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium,
Addenda et Emendanda, Dcxm.
829. `Ubaydallah b. `Umar b. Hafg b. 'A$im b . `Umar b. al-Kha;3ab al-'Adawi al-
Qurashi, he was one of the seven great jurists of Medina . He died in 147/764. See Zu-
bayri, Nasab, 362; Ibn Khayyit, Ta'rfkh, 651; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, VII, 38-40.
830. The mawid of `Abdalldh b. `Umar, he is the most famous transmitter of Ibn
`Umar's traditions and was considered the exemplar of the highest reliability by al-
Bukhiri. He died in 117- 20/735 - 38. See Ibn Haja1, Tahdhib, X, 411-15.
15 z. The Caliphate of Abu Bakr al-$iddiq
My father's dwelling was at al-Sunk with his wife Habibah bt. Kha-
rijah b. Zayd b. Abi Zuhayr of the Band al-Harith b. al-Khazraj. He
had built himself a room from palm leaves. He did not add to that up
to the time he moved to his dwelling in Medina. He continued to re-
side there at al-Sunk for six months after he had received the oath of
allegiance. He would go by foot to Medina. Occasionally, he would
ride on a horse he had, wearing a waist wrapper and a worn-out
cloak. He would come to Medina to lead the people in public wor-
ship. When he finished the evening worship (`isha'), he would return
to his family at al-Sunh. When he was present, he would lead the
people in their worship; when he was not present, `Umar would lead
them in it.
He would spend Friday morning at al-Sunk dyeing his head and his
beard, then he would go forth according to the time of the Friday
worship, in which he would lead the people. He was a man of com-
merce. He would go forth early every day to the market, where he
would sell and buy. He had a flock of sheep that would go home to
him. Sometimes, he would go forth with it himself; sometimes, it
would be taken care of, so that it was pastured for him. He also
would milk the sheep for the community. When he was rendered the
oath of allegiance as caliph, a girl from the community said to him,
"Now the ewes of our house will not be milked for us." Abu Bakr
121431 heard her and said, "On the contrary. By my life I will most definitely
milk them for you. I certainly hope that what I have entered into will
not turn me away from my previous habit." When he would milk for
them, he sometimes would say to a girl from the community, "0
girl, would you like me to tend [your sheep] for you, or to leave them
to pasture by themselves?" Sometimes she would say, "Tend
[them]"; other times she would say, "Leave [them]." Whichever of
those she said, he would do.
He remained like that at al-Sunh for six months, then he came
down to Medina to reside in it and look after his responsibilities. He
said, "No, by God, trading will not set right the affairs of the people.
Only my devoting myself exclusively to them and looking after their
business will set them aright. My dependents must have what will
make them prosper." Thus, he abandoned trade and expended of the
Muslims' money enough to make him prosper and make his depen-
dents prosper day by day.
The Events of the Year 13 1153
He would also make the greater and the lesser pilgrimages. That
which they had allocated for him every year was six thousand dir-
hams. When death came to him, he said, "Give back what we have
of the Muslims ' money, for I will not acquire anything of this prop-
erty. My land which is in such-and-such a place is given to the Mus-
lims as compensation for what I have acquired of their property." He
transferred that to `Umar, along with milch camels, a slave who was
a blade whetter, and velvet worth five dirhams. `Umar said, "He has
caused troubles for those after him."
Abu Zayd-`Ali b. Muhammad-those whom I have mentioned
his transmitting from them: Abu Bakr said, "Figure out how much
I have spent from the treasury since I was put in charge and settle it
for me." They found it amounted to eighty thousand dirhams during
his rule.
Ibn Humayd - Salamah - Ibn Ishaq - al-Zuhri - al-Qasim b.
Muhammad- Asma' bt. `Umays: Talhah b. cubaydallah went in to
[see] Abu Bakr and said, "Have you made `Umar your successor [as
ruler] over the people, even though you have seen the way the people
are treated by him [even] when you are with him? How then will he [21441
be if he is alone with them, after you have met your Lord and He asks
you about those you were responsible for?" Abu Bakr, who was lying
down, said, "Sit me up," and they sat him up. He then answered Tal-
hah, "Is it with God that you frighten me (or is it with God that you
scare me)? When I meet God my Lord, and He questions me, I will
say, 'I have left the best of your people as a successor in charge of your
people.."
ibn Humayd - Salamah - Ibn Ishaq - Muhammad b. cAbd al-
Rahman [b. `Abdallah] b. al-Husayn:"' The like of that.
13 (cont'd)
MARCH 7, 634 -FEBRUARY 24, 63 5 )
Abu ja`far: We have already mentioned the time of Abu Bakr's ap-
pointment of `Umar b. al-Khattab (as his successor] in the caliphate,
as well as the time of Abu Bakr 's death, and [said] that `Umar led the
prayer over him, and that he was buried on the night of his death be-
fore the people arose. When `Umar arose on the morning after that
night, the first thing he did and said was [as follows[:
Abu Kurayb - Abu Bakr b. 'Ayyash832 - al-A`mashe33 - lami` b.
Shaddade34 - his father:83s When `Umar was made caliph, he
climbed the pulpit to say, "I am going to say words to which you
must say 'Amen."'
The first speech that `Umar uttered when he was made caliph was
[as follows]:
Abu al-$a'ibs36-Ibn Fudayl837-`Iyad838-Dirars39-Hu$ayn al-
Murri :840 `Umar said, " The likeness of the Arabs is only to a camel
led by the nose following its leader ; therefore, let its leader look
where he leads. As for me, by the Lord of the Kacbah, I will indeed
bring them along on the road."
`Umar- `Ali - `Isa b. Yazid841- $alih b. Kaysan: The first letter
written by `Umar when he took charge was to `Abu `Ubaydah, put-
ting him in charge of Khalid's army and [saying],
[2.145] I admonish you to fear God, Who lasts while what is other
than Him perishes , Who has guided us from losing our way
and brought us forth from the darkness to the light. I have
put you in charge of the army of Khalid b. al-Walid. There-
fore, take on their work, which is a responsibility for you.
Do not advance the Muslims to destruction hoping for spoil,
836. Salm b. Janadah b. Khilid al-Suwa 'i of the Suwa'ah b. `Amir b . $a`sa`ah,
174-154/790-868, he was a Kufan traditionist of good reputation . See Ibn Hajar,
Tahdhib, IV, 118-29.
837. Muhammad b. Fudayl b. Ghazwan, the mawld of the Qabbah, d. 194/ 810, he
was a Kufan traditionist of good reputation who was a Shi`i supporter and even con-
sidered to be an extreme Shi`i . He was said to be of Greek descent. See Ibn Sa'd, Ta-
bagdt, VI, 389; Dhahabi, Mizdn, IV, 9-10; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IX, 405-6.
838. Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, ocxtn, suggests
this name should be omitted , as it is in the isndd in Tabari, I, 273 5 , but the name also
could have dropped out of the latter isndd. The sixty-year gap in the death dates of
the Ibn Fudayl and the Qirar in this isndd might suggest a necessary intermediate
link. On the other hand, Ibn Hajar's biographies of Ibn Fudayl and Qirar both state
that Qirar transmitted directly to Ibn Fudayl, and no suitable 7yad can be identified
who fits between them . See the preceding and following notes.
839. Abu Sinan Qirarb. Murrah al-Shaybani, d. 132/750, he was a Knfan tradition-
1st with a good reputation . See Ibn Sa'd, Tabagdt, VI, 338; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV,
457.
840. Tabari, Indices, 141, proposes that this may be al-Hugayn b . al-Humam al-
Murri the poet, but this identification is doubtful , as this al-Hu$ayn seems to have
barely survived into the Islamic era, for his son sought largesse from Mu`awiyah.
Such a person certainly would not have been able to transmit to Qirar b. Murrah, and
it also is unlikely that he would be a source for `Umar's sayings. Thus, Husayn al-
Mum here must remain unidentified . On the poet, see Isbahani , Aghdni, XII, 123 -
29.
841. Al-Laythi, d. before 179/795, he was a Medinan transmitter of history, but his
badith was rejected. Under al-Mahdi, he was accused of Qadari tendencies. Later, he
was brought by the Caliph al-Hadi to Baghdad, where he entertained that ruler and
was lavishly rewarded . See Tabari, III, 534 565-66, 589-90, 592-93; Ibn al-Kalbi,
damharat, I, 36; II, 358; Ibn Durayd, Ishtigdq, 171; Dhahabi, Mizdn, III, 327-28;
Ibn Hajar, Lisdn, IV, 408-10.
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd) 1159
nor make them camp in a place before you [first) scout it out
for them and learn from where it might be attacked. Do not
send out a raiding party except in a company of men. Do not
by any means expose the Muslims to destruction . God has
tested you through me and has tested me through you.
Therefore, shut off your sight from this world and divert
your heart from it. Do not at all let it destroy you as it de-
stroyed those before you, whose deaths you have seen.
842. Now Tabaqat Fibl in Jordan, it lies east of the Jordan River, about 12 km.
southeast of Baysan . FihI was the ancient Pella of the Dekapolis and had remained one
of the more important towns in the area . Extensive ruins exist and are being exca-
vated . See EP, s.v Fihl . For the battle, see Ibn Khayyax, Ta'rikh, 104; Knfi, Futt I , I,
189-95.
843. Al-Najjar al-Khazraji . The nephew of the Prophet's poet Hassan b. Thabit, he
was a Companion of the Prophet , then went forth to participate in the conquest of
Syria . In 41 /66x. or 58-59 /678-79, he died at the age of seventy-five or ninety-five)
and was buried in Jerusalem , where his family remained prominent and where his
tomb later became an object of veneration. See Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 186; II,
522; Ibn Sa d, Tabaqdt, VII, 401; Ibn Khayyal , Ta'rikh, 274; Baladhuri, Futuli, 182.;
Ibn `Abd al -Barr, Isti`db, II, 135; Maqdisi, Istib. dr, 54; Ibn Hajaz; l dbah, 11, 139-40;
Mujir al-Din, al-Uns al-jalil, II, 63.
844. Al-Zabidi, the confederate of the Jumah of the Quraysh, he was an early Mus-
lim, migrated to Ethiopia, fought at Badr, and is doubtfully said to have participated
in the conquest of Egypt. He often was responsible for dividing the booty. See Ibn al-
Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 270; II, 383; Wagidi, Maghdzi, 410, 524, 697, 780; Ibn Hisham,
Sirah, 1, 328; II, 361 ; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, II, 64, 75, 133; IV, 59,199 -99, 261 ; VIII, 277;
Ibn `Abd al -Barr, Istidb, III, 495; lbn Hajar, I$dbah, III, 388.
845. The mawld of `Umar b. al-Khattab and his chamberlain . See Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh,
11, 158; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, III, 672-73.
846. A variant of al-Waqugah.
16o The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattab
847. That is, those who rejected paying the jizyah, preferring to fight.
848. An important town in Palestine, the ancient Skythopolis, the only one of the
Dekapolis cities to be located west of the Jordan, it lay some 30 km. south of Lake
Tiberias. Like Fihl, it remained one of the important towns of the region . See EP, s.v
Baysin.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 16r
akleios. The fall of Damascus was in the year 114 in Rajab (Zr Au-
gust - r9 September 63S). Abu `Ubaydah publicly revealed his ap-
pointment as commander and Khalid's dismissal when the Mus-
lims had met, they and the Romans, at a town called cAyn Fihl be-
tween Palestine and al-Urdunn and fought a hard battle at it. Then [21471
the Romans withdrew to Damascus.
As for Sayf, according to al-Sari-Shu'ayb-Sayf-Abu cUthman
-Khalid and'Ubadah:. He mentions in his report that the post
came to the Muslims from Medina with [the news of[ the death of
Abu Bakr and the appointment of Abu `Ubaydah as commander
while they were at al-Yarmuk, the fighting having started between
them and the Romans. He told a different story of al-Yarmuk and
Damascus from what Ibn Ishaq told. I am going to mention some of
what he, has related about that.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Muhammad - Abu `Uthman - Abu
Said: When `Umar took office, he was pleased to let Khalid b. Said
and al-Walid b. `Ugbah enter Medina, although Abu Bakr had forbid-
den them [to do so] owing to the flight they had made. `Umar also
sent them back to Syria, saying, "Let [word of your) sufficiencyM'9
reach me about you; I am putting you to the test. Join whichever of
our commanders you like." They joined the troops, with whom they
were tried and showed their adequacy.
849. Text: `and; read: ghana', as Cairo ed. and Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium,
Addenda et Emendanda, ocxiu.
850. Or, " supplies."
162 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattab
851. She had embraced Islam in 8/630. See Ibn Sa `d, Tabaqdt, VIII, 261 ; Zubayri,
Nasab, 303,3Z2; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, IV, 385.
85 z. Bilal b . Rabat, the famous Ethiopian freedman of Abu Bakr, he is best known
as the first mu'adhdhin in Islam. He was one of the early Muslims of the Meccan
period. Later, he migrated to Syria , where he died at Darayya in 18 /639 or 20-:1/
641-42 . See EP, s.v Bill b. Rabal}; Wagidi, Maghdzi, passim ; Ibn Hisham, Sirah, I,
317-18, 506-7, 509, 588-89 , 63z, 68z; II, 207 , 336, 340, 413, 632 ; Ibn Sa'd, Ta-
baqdt, VII, 385 - 86; Ibn `Abd al-Ban, Isti`db, I, 141-44 ; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, 1, 165.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 163
dah to ask, "What have you been commanded regarding Khalid? "
Abu `Ubaydah replied, "I have been commanded to pull of his tur-
ban and to divide his property with him." He then split his property
with him until there remained only his two sandals [to be divided].
Abu `Ubaydah said, "This one is useless without the other one."
Khalid said, "Certainly. I am not one to disobey the Commander of
the Faithful; therefore, do what seems appropriate to you ." Thus, he
took one sandal and gave him the other sandal . Then Khalid came to
`Umar at Medina after his dismissal.
Ibn Humayd- Salamah - Muhammad b. Ishaq -Muhammad b.
`Amr853 b. `Ala'854-Sulayman b. Yasar : 855 Whenever cUmar passed
by Khalid, he would say, "0 Khalid, bring forth the property of God
from under your buttocks!" Khalid would say, "By God, I have no
property." When Umar persisted, Khalid said to him, "0 Com-
mander of the Faithful, what is the value of what I have gained under
your authority? Forty thousand dirhams." `Umar said, "I hereby
take that from you for forty thousand dirhams ." Khalid said, "It is
yours." cUmar said, "I accept it." Khalid did not have property other
than military equipment and slaves. An account of that was made,
and its value reached eighty thousand dirhams. `Umar took half of
that, giving him forty thousand dirhams . He took the money. `Umar
was told, "0 Commander of the Faithful, if only you would return [2150[
Khalid's property to him ." `Umar said, "I am only a trader for the
Muslims. By God, I will never return it to him." Umar felt that he
had avenged himself on Khalid when he did that to him.
The continuation of the report of Sayf-Abu `Uthman-Khalid
and `Ubadah: When cUmar received the letter from Abu Ubaydah
[asking) about how he should begin, he wrote to him:
Now then, begin with Damascus and march against it,
for it is the fortress of Syria and the capital of their kingdom.
Divert the forces at Fihl with cavalry that will be before
them at their throats, and [likewise divert] the forces of Pal-
856. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place. See Ibn Hajar,
I$dbah, II, 430.
857. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place . See Ibn Hajar,
Isdbah, II, 249 (under b. Khaythamah).
858. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place . See Ibn Hajar,
I.dbah, III, 12.
859. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place.
86o. Or, `Ulyah.
861. Mu`awiyah appointed him governor of Qinnasrin, according to Ibn Muzabim,
$ifffn, 128. However, it is doubtful whether Qinnasrm was separated from Him$ un-
til late in Yazid I's reign . See Balidhuri, Futilb, 156; Ibn Hajar, LLdbah, If, 197.
862. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place.
863. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place. See Ibn Hajar,
Isdbah, III, 325.
864. Al-Muzani. A Companion of the Prophet, he was a Kufan whojoined Mu`iwi-
yah and fought for him at $iffin . See Tabari, 1, 3305- 6; lbn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 88;
II, 227; Ibn Muzibim, $ifn, 269-70, 278; Ibn `Abd al-Ban, Istl'db, I, 147-48; lbn
Hajar, IIdbah,1, 15 3; Lisdn, II, 26- 27.
865. Tbxt : Mukhashsh'^; read: Makhshi, as on p . 91, above.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 165
first besieged forces in Syria were the troops of Fihl, then the troops
of Damascus.
Abu `Ubaydah sent out Dhu al-Kala` until he was [positioned] be-
tween Damascus and Him$ as a covering force. He also sent out
`Algamah b. Hakims" and Masruq, who were [positioned] between
Damascus and Palestine. [Their) overall commander was Yazid, who
set out. Abu `Ubaydah also departed from al-Marj. He sent Khalid b.
al-Walid forward. In command of his two wings were `Amr and Abu
cUbaydah [himself]. `Iyad commanded the cavalry, and Shurahbil
was in charge of the infantry. They advanced on Damascus, whose
defenders were commanded by Nastas b. Naskurus.867 They besieged
the forces of Damascus, camping in its environs. Abu `Ubaydah was
in charge of one side, cAmr another, and Yazid yet another.
Herakleios at that time was at Him$, the city of Him$ being be-
tween him and them. The Muslims besieged the forces of Damascus
for about seventy days, putting them under a hard siege, with [2i 5 z)
marches, exchanges of fire, and ballistas, while the defenders held
the city hoping for aid. Herakleios was near them, and they had
asked him for reinforcements, although Dhu al-Kalac was between
the Muslims and Him4, one night's journey from Damascus, as if he
was heading for Him. The cavalry of Herakleios came to aid the
forces of Damascus, but the cavalry that was with Dhu al-Kala`
caused them grief and distracted them from the [main) Muslim
force, so that they drew back and encamped before him. Meanwhile,
the forces in Damascus were still in the same condition. When the
forces of Damascus were certain that the reinforcements would not
reach them, they became cowardly, weak, and disheartened. On the
other hand, the Muslims became more desirous of [conquering)
them. Before that, the Muslims had viewed their campaigns as raids:
if cold set in, the men went back.
The Pleiades settled [in the west]8" while the enemy were persist-
ing [in resistance]. At that point, their hope was cut off, and they re-
and in progress. Such a date would appear to contradict Donner's conclusion about
the "reconstruction " of Abu `Uthman transmitted by Sayf giving Shawwal /Novem-
ber-December as the date of Damascus's fall after a siege of about seventy days, for
that would be impossibly late. See Donner, Conquests, 137, 317 n. 224. Rather, the
settling of the Pleiades in the west would seem to support the more usual dating of
Rajab/August-September as the date of Damascus 's fall, as given by Ibn Ishaq below,
p. 169, and al-Wagidi in Baladhuri, Futuh,146.
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd] 167
each side were occupied with those before them. Khalid b. al-Walid
and those with him cut the locks on the gates with swords to open
[them] for the Muslims. The entering Muslims advanced on the en-
emy until not a[n enemy] fighter remained of those at Khilid's gate
that had not been killed. When Khalid had pressed the attack
against those before him and obtained by force what he wanted from
them, those who escaped retreated to the forces at the gates before
the other Muslim commanders.
The Muslims had called on them to divide the city into halves, but
they refused and banished [the offer]. Therefore the Muslims were
simply astonished when the enemy openly professed to them [a de-
sire] for peace. The Muslims responded favorably to them and ac-
cepted [it] from them. The enemy opened the gates for them, saying,
"Enter, and protect us from the troops at that gate." Thus the forces
before each gate entered under a peace agreement for what adjoined
them, and Khalid entered into what adjoined him by force. Khalid
and the [other] commanders met in the middle of the city; this one
slaying indiscriminately and plundering, and this [other] in peace
and seeking to quiet. They considered Khalid's section as if it was
under a peace agreement, so that is was treated as territory taken [2-154]
peacefully."9
The peace agreement with Damascus was conditioned on the di-
vision of the money and the real estate, and [the payment of) a dinar
for each person. The Muslims divided the booty, Khalid's troops
being treated on an equal footing with the troops of the rest of the
commanders. Each household and those who remained in the peace
agreement had to pay a jarib [of grain] for every jarib of land. What
had belonged to the kings and those who went away with them was
held in trust as the common property of the conquerors (fay').870
869. Territory taken peacefully enjoyed far more rights than that taken by force.
The implication here is that the Iraqis were cheated out of their rightful spoils in
Syria. On the difference between territory taken peacefully and that taken by force,
see Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 2-9; Hall, Tkrmination of Hostilities, 3 - 4 and
passim.
870. This means that the government did not allow the conquering troops to divide
the land as booty among themselves and then scatter throughout the countryside as
proprietors, which would have destroyed their cohesion and military effectiveness.
Instead, the government held the land in trust and paid the troops only fixed stipends
as their share of the income. This enabled the government to maintain control over
the land and the troops, the latter being kept in the military cities ( amgdr) where they
could be mobilized quickly. See EP, s.v. Fay'; Wellhausen, Arab Kingdom, 19 - 3 r,
43-44; Shahan, History, 1, 46-50.
168 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khallab
They gave a share to Dhu al- Kali" and those with him, to Abu
al-A`war and those with him, and to Bashir and those with him.
They also sent the good news to `Umar. `Umar's reply came to
Abu cUbaydah, [saying,] "Send the Iraqi troops to Iraq, and com-
mand them to hurry to Sa'd b. Malik." Thus, he put Hashim b.
cUtbah in command of the Iraqi troops, al-Qa`ga` b. `Amr in
charge of the vanguard, and `Amr b. Malik al-Zuhri871 and Rib`i b.
`Amir872 in charge of the two wings. After Damascus, they made
the journey to Sa`d. Hashim set out for Iraq with the Iraqi forces.
The commanders set off toward Fihl. Hashim's troops were ten
thousand, except for those who had been lost, so that they made
up their total from others who had not been of them [originally],
among them Qays and al-Ashtar. `Algamah and Masruq set out
for Jerusalem,873 encamping on the way to it. At Damascus, a
number of the leaders of the Yemenis remained with Yazid b. Abi
Sufyan, including `Amr b. Shimr b. Ghaziyyah,674 Sahm b. al-
Musafir b. Hazmah, 875 and Mushafi` b. `Abdallah b. Shafi`.876 Af-
ter Damascus had been captured, Yazid sent Qihyah b. Khalifah
al-Kalbi with cavalry to Tadmur and Abu al-Zahra' al-Qushayri871
871. `Amr b. Milik b. `Utbah b. Nawfal b. Uhayb, a cousin Sa'd b . Abi Waggi$, he
later fought at Jaluli' in 16 /637. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 2.0; 11, 179 ; Balidhuri,
Futuh, 325; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, 111, 8z, has `Amr b. `Utbah b. Nawfal as his name.
872. Al-Usayyidi al-Tamimi, he fought at al-Qidisiyyah and in Persia. See Tabari,
I, 2269-70, 1294 , 1479, 2569, z6 to, 2619, 2649, 2683 - 84; Ibn al-Kalb-1, Gam-
harat, I, 83; II, 486 ; Ibn Hajar, I. dbah, I, 503 ; Donner, Conquests, 195, 384, 391,
430-31.
873. Here called Iliyi ' = Aelia Capitolina, the Latin name given to it by the Em-
peror Hadrian.
874. According to Ibn Hajar, /$dbah, III, z 15, he does not seem to have an existence
outside of Sayf's traditions, unless he is to be identified with the `Amr b. Shimr pres-
ent at $iffin in Ibn Muzihim, $iffiln, passim. On the other hand, he could be a mistake
for `Amr b. Ghaziyyah al-Khazraji, although this latter is not described elsewhere as
being in Syria . See Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, 1I1, 10.
875. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place . See Ibn Hajar,
I$dbah, 11, 117.
876. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place.
877. A like-named person elsewhere is a direct informant of Sayf for events con-
nected with Himg, as befits his tribal nisbah. Because Sayf died after 170/786, this
informant would either have to be a different person than the one mentioned in the
text here, or else, more probably, Sayf has retrojected the name of his informant back
to the early conquests. He also is mentioned as a poet celebrating the conquests, but
with no indication as to his date. No Abu al-Zahri' al-Qushayri is known outside the
transmissions of Sayf. See Tabari , I, 2391 , 1395 -96, 2573; Ibn Hajar, 1$dbah, IV, 77,
81.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 169
878. Ancient Batanaea, it is a large district in the extreme south of modern Syria.
Its capital was Adhri`at, now Dar` ah. Al-Bathaniyyah lay mostly to the north of
Adhri`at. See EP, s.v al-Bathaniyya.
879. This today is taken to be the whole southern area of modem Syria from Da-
mascus to the Jordanian border, but anciently the term was more restricted in usage,
indicating mainly the region east and northeast of Adhri `it. See EP, s.v Hawrdn.
170 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattab
88o. In this version, because they are in the district of al-Urdunn, which is Shur-
ahbil's province, Abu `Ubaydah is demoted to a mere subordinate while Shurahbil
commands, perhaps reflecting local tradition.
881. Ar. Tabariyyah , it was founded and named in honor of the Roman emperor
Tiberius. Since that time it has enjoyed a continuous existence . At the time of the
conquest, it appears to have been the capital of the Roman province of Palaestina Se-
cunda, on which the Islamic jund of al-Urdunn was based . See EP, s.v. Tabariya.
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd) 1711
882. He is the same as the eunuch Theodore the Sakellarios whom Theophanes,
Chronicle, 37-38, makes the Roman commander at al-Yarmuk . See note 5 68, above.
Only Sayf gives him a role at Fihl.
883. Mentioned only in this place, the name possibly is an abridgement of Nastas
b. Nasturus, f o u n d o n p. 1 6 5 , above.
884. Text: andh; read : ind'ah, as suggested in the notes to the Leiden ed.
172 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattab
Him$. They also took SamirA85 b. Ka`b886 away with them and de-
parted with Dhu al -Kala` and those with him, leaving behind Shu-
rahbil and his forces.
Baysdn
When Shurahbil was finished with Fihl, he marched with his forces,
including ` Amr, against the forces at Baysdn, descending on them
while Abu al - A`war and the commanders with him were besieging
Tiberias. The news had reached the various regions of al-Urdunn
about the [ fate] Damascus had met and what Sagallar and the Ro-
mans had met at Fihl and in the heavy mud, as well as the march of
Shurahbil against them, along with `Amr, al-Hdrith b. Hishdm, and
Suhayl b. `Amr, heading for Baysdn . The Romans fortified them-
selves in every place. Shurahbil led the troops against the forces at
Baysdn. They besieged them for some days, then the Romans came
out against them. The Muslims fought them, killing those who had
come out against them, and then made a peace agreement with the
rest of the forces there . That was accepted according to the Damas-
cus peace agreement.
121591 Tiberias
When the news reached the people of Tiberias, they made a peace
agreement with Abu al-A`war on the condition that he take them to
Shurahbil. He did so, so that the Muslims made peace with them
and the people of Baysdn according to the Damascus peace agree-
ment . By this they would share their dwellings in the cities and
those surrounding areas belonging to them with the Muslims, leav-
ing half to the latter whereas they would collect in the other half. A
dinar had to be paid for every person annually. For every jarfb of land
a jarfb of wheat or barley had to be paid, whichever of those had been
planted. There were [other] items in that [agreement], which they
stipulated as conditions for peace. While the leaders and their horse
settled in, as the peace terms for al-Urdunn were carried out, the re-
885. Text : Sumayr; read : Samir, as the modem name . Although Sumayr is also
conceivable, the simple form should be used where it is elsewhere attested.
886. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf and only in this one place . See Ibn Hajar,
I$dbah, II, Si.
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd) 173
887. Al-Awsi, he was famous for collecting the Qur'an. He fought at Badr and was
slain at al -Qadisiyyah. His relationship with the Fazarah is not mentioned in any
other source, nor is his participation in the conquest of Syria. However, his son
`Umayr later governed part of Syria for the caliph `Umar. See Ibn al-Kalbi, C amharat,
1, 178; II, 497; Wagidi, Maghau, 159; Ibn Hisham, Sirah, 1, 688; Ibn Sa`d, Tabagdt,
III, 458 ; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, iii; Baladhuri, Futiih, 3z1; Maqdisi, Istib$dr, z8o-
81; Ibn Hajar,1$dbah, II, 31; Donner, Conquests, 376, 401, 4 ro.
1174 The Caliphate of `Omar b. al-Khat;ab
against them, and it will have, God willing, what comes after it."888
cUmar also stood up among the people to say,
The Hijaz is not a home for you except for foraging; its in-
habitants do not survive in it except by that. Where are the
impulsive migrants for the sake of God's promise ? 'Navel in
the land that God has promised you in the Book to make you
heirs to, for He has said , "That he may make it [Islam]
triumph over all religion ."889 God is the One who grants vic-
tory to His religion, strengthens His helper, and commits to
His people of the inheritances of the nations . Where are the
righteous worshippers of God?
The first to answer the call was Abu `Ubayd b. Mas`iid. Then the
second was Sa d b. `Ubayd or Salt b. Qays.890 When that expedition
had gathered, it was suggested to `Umar, "Put a man from among the
early Muslims of the Muhajirun and the Angar in command of
them." `Umar answered,
No, by God, I will not do so. God has exalted you only ow-
ing to your priority [in Islam] and your hastening against the
enemy. But if you become fainthearted and dislike encoun-
[z i 6 i j tering [ the enemy in battle], then those who preceded you in
repelling [the enemy] and answered the summons are more
deserving of the leadership . By God, I will not give com-
mand of you to anyone but the first of you to answer the
summons.
Thereupon, he called Abu cUbayd, Salil, and Sa`d, saying [to the
latter two], "As for the two of you, had you preceded him, I would
have put you in charge and you would thereby have obtained what is
yours by seniority." He made Abu `Ubayd the commander of the
army. He said to Abu Ubayd, "Listen to the Companions of the
Prophet, making them partners in the matter. Do not launch an of-
888. That is, "This setback will, God willing, be followed by a victory." This may
refer to the Muslim defeat at the Battle of the Bridge, or some other setback.
889. Qur'an 9: 33; 48: 28; 611: 9.
890. Al-Najjari al-Khazraji, he fought at Badr and the Prophet's later battles. See Ibn
al-Kalbi, damharat, I, 185; II, 508 ; Wagidi, Maghdzi, 24, 1411, 163, 5114, 700, 896; Ibn
Hisham, Sirah, I, 495 , 704; II, 244; Ibn Sa'd, Tabagat, III, 512; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh,
107; Baladhuri, Futtib, 105,307-8,3 io; Maqdisi, Istib$dr, 43-44; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah,
II, 72; Donner, Conquests, 376-77 (wrongly calls him Salal(.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 175
fensive campaign hastily until you have ascertained the facts and
[see) it is war, for only a coolheaded man who knows opportunity
and restraint will do well in war."
A man from the An$ar: `Umar said to Abu'Ubayd, "Nothing has
kept me from making Salit the commander except for his hastening
to war, for whoever hastens to war is lost, unless with clear reason.
By God, if not for his haste, I would have made him the commander,
but only the coolheaded does well for war."
Al-Sari b. Yahya- Shucayb b. Ibrahim- Sayf b. `Umar- al-Mu-
jalid-al-Sha`bi: Al-Muthanna b. Harithah came to Abu Bakr in the
year 13. He sent him off with troops whom he summoned three
times without anyone heeding his call until Abu `Ubayd answered
it, then Sa`d b. `Ubayd. When he answered the call, Abu `Ubayd said,
"I am for it ." Sad then said, "I am for it," because of a deed he had
done. Salit also spoke. It was suggested to `Umar, "Make their com-
mander a man from among the Companions ." `Umar replied, "The
Companions excel [others] only in their hastening against the en-
emy and their fulfilling the responsibilities of those who are slow.891
If a group did as they have done and found it too burdensome [to cam- [2162]
paign], then those who heed the summons [to war], whether lightly
or heavily armed, are more deserving of the command than they. By
God, I am going to send out only the first to heed the call to be in
charge of them ." Thus, he put Abu `Ubayd in command and gave
him instructions for his army.
Al-Sari b. Yahya - Shucayb b. Ibrahim- Sayf b. `Umar - Sahl -
al-Qasim ; and al-Mubashshir-Salim : The first expedition sent out
by `Umar was the expedition of Abu Ubayd. Then he sent out Ya`la
b. Umayyah to Yemen, commanding him to evacuate the people of
Najran, according to the instructions of the Prophet in his [last] ill-
ness regarding that, and according to the instructions of Abu Bakr
regarding that in his [last] illness. He said:
Come to them, do not tempt them away from their reli-
gion, then remove those among them who keep to their re-
ligion. But confirm the Muslims [in their residence]. Survey
the land of each of them whom you remove, then offer them
a choice of countries [to which to emigrate ], informing them
89!. Text : aba; read : and, as Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emen-
danda, cDLV, ncxrv.
1176 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khallab
A1-Namarig893
Al-Sari b. Yahya-Shu`ayb-Sayf-Sahl and Mubashshir, according
to their isnad; and Mujalid-al-Sha`bi: Abu cUbayd went forth,
having with him Sa`d b. `Ubayd, Salit b. Qays, one of the Banu `Ada
b. al-Najjar, and al-Muthanna b. Harithah , one of the Banu Shayban,
then one of the Banu Hind.
1211631 Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Mujalid and `Amr - Al-Sha`bi and
Abu Rawq : As often as the people would quarrel among themselves
at al-Mada'in, Burin bt. Kisra894 would act as an honest arbiter
among them until they composed their differences. When al-Far-
rukhzadh b. al-Bindawan was slain and Rustam895 came forward to
kill Azarmidukht, she acted as an arbiter until she brought forth
Yazdigird.896 Abu `Ubayd arrived when Burin was the arbiter and
Rustam was in charge of warfare . Burin had presented the Prophet
892. A very similar, though not identical, text of this hadith is reported in Malik,
Muwatta', 5 56. Variants of the same idea are found in Bukhari, $ahih, IV, I2o-2I;
IX, 26, and Muslim, Sahib, II, 15, 87. See also Wensinck , Handbook, 118 (under
Jews).
893. A place near al-Kufah . See Yaqut, Mu'jam, V, 304.
894. Or, Burindukht. She was queen of Persia after the overthrow of the usurper
Shahrbaraz, c. 629 -30 c.E. As she actually preceded her sister Azarmidukht, her
mention here is out of place. See Tabari , 1, 1039, 1061 ,1063- 64; Christensen, L'/ran,
492; Frye, History, 337, 361.
895. He was an army commander who became the real ruler on deposing Azarmi-
dukht in 632 C.E. He presided over the Sasanian disintegration and was killed at al-
Qadisiyyah in 16/637. See Christensen, L'Iran, 493-94, 496.
896. This is Yazdigird III, the last Sasanian monarch of Iran . He was quite young at
his accession to the throne . He reigned 632- 51 C. E., when he was killed outside of
Marw after losing the last comer of his empire . See Christensen, L'Iran, 493 - 503;
Frye, History, 337- 38, 361.
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd) 177
with a gift that he accepted. She was an opponent of Shira for a year,
then she followed him, and they came together on the condition that
he would be the chief but would make her arbiter.
Al-Sari b. Yahya-Shu`ayb-Sayf-Muhammad,Talhah, and Zi-
yad, according to their isndd: When Siyawukhsh killed Farrukh-
zadh b. al-Bindawan and Azarmidukht became queen, the Persians
disputed among themselves and were diverted from the Muslims,
during the whole absence of al-Muthanna, until he came back from
Medina. Burin sent the news to Rustam and urged him to set out.
He was in charge of the Khurasan frontier and advanced until he
stopped at al-Mada'in. He defeated every army of Azarmidukht that
he met. Then they fought at al-Mada'in, where Siyawukhsh was de-
feated and besieged, and Azarmidukht was besieged as well. Then
Rustam captured it, killing Siyawukhsh, putting out the eye of
Azarmidukht, and establishing Burin.
She invited him to manage the affairs of the Persians, whose
weakness and decline she complained about to him, on condition
that she would entrust him with the rule for ten years, then sover- [21164]
eignty would belong to the family of Kisra , if they found any of their
male offspring, and if not, then to their women . Rustam said, "As for
me, I hear and obey, seeking neither recompense nor reward. If you
honor me by doing something for me , you are the masters of what
you do. I am naught but your arrow and the willing [instrument] of
your hands." Buran replied, "Come to me in the morning ." When he
came to her in the morning, she summoned the governors ( mardzi-
bah) of Persia and wrote for him, "You are in charge of the armed
forces of Persia . There is no one above you save God , be He Mighty
and Majestic, according to our pleasure and in submission to your
judgment . Your judgment is applicable to them as long as it leads to
the protection of their land and their being united rather than di-
vided ." At this, she crowned him and commanded the Persians to
hear and obey him. Persia submitted to him after the coming of Abu
cUbayd.
The first thing that `Umar did the night of the death of Abu Bakr
was to announce [extraordinary] congregational worship , then sum-
mon the men [for service ], but they dispersed without anyone re-
sponding. Then he summoned them on the fourth day, and Abu
`Ubayd was the first of the men to respond favorably on the fourth
day. After that, the men followed in succession . cUmar selected a
178 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattab
thousand men from the inhabitants of Medina and its environs and
made Abu cUbayd their commander. It was suggested to `Umar that
he put one of the Companions of the Prophet in charge of them, but
he said, "No, by God, 0 Companions of the Prophet, I will not sum-
mon you [for service], so that you may rely on others who heed the
call to do it, while I put you in command of them. You are preferred
only owing to your hastening to [serve in] a like case , but if you rely
on others, then they surpass you . Rather, I am going to make the first
of you who heeds the call your commander." He then hurried al-Mu-
[2165] thanna on his way, saying, "Go on ahead until your troops arrive."
The first thing `Umar did in his caliphate along with his receiving
the oath of allegiance was to dispatch Abu `Ubayd, then to dispatch
the people of Najran, then to call on the people who had apostatized
[to serve] . These last came in haste from every direction. Umar
threw them into Syria and Iraq. He also wrote to the forces at al-Yar-
muk, "Abu `Ubaydah b. al-jarrah is in charge of you." He wrote to
Abu `Ubaydah, "You are in command of the men . If God grants you
victory, send away the forces of Iraq to Iraq, along with whoever
would like [to go] among your reinforcements, for they [latterly]
joined you." The first victory [news of] which came to him was al-
YarmUk, twenty days after the death of Abu Bakr. Among the rein-
forcements to al-Yarmuk in the time of `Umar was Qays b. Hubay-
rah,897 who returned with the forces of Iraq, although he was not of
them, having only gone forth to campaign when `Umar allowed for-
mer apostates to campaign.
Meanwhile, Persia's attention was diverted from the Muslims by
the death of Shahrbaraz. Shah -i Zanan89B held the sovereign power
until they agreed on Sabur b. Shahrbaraz b. Ardashir b. Shahriyar.
But then Azarmidukht rebelled against him, killing him and al-Far-
rukhzadh, and became queen, while Rustam b . al-Farrukhzadh was
897. Al-Muradi, he is also known as Qays b. al-Makshul3 and said really to have
been a Bajali who was a confederate of the Murad. He was a very important tribal
leader who participated in the Riddah but later gained the distinction of fighting both
in Syria and in Iraq . Probably the Qays b. al-Makshuh al-Bajall who was killed fight-
ing for `Ali at $iffin was the same man, whose nisbah has become confused. See Ibn
al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 123, 271; II, 459, 461; Ibn Muzallim , $iffin, 258-59; Ibn Hi-
sham, Sirah, 1I, 583; Ibn Khayyat, Ta'rikh, 99, 120; Balidhuri, Futu11, 126-27,116o,
314-15, 317, 320; Ibn Durayd, Ishtiqdq, 414; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Isti'db, III, 244-47;
Ibn ]Uajar, Isdbah, III, z6o, 274-75; Donner, Conquests, 119, 207, 21 i, 262-63, 339
nn. 193 -94, 363, 394-95, 409, 433-
898. This title, which appears to mean "ruler of women," must refer to Queen Bu-
rindukht.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 179
899. He is supposed to be the son of Khusraw II's maternal aunt, which would make
him a relation of the discredited Bistim family that led the revolt of 591-601 C.E.,
but this connection of his with the royal family is found only in Sayf 's report here. On
him and his alleged family connections, see Morony, Iraq, 185-86. Although his ex-
istence is guaranteed by Balidhuri, Futuna, 318, 56o, and Ya`qubi, Th'rikh, II, 176,
both of which report his son Bissim b. Narsi , he is still alive only in Sayf's version.
Probably Narsi and his alleged royal connection are a fictional reconstruction of Sayf.
goo. A district and town of south central Iraq. According to Yiqut, Mu`jam, III,
154, and Donner, Conquests, 158-59, it lay near Kaskar, and the city of Wisi4 was
built from it, but Morony, Iraq, 157-58, places it between Kaskar and Hurmuzjird in
the district of Bihqubadh.
901. Apparently mentioned only by Sayf. The name is very strange, as neither of its
components seems to be found elsewhere either . See Donner, Conquests, 378.
9oz. He is mentioned only by Sayf and in this one place. This `Amr is apparently
meant to be the brother of Qays b. al-Haytham b. Qays b. al-$alt b. Habib al-Sulami,
an early governor of Khurisin from a preeminent family of al- Bagrah. As this Qays
died after 64/684, it is unlikely that he could have had a brother in the early con-
quests. Therefore, `Amr here may be another of Sayf 's embellishments. See Ibn al-
Kalbi, Oamharat, I, 123; II, 459; Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, III, zz.
x 8o The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khatiab
903. That is, the Gushnasp (Stallion] of Media = al-Jibal . He occurs only in one
other place, in Tabari, I, zz53, also in a report from Sayf, except that, as Jushnasma,
he also is attested as the father of Anushajin and the brother of Narsi in Baladhuri,
Fut6h, 4118. Because only Sayf gives him a role in the conquest period , and because
his son 's activity is attested in al-Baladhuri, he may already have been dead , so that
his appearance here at this late date is perhaps apocryphal. See also Morony, Iraq, 2 86
n. 27.
904. This Mardanshah is found only in the reports of Sayf in this volume, as he is
killed here . He is confused with another Mardanshah, called Dhu al-Hajib, however.
SeeTabari, Indices, 540; Baladhuri, Futlih, 3o8,314,372-
9o5. He seems later to have fought at al-Qadisiyyah, though he is not attested in
the best early sources. See Donner, Conquests, 378, 383, 398.
906. He allegedly was cited by the caliph `All as an example of correct Arabic. See
Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 86; II, 15 r ; Ibn `Abd al- Barr, Isti'db, I, 1123; Ibn Hajar,
I$dbah, I, I io.
907. This title normally means "king," but in some of Sayf's reports here, it seems
rather to have the sense of "general."
908. This closely parallels a famous canonical badith. See Muslim, $ahih, II,
432-32.
909. Abu Hishim al-Taymi, he was a minor Kufan traditionist who had a generally
good reputation although he was considered one of the Murji 'ah. See Ibn Sa 'd, Ta-
bagat, VI, 354; Dhahabi, Mizdn, II, 317; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, IV, 432-33.
910. Unidentified.
9111. Or, "made him king," but none of the sources suggest that Rustam himself
was actually king . See note 907.
The Events of the Year i 3 (cont'd) i 8 r
"What has called you to this task when you see what you see? " he
replied, "Greed and the love of honor." He corresponded with the in-
habitants of al-Sawad and insinuated among them leaders, who led
them in rebellion against the Muslims, after he had promised them
that the commander in charge of them would be the first one who
rebelled. Thus, when Jaban rebelled in Furat Badagla, the people re-
volted after him . The Muslims fell back upon al-Muthanna at al-
Hirah, whence he headed for Khaffan. He remained at Khaffan until
Abu `Ubayd, who was the commander of al-Muthanna and the oth-
ers, came to him, while Jaban encamped at al-Namariq. Abu `Ubayd
set out toward him from Khaffan. The armies met at al -Namariq,
and God defeated the Persians, the Muslims getting from them what
they wanted.
Matar b. Fidciah, who was attributed to his mother [in his filia-
tion], and Ubayy,912 on seeing a man who was wearing ornaments,
attacked him and took him captive . They found him to be an old
man. Ubayy considered him to be worth little, but Matar desired his
ransom. Thus they agreed that the spoils of his equipment should
belong to Ubayy, but the capture of his person belonged to Matar.
When Matar had possession of him free and clear, he said (to Malar],
"You, 0 Arabs, are a people of good faith . Will you not guarantee my
safety, and I will give you two beardless, nimble boys for your deed , 1 zi681
as well as such-and-such." Matar answered, "Yes." The Persian
went on, "Bring me into the presence of your king so that he may
witness to that ." He did so, bringing him before Abu 'Ubayd, and it
was done for him in that way, Abu `Ubayd confirming (it(. Then
Ubayy stood up among men from the Rabi`ah. As for Ubayy, he said,
"I captured him! He is without a guarantee of safe -conduct." As for
the others, they recognized him and said, "This is the king, Jaban. It
is he who has met us with this army." Abu `Ubayd responded,
"What do you think I should do, 0 men of Rabi cah? Should your
compatriot guarantee his safety and then I kill him ? I take refuge
with God from that."
Abu `Ubayd divided the spoils , among which was much perfume.
After handing out the booty, he sent the fifths off with the man who
had divided the portions.
9 1 z. Unidentified.
182 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khallab
AI-Sagafiyyah913 in Kaskar
Al-Sari b. Yahya - Shuayb b. Ibrahim -Sayf b. Umar- Mulham
mad, Talhah, and Ziyad-Abu `Ubayd:914 When they were defeated,
they took the way to Kaskar to take refuge with Narsi - Narsi was
the son of Kisra 's maternal aunt, and Kaskar was an estate of his. Al-
Nirsiyan915 was also his. He would protect it : neither did humanity
eat (ofj it, nor did anyone plant it besides them or the king of Persia,
except for those whom they honored with something from it. That
among their acts was remembered among the people , for this prop-
erty of theirs was a protected reserve (hima[ . Rustam and Buran said
to him, " Go off to your estate to protect it from your enemy and our
enemy. Be a man." - Thus when the Persians were defeated on the
Day of al-Namariq and the defeated remnants were headed toward
Narsi, who was in his camp , Abu `Ubayd called for breaking camp,
saying to the light horse[men], "Pursue them so that you make them
[2169] enter Narsi's camp or else annihilate them in the land from al-
Namariq to Barig916 to Durta ."917 `Asim b. `Amr said regarding that:
918. Its location is unknown and it appears not to be mentioned except here. See
Yagiit, Mu`jam, V, 129, where these lines are also cited.
919. Another place whose location is unknown and appears cited only in these
lines. See Yiqut, Mu'jam, V, 419-
920. No reference to this place appears to exist elsewhere.
921. Text: Bindawayh ; read: Binduyah, to approximate the reconstructed Middle
Persian pronunciation.
922. Text: Tnrawayh ; read : Tnruyah.
923. Bistim 's sister was Khusraw II's mother, so that these persons, Narsi, Bin-
duyah, and Tiruyah, are alleged by the passage to be connected with the Sasinian
house. But as this Bistam fought against Khusraw II for ten years (c. 591 -6o1 c.E.) in
a devastating civil war for the Persian crown , it is not likely that any of Bistim's rel-
atives would enjoy later prominence, least of all his own sons , especially as there is
no mention of this family after c. 6o1 C.E. except in the reports of Sayf b . `Omar. Prob-
ably this is another instance of Sayf adorning his reports with claimed descendants
of defunct pre-Islamic noble houses. See Tabari , 1, 993 - 94, 996; Sebeos, History,
6o-61, 63, 65-66; Theophylact, History, 153 n . 77, etc.; Christensen, L'Iran, 439-
41.
924. A subdistrict of Veh-Artakhshatr along the Nahr Malik and Kutha canals be-
tween al-Mada'in and Bihqubadh. Nahr Jawbar probably by below the Kathy canal.
See Le Strange, Lands, 8o, map II ; Donner, Conquests, 163; Morony, Iraq, 127,144•
925. The Mb canal system parallel to the Tigris below Baghdad and also below
Nahr Jawbar. See Le Strange, Lands, 37-38, 73, 8o, map II; Morony, Iraq, 127, 146.
926. A general with a Greek name , probably indicating a Christian , but not nec-
essarily a Greek, background, who was killed at al -Qadisiyyah . See Ibn Khayyat,
Ta'rikh, 109, 119, 121; MOrOny, Iraq, 187.
927. The same as al-Zawabi.
1 84 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-KhattAb
deserts. Then God defeated Persia. Narsi fled, losing his camp and
land. Abu `Ubayd devastated what was around their camp in Kaskar
[z117o] and gathered up the spoils. He saw a great amount of foodstuffs;
therefore, he sent a messenger among those Arabs who were near
him so that they might carry away what they wished. Thus the
storerooms of Narsi were taken. They were not happier with any-
thing that was stored up than they were with what was at al-Nirsi-
yan, for Narsi had kept it [for his own use], and their kings had
helped him in it as well. Thus they divided it up and began to feed
the peasants from it. They sent the fifth to `Umar, writing to him,
"God has fed us with food that the Kisras kept as their private stock.
We wanted you to see it, in order that you may remember God's
blessing and his favor."
Abu `Ubayd remained fixed, but he sent al-Muthanna away to Ba-
rusma, while sending Waliq to al-Zawabi and `ASim to Nahr Jaw-
bar.9m They defeated those who had massed and ravaged [the land],
taking captives as well. Among that which al-Muthanna ravaged
and took captives [from) was the people of Zandaward and Basrisa 929
Abu Za`bal930 was among the captives of Zandaward. That army fled
to al-Jalinus . Among those whom Aim took captive were the in-
habitants of Bitig93' in Nahr Jawbar. Among those whom Waliq took
captive was Abu al-Salt .932 Farrukh and Farwandadh933 went forth to
al-Muthanna, seeking [to pay] the jizyah and a guarantee of protec-
tion for their land, and he brought them to Abu `Ubayd. One of them
was [from] Barusma and the other Nahr Jawbar. They paid him four
[dirhams] for each person, Farrukh for Barusma, Farwandadh for
Nahr Jawbar, and likewise al-Zawabi and Kaskar. We guaranteed [the
safety of] their men to them on condition that they hurried [pay-
928. This last expedition is specifically confirmed by Ibn Khayyal, Ta'rikh, 1o8-
9, in a report from Ibn ishaq that must have been already in circulation before Sayf's
work. But he says it was Amr b . Zayd al-Khayl who took al-Zawabi.
929. Possibility a corruption of Basusiya. See pp. 198, 204, below andTabari, In-
troductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, DCXIV.
930. Unidentified and mentioned only here by Sayf. Donner, Conquests, 379, in-
correctly states that he took captives at Zandaward.
931. Unidentified and mentioned only here by Sayf.
932. Although Tabari, Indices, 288, claims he is the father of the al-$alt b. Bahram
mentioned on p. i8o, above, such an identification is chronologically implausible.
Otherwise, he is an unknown person.
933. These two persons are mentioned only here by Sayf . See Morony, Iraq, 1o8,
148, 200.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 185
mentj. They did so and thus were at peace [with the Muslimsj. Far-
r ikh and Farwandadh brought Abu `Ubayd a vessel containing the
varieties of the foods of Persia , including [ sundry] dishes, sweets 121711
made from dates, cream, and starch, and other things . They said,
"This is hospitality with which we are honoring you and a meal for
you." He asked, "Have you also offered hospitality to the troops and
given them a meal like it? " They replied, "It would not be easy, but
we will do it ." They were waiting only for them to face the arrival of
al-jalinus and what he would do. Therefore Abu "Ubayd said, "We do
not need that which the troops cannot do," and returned it. Abu
`Ubayd then went forth until he stopped at Barusma , where [the
news of] the march of al -Jalinus reached him.
AI-Sari -Shu`ayb-Sayf-al-Nadir b. al-Sari al -I)abbi:934 AI-An-
darzaghar b. al-Kharukbadh935 brought him the like of what Farrukh
and Farwandadh had brought . He asked, "Have you also offered hos-
pitality to the troops and given them a meal like it? " They replied,
"No." He said, "We do not need it. Abu Ubayd would be the worst
man if he accompanied people from their homeland to spill their
blood for him, or not to spill [it], then gave himself preference in
something he [alone] would obtain. No, by God, he should only eat
from what God has given as booty to the Muslims the like of what
their average person eats."
Abu ja'cfar-Ibn Humayd-Salamah-Ibn Ishaq: The like of this
report that Sayf has transmitted from his authorities regarding
`Umar's dispatch of al-Muthanna and Abu `Ubayd b. Masud to Iraq
to wage war on those of the unbelievers who were in it and [regard-
ing] their wars and those who fought against them . However, he said
[the following differently.
Ibn Ishaq:] When Jalinus and his troops were defeated and Abu,
`Ubayd entered Barusma, he camped, he and his men, at one of its
villages that was able to hold them. Food was prepared for Abu
`Ubayd and brought to him. When he saw it, he said, "I am not one
to eat this [alone] without the Muslims." They said to him, "Eat, for 121721
there is none of your men but that he will be brought the like of this
or better where he is staying." Thus he ate. When they came back to
934• Another of the sources frequently quoted by Sayf who is otherwise wholly un-
known.
935. Text : al-Khukabadh; read: a]-Kharukbadh, as Tabari, Introductio, Glossar-
ium, Addenda et Emendanda, ncxiv.
186 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khallab
him, he asked them about their food, and they told him about the
food that had come to them.936
Al-Sari b. Yahya-Shu`ayb b. Ibrahim-Sayf b. `Umar-Muham-
mad, Talhah, and Ziyad, according to their isndd: Jaban and Narsi
had sought reinforcements from Burin, who then supplied the two
of them with al-Jalinus leading the army of Jaban . He was com-
manded to begin with Narsi, then to fight Abu `Ubayd afterward.
But Abu `Ubayd hastened against him, leading his army off before
al-Jalinus had drawn near. When he was near, Abu `Ubayd con-
fronted him. Al-Jalinus stopped at Baqusyatha937 in Barusma. Abu
`Ubayd rushed upon him with the Muslims, his forces in battle for-
mation. They met at Baqusyatha. The Muslims defeated them, al-
Jalinus fled, and Abu Ubayd remained [where he was], having won
that land.
Al-Sari b. Yahyi - Shucayb - Sayf - Muhammad, Talhah, Mu-
jalid, Ziyad, and al-Nadr, according to their isndd: Those dingdns,
who had been expecting [al-Jalinus) and were terrified and afraid for
themselves, all together brought him [word of) what the army had
been able to do.
As for al-Nadir and Mujalid: Abu `Ubayd said, "Did I not tell you
[21731 that I would not eat except what those with me could from those
whom you have conquered?" They said, "No one is left who has not
been brought enough of this in their saddles to satiate him or better."
When the people had gone home, he asked them about the hospital-
ity of the inhabitants of the land, and they told him. They had been
remiss only at first [because they were] expecting [al-Jalinus) and
were afraid that the Persians would punish [them).
As for Muhammad, Talhah, and Ziyad: When he had learned, he
accepted [it] from them and ate . He also sent a message to a group
who would eat with him as his guests to invite them to the food, for
the Muslims had obtained food that the Persians served to guests.
Those invited did not realize that the inhabitants had brought Abu
936. Although this report seems to differ little from the report of Sayf on this point,
in fact Sayf's version probably shows a tendentious secondary development, for Sayf
has Abu `Ubayd haughtily refusing the Persians ' hospitality, which was described as
only a deceitful trick to buy time in any case. This reconstruction owes to Sayf's pro-
Arab and anti-Shuiibi tendencies, which caused him always to portray the Persians
in the worst possible light.
937. The same as Quss al-Nalif. See note 219 , above.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 187
`Ubayd anything, but rather supposed that they were being invited
to Abu `Ubayd's kind of rough living to which they used to be in-
vited. However, they disliked leaving aside what had been brought to
them of that [Persian spoils] and said to the messenger, "Tell the
commander that we do not desire anything besides what the
dingans have brought to us." But he sent a message to them, "It is
much food from the foods of the Persians , in order for you to see how
it compares with what you have been brought. It includes thin cakes
( garw),938 herbs, young pigeons, roast meat, and mustard ." `Agim b.
`Amr said regarding that and the guests he had with him:
If you have thin cakes , herbs, and young pigeons,
Ibn Farrukh has roast meat and mustard.
And pastry thin like sheets rolled up
on bits of meat in which are herbs and young pigeon.
He also said:
We visited the people of Kisra at al-Bagayis939 in the morning
with a morning draught not from the wine of al-Sawad.
We visited them in the morning with every iron-clad youth [21741
and lightly equipped swift runner among the charging horses.
Then Abu `Ubayd departed, sending al-Muthanna ahead and march-
ing in battle formation until he arrived in al-Hirah.
Al-Nacir, Mujalid, Muhammad, and his companions: `Umar came
to Abu cubayd to say,
You will come to the land of cunning, deceit, treachery,
and insolence. You will come to a people who have ventured
upon evil, which they have learned, whereas they have pre-
tended to forget good, of which they are ignorant. Therefore,
see how you will be. Keep your tongue and by no means give
away your secret, for the possessor of the secret, as long as
he keeps it, is fortified: he will not be approached from a di-
rection he does not like, whereas if he causes it to be lost,
then he is lost.
940. This place, which is on the west bank of the Euphrates opposite Quss al-NaRif,
is referred to only in Sayf's reports. See Yiqut, Mu`jam, V, iii - i 2. For the Battle of
the Bridge, see Ibn Khayyal, Ta'rikh, io9-1o. Kafi, Futdh, I, 168-71, has absurdly
turned this battle into a Muslim victory.
941. Also mentioned independently in Ibn Khayyax, Ta'rikh, 109.
942. The words for width and length in the text have been reversed to correspond
to English idiom.
943• A famous Arab tribe whose homeland was centered at al-'1 a'if, they were sec-
ond in rank to none but their early allies, the Quraysh,whom they continued to serve
in Umayyad times. See Ell, s.v. Thakif; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 92; II, 16-17, 5 53
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 189
`Abdallah b. Yazid947 a1-Angari,948 who was not the one who saw the
vision 949 When he reached `Umar, `Umar was on the pulpit. Umar
called out for the news, "0 `Abdallah b. Yazid!" He responded, "The
sure news has come to you," then he ascended the pulpit to cUmar
and gave it to him secretly. A1-Yarmuk was in the days of Jumada al-
Akhirah (z-3o August 634), and the Bridge was in Sha`ban (30 Sep-
tember-z8 October 634).
Al-Sari b. Yahya - Shu`ayb - Sayf - al-Mujalid and Said b. al-
Marzuban:950 Rustam charged Bahman Jadhuyah , who was Dhu al-
Hajib,951 with fighting Abu `Ubayd. He sent back with him al-Jali-
nns, who had with him the elephants, among them a white elephant
on which was a palm tree [emblem ). He advanced leading the large
[2177] army. Abu `Ubayd had confronted him until he reached Babil. When
he reached it, Abu `Ubayd retreated until he put the Euphrates be-
tween the two of them and camped at al-Marwahah. Then, Abu
cUbayd had cause for regret when the enemy descended on him to
say, "Either you cross over to us, or else we cross over." At this he
swore that he would definitely cross the Euphrates to them and that
he would indeed rectify what he had done. Salit b. Qays and other
important men adjured him, "The Arabs have not met the like of
these Persian troops since they have been in existence, for they have
concentrated against us and confronted us in numbers and equip-
ment with which no one among them has met us [before]. You have
brought us to a site from which we can retreat , take refuge, and
and bells hung around the horses ' necks, they split the Muslims'
squadrons; the horses would not stand up to them but rather shied
away. The Persians also shot them through with arrows. Pain bit the
Muslims, and they became unable to reach the enemy. Abu cUbayd
dismounted, as did the troops, then they marched to them and
struck them with swords. Whenever the elephants charged a com-
pany, they would push them back, so that Abu `Ubayd called out,
"Encompass the elephants , rip open their stomachs, and dump off
those riding them." He leaped upon the white elephant, attached
himself to its underside , and ripped it open, whereupon those on it
fell. The troops did likewise. They did not leave an elephant but they
pulled off its saddle and slew its company. The elephant lunged at
Abu cUbayd, who struck its trunk (mishfar[956 slightly with his
sword, but the elephant held him back with its foot,957 while Abu
cUbayd tried to get at it. Then it struck him with its foot so that he
fell down. After that, the elephant hit him and stood on him.
[21179] When the troops saw Abu cUbayd under the elephant, the hearts of
some of them became faint . The one who had been designated com-
mander after him took up the standard and fought the elephant until
it moved aside from Abu cUbayd, whom he dragged to the Muslims,
who carefully protected his corpse. The commander tried to get at
the elephant, but it held him off with its foot as it had done with Abu
`Ubayd. The elephant then hit him and stood on him. Seven [men]
from the Thaqif followed one another in succession , each one taking
up the standard and fighting until he died. Then al-Muthanna took
up the standard. The troops fled.
When `Abdallah b. Marthad al-Thagafi958 saw what Abu Ubayd
and his successors met and what the troops did, he preceded them
to the bridge, which he cut, saying, "0 people, die as your com-
manders have died, or else win!" The polytheists drove the Muslims
back onto the bridge. The troops grew fainthearted and jumped into
the Euphrates, where those who did not persevere [in fighting]
drowned, while the enemy hurried [to smite] those who persevered.
Al-Muthanna and some of the Muslims' horsemen gave the troops
cover. He called out, "0 people, we will protect you; therefore, cross
at your ease. Do not be taken aback, for we will not move from here
956. Though the Arabic clearly means "lip," perhaps "trunk" better fits the con-
text.
957. Lit ., "hand."
958. Unidentified and mentioned only by Sayf in this place.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 193
until we see you on that side, and do not drown yourselves." They
found the bridge, with'Abdallah b. Marthad standing on it, prevent-
ing the men from crossing. They took him and brought him to al-
Muthanna, who beat him and asked, "What led you to do what you
did?" He answered, "So that they would fight." Those who had
crossed summoned some peasants [to help]. They joined the vessel
that had been cut away to its other vessels, whereupon the people
crossed. The last one killed at the bridge was Salit b. Qays. AI-Mu-
thanna crossed and protected his side , but his troops were in disar-
ray. Dhu al-Hajib eagerly desired them , but he was unable to get to [z.i So]
them. When al-Muthanna crossed, the people of Medina dispersed
from him until they reached Medina , though some of them avoided
it, remaining in the deserts . Al-Muthanna remained with a few
[men].
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - a man - Abu `Uthman al-Nahdi:959
On that day, four thousand perished either killed or drowned, and
two thousand fled, leaving three thousand. When Dhu al-Hajib
heard about the outbreak of civil violence in Persia, he turned back
with his army. That was a cause of their dispersing from him. Al-
Muthanna was wounded, links from his chain mail having become
embedded in him where the spear had torn them.
Al-Sari -Shu`ayb-Sayf-Mujalid and `Aliyyah: The like of it.
Al-Sari -ShWayb-Sayf-Mujalid, `Aliyyah, and al-Naclr: The
troops of Medina, when they made their way to Medina, told about
those who went about in the land out of shame for the defeat. That
was hard for `Umar to bear, and thus he was merciful to them.
Al-ShaCbi: `Umar said, "0 God, every Muslim has a right to my
help. I am the party of every Muslim . Whosoever meets the enemy
and reckons something in the matter to be hard, I will be a party [of
supporters] for him. May God have mercy on Abu `Ubayd; if he had
retreated to me, I would have been a party [of supporters] for him."
Al-Muthanna sent the news to `Umar with `Abdallih b. Yazid, who
was the first to come to Umar.
Ibn Humayd-Salamah-Muhammad b. Ishaq : The like of Sayf's
report about the matter of Abu `Ubayd, Dhu al-Hajib, and their war.
However, he said [the following differently.
959. This transmitter, though having a name similar to the often -quoted Abu %M-
min Yazid b. Asid al -Ghassini, must be different from him . However, both are un-
attested in works other than those of Sayf.
1 194 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattib
960. She is `Amrah bt . `Abd al -Rahmin b. Said (or As`ad1b. Zurirah al-Najjiriyyah
al-Khazrajiyyah of the An$ir, a Medinan traditionist of excellent reputation who spe-
cialized in transmitting from `A'ishah. She died in 98 -106/717- 2.4 at the age of sev-
enty-seven. See Ibn Sad, Tabagat, VIII, 480 - 81; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, XII, 438-39.
961. Abu Halimah Mu`idh b. al-Hirith, he was a Companion who was said to have
fought first at al-Khandaq in 5/627. He is said to have been killed at the Battle of
al-Harrah in 63 /683 at the age of sixty -nine, but is not mentioned in Ibn Khayyil,
Ta'rikh, 307-10. See Maqdisi, Istib$dr, 75; In Hajar, 1$dbah, 111, 42.7-28.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 1195
His final refuge is hell, which is the worst fate,"%2 he wept, where-
upon `Umar said to him, "Do not weep, 0 Mucadh. I am your com-
pany, and you have only retreated to me."
Lesser Ullays
Abu Jacfar-al-Sad b. Yahya-Shucayb b. Ibrahim-Sayf b. `Umar
- Muhammad b. Nuwayrah, Talhah, Ziyad, and cAtiyyah: Jaban
and Mardanshah went forth until they took to the road, thinking
that the Muslims would have scattered. They did not know what
had reached Dhu al-Hajib about the discord among the Persians.
When the Persians had scattered and Dhu al-Hajib had gone forth af-
ter them, al-Muthanna, having heard of the action of Jaban and Mar-
danshah, left behind Aim b. `Amr as his deputy and went forth
with light cavalry, heading toward the two of them. They supposed
that he was in flight, wherefore they opposed him, but he took them
both prisoner. The people of Ullays rebelled against the troops of the
two commanders and brought those troops as prisoners [to al-Mu-
thanna[, who gave the Ullaysis a treaty of protection. He brought for-
ward the two commanders to say, "You two deceived our com-
mander, lying to him and inciting him!" Then he beheaded them and
beheaded the prisoners, whereupon he went back to his 121831
camp.
Abu Mihjan%3 fled from Ullays and did not return with al-Mu-
thanna.
Jarir b. cAbdallah, HanZalah b. al-Rabic, and a group [of others]
asked Khalid for permission [to go] while at Suwa. He permitted
them, so that they came to Abu Bakr. Jarir mentioned his request to
him, whereat he said, "In our condition?" and delayed [responding
to[ him about it. When cUmar became the ruler, he summoned him
to show proof, which Jarir then demonstrated. Then cUmar wrote for
[22.84] A1-Buwayb9
Al-Sari-Shu`ayb-Sayf-Muhammad, Talhah, and Ziyad, accord-
ing to their isnad: Al-Muthanna sent [a summons] to those rein-
964. They were a Yemeni tribe scattered in the mountains of al-Sarah, in what is
now southern Saudi Arabia. They played a role in the conquest of Iraq and were active
there subsequently, especially at al-Kufah. See Ell, s.v Badjila ; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gam-
harat, I, 221; II , 45-46 219.
965. They were an important tribal grouping of northeastern Arabia originating in
the area southwest of modem al-Kuwayt. They were a part of the Ribib confederacy,
but later became a tribal regiment at both al -Kufah and al-Ba$rah, where they were
included in the Tamim tribal division though they were not originally a part of the
Tamim. See EP, s.v pabba b. Udd; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 59; II, 111, 240.
966. This battle is reported only by Sayf, who either has elaborated it out of Ibn Is-
biq's tradition given below, pp. 213 -15, or has further embroidered an already-elab-
orated tribal tradition emanating from the Rabi`ah, as is perhaps more likely. Even
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 197
forcements who were near him, so that they came to him all to-
gether in a huge mass . [ News ofJ that reached Rustam and al-
Fayruzan, as the spies brought it to them , as well as bringing [infor-
mation about) what [further) reinforcement the Muslims were ex-
pecting. At this, the two of them agreed to send forth Mihran al-Ha-
madhani,967 until the two of them considered their view [of matters
further]. Thus, Mihran set out with the cavalry, his two superiors
having ordered him to attack al-Hirah.
The news reached al-Muthanna while he was encamped at Maij
al-Sibakh96B between al-Qadisiyyah and Khaffan with those Arabs
who had reinforced him because of the news of Bashir and Kina-
nah.969 Bashir was at that time in al-Hirah . Al-Muthanna thor-
oughly probed Furat Badagla and sent a message to Jarir and those
with him, [saying, J "Something has come to us that we cannot stand
against until you reach us, so therefore hurry to catch up with us.
Your appointed meeting [place] is al-Buwayb." Jarir was reinforcing
him. He also wrote to `I^mah and those with him-%mah was like-
wise reinforcing him - and to every leader who had provided him
with the like of that, "Take the way of al-Jawf,"970 so that they fol-
lowed the route of al-Qadisiyyah and al-Jawf, while al-Muthanna
followed the route through the middle of al-Sawad, coming out in al-
Nahrayn, then going on to al-Khawarnaq. `I^mah came out at al-Na-
jaf, along with those following his route with him. Jarir came out in
al-Jawf, along with those following his route with him . Then they
came to al-Muthanna, who was at al-Buwayb, while Mihran was
across the Euphrates in front of him.
Thus, the Muslims ' troops gathered at al-Buwayb , which is near
the present location of al-Kufah . Al-Muthanna was in command.
They faced Mihran and his troops. Al-Muthanna asked a man from
Donner, Conquests, 198-zoo, who is reticent about attacking Sayf's traditions else-
where, doubts that the battle took place at all. Ibn Khayya t makes no mention of it.
967. His father was Mihribundadh or Badhan . He was killed in 14/63 5. He is men-
tioned twice in poetry quoted by Abu Mikhnaf . See Tabari, 1, 2378; II, 15 a, 1038; Ba!-
adhuri, Futdh, 311, 419. Ya`giibi, Ta'rikh, Il, 16:, says he was killed at al-Nukhaylah
by al-Mundhir b. Hassan al-Dabbi and Jarir b. `Abdallah al -Bajail.
968. Unidentified.
969. The referent of this name is unknown. It could be an error, for Ms. IH' reads
kitdbihi, which would mean "his letter." But see Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium,
Addenda et Emendanda, Dcxiv.
970. Evidently it is a place in the desert west of al-Hirah, certainly not the well-
known modem al-Jawf in northern Arabia.
i 98 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattab
121851 the inhabitants of al-Sawad, "What is the piece of land that Mihran
and his troops are on called?" The Sawadi replied, "Basusiya."971 Al-
Muthanna went on, "Mihran's [efforts] have not availed and he has
perished!" Al-Muthanna camped at a site that is al-Basus and re-
mained in his place until Mihran wrote to him, "Either you cross
over to us, or we cross over to you." Al-Muthanna answered, "Cross
over." Thus, Mihran crossed over and descended on the shore of the
[same] side of the river as the Muslims. Al-Muthanna asked that
man, "What is this piece of land that Mihran and his troops de-
scended on called?" The man replied, "Shumiya."972 That was in
Ramadan (29 October-27 November 634).
Al-Muthanna called out to the troops, "Rush upon your enemy,"
whereupon the two sides attacked one another. Al-Muthanna had
put his troops in battle formation, giving command of his two flanks
to Madh`ur and al-Nusayr.973 `ASim was in charge of the light cav-
alry, and `ISmah was in charge of the skirmishers. When the two
sides were arranged for battle, al-Muthanna stood up among the
troops to speak, saying, "You are fasting. As fasting makes [one]
weak and feeble, I believe it would be wise for you to break your fast.
Then, with food, you will be strong enough to fight your enemy."
They said, "Certainly," and broke their fast.
Al-Muthanna noticed a man ready for his chance to spring forth
from the line. He asked, "What is the matter with this [man]? "They
answered, "He was among those who fled from the advance on the
Day of the Bridge and [now] intends to seek death in battle." Al-Mu-
thanna thereupon hit him with his lance, saying, "You bastard,
stick to your place! If your equal comes against you, then save your
companion from him, but do not seek death in battle." The man re-
plied, "I am indeed deserving of that," and settled down, sticking to
the line.
among them. Therefore, they met and came to `Umar to say, "Re-
lieve us of `Arfajah: ' He replied, "I will not relieve you of the earliest
of you in migration and Islam and the greatest of you in bravery and
doing good." They went on, "Put in charge of us a man from among
us. Do not put us under an interloper among us ." `Umar, thinking
that they were rejecting `Arfajah's [true] genealogy, said, "Look at
what you are saying!" They said, "We are saying what you will hear."
`Umar sent a message to `Arfajah saying, "These have asked me to
relieve them from you. They have claimed that you are not from
them. What do you have [to say]? " He answered, "They have spoken
the truth, nor would it please me to be from them. I am a man of the
Azd, then of the Bariq,980 of a house whose number is countless and
of a noble lineage that is unmixed." `Umar said, "What an excellent
group the Azd are! They take their share of the good and the evil."
cArfajah said, "It befell me that the evil increased dangerously
121 1871 among us, although our house is one. Thus, as we had shed blood, so
that some among us needed to take revenge from others, I separated
myself from them because I was afraid of them. Then I [came to] be
among these [Bajalis] , ruling them and leading them. They are re-
sentful of me because of a matter that occurred between me and
their dingans. They have envied me and treated me ungratefully."
`Umar said, "It will not harm you to separate from them when they
do not like you." He then appointed Jarir in his place, bringing to-
gether the Bajilah under him. He also revealed to Jarir and the Bajilah
that he would send `Arfajah to Syria; that made Jarir like Iraq.
Jarir led his people forth as reinforcements for al-Muthanna b.
Harithah until he stopped at Dhu Qar. Then he went up until, when
he was at al-Jull98 ^ and al-Muthanna was at Marj al-Sibakh, the news
came to al-Muthanna about the report of Bashir, who was at al-
Hirah, that the Persians had sent forth Mihran, who had set out from
al-Mada'in heading toward al-Hirah. Al-Muthanna sent messages to
Jarir and `Ismah urging [them to come] with haste. `Umar had ex-
acted a promise from them not to cross any body of water nor any
bridge except after a victory. They gathered at al-Buwayb. The two
98o. A subtribe of the Azd al-Sarah from southwestern Arabia. Part of this group
migrated to al-Knfah. See Ibn al -Kalb-1, Gamharat, I, zoz, II, 224.
98 1. A place d e e p in t h e desert some 17o km. south of al-Knfah on t h e r o a d from al-
Qadisiyyah to Mecca, it still has t h e same name. See Yaqut, Mu'jam, II, r 5 5 - 56;
Musil, Northern Negd, z36 and accompanying map of northern Arabia (k 19).
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd) 201
the Ribab986 who had gathered to him until he came to `Umar, who
put him in command of them and sent him off, so that he reached
Muthanna. Ibn al-Muthanna al-Jushami987 - the Jusham of the
Sa`d988-also went forth until he came to `Umar, who sent him out,
appointing him commander of the Banu Sa `d. He also came to al-
Muthanna.
Al-Sari -Shucayb-Sayf-al-Mujalid-al-Sha`bi; and `Aliyyah,
according to their isndd: `Abdallah b. Dhi al-Sahmayn989 came
with men from the Khathram.990 `Umar made him their commander
and sent him to al-Muthanna . He went out in his direction until he
reached him.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - Muhammad and `Amr, according to
their isnad: Rib`i991 brought men from the Banu Hanzalah 992 `Umar
an independent isnad once . Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 85; II, 418, 437, omits him,
though he includes two other sons of `Ullafah, both of whom fought as Khirijites
against `Ali. See Ibn Khayyit, Ya'rikh, 12o, 123; Baladhuri, Futil , 317; Ya`qubi,
Th'rfkh, II, 165; Ibn Durayd, Ishtiqdq, 186; Donner, Conquests, 385, 397,408-
986. A confederacy of Mu4ar tribes from northeastern Arabia that included the
Taym, `Adi, and Thawr b. 'Abd Manah b. Udd , as well as the `Ukl and the Qabbah b.
Udd. This confederacy was then in alliance with the Said Tamim . See Err, s.v. Qabba
b. Udd; Ibn al-Kalbi , Gamharat, I, 85-87, 89-91 ; II, 10, 486.
987. Unidentified and not mentioned elsewhere.
988. A small subtribe of the Sa`d Tamim that combined with other small Sa`di
groups to form the Abna'. Because the Jusham ' s members evidently were scattered
among several larger groups, they have differing genealogies : Jusham b. Sad, Jusham
b. `Abshams b. Sa'd, Jusham b. `Amr b. `Abshams b. Sa'd, Jusham b. Ka`b b. Sa'd,
Jusham b. al-Harith al -A`raj b. Ka`b b. Sa'd, and Jusham b. Rabi'ah al-Hibaq b. Ka`b
b. Sa'd, of which only the first appears to represent the Jusham as an independent unit
within the Sa'd. The extremely large number of other Jushams, mostly clans rather
than individuals, points to an earlier larger grouping having been scattered among
many tribes . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 75, 78; II, 267 - 69. Sam ani, Ansdb, III,
278-81 , and Ibn al-Athir, Lubab, 1, 227-28, do not even mention any Jusham of the
Tamim, as these were probably early absorbed into other Tamimi groups.
989. Apparently mentioned only in Sayf's traditions in al-Tabari . See Tabari, I,
2225, 2329, 2-335, 2552 , 2633; Donner, Conquests, 196, 385, 402, 435-
99o. A large tribe located in `Asir. One of its branches, the Shahrin, still resides in
its original homeland. See EP, s.v. Khath'am; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 221, 224-
26; II, 45 - 46, 345.
991. Rib`i b. Huyayn al-Riyabi of the Han ;alah Tamim, he is wrongly identified in
Tabari, Indices, 189, as Rib'! b. `Amir al-Usayyidi of the `Amr Tamim . Crone,
Slaves, 118, has also mixed up the two Rib`is . Actually, Rib'! al-Riyahi seems to ap-
pear only in this one place in the tradition . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, 1, 68; II, 487;
Ibn Hajar, Isdbah, 1, 525, and next two notes.
992.. One of the three great branches of the Tamim, the Han;alah included the two
large subdivisions of the Darim and the Yarbn`, each of which contained a number of
clans that became tribal regiments under the Islamic state. See EP, s.v. Han;ala b.
Malik; Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 59; 11, 8 - 9, 2-98.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 203
made him their commander and dispatched them. They went along
until he brought them to al-Muthanna . His son Shabath b. Rib`i [2189]
led them after him. Men from the Banu `Amr"4 came to him as well.
He made Rib`i b. `Amir b. Khalid al-`Aniid their commander and
sent him to join al-Muthanna . When men from the Banu I)abbah
came to him, he arranged them in two divisions , putting Ibn
Hawbar995 in command of one of the two divisions and al -Mundhir
b. Hassan" in command of the other. Qurt b. Jammah991 came to
him leading the `Abd al -Qays,998 and `Umar sent him forward.
All: Al-Fayruzan and Rustam agreed to send forth Mihran to fight
al-Muthanna . The two of them sought permission from Buran.
When they needed something, they would approach her chamber-
lains so that they might speak with her about it. They said what
they thought, informing her of the size of the army. The Persians
used not to send out many expeditions until the matter of the Arabs
came up. When the two of them told her of the great size of the ar-
my's numbers, she asked, "Why will the Persians not go forth
against the Arabs as they used to go forth before today? Why do you
two not send forth [expeditions] as the kings used to send forth be-
fore today? " They replied, "Fear was with our enemy at that time
but is among us today." She supported them, knowing what they had
brought her [was true].
12][901 Thus, Mihran went along with his army until he encamped on the
nearer side of the Euphrates, while al-Muthanna and his army were
on the [opposite shore] of the Euphrates, the Euphrates being be-
tween them. Anas b. Hilal al-Namari came to reinforce al-Mu-
thanna with men from the Namir who were Christians and traders
(jullab) who brought horses. Ibn Mirda al-Fihr al-Taghlibi, who is
`Abdallah b. Kulayb b. Kh5lid, 1000 came leading men from the Banu
Taghlib who were Christians and traders who brought horses. When
they saw the Arabs camping beside the Persians, they said, "We will
fight with our people." Mihran said, "Either you cross over to us, or
else we will cross over to you." The Muslims responded, "Cross over
to us." They then departed from Basusiya for Shumiya, which is the
site of Dar al-Rizq.
Al-Sari - Shu'ayb - Sayf - `Ubaydallah b. Muhaffiz - his
father: 1001 When they were permitted to cross, the Persians de-
scended on Shumiya, the site of Dar al-Rizq and put themselves into
battle formation there. Then they advanced against the Muslims in
three lines. Each line had an elephant, with their infantry before
their elephant. They came on shouting. Al-Muthanna declared,
"What you hear is cowardice. Therefore, remain silent and consult
root. An unidentified canal probably located in the Sulaym quarter of the later, ex-
panded al-Knfah.
2o6 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattab
had been looking at him while he was pulling at his beard because
of what he beheld from them . Thus they paid attention to a matter
that no one of the Muslims had brought [before them] on that day.
Then they cast a glance at him and saw him laughing in joy. The peo-
ple [concerned] were the Banu'ljl.
When the battle became prolonged and severe , al-Muthanna di-
rected himself to Anas b. Hilal to say, "0 Anas, you are an Arab man
even if you do not follow our religion . When you see me attack Mih-
ran, attack with me ." He also told Ibn Mirda al-Fihr the like of that.
Both of them1003 responded . A1-Muthann5 then charged Mihran,
pushing him back until he went into his right wing. Then the Mus -
lims fell upon them, so that the two centers joined [in combat] and
dust rose up, while the wings fought as well. Neither the polytheists
nor the Muslims were able to break free to aid their commander.
Masud was brought out of the battle wounded on that day, along
with other Muslim commanders . He had said to them, "If you see us
struck down, do not leave off what you are doing, for the army will
retreat and then turn away. Stick to your battle formation . Add your
help to the strength of those near you." The Muslims ' center
wreaked pain in the polytheists ' center. A boy from the Taghlibis
who was a Christian slew Mihran and mounted his horse. AI-Mu-
thanna assigned his spoils to the commander of his horsemen. Like-
wise, if a polytheist was leading the horses of a man and was then
killed and despoiled, the spoils went to the commander of the one
who did the killing. He had two commanders , one of whom was Jarir
and the other was Ibn al -Hawbar. The two of them divided his arms.
[2 193] Al-Sari - Shu'ayb - Sayf-`Ubaydallah b. Muhaffiz - his father
Muhaffiz b. Tha'labah: Young men from the Banu Taghlib brought
horses [to sell] . When they saw the two armies meet on the Day of
al-Buwayb, they said, "We will fight the Persians with the Arabs."
One of them struck down Mihran on that day, while Mihran was
astride a reddish bay horse of his armored with a yellow coat of mail,
with a crescent between its eyes and crescents of brass on its tail.
The boy mounted Mihran's horse and then, tracing his origin, [said,]
"I am the Taghlibi boy; I have slain the governor !" Jarir and Ibn al-
Hawbar came to him with their people and, taking his leg, made him
descend.
ioo;. Text: ajdbahu; read: ajdbahu, as Ms. IH and note to the Leiden ed.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 207
1004, The Sulaym b. Manger were a major nomadic Mu4ari tribe whose lands orig-
inally were located east of Medina. Later, they played a prominent role in Iraq and
Khurasan. See Ibn al-Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 92; II, 18 -19, 517.
1005. See Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium, Addenda et Emendanda, ccx[.u, Dcxv.
ioo6. Qur'an 47: 7.
208 The Caliphate of cUmar b. al-Khattab
I007. This alleged person appears only in this one place in Sayf's traditions. He
probably is an invention imitating the name of Khusraw II 's general and the later ill-
fated usurper of 629 or 630 C.E., for the name does not appear to have been a common
one, but rather was an exceptional title.
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd) 209
tion. He did not mention it except for the excellence that he pos-
sesses. Follow your standard. Let your horse protect your foot, then
attack. There is no breach of promise in God's word.' God carried
through his promise to them, and it was as I had hoped." `Arfajah
said in his speech,
We drove a regiment of them to the Euphrates. I hoped
that God would permit them to drown and thereby console
us for the disaster of the Bridge. When they had begun to be
in difficult straits, they counterattacked against us. We [2196]
fought them hard until certain of my people said, "If only
you were to hold back your standard." I responded, "The re-
sponsibility for advancing it is mine." I charged with it
against their rear guard [commander), killing him. Then
they turned toward the Euphrates in flight, but none of them
reached it alive.
Rib`i b. cAmir b. Khalid said, "I was with my father on the Day of al-
Buwayb."
Al-Buwayb was named the Day of the Tens. One hundred men
were enumerated, each of whom had killed ten in the battle on that
day. `Urwah b. Zayd al-Khayl1005 was among those who killed nine.
Ghalib, leading the Banu Kinanah , was also of those who killed
nine. 'Arfajah, leading the Azd, was among those who killed nine.
The polytheists were slain in the area between the present al-Sakun
and the shore of the Euphrates, the east bank of al-Buwayb. That was
because of al-Muthanna, at the time of the rout , beat them to the
bridge, taking it against them, so that they scattered to the right and
the left. The Muslims pursued them into the night and the next day
into the [second] night.
Al-Muthanna regretted having taken the bridge. He said, "I in-
deed made a mistake, whose evil was averted by God, when I raced
them to the bridge and cut it so that they were put in hard straits. I
will not repeat it, nor do you repeat it or imitate my example, 0 peo-
ple, for it was a slip from me. One ought not to put anyone in hard
straits unless it is someone who cannot defend himself." Some of
the Muslims' outstanding men who were among the wounded died,
including Khalid b. Hilal100" and Masud b. Harithah. Al-Muthanna
prayed over them, giving them precedence over the spear blades and
swords and saying, "By God, it indeed makes my sadness easier that
they took part in al-Buwayb and fought boldly and patiently, neither
[2197] becoming anxious nor shrinking [from the fight], and that there is in
martyrdom an atonement that allows their sins to pass."
Al-Sari-Shucayb-Sayf-Muhammad, Talhah, and Ziyad: Al-
Muthanna, `I^mah, and Jarir gained on the way (`ald -ahr)1010 the
stores of Mihran as spoils, including sheep, flour, and cattle. They
sent these to the families of those who had come from the people of
Medina whom they had left behind at al-Qawadis,101 and to the fam-
ilies of those who had fought in the earliest battles (ahl al-ayydm)
before them. They were at al-Hirah. `Amr b. `Abd al-Masih b.
Buqaylah was the guide for those who had gone with the portion [of
the stores] belonging to the families who were at al-Qawadis. When
the women saw them from afar and saw the horses, they screamed,
supposing it to be an attack, and stood up to defend the children
with stones and poles . `Amr declared, "Such is fitting for the women
of this army." They gave them the good news of the victory, saying,
"This is [just] the beginning." Al-Nusayr was in charge of the horse-
men who brought them the stores. He stayed with his horses in order
to protect them, while `Amr b. `Abd al-Masih returned to spend the
night at al-Hirah.
On that day, al-Muthanna said, "Who will lead the men in pursuit
until he reaches al-Sib?" Jarir b. `Abdallah stood up in the midst of
his men to say,
O people of the Bajilah! You and all those who partici-
pated in this battle are equal in priority, excellence, and gal-
lantry. But no one among them will obtain tomorrow the
like of what you will obtain from this booty, for yours is a
quarter of the fifth, by [the order of] the Commander of the
roo9 . Unidentified and mentioned only in this place by Sayf. Donner, Conquests,
385, speculates that he might be the brother of the Anas b. Hilal al-Namari men-
tioned on pp. zoo, 7.o6, zo8, above.
Toro. This phrase is obscure . It might also mean "through the victory."
for i . Probably it is meant to be the same as al-Qadisiyyah.
The Events of the Year i 3 (cont'd] 1111
therefore you may permit us to advance ." When he gave them per-
mission, they raided until they reached Sabaf . The forces in Sabot
fortified themselves against them . They raided the villages near it.
The men in the fortress at Sabaf rained arrows down on them from
their fortifications . The first to enter their fortress were three lead-
ers: 'Igmah, `Aim, and jarir. Parties from among all the men fol-
lowed them. Then they turned away, going back to al-Muthanna.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf - `Atiyyah b. al-Harith : When God
caused Mihran to perish, the Muslims were able to attack the area
of al-Sawad between them and the Tigris . Therefore they plowed
into'015 it, not fearing any trick nor meeting any opposition in it. The
Persians ' garrisons mutinied and, retreating to their [lines ], sought
refuge in Sabal. It pleased them to abandon what was beyond the Ti-
gris. The Battle of al-Buwayb was in Ramadan 13 (29 October- 27
November 634). God slew Mihran and his army in it . The Muslims
crammed the two sides of al-Buwayb with bones so that it became
level. Nothing has effaced them save the dust in the times of the
civil war, nor is anything stirred up there but that they discover
something of them. It is between al-Saknn, Murhibah, '°16 and Bann
Sulaym. In the times of the Sasanians , it used to be a backwater of
the Euphrates that flowed into al -Jawf. Al -A`war al -'Abdi al-
ShannP0'1 said:
[2200] The home[land] of the tribe is aroused with sorrows for A`war,
and has taken Khaffan as a substitute after `Abd al-Qays.1018
He has shown us there, the whole affair being complete,
for at al-Nukhaylah '019 are the slain ones of Mihran 's army,
mean that the Muslims ' were facing no resistance, which would seem better to fit the
context.
1015 .Or, "took the best part of."
1 o 16. A quarter of the later al-Knfah.
1017. Not further identified, he appears only here in Sayf's traditions in al-Tabari.
1 o18. Here `Abd al-Qays seems to refer to the tribe's homeland in eastern Arabia.
1019. The al-Nukhaylah meant here, according to Yagiit, Mu`jam, V, 278- 79, is a
waterhole on the right side of the road near al-Mughithah and al --`Agabah, r 1 km. from
Juwayy, west of Wagisah, and 5 km. from al-Hufayr. Judging by the locations of Wa-
gisah and al -'Aqabah, which still have the same names, this puts it more than 155
km. south-southwest of al-Kufah on the pilgrimage road to Mecca. However, Sayf's
al-Nukhaylah appears to be right at al-Kufah and on the Euphrates . This latter al-Nu-
khaylah by a river is also described in the report of Ibn Isbaq on p. 214, below. See also
Baladhuri, Futtih , 299, 310-11, 314, 389; Ya `qubi, Ta'rikh, II, 162 ; Ibn al -Faqih, Bul-
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 713
The times when al-Muthanna went against them with the horses,
so that the army of the Persians and Jilan'o20 was slaughtered.
He rose up against Mihran and the army that was with him,
until he annihilated them in pairs and singly.
Abu Ja`far: Ibn Ishaq has said on the subject of Jarir, `Arfajah, and
al-Muthanna, and al-Muthanna's fighting Mihran other than was
Sayf has related of reports about them. He has reported on them (the
following].
Muhammad b. Humayd - Salamah - Ibn Ishaq : When [news of]
the disaster of the men at the bridge reached `Umar and their de-
feated remnants had reached him, Jarir b. `Abdallah al-Bajali came
to him from Yemen with a party of the Bajilah and `Arfajah b. Har-
thamah. cArfajah, who was the lord of the Bajilah at that time, was
a confederate of theirs from the Azd. Umar spoke to them saying,
" You have learned of what catastrophe befell your brothers in Iraq.
Go to them. I will send out to you whoever is from among you in the
Arab tribes, thereby bringing them together for you." They said, "We
will do so, 0 Commander of the Faithful . Send out to us the Qays
Kubbah, 1021 Suhmah,1022 and `Uraynah." 1023 They were tribes of the
Banu cAmir b. $a`$a`ah. `Umar made `Arfajah b. Harthamah their
commander, but Jarir b. `Abdallah al-Bajali became angry because of
that. He said to the Bajilah, " Speak to the Commander of the Faith- [zzol]
ful." Thus, they said to cUmar, "You have put in charge of us a man
who is not of us." He then sent a message to `Arfajah to ask, "What
are these (men] saying? " He answered, "They have told the truth, 0
Commander of the Faithful . I am not of them, but rather I am a man
of the Azd. In the Jahiliyyah , we shed blood among our own people
dan, 161-63; Musil, Northern Need, 2.34 , and accompanying map of northern Arabia
(k 19, 119 ); Donner, Conquests, 198.
Iozo. Persian Gilan, it is the Iranian district lying at the southwest comer of the
Caspian Sea around the city of Rasht . See EP, s.v Gilan; Le Strange, Lands, 5, 17z-
75, maps I and V.
Iozl . The Qays Kubbah b . al-Ghawth, they lived among the Kilab of the `Amir b.
$a`.sa`ah, but they are accounted a part of the Bajilah . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Oamharat, I,
223; 11, 460.
Io22.. The Sul}mah b. Sad b. `Abdallah b. Qudad b. Tha`labah b. Mu`awiyah b.
Zayd, they were a subbranch of the Bajilah . See Ibn al-Kalbi, Oamharat, 1, zz3; II,
516; Sam'ini, Ansdb, VII, 89-91; Ibn al-Athir, Lubdb, I, 534•
1oz3 . The `Uraynah b. Nadhir, they mostly lived among the Kilab of the `Amir b.
$a`sa`ah, but they are accounted part of the Bajilah , being a subdivision of the Qasr.
See Ibn al-Kalbi, Camharat, 1, zzz; II, 574•
2.14 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khallab
and therefore joined the Bajilah , among whom we reached the [de-
gree of] authority you have heard about." `Umar said to him, "Stay
firm in your position and repel them as they repel you." `Arfajah re-
plied, "I will not do so, nor will I go with them." `Arfajah went to al-
Ba$rah after it was settled, abandoning the Bajilah . `Umar appointed
Jarir b. `Abdallah as commander of the Bajilah . His appointment
brought them to al-Kiifah. `Umar joined his people from the Bajilah
to him.
Jarir advanced until, when he passed near to al-Muthanna b. Hari-
thah, al-Muthanna wrote to him, "Come to me, for you are only a
reinforcement for me." Jarir wrote back to him, "I will not do so un-
less the Commander of the Faithful orders me to do that. You are a
commander, and I am a commander." Then Jarir headed toward the
bridge. Mihran b. Badhan, who was one of Persia's great men, met
him at al-Nukhaylah, having crossed the bridge to him. They fought
a hard battle . Al-Mundhir b. Hassan b . I)irar al-Rabbi attacked
Mihran, stabbing him so that he fell from his horse . Then Jarir
rushed upon him to cut off his head. After that, they quarreled over
his spoils, finally coming to an agreement about it . Jarir took his
arms, while al-Mundhir b. Hassan took his belt.
[Abu Ja`far]: I have been told that Mihran, when he met Jarir, said:
If you ask about me, I am Mihran;
for those who do not recognize me, I am the son of Whin .1024
I rejected that [report] until one of the knowledgeable scholars whom
I do not accuse [of weakness] told me that he was an Arab who had
grown up with his father in Yemen when the latter was governor for
[22oz] Kisra. I no longer rejected that [report] when [this latter information]
reached me.
Al-Muthanna102s wrote to Umar to denounce Jarir. Umar wrote
back to al-Muthanna , "I would not put you in charge of a man from
the Companions of Muhammad," meaning Jarir. `Umar sent Sa`d b.
Abi Wagga$ to Iraq with six thousand [men] whom he had appointed
him to command. He also wrote to al-Muthanna and Jarir b. `Abd-
allah that the two of them join Sa`d b. Abi Wagga$. He made Sacd the
Ioz4. This Badhan is meant to represent the last Persian governor of Yemen, who
is said already to have embraced Islam in 10/631 . For Badhan of Yemen, see Eli, Sup-
plement, s.v Badhim, Badhan.
1oz5. Ibn Ishaq's report probably resumes here.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd) 2 115
AI-Khanafis
Al-Sari-Shu`ayb-Sayf-Muhammad , Talhah, and Ziyad, accord-
ing to their isnad: Al-Muthanna penetrated deeply into al-Sawad,
leaving Bashir b. al-Khaga$iyyah behind at al-Hirah. He sent Jarir to
Maysan and Hilal b . `Ullafah al-Taymi to Dast- i Maysan.1027 He
strengthened the frontier posts with 'Igmah b. so-and -so al-Rabbi,
al-Kalaj al-I)abbi, `Arfajah al-Barigi, and the likes of them among
the Muslims' leaders. He began by stopping at Ullays, which was
one of the villages of al-Anbar.1o2s This expedition is called "the lat-
ter expedition of al-Anbar " and "the latter expedition of Ullays."
Two men importuned al-Muthanna, one of them from al-Anbar, the
other from al-Hirah, each one pointing out to him a market . As (22031
for the Anbari, he directed him to al -Khanafis, while the Hiri di-
rected him to Baghdadh. Al-Muthanna said, "Which of the two is
before the other? " They answered, "Between them are some days."
He went on, "Which of them is more immediate? " They replied,
"The market of al-Khanafis is a market to which the people come all
together. The Rabicah meet at it while the QuO'ah protect them.,,
Thus, al-Muthanna prepared himself for it, so that when he reck-
oned that he would reach it on its market day, he rode toward them,
attacking al-Khanafis on its market day. In it , there were two groups
of horsemen from the Rabicah and the QuOa`ah, the Qucla`ah under
ioa6 . A place in the desert some 155 km . to the south- southwest of al-Kilfah on
the pilgrimage route, it still retains the same name . See Yignt, Mu`jam,111, 33 1; Mu-
sil, Middle Euphrates, zo9 n. 6o, 289, 358; Northern Negd, 193 -95, 212, 232-33,
236, and accompanying map of northern Arabia (k r9(; Donner, Conquests, 203, 298
n. 83.
1027 . This was a district of Iraq not identical with Maysan . It was above Maysin
and al-Madhir and constituted the most northerly of Maysan 's four districts. Its cap-
ital was Basimati. See El', s.v Maisan; Morony, Iraq, 16o-61.
1028 . This can hardly be the same Ullays as mentioned before, for al-Anbar is far
to the northwest of al-Hirah. Most likely, there is a confusion in Sayf's sources about
where Ullays actually was.
216 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Kha;tab
march, praising God and asking Him for safety. Then, retreat in a
hurry." They did so, but he heard a whispering among them saying,
"How fast the enemy are in pursuing us!" At this, he said,
Give each other counsel of goodness and obedience to
duty, and do not counsel each other to crime and rebellious-
ness. 1037 Look into matters and weigh them carefully, then
speak, for the alarm has not yet reached their city. Should it
reach them, terror would prevent them from pursuing you,
for raids create fears that spread outward from them for a day
into the night. Should the guards pursue you upon actually
seeing you, they would not overtake you, because you are on
full-blooded Arabian horses, until you have reached your
camp and your army. If they were to overtake you, I would
fight them for the sake of two [purposes]: the seeking of re-
ward and the hope of victory. Therefore have confidence in
God and keep a good opinion of him, for God has supported
you in many situations, even though they be more numer-
ous than you. I will keep you informed about myself, as well
as about my [feigned] shrinking back and what I intend
thereby. The caliph of God's Messenger, Abu Bakr, bade us
to shorten our halting, to hasten our turning again to the at-
(z.2o6] tack during raids, and to speed ourselves in another direc-
tion.
He advanced with them - they had their guides to convey them
across the deserts and the canals -until he brought them to al-An-
bar. The dingans of al-Anbar received them with hospitality and re-
joiced at his safe return, for he had promised to treat them well if
their affairs remained in good order for them according to what the
Muslims liked.
Al-Sari - Shu`ayb - Sayf Muhammad, Talhah, and Ziyad:
When al-Muthanna returned from Baghdadh to al-Anbar, he sent al-
Mudarib al-`Ijli1038 and Zayd1039 off to al-Kabath,1040 where Faris al-
`Unab al-Taghlibi1041 was ruling, and then set out in their tracks.
The two men reached al-Kabath. The people had scattered, empty-
ing al-Kabath, whose whole population were of the Banu Taghlib.
The Muslims rode in their tracks, sending out forces in pursuit of
them that overtook their rear, while Faris al-Unab protected them,
keeping them safe for an hour, then fleeing. At this, the Muslims
slew their rear, making much [slaughter]. Al-Muthanna returned to
his camp at al-Anbar. The deputy [left] in charge of the Muslims was
Furst b. Hayyan. When al-Muthanna returned to al-Anbar, he sent
off Furst b. Hayyan and `Utaybah b. al-Nahhas, commanding them
both to attack groups of the Taghlib and the Namir at $iffin.1042
Then he followed them [himself], leaving `Amr b. Abi Sulma al-
Hujaymii043 behind in charge of the troops. When they drew near $if-
fin, al-Muthanna, Furst, and `Utaybah split up. The inhabitants of
$iffin fled, crossing the Euphrates to al-Jazirah, 1044 where they forti-
fied themselves. Al-Muthanna and his troops exhausted their pro-
visions, so that they resorted to their mounts, except for those that
were needed, and ate them, even their feet, their bones, and their
skins. They they overtook a caravan of the people of Diyaf104$ and
Hawran. They killed the non-Muslims and, striking three persons [2207]
from the Banu Taghlib who were guards, took the caravan. It was an
excellent showing.
Al-Muthanna said to them, "Guide me." One of them responded,
"Give me a guarantee of security for my family and my property and
I will show you a band of the Taghlib from whom I set out today." Al-
Muthanna gave him the guarantee and went with him for the day,
until, when it was evening, he assaulted the [Taghlibi] group. Just
then, their livestock were returning from the watering place, while
the people were sitting in the courtyards of their dwellings. At this
point, he unleashed his attackers, who killed the warriors, took the
dependents captive, and drove off their property. They turned out to
be the Banu Dhi al-Ruwayhalah. 1046 Those of the Rabi`ah who were
among the Muslims bought the captives with their share of the
spoils and freed their captives. The Rabi'ah were not used to taking
captives, whereas the Arabs took captives from each other in their
Jahiliyyah.
Al-Muthanna was informed that most of those going about in the
country had gone to seek pasturage on the shore of the Tigris. Thus,
al-Muthanna set forth. Hudhayfah b. Mih$an al-GhalafAni 1047 was
in charge of his vanguard in all of these campaigns of his after al-
Buwayb. Al-Nu`man b. `Awf b. al-Nu`man and Mafar,1048 the two
Shaybanis, were in command of his two wings. He sent Hudhayfah
after the fleeing enemy and followed him. They overtook them at
Tikrit,1049 a little before it, whence they pursued them while they
were fording the water. They obtained the amount of livestock they
wanted, to the extent that each man received five animals and five
captives. Al-Muthanna took a fifth of the property, carrying it until
he came to the people at al-Anbar.
Furst and `Utaybah had gone off in their own directions until they
attacked $iffin, where the Namir and the Taghlib were under their
various standards. They attacked them, throwing a band of them
[7.2.o8] into the water. These pleaded with them, but they did not leave off
1046. These are perhaps the `Amin Dhu al-Rujaylah b. Malik b . Jusham b. Bakr of
the'Pdghlib, as no Dhu al-Ruwayhilah are known, whereas the Arabic written form
of Dhu al-Rujaylah differs only by a single letter. In fact, one ms. of IH has al-Ruwayji-
lah. See Ibn al -Kalbi, Gamharat, I, 164; II, 161.
1047. This nisbah also variously is given as al-`Alga i, al--`Alagani, or al-Qal`ini.
None of these names is found in Ibn al-Athir's Lubdb, despite Ibn Hajar's preference
for al-`Alga i based on an alleged reading from Ibn al-Athir. Whatever Sayf may have
meant, al-Balidhuri describes this Hudhayfah b. Mih^an as an Azdi from the al-Biriq
clan. He is famous chiefly for having subdued `Uman during the Riddah and having
subsequently governed it, possibly until 17 /63 8. If he did remain in Umin while the
conquest of Iraq was taking place, it is unlikely he could have played the great role in
the latter that Sayf attributes to him. See Tabari, 1, 1880, 1929, 1977-80, 2269, 2273,
2292, 2389, 2426, 2481, 2548, 2552, 2565, 2570; Ibn Khayya4, Ta'rikh, 107; Bali-
dhuri, Futub, 92-93; Ya`qubi, Ta'rikh, II, 148, i56, 164; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Isti'db, I,
278-79 ; Ibn Hajar, I$dbah, 1, 317; Donner, Conquests, 86, 386, 403, 426.
1048. Probably the same as Matar b. Fddah al-Taymi introduced on p. i8o-81,
above.
1049 . This is still a large town in Iraq, located on the Tigris about 155 km. north
of Baghdad. See Ell, s.¢ Tikrit. That the Muslims should pursue the Persians so far
north even before the Battle of al-Qidisiyyah had taken place is hardly possible.
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd) ZZI
To where are you being carried? Dispute has not left you
alone, so that you have weakened the Persians and made
their enemies greedy for them. The two of you have not
reached such rank that Persia will concur with you in this
opinion and that you expose it to perdition. After Baghdadh,
Sabal, and Tikrit, there is only al-Mada'in. By God, either
you two truly unite, or else we will indeed begin with you
before any malicious gloater rejoices at our misfortune.
Al-Sari-Shu'ayb-Sayf-cUbaydallah b. Muhaffiz-his father:
When the Muslims were plunging deeply into al-Sawad , the Persians
said to Rustam,
What are you waiting for, by God, unless it is for us to be
beset [by misfortune] and destroyed? By God, none but you
brought this weakness upon us, 0 leaders! You have divided
the Persians and held them back from [dealing with] their
enemy. By God, if killing you would not lead to our own an-
nihilation, we would have hastened to kill you this hour. If
you do not cease, we will most certainly destroy you and
then perish ourselves having been cured of you [at least].
Al-Sari-ShuCayb-Sayf-Muhammad, Talhah, and Ziyad: Al-
Fayruzan and Rustam said to Buran bt . Kisra, "Write down for us the
women of Kisra and his concubines , and the women of the family of
Kisra and their concubines." She did so, and then forwarded that to
them in a written document. Thereupon they sent forth [troops] to
seek them, until not a woman remained among them but that they
brought her. They took them in place of the men, putting them under
torture to ask them to point out any male from the descendants of
[zzio] Kisra, but no one of them was found among these women . They said
- or someone among them said, "There remains only this boy
called Yazdigird, who is of the sons of Shahriyar b. Kisra'054 and
whose mother is from the people of Baduraya."10S5 They sent [troops]
to her, who arrested her on account of him. She had lodged him in the
days of Shira, when the latter gathered the females in al-Qa$r al-
1054 . The son and father of Persian kings, but never king himself and hardly more
than a link in the Sasinian family tree . See Tabari, I, 1044, x883.
1055 . A district just west of Baghdad extending from the `Isa and Sarah canals in
the north to the $argar canal in the south . See EP, s.v. Baduraya; Le Strange , Lands,
3 1, 66-67, 8o, map II ; Morony, Iraq, 145-46.
The Events of the Year 13 (cont'd] 223
Abyad and killed the males. She arranged an appointed time with
the boy's maternal uncles, then lowered him to them in a basket.
Thus, they [now] asked her about him and arrested her on his ac-
count until she showed them where he was. They sent [men] to him,
who brought him forth, then, having agreed upon him, they made
him king when he was twenty-one years old. Persia felt secure [once
morel. As they flocked in, the chiefs competed with one another in
[offering] him obedience and aid. He named divisions for every out-
post that Kisra had held, or every frontier position. Thus, he named
the divisions of al-Hirah, al-Anbar, the outposts, and al-Ubullah.
That [news] about them and their agreeing on Yazdigird reached
al-Muthanna and the Muslims. They wrote to `Umar about what
they were expecting from those in their midst. The letter did not
reach cUmar before the people of al-Sawad had rebelled (kafar), both
those of them who had an agreement [with the Muslims] and those
of them who had no agreement. Al-Muthanna led forth his own gar-
rison until he stopped at Dhu Qar. The [other] troops came gradually
to [gather] in a single camp in al-Taff, 1056until `Umar's letter came
to them:
Now then, go out from the midst of the Persians and scat-
ter in the waters which lie next to the Persians on the bor-
ders of your land and their land. Do not leave among the Ra-
bicah anyone, nor among the Mudar nor their confederates
anyone of the courageous, nor any horseman, but that you
bring him with you. If they come willingly, [fine,] if not,
draft them. Bring the Arabs around to earnestness, for the
Persians are in earnest. Meet their earnestness with your [22i11]
earnestness.
Al-Muthanna encamped at Dhu Qar, and [other] troops camped at
al-Dull and Sharaf as far as Ghudayy.1051(Ghudayy is before al-Ba$-
rah. ) Jarir b. `Abdallah was at Ghudayy, and Sabrah b. `Amr al-
`Anbari1058 and those who had followed his example of those he had
1056. This was the desert plateau west of al-Kiifah, elevated above the flood plain
of Iraq. See EI', s.v al-Taff; Yagnt, Mu'jam, IV, 35-36.
1057. A watering place in the desert near al -Ba$rah belonging to the `Amir b. Ra-
bi`ah . See Yagiit, Mu`jam, IV, 207.
1058. He is attested by Ibn Ishaq as a member of a Tamimi delegation to the
Prophet. In 36/656, he is reported to have been governor of al-Yamamah, perhaps for
`Ali. See Tabari, 1, 1762,1798,1909- 10, 1912, 3132; Ibn Hisham, Sirah, II, 621; Ibn
224 The Caliphate of `Umar b. al-Khattab
`Abd al-Barr, Istr`ab, II, 76 - 77; Ibn Hajar, IIdbah, U, 13. According to Ya`qubi, Ta-
'rikh, I, 311, a Sabrah b. `Amr b. Ahnin b. Dither b. Faq'as was accounted one of the
poets of the Arabs.
ro59. This is yet another waterhole near Wigigah and Sharif . See Yiqut, Mu'jam,
III, 239; Musil , Northern Need, i86 n. 100, 230, x36.
Io6o. Text: al-`Iraq; read: al-Taff, as Cairo ed. and Tabari, Introductio, Glossar-
ium, Addenda et Emendanda, Dcxv.
ro6r . This sentence would seem to refer to those who brought the alarm to `Umar
from Iraq in the first place.
1o62. Text : al-Maqaddi; read: &I-Mugaddami, as Tabari, Introductio, Glossarium,
Addenda at Emendanda, Dcxv. He is Abu `Uthmin Abmad b. Muhammad b. Abi
Bakr b. `All b. `Ati' b. Muqaddam, the mawid of the Thaqif, d. 264/878, who came
from a Baran family of traditionists but moved to Baghdad. See Sam`ini , Ansab, XII,
393.
io63 . Abu Ya`qub Isliq b. Muhammad b. Ismi`il b. `Abdallih b. Abi Farwah, the
mawid of the family of the Caliph `Uthmin, d. 226 / 84 r, he was a Medinan tradition-
The Events of the Year 113 (cont'd) 225
the pilgrimage in the year in which he began to rule; thus, 'Abd al-
Rahman led the pilgrimage. Then `Umar led the pilgrimage himself
during all the years of his [reign] after that.
In this year-according to what has been reported-`Umar's gov-
ernor of Mecca was `Attab b. Asid. VUthman b. Abi al `AO was in
charge of al-Ta'if, Ya`la b. Munyah was in charge of Yemen, Hudhay-
fah b. Milan was in charge of `Uman and al-Yamamah, al-'Ala' b.
al-Hadrami was in charge of al-Bahrayn, Abu `Ubaydah b. al-Jarrah
was in charge of Syria, and al-Muthanna b. Harithah was in charge
of the frontier of al-Kufah and that part of its land which had been
conquered. `Ali b. Abi Talib-according to what has been reported
-was in charge of the judiciary. It has also been said that during his
reign`Umar had no judge.
ist with a fair reputation. His traditions from `Ubaydallih b. `Umar, who predeceased
him by at least seventy -seven years, are criticized in Ibn Hajar, Tahdhib, I, u8. See
also Sam`ini, Ansdb, X, 202; Dhahabi, Mizdn, I, 198-99.
lb
Bibliography of Cited Works
This index contains all proper names of persons, places, and tribal and
other groups found in the translator 's foreword and the text, as well as cer-
tain technical terms used in the text. It also includes proper names men-
tioned in the footnotes, except fornames of modern persons and places, au-
thors and titles of books in bibliographical references, and geographical
names used only to identify individuals (e.g., "of al-Kufah") or to locate
sites (e.g., "15 km. west of the Euphrates"). judgeships and other political
offices mentioned in the footnotes are, however, indexed in the references
under specific cities. If an indexed item occurs only in a footnote, the page
number is followed by "n." in the index; otherwise, only the page number
is given.
The definite article and the abbreviations b. (for ibn "son of") and bt.
(for bint "daughter of") are ignored in alphabetization . Roman numerals
given to monarchs are also ignored for purposes of alphabetization. Most
Muslim figures are alphabetized only according to their first names. Cer-
tain persons, however, are alphabetized by their family names or those
names by which they are best known. In many instances cross-references
are provided.
Persons whose existence is attested only in the transmissions of Sayf b.
'Umar are marked with an asterisk'.
`Agiat Hawran xxxiii, 63 n.; see also `Agim b. `Amr al-Usayyidi al-Tamimi
Hawrin (in Iraq) 8 n., I I , 17, 49, 58-59, 68 ,117,
'Aqqah b. Qays al-Namari 5 3 - 5 5, 6o- 182, 184 , 187, 189, 195, 198,
61, 65, 66 n. 2I2-I2
1
242 Index
Bridge, Battle of the xxvi, I t n., 44 n., n., 146 n., 159 n ., t64,174-75,
169, 173 , 174 n ., 188-90, 198, 209, 178, 19o n., 194 n., 214
211,213 Constans II 91 n.
Bujayr b. al-`Abd b. `Algamah al- Constantine 185 n.
Taghilibi 54 Constantinople 99 n., 127, 169
Bujayr b. Iyis b. `Abdallah b . `Abd Yilil, Ctesiphon 7 n.
see al-Fuji'ah al -Sulami Cyprus xxxiv, 91 n., 113 n.
al-Bukhiri, see Muhammad b. Ismi`il
al-Bukhiri
Bukhtina44ar 51 D
Buqaylah, see `Amr b. `Abd al-Masih
Bugaylah, Band 7 Qabbah b. Udd 189 n., 196, 202 n., 203
Burin Shih-i Zanin for Dukht-i Zabin) al-Dibiyah (or al-Dabiyyah), see al-
bt. Kisri II Barwiz xxxi -xxxii, 120, Dithinah
176-79, 182-83 , 186, 203, 222 Qaji`im 57-58
Burs xxxiii,17.0 Damascus xiv, xxxiv, 28 n., 33 , 81-82,
Bugbuhri b. $aldbi al-Sawidi 3-4,7, 87, 91 n., 93 n., 104 - 5, 107 n., tog
191 n., t to n., 114 n., 115, 123 n., 128,
Busr b. Abi Artilt al-`Amin xxii n, Ito 13o n., 135 n., 159-70, 172, 204 n.
'Busy b. Abi Ruhm al -Juhani 20, 43, Qamrah 91 n.
205 Dar al-Rizq 198 n., 201, 204
Bugrixxiii, xxxiv, 57, n., Io3 , io8, tt6, Dirayyi 162 n.
116,128 Dirim 43 n., 2o2 n.
al-Buwaybxvii , 196-97, 200-1, 206- Dast-i Maysin xxxiii, 215
7, 209 - 10,212,220 al-Dithinah for Dithin) tog
Byzantines xxix Dawmah 191, 194
Dawragistin 43 n.
Daylam 209 n.
C Dekapolis 159 n., 16o n.
Dhit (al-)'Irq 69
Camel, Battle of the xxi, 4o n., 48 n., Dhat al-Radaghah 170-71
71 n., 83 n., 117 n., 134 n., 136 n., Dhit al-Salisil 13, 15, 18, z6, 70, 111
143 n. Dhit al-`Uydn 49-50
Cappadocia 58 n.. Dhi a1- Ruwayhilah, Band 220
Casama I iron. dhimmah 3
Chosroes II, see Kisri II Barwiz Dhd al-Hijib 18o n., 190-91 , 193, 195;
Christianity 88, 98 see also Bahman Jadhdyah
Christians 18, 21-2.2, 3x n., 53 n., 56 n., Dhd al-Jawshan al-l ibibi al-Kilibi,
57 n., 58 nn ., 77 n., 85 n., 113 n., Abu Shimr 34
183 n ., 204, 206 Dhd al-Kali` Samayfa` b. Nakdr a1-
Cilicia 102 n., 113 n. I Iimyari xxii n., 77, 81 , 92, 165,
Companions of the Prophet xix-xxii, 168,172
Index 243
Dhu al- Marwah 82-83 Euphrates River xiv, xxii, xxxiii - xxxiv,
Dhu Qar ( place ) zoo, 223 5, 8 n., 17, 21, 26 nn., 27- 28, 36,
Dhu Qar, Battle of 6 n ., 28 n., 29 n., 30 40, 52, 57 n., 58 n., 67, 109 n., 179,
Dhu al-Qassah 150 189-92, 1971 201, 204, 207, 209,
Dhu al-Rujaylah z2o n. 212,2z6,219
Dhuhl b. Tha`labah 62 n., 117 n., 189 n.
Dibib, a man from 34
dingans 19, 27,4!, 179, x86, zoo, 2.08, F
216-18
Dihyah b. Khalifah al-Kalbi 9o, 168 Fadak zo1 n.
dirafsh kdbiydn 188 al-Fa4l b. Dukayn b. Hammed, mawld
Direr 48 of "Iaym 132
Direr b. al-Azwar al-Asadi z8 - 30, 43, al-Fahluj (party or ethnic group) 189
64 n., 93 , 98-99, 1011,103 ,117,170 Fahm 199 n.
Direr b. al-Khattib al-Fihri xxi n., 28, al-Falalij xxxiii , 41-42, 48, 216
30,43, 117 al-Fallujah 49
'Direr b. Mugarrin al-Muzani 28-30, Fam al-`Atiq 27
43 al-Farazdaq 5 5 n., 119, 120 n.
Dirac b. Murrah al-Shaybani, Abu Sinan Faris al-`Unab al-Taghlibi 218-19
158 Farrukh (or Ibn Farrnkh ) 184-85, 187
Diyaf 129 al-Farrukhzadh b. al-Bindawan xxxi,
Diyalah River xxxiii 48, 120,176-78
Donner, Fred xviii, xxv Fars 2, 16
Dubay`ah 22 *Farwandadh 184-85
Dukht-i Zaban, see Biiran Shah-i Fatimah bt. Muhammad the Prophet-
Zanin 71 n., 149
Dumah, New 58 n. Fatimah bt. al-Walid b. al-Mughirah al-
Dumat al-Jandal xiv, xxxiv, 18, 47, 57, Makhzumiyyah 162
58 n., 59 -61, 70, 8o, 109 n., 113, Fayruz b. Mihran Jushnas xxxii
144, 146 n. Fayruz b. Yazdigird III b. Shahriyir b.
Dura Europus 47 n. Kisra II Barwiz xxxii
' al-Duragis 84-85 al-Fayruzan 189, 197, 203, 221-22
Durta 182 Fazarah, Band 92 , 144 n., 173
al-Durunjar, see Adrunjar Fertile Crescent xiii
Fihl xiv, xxxiv, rot n ., 159-65, 168-71
Fihr xxi
E Filastin, see Palestine
al-Figar b. Nastns 84-85, 98
Egypt xvi , 5, 73 n., 87, 91 n., 92 n., al-Fira(1 xxxiii -xxxiv, 47, 67- 70, 111
xo8 n., Iron., I23 n., 134n., 137 First Civil War 36 n.
nn., 14o n., 148 n ., 159 n. al-Fuja'ah al-Sulami 149
Egyptians xxx Furst Badagli 25 n., z6 - z8, 181, 197
Eleutheropolis, see Bayt fibrin (al-)Furst b. Hayyan al-`Ijli 21, 26 n.,
Emesa, see Hims 116,219-2I
Ethiopia Si n., 87 n., 1133 n., 141 n., al-Furst al-`Ijli 26-27
159 n. Furst Sirya xxxiii, 41
244 Index
al-Harrih, Battle of 121 n., 123 nn., 194 al-Hirbadh, see Jushnas Mill
n. Hiri b. Akkil 29-30, 35
Harrill 28 n. Hishim b . `Abd al-Malik 55 n., 102 n.,
Hiran al -Rashid xv 13o n ., 135 n.
'Hasakah al-Habati al-Tamimi 48 Hishim b. al-`Agi b. Wi'il al-Sahmi al-
al-Hasan b. `Ali b. Abihilib 56 n. Qurashi lox, 128
al-Hasan al-Basri 18,145 nn. Hishim b. `Urwah b . al-Zubayr 8z, 13 5,
Hasanah, mawldh of Jumab 56 n. 140
Hishim b. `Utbah al-Zuhri al-Qurashi Hishim b. al-Walid b. al-Mughirah al-
9o, 168 Makhzami 4, 40, 42 , 45-46 , 137- 38
al-Hishimiyyah 131 n. Historia Augusta xxvii
Hassan b. Thabit al-Najjiri al -Ansiri •Hizgil al-Nabali 44
159 n. Hubibah bt . al-Ash`ath b. Qays al-
Hitim al-Ti i ion. Kindi 138 n.
al-Hawifi 183 Hubayrah b. al-Ash'ath al-pabbi 189 n.
Hawrin (in Iraq) 63, 65, 219 Hudhayfah b. MiNan al -Ghalafini iio,
Hawrin (in Syria) xxxiv, 76 nn., 169 225
Hawshab Dhn Zulaym b. Yazid al- .al-Hudhayl b . `Imrin al-Taghlibi 54,
Hamdini xxii n., 92 61-63, 65-66
al-Haytham al-Bakkei 69, it I I 'al-Hudhayl al -Kahili 3z
al-Haytham al-Mugattd b. Hubayrah al-Hufayr xxxiii, 11 -12,19, 3 2
al-Bakki i 69 n. Hujr b. `Adi al-Kindi 83 n., 139 n., 204 n.
Hayyin b. `Abdallah al -Dirimi al- Hulwin 13 n., x4 z n.
$i'igh, Abu Jabalah 145 Humayd b. Abd al-RaJlmin b. `Awf al-
Herakleios (Heraclius, Hiraql) 77 n., Zuhri 151
83-85, 98 n., 'Oz -4,107, 126-27, Humrin b. Abin al-Namari, mawld of
129, r6o- 61, 165,169-70 `Uthmin b. `Affin 56,124
Herat 48 n. Hunayn, Battle of 8o n., 91 nn ., 144 n.
al-Hijiz 8, I ion., 174 Huraqah, see Hamis b. `Amir
Hijazis 9 n. *Hurayth, mawld of ` Ibid 55-56
Hilil, Bann 63 Hurmuz (Persian general ) 9-13,16-18,
Hilil b. 'Aqqah b. Qays for Bishr) al- 37, u8n.
Namari 66-67, 124 Hurmuz, mawld 9 n.
Hilil b. `Ullafah al-Taymi 201, 215 Hurmuz IV xxxi-xxxii
Him* xxxiv, 77 n., 81, 83, 87, 9o n., 92 Hurmuz jidhayah 118, 120
nn., 93 n•, 99 nn ., 103-4, 107 n., Hurmuzjird xxxiii, 41
113 n ., 16x,164 -65,168n.,172 Hurgng b. al-Nu`min al-Bahrini for al-
Hind, Bann (a branch of Shaybin)176 Namari ) 63-64, 109, 125 n.
al-Hiny xxxiii, 63 (al-)Humd 6o- 6i, 65,109
al-Hirah xiv, xxiii, xxxiii , 2,4-7, 10, al-Hunayn b. Abi al-Hurt al--`Anbari al-
19, 22, 25-29, 31, 32 nn -, 33-39, Tamimi 48
41, 43-50, 52, 53 0., 56 n., 58 no., al-Husayn b. `All b. Abi'J glib xix, 34 n.,
6o-6i , 68-70,76 n., log, III, 113, 49 n., 114 n., 203 n., 204 n.
117-18, 112,13 1 n., 178, 181, 187, al-Hunayn b . al-Humim al-Mum 15 8 n.
197, 200, 205, 2I0, 215 - x6,221, Hunayn al-Mum 158
223 Huwwann I IO
246 Index
Ibn Sad, see Muhammad b. Sa'd, Abu Ishaq b. Muhammad b. Ismi'il al-Farwi,
`Abdallih mawld of `Uthmin 224
Ibn $alnba, we Buybuhri b. $alubi Ishaq b.Talhah al-Taymi al-Qurashi
Ibn $aliita, see Bugbuhra b. $aubi 139
Ibn Shihib al-Zuhri, see Muhammad b. Ishaq b. Yahya b. Talbah al-Taymi al-
Muslim Qurashi 1139
Index 247
Kufans xv, xvii , xix, 70, 9o n., x02 n., 166, 189, 198, zo5
III, 114 n. al-Madinah, see Medina
Kurdiyyah bt. Bahrim Jushnas xxxii *Mafannah, mawld of `Uthman 18
Kurdnyah (or Kurdi) b. Bahrim Jushnas Mihin al-Hanafi, Abu Salim xxiv, 39,
xxxii 41,45,48
al-Kuwayfah (or Kuwayfat Ibn `Umar) 'al-Mahbudhin 6z
xxxiii, 42 al-Mahdi, Muhammad, see Muhammad
al-Mahdi
Mahmiyah b. Jaz' al-Zabidi 159
' Mahmiyah b. Zunaym 95
Mahrah I z7 n.
Labid b. Jarir al-Namari, see Labid b. majhulun xxiii
`Utbah Makkah, see Mecca
Labid b. `Utbah al-Namari 64 Malik b. `Abbid al-Awsi al-Angiri I I
Lakhm 76 Malik b. Abi al -Rijal Muhammad b.
Lakhmids xxiii , z n., 4 n., 2-5 n., 3z, `Abd al-Rabmin al-Najjiri al-
58 n. Angari 133
• Lagit b. `Abd al-Qays b. Bajrah, Malik b. al-Harith al-Nakha`i, al-
confederate of Fazirah 92 Ashtar xxii n., ioo, 168
Latins xxx Milik b. al-Najjar, Bann 12.4
Lawdhin of the Aws 93 n. Malik b. Nuwayrah al-Yarbu i al-
• Layli bt. Khilid 66 Tamimi 64,162
al-Layth b. Sa'd al-Fahmi, mawld of Malik b. Qays al-Jidhri 23
Quraysh 148, 150-51 • Malik b. Zayd (or Yazid) 46
Leo III (Roman emperor) 123 n. Manichaeism xv
Lesser Zab River xxxiii Manishiyi z5
•Libdah b. `Amin b. Khath`amah 164 al-Mango; we Abu Ja`far `Abdallih al-
Lycia 91 n. Mangur
• Ma`gil b. al-A`sha b. al-Nabbish,
Abyad al-Rukban 17
M Ma'qil b. Muqarrin al-Muzani 14
al-Maqr 26
Ma' al--`Anbari 69 al-Mah'ah, see Tamihij bt. Narsi
Ma'ab xxxiv, io8 'Mardinshih 18o, 195, 205
Ma'add b. `Adman 9 n ., 32, 57 n. Mardinshih Dhii al-Hijib r Son.,
Ma`ifir 144 n. 19o n.
Ma`bad b. Aktam al-Aslami al-Khuzi`i •Mardinshihal-Khagi 191
xxii n., 117 Mardinshih b. Kisri II Barwiz xxxii
al-Mada'in xxxiii , 7, 10, x6,19,43,47- Marj Musallih 183
49, 5o n., 61, 119 ,176-77,189, Mari Rihit xxxiv, 1 10, 115, I z6
200,216-17,221 n., 222 Mari al-Sibikh 197, 200
al-Madi'ini, `Ali b. Muhammad, see Marj al-$uffar xiv, 78 n., Son., Si, 82 n.,
`Ali b. Muhammad al-Madi'ini 101nn., 104-5, 107,109, 1112,115,
al-Madhirxxxiii, 15-17, 19, 215 n. ,6,-6z,164-65
Madhhij 144 n. Marw 176 n.
Madh`ur b. `Adi al-`Ijli 5, 9, 21, 9o, 117, al-Marwahah 188-91
250 Index
Mubaffiz (or Muhaffir) b. Tha`labah b. 182, 186 - 88, 195 - 96, 201-1, 2.05,
Murrah al --`A'idhi 114 n., 204, 206, 207, 210, 215, 218 , 221-22,1.24
z16, 222 Muhammad b. `Abdallih b. al-Zubayr
al-Muhijir b. Abi Umayyah al- b. `Omar, mawld of Asad 13o n.
Makhzumi al-Qurashi 142-43 Muhammad b. Abi Bakr al-$iddiq 79 n.,
muhdjirun 121 133 n., 134,141
Muhijirun 174,194 Muhammad b. al `Ali' b. Kurayb al-
' a1-Muhallab b . `Ugbah al-Asadi xxiii Hamdini, see Abu Kurayb
n., xxv, 9, z r, 16, 19, 45 , 48, 53, 57, Muhammad b. `Amr b. `Ati' al-`Amin
60, 67, 86, III, x x6 al-Qurashi 163
Muhammad ( the Prophet ) xiii, xxi, 4, 8, Muhammad b. al-Ash`ath b. Qays al-
2I n., 24 -25, 34 n-, 36-38, 39 n•, Kind! 138 n.
53 n., 58 n., 61 n., 64, 71 an., 72, Muhammad al-Awsat b. `Ali b. Abi
74-75, 77 n., 78-80, Si n., 87 n., Tilib 71 n.
89, 91 no., 92 n ., 94-96 , 98, 99 n., Muhammad b. Fu" b . Ghazwin,
101 nn., 106-7, Io8 n ., 116 n., mawld of pabbah 158
I21-22, 128 n., I29n., 130n., Muhammad b. Hamzah b . `Amr al-
131-32, 133 n•, 135-37,139, Aslami 130
14o n., 141 n., 142 in ., 143 nn., Muhammad b. Humayd al -Rizi 3, 71-
144 nn., 146, 1149 - 50,159 n., 74, 107, 127, 131,133,146,153#
163 n., 174 n ., 175-76, 194, 201 n., 16o, 16z -63,169,185,193-94,
223 n. 213, 224
Muhammad b. `Abd al-Rahmin b. Muhammad b. Ibrihim b. al-Hirith al-
`Abdallih b. al-Hugayl^ al-Tamimi Taymi al-Qurashi 147,151
153, 194 Muhammad b. Ishiq xv, xxvi, 3, 7, r I
Muhammad b. `Abd al-Rahmin a1- n., 44 n ., 5711., 71-74, 107, 122-
Najjiri al-Angiri, Abu al-Rijil 133 23, 127, I S3, 160-63, 166n., 169-
Muhammad b. `Abdallih (al-Ansiri?) 70, 184 n., 1185,193 -94, x96 n.,
133 212 n., 213, 223 n., z24
Muhammad b. `Abdalliih b. `Ammar b. Muhammad b. Ismi'il b. Abi Fudayk,
Sawidah al -Ghimdi 142 n. mawld of Di1 137
Muhammad b. `Abdallih b . al-Hasan, Muhammad b. Ismi'il al-Bukhiri 39 n.,
al-Nafs al-Zakiyyah 136 n. 46 n., 91 n., 151 n.
Muhammad b. `Abdallih b. al-Mubirak Muhammad b. Ismi`il al-Muridi 15o
al-Mukharrimi al-Qurashi 142 Muhammad b. Ismiil b. Yusuf al-
Muhammad b. `Abdallih b. Muslim b. Sulami al-Tirmidhi 15o n.
`Ubaydallih b. `Abdallih al-Zuhri Muhammad b. Ja`far b . Abi Tilib 133 n.
130, 151 Muhammad b . Ja`far b. al-Zubayr b. al-
Muhammad b. `Abdallih b. al- `Awwim 127
Muthanni b . `Abdallah b. Anas al- Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari, see al-
Angiri 134 Tabari, Muhammad b. Jarir
' Muhammad b. `Abdallih b . Sawid b. Muhammad al-Mahdi (the caliph) xv,
Nuwayrah xxiii n., xxv, 14 -15,17, 131 n., 136 n., 158 n.
20-21, 2.6-27,30,34,39,41[1 45, Muhammad b. Marwin b . al-I;iakam al-
48-49 , 53, 56, 6o, 67, 76, 86, 94, Umawi 102 n.
l oz, III, 114 , 116, 161, 173, 177, Muhammad b. Muslim b. `Ubaydallih
2.52 Index
al-$alt b. Bahram al-Taymi, Abu 118 n., I zo nn., 144n ., 161, 163,
Hashim , 8o 164 nn., 165 n., 166 n ., 168 nn.,
$aldba, Band 52 169-70,172n-, 173,175-77,179
$aldba b. Bugbuhra 41 nn., 180, 182,183 n., 184 nn., 185-
$aldba b. NastUna b. Bugbuhra 39-41, 86, ,88 , 189 n ., 190-91, 192 n.,
44 193, 195-96, 197 n ., 198 n., 199,
Simarra' I n. 201-2, 203 nn ., 204-7, 208 n.,
Samir b. Ka`b 172 z10-13 , 215-16, 218, 219 n., 22o n.,
San'e' 143 221-22,224
$andawda' xxxiii, tog $ayfi b. `Ulbah b. Shamil 164
Sagallar b. Mikhraq, see Theodore the al-Saylabdn 217 n.
Sakellarios Sergiopolis 65 n.
al-Sagatiyyah 182-83 Sergios 127 n.
Sagifat Bani Sa`idah xx, 149 Shabath b. Rib`i b. Hugayn al-Riyahi al-
al-Sarah 196 n., 199 n. Tamimi xxii n., 203
al-$arah Canal xxxiii, 119 al-Sha`bi, `Amir b. Sharabil, see `Amir
al-Sari b. Yabya 16, 19-2I, 25-27, 30, b. Sharabil al-Sha'bi
33, 36, 38-39, 41, 44-46, 48-49, Shabib b. Yazid 43 It.
52-53, 56, 6o, 64, 67, 69, 75-76, Shaddid b. Aws b. Thabit al-Najjari al-
79, 81-83, 86-87,94, 98- 100, Angari 159
1102,104 - 6,111,114 -16, 161, 170, Shaddad al-Mubaribi 157
173, 175-77, 180 , 18z, 185-86, Shadid, mawld of Abu Bakr 147
188, 190-91 , 193, 195-96, 199, Shah-i Afrid bt. Fayrdz b. Yazdigird III
201-2, 204-7, 2.10-I2, 215-16, xxxii
218, 22.1 - 22, 224 Shahrbaraz ( Khusraw II 's general ) xxiii,
al-Sarw 78 117 n ., 176 n.
Sasanian empire 4 n ., 7 n., I I nn., 19 n. Shahrbaraz ( Persian dihqdn) zo8
Sasanians xxiii, xxxi - xxxii, 2 n., 5-6, Shahrbaraz b. Ardashir b. Shahriyar b.
I I nn., I2 n., 27 n., 28 n., 36 n., 42, Kisra II Barwiz xxxi, 117-18, 120,
48, 53 n ., 117, 177,183 n., 184, 178
212,222 Shahriyar b. Kisra II Barwiz xxxi -xxxii,
al-Sawed 3 , 12 n., 14 n ., 16, 19, 26, 3 5, 117 n., 222
43, 45, 48, 52 , 77 n., 120,112-2,173, ' Shajarah b. al-A`azz 68
179, 18,, 187, 197-98, 212, 215- al-Shamus (al-Muthanna's horse) zo5
16, 222-23 Shapuh xxxii
Sayf b. `Umar al-Usayyidi al-Tamimi Shapdr II, see Sabdr II Dhd al-Aktaf
xv-xxix, xxxi - Xxxii, 1, 2 n., 7, 8 Sharaf xxxiii, 215, 223
nn., 9 - I0, I I nn., 12 n ., 13-17, Shayban b. Tha'labah 6z n.
19-2I , 25-27, 28 nn, 29-30, 31 n., Shi`is xxviii, 46 n., 91 n., 158 n.
33, 36-39, 4o n., 41, 42 nn ., 43 nn., Shi'ism xix-xx
44-49, 52-53, 54 n•, 56, 57 MI., Shimr b. Dhi al-Jawshan al-Qibabi al-
6o, 61 nn., 6z nn., 63 n., 64, 66 n., Kilibi 34 n.
67, 69, 75-76, 79, 81- 83, 85 n., Shire b. Kisra II Barwiz, see Shirdyah b.
86-87, 9o nn ., 91 nn ., 92 nn., 93 Kisra II Barwiz
1111 ., 94,95 n., 98-100, 101 nn., Shirin xxxii
102,104 - 6, III , 114-16,117 nn., Shirdyah (or Shire, also Qubadh II) b.
Index 257
Kisra II Barwiz xxxi -xxxii, I I - 12, mawld of Hilil 1134, 142, 147
16, 47, 177, 222 Sufyin b. Wake b. al-Jarrah al-Rawisi
Shirzidh 5o-51 a1-Kilibi 134
Shu`ayb b. Ibrihim 16,19 - 2I, 25-27, Suhayl b. `Amr al-`Amin al-Qurashi 8o,
30, 33, 36, 38-39, 41, 44-46, 48- 9o
49, 52- 53, 56, 6o, 64, 67, 69, 75- Suhmah b. Sad b. `Abdallih 213
76, 79, 81-83, 86-87 , 94, 98-1100, Sulaym, Band 144 n ., 205 n., 207, 212
I02, 104 - 6, III , 114-16, 161, 170, Sulaymin b. `Abd al-Malik 5 5 n.,126 n.
173,175 - 77,180,182, 185-96, Sulaymin b. Fayrirz, mawld of Shayban,
188, 190 - 91, 193, 195-96, 199, see Abu Ishiq al-Shaybani
20I-2, 204-7, 2I0-I2, 215-16, Sulayman b. Mihran, mawld of Kihil,
218, 22I-22, 224 see al-A`mash .
Shu`ayb b. Muhammad b. `Abdallih b. Sulayman b. Task, mawid of
`Amr b. al-`AO al-Sahmi 130 Maymunah 163
Shu'ayb b . Talbah b. `Abdallih b. `Abd Sulma b. al-Qayn al --`Adawi 9
al-Rahmin b. Abi Bakr al-$iddiq al-Sun13151-52
138 Sunnis xxi, xxvii-xxviii
Shumiyi 198 , 201 n., 204 Suwixxxiv, 103,109, 114-15, 12.4-15,
third 135 n. 195
Shurahbil b . Hasanah al-Ghawthi 56, Suwayd b. `Abd al-Ralaman al-Mingari
74,81-84,97-88, 90-9x , 107-8, al-Tamimi 42-43
Iii, x26, 144, 164 - 65, 170-72 Suwayd b. Muqarrin al-Muzani 18-19,
'Shuwayl 34, 37-38 42, 48
al-Sib 43, I 17, I z2, 110-11 Suwayd b. Qutbah b. Qatadah al-Sadusi
Siffin xxi, xxxiv, 46 n., 73 n., 77 n., 2 It.
9o nn., 91 nn., 99 n., log n., Syria xiii -xiv, xvi -xviii, xxvi, I n., 4-
11o n ., 143 n ., 164 n., 165 n., 5, 18 n ., 21 n., 28 n., 36, 47, 56 n.,
178 n., 203 n ., 209 n., 219-20 57 nn ., 58 n., 6o n., 67-69, 7o n.,
al-Simt b. al-Aswad al-Kindi 92 73-76, 78, Bonn., 82-83, 87,
Sinai xxxiv; see also Mount Sinai 9o n., 91 nn ., 92 nn ., 97 n., 99 nn.,
Sinbis (a branch of Tayyi') 113 n. 102, 103 n., 1104 , 107-9, 111-14,
Sind 9 , 113 5 n ., 145 n. 116, 121 - 2.2, 126-27, 144, 150,
Sirin 5 5 1159, 1611, 16z n., 163, 165 , 167n.,
*Siyah (al-Ahnuari?) 45, 48 170, 1173 n., 178, 196,199-201,
Siyiwukhsh al-Rizi b. Mihrin b. 219 n., 225
Bahrain VI Jubin xxxi , 120, 177 Syrian Desert 57 n.
Skythopolis, we Baysin Syrians xxx, 104
Spain 55 n.,123 n.
Subay` (or Sab`) Dhd al-Khimir b. al-
Harith b. Malik 9 i n. T
al-Sudd 69
al-$uffar, we Mari al-$uffar al- Tabari, Abu ja`far Muhammad b.
'Sufyin al-Ahmari xxiii, xxiv, r6, 39, Jarir xiii -xvi, xix-xx, xxvii-xxix,
411, 45 , 48, 1199 1-2,4,7,141 21,25,68-69 , 74, 87,
Sufyin al-Thawri 37 n. 1070 I09, III, 114 , 121, I29, 136,
Sufyin b. `Uyaynah b. Abi `Imrin, 142.n-, 144, 1147, 151 , 1157, 169-70,
z58 Index
`Utayq b. Abi Quhifah al-Taymi 140 al-Walid b. `Ugbah b. Abi Mu`ayt 16,
`Utbah b. `Abdallih b. `Utbah, see Abu 57,79 -8z, 161
`Umays `Utbah b. `Abdallih Wiliq b. Jaydarah 179, 184
`Utbah b. Ghazwin al-Mazini 2 n.,14, al-Wagidi, Muhammad b. `Omar xv, 2,
15 n. 72,130,133-34, 136-40, 146-47,
`Utbah b. Rabi`ah b. Bahz al-Bahrini 151, 166 n., 169
xxi n., 93 al-Waqugah 81, 85-86 , 88,98, 103,
`Utbah b. Sa'd b. Zuhayr, Banu 54 111, 116, i29 , 161; see also al-
`Uthmin b. Abi al `Asi al-Thagafi 142, Yiqusah
225 Wasil b. Hayyan al-Ahdab al-Asadi
`Uthman b. `Affin, Abu `Abdallih xx, 157 n.
16 n., 39 n., 56, 6o n., 72, 74, 79 n•, Wellhausen, Julius xvi
9o n., 93 n., 94 n ., Io2 n ., Io6 n.,
113 n., 131 , 133 n•, 134 n•, 135,
136 n., 142, 143 n., 146-47, 203 n. Y
`Uthman b. Muhammad b. `Ubaydallah
b. `Abdallih, Abu Qudimah 72, Yahya b. `Abdallih b. Bukayr, mawla of
151 Makhzum 147, 150
`Uthmin b. Yahyi 147 Yahya b. Adam 6 n.
`Uthman b . Yahyi b. `Isi al-Qargasini Yahya b. al-Mughirah b. Nawfal b. al-
al-$ayyad, Abu `Amr 147 Hirith b. `Abd al-Muttalib 71 n.
'Utt b. Abi Utt al-Sa`di al-Tamimi 43, Yahya b. Said al-Najjari al-Angari 131
48 Yahya b. Wijih, mawld of the Angar,
"Uwaym b. al-Kihil &I-Aslami 57 Abu'Iumaylah 133, 146
Ya`la b. Munyah (or Umayyah( al-
`Adawi al-Tamimi 143 , 175, 225
V al-Yamamah 1- 2, 4, 7, 110, 21 n., S 3 n.,
56 n., 216 n ., 223 n., 225