Law of Contracts 2 Project-Check
Law of Contracts 2 Project-Check
BHOPАL
Project
Constitutional Law -I
Topic: - A Critical Analysis of Article 370
of The Constitution of India
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgement
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I take this opportunity to express my profound gratitude and deep regards to my guide Ms. Kuldeep
kaur for her exemplary guidance, monitoring and constant encouragement throughout the course of
this thesis. The blessing, help and guidance given by her from time to time shall carry me a long way
in the journey of life on which I am about to embark. I would further like to thank her for giving me
this opportunity to do this project by instilling his faith in me.
Further I would like to extend my gratitude towards National Law Institute University which as an
institution gave me the platform to carry out my research on such an important topic of Political
Science.
I am also grateful to my parents for their constant guidance and support throughout the project. It
would have been impossible for me to complete this project without their love and affection.
Last but not the least; I would like to thank God for being with me throughout the course of the
project and keeping everything in its place.
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INTRODUCTION
Article 370 is arguably the most contentious provision of the constitution of India. It deals exclusively
with the Jammu and Kashmir State that came under the administrative control of the Government of
India after the country’s 15- month war that Pakistan started in 1947 to seize sovereignty over the
state. Besieged by the controversy right from tits draft stage, Article 370 has been the subject of
heated debate ever since the Constitution came into full effect from 26th January 1950. While one
section of the Indian polity has strongly demanded its abrogation, some others have vehemently
opposed this demand; in 1999, Farooq Abdullah, the State’s then Chief Minister, even threatened a
revolt if the Article were revoked.
On 26th January 1950, the constitution of India came into force with a
unique provision- Article 370. The special status accorded to the state of Jammu and
Kashmir in the article meant that its people lived under a different set of laws while
being part of the Indian Union. Maharaja Hari Singh signed the accession papers on
October 26, 1947 under which the state acceded to India.
The accession of Jammu and Kashmir was carried out on the same pattern other states
acceded to it. But as a result of the misfortune of the country, JawaharLal Nehru
pressurized the Maharaja for handing over power to Sheikh Abdullah. On request
of Sheikh Abdulla it was decided that the State Assembly will take the final decision
on the accession and it was done to appease the Muslim society in Kashmir. From
here the state was given the special status.
The question arose as to what should be till the assembly took the final decision? For
this period Article370 was incorporated in the Constitution as a temporary measure.
But even when the State Assemble ratified the State’s accession to India, the Article
was not scrapped. With the blindfold of political interest we lent permanency to the
temporary character of the article making our position not only ridiculous before the
world but also provided a golden opportunity and solid base for separatist-oriented
terrorism to grow in Kashmir.
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This special status delinks the state from rest of the country. It is because of this
Article that the Government of India cannot enforce any law connected with Jammu
and Kashmir without the approval or concurrence of the State Government. Only
defense, external affairs and communications fall in the central list. Against this the
Parliament has the powers to frame laws for rest of the states in the country. But
Article 370 of the Constitution restricts the hands of the Union Government and the
Parliament in doing this in case of Jammu and Kashmir.
Its dangerous consequences have been witnessed in recent years when the law
prohibiting misuse of religious places could not be extended to Jammu and Kashmir
with the result the state does not come within the ambit of secularism. It won't be an
exaggeration if it is called constitutionally recognized separatism. On the basis of this
"special status" people of Kashmir, Pakistani rulers and diplomats and intellectuals in
the world raise of volley of questions in front of the Government of India. Is accession
of Jammu and Kashmir complete like other states? If the accession is complete, why
then the special appeasement.
EVOLUTION/ HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Article 370 deals exclusively with Jammu & Kashmir State that came under the administrative control
of the Government of India after the country’s 15-month war that Pakistan started in 1947 to seize
sovereignty and is arguably the most controversial provision of the Constitution of India.
The origin of Article 370 can be traced back to British Raj in India. Prior to the
partition of 1947, India was divided in two different sets of geographical regions:
provinces which constituted 60% of the land area of the sub-continent known as
British India and princely states which constituted the rest 40% of British India.
The 562 such princely states were ruled by the Princes, Maharajas, Nawabs, Rajas
and so on and range din size and population. They contributed 100 million of the
subcontinent’s total population of 400 million inhabitants at the time of
independence. British looked after the defence, foreign policy and communications
of these states.
But the states were not directly ruled by the British and were allowed governance in
internal matters such as law and order, civil liberties, health, education and economic
development in return for which they each acknowledged British ‘paramountacy’
through individual treaties, The British gave an Indian State and its ruler protection
against neighbors and usurpers by stationing company troops in its capital under the
control of a British Resident.
Their citizens were not British subjects, like the other Indians, but ‘British protected
persons’. The troops were, of course, very much a two-wedged weapon: while they
were protecting the prince, they were also keeping him in check, a privilege for
which he was expected to pay. The case of Jammu & Kashmir was very telling in this
context.
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The British transferred the State forever to Maharaja Gulab Singh under Treaty of
Amritsar, for 75 lakhs in 1846, and fixed a nominal annual payment to protect his
territories from external enemies.
In February, 1947, Government announced that independence would be given to
British India, the plan was to create two independent dominions of India and Pakistan
based on the Hindu and Muslim majority areas of the various provinces that
constituted British India. The policy was announced by the British Government’s
with regard to Indian states.
Political arrangements between the States on the one side and the British Crown
and British India on the other were to be brought to an end under that policy. The
rights surrendered by the States would revert to the States when the partition of India
and Pakistan were created. The communal basis of division of British India would
not affect the States at all thus, with the withdrawal of power, the princely States
would become ‘independent’.
Neither the British Government nor the cabinet mission made any suggestion
regarding the future of the princely States except that they would become legally
independent. The prospect of all 562 Indian States exercising their independence
came under chaos over the dominions of India and Pakistan since both competed to
absorb these states. V. P. Menon proposed that the princely rulers should be
persuaded to hand over just three functions of their States to the central government
of India: defence, external relations and communications, the same functions which
had been always exercised by the British government.
There was an agreement between J&K with Pakistan and India that both will not
attack J&K. While India kept its word and refrained from attacking, J&K chose to
remain independent when India and Pakistan gained their independence on 15 and
14 August 1947, respectively. In spring, internal revolt begins in the Poonch region
against oppressive taxation under the recently imposed direct rule by the Maharaja;
In August, Maharaja’s forces fire upon demonstrations in favour of Kashmir joining
Pakistan, burn whole villages and massacre innocent people; The people of Poonch
evacuate their families and at least 60,000refugees fleeing to Jammu by 13
September. The rebellion spreads to adjacent Mirpur and Muzaffarabad .The Poonch
rebels declare an independent government of “Azad” Kashmir on 24 October.
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In October 1947, the then prime minister of India Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru made
certain commitments and in consideration of those the accession was made by the
ruler in favors of India. Article 370 was then incorporated in the Constitution in the
pursuance of those commitments. Article 370 gave J&K a greater measure of
autonomy as compared to other states and the power of the Union of India is
restricted in thestate. The Indian Parliament would need the state government's
concurrence for applying all other laws.
LEGALANALYSIS
Article 370 consists of three clauses out of which clause (1) of Article 370 consists of four sub-
clauses from (a)to (d) words ‘Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution’ indicate that Article 370
has been given overridingeffect. It applies without having to depend on any other provision of the
Constitution of India for its enforceabilityThis prelude has been rarely used in the rest of the
Constitution of India.
Article 370 (1) (a) says that the provisions of Article 238 shall not apply in relation to the State of
Jammu and Kashmir. Article 238 which applied with certain minor exceptions, the Constitution of the
provinces to the States in part B of the First Schedule was not made applicable to the State of Jammu
and Kashmir though the State of Jammu and Kashmir was also labeled as part B State under the
Constitution of India as promulgated in 1950.Part VII was included in the Constitution of India,
which contained only on article, i.e., Article 238 which provided internal Constitution of all Part B
States. The provisions of Part VII of the Constitution provided thatPart VI of the Constitution, which
contained provisions for Part A States, corresponding to Governor’s provinces, would also apply to
the Part B States, subject to certain modification and exceptions. But the State of Jammu and Kashmir
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was exempted from the application of Part VII of the Constitution as unlike other Indian States, the
State of Jammu and Kashmir refused to accept the application of the Indian Constitution in its
entirety. Moreover, having regard to the circumstances in which State acceded to India, Government
of India declared that it was the people of the State of Jammu and Kashmir acting through their
Constituent Assembly who could determine the Constitution of the State as well as the sphere of the
Union jurisdiction over the State.
The essence of clauses (1) (b) (i) and (1) (b) (ii) combined is that laws of Parliament on matters in the
Union List and the Concurrent List can be made for Jammu and Kashmir State only after
‘consultation’ with the State Government or after ‘concurrence’ of the State government depending on
the subject matter of the law.
Clause (1) (b) of Article 370 refers to the legislative authority of Parliament over the State of Jammu
and Kashmir. According to clause (1) (b) (i), Parliament has power to make laws on those matters in
the Union list and the Concurrent list which correspond to matters already surrendered by Instrument
of Accession. The elaboration of these subjects in terms of the entries in the two Lists is to be done by
the President by Order in consultation with the State Government. The Instrument of accession (which
was signed by Maharaja Hari Singh) on under para 3 laid down that the Dominion Legislature may
make laws for the State only in those matters which are specified in the Schedule appended to the
Instrument.70 In the Schedule, three major heads have been mentioned, viz. , defence, foreign affairs
and communications. Each of these broad heads has a number of items which were also listed in the
Schedule .
Besides the three major heads, a number of ancillary matters have also been mentioned in the
schedule appended to the Instrument of Accession. It was necessary to identify those items in the
Union and Concurrent List which correspond to matters mentioned in Schedule appended to the
Instrument of Accession and this task was left to the President to be performed by him in consultation
with the State Government. Clause (1) (b) (ii) of Article 370 provides that subjects, which are
mentioned in Union list and concurrent list of the seventh schedule to the Constitution of Indian but
which are not mentioned in the Schedule appended to Instrument of Accession, can be brought within
the purview of Parliament only with the concurrence of the Government of Jammu and Kashmir
which the President may by order specify. This provided for subsequent argument of the Union power
if this were deemed necessary in the interest of the union or state. Explanation: For the purpose of this
article the government of the state means the person for the time being recognized by the president on
the recommendation of the legislative assembly of the state as the Sadar-i-Riyasat of Jammu and
Kashmir, acting on the advice of the council of ministers for the state for the time being
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that such of the other provisions of the Constitution of India can be applied to the State, subject to
such exceptions and modifications, as the President may by order specify. Such an order may be
issued by the president of India subject to the following conditions:
(1) Where the order related to matters specified in the Instrument of Accession, consultation with the
Government of Jammu and Kashmir is necessary;
(2) Where the order relates to matters not specified in the Instrument of Accession, concurrence of the
State Government is necessary.
Thus, the President under Article 370 (1) (d) is empowered to apply such other provisions of the
Constitution, with the consultation or concurrence of the State Government as the case may be, to the
State of Jammu and Kashmir and subject to such ‘exceptions’ and ‘modifications’ as he may by Order
specify. The meaning of the expression ‘exception’ implies that than President could provide that a
particular provision of the Constitution
would not apply in relation to the State of Jammu and Kashmir.80 Thus, the President had been given
power not to apply a particular provision of the Constitution altogether in that State.
Clause (2) of Article 370 provides that if the Government of Jammu and Kashmir gives its
concurrence for the enlargement of the powers of the Union Parliament on matters which are not
covered by schedule attached to Instrument of Accession or for an application of those provisions of
the Constitution of India which do not correspond to the matters specified in Schedule attached to
Instrument of Accession before the convening of the State Constituent Assembly, it should be placed
before such Assembly for such decision as it may take there on.
While the Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly was on the anvil, there was only an Interim
Government functioning in the State. Hence, it was a justified stipulation of this clause that
concurrence given by the interim government was required to be placed before that Assembly for
decision after that Assembly had been convened. Thus, in effect the power to extend the scope of the
Union power or otherwise change the basis of relationship of Kashmir with India was vested in the
Constituent Assembly of the State. The arrangement made under Article370 was to continue until the
Constituent Assembly of the State made a decision to the contrary. The framers ofthe Constitution
presumed that the temporary provisions envisaged by Article 370 would last only for a relativelyshort
duration and their operation would hardly extend beyond the time the Constituent Assembly of the
Statewould take to draft the Constitution of the State.94 In 1957, Constitution Assembly of the State
was dissolved.Thus, Article 370(2) has exhausted itself.
Clause (3) provides that with the prior recommendations of the Constituent Assembly of Jammu and
Kashmir, the President may, by public notification declare that this Article shall cease to be operative
or shall be operative only with such exceptions and modifications and from such date as he may
specify. Since the Constituent Assembly of the State exists no more, Article 370(3) is no longer
operative. Therefore, if any modification is to be made to Article 370 resource will have to be had to
Article 368 regarding amendment of the Constitution. The first Para of clause (3) of Article
370 permits a mere executive notification to cease the operation of an Article of the Constitution or to
restrict its operation in the country. Clause (3) of Article 370 is thus a revolutionary provision in a
parliamentary democracy.
The courts have held that Article 370 can still be used to make orders there under despite the fact that
the State’s Constituent Assembly has ceased to exist. It was found that since the Assembly had made
no re commendation that Article 370 be abrogated, it should be held to be continuing in force because
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the situation that existed when this article was incorporated in the Constitution had not materially
altered, and the purpose of introducing this Article was to empower the President to exercise his
discretion in apply the Indian Constitution while that situation remained unchanged.
The important provisions of the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir can be summarized as
follows:
Current Legal Framework of Article 370
Since the Constituent Assembly on July 14, 1954 decided that the Article 370, which was temporary
in nature, shall remain in force and therefore it became permanent feature of the Indian Constitution.
It became un-amendable after the Constituent Assembly ceased to exist after 1957. Presidential orders
and parliamentary amendments have been made to the Article from time to time in concurrence with
the J&K State Assembly.
(i) J&K have its own Constitution framed by a special Constituent Assembly set up by the
State.(ii)
(ii) Parliament cannot make any law without the consent of the State Legislature relating to:
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(ix) The Parliament was also provided the power to legislate for the State during emergency
under Article 356.The first occasion when President’s Rule under Article 356 was
imposed in J&K was in 1986 to follow Governor’s Rule. The Union has no power to
make a proclamation of financial emergency in the State.
(x) The provisions of Part IV relating to the Directive Principle of State Policy do not apply
to J&K.
(xi) No amendment of the Constitution of India can extend to J&K unless it is so extended by
the order of the President under Article 370 (1).(xii)
(xii) The High Court of J&K enjoys very limited powers. It cannot declare any law
unconstitutional or issue writs, except for the enforcement of the Fundamental Right.J&K
would continue to be governed by Article 370 of the Constitution of India.
(xiii) The residuary powers of legislation shall remain with the State. However, Parliament will
continue to have power to make laws relating to the prevention of activities directed
towards disclaiming, questioning ordisrupting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of
India
(xiv) Parliament can take action in the event of insult to the Indian National Flag, the Indian
National Anthemand the Constitution.
(xv) President can suggest any amendments to the Article in concurrence with the State
Assembly
(xvi) J&K to have its own legislation on matters like welfare measures, cultural matters,
social security, personal law and procedural laws.
(xvii) J&K Government can review the laws made by Parliament and may decide which of
them, in its opinion, needs amendment or repeal. Thereafter, appropriate steps may be
taken under Article 254 of the Constitution of India.
(xviii) J&K to not make separate laws for the appointment, powers, functions, duties, privileges
and immunities of the Governor, and matters relating to Elections namely, the
superintendence, direction and control of Elections by the Election Commission of India,
eligibility for inclusion in the electoral rolls without discrimination, adult suffrage and
composition of the Legislative Council, being matters specified insections 138,139, 140
and 50 of the Constitution of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.
(xix) No agreement was possible on the question of nomenclature of the Governor and the
Chief Minister
PRESIDENT
Article 370 clearly states that due to the special position given to State of Jammu and Kashmir, the
President is given the power to apply the provisions of the Constitution to that State subject to such
exceptions and modifications as the President may by order specify. The President has power to say
by order that certain provisions of the Constitution will be expected from application to the State of
Jammu and Kashmir and on such order being made those provisions would not apply to that State.
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Besides this power of making exceptions, the President is also given power to apply the provisions of
the Constitution with such modifications as he thinks fit.
The meaning of the word ‘modification’ used in Article 370 (1) must be
given the widest effect, including making racial modifications.
(ii) It framed the Constitution of the state. The Draft Constitution of the Constituent
Assembly for state was adopted on November, 17, 1957 and given effect from January
26, 1957.
2. Does not fulfill the criteria of Section 5 of the instrument of accession which says- “The
terms of this my instrument of accession shall not be varied by any amendment of the Act or
the Indian Independence Act, unless such amendments are accepted by me by instrument
supplement to this instrument”.
4. It affects the economic development - As per the provisions of article 370 people from
outside Kashmir cannot invest in Kashmir, they cannot buy any property or carry on any
business. Where rest of the India enjoys right to move freely and carry on trade in any part of
India thereby developing India as a whole, Kashmir due to restriction put by Article 370 is
closing doors of development for itself.
5. Permitting corruption- As we have CAG, Lokpal, CBI to investigate corruption issues in
other States of India, Kashmir due to article 370 does not come under these anti-corruption
bodies. When corruption is on its toll in India it becomes a very important issue of debate that
since the top most investigation bodies of India does not have its operation in Kashmir, is
Kashmir totally a corruption free State and does not need such authorities.
6. Threat to Indian security- It is well known to all that Pakistan is a great threat to India due
to its deep involvements in terrorism. The Article also gives Pakistan's citizens entitlement to
Indian citizenship, if he marries a Kashmiri girl. This is very sensitive issue and needs to be
looked upon with great care and precautions. This way we are welcoming terrorists thereby
making them our son in laws. How can this be justified when terrorism is not only a national
issue of concern but global as well and more importantly when Kashmir is the eye of Pakistan
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7. RTI is not applicable to State of J & k- People are not only deprived of right to information
but alsothe procedure to file the complaint. Which means a very important aspect of
Democracy to have a transparent government is missing from the State. RTI has proved to be
a very important tool to fight corruption, in the absence of RTI it can be assumed that
politicians of J & K wants to escape from accountability thereby refusing to abrogate Article
370
8. People in the State are not enjoying various beneficial laws such as marriages between
Kashmiri’s and people from rest of India. Thereby affecting their human rights as well as
marriage is a very personal issue and if on marrying a non-Kashmiri a Kashmiri women
ceases to be the State subject where she was born and loses her identity of the State is quite
discriminatory as it does not happen with women from rest of the State in India as they have
only one citizenship that is Indian Citizenship.
9. The emergency provisions- Article 352 and 356 do not apply to State of Jammu and
Kashmir. Under Article356 where President can declare his rule in any state of India for
Jammu and Kashmir he has to first consult with the Governor of State who himself is
appointed by the President.
10. Even the very important terminologies like secularism and socialism are absent from the
Preamble of the Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir.
ROLE OF JUDICIARY
LANDMARK CASES
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According to the counsel on behalf of the petitioner, neither the State Assembly nor the President
were competent to impair the functioning of the Sadar-i-Riyasat of the State unless the Constitution of
India was amended under Article 368 and 370 (3) or a fresh Constituent Assembly was convened to
amend the Explanation. The above argument was not accepted by the Supreme Court and the Court
explained the following feature of Article 370 (1) (b) and (d) is the necessity of the concurrence of the
State Government. Article 370 (1) merely recognised a constitutional position in the State. It was
contended Article 370 (1) (b) and (d) places no limitation on the framing or amendment of the
Constitution of J&K. basically, it was pointed out that the change in the designation and the mode of
the appointment of the Head of the State, the constitutional position in the State remains basically the
same and the Governor is the successor to the Sadra-i-Riyasat and can validly exercise his powers as
Head of the State.
3. Prem Nath Kaul vs State of J&K, 1959 AIR 749
This was One of the earliest and leading case regarding the impact of Art 370 to be decided by the
Hon’ble Supreme Court. In this judgment the Supreme Court traced the passing of power from the
hands of Maharaja Hari Singh to the successor. The Court held that Article 370 in no way reduced the
plenary powers of the Maharaja, nor did it try to impose the President’s will on the state of Jammu &
Kashmir. What it did in fact, was that it vested authority in the Constituent Assembly to decide the
relationship that the State wanted to establish with India. It also observed that the continuance of the
exercise of powers conferred on the Parliament and the President by the relevant temporary provision
of Article 370 (1) is made conditional on the final approval by the said Constituent Assembly in the
said matters.
The Supreme Court has refused to interpret the word ‘modification’ as used in Article 370 (1) (d) in
any “narrowor pedantic sense”. In Puranlal Lakhanpal V. President of India and Others, Supr
eme Court observed: We are therefore of opinion that in the context of the Constitution, we must give
the widest effect to the meaning of the word “modification” used in Article 370(1) and in that sense, it
includes an amendment. There is no reason to limit the word “modifications” as used in Article 370(1)
only to such modifications as do not make any “radical transformation”.
The J&K court gave its verdict on a petition regarding the applicability of the Securitisation and
Reconstruction of Financial Assets and Enforcement of Security Interest Act, 2002 (SARFAESI) in
the state. The SARFAESI Act, 2002, enacted and enforced by the Indian Parliament in 2002,
empowers banks and financial institutions to recover their non-performing assets without the court’s
intervention. The High Court said this Act cannot be applied to J&K, but suggested that the state can
have its own law on the lines of the SARFAESI Act.
In a judgment that would safeguard the special status of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370, the
J&K High Court in July 2015 said that the constitution of the state is “sovereign in character” and the
Assembly exercises sovereign power to legislate laws. The court also said that the “sovereign
character” of the state cannot be challenged or abridged.
The division bench comprising Justices Muzaffar Hussain Attar and Ali Mohammad Magrey also
ruled that Article 35 (A) of the Constitution of India — which RSS and its affiliates view as
unconstitutional and want repealed — clarifies the already existing constitutional and legal position
and does not extend some thing new to the state.
Comparative study
COMPARISONBETWEENVARIOUSSTATESHAVINGSPECIALSTATUS
Article 371 - Special Provisions for Maharashtra & Gujarat
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President is authorized to provide that Governor of Maharashtra & Gujarat would have
specialresponsibilities for:
President can also direct that the governor shall have special responsibility to secure proper
functioning of that committee.
Article 371– C Special Provisions for Manipur
President may provide for the constitution & functions, a committee of Legislative assembly
of the state, consisting of members of that assembly elected from the hill areas of Manipur.
President can also direct that the governor shall have special responsibility to secure proper
functioning of that committee.
Governor should submit an annual report to the President regarding the administration of Hill
areas.
Article 371 – E Special Provisions for Sikkim
Legislative assembly shall not less than 30 members + 1 seat from the state in Lok sabha & 1
in parliamentary constituency.
For the purpose of protecting the rights & interest of different sections of Sikkim
population,Parliament is empowered to provide number of seats in Sikkim administrative
assembly for the people belonging to such sections.
Governor in his discretion (On direction of President) have special responsibility for peace
&equitable arrangement for socio- economic development of different sections of Sikkim
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Residuary powers lies with legislature of J & K.
Follows dual citizenship, only citizens of J & K can take part in elections to state assembly
Only citizens of J & K can acquire, own & dispose of immovable property in J & K.
Parliament can not change the name, boundary or territory of J & K without the concurrence
of state legislature.
No preventive detention law made by the government can have automatic extension to J & K.
Union has no power to proclaim a financial emergency to J & K.
The above special provisions clearly shows that because of some untoward situations there was felt a
need to give some special provisions to various states. While mostly the special provisions deal with
protecting the cultural, linguistic and economic benefits to the states, which had various issues, related
to these matters but the case was totally different with the state of Kashmir.Though it is a known fact
that the condition and situation in Kashmir is much different from other states, which have special
provisions so it truly deserves some special authorities and powers. But giving arbitrary power is not
justified and from the above comparison it can be clearly seen that the state of Kashmir has been
given some arbitrary political powers.
1. Article 370(3) provides that the President may by notification declare that this article shall
cease to be operative, but the proviso clearly lays down a limitation that the recommendation
of the Constituent Assembly of the state shall be necessary before the President issues such a
notification. It is not disputed that the Constituent Assembly of J&K has never given any
such recommendation. In that view Article 370 cannot be withdrawn by Parliament
purporting to exercise the power of amendment given by Article 368.
2. Even Article 368 limits the power of Parliament to make any amendment to the Constitution
whichwould result in a change in any of the lists in the Seventh Schedule; such amendment
shall also requireto be ratified by the legislatures of not less than half of the states.
3. State of the Indian Union having a special status conveys a wrong signal not only to
Kashmiris butalso to the separatists, Pakistan and indeed the international community that
J&K is still to becomeintegral part of India. It also questions the Article 1 of the constitution
which grants freedom of equalityin all matters to all citizens.
4. Permanent J&K residents enjoy dual citizenship which is against the single citizenship nature
of theCitizenship Act of Indian Constitution.
5. A Pakistani resident gains J&K citizenship if he marries a J&K citizen.
6. RTE, RTI, CAG and majority of Indian laws are not applicable in the state.
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7. Because of Article 370, no outsider (anyone who is not a native Kashmiri) can purchase land
in J&K.This proves to be a hindrance in the economic development of J&K as outside
investments are blatantly rejected.
8. Reservation of seats for Kashmiri migrants in every government-aided institution
9. J&K to constitute its own constitution
10. The article, along with Article 5 that defines the contours of jurisdiction of Indian Parliament
regardinglawmaking for the state, cannot be amended.
11. The provisions of Article 238, which were omitted from the Constitution in 1956 when
Indian stateswere reorganized, shall not apply to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.
12. Indian Parliament needs the state government's concurrence for applying all other laws.
13. The agreement opposed imposition of Article 352, empowering the President to proclaim
generalemergency in the state. The Centre has no power to declare financial emergency
under Article 360 inthe state. It can declare emergency in the state only in case of war or
external aggression. The Uniongovernment can therefore not declare emergency on grounds
of internal disturbance or imminentdanger unless it is made at the request or with the
concurrence of the state government.
14. The residents of J&K live under a separate set of laws, including those related to citizenship,
ownershipof property, and fundamental rights, as compared to other Indians. Indian citizens
from other states donot enjoy equal rights in the state.
15. Under section 3 of Article 370, it was provided that the article can be removed or changed
only on therecommendations of Constituent Assembly of J&K and that is why it was called a
temporary provision.
16. Name and boundary of the state cannot be altered
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CONCLUSIONS
The matter of special status to J&K through Article 370 has flared constant debates. But there are
special provisions given to some other states like Nagaland, Maharashtra and Assam through Article
371. Internationally, Hong Kong is an integral part' of China but has been given a special
dispensation. There are in fact numerous examples around the world in which, due to special
circumstances, certain areas or regions have been given a special dispensation.
Article 370 has brought in welcome changes as well. For instance, due to the ability to form their own
laws, land reforms were introduced in J&K. Land was given to farmers and landless labors from the
landlords.
Some experts say that there’s no feeling of Indians among the people in the state. People of Kashmir
valley have been made to believe by some Kashmiri politicians and separatists that they are
not integral part of India and that they have a distinct identity which is completely different from that
of Indians and that the provision of Article370 in the Indian constitution vindicates it. This is a fallacy
as Article 3 of the J&K constitution clearly states that J&K is and shall be an integral part of India.
Kashmir is rich in beauty and can prove to be major source of tourist attraction and thus revenue
but no investors want to come because they denied privileges in Jammu and Kashmir which is a
result of Article 370.
The state has been deprived of industrial development, as the legislation does not allow outside
investment and prevents outsiders from buying land. Consequently, unemployment, especially among
the youth, is on the rise. This is indirectly aiding militancy. Article 370 cripples the personal liberties
of non-permanent residents of Jammu Kashmir. Any Constitutional provisions such as the RTI that
empowers a common man is either not applicable in Jammu Kashmir or is applied in its truncated
state.
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