Professional Documents
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OBJ Datastream
1966
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THE FLORIDA
HISTORICAL SOCIETY
THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY
THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF FLORIDA, 1856
THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, successor, 1902
THE FLORIDA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, incoporated, 1905
by GEORGE R. FAIRBANKS, FRANCIS P. FLEMING, GEORGE
W. WILSON, CHARLES M. COOPER, JAMES P. TALIAFERRO,
V. W. SHIELDS, WILLIAM A. BLOUNT, GEORGE P. RANEY.
OFFICERS
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H ERBERT J. D OHERTY , J R ., 1st vice president
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DIRECTORS
C HARLES O. A NDREWS , J R . M ILTON D. J ONES
E ARLE B OWDEN F RANK J. L AUMER
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M RS . H ENRY J. B URKHARDT C HARLTON W. T EBEAU
F RANK H. E LMORE LEONARD A. U SINA
W ALTER S. H ARDIN J ULIAN I. W E I N K L E
JOHN E. J OHNS
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C O N T E N T S
B ISHOP M ICHAEL J. C URLEY AND A NTI -C ATHOLIC
N A T I V I S M IN F LORIDA ........................... David P. Page .... 101
COPYRIGHT 1966
by the Florida Historical Society, Tampa, Florida. Second class postage paid at
Tampa, Florida, and at additional mailing offices. Printed by
Convention Press, Inc., Jacksonville, Florida.
i
BOOK REVIEWS
Tebeau and Carson, Florida: From Indian Trail to Space Age,
by J. E. Dovell .......................................................................... 171
ii
B ISHOP M ICHAEL J. C URLEY
1879-1947
BISHOP MICHAEL J. CURLEY AND
ANTI-CATHOLIC NATIVISM IN FLORIDA
by D AVID P. P AGE
until his death on May 16, 1947, Curley had the rare distinc-
tion of ruling concurrently over two archdioceses.
If there was any one feature that distinguished the character
of Michael J. Curley one might say it was his courage. As the
Catholic Review of Baltimore wrote after his death: “By temper-
ament he was a leader of battle, and love of truth gave rise to a
zest for battle, whenever he saw that the cause of truth was at
stake.”22 The prelate, who on several occasions did not hesitate
to condemn the policy of the federal government towards the
revolutionary forces in Mexico, who in the 1930s castigated the
radical and ultra-liberal advocates of the anti-France forces in
Spain, had earlier battled courageously and successfully the forces
of religious bigotry in Florida.
From the beginning of his episcopal career, Bishop Curley
expressed alarm at the growing menace of anti-Catholic literature.
In a letter written to all pastors of his Florida diocese on January
28, 1915, he stated: “We Catholics of the United States are vic-
tims of organized vilification and the government itself [through
the mails] takes a hand by the distribution of lewd and lascivious
anti-Catholic filth. It is high time for the sixteen million Catholics
of the United States to assert their rights and claim that protec-
tion which their citizenship and demonstrated loyalty should
guarantee them.” He went on to ask all pastors to call a special
meeting of their people in each parish for the purpose of sending
to their respective senators and congressmen a formal resolution
of protest against the use of the mails for such purposes. 23
On the occasion of a public reception tendered him in Jack-
sonville in the spring of 1915, the newly consecrated bishop took
the opportunity to defend the patriotism of Catholics. “Patriotism
of the highest order,” he assured his mixed Catholic-Protestant
audience, “flows from the very essence of Catholicism.” No man
who had ever read American history, he added, unless he were
blinded by prejudice, could ever “stultify himself before public
opinion . . . by stating that America ever had in the Catholic
Church other than a friend. . . .” Yet the people were being
told that because a Catholic policeman was on the force or in the
city council, the country was on the verge of ruin. “Today that
22. Catholic Review, May 30, 1947.
23. Archives of the Diocese of St. Augustine, box 4 (x)-A-4. Cited
hereafter as ADSA.
108 F LORIDA H ISTORICAL Q UARTERLY
teacher has the right to teach Negro pupils. While the judge’s
decision was undoubtedly hailed as an enlightened one for that
time, the closing statement of his opinion would grate discordant-
ly on the ears of more recent jurists: “To say that such teaching
[of Negro pupils by white teachers] would tend to promote social
equality among races and thus be opposed to the good morals of
the State is to insult the superior race and ignore the relative
status of teacher and pupil.” 38
Curley viewed the sisters’ arrest as an attack against the
Church and especially against Catholic education. The dedication
of a new Cathedral School in St. Augustine, at a time when the
sisters’ trial was pending, was the occasion of a spirited defense
of the parochial school system by the youthful leader of the
diocese : “Today a propaganda of deception is being carried on,
and it is focusing all its engines of attack against the Catholic
School. The parochial school, they assert, stands as a monument
to Catholic enmity and antagonism towards the public school.
The parochial school is un-American, they cry. If religion and
morality are un-American, and destructive of free institutions,
then indeed the parochial school is un-American. But George
Washington thought differently.” Having explained at length
the Catholic philosophy of education, Bishop Curley went on to
defend the role of the parochial schools as well as the patriotism
of their students. The fervor of his discourse as well as the en-
thusiam of his audience may be judged from the newspaper refer-
ences to the frequent outbursts of applause that greeted the
bishop’s words. 39
Such frank and vigorous defense of the Church not only won
for Bishop Curley the undying loyalty and glowing admiration
of his own flock, but it attracted notice in higher places. From
the Apostolic Delegate in Washington, Archbishop Giovanni
Bonzano, came these encouraging words: “I have followed with
great interest the accounts in the newspapers of your fight against
the enemies of our holy religion and am gratified by the results
you have obtained. I offer you my hearty congratulations and
38. Docket No. 3, 97. Law No. 778, Circuit Court House o f St. Augus-
tine, Florida. Filed May 22, 1916. Recorded in Circuit Court
Minute Book, 267.
39. St. Augustine Evening Record, May 1, 19 16.
112 F LORIDA H ISTORICAL Q UARTERLY
machine and its local bosses arrayed against him, Catts, against
hopeless odds, conducted a one-man campaign throughout the
backwoods of Florida. That he overcame these seemingly insur-
mountable obstacles and became the only man in Florida history
since Reconstruction to defeat the Democratic party’s guberna-
torial candidate stands as a monument both to his innate shrewd-
ness and to the bigotry of his time. 44
Catts was widely regarded as an oddity and as an ignoramus,
but he was far from being either. He was rather a shrewd ob-
server of the swelling tide of anti-Catholic prejudice. He quietly
decided to make political profit out of this widespread sentiment.
With consummate timing he made his entrance into Florida
politics. Long before the gubernatorial primary elections, Catts
began visiting the backwoods regions of Florida, where he played
upon the fears and prejudices of the people. Apart from his de-
nunciation of what he called the dictatorial method being used
to enforce a 1913 Florida fish and oyster conservation act, Catts
devoted his time and energy almost exclusively to the Catholic
issue. 45 Combining invective with humor, Catts tiraded against
the “papist church,” which he denounced as a growing “menace”
to the nation, to public education, and to good morals. 46 His pro-
gram was put forward briefly as follows: “Nothing in Florida
above the Nation’s flag; the red school house against the Parochial
school; all closed institutions in Florida to be opened by process
of law and America for Americans first, last and forever.” 47
Early in 1916, the Florida Democratic Executive Committee,
alarmed over the growing influence of the Guardians of Liberty
and other similar secret societies, unwittingly played into the
hands of Sidney Catts by passing the so-called Sturkie Resolutions,
proposed by R. B. Sturkie of Pasco County where a large pro-
portion of the population was Catholic. These denied voting
qualifications in the primaries to those who would refuse to swear
that they were not influenced by nor affiliated with such secret
societies. It was now relatively easy for Catts to convince voters,
many of whom had little interest in the religious issue, that their
had been made in several counties, Knott was declared the winner
and the Democratic nominee for governor. The undaunted Catts
would not give up without a fight. Gaining a place on the general
election ballot as the nominee of the rather insignificant Prohibi-
tion Party, he faced formidable odds, but he had the psychological
advantage of being “the people’s choice” over Knott who was
commonly referred to as the “court’s nominee.” By the time of
the November election, the people were by and large convinced
that the Democratic nomination had been stolen from Catts.
Up to election day itself Catts carried his crusade with un-
relenting vigor against the Roman Church, which he termed the
greatest menace that the country had ever known. He continually
charged that his opponent, like himself a Baptist, was receiving
campaign funds from Roman Catholics through Cardinal Gib-
bons. 53 Unlike the result of the primaries, the November elec-
tions left no doubt as to who had won. Sidney J. Catts, the Bap-
tist preacher, had successfully exploited religious prejudice to be-
come governor of Florida. Yet it should not be readily assumed
that he was a rabid anti-Catholic bigot. Probably his true inner
motive was revealed in a chance encounter with Father P. J.
Bresnahan the morning after his primary victory. In reply to the
priest’s charge of spreading falsehoods about Catholics, Catts
replied: “But, brother, it was all politics. Didn’t [Napoleon B.]
Broward tell the people during his Campaign [of 1904] that he
would drain the Everglades and give them land for nothing if they
elected him; and he was elected on that issue.” 54
Those who had expected Governor Catts to harass the Cath-
olic Church after his election were for the most part disappointed;
his bark was worse than his bite. Yet there were occasions when
he lived up to his reputation and fulfilled at least some of his
campaign promises with regard to the Church. The most notable
demonstration of anti-Catholic feeling that occurred during his
term of office was the enactment in 1917 of what came to be
known popularly as the “convent inspection law.” As might have
been expected, Bishop Curley reacted strongly when this bill was
proposed, calling it “this implied and outrageous insult to women
who rank with the best, purest and noblest on God’s earth.” In
53. Cash, Democratic Party in Florida, 129; Bradford County Telegraph,
September 1, 1916.
54. Bresnahan, Seeing Florida With a Priest, 74.
116 F LORIDA H ISTORICAL Q UARTERLY
by D UDLEY S. J OHNSON
Grismer, A History of the City of Tampa and the Tampa Bay Region
of Florida (St. Petersburg, 1950), 179.
2 2 . Glover, ‘‘Henry B. Plant,” 39; Tampa Tribune, October 22, 1961.
23. Brown to Hanna, January 24, 1938, mss. collection, box 6, P. K.
Yonge Library of Florida History.
2 4 . Ibid.; Tampa Tribune, October 22, 1961.
25. St. Petersburg Times, January 29, 1964.
26. S m y t h , T h e L i f e o f H e n r y B r a d l e y P l a n t , 8 8 ; J o h n C . B l o c k e r ,
“Henry Bradley Plant,” Papers: The Jacksonville Historical Society,
II (1949), 69-70.
126 F LORIDA H ISTORICAL Q UARTERLY
pace. White wrote the secretary of war in March 1827 that one
of the engineers working on the canal survey “declared in a tavern
in St. Augustine, that he had been out electioneering for my op-
ponent Col. Gadsden, & that the canal would never be completed,
if he were not elected.” White also complained that the work was
not going fast enough on the survey completion, and that more
competent engineers should be sent to the territory to finish the
job. 31 White was re-elected delegate and continued his efforts
for the canal. In addition to his work in Congress, he wrote articles
for newspapers in Florida and New York showing the need for
the waterway.
General Bernard reported in February 1829 to President
Adams on the partially completed survey. On February 26, 1829,
the President, in transmitting the engineer’s report to the Con-
gress, described the canal as a “great and most desirable national
work.” 32 The report, signed by Bernard and Captain William
Tell Poussin, included a general map of the area and traced
several possible routes for the canal. One, known as the St.
Marys route, ascended that river from its mouth to Alligator
Creek, and then across the Okefenokee Swamp in a more or less
straight course to the Gulf coast at the mouth of the Aucilla
River. The St. Johns route ascended that river from its mouth
to Black Creek, then across Trail Ridge and down the Santa Fe
River to the Suwannee River, following this stream to its mouth.
The board of engineers recommended the St. Johns route, but
because of a lack of funds, it was unable to prepare the necessary
cost estimates. Up to this time both ship and barge canal projects
had been considered, but this survey called for a lock-barge canal,
five feet deep with locks thirty three feet wide. The survey argued
that a ship channel across Florida was “not practicable.”
Congress, on May 31, 1830, approved legislation providing
for the completion of the survey and appropriated $10,400 to
carry out the work. Major Poussin was in charge of this survey
until the summer of 1831 when he left on a visit to France; on
July 31, 1832, he resigned. 33 The lock-barge report of March
6, 1832, described in detail the area surveyed, but it did not an-
swer the question of the canal’s practicability, give an estimate of
its cost, or point out its economic advantages. The survey was for-
warded without comment to the House Committee on Roads and
Canals by President Jackson on December 9, 1833. 34
Three more canal surveys were authorized by Congress dur-
ing the late 1800s. An act of August 30, 1852, provided for the
completion of the old line of survey, or a new line, for a canal
across the Florida peninsula. Two routes were surveyed by Lt.
L. M. Smith of the U. S. Topographical Engineers, both having
Tampa Bay as their Gulf terminus and the St. Johns River as
their Atlantic terminus. One route entered the upper St. Johns
through the Wekiva River, four miles below Lake Monroe. The
other entered the St. Johns through the Oklawaha River a few
miles south of Palatka. The estimated cost for this canal was
$3,697,000, and it was to have a depth of six feet, a top width of
sixty feet, and locks 110 feet long and sixteen feet wide. The
route via the Oklawaha River was the favored of the two, but
Secretary of War Jefferson Davis in his December 3, 1855 report
called for additional surveys and an appropriation of $12,000
to finance the study. 35
On December 16, 1872, a Senate Select Committee on Trans-
portation Routes to the Seaboard was established, and it made a
two-year study of the rail and water transportation system in the
United States. This committee, known as the Windom Select
Committee, recommended surveys made to determine the Practic-
ability and probable cost of a canal across Florida, so as “to enable
sea-going vessels to avoid the dangerous passage around the Flor-
ida keys.” 36 Senator Simon Barclay Conover of Florida was a
member of this committee.
Florida Congressman Josiah T. Walls, a Negro born in Vir-
ginia and living in Gainesville, strongly endorsed the canal proj-
ect in testimony before the Windom Committee in 1874: “In
peace, it will give to the United States government a prestige and
power that will place the nation in an advanced position; and in
34. House Documents, 23rd Cong., 1st Sess., No. 61, December 9,
1833.
35. Senate Executive Documents 33rd Cong., 1st Sess., No. 83, p. 1.
36. Senate Documents, 43rd Cong., 1st Sess., No. 307, Part I, 235.
142 F LORIDA H ISTORICAL Q UARTERLY
war, a land-locked channel and secure passage for our Army and
Navy.” 37
The two surveys in 1875 and 1878 were concerned with a
possible route from the mouth of the St. Marys River through
the Okefenokee Swamp to the Gulf of Mexico. Both a barge-
type and ship-type canal were considered, and efforts were made
to determine if the Okefenokee Swamp would be adequate for the
water supply needed for the canal. The barge canal, measuring
nine feet deep by eighty feet wide, would cost $8,250,000; the
lock ship-canal, measuring twenty-five feet deep and eighty feet
at the bottom, would cost $50,000,000. Lieutenant Colonel Q. A.
Gilmore of the U.S. Corps of Engineers was a principal participant
in these surveys and the results drawn from these two studies were
known as the “Gilmore Report.” No specific recommendations were
made at this time. 38
Many persons over the years had proposed that Florida or a
group of private investors rather than the Federal government
might be able to build the canal. In April 1878, a group of
Floridians formed The Atlantic and Gulf Transit Canal Company,
with capital of $20,000,000, for the purpose of “constructing,
maintaining and operating a canal across the peninsula of Flor-
ida.” 39 Nothing came of this venture.
There were several private surveys for a canal route, including
one by Robert Gamble of Tallahassee which reported on the
advantages of a barge canal connecting the Mississippi River with
the Atlantic Ocean. This report had been referred to the Windom
Committee. 40
Five Congress-authorized canal surveys over a period of fifty
years had been made, but without any recommendations by the
engineers. The distance of the suggested canal routes varied from
100 to more than 200 miles, and the costs were just as indefinite.
President Theodore Roosevelt, in March 1907, endorsed in-
creased Federal support for the country’s waterways network and
26. Hilary A. Herbert, et al, Why the Solid South? (Baltimore, 1890),
159.
27. Florida Senate Journal (1872), 68.
28. Prominent among them were John P. Sanderson, Mariano D. Papy,
F. B. Papy, A. J. Peeler, J. M. Peeler, Edward M. L’Engle, D. P.
Holland, Edward Houstoun, Franklin Dibble, Wilkinson Call, Silas
L. Niblack, A. B. Hawkins, David Levy Yulee, John G. McGehee,
and T. W. Brevard.
P OLITICAL R ECONSTRUCTION IN F LORIDA 157
29. Florida Acts and Resolutions (1869), 29; C. K. Brown, “Florida In-
vestments of George W. Swepson,” North Carolina Historical Review,
V (July 1928), 279-80; Paul E. Fenlon, “Notorious Swepson-Little-
field Fraud: Railroad Financing in Florida, 1868-1871,” Florida
Historical Quarterly, XXXII (April 1954), 245-46.
Fernandina Observer, January 1, 1876.
Tallahassee Weekly Floridian, February 1, 1870; Fenlon, “Swepson-
Littlefield Fraud,” 248.
32. David L. Yulee to C. E. Dyke, July 15, 1870, David Levy Yulee
Papers, P. K. Yonge Library of Florida History.
158 F LORIDA H ISTORICAL Q UARTERLY
which was acceptable for tax payments, was selling for eighty
cents in many cases and ninety-five on occasion. Even United
States currency was not circulating at par during this period.
County scrip, in demand for county tax payments, sold for as
much as eighty cents, although some purchases were made for
less. 38
There were major changes in political methods after 1873.
Democrats utilized violence much less as a political weapon than
in the past. Partly, this was because of better enforcement of
federal election laws. Democrats were also finding that they could
achieve their purposes through more acceptable legislative and
campaign tactics. But if violence did not cease altogether in 1873,
it was not abandoned entirely in 1876 either. Democratic violence
did not abate because of any willingness to accept the social
changes brought about by the Civil War and Reconstruction, but
because party members and conservative Republicans had largely
mitigated the effect of these changes. Continued division in the
Republican party enabled Democrats to effectively influence
legislative policy.
The 1872 election showed that the degree of Republican
cohesion was the key to control of Florida politics. Apparently
the Democrats believed they had eliminated enough Negro voters
to assure victory without any concessions to dissatisfied Republi-
cans. When the Democrats met in their Jacksonville convention,
a loosely organized Liberal Republican convention met on the
same day, apparently hoping for an alliance. The Democrats
completely ignored them and nominated a ticket which, according
to Senator Osborn, was “straight out radical rebel.” 39 Bloxham,
who had run successfully for lieutenant governor in 1870, headed
this ticket. The Liberal Republican movement collapsed, and most
of its participants returned to the regular party, which nominated
Ossian B. Hart, a native of Jacksonville, for governor. Marcellus
L. Stearns, Republican boss of Gadsden County and a former
Pennsylvanian, was selected for lieutenant governor. These men
38. Edwin W. L’Engle to Edward M. L’Engle, November 23, 1875, and
H e n r y S . E l l i o t t t o E d w a r d M . L ’E n g l e , N o v e m b e r 2 5 , 1 8 7 5 ,
L’Engle Papers; Samuel A. Swann to J. C. Greeley, June 2, 1875,
VII, 7, and Swann to David L. Yulee, January 30, 1877, Letterbook
13, 114, Swann Papers.
39. T. W. Osborn to W. E. Chandler, August 22, 1872, William Eaton
Chandler Papers, Library of Congress. Microfilm copies in P. K.
Yonge Library of Florida History.
P OLITICAL R ECONSTRUCTION IN F LORIDA 161
Republican defeat, since “the real cause was the years of disgrace-
ful squabbling within the party.” 45
Democratic legislative influence was also apparent during this
period. In 1873 a civil rights bill provided equal treatment in
public accommodations but specifically authorized continued
school segregation. An 1874 law granted a five-year tax exemp-
tion on property of persons or corporations engaged in manufac-
turing. Constitutional amendments were submitted to the people
in 1875, providing for abolition of county courts and substituting
expensive annual legislative sessions with bienniel meetings. The
legislature in 1875 awarded the state printing contract, one of the
most lucrative of all patronage jobs, to staunch Democrat C. E.
Dyke. 46
Certification by a county returning board did not always mean
that an official had actually won the election. Every legislative
election was challenged. Probably the most famous case involved
E. T. Sturtevant, Republican incumbent senator from the twenty-
first district, and Israel M. Stewart. Although the senate was tied
in 1875, the Democrats controlled its organization, and they ap-
pointed a committee to investigate the contested election. It re-
ported that Sturtevant, acting as an election official, had thrown
out Democratic votes in Dade County, and the returning board
had refused to count the Brevard County return, which was
Democratic, on the grounds that it arrived too late. A struggle
followed the committee’s recommendation to oust Sturtevant.
When Republicans sought to delay action by refusing to enter the
senate chamber, the sergeant-at-arms forced them in, but only
after a gun battle with two senators. Every member supported his
party and a deadlock resulted. Despite tremendous excitement
over the matter, Sturtevant was still in the senate when the 1875
legislature adjourned. 47
Francis M. Weeks contested the seat filled by Elisha G. John-
son from the fourteenth district on grounds that Johnson had
45.
46.
P OLITICAL R ECONSTRUCTION IN F LORIDA 165
ography would also have been useful. The three volumes are
separately indexed and the illustrations offer a good selection and
usually accompany the narrative as related to the text. Special
mention should be made of the fine pen and ink drawings of
Norval E. Packwood, Jr. Credit should also go to the publisher
who has maintained the high quality of his earlier books: D. B.
McKay’s Pioneer Florida and E. C. Nance’s East Coast of Florida
Viewed as a whole, this narrative history is well-related, al-
though there is an unevenness which is always present when
multiple authors contribute their efforts in publishing a general
history. A few mistakes inevitably find their way into any publica-
tion. No doubt Allan Nevins will be amazed to find that he col-
laborated with former Governor Fuller Warren on How to Win in
Politics in 1949.
J. E. D OVELL
University of Florida
more centrally, one senses that Richardson has touched the pulse
of the South as he recounts the vital determination of white Flori-
dians to keep theirs a white man’s country. As we read the book
we seem to hear an off-stage chorus chanting in slow and steady
measure the constant reminder that “white is right.” And it is
difficult to decide from where this music comes: from the sub-
stance of the volume we hold, or from the distilled words and
deeds of racist fundamentalism still rampant in our own day, from
the horrendous violence of Birmingham, of Oxford, and of Phila-
delphia, Mississippi, which hangs about our necks as a symbol of
our sin and our suffering.
Professor Richardson has produced an argumentative history,
but it is good history, and it is a rock which will not, I think, be
broken in our time.
J OEL W ILLIAMSON
University of North Carolina
the Storm, will deal with the British dependencies that did not
revolt, in addition to offering sections on the historiography and
bibliography of the “Old Empire.” Historians will disagree among
themselves on many of Mr. Gipson’s findings, but they will never
be able to ignore them. And few if any would deny that The
British Empire before the American Revolution is one of the
finest historical achievements of the twentieth century.
D ON H IGGINBOTHAM
Louisiana State University
“From the late 1890’s to the late 1920’s,” writes Newby, “the
South, with Northern acquiescence, found and established the
Negro’s ‘place’.” Chronologically bounded by what C. Vann Wood-
ward has called the “capitulation to racism” and by stirrings of
B OOK R EVIEWS 187
irresistible.” The occasion for this, another book about the South,
was the dedication of a new social sciences building, Marten ten
Hoor Hall, on the campus of the University of Alabama. The
exercises consisted of a symposium, participated in by eighteen
people: college presidents (present and former), a newspaper
editor, historians, political scientists, sociologists, professors of
English, a former state governor, directors of research, and the
retired dean for whom the hall was named.
The central theme, as suggested in the title of the book, was
the transformation of the South now going on, and how the South
might meet it. In addition to a prologue, the subjects taken up
and around which discussion took place were these: “Training
for Responsible Leadership,” “Challenge to Research,” “Its Devel-
opment, Past and Present,” and “Its Changing Literature.”
Dean Marten ten Hoor set the pace in the prologue in a
learned and, at times, a whimsical discussion of the part the
social sciences should play in higher education, with no fixed sug-
gestions as to just how the professor in the classroom should pre-
sent them, but with the belief that in “such a society as ours there
is strength in variety quite as much as there is in unity, for, as the
old saying has it, our goal is unity in variety.” Luther Hodges,
former governor of North Carolina and at the time of the sym-
posium United States Secretary of Commerce, gave a run-down
on the economic situation.
Oliver C. Carmichael, in relating the social sciences to citizen-
ship, declared that the “overwhelming preoccupation with science
and technology, to the neglect of other subjects, is a characteristic
fault of our times,” and that in the humanistic-social studies field
the counterpart to the atom was the idea.
The South in transformation as an outstanding challenge in
the field of research was discussed from the sociological point
of view by Everett C. Hughes; from the political science
point of view by Donald S. Strong; and from the view of
needs and potentialities by E. William Noland. Rembert W.
Patrick gave a historical resume of southern history from ante-
bellum times down to the present, quite factual, but with emo-
tional overtones in discussing the evils of slavery, and giving a
dreary picture of southern statesmanship before, during, and after
the Civil War, but in the best tradition of most modern writings
about the South.
192 F LORIDA H ISTORICAL Q UARTERLY
Historical Symposium
RESOLUTION
for the following uses and purposes, and under the following con-
ditions:
1) $2,500.00 of said sum shall be invested or deposited in a
separate interest or dividend bearing account in a commercial
bank or savings and loan association, which shall provide in-
surance against loss in at least such amount by an instrumen-
tality of the Federal Government, subject to check or draft of
the Editor of the Florida Historical Quarterly and the Execu-
tive Secretary of the Society; or, shall be invested in securities
issued by the United States Government.
2) Three individuals shall be appointed annually by the Editor
of the Florida Historical Quarterly, and they shall constitute
the Arthur W. Thompson Memorial Prize judges; such judges
shall select, before the date of the annual meeting of the
Society, the most scholarly article on Florida history which
shall have been published in the Florida Historical Quarterly
T HE A NNUAL M E E T I N G 203
RESOLUTION
RESOLUTION
I N M EMORIAM
Officers - 1966-1967
President ................................................. William M. Goza, Clearwater
First vice-president ................... Dr. Herbert J. Doherty, Jr., Gainesville
Second vice-president ......................... James C. Craig, Jacksonville
Executive secretary and treasurer .............. Margaret Chapman, Tampa
Recording secretary ................................. Mrs. Ralph F. Davis, Sarasota
Board of Directors
District 1 ............................................................ Earle Bowden, Pensacola
District 3 ................................. Judge Frank H. Elmore, Jacksonville
District 6 .................................... Judge James D. Bruton, Jr., Tampa
District 7 ................................................... Walter S. Hardin, Bradenton
District 8 ...................................................... Milton D. Jones, Clearwater
District 9 .................. Mrs. Henry J. Burkhardt, West Palm Beach
District 10 ............................................................. Leonard A. Usina, Miami
District 11 .............................. Dr. Charlton W. Tebeau, Coral Gables
District 12 ............................................................ Julian I. Weinkle, Miami
At Large ..................................................... Dr. John E. Johns, DeLand
EDITORIAL BOARD
D OROTHY D ODD T H E O D O R E P RATT
Tallahassee, Florida Historical Novelist
C HARLTON W. T E B E A U LUIS R AFAEL A RANA
University of Miami Castillo de San Marcos
D AISY P ARKER D E N A S NODGRASS
Florida State University State Chamber of Commerce
J OHN K. M AHON B AYNARD K E N D R I C K
University of Florida Historian and Novelist
A LBERT C. M ANUCY F RANK J. LAUMER
National Park Service Dade City, Florida