To Antonino Forte

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... IX
Introduction ....................................................................................................................... XI
Abbreviations .................................................................................................................... XXII

CHAPTER ONE:
State of Field

Joerg PLASSEN:
Huayan Studies in the West: Some Remarks Focusing on Works Concerning
the Early History of the Tradition ................................................................................ 1
KIMURA Kiyotaka:
Huayan/Kegon Studies in Japan ................................................................................... 19
Bibliography of Japanese Studies on Huayan Buddhism in the Past Ten Years .......... 24
ZHU Qingzhi:
Brief Introduction to the Past 25 Years of Huayan Studies in Mainland China ........... 47
CHOE Yeonshik:
Huayan Studies in Korea .............................................................................................. 69

CHAPTER TWO:
The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra

ŌTAKE Susumu:
On the Origin and Early Development of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra ....................... 87
Jan NATTIER:
Indian Antecedents of Huayan Thought: New Light from Chinese Sources ................ 109
Imre HAMAR:
The History of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra: Shorter and Larger Texts ....................... 139
 CONTENTS VIII

CHAPTER THREE:
Huayan in China

ARAMAKI Noritoshi:
The Huayan Tradition in Its Earliest Period ................................................................. 169
WEI Daoru:
A Fundamental Feature of the Huayan Philosophy ...................................................... 189
Imre HAMAR:
A Huayan Paradigm for the Classification of Mahāyāna Teachings: The Origin
and Meaning of Faxingzong and Faxiangzong ............................................................ 195
KIMURA Kiyotaka:
Huayan and Chan ......................................................................................................... 221
Jana BENICKÁ:
(Huayan-like) Notions of Inseparability (or Unity) of Essence and its Function
(or Principle and Phenomena) in some Commentaries on “Five Positions”
of Chan Master Dongshan Liangjie .............................................................................. 221
HUANG Yi-hsun:
Huayan Thought in Yanshou’s Guanxin Xuanshu: Six Characteristics and
Ten Profound Gates ...................................................................................................... 241

CHAPTER FOUR:
Hwaŏm/Kegon in Korea and Japan

Joerg PLASSEN:
Some Remarks on the Authorship of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo ........................................... 261
Charles MULLER:
Wŏnhyo’s Reliance on Huiyuan in his Exposition of the Two Hindrances .................. 281
Bernard FAURE:
Kegon and Dragons: A Mythological Approach to Huayan Doctrine .......................... 297
Frédéric GIRARD:
Some aspects of the Kegon Doctrines at the Beginning of the Kamakura Period ........ 309
ISHII Kōsei:
Kegon Philosophy and Nationalism in Modern Japan .................................................. 325

CHAPTER FIVE:
Huayan/Hwaŏm/Kegon Art

Dorothy WONG:
The Huayan/Kegon/Hwaŏm Paintings in East Asia ..................................................... 337

Contributors ........................................................................................................................ 385

Index ................................................................................................................................... 387
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This volume grew out of the Huayan conference hosted by Eötvös Loránd Univer-
sity (Budapest) in May 2004. We would like to express our gratitude to the main
supporter of the conference and the book, the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation, and the
following organizations that also provided funds: Tōdaiji, Komatsu Chikō Founda-
tion (Budapest), Taipei Representative Office (Budapest), the Hungarian Academy
of Sciences, Sun Microsystems Kft. Those scholars whose papers are not included in
this book, or who served as discussants, contributed to the improvement of the origi-
nal papers presented at the conference: Robert M. Gimello, John McRae, Antonino
Forte, KOBAYASHI Enshō, Imre Galambos. We would like to thank them for their in-
valuable comments and their participation in the inspiring discussion. I would like to
thank my colleagues YAMAJI Masanori, Huba Bartos, Szonja Buslig, Gergely Salát,
Mariann Varga and Csaba Oláh for providing assistance in organizing the conference
and manuscript preparation. Last but not least, I would like to thank Erzsébet Tóth
for her hard work as technical editor of this book.
 INTRODUCTION

The third patriarch of the Huayan tradition, Fazang 法藏 (643–712), is said to have
built a Mirror Hall for Empress Wu 武 (r. 684–705) as a pedagogical device to
illustrate the cardinal tenets of Huayan philosophy, the mutual interdependence and
mutual interpenetration. According to later descriptions eight mirrors were placed in
the four cardinal directions and four secondary directions, and one on the top, and
one on the bottom. In the middle of the ten mirrors facing to one another, a Buddha
statue was installed, along with a lamp or a candle to illuminate it. This setting pro-
duced an infinite number of Buddha reflections in the mirrors. When I visited the
Huayan monastery on Zhongnanshan in the outskirt of Xi’an a few years ago, I was
disappointed to see that the temple which collapsed sometime during the Qing dy-
nasty (1644–1911) consists of only a small building, and only the abbot with his dis-
ciple live there. However, the recounstructed stūpas of Huayan patriarchs, Du Shun
杜順 (557–640) and Chengguan 澄觀 (738–839), can be seen in the yard of the
monastery, preserving some glories of the past. The enthusiastic abbot showed me
his reconstruction of Mirror Hall, a small building housing ten metal plates (as sub-
stitutes for mirrors) and a Buddha image in the center. Lighting up the the candle,
infinite Buddha images became reflected on the metal plates. In this volume Huayan
Buddhism is in the center, and the articles arranged around this topic reflect it from
different aspects providing various perspectives for the viewers to discern it, hence
the title Reflecting Mirrors: Perspectives on Huayan Buddhism. The reader can get
an insight into the development of Huayan Buddhism from the compilation of its
base text, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra through the establishment of Huayan tradition
as a special form of East Asian Buddhism to its visual representations.
The book consists of five chapters: 1. State of Field 2. The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra
3. Huayan in China 4. Hwaŏm/Kegon in Korea and Japan and 5. Huayan/Hwaŏm/Ke-
gon Art. The first chapter gives a summary of the main results of research in the field
of Huayan Buddhism in the West, Japan and China. Although the first publication
on Huayan in the West, Garma C. C. Chang’s book titled The Buddhist Teaching of
Totality (1971) is rather unreliable, several studies have appeared which shed light
on various aspects of Huayan Buddhism. Joerg Plassen in his article shows the main
trends of the research focusing on the early history of the tradition. Robert Gimello’s
XIII INTRODUCTION

unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Chih-yen (1976) has remained the best study on the
early history of Huayan and the religious and philosophical background of the forma-
tion of Huayan. Francis D. Cook and LIU Ming-wood contributed to our knowledge
of the thought of Fazang who is said to have systematized Huayan philosophy. Fa-
zang’s historical role in Tang society is clarified by the works of Antonino Forte and
Chen Jinhua. Peter Gregory’s book, Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism (1991)
is certainly a milestone in Huayan studies in the West. It provides a very deatiled sur-
vey on the Huayan system of classification of teachings (panjiao), Huayan practice
based on the cosmological implication of Dasheng qixin lun, and Huayan’s relation-
ship to other Chinese philosophies. Recently, Imre Hamar has published several works
related to Chengguan’s life and philosophy, to whom Zongmi is greatly indebted.
Scientific investigation of Huayan Buddhism started very early in the last quarter
of 19th century in Japan, thus a huge amount of Huayan studies have been accu-
mulated. It is no wonder that Western scholars primarly look for Japanese secondary
sources, once they decide to explore one aspect of Huayan Buddhism. Given the
great number of related articles and books on this topic, KIMURA Kiyotaka had to
confine himself to introducing the major publications of some excellent scholars
from different periods. First, he discusses the works of YUSUGI Ryōei, KAMETANI
Seikei, SUZUKI Sōchū, TAKAMINE Ryōshū, KAMEKAWA Kyōshin who lived between
the last quarter of 19th century and the first half of twentieth century. After 1950’s
Huayan research enters upon a new phase with such eminent scholars like SAKAMOTO
Yukio, ISHII Kyōdō, KAMATA Shigeo and KIMURA Kiyotaka. Finally, he mentions
scholars of next generation who worked under his guidance, including ITŌ Zuiei,
NAKAMURA Kaoru, YOSHIZU Yoshihide and ISHII Kōsei. All these works Kimura
listed in his article became the classics of Huayan studies, which are now indispen-
sable handbooks for studies of any kind in this field. Kimura’s article is supple-
mented by an appendix of the bibliography of Japanese articles on Huayan Bud-
dhism in the past fifteen years. The abundance of publications clearly shows that the
Japanese intensive interest in this form of Buddhism has not weakened.
Even though Japanese publications are quite numerous, the most important re-
sults are well-known, as they receive wide scholarly attention by referring to them.
However, we know much less about Huayan studies in China, as they are seldom
quoted in Western publications. ZHU Qingzhi’s article, no doubt, fills in this gap by
introducing studies of China in the past 25 years. Given the economic reforms in late
1970’s, along with economy religious studies became very prosperous in Mainland
China. However, up to the beginning of 1990’s scholars of older generation, like
REN Jiyu or FANG Litian focused on writing general histories of Chinese philosophy
and Buddhism, and Huayan could be only a chapter of these comprehensive books.
With the arrival of new generation of scholars specialized works started to appear.
WEI Daoru wrote a comprehensive history of Huayan Buddhism in China which dis-
cusses the compilation of Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, the works of Huayan masters, and
the impact of Huayan Buddhism on other schools and the literati. ZHU briefly intro-
duces the works, mainly articles, of recent scholarship on various aspects of Huayan
 INTRODUCTION XIII

Buddhism, i.e. Huayan theory, philosophy of Huayan masters, Huayan influence on

other Buddhist schools, Neo-Confucianism and literature. Zhu also mentiones a few
Ph.D. dissertations written on Huayan Buddhism.
CHOE Yeonshik introduces the main trends of Huayan studies in Korea. His
article is also a very important contribution to this volume, as even Huayan scholars
do not use Korean secondary sources unless they are Koreanists, thus the results of
Korean research are not well-known. Although the Hwaŏm school as an independent
school has not survived in Korea, it has become an important part of not only the
monastic education but the Korean intellectual tradition, too. When the modern in-
vestigation of Huayan Buddhism began in the 60s, scholars tended to apply foreign
methods in research, and focused on the philosophical writings of patriarchs instead
of studying the Huayan jing and its commentaries. The Korean research on Huayan
Buddhism can be divided into two parts: 1. study on the theoretical system of the
Chinese Huayan tradition 2. study on the Korean Hwaŏm tradition. Choe lists the
main publications related to these two areas.
As it is widely known, the Huayan tradition of East Asian Buddhism received its
name from the Chinese translation of Mahāvaipulya Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, Dafang-
guang fo huayan jing 大方廣佛華嚴經 . This is one of the most voluminous Mahā-
yāna sūtra, Thomas Cleary’s English translation covers more than 1500 pages. This
sūtra, which is thought to be preached right after Buddha’s experience of enlighten-
ment under the bodhi tree, is regarded as the highest teaching according to the clas-
sification of teachings by the Huayan tradition. Being the literary product of the rela-
tively unknown Mahāyāna movement, this work is of uncertain provenance. As the
original Sanskrit manuscripts of two Chinese translations are said to have been
brought from Khotan, some scholars suspect that this sūtra was compiled here or
somewhere in Central Asia. In Chapter Two, which includes three articles on this
huge Mahāyāna sūtra, ŌTAKE Susumu in his article titled On the Origin and Early
Development of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra puts forward that Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra was actually known in India, thus he seems to argue for the Indian origin. He
shows that Sanskrit equivalent for the Chinese term “Huayan” is not “Gaṇḍavyūha,”
as long surmised, but “Avataṃsaka”. He provides a very clear explanation of the
term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” which is the key element in the title of this Mahāyāna
sūtra. According to the Sarvāstivāda tradition Buddhāvataṃsaka is a miracle that
only Buddha can perform. In this miracle a large number of Buddhas seated on lotus
blossom become manifested, and each of these Buddhas in turn manifest a large
number of Buddhas seated on lotus blossoms. This multiplicity of Buddhas reach as
far as the Akaniṣṭha heaven. Ōtake succeeded in finding some passages describing
this kind of miracle in the Bhadraśrī, a chapter of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra.
In his article, he also demonstrates that the title Buddhāvataṃsaka was used before
the compilation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. He finds four sūtras bearing
this title and regards them as the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group. He adds three
other sūtras to this group, because he finds some similarities among these works.
The most important is that all these seven sūtras were preached at the meeting held
XIVI INTRODUCTION

in the Hall of Brightness, which is not a historical but a mythical place. The author
suggests that this original Buddhāvataṃsaka group played an important role in the
formation of large Buddhāvataṃsaka, as most of them were incorporated into this
huge sūtra. Nonetheless, he calls attention to the fact that even though this group
formed the nucleus of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, this is not necessarily its oldest
strata. All these works refer to the ten stages, thus the Daśabhūmika-sūtra must have
predated them.
Jan Nattier in her article titled New Light on the Early History of the Buddhā-
vataṃsaka-sūtra: Evidence from Chinese Sources also looks for the origin of this
Mahāyāna sūtra and finds some texts that could be called the “Proto-Buddhāvataṃ-
saka.” First, she shows very convincingly that the oldest text in the Chinese transla-
tion of the Buddhāvataṃsaka texts, Dousha jing 兜沙經 , produced by Lokakṣema
支婁迦識 in the latter part of the second century CE, can be matched with two other
translations, the Zhu pusa qiu fo benye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 and the Pusa shizhu
xingdao pin 菩薩十住行道品 . Consequently, these tree texts used to be one text
translated by Lokakṣema, but during its transmission they became separated and were
given different titles. The usage of terminology and the style of the translation sub-
stantiate this claim. Next, she finds that this reconstructed text is very similar to the
Pusa benye jing 菩薩本業經 , translated by Zhi Qian支謙 in the early to mid-third
century, thus this must be a different recension of the same text. She regards this
text, that we have two recensions of, a possible candidate for the title “Proto-Buddhā-
vataṃsaka,” or, at least, a scripture whose content resembled that of the “Proto-
Buddhāvataṃsaka.” The larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra seems to be an expansion of
this “original” sūtra by inserting other materials into the text without changing the
sequence of the teachings. In addition, Nattier studies the content of this early sūtra,
carefully comparing the two recensions and the related “pieces” in the larger Buddhā-
vataṃsaka-sūtra, in order to shed some light on the possible authors of the text and
their practices. She points out that the bodhisattva, whose practice is depicted in this
sūtra, is a male belonging to the wealthy and privileged class. A bodhisattva must
wish the well-being of all living beings during his every-day activitiy, even while
entering his harem. The sūtra does not reject but incorporates the non-Mahāyā-
na practices, nontheless it emphasizes the Mahāyāna teachings, the attaiment of
Buddhahood through ten stages. This scripture, like the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra, is a highly visual text. The bodhisattvas are told to see the Buddhas in medita-
tion, and the new revelations are transmitted through bodhisattvas emerging from
samādhi.
After discussing the origin of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra by Jan Nattier and
ŌTAKE Susumu, Imre Hamar’s article titled The History of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra: Shorter and Larger Texts gives a survey of the texts related to this scripture.
If Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra is mentioned, usually one has three texts in mind: Buddha-
bhadra’s first Chinese translation titled Dafangguang fo huayan jing 大方廣佛華嚴
經 in 420, Śikṣānanda’s second Chinese translation under the same title in 699, and
the Tibetan translation titled Sangs-rgyas phal-po-che zhes bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa
 INTRODUCTION XV

chen-po’i mdo by Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi, and Ye-shes-sde in the first quarter on

9th century. We are tempted to call these texts the “complete” Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra, however the comparative study of these texts reveals that they are different in
many aspects. The number and sometimes the titles of the chapters are at variance,
moreover in the Tibetan text we find two chapters that are missing from both Chinese
texts, and there is one chapter which is missing from the earlier Chinese translation
made by Buddhabhadra but the the other Chinese version and the Tibetan text in-
clude it. Thus it seems to be more appropriate to say that today we have three recen-
sions of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, which could be called the larger Buddhāvataṃ-
saka-sūtras. Although the Sanskrit text has not survived, we have some knowledge of
its existence through the report of Chinese Huayan exegets. Zhiyan recorded the title
of the chapters of the Sanskrit manuscript he had seen. This could be called the fourth
recension. Before and after the appearance of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra
chapters were translated as freestanding works, and many of them are preserved in
the Buddhist Canon. Hamar’s article ends with a comparative chart which relates
the chapters of the four recension of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra to the extant
freestanding translations.
There are many Mahāyāna sūtras, but only few of them became very prominent
in forming the characterics of East Asian Buddhism. The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra is
undoubtedly one of them. It would be interesting to study the reason why this scrip-
ture was so influential. Is it due to the fact that it is said to be preached right after
Buddha’s enlightenment depicting the ultimate truth, or its emphasis on the bodhi-
sattva path, or its highly visual and imaginative nature? This way or that way, it gave
rise to a special East Asian form of Buddhism which is called Huayan in Chinese,
Hwaŏm in Korean, and Kegon in Japanese. It would be an exaggeration to regard it a
“school” as it had no institutional background, thus “tradition” or “lineage” seem to
be more appropriate terms. This lineage is usually described by five patriarchs: Du
Shun 杜順 (557–640), Zhiyan 智嚴 (602–668), Fazang 法藏 (643–712), Chengguan
澄觀 (738–839), and Zongmi 宗密 (780–841). In addition to Zhiyan, Fazang and
Chengguan, the lay hermit of Wutaishan Li Tongxuan 李通玄 (635?–730) and Fa-
zang’s heretic disciple Huiyuan 慧苑 (673–743) wrote commentaries to the Buddhā-
vataṃsaka-sūtra. These exegetical works became the main sources of understanding
this huge scripture in East Asia.
Chapter Three discusses some aspects of Chinese Huayan Buddhism. ARAMAKI
Noritoshi in his article titled The Huayan Tradition in Its Earliest Period has
attempted to reconstruct the beginning of Huayan tradition before the so-called first
patriarch right after Buddhabhadra’s translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra.
Buddhabhadra is said to teach meditation to Xuangao 玄高 (402–444), a monk who
later played important role in the Buddhist development of Northern Wei Dynasty
(386–534), but finally fell prey to the anti-Buddhist movement. Aramaki suspects
that Buddhabhadra took his translation of Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra with him to the
North, and transmitted it to Xuangao, along with the huayan samādhi. Xuangao
established a religious community with Daorong 道融 , who is regarded as the first
XVII INTRODUCTION

transmitter of the bodhisattva śīla sūtra, the Fanwang jing 梵網經 , at the Binglingsi
炳靈寺 cave. Aramaki calls attention to the parallel development of the Vairocana
Buddha images accompanied by the “one thousand Buddha images” and Huayan
Buddhism.
In terms of Huayan philosophy, Du Shun’s important contribution was the para-
digmatic change of the concepts form/emptiness for phenomenon/principle. Zhiyan
wan an innovative thinker who advocated several key Huayan tenets, like the dharma-
dhātu dependent arising, nature-origination, classification of teachings, etc. Fazang
was the person who formulated the system of Huayan philosophy, while Chengguan
and Zongmi tried first to bring closer and later to harmonize this Buddhist philoso-
phy with other Buddhist schools and Chinese thought. WEI Daoru in his article titled
A Fundemental Feature of the Huayan Philosophy, discusses one very important
Huayan concept called perfect interfusion (yuanrong 圓融 ). Huayan masters tried to
understand the world with the help of this concept, and this was the goal that a practi-
tioner is supposed to attain through Buddhist practice. Wei explains this concept
from the perspectives of 1. substance and function as well as of essence and phe-
nomena, 2. non-duality of the opposite sides in entity, 3. mutual inclusiveness and
penetration of things or phenomena, 4. general relationship among things and phe-
nomena, 5. practice.
性 相
Perfect interfusion of nature (xing ) and characteristics (xiang ) also played
an important role in establishing two important terms, faxiangzong 法相宗 and
faxingzong 法性宗 . Imre Hamar in his article titled A Huayan Paradigm for the
Classification of Mahāyāna teachings: The Origin and Meaning of Faxiangzong and
Faxingzong challenges the widespread view that faxingzong refers to the Huayan
tradition. Fazang criticized Xuanzang’s 玄奘 (600–664) Yogācāra by using the pe-
jorative term, faxiangzong implying that this school only investigates the character-
istics of the dharmas. However, the invention and frequent application of the term
faxingzong must be attributed to Chengguan. He is the first to use this term for
Madhyamaka in the classification of Buddhist teaching that Dīvākara is said to relate
to Fazang. The term xing, as Fazang used, can be connected with both Madhyamaka
and Tathāgatagarbha philosophies, as it can denote the emptiness of self-nature or
the Buddha-nature. Chengguan seems to elaborate this meaning in his explanation of
ten differences between faxiangzong and faxingzong. Under the rubric of faxiangzong
he propounds the tenets of Yogācāra, while faxingzong includes not only the Ma-
dhyamaka teachings but also the Tathāgatagarbha ones. One of the most important
difference is that faxiangzong claims that the Absolute is immovable, thus it does
not have anything to do with the phenomenal world, while according to the faxing-
zong the outer world evolves out of the Absolute mind. In examining the scriptures
that are quoted to substantiate these stances we find that some scriptures belong to
both faxiangzong and faxingzong. Thus we can conclude that this pattern is used as a
transscriptural hermeneutical device for classifying various Buddhist teachings. In
addition, faxingzong cannot be identified with Huayan tradition, as it represents only
the advanced teaching of Mahāyāna, while Huayan is the perfect teaching.
 INTRODUCTION XVII

Although Chengguan tried to restore Huayan orthodoxy founded by Fazang, he

made several concessions to the indigenous Chinese philosophies and other Buddhist
schools. He often referred to Chinese classics in his commentaries to the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra, but he often added that he borrowed only the words and not the mean-
ing in order to explain Buddhist philosophy to his audience, mainly elit literati. He
studied under several Chan masters of different schools, and the influence of Chan
Buddhism in his works is undoubted. He explains the sudden enlightenment in great
details, and his disciple, Zongmi who was also the patriarch of Chan school, elaborated
further this discussion. Zongmi claims the unity of Chan and doctrine, advocating the
importance of sudden enlightenment followed by gradual practice. KIMURA Kiyotaka
in his article titled Huayan and Chan gives a very clear summary of the relationship
between Huayan and Chan. First of all, as is mentioned above Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra is a higly visional text depicting the world of Buddha’s enlightenment. One of
the Buddha’s characteristics in this scripture is “moving without leaving”, that is to
say the Buddha goes to other places without leaving his original location under the
bodhi tree in order to preach. However, in fact, he mainly remains silent, and other
bodhisattvas deliver his teachings. Thus the sūtra itself can be regarded a sort of
dhyāna sūtra. In addition, the scripture explicitly state the existence of a special kind
of meditative state, the ocean-seal samādhi. Huayan exegets defined this state as
Buddha’s great meditation that makes the truth appear the same way how the calm
ocean reflects images. Among the works of Huayan masters Contemplation of the
Realm of Reality (Fajie guanmen 法界觀門 ) and The Ending of Delusion and Re-
turn to the Source (Wangjin huanyuan 妄盡還源 ) are the major works which discuss
meditation. The lay hermit, Li Tongxuan is famous for his theory on the contempla-
tion of Buddha-light which shows how to unify the self with the light. Huayan phi-
losophy made great impact on Chan school, several Chan masters were well versed
in this literature. Yuanwu Keqin 圜悟克勤 (1063–1135), the compiler of Biyan lu
碧巖録 , seems to comprehend this abstruse philosophy through his own religious
experience.
Bearing in mind the Chan slogan of not relying on scriptures, it can be perplexing
to read Jana Benická’s article titled (Huayan-like) Notions of Inseparability (or
Unity) of Essence and its Function (or Principle and Phenomena) in some Commen-
taries on “Five Positions” of Chan Master Dongshan Liangjie, which shows how
deeply some Chan masters were immersed in sophisticated philosophical issues under
the influence of Huayan Buddhism. She discusses how two Chan masters, Caoshan
Benji 曹山本寂 (804–901) – a direct disciple of Dongshan Liangjie – and Yongjue
Yuanxian永覺元賢 (1578–1657) interpreted the “five positions” (wu wei 五位 ) of
Dongshan Liangjie” 洞山良價 (807–869), a founder of the Caodong 曹洞 school.
These five positions are: 1. the biased within the right; 2. the right within the biased,
3. coming from within the right, 4. arriving at within together [the right and the bi-
ased], 5. going within together [the right and the biased]. These five positions were
regarded a Chan version of the well-known Huayan tenet, the four dharmadhātus, as
the right/biased paradigm can be replaced by the Huayan principle/phenomena para-
XVIIII INTRODUCTION

digm. In their explanations both masters emphasize the Huayan concept of insepara-
bility of principle and phenomena.
Another example of Huayan influence on other schools of Chinese Buddhism is
introduced by HUANG Yi-hsun in her article titled Huayan Thought in Yanshou’s
Guanxin xuanshu: Six Characteristics and Ten Profound Gates. Yongming Yanshou
永明延壽 (904–975) is known to have established the syncretism of Chan and Pure
Land schools. His major work is the Records of the Tenet-Mirror (Zongjing lu 宗鏡
錄 ) which is a large Buddhist encyclopedia that covers more than five hundred
Taishō pages. His own thought is better reflected in his shorter works, thus Huang
chose the work Profound Pivot of the Contemplation of Mind (Guanxin xuanshu 觀
心玄樞 ) to show Yanshou’s indebtedness to Huayan philosophy. Yanshou under-
lines the importance of contemplation of mind for common people, and states that
any activity helping others to attain enlightenment can be qualified as Buddha deed.
In his elucidation of contemplation of mind and Buddha deeds he had recourse to
two basic Huayan concepts, the six characteristics and the ten profound gates. How-
ever, he reinterpreted these tenets in order to comply with his predilection for mind-
only philosophy. Fazang used the six characteristics to describe the relationship be-
tween the dharmadhātu and phenomena dependently arisen from dharmadhātu, while
Yanshou replaced the dharmadhātu with one-mind in order to give an account of
the relationship between one-mind and various aspects of mind. The same way,
Yanshou explains the ten profound gates in terms of the relationship between one-
mind and the deluded aspects of mind. In the new set of ten profound gates Fazang
deleted the gate “creation through the transformation of the mind-only”, but Yan-
shou reintroduced this, and listed as the last gate implying its fundamental impor-
tance.
Huayan Buddhism was spread into Korea and Japan, where it is called Hwaŏm
and Kegon, respectively. Some apsects of the Korean and Japanese development is
discussed in Chapter Four. Ŭisang 義湘 (625–702) was Fazang’s fellow-student under
Zhiyan, and he transmitted Huayan teachings to Korea. Traditionally he is regarded
as the author of the work titled Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 一乘法界圖 , which is a diagram
formed by 30 verses. Joerg Plassen in his article titled Some remarks on the author-
ship of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo summarizes the main points of the recent debate over
the authorship of this short nonetheless very influential text, and provides his view
based on his reading some Korean texts. The dispute was caused by the discovery of
the introductory lines and the seal at Yangshan (70 km Southwest of Peking) in
1996. This introduction credits a Huayan master with the composition of this work.
YAO Changshou concludes that this Huayan master is non other than Zhiyan, thus he
is the author of Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 一乘法界圖 , and not Ŭisang. This assumption, of
course, provoked Korean scholars to defend Ŭisang’s authorship. Plassen traces the
sources that could substantiate Ŭisang’s authorship, and finds that this attribution is
not very firm. The quotations from the earliest extant explanations of Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo
seem to support Zhiyan’s authorship of the verses, and Ŭisang supposedly arranged
the verses in a diagram and added a vermillion line to the seal. His invention gave a
 INTRODUCTION XIX

new dimension of the original text that now could be used in Huayan meditation
which aimed at realizing ocean-seal samādhi.
Another important figure of Hwaŏm tradition was Wŏnhyo 元曉 (617–686).
Charles Muller in his article titled Wŏnhyo’s Reliance on Huiyuan in his Exposi-
tion of the Two Hindrances focuses on one important Yogācāra doctrine, the two
hindrances to show Wŏnhyo’s contribution to the East Asian understanding of Yogā-
cāra philosophy and his indebtedness to Huiyuan 慧遠 (523–592). The first of the
two hindrances is the afflictive hindrances, which include various type of emotional
imbalances, such as anger, jealousy, etc. These hindrances are closely connected to
the cognitive hindrances, which are due to the misconception of reality and recogniz-
ing the existence of “self”. The śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas are concerned with the
removal of the first type of the hindrances, while bodhisattvas also wish to get rid of
the second type of hindrances in order to be able to develope the wisdom of expedi-
ent means necessary to teach other beings. One of the most influential work in East
Asian Buddhism, the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith, however, has a different defini-
tion of the two hindrances. The afflictive hindrances are explained as the first move-
ment of mind, called “intrinsic ignorance” or non-enlightenment, while the cognitive
hindrances are regarded as the inability to perceive suchness. Wŏnhyo as a herme-
neutic solves the contradiction by designating the Yogācāra stance as exoteric and
the view of Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith as esoteric. This exoteric/esoteric distinc-
tion must have been inspired by Huiyuan who in his commentary on Awakening of
Mahāyāna Faith elaborates the two hindrances very extensively, and explaines them
on three levels in terms of the five entrenchments found in Tathāgatagarbha works.
Bernard Faure in his article titled Kegon and Dragons: A Mythological Approach
to Huayan Doctrine argues that mythological elements also must be taken into consid-
eration in explaining the Huayan impact on East Asian culture. He regards Ŭisang’s
Diagram as being rather a Tantric maṇḍala with four assemblies than a Chinese seal,
and emphasizes its possible ritual function like other similar diagrams. In addition,
Sudhana’s pilgrimage depicted in Gaṇḍavyūha is the root-metaphor of the Diagram,
as it starts and ends with the character Dharma, just like Sudhana who returns to his
starting point. Ŭisang and Wŏnhyo became very popular figures in Japanese Buddhism.
They are described as persons of opposite characters: Ŭisang went to China to study,
kept strictly his monastic vows, while Wŏnhyo returned before arriving to China, and
frequented taverns and brothels. Their relation with dragons and dragon-palaces also
played an important role in their influence on Japanese Buddhism. As the legend has it,
a young girl Shanmiao 善妙 fell in love with Ŭisang, but the monk converted her.
Shanmiao became a magnificient dragon, and carried Ŭisang’s boat on her back. This
story is depicted in the Japanese illustrated scroll known as Kegon engi emaki 華嚴
縁起絵巻 . This legend eventually influenced the Japanese Kegon monk Myōe who
had a dream of a young woman with snake-body. He made Shanmiao (J. Zenmyō)
the central figure of worship in Zenmyōji, a subtemple of his temple, Kōzanji.
Huayan Buddhism was transmitted to Japan through Korea, and Kegon became
one of the six schools of Nara. Emperor Shōmu (r. 724–749) regarded Kegon as a
XXI INTRODUCTION

state ideology, and started to construct the Great Buddha, representing Mahāvairoca-
na, the Buddha of Kegon in Tōdaiji in 747. Frédéric Girard showed in his article
titled Some aspects of the Kegon doctrines at the beginning of the Kamakura Period
that even if Kegon Buddhism declined after the Nara period, it yielded certain influ-
ence on Buddhism of Heian and Kamakura periods. In Kūkai’s 空海 (774–835)
explanation of the realization of Buddhahood in one’s own body the influence of
Kegon is very obvious, as he states the unity and nonobstruction of thought, Buddha
and sentient beings. Kegon served as a theoretical foundation for the Yūzū nenbutsu
融通念佛 sect established by Ryōnin 良忍 (1072–1132). This school advocated the
Buddha Amida invocation in a fusional interpenetrating way. One person’s invocation
is fused with other persons’ invocation, thus it includes all the merits accumulated
through the invocations, and this will lead to the birth of all people in the Paradise of
Amida. The outstanding Kegon monk of Kamakura period, Myōe 明惠 (1173–1232),
who is famous for his dream diary, was a creative thinker. He boldly drew upon vari-
ous tenets current at this time in order to accommodate his words to his audience.
We can also detect some indirect influence of Kegon on the Zen monk, Dōgen 道元
(1200–1253) who seems to accept Kegon as the foundation of his worldview, how-
ever he disputed its doctrinal system.
The arising of nationalism in Japan before the Japan–US war gave a new impetus
to the application of Kegon philosophy by leading intellectuels. ISHII Kōsei in his
article titled Kegon Philosophy and Nationalism in Modern Japan introduces the
main figures of this movement and their understanding of Kegon philosophy in the
context of nationalism. The Kyoto school scholars believed that Kegon philosophy,
which described the relationship between “individual” and “whole” could substanti-
ate the new world order which is a Japanese led integration of Asia. In addition, Japa-
nese Buddhist community also tried to establish connection between Kegon philoso-
phy and nationalism, in order to defend itself from the Shintō chauvinists who wanted
to eliminate Buddhism. However, the extreme nationalists belonged to Nichiren,
Jōdoshin, Zen and other sects. Kegon philosophy seemed to be too profound for
everyday political propaganda. KAMETANI Seikei 亀谷聖馨 (1858–1930) viewed
Kegon philosophy from modern perspective, and regarded the Avataṃsaka-sūtra as
the supreme Buddhist scripture. KIHIRA Tadayoshi 紀平正美 (1874–1949) empha-
sized the superiority of Kegon over Hegelian philosophy, but was afraid of the tenet
of non-obstruction between distinct phenomena, as it could lead to a Western de-
mocracy. Thus he underlined the merit of the imperial family. TSUCHIDA Kyōson 土
田杏村 (1891–1934) developed his own epistology based on Kegon, and in his late
years his stance was close to the state socialism. TAKAKUSU Junjirō (1866–1949),
the editor of the Taishō edition of the Buddhist Canon, argued for the totaliarianism
in Japan as an ancient model that should be followed in his days. D. T. SUZUKI
(1870–1966) was the firs Buddhist scholar who made distinction between the phi-
losophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and that of Kegon school. He thought that the doc-
trine of non-obstruction between distinct phenomena could provide an ideal basis for
building up a democratic Japan after the war.
 INTRODUCTION XXI

The Chapter Five definitely provides a rather neglected perspective on Huayan

Buddhism, that is Huayan art and, in connection with the function of visual repre-
sentations, Huayan ritual. Dorothy Wong’s article titled The Huayan/Kegon/Hwaŏm
Paintings in East Asia, 9th–13th Centuries focuses on the so-called Huayan bian 華
嚴變 , or “transformation tableaux” that has not received much scholarly attention.
These paintings ware made to show the teaching of sūtra in pictorial format. First,
she discusses two large portable Huayan paintings in the Pelliot collection that were
recently discovered and published. One of them depicts the Seven Locations and Nine
Assemblies while the other shows the Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood. The popularity
of Huayan bian in Dunhuang is attested by the growing number of bianxiang murals
within a cave-chapel. Interestingly, we find almost all of them on the north wall or the
north slope of ceiling, and the bianxiang of Lotus Sūtra is found on the south wall.
The bianxiang of the Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood shows the Huayan trinity, Vairo-
cana, Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra, however among their entourages we also find
Sudhana, the protagonist of the last chapter of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, the Gaṇḍavyūha,
who visits spiritual friends in order to receive instructions on his quest for enlighten-
ment. Thus this painting draws parallel between the two chapters of the sūtra. The
style of murals and paintings are similar, thus we may conclude that they were exe-
cuted by the same workshop or artists. Wong shows how the Huayan painitings from
Kamakura period of Japan differed fromt earlier Chinese representations. The dif-
ferences must be attributed to the incorporation of new styles from Song China and
Myōe’s synthesis of Kegon with esoteric Buddhism. Unfortunately, early Hwaŏm
paintings were destroyed by Hideyoshi’s campaign in the sixteenth century in Korea,
but Hwaŏm paintings of eighteenth century have survived in Buddhist monasteries.
These paintings seem to follow the Chinese Dunhuang examples, but the influence
of later traditions also can be detected. Finally, the recent discovery of Gaṇḍavyūha
illustrations of eleventh century in Tabo Monastery of Western Himalayas is intro-
duced. Here, the ritual application of these illustration is quite obvious: during the
ritual performance of circumambulation the practitioner follows the stages of Sudhana
attaining higher level of consciousness.
 ABBREVIATIONS

Ch: Chinese
CSJ: 出三藏記集
Chu sanzang jiji , T2145
D: Derge Edition of the Tibetan Buddhist Canon
DZZ: 道元禪師全集
Dōgen zenji zenshū , ed. KAGAMISHIMA Genryū et al. Tokyo: Shunjū-
sha, 1988–1993
DNBZ: 大日本佛教全書
Dainihon bukkyō zensho , Tokyo, 1979–
GZ: Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 , T 2059
HPC: 韓國佛教全書
Han’guk pulgyo chŏnsŏ , Seoul: Dongguk University Press, 1984
HTJ: 華嚴經探玄記
Huayan jing tanxuan ji , T 1733
HZ: 華嚴經傳記
Huayan jing zhuanji , T 2073
J: Japanese
KSL: 開元釋教錄
Kaiyuan shijiao lu , T 2154
LSJ: Lidai sanbao ji歷代三寶記 , T 2034
MSS: 明惠上人資料
Myōe shōnin shiryō , ed. TSUKISHIMA Hiroshi, Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku
shuppankai, 1971
NST: 日本思想体系
Nihon shisō taikei
P: Peking Edition of the Tibetan Buddhist Canon
Skt: Sanskrit
Ś: Śikṣāsamuccaya, ed. Cecil Bendall, Bibliotheca Buddhica, St. Petersburg 1856–1906
T: Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 , eds. TAKAKUSU Junjirō and WATANABE
Kaigyoku, Tokyo: Daizōkyōkai, 1924–1935
XZJ: Xu zang jing續藏經 , reprint of Dainippon zokuzōkyō
ZM: 眾經目錄
Zhongjing mulu , T 2146
 JOERG PLASSEN

HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST:

SOME REMARKS FOCUSING ON WORKS
CONCERNING THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE TRADITION

According to Robert Gimello’s entry on “Hua-yen” in the Encyclopedia of Religions

(1987), sustained Western-language study of the Huayan tradition “got off to an in-
auspicious start with the publication of Garma C. C. Chang’s unreliable and tenden-
tious The Buddhist Teaching of Totality” (1971). If we follow Gimello further, “the
situation improved considerably by the appearance of Francis D. Cook’s Hua-yen
Buddhism. The Net of Indra” (1977). Besides, “two other works of lesser value” ap-
peared “that put Hua-yen into the service of idiosyncratic Western philosophic
programs”: Alfonso Verdú’s Dialectical Aspects in Buddhist thought (1974) and
Steve Odin’s “very odd miscellany” Process Metaphysics and Hua-yan Buddhism
(1982).1
What is interesting in Gimello’s statement on the major monographs available to
him at that time is not so much the somewhat rigid assessment – in fact, one might
be inclined to think that Verdu’s book at least in part layed the groundwork for sub-
sequent studies on the dialectics of Zongmi 宗密
(780–841), while Odin’s translation
of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 一乘法界圖 introduced Ŭisang’s 義湘
(625–702) thought to
the Western audience – but more specifically the charge against interpretations within
the framework of Western philosophies. More recently, the very same criticism has
been extended not only to Cook’s work, but to Western research on Huayan on a
larger scale. Thus, based on a careful scrutiny of the pertinent secondary literature,
Mathias Obert observes in his Sinndeutung und Zeitlichkeit. Zur Hermeneutik des
Huayan-Buddhismus (2000):
Vorwiegend von der amerikanischen Forschung wird die Huayan-Lehre als eine Art meta-
physische Theorie, als System einer Welterkenntnis begriffen. Und implizit oder explizit
wird darin stets eine Ontologie gesehen. Demnach geht es dem Huayan um die Einsicht,
daß das disparate Seiende als eine universale Einheit, als Identität des Alls mit sich selbst
in jedem Einzelseienden aufzufassen sei. Unausgesprochen scheint das Verständnis im Bann
eines … Bildes vom sogenannten “Netz der Indra”, einem Perlennetz, worin jede Perle sich
in der anderen und also alles in allem sich spiegelt, zu stehen. Demnach erinnert das Welt-
bild des Huayan an ein – vernetztes – Beziehungsgeflecht, wobei ein Einzelnes das All ent-
hält und umgekehrt. Es herrscht eine monistische Identität im Sein, da alle Differenz zuletzt

1 Gimello 1987: 489.

2 JOERG PLASSEN

als aufgehoben gelten muß. Für dieses Modell stehen vor allem die Begriffe “Totalismus”
2
und “Holismus” …

These remarks indicate clearly that Western research on Huayan has not yet ar-
rived at a consensus on the basic lines of interpretation. In addition, a widespread
eclectic approach to secondary literature, in particular to that written in foreign lan-
guages, more than once has lead to the rediscovery of insights phrased years before
and makes it difficult to speak of a common state of research. – Nevertheless, over
the past three decades some useful translations and serious scholarly contributions
have appeared.3
While most studies on the formative period of Huayan focus on Fazang’s works,
Thomas Cleary’s anthology Entry into the inconceivable (1983) contains – as already
Gimello observes, sparsely annotated – translations of four works ascribed to Du
Shun 杜順 (Fashun 法順 , 557–640), Du Shun and Chengguan 澄觀(738–839 or
760–820), Zhiyan 智儼 (600–668) and Fazang 法藏 (643–712).
The most important scholarly work on the early tradition, however, undoubtedly
has remained Robert Gimello’s groundbreaking, yet unpublished dissertation “Chih-
智儼
Yen ( , 602–668) And The Foundations of Hua-yen ( 華嚴
) Buddhism” (1976).
As his point of departure Gimello takes a discussion of the Huayan fajie guanmen
華嚴法界觀門 , an annotated translation of which is given in the appendices. Follow-
ing the tradition’s view that this (according to other scholars spurious) text indeed
had been written by the “first patriarch” Du Shun 杜順, he points out that already by
superceeding the extensive use of the rather negative terms se 色
and kong 空
by the
use of the far more positively connotated expressions li 理
and shi 事
the latter be-
comes an important representative of a “new Buddhism” of his times, which is char-
acterized precisely by this more positive evaluation of the phenomenal world as an
immediate expression of reality.
On the other hand, Gimello finds that some important features of the later Huayan
tradition can be found only in Zhiyan’s writings, but not in the works ascribed to Du
Shun, and thus searches for other strands of influences. Dedicating large portions of
his work to the study of the biography of Zhiyan 智儼, Gimello not only thematizes
Zhiyan’s relationship towards Du Shun but also his studies under other teachers, and
points out the influence which Dilun 地論 and Shelun 攝論 adherents exerted on him.
After a thorough discussion of the influences of both traditions on the formation of
Zhiyan’s system of thought, Gimello discusses the further (aversive) stimulus encoun-
tered upon the arrival of Xuanzang’s 玄藏 “new Yogācāra”, opposition to which
likewise determined Zhiyan’s own positions.

2 Obert 2000: 29.

3 In what follows, only a few of the major contributions will be addressed. As my own field of
research has been Chinese and Korean Buddhism, I will refrain from dabbling with works on
Japanese Kegon. For more extensive references (also to articles in Western languages written
by Japanese and Korean authors), the reader is referred to the attached bibliography, most of
which has originally been compiled by Imre Hamar.
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 3

In his evaluation of Zhiyan’s own contributions to the development of Huayan,

Gimello comes to the conclusion that “most if not all of the major themes of Hua-
yen thought – themes dimly anticipated or starkly but simply proclaimed by earlier
thinkers, and themes later fashioned into grand artifices of doctrinal system by Fa-
tsang – are discernible in the actual process of their formation and early growth
precisely in the writings of Chih-yen”.4 The important cases of two innovations “ex-
amined in some detail”, namely the development of a five-fold panjiao 判教
scheme
and the notions of dharmadhātu yuanqi 法界緣起 (translated as “dharma-element
dependent origination”) and xingqi 性起(“nature-origination”), lead Gimello to
“confirm the hypothesis that Chih-yen’s thought was a, perhaps the, crucial factor in
the inception of what would come to be Hua-yen Buddhism” and a “severe qualifi-
cation of the conventional judgement that Fa-tsang is the real ‘founder’ or even the
‘first systematizer’ of Hua-yen”.5
While a more careful reading of Gimello’s groundbreaking monograph might
have precluded the ubiquitous emphasis on Fazang’s role as “the great systematizer”6,
the impact of its premises concerning the significance of the innovations ascribed to
Du Shun in the so-called process of “sinification” might be termed somewhat prob-
lematic. In fact, Gimello’s dissertation and his related article “Apophatic and kata-
phatic discourse in Mahāyāna” (1976) not only contributed to entrench YŪKI Reimons
paradigm of a Sui-T’ang “New Buddhism”, and at the same time perpetuated Demié-
ville’s somewhat simplicistic model of a three-phased development of Chinese Bud-
dhism entailing an initial reception with Daoist bias before the 5th c., a turn towards
the Indian sources after the arrival of Kumārajīva and a renewed begin of sinification
in the 7th–8th c. (with the modification of antedating the last phase by a century).7
The contrast which Gimello sets up between Nāgārjuna’s Madhyamaka and Du
Shun’s early Huayan thought in fact tends to overshadow that the shift towards
cataphasis and affirmation of the phenomenal evolved more organically, and at least
in part on the basis of Madhyamaka: Based on MMK 24:18, the Sanlun 三論
masters
Falang 法朗 (507–581) and Jizang 吉藏
(549–623) in their struggle against any
form of dualistic attachment eventually also turned upon fellow exegetes seperating
the “middle” and “the provisional”, and as a remedy taught that the “one middle” is
identical with the “provisional” and can be found in all dharmas.8 Eventually resort-
ing more to methods outlined in the “Qi wu lun” 齊物論
chapter of the Zhuangzi

4 Gimello 1976: 446.

5 Gimello 1976: 447.
6 Other victims of this paradigm, which betrays little more heuristic value than proving the scho-
lastic bias on the side of those employing it, would be Jizang 吉藏 (549–623) or Zhiyi 智顗
(531–597), which all too often become the “systematizers” of Sanlun and Tientai, respectively.
7 Demiéville: “La pénétration du Bouddhisme dans la tradition philosophique Chinoise.” Cahiers
d’historie mondiale (1956) 3.1: pp. 19–38, here p. 35. The same scheme is followed by Gregory
in his book on Zongmi, although he only refers to Yūki and Gimello. See Gregory 2002: 3–4.
8 T 1853: 45.19b18–c5 and T 1853: 45.76c2–4. The first quote from a sūtra adduced to validate
this stance usually is from the Huayan jing.
4 JOERG PLASSEN

莊子 and the Guo Xiang 郭象 (?–312) commentary than to Nāgārjuna’s prasaṅga, at

the same time they developed kataphatic modes of “cleansing” and “exhausting” the
dharmas which were based more on universal affirmation rather than on consequent
denial.9
Although this exegesis-as-practice in the last resort remained apophatic in nature
(in as much as its kataphatic techniques still aimed at wiping away all differentia-
tions), its exegetical formulae bore a lasting effect on those employed in Huayan,10
and one might suggest that the kataphasis of the emerging Huayan tradition can be
also viewed as yet another step further in the dialectics of chongxuan 重玄
: the nega-
tion of the very principle of negation by affirmation.11
The eclipse of this strand also explains in part why the inspiration for Zhiyan’s
borrowing of the term “inexhaustible” (wuqiong 無窮
) from the Zhuangzi somewhat
ironically12 has been sought only very vaguely in Tan Qian’s 曇遷
(542–607) Wang
shifei lun 亡是非論 , apparently solely because it is contained along with other texts

19 One of the most important modes of exegesis employed by Fazang and Jizang, wufang shi[yi]
無方釋 義 [ ] (“setting free the [meanings] without limit”), in which the conceptual borders of a
given term or set of terms are torn down by attributing all sorts of (often conflicting) meanings,
is glossed with a reference to the Huayan jing:
Fourth, setting free [the meanings] without limit: The Huayan jing says: “In the one
[dharma the Buddha] explains inexhaustible [dharmas], in exhaustible [dharmas he]
explains the one [dharma].” 四無方釋。華嚴云一中解無量無量中解一
(T 1720: 34.394a20f.)
In the context of such “deconstructive” exegesis, Jizang frequently employs the term wuai 無礙
(“non-hindrance”). While his usage of the term seems to be indebted to the Fahua lun 法華論 ,
it in turn might have influenced the adoption of this expression in the emerging Huayan tradi-
tion.
For a treatment of Jizang’s and Falang’s cataphatic exegesis and its foundations, cf. my “Die
Spuren der Abhandlung (Lun-chi). Exegese und Übung im San-lun des sechsten Jahrhunderts.”
Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hamburg, 2002 [2000].
10 A masterful discussion of the impact of formulae employed by Jizang and his predecessor Seng-
zhao on Fazang can be found in Kim Hau: “Samnon-gwa Hwaŏmgye (Wŏnhyo, Pŏbjang
kye)-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” 三論과華嚴系(元曉·法藏系)의轉悟方式 [Methods leading towards
awakening in the Sanlun and Huayan/Hwaŏm (Wŏnhyo, Fazang) lineages], Ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu
(1982) 6.1: pp. 5–31.
11 It should be noted, however, that the Sanlun masters Jizang and Falang appear to have been
more concerned with dharmas in the sense of verbal teachings than of mental phenomena in
general. – While their Sanlun practice resorts mainly to the use of exegetical formulae in order
to “cleanse” language and thus lead to liberation from/through its traps, early Huayan practice
appears to focus more on (as we shall see, similarily structured) visions of mental states to be
contemplated upon in order to lead to the experience of the “inconceivable”.
12 The use of Daoist vocabulary in this text overtly mimics the argumentations within the Sanlun
milieu. These are criticized for futile negative dialectics, which should be replaced by wuxin 無
心 meditation. Cf. the similar phrasings in the excerpts from the Wu zheng lun 無爭論 and the
Ming dao lun 明道論 in Chenshu 陳書 列傳
, juan 30, “Lie zhuan” 24, entry “Zhuan Suo” 傳
索 (Yao Silian 姚思廉 , Chen shu 陳書 , [Ershiwu shi 二十五史 , vol. 9]. Beijing: Zhonghua
shuju (1972), vol. 2, pp. 402–405).
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 5

in Zhiyan’s Huayan jing nei zhangmen kongmu zhang 華嚴經內章門孔目章 and re-
fers to the Zhuangzi, while actual uses of the term with the same connotations within
the Sanlun tradition have been overlooked.13
As already the title of LIU Ming-Wood’s unpublished Ph.D. dissertation “The teach-
ing of Fa-Tsang: an examination of Buddhist metaphysics” (1979) suggests, the ini-
tially quoted reservations concerning the presuppositions underlying much of the
mainstream research are not unfounded. In fact, Fazang’s “system of thought” has
been the object of a plethora of studies, many of which focus on a discussion of the
“part-whole relationships” of the Jin shizi zhang 金獅子章
. Likewise, philosophically-
minded comparisons with Process philosophy have persisted until the very present.14
However, already Gimello regards the “discernments” of the Huayan fajie guan-
men as “products of a meditative encounter with the Avataṃsakasūtra”, which were
“explicitly intended as devices by means of which the grand visions and vistas of that
immense scripture could be incorporated into an individual’s practice of meditation
and thereby transformed from text into religious experience.”15
An even more pronounced stance is taken by Dale S. Wright in his seminal ar-
ticle “The significance of paradoxical language in Hua-yen Buddhism” (1982).
Wright delineates three types of paradox frequently found in Fazang’s writings, all
of which “originate in a tension between conventional truth (chen-ti/paramārtha-
satya) and ultimate truth (su-ti/saṃvṛtisatya)”. The third of these types he relates
directly to the doctrine of “non-obstruction of phenomena” (shishi wu’ai ): 事事無礙
In as much as this “doctrine” entails that “when the ultimate truth of emptiness

13 Thus, ISHII Kōsei in identifying Zhiyan 智儼 as the originator of a shift in the interpretation of
the phrase wuqiong 無窮 from “regressus ad infinitum” to “inexhaustible” follows a claim by
Fazang:
For what reason? – Because the Three Vehicles consider this inexhaustibility to be an
error and mis[apprehension], and because, [although] such is the case, this one-vehicle
何以故三乘以此
considers the inexhaustibility to be a virtue of the real. – That is all!
無窮為過失故 然此一乘以無窮為實德故耳 華嚴
(Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang
一乘教義分齊章 , T 1866: 45b27–29, quoted in Ishii Kōsei 石井公正 : Kegon shisō no
華厳思想の研究
kenkyū . Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1996: 300).
This “positive” usage, however, in fact can be already found with Jizang:
I explain: the functions and achievements of prajñā are inexhaustible, they are capable
of giving rise to the Buddhas, capable of manifesting the [true characteristics of the]
world, and are capabable of cutting off the vexations. 明般若功用無窮 能生諸佛 能
示世間 能斷煩惱 (Jin’gang banruo shu 金剛般若疏 , T 1699: 33.115b.7f.)
Because [the Buddha] embodies the unhindered Way, it has unhindered functions;
matching boundless conditioned [living beings], [he] reacts in [the form of] inexhausi-
ble benefits.良由 體無礙之道故 有無礙之用 適無方之緣 應無窮之益 (Fahua yishu
法華義疏 , T 1721: 34.592c4f.)
14 The latest such attempt is Dirck Vorenkamp’s “Reconsidering the Whiteheadian Critique of
Huayan Temporal Symmetry in light of Fazang’s Views” (2005).
15 Gimello 1976: 129. Also, cf. the analytic category “meditative concept” introduced in Gimello
1983: 156f.
6 JOERG PLASSEN

becomes manifest to the viewer, each phenomenon is paradoxically perceived as in-

terpenetrating with and containing all others”, it constitutes a “paradoxical violation
of the conventional order of time and space”.16 Thus effectively having reduced the
“doctrine” to the paradoxical pattern underlying similes to be visualized as a means
for spiritual cultivation (such as the notion of the single hair of the lion), Wright in
the end arrives at the following conclusions:
For Hua-yen Buddhists, the sudden breakthrough of enlightenment does not entail the rele-
vation of any absolute doctrines or principles. The experience of emptiness is one which
precludes any positive, graspable content. Ultimate truth is not conditioned by any form or
conceptual structure. Religious doctrines and symbols that are illuminated in the experience
are illuminated precisely in their emptiness, that is, no doctrine or symbol is absolute or
permanent …17

Nevertheless, a ranking among different doctrines is possible. This, however,

would only refer to their efficiacy: According to the concept of upāya,
… doctrines and symbols are true as long as, and to the extent that, they effectively evoke
an immediate and self-authenticating awareness of “ultimate truth”. Their truth is not the
correspondence of their content with reality, but rather their relative capacity to point be-
yond their own empty form to the ground of all form in emptiness.
Thus the concept of truth that obtains in Hua-yen texts does not involve a correspondence
between a concept of reality and the reality that the concept attempts to grasp. Ultimately,
no such correspondence is possible given the Buddhist concept of emptiness. Ultimate
truth, therefore, does not not involve a set of propositions about reality but is an immediate
awareness of reality itself. For Hua-yen Buddhists, truth is what is revealed from beyond the
limits of reality (shih-chi/bhūtakoti) when thought appropriately opens itself to its source
and foundation …18

Along very similar lines proceeds Mathias Obert’s Sinndeutung und Zeitlichkeit:
Zur Hermeneutik des Huayan-Buddhismus (2000), which is definitely not easy read-
ing, but for its discussion of the metaphor of Indra’s net alone might deserve to be
regarded the most penetrative philosophical study from the perspective of Fazang
and his predecessors published so far. Approaching the topic through a more careful
reading of the pertaining passages of the Huayan wujiao zhiguan famen 華嚴五教止
觀法門 , which the tradition ascribes to Du Shun, Obert subjects core terms such as
法界
fajie to a painstaking scrutiny and at the same time goes to lengths to demon-
strate that metaphors such as the endlessly multiplying images in the net of Indra
eventually elude any philosophical grasp.
Perhaps most importantly, Obert also reminds us that the terms ci and bi 此 彼
employed in the description of the mutual mirroring of the pearls usually refer to
“oneself” and the “others”. Thus, he arrives at an interpretation in which the simile
of the net of Indra does not provide a description of an objective reality, but rather
describes and gives instructions for the very act of contemplation itself:

16 Wright: 336.
17 Ibid., 336.
18 Ibid., 337.
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 7

In einer “prinzipiellen Hellsichtigkeit” ferner uns dieser Erfahrung selbst auszusetzen, uns
also in irgendeine Perle einmal leibhaftig hineinzubegeben, lädt uns Du Shun ein (s.
S.513b2: qu, ergreifen; b7: zuo, sich setzen). Wir könnten dann sehen, wie schlagartig alle
Perlen um uns her ineinander aufgegangen und zu einem rundum erfüllten, zugleich in un-
endliche Tiefen sich ausdehnenden Spiegelraum verschmolzen wären. Wir selbst wären
nicht mehr, wären eins geworden mit unserer Umgebung. Alles um uns herum wäre glitzern-
des Spiegeln und Schauen aus unendlich vielen Augen zugleich. Der Blick nach außen in
den Spiegel hätte sich ganz in eine innere Reflexivität verwandelt. Wir hätten mit einem
Schlage die Zeit verlassen, da Schauen eins mit Spiegeln wäre und sich nichts mehr rührte
in dieser totalen Transparenz zwischen uns und der nahegerückten Unendlichkeit.19

As the above passage suggests, the author of the Huayan wujiao zhiguan fa-
men speaks based on an experience made from the position of one of the perls with-
in the net. Thus, in his discussion of the ensuing question-answer sections we further
read:
Der Sinn des Gleichnisses liegt für ihn in der Tatsächlichkeit der Schau von einem konkre-
ten Standort aus. Es geht ihm nicht um die theoretische Konstruktion der Vision im Perlen-
netz. Er spricht von der Erfahrung der Perlen in einer her; er spricht selbst schon von einer
Perle aus. Nicht hingegen bedenkt er, wie der Schüler und wie wir es immerzu tun, den
Aufbau des Spiegelbildes vom Perlennetz her und außen.20

To Obert, the very insight into the hermeneutic necessity for the sentient being to
consciously assume a specific perspective within space and time to enter practice
constitutes the real advance inherent in the Huayan tradition’s turn to the phenomenal.
Consequently, Obert dedicates large portions of his work to a discussion of the as-
pect of time, expressedly carrying on the research work begun by Robert Heinemann
in his seminal Der Weg des Übens im ostasiatischen Mahayana. Grundformen seiner
Zeitrelation zum Übungsziel in seiner Entwicklung bis Dōgen (1979), much of which
is dedicated to Chinese Huayan.21
While the study of early Huayan thought in the West thus has made some sig-
nificant progress during the last 30 years, our knowledge of its precise historical de-
velopment remains rather vague and at the same time preliminary due to the rather
deplorable state of text critical research. In fact, after Gimello’s meticulous, but in
the last resort unconclusive22 efforts to solve the doubts surrounding the Huayan
fajie guanmen 華嚴法界觀 , there appear to have been no further attempts to take up

19 Obert, op. cit., p. 127f.

20 Ibid., 129.
21 Coincidentially, the issue of time had been raised again also by Dirck Vorenkamp in his unpub-
lished Ph.D. dissertation “Hua-yen Buddhism: Faith and Time in Fa-tsang’s Thought” (1997),
which unfortunately has not been available to me when writing this article. Also, it was soon to
be rediscovered by Dale S. Wright. Cf. Wright 2001.
22 Thus, Peter N. Gregory agrees with KIMURA Kiyotaka “that the evidence is ultimately unconc-
lusive, and that we must suspend final judgement on the matter”, and yet, “for sake of simplic-
ity”, prefers to “talk as if Du Shun were the author” of the text. See Gregory 1991: 5, n. 3.
8 JOERG PLASSEN

the problem of the autenticity of this work or the likewise spurious Huayan wujiao
zhiguan famen 華嚴五教止觀法門 .23
In a similar vein, largely due to an approach towards East Asian Buddhist history
proceeding very much along 19th/20th century national lines and despite rather early
cautions24 still being very much informed by the later construction of a patriarchal
succession line, the influences of Hwaŏm thought in Silla both on early Chinese
Huayan as such as well as on the textual transmission of Huayan texts in Japan have
scarcely been addressed in the West. The major studies bringing this strand within
the emerging Huayan traditions to attention of a wider audience have remained
Odin’s already quoted monograph dealing with Ŭisang and, more indirectly, Antoni-
no Forte’s publications on the letter Fazang purportedly sent to his elder co-disciple
Ŭisang, which culminated in his precious little monograph A Jewel In Indra’s Net:
The Letter Sent By Fazang In China To Ŭisang In Korea (2000).
The Western academia dealing with Fazang also does not seem to have been too
much disturbed by the recent discoveries of “Pseudo-Fazang” writings. Somewhat
ironically, it was Boudewijn Walraven, better known as the leading Western special-
ist on Korean Shamanism, who attempted to draw attention to KIM Sang-hyun’s [Kim
Sanghyŏn] 金相鉉 pathbreaking discovery that the text known as Huayan wenda
華嚴問答 , which traditionally had been ascribed to Fazang, actually is identical with
the Ch’udong gi 錐洞記 , the transcript of a lecture by Ŭisang prepared by one of his
disciples, a text thitherto known only through quotations.25
Perhaps even more importantly, in-depth studies both on the influence of early
Huayan thought on Wŏnhyo 元曉 (617–686) and the actual impact of his works on
Fazang have remained desiderata, although it is widely acknowledged that not only
Chengguan but also Fazang, although in very different manners, were affected by
the former’s commentaries on the Dasheng qixin lun 大乘起信論 .26
We will probably have to wait until the tidal wave of cultural studies has ebbed
away to see most of the necessary historically and philologically oriented studies on
Fazang’s works vis-à-vis those of his contemporaries. However, at least the study of
historical matters in the narrower sense has reached a state comparable to that of Gi-
mello’s research on Zhiyan. Thus, with articles such as “More Than a Philosopher:
Fazang (643–712) as a Politician and Miracle-worker” (2003) Chen Jinhua has for-
warded a series of interesting contributions dealing with different aspects of Fazang’s

23 Some authoritative Japanese scholars consider the latter text an early draft of Fazang’s. Cf. the
laconic ascription to Fazang in Kamata Shigeo 鎌田茂雄 : Chūgoku bukkyō shi 中国仏教史 ,
vol. 6. Tokyo: Tōkyō Daigaku Shupansha, p. 661.
24 Cf. Robert Gimello’s dismissal of the “standard view” of the Huayan tradition “as having con-
sisted essentially in the thought of the ‘five patriarchs’ ” as a ”drastic over-simplification of the
actual complexity of its history” in his “Li T’ung-hsüan and the Practical Dimensions of Hua-
yen”. See Gimello 1983: 321.
25 Walraven 1996.
26 Although in fact very much centered on Wŏnhyo, initial attempts have been made by Sung Bae
Park. See Park 1980, 2003.
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 9

biography, and a monograph on this topic by the same author is to appear in the near
future.
While much is left to be done to facilitate a better understanding of the early
phases of the nascent tradition, we have a much better picture of the later tradition as
represented by last “patriarch” Zongmi 宗密 (780–841), and thus also of its relations
with the Chan and Sŏn lineages. During the 1980s, Peter N. Gregory authored a range
of publications centering around on Zongmi’s thought, which became the basis of
his multifaceted Zongmi and the Sinification of Buddhism (1991). In this outstanding
monograph, Gregory not only provides a detailed treatment of Zongmi’s biography,
but far-reaching accounts of the development of panjiao 判教schemes from Zhiyan
to Zongmi, the role of the Dasheng qixin lun in the latter’s thought as the concep-
tional fundament of practice, as well as Zongmi’s understanding of Daoism and
Confucianism and his impact of Neo-Confucianism.
Drawing also on LIU Ming-wood’s earlier articles and in particular on research
by Japanese scholars such as YOSHIZU Yoshihide, the part dedicated to the classifica-
tion of doctines describes how Zhiyan’s heuristic, and therefore variable panjiao
schemes were supplanted by Fazang with a fixed system geared at establishing the
superiority of the Huayan jing, and how the gradual shift in emphasis from shishi
wu’ai 事事無礙 to lishi wu’ai 理事無礙 already observable already in Chengguan’s
works paved the way for Zongmi to eventually elevate the Dasheng qixin lun to the
rank of the most authoritative text.
As Gregory convincingly sets forth in the next part of his monograph, the reasons
behind this radical change reflected Zongmi’s desire to “provide an ontological basis
and philosophical rationale for Ch’an practice”, “an ontology that locates enlighten-
ment within the original nature of man and at the same time furnished an explanation
of how the process of delusion arises and perpetuates itself”, thus “establishing
“a clear linkage between the ontological basis of reality and ethical behavior and
thereby to check the antinomian dangers that he perceived in the Pao-t’ang 保唐
and
Hung-chou 洪州 teachings”.27 In the following chapter on “The Role of emptiness”
it is pointed out that another reason for Zongmi to assign special value to the tathā-
gatagarbha theory as represented by the Dasheng qixin lun was that in its emphasis
on the non-empty aspects of the mind it provided “a rationale by which the radical
apophasis of Madhyamaka could be subordinated to a more kataphatic mode of dis-
course”.28 – Given his teacher Chengguan’s appreciation of Wŏnhyo’s Taesŭng ki-
sillon sŏ 大乘起信論疏 , one at this point might raise the question whether Zongmi
in what appears to be a criticism mainly of the Niutou 牛頭faction was influenced
by Wŏnhyo’s much earlier appreciation of this text as encompassing unlimited apo-
phasis and kataphasis.

27 Gregory 1991: 19, characters added. The somewhat confusing title of the first pertaining chap-
ter, “A Cosmogonic Map of Buddhist Practice”, apparently actually is meant to refer to what is
also labeled as “psychocosmogony” (p. 175), i.e. an outline of the paths along which delusion
or awakening unfold.
28 Ibid., 206.
10 JOERG PLASSEN

In the last part, an insightful comparison with the Neo-Confucian tradition is

drawn: Viewing Zongmi’s ethical concern as a reflex of his early Confucian educa-
tional background, Gregory demonstrates that Zongmi’s “attempt to articulate the
ultimate ground for religious practice, and his related criticism of the more radical
interpretations of Ch’an, foreshadow both the general concerns and specific moves
seen in Chu Hsi’s 朱熹 (1130–1200) Neo-Confucian criticism of Buddhism”.29
Although the panoramic view on the development of Huayan thought from the
perspective of Zongmi forwarded in Gregory’s scholarly work is truly magnificient,
again – in part also following the lead of Carl Bielefeldt’s review on Gregory’s
book30 – some reservations concerning the interpretation of the various processes in
the framework of “sinification” might be in place. Thus, it would amount to cultural
essentialism if we assumed that a more ontologically and at the same time ethically
oriented framework of psychic cosmogony suited “the Chinese mind” better than
notions of emptiness cherished for centuries. In fact, the preoccupation with cos-
mogony in the narrower sense had been left behind already within Xuanxue , 玄學
on the basis of autochthonous texts. Perhaps not incidentially occurring in parallel
with the rise of Chan, the increasing dominance of the Dasheng qixin lun in East
Asian Buddhism might be viewed as one of the first signs of a regression into naïve
metaphysics eventually culminating in Neo-Confucianism.
Research on the fourth patriarch Chengguan had initially been somewhat ne-
glected in the West, but since more recently Imre Hamar, following a broad approach
very much in line with that of Gregory, has forwarded a series of publications on
Chengguan’s biography and diverse aspects of his thought. In articles such as “Cheng-
guan’s Theory of the Four Dharma-Dhātus” (1998) and “Practice and Enlightenment
in Chengguan’s Philosophy” (2003), Hamar synthesizes Chengguan’s cardinal tenets
based on extensive translations from the sources into accessible representations.
While thus gradually an idea of Chengguan’s thought has begun to emerge, these
studies also complement the research done by Gregory in as much they not only touch
upon conceptual differences to Fazang’s works, but also upon later developments in
Zongmi’s works, showing more clearly the preliminary work Zongmi could build
upon and the options he had at his disposal when developing concepts such as the
“sudden enlightenment followed by gradual cultivation”.

29 Ibid., 19, characters added.

30 Although careful enough to state that he is not denying “any process of sinification”, Bielefeldt
cautions us
“… to go slowly – taking the time to recognize that was passes for the process in China
may sometimes be a reflection of developments in India, pausing along the way to no-
tice the variety and tensions in both cultures and to wonder whether for every Nāgārjuna
preaching emptiness there may not be a Paramārtha somewhere teaching the amala-
．
vijñāna to the Chinese, whether for every Tsung-mi elaborating a cosmological vision
there may not be a Chih-i warning against the evils of a Sānkhya-style foundationalism”.
Cf. Bielefeldt 1993–1994: 449.
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 11

Within the last 30 years, the study of Huayan Buddhism in the West eventually
has got off to an auspicious start. It is to be hoped that the present volume will give
it a further impetus.

Secondary works in Western languages related to Hua-yen Buddhism

Bielefeldt, Carl (review): “Peter N. Gregory: Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. Princeton,
N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1991. 386 + xiii pp.” Cahiers d’Extrême Asie (1993–1994) 7:
pp. 446–449.
Brock, Karen L.: “The Case of the Missing Scroll: A History and Reconstruction of Tales of Gishō
and Gangyō.” Archives of Asian Art (1988) 41: pp. 6–31.
Brock, Karen L.: “Chinese Maiden, Silla Monk: Zenmyō and Her Thirteenth-Century Audience” in
Martha Weidner (ed.): Flowering in the Shadows: Women in the History of Chinese and Japa-
nese Painting. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1990.
Brock, Karen L.: “ ‘My Reflection Should Be Your Keepsake’: Myōe’s Vision of the Kasuga Deity”
in Robert H. Sharf and Elisabeth Horton Sharf (eds.): Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons
in Context. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. (Asian Religions and Cultures)
Broughton, Jeffrey L.: “Kuei-feng Tsung-mi: The Convergence of Ch’an and the Teachings.” Ph.D.
dissertation, Columbia University, 1975.
Buzo, Adrian; Prince, Tony: Kyunyŏ-jŏn: The Life, Times and Songs of a Tenth Century Korean
Monk. Brodway: Wild Peony 1993. (University of Sydney East Asian Series No. 6.)
Chang Ae-soon: “Śunyatā in Chinese Hua-yen Thought.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought
& Culture (2002) 1: pp. 137–148.
Chang, Garma C. C.: The Buddhist Teaching of Totality: The Philosophy of Hwa Yen Buddhism.
University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971.
Chen Jinhua: “More Than a Philosopher: Fazang (643–712) as a Politician and Miracle-worker.”
History of Religions (2003) 42,4: pp. 320–358.
Chen Jinhua: “The Location and Chief Members of Śikṣānanda’s (652–710) Avataṃsaka Transla-
tion Office: Some Remarks on a Chinese Collection of Stories and Legends Related to the Ava-
taṃsaka Sūtra.” Journal of Asian History (2004) 38.2: pp. 121–140.
Chen Jinhua: “Fazang the Holy Man.” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies
(2005) 28,2: pp. 11–84.
Chen Jinhua: History and His Stories: A Biographical Study of the Avatamsaka Master Fazang
(643–712). Leiden: Brill. (Sinica Leidensia.) (forthcoming)
Chen Jinhua: “Fazang and Wuzhen si: With a Special Reference to Fazang’s Daoist Ties.” Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society Series 3, (2006) 16,2. (forthcoming)
Chen Jinhua: “A Korean Biography of a Sogdian Monk in China, with a Japanese Commentary:
Choe Jiweon’s Biography of Fazang, Its Values and Limitations.” Journal of Asian History
(2007) 41,1. (forthcoming)
Chien Cheng: Manifestation of the Tathāgata: Buddhahood According to the Avatamsaka Sūtra.
Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1993.
Choe Yeonshik: “The Influence of Silla Buddhism on Japanese Hua-yen Thoughts” in Antonetta L.
Bruno and Frederica Baglioni (comp.): Proceedings of the 21st Conference of The Association
For Korean Studies in Europe. Frascati, 2003, pp. 109–122.
12 JOERG PLASSEN

Chou Pokan: “Wŏnhyo’s View of the Huayan Doctrine.” International Journal of Buddhist Thought
& Culture (2003) 2: pp. 109–122.
Cleary, Thomas: Entry Into the Inconceivable. An Introduction to Hua-yen Buddhism. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1983.
Cleary, Thomas (trans.): The Flower Ornament Scripture: A Translation of Avatamsaka Sutra. Bos-
ton–London: Shambhala, 1993.
Cohen, Elisa: “New Perspectives on the Sources for Ch’eng-kuan’s Biography” in Kamata Shigeo
Hakase koki kinenkai (eds.): 鎌田茂雄博士古希記念会 : Kegon gaku ronshū. 華厳学論集
[Festschrift of Kamata Shigeo] Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997, pp. 215–234.
Cook, Francis H.: “Fa-tsang’s Treatise on the Five Doctrines: An Annotated Translation.” Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1970.
Cook, Francis H.: “The Meaning of Vairocana in Hua-yen Buddhism.” Philosophy East and West
(1972) 22: pp. 403–415.
Cook, Francis H.: Hua-yen Buddhism: the Jewel Net of Indra. University Park: The Pennsylvania
State University Press, 1977.
Cook, Francis H.: “Causation in the Chinese Hua-yen Tradition”. Journal of Chinese Philosophy
(1979) 6: pp. 367–385.
Dessein, Bart: “The Glow of the Vow of the Teacher Samantabhadra ‘Puxian Pusa Xing Yuan Zan’
(T. 297) *Samantabhadrācāryapraṇidhānarāja.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hun-
garicae (2003) 56, 2–4: pp. 317–338.
Doi, Torakazu, trans.: Das Kegon Sutra: Das Buch vom Eintreten in den Kosmos der Wahrheit.
Tokyo: Doitsubun-Kegonkyō-kankōkai, 1978.
Doi, Torakazu: Das Kegon Sutra II. Tokyo: Doitsubun-Kegonkyō-kankōkai, 1981.
Doi, Torakazu: Das Kegon Sutra III. trans. Tokyo: Doitsubun-Kegonkyō-kankōkai, 1982.
Durt, Hubert: “Biographie du moine coréen Ui-sang, d’après le Song Kao Seng Tchouan” in Kim
Chae-wŏn Paksa hoegap ki’nyŏm nonch’ong p’yŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe 金載元博士回甲紀念論
叢編撰委員會 (eds.): Kim Chae-wŏn Paksa hoegap ki’nyŏm nonch’ong 金載元博士回甲紀念
論叢 [Festschrift Kim Chae-wŏn]. Seoul: Ŭryu Munhwasa, 1969, pp. 411–422.
Elberfeld, Rolf; Leibold, Michael; Obert, Mathias: Denkansätze zur buddhistischen Philosophie in China.
Seng Zhao – Jizang – Fazang zwischen Übersetzung und Interpretation. Köln: ed. chōra, 2000.
Elisseff, Serge: The Bommōkyō and Great Buddha of Tōdaiji. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies
(1936) 1,1: pp. 84–95.
Faure, Bernard: “Shen-hsiu et l’Avataṃsaka-sūtra.” Zinbun Memoirs of the Research Institute for
Humanistic Studies (1983) 19: pp. 1–15.
Fontein, Jan: The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of Gaṇḍavyūha Illustrations in China, Japan and
Java. The Hague, Paris: Mouton, 1967.
Forte, Antonino: “Un gioiello della rete di Indra: la lettera che dalla Cina Fazang inviò a Ŭisang in
Corea” in Antonino Forte (ed.): Tang China and Beyond – Studies on East Asia from the Sev-
enth to the Tenth Century. Kyoto: Istituto Italiano di Cultura, Scuola di Studi sull’Asia Orien-
tale, 1988, pp. 35–83.
Forte, Antonino: “Fazang’s Letter to Ŭisang: Critical Edition and Annotated Translation” in Ka-
mata Shigeo Hakase koki kinenkai (eds.) 鎌田茂雄博士古希記念会 : Kegon gaku ronshū. 華
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Forte, Antonino: “Additions and corrections to ‘A Jewel in Indra’s Net’ ”. Cahiers d’Extrême Asie
(1999–2000) 11: pp. 345–348.
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 13

Forte, Antonino: “Fazang and Śākyamitra, a Seventh-century Singhalese Alchemist at the Chinese
Court” in Zhongyang Yanjiuyuan disanjie guoji hanxue huiyi lunwenji lishizu 中央研究院第
三屆國際漢學會議論文集歷史組 (eds.): Zhongshiji yiqian de diyu wenhua zongjiao yu yishu
中世紀以前的地域文化宗教與藝術 . Taibei: Institute of History and Philology, Academica
Sinica, 2002: pp. 369–419.
Foulk, T. Griffith (rev.): “Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. By Peter N. Gregory. Prince-
ton: Princeton university Press, 1991.” The Journal of the American Oriental Society (1994)
114.3: pp. 487–489.
Fox, Alan: “Elements of Omnicontextual Thought in Chinese Buddhism: Annotated Translations of
Gui Feng Zong Mi’s Preface to Collection of Various Writings on the Chan Source and His
Commentary on Meditative Approaches to the Hua Yan Dharmadhātu.” Ph.D. dissertation,
Temple University, 1988.
Gimello, Robert M.: “Chih-Yen ( 智儼 , 602–668) And The Foundations of Hua-yen ( 華嚴 ) Bud-
dhism”. Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1976.
Gimello, Robert M.: “Apophatic and Kataphatic Discourse in Mahāyāna: A Critical View.” Philoso-
phy East and West (1976) 26,2: pp.117–136.
Gimello, Robert M.: “Early Hua-yen, Meditation, and Early Ch’an: Some Preliminary Considera-
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14 JOERG PLASSEN

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 HUAYAN STUDIES IN THE WEST 15

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 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN

In Japan, Kegon studies, roughly speaking, started at the time of transmission of Bud-
dhism in the sixth century. From that time, the tradition of Kegon studies has been
maintained to the present time, although having been experiencing up and downs for
about fifteen hundred years.
However, these were, at least until Edo period, fundamentally such researches as
deepening belief and religious practice by monks of the Kegon school, relying on the
traditional method of studies generally called Shūgaku 宗學 , which literally means
“the special study on the doctrine of each school of Buddhism”. Therefore, the re-
sults of their studies were, on the whole, not necessarily sufficient, if seen from the
viewpoint of objective way of science. But, some Buddhist scholars, including Hō-
tan鳳潭 (1654 or 1659–1738) of the Kegon school and Fujaku 普寂 (1707–1781) of
the Jōdo school, in Edo period, when a scent of modernizing of Japan has gradually
been appearing, produced a couple of academic results of the Kegon studies highly
appreciated.
When the door of Meiji Era was opened and modernizing of Japan began in full-
scale, new waves of Buddhist studies also occurred in Japan under the influence of
European way of studies of humanity and social science, especially so-called philol-
ogy. But, it seems that these waves came to the field of Kegon studies a little behind,
because they have had a long and heavy tradition of their own studies, whose center
had almost always been at the Tōdaiji temple in Nara. I would like to list up here
some notable works in the field of Kegon from Meiji to the early days of Shōwa, that
is, from the last quarter of nineteenth century to the first half of twentieth century.
YUSUGI Ryōei 湯次了栄 : Kegon taikei 華嚴大系 [The great system of Huayan doc-
trine].
As a whole, the author adequately summed the results of traditional Kegon stud-
一蓮院秀存
ies by Ichiren-in Shūson , one of the excellent Buddhist scholars in
Edo period, in this book.
KAMETANI Seikei 亀谷聖馨: Kegon tetsugaku kenkyū 華嚴哲學研究 [Studies in
Huayan philosophy].
The author discusses some important themes of Kegon philosophy in detail.
20 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

KAMETANI Seikei: Kegon seiten kenkyū 華嚴聖典研究 [Studies in sacred scriptures

of Huayan].
Deploring that Japanese Buddhists have not attached importance to the Avataṃ-
saka-sūtra, the author interprets the outline of it.
KAMETANI Seikei: Budda no saikō tetsugaku to Kanto no tetsugaku 佛陀の最高哲學
とカントの哲學 [The ultimate philosophy of Buddha and the philosophy of Kant].
The author shows his interest in comparative studies between Buddhist philoso-
phy and European philosophies, as well as his other researches from such a view-
point.
SUZUKI Sōchū 鈴木宗忠 : Genshi kegon tetsugaku no kenkyū 原始華嚴哲學の研究
[A study of early Huayan philosophy].
The author asserts that Zhiyan 智儼 (602–668) should be regarded as the first pa-
triarch of Chinese Huayan school, criticizing the traditional view on the founder.
TAKAMINE Ryōshū 高峯了州 : Kegon shisōshi 華嚴思想史 [A history of Huayan
thought].
This is probably the first work on Huayan thought written from a historical view-
point in Japan and still now worthy for students of Huayan philosophy. Its re-
vised version was published in 1963 by Hyakka-en in Kyoto.
KAMEKAWA Kyōshin 亀川教信 : Kegongaku 華嚴學 [The Huayan doctrine].
Huayan doctrine is properly summarized in this book.
After 1950’s, a series of new trends of Huayans studies have appeared in succession.
SUZUKI Daisetsu 鈴木大拙 : Kegon no kenkyū 華嚴の研究 [Studies in Huayan].
This book includes four articles in the “Zen-ron” (Discussion on Chan) formerly
published in English. According to the author’s preface, Huayan can be regarded
as one of the epoch-making crystallization in the world history of ideas. This
work has led the useful comparative studies in Japan to some degree.
SAKAMOTO Yukio 坂本幸男 : Kegon kyōgaku no kenkyū 華嚴教學の研究 [A study
of Huayan doctrine].
This work clarifies the important role of Huiyuan 慧苑(673–743) through the
history of Huayan thought, who was a disciple of Fazang 法蔵 (643–712), the
third patriarch of Huayan school.
TAKAMINE Ryōshū: Kegon to Zen no tsūro 華嚴と禪の通路 [The passage of Huayan
to Chan].
The author discusses philosophical relations between Huayan and Chan over
many cases of Buddhist thought in China.
KAWADA Kumatarō 川田熊太郎 and NAKAMURA Hajime 中村元 (eds.): Kegon shisō
華嚴思想 [The Huayan thought].
A comprehensive collection of illuminating papers on Huayan.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 21

ISHII Kyōdō 石井教道 : Kegon kyōgaku seiritsu shi 華嚴教學成立史 [A historical

survey of establishment of Huayan doctrines].
Compilation of author’s studies of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra as a Mahāyāna text and
Huayan doctrine formed in China. Some important issues are analyzed from his-
torical or philosophical point of view.
KAMATA Shigeo 鎌田茂雄 : Chūgoku kegon shisōshi no kenkyū 中國華嚴思想史の
研究 [A study of Chinese Huayan Buddhism].
This book, which is the author’s Ph. D. dissertation, with special reference to
Chengguan 澄觀 (738–839), the fourth patriarch of the Huayan school, is espe-
cially notable for it opened the door to the way toward a full-scale study on Hua-
yan thought in Japan from the historical point of view.
KAMATA Shigeo 鎌田茂雄 : Shūmitsu kyōgaku no shisōshi-teki kenkyū 宗密教學の
思想的研究 [A historical study of Zongmi’s doctrine].
He intended to grasp Zongmi’s 宗密 (780–841) biography and his thought totally
and succeeded to clarify that Zongmi was a radical Chan Buddhist as well as a
philosopher who tried to unify Buddhism, Daoism and Confucianism.

Being much influenced by Dr. KAMATA Shigeo’s works, I wrote the following
dissertation under the guidance of TAMAKI Kōshirō 玉城康四郎 , not only a professor
of the University of Tokyo, but also one of the great philosophers in modern Japan.
KIMURA Kiyotaka 木村清孝 : Shoki chūgoku kegon shisō no kenkyū 初期中國華嚴
思想の研究 [A study of early Huayan thought].
This work attempts to clarify the second patriarch Zhiyan’s thought, its signifi-
cance, and the background for its establishment from a viewpoint of the history
of ideas as far as possible.
Since then, some illuminating young scholars appeared in the field of Huayan
study.
ITŌ Zuiei 伊藤瑞叡 : Kegon bosatsudō no kiso-teki kenkyū 華嚴菩薩道の基礎的研
究 [A basic study on bodhisattva-caryā in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra].
This is the author’s Ph. D. dissertation, which carried out a minute research on the
thought of bodhisattva in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, including a comparative study
of Huayan thought with Fahua 法華 thought based on the Saddharma-puṇḍarī-
ka-sūtra.
NAKAMURA Kaoru 中村薫 : Kegon no jōdo 華嚴の淨土 [The Pure Land in the Hua-
yan] and Chūgoku kegon jōdo shisō no kenkyū 中國華嚴淨土思想の研究
[A Study of the Pure Land thought of Kegon in China].
The author deals with some important issues such as the vow, the belief, the
meaning of Pure Land and so on, in these two works. It is note-worthy that the
latter work discusses the criticism against the Japanese Pure Land school by
YANG Renshan 楊仁山 , who was one of the great Buddhists in Modern China.
22 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

YOSHIZU Yoshihide 吉津宜英 : Kegon ichijō shisō no kenkyū 華嚴一乘思想の研究

[A study of the ekayāna thought in the Huayan].
This work focuses on the elucidation of characteristics of Fazang’s doctrine. It is
especially important for it has clarified the concept of yisheng biejiao 一乘別教
(transcendency of ekayāna) in detail.
ISHII Kōsei 石井公成 : Kegon shisō no kenkyū 華嚴思想の研究 [A study of Huayan
thought].
Fully utilizing computer’s function, the author has developed the study of Huayan
thought. It is appreciated in particular that he made clear the Dilun 地論
school’s
influence on the doctrine of the Huayan school to some extent and the actual
state of affairs of Buddhism in Silla, Korea.
As known, the study on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and the doctrine of the Huayan
school has made rapid progress in Japan in connection with the development of
global communication to the present days. And now, new waves of Huayan studies
seem to have been appearing again. One of them is a newly-designed philosophical
exploration of Huayan thought, to which I also concern myself, to aim to reconsider
it truly beyond the sectarian range. I strongly expect a sort of spiritual movements
like this for the future of mankind.

References

石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : Kegon shisō no kenkyū華嚴思想の研究 [A study of Huayan thought].
Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1996.
石井教道
Ishii Kyōdō 華嚴教學成立史
: Kegon kyōgaku seiritsu shi [A historical survey of the
establishment of Huayan doctrines]. Tokyo: Chūō kōron jigyō shuppan, 1964.
伊藤瑞叡
Itō Zuiei 華嚴菩薩道の基礎的研究
: Kegon bosatsudō no kiso-teki kenkyū [A basic
study of bodhisattva-caryā in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra]. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1988.
鎌田茂雄
Kamata Shigeo 中國華嚴思想史の研究
: Chūgoku kegon shisōshi no kenkyū [A study of
Chinese Huayan Buddhism]. Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1965.
鎌田茂雄
Kamata Shigeo 宗密教學の思想的研究
: Shūmitsu kyōgaku no shisōshi-teki kenkyū
[A historical study of Zongmi’s doctrine]. Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppankai, 1975.
亀川教信
Kamekawa Kyōshin : Kegongaku華嚴學 [The Huayan doctrine]. Kyoto: Hyakkaen,
1949.
亀谷聖馨
Kametani Seikei 華嚴哲學研究
: Kegon tetsugaku kenkyū [Studies in Huayan philoso-
phy]. Tokyo: Meikyō-gakkai, 1922.
亀谷聖馨
Kametani Seikei 佛陀の最高哲學
: Budda no saikō tetsugaku to Kanto no tetsugaku
とカントの哲學 [The ultimate philosophy of Buddha and the philosophy of Kant]. Tokyo:
Hōbunkan, 1924.
亀谷聖馨
Kametani Seikei : Kegon seiten kenkyū華嚴聖典研究 [Studies in sacred scriptures of
Huayan]. Tokyo: Hōbunkan, 1925.
川田熊太郎
Kawada Kumatarō 中村元
and Nakamura Hajime (eds.): Kegon shisō 華嚴思想 [The
Huayan thought]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1960.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 23

Kimura Kiyotaka 木村清孝 : Shoki chūgoku kegon shisō no kenkyū 初期中國華嚴思想の研究

[A study of early Huayan thought]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1977.
Nakamura Kaoru 中村薫 : Kegon no jōdo 華嚴の淨土 [The Pure Land in the Huayan]. Kyoto:
Hōzōkan, 1991.
Nakamura Kaoru 中村薫 中國華嚴淨土思想の研究
: Chūgoku kegon jōdo shisō no kenkyū
[A study of the Pure Land thought of Kegon in China]. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 2001.
Sakamoto Yukio 坂本幸男 華嚴教學の研究
: Kegon kyōgaku no kenkyū [A study of Huayan doc-
trine]. Tokyo: Heirakuji shoten, 1956.
Suzuki Daisetsu鈴木大拙 華嚴の研究
: Kegon no kenkyū [Studies in Huayan]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan,
1955.
Suzuki Sōchū 鈴木宗忠 原始華嚴哲學の研究
: Genshi kegon tetsugaku no kenkyū [A study of
early Huayan philosophy]. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1934.
Takamine Ryōshū 高峯了州 華嚴思想史
: Kegon shisōshi [A history of Huayan thought]. Kyoto:
Kōkyōshoin, 1942.
Takamine Ryōshū 高峯了州 華嚴と禪の通路
: Kegon to Zen no tsūro [The passage of Huayan to
Chan]. Nara: Nanto bukkyō kenkyūkai, 1956.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide 華嚴一乘思想の研究
: Kegon ichijō shisō no kenkyū [A study of the
ekayāna thought in the Huayan]. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1991.
Yusugi Ryōei 湯次了栄 : Kegon taikei 華嚴大系 [The great system of Huayan doctrine]. Kyoto:
Hōrinkan, 1915.
24 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF JAPANESE STUDIES

ON HUAYAN BUDDHISM IN THE PAST TEN YEARS

(COMPILED BY KIM CHON HAK)

1. Books

1.1. Huayan thought in general

海音寺潮五郎
Kaionji Chōgorō 人生遍路 華厳経
: Jinsei henro: Kegonkyō : [Life pilgrimage: Ava-
taṃsaka-sūtra]. Tokyo: Kawade shobō shinsha, 2003.
鎌田茂雄編
Kamata Shigeo 華厳経 和訳: Kegonkyō: wayaku : [Avataṃsaka-sūtra: translation into
Japanese]. Tokyo: Tōkyō bijutsu, 1995.
鎌田茂雄編 鎌田茂雄
Kamata Shigeo 華厳経物語
: : Kegonkyō monogatari [Story of the Ava-
taṃsaka-sūtra]. Tokyo: Daihorinkaku, 2004.
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka 華厳経をよむ
: Kegonkyō wo yomu [I read the Avataṃsaka-sūtra].
Tokyo: Japan Broadcast Publishing Co. Ltd, 1997.
李道業
Lee Do-op 華厳経思想研究
: Kegonkyō shisō kenkyū [On the thought of the Avataṃsaka-
sūtra]. Kyoto: Nagata bunshodo, 2001.
中村元
Nakamura Hajime 『華厳経』『楞伽経』
: Kegonkyō Ryōgakyō [Avataṃsaka-sūtra, Laṅ-
kāvatāra-sūtra]. Tokyo: Tōkyō shoseki, 2003.
竹村牧男
Takemura Makio 華厳とは何か
: Kegon to wa nanika [What is Huayan?]. Tokyo: Shun-
jūsha, 2004.
山田史生
Yamada Fumio : Konton (kaosu) e no shiza: Tetsugaku to shite no kegon bukkyō 渾沌
(カオス への視座 哲学としての華厳仏教
) : [Point of view on chaos: Huayan Buddhism in
philosophy]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1999.
結城令聞
Yuki Reimon 華厳思想 : Kegon shisō [Huayan thought]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1999.

1.2. Huayan in China

石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : Kegon shisō no kenkyū 華厳思想の研究 [Study on Huayan thought].
Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1996.
李惠英
Lee Hui-ying : Eon sen ‘Zoku kegon ryakuso kanteki’ no kisoteki kenkyū 慧苑撰『続華厳
略疏刊定記』の基礎的研究 [Basic sudy on the Xu Huayan jing lüeshu kanding ji]. Tokyo:
Dōhōsha, 2000.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru : Chūgoku kegon jōdo shisō no kenkyū 中国華厳浄土思想の研究
[A study of Chinese Huayan’s Pure Land thought]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 2001.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 25

1.3. Kegon in Japan

橋本聖圓
Hashimoto Shōen 東大寺と華厳の世界
: Tōdaiji to kegon no sekai [Todaiji and the world
of Kegon]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 2003.
森本公誠
Morimoto Kōsei : Zenzai dōshi gudō no tabi: Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon kegon gojūgosho
善財童子求道の旅 華厳経入法界品華厳五十五所絵巻より
emaki yori : [Sudhana’s trip of
seeking after truth]. Tokyo: Asahi Shinbun Company, 1998.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 親鸞の華厳: Shinran no kegon [Shinran’s Kegon]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan,
1998.
築島裕編
Tsukishima Hiroshi 東大寺諷誦文稿總索引
: Tōdaiji fujumon kō sōsakuin [An index to
the essay of reciting the scriptures in Todaiji temple]. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2001.
浦上義昭編
Uragami Yoshiaki : Tōdaiji nihyaku jūgose bettō jōshi Eikei: Kegon no kokoro 東大寺
二百十五世別当上司永慶 華厳のこころ : [Mind of Kegon]. Tokyo: Kokusho kankōkai, 2002.

1.4. Other

Kamata Shigeo hakushi koki kinenkai hen 鎌田茂雄博士古稀記念会編 Kegongaku ronshū 華厳

学論集 [Essays in Huayan studies]. Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1997.

2. Articles

2.1. Huayan thought in general

秋田光兆
Akita Kōchō 華厳教学の縁起論
: “Kegon kyōgaku no engiron” [The dependent origina-
大正大学研
tion of Huayan doctrine]. Tashō daigaku kenkyū kiyō ningen gakubu: bungakubu
究紀要人間学部 文学部 (2002) 87: pp. 1–25.
秋田光兆
Akita Kōchō 縁起思想について 華厳と天
: “Engi shisō ni tsuite kegon to tendai kara” –
台から [On dependent origination: from the viewpoint of Huayan and Tientai]. Sange gakkai
山家学会紀要
kiyō (2002) 5: pp. 50–54.
藤丸 要
Fujimaru Kaname 華厳教学における善
: “Kegon kyōgaku ni okeru zen aku no mondai”
悪の問題 日本仏教学会
[Ethical issues in the Huayan doctrine]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō
年報 (2000) 65: pp. 165–178.
石橋真誡
Ishibashi Shinaki 華厳教判論と如来蔵縁
: “Kegonkyō hanron to nyoraizō engi shisō”
起思想 [The critical classification of teachings and Tathāgatagarbha Pratītyasamutpāda thought
南都仏教
in the Huayan school]. Nanto bukkyō (1996) 73: pp. 1–17.
石橋真誡
Ishibashi Shinaki 華厳
: “Kegon shisō kenkyū no shomondai kegon shisō to kegonkan”
思想研究の諸問題 華厳思想と華厳観 [Various problems of the research on Huayan thought,
華厳学論集
Kegon though and Kegon discernment]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 101–205.
石橋真誡
Ishibashi Shinaki 華厳縁起観
: “Kegon engi kan no tenkai kegon to yuishiki no setten”
の展開華厳と唯識の接点 [Development of the Huayan discernment of Pratīstyasamutpāda,
仏教思想文化史
the connection between Huayan and Yogācāra]. Bukkyō shisō bunkashi ronsō
論叢 (1997): pp. 81–100.
26 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

Ishibashi Shinaki 石橋真誡 華厳教学の思想史的系譜

: “Kegon kyōgaku no shisōshiteki keifu”
印度学仏教学
[The ideological lineage of Huayan dogmatics]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
研究 (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 1–11.
Ishii Kōsei 石井公成 : “Jiji muge wo toita no wa dare ka” 「事事無礙」を説いたのは誰か [Who
was the first to advocate the theory of the mutual non-obstruction of phenomena?]. Indogaku
bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 89–94.
Jin Yong-yu 陳永裕 : “Kegon hokkaigi no kōsatsu” 華厳法界義の考察 [A study of the meaning of
印度学仏教学研究
dharmadhātu in Huayan Buddhism]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1999)
94 47.2: pp. 201–203.
陳永裕
Jin Yong-yu 相即論の思想史的考察
: “Sōsokuron no shisōshiteki kōsatsu” [The investiga-
tion of the theory of mutual identity in the history of thought]. Hirai Shun’ei hakushi koki kinen
平井俊栄博士古稀記念論集 三論教学と仏教諸
ronshū: sanron kyōgaku to bukkyō shoshisō :
思想 (2000): pp. 313–329.
陳永裕
Jin Yong-yu 華厳家の止観に対する解釈
: “Kegonka no shikan ni taisuru kaishaku” [Inter-
印度学仏教
pretations of Huiyuan Insight and Contemplation]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
学研究 (2004) 105 53.1: pp. 172–178.
鍵主良敬
Kaginushi Ryōkei 無言の示言 : “Mugon no jigon” [Pointing to the truth through silence].
仏教学セミナー
Bukkyōgaku seminā (1997) 66: pp. 67–87.
鍵主良敬
Kaginushi Ryōkei 『華厳経』における菩薩の願
: “Kegonkyō ni okeru bosatsu no gan”
日本仏教
[Praṇidhāna of Bodhisattva in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō
学会年報 (1995) 60: pp. 179–192.
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka 共生と縁成 : “Kyōsei to ensei” [Living together and causal formation].
日本仏教学会年報
Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō (1999) 64: pp. 31–44.
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka 真空妙有論の形成と展開
: “Shinkū myōu-ron no keisei to tenkai”
[Formation and development of the theory of absolute emptiness and subtle existence]. Ejima
江島恵教博士追悼論集 空と実在
Yasunori hakushi tsuitō ronshū: kū to jitsuzai : (2000): pp.
257–
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka : “Sangai yuishin kō mono kokoro inochi e no bukkyōgakuteki shiten”
「三界唯心」考モノ こころ いのちへの仏教学的視点 [Consideration of the idea of ‘three
worlds are mind-only’: A Buddhological view of matter, mind and life]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyō-
インド哲学仏教学研究
gaku kenkyū (2002) 9: pp. 3–16.
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka 仏教的
: “Bukkyōteki shii no kanōsei kegon to zen wo chūshin ni”
思惟の可能性 華厳と禅を中心に – [Soteriological possibility of Buddhist thought in modern
比較思想研究
society: focusing on Huayan and Chan]. Hikaku shisō kenkyū (2003) 30: pp.
25–31.
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka 華厳と禅 : “Kegon to zen” [Huayan Buddhism and Chan Buddhism].
禅研究所紀要
Zen kenkyūsho kiyō (2003) 31: pp. 1–12.
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka 華厳経から華厳宗へ
: “Kegonkyō kara kegonshū e” [From the Ava-
論集東大寺の歴
taṃsaka-sūtra to the Huayan school]. Ronshū Tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku
史と教学 (2003) 1: pp. 9–12.
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka 仏教的
: “Bukkyōteki shii no kanōsei kegon to zen wo chūshin ni”
思惟の可能性華厳と禅を中心に [Soteriological possibility of Buddhist thought in modern
比較思想研究
society: focusing on Huayan and Chan]. Hikaku shisō kenkyū (2004) 30: pp.
25–31.
木村清孝
Kimura Kiyotaka 禅から華厳へ、華厳から禅へ
: “Zen kara kegon e, kegon kara zen e”
[To Chan from Huayan and to Huayan from Chan]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku
駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究
kenkyūkai nenpō (2004) 37: pp. 1–16.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 27

権坦俊
Kwon Tanhun 『華厳経』修行道の頓漸問題
: “Kegonkyō shugyōdō no tonzen mondai”
[The problem of sudden and gradual in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
印度学仏教学研究 (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 196–198.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 華厳の浄土
: “Kegon no jōdo” [Pure Land in Huayan]. Ronshū Tōdaiji
論集東大寺の歴史と教学
no rekishi to kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 22–30.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 如心偈を事事無
: “Nyoshinge wo jiji muge to miru kaishaku no koto”
礙とみる解釈のこと [Explanation of mind-only verse by the non-obstruction of phenomena].
印度学仏教学研究
Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 93 47.1: pp. 233–235.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 華厳の三性説 「行三
: “Kegon no sanshōsetsu gyōsanshō gesanshō”
性」と「解三性」 宗教
[The three self-natures theory of Huayan Buddhism]. Shūkyō kenkyū
研究 (1999) 322 73.3: pp. 77–100.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru : “Mushōshō kara jiji muge made shintai sanzō to shoki bekkyō ichijō no
無性性から事事無碍まで真諦三蔵と初期別教一乗の教学
kyōgaku” [Nihsvabhavata as the
very origin of the concept that all things interprenetrate without obstruction]. Indogaku bukkyō-
印度学仏教学研究
gaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 19–21.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 因の哲学初期
: “In no tetsugaku shoki kegon kyōgaku no ronri kōzō”
華厳教学の論理構造 [Philosophy of causality: The logical structure of the early Huayan Bud-
南都仏教
dhism]. Nanto bukkyō (2000) 79: pp. 44–66.
山田史生
Yamada Fumio 華厳哲学における「力」
: “Kegon tetsugaku ni okeru riki no gainen”
の概念」 華厳学論集
[The concept of “power” in Huayan philosophy]. Kegongaku ronshū
(1997): pp. 255–276.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide 華厳教学と『法華経』
: “Kegon kyōgaku to Hokkekyō” [Huayan
勝呂信静博士古稀
doctrine and the Lotus sūtra]. Suguro shijo hakushi koki kinen ronbunshū
記念論文集 (1996): pp. 361–372.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide 『華厳経』「明
: “Kegonkyō myōnanbon no engi shinjin ni tsuite”
難品」の縁起甚深について [On incredibly profound dependent origination of the Avataṃ-
中村璋八博士古稀記
saka-sūtra]. Nakamura shōhachi hakushi koki kinen: tōyōgaku ronshū
念 東洋学論集
: (1996): pp. 829–846.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide 華厳系の仏教
: “Kegon kei no Bukkyō” [The Buddhism of the Hua-
シリーズ 東アジア仏教』
yan school]. Shirīzu higashiajia bukkyō (1997) 3: pp. 67–104.

2.2. Avataṃsaka-sūtra in India

Hirai Yūkei 平井宥慶 『華厳経』の信仰

: “Kegonkyō no shinkō” [The faith of the Avataṃsaka-
華厳学論集
sūtra]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 137–154.
Hori Shin’ichirō: “Gaṇḍavyūha-Fragmente der Turfan-Sammlung.” Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin dai-
gaku kenkyū kiyō 国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要 (2002) 5: pp. 113–132.
陳永裕
Jin Yong-yu : “Kegonkyō ni okeru shi to sha ni tsuite no kōsatsu” 華厳経における施と捨
についての考察 [Upekṣā and dāna in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
印度学仏教学研究 (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 192–195.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō : “Gandavyuha ni okeru sudarushana biku no hōmon” Gandavyuha に
おけるスダルシャナ比丘の法門 [On the teachings of Sudarśana bhikṣu in the Gaṇḍavyūha-
印度学仏教学研究
sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1: pp.144–150.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō : “Gandavyuha ni okeru parsanmandala no igi” Gandavyuha における
の意義
parsanmandala [On the concept of parṣanmaṇḍala in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Indo-
印度学仏教学研究
gaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 89–94.
28 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō : “On the concept of Mandala in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra” Hanazono
花園大学文学部研究紀要
daigaku bungakubu kenkyū kiyō (1998) 30: pp. 31–41.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō 共生原理とし
: “Kyōsei genri to shite no samavasarana no kanōsei”
てのサマヴァサラナの可能性 [On the Samavasarana as the principle of social and religious
日本仏教学会年報
coexistence]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō (1999) 64: pp. 295–306.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō 入法界品メ
: “Nyūhokkaibon megashō ni mirareru entō juki no eikyō”
ーガ章にみられる燃灯授記の影響 [On the teachings of Megha Dramida in the Gaṇḍa-
印度学仏教学研究
vyūha]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1999) 95 48.1: pp. 119–124.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō : “Kegonkyō Nyūhokkaibon ni okeru butsumo Māyā no taizō sekai”
華厳経入法界品における仏母マーヤーの胎蔵世界 [On the teachings of Māyādevi in the
宗教研究
Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2000) 323 73.4: pp. 221–222.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō : “Ganshin keichō to ikyō kyōke Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon megashō
願心敬重と異境教化華厳経入法界品 弥伽章の一考察
no ichi kōsatsu” [On the teach-
南都仏教
ings of Dramida Megha in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Nanto bukkyō (2000) 79: pp.
1–17.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō ガンダ
: “Gandhavyuha no ichi zenyū ni henyō shita kurishuna shin”
ヴューハの一善友に変容したクリシュナ神 [Kṛṣṇa in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Indogaku
印度学仏教学研究
bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 99 50.1: pp. 115–121.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō 善友
: “Zenyū, zenchishiki shisō no tenkai to sono nihonteki juyō”
善知識思想の展開とその日本的受容 [The hermeneutical development of Zenyū (Good
Friend) and Zenchishiki (Spiritual Teacher) in Japan and the Significance of Tōdaiji Temple].
論集東大寺の歴史と教学
Ronshū tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 13–21.
小林円照
Kobayashi Enshō 『入法界
: “Nyūhokkaibon ni mieru bosatsudō to shite no iyakugaku”
品』に見える菩薩道としての医薬学 [Medical teachings in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Shūkyō
kenkyū宗教研究 (2003) 335: pp. 229–230.
李杏九
Lee Heng-ku 華厳経における浄土思想
: “Kegonkyō ni okeru jōdo shisō” [The Pure
仏教福祉研究
Land thought of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Bukkyō fukushi kenkyū (1998): pp.
447–479.
真野龍海
Mano Ryūkai 梵文『入法界
: “Bonbun Nyūhokkaibon dai 23, 24, 25 shō (shiyaku)”
品』第 章 試訳
23 24 25 ( ) [Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, §23, 24, 25]. Indobunka to bukkyōshisō no
インド文化と仏教思想の基調と展開 第 巻
kichō to tenkai ( 1 ) (2003) 1: pp. 3–17.
真野龍海
Mano Ryūkai 「梵文『入法界品』
: “Bonbun Nyūhokkaibon dai 26, 27 shō (shiyaku)”
第 章 試訳 」
26 27 ( ) 空海の思想と
[Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, §26–27]. Kūkai no shisō to bunka ge
文化 下( ) (2004): pp. 91–108.
室寺義仁
Murōji Yoshihito 『華厳経』「十地
: “Kegonkyō jūjibon ni okeru yuishin ni tsuite”
品」における「唯心」について [Cittamātra in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra and the Buddhāva-
密教文化研究所紀要
taṃsaka]. Mikkyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō (2001) 14: pp. 119–159.
室寺義仁
Murōji Yoshihito 『十地経』における「大悲」
: “Jūjikyō ni okeru daihi ni tsuite”
について
(mahakaruna) [The mahākaruṇā of Daśabhūmika-sūtra]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō
日本仏教学会年報 (2002) 67: pp. 13–26.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 『華厳
: “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon ni okeru zenchishiki ni tsuite”
経』「入法界品」における善知識について [Good and virtuous friend of the Gaṇḍavyūha-
宇治谷祐顕仏寿
sūtra]. Ujitani yūken butsuju kinen ronshū hotoke no kyōke butsudō gaku
記念論集 仏の教化 仏道学
: (1996).
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 『華厳経』に於ける教化につ
: “Kegonkyō ni okeru kyōke ni tsuite”
いて 真宗教学研究
[The guidance of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Shinshū kyōgaku kenkyū (2001)
21: pp. 169–171.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 29

Okajima Hidetaka 岡島秀隆 華厳経における自在性の

: “Kegonkyō ni okeru jizaisei no shosō”
諸相 華厳学論集
[Some aspects of freedom in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Kegongaku ronshū
(1997): pp. 119–133.
大竹晋
Ōtake Susumu 『華厳経』離世間品 の 十仏
: “Lokottaraparivarta” ( ) jūbutsu ( ) wo meguru
Kāyatrayāvatāramukha to Buddhabhūmivyākhyāna [A relationship between the Kāyatrayāvatā-
印度学仏教学研究
ramukha and Buddhabhūmivyākhyāna]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
(2001) 99 50.1: pp. 122–125.
大塚伸夫
Ōtsuka Nobuo 『華厳経』
: “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon to Kongo shukanchō tantora”
入法界品と『金剛手灌頂タントラ』 [The Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra and the Vajrapāṇyabhiśeka
密教文化研究所
tantra]. Mikkyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō bessatsu 2: Mikkyō no keisei to ruden
紀要別冊 密教の形成と流伝
2 (2000): pp. 23–52.
田口秀明
Taguchi Hideaki 『華厳経』
: “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon ni okeru shinben kaji ni tsuite
「入法界品」における神変、加持について [On the meaning and function of adhiṣṭhāna
密教文化
and vikurvita in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Mikkyō bunka (1997) 198: pp. 26–42.
田村智淳
Tamura Chijun 『華厳経 入法界品』に
: “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon ni okeru ijinriki”
おける「威神力」 [Adhi-ṣṭhā in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra]. Tosaki Hiromasa hakushi koki kinen
戸崎宏正博士古稀記念論文集 インドの文化と論理
ronbunshū: indo no bunka to ronri :
(2000): pp. 85–112.
津田真一
Tsuda Shin’ichi : “Kegonkyō nyūhokkaibon ni okeru miroku hokkai no rinen to sono
『華厳経』「入法界品」における弥勒法界の理念とその神的
shinteki uchūronteki imi”
宇宙論的意味 [The idea of the world of Maitreya bodhisattva in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra and its
国際仏
theistical and cosmological meaning]. Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō
教学大学院大学研究紀要 (1998) 1: pp. 61–105.

2.3. Huayan in China

張愛順
Chang Ae Soon 華厳教学における空観の展
: “Kegon kyōgaku ni okeru kūkan no tenkai”
開 [The evolution of the idea of emptiness in Huayan doctrine]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
印度学仏教学研究 (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 227–234.
張愛順
Chang Ae Soon 法蔵の成仏論について
: “Hōzō no jōbutsuron ni tsuite” [Fazang’s theory
印度学
of the attainment of Buddhahood through perfect faith]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
仏教学研究 (2003) 103 52.1: pp. 165–170.
張愛順
Chang Ae Soon 霊弁の『華
: “Reiben no Kegonkyōron ni tsuite Keishōkaku no hisshahon”
厳経論』について奎章閣の筆写本 [The Huayan jing lun compiled by Lingbian]. Indogaku
印度学仏教学研究
bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 105 53.1: pp. 178–183.
竺沙雅章
Chikusa Masaaki : “Ryōdai kegonshū no ichi kōsatsu omoni shinshutsu kegonshū tenseki
遼代華厳宗の一考察主に、新出華厳宗典籍の文献学的研究
no bunkengaku teki kenkyū”
大谷大
[A study of the Huayan school during the Liao period]. Ōtani daigaku kenkyū nenpō
学研究年報 (1997) 49: pp. 1–67.
竺沙雅章
Chikusa Masaaki 元代華
: “Gendai kahoku no kegonshū Gyōiku to sono kōkeisha tachi”
北の華厳宗行育とその後継者たち [A study of the Huayan school in Northern China during
南都仏教
the Yuan period: Xingyu and his successors]. Nanto bukkyō (1997) 74: pp. 1–32.
曹潤鎬
Cho Yoonho 宗密の教と
: “Shūmitsu no kyō to zen no kankeiron ni okeru kegon to zen”
禅の関係論における華厳と禅 [Huayan and Chan Buddhism in Zongmi’s teachings]. Higashi
東アジア仏教研究
ajia bukkyō kenkyū (2003) 1: pp. 39–47.
30 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

崔福姫
Choi Bok Hee : “Koseiryōden kara Kōseiryōden e no monjushinkō no hensen monju gainen
『古清涼伝』から『広清涼伝』への文殊信仰の変遷文殊概念を中心に
wo chūshin ni”
[The evolution of belief in Mañjuśrī from the Old Qingliang zhuan to the Expanded Qingliang
印度学仏教学研究
zhuan]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 103 52.1: pp. 192–194.
遠藤純一郎
Endō Jun’ichirō : “Chōkan to mikkyō, Daihōkōbutsu kegonkyōso ni mirareru mik-
澄観と密教 『大方廣仏華厳経疏』に見られる密教的要素
kyōteki yōso” , [Chengguan and
智山学報
Esoteric teaching]. Chizan gakuhō (2004) 53: pp. 117–143.
藤丸要
Fujimaru Kaname 『華厳経文義綱目』と
: “Kegonkyō mongikōmoku to Kegonkyō shiki”
『華厳経旨帰』 [Huayanjing wenyi gangmu and Huayanjing zhigui]. Bukkyōgaku kenkyū
仏教学研究 (1995) 51: pp. 119–141.
藤丸要
Fujimaru Kaname : “Chūgoku kegon ni okeru hokkai engi ni tsuite Chigon no kyōgaku wo
中国華厳における法界縁起について智儼の教学を中心として
chūshin to shite” [The
dharmadhātu dependent arising in Chinese Huayan Buddhism with focus on Zhiyan’s teach-
華厳学論集
ings]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 207–224.
藤善真澄
Fujiyoshi Masumi 『華厳経伝記』の
: “Kegonkyō denki no kanata Hōzō to Taigenji”
彼方法蔵と太原寺」 華厳学論集
[A study of the Huayanjing zhuanji]. Kegongaku ronshū
(1997): pp. 311–332.
池田魯参
Ikeda Rosan 荊渓湛然に及
: “Keikyō Tannen ni oyoboshita kegon kyōgaku no eikyō”
ぼした華厳教学の影響 [Influence of Huayan doctrine on Jingqi Zhanran]. Kegongaku ronshū
華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 333–348.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : “Tonkō shahon no naka no Reiben Kegonkyōron dankan enshūsetsu no
敦煌写本の中の霊弁『華厳経論』断簡 縁集説の成立をめぐって
seiritsu wo megutte”
華厳学論集
[Lingbian’s Huayan jing lun in the Dunhuang manuscript]. Kegongaku ronshū
(1997): pp. 155–175.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : “Sokuten bukō Daijōnyūryōgakyō jo to Hōzō Nyūryōgashingengi zenshū to
則天武后「大乗入楞伽経序」と法蔵『入楞伽心玄義』禅宗との
no kankei ni ryūi shite”
関係に留意して [The introduction of the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra by Empress Wu and the Essential
Meaning of the Laṅkāvatāra-hṛdaya by Fazang: with special reference to its relation with the
駒沢大学禅研究所年報
Chan school]. Komazawa daigaku kenkyūjo nenpō (2002) 13–14: pp.
25–44.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : “Kegonshū no kangyō bunken ni mieru zenshū hihan Kainō no sanka hō-
華厳宗の観行文献に見える禅宗批判 慧能の三科法門に留意して
mon ni ryūi shite” –
[Criticism against Zen sect in the meditation document of Huayan school with focus on Hui-
松ケ岡文庫研究年報
neng’s three categories]. Matsugaoka bunko kenkyū nenpō (2003) 17:
pp. 47–62.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei 禅宗に対する
: “Zenshū ni taisuru kegonshū no taiō Chigon, Gishō no baai
華厳宗の対応智儼 義相の場合 [Chan’s interaction with Huayan: the cases of Zhiyan and
韓国仏教学
Ŭisang]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 119–143.
岩城英規
Iwaki Eiki 雲棲袾宏の華厳教学
: “Unsei shukō no kegon kyōgaku” [Yunqi Zhu-
印度学仏教学研究
hong’s Huayan scholastics]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1:
pp. 87–91.
陳永裕
Jin Young yu 澄観の華厳観法
: “Chōkan no kegon kanbō ni kansuru bunken no kōsatsu”
に関する文献の考察 [Chengguan’s text about methods of meditation in the Huayan school].
華厳学論集
Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 395–430.
鍵主良敬
Kaginushi Ryōkei 賢首法蔵の生即無生観
: “Kenju Hōzō no shōki mushō kan” [Fa-
zang’s interpretation of the concept that arising is not different from non-arising]. Kegongaku
華厳学論集
ronshū (1997): pp. 241–254.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 31

Kaginushi Ryōkei 鍵主良敬 : “Kegon sanshōzō no keisei”華厳三聖像の形成 [The formation of

the Huayan Trinity]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp.
101–107.
鍵主良敬
Kaginushi Ryōkei 華厳思想史より
: “Kegon shisōshi yori mita Keisokusen no bukkyō”
見た鶏足山の仏教 [The Buddhism of Jizushan in the history of Huayan thought]. Indogaku
印度学仏教学研究
bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 235–241.
鍵主良敬
Kaginushi Ryōkei 宗密以後の華厳宗
: “Shūmitsu igo no kegonshū” [Huayan school
華厳学論集
after Zongmi]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 83–101.
鍵主良敬
Kaginushi Ryōkei : “Tōmatsu Sōsho no kegon to mikkyō, Angaku sekkutsu wo tegakari
唐末宋初の華厳と密教安岳石窟を手がかりとして
to shite” [Huayan and Mijiao in the late
Tang and early Song Dynasties: Getting on the track on Anyue Cave]. Kokusai bukkyō
国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要
daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō (2001) 4: pp. 1–19.
菅野博史 魏道儒
Kano Hiroshi; Wei Daoru : “Chūgoku kegonshū no shōki gakusetsu ni tsuite”
中国華厳宗の性起学説について [A theory of the xingqi of the Chinese Huayan school].
東洋学術研究
Tōyō gakujutsu kenkyū 147(40–2) (2001): pp. 59–69.
金京南
Kim Kyon-nam : Chūgoku kegon ni okeru nyūhokkaibon rikai Chigon to Hōzō o chūshin to
中国華厳における「入法界品」理解 智儼と法蔵を中心として
shite – [An interpretation
of the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra in the Chinese Huayan school]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
インド哲学仏教学研究 (2003) 10: pp. 61–75.
金龍泰
Kim Yong-tae : “Shōan Kanpuku no kegonshisō to sotōsetu Kegonkyō daisho genmon zui-
笑菴観復の華厳思想と祖統説『華厳経大疏玄文
sho engishōkai geki wo chūshin to shite”
随疏演義鈔会解記』を中心として [Guanfu’s Huayan thought and his theory of patriarchal
succession: with a focus on the Huayanjing dashu xuanwen suishu yanyichao huijie ji]. Indoga-
印度学仏教学研究
ku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 20–22.
金龍泰
Kim Yong-tae : “Shōan Kanpuku no kegonshisō kenkyū Kegonkyō daisho genmon zuisho
笑菴観復の華厳思想研究『華厳経大疏玄文随疏演
engishōkai geki wo chūshin to shite”
義鈔会解記』を中心として」 [Xiaoan Guanfu’s studies of Huayan thought: with a focus on
韓国仏
the Huayanjing dashu xuanwen suishu yanyichao huijie ji]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina
教学 Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 161–180.
木村宣彰
Kimura Senshō 法蔵における
: “Hōzō ni okeru Daijōkishinron giki senjutsu no ishu”
『大乗起信論義記』撰述の意趣 [Meaning of writing Dasheng qixinlun yiji by Fazang].
関西大学東西学術研究所研究叢刊
Kansaidaigaku tōzai gakujutsu kenkyūjo kenkyū sōkan
(2000) 15: pp. 65–103.
木村宣彰
Kimura Senshō 智顗と法蔵その伝
: “Chigi to Hōzō sono denki ni mirareru ishitsusei”
記にみられる異質性 [Zhiyi and Fazang: their difference as seen in their biographies]. Buk-
仏教学セミナー
kyōgaku seminā (1995) 61: pp. 1–20.
小島岱山
Kojima Taizan 中国華厳思想史再考
: “Chūgoku kegon shisō shi saikō” [A reconsidera-
印度学仏教学
tion of the history of Huayan thought in China]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 95–100.
小島岱山
Kojima Taizan 中国華厳思想史の新
: “Chūgoku kegon shisō shi no atarashii mikata”
しい見方 [A new viewpoint to the history of Huayan thought in China]. Shirīzu higashi ajia
シリーズ 東アジア仏教
bukkyō (1997) 3: pp. 371–388.
小島岱山
Kojima Taizan 五台山系
: “Godaisan kei kegon shisō no chūgokuteki tenkai josetsu”
華厳思想の中国的展開序説 [Chinese developments of the Wutaishan lineage of Huayan
華厳学論集
thought]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 379–394.
小島岱山
Kojima Taizan 李通玄
: “Ritsūgen ni okeru Rōeki gon itchi no kegon shisō to sono eikyō”
における老易厳一致の華厳思想とその影響 [Li Tongxuan’s concept of identity of Daoism
32 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

and Huayan, and its influence]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1997) 90
45.2: pp. 256–260.
小島岱山
Kojima Taizan 澄観に
: “Chōkan ni okeru rōeki gon itchi no kegon shisō to shi hokkai”
おける老易厳一致の華厳思想と四法界 [Chengguan and Huayan thought]. Indogaku buk-
印度学仏教学研究
kyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 92 46.2: pp. 58–62.
小島岱山
Kojima Taizan : “Godaisan kei kegon shisō no nihon teki tenkai josetsu Myōe ni ataeta
五台山系華厳思想の日本的展開序説明恵に与えた李通玄の影響
Ritsūgen no eikyō” [Japa-
nese evolutions of the Wutaishan lineage of Huayan thought: The influence of Li Tongxuan on
印度学仏教学研究
Myōe]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 86–90.
小島岱山
Kojima Taizan : “Godaisan kei kegon shisō no Chūgokuteki tenkai ni Ekyō Kakuhan ni
五台山系華厳思想の中国的展開 二 慧洪覚範に与えた李通玄
ataeta Ritsūgen no eikyō” ( )
の影響 [Chinese developments of the Wutaishan lineage of Huayan thought (II): The influence
印度学仏教学研究
of Li Tongxuan on Huihong Jiaofan]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2001)
98 49.2: pp. 239–243.
久我尾ひとみ
Kugao Hitomi 『法界
: “Hokke kanmon no chūshaku shorui ni okeru ichi kōsatsu”
観門』の注釈書類における一考察 [A Study of commentaries on the Fajie guanmen]. Ko-
駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究
mazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō (1999)
32: pp. 97–106.
李貞淑
Lee Jeong-sook : “Kegonkyō sōgenki ni okeru jūji kakuchi no meishō to imi ni tsuite”
『華厳経捜玄記』における十地各地の名称と意味について [The meaning of the names of
印度学仏教学研究
the ten stages in the Huayanjing souxuanji]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
(2003) 102 51.2: pp. 14–16.
李恵英
Li Hui-ying 慧苑と『続華厳略疏刊定記』
: “Eon to Zoku kegon ryakuso kanteki” [Hui-
yuan and his work Xu Huayan lüeshu kandingji (A continuation of Fazang’s unfinished com-
南都仏教
mentary on the Huayan sūtra)]. Nanto bukkyō (1995) 72: pp. 40–51.
李恵英
Li Hui-ying : “Eon Zoku kegon ryakuso kanteki kenkyū hachijū kegonkyō no hon’yaku to
慧苑『続華厳略疏刊定記』研究八十華厳経の翻訳と教体論をめ
kyōtairon wo megutte”
ぐって [A study of Huiyan’s Xu Huyan lüeshu kandingji: His testimony on the Chinese transla-
tion of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra in Eighty Fascicles and his explanation of theories on the essence
インド哲学仏教学研究
of teaching]. Indotetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1995) 3: pp. 76–88.
宮地清彦
Miyaji Kiyohiko : “Kegon tenseki ni mirareru zen’aku kan, gō ron ni tsuite Hōzō no
華厳典籍に見られる「善悪」観 「業」論について
Tangenki ni motozuite no ichi kōsatsu”
法蔵の『探玄記』に基づいての一考察 [On “good and evil” and “karma” theory in the docu-
華厳学論集
ments of Huayan on the basis of Fazang’s Tanxuan ji]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997):
pp. 295–309.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 袾宏の華厳浄土義
: “Shukō no kegon jōdogi” [Zhuhong’s concept of
東海仏教
Pure Land in the Huayan]. Tōkai bukkyō (1999) 44: pp. 1–15.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 続袾宏の華厳浄土義
: “Zoku shukō no kegon jōdogi” [Zhuhong’s
同朋大学論叢
concept of Pure Land in the Huayan (part 2)]. Dōhō daigaku ronso (1999) 80:
pp. 51–69.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 華厳宗列祖における浄土義
: “Kegonshū resso ni okeru jōdogi” [The
concept of Pure Land in the Chinese Huayan sect]. Dōhō daigaku bukkyō bunka kenkyūjo kiyō
同朋大学仏教文化研究所紀要 (1999) 18: pp. 1–22.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 延寿の華厳浄土義
: “Enju no kegon jōdogi” [Yanshou’s interpretation
同朋仏教
of the Pure Land in the Huayan]. Dōhō bukkyō (2000) 36: pp. 1–46.
盧在性
No Jae-Seong 清涼澄観の法華経観
: “Seiryō Chōkan no Hokkekyō kan” [Chengguan’s view
印度学仏教学研究
of the Lotus sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96 48.2: pp. 22–24.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 33

Oda Akihiro 織田顕祐 : “Sōgenki no hokkai engisetsu” 『捜玄記』の法界縁起説 [The theory of

仏教学セミナー
dharmadhātu dependent arising in the Souxuanji]. Bukkyōgaku seminar
(1995) 61: pp. 21–37.
Oda Akihiro 織田顕祐 : “Kegonkyō to shōmon Sōgenki ni kegon dōbetsu nikyōhan wa sonzai su-
ru no ka” 『華厳経』と声聞『捜玄記』に華厳同別二教判は存在するのか [Avataṃsaka-
sūtra and śrāvaka: does the classification of distinct and common teachings exist in the Sou-
xuanji?]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 225–239.
Oda Akihiro 織田顕祐 『起
: “Kishinron no nyoraizō setsu to Hōzō no nyoraizō engishū ni tsuite”
信論』の如来蔵説と法蔵の如来蔵縁起宗について [On the tathāgatagarbha theory of the
Awakening of faith and Fazang’s school of causation by the tathāgatagarbha]. Bukkyōgaku
seminā, Ōtani daigaku bukkyōgakkai 仏教学セミナー 大谷大学仏教学会 / (1999) 70: pp.
21–36.
Oda Akihiro 織田顕祐 : “Kegon hokkai engi no kenkyū” 華厳法界縁起の研究 [A study dharma-
dhātu dependent arising in Huayan Buddhism]. Ōtani daigaku kenkyū nenpō 大谷大学研究年
報 (2000) 52: pp. 103–149.
Oda Akihiro 織田顕祐 : “Kinseki bunken ni yoru Chūgoku Kegonkyō no kenkyū” 金石文献によ
る中国華厳経の研究 [A study of the Chinese Avataṃsaka-sūtra based on stone inscriptions].
Shinshū sōgō kenkyūjo kenkyū kiyō 真宗総合研究所研究紀要 (2001) 19: pp. 1–120.
Okamoto Ippei 岡本一平 : “Budabadara no denki kenkyū, Kegonkyō hon’yaku wo chūshin ni”仏
駄跋陀羅の伝記研究『華厳経』翻訳を中心に [A study of Buddhabhadra’s biography: Fo-
cusing on his translation of the Huayan sūtra]. Bukkyōgaku 仏教学 (2001) 43: pp. 51–73.
Okuno Mitsuyoshi 奥野光賢 : “Kichizō kyōgaku to Kegonkyō o megutte” 吉蔵教学と『華厳経』
を めぐって [Jizang and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp.
177–190.
Ōtake Susumu 大竹晋 : “Sanitsu bubun wo chūshin to shita Hōzō Mitsugonkyōsho no kenkyū geng-
yōhon no isen wo shōmei shi, jironshū bunken to ketsuron su” 散逸部分を中心とした法蔵
『密厳経疏』の研究 現行本の偽撰を証明し、地論宗文献と結論す [Fazang’s commen-
tary on the Ghanavyūha-sūtra with focus on the lost parts]. Shūkyōgaku Hikakushisōgaku
ronshū 宗教学 比較思想学論集 (1998) 1: pp. 19–31.
Ōtake Susumu 大竹晋 : “Chosha mondai wo chūshin to shita Kegonkyō kanmyaku giki Kongō
han’nya haramitsukyō ryakusho no kenkyū Hōzō, Chigon no shinsen narazaru koto wo shōmei
shi awasete senjutsu no haike ni genkyū su” 著者問題を中心とした『華厳経関脈義記』
『金剛般若波羅蜜経略疏』の研究 法蔵 智儼の真撰ならざることを証明し、併せて撰
述の背景に言及す [Research of Huayanjing guanmo yiji and Jingang bore boluomijing lüe-
shu with focus on author problem]. Shūkyōgaku Hikakushisōgaku ronshū 宗教学比較思想学
論集 (1999) 2: pp. 13–24.
Seo Heagi 徐海基: “Chōkan no hokkai kaishaku sandaisetsu wo chūshin ni” 澄観の法界解
釈三大説を中心に [Chengguan’s interpretation of the dharmadhātu, centering on the theory
of three great principles or substance, form and function]. Nanto bukkyō 南都仏教 (2000) 79:
pp. 18–43.
Seo Heagi 徐海基: “Chōkan no Kegonkyōsho ni mirareru ri ni tsuite ri to gengo to no kankei no
kanten kara” 澄観の『華厳経疏』に見られる「理」について「理」と「言語」との関係
の観点から [On the concept of li in the Huayan jing shu of Chengguan]. Indogaku bukkyōga-
ku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1997) 90 45.2: pp. 194–196.
Seo Heagi 徐海基: “Seiryō kokushi Chōkan no denki to gakkei” 清凉国師澄観の伝記と学系
[Chengguan’s biography and genealogy of studies]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina 韓国仏教学
Seminar 7 (1998): pp. 81–107.
34 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

Seo Heagi 徐海基 澄観の華厳法界観

: “Chōkan no kegon hokkai kan” [Chengguan’s understand-
インド哲学仏教学研究
ing of the dharmadhātu]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1999)
6: pp. 46–59.
徐海基
Seo Heagi 澄観の禅宗観
: “Chōkan no zenshūkan” [Chengguan’s view of the Chan school].
印度学仏教学研究
Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 66–70.
Seo Heagi徐海基 四法界観の成立と『法界
: “Shi hokkai kan no seiritsu to Hokkai kanmon”
観門』 [The formation of the doctrine of the four dharmadhātus and the Huayan meditation
印度学仏教学研究
on the dharmadhātus]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 104 52.2: pp.
194–200.
柴田泰
Shibata Tōru 中国における華厳系浄土思想
: “Chūgoku ni okeru kegon kei jōdo shisō”
華厳学論集
[Huayan’ Pure Land thought in China]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 349–364.
杉山二郎
Sugiyama Jirō 宝慶寺石仏龕像再考
: “Hōkeiji sekibutsu ganzō saikō” [The stone
sculptures of Baoqing Temple: Revisited – The Role of Fazang, Third Patriarch of Huayan
国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要
Buddhism]. Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō
(2002) 5: pp. 1–52.
丹治昭義
Tanji Teruyoshi 『起
: “Kishinron to Giki no ichi kōsatsu jobun, hokkijo ni kanren shite”
信論』と『義記』の一考察 序分、発起序に関連して [Investigation of the Awakening of
関西大
Mahāyāna Faith and Qixinlun yiji]. Kansaidaigaku gakujutsu kenkyū jo kenkyū sōkan
学東西学術研究所研究叢刊 (2000) 15: pp. 160–184.
舘野正生
Tateno Masao 法蔵教学に於ける懺悔
: “Hōzō kyōgaku ni okeru zange” [The repen-
儀礼文化
tance of Fazang’doctrine]. Girei bunka (1995) 22.
舘野正生
Tateno Masao : “Mongi kōmoku to Tangenki to no taihi yori mita Hōzō kyōgaku no
『文義綱目』と『探玄記』との対比より見た法蔵教学の推移
suii” [The change of Fa-
zang’s Huayan doctrine by comparative study of Wenyi gangmu and Tanxuan ji]. Komazawa
駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究
daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō (1995) 28: pp.
28–44.
舘野正生
Tateno Masao 「縁起相
: “Engi sōyū no hensen ni miru Hōzō kegon shisō no keisei”
由」の変遷に見る法蔵華厳思想の形成 [The process of the formation of Fazang’s Huayan
Buddhism from the perspective of the changing doctrine of the mutual causation of dependent
印度学仏教学研究
origination]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1: pp. 81–83.
舘野正生
Tateno Masao : “Hōzō kegonshisō keiseijō ni okeru Kegonkyō shiki no ichi hosshō yūzū
法蔵華厳思想形成上に於ける『華厳経旨帰』の位置法性融通を中
wo chūshin to shite”
心として [Position of Huayanjing zhigui in formation Fazang’s Huayan thought with focus on
華厳学論集
interpenetration of dharma-nature]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 277–294.
舘野正生
Tateno Masao 法蔵撰「法界縁起章」の研究
: “Hōzō sen Hokkai engishō no kenkyū”
南都仏教
[A study of Fazang’s Fajie yuanqi zhang]. Nanto bukkyō (1997) 74: pp. 55–70.
舘野正生
Tateno Masao : “Inga no yōrei yori mita Gokyōshō ni okeru Hōzō no shisōteki tachiba”
因果の用例より見た『五教章』に於ける法蔵の思想的立場 [Fazang’s philosophical stand-
point in Wujiaozhang through an examination of the citations on the cause and effect problem].
駒沢大学仏教学部論集
Komazawa daigaku bukkyōgakubu ronshū (1997) 28: pp. 313–327.
舘野正生
Tateno Masao 法蔵撰『華厳経文義
: “Hōzō sen Kegonkyō mongi kōmoku no kenkyū”
綱目』の研究 [A study of Fazang’s Huayanjing wenyi gangmu]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
印度学仏教学研究 (1998) 93 47.1: pp. 34–37.
舘野正生
Tateno Masao 法
: “Hōzō kegon shisō ni okeru ichi tokuchō to shite no inga kaishaku”
蔵華厳思想における一特徴としての因果解釈 [Interpretation of cause and effect: a special
大正大学綜合仏教
feature of Fazang’s thought]. Taishō daigaku sōgō bukkyō kenkyūjo sōsho
研究所叢書 (2001) 9: pp. 168–203.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 35

Tateno Masao 舘野正生: “Jūgi no hensen ni miru Hōzō kegon shisō no keisei (zenpen)” 十義の
変遷に見る法蔵華厳思想の形成 (前篇) [The formation of Fazang’s Huayan thought in the
transition of the ten principles]. Ōmon ronsō 桜文論叢 (2004) 61: pp. 158–135.
Tayama Reishi 田山令史: “Tetsugaku no naka no bukkyō Hōzō no sūron” 哲学の中の仏教法
蔵の数論 [Buddhism in philosophy: Fazang’s theory of number]. Nihon bukkyō gakkai nenpō
日本仏教学会年報 (2001) 66: pp. 211–226.
Toda Daichi 田戸大智: “Chōkan shoin no goshu hosshin ni tsuite nihon mikkyō ni okeru tenkai ni
chakumoku shite” 澄観所引の五種法身について日本密教における展開に着目して [The
five kinds of Dharmakāya cited by Chengguan and its development in Japanese esoteric Bud-
dhism]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2003) 103 52.1: pp. 44–47.
Uno Kiminori 宇野公順: “Gohō to Hōzō ni okeru arayashiki-setsu no taihi, Kegon gokyōshō wo
tegakari to shite” 護法と法蔵における阿頼耶識説の対比 『華厳五教章』を手がかりと
して [Dharmapāla and Fazang’s view on ālayavijñāna: with reference to Kegon gokyō shō].
Ōtani daigaku daigakuin kenkyū kiyō 大谷大学大学院研究紀要 (2000) 17: pp. 93–113.
Wang Song 王頌: “Sankyō kōshō shi yori mita Jōgen no tachiba” 三教交渉史よりみた浄源の立
場 [Jingyuan’s position from the perspective of the history of mutual influence of the three
religions]. Kokusai bukkyō daigakuin daigaku kenkyū kiyō 国際仏教学大学院大学研究紀要
(2001) 4: pp. 179–202.
Wang Song 王頌: “Sōjō sen Butsufusenron no igi to Jōgen no rikai no tokushitsu” 僧肇撰
「物不遷論」の意義と浄源の理解の特質 [The meaning of Sengzhao’s Wubuqian lun and
the speciality of Jingyuan’s understanding of it]. Nanto bukkyō 南都仏教 (2002) 82: pp. 155–
168.
Wang Song 王頌: “Giwa no kegon jōdokyō ni tsuite” 義和の華厳浄土教について [Yihe and his
thought on Pure Land of Huayan]. Higashi ajia bukkyō kenkyū 東アジア仏教研究 (2003) 1:
pp. 48–64.
Wang Song 王頌: “Jōgen no Fushinkūron ni taisuru kegontekina toraekata Fushinkū to shinjin no
kaishaku ni tsuite” 浄源の『不真空論』に対する華厳的な捉え方「不真空」と「真心」
の解釈について [Jingyuan’s Huayan understanding of Buzhenkong lun: concerning his expla-
nation of not absolute emptiness and absolute mind]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏
教学研究 (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 11–13.
Wang Song 王頌: “Giwa Mujintoshō ni okeru Chōkan, Shūmitsu no eikyō” 義和『無尽灯序』に
おける澄観、宗密の影響 [The influence of Chengguan and Zongmi on Yihe’s Wujindeng
xu]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2004) 104 52.2: pp. 160–162.
Wang Song 王頌: “Kegon fugengyōgan shūshōgi kōhon no chosha ni tsuite” 『華厳普賢行願修証
儀』甲本の著者について [The Huayan puxian xingyuanxiu zheng yi and its author]. Higashi
ajia bukkyō kenkyū 東アジア仏教研究 (2004) 2: pp. 71–79.
Wang Song 王頌: “Kegon fugengyōgan shūshōgi kōhon no chosha ni tsuite” 『華厳普賢行願修証
儀』甲本の著者について [The Huayan puxian xingyuanxiu zheng yi and its author]. Indogaku
bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2005) 106 53.2: 680–684.
Yao Changshou 姚長寿: “Bōzan sekkyō ni okeru kegon tenseki ni tsuite” 房山石経における華
厳典籍について [Huayan texts in the Fangshan shijing]. Chūgoku bukkyō sekkyō kenkyū 中国
仏教石経の研究 (1996): pp. 411–438.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shikai to kanpuku no ronsō kaishōmon no kaishaku wo chūshin to
shite” 師会と観復の論争該摂門の解釈を中心として [A discussion of the dispute between
Shihui and Guanfu on the understanding of the unity of the three vechicles]. Komazawa dai-
gaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyū kai nenpō 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 (1995) 28: pp.
109–117.
36 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Myōshūki no chosaku mokuteki to sono dōkyō rikai” 『明宗記』の著
作目的とその同教理解 [The aim of writing Mingzongji and its comprehension of common
teaching]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyū kai nenpō 駒沢大学大学院仏教
学研究 (1996) 29: pp. 131–147.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Ichijōgi wo meguru shikai to kanpuku no ronsō ni tsuite” 一乗義
をめぐる師会と観復の論争について [On the dispute between Shihui and Guanfu concern-
ing the one-vehicle]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp.
108–110.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Chōsō kegongaku no tenkai Hokkekyō kaishaku no tenkai wo chūshin
to shite” 趙宋華厳学の展開法華経解釈の展開を中心として [The development of the Hua-
yan philosophy in the Song dynasty: on the development of the interpretations on the Lotus
Sūtra]. Komazawa daigaku bukkyōgakubu ronshū 駒沢大学仏教学部論集 (1997) 27: pp. 215–
225.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Chūgoku kegon no sotōsetu ni tsuite” 中国華厳の祖統説について
[On the theory of patriarchal succession in Chinese Huayan]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集
(1997): pp. 485–504.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shōan Kanpuku no chosaku ni tsuite” 笑菴観復の著作について
[About the works of Xiaoan Guangfu]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai
nenpō 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 (1997) 30: pp. 23–36.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Yūkai ichijōgishō myōshūki no seiritsu haikei” 『融会一乗義章明宗
記』の成立背景 [The background of the formation of the Ronghui yisheng yizhang mingzong-
ji]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1997) 89 45.1: pp. 84–86.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shōan Kanpuku no shigi dōkyō setsu” 笑菴観復の四義同教説 [Xiaoan
Guangfu’s theory on the four meanings of the common teaching]. Komazawa daigaku daiga-
kuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 (1998) 31: pp. 117–134.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Hokusō dai ni okeru kegon kōryū no keii kegon kyōgaku shi ni okeru
chōsui shisen no ichizuke” 北宋代に於ける華厳興隆の経緯華厳教学史に於ける長水子璿
の位置づけ [The flourishing of Huayan during the Northern Song period: Changshui Zixuan’s
position in the history of Huayan Buddhism]. Komazawadaigaku zengaku kenkyūjo nenpō 駒沢
大学禅研究所年報 (1998) 9: pp. 193–214.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Kadō Shikai no ichigi dōkyō setsu” 可堂師会の一義同教説 [Ketang
Shihui’s theory on the one meaning of the common teaching]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin
bukkyōgaku kenkyū 駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究 (1999) 32: pp. 173–190.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shikai ni yoru dōkyō kaishaku no tokuchō” 師会による同教解釈の特
徴 [A characteristic of Shihui’s interpretation of the common teaching]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku
kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 94 47.2: pp. 76–79.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Shinsui Jōgen to Sōdai kegon” 晋水浄源と宋代華厳 [Jingyuan and
Huayan doctrine in the Song dynasty]. Zengaku kenkyū 禅学研究 (1999) 77: pp. 93–149.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Sōdai ni okeru Jōron no juyō keitai ni tsuite Junshiki Chūjōronso wo
megutte” 宋代における『肇論』の受容形態について遵式『注肇論疏』をめぐって [The
reception of the Zhaolun in the Song dynasty: concerning Zunshi’s Zhu Zhaolun shu]. Indoga-
ku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2000) 97 49.1: pp. 99–102.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Chōsui Shisen ni okeru Shūmitsu kyōgaku no juyō to tenkai” 長水子璿
における宗密教学の受容と展開 [Reception and developments of Zongmi’s doctrines in the
works of Changshui Zixuan]. Nanto bukkyō 南都仏教 (2001) 80: pp. 1–23.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Honsū Hokkai kanmon tsūgenki ni tsuite kegon fukkōki no kyōkan hei
shūron wo chūshin to shite” 本崇『法界観門通玄記』について – 華厳復興期の教観并修
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 37

論を中心として [On Benchong’s Fajieguangmen tongxuanji: with focus on the cultivation of

scripture study and meditative practice during the revival period of Huayan]. Zengaku kenkyū
禅学研究 (2001) 80: pp. 124–140.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Chōsui Shisen no mujō jōbutsuron” 長水子璿の無情成仏論 [Chang-
shui Zixuan’s idea of the attainment of Buddhahood by non-sentient beings]. Indogaku bukkyō-
gaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 56–60.
Yoshida Takeshi 吉田剛: “Sōdai ni okeru kegon raisan giki no seiritsu” 宋代における華厳礼懺
儀軌の成立 [The development of Huayan confessional manuals in the Song era]. Indogaku
bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2003) 103 52.1: pp. 171–176.
Yoshii Kazuo 吉井和夫: “So Tōba to shakyō 2 Kegonkyō Yuimagyō” 蘇東坡と写経 (2) 「華厳
経」「維摩経」 [Su Dongpo and sūtra copying: the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Vimalakīrti-sūtra].
Seizan gakuhō 西山学報 (2004) 49: pp. 1–21.
Yoshikawa Taichiro 吉川太一郎: “Sen’en no shinmōron” 鮮演の真妄論 [Xianyan’s conception
of truth and error]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2004) 104 52.2: pp.
163–165.
Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英: “Daijō kishinron no saikentō” 大乗起信論の再検討 [A re-exami-
nation of Dasheng qixinlun]. Higashi ajia bukkyō no shomondai 東アジア仏教の諸問題
(2001): pp. 133–149.
Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英: “Kegon kyōgaku no ataeta Sōdai zenshū e no eikyō Shuryōgongyō
shinkō keisei e no yōin” 華厳教学の与えた宋代禅宗への影響首楞厳経信仰形成への要因
[Influence of Huayan doctrines to the Chan school of the Song period: the main cause of the
formation of belief in the Sūraṅgama-samādhi-sūtra]. Sōdai zenshū no shakaiteki eikyō
宋代禅宗の社会的影響 (2002): pp. 289–328.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Sōdai ni okeru kegonzen no tenkai Shisen no Kishinronso hissaku-
宋代における「華厳禅」の展開 子璿の『起信論疏筆削記』を中
ki wo chūshin to shite”
心として [The development of Huayan-chan in Song period with focus on Zixuan’s Qixin lun
禅学研究の諸相
shu bi xue ji]. Zengaku kenkyū no shosō (2003): pp. 177–198.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide 法蔵教学の形成と展開
: “Hōzō kyōgaku no keisei to tenkai” [The
論集東大
formation and evolution of Fazang’s doctrine]. Ronshū tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku
寺の歴史と教学 (2003) 1: pp. 31–37.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Chūgoku kegon gakuha no hitobito ni yoru tendai kyōgaku no iyō
中国華厳学派の人々による天台教
toku ni tendaigi e no Chōkan no ihyō ni chūmoku shite”
学の依用特に天台義への澄観の「依憑」に注目して [Application of Tiantai teachings by
people of the Huayan sect in China with focus on Chengguan’s reliance on Tiantai doctrine].
天台大師研究
Tendaidaishi kenkyū (1997): pp. 589–614.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide 大乗止観法門の華厳思想
: “Daijō shikan hōmon no kegon shisō”
三論教
[Huayan thought of the great vehicle meditation]. Sanron kyōgaku to bukkyō sho shisō
学と仏教諸思想 (2000): pp. 291–311.
張文良
Zhang Wenliang 澄観の「唯心念仏」思想
: “Chōkan no yuishin nembutsu shisō” [Cheng-
印度学仏教学研究
guan’s idea of mind-only nianfo]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002)
100 50.2: pp. 131–133.
張文良
Zhang Wenliang 澄観における如来蔵
: “Chōkan ni okeru nyoraizō to arayashiki ni tsuite”
と阿頼耶識について [Chengguan’s interpretation of tathāgatagarbha and ālayavijñāna].
インド哲学仏教学研究
Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003) 10: pp. 46–60.
張文良
Zhang Wenliang 澄観における離念と無念
: “Chōkan ni okeru rinen to munen” [Cheng-
印度学仏教学研究
guan’s interpretation of linian and wunian]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
(2003) 102 51.2: pp. 17–19.
38 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

2.4. Hwaŏm in Korea

張愛順
Chang Ae Soon : “Sangoku iji ni okeru kegon shinkō”『三国遺事』における華厳信仰
[Huayan belief in the Samguk yusa]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 621–638.
張愛順
Chang Ae Soon 大覚国師義天の華厳優位
: “Daikaku kokushi Giten no kegon yūi shisō”
思想 [Ŭich’ŏn’s view on the superiority of Hwaŏm Buddhism]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
印度学仏教学研究 (2001) 99 50.1: pp. 262–269.
張愛順
Chang Ae Soon : “Sangoku iji ni okeru Ichinen no kegonkyōkan” 三国遺事における一然
の華厳経観 [Iryŏn’s views on the Huayan sūtra in the Samguk yusa]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku
印度学仏教学研究
kenkyū (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 100–105.
崔鈆植
Che Yeon Sik : “Shiragi Kentō no katsudō ni tsuite” 新羅見登の活動について [Con-
cerning the activity of Silla Kyŏndŭng]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究
(2002) 100 50.2: pp. 225–228.
崔鈆植
Che Yeon Sik 珍嵩の『孔目章
: “Chinsū no Kōmokushōki itsubun ni taisuru kenkyū”
記』逸文に対する研究 [A study of the corrupted portions of Chinsung’s Kongmok changgi].
韓国仏教学
Hanguk bulkyohak semina Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 46–72.
曹潤鎬
Cho Yunho 佐藤厚 –Satō Atsushi 韓国華厳学研究
: “Kankoku kegongaku kenkyū” [Stud-
韓国仏教学
ies on Korean Hwaŏm Buddhism in Japan]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina Seminar 8
(2000): pp. 12–65.
Choe In Hwan 蔡印幻 韓国華厳祖師海印寺希朗
: “Kankoku kegon soshi Kaiinji Kirō” [On
Master Hŭirang of Korean Hwaŏm]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 661–679.
Choi You-jun 崔裕鎮 : “Gangyō no wajō ni tsuite” 元暁の和諍について [Wŏnhyo’s theory of har-
monizing theoretical disputes]. Nanto bukkyō 南都仏教 (1996) 73: pp. 18–27.
Fukushi Jinin 福士慈稔 新羅王権と華厳思想
: “Shiragi ōken to kegon shisō” [The royal pre-
華厳学論集
rogative of the Silla dynasty and Huayan thought]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp.
639–659.
韓鐘万
Han Jong Man 義相華厳の『法界
: “Gishō kegon no Hokkaizu kisō zuiroku teki rikai”
図記叢髄録』的理解 [Understanding of Ŭisang’s Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok]. Kegongaku
華厳学論集
ronshū (1997): pp. 605–620.
長谷部幽蹊
Hasebe Yūkei 中国華厳の晩景
: “Chūgoku kegon no bankei” [Scenery of evening in
華厳学論集
Chinese Huayan]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 535–548.
長谷川昌弘
Hasegawa Masahiro 宋代居士におけ
: “Sōdai koji ni okeru kegonkyō juyō ni tsuite”
る『華厳経』受容について [The acceptance of Avataṃsaka-sūtra by a lay religious practi-
華厳学論集
tioner in the Song dynasty]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 505–518.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : “Gangyō no wajō shisō no genryū Ryōgakyō to no kanren wo chūshin to
元暁の和諍思想の源流 『楞伽経』との関連を中心として
shite” [Sources of Wŏnhyo’s
principle of reconciliation: with special reference to the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyō-
印度学仏教学研究
gaku kenkyū (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 19–23.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : “Chōsen kegon no tokushitsu Gishō kei ni mirareru zenshū to jiron kyōgaku
朝鮮華厳の特質 義湘系に見られる禅宗と地論教学の影響
no eikyō” – [A speciality of the
Korean Hwaŏm school: the influence of Chan and Dilun on the lineage of Ŭisang]. Ronshū
論集東大寺の歴史と教学
tōdaiji no rekishi to kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 47–55.
章輝玉
Jang Huiok : “Daikaku kokushi bunshū ni mieru Giten no kegon henchō shisō tendaishū
大覚国師文集にみえる義天の華厳偏重思想天台宗開創に対する
kaisō ni taisuru gimon”
疑問 [Overemphasis of Ŭich’ŏn’s Huayan Buddhism in Taegak Kuksa munjip]. Kegongaku
華厳学論集
ronshū (1997): pp. 77–90.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 39

Jeon Hae-ju 全海住: “Gangyō no wajō genri kegon isshin ni tsuite” 元暁の和諍原理 華厳一心に
ついて [Wŏnhyo’s principle of reconciliation: on the one-mind of Hwaŏm]. Indogaku bukkyō-
gaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 95 48.1: pp. 225–229.
Jeon Hae-ju 全海住: “Ichijō hokkaizu no chosha ni tsuite” 一乗法界図の著者について [A study
on the authorship of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究
(1999) 94 47.2: pp. 229–231.
Jeon Hae-ju 全海住: “Fugen gyōgan ni mirareru kegon shōki shisō” 普賢行願にみられる華厳性
起思想 [Hwaŏm Song-gi thought in the vows of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva]. Indogaku
bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 161–166.
Jeon Hae-ju 全海住: “Kin’nyo no sūjissen setsu ni tsuite” 均如の数十銭説について [Kyunyŏ’s
discussion of the methaphor of counting ten coins]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教
学研究 (2002) 100 50.2: pp. 232–239.
Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Kin’nyo no ton’en ichijōgi no seiritsu to ito ni tsuite” 均如の頓円一乗義
の成立と意図について [Concerning the formation of Kyunyŏ’s ‘One-vehicle of the sudden
and perfect teaching’ and its significances]. Tōhō 東方 (1997) 13: pp. 136–146.
Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Kin’nyo no Hokkekyō kan” 均如の法華経観 [Kyunyŏ`s view of the
Lotus sūtra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 95 48.1: pp. 222–224.
Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Kankoku kegon ni okeru sanjō gokuka eshin setsu no nagare” 韓国華厳
における三乗極果廻心説の流れ [Conversion to the highest fruit of the three vehicles in the
Hwaŏm school of Korea]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2001) 99 50.1:
pp. 270–272.
Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Kin’nyo no kegongaku ni okeru mittsu no Hokkekyō kan” 均如の華厳
学における三つの法華経観 [Kyunyŏ’s three views on the Lotus Sūtra]. Hanguk bulkyohak
semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 181–194.
Kim Chon Hak 金天鶴: “Gishō kei no kegogaku ni okeru ichijōgi no tokushitsu” 義相系の華
厳学における一乗義の特質 [Characteristic quality of one-vehicle in Ŭisang’s school]. Tōyō
bunka kenkyū 東洋文化研究 (2005) 7: pp. 229–251.
Kim Hanik 金漢益: “Kankoku bukkyō girei ni han’ei sareta kegon shisō” 韓国仏教儀礼に反映さ
れた華厳思想 [Huayan thought reflected in the Buddhist ritual of Korea]. Kegongaku ronshū
華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 727–743.
Kim Ji Gyeon 金知見: “Hokkai zuki no tekisuto saikō indarani no hyōki ni tsuite” 『法界図記』
のテキスト再考「因陀羅尼」の表記について [Reconsideration of the text of Pŏpkyedo ki].
Tōhō 東方 (1997) 13: pp. 89–95.
Kim Ji Gyeon 金知見: “Kin’nyoden saikō bōmei no tamashi” 均如伝再考亡命の魂 [Reconsid-
eration of the biography of Kyunyŏ]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 681–709.
Kimura Kiyotaka 木村清孝: “Kaiin zammairon kō” 『海印三昧論』考 [A consideration of the
Interpretation of Haein sammae]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2003)
102 51.2: pp. 89–95.
Kiyota Keiichi 清田圭一: “Gishō no sekaikan” 義湘の世界観 [The world view of Ŭisang]. Kegon-
gaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 569–589.
Lee Do Op 李道業: “Gishō no hokkai engikan” 義湘の法界縁起観 [Ŭisang’s conception of the
dharmadhātu dependent arising]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 95
48.1: pp. 230–235.
Lee Heng-ku 李杏九: “Gishō no hosshinbutsukan” 義湘の法身仏観 [Ŭisang’s view on dharma-
kāya Buddha]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2001) 99 50.1: pp. 254–261.
Lee Konhi 李乾煕: “Kankoku kegon no tokushitsu” 韓国華厳の特質 [Characteristic quality of
Hwaŏm in Korea]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 745–760.
40 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

Nakajima Shirō 中島志郎: “Chitotsu ni okeru kegonron setsuyō no imi” 知訥における『華厳論

節要』の意味 [The meaning of the Hwaŏmron chŏryo in Chinul’s thought]. Indogaku bukkyō-
gaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1995) 87 44.1: pp. 1–5.
No Jae-Seong 盧在性: “Sesshin no kegon shakudai ni oyoboshita Chōkan no chojutsu” 雪岑の
『華厳釈題』に及ぼした澄観の著述 [Chengguan’s writing influencing the Hwaŏm sŏkche
of Sŏlcham]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 711–725.
Ōtake Susumu 大竹晋: “Shiragi Gishō no yuishiki setsu” 新羅義湘の唯識説 [Ŭisang’s conscious-
ness-only theory]. Hanguk bulkyohak semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 8 (2000): pp. 337–359.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Chōsen kegon to Jūjikyōron ka no shoi no kaishaku” 朝鮮華厳と『十地経
論』「加の所為」の解釈 [On the Korean Hwaŏm thought and the interpretation on the jiazhi
suowei of the Shidi jing lun]. Tōyō daigaku daigakuin kiyō 東洋大学大学院紀要 31 (1995):
pp. 253–266.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Daiki no gojūkaiin setsu ni tsuite” 「大記」の五重海印説について [Con-
cerning Taekai’s five kinds of ocean-seal samādhi]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教
学研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 286–288.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishō no chūdō gi” 義湘の中道義 [Ŭisang concept of middle way]. Tōyō
daigaku daigakuin kiyō 東洋大学大学院紀要 32, Bungaku kenkyūka (tetsugaku, bukkyōgaku,
Chūgoku tetsugaku) 文学研究科(哲学 仏教学 中国哲学) (1996): pp. 157–169.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishō no kyōhan shisō” 義湘の教判思想 [Ŭisang’s doctrinal classification].
Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 591–604.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishōkei kegon shisō ni okeru Kegonkyō rikai Jikushō entsūki wo chūshin
to shite” 義湘系華厳思想における『華厳経』理解『十句章円通記』を中心として [The
interpretation of the Huayan jing in the Ŭisang school]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学
仏教学研究 (1997) 90 45.2: pp. 266–268.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishōkei kegon bunken ni mieru ronri jūsōteki kyōri kaishaku” 義湘系華厳
文献に見える論理重層的教理解釈 [On the peculiar logical form in Hwaŏm literature belong-
ing to Ŭisang’s school: the stratified interpretation of Hwaŏom doctrinal system]. Hanguk
bulkyohak semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 7 (1998): pp. 136–157.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishōkei kegon shisō ni okeru mujū” 義湘系華厳思想における無住 [On
the conception of non-abiding in the Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm lineage]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
印度学仏教学研究 (1999) 94 47.2: pp. 84–87.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Gishōkei kegon gakuha no kihon shisō to Daijō kishinron hihan Gishō to
Gangyō no tairon kiji no haigo ni aru mono” 義湘系華厳学派の基本思想と『大乗起信論』
批判義湘と元暁の対論記事の背後にあるもの [On the basic thought of the Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm
lineage and a criticism of the Dasheng qixin lun]. Tōyōgaku kenkyū 東洋学研究 (2000) 37: pp.
51–82.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Nyoraizō no kagami to kegon no kagami Gishōkei kegon kyōgaku ni okeru
Daijō kishinron hihan no ichirei” 如来蔵の鏡と華厳の鏡 義湘系華厳教学における『大乗
起信論』批判の一例 [The mirror of Tathāgatagarbha and the mirror of Huayan: one example
for the criticism against the Dasheng qixin lun in the teaching of Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm lineage].
Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2001) 98 49.2: pp. 254–258.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Kenahyōka ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki no kisoteki kōsatsu” 『健拏標訶
一乗修行者秘密義記』の基礎的考察 [A basic study on Kŏnna p’yoga ilsŭng suhaengja pi-
milŭi ki]. Tōyōgaku kenkyū 東洋学研究 (2002) 39: pp. 147–178.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚: “Kankoku bukkyō ni okeru kegon kyōgaku to mikkyō to no yūgō Kenahyōka
ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki shōkō” 韓国仏教における華厳教学と密教との融合『健拏標
訶一乗修行者秘密義記』小考 [The amalgamation of Huayan doctrine and esoteric Buddhism
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 41

in Korea: Some remarks on the Kŏnna p’yoga ilsŭng suhaengja pimilŭi ki]. Indogaku bukkyō-
gaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2003) 102 51.2: pp. 96–99.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚 : “Kenahyōka ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki ni okeru gishō ichiji hokkaizu no
iyō” 『健拏標訶一乗修行者秘密義記』における義湘『一乗法界図』の依用 [The recep-
tion of Ŭisang’s Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo in the Kŏnna p’yoga ilsŭng suhaengja pimilŭi ki]. Indogaku
bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2004) 104 52.2: pp. 180–183.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚 : “Kōrai Kin’nyo no kyōhanron Chōsen kegon kyōgaku oyobi higashi ajia ke-
gon kyōgaku ni okeru ichizuke wo shiya ni irete” 高麗均如の教判論 朝鮮華厳教学および –
東アジア華厳教学における位置づけを視野に入れて [The Korean Kyunyŏ’s doctrinal clas-
sification: regarding his position in Korean Hwaŏm teaching and East Asian Huayan teaching].
Higashi ajia bukkyō kenkyū 東アジア仏教研究 (2004) 2: pp. 17–33.
Satō Atsushi 佐藤厚 : “Shūgyōroku kan nijūhachi shoin Zōkegonkyō ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki
ni tsuite Bōzan sekkyō kokukyō Kenahyōka ichijō shugyōsha himitsu giki to no taishō kenkyū”
『宗鏡録』巻二十八所引「雑華厳経一乗修行者秘密義記」について 房山石経刻経『健
拏標訶一乗修行者秘密義記』との対照研究 [On the Za huyan jing yisheng xiuxingzhe mimi
yiji quoted in the 28th chapter of the Zongjinglu: a comparison with Kŏnna p’yoga ilsŭng su-
haengja pimilŭi ki of the Fangshan stone scriptures]. Tōyōgaku kenkyū 東洋学研究 (2004) 41:
pp. 159–182.
Satō Shigeki 佐藤繁樹: “Gangyō tetsugaku to kegon shisō” 元暁哲学と華厳思想 [Wŏnhyo’s phi-
losophy and Huayan thought]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 551–568.
Shibasaki Terukazu 柴崎照和: “Giten Enshū monrui no kenkyū shimei nyokichi Kōrai Giten” 義
天『円宗文類』の研究四明如吉と高麗義天 [A study of Ŭich’ŏn’s Wŏnjong mullyu]. Indo-
gaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (1996) 88 44.2: pp. 111–113.
Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英 – Shibazaki Terukazu 柴崎照和: “Giten hensan Enshū monrui kan
daiichi kaidai to honkoku” 義天編纂『円宗文類』巻第一解題と翻刻 [The first chapter of
Wŏnjong mullyu, edited by Ŭich’ŏn: Introduction and reprint]. Komazawa daigaku bukkyōga-
kubu kenkyū kiyō 駒沢大学仏教学部研究紀要 (1998) 56: pp. 87–125.
Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英 – Shibazaki Terukazu 柴崎照和: “Gangyō no Kishin ronsho to Bekki
to no kankei ni tsuite” 元暁の起信論疏と別記との関係について [On the relationship be-
tween Wŏnhyo’s commentary and expository notes to the Awakening of faith]. Hanguk bulkyo-
hak semina 韓国仏教学 Seminar 9 (2003): pp. 321–339.

2.5. Kegon in Japan

Andō Fumio 安藤文雄: “Senjakushū to Zaijarin nenbutsukan wo chūshin to shite” 『選択集』と

『摧邪輪』念仏観を中心として [Senjakushu and Zaijarin: on the view of nenbutsu]. Shin-
shū sōgō kenkyūjo kenkyū kiyō 真宗総合研究所研究紀要 (1997) 14: pp. 61–76.
Araki Yūya 荒木優也: “Myōe waka to kegon yuishingi” 明恵和歌と「華厳唯心義」 [Myōe’s
Waka and Mind-only of Huayan]. Nihon bungaku ronkyū 日本文学論究 (2003) 62: pp. 52–61.
Asaeda Zenshō 朝枝善照: “Kegon no seiki godaisan bukkyō bunkaken to Tōdaiji” 華厳の世紀五
台山仏教文化圏と東大寺 [Century of Huayan: the cultural area of Five mountain Buddhism
and the Tōdaiji]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 803–818.
Atago Kuniyasu 愛宕邦康: “Yūshin anrakudō Raigōin bon no saikentō to mondaiten” 『遊心安楽
道』来迎院本の再検討と問題点 [Re-examination and problem of Yūshin anrakudō in the
Raigōin]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学論集 (1997): pp. 819–836.
42 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

愛宕邦康
Atago Kuniyasu : “Yūshin anrakudō no senjutsusha ni kansuru ichi kōsatsu Tōdaiji ke-
『遊心安楽道』の撰述者に関す
gonsō Chikei to sono shisōteki kanren ni chakumoku shite”
る一考察東大寺華厳僧智憬とその思想的関連に着目して [An examination of the author
of the Yūshin anrakudō: in relation to the thought of Chikei, a Kegon monk at Tōdaiji Temple].
南都仏教
Nanto bukkyō (1994) 70: pp. 16–30.
愛宕邦康
Atago Kuniyasu : “Gangyō den no ichi keitai waga kuni ni okeru gangyōzō no haikei”
元暁伝の一形態我が国における元暁像の背景 [A form of the life of Wŏnhyo: The back-
東海仏教
ground of an image of Wŏnhyo in Japan]. Tōkai bukkyō (1997) 42: pp. 18–31.
愛宕邦康
Atago Kuniyasu : “Kegonshū soshi eden Gangyōe no seisaku ito ni kansuru ichi shi-
『華厳宗祖師絵伝』「元暁絵」の制作意図に関する一試論
ron” [On the Intention of the
painter of the image of Wŏnhyo contained in the Biographical pictures of Kegon masters].
印度学仏教学研究
Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 89 45.1: pp. 253–258.
崔鈆植
Choe Yeonshik 『大乗起信論同異略
: “Daijō kishinron dōi ryakushū no chosha ni tsuite”
集』の著者について [On authorship of the Daijō kishinron dōi ryakushū]. Komazawa tanki
駒沢短期大学仏教論集
daigaku bukkyō ronshū (2001) 7: pp. 77–93.
土居夏樹
Doi Natsuki : “Kegonshū ichijō kaishinron ni okeru en’enkai kaishaku Benkenmitsu ni-
『華厳宗一乗開心論』における「円円海」解釈『弁顕密
kyōron to no kanren wo tōshite”
二教論』との関連を通して [The difference in interpretation of Enenkai between the Kegon-
印度学仏
shū ichijō kaishinron and the Benkenmitsu nikyōron]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
教学研究 (2004) 105 53.1: pp. 46–49.
藤丸要
Fujimaru Kaname : “Gyōnen no kegon kyōgaku keisei ni kansuru kenkyū ichi toku ni ris-
凝然の華厳教学形成に関する研究 一 特に立相説について
sōsetsu ni tsuite” ( ) [A study on
日本仏教文化
the formation of Gyōnen’s Kegon doctrine]. Nihonbukkyō bunka ronsō Vol. 1.
論叢上巻 (1998): pp. 637–652.
藤丸要
Fujimaru Kaname 凝然の徳一
: “Gyōnen no tokuitsu hihan Gyōnen no hossōshū e no taiō”
批判凝然の法相宗への対応 [Gyōnen’s criticism of Tokuitsu: his response to the Hossō sect].
龍谷大学論集
Ryūgoku daigaku ronshū (2001) 458: pp. 33–55.
藤丸要
Fujimaru Kaname 凝然教学の根本的立場
: “Gyōnen kyōgaku no konpon teki tachiba”
仏教学研究
[The fundamental position of Gyōnen’s doctrine]. Bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2002) 56:
pp. 170–193.
袴谷憲昭
Hakamaya Noriaki 明恵『摧邪輪』の華厳思想
: “Myōe Zaijarin no kegon shisō” [Hua-
華厳学論集
yan thought in Myōe’s Zaijarin]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 837–856.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : “Daitōakyōeiken no gōrika to kegon tetsugaku Kihira Tadayoshi no yakuwa-
大東亜共栄圏の合理化と華厳哲学 一 紀平正美の役割を中心と
ri wo chūshin to shite” ( )
して [Justification of the Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere and Huayan philosophy (1):
仏教学
with special reference to the role played by Kihira Tadayoshi]. Bukkyōgaku (2000) 42:
pp. 1–28.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei : “Daitōakyōeiken ni itaru kegon tetsugaku Kametani Seikei no kegon-
大東亜共栄圏に至る華厳哲学亀谷聖馨の『華厳経』宣揚
kyō sen’yō” [Huayan philosophy
leading to the Great East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere: The enhancement of the Avataṃsaka-
思想
sūtra by Kametani Seikei]. Shisō (2002) 943: pp. 128–146.
鍵主良敬
Kaginushi Ryōkei 蓮師の夢幻につい
: “Renshi no mugen ni tsuite kegon no shiya de”
て華厳の視野で [On Rennyo’s dream and illusion: in terms of Huayan philosophy]. Shinshū
真宗教学研究
kyōgaku kenkyū (2001) 21: pp. 1–11.
粕谷隆宣
Kasuya Ryūsen 東寺観智院蔵『明恵
: “Tōji Kanchiin zō Myōe Shōnin denki honkoku”
上人伝記』 上冊 翻刻 ( ) [The Myōe Shōnin denki preserved in Kanchiin of Tōji]. Kūkai no
空海の思想と文化
shisō to bunka Vol. 2. (2004): pp. 359–394.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 43

加藤精一
Katō Seiichi : “Kūkai to Chōkan shingon to kegon no kankei” 空海と澄観 真言と華厳
の関係 [Kūkai and Chengguan: the relation between Shingon and Kegon]. Indogaku bukkyōga-
印度学仏教学研究
ku kenkyū (1995) 87 44.1: pp. 99–105.
川口高風
Kawaguchi Kōfū : “Hōtan to Kōkoku no gesa ni kansuru ronsō” 鳳潭と光国の袈裟に関
する論争 [A controvesy between Hōtan and Kōkoku over the Buddhist surplice (kāṣāya)].
南都仏教
Nanto bukkyō (1997) 74: pp. 46–54.
金天鶴
Kim Chon Hak 日本華厳における三乗廻心論
: “Nihon kegon ni okeru sanjō kaishinron”
印度学
[Conversion to the three vehicles in the Kegon school]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
仏教学研究 (2002) 101 51.1: pp. 186–188.
金天鶴
Kim Chon Hak : “Kegon jūgengi shiki ni tsuite”『華厳十玄義私記』について [On the
Kegon jūgengi shiki]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 (2004) 104 52.2: pp.
123–126.
金天鶴
Kim Chon Hak 『華厳十玄義私記』の基礎的
: “Kegon jūgengi shiki no kisoteki kenkyū”
研究 東
[Studies in the basic structure of the Kegon jūgengi shiki]. Higashi ajia bukkyō kenkyū
アジア仏教研究 (2004) 2: pp. 57–69.
金天鶴
Kim Chon Hak 『華厳宗種性義抄』に
: “Kegonshū shushōgishō ni okeru hossōi hihan”
おける法相意批判 [Criticism of the Hossō sect in the Kegonshū shushōgishō]. Indogaku buk-
印度学仏教学研究
kyōgaku kenkyū (2004) 105 53.1: pp. 90–94.
金天鶴
Kim Chon Hak 平安時代の私記『華厳宗
: “Heian jidai no shiki Kegonshū rikkyōgi”
立教義』の研究 東方学
[On Kegonshū rikkyōgi of Heian period]. Tōhōgaku (2005) 109: pp.
41–54.
金天鶴
Kim Chon Hak 増春『華厳一乗義
: “Zōshun Kegon ichijōgi shiki ni okeru ichijō no imi”
私記』における一乗の意味 [The meaning of one-vehicle in Zōshun’s Kegon ichijōgi shiki].
仏教文化
Bukkyō bunka (2005) 14: pp. 59–80.
李妍淑
Lee Yeon Suk : “Myōe Shōnin ni okeru shinman jōbutsu no tachiba shushōron no shiten
明恵上人における「信満成仏」の立場 種姓論の視点から
kara” [Myōe Shōnin’s stand-
point on ‘Becoming Buddha through faith’: an examination of his gotra theory]. Shūkyō kenkyū
宗教研究 (2002) 331 75.4: pp. 271–272.
李妍淑
Lee Yeon Suk 明恵の光明についての一考察
: “Myōe no kōmyō ni tsuite no ichi kōsatsu”
宗教研究
[Analysis of Myōe Shōnin’s concept of the ‘Light of Buddha’]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2003)
335: pp. 413–414.
李妍淑
Lee Yeon Suk 明恵上人における一念観
: “Myōe Shōnin ni okeru ichinenkan” [Myōe Shō-
印度学仏教学研究
nin’s understanding of one thought]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003)
102 51.2: pp. 137–139.
前川健一
Maegawa Ken’ichi 『摧邪輪荘厳記』について
: “Zaijarin sōgonki ni tsuite” [On
印度学仏教学研究
Zaijarin sōgonki]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 144–
147.
前川健一
Maegawa Ken’ichi 明恵と『大乗起信論』
: “Myōe to Daijō kishinron” [Myōe’s inter-
印度学仏教学研究
pretation of the Awakening of Faith]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998)
93 47.1: pp. 240–244.
前川健一
Maegawa Ken’ichi 景雅 聖詮の華厳学と明
: “Keiga, Shōsen no kegongaku to Myōe”
恵 [On Myōe’s interpretation of some teachings of the Kegon school and its relation to the in-
印度学仏教学研究
terpretations of Keiga and Shōsen]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000)
96 48.2: pp. 663–667.
前川健一
Maegawa Ken’ichi 明恵と「本覚思想」
: “Myōe to hongaku shisō” [On the relation of
宗教研究
Myōe’s Zaijarin and the hongaku (original enlightenment) thought]. Shūkyō kenkyū
(2000) 323 73.4: pp. 232–234.
44 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

Maegawa Ken’ichi 前川健一 : “Myōe ni okeru Shūmitsu no juyō” 明恵に於ける宗密の受容

印度学仏教学
[Myōe’s understanding of Zongmi’s teachings]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
研究 (2002) 100 50.2: pp. 75–79.
前川健一
Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Mongaku, Jōkaku to Myōe” 文覚 上覚と明恵 [Mongaku, Jōkaku
宗教研究
and Myōe]. Shūkyō kenkyū (2002) 331 75.4: pp. 275–276.
前川健一
Maegawa Ken’ichi : “Shin’nyokan wa yasukarinubeki mono nari Kishinron honsho chō-
真如観はやすかりぬべき物也『起信論本疏聴集記』に於ける
shūki ni okeru kikai setsu”
喜海説 東ア
[Kikai in Kishinron honsho chōshūki]. Higashi ajia bukkyō sono seiritsu to tenkai
ジア仏教 その成立と展開
– (2002): pp. 279–300.
蓑輪顕量
Minowa Kenryō : “Nihon ni okeru kegon shisō no juyō riri sōsoku riri en’yū riri muge
日本における華厳思想の受容 理理相即 理理円融 理理無礙を中心に
wo chūshin ni” –
[The acceptance of Kegon thought in medieval Japan concerning the identity of principle, the
interpenetration of principle and the nonobstruction of principle]. Ronshū tōdaiji no rekishi to
論集東大寺の歴史と教学
kyōgaku (2003) 1: pp. 38–46.
宮崎健司
Miyazaki Kenji 東大寺
: “Tōdaiji no Kegonkyō kōsetsu tekisuto to kyōsho wo megutte”
の「華厳経」講説テキストと経疏をめぐって [The lectures on Avataṃsaka-sūtra at Tōdaiji:
its textbooks and commentaries]. Bukkyō daigaku sōgō kenkyūjo kiyō bessatsu shūkyō to seji
仏教大学総合研究所紀要 (1998): pp. 47–66.
宮崎健司
Miyazaki Kenji 奈良時代の『華厳経』講説
: “Nara jidai no Kegonkyō kōsetsu” [The
日本仏教
lectures on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra in the Nara period]. Nihon bukkyō no shiteki tenkai
の史的展開 (1999): pp. 122–140.
森本公誠
Morimoto Kōsei : “Tōdaji to Kegonkyō Shōmu tennō ni yoru kegonkyō shiyō e no katei
東大寺と華厳経聖武天皇による華厳経止揚への過程を追って
wo otte” [Tōdaiji Temple
and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra: the process of the interpretation of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra by Em-
南都仏教
peror Shōmu]. Nanto bukkyō (2003) 83: pp. 1–43.
中御門敬教
Nakamikado Keikyō : “Fugen jūdaigan jōdoshisō kamon wo kai shita Fugen gyōgan-
普賢十大願、浄土思想、科文を介した
san rikai Yonjū kegon kan yonjū wo sanshō shite”
〈普賢行願讃〉理解 『四十華厳』巻四十を参照して– [The ten vows of Samantabhadra,
Pure Land thought and understanding to Samantabhadracaryāpraṇidhāna]. Jōdo shūgaku ken-
kyū 浄土宗学研究 (2003) 30: pp. 1–40.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru 親鸞と『華厳経』
: “Shinran to Kegonkyō” [Shinran and the Avataṃsa-
同朋大学論叢
ka-sūtra]. Dōhō daigaku ronsō (1996) 74–75: pp. 99–138.
中村薫
Nakamura Kaoru : “Shinran shōnin to Kegonkyō toku ni Geshin donomaki in’yō no Kegon-
親鸞聖人と『華厳経』 特に「化身土巻」引用の『華厳
kyō yonmon wo chūshin ni” –
経』四文を中心に [Shinran and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra: concentrating on Geshin donomaki].
真宗研究
Shinshū kenkyū (1997) 41: pp. 82–96.
納冨常天
Nodomi Jōten 久米田寺盛誉について
: “Kumedaji Shoyo ni tsuite” [Kumedaji Tem-
華厳学論集
ple’s Shoyo]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 941–969.
野村卓美
Nomura Takumi : “Myōe Shōnin denki no kenkyū rokujukkan Kegonkyō to Myōe denki”
明恵上人伝記の研究 六十巻「華厳経」と明恵伝記 – [Study on Myōe Shōnin’s biography:
国語国文
the sixty fascicle Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Myōe’s biography]. Kokugo kokubun (2003)
72: pp. 1–16.
岡本一平
Okamoto Ippei 凝然『五教章通路
: “Gyōnen Gokyōshō tsūroki no sanjō hihan ni tsuite”
記』の三乗批判について [On the criticism of three vehicles in Gyōnen’s Gokyōshō tsūroki].
駒沢大学大学院仏教学研究
Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō
(1997) 30: pp. 37–50.
 HUAYAN/KEGON STUDIES IN JAPAN 45

岡本一平
Okamoto Ippei 凝然『五教章通路記』の
: “Gyōnen Gokyōshō tsūroki no ichijō shisō”
一乗思想 印度
[On one-vehicle in Gyōnen’s Gokyōshō tsūroki]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
学仏教学研究 (1997) 91 46.1: pp. 148–150.
岡本一平
Okamoto Ippei 『華厳
: “Kegonshū shoryū gokyō jusshu taii ryakushō no seiritsu haikei”
宗所立五教十宗大意略抄』の成立背景 [The background of the Kegonshū shoryū gokyō jus-
駒沢大学大学
shu taii ryakushō]. Komazawa daigaku daigakuin bukkyōgaku kenkyūkai nenpō
院仏教学研究 (1998) 31: pp. 65–74.
大田利生
Ōta Toshio 親鸞と華厳経
: “Shinran to Kegonkyō” [Shinran and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra].
真宗学
Shinshūgaku (2002) 105–106: pp. 195–217.
大竹晋
Ōtake Susumu 「理理相即」と「理理円
: “Riri sōsoku to riri en’yū kegon shikan ronkō”
融」『花厳止観』論攷 [A study on the li-li concepts in Huayan Buddhism]. Tetsugaku, shisō
哲学 思想論叢
ronsō (1999) 17: pp. 23–34.
柴崎照和
Shibasaki Terukazu 明恵における修学と
: “Myōe ni okeru shūgaku to kegon kyōgaku”
華厳教学 密教文化
[Cultivation and Huayan doctrine by Myōe]. Mikkyō bunka (1997) 197:
pp. 29–65.
柴崎照和
Shibasaki Terukazu 明恵と『華厳経伝記』
: “Myōe to Kegonkyō denki” [Myōe and
華厳学論集
Huayan jing zhuanji]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 875–891.
柴崎照和
Shibasaki Terukazu 明恵と新羅 高麗仏教
: “Myōe to Shiragi, Kōrai bukkyō” [Myōe
印度学仏教学研究
and the Buddhism of Silla and Koguryo]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
(1997) 89 45.1: pp. 144–146.
柴崎照和
Shibasaki Terukazu 明恵における善財善知
: “Myōe ni okeru zenzai zenchishiki kan”
識観 印度学
[Myōe on Sudhanaśreṣṭidāraka and kalyānamitra]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
仏教学研究 (1998) 92 46.2: pp. 115–119.
柴崎照和
Shibasaki Terukazu 明恵と普賢行願
: “Myōe to fugen gyōgan” [Myōe and the Sa-
印度学仏教学研究
mantabhadracaryāpraṇidhāna]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1998) 93
47.1: pp. 236–239.
進藤浩司
Shindō Hiroshi : “Saichō no kegongaku ikyo no ichi sokumen Shōnittō shōryakuhyō no
最澄の華厳学依拠の一側面『請入唐請益表』の位置づ
ichizuke to sono shoshū e no taiō”
けとその諸宗への対応 [Some influence of Kegon doctrine on Saichō’s remarks on other
印度学仏教学研究
schools in his Shōnittō shōryakuhyō]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2001)
98 49.2: pp. 79–81.
末木文美士
Sueki Fumihiko 明恵と光明真言
: “Myōe to kōmyō shingon” [Myōe and kōmyō shin-
華厳学論集
gon]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 857–874.
武内昭道
Takeuchi Akimichi : “Zaijarin no kisoteki kenkyū Kegonkyō Nyūhokkaibon no inyō wo
『摧邪輪』の基礎的研究 『華厳経』入法界品の引用をめぐって
megutte” – [Studies in
the basic structure of the Zaijarin: quotations from the Gaṇḍavyūha of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra].
仏教文化学会紀要
Bukkyō bunka gakkai kiyō (2002) 11: pp. 142–156.
若園善聡
Wakazono Zensō 明恵『金獅子光顕鈔』につい
: “Myōe Konjishi kōkenshō ni tsuite”
て 印度学仏教学研究
[Myōe’s Konjishi kōkenshō]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2000) 96
48.2: pp. 96–98.
梁銀容
Yang Eun Yong 新羅審祥と日本の華厳学
: “Shiragi Shinjō to Nihon no kegongaku”
仏教福祉研究
[Shimsang of Silla and Huayan Buddhism of Japan]. Bukkyō fukushi kenkyū
(1998): pp. 411–446.
吉田道興
Yoshida Dōkō 「海印三昧」と道元禅師
: “Kaiin zammai to Dōgen zenji” [The ocean-
華厳学論集
seal samādhi and Dōgen]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 907–921.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Zen’ichi no idea nanto ni okeru kegonshū seiritsu no shisōshi teki
全一のイデア南都における「華厳宗」成立の思想史的意義
igi” [Idea of one all: the phi-
46 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

losophical significance of the formation of Kegon school in Nara]. Kegongaku ronshū 華厳学
論集 (1997): pp. 781–788.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide : “Hōnen to Myōe hikaku shisōshi ron no tachiba kara” 法然と明恵
比較思想史論の立場から [Hōnen and Myōe: from the standpoint of the history of compara-
tive thought]. Bukkyōgaku seminā 仏教学セミナー (1998) 67: pp. 87–106.

2.6. Others

中嶋隆蔵
Nakajima Ryūzō : “Kakō zokuzō shoshū Daihō kōbutsu kegonkyōsho engishō no kakkoku
嘉興続蔵所収『大方広仏華厳経疏演義鈔』の較刻と葉祺胤
to yōkiin” [Dafangguang fo
huayanjing suishu yanyi chao in the Jiaxing xuzang and its carving]. Zengaku kenkyū no shosō
禅学研究の諸相 (2003): pp. 199–220.
中条暁秀
Nakajo Gyōshū 金綱集の研究
: “Kinkōshū no kenkyū kegonshū kenmon wo hai shite”
「華厳宗見聞」を拝して 印度学仏
[A study of the Kinkōshū]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū
教学研究 (1995) 87 44.1: pp. 269–275.
大村英繁
Ōmura Hideshige ゲーテ最晩年の叙事詩
: “Gēte sai bannen no jojishi to kegon shisō”
と華厳思想 印度哲
[Goethe’s latest lyrics and the Gaṇḍavyūha]. Indo tetsugaku bukkyōgaku
学仏教学 (2000) 15: pp. 301–314.
大村英繁
Ōmura Hideshige クラウ
: “Kurauzen berunto Gēte bannen no jojishi to kegon shisō”
ゼン ベルント ゲーテ晩年の叙情詩と華厳思想
, [Goethe’s latest lyrics, Clausen and the
室蘭工業大学紀要
Gaṇḍavyūha]. Muroran kōgyō daigaku kiyō (2000) 50: pp. 125–131.
大須賀発蔵
Ōsuga Hatsuzō : “Bukkyō no chie to kaunseringu purosesu kegon shisō no danmen
仏教の智恵とカウンセリング プロセス 華厳思想の断面から
kara” – [Wisdom and coun-
人間性心理学研究
seling process of Buddhism]. Ningensei shinrigaku kenkyū (2002) 20.2:
pp. 71–79.
朴亨国
Park Hyounggook 韓国の毘盧遮
: “Kankoku birushanabutsu no shoki zuzō to sono tenkai
那仏の初期図像とその展開 [Vairocana Buddha’s Korean icon and its development]. Mikkyō
密教図像会
zuzōe (1998) 17: pp. 1–37.
田中良昭
Tanaka Ryōshō 初期禅宗と華厳灯史語録
: “Shoki zenshū to kegon tōshi goroku hen”
篇 華厳学論集
[Early Zen Buddhism and Huayan]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 431–450.
土田健次郎
Tsuchida Kenjirō 道学と華厳教学
: “Dōgaku to kegon kyōgaku” [Daoism and Hua-
華厳学論集
yan doctrine]. Kegongaku ronshū (1997): pp. 519–534.
李杏九
Yi Haeng-gu 華厳浄土と弥陀浄土について
: “Kegon jōdo to mida jōdo ni tsuite” [Hwaŏm
印度学仏教学研究
Pure Land and Amida Pure Land]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (2003)
102 51.2: pp. 1–10.
吉村怜
Yoshimura Rei : “Rushana hokkai nin chū zō sairon kegon kyōshu rushanabutsu to uchūshu-
盧舎那法界人中像再論華厳教主盧舎那仏と宇宙主的釈迦仏
teki shakkabutsu” [Reconsid-
eration of Ninchūzō (Renzhongxiang) in the realm of Vairocana: Vairocana, the teaching lord
仏教芸術
of Kegon and cosmological Buddha Śākyamuni]. Bukkyō geijutsu (1999) 242: pp.
27–49.
 ZHU QINGZHI

BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS

OF HUAYAN STUDIES IN MAINLAND CHINA

This paper introduces briefly the past 25 years of Huayan studies in Mainland China.
Summarizing the main publications in the field, it provides an objective overview of
the results and content of these studies. As a general principle, no subjective evalua-
tion shall be given.
Huayan was a branch of Chinese Buddhism that began during the Tang. Al-
though as a school it does not have a long history, its ideology and philosophy have
exerted a tremendous influence on Chinese culture both within and outside the scope
of Buddhism. The scholarly study of Huayan Buddhism in the modern sense of the
word started during the 1920’s and 1930’s. Nevertheless, in this paper we will only
introduce the past 25 years of Huayan studies in Mainland China, with special em-
phasis on the past 10 years.1
The reforms that began in the late 1970’s in Mainland China have brought about
not only economic prosperity but also the prosperity of scholarly research, including
that of religious studies. From the perspective of the progress and output of aca-
demic research, these past 25 years can be divided into two main phases:
The first phase represents the period of recovery for Buddhist studies, lasting
from the end of 1970’s until the beginning of 1990’s. During this period, the new
generation of scholars was still in school, thus the few scholars belonging to the
older generation primarily conducted research. As a result, the amount of scholarly
output was also rather small. The publications of this period included two main
categories. On the first hand, there were the new editions of works already published
in the past, serving as an immediate solution for a pressing demand. On the other
hand, there were also some large-scale historical works on Chinese Buddhism and
Chinese philosophy compiled and edited by mid-generation scholars under the di-
rection of an elder authority. These publications usually combined scholarly and

1 Earlier studies can primarily be tied to TANG Yongtong 汤用彤 . Tang in a section called “The
Huayan school” in Chapter 4 of Sui Tang Fojiao shigao 隋唐佛教史稿 provided a detailed ac-
count of creation of the Huayan school, the lineage of the patriarchs and the history of the
school’s development. He pointed out that the prosperity of Huayan “was due to 1) Fazang’s
propagation; 2) the translation and distribution of the Huayan jing; 3) the support of Empress
Wu Zetian.” This study represented a milestone in Huayan research.
48 ZHU QINGZHI

popular approaches in crystallizing the results of former studies. Consequently, dedi-

cated studies of individual topics such as Huayan Buddhism typically appeared only
as part of larger works.
The second phase, beginning in the early 1990’s, represents the period of pros-
perity in Buddhist studies. During this period, following the previous phase of re-
covery, mid-generation scholars have reached a period of creativity in their careers.
At the same time, the new generation also appeared on the scene, lending an enor-
mous momentum to research. The sudden increase in the amount of publications re-
lated to Buddhism during this period is clearly perceptible. In terms of both their
scope and depth, these works have gone far beyond former results. Similarly, the
number of studies focusing on Huayan Buddhism has increased significantly too.

First let us look at phase one.

In 1980, GUO Peng 郭朋 published his work titled Sui Tang fojiao 隋唐佛教 .
This book was the author’s first work in a multi-volume series of dynastic histories
of Buddhism. At the same time, this was also the first monograph published by a
Mainland Chinese scholar on Sui and Tang Buddhism. In Chapter 4, titled “Tangdai
de fojiao 唐代的佛教 [The history of Tang Buddhism],” the author discussed the
lives and the philosophy of Huayan patriarchs, introduced the main canonical work
of Huayan Buddhism (i.e. Huayan jing 华严经 ), and described in relatively great
detail the “basic philosophy of the Huayan school,” including the concepts of
dharma-realm origination (fajie yuanqi 法界缘起 六
), six characteristics (liuxiang
相 ) and ten mysterious gates (shi xuanmen 十玄门 ). The most remarkable part in
this chapter was the author’s view that the Huayan school was established to meet
the needs of Wu Zetian’s 武则天 government.
Zhongguo fojiao shi 中国佛教史 , edited by REN Jiyu任继愈 , DU Jiwen杜继文 ,
YANG Zengwen 杨曾文 at al. began appearing in 1981. This was a collective work of
Mainland Chinese scholars who studied Chinese Buddhism in a scientific way. Most
of the people who participated in writing the topics were eminent scholars of the
history of Chinese Buddhism, representing the best of contemporary academia. In
Chapter 2, Volume 3 (1989), the second section bore the title “Dafangguang fo hua-
yan jing de sixiang pouxi 大方广佛华严经的思想剖析 [An analysis of the philo-
sophy of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-mahāvaipulya-sūtra]” provided a comprehensive
and systematic analysis of the main canonical work of the Huayan school, offering a
number of new insights.
Simultaneously, REN Jiyu’s (ed.) multi-volume work called Zhongguo zhexue
fazhan shi 中国哲学发展史 (from 1983) began appearing too. The authors of this
work were also the most distinguished scholars of the history of Chinese philosophy.
The Sui and Tang volume (1994) had a chapter titled “Huayanzong zhexue sixiang
华严宗哲学思想 [The philosophy of the Huayan school]” which primarily dis-
cussed Huayan teachings such as nature-origination, inexhaustible conditioned aris-
ing, five doctrines and ten schools, and the expedient five natures. In addition, the
chapter compared the philosophy of the Huayan and Tiantai schools.
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 49

Beside these, in 1991 DU Jiwen 杜继文 published his college textbook called
Fojiao shi 佛教史 . This was the first college textbook in Mainland China with Bud-
dhism as its main subject. The work had a chapter called “Huayanzong de zongjiao
lilun tixi 华严宗的宗教理论体系 [Religious ideology of the Huayan school]”
which briefly described the essence, formation, and unique features of the concept of
dharma-realm origination (fajie yuanqi 法界缘起 ) used in Huayan thought to inter-
pret the origins of human life and the universe.
There were very few publications in this period with a direct focus on the Hua-
yan school. The most important ones are as follows:
HUANG Chanhua 黄忏华 , “Xianshou zong 贤首宗 [Xianshou school]” (1980).
The article introduced the history and the main teachings of the Huayan school in a
relatively systematic way.
REN Jiyu, “Huayanzong zhexue sixiang lüelun 华严宗哲学思想略论 ” (1981).
The article analyzed Huayan philosophy from a variety of aspects. Ren claimed that
“among the many schools of Chinese Buddhism, the Huayan school paid particular
attention to describing categories. It dealt with concept pairs such as individual and
common, equal and different, birth and destruction, time and space, original sub-
stance and phenomenon. From a cognitive point of view, this cannot be regarded as
progressional development.”
石峻
SHI Jun 方立天
and FANG Litian , “Lun Sui Tang fojiao zongpai de sixiang
tedian 论隋唐佛教宗派的思想特点 ” (1982). This article provided a subjective view
of the position of various Sui and Tang Buddhist schools in Chinese intellectual
history. With respect to the Huayan school, the authors analyzed its tendency to-
wards intellectual internalization, claiming that the core of the Huayan concept of
“dharma-realm origination” was used to attest the notion of “all things without ob-
struction” which was a sort of perfect interfusion that admitted differences while
exaggerating unity. In the course of the historical development of this philosophy, its
tendency towards internalization had been gradually increasing, drawing on the
philosophy of not only existing Buddhist schools but also that of the newly formed
Chan school. In addition, it also internalized Confucianist and Daoist teachings,
manifesting a strong affinity towards unifying the various religious and intellectual
schools. Another essay written by SHI Jun and FANG Litian was “Lun Sui Tang fojiao
zongpai de xingcheng 论隋唐佛教宗派的形成 ” (1981) in which they approached
the formation of Sui and Tang Buddhist schools by providing a systematic analysis
of their socio-historical background, that is, the objective political, economic, and
philosophical circumstances of the time.
FANG Litian, “Huayan Jinshizi zhang pingshu 华严金狮子章评述 ” (1983). This
essay carefully analyzed the structure and logical organization of Fazang’ s Huayan
jinshizi zhang, the six characteristics and ten mysterious gates as the core of Huayan
thought, and Fazang’s concept of “classification of teachings.” The essay boldly
asserted the contribution of the Huayan school to referential logic and epistemology.
Other publications of FANG Litian included “Huayanzong fojiao zhexue lilun goujia
he fanchou tixi 华严宗佛教哲学理论构架和范畴体系 ” (1985); “Shixi huayanzong
50 ZHU QINGZHI

试析华严宗哲学范畴体系
zhexue fanchou tixi ” (1985); “Huayanzong zhexue fan-
华严宗哲学范畴体系简论
chou tixi jianlun ” (1985); “Lüetan huayanxue yu Wu-
略谈华严学与五台山
taishan ” (1988). FANG Litian was the scholar who had pub-
lished the largest amount of studies on Huayan Buddhism.
游有维
YOU Youwei’s “Huayanzong de qiyuan, chuancheng, yanbian yu fuxing
华严宗的起源、传承、演变与复兴 ” (1986) provided a systematic description of
the formation, dissemination and philosophical framework of the Huayan school.
陈扬炯
CHEN Yangjiong , “Chengguan pingzhuan 澄观评传” (1987). This paper
introduced in detail the life and teachings of Chengguan (738–839), the 4th Huayan
patriarch, and provided a historical assessment of him: “He succeeded and further
developed the teachings of Fazang 法藏 (643–712), establishing a grand and sophis-
ticated philosophical system which represented the climax of Buddhist doctrinal
studies and exerted an enormous influence on both Buddhist and secular thought in
China.”
There were also studies concerning Zongmi 宗密 (780–841), such as LI Fuhua’s
李富华 “Zongmi he ta de chanxue 宗密和他的禅学 ” (1983); and ZHANG Chunbo
张春波 and LI Xi’s 李曦 “Zongmi chan jiao yizhi shuo de shizhi 宗密禅教一致说
的实质 ” (1989). The latter study claimed that Zongmi understood the “threat” Chan
teachings posed to the government and that his theory of “chan jiao yizhi 禅教一致
(Chan and the teachings are the same)” was a theoretical anticipation of Emperor
Wu’s persecution of Buddhism.
CHEN Yunji 陈允吉 , “Wang Wei yu Huayanzong shi seng Daoguang 王维与华
严宗诗僧道光 ” (1981). This article discusses Wang Wei’s relationship with Bud-
dhism, especially the Huayan school.2
FANG Litian, “Huayan Jinshizi zhang jiaoshi” (1983). This was the only monograph
dedicated to the textual study of a Huayan classic. Through providing an edited in-
terpretation and critical study of Fazang’s main opus, the Huayan jinshizi zhang,
Fang carefully explored the concrete characteristics of the idealist philosophy of the
Huayan school.
JIN Shen 金申 金字华严经略谈
, “Jinzi Huayan jing lüetan ” (1987). This was a
大方广佛华严经论
preliminary study of the Dafangguang fo Huayan jing lunguan
贯 万历
written in golden characters in Wanli period of Ming Dynasty found inside
显通
a bronze stūpa in the Xiantong monastery on Wutaishan. Jin believed that it
复庵
was a summary of the Huayan jing written by Fu’an as a textbook for reading
the stūpa, rather than Fu’an’s gift to the emperor, as it had sometimes been believed.
耿世民
GENG Shimin 回鹘文八十华
, “Huiguwen Bashi Huayan canjing yanjiu
严残经研究 ” (1986); “Gansu sheng Bowuguan cang huiguwen Bashi Huayan can-
甘肃省博物馆藏回鹘文八十华严残经研究 二
jing yanjiu 2 ( )” (1986). In these two
papers, Geng provided a transcription and interpretation of the fragmentary Uighur
Bashi Huayan, offering new material for studying the process of distribution of Hua-
yan classics.

2 Chen 1988, 2002 discussed in detail the influence of Buddhism on ancient Chinese literature.
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 51

温玉成
In addition, there was also WEN Yucheng’s “Longmen suojian zhongwai
jiaotong shiliao chutan 龙门所见中外交通史料初探 ” (1983) and “Huayanzong san-
华严宗三祖康法藏身世的新资料
zu Kang Fazang shenshi de xin ziliao ” (1984).
In comparison with the general studies favored in phase one, phase two was
characterized by works dealing with specific aspects of the field, revealing that the
research of the Huayan school and Buddhism in general was moving in the direction
of deeper and richer content. There were many individual opinions and insights that
had been absent from phase one. Below we separate the volume of the scholarly out-
put into nine aspects.

1. Huayan Buddhism in General

This subject includes studies on Huayan theory and history.

In the field of the Huayan theoretical system, the first study that should be men-
tioned was WEI Daoru’s 魏道儒 Zhongguo huayanzong tongshi 中国华严宗通史
(1998). This work was still the only comprehensive monograph of Huayan Bud-
dhism done by a mainland scholar. Wei approached the subject from the point of
view of a foreign religion transformed and utilized by Chinese feudal society. He
explored the process of the evolution going from the Huayan jing studies to the
Huayan school studies and, finally, to “Huayan studies within the Chan school.” The
book’s time frame ran from the end of Eastern Han to the middle of the Qing. The
main characteristics of Wei’s research were as follows:
a) He separated the study of Huayan jing from the study of the Huayan school,
systematically and in detail describing the framework and mutual relationship of
these two fields.
b) He systematically described the various divisions and branches of the Huayan
school and the relationship between those.
c) He advanced the notion of “Huayan studies within the Chan school,” system-
atically describing the fusion of Chan studies and Huayan studies. The primary force
behind the shift from the study of the Huayan jing towards the study of the Huayan
school was an inherent attitude within traditional Chinese thought which, instead of
relying on the written canon, revered individualism and originality.3
At this time, FANG Litian was still the most industrious scholar. In “Huayanzong
xinxinglun shuping 华严宗心性论述评 ” (1994) he focused on the Huayan teaching
of mind-nature theory which originally was based on and developed from the theory
of nature-origination. Fang claimed that the mind-nature theory of the Huayan
school consisted of Fazang’s theories of bright Buddha seed-nature (mingfo zhong-
xing 明佛种性 ), Zhiyan 智俨 (602–668) and Fazang’s theory of the purity of the
original self-nature (zixing qingjing 自性清净 ), Chengguan 澄观 and Zongmi’s 宗
3 Li Li’an: 2002; Fu Jianming 1999.
52 ZHU QINGZHI

密 theory of mind-nature being equivalent to good knowledge (xinxing ji liangzhi 心

性即良知), and so on. In “Huayanzong de xianxiang yuanrong lun 华严宗的现象
圆融论” (1998), Fang argued that the theory of nonobstruction of phenomena (shi-
shi wu’ ai 事事无碍) was the most representative teaching in the Huayan school, ca-
pable of expressing, in a profound philosophical framework and through rich logical
reasoning, man’s relationship to the entire universe and, especially, the mutual con-
nection between thing and thing. Although the theory of nonobstruction of phenom-
ena had its roots in Indian Mahāyāna thought, but in terms of structure, substance
and meaning it manifested Chinese philosophical traits that were different from In-
dian Buddhism.
In “Zhongguo fojiao zhijue siwei de lishi yanbian 中国佛教直觉思维的历史演
变 ” (2002), FANG Litian discussed three dharma-realm contemplations (fajie san-
guan 法界三观 ), i.e. the contemplation on true emptiness, on nonobstruction be-
tween principle and phenomena, on universal wisdom, arguing that those repre-
sented the key aspects of Huayan contemplation. These concepts were directly re-
lated to the teaching of dharma-realm origination, demonstrating the uniquely intui-
tive approach of the Huayan school.
YAO Weiqun’s 姚卫群 “Huayanzong yu bore zhongguan sixiang 华严宗与般若
中观思想 ” (1996) discussed in great detail the characteristics of the philosophy of
contemplation on the prajñā manifested in Huayan writings. TANG Yijie’s 汤一介
“Huayan ‘shixuanmen’ de zhexue yiyi 华严 十玄门 的哲学意义
‘ ’ ” (1995) asserted
that many philosophical subjects discussed within Huayan Buddhism were not only
significant from the perspective of the history of Chinese philosophy but could also
enrich and advance even modern philosophical research. Additional works related to
this subject included LOU Yulie’s 楼宇烈 “‘Bu you jing jiao’ yu ‘you jiao wu zong’
不由经教 与 由教悟宗
‘ ’ ‘ 陈沛然
’” (2002) and CHEN Peiran’s “Huayanzong zhi fajie-
guan yu panjiaoguan yanjiu 华严宗之法界观与判教 观研究 ” (1998).4
Studies concerned with the history of the development of Huayan thought also
included YANG Yi’s 杨毅 “Lüe lun dao fo er jiao de xianghu rongshe 略论道佛二教
的相互融摄 ” (1996) analyzed the history of rivalry and mutual influences between
Daoist and Buddhist cultures, arguing that the interaction between those had been
the main reason behind their prosperity. Although the Huayan school revered the
Huayan jing, there are important differences between the Huayan philosophy inter-
preted by Du Shun 杜顺 (557–640), Zhiyan, Fazang and others and this fundamental
sūtra. The Huayan masters’ interpretation of the concept of nonobstruction between
principle and phenomena (lishi wu’ai 理事无碍 ) showed the influence of Zhuang-
庄严经论
yanjing lun (Mahāyāna-sūtrālaṃkāra) and Fodijing lun 佛地经论 (Bud-
dhabhūmi-sūtra-śāstra) of Faxiang school, the influence of the Dasheng qixin lun
大乘起信论 , and the influence of the philosophy of Zhuangzi 庄子
. Thus the phi-

4 In an online article called “Huayanzong ‘weixin’ bianzhengfa sixiang shuping” 华严宗 唯 ‘

心 辩证法思想述评
’ WANG Jie 王杰 provided a new evaluation of the dialectic idealism of
Huayan Buddhism.
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 53

losophy of these masters represented a combination of Chinese and Indian Bud-

dhism merged together under new historical conditions.
In “Dong Jin Nanbeichao huayanxue de fazhan quxiang 东晋南北朝华严学的
发展趋向 ” (1999) WEI Daoru claims that during the Eastern Jin and Southern and
Northern Dynasties people, both monks and laymen, were becoming acquainted
with and transforming the Huayan jing, introduced to China from abroad, in three
stages. First, they studied individual sūtras belonging to the Huayan group as objects
of textual criticism with the aim of elucidating their meaning. In the second stage,
people applied the Jin translation of the Huayan jing to many practical uses, includ-
ing religious ceremonies, meditation practice, interpretation of new teachings, and
inspiration for faith. In the last stage, a complete translation of the sūtra initiated the
transition from visually descriptive religious literature to conceptually analytical
religious literature. These three stages had successfully created the conditions for the
Sinification of Buddhism by determining the direction towards a complete and
uniquely Chinese theoretical system of Huayan.
LIU Mengxiang’s 刘孟骧 “Huayanzong wenhe xingershangxue foxue lilun de
chansheng yu fazhan 华严宗温和形而上学佛学理论的产生与发展 ” (2000) showed
that Du Shun and Zhiyan, the first and second patriarchs, exerted themselves in propa-
圆融
gating the teaching of perfect interfusion (yuanrong ), leading Buddhism to a new
direction of so-called “mild metaphysics” (wenhe xinger shangxue 温和形而上学 ).
Fazang, the third patriarch, fully adopted and transformed the theory of conscious-
ness-only (weishi 唯识 ) of Faxiang, criticizing its absolutism, and thus completed the
Huayan system of wenhe xingershangxue, providing a firm foundation for the fur-
ther development of the Huayan school.
FENG Huanzhen 冯焕珍 in “Liu shiji huayanxue chuancheng kaobian 六世纪华
严学传承考辩 ” (2001) claimed that Huayan in 6th century was mainly promoted by
the masters of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra-śāstra (dilun shi 地论师 ). The two other ma-
jor proponents were the Three Treatises masters (sanlun shi 三论师 ) and a number
of treatise masters from unknown lineages. In 6th century Huayan studies there was
a long period during which the four regions of Jingzhao 京兆 洛阳
, Luoyang and Ye
邺 , Bing并 代
and Dai , and Jiankang 建康 mutually influenced each other, until this
arrangement was finally destroyed by Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou.

2. Main Huayan Figures and their Theories

2.1 Fazang 法藏
QIU Gaoxing 丘高兴 in “Huayan zong zongzu Fazang de shengping ji qi sixiang 华
严宗宗祖法藏的生平及其思想” (1992) described in detail the dharma-realm phi-
losophy of Fazang. Xu Shaoqiang 徐绍强 in “Fazang yuanrong zhexue de siwei tese
法藏圆融哲学的思维特色” (1991) and “Fazang de wujin yuanqi shuo 法藏的无尽
缘起说” (1996) provided a description and conceptual analysis of Fazang’s teach-
54 ZHU QINGZHI

ings of identity and difference of three natures (sanxing tongyi 三性同异 ) and six
因门六义
meanings of the cause (yinmen liuyi ), perfect interfusion of the six charac-
六相圆融
teristics (liuxiang yuanrong ), and ten mysterious gates without obstruc-
tion (shixuan wu’ai 十玄无碍 ). In addition, there was also Fang Litian’s monograph
titled Fazang 法藏 (1991) which was a comprehensive description of Fazang’s view
on Buddhism, his theories of the genesis of the universe, ontology, human ideal and
cognition.

2.2 Chengguan 澄观
董平 “Lun Chengguan dui huayanzong sixiang de fazhan 论澄观对华
DONG Ping’s
严宗思想的发展” (1995) arranged Chengguan’s contribution to Huayan Buddhism
into four major points: a) He preserved both the integrity and authority of Fazang’s
teachings, eliminating controversies within the Huayan school; b) adopted the Tian-
tai teaching of intrinsic inclusiveness of grasping reality and introduced certain theo-
retical improvements to Fazang’s teachings, further enriching and enhancing the
Huayan doctrine of nature-origination; c) put forward, in a definite and systematic
way, the teaching of “four dharmadhātus,” further perfecting the theoretical system
of the Huayan school; d) although Chengguan was against non-Buddhist “external
schools,” favoring the “Western teachings” over “Chinese Confucianism” and op-
posing the “fusion of the three Ways,” at the same time he was also known to quote
the Confucianist classics to interpret Buddhist sūtras. Another work dealing with
Chengguan was Hu Minzhong’s 胡民众 Chengguan foxue sixiang yanjiu 澄观
佛学思想研究 (2002).

2.3 Zongmi 宗密
ZHOU Qun 周群 in “Zongmi chan jiao heyi sixiang lunxi 宗密禅教合一思想论析 ”
(1991) argued that Zongmi’s teaching on the unity of meditational and doctrinal
practices was the result of the debate between the various factions of the Tiantai and
Huayan schools. The common origin of this concept served as a theoretical founda-
tion for the formation of Zongmi’s philosophy. Zongmi used the Dasheng qixin lun
and Yuanjue jing 圆觉经 as the basis for formulating the concept into a teaching of
“one mind two schools.” Zongmi based his fusion of meditational and doctrinal
practices on the notion that “the sūtras represent the Buddha’s words, meditation
represents the Buddha’s intention.” The three schools and three teachings of medita-
tion were closely related, with direct correspondences between them. Later on, Zong-
mi’s philosophy had strongly influenced Chinese, Korean and Japanese Buddhism.
In the past few years, Shenhui 神会 and Zongmi have become the center of in-
creased scholarly attention but most people failed to recognize the differences be-
tween their teachings and thus used the writings of one to interpret those of the
other. NIE Qing 聂清 in “Shenhui yu Zongmi 神会与宗密 ” (2000) proposed a dif-
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 55

ferent opinion and claimed that although the teachings of the two masters had
certain common features, there were also major differences between them. Nie dem-
onstrated these differences by comparing the two masters’ interpretation of zhi 知
(knowing) and their view of the relationship between sudden realization (dunwu
顿悟 ) and gradual practice (jianxiu渐修 ), and tathāgatagarbha (rulai zang 如来藏 )
and wisdom (bore 般若 , prajñā). In addition, Nie also attempted to explain the rea-
sons leading to these differences.
Another study on Zongmi was XIANG Shishan’s 向世山 “Lun Zongmi de fangfa-
lun moshi 论宗密的方法论模式 ” (1998).

2.4 Li Tongxuan 李通玄

QIU Gaoxing in “Li Tongxuan yu Fazang de foxue sixiang bijiao 李通玄与法藏的
佛学思想比较 ” (1998) compared the philosophy of Fazang, the founder of the Hua-
yan school, with that of Li Tongxuan (635–730), the heretical figure within the same
school, including their views on classification of teachings, Buddha-nature, the
practice of contemplating on nature, etc. QIU Gaoxing also published an article titled
“Yi Yi jie Huayan jing – Li Tongxuan dui Huayan jing de xin quanshi 以易解华严
经 李通玄对华严经的新诠释
– ” (2000) in which he argued that using the Yijing
and other traditional Confucianist concepts to interpret the text of the Huayan jing,
Li Tongxuan created an entirely new way of understanding of Huayan teachings.
Related to the same subject was QIU Gaoxing’s Ph. D. dissertation titled Li Tong-
xuan foxue sixiang shuping 李通玄佛学思想述评 (1996).

2.5 Other

WANG Song 王颂 in “Guanyu Du Shun chuzu shuo de kaocha 关于杜顺初祖说的

考察 ” (2000) disputed the traditional theory that Du Shun was the first Huayan patri-
arch.
Other studies of the Huayan school included FANG Litian’s “Zhencheng dui Seng-
zhao ‘Wu bu qian lun’ de piping 镇澄对僧肇物不迁论的批评 ” (1998), and Liu Chun-
刘春生
sheng’s “Huiyuan ji Huayan jing yinyi de ji dian kaozheng 慧苑及华严经
音义的几点考证 ” (1992).

3. Huayan Influences on Lixue 理学

The influence of Buddhism on the development of lixue has been a hot topic in Bud-
dhist studies. Because of the close connection between Huayan and lixue, there were
many essays and monographs with relevance to Huayan studies too.
陈远宁
CHEN Yuanning’s “Fojiao yu lixue zai bentilun shang de lianxi 佛教与
理学在本体论上的联系 ” (1995) approached the subject from the two distinct per-
56 ZHU QINGZHI

spectives of Chinese Buddhist theory and the development of Cheng Yi 程颐 (1033–

1108) and Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130–1200) lixue. The author argued that the structure
and cognitive method of the Huayan theory of same principle different manifestation
had been adopted by lixue advocates, especially Zhou Dunyi 周敦颐 (1017–1073),
Cheng Yi, Cheng Hao 程颢 (1032–1085) and Zhu Xi.
CUI Dahua 崔大华 in “Lun lixue zhi xiaohua foxue 论理学之消化佛学 ” (1997)
argued that although the lixue theory of the single origin of essence and function had a
close conceptual connection with the Chan school, its logic and methodology proba-
bly came from the Huayan school.
董平
DONG Ping in “Xiangshan ‘xin ji li’ shuo de bentilun quanshi象山 心即理‘ ’
说的本体论诠释 ” (1999) showed that while the concept of “mind is ideal” (xin ji li)
was the most important element of Lu Xiangshan’s 陆象山 (1139–1193) philoso-
phy, it was also the key issue in which it differed from the teachings of Zhu Xi; the
interpretation of this concept was fundamental to understanding Xiangshan’s phi-
losophy. At the same time, although this concept of equivalence of ontological entity
and phenomena, or the concept of perfect interfusion of principle and phenomena, in
some sense could be traced back the Yijing, their theoretical structure was directly
linked with the Huayan school. In some other sense, however, Xiangshan’s teaching
道之于器，未始相无
of dao zhi yu qi, wei shi xiang wu can actually be regarded as
a theoretical outline of the Huayan teaching of perfect interfusion.
李作勋
Other related works included LI Zuoxun’s “Ru fo jiaorong yu Zhu Xi
儒佛交融与朱熹心性论的形成
xinxinglun de xingcheng ” (1997); FANG Litian’s
儒、佛以心性论为中心的互
“Ru, fo yi xinxinglun wei zhongxin de hudong hubu
动互补 张立文
” (2000); ZHANG Liwen’s “Fojiao yu Song Ming lixue de hehe ren-
佛教与宋明理学的和合人文精神
wen jingshen 康中 ” (1996); KANG Zhongqian’s
干 儒道互补新论
“Ru Dao hubu xinlun – Jianlun Zhongguo zhexue de luoji fazhan
–兼论中国哲学的逻辑发展 ” (1997); and XIANG Shiling’s “Jian li jian xing yu
见理见性与穷理
qiong li jin xing – Chuantong ruxue, foxue (huayan chan) yu lixue
尽性 传统儒学、佛学（华严禅）与理学
– ” (2000).

4. The Relationship between Huayan

and Chinese Literature and Esthetics

This kind of study was another focus of the last twenty-five years.
ZHANG Wenxun张文勋 in “Cong Huayan jinshizi zhang kan fojiao zhexue de
meixue yiyi 从华严金师子章看佛教哲学的美学意义 ” (1991) analyzed Fazang’s
Huayan jinshizi zhang and provided a detailed description of the complex relation-
ship between Buddhist philosophy and ancient Chinese art, mainly discussing the in-
fluences within ancient Chinese art theory, as well as the presence of basic Buddhist
concepts (e.g. original substance and phenomenon, real and illusory, presence and
absence, part and whole, common and individual, one and many, hidden and ex-
posed, cognition and intuition) in Chinese esthetics.
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 57

Although it had been commonly known that there was a strong connection be-
tween Buddhism and Tang-Song poetry, not a lot of research had been done in this
吴言生
area. A series of studies published by WU Yansheng in recent years helped
to fill this lacuna. His main articles included “Caodongzong chan shi yanjiu 曹洞宗
禅诗研究 禅诗审美境界论
” (1999); “Chan shi shenmei jingjie lun ” (2000a); “Hua-
yan diwang yin chan xin – lun Huayan jing, huayanzong dui Chan si Chan shi de ying-
华严帝网印禅心 论华严经、华严宗对禅思禅诗的影响
xiang – ” (2000b); “Chan
禅诗理事圆融论
shi lishi yuanrong lun ” (2000c); “Chanzong de shixue huayu tixi
禅宗的诗学话语体系 ” (2001a). In these studies, the author expressed his opinion
that the influence of theory of liberation through meditation of both the Huayan jing
and the Huayan school on meditation thoughts and meditation poetry (chan si chan
shi 禅思禅诗 ) would become extremely important for the study of Chinese Chan
poetry in the 21st century.5
ZHANG Jiemo 张节末 in “Fayan, ‘muqian’ he ‘ge’ yu ‘buge’ – lun Wang Guowei
法眼、 目前 和 隔 与 不隔 论王国维诗学的
shixue de yige Chanxue yuanyuan ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ‘ ’–
一个禅学渊源 具眼
” (2000) traced the origins of the Chan concepts of juyan , mu-
目前
qian 人间词
, separation and non-separation in Wang Guowei’s Renjian cihua
话 .
李瑞明
LI Ruiming in “‘Huayan shi jing’: Shen Zengzhi shixue ‘sanguan’ shuo de
华严诗境 ：沈曾植诗学 三关 说的意向
yixiang ‘ ’ ‘ ’ ” (2001) discussed the theory of
三关
sanguan 沈曾植
in Shen Zengzhi’s 与金 Yu Jin Rongjing taishou lun shi shu
蓉镜太守论诗书 ,6 claiming that his ingenious new approach to poetry represented a
“Huayan approach to poetry” that combined subjective sentiments and artistic intel-
ligence.
PI Chaogang 皮朝纲 in “Huayan jingjie yu Zhongguo meixue 华严境界与中国
美学 ” (2003) demonstrated the enormous influence of the Huayan school on ancient
Chinese art theory, esthetics and artistic creativity. Huayan thought had not only in-
fluenced these aspects of Chinese art but embodied a rich esthetic content in itself
too. It played an important role in the history of Buddhist esthetics in China and thus
should be further explored to give its proper assessment.
As a repository of literary writings with a large amount of literary patterns and
references, Buddhist sūtras also had a great influence on Chinese literature. One
侯传文
study in this area was HOU Chuanwen’s “Huayan jing he Zhong Yin qiwu
wenxue muti 《华严经》与中印启悟文学母题 ” (1994) which explores the literary
references of qiwu (apocalypse).
SUN Changwu 孙昌武 苏轼与佛教
in “Su Shi yu fojiao ” (1994) discussed the
connection between Su Shi and the Huayan school. Since Su Shi was a man of let-
ters and Chinese men of letters had always been interested in books, he read many
sūtras as part of his Buddhist practice. Judging from his writings, he not only loved

5 Wu 2001b.
6 The complete text of Sheng Zengzhi’s Yu Jin Tajing taishou lun shi shu can be found in Wang
Yuanhua 王元化 1995: vol. 3, 116–117.
58 ZHU QINGZHI

reading Chan histories of lamp-transmission (dengshi 灯史 ) and recorded sayings

(yulu 语录 ), became very familiar with the Prajñā-pāramitā-sūtras, Vimalakīrti-nir-
deśa-sūtra, Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra and Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment, but was also heav-
ily influenced by Huayan thought. Originally, Zongmi integrated teachings of both
the Huayan and Heze 荷泽 (a branch of the Southern Chan) schools, thus his works
incorporated Chan and Huayan ideas at the same time. Huayan assumed a perfectly
interfused universe without obstruction, whereas Chan stimulated man’s subjective
intellect. Both of these two approaches were important elements of Song lixue. Su
Shi practiced Chan but at the same time he also practiced Huayan, a practice which
accurately represented the ideological trend of his time.
Other important studies on the relationship between Huayan and Chinese litera-
朱良志
ture and art included ZHU Liangzhi’s “Lun Zhongguo yishulun zhong de yuan
论中国艺术论中的 圆 许总 ‘ ’” (1994); XU Zong’s “Lun lixue wenhua guannian yu
论理学文化观念与宋代诗学
Songdai shixue 祁志祥 ” (2000); QI Zhixiang’s “Fo-
佛教 三界唯心 论与 美是心影
jiao ‘sanjie weixin’ lun yu ‘mei shi xinying’ shuo ‘ ’ ‘ ’
说 中国古代美学
” (1997) and “Zhongguo gudai meixue sixiang xitong zhengtiguan
思想系统整体观 ” (2003).

5. Huayan Chan

Huayan Chan is an intermediary area between Huayan and Chan. The way lixue
thinkers interpreted Chan was often rather an understanding of Huayan Chan, merg-
ing the philosophy of these two separate schools. It is likely that Huayan teachings
served as an agent through which lixue proponents encountered and adopted general
董群
Buddhist ideology. DONG Qun in “Lun huayan chan zai foxue he lixue zhijian
de zhongjie zuoyong 论华严禅在佛学和理学之间的中介作用 ” (2000) described the
situation of Huayan Chan in Song and Ming times, and the interaction between lixue
and Huayan Chan. Using Zongmi as an example, the author explored the influence
of Huayan Chan on lixue, thus providing an important contribution to the research
on the relationship between Buddhism and lixue.
XIANG Shiling 向世陵 in “Jian li jian xing yu qiong li jin xing – Chuantong ruxue,
foxue (huayan chan) yu lixue 见理见性与穷理尽性 传统儒学、佛学（华严禅） –
与理学 ” (2000) claimed that Huayan Chan had provided the theoretical foundation
needed for the revival of various ideological trends in the form of Neo-Confucian-
ism. Lixue was established on the basis of rediscovered pre-Qin Confucianism under
the stimulation of Buddhist thought. Having been introduced to China in the Han
dynasty, by Sui and Tang times Buddhism has undergone an unparalleled develop-
ment, especially in the Huayan and Chan schools. However, Huayan Chan was not
just a simple amalgamation of Huayan and Chan theories but a synthesis of Zong-
mi’s interpretation of these two, and many other, schools. Precisely for this reason,
after the high Tang Huayan Chan became a popular trend amply manifesting the
ideological dominance of Buddhism at the time and its privileged position in com-
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 59

parison with other schools of thought. Still, the complex assortment of Buddhist
schools had no practical meaning for Confucianists who saw Buddhism merely as a
heterodox faction with a comprehensive and consistent theoretical system. This was
the reason behind the social impact and result of Huayan Chan.
蒋桂存
Another work in this area was JIANG Guicun’s Huayan chan yu Cheng
Zhu lixue de bijiao yanjiu华严禅与程朱理学的比较研究 (1999).

6. Comparison of Huayan Buddhism and Other Buddhist Schools

LÜ Jianfu 吕建福 in “Mijiao zhexue de jiben lunti ji qi zhongyao gainian 密教哲学

的基本论题及其重要概念” (2002) discussed the influence of Huayan canonical
works on the exoteric tradition.
WANG Yueqing 王月清 in “Lun Zhongguo fojiao de renxing shan’e guan – yi
tiantaizong wei zhongdian 论中国佛教的人性善恶观 – 以天台宗为重点” (1999)
explored the influence of the Tiantai view of the goodness or evilness of human na-
ture on the Fahua school.
PAN Guiming’s 潘桂明 “‘Xingju shixiang’ shuping ‘ 性具实相 述评 ’ ” (1996)
compared the Tiantai concept of nature-inclusiveness with the Huayan concept of
nature-origination, claiming that the latter was a step backward from the former.
许抗生
Other works in this area included XU Kangsheng’s “Jianlun tiantaizong
he huayanzong de fojiao sixiang 简论天台宗和华严宗的佛教思想 ” (1993) and
FANG Litian’s “Cong dilunshi yu shelunshi de xin shi benyuan zhi bian dao tiantai,
huayan xinben shuo de chanfa 从地论师与摄论师的心识本原之辨到天台、华严
心本说的阐发 ” (1998).

7. The Huayan School and Politics

HAN Ruichang 韩瑞常 in “Fojiao yu zhongshiji Dongbeiya de zhengzhi biange 佛教

与中世纪东北亚的政治变革” (1996) argued that medieval Buddhism entailed a
special kind of social consciousness. The author explored the degree and nature of
Buddhist influence on the political changes in Northeast Asia, as well as the merits
and faults of Buddhism in this process. For example, the Huayan school propagated
that all things were in harmony with each other, that many were in one and one was
in many; this approach fitted well with the political needs of a monarch ruling a
state.
LI Guangliang 李广良 in “Jindai ru fo guanxi shi shulüe近代儒佛关系史述略 ”
(2000) discussed the impact of Huayan thought on the political philosophy of Kang
Youwei 康有为 .
Other studies in this area included WEI Daoru’s “Zongjiao ronghe yu jiaohua
gongneng – yi Songdai liang zhong huayan jingtu xinyang wei li 宗教融合与教化
功能 以宋代两种华严净土信仰为例
– ” (2000); LI Shuangbi’s 李双璧 “Foxue
60 ZHU QINGZHI

佛学思想之于维新志士：
sixiang zhi yu weixin zhishi: yi Kang, Liang, Tan wei li
以康、梁、谭为例 哈迎飞
” (1999); HA Yingfei’s “Lu Xun, Nicai yu fojiao – Lu
鲁迅、尼采与佛教 鲁迅与佛教文化关
Xun yu fojiao wenhua guanxi lun zhi yi –
系论之一 李向平
” (2001); LI Xiangping’s “Renjian fojiao de xiandai zhuanhuan ji
人间佛教的现代转换及其意义
qi yiyi ” (1997).
李明友
LI Mingyou’s 马一浮的儒佛会通观
“Ma Yifu de ru fo huitong guan ”
(1995) discussed the Confucianist, Buddhist and Daoist aspects and associations in MA
Yifu’s scholarship. The perfect interfusion of these three major schools of thought
was a basic feature of lixue, which was a new form of Confucianism incorporating
Buddhist and Daoist elements. Being a great master of contemporary lixue, MA Yi-
fu’s scholarship inherited these features, while also enriching it with new elements.
The analysis of the Confucianist and Buddhist associations in MA Yifu’s thought can
help us to gain an overall picture of the process of modernization of traditional cul-
ture in China.

8. Huayan Buddhism and Ecology

During the course of modernization in China, ecological environment has been more
and more important, a trend also reflected in Huayan studies.
WEI Dedong 魏德东 in “Fojiao de shengtai guan 佛教的生态观 ” (1999) claimed
that Buddhism had a rich, and unique, ecological content. Huayan scholars had used
a set of sophisticated metaphors like pores (maokong 毛孔 ), minute dust (weichen
微尘 ), lion’s fur (shizi mao 师子毛 因陀罗网
), Indra net (yintuoluo wang ), etc. to
describe the relationship of “one” to “all,” showing their profound understanding of
the holistic quality of the world. The Huayan jing used the metaphor of Indra net to
explain how all things in the world were connected with each other in such an infi-
nite and interactive relationship. Each and every thing included all the essences of the
world, just as all things mutually included each other.
LI Yaoxian 李耀仙 佛教教义与环境哲学
in “Fojiao jiaoyi yu huanjing zhexue ”
(1998) pointed out that the Nirvāṇa-sūtra (Niepan jing 涅盘经 ) and the teachings of
Buddha-nature and Buddha-body of the Fahua school, as well as the Huayan jing
and dharma-realm origination of the Huayan school all manifested a typically Asian
holistic world view which possessed positive connotation for the real-life world too.

9. Other

WANG Hongbin 王鸿宾 in “Tan Jinci Cang Fengyu Huayan shijing 谈晋祠藏风峪
华严石经 ” (1997) introduced the background and significance of the Tang stone
canon from Fengyu of Shanxi 山西 .
YAO Changshou 姚长寿 in “Fangshan shijing huayan dianji kao 房山石经华严
典籍考 ” (1998) utilized the Fangshan stone canon to reexamine the controversial
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 61

漩洑偈
works of the first and second Huayan patriarchs (i.e. Du Shun’s Xuanfuji and
Zhiyan’s Yisheng fajie tu he shi yiyin 一乘法界图合诗一印 ).
曹淑文
CAO Shuwen and HE Yizhuang 何义壮 in “Tan Meiguo Pulinsidun da-
xue cang mu huozi ben Dafangguang fo Huayan jing 谈美国普林斯顿大学藏木活
字本《大方广佛华严经》 ” (1992) introduced the Tangut version of vol. 77 of the
Dafangguang fo Huayan jing found in July of 1990 in the Gest Oriental Library at
Princeton University. The preliminary analysis of the sūtra revealed that it was
printed in the Yuan dynasty in a wooden moveable type, making it the earliest
wooden moveable type work in the world.
CHEN Jingfu 陈景富 in “Wei huayanzong zuting zhengming 为华严宗祖庭
正名 ” (1997) raised doubts regarding the existing view that the Huayan temple lo-
cated in Xi’an had in fact been the birth place of the Huayan school. The author
examined biographical and historical documents to show that the Zhixiang temple
至相寺 in Zhongnanshan 终南山 was a more likely candidate for this status.
Finally, the modern Chinese translation of the Huayan jing by ZHANG Xinmin
张新民 et at. was published under the title of Huayan jing jinyi 华严经今译(1994).

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Fang Litian : “Cong dilunshi yu shelunshi de xinshi benyuan zhi bian dao tiantai, huayan
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Fang Litian 华严宗的现象圆融论
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Fang Litian 镇澄对僧肇《物不迁
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Fang Litian 儒、佛以心性论为中心
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2: pp. 3–13.
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 63

Fang Litian 方立天 : “Zhongguo fojiao zhijue siwei de lishi yanbian”中国佛教直觉思维的历史

演变 哲学研
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Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1999) 3: pp. 144–146.
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耿世民
Geng Shimin : “Gansu sheng bowuguan cang huihu wen Bashi Huayan canjing yanjiu 2”
甘肃省博物馆藏回鹘文《八十华严》残经研究 二 ( ) [A study of the incomplete Eighty Hua-
中央
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郭朋
Guo Peng 隋唐佛教
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郭绍虞
Guo Shaoyu 中国历代文论选
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哈迎飞
Ha Yingfei 鲁迅、
: “Lu Xun, Nicai yu fojiao – Lu Xun yu fojiao wenhua guanxilun zhiyi”
尼采与佛教 鲁迅与佛教文化关系论之一
– [Lu Xun, Nietzsche and Buddhism: first one of
鲁迅
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韩瑞常
Han Ruichang 佛教与中世纪东北
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侯传文
Hou Chuanwen 《华严经》与中印启悟
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文学母题 [Huayan jing and the motif about apocalypse in the literature of China and India].
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胡民众
Hu Minzhong 澄观佛学思想研究
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黄忏华
Huang Chanhua 贤首宗 : “Xianshouzong” [Xianshou school] in Association of Buddhism of
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蒋桂存
Jiang Guicun 华严禅与程朱理学的
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比较研究 [A comparative study on Huayan chan and Cheng-Zhu’s New Confucianism of Song
dynasty]. Ph. D. dissertation, Zhongguo renmin daxue, 1999.
金申
Jin Shen 金字《华严经》略谈
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Kang Zhongqian 儒道
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李富华
Li Fuhua 宗密和他的禅学
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Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1983) 1: pp. 95–106.
李广良
Li Guangliang 近代儒佛关系史述略
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学术月刊 (2000) 2: pp. 25–30.
64 ZHU QINGZHI

李利安
Li Li’an : “Cong Huayan jing xue dao Huayanzong xue – ping Wei Daoru Zhongguo Hua-
从华严经学到华严宗学 评魏道儒《中国华严宗通史》
yanzong tongshi” – . Zhongguo chan-
xue中国禅学 (2002) 1: pp. 508–510.
Li Mingyou李明友 马一浮的儒佛会通观
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孔子研究
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92–97.
李瑞明
Li Ruiming 华严
: “ ‘Huayan shi jing’: Shen Zengzhi shixue ‘san guan’ shuo de yixiang” “
诗境 ：沈曾植诗学 三关 说的意向
” “ ” [Huayan shi jing: the intent of Shen Zengzhi’s poet-
文艺理论研究
ics]. Wenyi lilun yanjiu (2001) 5: pp. 39–45.
李双璧
Li Shuangbi 佛学思
: “Foxue sixiang zhi yu weixin zhishi: yi Kang, Liang, Tan wei li”
想之于维新志士：以康、梁、谭为例 [Buddhism and the reformers: a case study of Kang
贵州社会科学
Youwei, Liang Qichao and Tan Sitong]. Guizhou shehui kexue (1999) 1: pp.
107–112.
李向平
Li Xiangping 人间佛教的现代转换及其
: “Renjian fojiao de xiandai zhuanhuan jiqi yiyi”
意义 [The modern change of humanistic Buddhism and its significance]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu
世界宗教研究 (1997) 1: pp. 38–53.
李耀仙
Li Yaoxian 佛教教义与环境哲学
: “Fojiao jiaoyi yu huanjing zhexue” [On the doctrine of
中华文化论坛
Buddhism and environmental philosophy]. Zhonghua wenhua luntan (1998) 2:
pp. 102–105.
Li Zuoxun李作勋 儒佛交融与朱熹心性
: “Ru fo jiaorong yu Zhu Xi xinxing lun de xingcheng”
论的形成 [The blend of Buddhism and Confucianism and the completion of Zhu Xi’s “citta-
贵州社会科学
nature” theory]. Guizhou shehui kexue (1997) 2: pp. 27–32.
刘春生
Liu Chunsheng 慧苑及《华严经音
: “Huiyuan ji Huayan jing yin yi de jidian kaozheng”
义》的几点考证 [Some textual studies of Huiyuan and his Huayan jing yin yi]. Guizhou daxue
贵州大学学报
xuebao (1992) 2: pp. 65–68.
刘孟骧
Liu Mengxiang : “Huayanzong wenhe xingershangxue foxue lilun de chansheng yu fazhan”
华严宗温和形而上学佛学理论的产生与发展 [On the formation and development of Huayan
陕西师范大学学
school’s mild metaphysical Buddhism theory]. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao
报 (2000) 2: pp. 17–22.
楼宇烈
Lou Yulie 不由经教 与 由教悟宗
: “ ‘Bu you jing jiao’ yu ‘you jiao wu zong’” “ ” “ ” [“Not
中国
by the teaching of sūtras” and “to awaken the sect by the teachings”]. Zhongguo chanxue
禅学 (2002) 1: pp. 32–37.
吕建福
Lü Jianfu 密教哲学的基本论题及其
: “Mijiao zhexue de jiben lunti jiqi zhongyao gainian”
重要概念 [The essential topics of Secret school’s philosophy and its important concepts]. Shi-
世界宗教研究
jie zongjiao yanjiu (2002) 1: pp. 85–96.
Lü Youxiang吕有祥 十年来中国佛
: “Shinian lai Zhongguo fojiao yanjiu shulüe (1987–1996)”
教研究述略 (1987–1996) [A brief introduction to the study of Chinese Buddhism from 1987 to
宗教学研究
1996]. Zongjiaoxue yanjiu (1997) 4: pp. 85–96.
Nie Qing聂清 神会与宗密
: “Shenhui yu Zongmi” [Shenhui and Zongmi]. Zhongguo zhexue shi
中国哲学史 (2000) 3: pp. 111–117.
潘桂明
Pan Guiming 性具实相 述评
: “‘Xingju shixiang’ shuping” “ ” [A review of the xing ju shi-
世界宗教研究
xiang theory of Tiantai school]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1996) 1: pp. 40–48.
Pi Chaogang皮朝纲 华严境界与中国美学
: “Huayan jingjie yu Zhongguo meixue” [Huayan
普门学报
world and Chinese aesthetics]. Pumen xuebao (2003) 13: pp. 153–180.
祁志祥
Qi Zhixiang 佛教 三界唯心
: “Fojiao ‘san jie wei xin’ lun yu ‘mei shi xin ying’ shuo” “ ”
论与 美是心影 说
“ ” [The theory of sanjie weixin and the notion of mei shi xin ying in Bud-
苏州大学学报
dhism]. Suzhou daxue xuebao (1997) 2: pp. 71–73, 55.
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 65

Qi Zhixiang 祁志祥: “Zhongguo gudai meixue sixiang xitong zhengti guan” 中国古代美学思想系
统整体观 [The systematic view of Chinese aesthetics in ancient times]. Wenxue pinglun 文学
评论 (2003) 3: pp. 69–79.
Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴: “Huayan zong zongzu Fazang de shengping jiqi sixiang” 华严宗宗祖法藏的
生平及其思想 [On the creator of Huayan school Fazang’s life and his thoughts]. Shijie zong-
jiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 (1992) 3: pp. 57–66.
Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴: “Li Tongxuan yu Fazang de foxue sixiang bijiao” 李通玄与法藏的佛学思
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yanjiu 世界宗教研究 (1998) 1: pp. 36–43.
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《易》解《华严经》 – 李通玄对《华严经》的新诠释 [Understanding of Huayan jing through
Yijing: Li Tongxuan’s new interpretation of Huayan jing]. Zhouyi yanjiu 周易研究 (2000a) 1:
pp. 59–65.
Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴: “Li Tongxuan foxue sixiang shuping” 李通玄佛学思想述评 [Commentary
of Li Tongxuan’s Buddhist thoughts]. Ph. D. dessertation, Zhongguo renmin daxue, 2000b.
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Ren Jiyu 任继愈: “Huayanzong zhexue sixiang lüelun” 华严宗哲学思想略论 [A brief study of
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孙昌武
Sun Changwu : “Su Shi yu fojiao”苏轼与佛教 [Su Shi and Buddhism]. Wenxue yichan
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汤一介
Tang Yijie 华严 十玄门 的哲学意义
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losophical significance of shixuanmen of Huayan school]. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu 中国文化
研究 (1995) 2: pp. 17–23.
汤用彤
Tang Yongtong 隋唐佛教史稿
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王鸿宾
Wang Hongbing : “Tan Jinci cang Fengyu huayan shijing” 谈晋祠藏风峪华严石经 [On
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王杰
Wang Jie 华严宗 唯心 辩证法思想
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述评 . http://www.siwen.org/zongjiao/hyzwxbzfsxsp.htm.
王颂
Wang Song : “Guanyu Du Shun chuzu shuo de kaocha” 关于杜顺初祖说的考察 [A study of
世界宗教研究
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(2000) 1: pp. 49–55.
66 ZHU QINGZHI

Wang Yuanhua 王元化 学术集林 (ed.): Xueshu jilin [Academia Quarterly]. Shanghai: Shanghai
yuandong chubanshe, 1995.
Wang Yueqing 王月清 : “Lun Zhongguo fojiao de renxing shan’e guan – yi tiantaizong wei zhong-
dian” 论中国佛教的人性善恶观 以天台宗为重点 – [On the humanity view of good and evil
in Chinese Buddhism: based on Tiantai school]. Nanjing daxue xuebao 南京大学学报 (1999)
2: pp. 79–86.
魏道儒
Wei Daoru : Zhongguo huayanzong tongshi 中国华严宗通史 [The general history of Hua-
yan Buddhim of China]. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1998.
魏道儒
Wei Daoru : “Dongjin nanbei chao huayanxue de fazhan quxiang” 东晋南北朝华严学的
发展趋向 [The developing tendency of Huayan studies in the Eastern Jin and the Northern and
世界宗教研究
Southern Dynasties]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1999) 1: pp. 65–72.
魏道儒
Wei Daoru : “Zongjiao ronghe yu jiaohua gongneng – yi Songdai liangzhong huayan jingtu
宗教融合与教化功能 以宋代两种华严净土信仰为例
xinyang weili” – [On the function of
amalgamation and moralization of religion: a case study of Huayan and Pure Land believes in
中华佛学学报
Song Dynasty]. Zhonghua foxue xuebao (2000) 13: pp. 299–306.
魏德东
Wei Dedong 佛教的生态观
: “Fojiao de shengtai guan” [The ecological ideas contained in
中国社会科学
Buddhism]. Zhongguo shehui kexue (1999) 5: pp. 105–117.
温玉成
Wen Yucheng 龙门所见中外交通
: “Longmen suojian zhongwai jiaotong shiliao chutan”
史料初探 [A primary survey of the materials about the intercourse between China and foreign
西北史地
countries found in Longmen]. Xibei shidi (1983) 1: pp. 61–68.
温玉成
Wen Yucheng 华严宗三祖康法
: “Huayanzong sanzu Kang Fazang shenshi de xin ziliao”
藏身世的新资料 [Some newly found historical documents about the life of the third patriarch
法音
of Huayan shool Kang Fazang]. Fayin (1984) 2: pp. 35–36.
吴言生
Wu Yansheng 曹洞宗禅诗研究
: “Caodongzong chanshi yanjiu” [A study of Caodong
陕西师范大学学报
school’s Chan poems]. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (1999) 1: pp. 144–150.
吴言生
Wu Yansheng 禅诗审美境界论
: “Chanshi shenmei jingjie lun” [On the aesthetic realm of
陕西师范大学学报
Chan poems]. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao (2000a) 1: pp. 61–67.
吴言生
Wu Yansheng : “Huayan diwang yin chan xin: lun Huayan jing huayanzong dui chansi
华严帝网印禅心 论华严经、华严宗对禅思禅诗的影响
chanshi de yingxiang” – [Huayan
diwang yin Chan xin: on the influence of Huayan jing and Huayan school on Chan and Chan
人文杂志
poems]. Renwen zazhi (2000b) 2: pp. 85–91.
吴言生
Wu Yansheng 禅诗理事圆融论
: “Chanshi lishi yuanrong lun” [On the Li shi yuanrong of
东南大学学报
Chan Poems]. Dongnan daxue xuebao (2000c) 2: pp. 111–116.
吴言生
Wu Yansheng 禅宗的诗学话语体系
: “Chanzong de shixue huayu tixi” [The expressing
哲学研究
system of Chan poetics]. Zhexue yanjiu (2001a) 3: pp. 20–28.
吴言生
Wu Yansheng 禅学三书
: Chanxue san shu禅宗思想渊源 : Chanzong sixiang yuanyuan ;
禅宗哲学象征
Chanzong zhexue xiangzheng 禅宗诗歌境界 ; Chanzong shige jingjie . Beijing:
Zhonghua shuju, 2001b.
向世陵
Xiang Shiling : “‘Jian li jian xing’ yu ‘qiong li jin xing’ – chuantong ruxue, foxue (huayan
见理见性与穷理尽性 传统儒学、佛学 华严禅 与理学
chan) yu lixue” – ( ) [Jian li jian xing
and qiong li jin xing: on the traditional Confucianism, Buddhism [Huayan Chan] and New
中国哲学史
Confucianism]. Zhongguo zhexue shi (2000) 2: pp. 26–34.
向世山
Xiang Shishan 论宗密的方法论模式
: “Lun Zongmi de fangfalun moshi” [On the metho-
中华文化论坛
dology type of Zongmi’s theory]. Zhongguo wenhua luntan (1998) 4: pp. 98–102.
谢重光
Xie Chongguang : “20 shiji guonei dui Sui-Tang Wudai fojiao zongpai jiqi sixiang xueshuo
世纪国内对隋唐五代佛教宗派及其思想学说研究之回顾
yanjiu zhi huigu 20” [A review of
 BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO THE PAST 25 YEARS OF HUAYAN STUDIES 67

study on Chinese Buddhist schools in Sui and Tang and Five dynasties and their thoughts in 20
Century in mainland China], 2001. http://www.guoxue.com/www/xsxx/txt.asp?id=401.
许抗生
Xu Kangsheng 简论天台宗和华
: “Jian lun Tiantaizong he Huayanzong de fojiao sixiang”
严宗的佛教思想 [A brief study of Tiantai and Huayan schools’ Buddhist thoughts] in Guogu
zhi xin: Zhongguo chuantong wenhua de zai quanshi 国故知新：中国传统文化的再诠释 .
Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1993.
Xu Shaoqiang徐绍强 法藏圆融哲学的思维特色
: “Fazang yuanrong zhexue de siwei tese” [The
thinking character of Fazang’s Yuanrong theory]. Fayin 法音 (1991) 12: pp. 23–27.
Xu Shaoqiang 徐绍强 : “Fazang de ‘wujin yuanqi’ shuo 法藏的无尽缘起说 [On the Fazang’s
wujin yuanqi notion]. Foxue yanjiu 佛学研究 (1996) 5: pp. 145–153.
Xu Zong 许总 : “Lun lixue wenhua guannian yu Songdai shixue” 论理学文化观念与宋代诗学
学术
[On the cultural idea of New Confucianism and poetics in Song Dynasty]. Xueshu yuekan
月刊 (2000) 6: pp. 8–14.
Yang Yi 杨毅 : “Lüelun dao fo er jiao de xianghu rongshe” 略论道佛二教的相互融摄 [A brief
开放时
study of the confliction and blending between Daoism and Buddhism]. Kaifang shidai
代 (1996) 6: pp. 20–23.
Yao Changshou 姚长寿 房山石经华严典籍考
: “Fangshan shijing Huayan dianji kao” [A textual
study of Huayan scriptures of stone inscription sūtras in Yunju Temple of Fangshan]. Fayuan
法源 (1998) 16: pp. 25–37.
Yao Weiqun 姚卫群 : “Huayanzong yu bore zhongguan sixiang” 华严宗与般若中观思想 [Huayan
school and the ideas of Prajñā and Madhyamaka]. Zhonghua wenhua luntan 中华文化论坛
(1996) 4: pp. 74–78.
游有维
You Youwei 华严宗的起源、
: “Huayanzong de qiyuan, chuancheng, yanbian yu fuxing”
传承、演变与复兴 [On the creation, bequeathing, development and renewal of Huayan school].
法音
Fayin (1986) 5: pp. 9–16; 6: pp. 1–9.
张春波、李曦
Zhang Chunbo & Li Xi 宗密禅教一致
: “Zongmi Chan Jiao yizhi shuo de shizhi”
说的实质 [The essence of Zongmi’s theory of unity of Chan and Teaching]. Wutaishan yanjiu
五台山研究 (1991) 1: pp. 1–2.
张立文
Zhang Liwen 佛教与宋明理学的
: “Fojiao yu Song Ming lixue de hehe renwen jingshen”
和合人文精神 [On Buddhism and the harmonious humanism of New Confucianism in Song
世界宗教研究
and Ming dynasties]. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1996) 2: pp. 2–6.
张节末
Zhang Jiemo : “‘Fayan’, ‘muqian’ he ‘ge’ yu ‘buge’ – lun Wang Guowei shixue de yige
法眼 、 目前 和 隔 与 不隔 论王国维诗学的一个禅学渊源
chanxue yuanyuan” “ ” “ ” “ ” “ ” –
[On the fayan, muqian, and ge and buge: The Chan origin of Wang Guowei’s poetics]. Wenyi
文艺研究
yanjiu (2000) 3: pp. 38–49.
张文勋
Zhang Wenxun 从《华
: “Cong Huayan jinshizi zhang kan fojiao zhexue de meixue yiyi”
严金师子章》看佛教哲学的美学意义 [On the aesthetic significance of Buddhist philosophy
思想战线
according to Huayan jinshizi zhang]. Sixiang zhanxian (1991) 4: pp. 30–37.
张新民
Zhang Xinmin 华严经今译
: Huayan jing jin yi [The modern Mandarin translation of Hua-
yan jing]. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1994.
周群
Zhou Qun 宗密禅教合一思想论析
: “Zongmi chan jiao heyi sixiang lunxi” [Analysis of
南京
Zongmi’s idea about the identity of Chan and Teachings]. Nanjing shifan daxue xuebao
师范大学学报 (1991) 4: pp. 56–60.
朱良志
Zhu Liangzhi 论中国艺术论中的 圆
: “Lun zhongguo yishu lun zhong de ‘yuan’” “ ” [On
安徽师范大学学报
the yuan [circle] of Chinese art theory]. Anhui shifan daxue xuebao (1994)
4: pp. 390–400, 410.
 CHOE YEONSHIK

HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA

From antiquity to the very present, Huayan (kor. Hwaŏm) thought has played a very
important role among Korean Buddhists. Ever since Ŭisang studied under Zhiyan
and transmitted Huayan to the Korean peninsular in the latter half of the 7th century
A.D., Huayan has been the strand of thought most commonly studied in Korea.
Moreover, after the decline of the doctrinal traditions and their merger within the
Sŏn school in the 15th century, research on the Huayan jing or Huayan thought was
considered an undispensible part of education and practice of monks also in Korean
Buddhism, and this trend persists within the present Buddhist traditions. Due to
these circumstances, Huayan has been receiving relatively high interest in compari-
son to other fields of Buddhist studies not only among researchers, but also among
the general public. However, in comparison to this interest, one may hardly consider
extant research sufficient.
Although, just as other fields of study, Korean Buddhology had its (partial) pre-
cursors in the first half of the 20th c., it yet seems to be related to what actually only
was to begin in the 1960s, when the colonial rule and the Korean War had just been
overcome. Of course, during these more than 50 years quite a few studies appeared,
but against the backdrop of a more or less absent academic basis it was difficult to
accomplish research on a higher level. Initial research concentrated on elaborating
on very basic contents, or introducing works of the foreign academia, and only after
the end of the 80s a situation had arisen in which one had overcome the beginners’
level, and studies which tried to formulate own views began to appear.
The research on Huayan thought also did not deviate significantly from this gen-
eral trend of research in the study of Buddhism. Although from the 1960s onwards
quite a number of research articles did appear, in comparison to the achievements of
the foreign academia both in terms of quantity and quality again one may hardly take
to the view that a satisfactory standard was achieved. Fortunately, after the end of
the 80s diversified research on a wide range of topics related to Huayan thought came
to be advanced, and the number of researchers interested in the study of Huayan
increased. On the basis of this research, I do expect that in the near future more ad-
vanced studies will be presented.
70 CHOE YEONSHIK

In a way, academic research on Huayan thought since the 1960s did not just per-
petuate the current of traditional Huayan learning carried out in temples, and rather
build upon research results which had been achieved in the Buddhological academia
abroad from the 1920s onwards, and in particular continued currents of Japanese
research. I. e., different from traditional research on Huayan, which has regarded the
understanding of the original text of the Huayan jing important and thus has made
the study of the commentarial works on the Huayan jing – mainly those authored by
Chengguan – its main object, in modern research on Huayan thought rather centers
on the theory contained in the teachings of Huayan patriachs such as Zhiyan, Fazang
and Chengguan.
As a result, one may have the impression that research on Huayan teachings done
in the temples since the latter half of the 20th century and studies on Huayan thought
done mainly in the universities have been carried out in separation. Nevertheless,
although only partially, there have been attempts to carry out both in parallel, and in
particular with researchers from the monks’ ranks emerging, a tendency to put more
importance on the understanding of the sūtra itself is showing strongly.
The academic study of Huayan thought, which is the topic of this paper, by large
may be divided into research on Huayan teachings and research on Korean Hwaŏm
thought: the former consisting of studies investigating the special thought character-
istics of the Huayanjing and the theoretical system of the Chinese Huayan lineage;
the latter of studies on the contents of thought of Korean Hwaŏm thinkers and the
developments of the Hwaŏm lineages and institutions. In the beginning, research on
Korean Hwaŏm flourished, but from the 1990s onwards research on the Huayan
teachings also has been carried out actively.
As contemporary research on Korean Buddhism is not confined to Buddhology,
but has become a field within classical and Korean studies, in research on Korean
Hwaŏm thought not only understanding the contents of the canon of Korean Hwaŏm
learning, but research on the characteristic features of Korean Hwaŏm thought set-
ting it apart from Chinese Huayan thought, or the social role of Hwaŏm thought and
Hwaŏm institutions in Korean society has become important.

1. Research on Huayan teachings

As a work belonging to the earliest period of research on Huayan teachings, one

may name KIM Ying-seuk’s [Kim Ingsŏk] 金芿石 Hwaŏmhak kaeron 華嚴學槪論
[An outline of Huayan learning, 1960]. Not only comprehensively covering the spe-
cial thought characteristics of the Huayan jing and the teaching system of Chinese
Huayan thought, but also – in a comparatively detailed way – the development of
Korean Hwaŏm thought from the latter half of the 7th through to the 19th century,
this monograph provides a comprehensive introduction to Huayan/Hwaŏm thought.
Although it is a study of the initial phase, it displayed an understanding of Huayan
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 71

thought on a quite high level, and set the basic direction for the research carried out
afterwards. The author had studied Buddhology at a Japanese university during the
latter half of the 1920s, and as if it reflects this circumstance, in his elucidations on
the teaching system of the Huayan lineage quite a few of the research results achieved
by the early 20th century Japanese academia are contained.
Nevertheless, until the 1980s research on the Huayan teachings was not that ac-
tive. Researchers majoring in Huayan teachings were extremely few, and the subjets
of their studies could not be that broadly oriented. A representative researcher in
Huayan teachings of the 1960s and 1970s, CHANG Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu] pub-
菩薩十地說의
lished articles such as “Posal sibji sŏl-ŭi chŏn’gae-e taehan koch’al”
展開에 대한 考察 [An inquiry into the development of expositions on the ten Bodhi-
sattva stages, 1964], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi sasang ch’egye-wa kŭ chŏn’gae: Indo py’ŏn”
華嚴經의 思想體系와 그 展開 印度篇 : [The thought system of the Huayan jing
and its development: India, 1970], “Hwaŏm kyohak wŏnsŏnggi-ŭi sasang yŏn’gu:
華嚴敎學 完成期의 思想 硏究 傍依의 三師를
Pangŭi-ŭi samsa-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” :
중심으로 [On the thought of the period of completion of the Hwaŏm teachings: fo-
cusing on three masters also to be relied on, 1974], “Hwaŏmhak-ŭi taesŏngja Pŏb-
華嚴學의 大成者 法藏의 敎學思想
jang-ŭi kyohak sasang” [The doctrinal thought
of Fazang, the systematizer of the Hwaŏm teachings, 1976-77], “Hwaŏm-jong
華嚴宗 守成期의 敎學思潮
susŏnggi-ŭi kyohak sajo” [The thought currents of the
conservative period of the Huayan lineage, 1978], “Kyubong-ŭi kyohak sasang-gwa
圭峰의 敎學思想과 二水四家의 華嚴宗再興
i su sa ka-ŭi Hwaŏm-jong chaehŭng”
[Guifeng’s doctrinal thought and the renewed flourishing of the Huayan lineage
under the ‘four houses and the two waters’, 1979] and thus helped to broaden the un-
derstanding of the contents of the Huayanjing and especially of the doctrinal particu-
larities among the Chinese Huayan thinkers.
Besides, there were authors such as SIN Dong-sik [Sin Tongsik] 申洞湜 , who
clarified Fazang’s positon towards Tathāgatagarbha and Vijñaptimātratā thought in
articles such as “Hwaŏmhag-e issŏ yŏraejang sasang-ŭl mae’ge han konggwan-ŭi
화엄학에 있어 如來藏思想을
ch’ŏri – Pŏbjang-ŭi Hwaŏmhak-ŭl chungsim-ŭro”
媒介한 空觀의 처리 法藏의 華嚴學을 중심으로– [A treatment of emptiness con-
templation as an intermediary of Tathāgatagarbha thought in Huayan learning: fo-
cusing on Pŏbjang’s [view on the] Hwaŏmgyŏng, 1972] and “Hwaŏmhag-e issŏ
yusik-ŭi ch’ŏri munje – Pŏbjang-ŭi samsŏngsŏl-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” 華嚴學에 있어
唯識의 處理 問題 法藏의 三性說을 中心으로
– [Problems in the treatment of
Vijñaptimātratā in Hwaŏm learning, 1973], or KIM Ha-woo [Kim Hau] 金夏雨 , who
– originally being a scholar of Sanlun – compared the thought system of the Huayan
thinkers with Sanlun thought in studies such as “Samnon-gwa Hwaŏmgye (Wŏnhyo,
Pŏbjang kye)-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” 三論과 華嚴系 元曉 法藏系 의 轉悟 方式
( · )
[Methods leading towards awakening in the Sanlun and Huayan/Hwaŏm (Wŏnhyo,
法藏의 不相 知方式
Fazang) lineages,1982], “Pŏbjang-ŭi pulsang chi pangsik”
[Fazang’s method of knowledge denying characteristics, 1985], “Pŏbjang-ŭi muŭi
pangsik” 法藏의 無依方式 [Fazang’s method of not having something to depend
72 CHOE YEONSHIK

on, 1985], or Chinggwan-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik 澄觀의 轉悟方式 [Chengguan’s method

of leading towards awakening, 1987].
The until then only insufficiently developed research on doctrinal teachings of
Huayan really gained momentum when from the end of 1980s onwards, one after the
other, numerous studies began to appear. Understanding nature-origination (xingqi
性起 ) as the core of Huayan thought, JEONG Soon-il [Chŏng Sunil] 鄭舜日 investi-
gated the contents of nature-origination thought and its development process within
the Huayan teachings in his “Hwaŏm sŏnggi sasangsa yŏn’gu – Chungguk Hwaŏm-
jong-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” 華嚴性起思想史硏究 中國華嚴宗을 中心으로 - [A study on
the history of thought on nature-origination in Huayan – focusing on the Chinese
權坦俊
Huayan lineage, 1989]. Soon afterwards, KWON Tan-joon’s [Kwŏn T’anjun]
“Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi Yŏrae ch’ulhyŏn sasang y’on’gu” 華嚴經의 如來出現思想硏究
[A study on the thought [related to] the appearance of the Tathāgata in the Huayan
李孝杰
jing] and LEE Hyo-kul’s [Yi Hyogŏl] “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi sŏngnip pae’gyŏng-
gwa kujo ch’egye” 華嚴經의 成立背景과 構造體系 [The background of the forma-
tion of the Huayan jing and its structural system, 1991] were published, emphasizing
that the thought of the Huayan jing and the teachings of the Chinese Huayan line-
age should be distinguished. Different from previous studies, which focused on the
thought system of the Chinese Huayan teachings, these two Ph.D. theses centered on
the elucidation of the formation process of the Huayan jing itself and the special
characteristics of its thought. This interest in the contents of the Huayan jing itself
showed in full-scale with monk researchers. Bon-gak [Pon’gak] 本覺 (JIN Young-
you [Chin Yŏngyu] 陳永裕 ), being very much interested in the practice of the con-
templation method showing in the Huayanjing, published articles such as “Hwaŏm
華嚴觀法에 있어서 空觀의 意義
kwanpŏb-e issŏsŏ konggwan-ŭi ŭiŭi” [The sig-
nificance of the emptiness contemplation in the contemplation on the dharmas in
華嚴經類의
Huayan, 1994], “Hwaŏm kyŏngryu-ŭi kyehak-e kwanhan yŏn’gu”
戒學에 관한 연구 [A study on the Vinaya learning of the Hwaŏm class of sūtras,
華嚴敎學의 法界義의 고찰
1998], “Hwaŏm kyohak-ŭi pŏpkye ŭi-ŭi koch’al” [An
investigation of the meaning of dharmadhātu in the Huayan teachings, 1998],
華嚴十重唯識觀
“Hwaŏm sibjung yusikkwan” [The contemplation of Mind-Only
道業
on ten levels in Huayan, 2000], etc, while Do-eop [Toŏp] (LEE Haing-koo [Yi
李杏九
Haenggu] ] published articles such as “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan chŏngt’o
華嚴經에 나타난 淨土思想
sasang” [The Pure Land thought showing in the Huayan
華嚴經에 나타난 法身
jing, 1989], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan Pŏpsin Pul sasang”
佛思想 [The thought on the Dharmakāya Buddha showing in the Huayan jing,
華嚴經에 나타난 菩薩思想
1993], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan posal sasang” [The
Bodhisattva thought showing in the Huayan jing, 1994-5], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan
華嚴經에 나타난 唯心思想
yusik sasang” [The thought on Mind-only showing in
華嚴經에 나타난
the Huayan jing, 1996], “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan yŏn’gi sasang”
緣起思想 년
[The thought on conditional arising showing in the Huayan jing 1997 ],
華嚴敎學의 一心思想
and “Hwaŏm kyohak-ŭi ilsim sasang” [The thought on one-
mind within the Huayan teachings, 2001].
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 73

Research on the thought of the patriarchs of Chinese Hwaŏm likewise came to be

actively pursued, and also in this field the role of monk researchers was prominent:
Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 戒環 (CHANG Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] 張愛順 ) investi-
gated Fazang’s writings in synthesis and published articles such as “Pŏpjang-ŭi Ilsŭng
sasang” 法藏의 一乘思想 [Fazang’s one-vehicle thought, 1990], “Pŏbjang-ŭi kyo
法藏의敎 相卽觀法에 대하여
sangjŭk kwanbŏb-e taehayŏ” [On the contemplation
method of mutual identity in Fazang’s teachings, 1993], “Pŏbjang kyohag-ŭi sim-
法藏敎學의 心性論 硏究
sŏngnon yŏn’gu” [A study on the theory of the nature of
mind in Fazang’s teachings, 1995], “Pŏbjang-ŭi Hwaŏm konggwan-e taehan so’go”
法藏의 華嚴空觀에 대한 小考 [An investigation of Fazang’s Hwaŏm emptiness
法藏敎學과 起信論
contemplation, 1997], “Pŏbjang kyohak-kwa Kisillon“ [Fa-
zang’s teachings and the Qixin lun, 1999], “Pŏpjang-ŭi ‘Taesŭng kisillon ŭigi’ ch’an-
法藏의 『大乘起信論義記』찬술에 대한 고찰
sul-e taehan koch’al” [An investi-
gation of the creation of Fazang’s Dasheng qixin lun yiji, 2000], etc.
慧南
Hye-nam [Hye’nam] 盧在性
(ROH Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ) published as
澄觀
basic studies on Chengguan’s biography and thought “Chinggwan-ŭi Yudo
澄觀의 儒道 批判
pip’an” [Chengguan’s criticism against Confucianism and Daoism,
淸凉澄觀의 傳記
1996], “Ch’ŏngnyang Chinggwan-ŭi chŏn’gi-e taehan chae’go”
에 대한 再考 [A reconsideration of Qingliang Chengguan’s biography, 1998],
“Chinggwan-ŭi Odaesan ip san-gwa Hwaŏmgyŏng Hwaŏmgyŏng so ch’o-ŭi chŏjak”
澄觀의 五臺山 入山과 『華嚴經疏鈔』의 著作 [Chengguan’s retreat to Mt. Wutai
년
and the creation of his commentaries on the Hwaŏmgyŏng, 1998 ], “Chinggwang-
澄觀의 五臺山 信仰
ŭi Odaesan sinang” [Chengguan’s beliefs concerning Mt.
淨嚴 徐海基
Wutai, 1999], etc. Also, Jung-om [Chŏngŏm] (SŎ Hae-gi [Sŏ Hae’gi] )
澄觀의 禪宗觀〉
published “Chinggwan-ŭi Sŏn-jong kwan” [Chengguan’s view on
澄觀
the Chan lineages, 2001] and “Chinggwan-ŭi Haeinsammae kwan-e taehayŏ”
의 海印三昧觀에 대하여 [On Chengguan’s view on the ocean-seal samādhi, 2001].
Concerning Zongmi, more than his Hwaŏm thought as such, his thoughts di-
rected at the fusion of Chan and doctrinal Buddhism, or the fusion of the Three
teachings received attention: SHIN Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] 辛奎卓 published “In’gan-
non-e taehan Chongmi-ŭi ihae – Wŏninnon-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” 人間論에 대한 宗密
의 理解 『原人論』을 중심으로
– [Zongmi’s understanding of the human being –
focusing on the Yuanren lun, 1994], “Sŏn-jong-ŭi simsŏng non – Kyubong Chongmi-
禪宗의 心性論 圭峰宗密의 입장을 비판한다
ŭi ipchang-ŭl pip’anhanda” – [Dis-
course on the nature of mind in the Chan school – criticising Guifeng Zongmi’s
standpoint, 1996], “Pulgyo-ŭi Chunggukhwa – Kyubong Chongmil-ŭi cha-a ihae-rŭl
佛敎의 中國化 圭峰宗密의 自我理解를 중심으로
chungsim-ŭro” – [The sinifica-
tion of Buddhism – focusing on Guifeng Zongmi’s understanding of the ego, 1997],
宗密의 修行理論
“Chongmil-ŭi suhaeng iron – ton-chŏm kwan-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” –
頓漸觀을 중심으로 [Zongmi’s theory of practice – focusing on his view on the
년 曺潤鎬
sudden and the gradual, 2000 ], etc. CHO Yoon-ho [Cho Yunho] published
the articles “Chongmil tono-chŏmsu sŏng-pul non ch’egye-ŭi hyŏngsŏng-gwa ŭiŭi”
宗密 頓悟漸修 成佛論 체계의 형성과 의의 [The Formation and meaning of the
74 CHOE YEONSHIK

system of Zongmi’s theory of realizing Buddhahood by sudden awakening and

gradual cultivation, 1998], and “Chongmi-ŭl t’onghaesŏ pon Chungguk chŏnt’ong
sasang-gwa Pulgyo-ŭi mannam” 宗密을 통해서 본 중국 전통사상과 불교의 만남
[The encounter of traditional Chinese thought and Buddhism as seen through Zong-
mi, 1999].
Likewise, with the increase of research on Huayan thought in the latter half of
the 1990s, introductory monographs on Huayan thought following the lead of KIM
Ying-seuk’s [Kim Ingsŏk] 金芿石 Hwaŏmhak kyeron 華嚴學槪論 made their ap-
pearance. Thus, Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 戒環 (CHANG Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] 張愛
順 ) authored Chungguk Hwaŏm sasangsa yŏn’gu 中國華嚴思想史硏究 [Studies in
the history of thought of Chinese Huayan, 1996], in which he reviewed the develop-
ment process of Chinese Hwaŏm, and Hae-joo [Haeju] 海住 (JEON Ho-ryun [Chŏn
Horyŏn] 全好蓮 ) published Hwaŏm-ŭi segye 화엄의 세계 (1998), which, easily
understandable by the general audience, introduces in outline the contents of the
Huayan jing and covers the development process of Huayan/Hwaŏm thought in
China and Korea.

2. Research on Korean Huayan thought

Research on Korean Hwaŏm thought also began in the 1960s: Thus, one may con-
sider the “Han’guk-ŭi Hwaŏmgyo sa” 韓國의 華嚴敎史 [A History of Hwaŏm learn-
ing in Korea) contained in KIM Ying-seuk’s [Kim Ingsŏk] Hwaŏmhak kaeron, as the
groundlaying study, in as much as it extensively deals with the relevant materials
and provides a systematic treatment of the development process of Korean Hwaŏm
thought. In addition, KIM Ying-seuk also published “Pojo Kuksa-ŭi Hwaŏmgwan”
普照國師의 華嚴觀 [The national preceptor Pojo’s view on Hwaŏm, 1959–1960],
in which he clarified the representative 13th c. Sŏn monk Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought.
More thorough research on Korean Hwaŏm thought, however, began from the
1970s onwards with studies on Ŭisang’s and Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought: KIM Ji-
金知見
gyeon [Kim Chigyŏn] published “Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo yŏn’gu ch’o”
華嚴一乘法界圖硏究抄 [Some research on the Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo, 1971],
“Silla Hwaŏmhak-ŭi kyebo-wa sasang” 新羅華嚴學의 系譜와 思想 [The lineages
and thought of Huayan learning in Silla, 1973], “Han’guk Hwaŏmhak-ŭi churyu ko”
韓國華嚴學의 主流考 [An investigation of the main currents of Korean Hwaŏm
learning, 1975] and other articles, showing that Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought differed
from Wŏnhyo’s and that Korean Hwaŏm thought of later periods followed Ŭisang’s
thought. In the already mentioned article “Hwaŏm kyohak wŏnsŏnggi-ŭi sasang
yŏn’gu: Pangŭi-ŭi samsa-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” 華嚴敎學 完成期의 思想 硏究 傍依 :
의 三師를 중심으로 張元圭
by CHANG Won-kyu [Chang Wŏngyu] , the theoretical
systems of Ŭisang’s and Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought became clarified together with
李箕永
that of Li Tongxuan. Furthermore, RHI Ki-young [Yi Kiyong] , who had con-
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 75

centrated on Wŏnhyo’s thought since the 1960s, made mention of Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm
thought in his “Kyop’an sasang-eso pon Wŏnhyo-ŭi wich’i” [Wŏnhyo’s position as
viewed from his thought on the classification of teachings, 1974].
From the latter half of the 1970s, research on Korean Hwaŏm thought became
more diversified, expanding in a way that it no longer only took Wŏnhyo and Ŭisang,
but also their followers up to the Hwaŏm thinkers of the Koryŏ dynasty as its ob-
jects. Also, research methodology deepened through an understanding of the politi-
cal and social circumstances under which such thoughts took shape, going beyond
investigations of thought contents as such.
First, in research on Hwaŏm thought during the Silla period, deepened studies on
Ŭisang’s and Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought appeared. On the basis of previous studies,
鄭
Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought was more systematically clarified in CHŎNG Pyŏngjo’s
柄朝 “Ŭisang Hwaŏmgyo-ŭi che munje” 義湘 華嚴敎學의 諸問題 [Various issues
印幻
in Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm teachings, 1976] and Inhwan’s 蔡澤洙 (CHAE T’aeksu )
“Ŭisang Hwaŏmhak-ŭi t’ŭksŏng” 義湘華嚴敎學의 特性 [The special character of
Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm teachings, 1982], and in the already mentioned “Samnon-gwa
三論과 華嚴系 元曉 法藏
Hwaŏmgye (Wŏnhyo, Pŏbjang kye)-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” ( ·
系 의 轉悟方式
) [Methods leading towards awakening in the Sanlun and Hua-
金夏雨
yan/Hwaŏm (Wŏnhyo, Fazang) lineages,1982] by KIM Ha-woo [Kim Hau] ,
Chinese Sanlun thought and Wŏnhyo’s thought were reviewed from a comparative
perspective.
KOH Ik-jin [Ko Ikchin] 高翊晉 , the researcher who in the 1980s reviewed Wŏn-
hyo’s Hwaŏm thought most comprehensively, in his “Wŏnhyo-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang”
元曉의 華嚴思想 [Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought, 1982] made a detailed investigation
from the viewpoint that the special characteristic of Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought is a
synthesis with the thought of the Dasheng qixin lun, and in his “Silla chungdae Hwaŏm
sasang-ŭi chŏn’gae-wa kŭ yŏnghyang” 新羅中代華嚴思想의 展開와 그 影響 [The
development of Hwaŏm thought in the middle period of Silla and its effects, 1987–
1988] compared the contents of Wŏnhyo’s and Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought with the
thought system of the Huayan masters of China, showed their special characteristics
and reviewed how these were continued in the later thought tradition of Silla.
One after the other, Ph.D. theses on Ŭisang’s and Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought
were brought forward. Concerning Ŭisang’s thought, there were Hae-joo’s [Haeju]
海住 全好蓮
[JEON Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ) “Silla Ŭisang-ŭi Hwaŏmhak yŏn’gu:
Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo-ŭi sŏnggi sasang-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” 新羅 義湘의 華嚴敎學 硏究 :
一乘法界圖의 性起思想을 中心으로 [A study on the Hwaŏm thought of Ŭisang
from Silla: focusing on the nature-origination thought of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo, 1989],
who understood the concept of nature-origination as Ŭisang’s special characteristic
and analyzed the formative process of this thought and its influence on later Korean
Hwaŏm thought, and JUNG Byung-sam’s [Chŏng Pyŏngsam] 鄭炳三 “Ŭisang Hwaŏm
sasang yŏn’gu: kŭ sasangsa-jŏk ŭiŭi-wa sahoe-jŏk sŏnggyŏk” 義相 華嚴思想 硏究 :
그 思想史的 意義와 社會的 性格 [A study on Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought: Its sig-
nificance in the history of thought and its social character, 1991]. Concerning Wŏn-
76 CHOE YEONSHIK

hyo’s Hwaŏm thought there were “Wŏnhyo-ŭi Taejung kyohwa-wa sasang ch’egye”
元曉의 大衆敎化와 思想體系 [Wŏnhyo’s prosyletizing among the masses and his
system of thought, 1995] by NAM Dong-shin [Nam Tongsin]南東信 , who wanted to
clarify that Hwaŏm thought and prosyletizing among the masses were related, and
“Wŏnhyo-ŭi pobŏp Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu” 元曉의 普法華嚴思想 硏究 [A study
on Wŏnhyo’s Universal Dharma – Hwaŏm thought, 2003] by Seok Gil-am [Sŏk
Kiram] 石吉岩 , who wanted to point out the Universal Dharma as the special
characteristic of Wŏnhyo’s Hwaŏm thought.
In the course of this progress in research on Wŏnhyo’s and Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm
thoughts, also in historical studies interest in the Hwaŏm thought of the Silla period
became manifest: KIM Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] 金相鉉 brought the currents of
the Hwaŏm factions during Silla dynasty systematically into an orderly perspective
through studies such as “Silla Hwaŏmhak sŭng-ŭi kyebo-wa kŭ hwaldong” 新羅華
嚴學僧의 系譜와 그 活動 [The genealogy of the monks of Hwaŏm lineage in Silla
and their activities, 1984] and Silla Hwaŏm sasangsa y’on’gu 新羅華嚴思想史硏究
[Studies in the history of Silla Hwaŏm thought, 1991]. Also, KIM Bok-soon [Kim
Poksun] 金福順 dealt with arranging the materials on the Hwaŏm lineage of the
Silla period, which stretched from the 7th to the 10th century, in his “Silla chungdae
Hwaŏm-jong-gwa wanggwŏn” 新羅中代 華嚴宗과 王權 [The Hwaŏm lineage of
the middle period of Silla and royal power, 1988] and his monograph Silla Hwaŏm-
jong yŏn’gu 新羅華嚴宗硏究 [Studies in the Hwaŏm lineage of Silla, 1990], etc.
Among one part of the academia in historical studies, especially the tendency to
explain Hwaŏm thought as deeply connected with political forces pursuing central-
ized power was strong. However, KIM Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] in his “Silla
chungdae chŏnche wanggwŏn-gwa Hwaŏm-jong” 新羅中代 專制王權과 華嚴宗
[Autocratic royal power in the middle period of Silla and the Hwaŏm-jong, 1984]
pointed out that such explainations arose from one-sided prejudices concerning the
historic realities of those times and misunderstandings concerning Hwaŏm thought
itself.
As for research on the Hwaŏm thought of Silla period beyond Wŏnhyo and
Ŭisang, there is KIM In-duk’s [Kim Indŏk] 金仁德 “P’yowŏn-ŭi Hwaŏmhak” 表員
의 華嚴學 [P’yowŏn’s Hwaŏm learning, 1982] and HWANG Kyu-chan’s [Hwang
Kyuch’an] 黃圭燦 Silla Py’owŏn-ŭi Hwaŏmhak 新羅 表員의 華嚴學 [The Hwaŏm
learning of P’yowŏn from Silla, 1998], which analyze the Hwaŏm thought of P’yo-
wŏn, who flourished around the middle of the 8th c. The mutual intellectual influ-
ence of Hwaŏm thought and the Sŏn lineages after their introduction in the 9th c. are
海住
analyzed in Hae-joo’s [Haeju] “Han’guk Hwaŏm Sŏn-ŭi hyŏngsŏng-gwa
韓國華嚴禪의 形成과 展開
chŏn’gae (1)” (1) [The formation and development of
Korean Hwaŏm Sŏn (1), 1995] and In-kyung’s [Ingyŏng] 印鏡 (KIM Hyoung-rok
金炯錄
[Kim Hyŏngnok] ) “Na-mal Ryo-ch’o Hwaŏmgyodan-gwa Sŏnjong-ŭi che
munje” 羅末麗初 華嚴敎團과 禪宗의 諸問題 [Various issues related to the institu-
tions of the Hwaŏm teaching and the Sŏn lineages, 2001]. On the other hand, CHOE
崔 鈆植
Yeonshik [Ch’oe Yŏnsik] analyzed the tendency of 9th to 10th century Hua-
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 77

yan thought, which hitherto had not received attention, in his articles “Kyŏndung-ŭi
chŏsul-gwa sasang” 見登의 著述과 思想 [The works and thought of Kyŏndŭng,
2001] and “‘Kŏnna p’yoha ilsŭng suhaengja pimil ŭigi’-wa Na-mal Ryo-ch’o Hwaŏm-
hak-ŭi ildonghyang” 《健拏標訶一乘修行者秘密義記》와 羅末麗初 華嚴學의 一
動向 [The Kŏnna p’yoha ilsŭng suhaengja pimil ŭigi and one tendency of Hwaŏm
learning at the end of Silla and the beginning of Koryŏ, 2004].
Concerning the Hwaŏm thought of the Koryŏ dynasty, research has been done on
the thoughts of Kyunyŏ and Chinul, who were active during the 10th and 13th c., re-
spectively. First, on Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm thought there were KIM Dujin’s [Kim Tujin]
金杜珍 Kyunyŏ Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: Sŏng-sang yunghoe sasang 均如華嚴思想
硏究 性相融會思想
: [A study on Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm thought: The melting together
and unifying of nature and characteristics, 1983], CHOE Yeonsik’s “Kyunyŏ Hwaŏm
sasang yŏn’gu: Kyop’an non-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” 均如 華嚴思想硏究 敎判論을 중 :
심으로 [A study on Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm thought: focusing on his theory on the classifi-
金天鶴
cation of teachings, 1999], and KIM Chon-hak’s [Kim Ch’ŏnhak] “Kyunyŏ-ŭi
Hwaŏm ilsŭng ŭi yŏn’gu: Kŭn’gi non-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” 均如의 華嚴一乘義硏究 :
根機論을 中心으로 [A study on Kyunyŏ’s meaning of the one-vehicle of Hwaŏm:
focusing on the theory of “root and mechanism”, 1999], etc. KIM Dujin interpreted
Kyuny’o’s Hwaŏm thought as politically significant, i.e. deeply connected with the
10th c. Koryŏ government’s policy of centralization of power. By contrast, CHOE
Yeonsik and KIM Chon-hak denied such an understanding and put emphasis on clari-
fying the independent characteristics showing in Kyuny’ŏ’s Hwaŏm thought. Accord-
ing to their research, Kyunyŏ united the thought of Ŭisang and Pŏbjang and estab-
lished an independent thought system, not seldom giving terms and concepts of the
existing Hwaŏm thought original explanations. In CHOE Yeonsik’s research it is said
that Kyunyŏ puts emphasis on making known the absolute superiority of Hwaŏm
thought, while Kim Chon-hak says that Kyunyŏ dedicates his interest on leading all
people to awakening.
Although Chinul was a Sŏn monk, he held Huayan thought, and in particular Li
Tongxuan’s Hwaŏm thought in high esteem. Continuing KIM Ying-seuk’s [Kim Ing-
sŏk] pioneering research, YI Chongik’s 李鍾益 知訥의
“Chinul-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang”
華嚴思想 普照禪과
[Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought, 1975] and “Pojo Sŏn-gwa Hwaŏm”
華嚴 [Pojo’s Sŏn and Hwaŏm, 1982], as well as KIM Ji-gyeon’s [Kim Chi’gyŏn]
金知見 “Chinul-eso-ŭi Sŏn-gwa Hwaŏm-ŭi sangŭi” 知訥에서의 禪과 華嚴의 相依
[The mutual dependence of Sŏn and Hwaŏm in Chinul’s [works], 1989], and SIM
Jae-ryong’s [Sim Chaeryong] 沈在龍 知訥의 華嚴思想
“Chinul-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang”
[Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought, 1991] came to be published. While all these studies
pointed out the influence, which Li Tongxuan’s Huayan thought exerted on Chinul’s
thought, Kim Ji-gyeon emphasized that Chinul continued Ŭisang’s thought and con-
sidered nature-origination as important.
Meanwhile, research on Hwaŏm thought of the Koryŏ period within the acade-
mia of historical studies mainly put attention on the tendency of the institution of the
Hwaŏm lineage.
78 CHOE YEONSHIK

崔柄憲
CHOI Byung-hun [Ch’oe Pyŏnghŏn] made clear through studies such as
“Koryŏ sidae Hwaŏmhak-ŭi pyŏnch’ŏn: Kyunyŏ-p’a-wa Ŭich’ŏn-p’a-ŭi taerip-ŭl
chungsim-ŭro” 高麗時代 華嚴學의 變遷 均如派와 義天派의 對立을 中心으로
:
[The change of Hwaŏm learning during the Koryŏ period: focusing on a juxtaposi-
tion of Kyunyŏ’s and Ŭich’ŏn’s factions, 1980], “Koryŏ sidae Hwaŏm chongdan-ŭi
chŏn’gae kwajŏng-gwa kŭ yŏksa-jŏk sŏnggyŏk” 高麗時代 華嚴宗團의 展開過程
과 그 歷史的 性格 [The development of the Hwaŏm lineage during the Koryŏ period
and its historical character, 1990], “Ŭich’ŏn-i Kyunyŏ-rŭl pip’an han iyu: Chin’gak
Kuksa munjip kwŏn 16 si sinsu hakto chi cho-ŭi punsŏk“ 義天이 均如를 비판한 이
유 眞覺國師文集 卷 示 新參學徒緇 條의 分析
–: 16 [The reason why Ŭich’ŏn criti-
cised Kyunyŏ: An explanation of the entry on the newly involved adherents in kwŏn
16 of the Chin’gak Kuksa munjip, 1991], etc. that at the beginning of the Koryŏ pe-
riod those continuing Kyunyŏ’s thought were the main current within the Hwaŏm
lineage, whereas in the latter part of the 11th c. the followers of Ŭich’ŏn, who em-
phasised the thought of Chengguan took over the lead.
On the other side, HEO Heung-sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] 許興植 in his “Koryŏ chunggi
Hwaŏm chongp’a-ŭi kyesung: Wŏn’gyŏng Wangsa-rŭl chingsim-ŭro” 高麗中期 華
嚴宗派의 繼承 元景王師를 중심으로: [The succession within the Hwaŏm lineage
during the middle period of Koryŏ: focusing on the royal preceptor Wŏn’gyŏng,
1985] and “Hwaŏm-jong-ŭi kyesung-gwa sosok sawŏn: Koryŏ-ŭi sa tae chongp’a-
wa sosok sawŏn” 華嚴宗의 繼承과 所屬寺院 高麗의 四大宗派와 所屬寺院 : [The
succession of the Hwaŏm lineage and the temples belonging to it: focusing on the
four great lineages of Koryŏ dynasty and the temples belonging to them, 1986] inves-
tigated in detail the temples belonging to the Hwaŏm lineage of Koryŏ dynasty, and
蔡尙植
CHAE Sangsik in his “Ch’ew’on-ŭi chŏsul-gwa Hwaŏm sasang” 體元의 著
述과 華嚴思想 [Ch’ewŏn’s works and Hwaŏm thought, 1982] made an investigation
of the development of the 13th c. Hwaŏm lineage.
Research on Huayan thought during the Chosŏn period, when the Hwaŏm tradi-
tion had disappeared and only the Sŏn tradition remained, has not been that much
actively pursued. The Huayan thought of the 15th c. monk Solcham, who has left an-
notations to Ŭisang’s Pŏpkyedo behind, became the main object of research: There
are MOK Jeong-bae’s [Mok Chŏngbae] 睦楨培 “Sŏlcham-ŭi Pŏpkyedo chu go”
雪岑의 法界圖注考 [An inquiry into Sŏlcham’s Pŏpgyedo chu, 1982], HAN Jong-
man’s [Han Chongman] 韓鍾萬 “Sŏlcham-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” 雪岑의 華嚴思想
[Sŏlcham’s Hwaŏm thought, 1991], KIM Ji-gyeon’s [Kim Chigyŏn] 金知見 “Sŏl-
cham-ŭi Hwaŏm-gwa Sŏn-ŭi segye” 雪岑의 華嚴과 禪의 世界 [Sŏlcham’s world
of Hwaŏm and Sŏn, 1983], etc. In the latter’s research, it is said that the particular
thought characteristic of the representative Hwaŏm scholars of Korea, continuing
from Ŭisang, over Chinul to Sŏlcham, is “nature-origination” (sŏnggi 性起 ) thought.
This position of KIM Ji-gyeon has exerted strong influence on some researchers
who, from the end of the 1980s onwards, in their research on Huayan thought con-
李英茂
siders nature-origination particularly important. Besides, YI Yŏngmu in his
“Yŏndam sagi-rŭl t’onghae pon Chosŏn sidae-ŭi Hwaŏmhak” 蓮潭私記를 통해 본
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 79

朝鮮時代의 華嚴學 [The Hwaŏm learning of the Chosŏn period as seen through the
Yŏndam sagi, 1982] investigated the Hwaŏm thought of Yŏndam, who is the repre-
sentative Hwaŏm scholar-monk of the 18th c.

A selection of secondary literature on Huayan in Korean language

本覺
Bon-gak [Pon’gak] 陳永裕
(Jin Young-you [Chin Yŏngyu] ): “Hwaŏm kwanpŏb-e issŏsŏ
華嚴觀法에 있어서 空觀의 意義
konggwan-ŭi ŭiŭi” [The significance of the emptiness con-
論文集
templation in the contemplation on the dharmas in Huayan]. Nonmunjip , Chungang
中央僧伽大
Sŭngga Tae (1994) 3.
本覺
Bon-gak [Pon’gak] 陳永裕
(Jin Young-you [Chin Yŏngyu] ): “Hwaŏm kyŏngryu-ŭi kyehak-e
華嚴經類의 戒學에 관한 연구
kwanhan yŏn’gu” [A study on the Vinaya learning of the
論文集
Hwaŏm class of sūtras]. Nonmunjip 中央僧伽大 , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1998) 6.
本覺
Bon-gak [Pon’gak] 陳永裕
(Jin Young-you [Chin Yŏngyu] ): “Hwaŏm kyohak-ŭi pŏpkye ŭi-
華嚴敎學의 法界義의 고찰
ŭi koch’al” [An investigation of the meaning of dharmadhātu in
論文集
the Huayan teachings]. Nonmunjip 中央僧伽大 , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1998) 7.
本覺
Bon-gak [Pon’gak] 陳永裕
(Jin Young-you [Chin Yŏngyu] ): “Hwaŏm sibjung yusikkwan”
華嚴十重唯識觀 [The contemplation of Mind-only on ten levels in Huayan] in Myŏngsŏng
明星스님古稀記念論文集刊行委
Sŭ’nim kohŭi ki’nyŏm nonmunjip kanhaeng wiwŏnhoe
員會 明星스님古稀記念
(eds.): Myŏngsŏng Sŭ’nim kohŭi ki’nyŏm: Pulgyohak nonmunjip :
佛敎學論文集 雲門寺
. Unmun-sa , Kyŏngsang-bukto: Unmunsa Sŭngga Taehak ch’ulp’anbu,
2000.
蔡尙植
Chae Sang-sik [Ch’ae Sangsik] 體元의 著述과
: “Ch’ew’on-ŭi chŏsul-gwa Hwaŏm sasang”
華嚴思想 [Ch’ewŏn’s works and Hwaŏm thought] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa
東國大佛敎文化硏究院
yŏn’guwŏn 韓國華嚴思想硏
(eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu
究 . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982.
菩薩十地說의
Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Posal sibji sŏl-ŭi chŏn’gae-e taehan koch’al”
展開에 대한 考察 佛敎學報
[Note on Bodhisattvabhūmi doctrine]. Pulgyo hakpo (1964) 2.
Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi sasang ch’egye-wa kŭ chŏn’gae: Indo py’ŏn”
華嚴經의 思想體系와 그 展開 印度篇 : [The Avataṃsaka philosophy and its development].
佛敎學報
Pulgyo hakpo (1970) 7.
Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Hwaŏm kyohak wŏnsŏnggi-ŭi sasang yŏn’gu: Pangŭi-ŭi sam-
華嚴敎學 完成期의 思想 硏究 傍依의 三師를 중심으로
sa-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” : [A study on
佛敎學報
the Avataṃsaka philosophy of its comsummation period]. Pulgyo hakpo (1974) 11.
Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Hwaŏmhak-ŭi taesŏngja Pŏbjang-ŭi kyohak sasang”
華嚴學의 大成者 法藏의 敎學思想 [The great Huayan master Fazang’s thoughts]. Pulgyo
佛敎學報
hakpo (1976-77) 13–14.
華嚴宗 守成期의
Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Hwaŏm-jong susŏnggi-ŭi kyohak sajo”
敎學思潮 [Doctrinal trend of Avataṃsaka school in its conservative period]. Pulgyo hakpo
佛敎學報 (1978) 15.
Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu]: “Kyubong-ŭi kyohak sasang-gwa i su sa ka-ŭi Hwaŏm-jong
圭峰의 敎學思想과 二水四家의 華嚴宗再興
chaehŭng” [Huayan master Guifeng’s thoughts
佛敎
and following six (2- shui 4-jia) scholars’ revitalization of Huayan school]. Pulgyo hakpo
學報 (1979) 16.
80 CHOE YEONSHIK

曺潤鎬
Cho Yoon-ho [Cho Yunho] : “Chongmil tono-chŏmsu sŏng-Pul non ch’egye-ŭi hyŏngsŏng-
宗密 頓悟漸修 成佛論 체계의 형성과 의의
gwa ŭiŭi.” [The formation of sudden enlighten-
韓國佛敎學
ment and gradual practice theory in Zongmi]. Han’guk pulgyohak (1998) 24.
曺潤鎬
Cho Yoon-ho [Cho Yunho] : “Chongmi-ŭl t’onghaesŏ pon Chungguk chŏnt’ong sasang-
宗密을 통해서 본 중국 전통사상과 불교의 만남
gwa Pulgyo-ŭi mannam” [Meeting of Chi-
불교학연구
nese thought and Buddhism in case of Zongmi]. Pulgyohak yŏn’gu (1999) 1.
崔鈆植
Choe Yeonshik [Ch’oe Yŏnsik] : “Kyunyŏ Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: Kyop’an non-ŭl chung-
均如 華嚴思想硏究 敎判論을 중심으로
sim-ŭro” : [A study of of Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm theory –
seen from his theory of doctrinal classification]. Ph.D. dissertation, Seoul Taehakkyo, 1999.
崔鈆植
Choe Yeonshik [Ch’oe Yŏnsik] 見登의 著述과 思想
: “Kyŏndung-ŭi chŏsul-gwa sasang” [Re-
韓國史硏究
examining Kyŏndung’s writings and his thoughts]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu (2001) 115.
崔鈆植
Choe Yeonshik [Ch’oe Yŏnsik] : “‘Kŏnna p’yoha ilsŭng suhaengja pimil ŭigi’-wa Na-mal
健拏標訶一乘修行者秘密義記와 羅末麗初 華嚴學의
Ryo-ch’o Hwaŏmhak-ŭi ildonghyang”
一動向 [Korean Huayan thought during the 10th century as found in the Geonnapyoha ilseung
韓國史硏究
suhaengja bimil uigi]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu (2004) 126.
崔柄憲
Choi Byung-hun [Ch’oe Pyŏnghŏn] : “Koryŏ sidae Hwaŏmhak-ŭi pyŏnch’ŏn: Kyunyŏ-p’a-
高麗時代 華嚴學의 變遷 均如派와 義天派의
wa Ŭich’ŏn-p’a-ŭi taerip-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” :
對立을 中心으로 [A study of the Hwaŏm Buddhism in the Koryŏ dynasty]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu
韓國史研究 (1980) 30.
崔柄憲
Choi Byung-hun [Ch’oe Pyŏnghŏn] : “Koryŏ sidae Hwaŏm chongdan-ŭi chŏn’gae kwa-
高麗時代 華嚴宗團의 展開過程과 그 歷史的 性格
jŏng-gwa kŭ yŏksa-jŏk sŏnggyŏk” [The
development of the Hwaŏm lineage during the Koryŏ period and its historical character].
韓國史論
Han’guk saron (1990) 20.
崔柄憲
Choi Byung-hun [Ch’oe Pyŏnghŏn] : “Ŭich’ŏn-i Kyunyŏ-rŭl pip’an han iyu: Chin’gak
義天이 均如를 비판한 이유 眞
Kuksa munjip kwŏn 16 si sinsu hakto chi cho-ŭi punsŏk” :
覺國師文集 卷 示 新參學徒緇 條의 分析
16 [The reason why Ŭich’ŏn criticised Kyunyŏ: An
explanation of the entry on the newly involved adherents in kwŏn 16 of the Chin’gak Kuksa
大韓傳統佛敎硏究院
munjip] in Taehan chŏnt’ong Pulgyo yŏn’guhoe (eds.): Kukche Pulgyo
國際佛敎學術會議 第 回 亞
haksul hoegang. Che-10 hoe: Asia-e issŏsŏ Hwaŏm-ŭi wisang . 10 :
亞細亞에 있어서 華嚴의 位相 . Seoul: Tongbangwŏn, 1991.
道業
Do-eop [Toŏp] 李杏九
(Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan chŏngt’o
華嚴經에 나타난 淨土思想
sasang” [The Pure Land faith as manifested in Avataṃsaka-sūtra].
佛敎學報
Pulgyo hakpo 李道業 華
(1989) 26. [repr. in Yi Toŏp : Hwaŏmgyŏng sasang yŏn’gu
嚴經思想硏究 . Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998.]
道業
Do-eop [Toŏp] 李杏九
(Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan Pŏpsin Pul
華嚴經에 나타난 法身佛思想
sasang” [The idea of Dharmakāya Buddha in the Avataṃsaka-
佛敎學報
sūtra]. Pulgyo hakpo 李道業 (1993) 30. [repr. in Yi Toŏp : Hwaŏmgyŏng sasang
yŏn’gu華嚴經思想硏究 ］
. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998.
道業
Do-eop [Toŏp] 李杏九
(Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan posal
華嚴經에 나타난 菩薩思想
sasang” [The idea of Dharmakāya Buddha in the Avataṃsaka-
佛敎學報
sūtra the bodhisattva thought showing in the Huayan jing]. Pulgyo hakpo (1994–
1995) 31–32.
道業
Do-eop [Toŏp] 李杏九
(Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan yusik
華嚴經에 나타난 唯心思想
sasang” [The thought on Mind-only showing in the Huayan jing].
佛敎學報
1996. Pulgyo hakpo (1996) 33.
道業
Do-eop [Toŏp] 李杏九
(Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu] ): “Hwaŏmgyŏng-e nat’anan yŏn’gi
華嚴經에 나타난 緣起思想
sasang” [A study of paticcasamuppāda thought in Avataṃsaka-
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 81

佛敎學報
sūtra]. Pulgyo hakpo 李道業 (1997) 34. [repr. in Yi Toŏp : Hwaŏmgyŏng sasang
華嚴經思想硏究
yŏn’gu . Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998.]
道業
Do-eop [Toŏp] 李杏九
(Lee Haing-koo [Yi Haenggu]華 ): “Hwaŏm kyohak-ŭi ilsim sasang”
嚴敎學의 一心思想 [The thought on one-mind within the Huayan teachings]. Wŏnhyo yŏn’gu
(2001) 6.
海住
Hae-joo [Haeju] 全好蓮
(Jeon Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ): “Silla Ŭisang-ŭi Hwaŏmhak
新羅 義湘의 華嚴敎學 硏究
yŏn’gu: Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo-ŭi sŏnggi sasang-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” :
一乘法 界圖의 性起思想을 中心으로 [A study on the Hwaŏm thought of the Silla dynasty
Monk Ŭisang]. Ph.D. dissertation, Tongguk Taehakkyo, 1989. [repr. as Jeon Hae-joo [Chŏn
全好蓮
Haeju] 義湘華嚴思想史硏究
: Ŭisang-ŭi Hwaŏm sasangsa yŏn’gu . Seoul: Minjoksa,
1993.]
海住
Hae-joo [Haeju] 全好蓮
(Jeon Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ): “Han’guk Hwaŏm Sŏn-ŭi hyŏng-
韓國華嚴禪의 形成과 展開
sŏng-gwa chŏn’gae (1)” (1) [The formation and development of
韓國思想史學
Avataṃsaka Sŏn in Korea]. Han’guk sasang sahak (1995) 7.
海住
Hae-joo [Haeju] 全好蓮 화엄의 세계
(Jeon Ho-ryun [Chŏn Horyŏn] ): Hwaŏm-ŭi segye [The
world of Hwaŏm]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998.
韓鍾萬
Han Jong-man [Han Chongman] 雪岑의 華嚴思想 : “Sŏlcham-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Sŏl-
大韓傳統佛敎硏究院
cham’s Hwaŏm thought] in Taehan chŏnt’ong Pulgyo yŏn’guhoe (eds.):
國際佛敎學術
Kukche Pulgyo haksul hoegang. Che-10 hoe: Asia-e issŏsŏ Hwaŏm-ŭi wisang
會議 第 回 亞細亞에 있어서 華嚴의 位相
. 10 : . Seoul: Tongbangwŏn, 1991.
許興植
Heo Heung-Sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] : “Koryŏ chunggi Hwaŏm chongp’a-ŭi kyesung: Wŏn’gyŏng
高麗中期 華嚴宗派의 繼承 元景王師를 중심으로
Wangsa-rŭl chingsim-ŭro” : [The inheri-
韓國史硏究
tance relationship of the group ‘Hwaŏm Jong’]. Han’guksa yŏn’gu (1985) 35.
許興植
Heo Heung-Sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] : “Hwaŏm-jong-ŭi kyesung-gwa sosok sawŏn: Koryŏ-ŭi sa
華嚴宗의 繼承과 所屬寺院 高麗의 四大宗派와 所屬寺院
tae chongp’a-wa sosok sawŏn” :
[The succession of the Hwaŏm lineage and the temples belonging to it: focusing on the four
great lineages of Koryŏ dynasty and the temples belonging to them] in Heo Heung-Sik [Hŏ
Hŭngsik] 許興植 : Koryŏ Pulgyosa yŏn’gu 高麗佛敎史硏究 . Seoul: Ilchogak, 1986.
Hwang Kyu-chan [Hwang Kyuch’an] 黃圭燦 : Silla Py’owŏn-ŭi Hwaŏmhak 新羅 表員의 華嚴學
[A study of Pyowon’s Hwaom-youi-mundap in Silla]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1998.
慧南
Hye-nam [Hye’nam] (Roh Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] 盧在性 ): “Chinggwan-ŭi Yudo pip’an”
澄觀의 儒道 批判 論
[Chengguan’s criticism against Confucianism and Daoism]. Nonmunjip
文集 中央僧伽大
, Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1996) 5.
慧南
Hye-nam [Hye’nam] 盧在性
(Roh Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ): “Ch’ŏngnyang Chinggwanŭi
淸凉澄觀의 傳記에 대한 再考
chŏn’gi-e taehan chae’go” [A reconsideration of Qingliang
論文集
Chengguan’s biography]. Nonmunjip 中央僧伽大 , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1998) 6.
慧南
Hye-nam [Hye’nam] 盧在性
(Roh Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ): “Chinggwan-ŭi Odaesan ip
澄觀의 五臺山 入山과 『華嚴經疏
san-gwa Hwaŏmgyŏng Hwaŏmgyŏng so ch’o-ŭi chŏjak”
鈔』의 著作 [Chengguan’s retreat to Mt. Wutai and the creation of his commentaries on the
論文集
Huayan jing]. Nonmunjip 中央僧伽大 , Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1998) 7.
慧南
Hye-nam [Hye’nam] 盧在性
(Roh Jae-seong [No Chaesŏng] ): “Chinggwang-ŭi Odaesan si-
澄觀의 五臺山 信仰
nang” 論文集
[Chengguan’s beliefs concerning Mt. Wutai]. Nonmunjip ,
中央僧伽大
Chungang Sŭngga Tae (1999) 8.
Inhwan印幻 蔡澤洙
(Chae T’aeksu 義湘華嚴敎學의 特性
) “Ŭisang Hwaŏmhak-ŭi t’ŭksŏng” [The
special character of Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm teachings] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’-
guwŏn東國大佛敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究
(eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu .
Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982.
82 CHOE YEONSHIK

In-kyung [Ingyŏng] 印鏡 金炯錄

(Kim Hyoung-rok [Kim Hyŏngnok] ): “Na-mal Ryo-ch’o Hwaŏm-
羅末麗初 華嚴敎團과 禪宗의 諸問題
gyodan-gwa Sŏnjong-ŭi che munje” [The relations be-
韓國禪學
tween Sŏn and Huayan teaching in the end of Silla dynasty]. Han’guk sŏnhak (2001) 2.
鄭柄朝
Jeong Byong-jo [Chŏng Pyŏngjo] 義湘 華嚴敎學의
: “Ŭisang Hwaŏmgyo-ŭi che munje”
諸問題 東洋文化
[Various issues in Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm teachings]. Tongyang munhwa , Yŏng-
嶺南大學教東洋文化硏究所
nam Taehakkyo Tongyang munhwa yŏn’guso (1976) 17.
鄭舜日
Jeong Soon-il [Chŏng Sunil] : “Hwaŏm sŏnggi sasangsa yŏn’gu – Chungguk Hwaŏm-jong-
華嚴性起思想史硏究 中國華嚴宗을 中心으로
ŭl chungsim-ŭro” - [A study on the history of
the Huayan xingqi thought]. Ph.D. dissertation, Wŏn’gwang Taehakkyo, 1989.
趙明基
Joh Myong-kee [Cho Myŏnggi] 義湘의 傳記와 著書
: “Ŭisang-ŭi chŏn’gi-wa chŏsŏ”
[Ŭisang’s life and works]. Ilgwang, Chungang Pulgyo chŏnmun hakkyo kyouhoe (1939) 9.
鄭炳三
Jung Byung-sam [Chŏng Pyŏngsam] : “Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: kŭ sasangsa-jŏk
義相 華嚴思想 硏究 그 思想史的 意義와 社會的 性格
ŭiŭi-wa sahoe-jŏk sŏnggyŏk” : [A study
on Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought]. Ph.D. dissertation, Seoul Taehakkyo, 1991. [repr. as Jung Byung-
鄭炳三
sam [Chŏng Pyŏngsam] 의상화엄사상연구
: Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu. Seoul:
Seoul Tae ch’ulp’anbu, 1998.]
淨嚴
Jung-om [Chŏngŏm] 徐海基
(Sŏ Hae-gi [Sŏ Hae’gi] 澄觀 ): “Chinggwan-ŭi Sŏn-jong kwan”
의 禪宗觀 불교학연구
[Chengguan’s view of the Chan school]. Pulgyohak yŏn’gu (2001) 3.
淨嚴
Jung-om [Chŏngŏm] 徐海基
(Sŏ Hae-gi [Sŏ Hae’gi] ): “Chinggwan-ŭi Haeinsammae kwan-e
澄觀의 海印三昧觀에 대하여
taehayŏ” [On Chengguan’s view on the ocean-seal samādhi].
大覺思想
Tae’gak sasang (2001) 4.
金福順
Kim Bok-soon [Kim Poksun] 新羅中代
: “Silla chungdae Hwaŏm-jong-gwa wanggwŏn”
華嚴宗과 王權 [Hwaŏm school in the age of Middle Silla and the sovereign power]. Han’guksa
韓國史硏究
yŏn’gu (1988) 63.
金福順
Kim Bok-soon [Kim Poksun] 新羅華嚴宗硏究: Silla Hwaŏm-jong yŏn’gu [Studies in the
Hwaŏm lineage of Silla]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1990.
金天鶴
Kim Chon-hak [Kim Ch’ŏnhak] : “Kyunyŏ-ŭi Hwaŏm ilsŭng ŭi yŏn’gu: Kŭn’gi non-ŭl
均如의 華嚴一乘義 硏究 根機論을 中心으로
chungsim-ŭro” : [A study on Kyunyŏ’s meaning
of the one-vehicle of Hwaŏm: focusing on the theory of “root and mechanism”]. Ph.D. disser-
tation, Han’gukhak Taehakwŏn, 1999.
金杜珍
Kim Dujin [Kim Tujin] : Kyunyŏ Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu: Sŏng-sang yunghoe sasang 均如
華嚴思想硏究 性相融會思想 : [A study on Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm thought: the melting together
and unifying of nature and characteristics]. Seoul: Ilchogak, 1983.
金夏雨
Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] : “Samnon-gwa Hwaŏmgye(Wŏnhyo, Pŏbjang kye)-ŭi chŏn’o
三論과 華嚴系 元曉 法藏系 의 轉悟方式
pangsik” ( · ) [Methods leading towards awakening in
the Sanlun and Huayan/Hwaŏm (Wŏnhyo, Fazang) lineages]. Ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu (1982) 7.
金夏雨
Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] 法藏의 不相知方式
: “Pŏbjang-ŭi pulsang chi pangsik” [Fazang’s
人文論叢
method of knowledge denying characteristics]. Inmun nonch’ong , Koryŏ Tae mun’-
高麗大 文科大學
gwa taehak (1985) 30.
金夏雨
Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] 法藏의 無依方式
: “Pŏbjang-ŭi muŭi pangsik” [Fazang’s method
中國學論叢
of not having something to depend on]. Chunggukhak nonch’ong , Koryŏ Taehak-
高麗大學校 中國學硏究會
kyo Chunggukhak yŏn’guhoe (1985) 2.
金夏雨
Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] 澄觀의 轉悟方式
: “Chinggwan-ŭi chŏn’o pangsik” [Chengguan’s
method of leading towards awakening]. Ch’ŏrhak yŏn’gu (1987) 16-17.
金仁德
Kim In-duk [Kim Indŏk] 表員의華嚴學
: “P’yowŏn-ŭi Hwaŏmhak” [P’yowŏn’s Hwaŏm learn-
東國大佛敎文化硏究院
ing] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’-
韓國華嚴思想硏究
guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982.
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 83

金知見
Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] 華嚴一乘法界圖
: “Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo yŏn’gu ch’o”
硏究抄 [Some research on the Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo]. Pŏpsi (1971) 79.
金知見
Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] 新羅華嚴學의
: “Silla Hwaŏmhak-ŭi kyebo-wa sasang”
系譜와 思想 [The lineages and thought of Huayan learning in Silla]. Haksulwŏn nonmunjip
學術院論文集 人文
(inmun) ( ) (1973) 12.
金知見
Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] 韓國華嚴學의 主流
: “Han’guk Hwaŏmhak-ŭi churyu ko”
考 [An investigation of the main currents of Korean Hwaŏm learning] in Sungsan Pak Kilchin
崇山朴吉眞博士華甲紀念事業會
Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm saŏphoe (eds.): Sungsan Pak Kilchin
崇山朴吉眞博士華甲紀念 韓國佛敎思想
Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm: Han’guk Pulgyo sasangsa :
史 . Iri: Wŏn Pulgyo sasang yŏn’guwŏn, 1975.
金知見
Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] 雪岑의 華嚴과
: “Sŏlcham-ŭi Hwaŏm-gwa Sŏn-ŭi segye”
禪의 世界 [Sŏlcham’s world of Hwaŏm and Sŏn] in Towŏn Yu Sŭngguk Paksa hwagap
道原柳承國博士華甲紀念論文集編纂委員會
ki’nyŏm nonmunjip py’ŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe
道原
(eds.): Towŏn Yu Sŭngguk Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm nonmunjip: Tongbang sasang non’go
柳承國博士華甲紀念論文集 東方思想論攷 : . Seoul: [unknown publ.], 1983.
金知見
Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chi’gyŏn] 知訥에서의
: “Chinul-eso-ŭi Sŏn-gwa Hwaŏm-ŭi sangŭi”
禪과 華嚴의 相依 [The mutual dependence of Sŏn and Hwaŏm in Chinul’s works]. Pojo sasang
普照思想 (1989) 1.
金相鉉
Kim Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] 新羅
: “Silla Hwaŏmhak sŭng-ŭi kyebo-wa kŭ hwaldong”
華嚴學僧의 系譜와 그 活動 [The genealogy of the monks of Hwaŏm lineage in Silla and their
新羅文化
activities]. Silla munhwa (1984) 1.
金相鉉
Kim Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] : “Silla chungdae chŏnche wanggwŏn-gwa Hwaŏm-jong”
新羅中代 專制王權과 華嚴宗 [The Hwaŏm Buddhism and the autocracy in the middle period
東方學志
of Silla]. Tongbang hakchi (1984) 44.
金相鉉
Kim Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] 新羅華嚴思想史硏究 : Silla Hwaŏm sasangsa y’on’gu
[A study on the Hwaŏm thought in Silla]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1991.
金芿石
Kim Ying-seuk [Kim Ingsŏk] 華嚴學槪論 : Hwaŏmhak kaeron [An outline of Huayan
learning]. Seoul: Pŏmnyunsa, 1960.
金芿石
Kim Ying-seuk [Kim Ingsŏk] 普照國師의 華嚴觀
: “Pojo Kuksa-ŭi Hwaŏmgwan 1-3” 1–3
現代佛敎
[Huayan thought of National Preceptor Bojo 1–3]. Hyŏndae Pulgyo , Hyŏndae Pulgyo
sa (1959–1960) 1, 3, 5.
金映遂
Kim Young-soo [Kim Yŏngsu] 華嚴思想의 硏究: “Hwaŏm sasang-ŭi yŏn’gu” [A study on
白性郁博士頌壽記念事業委
Huayan thought] in Paek Sŏnguk Paksa ki’nyŏm saŏp wiwŏnhoe
員會 白性郁博士頌壽記念 佛敎
(eds.): Paek Sŏnguk Paksa ki’nyŏm: Pulgyohak nonmunjip :
學論文集 . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo, 1959.
高翊晉
Koh Ik-jin [Ko Ikchin] 元曉의 華嚴思想
: “Wŏnhyo-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Wŏnhyo’s Hua-
東國大佛敎文化硏究院
yan thought] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn
韓國華嚴思想硏究
(eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ul-
高翊晉
p’anbu, 1982. [repr. in [Ko Ikchin] 韓國古代 et. al.: Han’guk kodae Pulgyo sasangsa
佛敎思想史 . Seoul: Tongguk Tae ch’ulp’anbu, 1989.]
高翊晉
Koh Ik-jin [Ko Ikchin] : “Silla chungdae Hwaŏm sasang-ŭi chŏn’gae-wa kŭ yŏnghyang
1–2”新羅中代華嚴思想의 展開와 그 影響 1–2 [The development of Huayan thought in
佛敎學報
the first half of the unified Silla and its effects]. Pulgyo hakpo (1987–1988) 24–
25.
權坦俊
Kwon Tan-joon [Kwŏn T’anjun] : “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi Yŏrae ch’ulhyŏn sasang y’on’gu”
華嚴經의 如來出現思想硏究 [A study on the idea of Tathagāta-utpāda in the Avataṃsaka-
sūtra]. Ph.D. dissertation, Tongguk Taehakkyo, 1991.
84 CHOE YEONSHIK

戒環
Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 張愛順
(Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏpjang-ŭi ilsŭng sa-
sang”法藏의 一乘思想 韓國佛敎學
[Fazang’s one-vehicle thought]. Han’guk pulgyohak
(1990) 14.
戒環
Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 張愛順
(Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏbjang-ŭi kyo sangjŭk
法藏의敎 相卽觀法에 대하여
kwanbŏb-e taehayŏ” [On the contemplation method of mutual
韓國佛敎學
identity in Fazang’s teachings]. Han’guk pulgyohak (1993) 18.
戒環
Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 張愛順
(Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏbjang kyohag-ŭi sim-
法藏敎學의 心性論 硏究
sŏngnon yŏn’gu” [A study on the theory of the nature of mind in Fa-
韓國佛敎學
zang’s teachings]. Han’guk pulgyohak (1995) 20.
戒環
Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 張愛順
(Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): Chungguk Hwaŏm sasangsa
中國華嚴思想史硏究
yŏn’gu [Studies in the history of thought of Chinese Huayan]. Seoul:
Pulgwang ch’ulp’anbu, 1996.
戒環
Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 張愛順
(Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏbjang-ŭi Hwaŏm kong-
法藏의 華嚴空觀에 대한 小考
gwan-e taehan so’go” [An investigation of Fazang’s Hwaŏm
東國論叢
emptiness contemplation]. Tongguk nonch’ong (1997) 36.
戒環
Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 張愛順
(Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏbjang kyohak-kwa Kisil-
lon”法藏敎學과 起信論 佛敎硏究
[Fazang’s teachings and the Qixin lun]. Pulgyo yŏn’gu
(1999) 16.
戒環
Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 張愛順
(Chang Ae-soon [Chang Aesun] ): “Pŏpjang-ŭi ‘Taesŭng kisil-
法藏의 『大乘起信論義記』찬술에 대한 고찰
lon ŭigi’ ch’ansul-e taehan koch’al“ [A study
韓國佛敎學
of Fa-tsang’s writing of Dasheng qiein lun yi ji]. Han’guk pulgyohak (2000) 26
李孝杰
Lee Hyo-kul [Yi Hyogŏl] 華嚴
: “Hwaŏmgyŏng-ŭi sŏngnip pae’gyŏng-gwa kujo ch’egye”
經의 成立背景과 構造體系 [The formative background and systems of the Avataṃsaka-
高麗大學教
sūtra]. Ph.D. dissertation, Koryŏ Taehakkyo , 1991.
李英茂
Lee Young-moo [Yi Yŏngmu] : “Yŏndam sagi-rŭl t’onghae pon Chosŏn sidae-ŭi Hwaŏm-
hak”蓮潭私記를 통해 본 朝鮮時代의 華嚴學 [The Hwaŏm learning of the Chosŏn period as
東國大佛
seen through the Yŏndam sagi] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn
敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究
(eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk
Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982.
睦楨培
Mok Jeong-bae [Mok Chŏngbae] 雪岑의 法界圖注考
: “Sŏlcham-ŭi Pŏpkyedo chu go”
[An inquiry into Sŏlcham’s Pŏpgyedo chu] in Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’gu-
wŏn 東國大佛敎文化硏究院 韓國華嚴思想硏究
(eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu .
Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982.
南東信
Nam Dong-shin [Nam Tongsin] 元曉
: “Wŏnhyo-ŭi Taejung kyohwa-wa sasang ch’egye”
의 大衆敎化와 思想體系 [Wŏnhyo’s drive for people’s enlightenment and philosophical
system]. Ph.D. dissertation, Seoul Taehakkyo, 1995.
李箕永
Rhi Ki-young [Yi Kiyong] 敎判思想에서
: “Kyop’an sasang-eso pon Wŏnhyo-ŭi wich’i”
본 元曉의 위치 [Wŏnhyo’s position as viewed from his thought on the classification of teach-
東洋學
ings]. Tongyanghak 檀國大東洋學硏究
, Tan’guk Taehakkyo Tongyanghak yŏn’guso
所 (1974) 4.
石吉岩
Seok Gil-am [Sŏk Kiram] 元曉의 普法華
: “Wŏnhyo-ŭi pobŏp Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu”
嚴思想硏究 [Research on Wŏnhyo’s idea of pobŏp Hwaŏm]. Ph.D. dissertation, Tongguk
東國大學教
Taehakkyo , 2003.
沈在龍
Shim Jae-ryong [Sim Chaeryong] 知訥의 華嚴思想
: “Chinul-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Chinul’s
大韓傳統佛敎硏究院
Hwaŏm thought] in Taehan chŏnt’ong Pulgyo yŏn’guhoe (eds.): Kukche
國際佛敎學術會議
Pulgyo haksul hoegang. Che-10 hoe: Asia-e issŏsŏ Hwaŏm-ŭi wisang .
第 回 亞亞細亞에 있어서 華嚴의 位相
10 : . Seoul: Tongbangwŏn, 1991.
 HUAYAN STUDIES IN KOREA 85

申洞湜
Sin Dong-sik [Sin Tongsik] : “Hwaŏmhag-e issŏ yŏraejang sasang-ŭl mae’ge han kong-
화엄학에 있어 如來藏思想을 媒
gwan-ŭi ch’ŏri – Pŏbjang-ŭi Hwaŏmhak-ŭl chungsim-ŭro”
介한 空觀의 처리 法藏의 華嚴學을 중심으로
– [A treatment of emptiness contemplation as
an intermediary of Tathāgatagarbha thought in Huayan learning: focusing on Pŏbjang’s [view
啓明論叢
on] the Hwaŏmgyŏng]. Cho’myŏng nonch’ong (1972) 8.
申洞湜
Sin Dong-sik [Sin Tongsik] : “Hwaŏmhag-e issŏ yusik-ŭi ch’ŏri munje – Pŏbjang-ŭi sam-
華嚴學에 있어 唯識의 處理 問題 法藏의 三性說을 中心으로
sŏngsŏl-ŭl chungsim-ŭro” –
東西文
[Problems in the treatment of Vijñapti-mātratā in Hwaŏm learning]. Tong-Sŏ munhwa
化 啓明大學教人文科學硏究所
, Chomyŏng Taehakkyo Inmun kwahak yŏn’guso (1973) 6.
辛奎卓
Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] : “In’gannon-e taehan Chongmi-ŭi ihae – Wŏninnon-ŭl chung-
人間論에 대한 宗密의 理解 『原人論』을 중심으로
sim-ŭro” – [Zongmi’s understanding
東洋古典硏究
of the human being – focusing on the Yuanren lun]. Tongyang kojŏn yŏn’gu
(1994) 3.
辛奎卓
Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] : “Sŏn-jong-ŭi simsŏng non – Kyubong Chongmi-ŭi ipchang-
禪宗의 心性論 圭峰宗密의 입장을 비판한다
ŭl pip’anhanda” – [Discourse on the nature of
mind in the Chan school – criticising Guifeng Zongmi’s standpoint]. Tongyang ch’ŏrhak
東洋哲學 韓國東洋哲學會
, Han’guk Tongyang Ch’ŏrhakhoe (1996) 6.
辛奎卓
Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] : “Pulgyo-ŭi Chunggukhwa – Kyubong Chongmil-ŭi cha-a
佛敎의 中國化 圭峰宗密의 自我理解를 중심으로
ihae-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” – [The sinification
of Buddhism – Focusing on Guifeng Zongmi’s understanding of the ego]. Paengnyŏn pulgyo
白蓮佛教論集
nonjip (1997) 7.
辛奎卓
Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] : “Chongmil-ŭi suhaeng iron – ton-chŏm kwan-ŭl chungsim-
宗密의 修行理論 頓漸觀을 중심으로
ŭro” – [The practical theory of Guifeng Zongmi]. Pojo
普照思想
sasang yŏn’gu (2000) 14.
李鍾益
Yi Chongik 知訥의 華嚴思想
: “Chinul-ŭi Hwaŏm sasang” [Chinul’s Hwaŏm thought] in
崇山朴吉眞博士華甲紀念事業會
Sungsan Pak Kilchin Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm saŏphoe (eds.):
崇山朴吉眞博士華甲
Sungsan Pak Kilchin Paksa hwagap ki’nyŏm: Han’guk Pulgyo sasangsa
紀念 韓國佛敎思想史
: . Iri: Wŏn Pulgyo sasang yŏn’guwŏn, 1975.
李鍾益
Yi Chongik 普照禪과 華嚴
: “Pojo Sŏn-gwa Hwaŏm” [Pojo’s Sŏn and Hwaŏm] in Tong-
東國大佛敎文化硏究院
guk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (eds.): Han’guk Hwaŏm
韓國華嚴思想硏究
sasang yŏn’gu . Seoul: Tongguk Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1982.
 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT

OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA

Introduction

In this paper I will investigate the origin and early development of the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra by examining the history of the term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” which is
widely found in the Indian, Tibetan, and Chinese Buddhist canons.
As is well known, the entire body of this sūtra has come down to us in two Chi-
nese versions, one of which being translated by Buddhabhadra in 418–420, the other
by Śikṣānanda in 695–699, as well as a Tibetan version translated by Jinamitra et al.
at the end of ninth century. Hereafter I will refer to these texts as the large Buddhā-
vataṃsakas.
Among the large Buddhāvataṃsakas, the reliability of the Tibetan version is some-
times questioned, for the Zhiyuan fabao kantong zonglu 至元法寶勘同總録 , a thir-
teenth century Buddhist catalogue which compares Chinese and Tibetan translations,
states that the Tibetan version was translated from the Chinese version1. However
this is not a plausible statement. A comparative reading of the Chinese and Tibetan
versions reveals that the Tibetan version disagrees greatly with the Chinese versions.
When commenting on Śikṣānanda’s version, Huiyuan’s 慧苑 commentary (Xu Hua-
yan jing lüeshu kanding ji 續華嚴經略疏刊定記 )2 often provides transcriptions or lit-
eral translations of Sanskrit words, and points out that Śikṣānanda’s version does not
strictly follow the Sanskrit original. I have confirmed that the Tibetan version agrees
very well with Huiyuan’s transcriptions or literal translations. I have prepared a de-
tailed study of the information contained in Huiyuan’s commentary. Since I am con-
vinced that the Tibetan version was translated directly from Sanskrit, in this paper I
will use the Tibetan version as a source equal in importance to the Chinese versions.

What is the Sanskrit Equivalent for the Chinese “Huayan”?

In the Chinese Buddhist tradition, the Sanskrit equivalent for the Chinese “Huayan”
is considered to be “Gaṇḍavyūha”, while in the Tibetan Buddhist tradition the

1 T Shōwa Hōbō Sōmokuroku 2, 25, 190b.

2 XZJ vol. 5.
88 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

Sanskrit equivalent for this term is understood as “Avataṃsaka”. Since the Meiji era,
this discordance has attracted the attention of the Japanese academic world.
As is well known, the Chinese “Huayan” was first identified with the Sanskrit
“Gaṇḍavyūha” by Fazang 法藏 in his commentary on the Huayan jing (Huayan jing
tanxuan ji 華嚴經探玄記 ).3 In this connection, Divākara’s Chinese translation of the
Ghanavyūha-sūtra, which Fazang lent assistance in translating, has the term “Hua-
yan” as the equivalent of the Tibetan “Sdong pos brgyan” (Skt. *Gaṇḍavyūha):
十地花嚴等 大樹與神通
勝鬘及餘經 皆從此經出 4

sa bcu pa yi mdo mchog dang // sdong pos brgyan dang dru ma yi //

gang yang rnam par sprul pa’i mdo // dpal gyi phreng ba la bshad dang //
rnam par snang ba’i mdo sde dang // sgyu ma dpa’ las ’gro ba sogs //
mdo sde rnam pa sna tshogs dag // stug po’i rgyan nas rnam par ’byung //5

This is a solid piece of example in support of Fazang’s belief that the Chinese
“Huayan” is identical to the Sanskrit “Gaṇḍavyūha”.
Yet despite his belief, this identification is somewhat problematic. Sakurabe Ha-
jime has dealt with the two occurrences of the term “fo huayan sanmei” 佛華嚴
三昧 in the Huayan jing itself and pointed out that their Tibetan equivalents are
“sangs rgyas tshogs kyi ting nge ’dzin” and “sangs rgyas phal po che zhes bya ba’i
ting nge ’dzin”, where both mean “a meditation named Buddhāvataṃsaka”.6 This
proves that when the Huayan jing was translated, the translators rendered the San-
skrit text’s “Avataṃsaka” with “Huayan”.
Buddhabhadra’s translation: huayan sanmei 華嚴三昧 7

Śikṣānanda’s translation: fo huayan sanmei 佛華嚴三昧 8

Tibetan translation: sangs rgyas tshogs kyi ting nge ’dzin9

Buddhabhadra’s translation: qi sanmei ming fo huayan 其三昧名佛華嚴 10

廣大三昧
Śikṣānanda’s translation: guangda sanmei ming fo hua zhuangyan
名佛華莊嚴 11

Tibetan translation: ting nge ’dzin chen po sangs rgyas phal po che zhes bya
ba12

13 T 1733: 35.121a.
14 T 681: 16.729c.
15 P 778: Cu 20b6–8
16 Sakurabe 1969.
17 T 278: 9.434c.
18 T 279: 10.74a.
19 P 761: Yi 241a2.
10 T 278: 9.631c.
11 T 279: 10.279b.
12 P 761: Shi 145a2.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 89

Sakurabe’s statement is supported also by a Sanskrit fragment of the Samantabhad-

racaryānirdeśa chapter from the Huayan jing, which ends with the following colophon:
Explication of the practice of Samantabhadra, chapter 30 of the great vaipulya sūtra Bud-
dhāvataṃsaka in 100,000 lines, has ended. //31//
Buddhāvataṃsake mahāvaipulyasūtre śatasahasrike granthe
samantabhadracaryānirdeśaparivartto nāma triṃśatimaḥ samāptaḥ //31//

This fragment once belonged to Dalai Lama XII and is now preserved in St.
Petersburg.13 According to the colophon, the Sanskrit equivalent for the Chinese
“Huayan” is not “Gaṇḍavyūha” but “Avataṃsaka”. As shown above, the number ’31’
added to the end of the colophon is different from the chapter number ’30’. MATSUDA
Kazunobu examined the colophon and pointed out that if the chapter number ’30’
were emended to ’31’, it would agree with the number of the chapter in Buddha-
bhadra’s translation.14
Another interesting point provided by the colophon is that the large Buddhāva-
taṃsaka is said to consist of 100,000 lines. Additionally, the postscript to Buddha-
bhadra’s translation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka states that the Sanskrit original
of the Huayan jing consisted of 100,000 lines, though the Khotan manuscript of the
Huayan jing from which Buddhabhadra’s translation was made had only 36,000
lines:
The Sanskrit original of the Huayan jing has about 100,000 lines. Years ago the lay Bud-
dhist Zhi Faling brought these 36,000 lines from Khotan.

華嚴經梵本凡十萬偈。昔道人支法領從于闐國得此三萬六千偈。 15

What does the Term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” Mean?

Being influenced by the East Asian Buddhist tradition, modern scholars tend to call
this sūtra “Huayan” or “Avataṃsaka”. In contrast, Sakurabe pointed out the impor-
tance of the compound “fo huayan” or “buddhāvataṃsaka”. Bearing this in mind,
what does the term “buddhāvataṃsaka” mean? Sakurabe addressed this question by
focusing his attention on the so-called Śrāvastī miracle. When the Buddha forbade
monks to exercise supernatural powers, heretics challenged the Buddha to exercise
his own supernatural powers. He accepted the challenge and performed a miracle at
Śrāvastī. According to the Pāli tradition, the miracle was the yamakapāṭihāriya (Skt.
yamakaprātihārya) or “the miracle of double appearances”. When the Buddha per-
formed this miracle, flames of fire and a stream of water appeared alternatively from
the upper parts and lower parts of his body. Flames of fire and streams of water were

13 Mironov 1914: no.422.

14 Matsuda 1988.
15 T 278: 9.788b.
90 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

also produced alternatively from the right side of his body and from the left. In this
tradition, it is said that the yamakapāṭihāriya can only be performed by the Buddha.
However, according to the Sarvāstivāda tradition (for example, the Divyāvadāna
XI Prātihārya-sūtra), the miracle then performed by the Buddha was the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka or “legion of Buddhas”. When the Buddha performed this miracle, a large
number of emanation Buddhas seated on lotus blossoms materialized. And each of
these emanation Buddhas in turn produced a large number of emanation Buddhas
seated on lotus blossoms. In this way, a legion of Buddhas which reached as far as
the Akaniṣṭha heaven appeared. In this tradition, it is said that the yamakaprātihārya
can be performed by both the Buddha and śrāvakas, while the Buddhāvataṃsaka
can only be performed by the Buddha.
In the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, the term Buddhāvataṃsaka is not dealt with in
any detail. For this reason, Sakurabe did not mention the relationship between the
Sarvāstivāda literature and the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. However, I have found
some interesting passages in the Bhadraśrī, a chapter of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka,
whose focus is to deliniate the superior miracle made manifest by the bodhisattva’s
meditations such as the “Buddhāvataṃsaka meditation” and the “Ocean Seal
meditation”. When appraising the miracle, the text makes use of images similar to
the Sarvāstivāda literature’s Buddhāvataṃsaka miracle16:

Buddhabhadra’s translation:
若具衆相三十二 八十種好自莊嚴 八十種好自莊嚴 其身光明無有量
若身光明無有量 光明莊嚴難思議 若光莊嚴難思議 則出無量寶蓮華
若出無量寶蓮華 一一華坐無量佛 普現十方無量刹 教化度脱一切衆 17

Śikṣānanda’s translation:
若相莊嚴三十二 則具隨好爲嚴飾 若具隨好爲嚴飾 則身光明無限量
若身光明無限量 則不思議光莊嚴 若不思議光莊嚴 其光則出諸蓮華
其光若出諸蓮華 則無量佛坐華上 示現十方靡不遍 悉能調伏諸衆生 18

Tibetan translation:
mtshan rab sum bcu gnyis dang su ldan pa //
de dag dpe byad bzang pos lus kyang bris //
dpe’ byad bzang pos gang gi lus bris pa //
de dag lus ’od kun tu mtha’ yas so //
gang gis lus ’od kun tu mtha’ yas pa //
de dag ’od gzer brgyan kyang bsam mi khyab //
gang la ’od gzer bsam yas rgyan yod pa //
de dag ’od las pad mo mang po ’byung //
gang gi ’od las pa dmo mang ’byung ba //

16 For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 336.
17 T 278: 9.434a.
18 T 279: 10.73b.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 91

de dag rgyal ba pad mo’i gdan bzhugs te //

ston cing phyogs bcu’i ’jig rten kun tu yang //
don yod rnam par spyod cing sems can ’dul //19

Having accessed the superior miracle given to the bodhisattva, the chapter re-
gards the Yamakaprātihārya as an inferior miracle of the śrāvaka.20
Buddhabhadra’s translation:
得八解脱心自在 一身能作無量身 以無量身作一身 於虚空中入火定
身上出水身下火 身上出火身下水 行住坐臥虚空中 於一念中自在變
彼不具足大慈悲 不爲衆生求佛道 尚能示現難思議 況大饒益自在力 21

Śikṣānanda’s translation:
聲聞心住八解脱 所有變現皆自在 能以一身現多身 復以多身爲一身
於虚空中入火定 行住坐臥悉在空 身上出水身下火 身上出火身下水
如是皆於一念中 種種自在無邊量 彼不具足大慈悲 不爲衆生求佛道
尚能現此難思事 況大饒益自在力 22

Tibetan translation:
sems kyi lam la rnam thar brgyad gnas pa’i //
nyan thos gcig tu gyur cing mang por ’gyur //
mang por gyur cing be bzhin gcig gyur te //
nam mkha’ ’di la bsam gtan ’chang zhing ’bar //
’og nas me ’bar steng nas chu’i rgyun //
steng nas me ’bar ’og nas chu’i rgyun //
’gro ’dug nyal zhing ’greng ba de bzhin te //
skad cig gcig la lus ’phrul bsam mi khyab //
de ni snying rje chen po ldan ma yin //
byang chub mi tshol ’jig rten yal bar gzhog //
’on kyang lus ’phrul bsam gyis mi khyab ston //
’jig rten phan tshol ci’i phyir de mi ston //23

Sanskrit fragment (The second verse that describes the Yamakaprātihārya is omitted):
te ca vaśe sthita aṣṭa vimokṣāḥ śrāvaka ekabhavī bahu bhontī /
bhūtva bahuḥ puna eka bhavitvā dhyāyati prajvalate gaganasmin //
te hi mahākaruṇāya vihīnā bodhi anarthiku loka upekṣī /
darśayi kāyavikurva acintyā kasya na darśayi lokahitaiṣī //24

It is clear that the Sarvāstivāda literature and the Bhadraśrī chapter of the large
Buddhāvataṃsaka share the term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” which indicates a miracle no
one is able to perform besides the Buddha.

19 P 761: Yi 239a6–239b1.
20 For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 359.
21 T 278: 9.439a–b.
22 T 279: 10.78b–c.
23 P 761: Yi 252a2–5.
24 Ś 345, 13–16.
92 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

Was the Large Buddhāvataṃsaka Compiled in Central Asia?

It is a matter of common knowledge that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka is a compen-

dium of a number of texts, most of which originally circulated as sūtras in their own
right. In Indian Buddhist texts, there are hardly any references to a collection bear-
ing the name Buddhāvataṃsaka. Both Buddhabhadra’s and Śikṣānanda’s translation
of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka were made from manuscripts brought from Khotan,
in Central Asia. A chapter from this sūtra, entitled the “Dwelling places of bodhi-
sattvas” (Pusa zhuchu pin 菩薩住處品 ; Byang chub sems dpa’i gnas), refers to
China and Kashgar in Central Asia. Judging from such circumstantial evidence,
some contemporary scholars have argued that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka was com-
piled and partly amended in Central Asia.
In opposition to this view, HIRAKAWA Akira says: “the Sanskrit text upon which
the Tibetan translation was based was probably brought from India, not Central
Asia. The possibility of Central Asian augmentation to the text requires further
investigation”.25 I, too, agree that there is still room for argument concerning the site
of compilation. While the large Buddhāvataṃsaka must have been a popular collec-
tion in Central Asia, there does exist a small amount of sound evidence that con-
firms India as the location of its assembly. Here I would like to offer a few exam-
ples.
First, as HADANI Ryōtai26 and TERAMOTO Enga27 have indicated, the large Buddhā-
vataṃsaka is not familiar with the geography of Central Asia. The chapter entitled
the “Dwelling places of bodhisattvas” states that Mount Gośīrṣa (Gośṛiṅga) is lo-
cated in Kashgar. However this mountain is, in fact, located in Khotan. Given that
the large Buddhāvataṃsaka was compiled and partly appended in Central Asia, such
a mistake should not have occurred. Thus it seems quite probable that this sūtra was
not compiled in Central Asia, but was brought to Central Asia from elsewhere.
Second, let us take a look at the following episode found in Jizang’s (549– 吉藏
623) treatise on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (Jingming xuan lun 淨名玄論
):
Question: Why does the Huayan [jing] uniquely not contain an explanation of its own title?
Answer: Although this sūtra consists of 100,000 lines, [Buddhabhadra’s Chinese] trans-
lation is not complete. The explanation of the title must be contained in a latter part [which
is still as yet untranslated]. When I went to Chang’an, I met the Dharma master Sengtan
who had returned from Khotan. There [he] had seen a biography of Nāgārjuna, which ran
[as follows]: There are three texts of the Huayan [jing]. The large text bears as many lines
as the amount of dust found in 1,000,000,000 worlds, and [includes] chapters as large as
the amount of dust ranging over 4 continents. The middle text has 498,800 lines and 1,200
chapters. Both of these two texts are preserved in the dragon’s palace, and were not
brought [to the human world] by Nāgārjuna. [He] brought only the small text which has
100,000 lines and 36 chapters. In this country (China), nothing exists but a translation

25 Hirakawa 1990: 280.

26 Hadani 1914: 343.
27 Teramoto 1921: 129; 135–136.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 93

which consists of 36,000 lines and 34 chapters. Therefore we should understand that,
regarding the Huayan [jing], the explanation of its own title must be included in that latter
part.

問。華嚴一部何故文無立名。答。此經凡有十萬偈傳譯未尽。立名當在後也。至長安
見僧曇法師從于闐還。於彼處見龍樹傳云。華嚴凡有三本。大本有三千大千世界微
塵偈一四天下微塵品。中本有四十九萬八千八百偈一千二百品。此二本並在龍宮龍
樹不誦出也。唯誦下本十萬偈三十六品。此土唯有三萬六千偈三十四品。故知華嚴
名數在數（後？）分矣。 28

Jizang introduces this episode in his commentary on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (Wei-

mo jing yi shu 維摩經義疏 )29 and commentary on Nāgārjuna’s Twelve Gates Trea-
十二門論疏
tise (Shi’er men lun shu )30 as well. Fazang, in his commentary on the
華嚴經探玄記
Huayan jing (Huayan jing tanxuan ji ),31 also refers to this account of
the three Huayan jings being transmitted from the western regions.32
Sengtan 僧曇 is one of the eleven monks who traveled to Central Asia between
575 and 582 for the purpose of obtaining Indic sūtras. In fact, he brought back to
歴代三寶紀
China 260 sūtras (See the Lidai sanbao ji 33
). As we see, Jizang seems
to have been acquainted with Sengtan. This episode demonstrates that the Khotanese
people regarded their large Buddhāvataṃsaka in 100,000 lines as an incomplete
text. It seems quite probable that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka was not compiled in
Central Asia, but was brought to Central Asia from elsewhere.
Third, in the Mahāyānasaṃgraha X.30 when commenting on the words “the
sūtra in 100,000 lines, being a Bodhisattvapiṭaka”, Paramārtha’s translation of the
Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya furnishes the interpretation that the Bodhisattvapiṭaka
(basket of bodhisattva practices) here implies the Huayan jing having 100,000 lines
又華嚴經有百千偈故名百千經
( ).34 Although this interpretation is not found in any
other translation of the Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya, this attitude which regards the
Buddhāvataṃsaka as a Bodhisattvapiṭaka is also found in the following colophon of
a Dunhuang manuscript:
Explication of the ten stages, entitled the “Creator of Wisdom of the Omniscient Being by
Degrees”,35 a chapter of the great vehicle sūtra Bodhisattvapiṭaka Buddhāvataṃsaka, has
ended.

28 T 1780: 38.863b.
29 T 1781: 38.913c.
30 T 1825: 42.180a.
31 T 1733: 35.122b.
32 Fazang’s Huayan jing zhuanji 華嚴經傳記 (T 2073: 51.153a) and Sengxiang’s 僧詳
Fahua
zhuanji 法華傳記 (T 2068: 51.153ab) attribute a similar account to Paramārtha.
33 T 2034: 49.104b.
34 T 1595: 31.263a.
35 This title may agree with Dharmarakṣa’s Chinese translation of the Daśabhūmika: Jianbei yiqie
zhi de jing 漸備一切智徳經 .
94 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

byang chub sems dpa’i sde snod / sangs rgyas phal po che theg pa chen po’i mdo la rims
kyis / thams cad mkhyen pa’i ye shes kyi ’byung gnas zhes bya ba sa bcu pa bstan pa’i le’u
rdzogs so //36

Judging from the argument above, we may suppose the possibility that the large
Buddhāvataṃsaka was known not only in Central Asia but also in southern India
where Paramārtha was from.37 In this connection, I recently found an interesting
passage in a commentary on the Mahāyānasaṃgraha, namely the Vivṛtaguhyārtha-
piṇḍavyākhyā (VGPV) preserved in the Tibetan Tanjur. When commenting on the
passage: “And they (i.e., the ten themes treated by the Mahāyānasaṃgraha) show
the superiority of the Great Vehicle. The Bhagavat reserves the teaching only for
bodhisattvas” in the Mahāyānasaṃgraha Prastāvanā 3, the VGPV states as follows:
This means that [the Great Vehicle is] superior because its listeners are superior. That is to
say, according to disciples’ grades, [the Buddha’s] teaching is [classified as] inferior and
superior. For example, the inferior was taught to the merchants Trapuṣa and Ballika
because they were ordinary men; the middle was taught to a group of five [men] because
they were at the stage of saints; the eightfold Prajñāpāramitās were taught to bodhisattvas,
and [the Prajñāpāramitās] are superior in eliminating conceptually-imagined forms. The
eightfold [Prajñāpāramitās] are the teachings of the Prajñāpāramitās as follows: the Tri-
śatikā, Pañcaśatikā, Saptaśatikā, Sārdhadviśatikā, Aṣṭasāhasrikā, Aṣṭādaśasāhasrikā, Pañ-
caviṃśatisāhasrikā, and Śatasāhasrikā. The teaching of the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka and the
like is superior to all because, in these [sūtras], by teaching the one-vehicle the people of
undetermined gotra are led [to the bodhisattva’s gotra]. The teaching of the Mahāpari-
nirvāṇa-sūtra and the like is the most excellent because in these [sūtras] it is taught that
Tathāgatas remain and deliver people as long as the world exists. Teaching the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra is the most excellent and superior because this sūtra was taught immediately
after the Tathāgata attained enlightenment, only to those bodhisattvas all over the world
who possess the supernatural power of the ten stages.
’dis ni gdul ba mchog nyid kyi phyir mchog nyid do zhes bya ba’i tha tshig go // ’di ltar
gdul ba’i dbang gis kyang bstan pa dman pa dang mchog [D : P ad. pa dang] nyid yin te /
dper na so so’i skye bo yin pa’i phyir [D : P om. phyir] tshong pa ga gon dang mdzes ldan
dag gi ched du ni dman pa bstan / ’phags pa’i skabs yin pas lnga sde’i dbang du mdzad nas
ni ’bring / byang chub sems rnams kyi dbang du mdzad nas ni / shes rab kyi pha rol tu
phyin pa rnam pa brgyad bstan te / brtags pa’i rnam pa dgag pa’i sgo nas mchog go // rnam
pa brgyad ni shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa sum brgya dang / lnga brgya dang / bdun
brgya pa dang / nyis stong lnga brgya pa dang / brgyad stong pa dang / khri brgyad stong
pa dang / nyi khri lnga stong pa dang / ’bum pa bstan pa yin no // dam pa’i chos pa dma
dkal po la sogs pa bstan pa ni rab kyi mchog yin te / ’di ltar de las ni theg pa gcig bstan pas
ma nges pa’i rigs can rnams kyang de las ’dren to // mya ngan las ’das pa chen po’i mdo la
sogs pa bstan pa ni rab kyi phul yin te / ’di ltar de las ni de bzhin gshegs pa rnams ’khor ba
ji srid par bzhugs shing sems can gyi don mdzad par bstan to // sangs rgyas phal po che’i
mdo bstan pa ni rab kyi phul gyi mchog yin te / ’di ltar mdo de ni de bzhin gshegs pa

36 de la Vallée Poussin 1962: no.132.

37 According to the Lidai sanbao ji 歴代三寶紀 (T 2034: 49.88b), Paramārtha brought Sanskrit
manuscripts of the Huayan jing, Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra and Suvarṇaprabhāsa-sūtra ( 華嚴涅
槃金光明 ) to China.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 95

mngon par rdzogs par sangs rgyas nas ring po ma lon par phyogs bcu na gnas pa’i byang
chub sems dpa’ sa bcu’i dbang phyug rnams la la na cig tu [P : D om. tu] rab tu bstan to //38

Here we meet with a kind of doctrinal classification. Trapuṣa and Ballika are the
first lay Buddhists who supplied food to the Buddha when he attained enlighten-
ment. The group of five men are the monks to whom the Buddha gave his first ser-
mon. Most interesting in the previous discussion is the reference to the large Bud-
dhāvataṃsaka as representing the most superlative teaching of Buddhism. Given
that the VGPV was produced in India, this passage furnishes a piece of evidence that
the large Buddhāvataṃsaka had circulated in India.
The VGPV is extant only in Tibetan. Neither its author nor its translator is
known. The only certain date of completion is 824, when the Ldan dkar ma cata-
logue in which the VGPV is listed was compiled. In an earlier article, I supposed
that the VGPV was produced in sixth century Central Asia, where the large Buddhā-
vataṃsaka had enjoyed popularity.39 However this remains but a hypothesis. At the
present, I am still investigating the origin of the VGPV through an analysis of its
contents.
Regardless of whether the VGPV was compiled in India or Central Asia, it is
likely that such a high assessment of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka in the western re-
gion influenced Chinese Buddhism. The rise of Huayan worship in China may have
been based on admiration for the large Buddhāvataṃsaka in the western regions.

The Original Buddhāvataṃsaka Group (1)

Modern scholars tend to think that various sūtras each bearing its own name (Daśa-
bhūmika, etc.) were collected and then that collection was entitled the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka. In other words, the title Buddhāvataṃsaka is not the name of each in-
cluded sūtra but the name of the collection as a whole. However careful examination
of the related materials leads us to conclude that before the compilation of the large
Buddhāvataṃsaka a kind of sūtra was in circulation which, while each bore its own
individual name on one hand, also shared the alternate title Buddhāvataṃsaka on the
other. Some of these texts are not included in the current large Buddhāvataṃsakas,
yet they seem to have been the precursors of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. I would
like to refer to these texts as the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group and suppose that
this group contains at least the following four sūtras:

Sūtra 1
Fo shuo dousha jing 佛説兜沙經 (T 280. Translated by Lokakṣema between 146
and 189)

38 D 4052: Ri 301a3–301b1; P 5553: Li 362a3–362b1.

39 Ōtake 2002.
96 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

Rulai minghao pin 如來名號品 (Chapter 3 of Buddhabhadra’s large Buddhāvataṃ-

saka; Chapter 7 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka)
Sangs rgyas kyi mtshan shin tu bstan pa or *Buddhalakṣaṇaprakāśa (Chapter 12 of
the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka)

Sūtra 2
Xinli ruyin famen jing 信力入印法門經 (T 305. Translated by Dharmaruci in 504)
Dad pa’i stobs bskyed pa la ’jug pa’i phyag rgya zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo
(Śraddhābalādhānāvatāramudrā nāma mahāyāna-sūtram)

Sūtra 3
Du zhufo jingjie zhiguangyan jing 度諸佛境界智光嚴經 (T 302. Translator unknown)
佛華嚴入如來徳智不思議境界經
Fo huayan ru rulai de zhi busiyi jingjie jing
(T 303. Translated by Jñānagupta between 581 and 601)
大方廣入如來智徳不思議經
Dafangguang ru rulai zhi de busiyi jing (T 304. Trans-
lated by Śikṣānanda between 652 and 710)
De bzhin gshegs pa’i yon tan dang ye shes bsam gyis mi khyab pa’i yul la ’jug pa bstan
pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo (Tathāgataguṇajñānācintyaviṣayāvatāra-
nirdeśa nāma mahāyāna-sūtram).

Sūtra 4
Fozang dafangdeng jing 佛藏大方等經 (Alternative title: Wen mingxian jing 問明
顯經 . Translator unknown; not extant)
Pusa mingnan pin 菩薩明難品 (Chapter 6 of Buddhabhadra’s large Buddhāva-
taṃsaka)
Pusa wenming pin 菩薩問明品 (Chapter 10 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃ-
saka)
Byang chub sems dpa’s dris pa snang ba or *Bodhisattvapraśnāloka (Chapter 15 of
the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka)

Concerning Sūtra 1, Lokakṣema’s Fo shuo dousha jing 佛説兜沙經 , the earliest

translation of Sūtra 1, deserves our notice. Modern scholars have identified “dou-
sha”40 hypothetically with the Sanskrit “toṣa”, “tathāgata”, “daśottama”, “daśaka”
and so on. However it seems to me natural to identify this transcription with “ava-
taṃsaka” or its Prākrit form, something like “avataṃsa” or “vataṃsa” in the Pāli lan-
guage.
With respect to Sūtra 2, I have located an Indian Buddhist treatise which calls
this sūtra the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The Sūtrasamuccaya attributed to Nāgārjuna,
quotes three times from the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Sangs rgyas phal po che’i

40 According to W. South Coblin’s reconstruction, the transcription 兜沙 may have been pro-
nounced “*tou sla” in Eastern Han. See Coblin 1983: 248.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 97

mdo),41 and they all correspond with Sūtra 2.42 Along the same lines, what the Hua-
yan jing liangjuan zhigui 華嚴經兩卷旨歸 (HLZh), a sixth century text attributed to
Sanzang Fotuo 三藏佛陀 (the Tripiṭaka Master Buddha), has to say on Sūtra 2 rates
attention:
The Śraddhābalādhānāvatāramudrā[dharmaparyāya]-sūtra was preached at the meeting
held in the Hall of Brightness; it is a detached part of the Huayan [jing].

信力入印法門經普光會訖是華嚴別傳。 43

This “Hall of Brightness” is the name of the hall where the large Buddhāvataṃ-
saka is said to have been partly preached (for further information, see below). As
Ishii Kōsei44, who edited and annotated the concerned text, pointed out, this state-
ment is referred to in the Huayan jing zhuanji 華嚴經傳記
:
The Xinli ruyin famen jing in five volumes was translated in the Yuan Wei era by Dharma-
ruci of southern India, whose name can be rendered into Chinese as Xifa. Concerning the
above-mentioned sūtra, the old masters have said that this is a part of the Huayan [jing]
which has been separated from it. [However,] once we examine its contents carefully
throughout the text, it turns out that there is nothing resembling the Huayan [jing] at all.
Recently I checked a Sanskrit manuscript [of the Huayan jing] and found that there is also
no chapter like this. Further investigation is required.

信 力 入印 法 門經 五卷 元 魏南 天竺 曇 摩流 支魏 云 希法 譯 右件 經古 徳 相傳 云是 華 嚴別
品。詳其文句始終 総無華嚴流類。近勘梵本 亦無此品。請後人詳 究。 45

Although the Huayan jing zhuanji questioned the affiliation of Sūtra 2 with the
Huayan jing, what the HLZh says is, as we have already seen, corroborated by the Sū-
trasamuccaya. Having remarked on the absence of Chinese thought in the HLZh, Ishii
Kōsei inferred that this text was based partly on accounts from foreign monks.46
Ishii’s hypothesis might be supported by the fact I have pointed out above.
With respect to Sūtra 3, we find the suffix fo huayan 佛華嚴
in the title of Jñāna-
gupta’s version. This must be a translation of Buddhāvataṃsaka. Along with bearing
its own title as the Tathāgataguṇajñānācintyaviṣayāvatāranirdeśa, this sūtra seems
to have been given the alternate title of Buddhāvataṃsaka as well.
With respect to Sūtra 4, the Fozang dafangdeng jing 佛藏大方等經 or the Wen
mingxian jing 問明顯經 requires our attention. This translation was first recorded as
an anonymous translation in Fajing’s 法經
catalogue of sūtras, Zhongjing mulu 衆
經目録 47
which was compiled in 594. Another catalogue, the Lidai sanbao ji 歴代
三寶紀 compiled in 597, ascribes this translation to Daoyan 道嚴
in the Liusong 劉
41 D ki 198a8–198b5; 213a7–214b5; 214b6–215a4.
42 Dharmaruci’s translation: T 305: 10.945c–946a; 952ab; 958b.
43 Ishii 1996: 533.
44 Ishii 1996: 28–29.
45 T 2073: 51.156a.
46 Ishii 1996: 67.
47 T 2146: 55.119c
98 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

宋 era (420–478), 48
though its status remains uncertain because this catalogue is, as
is well known, full of unwarranted attributions. I regard the title Fozang dafangdeng
jing as a translation of *Buddhāvataṃsaka nāma mahāvaipulya-sūtram, because we
find that an old translation of the Lokottaraparivarta, the Du shi pin jing 度世品經
translated by Dharmarakṣa in 291, renders Buddhāvataṃsaka with Fozang : 佛藏
Dharmarakṣa’s translation: Fozang sanmei zhengshou 佛蔵三昧正受 49

Buddhabhadra’s translation: Qi sanmei ming fo huayan 其三昧名佛華嚴 50

Śikṣānanda’s translation: Guangda sanmei ming fo hua zhuangyan 廣大三昧

名佛華莊嚴 51

Tibetan translation: ting nge ’dzin chen po sangs rgyas phal po che zhes bya
ba52
Along with bearing its own title as the *Praśnāloka-sūtra, this sūtra seems to
have been given the alternate title of “Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra as well.
In addition to the above-mentioned alternate title common to the four sūtras, we
find at least three relationships between these four texts: First, at the end of Sūtra 1,
ten bodhisattvas, one from each of the ten worlds, come to our world. Sūtra 4 was
preached by these bodhisattvas. Second, at the beginning of Sūtras 2 and 3, the Bud-
dha’s twenty-one qualities are enumerated.53 The first ten qualities also appear at the
beginning of Sūtra 1. This may indicate that Sūtra 1 precedes Sūtras 2 and 3. Third,
each sūtra is said to have been preached at the meeting held in the *Samanta-
prabhaḥ prāsādaḥ or the Hall of Brightness.

Sūtra 1
Lokakṣema’s translation: Guangjing shenming 光景甚明 54

Buddhabhadra’s translation: Puguang fatang 普光法堂 55

Śikṣānanda’s translation: Puguang mingdian 普光明殿 56

Tibetan translation: Pho brang kun tu ’od 57

48 T 2034: 49.94a.
49 T 292: 10.618a.
50 T 278: 9.631c.
51 T 279: 10.279b.
52 P 761: Shi 145a2.
53 These twenty-one qualities seem to have attracted the attention of the Yogācāra school, for the
same qualities are quoted in the Mahāyānasaṃgraha I.33 and employed also in the Saṃdhi-
nirmocana-sūtra and the Buddhabhūmi-sūtra, both produced by that school.
54 T 280: 10.445a.
55 T 278: 9.418c.
56 T 279: 10.57c.
57 P 761: Yi 189b5.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 99

Sūtra 2
Dharmaruci’s translation: Puguang fadian guangjing shenming 普光法殿光
景甚明 58

Tibetan translation: Kun nas ’od kyi khang pa59

Sūtra 3
Anonymous translation: Guangming gongdian 光明宮殿 60

Jñānagupta’s translation: Puguang tang 普光堂

61

Śikṣānanda’s translation: Puguangming dian 普光明殿 62

Tibetan translation: Kun du ’od kyi khang bzangs63

Sūtra 4
(In the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, this is included in a series of the sermons
held in the Hall of Brightness Puguang fatang hui 普光法堂會
.)
To the best of my knowledge, among the Buddhist sūtras, the name of the loca-
tion *Samantaprabhaḥ prāsādaḥ occurs only in the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, Sūtra 2
and Sūtra 3. When expounding on this place, Fazang, in his commentary on the large
Buddhāvataṃsaka (Huayan jing tanxuan ji 華嚴經探玄記
), introduces the follow-
ing legend:
Tradition says: the Hall of Brightness lies about three miles southeast of the bodhi-tree and
on the bank of the river Hiraṇyavatī. When the Buddha attained his first enlightenment,
dragons saw the Buddha’s sitting outside under the tree, and thus made this hall for Him.
This is indeed because dragons are apt to shelter someone when they admire him.

相 傳。普光堂 在 菩 提 樹 東 南 可 三 里 許 熙 連 河 曲 内。佛 初 成 道 諸 龍 見 佛 樹 下 露 坐 遂
爲佛 造 此 法 堂。良 以 諸 龍 多 爲 陰覆 供 養 故 耳。 64

This legend may have originated in India. However, we should not take the leg-
end as indicating that such a hall ever existed in India as a matter of historical fact.
Among the translations of Sūtra 1 Lokakṣema’s translation has only the expression
guangjing shen ming 光景甚明 (the spectacle was very bright) as an equivalent to
other translations’ Hall of Brightness. This suggests that when the oldest translation
of Sūtra 1 was produced, the sūtra spoke only of the brightness of the Buddha’s
enlightenment, and did not make use of the proper noun the Hall of Brightness. This
is also the case in the Dengmu pusa suowen sanmei jing 等目菩薩所問三昧經
58 T 305: 10.928c.
59 P 867: Tsu 15.
60 T 302: 10.912a.
61 T 303: 10.917b.
62 T 304: 10.924b.
63 P 852: Mu 116a5.
64 T 1733: 35.167b.
100 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

(*Samantanetraparipṛcchāsamādhi-sūtra), translated by Dharmarakṣa, which was

later incorporated into both Śikṣānanda’s and the Tibetan versions of the large
Buddhāvataṃsaka as the chapter entitled the Ten Meditations (Shiding pin ; 十定品
Ting nge ’dzin bcu). Dharmarakṣa’s translation has, instead of the other translation’s
Hall of Brightness, the expression guangwei mingyao 光煒明燿
(the light was very
bright). I will compare them below. In any event, we should conclude that the Hall
of Brightness did not historically exist. In fact, it must have been an imaginary con-
struction derived from the brightness of the Buddha’s enlightenment.
Among these four sūtras Sūtra 2 and Sūtra 3 are not included in the large Buddhā-
vataṃsakas extant in both Chinese and Tibetan. However, concerning Sūtra 3, let us
take note of the following passage from Zhiyan’s 智儼
Kong mu zhang : 孔目章
As far as the Sanskrit manuscript preserved in the great Ci’en temple is concerned, the
ninth meeting should be added [to the Huayan jing]. There the Buddha stayed under the tree
and in the Hall of Brightness, and then preached on the Rulai gongde jingjie shang jingjie ru
pin.

若依大慈恩寺梵本増第九會。佛遊於樹下及普光堂處説如來功徳境界上境界入品。 65

This Rulai gongde jingjie shang jingjie ru pin 如來功徳境界上境界入品 may

correspond to our Sūtra 3.66 This view is supported by the Huayan jing zhuanji 華嚴
經傳記 which states that some Sanskrit manuscripts of the Huayan jing included Sū-
tra 3 as a chapter. Of the translations of Sūtra 3, the text relates the follows:
Although the above-mentioned sūtras such as the Busiyi jingjie 不思議境界 are not in-
cluded in the current [Chinese] Huayan [jing], all Sanskrit manuscripts [of the Huayan
jing] have them. They must be detached parts of this sūtra (Huayan jing). Since the San-
skrit manuscripts do not give [them] any chapter numbers, we should not incorporate [them]
into the large [Huayan] collection.

右已上不思議境界等經現本華嚴内雖無此等品然勘梵本並皆具有。固是此經別行品
會。爲梵本不題品次不編入大部。 67

This suggests that the large Buddhāvataṃsaka first incorporated Sūtra 3 in the
early half of the seventh century.
To sum up, Sūtras 1, 3 and 4 had been referred to by the title Buddhāvataṃsaka
even before they were incorporated into the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, and Sūtra 2
was called the Buddhāvataṃsaka even though it was never assimilated into the large
Buddhāvataṃsaka. Based on these facts, it should be clear that a group of sūtras
sharing the alternate title Buddhāvataṃsaka existed before the compilation of the
large Buddhāvataṃsaka.

65 T 1870: 45.587c.
66 At the very least, it does not correspond to either the Da fangguang Huayan jing busiyi fo jing-
jie fen 大方廣華嚴經不思議佛境界分 translated by Devaprajñā (T 300) or to the Da fang-
大方廣如來不思議境界經
guang rulai busiyi jingjie jing translated by Śikṣānanda (T 301), for
both those sūtras were not taught in the Hall of Brightness.
67 T 2073: 51.156a.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 101

The Original Buddhāvataṃsaka Group (2)

Besides Sūtras 1–4, we may add the following three Sūtras (5–7) to the original
Buddhāvataṃsaka group, though I have yet to succeed in finding any evidence that
they shared the alternate title Buddhāvataṃsaka.

Sūtra 5
賢首菩薩品
Xianshou pusa pin (Chapter 8 of Buddhabhadra’s large Buddhāvataṃ-
saka)
Xianshou pin 賢首品 (Chapter 12 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka)
Bzang po’i dpal or *Bhadraśrī (Chapter 17 of the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka)

Sūtra 6
Dengmu pusa suowen sanmei jing 等目菩薩所問三昧經 (T 288. Translated by
Dharmarakṣa in 291)
Shiding pin 十定品 (Chapter 27 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka)
Ting nge ’dzin bcu or *Daśasamādhi[ka] (Chapter 33 of the Tibetan large Buddhā-
vataṃsaka)

Sūtra 7
Du shi pin jing 度世品經 (T 292. Translated by Dharmarakṣa in 291)
Li shijian pin 離世間品 (Chapter 33 of Buddhabhadra’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka;
Chapter 38 of Śikṣānanda’s large Buddhāvataṃsaka)
’Jig rten las ’das pa; Cited in a large number of Sanskrit texts as the Lokottarapari-
varta (Chapter 44 of the Tibetan large Buddhāvataṃsaka)

My view which regards them as belonging to the original Buddhāvataṃsaka

group is based on the following reasons: First, these three sūtras are, like Sūtras 1–4,
said to have been preached at the meeting held in the Hall of Brightness.

Sūtra 5
(In the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, this is included in the series of the sermons
held in the Hall of Brightness Puguang fatang hui 普光法堂會 .)

Sūtra 6
Dharmarakṣa’s translation: Guangwei mingyao 光煒明燿 68

Śikṣānanda’s translation: Pu guangming dian 普光明殿 69

Tibetan translation: pho brang ’od thams cad kyi snying po can70

68 T 288: 10.574c.
69 T 279: 10.211a.
70 P 761: Li 174b3.
102 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

Sūtra 7
Dharmarakṣa’s translation: Puguang jiangtang 普光講堂
71

Buddhabhadra’s translation: Puguang fatang 普光法堂

72

Śikṣānanda’s translation: Pu guangming dian

74
普光明殿
73

Tibetan translation: pho brang ’od kun nas ’byung ba

Second, Sūtra 5 is said to have been preached by *Bhadraśrī, one of the ten bodhi-
sattvas who came to the world at the end of Sūtra 1. Third, at the beginning of
Sūtra 7, just like Sūtras 1–3, the Buddha’s twenty-one qualities are enumerated.
Fourth, Sūtras 5 and 7 are, as we have seen above, the only two places in which the
term “Buddhāvataṃsaka meditation” appears. Of far greater interest is that with res-
pect to the description of meditation there is an obvious parallelism between Sū-
tras 5 and 6. Let us compare three passages from Sūtras 5 and 6 by using both Śikṣ-
ānanda’s and the Tibetan translations:

Passage 175

Sūtra 5
Śikṣānanda’s translation:
有妙蓮華光莊嚴 量等三千大千界 其身端坐悉充滿 是此三昧神通力 76

Tibetan translation:
de dag pad mo mdzes pa stong gsum rtsam //
’od kyis rnam rgyan byin gyis brlab byas shing //
lus gcig skyil mo krung gi pad mo de //
yongs su rgyas ston ting ’dzin rnam par ’phrul //77

Sanskrit fragment:
te trisahasrapramāṇu vicitraṃ padmam adhiṣṭhihi raśmiviyūhāḥ /
kāyaparyaṅka parisphuṭa padmaṃ darśayi eṣa samādhivikurvā //78

71 T 292: 10.617b.
72 T 278: 9.631b.
73 T 279: 10.279a.
74 P 761: Shi 142b2.
75 For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 355, 17–20 and Cleary
1986: 131.
76 T 279: 10.77c.
77 P 761: Yi 249b4–5.
78 Ś 343, 13–14.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 103

Sūtra 6
Śikṣānanda’s translation:
佛子。菩 薩 摩 訶 薩 以 三 千 大 千 世界 爲一蓮 華 現 身 遍 此 蓮 華 之 上結 跏 趺 坐。 79

Tibetan translation:
’di la byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ chen po / stong gsum gyi stong chen po’i ’jig rten
gyi khams pad mo’i gcig tu byin gyis rlabs te / pad mo gcig de rang gi skyil mo krung gis
rgyas par khyab par byin gyis rlab bo //80

Passage 281

Sūtra 5
Śikṣānanda’s translation:
或於東方入正定 而於西方從定出 或於西方入正定 而於東方從定出
或於餘方入正定 而於餘方從定出 如是入出遍十方 是名菩薩三昧力 82

Tibetan translation:
de dag shar gyi phyogs su mnyam bzhag cing //
dpa’ bo de dag nub kyi phyogs nas ldang //
nub kyi phyogs su de bzhin mnyam bzhag cing //
shar gyi phyogs nas bdag nyid che ba ldang //
de bzhin phyogs bcu kun tu ’jug byed de //
phyogs rnams kun tu mnyam par gzhag byas shing //
ye shes yon tan mang po gzhan nas ldang //
drang srong ting ’dzin rnam ’phrul de ’dra’o //83

Sūtra 6
Śikṣānanda’s translation:
佛子。此菩薩摩訶薩有十種入三昧差別智。何者爲十。所謂。東方入定西方起。西方
入定東方起。南方入定北方起。北方入定南方起。東北方入定西南方起。西南方入定
東北方起。西北方入定東南方起。東南方入定西北方起。下方入定上方起。上方入定
下方起。是爲十。 84

79 T 279: 10.213b.
80 P 761: Li 184b1–2.
81 For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 355, 41–356, 5 and
Cleary 1986: 131.
82 T 279: 10.77c.
83 P 761: Yi 250a1–3.
84 T 279: 10.213b.
104 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

Tibetan translation:
kye rgyal ba’i sras dag bcu po dag ’di rnams ni byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ chen po
rnams kyi ting nge ’dzin gyi bye brag la ’jug pa’i ye shes te / bcu gang zhe na ’di ltar [1.]
shar phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te lho phyogs nas rnam par ldang ba dang / [2.] lho
phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / shar phyogs nas rnam par ldang ba dang / [3.] shar dang
byang mtshams su snyoms par zhugs te lho nub kyi phyogs nas rnam par ldang ba dang /
[4.] lho nub kyi phyogs mtshams su snyoms par zhugs te / shar phyogs dang byang gi
phyogs mtshams nas ldang ba dang / [5.] lho phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / byang
phyogs nas rnam par ldang dang / [6.] byang phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / lho phyogs
nas rnam par ldang dang / [7.] nub dang byang gi phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / shar
dang lho’i phyogs mtshams nas rnam par ldang dang / [8.] shar dang lho’i phyogs mtshams
su snyoms par zhugs shing / nub dang byang gi mtshams nas rnam par ldang dang / [9.] ’og
gi phyogs su snyoms par zhugs te / steng gi phyogs nas rnam par ldang dang / [10.] steng gi
phyogs su sntoms par zhugs shing / ’og gi phyogs nas rnam par ldang ste / kye rgyal ba’i
sras ’di rnams ni byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ chen po dag gi ting nge ’dzin gyi bye
brag la ’jug pa’i ye shes so //85

Passage 386

Sūtra 5
Śikṣānanda’s translation:
如阿脩羅變作身 蹈金剛際海中立 海水至深僅其半 首共須彌正齊等
彼有貪欲瞋恚癡 尚能現此大神通 況伏魔怨照世燈 而無自在威神力 87

Tibetan translation:
sgra bsnyan ci dga’ tshul dang lus rdzu na //
rdo rje gzhi la rkang pa’i mthil bor ni //
rgya mtsho’i zabs ring lta bar phyed cam byed //
ri rab rtse dang nyid kyi mgo yang snyom //
de ni ’dod chags zhe sdang gti mug can //
’on kyang de ’dra’i rdzu ’phrul ston byed na //
’jig rten sgron ma bdud rnams yongs ’dul ba //
rdzu ’phrul mtha’ yas ci’i phyir ston mi byed //88

Sanskrit fragment:
rāhu yathe[ṣa] ya nirmaṇi kāyaṃ kurvati vajrapade talabandham /
darśana sāgaru nābhipramāṇaṃ bhoti sumerutale sama śīrṣaḥ //
so ’pi sarāgu sadoṣa samoho rāhu nidarśayi īdṛśa ṛddhī /
mārapramardana lokapradīpa kasya na darśayi ṛddhi anantā //89

85 P 761: Li 184a1–8.
86 For an English translation from Śikṣānanda’s version, see Cleary 1985: 361, and Cleary 1986:
131, 25 f.
87 T 279: 10.79a.
88 P 761: Yi 253a6–7.
89 Ś 346,11–14.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 105

Sūtra 6
Śikṣānanda’s translation:
佛子。如羅喉阿脩羅王本身長七百由旬化形長十六萬八千由旬於大海中出其半身與
須彌山而正齊等。佛子。彼阿脩羅王雖化其身長十六萬八千由旬然亦不壞本身之相
諸蘊界處悉皆如本心不錯亂不於變化身而作他想於其本身生非己想本受生身恒受諸
樂。化身常現種種自在神通威力。佛子。阿脩羅王有貪恚癡具足憍慢尚能如是變現
其身。何況菩薩摩訶薩 90

Tibetan translation:
kye rgyal ba’i sras dag / ’di lta ste dper na / lha ma yin gyi dbang po sgra can zhes bya ba
yod de / de’i rang bzhin gyi lus ni dpag tshad bdun brgya’o // de’i sprul pa’i lus ni dpag
tshad brgya stong drug bcu rtsa brgyad de / de’i lus phyed rgya mtsho chen po’i nang na /
’dug kyang lus kyi stong gyen du ’phags pa ri rab kyi rtsa mo dang snyam pa yang / kye
rgyal ba’i sras lha ma yin gyi dbang po sgra can de sprul pa’i lus tshad brgya stong phrag
drug bcu rtsa brgyad pa des sngon gyi lus ’jig par mi byed do // sngon skye ba’i phung po
dang khams dang skye mched kyang yongs su nyams par mi ’gyur ro // lus chen po de yod
pas kyang sprul pa’i lus gzhan du ’du shes par mi ’gyur te / lus snga ma shi ’phos pa’i ’du
shes kyang med la bsar du skyes pa’i lus kyis kyang nyams dga’ ba rab tu thos pa yin no //
sprul pa’i lus des mthu dang dbang byed par dbang sbyar bar yang yang dag par ston na /
rmongs shing ’khrul par gyur pa ’ang med de / lha ma yin gyi dbang po sgra gcan de ni
’dod chags can / zhe sdang can / gti mug can te de brgyal dang dregs pa dang / ldan yang
rgya mtsho’i nang na gnas shing rgya mtsho’i nang gi khyim na ’du // bzhin du rnam pa de
lta bu’i sprul pa’i lus kyis mngon par ’phags te / byang chub sems dpa’ sems dpa’ chen po…91

In short, sūtras that belong to the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group share some
characteristics and are roughly connected each other. It is quite possible that the
original Buddhāvataṃsaka group played a leading role in the compilation of the
large Buddhāvataṃsaka.

Conclusion

My suggestions in this paper are as follows:

1. The Sanskrit equivalent for the term “Huayan” is not “Gaṇḍavyūha” but “Ava-
taṃsaka”;
2. The Sarvāstivāda literature and the Bhadraśrī chapter of the large Buddhāva-
taṃsaka share the term “Buddhāvataṃsaka” which indicates a miracle no one is
able to perform besides the Buddha;

90 T 279: 10.213b–c.
91 P 761: Li 184b7–185a5.
106 ŌTAKE SUSUMU

3. The large Buddhāvataṃsaka does not seem to have been compiled in Central
Asia;
4. Before the compilation of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, some sūtras sharing the
alternate title “Buddhāvataṃsaka” were in circulation. I designated these sūtras
as the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group. The majority of this group was later in-
corporated into the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. It seems likely that this group was a
precursor to the large Buddhāvataṃsaka.

Although most of the sūtras of the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group appear to

have formed the nucleus of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka, this fact does not imply that
such sūtras belong to the oldest strata of the large Buddhāvataṃsaka. Every sūtra in
this group explicitly refers to the ten stages (daśabhūmi), so it is certain that at least
the Daśabhūmika predates the original Buddhāvataṃsaka group. In a future paper I
will go into more detail concerning the results of my research on the formation of the
large Buddhāvataṃsaka.

References

Cleary, Thomas, trans.: The Flower Ornament Scripture volume 1. Boston and London: Shambhala
publications, 1985.
Cleary, Thomas, trans.: The Flower Ornament Scripture volume 2. Boston and London: Shambhala
publications, 1986.
Coblin, South W.: A Handbook of Eastern Han Sound Glosses. Hong Kong: The Chinese Univer-
sity Press, 1983.
羽渓了諦
Hadani Ryōtai 西域の仏教 : Saiiki no Bukkyō [Buddhism of Western Regions]. Kyoto:
Hōrinkan, 1914.
平川彰
Hirakawa Akira : A History of Indian Buddhism (translated by Paul Groner). Hawaii: Uni-
versity of Hawaii press, 1990.
石井公成
Ishii Kōsei 華厳思想の研究
: Kegon shisō no kenkyū [A study of Kegon thought]. To-
kyo: Shunjūsha, 1996.
松田和信
Matsuda Kazunobu : “Darairama jūsansei kizō no ichiren no nepāru shahon ni tsuite”
ダライラマ 世寄贈の一連のネパール写本について
13 [Concerning the Nepalese manuscript
presented by the 13th Dalai Lama]. Nippon seizō gakkai nenpō 日本西蔵学会年報 (1988) 34:
pp. 16–20 (L).
Mironov, N.D.: Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Indicorum qui in Academiae Imperialis Sci-
entiarum Petropolitanae Museo Asiatico. Petropoli, 1914.
Ōtake Susumu 大竹晋 : “Vivṛtaguhyārthapiṇḍavyākhyā no in’yō bunken” Vivṛtaguhyārtha-
piṇḍavyākhyā の引用文献 [Texts quoted in the Vivṛtaguhyārthapiṇḍavyākhyā]. Tōhōgaku 東
方学 (2002) 106: pp. 138–124.
de la Vallée Poussin, Louis: Catalogue of the Tibetan manuscripts from Tun-Huang in the India
Office Library. London: Oxford University Press, 1962.
 ON THE ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 107

Sakurabe Hajime 櫻部建 : “Kegon to iu go ni tsuite” 華厳という語について [Concerning the

word Kegon]. Ōtani gakuhō 大谷学報 (1969) 181, 49–1: pp. 26–34.
Teramoto Enga 寺本婉雅 : Uten koku shi于闐国史 [History of Khotan]. Kyoto: Chōjiyashoten,
1921.
 JAN NATTIER

INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT:

NEW LIGHT FROM CHINESE SOURCES*

The scripture known as the Buddhāvataṃsaka1 (Huayan jing 華嚴經

, Jpn. Kegon-
kyō) has long played a major role in East Asian Buddhism. Two complete transla-
tions of the sūtra are extant in Chinese, one produced by the Indian translator Bud-
佛馱跋陀羅
dhabhadra in the early fifth century CE (Dafangguang fo huayan jing 大
方廣佛華嚴經 , *Mahāvaipulya-buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra)2 and another by the same
title produced by the Khotanese translator Śikṣānanda 實叉難陀at the end of the
seventh century CE.3 These two translations inspired numerous commentaries com-
posed in East Asia, and they were widely cited in other texts. And in the well-known
systems of doctrinal taxonomy (panjiao 判教) that were widely employed in East
Asia as a means of organizing the chaotic richness of the Buddhist scriptures, the
Huayan jing holds pride of place as the first discourse preached by the Buddha after
his awakening. No Indic-language version of the Buddhāvataṃsaka as a whole has
been preserved, though two separate texts now included within this voluminous scrip-
ture – the Daśabhūmika and the Gaṇḍavyūha – are still extant in Sanskrit. A Tibetan
translation of the Buddhāvataṃsaka was also produced around 800 CE (Sangs-rgyas
phal-po-che zhes-bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa chen-po’i mdo),4 but it never approached
the level of popularity of the Huayan jing in China. It is only natural, therefore, that
most of the papers in this volume should be devoted to the legacy of the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka in East Asia.
The Buddhāvataṃsaka, however, also belongs to the literary heritage of India,
and it is from this angle that I would like to approach the text here. An insuperable
obstacle to such an investigation might seem to be posed, at first glance, by the fact
that most of the text has not been preserved in any Indic language. There is, how-

* I would like to thank to John R. McRae, Peter Skilling and Stefano Zacchetti for helpful com-
ments and suggestions on an earlier draft of this paper. Any errors that remain, of course, are
my own.
1 On the rationale for using this title, rather than the more common Avataṃsaka-sūtra, see Saku-
rabe 1969 and the paper by ŌTAKE Susumu in this volume.
2 T 278.
3 T 279.
4 Peking/Ōtani 761.
110 JAN NATTIER

ever, a group of Chinese translations that have preserved the content of this text at
an early stage of its development. Indeed, there is reason to think that these transla-
tions can reveal the shape of what might be called the “Proto-Buddhāvataṃsaka.” In
this paper, therefore, I will focus on what the content of these early translations can
tell us about the antecedents of Huayan thought in India and about the early literary
history of the Buddhāvataṃsaka itself.
For this purpose our most important sources are not the Chinese and Tibetan
translations of the large (the so-called “complete”) Buddhāvataṃsaka, nor even the
two parts of the text that have survived in Sanskrit. Instead, for the study of the ante-
cedents of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in India it is a group of early Chinese translations –
often (and, as we shall see, erroneously) described as excerpts from the larger text –
which provide our earliest window into the content of what would eventually de-
velop into the text known as the Buddhāvataṃsaka.5 Surprisingly, these texts have
received little serious scholarly attention to date, despite the fact that they are not
only vital to our understanding of the early development of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in
India but were actively appropriated by the composers of indigenous scriptures (both
Buddhist and Daoist) in China.6
The oldest of these texts is the Dousha jing 兜沙經(T 280), produced by Loka-
kṣema 支婁迦讖 in the latter part of the second century CE; the next is the Pusa
benye jing菩薩本業經 (T 281), translated by Zhi Qian 支謙
in the early to mid-
third century. There is considerable overlap between these two texts, for the first
third of Zhi Qian’s translation contains material that corresponds in its general con-
tent (though not in its precise wording) to Lokakṣema’s Dousha jing.
The Dousha jing as we have it, however, is not the complete text of Lokakṣe-
ma’s original translation. As has long been noted, the sūtra breaks off abruptly, giv-
ing the impression that it is only part of a larger work. In an earlier paper I have pro-
vided a detailed study of the Dousha jing and related texts, offering evidence that
the remaining portion of the text has been preserved in the scriptures now entitled
Zhu pusa qiu fo benye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 (T 282) and Pusa shizhu xingdao pin
菩薩十住行道品 (T 283), respectively.7 Whether deliberately or inadvertently, Lo-
kakṣema’s translation appears to have been separated into three pieces at an early
stage of its circulation in China. The opening section has been preserved under the
title Dousha jing (T 280), while the other two sections circulated separately and
were eventually given titles of their own and assigned to other translators in medie-
val Chinese catalogues.
Since I have provided a detailed discussion of the rationale for this reconstruc-
tion in the paper mentioned above, I will not deal extensively with this issue here. In
summary form, however, the evidence for this scenario is as follows:

5 For an overview of various scholarly positions on the relationship of these early translations to
the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka see Kimura 1984.
6 For details on borrowings from these early translations see Appendix 2.
7 Nattier 2005.
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 111

(1) T 280 begins in normal fashion, but ends suddenly without anything resem-
bling a conclusion; T 282 both begins and ends abruptly, while T 283 has no proper
beginning and has at least a semblance of an ending. Each of these three texts, in
sum, gives the impression not of being a complete sūtra, but a fragment.
(2) When these texts are arranged in the sequence T 280 + T 282 + T 283 this
anomaly disappears; in fact, when read as a continuous text these three works
(which we may refer to as the “Dousha jing group”) offer a parallel to all of the ma-
terial contained in Zhi Qian’s Pusa benye jing (T 281). The Dousha jing group, in
other words, comprises another complete Chinese translation (based on a different
Indic-language recension) of the scripture translated by Zhi Qian.
(3) The attributions of T 282 and T 283 to translators other than Lokakṣema are
late and unreliable, and they need not detain us from considering the possibility that
both of these texts were originally part of Lokakṣema’s translation of the Dousha jing.
(4) The language used in all three parts of the Dousha jing group is quite typical
of Lokakṣema’s vocabulary and style. Indeed, some terms used in T 282 and T 283
are so rare – appearing exclusively, or nearly so, in works translated by Lokakṣema –
that they serve as virtual fingerprints of Lokakṣema’s activity.
(5) Finally, there is clear continuity within the Dousha jing group, both in the
flow of the narrative (which, as noted above, parallels that found in T 281) and in
the names of the main characters. A relatively little-known bodhisattva introduced in
T 280, Jñānaśrī (Re’nashili 惹那師利 ), reappears to ask a question of Mañjuśrī at
the beginning of T 282. The bodhisattva Dharmamati (Tanmeimoti 曇昧摩提
), intro-
duced at the end of T 282, becomes in turn the main character in T 283, where he
enters into samādhi and returns to describe what he has experienced there.
In sum, there is every reason to treat the three members of the Dousha jing group
as three parts of an originally continuous text translated by Lokakṣema. The fact that
this version exhibits several small but significant differences in content from the
scripture subsequently translated by Zhi Qian as the Pusa benye jing makes it all the
more valuable, since it offers testimony that, at the time these scriptures were trans-
mitted to China, the sūtra was already circulating in India in more than one recen-
sion.8
Comparing these two scriptures – the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha jing group –
with the material found in the Chinese translations of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka,
we find an interesting pattern of correspondence. The shorter texts do not corre-
spond to a single section of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka; on the contrary, their con-
tent appears in widely separated sections of the larger sūtra. Significantly, these
various “pieces” occur in precisely the same sequence in the Pusa benye jing and in
the Dousha jing group as they do in the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka translations. Using

8 Though Zhi Qian is renowned for having revised earlier Chinese translations of Indian Bud-
dhist texts, there is no evidence that his Pusa benye jing was based on Lokakṣema’s earlier
translation; indeed, the two texts appear to be quite independent. For further details see Nattier
2005.
112 JAN NATTIER

the section divisions employed in my earlier study and treating the Pusa benye jing
and the Dousha jing group together as representing two different recensions of the
smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, these corrrespondences are the following:9

Smaller Buddhabhadra’s Śikṣānanda’s

Buddhāvataṃsaka Huayan jing Huayan jing
§§1–3 first part of chapter 3 first part of chapter 7
§4 opening lines of chapter 5 opening lines of chapter 9
§§5–6 chapter 7 chapter 11
§7 beginning of chapters 9 & 10 beginning of chapters 13 & 14
§§8–9 beginning of chapter 11 beginning of chapter 15
§10 no precise equivalent no precise equivalent

The content of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, in other words, does not correspond to
just one section of the larger sūtra, but parallels material that is widely scattered in
these larger (and later) texts.
This comparison exhibits a pattern that is reminiscent of the relationship between
the “Smaller Perfection of Wisdom” (the Aṣṭasāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā, or Xiaopin
小品 ) and the “Larger Perfection of Wisdom” (Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā prajñāpāra-
mitā, or Dapin 大品 ). In the latter case an early (smaller) sūtra has been expanded
through countless interpolations interspersed here and there throughout the text, with
hardly any material from the earlier work being lost in the process.10 It seems likely
that we are observing another example of the same process at work in the formation
of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka.
In sum, there is every reason to think that the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka grew out
of a text whose content resembled that of the Pusa benye jing and the (reassembled)
Dousha jing. What we have in these two Chinese translations, in other words, are
two exemplars, based on two different Indian recensions, of an Indian ancestor of
the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka.
It is important to add, however, that the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka as we have
it is not necessarily the “original.” There may well have been antecedents of the
smaller text as well, and there is no way to locate its ultimate point of origin. Among
extant texts, however, no scripture has yet been identified that can take us to an ear-

19 For a chart of the page and line numbers corresponding to these section numbers see Appen-
dix 1.
10 Elsewhere I have described this as the “club-sandwich” mode of textual expansion. See Nattier
2003a, p. 62, n. 19 for a discussion of this process, which is also found in the Ugraparipṛcchā-
sūtra.
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 113

lier point. Thus it seems reasonable to take the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, as pre-
served in the translations by Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian, as the logical point of de-
parture for a discussion of the early history of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in India.

The Smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka: An Overview

The sūtra opens – as does the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka itself11 – at the site of the
Buddha Śākyamuni’s awakening in Māgadha (§1a). In recognition of his accomplish-
ment a large group of bodhisattvas with only one more life to live before the attain-
ment of Buddhahood (yisheng buchu 一生補處 , *ekajātipratibaddha) come to the
site. The text does not say where these bodhisattvas have come from, nor does it
provide any of their names, but it is effusive in its praise of their paranormal powers,
their comprehension of the Dharma,12 and their ability to teach others (§1b).
The bodhisattvas think to themselves “The Buddha is mindful of us!” (fo nian
wudeng 佛念吾等 in T 281; in T 280, fo ai wocaodengbei 佛愛我曹等輩 “The
Buddha loves us!”), and they then reflect that they want the Buddha to show them
all the buddha-fields (§1c), as well as the various qualities and activities of a bodhi-
sattva (§1d). The list of these items varies from one recension to the other, but both
versions mention several sets of ten, including ten stages (T 280 shi fa zhu 十法住
,
T 281 shi di 十地 ), ten practices (T 280 shi fa suoxing 十法所行 , T 281 shi xing
十行 ) ten samādhis (T 280 shi sanmei 十三昧 , T 281 shi ding 十定 ). In addition the
bodhisattvas wish to be shown the qualities of a Buddha, which include the four
things a Buddha does not need to guard, the four fearlessnesses, and so on (§1e).
The Buddha, knowing what the bodhisattvas are thinking, responds by illuminat-
ing the universe.13 For each of the ten directions the text provides the names of the
Buddha and the bodhisattva residing there, as well as the name of the buddha-field
itself (§2a–j). These ten bodhisattvas then arrive to join the others at the site of the
Buddha’s awakening, each accompanied by an unimaginably large number of other
bodhisattvas.14 Each of these bodhisattvas salutes the Buddha Śākyamuni and sits
down on a lotus seat (according to T 281) or on a lion seat that spontaneously appears
(according to T 280).15

11 This scene actually occurs several times in the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka; see below, p. 144.
12 More specifically, their comprehension of the “inner and outer dharmas” and the dharmas of
途
the past, future, and present (“three roads” in T 281; for a discussion of the use of tu “road”
as a translation of adhvan in the sense of “time” in Zhi Qian’s version see Shi 2000, pp. 43–45.
13 That this is the Buddha’s doing is made explicit only in T 280 at the end of §1e.
14 The arrival of the bodhisattvas is mentioned at the end of each section (§2a–j) in T 280, but
only at the end of §2j (in reference, however, to all ten directions) in T 281.
15 The spontaneous appearance of lion seats occurs in other early Chinese Buddhist translations as
well; see for example Zhi Qian’s translation of the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa (T 474: 14.519b28) and
Dharmarakṣa’s translations of the Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra (T 263: 9.63b29) and the Pañca-
viṃśatisāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā (T 222: 8.147b9–10).
114 JAN NATTIER

Mañjuśrī, who appeared near the beginning of the sūtra as the bodhisattva of the
eastern direction, then begins to speak (both versions specify that he does so by the
Buddha’s power, *buddhānubhāvena). He first exclaims how marvelous this is
(§3a), then goes on to remark on the fact that in these buddha-fields beings have dif-
ferent appearances, speak different languages, and so on (§3b). As an example he
offers a long list of epithets of the Buddha, stating that different names are used in
different places (§3c).16
The Buddha then emits a ray of light from the bottom of his foot,17 illuminating
all the features of his own buddha-field: its oceans, mountains, and its four conti-
nents (§4a), as well as its various heaven-realms (§4b).18 After noting that each bud-
dha-field has such components (§4c, T 280 only), he then divides his body so as to
manifest his form in each of the ten koṭis of buddha-fields, so that all the gods and
humans of those realms are able to see him as if he were close by (§4d).
At this point T 280 (alone among the various versions of the smaller and larger
Buddhāvataṃsaka) recapitulates the list of names of the bodhisattvas and Buddhas
of the ten directions, in all probability in lieu of an ending, since the remainder of
the text had somehow come to be separated from it. The second part of the text,
however (now catalogued in the Taishō edition of the canon as T 282), continues to
match the content of T 281, opening this section with a question by the bodhisattva
Jñānaśrī, who had been introduced previously in both T 280 (as Re’nashili 惹那
師利 ) and T 281 (as Zhishou 智首
) as the bodhisattva of the nadir. When Jñānaśrī
asks Mañjuśrī about the conduct of the bodhisattva (§5), Mañjuśrī praises him for
his question, saying that he will explain the actions of body, speech and mind that
enable a bodhisattva to attain good qualities, the implication being that this will en-
able them, in turn, to eventually attain a buddha-field (§6a). He then gives Jñānaśrī
an extended list of prescriptions for how a bodhisattva should practice, describing
the good wishes they should direct toward living beings while engaging in a wide
range of activities. Of these wishes eleven are to be performed by the householder-
bodhisattva (§6b), while the vast majority (well over a hundred in each of the two

16 It is perhaps appropriate, given the emphasis on diversity in this passage, that the list of names
given in T 280 does not agree at all with the one found in T 281. For a discussion of the epi-
thets found in Zhi Qian’s list, see Shi 2000: 43 and Nattier 2003b: 234–235.
17 This is somewhat unusual; more commonly Buddhas emit light from the head (as is indeed the
case in the “upgraded” echo of this opening scene that occurs at the beginning of the Daśa-
bhūmika-sūtra). The motif of emitting light from the bottom of the foot does occur elsewhere,
however; see for example Lokakṣema’s translation of the Ajātaśatru-sūtra (T 626: 15.393c10).
In the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā the same event occurs, but it is followed by the
emission of light from other parts of the body (including the head) as well; see the Chinese
translations by Dharmarakṣa (8.147b14–15), Mokṣala (8.1b10), and Kumārajīva (8.217b12), as
well as the Sanskrit (Dutt ed., p. 6, lines 2–10). (I would like to thank Stefano Zacchetti for
calling my attention to the occurence of this motif in the Pañcaviṃśati.)
18 It is interesting that there is no mention of the hells (or for that matter, of the lower realms) in
this display.
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 115

recensions) are to be carried out after the bodhisattva has left home to become a
monk (§6c).
The text then states that in this Sahā world-system, hundreds of koṭis of Śakra-
lords (Śakra-devānām indra)19 will create seven-jeweled lion seats for the Buddha.
Knowing their thoughts, the Buddha again divides his body in order to manifest
himself in each place. The Śakras, in turn, rejoice at the sight (§7a).
At this point another group of bodhisattvas arrives from the buddha-fields of the
ten directions (§7b). One of these, Dharmamati (T 282 Tanmeimoti 曇昧摩提
, T 281
Fayi 法意 ), will be the primary speaker in the following section.
When these newly arrived bodhisattvas have assembled Dharmamati goes into a
state of samādhi (§8a), during which the Buddhas of the ten directions pat him on
the head and congratulate him (§9a).20 Saying that they will teach him about the ten
stages of the bodhisattva path, they ask him to pass this information on to others
(§9a).
Emerging from samādhi, Dharmamati recounts the names of the ten bodhisattva
stages (§9b), then provides details concerning the practices appropriate to each
(§9b–l). Having done so, he has carried out his assignment, and the smaller Buddhā-
vataṃsaka ends (§10).

The Smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka: Major Themes

Now that it is clear that the Dousha jing group and the Pusa benye jing are not ex-
cerpts from some version of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka, but are translations of an
Indian scripture that circulated on its own, we are in a position to ask new questions
about its content. How, we may ask, did its authors view the role of the bodhisattva,
and how did they envision the universe in which they lived? What kinds of practices
were important to them, and how did they understand the meaning of the “Mahā-
yāna”? In the following discussion I will attempt to sketch the outlines of several
themes that now appear, when we read the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka on its own, to
have been among the major concerns of its authors.

Buddhas of the Ten Directions

The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka envisions a vast and symmetrical universe, with

buddha-fields located throughout the ten directions. It provides the names of these
fields (in transcription in T 280, in translation in T 281), as well as the name of the

19 There should, of course, be only one such figure per world-system (though he can have count-
less minor gods as his attendants).
20 Considerable additional detail is provided in T 280 (§8b–c).
116 JAN NATTIER

presiding Buddha in each. The text also gives the name of one bodhisattva from
each world-system, an issue to which we will return below.
In tabular form (with the transcriptions from T 280 given first, followed by the
translations from T 281) they are the following:

Buddha Bodhisattva Buddha-field

E: 阿逝墮/入精進 文殊師利/敬首 訖連桓 / 香林 21

S: 阿泥羅墮羅 /不捨樂 佛陀師利/覺首 樓耆洹/ 樂林

W: 阿斯墮陀 / 習精進 羅鄰師利 /寶首 波頭洹 /華林
N: 阿闍墮 /行精進 檀那師利 /慧首 占倍洹 /道林
NE: 阿輪那墮國陀/悲精進 群那師利 /德首 優彼洹 /青蓮
SE: 阿旃陀墮陀 /盡精進 那涅羅師利 /目首 犍闍洹 /金林
SW: 鬱沈墮大 /上精進 惟闇師利 /明首 羅憐洹 /寶林
NW: 阿波羅墮 /一乘度 曇摩師利 /法首 活逸洹 /金剛
Nadir: 楓摩墮羅 /梵精進 惹那師利 /智首 潘利洹 /水精
Zenith: 墮色 /至精進 那軷陀師利 /賢首 儨提捨洹 /欲林
The underlying Indian referents of many of these names are not immediately
apparent, but with the help of the Chinese and Tibetan translations of the larger Bud-
dhāvataṃsaka (as well as the readings found in certain Buddhist and Daoist texts
composed in China that borrowed this list from Zhi Qian’s Pusa benye jing; see
Appendix 2), they can be reconstructed with some degree of confidence as follows:22

E: Acalaveda Mañjuśrī Hiraṇyavarṇa

S: Anelaveda Buddhaśrī Rucivarṇa
W: Asitaveda Ratnaśrī Padmavarṇa
N: Ācāraveda Dhanaśrī Campakavarṇa
NE: Aruṇaveda Guṇaśrī Utpalavarṇa
SE: Atyantaveda Netraśrī Kāñcanavarṇa

21 So in the Taishō edition (with no indication of any variant readings), but the relative unanimity
of huan 洹 in the other names suggests that this may have been the original character here as
well. There is, in any event, no difference in the Early Middle Chinese pronunciation of the two
characters as reconstructed by Pulleyblank (1991: 130).
22 A discussion of the many thorny problems involved in these reconstructions is beyond the
scope of the present paper; I hope to deal with these issues in detail in another venue. It is virtu-
ally certain that both Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian translated from Prakrit, not Sanskrit, originals,
but for ease of recognition and consistency of reference I have given these reconstructions in
Sanskrit here.
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 117

SW: Uttamaveda Vidyāśrī Ratnavarṇa

NW: Aparaveda Dharmaśrī Vajravarṇa
Nadir: Brahmaveda Jñānaśrī Sphaṭikavarṇa
Zenith: Viviktaveda Bhadraśrī Sadṛśavarṇa

Two things are immediately evident about this list. First is the sweeping symme-
try of this vision of the universe: all of the Buddhas have names ending in -veda,23
while all of the bodhisattva-names end in -śrī.24 The names of the buddha-fields are
likewise parallel, with each one ending in -varṇa.25 What is found in each of the ten
directions, in other words, is paralleled in the other nine.26
Second is the relative obscurity – viewed from the perspective of the Mahāyāna
scriptures that were to become most popular in East Asia – of virtually all of these
names. In the western direction we do not find Amitābha (or Amitāyus), but a Bud-
dha called Asitaveda, while in the east it is not Akṣobhya but Acalaveda who ap-
pears. Nor are the bodhisattvas mentioned here the ones we might expect. In the East
one might expect to meet the bodhisattva Gandhahastin, for example, who appears
in the Akṣobhyavyūha as the resident Buddha’s designated successor; in the West
one might expect to find Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta, who appear in the
larger Sukhāvatīvyūha in the same role.27 Instead, the bodhisattva of the western di-
rection is named Ratnaśrī, while in the east we find a well-known figure who also
serves as a major interlocutor in the text, the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī.28 Even the bodhi-

23 Zhi Qian appears to have read (or heard) some form of vīrya rather than veda; I have chosen
the latter on the basis of the readings that are found in some of Lokakṣema’s transcriptions of
these names, as well as their renditions in the corresponding passages in the Chinese and Ti-
betan versions of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka. In a form of parallelism that is typical of his
work, he has rendered each of these names in three-character form. As a result, the presumed
ending of vīrya (Ch. jingjin 精進 ) has been suppressed in two cases where the first part of the
name required three characters in itself.
24 Zhi Qian’s translation of -śrī “glory” as shou 首 “head, foremost” reflects a confusion between
a Prakrit form of śrī and śiras “head”; see Karashima 1992: 27 and 266.
25 Zhi Qian, whose buddha-field names end in -lin 林 “grove”, presumably read (or heard) vana
“woods” rather than varṇa “color”, or perhaps better in this context “appearance”. (As in the
case of the names of the Buddhas, he has occasionally suppressed this final component in order
to render each name in parallel fashion, in this case using two characters.) It is possible, in fact,
that this was the original reading, though the later Chinese and Tibetan versions all reflect an
underlying varṇa. Lokakṣema’s transcriptions cannot definitively resolve the question here.
26 Not all Buddhist scriptures that postulate the presence of Buddhas in all directions portray them
in such symmetrical fashion. For a discussion of texts that do not display this symmetry (either
in the form of the names or in the number of Buddhas placed in each direction) see Mitomo
1988.
27 On this issue see Nattier 2003c: 191.
28 It is noteworthy that in at least one other source (the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa) we are told that Mañ-
juśrī had previously inhabited a buddha-field in the eastern direction, but there the buddha-field
in question is that of the Buddha Akṣobhya.
118 JAN NATTIER

sattva Samantabhadra and the Buddha Vairocana, who would subsequently play
major roles in Huayan thought, are not included in this list.29
Whether the authors of this scripture were unfamiliar with all of these figures or
whether they knew of them but chose not to mention them, we cannot say. What we
can say, though, is that the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka was the product of a commu-
nity that not only knew of, but revered, Mañjuśrī.

Bodhisattva Practice in Everyday Life

A noteworthy feature of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka – and one of the elements

that is still a living part of East Asian Buddhist practice today30 – is its detailed pre-
scription for the thoughts that a bodhisattva should bring forth while carrying out or-
dinary daily activities. All of these thoughts are directed toward the welfare of oth-
ers, and though well over one hundred such thoughts are described in each of the
versions of this smaller sūtra, the format of all of them is the same: “When the bo-
dhisattva is [carrying out a certain activity], he should wish that all living beings
[will attain a certain benefit].” These activities range from the impure (enjoying
himself in the harem, going to the toilet) to the sublime (being filial to his parents,
putting on the monastic robe for the first time), underscoring the fact that, for the
authors of this text, the bodhisattva path could be cultivated in the context of virtu-
ally every activity.31
These wishes have often been described in secondary literature as “vows” – that
is, as promises made by the bodhisattva to accomplish certain things – and when
reading only the Chinese translations of the text it is easy to see why this should be
the case. Zhi Qian’s rendition of these passages (subsequently adopted by both Bud-
願
dhabhadra and Śikṣānanda) employs the character yuan , which would later be-
come a technical term in Chinese Buddhism for the vows of a bodhisattva. For ex-
ample, the sixth wish (to be performed while the bodhisattva is still living at home)
reads as follows:
When putting on a jeweled necklace, [the bodhisattva] should wish that all living beings
will be released from their heavy burden and from the various ornate and desirable things.

29 The name of Vairocana may appear in transcription in Lokakṣema’s version as one of the epi-
thets of Śākyamuni (Huilouyan 墮樓延 ; see T 280: 10.446a9 and cf. Coblin 1983: 249, #183).
There is no term that can be correlated with it in Zhi Qian’s version, however, and it is difficult
to be certain that this restoration is correct. At any rate, the name never appears again in the sū-
tra.
30 SHI Chikai: personal communication, 2000 (based on her experiences as a Buddhist nun in Taiwan).
31 There are, however, no references to thoughts that the bodhisattva should have while actually
violating the precepts against killing, stealing, lying, and so on. (In light of this absence it is
probably significant that the text does not hesitate to recommend thoughts to be cultivated
while indulging in sexual activity.)
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 119

著寶瓔珞當願眾生解去重擔諸綺可意 32

This might seem, at first glance, to say that the bodhisattva is vowing to cause
others to attain release – and, at the same time, to get rid of their jewelry! In other
translations by Zhi Qian, however, the term yuan 願
is often used in its more basic
meaning of “wish” or even “desire.”33 We should not jump to the conclusion, there-
fore, that this passage is referring to bodhisattva vows in the technical sense.
If we turn to Lokakṣema’s translation for comparison, the corresponding passage
reads as follows:
When putting on the seven jewels, [the bodhisattva] should think to himself: “May all peo-
ple below heaven in the ten directions be released from their heavy burden and attain rest”.

菩薩著七寶時心念言十方天下人皆使脫於重擔去悉得止休息 34

This rendition might seem, at first glance, to mean “[I] will cause all people un-
der heaven in the ten directions to be released.” There is no first-person pronoun,
however, and Lokakṣema does not shrink from using such pronouns elsewhere in his
work. In fact, what we seem to have here is a construction of a quite different kind:
the use of the word shi 使
to express the speaker’s wish or hope that a certain situa-
tion may come about, as recently documented by KARASHIMA Seishi.35
The Tibetan confirms this interpretation, for here the grammar makes it clear that
the bodhisattva is merely wishing, and not vowing, that these good results will come
about. The Tibetan reads as follows:
When adorning himself with jewels, the bodhisattva should think: “May all beings put
down their burden by crossing over from the fearful cycle of becoming.”
rgyan-gyis brgyan-pa’i tshe byang-chub sems-dpa’ sems-can thams-cad srid-par ’byung-
ba ’jigs-pa’i pha-rol-tu phyin-pas khur bor-bar gyur-cig ces sems bskyed-de36

32 T 281: 10.447c1–2.
33 See in particular the Siyuan jing 四願經 (T 735), in which the four items in question are clearly
wishes, not vows. The same usage can be seen in T 511 (Pingsha wang wuyuan jing 蓱沙王
五願經 , The Sūtra on the Five Wishes of Bimbisāra), a text which may also be the work of Zhi
Qian (cf. Nattier 2003b: 241).
34 T 282: 10.451b29–c2.
35 Karashima 1999: 143, n.43. Karashima’s discussion is particularly relevant here in that it takes
as its point of departure the version of the larger Sukhāvatīvyūha (Amituo sanyesanfo saloufo-
tan guodu ren dao jing 阿彌陀三耶三佛薩樓佛檀過渡人道經 , T 362) now considered to have
been produced by Lokakṣema. Other examples of this usage can also be found in Lokakṣema’s
texts; see for example his version of the Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā (Daoxing banruo jing
道行般若經 T 224), where the bodhisattva Sadāprarudita, offered a boon by the god Śakra,
says “May my body be returned to its former condition” (shi wo shenti ping fu ru gu 使我身體
平復如故 [8.472c20]); cf. Skt. tena devendra satyena satyavacanena mama yathā paurāṇo
’yam ātmabhāvo bhavatu (Vaidya ed., p. 248, lines 12–13). I would like to thank KARASHIMA
Seishi for bringing the passage in the Aṣṭa to my attention.
36 Ōtani vol. 25, 94.2.6–7. In this instance the Ōtani (Peking) version reads gyur-gcig, but in most
cases the correct form in -cig is used.
120 JAN NATTIER

In sum, we may conclude that the underlying Indian text phrased these thoughts
in optative form – that is, as wishes for the welfare of all beings – and not as vows
(which are often expressed in the simple future tense and/or accompanied by a
“sanction clause” specifying the penalty to be imposed if the bodhisattva fails to
carry out his promise).37 Given the ambiguity of these Chinese translations, how-
ever, it is not surprising that later generations of readers would sometimes have in-
terpreted them as “vows.” Such a reading is explicit, I believe, in two apocryphal
texts that borrowed material from these passages: the Buddhist Pusa yingluo benye
jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 and the Daoist Lingbao 靈寶scriptures.38
In a sūtra that is noteworthy for its emphasis on symmetry, the section recount-
ing the bodhisattva’s good wishes toward others is quite asymmetrical. As men-
tioned above, only a few reflections (eleven in each of the two translations) for the
lay bodhisattva are offered, while the overwhelming majority (well over a hundred)
are offered for his monastic counterpart. The bulk of the discussion here, in other
words, is devoted to practices to be performed by the bodhisattva after he has been
ordained as a monk.39
An additional asymmetry in this section can be identified as well. In the brief
section dealing with reflections to be practiced by the layman the benefits to others
named in the bodhisattva’s reflections are generally the opposite of the activity in
which he himself is engaged. When interacting with his family, for example, he
should wish that others will be released from the bonds of affection; when visiting
his wife’s bedroom, enjoying the performances of singing girls, or diverting himself
with the women of his harem (cainü 婇女 ), he should wish that others will be freed
from sensual desire. And when putting on his jewelry – as seen in the example given
above – the bodhisattva should wish not that others will enjoy the same luxury that
he does, but that they will “put down the heavy burden” (an expression usually used
to refer to final liberation, involving release from the five skandhas) and, in Zhi
Qian’s version, be freed from such pleasant (if frivolous) things!
The benefits envisioned by the monastic bodhisattva, by contrast, are positively
correlated by analogy to his own activities. When he goes out the door, for example,
the monk should wish that all living beings will succeed in getting out of the triple
world; when he turns toward the road, he should wish that all beings will turn to-
ward the unsurpassed Dharma. When he sees a thorny tree, he should wish that all
beings will succeed in eliminating the three poisons of passion, aversion, and delu-

37 For examples of this standard format for vows, see Kagawa 1989; a discussion in English (with
some additional examples) can be found in Nattier 2003a: 147–151.
38 On these and other indigenous Chinese compositions that borrowed material from the transla-
tions of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka by Lokakṣema or Zhi Qian see Appendix 2 below.
39 In its assumption that the bodhisattva path may begin while one is still a householder, but pro-
ceeds necessarily toward ordination as a monk, the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka resembles many
other Mahāyāna sūtras, notably the Ugraparipṛcchā; see Nattier 2003a, especially pp. 121–127.
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 121

sion;40 when he sees a tree that is flowering, he should wish that all beings will
become equipped with the thirty-two major and the (eighty) minor marks.41 In sum,
implicit throughout this discussion is the idea that the life of the layman is pervaded
by activities that are contrary to the Dharma, while the life of the monk is easily har-
monized with its practice.
The sheer number of these wishes provides us with a wealth of detail concerning
how the authors of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka envisioned the lay bodhisattva and
his monastic counterpart. The lay bodhisattva is clearly male, for a number of the
activities described involve his relations with women; there is not a word, by con-
trast, about a female bodhisattva interacting with her husband, dealing with her ser-
vants, or arranging a meeting with a male paramour.42 Moreover, the lay bodhisattva
described here is clearly a man of some substance; not only does he have a wife and
children, a house, and fine jewelry, but he has access to other (surely not inexpen-
sive) pleasures as well. There is no discussion, by contrast, of thoughts to be brought
forth in situations that a bodhisattva of lower status might experience – while toiling
in the fields, for example, or being conscripted into the army, or being beaten by his
master. The bodhisattva envisioned in this sūtra, in sum, is a figure familiar from
many other Mahāyāna texts: a male belonging to a wealthy and privileged class.
In its discussion of practices for the renunciant bodhisattva the smaller Buddhā-
vataṃsaka provides numerous details that reveal the authors’ understanding of the
monastic life. There are reflections to be performed when the bodhisattva abandons
the household life, enters the monastery (T 281 fo zongmiao 佛宗廟
, T 282 fo si
佛寺 ),43 cuts off his hair and beard, observes the monastic rules, and is assigned an
upādhyāya (heshang 和上 師
) and an ācārya (shi ).44 He is also described as taking
refuge in the three jewels and sitting in meditation, focusing on his breathing (in Zhi
Qian’s version, “counting his breaths” shuxi 數息 ) and controlling his thoughts
(T 281 shouyi 守意 , T 282 huinianguan 佪念觀
). There are reflections to perform
when putting on each of the three monastic robes and when going on his begging
rounds, with different reflections to be employed depending on whether he receives
delicious food, unappealing food, or no food at all. In sum, the life of the monastic
bodhisattva is portrayed in quite traditional terms.

40 This analogy may be less than transparent to modern readers, but the three poisons are com-
monly described as “thorns” or “arrows” (Skt. sara, Pāli salla) in early Buddhist literature.
PTSD 699a.
41 These examples are drawn from the Pusa benye jing; virtually all of the items found there have
a general counterpart in the Dousha jing (i.e., in T 283), but the specifics are sometimes diffe-
rent.
42 This is typical of Mahāyāna scriptures translated into Chinese during this period; see Harrison
1987 and Nattier 2003a, especially pp. 96–100.
43 It has been suggested that the term miao 廟 used by Zhi Qian in this passage refers to a stūpa,
not to a monastery, but this can easily be refuted; see Sasaki 1995: 51 and 1997: 104–105 and
Nattier 2003a: 89–93.
44 T 281 reads daxiaoshi 大小師 (10.447c24), an expression that does not appear elsewhere in
Buddhist translation literature of this period.
122 JAN NATTIER

More mundane activities are described as well. There are thoughts to be culti-
vated when the bodhisattva goes uphill or downhill, goes along a straight or a
winding road, opens or closes a gate, sees a mountain, or stops to cool off under a
tree. There are also reflections coordinated with various acts of personal hygiene,
including washing his face, brushing his teeth, and urinating or defecating. For vir-
tually every moment of the day, in sum, the text prescribes a specific good wish that
the monastic bodhisattva should generate toward others.
In addition to its portrayal of lay and monastic bodhisattvas,45 this portion of the
sūtra also provides valuable information on its authors’ understanding of the nature
of the Mahāyāna. By wishing that all beings will attain the thirty-two marks – a re-
flection that occurs more than once in each version of the text – the bodhisattva is,
of course, wishing that they will attain Buddhahood rather than Arhatship. Likewise
he is told to wish for all beings to attain the four fearlessnesses, the ten powers, and
the Buddha’s eighteen special qualities (all items which belong only to Buddhas).
He also wishes that all beings will put on the armor (i.e., the armor of the bodhi-
sattva’s vow to attain Buddhahood), be intent on the Great Way (dadao 大道
, i.e.,
the Mahāyāna), and quickly attain Buddhahood. It is beyond question, therefore, that
the authors of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka were enthusiastic advocates of the bo-
dhisattva path and that they sought to recommend it to all.
While an equivalent of the term “Mahāyāna” occurs several times in these sūtras
(six times in the Dousha jing group and three in the Pusa benye jing), no term that could
be construed as a translation of “Hīnayāna” occurs at all.46 Nor do we see any explicit
critique of those who are not practicing the bodhisattva path. Indeed, the idea that
the role of a Buddha is to help others become Arhats seems still to be present (e.g.,
in T 281 at 10.448c4, where the bodhisattva is told to wish that all beings become
Buddhas and then develop a saṃgha of śrāvakas, 當願眾生功滿得佛成弟子眾 ).
The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka thus speaks in general terms of “all beings” enter-
ing the Mahāyāna, but it does not criticize those who do not. Indeed, it is not clear
whether its authors even considered it possible for all beings to become bodhisattvas
in this life; the text never suggests, for example, that women might embark on the
bodhisattva path.47 Thus while the perspective articulated in this text could be de-

45 These should not, of course, be considered straightforward descriptions of living members of

the Buddhist community of the authors’ time. For a discussion of a methodological problems
involved in extracting historical information from an avowedly prescriptive source see Nattier
2003a: 63–69.
46 To the best of my knowledge the sole term used to translate hīnayāna in this period is xiaodao
小道 (“small way”); other expressions, such as xiaosheng 小乘 “small vehicle” and liesheng
劣乘 “low vehicle”, appear only later.
族姓子族姓女
47 The sole reference to “gentlemen and ladies” (zuxingzi zuxingnü , Skt. kulaputra
and kuladuhitṛ) in the Pusa benye jing (10.447b19) is unsupported by any other statement in
the text, and it has no counterpart in the Dousha jing group.
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 123

scribed as being en route toward a stance of “bodhisattva universalism,” it has not

yet fully entered that camp.48

Stages of the Bodhisattva Path

One of the best-known features of the Buddhāvataṃsaka is its list of the ten stages of
the bodhisattva path. The larger Buddhāvataṃsaka in fact contains not one but two
such lists: one found in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra (preserved in Sanskrit as well as in
Chinese and Tibetan) and another in a part of the larger sūtra that has a parallel in
the smaller version.49 The names of the stages in the latter list also appear in the
Gaṇḍavyūha, though without a detailed discussion of their associated practices. Be-
cause a version of the Gaṇḍavyūha has survived in Sanskrit, however, we have ac-
cess to one Indic-language version of these names.
The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka contains just one list of stages, though they are
described here in considerable detail. As in the preceding section of the sūtra, the
discourse on this topic is given not by a Buddha, but by a bodhisattva, and the text
makes no pretense of claiming that these teachings were received from Śākyamuni
Buddha himself. On the contrary, it states explicitly that the bodhisattva in question,
Dharmamati, received these teachings from the Buddhas of the ten directions while
he was absorbed in samādhi.
The ten stages of the bodhisattva path enumerated by Dharmamati (with the
Sanskrit names found in the Gaṇḍavyūha given for comparison) are the following:

Lokakṣema (T 283) Zhi Qian (T 281) Gaṇḍavyūha50

1 波藍耆兜波 發意 prathamacittotpādika
2 阿闍浮 治地 ādikarmika
3 渝阿闍 應行 yogācāra
4 闍摩期 生貴 janmaja
5 波渝三般 修成 pūrvayogasaṃpanna
6 阿耆三般 行等 śuddhādhyāśaya
7 阿惟越致 不退 avivartya
8 鳩摩羅浮童男 童真 kumārabhūta

48 For a discussion of the two types of bodhisattva universalism – a “weak form,” which states
that all people should become bodhisattvas and criticizes those who do not, and a “strong
form,” which claims that all people are on the bodhisattva path to Buddhahood, whether they
realize it or not – see Nattier 2003a: 174–176.
49 A convenient (if by now somewhat dated) English summary of these and other bhūmi systems
can be found in Hirakawa 1963: 65–69.
50 Vaidya ed., p. 84, lines 19–28.
124 JAN NATTIER

19 渝羅闍 了生 yauvarājya51
10 阿惟顏 補處 abhiṣekaprāpta

There are numerous thorny problems in establishing the Indic antecedents for
these Chinese transcriptions and translations, and it is clear that the renditions given
by Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian (and indeed, in the Chinese and Tibetan versions of the
larger Buddhāvataṃsaka) do not always match the Sanskrit terms given in the
Gaṇḍavyūha. We need not examine these in detail, however, here. For our purposes
it is most important to note the orderly progression from the initial inspiration to
become a bodhisattva (prathamacittotpāda) to receiving consecration (abhiṣeka) as
the Buddha’s rightful heir. Indeed, one of the most distinctive features of the system
found in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is that its last three stages have explicitly
royal symbolism. From the eighth stage, where the bodhisattva becomes a kumāra-
bhūta (a term which means “prince” as well as simply “young man”), to the ninth
stage of “crown prince” or “heir apparent” (yuvarāja) to the tenth stage of being
consecrated (abhiṣikta) as the next king, the terms used for these levels all resonate
with the symbolism of a young man succeeding his father on the throne.
In this respect it may be significant that an earlier part of the sūtra (§2a–j) lists
only one bodhisattva for each of the ten directions. Each of these, to be sure, was
accompanied by a large assembly of other bodhisattvas as they traveled to the Sahā
world of Śākyamuni, yet these lesser bodhisattvas are never named. Might it be that
the idea of linear succession is informing the narrative here as well?
In this regard we should also take note of the fact that, although this scripture is
famous for its portrayal of manifold Buddhas throughout the ten directions, only one
Buddha is mentioned in each of these directions. When larger numbers of Buddhas
seem to appear – as, for example, when each of the Śakras in the Sahā world sees
Sākyamuni Buddha appear directly before him (§7a) – the sūtra portrays these not
as “real” Buddhas but only as emanations. For the authors of the smaller Buddhāva-
taṃsaka, then, the universe is filled with Buddhas, yet this is still true in a somewhat
restricted sense: only one Buddha resides in each of the ten directions, though other
buddha-forms (that is, emanations) can also be made to appear. This vision of a
universe with other Buddhas existing in the present thus coexists quite harmoni-
ously, at least for the authors of this scripture, with the traditional idea that only one
Buddha can appear in any given world at a time.
As to the ten stages of the bodhisattva path, the version found in the smaller Bud-
dhāvataṃsaka was clearly known to the authors of the Gaṇḍavyūha (where a nearly
identical list of names appears), but the latter work does not discuss their content in
detail. In the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha jing group, by contrast – that is, in the
smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka – practices associated with each stage are set forth. More

51 The full title, in the Sanskrit text, is mahādharmayauvarājyābhiṣikta.

 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 125

specifically, for each stage Dharmamati enumerates two sets of ten practices to be
carried out by the bodhisattva as he progresses on the path.
For those familiar with the system found in the Daśabhūmika, what is most strik-
ing about the description of the ten stages in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is the
utter absence of the pāramitās. The Daśabhūmika, as is well known, associates one
pāramitā with each of the bodhisattva stages, expanding the list of perfections to ten
in the process.52 In the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka’s discussion of the stages, how-
ever, the word pāramitā does not even appear. The word appears twice (translated as
duwuji 度無極 “crossing to the limitless”) in Zhi Qian’s Pusa benye jing and three
times (transcribed, in what would subsequently become the standard form in Bud-
dhist Chinese, as boluomi 波羅蜜 ) in the Dousha jing group (all of the occurrences
are in T 282). Yet in neither recension are the six items even listed, let alone dis-
cussed in detail. In T 281, cultivating “the various pāramitās” (no specific number is
given) appears in a list of bodhisattva practices mentioned by the Jñānaśrī,53 while
one of the many wishes for living beings recommended by Mañjuśrī is that they may
attain the tactical skill associated with the path (de daofangbian 得道方便
) as well
as prajñāpāramitā (hui duwuji 慧度無極 ).54 Lokakṣema’s version also contains a
wish that living beings may enter the prajñāpāramitā, but here it seems to be con-
sidered a text (xi ru banruo boluomi jing zhong悉入般若波羅蜜經中 ).55 Where Zhi
Qian refers only to the various pāramitās, the parallel in Lokakṣema’s work refers to
six (ru yu liu boluomi jing zhong 入於六波羅蜜經中 ).56 Elsewhere a third use of the
term occurs in Lokakṣema’s version, this time explicitly referring to upāyakauśalya
(ouhejusheluo 漚和拘舍羅 ) as a pāramitā.57
In sum, the treatment of the stages in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is com-
pletely unrelated to the system of pāramitās, focusing instead on bodhisattva prac-
tices of other kinds. The authors of the sūtra (or at least, those responsible for the
composition of the middle portion of the text dealing with the bodhisattva’s good
wishes for others) seem to be aware of the existence of some system of pāramitās,58
but that is clearly not a major inspiration here.

52 The list of the ten paramis found in certain late Pāli scriptures is significantly different and
cannot be viewed as directly related to the Daśabhūmika list. I strongly suspect, however, that
the fact that the Pāli list consists of ten (and not six) perfections reflects the late date of its
composition, dating from a period in which texts like the Daśabhūmika were already in
circulation. In other words, it seems likely that the Pāli list is a (deliberately different) imitation
of the Daśabhūmika list rather than that the two share a common ancestry.
53 10.447b11.
54 447c21.
55 453b18.
56 451b2.
57 451c24–25.
58 Only Lokakṣema’s version specifies that there are six. Since no list is ever given, it is not clear
– especially since upāyakauśalya seems to be considered a pāramitā in Lokakṣema’s text –
whethernthen“standard”nlistnofnsixnitemssis meant. Non-standard lists of pāramitās occur in a
126 JAN NATTIER

Dharmamati first provides the names of all ten of the stages, then describes the
specific practices (grouped into two sets of ten items) associated with each. Though
the pāramitās are absent from the discussion, many other practices listed here are
quite familiar. The bodhisattva is instructed, for example, to practice loving-kind-
ness (maitrī) toward others and to view all things as characterized by impermanence,
suffering, and absence of self (the well-known “three marks” of anitya, duḥkha, and
anātman) plus a fourth item, emptiness (śūnyatā), which is often added to this list.59
He should review the four great elements (earth, water, fire, and wind) and the three
levels of the triple world (kāmadhātu, rūpadhātu, arūpadhātu). He should cultivate
equanimity when he hears that the Buddha and his Dharma are praised or blamed or
that the Dharma is declining or not. He should become perfectly pure in the deeds of
body, speech, and mind and increasingly skilled in the bases of paranormal power
(ṛddhipāda). As he reaches an advanced level in his practice, he gains the ability to
know what others are thinking, as well as where and how they spent their previous
lives.
None of this would be out of place in a non-Mahāyāna scripture, and most of
these items could easily be used to describe an advanced candidate for Arhatship.
Yet there are other practices recommended here that make it clear that we have en-
tered another world. The path begins when the future bodhisattva, entering the first
stage (prathamacittotpādika), sees the Buddha and is impressed by his physical
beauty, his impressive deportment, and his teachings. This is reminiscent of what we
find in the widely circulated Dīpaṃkara jātaka, yet the sūtra immediately takes the
idea of “seeing the Buddha” to a further level. The first-stage bodhisattva, we are
told, will not only make offerings to the Buddhas (Lokakṣema’s version adds “and
bodhisattvas”), but will be able to see all the Buddhas and will attain a variety of
samādhis. Thus the idea of being able to perceive the Buddhas of the ten directions –
an experience made possible by the Buddha at the outset of the sūtra, and experi-
enced in the following section by Dharmamati while in meditation – appears as a
part of the bodhisattva’s training from the very beginning.
The second stage (ādikarmika) begins with cultivating positive thoughts toward
others: thinking of their welfare, purifying and softening their hearts, and practicing
loving-kindness (maitrī) toward all. The bodhisattva is also told to practice seeing
others as himself, as well as viewing all beings as the Buddha. The second set of ten
practices60 associated with this stage is devoted to Dharma-study, and the bodhi-

number of early Chinese sūtra translations (e.g., in Zhi Qian’s Vimalakīrti [T 474: 14.519a16–
17, 521a2–4, and 521b17–21] and his version of the larger Sukhāvativyūha [T 361: 12.280b19–
20]), so we should not automatically assume that what was to become the standard list is
meant.
59 The text does not make the standard scholastic distinction between conditioned (saṃskṛta)
dharmas, which are characterized by all three of the traditional marks, and the unconditioned
(asaṃskṛta) which is characterized only by the mark of no-self.
60 I will not enumerate all twenty of the practices associated with each stage, but will simply
summarize them throughout this discussion.
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 127

sattva is instructed to first study the scriptures, then leave home (Lokakṣema “dwell
alone,” Zhi Qian “go far from his native place”) and apprentice himself to a good
teacher. He should then devote himself to energetic study and should retain all that
he has learned.
On the third stage (yogācāra) the bodhisattva trains himself to become detached
from all the elements of his experience, seeing them as impermanent, painful, de-
void of self, and so on. It is also at this stage that he reviews the four great elements
and the three levels of the triple world, after being mindful of living beings, the
Dharma, and buddha-fields.
Thus far the bodhisattva’s practice has been carried out in what we might call
constructive terms – that is, cultivating positive actions with respect to the Buddhas
(making offerings to them and viewing them in meditation) and correct thoughts
toward living beings and the elements of one’s experience, without questioning the
reality of any of them. Entering the fourth stage (*janmajyeṣṭha?), however, the de-
constructive language (or perhaps better, a “rhetoric of negation”) that is so familiar
from certain other Mahāyāna sūtras begins to appear. Now the bodhisattva is told to
view all of these items – including living beings and the buddha-fields where they
dwell – as empty, illusory, and (in Lokakṣema’s version) non-existent (wusuoyou
無所有 ). The second set of practices takes this approach even further, applying the
concept of emptiness to past, present and future Buddhas (or, according to Zhi Qian,
“buddha-mind” foyi 佛意 ). At this stage, in other words, the ontological status of the
very items that have served as the focus of the bodhisattva’s self-cultivation is being
challenged.
At the fifth stage (*prayogasaṃpanna) the text resumes its positive language, for
here the bodhisattva is urged to protect and benefit sentient beings and to cause them to
attain nirvāṇa. In the second set of ten, however, the rhetoric of negation returns, for
the bodhisattva should reflect that all the beings of the ten directions are entirely
empty.
In the sixth stage (*adhyāśayasaṃpanna) the bodhisattva begins by cultivating
equanimity, remaining undisturbed whether the Buddha and his Dharma are praised
or blamed, whether he hears that the Dharma is declining or not, and whether he
hears that living beings (whom he should teach) and Buddhist scriptures (which he
should learn) are many or few. The second set instructs him to view various items as
being empty, illusory, and so on, clearly in an attempt to undermine the bodhi-
sattva’s attachment to anything at all.61
It is well known that in the Daśabhūmika-sūtra the bodhisattva is said to become
incapable of retrogression when he reaches the eighth stage. In the smaller Buddhā-

61 This is one of the places where it is clear that Zhi Qian and Lokakṣema were working from
quite different recensions. In Lokakṣema’s text the discussion concerns “all dharmas”; Zhi
Qian’s version, by contrast, does not mention “all dharmas”, but begins by saying that the bo-
dhisattva does not conceptualize and does not think in terms of a self or what belongs to the
self.
128 JAN NATTIER

vataṃsaka, however, this takes place at the seventh (avaivartika). The discussion of
this level begins by recapitulating the first set of practices for the sixth stage, now
rephrasing them in terms of “not turning back”: whether the Buddha, the Dharma,
bodhisattvas (and so on) are available or not, the bodhisattva will not turn back from
his goal. The second set turns to the relationship between the one and the many: the
bodhisattva becomes adept at moving back and forth between a single dharma
(Lokakṣema “a single wisdom” yihui 一慧
) and many, between seeing a multitude
of living beings and seeing nothing but emptiness, and between the diversity of con-
ceptual thought and the one-pointedness of meditation.
At the eighth stage the bodhisattva becomes a prince (kumārabhūta), a term
which in other texts often serves as an epithet of Mañjuśrī.62 It is here that he
achieves complete purity in the actions of body, speech and mind, as well as acquir-
ing the ability to read the minds of others. Now he views living beings exclusively
with loving-kindness (maitrī),63 and he cultivates the bases of paranormal power
(shenzu 神足 ). In the second set of practices the bodhisattva focuses at first on the
various buddha-fields, acquiring the ability not only to see them but to travel freely
from one to another. He also prepares himself to teach as a Buddha does by studying
the Buddha’s voice.64
At the ninth stage the bodhisattva becomes a crown prince (yuvarāja), standing
on the threshold of his coronation as Dharma-king. At this stage he is not only able to
know what other people are thinking, but he perceives all of their good and bad
actions, their past lives, and where they will be reborn. He also knows the good and
bad features (i.e., the purity and impurity) of the various buddha-fields throughout
the ten directions. In the second set of practices appropriate to this stage he is said to
carefully study the conduct of a Dharma-king (i.e., a Buddha), whose activities he
will soon be called upon to emulate.65
In the tenth and final stage, the bodhisattva is “consecrated” (*abhiṣikta, trans-
lated by Zhi Qian as “appointed to the place,” buchu 補處
)66 and carries out his final
preparations for buddhahood. Among the abilities acquired at this stage are the
power to move and to illuminate countless buddha-fields (and to stop them from

62 It is probably significant that the only bhūmi system in which kumārabhūta appears as the
name of one of the stages appears in a scripture that prominently features Mañjuśrī.
63 As in many relatively early Mahāyāna scriptures, the first of the four brahmavihāras, i.e., mai-
trī “loving-kindness,” is far more prominent than the second (karuṇā). Cf. Nattier 2003a: 146.
64 Lokakṣema 當學佛音聲響 , Zhi Qian 學佛聲出諸法 .
65 Lokakṣema and Zhi Qian differ noticeably in content here. For Zhi Qian, the bodhisattva stud-
ies the Dharma-king’s deportment, his comings and goings, his awesome appearance, issuing
of commands, and circulating through (inspecting? xunxing 巡行 ) his buddhakṣetra. Loka-
kṣema, on the other hand, repeatedly refers to studying the Buddha’s palace (sic, fogong 佛宮 ).
I suspect that there was some confusion concerning an underlying *rājabhavana here.
66 This expression is of course used elsewhere (by Zhi Qian as well as by other translators) as part
of the translation of ekajātipratibaddha as yisheng bu chu 一生補處 , usually given in English
as “bound to [just] one birth.”
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 129

moving, according to Zhi Qian). He will also establish the Dharma in these fields,
benefiting and pacifying the beings there. At this stage he finally acquires all the
dharmas that constitute a Buddha and is ready to succeed to his place.67
Several things are noteworthy about this sūtra’s presentation of the bodhisattva
stages. First, as noted above, it exhibits noteworthy continuity with non-Mahāyāna
practices, such as the practice of maitrī, cultivating an awareness of the three marks,
and being mindful of the four great elements. The basic stance of this sūtra, in other
words, is not to reject earlier practices but to incorporate them into a larger scheme.
Second is a distinctively Mahāyāna emphasis on the importance of seeing the many
Buddhas – i.e., the Buddhas of the ten directions – coupled with the deliberate culti-
vation of visionary samādhi. Third, great emphasis is placed on the Buddha’s physi-
cal beauty and his paranormal powers (two of the items that are said to inspire the
beginning bodhisattva to undertake the first stage of the path). Fourth is the ever-
present refrain of buddha-fields, which are mentioned repeatedly, both as an object
of contemplation and as a destination for travel, throughout the text.
The bodhisattva path as understood in the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, in sum,
involves seeing (and serving) a vast number of Buddhas in life after life, as one
gradually acquires the qualities that will lead to becoming a Buddha oneself. It is an
emphatically gradual path – there is no sudden enlightenment here, much less an
inherent “buddha-nature” – but it is also a cosmic drama set in a universe filled with
buddha-fields. The bodhisattva has earthly teachers, to be sure, but he is also a per-
former on a vast stage, observing and being observed by the Buddhas of the ten di-
rections. The drama culminates, in its final stages, with his progression from prince
to heir apparent to consecration as a king.

Symmetry and Soteriology: The Buddhas of the Ten Directions

The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka features a number of spectacular appearances of mul-

tiple Buddhas. Śākyamuni, who has just attained awakening as the sūtra begins (§1a),
reappears on two occasions to divide his body in order to manifest himself in mul-
tiple locales (§4d and §7a), and the Buddhas of the ten directions, who become vi-
sible at the beginning of the sūtra (§2a–j) reappear (to the bodhisattva Dharmamati,
at any rate, who sees them in a vision) toward the latter part of the text (§§8a–9a).
Yet very little is actually said by any of these Buddhas in the course of the narrative.
By far the majority of the sūtra is spoken by two bodhisattvas: Mañjuśrī, who offers
a long discourse on bodhisattva practices to be carried out in everyday life (§6a–c),
and Dharmamati, who describes the ten stages of the bodhisattva path (§9b–l).

67 Several of the items contained in the second set of practices for the tenth stage in Zhi Qian’s
version occur in the first set in Lokakṣema’s text, and vice versa, so I have not treated the two
sets separately here.
130 JAN NATTIER

The traditional idea that authoritative teachings should ultimately stem from a
Buddha is still present, for when Mañjuśrī offers his long discussion of the bodhi-
sattva path he is described as doing so “by the Buddha’s power” (*buddhānubhāve-
na), and Dharmamati states that he was taught the content of the ten stages by the
Buddhas of the ten directions. Nonetheless the actual speaker, in both cases, is not a
Buddha but a bodhisattva.
This may well reflect the actual circumstances of the composition of the text; it
is entirely possible – indeed, it is virtually certain – that the new teachings presented
here were first articulated by men who had embarked on the bodhisattva path long
after the death of Śākyamuni. Yet to admit that the source of these new teachings
was not Śākyamuni but one of his followers was an audacious step. In a particular
community where a certain individual held a position of authority, to revere one of
his discourses (known to be the words of a certain Subhūti, or Mañjuśrī, or Dharma-
mati) might be quite acceptable during his lifetime. In subsequent generations, how-
ever, the idea that an unknown bodhisattva could speak on his own authority could
open the door to innovations by any and all members of the Buddhist community.
One solution to this problem, therefore, was to “domesticate” texts that made their
non-buddhavacana status too transparent by shifting the discourse into the mouth of
the Buddha. Elsewhere I have discussed the process of “sūtrafication” – that is, the
upgrading of a text that apparently began as a sermon by a well-known monk to the
status of buddhavacana.68 In the case of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka we may be
able to observe such a shift taking place not in India, but in China. In two apocry-
phal scriptures that borrowed virtually the entire discussion of the ten stages from
Lokakṣema’s T 283, the bodhisattva Dharmamati no longer appears. Now the
speaker is Śākyamuni Buddha himself, portrayed as responding to a question posed
by Mañjuśrī.69
Above we have noted that, while the sūtra devotes significant atttention to the
motif of the “Buddhas of the ten directions,” none of these figures is singled out for
special attention. To put it another way, these Buddhas appear as a chorus and not as
individuals, with no featured soloist among them. As a group, they convey important
teachings to Dharmamati; yet the sūtra never speaks of the possibility of establish-
ing a special relationship with any one of them. There is no exhortation to be mind-
ful of a particular Buddha or to recite his name, nor is there even a single mention of
the importance of aspiring to be born in a certain realm. Thus the smaller Buddhāva-
taṃsaka is not a “Pure Land” sūtra, if by this term we mean a text whose central
focus is on a Buddha inhabiting another world and on the possibility of rebirth there.70

68 Nattier 2003a: 11–13, n.3.

69 See the discussion of T 284 and T 1487 in Appendix 2.
70 Elsewhere I have suggested that the Akṣobhyavyūha – though it deals with the world of Akṣo-
bhya and not that of Amitābha – should in fact be included among “Pure Land” texts (Nattier
2000).
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 131

On the contrary, the existence of buddha-fields throughout the ten directions appears
here more as a stage-setting for most Buddhist practitioners and as a source of vision-
ary insight for a few.71
It could well be said, then, that the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is not a “Buddha-
centered” scripture at all. Buddhahood is, of course, the envisioned destination of
bodhisattva practice, and much of what is said by bodhisattvas in the text is explic-
itly described as having been delivered “by the Buddha’s power.” But virtually all of
the teachings presented in the sūtra are given not by Buddhas, but by bodhisattvas
themselves. One might say, without too much exaggeration, that the Buddhas of the
ten directions are both inspirational and ornamental, but the authors’ main concern is
with the progress of the bodhisattva on his path.
As to the sūtra’s treatment of bodhisattvas themselves, we may provisionally
divide these into two types: the bodhisattvas who actually appear in the sūtra (the
narrative characters) and the bodhisattvas to whom the sūtra is addressed (the in-
tended audience). The latter, as we have seen, theoretically includes all Buddhists,
but the specifics of the text make it clear that the authors pictured the bodhisattva as
a well-to-do male. Moreover, it is clearly assumed that, after leaving the home life,
the bodhisattva will become a monk. Much of the imagery (including the stages of
prince, heir apparent, and consecrated king) is distinctively male, and there is no in-
dication that the authors thought of women (or for that matter, children or the deni-
zens of other realms, such as nāgas, yakṣas, and so on) as capable of pursuing the
bodhisattva path.
In the case of the bodhisattvas who appear as narrative characters, it is notewor-
thy that none of them are from Śākyamuni’s Sahā realm, but all have come from
other worlds. Yet, despite their otherworldly origins and their clearly advanced level
of spiritual development, these figures are not portrayed as “celestial bodhisattvas.”
That is, none of them is ever described as a powerful being to whom a devotee
might turn for assistance in times of distress or recommended as the focus of a de-
votional cult. Whatever they – or at least Mañjuśrī – may have become for later be-
lievers, they are not yet portrayed as “celestial bodhisattvas” here.72

71 See Harrison 1978.

72 On this topic see Paul Harrison’s important article “Mañjuśrī and the Cult of the Celestial
Bodhisattvas” (Harrison 2000). Harrison argues that the use of the term “celestial bodhisattva”
is misguided; more specifically, he points out that in Lokakṣema’s translations devotion to
bodhisattvas such as Mañjuśrī is nowhere recommended. The sole exception – and it may be an
important one – is a brief passage in the larger Sukhāvatīvyūha (T 362), which Harrison has
argued is a revised version of a translation by Lokakṣema (or a member of his school) in which
devotees are urged to take refuge in Avalokiteśvara and Mahāsthāmaprāpta when they find
themselves in dire straits (p. 172, n. 24).
132 JAN NATTIER

Concluding Reflections

The smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka is a profoundly visual text. It opens with the illumi-
nation by Śākyamuni of the worlds of the ten directions, and bodhisattvas are en-
couraged to “see the Buddhas” in meditation by undertaking the practice of samā-
dhi. But it is not only in such otherworldly visions that the primarily visual character
of the text is made plain. The sūtra also states that new bodhisattvas are inspired to
undertake their vocation after seeing the Buddha, an experience in which his physi-
cal beauty, including the color of his skin, plays a major role in inspiring the disciple
to follow in his footsteps.
Most important for the subsequent history of those communities that accepted
the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka as canonical may have been its validation of visionary
experience as a source of new revelations. When Dharmamati emerges from samā-
dhi with an account of the ten bodhisattva stages, the text makes no claim that these
teachings have been passed down from Śākyamuni. On the contrary, the fact that
Dharmamati received them from the Buddhas of the ten directions is deemed quite
adequate as a source of authority. In a very real sense the frame of reference of this
scripture has shifted from one of the six senses to another, with “thus have I seen”
replacing the traditional “thus have I heard.”
The text also makes much of a theme that we might describe as “the one and the
many.” On more than one occasion the Buddha Śākyamuni divides his body, allow-
ing living beings in a multitude of places to see him as if he were present before
them. But it is not only these events that generate the appearance of a multitude of
Buddhas. The Buddhas of the ten directions likewise seem to be multiple versions of
one being, with all of them (as well as the bodhisattvas that accompany them) hav-
ing parallel names. In the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, in sum, the similarity of one
Buddha (or one bodhisattva) to another seems more important than the individual
features of any particular one.
This symmetry, as we have seen, appears to be associated with the absence of a
personal relationship with any particular being; since all Buddhas are equal (and in-
deed, virtually identical), no particular one of them plays any special role. As if re-
fracted through a prism, these Buddhas and bodhisattvas appear as mirror images of
one another.
But it is not only on an iconographic level that such reflectivity appears in this
text, for it operates on a narrative level as well. The scene at the beginning of the
smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka, where the Buddha Śākyamuni has just experienced
awakening at Magadha, recurs several times in the larger text: in Śikṣānanda’s ver-
sion (T 279) it occurs at the beginning of chapters 1, 7 (the portion which corre-
sponds to the beginning of the smaller sūtra), 27, and 38. The beginning of the Da-
śabhūmika-sūtra (chapter 26) also reflects this passage, but with several improve-
ments (as it were): the Buddha is no longer on earth, but in the Paranirmitavaśa-
vartin heaven; when he illuminates the universe he does so not with a ray of light
from his foot, but from his head (more specifically, from the tuft of hair between his
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 133

eyebrows). And even this scene is reflected once again, for when Śākyamuni Bud-
dha emits light, the other Buddhas of the ten directions do so as well.
This vision of the universe clearly found a ready audience in China, for both
translations of the shorter Buddhāvataṃsaka – the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha
jing group – were avidly appropriated by the authors of indigenous scriptures, in-
cluding not only Buddhist but also Daoist texts (see Appendix 2). By contrast, we
have little evidence concerning the impact that this scripture may have had in India –
with the exception, of course, of the fact that it was preserved and amplified into the
text known today in Chinese as the Huayan jing. For specialists in the latter (and
larger) text, an appreciation of the existence of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka as a
separate work will make possible future comparative studies highlighting the dis-
tinctive elements that were introduced into the text at a later date. As to the smaller
Buddhāvataṃsaka itself, I hope to have shown that it is eminently worthy of re-
ceiving scholarly attention as an integral text in its own right.

Appendix 1

Synoptic Table of the Smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka

The section numbers given below are taken from the synoptic edition in Nattier
2005 of the Dousha jing group (Taishō nos. 280, 282 and 283) and the Pusa benye
jing (T 281). Line numbers are from the CBETA edition (all are in volume ten of the
Taishō Shinshū Daizōkyō).
Section Number Dousha jing group Pusa benye jing
T 280
§0 445a5 ---
§1a 445a6–13 446b29–c4
§1b 445a13–20 446c4–9
§1c 445a20–25 446c9–12
§1d 445a26–b3 446c12–14
§1e 445b3–14 446c14–16
§2a 445b14–19 446c17–18
§2b 445b19–23 446c19–20
§2c 445b24–27 446c21–22
§2d 445b28–c1 446c23–24
§2e 445c2–5 446c25–26
§2f 445c6–9 446c27–28
§2g 445c10–13 446c29–30
§2h 445c14–17 447a1–2
134 JAN NATTIER

§2i 445c18–21 447a3–4

§2j 445c22–25 447a5–8
§3a 445c26–446a2 447a8–12
§3b 446a2–6 447a12–14
§3c 446a6–16 10.447a14–19
§4a 446a16–b19 447a20–23
§4b 446a20–b2 447a23–b1
§4c 446b2–5 447b2
§4d 446b6–9 447b2–4
§4e 446b10–22 ---
T 282
§5a 451a6–18 447b6–9
§5b 451a18–25 447b9–10
§5c 451a25–b2 447b10–15
§5d 451b2–11 447b15–17
§6a 451b11–20 447b18–24
§6b 451b21–c11 447b25–c9
§6c 451c11–454a7 447c9–449b24
§7a 454a8–16 449b26–30
§7b 454a17–26 449b30–c4
T 283
§8a 454b6–7 449c4–6
§8b 454b7–17 ---
§8c 454b18–22 ---
§9a 454b22–c1 449c6–15
§9b 454c1–11 449c15–17
§9c 454c12–27 449c18–27
§9d 454c28–455a11 449a1–7
§9e 455a11–25 450a8–14
§9f 455a26–b11 450a15–22
§9g 455b12–24 450a23–29
§9h 455b25–c9 455a29–b8
§9i 455c10–456a2 450b9–20
§9j 456a3–18 450b21–29
§9k 456a19–b5 450b30–c8
§9l 456b6–c3 450c9–26
§10 456c3–4 450c26
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 135

Appendix 2

Borrowings from the Pusa benye jing and the Dousha jing Group in
Indigenous Chinese Scriptures

Discussions of the popularity of the Buddhāvataṃsaka in China are generally based

on the extent to which the translations of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka produced by
Buddhabhadra and Śikṣānanda were quoted and commented upon by Chinese think-
ers. But the translations of the smaller Buddhāvataṃsaka produced by Lokakṣema
and Zhi Qian were widely influential as well. One indication of the success of these
shorter translations in gaining an audience in China is the extent to which they were
appropriated by the composers of indigenous (or “apocryphal”) scriptures. The fol-
lowing is a list of texts – both Buddhist and Daoist – that can be shown to have bor-
rowed passages from either Lokakṣema’s or Zhi Qian’s translation. This list contains
only those scriptures that have come to my attention thus far; there may well be oth-
ers that have not yet been identified.

Texts Borrowing from Lokakṣema’s Version

T 284 Pusa shizhu jing 菩薩十住經

Supposedly a translation by Gītamitra 衹多蜜 (fl. 317–420 CE), but the fact that this
scripture reproduces virtually the whole of T 283 word-for-word makes it clear that
it is not an independent translation of an Indian text, but a scripture created in China.
(The attribution to Gītamitra was first made by Fei Changfang 費長房 in his Lidai
sanbao ji 歷代三寶紀 ). The enumeration of the ten stages of the bodhisattva path
remains the same, but it is encased in a different frame story: the discourse is placed
in the mouth of the Buddha, not of Dharmamati, and the teachings on the ten stages
are portrayed as a response to a question from Mañjuśrī. This frame, in turn, has a
parallel in (and indeed, appears to be drawn from) the Pusa neijie jing 菩薩內戒經
(T 1487), but in a different sequence from the one found there.73

T 1487 Pusa neijie jing 菩薩內戒經

Supposedly a translation by Guṇavarman 求那跋摩 (367–431 CE), this text too re-
produces virtually every word of Lokakṣema’s T 283. Indeed, it seems likely that the

73 T 284: 10.458a9–12 corresponds to T 1487: 24.1032c18–21, while T 284: 10.456c10ff. cor-

responds to T 1487: 24.1032c22ff.
136 JAN NATTIER

original borrowing was made by its authors, and that the composers of T 284 took
their material not directly from T 283, but from this text. No scripture by this title
appears in Sengyou’s catalogue; it is listed as an anonymous translation (shiyi 失譯 )
in the Zhongjing mulu 眾經目錄 .74

Texts Borrowing from Zhi Qian’s Version

T 778 Pusa neixi liu boluomi jing 菩薩內習六波羅蜜經

Credited to Yan Fotiao 嚴佛調 (fl. 181–188) in modern catalogues, but Sengyou in-
cludes it on Dao’an’s list of anonymous translations (assuming this is the same text
內外波羅蜜經
as the Nei wai boluomi jing ).75 The entire text appears to be apocry-
phal; it contains material relating the six meditations of the Anban shouyi jing 安般
守意經 (T 602) to the six pāramitās, the six sense organs, etc. At the end of the text,
with no context or introduction, one finds the list of ten bodhisattva stages given in
Zhi Qian’s Pusa benye jing.

T 1331 Guanding qi wan er qiu shenwang hu biqiu zhou jing 灌頂七萬二千

神王護比丘呪經
Traditionally attributed to Bo Śrīmitra 帛尸梨蜜多羅 (fl. early 4th century CE), but
this text can easily be recognized as an apocryphon (for a convenient discussion in
English see Strickmann 1990). The text replicates Zhi Qian’s list of Buddhas and
buddha-fields of the ten directions (none of the bodhisattva names found there are
given, though the speaker bears the name of one of them). In Sengyou’s catalogue
this text appears on the list of anonymous scriptures.76

T 1485 Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經

Supposedly a translation by Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 (fl. late fourth century CE), this text
has long been known to be an an apocryphon. It incorporates substantial material
from the Pusa benye jing (including the title), though its authors also drew from the
Huayan jing translated by Buddhabhadra.

74 T 2146: 55.139b23.
75 T 2145: 55.17c25.
76 T 2145: 55.31a24.
 INDIAN ANTECEDENTS OF HUAYAN THOUGHT 137

Lingbao 靈寶 #6 (Taishang wuji dadao ziran zhenyi wucheng fuwen

shangjing 太上無極大道自然真一五稱符文上經, HY 671)
Copies the section of Zhi Qian’s text dealing with the Buddhas and bodhisattvas of
the ten directions almost verbatim.77

Lingbao 靈寶 #8 (Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui zuigen shangpin dajie

jing 太上洞玄靈寶智慧罪根上品大戒經, HY 457)
Contains an adaptation of Zhi Qian’s treatment of the ten stages.78

Lingbao 靈寶 #11 (Dongxuan lingbao changye zhi fu jiuyou yukui mingzhen

ke 洞玄靈寶長夜之府九幽玉匱明真科, HY 1400)
Contains an adaptation of Zhi Qian’s treatment of the ten stages.79

Lingbao 靈寶#25 (Xiaomo zhihui benyuan dajie shangpin 消魔智慧本願大

戒上品 , HY 344)

Copies (and adapts) a substantial portion of the section on the bodhisattva’s wishes
for other beings, here interpreting them as vows.80

References

Bokenkamp, Stephen R.: “Sources of the Ling-pao Scriptures” in Michel Strickmann (ed.): Tantric
and Taoist Studies in Honour of R. A. Stein, Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques, no. 21. Brussels:
Institute Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, vol. 2, 1983, pp. 434–486.
Bokenkamp, Stephen R.: “Stages of Transcendence: The Bhūmi Concept in Taoist Scripture” in
Robert E. Buswell, Jr. (ed.): Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha. Honolulu: University of Hawaii
Press, 1990, pp. 119–147.
Coblin, W. South: A Handbook of Eastern Han Sound Glosses. Hong Kong: Chinese University
Press, 1983.
Harrison, Paul M.: “Buddhānusmṛti in the Pratyutpanna-buddha-saṃmukhāvasthita-samādhi-sū-
tra.” Journal of Indian Philosophy (1978) 6: pp. 35–57.
Harrison, Paul M.: “Mañjuśrī and the Cult of the Celestial Bodhisattvas.” Chung-Hwa Buddhist
Journal (2000) 13: pp. 157–193.

77 Bokenkamp 1983: 468.

78 Bokenkamp 1990: 126–128.
79 Bokenkamp 1990: 126–128.
80 Bokenkamp 1983: 470.
138 JAN NATTIER

Hirakawa Akira 平川彰 : “The Rise of Mahāyāna Buddhism and Its Relationship to the Worship of
Stūpas.” Translated from the Japanese by Taitetsu Unno. Memoirs of the Research Department
of the Tōyō Bunko (1963) 22: pp. 57–106.
Kagawa Takao 香川孝雄 : “Shi guzeigan no genryū” 四弘誓願の源流 [The origins of the four uni-
versal vows]. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū (1989) 30,1: pp. 294–302.
Karashima Seishi 辛嶋静志 : The Textual Study of the Chinese Versions of the Saddharma-puṇḍa-
rīka-sūtra in the Light of the Sanskrit and Tibetan Versions. Tokyo: Sankibo, 1992.
Kimura Kiyotaka 木村清孝 : “Kegon kyōten no seiritsu”華厳経典の成立 [The formation of Hua-
yan scriptures]. Tōyō gakujutsu kenkyū (1984) 23: pp. 212–231.
Mitomo Ryūjun 三友量順 : “Buddhas of All Directions–Concept of Direction in Mahāyāna Bud-
dhism.” Tōhō (1988) 4: pp. 185–195.
Nattier, Jan: “The Realm of Akṣobhya: A Missing Piece in the History of Pure Land Buddhism.”
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Nattier, Jan: A Few Good Men: The Bodhisattva Path according to The Inquiry of Ugra (Ugrapa-
ripṛcchā). Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2003a.
Nattier, Jan: “The Ten Epithets of the Buddha in the Translations of Zhi Qian 支謙 .” Annual Re-
port of The International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University for
the Academic Year 2002 [ARIRIAB] (2003b) 6: pp. 207–250.
Nattier, Jan: “The Indian Roots of Pure Land Buddhism: Insights from the Oldest Chinese Versions
of the Larger Sukhāvativyūha.” Pacific World (2003c) 5 (3rd series): pp. 179–201.
Nattier, Jan: “The Proto-History of the Buddhāvataṃsaka: The Pusa benye jing 菩薩本業經 and
the Dousha jing 兜沙經 .” Annual Report of The International Research Institute for Advanced
Buddhology at Soka University for the Academic Year 2004 [ARIRIAB] (2005) 8: pp. 323–360.
Pulleyblank, Edwin G.: Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late
Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1991.
Sakurabe Hajime 桜部建 華厳と言う語について
: “Kegon to iu go ni tsuite” [Concerning the word
‘Huayan’]. Ōtani gakuho (1969) 181 (49,1): pp. 26–31.
Sasaki Shizuka 佐々木閑 : “Daijō bukkyō zaike kigen setsu no mondaiten” 大乗仏教在家起源説
の問題点 [Problematic issues in the theory of the lay origins of the Mahāyāna]. Hanazono
daigaku bungakubu kenkyū kiyō (1995) 27: pp. 29–62.
佐々木閑
Sasaki Shizuka : “A Study on the Origin of Mahāyāna Buddhism.” [Revised English ver-
sion of Sasaki 1995] The Eastern Buddhist n.s. (1997) 30,1: pp. 79–113.
Shi Chikai 釋持顗 (= Ching-mei Shyu): “Zhi Qian’s Translation Style: A Study of the Formative
Period of Chinese Buddhist Literature.” M.A. thesis, Dept. of Religion, University of Hawaii,
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Jr. (ed.): Chinese Buddhist Apocrypha. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1990, pp. 75–118.
 IMRE HAMAR

THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA:

SHORTER AND LARGER TEXTS*

In the Taishō edition of the Chinese Buddhist canon, one can find the Huayan sec-
tion (huayan bu 華嚴部 ) in part two of volume nine as well as in volume ten. It does
not merely contain the so-called “original or complete translations” of the Buddhā-
vataṃsaka-sūtra (T 278 and T 279, known in Chinese as benbu 本部
), but also free-
standing translations of works corresponding to certain chapters of these larger works
(referred to in Chinese as zhipin 支品 ),1 as well as works which do not correspond to
any of the chapters but were presumably written under the influence of the Huayan
works and were thus traditionally considered to be Huayan-related works (juanshu
jing 眷屬經 ). The Chinese terms ben 本(root, origin) and zhi 支
(branch, descendent)
clearly imply that according to the Chinese tradition the freestanding translations
originate from a “complete” sūtra which is regarded as the revelation of Buddha’s
experience of enlightenment under the bodhi tree.2 However, modern philological
investigations, as we shall see below, have shown that the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtras (T 278 and T 279) were compiled on the basis of shorter sūtras.
The so-called “original translations” are also called abridged version (lüeben 略
本 ) since, as legend has it, the primordial Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra was much longer
than any of the extant versions. According to this legend, Nāgārjuna (c. second cen-
tury CE), the founder of the Madhyamaka philosophy, brought the sūtra into the
world from the palace of serpents (nāga).3 The serpents guarded three versions,
上
which the Chinese exegetes call the upper (shang ), middle (zhong ) and lower 中
* This study was completed through the sponsorship of the Hungarian National Research Fund
(OTKA Nr. T 047023). I thank Jan Nattier, Peter Skilling, Paul Harrison, CHEN Jinhua and
ŌTAKE Susumu for reading an earlier version of this article and providing their comments.
1 As of the Sui period (581–618), the catalogues indicate the correspondences between the so-
called partial translations and chapters from the larger works. Fajing’s法經 Zhongjing mulu
眾經目錄 T 2146: 55.119c11–120a1. and Yancong’s 彥琮 眾經目錄
Zhongjing mulu T 2147:
55.159a22–b6.
2 Wei 1998: 41.
3 Nāgas played an important role even in early Buddhism. A nāga can be a serpent, a human or a
low-ranking god. See Rawlinson 1986: 135–153. According to the Mahāyāna legend, Nāgārjuna
visited the nāgas and there he discovered the prajñāpāramitā-sūtras, which had been unknown
after Buddha’s death. See Williams 1989: 55.
140 IMRE HAMAR

下
(xia ) sūtras. The longest is the upper version, which consisted of ślokas4 identical
in number to that of the specks of dust in the great universe and chapters identical in
number to that of the specks of dust in the four worlds. The middle version con-
tained 498,800 ślokas and 1200 chapters while the lower version consisted of
100,000 ślokas and 48 chapters.5 The upper and middle versions were too difficult
for people, so Nāgārjuna brought the shortest version with him. This story was
thought to be borne out by the fact that, according to the Dazhi du lun , 大智度論
The Sūtra of the Inconceivable Enlightenment (*Acintyavimokṣa-sūtra, Buke siyi jie-
tuo jing 不可思議解脫經 ) consisted of 100,000 verses.6 And this sūtra is none other
than the last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. This legend can be traced back
to Jizang 吉藏 (549–623), who had read about it in Nāgārjuna’s biography.7
In the first half of this article, I examine the translations of the larger Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra and the freestanding translations of its chapters (T 278–298). In the
second half I demonstrate with a table how the chapters of the larger works and the
freestanding translations of the chapters correspond to one another. In this article
I will not cover works that are included in the Huayan section but do not correspond
to any of the chapters in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (T 299–309).8

4 The Chinese jie 偈 and song 頌 are translations of the Sanskrit gāthā and śloka. If it is a mea-
sure of length, śloka is the appropriate Sanskrit term. See Gómez 1967: XXV. n. 1.
5 We first encounter this with Zhiyan in the Huayan school in his work entitled Huayan jing nei
華嚴經內章門等雜孔目章
zhangmen deng za kongmuzhang T 1870: 45.586c23–26. It can
also be found in the works of the later patriarchs: Fazang’s Huayan jing zhigui 華嚴經旨歸
華嚴經關脈義記
T 1871: 45.593b10–15. and Huayan jing guanmai yiji T 1879: 45.656c1–22,
HZ T 2073: 51.153a29–b4, HTJ T 1733: 35.122b16–19. and Chengguan’s Da fangguang fo
huayan jing shu 大方廣佛華嚴經疏 T 1735: 35.523a10–22.
6 T 1509: 25.756b7.
7 Jizang examined why the title of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra does not appear in the text. He
explained that only 36,000 of the 100,000 ślokas of the lower version reached China and that
the title can only be found in the part that follows, which was not translated into Chinese
(T 1780: 38.863b19–27.). According to Indian custom, the title is placed at the end of the work;
it was Daoan 道安 (312–385) who placed it at the beginning of the work in line with Chinese
custom (T 1780: 38.863c8–9.). Jizang read about the three versions in Nāgārjuna’s biography,
which Sengtan 僧曇 had brought from Khotan. Sengtan and his eleven companions set off for
Inner Asia in 575 with the objective of bringing back Buddhist works that were not available in
China. They returned home in 581 with 260 Sanskrit manuscripts. These works were translated
into Chinese by Jñānagupta (Shenajueduo 闍那崛多 ) and other translator-monks. The transla-
tion of Nāgārjuna’s biography has not survived, however, and none of the catalogues confirms
the existence of such a work from this era. Nāgārjuna’s biography has only survived in a trans-
lation by Kumārajīva (344–409/413); however, it lacks the section about the three versions. If
we accept Jizang’s report as credible then this detail was added to the text during the 150 years
between the death of Kumārajīva and the expedition. Perhaps it was in Khotan that the text was
expanded, bearing out the close connection between Khotan and the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra.
See Ōnishi 1985: 500–505.
8 For a detailed description of the Huayan sūtras, see Takamine 1976: 457–469; Ishii 1964: 57–
134. It is on the basis of these that Frédéric Girard prepared his excellent French-language
summary. See Girard 1990: 16–27.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 141

The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra in India

The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra is among the longest of the Mahāyāna sūtras; however,

only two chapters have survived in Sanskrit: the Daśabhūmika-sūtra, which de-
scribes the spiritual development of a bodhisattva, and the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, which
relates the search for the path by a young boy named Sudhana.9 This latter work has
inspired a great deal of Buddhist art; indeed, the theme is depicted in pictures and
carvings from Borobuḍur to Japan.10 In fact, I had an opportunity not long ago to
view by torchlight the statues depicting the 53 stations of Sudhana’s journey in the
Duobao 多寶 Pagoda of Dazu 大足
.11 Relatively few Buddhist sūtras have survived
in Sanskrit, so the dearth of Sanskrit manuscripts is by no means an indication that
the work never existed in Sanskrit. The commentaries are of great use in determin-
ing the originality of a work and in examining how it is cited in other Indian works.
No written Indian commentary to any version of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra collection has survived, nor is it certain whether one ever existed. Two Indian
commentaries relevant to the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra have been preserved, al-
though both discuss only one chapter of the sūtra, the Daśabhūmika-sūtra. The first
is the Shizhu piposha lun 十住毘婆沙論 ,12 which, according to tradition, was written
by Nāgārjuna and which comments on the first two of the ten stages. Vasubandhu
(400–480) wrote the second, the Daśabhūmivyākhyāna (Shidi jing lun 十地經論
),13
which expounds on the entire sūtra. Several Indian works quote from the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra. The Da zhidu lun 大智度論 , which is attributed to Nāgārjuna, cites
the Bukesiyi jing 不可思議經 , which corresponds to the Gaṇḍavyūha. If we accept
the authorship of Nāgārjuna, then the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra must already have existed
in the 2nd or 3rd centuries. Lamotte, however, disputes this and considers the author
of the work a Northern Indian monk who lived in the 4th century and is likely to
have belonged to the Sarvāstivāda school.14 The Sūtra-samuccaya, attributed to
Nāgārjuna but composed by an unknown author in the 5th century, cites twice the
Avataṃsaka-sūtra by name, however it also cites component texts of the Avataṃsa-
ka-sūtra under their own titles, i.e. the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, the Tathāgatotpattisaṃ-
bhava-sūtra, Daśabhūmika-sūtra, and Lokottara-parivarta15. The Ratnagotravibhāga,
written by Sāramati in the 5th century, quotes from the Appearance of Tathāgata in

19 For these works and Sanskrit publications, see Nakamura 1980: 194–197. The Gaṇḍavyūha ti-
tle is difficult to define. The word gaṇḍa means ‘stem of a plant, part of something’ and vyūha
is ‘arrangement, heap, manifestation’. On this basis Gómez translated the title as The Sūtra Con-
taining Manifestations in Sections. This definition is also supported by the fact that the text was
referred to by sections called vimokṣas. See Gómez 1967: 61–62.
10 Fontein 1967.
11 For a detailed description of the statues, see Li 2002: 171–193.
12 T 1521.
13 T 1522.
14 Lamotte 1970.
15 I am grateful to Paul Harrison for calling my attention to this text.
142 IMRE HAMAR

the World chapter (Rulai chuxian pin 如來出現品 ),16 while in his work entitled Śikṣā-
samuccaya Śāntideva (686–763) quotes from the Leader of the Good chapter (Xian-
shou pin 賢首品 ), the Ten Dedications chapter (Shi huixiang pin 十迴向品
), Detach-
ment from the World chapter (Li shijian pin 離世間品 ) and the Pure Practice chapter
(Jingxing pin淨行品 ) using the titles Ratnolkādhārāṇī,17 Vajradhvaja-sūtra,18 Lo-
kottaraparivarta, and Gocarapariśuddhi-sūtra,20 respectively. It is important to note
19

that even in this late Indian work Śāntideva refers to chapters in the Buddhāvataṃ-
saka-sūtra as freestanding sūtras. This might indicate that the Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra, which corresponds to the sixty- and eighty-fascicle versions of the Huayan
jing, was unknown in India as one work, and was known only by individual chapters.
However, ŌTAKE Susumu has attempted to show that the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra,
in fact, was composed in India.21

Partial Translations before the Translation

of the Larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra

The first Chinese translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra was finished in

420; prior to that, however, certain chapters had appeared as separate sūtras.22 These
early translations characteristically do not correspond to individual chapters, but are
rather extracts from several chapters of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. This
raises the question of the connection between the partial translations and the transla-
tion of larger version. Were summaries made from the larger works or, conversely,
were the larger sūtras compilations based on early freestanding works? According to
KIMURA Kiyotaka, the simplicity of the early works provides evidence that they ap-
peared earlier than the larger works.23
The earliest translation is associated with the name Lokakṣema, who translated a
work entitled Fo shuo dousha jing 佛說兜沙經 24
between 178 and 189, which corre-
sponds to the Names of Tathāgata (Rulai minghao pin 如來名號品
) and Enlight-
enment through the Light of Tathāgata (Rulai guangming jue pin 如來光明覺品 )
chapters in the sixty-fascicle work.25 The word dousha in Lokakṣema’s title is a

16 Takasaki 1966: 189–192.

17 Bendall and Rouse 1922: 3, 152, 291.
18 Ibid., 24, 29, 204, 255, 291.
19 Ibid., 151.
20 Ibid., 310. Ōtake Susumu has called my attention to the fact that Vasubandhu’s Mahāyāna-
sūtrālaṃkāra-bhāṣya also refers to this chapter under this title and that Asvabhāva’s Mahāyāna-
saṃgraha-upanibandhana quotes a poem from the Gocarapariśuddhi-sūtra. (T 1598: 31.412b)
21 See his article in this book.
22 For a list and examination of the early works, see Kimura 1977: 6–12.
23 Kimura 1992: 11–14.
24 T 280.
25 Eric Zürcher accepts 29 works as Han period translations on the basis of Chinese catalogues
and style. Included among these is the Fo shuo dousha jing. See Zürcher 1991: 298.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 143

transliterated Sanskrit word; however, it cannot be unmistakably identified. One pos-

sible solution is daśa, which means ten.26 One reason that this is likely is that the
number ten has great significance in the work. It introduces the characteristics of a
bodhisattva with a list of ten.27 Some of these characteristics can also be found in the
titles of individual chapters of the larger works; it is therefore likely that the editors
of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtras used this work as a source in editing individual
chapters.28 The number ten frequently occurs throughout the Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra with the suggestion of perfection.
The sūtra entitled The Fundamental Activity of a Bodhisattva as Related by Bud-
dha (Fo shuo pusa benye jing 佛說菩薩本業經 ),29 which Zhi Qian translated nearly
fifty years later between 222 and 228, is extremely important in terms of the forma-
tion of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Before any further investigation, it is important
to emphasize that the chronological order of the translations does not necessarily cor-
respond to the order in which the original source works appeared. Indeed, it is con-
ceivable that one work came to China much later than another. As a result, it is not
certain that the Indian antecedent of Fo shuo dousha jing mentioned previously was
composed earlier than that of The Fundamental Activity of a Bodhisattva. The work
is divided into three parts: the first part either has no title or the title has not survived.
The title of the second part is The Practice of Making Good Wishes (yuanxing pin 願
行品 十地品
), and that of the third is The Ten Stages (shidi pin ). The antecedents of
the following chapters in the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing can be discerned in the work:
The Names of Tathāgata (Rulai minghao pin 如來名號品 ), Enlightenment through
the Light (Rulai guangmingjue pin 如來光明覺品 ), Pure Practice (Jingxing pin 淨
行品 ), The Ascent of Buddha to the Peak of Mount Sumeru (Fo sheng Xumiding pin
佛昇須彌頂品 ), The Bodhisattvas Gather as Clouds in the Palace of the Glorious Vic-
tory and Recite Poems (Pusa yunji miaosheng dianshang shuojie pin 菩薩雲集妙勝殿
上說偈品 ) and The Ten Abodes of the Bodhisattvas (Pusa shizhu pin 菩薩十住品 ).30
According to SAKAMOTO Yukio, it would be erroneous to assume that these six
chapters evolved directly out of this sūtra since the following works can be consid-
ered to be their middle stations of development: Fo shuo dousha jing, the Bodhisatt-
vas Ask about the Fundamental Activity of Buddha Sūtra (Zhupusa qiu fo benye jing

26 Alternative solutions are tathāgata, toṣa (satisfaction). See Girard 1990: 17.
27 T 280: 10.445a27–b3.
28 The following chapters are in the sixty-fascicle work: Ten Abodes (11), Ten Deeds (17), Ten
Inexhaustible Treasuries (18), Ten Dedications (21), Ten Stages (22), Ten Supernatural Knowl-
edges (23) and Ten Acceptances (24). They correspond to the following chapters in the eighty-
fascicle version: 15, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28 and 29.
29 T 281. According to Jan Nattier as well, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra developed from this sūtra.
Nattier 2003: 192, n. 38. Kobayashi Jitsugen, however, points out that there are significant dif-
ferences between this sūtra and the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Indeed, the protagonist here is
Śākyamuni buddha, whereas it is Vairocana Buddha in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Further-
more, the essential aim of the work is to describe the path of the bodhisattva and not to intro-
duce the absolute world of Buddha. See Kobayashi 1958: 168–169.
30 For a comparison of the texts, see Sakamoto 1964: 301–314.
144 IMRE HAMAR

諸菩薩求佛本業經) 31
and the Practices of the Ten Stages of the Bodhisattvas chap-
ter (Pusa shizhu xingdao pin 菩薩十住行道品 ).32 However, Jan Nattier has compared
these three works (Dousha jing, Zhupusa qiu fo benye jing, Pusa shizhu xingdao
pin) with the Fundamental Activity of the Bodhisattva and convincingly showed that
fitting the three sūtras together produces a text that corresponds to the Fundamental
Activity of the Bodhisattva. It can be concluded that the three texts were originally a
translation of one work, although it was preserved in three parts in the transmission
process and therefore later came to be seen as three separate works.33 Accordingly,
from the aspect of the evolution of the text, the three works do not represent a later
developmental stage, but another translation/recension of the very same work. This
translation was done by Lokakṣema.
The work of Dharmarakṣa, who also translated several Huayan sūtras into Chi-
nese, represents a milestone in the spread of these works. Already in the CSJ, the
following works are listed as his translations:34
1. Going Beyond the World (Du shi pin jing 度世品經
)35 27 May 291.
2. The Appearance of Tathāgata as Related by Buddha (Fo shuo rulai xingxian jing
佛說如來興現經 )36 31 January 292.
3. Gradually Obtaining the Virtue of Omniscience (Jianbei yiqie zhi de jing 漸備一
切智德經 )37 21 December 297.
4. The Ten Abodes of the Bodhisattva (Pusa shizhu jing 菩薩十住經) 9 November
302.38
5. The Ten Stages of the Bodhisattva (Pusa shidi jing 菩薩十地經
) 28 December
303.39
6. The Bodhisattva Equal Eyes Asks about the Ten Samādhis (Dengmu pusa suo-
wen sanmei jing 等目菩薩所問三昧經 )40 284–308?
According to his biography, Dharmarakṣa travelled with his master to Central
Asia, where he learned the local languages and collected Buddhist manuscripts. Un-
fortunately, the biography does not tell us when the journey took place or what areas
Dharmarakṣa visited. However, no mention is made of any translations done by him
between 273 and 284, and it is therefore possible that he journeyed west then.41 He

31 T 282.
32 T 283.
33 See Nattier’s article in this volume and Nattier 2005.
34 For the dates of the works on the basis of the CSJ, see Boucher 1996: 33.
35 T 292.
36 T 291.
37 T 285.
38 The date of this work can only be found in the Song, Yuan and Ming editions of the CSJ. It is
therefore uncertain.
39 The date of this work can only be found in the Song, Yuan and Ming editions of the CSJ. It is
therefore uncertain.
40 T 288.
41 Boucher 1996: 34–35. For an English translation of his biography in the CSJ, see Ibid. 23–30.
For more details on Dharmarakṣa, see Zürcher 1959: 65–70.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 145

translated the Huayan sūtras afterwards, so he is likely to have collected these materi-
als during his journey. The fourth and fifth works have not survived, while the rest can
be found in the Chinese collections. The date of the sixth work is uncertain, although
it can presumably be placed after he returned from Central Asia (284?) and before he
completed the last translation which can be dated with certainty (308). This item is
missing from Daoan’s catalogue, which is frequently cited by the CSJ, so this provides
some grounds for suspicion.42 This sūtra is extremely interesting in respect of the fact
that it is absent from the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, whereas it is included in the eighty-
fascicle version under the title Chapter of the Ten Concentrations (Shiding pin 十定
品 ). KIMURA Kiyotaka is of the opinion that on this basis it cannot be ruled out that
the eighty-fascicle sūtra appeared earlier than the sixty-fascicle work.43 It is more
likely, however, that the eighty-fascicle version came about later and that its editor or
editors also incorporated this sūtra, which had previously circulated independently.
Dharmarakṣa’s Appearance of Tathāgata Sūtra (*Tathāgatotpattisaṃbhava-nir-
deśa-sūtra)44 is also noteworthy in several respects. First of all, as has been demon-
strated by Takasaki Jikidō, this work is an important precursor to the inception of
the Tathāgatagarbha theory.45 The translation by Dharmarakṣa contains an introduc-
tory part which is not included in either the sixty- or eighty-fascicle Huayan jing; it
is included, however, in the Tibetan translation.46 Either the translators of the larger
Chinese version omitted this part or it had been missing from the original Sanskrit
manuscript as well. A further remarkable aspect of the work is that, in addition to
the Chapter of the Appearance of Tathāgata, it also contains the Chapter of the Ten
Acceptances (Shiren pin 十忍品 ). Like translations from earlier periods, therefore,
this translation also includes more than one chapter of the later larger Huayan jing.
It appears that the Rulai xingxian jing 如來興顯經 , a work mentioned by the LSJ
and translated by Bai 白 or Bo 帛Fazu 法祖, who lived in the time of Emperor Hui
惠 (r. 290–306) of the Jin 晉 dynasty (265–420), is another translation of this work.47
However, the CSJ makes no mention of this work and so its existence is in serious
doubt. According to the LSJ, another translation of this sūtra is the Dafangguang
rulai xingqi weimizang jing 大方廣如來性起微密藏經 , which was completed in the
Yuankang 元康 period and whose translator is unknown.48 According to the KSL,
however, this is simply an independently circulated version of the text from the
sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, and it cannot therefore be considered a new translation.49

42 T 2145: 55.8c11.
43 Kimura 1992: 13.
44 TAKASAKI Jikidō reconstructed the Sanskrit title on the basis of the Tibetan title. See Takasaki
1958: 348–343.
45 Takasaki 1974: 574–602.
46 For a Japanese translation of the Tibetan text, see Takasaki 1981: 127–280.
47 T 2034: 49.66b2. His biography in the GZ does not mention the translation. T 2059:
50.327a13–c11.
48 T 2034: 49.68a22, b1–2.
49 T 2154: 55.590c12. KAGINUSHI Ryōkei 鍵主良敬 also argued in favour of this prior to the dis-
covery of the text. See Kaginushi 1973: 37–56; 1974: 842–848.
146 IMRE HAMAR

This version was lost in China, but was recently discovered in the Nanatsudera Temple
in Nagoya.50 An investigation of this text has borne out the claim made by the KSL.51
The Gradually Obtaining the Virtue of Omniscience Sūtra, the translation of the
Daśabhūmika-sūtra, and the two other lost translations by Dharmarakṣa (4, 5) also
demonstrate the ten stages of the spiritual development of a bodhisattva. This indi-
cates that this work enjoyed great popularity during this period. The LSJ is the first
source that attributes the translation of five Huayan sūtras to Nie Daozhen 聶道真 ,
Dharmarakṣa’s scribe. From among these it is only the Bodhisattvas Ask about the
Fundamental Activity of Buddha Sūtra mentioned previously which has survived.
The CSJ makes mention of this and two other works, The Original Vow and Practice
of the Bodhisattvas (Pusa benyuan xing pin jing 菩薩本願行品經 )52 and The Ten-
stage Path of the Bodhisattvas (Pusa shi dao di jing菩薩十道地經 );53 however, it
considers their translator unknown. The other two works attributed to Nie Daozhen
(Shizhu jing 十住經 and Pusa chudi jing 菩薩初地經 ) also deal with the spiritual
development of a bodhisattva.
十地斷結經
One of the works lost early on is the Shidi duanjie jing , whose
竺法蘭
translator, according to certain works, was Zhu Falan ,54 who, as legend has
it, came to Luoyang with the Chinese delegation following a dream of the Emperor
Ming 明 (r. 58–75).55 If this were true, it would mean that the Daśabhūmika-sūtra
would already have been translated into Chinese in the first century. According to
the KSL, Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 also translated a work between 365 and 385, the Shidi
duanjie jing or Shizhu duanjie jing in ten fascicles. The title of Taishō 309 is similar:
Zuisheng wen pusa shizhu chugou duanjie jing 最勝 問菩 薩十 住 除 垢斷 結經 . The
translator of this is also Zhu Fonian and it also consists of ten fascicles; it is there-
fore likely that the catalogue is referring to this work. This sūtra, however, is not
identical to the Ten Stages chapter in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, so it can only be
listed among works related to the Huayan. It is a sign of serious interest in the Daśa-
bhūmika-sūtra that, prior to the translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, it
was rendered into Chinese two more times: by Gītamitra under the title Fo shuo pusa
shizhu jing 佛說菩薩十住經 56
and by Kumārajīva and Buddhayaśas under the title
Shizhu jing 十住經 . 57

The last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, Gaṇḍavyūha, was also translated

before the larger translation. The Taishō canon also contains the Foshuo luomoqie
jing 佛說羅摩伽經 ,58 which Shengjian 聖堅 rendered into Chinese between 389 and

50 Numerous works thought to have been lost have come to light at this temple, so it is an ex-
tremely important discovery for research on Buddhism. See Ochiai 1991.
51 For an edition of the text, see Kimura 1999.
52 T 2145: 55.23a13.
53 T 2145: 55.22c23.
54 KSL T 2154: 55.478b08, GZ T 2059: 50.323a14.
55 Tsukamoto 1979: vol. I. 45.
56 T 284.
57 T 286.
58 T 294.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 147

406.59 The work consists of only three fascicles, so it is quite fragmentary compared
to later translations.60 According to the LSJ, An Faxian 安法賢had translated it in
the 3rd century under the same title,61 whereas Dharmakṣema translated it at the be-
ginnning of the 5th century.62 However, neither work has survived.

The Sixty-Fascicle Huayan jing63

The Sanskrit manuscript that served as the source for the first Chinese translation of
the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra was brought from Khotan (Yutian 于闐
, modern
Hetian xian 和田縣 ). The sacred scriptures were jealously guarded and foreigners
were not allowed to take them out of the country. Zhi Faling 支法領
, however, ulti-
mately managed to convince the king present him with the first part of the Buddhāva-
偈
taṃsaka-sūtra, 36,000 ślokas (jie ) in length. Afterwards, he brought the work to
Chang’an. Another monk who was travelling with him, Zhiyan 智嚴
, did not return
home, but travelled on to Kashmir. He was surprised at the pure life of the monks in
Kashmir and their strict observence of the monastic regulations. When he asked who
could teach the Chinese, he was told it was Buddhabhadra, and so he asked the mas-
ter to accompany him to China.64
The foreign master stayed in Chang’an from 406 to 408 but probably had a dif-
ference of opinion with the other famous master translator of the age, Kumārajīva,
who maintained his own harem behind the walls of the monastery and thus received
criticism from monks who argued in favour of following the strict moral code. From
Chang’an Buddhabhadra went to Lushan 廬山
, where he joined the community of
Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–417) and commenced translating several texts on meditation.
In 413, he went to Jiankang 建康, where he settled at the Daochang 道場
monastery.
Here he met Zhi Faling, who had arrived from Chang’an. Zhi Faling asked Buddha-
bhadra to translate the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, which he had brought with him from
Khotan. On the tenth day of the third month [30 April] of 418, he began the work and
completed it on the tenth day of the sixth month [6 July] of 420. Financial support
for the work was provided by two officials: Meng Yi 孟顗
,65 who held the office of
governor of Wu prefecture (wujun neishi 吳郡內史 ), and Chu Shudu 褚叔度
,66 who

59 T 2034: 49.83b19.
60 For a brief summary of the work, see Fontein 1967: 176.
61 T 2034: 49.56c25.
62 T 2034: 49.84b12.
63 For a German translation of the work, see Doi 1978, 1981, 1982; for a Japanese translation, see
Etō 1917.
64 For a biography of Buddhabhadra, see GZ T 2059: 50.334b26–335c14.
65 We know that Meng Yi was a devout Buddhist; however, other sources do not confirm an as-
sociation with the translation of the Huayan jing.
66 Chu Shudu’s biography can be found in the Nanshi 南史 (juan 28), but it does not mention his
Buddhist connections.
148 IMRE HAMAR

was the general in charge of the garrison on the right flank (youwei jiangjun 右衛將
軍 ). After this, he compared the Sanskrit text with the Chinese translation. He com-
pleted this phase of the work on the twenty-eighth day of the twelfth month [5 Feb-
ruary, 422] of 421. The scribal (bishouzhe 筆受者 ) work was carried out by Faye 法
業 .67 Faye expounded on the teachings of the opus in a work of his own entitled Hua-
yan zhigui 華嚴旨歸 , written in two fascicles. He placed the Sanskrit manuscript on
a table and presumably made offerings to it. A Huayan hall (huayan tang ) 華嚴堂
was built in the monastery, where the monks would probably have made offerings.
According to both the CSJ and the KSL, Buddhabhadra’s translation at first con-
sisted of fifty fascicles and was later divided into sixty.68 Other catalogues confirm
this. It is not known who re-named it the sixty-fascicle work, but it already had that
name in the Sui period (581–618).69 However, the fifty-fascicle work continued to
survive according to the catalogues and this is borne out by a manuscript from the
Song period (960–1279) which consists of fifty fascicles. Since the third patriarch of
the Huayan tradition, Fazang 法藏 (643–712) calls it the sixty-fascicle work in his
commentary, this name is likely to have become common by the start of the Tang
period (618–907). In terms of content, however, the text did not change.
Divākara (Rizhao 日照 in Chinese), a translator from India,70 arrived in Chang’an
in the spring of 680, settled at the Taiyuan 太原 monastery, and soon became the
most respected master translator of the age. He brought with him the Sanskrit manu-
script of the last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra, and,
with the aid of Fazang, compared it as well as the other Sanskrit manuscripts avail-
able to him with the translation by Buddhabhadra. They compared a total of eight or
nine Sanskrit manuscripts,71 and found that nine sections which were missing in Bud-
dhabhadra’s translation were present in all the versions; the master, therefore, had
omitted them from the work.72 Similarly, the part between the meeting with Maitre-
ya and that with Samantabhadra, in which Mañjuśrī touches Sudhana’s head from a
distance, was also missing from Buddhabhadra’s version. Naturally, in the absence

67 The colophon of the Huayan jing provides this information on the translation of the work. See
T 278: 9.788b3–9. CSJ T 2145: 55.60c29–61a8. According to the GZ, it was not Zhi Faling
who requested Buddhabhadra to translate the work, but two officials, Meng Yi and Chu Shudu.
In addition to Faye, it also mentions Huiyan 慧嚴 as a participant in the work and adds that
over a hundred others also assisted. It makes mention of the creation of the Huayan tang; how-
ever, it does not provide the time of the translation. See T 2059: 50.335c4–9. The GZ also says
that Faye was knowledgeable in the Huayan as Tanbin 曇斌 had learnt Huayan from him. See
T 2059: 50.373a23.
68 CSJ T 2145: 55.11c9, KL T 2154: 55.505b21.
69 ZM T 2146: 55.115a11
70 For his biography, see Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 T 2061: 50.719a19, HZ T 2073:
51.154c10. See also Forte 1974: 135–164; Chen forthcoming, Chapter 5.
71 HTJ T 1733: 35.122c22–27, 484c9–15.
72 Parts that have been omitted: the ten persons called on between the visits to Māyā and Mai-
treya.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 149

of the original manuscript, we cannot fault Buddhabhadra for this omission with cer-
tainty since it is possible that these parts were missing from the manuscript that he
used. The missing parts were translated and the work circulated independently during
the Tang dynasty under the title Dafangguang fo huayan jing rufajie pin 大方廣佛
華嚴經入法界品 .73 It was only in the Song period (960–1279) that these parts were
incorporated into the sixty-fascicle translation.74

The Eighty-Fascicle Huayan jing75

Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (623/625–705) learned that the original manuscript of

the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra could be found in Khotan and sent envoys to collect it.
Śikṣānanda brought the work to China and later settled at the Dabian 大遍
monastery
in the eastern capital, where he began translating it. This Sanskrit manuscript was
longer than the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing by 9,000 ślokas and consisted of a total of
45,000 ślokas. The Sanskrit text was read aloud by Bodhiruci 菩提流志 and Yijing
義淨 while Fazang and Fuli 復禮 wrote down the translation. The work began on the
fourteenth day of the third month [1 May] of 695 and was completed in the Foshouji
佛授記 monastery on the eighth day of the tenth month [6 September] of 699 with a
foreword written by the empress herself. Foshouji appears as the site of the translation
in Huiyuan’s 慧苑 (673–743) Xu huayan lüeshu kanding ji 續華嚴略疏刊定記
whereas the Empress Wu mentions the Great Biankong 遍空
monastery in her fore-
word.76 As CHEN Jinhua showed Śikṣānanda’s translation bureau was based at Fo-
shouji monastery, thus the translation of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra was done there, while
at the Biankong monastery, a palace chapel only the opening ceremony was held.77
The earlier translation contained eight assemblies and 34 chapters while the new
text had nine assemblies and 39 chapters. Despite the fact that Śikṣānanda’s transla-
tion is far longer than Buddhabhadra’s, the part in which Mañjuśrī touches Sudhana’s
head from a distance has been omitted here as well. As noted earlier, this part was
also missing in the sixty-fascicle version; Divākara filled the gap on the basis of the
Sanskrit Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra manuscript, which he had brought with him. Fazang
completed the eighty-fascicle version with the part that had been omitted.78
Śikṣānanda returned to Khotan in 704 to visit his sick mother. He returned to China
at the request of Emperor Zhongzong 中宗 (r. 684, 705–710) in 708. He died in 710 at

73 T 295.
74 For these added parts in the text of Taishō edition, see T 278: 9.765a3–767b28; 783b28–c15.
75 For an English translation of the work, see Cleary 1993; for a Japanese translation, see Etō
1929, revised by Itō Zuiei伊藤瑞叡 1959, reprint 1980.
76 Li 2000: 66.
77 Chen 2004.
續
78 Huiyuan, a disciple of Fazang’s, provides a report on this. See Xu huayan lüeshu kanding ji
華嚴略疏刊定記 , XZJ 5.49a1–12.
150 IMRE HAMAR

the age of 59. According to his biography, after he was cremated his tongue remained
and was sent back to Khotan. In his honour, a seven-storey pagoda was erected out-
side the northern gate of Chang’an and was named “the Pagoda of the Huayan Tripi-
ṭaka Master” (huayan sanzang ta 華嚴三藏塔 ).79

The Forty-Fascicle Huayan jing

The king of the southern Indian state of Oḍḍiyāna sent a Sanskrit manuscript of the
forty-fascicle Huayan jing to Emperor Dezong 德宗 (r. 779–805), which Prajñā
(744–810?) translated into Chinese. The master translator was originally from north-
ern India and in his youth studied the Hīnayāna teachings, especially those of the
Sarvāstivāda. After his ordination he travelled a great deal and came to know Yogā-
cāra and Tantric Buddhism. He came to China to visit Wutaishan 五台山 , which was
regarded as the residence of Mañjuśrī.80 In 781 he came to Guangzhou. He went on to
Chang’an, where he was treated with great respect and enjoyed the support of the em-
peror. He began the translation on the fifth day of the sixth month [13 July] of 796 and
completed it on the twenty-fourth day of the second month [16 March] of 798. He was
assisted by the fourth patriarch of the Huayan school, Chengguan
82
澄觀 (738–839).81
This version, which is called the forty-fascicle Huayan jing, contains all the parts
which are missing from the last chapter of the sixty- and eighty-fascicle recensions.
Of particular interest in this regard is the last fascicle, which includes The Vow of
Samantabhadra (Bhadracarī-praṇidhānarāja-gāthā, Puxian xingyuan pin 普賢行願
品 ). This text was first translated by Buddhabhadra as a separate work under the title
Wenshu shili fayuan jing 文殊師利發願經 ;83 it is shorter than the later translations.
The second translation was prepared by the famous Tantric master, Amoghavajra
(705–774), under the title Puxian pusa xingyuan zan 普賢菩薩行願贊 .84 Bart Dessein
compared the three versions and came to the conclusion that Amoghavajra had changed
the title of the work and that Prajñā had adopted this change from him.85
This seems to be contradicted by the fact that the titles of the Sanskrit version
and of the two Tibetan translations (one of them as part of the Gaṇḍavyūha, the other
as a separate work) would all include the name Samantabhadra. It is therefore more
likely, that the “Mañjuśrī” of the title of Buddhabhadra’s text was changed to Saman-
tabhadra in India.

79 For his biography, see Song gaoseng zhuan, T 2061: 50.718c19–719a17.

80 For the connection between Mañjuśrī and Wutaishan, see Birnbaum 1983.
81 For a critical biography, see Hamar 2002.
82 T 293.
83 T 296.
84 T 297.
85 Dessein 2003: 327–329.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 151

The Sanskrit Version

It is clear from the foregoing that according to our sources both the sixty- and
eighty-fascicle versions of the Huayan jing were translated into Chinese based on
Sanskrit manuscripts (fanben 梵本 ) from Khotan. This indicates that this work en-
joyed enormous popularity in this area and may even have been compiled there.86
Unfortunately, the Sanskrit manuscript has not survived. According to ŌNISHI Ryū-
hō, however, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra never in fact existed in Inner Asia.87 Zhi
Faling did not bring one work with him called the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, but a
number of sūtras which Buddhabhadra compiled and named the Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra. Śikṣānanda in turn attempted to collect similar works based on the Buddha-
bhadra version, and this gave rise to the Sanskrit manuscript which served as the
basis for the eighty-fascicle translation.
This appears to be contradicted by a report by the second patriarch of the Huayan
tradition, Zhiyan 智儼 (602–668, not to be confused with Zhiyan 智嚴
mentioned
above) on a Sanskrit manuscript that could be found in the Dacien 大慈恩
monas-
tery.88 He provides a precise description: it consisted of 541 pages with 55 syllables
字 頌
(zi ) in one line and twenty lines on one leaf. One śloka (song ) consisted of 32
syllables.89 He counted 2280 (?) syllables on the two sides of one leaf and making a
total of 1,323,480 syllables according to his count, or 41,980 ślokas plus ten sylla-
bles. Zhiyan’s count is not accurate because if his calculations are based on 2280
syllables per page then the total should be only 1,233,480 syllables, which, when di-
vided by 32, gives us 38,546 ślokas and eight syllables. However, if we count 2200
syllables per leaf, this gives us 1,190,200 syllables and therefore makes 37,193 ślokas
and 24 syllables. If we use this last count, the Sanskrit version is not much longer
than the sixty-fascicle version, which consists of 36,000 ślokas. Zhiyan lists the chap-
ters of the Sanskrit version as well, to be examined further on.
The next question is how this Sanskrit manuscript came to be in the Dacien mon-
astery. We may consider the option that the manuscript used by Buddhabhadra or a
copy of it found its way here. However, due to the distance both spatial and tempo-
ral as well as the significant differences in the arrangement of the chapters, there is
little likelihood of this. According to SANADA Ariyoshi, Xuanzang 玄奘
(600–664)
might have brought the Sanskrit Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra with him from his pilgrim-
age since the Dacien monastery featured prominently in his life.90 Here he also
translated a short Huayan sūtra, which I will discuss below.

86 During this period in Inner Asia, Sanskrit was used as the ecclesiastical language and Sanskrit
texts were not translated into local vernaculars. It is likely that works were also composed in
Sanskrit. See Nattier 1990: 195–219.
87 Ōnishi 1985.
88 Huayan jing nei zhangmen deng za kongmu zhang 華嚴經內章門等雜孔目章 , T 1871: 45.588
a13–589b13.
89 This corresponds to the traditional Indian number of syllables in a śloka. See Monier-Williams
1899: 1104.
90 Sanada 1949: 48–50.
152 IMRE HAMAR

As I noted previously, a part was missing from the last chapter of the sixty-fasci-
cle Huayan jing, the Gaṇḍavyūha, which was later translated by Divākara with the
assistance of Fazang. Fazang wrote that he and Divākara had jointly examined the
various Indian versions (tianzhu zhuben 天竺諸本 ), the Kunlun version (kunlun ben
崑崙本 ) and the independent version from Khotan (yutian biexing ben 于闐別行
本 ), and that they had found that the parts that were missing from the sixty-fascicle
version could be found in all of them.91 We can conclude from this mention of the
“independent version from Khotan” and the fact that we know that Divākara had
brought the Gaṇḍavyūha with him that they compared the last chapter of the sixty-
fascicle Huayan jing with the independent sūtra.92
Like Zhiyan, Fazang also mentions that Sanskrit manuscripts of the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra could be found in the Dacien monastery: “I recently saw in the pagoda
of the Dacien monastery three versions of the Sanskrit Buddhāvataṃsaka-[sūtra].
I briefly compared all of them with the Chinese version and they were largely identi-
cal; the numbers of ślokas were also similar.”
近於大慈恩寺塔上見梵本華嚴有三部。 略勘並與此漢本大同。 頌數亦相
似。 93

Partial Translations after the Translation of Larger

Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra

The chapters translated after the eighty-fascicle translation was completed raise sev-
eral questions. The third patriarch of the Huayan school, Fazang, who was himself
involved in the translation of the eighty-fascicle version, compared the final trans-
lation with the Sanskrit manuscript and found that the Teaching of Samantabhadra
chapter was missing from the Chinese version even though it was part of the Sanskrit
original.94 At the same time, the translator of the eighty-fascicle work also translated
this sūtra under the title Dafangguang puxian suo shuo jing 大方廣普賢所說經 .
The question therefore is why Śikṣānanda omitted this chapter from the Huayan jing.
The chapter can also be found in the Tibetan translation prepared in the ninth century
under the title Kun-tu bzang-pos bstan-pa. It is thus conceivable that the Sanskrit version
to which Fazang had access was close to the version used by the Tibetan translators.
After the translation of the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, one of the greatest transla-
tors of Chinese Buddhism, Xuanzang, translated a short Huayan sūtra entitled Xian
wubian fotu gongde jing 顯無邊佛土功德經 , corresponding to chapter twenty-six of

91 HTJ T 1733: 35.484c9–15.

92 According to Li Huiying, it is not clear whether the text in question is the entire Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra or only the Gaṇḍavyūha, although the phrase “freestanding version” suggests
that it was only the Gaṇḍavyūha that was compared with the last chapter of the sixty-fascicle
Huayan jing. See Li 2000: 70–71.
93 HTJ T 1733: 35.122b24–25.
94 HZ 2073: 51.156a20.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 153

the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, Life-span (Shouming pin 壽命品

). The same chapter
was also translated by Dharmabhadra in 1001 under the title Foshuo jiaoliang yiqie
fosha gongde jing 佛說較量一切佛剎功德經 . It is interesting that two independent
Tibetan translations of this short work have also survived.95 In this text, “Conscious-
ness-King Bodhisattva” relates that one kalpa in our world corresponds to one day
in the world of Amitābha, and that one kalpa in the world of Amitābha corresponds
to one day in the next world. This last world where beings therefore live the longest
is the Lotus-womb world, which is the pure realm extolled by the Buddhāvataṃsaka-
sūtra. The popularity of the sūtra can be explained in part by the growth of the Ami-
tābha-cult in the Tang period and in part by the cult associated with Huayan Bud-
dhism. The importance of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra is demonstrated by the fact that,
after the partial translations of the previous era and after the translation of the larger
works, Śīladharma translated it once more in 799 under the title Foshuo shidi jing 佛
說十地經 .

The Tibetan version

In addition to the sixty- and eighty-fascicle Chinese translations, the Buddhāvataṃ-

saka-sūtra has survived in a Tibetan translation. It is not known how the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra arrived in Tibet, but since the Tibetans enjoyed active ties with Khotan
the manuscript could have been brought from there.96 The complete Buddhāvataṃ-
saka makes up a section of the Bka’-’gyur called Phal-chen. The Tibetan title of the
sūtra is Sangs-rgyas phal-po-che zhes bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa chen-po’i mdo.97 On
the basis of this, the Sanskrit title is reconstructed as Buddhāvataṃsaka nāma mahā-
vaipulya sūtra. In the Derge recension of the Tibetan Canon the work fills four vol-
umes. Each volume is divided into bam-pos,98 with the bam-po numbering beginning
anew with each volume. At the end of each bam-po, the work is referred to by the
following title: Sangs-rgyas rmad gcad ces bya-ba shin-tu rgyas-pa’i mdo.99 Accord-
ing to the Ldan-kar catalogue compiled during the time of King Khri-srong-lde-
brtsan (754–797), the work consists of 45 chapters and 39,030 ślokas. This makes
130 complete bam-pos and 30 ślokas. It is not difficult to calculate that one bam-po

95 P 772, 934. For their titles, see below.

96 Khri-lde-gtsug-brtsan (704–754) had a Chinese wife, who interceded for the monks who had
fled in large numbers from Khotan. It is owing to this that they were able to settle here and that
seven monasteries were built for them. Three years later, however, after the death of the queen,
they were driven out. See Snellgrove 1986: 77.
97 P 761.
98 One bam-po consists of 300 ślokas. See Lalou 1953: 313–314. The works in the catalogue pre-
pared during the reign of Khri-srong-lde-brtsan were arranged by number of bam-pos, in de-
scending order. The origin of the term bam-po must be sought in Chinese as Indian tradition
knows no such division. See Skilling 1997: 92.
99 This is the old Tibetan title for the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. See Bod-rgya tshig-mdzod chen-
mo 1985: II. p. 1711.
154 IMRE HAMAR

consists of 300 ślokas. The colophon of the Derge edition states that the Tshal-pa edi-
tion of this sūtra is divided into 115 bam-pos, and current editions have different way
of division. It is worth noting that this division is similar to the manner in which Zhi-
yan measured the length of the Sanskrit manuscript.100 The Tibetan translation was
prepared in the first quarter of the ninth century by two Indian scholars, Jinamitra and
Surendrabodhi, in collaboration with the Tibetan master-editor Ye-shes-sde. The work
consists of 45 chapters (le’u), and the bodhisattvas gather on nine occasions in seven
places. According to the catalogue prepared by Qing Jixiang 慶吉祥 between 1285
and 1287, Zhiyuan fabao kantong zonglu 至元法寶勘同總錄 , the Tibetan transla-
tion was based on the Chinese version.101 However, the Tibetan translation contains
two chapters which cannot be found in any of the Chinese translations; it is therefore
more likely that the Tibetan translation was made from a Sanskrit text.102 This is
supported by the fact that we know that Jinamitra and Surendrabodhi translated from
Sanskrit, not Chinese.103
The colophon of the Derge edition sheds a certain degree of light on the issue.
First of all, it states that the number of bam-pos differs in the various editions. It men-
tions two lines of tradition: one Chinese, the other Indian. In the Chinese line, the
teaching went from Buddha to Mañjuśrī and then to Nāgārjuna. Buddhabhadra (paṇ-
ḍita Byang-chub bzang-po) and Śikṣānanda (paṇḍita Dga’-ba) subsequently trans-
lated it into Chinese. The text was later passed on by Thu-thu-zhun hwashang, and
then Sangs-rgyas-’bum of Dbus obtained the teaching from Gying-ju hwashang. This
tradition has survived thanks to outstanding translators. The Indian line of tradition
is as follows: the teaching came from Buddha to Nāgārjuna, then to Āryadeva and
later to ’Jam-dpal-grags-pa. The teaching was received by a contemporary of Mila-
repa’s (1040–1123), Bari lo-tsaba (1040–1111), from Rdo-rje-gdan-pa and later by
the great Sa-skya-pa (1092–1158) from Mchims-brtson-seng.
Partial translations survive in Bka’-’gyurs, where they are not classed under Phal-
chen but, with one exception, under Mdo sna-tshogs “Miscellaneous Sūtra”. As men-

100 Lalou 1953: 319.

101 T 99.190b.
102 This confirms my own research in which I have compared the Chinese and Tibetan transla-
tions of the Appearance of the Tathāgata Sūtra. The Tibetan version contains an introductory
section which cannot be found in any of the Chinese translations, except for that by Dharma-
rakṣa. The Chinese translators presumably left out this introductory section, if it was not already
missing from the version that they used. Professor ARAMAKI Noritoshi, who examined the
various versions of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra as the work was being translated into Japanese,
also concluded that this chapter had been translated from Sanskrit (personal communication).
103 The list of translators from Sanskrit to Tibetan in the Sgra-sbyor bam-po gnyis-pa opens with
Jinamitra and Surendrabodhi. For the relevant Tibetan text and its translation, see Scherrer-
Schaub 1999. Bu-ston writes that King Ral-pa-can (r. 815–836) ordered Jinamitra, Surendra-
bodhi, Ye-shes-sde and other masters to translate Buddhist texts into Tibetan directly from
Sanskrit because the words, or terminology, had been variously rendered in translations from
Chinese and other languages, thus making it difficult to study the teaching. See Obermiller
1931: 196–197. For Jinamitra, see also Skilling 1997, chapter 4.
 THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA 155

tioned above, there are two translations of the Life-span chapter: Enumeration of the
Virtues of Buddha-lands of Tathāgatas (’Phags-pa de-bzhin gshegs-pa-rnams-kyi
sangs-rgyas-kyi zhing-gi yon-tan brjod-pa’i rnam-grangs)104 and The King-sūtra
which Cannot Be Grasped by Thoughts (’Phags-pa bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa’i rgyal-
po’i mdo zhes bya-ba theg-pa chen-po’i mdo).105 According to the Derge edition, the
former was translated by Jinamitra, Dānaśīla and Ye-shes-sde.106 The translators of
the latter work are unknown.107
The Inconceivable Teaching of Buddha Sūtra (Sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsam-gyis
mi khyab-pa bstan-pa),108 which is also a part of the translation of larger Buddhāva-
taṃsaka-sūtra, where it has the same title. The names of the translators have not sur-
vived, but the colophon says the following: “Chapter twenty-nine of the Large Ear
Ornament Sūtra109 consisting of one hundred thousand chapters is The Teaching of
Buddha which Cannot Be Grasped by Thought (Snyan-gyi gong-rgyan rgyas-pa
chen-po’i mdo le’u ’bum-pa-las sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa bstan-
pa’i le’u nyi-shu dgu-pa)”.110 In fact, this chapter is not the twenty-ninth in the Ti-
betan translation of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, but the thirty-ninth. Bu-ston (1290–
1364) writes that the entire Buddhist canon has not survived and that many parts have
been lost. He cites the example of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, which had originally
consisted of 100,000 chapters, of which only forty survived.111 This report is surpris-
ing because the Tibetan translation consists of forty-five chapters. The 100,000 chap-
ters (le’u) probably refers to the 100,000 ślokas. As mentioned earlier, according to
legend, the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra which Nāgārjuna brought out of the palace of
serpents contained 100,000 ślokas. It is interesting to note that this version is close
to the sixty-fascicle Chinese version, while the version in the larger work is close to
the eighty-fascicle work.112 This chapter is the twenty-eighth in the sixty-fascicle
Huayan jing, so it is possible that this independent Tibetan translation is part of an-
other, presumably earlier Tibetan translation of the larger Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra,
which might have been based on this recension of the Huayan jing.
The King of the Prayer of Outstanding Acts (’Phags-pa bzang-po spyod-pa’i
smon-lam-gyi rgyal-po),113 which is a translation of Bhadracarī-praṇidhānarāja-gā-
thā, can be found in the Rgyud (Tantra) section of Bka-’gyur. Unlike the two larger
Chinese translations, the larger Tibetan translation also contains this work.

104 P 772.
105 P 934.
106 A Comparative Analytical Catalogue 1930–1932: 276.
107 Ibid., 363. For this paper I refer only to the Peking and Derge Kanjurs or their catalogues.
Further details about the translation or translators may be found in other Kanjurs or recensions
of the text, but I leave this task for future research.
108 P 854.
109 This is the old Tibetan title for the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. Bod-rgya tshig-mdzod chen-mo
1985: II. p. 1711.
110 P 208: 34.200b5–6.
111 Obermiller 1931: 169.
112 A Comparative Analytical Catalogue 1930–1932: 330.
113 P 716.
156 IMRE HAMAR

Comparing the chapters in the various versions

Although no Sanskrit version of a “complete” Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra has survived,

Zhiyan recorded the Chinese translations of the Sanskrit chapter titles in his com-
mentary.114 We are thus afforded an opportunity to compare the arrangements of the
chapters in one Sanskrit, two Chinese and one Tibetan versions. The number of chap-
ters differs: the sixty-fascicle sūtra is divided into thirty-four chapters, the eighty-
fascicle work contains thirty-nine, the Tibetan translation has forty-five and the San-
skrit “original” – according to Zhiyan’s report – into forty-four.115 The discrepancy
can be traced back to two causes. Firstly, some chapters were omitted from certain
versions. Thus, for example, Chapter 11 of the Tibetan translation, The Garlands of
Tathāgata, and Chapter 32, The Speech by Samantabhadra, are missing from all
other versions; while the Ten Concentrations chapter is found only in the eighty-fas-
cicle and Tibetan texts. Secondly, the text is divided into chapters in different ways
and thus the chapter titles also differ. Chapter 2 of the sixty-fascicle Chinese text,
Vairocana Buddha, for instance, makes up five separate chapters in the eighty-fas-
cicle version, whereas it makes up nine chapters in the Tibetan and “Sanskrit” ver-
sions. The last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, Gaṇḍavyūha, is uniquely di-
vided into three chapters in the Sanskrit version. Another difference is that the same
chapter may have a different title in different versions. For example, Chapter 1 bears
the title The Eye that Sees the World Clearly in the sixty-fascicle and Sanskrit ver-
sions, whereas it has the title The Wondrous Ornaments of the Lord of the World in
the eighty-fascicle and Tibetan versions.
On examining the arrangements of the chapters, therefore, we find that the Ti-
betan and Sanskrit versions are similar. On the basis of these findings, it can be con-
cluded that the Tibetan recension, which contains two additional chapters not found
in the other two recensions, represents the fourth and last stage of development of the
Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, whereas the eighty-fascicle Chinese recension, which con-
tains one more chapter than the Sanskrit and the sixty-fascile recensions, is the third
stage.

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Kimura Kiyotaka 初期中國華厳思想の研究
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158 IMRE HAMAR

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: Chūgoku kegon shisōshi [The history of Chinese
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 160
Appendix

Comparative table of chapters of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra

Sanskrit Buddhabhadra Śikṣānanda Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese

(Zhiyan’s report) (T 278) (T 279) and Tibetan
(1) 世間淨眼品 (1) 世間淨眼品 (1) 世主妙嚴品 (1) ’jig-rten-gyi dbang-po
thams-cad-kyi rgyan-gyi
tshul rab-tu byung-ba
(2) 如來品 (2) 盧舍那佛品 (2) 如來現相品 (2) de-bzhin gshegs-pa

IMRE HAMAR
(3) 普賢菩薩修行入 (3) 普賢三昧品 (3) kun-tu bzang-po’i ting-
三摩提品 nge-’dzin dang rnam-par
’phrul-pa rab-tu ‘byung-ba
(4) 說入世界海品 (4) 世界成就品 (4) ’jig-rten-gyi khams rgya-
mtsho shin-tu bstan-pa’i
phyogs gsal-bar bya-ba
yang-dag par bsgrubs-pa
(5) 淨世界海功德海 (5) 華藏世界品 (5) ’jig-rten-gyi khams rgya-
光明品 mtsho gzhi dang snying-
po me-tog-gi rgyan-gyis
brgyan-pa’i yon-tan rgya-
mtsho yongs-su dag-pas
snang-ba
 Sanskrit Buddhabhadra Śikṣānanda Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese
(Zhiyan’s report) (T 278) (T 279) and Tibetan
1(6) 世界輪圍莊嚴 1(6) ’jig-rten-gyi khams
海品 rgya-mtsho’i khor yug-gi
rgyan rgya-mtsho shin-tu
bstan-pa

THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA

1(7) 說世界海莊嚴 1(7) jig-rten-gyi khams
地品 rgya-mtsho’i sa’i gzhi’i
rgyan shin-tu bstan-pa
1(8) 觀世界性處品 1(8) zhing-gi rgyud-kyi gnas
shin-tu bstan-pa
1(9) 觀世界處安住 1(9) ’jig-rten-gyi khams-kyi
音聲品 rgyud rnam-par dgod-pa
shin-tu bstan-pa
(10) 毘盧舍那品 (6) 毘盧遮那品 (10) nam-par snang-mdzad
(11) de-bzhin gshegs-pa phal-
po che
(11) 如來名稱品 (3) 如來名號品 (7) 如來名號品 (12) sangs-rgyas-kyi mtshan 佛說兜沙經
shin-tu bstan-pa T 280: 10.445a5–446a15.
佛說菩薩本業經
T 281: 10.446b28–447a18.
(12) 四諦品 (4) 四諦品 (8) 四聖諦品 (13) ’phags-pa’i bden-pa

161
 162
Sanskrit Buddhabhadra Śikṣānanda Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese
(Zhiyan’s report) (T 278) (T 279) and Tibetan
(13) 如來光明熾然 (5) 如來光明 1(9) 光明覺品 (14) de-bzhin gshegs-pa’i ’od- 佛說兜沙經
覺品 覺品 zer-las rnam-par sangs- T 280: 10.446a15–b9.
rgyas
佛說菩薩本業經
T 281: 10.447a19–b4.
(14) 菩薩明難品 (6) 菩薩明難 (10) 菩薩問明品 (15) byang-chub sems-dpas
品 dris-pa snang-ba
(15) 圓淨行品 (7) 淨行品 (11) 淨行品 (16) spyod-yul yongs-su dag- 佛說菩薩本業經
pa T 281: 10.447b6–449 b23.

IMRE HAMAR
諸菩薩求佛本業經
T 282: 10.451a6–454 a7.
(16) 賢勝品 (8) 賢首菩薩 (12) 賢首品 (17) bzang-po’i dpal
品
(17) 須彌頂入如來 (9) 佛昇須彌 (13) 昇須彌山頂品 (18) de-bzhin gshegs-pa ri- 佛說菩薩本業經
品 頂品 rab-kyi rtse-mor gshegs- T 281: 10.449b25–29.
pa
諸菩薩求佛本業經
T 282: 10.454a8–20.
 Sanskrit Buddhabhadra Śikṣānanda Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese
(Zhiyan’s report) (T 278) (T 279) and Tibetan
(18) 須彌頂如來作 (10) 菩薩雲集 (14) 須彌頂上偈讚 (19) ri rab-kyi rtse-mo de- 佛說菩薩本業經
菩薩集說偈品 妙勝殿上 品 bzhin gshegs-pa’i rnam- T 281: 10.449b29–c4.
說偈品 par ’phrul-pa dang byang-
諸菩薩求佛本業經
chub sems-dpa’i tshogs-

THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA

T 282: 10.454a20–26.
kyi tshigs-su bcad-pa
(19) 十菩薩說住品 (11) 菩薩十住 (15) 十住品 (20) byang-chub sems-dpa’i 佛說菩薩本業經
品 rnam-par dgod-pa bcu T 281: 10.449c4–450c25.
bstan-pa
菩薩十住行道品
T 283.
佛說菩薩十住經
T 284.
(20) 梵行品 (12) 梵行品 (16) 梵行品 (21) tshangs-par spyod-pa
(21) 說初發心菩薩 (13) 初發心菩 (17) 初發心功德品 (22) byang-chub sems-dpa’
功德花聚喻偈 薩功德品 sems dang-po bskyed-pa’i
品 bsod-nams-kyi phung-
po’i dpe yang-dag-par
bsags-pa tshigs bcad-pa
(22) 明法品 (14) 明法品 (18) 明法品 (23) chos snang-ba
(23) 蘇夜摩富作品 (15) 佛昇夜摩 (19) 昇夜摩天宮品 (24) ran mtshe-ma’i gnas-na 諸菩薩求佛本業經
天宮自在 rnam-par ’phrul-ba T 282: 10.454a8–20.
品

163
 164
Sanskrit Buddhabhadra Śikṣānanda Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese
(Zhiyan’s report) (T 278) (T 279) and Tibetan
(24) 蘇夜摩富菩薩 (16) 夜摩天宮 (20) 夜摩宮中偈讚 (25) rab mtshe-ma’i gnas-su
集說偈品 菩薩說偈 品 byang-chub sems-dpa’i
品 ’dus-pas tshigs-su bcad-
pa bstan-pa
(26) 十無盡藏品 菩薩十無(18) (22) 十無盡藏品 (27) gter mi zad-pa bcu bstan-
盡藏品 pa
(27) 如來昇入兜率 (19) 如來昇兜 (23) 昇兜率天宮品 (28) de-bzhin gshegs-pa dga’-
陀 天品 率天宮一 ldan-du bzhud-pa dang
切寶殿品 gshegs-pa dang bzhugs-

IMRE HAMAR
pa’i rgyan
(28) 兜率宮菩薩來 (20) 兜率天宮 (24) 兜率宮中偈讚 (29) dga’-ldan-gyi gnas-su
說 偈品 菩薩雲集 品 byang-chub sems-dpa’
讚佛品 ’dus-pa’i tshigs-su bcad-
pa bstan-pa
(29) 金剛幢迴向品 (21) 金剛幢菩 (25) 十迴向品 (30) rdo-rje rgyal-mtshan-gyis
薩十迴向 yongs-su bsngo-ba
品
 Sanskrit Buddhabhadra Śikṣānanda Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese
(Zhiyan’s report) (T 278) (T 279) and Tibetan
(30) 十地品 (22) 十地品 (26) 十地品 (31) sa bcu 漸備一切智德經
T 285.
十住經

THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA

T 286.
佛說十地經
T 287.
(32) kun-tu bzang-pos bstan- 大方廣普賢所說經
pa T 298.
(27) 十定品 (33) ting-nge-’dzin bcu 等目菩薩所問三昧經
T 288.
(31) 神通品 (23) 十明品 (28) 十通品 (34) mngon-par shes-pa
(32) 忍辱品 (24) 十忍品 (29) 十忍品 (35) bzod-pa 佛說如來興顯經
T 291: 10.614b15–617b7.
(33) 心王問算教入 (25) 心王菩薩 (30) 阿僧祇品 (36) sems-kyis rgyal-pos dris-
品 問阿僧祇 nas grags-la ’jug-pa bstan
品

165
 166
Sanskrit Buddhabhadra Śikṣānanda Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese
(Zhiyan’s report) (T 278) (T 279) and Tibetan
(34) 壽量品 (26) 壽命品 (31) 壽量品 (37) tshe’i tshad 顯無邊佛土功德經
T 289.
佛說較量一切佛剎功德經
T 290.
De-bzhin gshegs-pa-rnams-
kyi sangs-rgyas-gi yon-tan
brjod-pa’i rnam-grangs
P 772.

IMRE HAMAR
Bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa’i
rgyal-po’i mdo
P 934.
(36) 說佛法不思議 (28) 佛不思議 (33) 佛不思議法品 (39) sangs-rgyas-kyi chos Sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsam-
品 法品 bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa gyis mi khyab-pa bstan-pa
bstan-pa P 854.
(37) 說如來十身相 (29) 如來相海 (34) 如來十身相海 (40) de-bzhin gshegs-pa’i
海品 品 品 sku’i mtshan rgya-mtsho
bstan-pa
(38) 小種好光明說 (30) 佛小相光 (35) 如來隨好光明 (41) dpe-byad bzang-po’i ’od-
功 德門品 明功德品 功德品 zer bstan-pa
(39) 說普賢菩薩行 (31) 普賢菩薩 (36) 普賢行品 (42) kun-tu bzang-po’i spyod-
品 行品 pa bstan-pa
 Sanskrit Buddhabhadra Śikṣānanda Tibetan (P 761) Partial extant Chinese
(Zhiyan’s report) (T 278) (T 279) and Tibetan
(40) 說如來性起品 (32) 寶王如來 (37) 如來出現品 (43) de-bzhin gshegs-pa skye- 佛說如來興顯經
性起品 ba ’byung-ba bstan-pa T 291: 10.592c6–614b14.
(41) 出世間品 (33) 離世間品 (38) 離世間品 (44) ’jig-rten-las ’das-pa 度世品經

THE HISTORY OF THE BUDDHĀVATAṂSAKA-SŪTRA

T 292.
(42 善財離貪藏品 (34) 入法界品 (39) 入法界品 (45) sdong-pos brgyan-pa 大方廣佛華嚴經
(43) 彌勒離貪名善
T 293.
財 所問品 佛說羅摩伽經
(44) 說如來功德不
T 294.
思議境界上境 大方廣佛華嚴經入法界品
界入品 T 295.
文殊師利發願經
T 296.
普賢菩薩行願贊
T 297.
’Phags-pa bzang-po spyod-
pa’i smon-lam-gyi rgyal-po
P 716.

167
 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD

It is widely known that the Sino-Japanese tradition of Huayan/Kegon philoso-華嚴

phy and practice started in Southern Dynasties (420–589) with the translation of the
Huayan jing in 60 fascicles by a translation team led by a Gandhāran meditation
master, Buddhabhadra (Fotuobatuoluo 佛陀跋陀羅
) from the 14th year of Yixi 義
熙 period of Eastern Jin (418) through the 2nd year of Yongchu 永初
period of Liu
Song (421). However, has anybody been able to trace the earliest transmission of
this tradition to Northern Dynasties (386–581) on the basis of any historical evi-
dence?
Here, in this paper1 I would like to draw the readers’ attention to the cardinal im-
portance of some historiographical and archeological evidence for elucidating the
beginning of Huayan tradition in Northern Dynasties and understanding its philoso-
phical and religious characteristics. The evidence I have gathered so far, represents
three stages of development as follows:
1. The biography of Xuangao 玄高 (402–444) in Liang gaoseng zhuan 梁高僧
傳 and the cave 169 of Binglingsi cave (Binglingsi shiku 炳靈寺石窟)
2

The episode transmitted in Xuangao’s biography that the Gandhāran meditation

master Buddhabhadra came to Chang’an to teach him the (huayan) samādhi around
421 C. E., must be accepted as a historical fact and as evidence of the earliest trans-

1 The present paper is intended to take a bird’s eye view of the historical development of Huayan
philosophical and practical tradition in Northen Dynasties. Since this historical development
has as yet scarcely been understood due to the scanty remnants of its textual transmission,
every proposition in the following lines may need to be corroborated in greater details for
which I must refer either to my previuosly published Japanese papers or to my future
undertakings. Aramaki 2000 is an attempt to remedy this defect by showing that Dunhuang
manuscripts comprise a substantial number of the important documents of Buddhism under the
Northern Dynasties. Aramaki 2003 is also an attempt to indicate the importance of Xuangao’s
Buddhism in the earlier half of Northern Wei Dynasty through elucidating his connection with
Gao Yun 高允 , the most respected political leader of the period. I am planning to write a paper
to explain the fundamental historical developments of Buddhist philosophy and practice from
Northern Dynasties to Sui and early Tang.
2 T 2059: 50.397a–398b, esp. 397a21–397c4.
170 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

mission of this tradition to Northern Dynasties. The oldest wall paintings in the cave
169 of Binglingsi cave dated to the 5th year of Jianhong 建弘
period (425), record
the name of Daorong 道融 (???–??) twice, who is one of the most eminent disciples
of Kumārajīva and is also known as the first transmitter of the bodhisattva śīla sūtra,
the Fanwang jing 梵網經 ,3 to the South. Where did Daorong receive the Fanwang
jing or even participate in its composition? We can surmise that not earlier than their
receiving the bodhisattva śīla practice of the Bodhisattvabhūmi translated in Guzang
姑臧 in the 7th year of Xuanshi 玄始 period (418), the two leaders, Xuangao with
his huayan samādhi, and Daorong with his Mahāyānistic meditative practice in ac-
cordance with the Chengshi lun 成實論 ,4 cooperated there at Binglingsi cave to pro-
duce this fundamental apocryphal sūtra of bodhisattva śīla practice, the Fanwang
jing.
2. The biography of Zhidan 智誕 in Liang gaoseng zhuan5 and the Dunhuang
manuscript Pelliot 2908.
SAKAMOTO Yukio 坂本幸男 ,6 one of the greatest Huayan scholars in Japan, has
established that the Dharma teacher Dan 誕
who is said to be the first promulgator
of the classification of Buddha’s teachings into two categories, the sudden teaching
(dunjiao 頓教 ) and the gradual teaching (jianjiao 漸教
), is Huidan 慧誕
, who is
quoted eight times in the Southern work known under the name The Collected Com-
mentaries on the Mahāyāna Nirvāṇa-sūtra (Daban niepan jing jijie 大般涅槃經集
解 ).7 I think that this Huidan can be identified as the one time Southern and other
time Northern monk, Zhidan, because we now have the Dunhuang manuscript Pel-
liot 2908 which is a Northern commentorial work on various Mahāyāna sūtras and
its explicit purpose is to promulgate the classification of Buddha’s teachings into
two categories: the sudden and the gradual. Here, in this manuscript Huayan jing is
regarded as the sudden teachings taught simultaneously by the exponent bodhisatt-
vas within one and the same moment of Buddha’s awakening, while all the other
five classes of his teachings are the gradual teaching advocated gradually from the
expediently Hīnayānistic to the more and more essentially Mahāyānistic.
3. The Dazhusheng 大住聖 cave and the epitaph of Lingyou 靈祐 at Baoshansi
寶山寺 in Hebei 河北.
The final stage of the Huayan tradition in Northern Dynasties is eloquently rep-
resented by the exquisitely completed Vairocana Buddha image with Amitābha on
its Western and Maitreya Buddha images on its Eastern side wall and by the mi-
nutely hewn wall-carvings on the backside of the entrance to the Dazhusheng cave8

3 T 1484.
4 T 1646.
5 T 2059: 50.379c17–20; 472a18–22.
6 Sakamoto 1956: 161 ff.
7 T 1763.
8 The rubbing of the relief of the twenty four Indian patriarchs was published as the plate 13 of
“Henan Anyang Lingquansi shiku ji Xiaonanhai shiku” Wenwu, 1988-4.
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 171

which was built at the Southern edge of the Taixing 太行 mountains near Northern
業
Qi (550–577) capital, Ye , by Lingyou, the leading monk of the time. In his epi-
taph standing by the side of his tomb nearby he is declared to be the fourth patriarch
of Dharma lineage in China in continuation to the twenty four patriarchs in India:
1. Ratnamati (Lenamoti) 勒那摩提 (??–??), 2. Huiguang慧光 (??–??) 3. Daoping
道憑 靈祐
(??–??) and 4. Lingyou . Why didn’t Huayan teachers of the Tang Dy-
nasty (618–907) continue this older lineage of their own tradition, while Tiantai
天台 teachers and both Northern and Southern schools of Chan adopted parallel
lineages in continuation to the same twenty four patriarchs in India? This is, I sus-
pect, not unrelated with their religious limitation.
Now, how can we explain that the three stages of historiographical and archeo-
logical evidence enumerated so far, indeed defined the philosophical and religious
characteristics of Huayan tradition? Next, I try to delineate, in the barest gist, the
origin of Huayan practice in Xuangao’s huayan samādhi (§ 1), its philosophical
foundation on Zhidan’s sudden teaching (§ 2) and its religious limitation in Lin-
gyou’s eschatological awareness (Conclusion).

1. Huayan Tradition: the Origin of Its Practice in Xuangao’s

Huayan Samādhi

The fundamental historical fact which Huayan studies have very badly neglected un-
til now, so obvious though, is that the development of Huayan Buddhism is side by
side with the art historical development of Vairocana Buddha images, often on a co-
lossal scale, accompanied by the so called ‘one thousand Buddha images’. How can
we explain, and to what origin can we trace back, this correlation between Vairocana
Buddha images accompanied by ‘one thousand Buddha images’ and the philosophi-
cal and religious tradition of Huayan? While still lacking the definitive evidence for
proof, I hypothesize that the correlation between Vairocana Buddha images with
‘one thousand Buddha images’ and the philosophical and religious tradition of Hua-
yan can be traced back to the religious community led by Daorong and Xuangao at
Binglingsi cave, and thereafter to Vairocana Buddha images at the Yungang 雲岡
caves. I show how the bodhisattva śīla sūtra, the Fanwang jing, may have been com-
posed by the cooperation of Daorong and Xuangao at Binglingsi cave with the pur-
pose of establishing the philosophical and religious tradition of Huayan to attain
huayan samādhi by the inspiration of Vairocana Buddha in his presence there.
There is no doubt that this parallel development of the Vairocana Buddha image
with the one thousand Buddha images and the philosophical and religious tradition
of Huayan in Northern Dynasties presupposes the transmission and the acceptance
of the Huayan jing in 60 fascicles among Northern Buddhist leaders. When was this
lengthy Mahāyāna sūtra transmitted to the North and how was it received there? In
order to answer this fundamental question, I think we should pay due attention to the
following episode of Xuangao’s biography in Liang gaoseng zhuan as follows:
172 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

After his ordination [at the age 20 (A. D. 421), Xuangao] was earnestly striving to live a
strictly disciplined life and to be deeply absorbed in meditation. He heard that the
meditation master Buddhabhadra was teaching Buddhist meditative practice at Shiyangsi in
Chang’an area. Xuangao visited the master and became his disciple. Within a period of
some ten days he accomplished all the techniques of meditation perfectly well. Buddha-
bhadra praised him by saying, ‘Good, good, my dear! So profoundly have you penetrated
into meditation.’ Thus Buddhabhadra humbled himself and did not let him pay homage.

受戒已後專精禪律。聞關中有浮馱跋陀禪師在石羊寺弘法。高往師之。旬日之中妙
通禪法。跋陀歎曰。善哉佛子。乃能深悟如此。於是卑顏推遜不受師禮。 9

This dramatic encounter and this mutually respectful relationship of Xuangao

with Buddhabhadra around the second year of Jianhong 建弘
period (421) implies
the possibility that the Huayan jing in 60 fascicles, translated by the latter just within
the same year, was transmitted directly to Xuangao, and he started to study the scrip-
ture in the light of his religious experience. Xuangao at the age 20 or so may appear
to be too young to dictate the course of the historical development of Huayan tradi-
tion, but his genius in achieving samādhi and his historical role in founding North-
ern Wei 魏 (386–534) Buddhism should prove to be sufficiently fundamental to ini-
tiate this primarily Northern development of Huayan tradition. Into which way did
he direct the Northern development of Huayan tradition?
Xuangao’s biography after this dramatic encounter (around 421) can be summa-
rized by a chronological table as follows:
421–422? He retreated from the devastating wars in the capital area to the Maiji-
shan 麦積山 caves in Tianshui 天水 and there he met more than one hundred Bud-
dhist meditators including the eminant disciples of Kumārajīva such as Tanhong 曇
弘 , Daorong 道融 , etc. He became their leader in meditative practice.
422?–424 He proceeded westwards to Qifochipan’s 乞佛熾槃 Southern Qin 秦
(with its capital at Fuhan 枹罕 in order to learn more about the technique of samādhi
from the meditation master Tanwupi 曇無毘 there. After he had mastered Tanwu-
pi’s technique, at the moment of the latter’s departure he was involved in a political
scandal caused by two pseudo-monks who accused Xuangao of intending to overthrow
the prince. He was expelled by the prince from his territory. He crossed the Yellow
River to the other (Northern) shore where the Binglingsi cave temple is found. The
oldest cave, no. 169, was found by a Chinese archeological team. The original sculp-
tures and wall-paintings with the inscriptions of the leading monks headed by Tan-
wupi, Daorong, etc. were preserved. It is dated to the 5th year of Jianhong period
(424). The western wall with the plastered huge central Buddha (perhaps Vairocana)
and many Buddhas in line faces the eastern wall with the painted thousand Buddhas,
as if the former Vairocana Buddha were preaching to the latter thousand Buddhas in
the Fanwang jing. If we assume that the bodhisattva śīla text translated in Northern
Liang 涼 (401–439) in A. D. 418 was transmitted to this cave area, then it is possible

9 T 2059: 50.397a21–24.
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 173

that Xuangao with his huayan samādhi and Daorong with his Chengshi lun philo-
sophy cooperated here to compose the Fanwang jing.
?–439. He moved on with his community further westward to Northern Liang
under Juqumengsun 沮渠蒙遜 where Tanwuchen 曇無讖 translated numerous Bud-
dhist sūtras and initiated an ardent movement of ceremonially receiving and observ-
ing the bodhisattva śīlas. He was invited to this western frontier kingdom after Tan-
wuchen had been killed around A. D. 433 or before. There is no doubt that in addi-
tion to the original Tanwuchen’s bodhisattva śīla, the practice of bodhisattva śīlas ac-
cording to the Fanwang jing were prosperous here. In the fifth year of Taiyan period
(A. D. 439) the superpower Northern Wei conquered this frontier kingdom in order
to transplant the cultural centre here with Xuangao’s new Buddhism and other refu-
gee-nobles’ Confucian scholarship back to the capital, Pingcheng 平城 . Prior to this
conquest, Daorong must have returned to the Southern border city Pengcheng 彭城
with the Fanwang jing and other Northern Liang Buddhist texts and began to propa-
gate the bodhisattva śīlas of the Fanwang jing in the Southern Dynasties.
439–444. The Northern Wei emperor Taiwudi 太武帝 (r. 424–452) proclaimed
the Daoist universal sovereignity under the political leadership of Cui Hao 崔浩
(381–450) and the religious guidance of Kou Qianzhi 冦謙之 (363–448). Both the
prime minister Cui Hao and the religious master Kou Qianzhi must have been deeply
concerned with the increasing religious charisma of Xuangao strongly supported by
the other political leader Gao Yun 高允 . Prior to the thoroughgoing persecution of
Buddhism by the two Daoists (446–450) they emphasized the danger of Buddhist
charisma, and advised the emperor to kill Xuangao together with another leading
monk Huichong 慧崇 . In the fifth year of the Taiping Zhenjun 太平真君 period
(444), he was killed at the age 43.
On the basis of these biographical and historical facts centring around the great
samādhi master Xuangao I may hypothesize that the philosophical and practical de-
velopment of Huayan tradition in the early period of Northern Wei Dynasty may
best be represented by the successive composition of the three fundamentally influ-
ential apocryphal sūtras by the hands of the two great Buddhist scholars.
One of the best experts of Chinese apocryphal sūtras, Mochizuki Shinkō,10 long
time ago established that the three apocryphal sūtras:
仁王般若波羅蜜経
1) the Renwang banruo boluomi jing 11

2) the Fanwang jing 梵網経12

and
菩薩瓔珞本業経
3) the Pusa yingluo benye jing 13

were composed in this order with their successive development. Now if the record in
the Chu sanzang ji ji 出三蔵記集 14
that it is Daorong who received the Fanwang

10 Mochizuki 1946: 425 ff.

11 T 245.
12 T 1484.
13 T 1485.
14 T 2145: 55.79b–c.
174 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

jing from Kumārajīva and transmitted it to the posterity, is to be accepted as imply-

ing some historical fact, then the working-hypothesis proposed above that Xuangao
with his huayan samādhi and Daorong with his Chengshi lun philosophy might have
cooperated to compose the Fanwang jing there in the Binglingsi cave temple, be-
comes an all the more likely possibility and further then I should hypothesize that
both of them must have cooperated also in composing the Renwang banruo boluomi
jing some time earlier before they had any knowledge of the bodhisattva śīla move-
ment. As for the composition of the third sūtra, the Pusa yingluo benye jing, I will
discuss in §2 below.
Now let me assume that Daorong as one of the most eminent disciples of Kumā-
rajīva and Xuangao as the truely qualified samādhi master, indeed, cooperated to found
Huayan practical and philosophical tradition through composing the first two sūtras
of the three, say, at some earlier and later times before 439 respectively. Then, on this
assumption, how can I explain the fundamental motive of the composition of those
apocryphal sūtras, especially of the second Fanwang jing, by their cooperation?
There is no doubt that the first two apocryphal sūtras are principally concerned
with composing a sort of, I should say, hyper-practical bodhisattva path consisting
of the five levels of receptivity (kṣānti), each of which is further divided into the
three sub-levels as the following table of their bodhisattva path may show:

Renwang jing Fanwang jing Yingluo jing

the precepts of Buddha the ten kinds of faith
nature 佛性戒 = the ten precepts
= the bodhisattva śīla of = the first grade
10 grave and 48 light 十信心十不可悔戒
precepts 十重戒、四十
八軽戒
1. the receptivity of latency
伏忍
1/a the receptivity of faith the solid receptivity of the nine grades
= the ten kinds of faith by faith 九住
learnt nature = the ten departing
minds
信忍 習種性十信 堅信忍 十発趣心
1/b the receptivity of concen- the solid receptivity of the ten practices
tration truth
= the ten kinds of mind = the ten nurturing minds
by original nature
止忍 性種性十心 堅法忍 十長養心 十行
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 175

Renwang jing Fanwang jing Yingluo jing

1/c the receptivity of solidity

= the ten kinds of mind
by practiced nature
堅忍 道種性十心
2. the receptivity of faith
信忍
2/a the receptivity of good
awakening
善覚忍
2/b the receptivity of
liberating penetration
離達忍
2/c the receptivity of
illuminating wisdom
明慧忍
3. the receptivity of
conformity
順忍
3/a the receptivity of flaming the solid receptivity of the ten kinds of
wisdom practice = the ten kinds transference
焔慧忍 of diamond mind 十回向
堅修忍 十金剛心
3/b the receptivity of superior
wisdom
勝慧忍
3/c the receptivity of truth
realization
法現忍
176 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

Renwang jing Fanwang jing Yingluo jing

4. the receptivity of unborn

truth
無生忍
4/a the receptivity of remote the solid receptivity of the ten stages of
penetration sacredness bodhisattva practices
遠達忍 = the ten stages of 十地
bodhisattva practices

堅聖忍 十地
4/b the receptivity of equani-
mous awakening
等覚忍
4/c the receptivity of glorious
wisdom
慧光忍
5 the receptivity of
complete peacefulness
寂滅忍
5/a the receptivity of annoint-
ment
潅頂忍
5/b the receptivity of com- the stage of immacula-
plete awakening tion
円覚忍 無垢地
5/c the receptivity of omnis- the stage of omniscient
cient wisdom awakening
薩婆若 妙覚地
How could I define the fundamental motives underlying the composition of these,
so to speak, hyper-practical bodhisattva paths all through the consecutive develop-
ment of the three apocryphal sūtras? I would like, for the present, to discern the
three motives as follows:
1) In the first Renwang jing system Daorong and Xuangao must have intended to
expand the fundamental religious experience of Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism, the
receptivity of unborn truth (anutpattikadharmakṣānti), into a more practically realiz-
able system of receptivity with the preceding introductory three: the receptivity of
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 177

latencey, of faith and of conformity, and with the succeding completing one: that of
complete peacefulness. And each of the receptivities is further divided into its three
sub-levels. As I showed in my Japanese paper,15 the fundamental religious experi-
ence of Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism is termed either as the no-longer-retrogressive
(avaivartya) or as the receptivity of unborn truth, the latter of which means the ex-
alting ecstasy to be experienced as received from the ultimate unborn truth at the
culmination of concentration (samādhi) through reciting Mahāyāna sūtras. This
system of the fifteen receptivities cannot but be called ‘hyper-practical’, because the
real practical religious experience, the receptivity of unborn truth, is expanded,
rather mechanically, into its fifteen sub-levels with little practical foundation.
2) The second Fanwang jing system is motivated to furnish the hyper-practical
system of receptivity with the newly translated bodhisattva śīla ceremony which was
formulated as the practical foundation for constructing the practical bodhisattva path
in the Indian Yogācāras’ śāstra text Bodhisattvabhūmi. Unfortunately, Indian Yogā-
cāras’ practical bodhisattva path was not yet fully developed, but was in the process
of formation at the stage of the Bodhisattvabhūmi. Accordingly this second system
mere adopted the bodhisattva śīla ceremony as the introduction to its hyper-practical
system continued from the Renwang jing.
3) The third Yingluo jing system should be discussed within the context of the
next section, but here I would like to note that all through the consecutive develop-
ment of the hyper-practical bodhisattva path in these three apocyphal sūtras the Vai-
rocana Buddha with His one thousand transformations is always presiding there as
the preaching Buddha and is accordingly meditated upon so as to be directly realized
in the huayan samādhi. Thus I think that the Huayan jing transmitted to the North
through Xuangao has always been the presupposition for the development of these
three apocryphal sūtras even prior to the third in which it is evidently presupposed.

Thus I would conclude this section by suggesting that the Binglingsi cave 169
with its huge central Buddha image accompaned by a line of numerous Buddha im-
ages and facing to one thousand smaller Buddha images on the opposite wall,16 may
well represent the scene in which Vairocana Buddha is preaching the Fanwang jing
to his one thousand transformations and in which he also teaches the meditating
monks there under the guidance of Xuangao to practise the hyper-practical system of
receptivities so as to be concentrated into huayan samādhi through reciting the Hua-
yan jing ever continually.

15 Aramaki 1983: 93–94.

16 The archeological and art-historical evidence of the Binglingsi cave here referred to, is taken
from the volume of the Binglingsi cave in the series of Chinese caves, Heibonsha, 1986. The
huge central Buddha image accompanied by a line of numerous Buddha images is found on
the plates 6 and 7, while the one thousand smaller Buddha images on the opposite wall on the
plate 15.
178 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

2. The Huayan Tradition: its Philosophical Foundation on Zhidan’s

Sudden Teaching

With the colossal Vairocana Buddha images at Yungang caves in front of them, the
bodhisattva śīla practice must have been eagerly pursued already in the earlier half
of Northern Wei by Emperors, nobles and local communities. It must have been of
vital concern for Buddhist scholars of the period to establish its philosophical foun-
dation on the scriptural basis of the Huayan jing itself. Did they start to study the
Huayan jing in the first half of Nothern Wei and if yes, to what extent? Given the
lack of sufficient evidence, we cannot answer definitively. Tang Yongtong in his
History of Buddhism under the Han, Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern Dynasties
quotes an episode from the early years of Taihe 太和 period (477–499) to explain
how and why the Huayan jing gradually became popular and prosperous to be re-
cited under Xiaowendi 孝文帝 .17 The episode itself is taken from a Sui collection of
旌異記
mysterious stories, Jingyi ji , and cannot be a historical record, but I think
that it must have been transmitted as a memory of the Northern origin of the Huayan
recitational tradition from the background discussed in the previous section.
Here in this section I assume on some circumferential evidence the possibility
that, though on a limited scope due to its unusual length, the Huayan jing began to
attract Buddhist scholars’ attention and to be studied by them through lecturing by
way of one of the Chinese styles of sūtra ceremony. It is only on this assumption
that I can explain the fundamental motives of a Northern Wei commentatorial work
on various Mahāyāna sūtras which is transmitted in the Dunhuang manuscript Pel-
liot 2908. I would provisionally call this manuscript “an early stage draft of one of
the earliest Compendium of the Definitions and Discussions of Mahāyāna Buddhist
Truths” (Dasheng yizhang caogao ben 大乘義章草稿本 ) which is explicitly de-
signed to promulgate the classification of Buddha’s teachings into two categories,
the sudden and the gradual. How and why is this work motivated to promulgate this
new classification of Buddha’s teachings? Here I would first investigate the histori-
cal background of inventing this new classification of Buddha’s teachings and then
define two motives of elaborating this doctrine.
As mentioned above, Sakamoto Yukio established on an examination of the nu-
merous traditional records especially within Huayan school that this fundamental
classification of Buddha’s teachings should be ascribed to Zhidan of Southern Qi
Dynasty. Firstly, I would examine Zhidan’s biography in order to know whether it is
he, indeed, who promulgated this fundamental classification. Zhidan’s biography is
appended to that of Huilong 慧隆 (429–490),18 and therein he is mentioned only as
Huilong’s contemporary and philosophical rival who lived on the other Western
shore of the Yangzi River. But the Monograph on Buddhism and Daoism in the

17 Tang 1938: 630.

18 T 2059: 50.379c.
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 179

Weishu (Weishu shilao zhi 魏書釈老志 ) mentions his name as one of the Nothern
Buddhist scholars and Tang Gaoseng zhuan refers his name as the teacher of his
Northern disciple, Tanhuai 曇淮 (439–515).19 Thus Zhidan must have lived around
429–490 as a Southern monk in the first period of his life and as a Northern one in
the second period.
It is also noteworthy that the Liang gaoseng zhuan (vol. 8) first records Hui-
long’s biography with an appendix of that of Zhidan, then that of Sengzong 僧宗
(444–509) and thirdly of Tanhuai mentioned above. Under the heading of Sengzong
the Liang gaoseng zhuan refers to the fact that the Nothern Wei emperor Xiaowendi
孝文帝 (r. 471–499) invited him to come to North, but the Southern Qi emperor
高帝
Gaodi (r. 479–482) or Wudi 武帝 (r. 482–493) did not allow him to go out.
Under the heading of Tanhuai it also refers to the fact that Tanhuai went to South in
order to listen to Sengzong’s lecture. Thus we may recognize that here is taking place
an international competition to absorb the best Buddhist scholarship and to hold the
cultural hegemony over the other between the militarily overpowering Northern Wei
and the newly founded culturally oriented Southern Qi.
Now Zhidan is said to be the Buddhist scholar who promulgated the fundamental
classification of all Buddha’s teachings into the two categories, the sudden and the
gradual, and our chapter of the Northern work Compendium of the Definitions and
Discussions of Mahāyāna Buddhist Truths on the biographical order of all Buddha’s
teachings does expressly promulgate the same fundamental categories, the sudden
and the gradual. Then isn’t it reasonable for us to investigate whether the latter could
be the very rare record of its original promulgation by Zhidan? As far as I can see,
the latter text bears no evidence to the contrary, but rather strongly points to its au-
thenticity, the most evident reason for which may be the fact that it refers as its di-
rect source to Liu Qiu’s ‘seven grades classification’ which was the newest and al-
most perfectly completed achievement of Southern Buddhist scholarship promul-
gated in Yongming 3 (485). Zhidan must have gone to North immediately after this
date at his fifties and taught his Northern disciple, Tanhuai, who must have gone to
South some years before Yongming 11 (493). The following table may show how
Liu Qiu’s ‘seven grades classification’ is presupposed by Zhidan’s ‘sudden and grad-
ual classification.’ Let me note at this point that both Liu Qiu’s ‘seven grades clas-
sification’ and Zhidan’s ‘sudden and gradual classification’ cannot be genuinely
philosophical, but hyper-philosophical because not only these two, but also all other
Chinese Buddhist doctrines presuppose an un-historical doctrine that Gotama Buddha
taught all his Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna sūtras within the 45 years of his preaching
activity, as indicated in the following table. However ingenious they may be, they
cannot but be hyper-philosophical.

19 T 2060: 50.472a18–20.
180 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

Liu Qiu’s “seven grades Zhidan’s “sudden and gradual

classification” classification”
劉虬『七階教判』 智誕『頓・漸教判』
Buddha’s awakening at his age 35 [sudden teaching 頓教]
[ultimate communal teaching 通宗教]
三十五歳成道
The Dharma-King at Bodhi tree did not teach
for the first 7 days in the human world, but he
taught Sudden Teaching at the moment of his
awakening through dispatching the bodhisatt-
vas to the heavenly and earthly congregational
halls: he taught the bodhisattva’s path of six re-
ceptivities and ten stages in the eight congre-
gations at the seven places, while himself un-
moved from the peaceful awakening platform.
在樹王成道一七日不説: 所以云頓者謂如
来初成正覚、在寂滅道場七処八会説六忍
十地
1. [At his age 35 through 47] [The gradual teaching 漸教]
[三十五歳乃至四十七歳 ] [The differentiated teaching 別教]
In the second seven days he taught the five
The first grade teaching: he taught
codes of moral conducts and the ten codes of lay
the five codes of moral conducts
Buddhist precepts for Trapuśa, Bhallika, etc.:
for Bhallika, etc.
…Tathāgata moves his shining body from the
第一階「為波利等説五戒」 Bodhi Tree and shows his great appearance to
the Deer Park.
二七日後為提謂・波利説五戒・善: ・・
如来移光道樹、降儀鹿苑
2–3. The second grade teaching: In the third seven days he turned the wheel of
he turned the wheel of Dharma to Dharma to teach the four noble truths to the
teach the four noble truths to five disciples, Ājñākauḍinya, etc. and through
Ājñākauḍinya, etc. 12years repudiated the disease to conceive the
The third grade teaching: he dogmas of nihilism and eternalism. During 12
announced the teaching of the years he proclaimed the teachings of the two
twelve membered conditioned vehicles, Śrāvaka -and Pratyekayānas.
origination (pratītyasamutpāda)
to the disciples of middle ability.
第二階「為拘隣等転四諦」 三七日後為阿若居隣五人等説四諦法輪訖
第三階「為中根演十二因縁」 十二年後破計断常患: 十二年中発唱二乗
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 181

Liu Qiu’s “seven grades Zhidan’s “sudden and gradual

classification” classification”
劉虬『七階教判』 智誕『頓・漸教判』
4. [At his age 47 through 77 [The communal teaching 通教]
四十七歳乃至七十七歳] Secondly in the following 30 years he taught
the teaching of perfection of wisdom (prajñā-
The fourth grade teaching: he pro- pāramitā) to teach the ultimate truth of empti-
posed the teaching of the six per- ness (śunyatā) so as to repudiate the disease
fections (pāramitās), that is, he to be attacked to the conceptualized as the
taught the great vehicle, Mahāyā- real: … After the 12 years during this 30 years
na. Tathāgata taught the Larger Prajñāpāramitā,
etc., that is, the sūtras of the communal teach-
第四階「為上根挙六波羅蜜所謂 ing, among which the two sūtras of negativity,
授以大乗」 Vimalakīrtinirdeśa and Brahmaparipṛcchā are
meant to teach that all the three vehicles are
awakened to one and the same truth and so to
let them understand that Mahāyāna is to be
aspired and Hīnayāna to be despised.
第二丗年中説空宗般若破執相患:・・如来
十二年後、丗年中説大品等経通教典籍、
維摩・思益二経虚典、此経所明三乗同
悟、使知有大可仰、小可恤也
5–6. [At his age 77 through 84 [The communal teaching 通教]
七十七歳乃至八十四歳 ]
The fifth grade teaching: … he Thirdly after the 30 years he taught the truth
taught the sūtra on the true infin- of one-vehicle and repudiated the disease of
ity. The sixth grade teaching: he being attached to the three vehicles: Thus Ta-
declared the teaching of the Sad- thāgata taught the supreme truth of one-vehi-
dharmapuṇḍarīka to reveal the cle during the 7 years after the 30 years.
truth of one-vehicle and repudiate
the expediency of three vehicles.
第五階「・・・説無量義経」 第三丗年後説一乗破執三之患 : ・・是以
第六階「法華説唱、顕一除三」 如来丗年後七年之中教一乗妙致
7. [At his age 85 八十五歳] [The ultimate communal teaching 通宗教]
The seventh grade teaching: He Fourthly he taught the Mahāyāna Parinirvāṇa-
finally pronounced the most pro- sūtra in order to repudiate the disease of all
found teaching of Buddha-nature sentient beings to conceptualize their birth and
182 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

Liu Qiu’s “seven grades Zhidan’s “sudden and gradual

classification” classification”
劉虬『七階教判』 智誕『頓・漸教判』
of all sentient beings as their death as the real: Thus Tathāgata descended
eternal life and purity at the mo- from his chariot at the wood of Śāla Trees to
ment of his parinirvāṇa in the teach that all sentient beings whose body
wood of Śāla Trees. consists of material elements, have Buddha-
nature as their eternal life and supreme bliss.
第七階「在雙樹而臨涯、乃暢我
浄之玄音 第四説大涅槃破衆生計生滅之患 : 是以如
来降駕雙林明稟気含器、皆有常我至楽之
性
This Northern promulgation of dividing all the teachings of Gotama Buddha into
the two categories, the sudden and the gradual, is fundamentally motivated by the
two motives as follows:
1) The first motive is retrospective, because it is motivated to synthesize the new-
est and almost perfectly completed hyper-philosophical doctrine of Southern tradi-
tion, the seven grades of Buddha’s teachings (as shown on the left column above),
together with the hyper-practical system of bodhisattva practices of Northern tradi-
tion now interpreted to be based on the entire Huayan sūtra. I am of the opinion that
it is the Yingluo jing which must have been composed with the express intention to
base the hyper-practical system of bodhisattva practices ever since the Renwang jing
on the essential practices of the entire structure of the Huayan jing. Both in our
original promulgation of the two categories and in the Yingluo jing itself20 the sud-
den teaching comprizes not only the entire Huayan jing as the seven congregations,
but also the Yingluo jing as the eighth, because it is no other than the latter which
connected the hyper-practical system of bodhisattva practices to the structure of the
Huayan jing. Thus the Northern doctrine of the hyper-practical system of bodhi-
sattva practices supposedly taught in the Huayan jing as the sudden teaching, proved
to be successful in subordinating the Southern doctrine of the seven grades of Bud-
dha’s teachings as the gradual, although the latter culminates in the Mahāyāna Pari-
nirvāṇa-sūtra also teaching the same ultimate communal truth as the sudden (as
shown on the right column).
2) The second motive is prospective, because it is motivated to found the phi-
losophical foundation for the Huayan jing and especially Daśabhūmika-śāstra phi-
losophy to be developed through the Northern Dynasties up to Sui and Tang periods.
This philosophical foundation consists of the two doctrines which shall be presup-
posed by the succeeding development of the Huayan jing and Daśabhūmika-śāstra
philosophy. The first doctrine is that of the Huayan jing and the Yingluo jing as

20 T 1485: 24.1022a.
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 183

taught suddenly in the eight congregations at the seven places as defined in the defi-
nition of the sudden teaching above, “he taught the bodhisattva path of six receptivi-
ties21 and ten stages in the eight congregations at the seven places, while himself un-
moved from the peaceful awakening platform.”
The second doctrine is that of the three categories of Buddha’s teachings newly
introduced in this promulgation: (1) the differentiated, (2) the communal and (3) the
ultimate communal teachings which must be regarded as the fundamental philoso-
phical analysis of Buddha’s teachings divided into the two, the sudden and the grad-
ual, so to speak, biographically. The following development of Nothern Buddhist
philosophy will be centred around the relationship between the two ultimate com-
munal teachings, one at the moment of awakening and the other at that of parinir-
vāṇa. It will be fundamentally asked how the Buddha-nature of all sentient beings as
taught in the Mahāyāna Parinirvāṇa-sūtra is related to the dharmakāya of Buddhas
and bodhisattvas as expounded in the Huayan jing and the Daśabhūmika-śāstra and
so how a bodhisattava as a sentient being with Buddha-nature ascends the higher
and higher stages of bodhisattva practices in order to attain the Buddhahood. This
course of the development will culminate in the phiilosophy of the Dasheng qixin
lun 大乘起信論 22
as will be mentioned below.
It seems to me fundamentally important even for the purpose of understanding
the philosophical development of Chinese Buddhism that we may pay due attention
to its relevance to the political, economic and social history of Chinese society as a
whole during the same period. Thus I think that the political, economic and social
history of Northern Dynasties gradually to overpower and conquer Southern Dynas-
ties,was fundamentally correlated with the philosophical movement of Buddhism in
those periods, some so far neglected trends of which I have tried to elucidate here in
this paper.
1) Huayan tradition must have started with Xuangao who must have been a gen-
ius in his meditative experience of huayan samādhi and his religious charisma must
have been so centrally cardinal for the political unification of Northern Wei that he
could not but be eliminated prior to Daoist persecution of Buddhism under Taiwudi
(446–450).
2) Daorong and Xuangao must have cooperated to initiate the bodhisattva śīla
movement for any human being to become a bodhisattva and then to practise the hy-
per-practical system of receptivity higher and higher up and this movement of be-
coming a bodhisattva must have been practised in front of a Vairocana Buddha im-
age like those at the Yungang caves by all the classes of society.

21 The mention of the bodhisattva path of six receptivities here in our chapter of the Compendium of
the Definitions and Discussions of Mahāyāna Buddhist Truths (1.220) proves its close connec-
tion to the Yingluo jing, because this system of six receptivities is characteristic of the latter sū-
tra. Its system of six receptivities is formed by expanding that of four of the Fanwang jing –
1. the solid receptivity of faith, 2. that of truth, 3. that of practice and 4. that of sacredness – with
an addition of the final two stages of the Yingluo jing. Cf. the Yingluo jing, T 1485: 24.1012b.
22 T 1666, 1667.
184 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

3) Zhidan’s new hyper-philosophical classification of all the teachings of Go-

tama Buddha into the sudden and the gradual, must have been a very ingenious so-
lution of the fundamental problem of Chinese Buddhism how to systematize the
Northern tradition of the hyper-practical system of receptivity on the basis of the
Huayan jing and the newest Southern tradition of the hyper-philosophical of all the
teachings of Gotama Buddha on the basis of the Lotus and the Nirvāṇa-sūtras. This
hyper-philosophical solution of the fundamental problem of Chinese Buddhism must
have been the philosophical presuppositon for Northern Wei to move their capital to
Luoyang in order finally to overpower Southern Dynasties.
4) This hyper-practical and hyper-philosophical systematization of all the teach-
ings of Gotama Buddha thus achieved, was to be further refined and deepened into
the more and more philosophically essential systems throughout Northern Dynasties.
The final conclusion of this philosophical movement must have been Tanyan’s Da-
sheng qixin lun. I am of the opinion that Tanyan’s philosophical achievement must
have been the philosophical presupposition for Northern Zhou and Sui to overpower
and conquer Northern Qi and Chen to realize the final unification of Northern and
Southern Dynasties into Sui and Tang Empire.

Conclusion: The Religious Limitation of Huayan Tradition

in Lingyou’s Eschatological Awareness

Above I have tried to delineate in the barest gist how eagerly Buddhists of Northern
Dynasties responded to the introduction of the Southern Buddhists’ innovations in
order to develop their own new philosophical doctrines and practices. I also tried to
show how inevitably their new doctrines could not but be hyper-practical and -phi-
losophical due to the immaturity of their Buddhist experience of religious conver-
sion on both sides of interaction. Were these hyper-practical and -philosophical doc-
trines able to contribute to the realization of practical and philosophical truth?
Prior to venturing to answer this question, I think I must point out one fundamen-
tal presupposition of realizing such religious and historical conversion of a true Bud-
dhist in China. The development of those meta-practical and -philosophical doc-
trines under the Northern Dynasties culminated in the final synthesis of mind-only
philosophy of the Dasheng qixin lun which itself did not get rid of the speculative
nature of those hyper-practical and -philosophical doctrines.23 How, then, could the
Buddhist monks of the Sui (581–618) and Tang dynasties overcome this speculative
nature of the hyper-practical and -philosophical doctrines and awaken to the practical
and philosophical truth in order to realize the religious and historical conversion of a
true Buddhist?

23 In Aramaki 2000 I tried to examine the possibility that the philosophical and doctrinal develop-
ment of Buddhism under the Northern Dynasties culminates in the composition of the Dasheng
qixin lun by the hands of a genius Buddhist philosopher Tanyan 曇延 .
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 185

Now I would precipitate to answer this essential question of Sui and early Tang
Buddhism, not by tracing Sui and early Tang Buddhist developments in any detail,
but by pointing out one archeological evidence which might eloquently indicate how
Sui and early Tang Buddhist schools developed in relation to each other so as finally
to be converted with the true conversion of the sixth partriarch Huineng 慧能 .
Here is a very important archeological evidence which marks the final stage of
the Northern Dynasties tradition of Huayan practice and philosophy and, at the same
time, represents the starting-point of the trends of Sui and early Tang Buddhist de-
velopment. The epitaph of Lingyou 霊祐24
built in 6th year of the Zhenguan貞観
period (632) on the side of his tomb runs as follows:
In the period of one thousand years after the parinirvāṇa of Tathāgata there was
[a succession of] the twenty four holy great patriarchs who transmitted the true
Dharma [in India]. After those one thousand years there was [another succesion of]
the human Dharma patriarchs who also transmitted the true Dharma [in China].
Coming down to Taihe 22nd of Da Wei (or Nothern Wei, A. D. 498), [Northern]
Qi great patriarch Lenamoti (Ratnamati), “Jewel minded” in Chinese, of the city
Youjia of Central India, … had the ardent wish to transmit the true Dharma [to China].
Thus he brought the Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā ( 十地［経］論 ) from Cenral India and
propagated it in China. He handed down this treatise to Chinese śramaṇa, Vinaya
master, [Hui] guang. This [transmission] … was just as the water of a jar is transmit-
ted to another without spilling out any drop. The Vinaya master [Hui] guang was Yang
by his native family name … [Among his numerous disciples] the Dharma master
Daoping was the only one [legitimate successor of the true Dharma]. … … If ever the
deeply hidden philosophy of the Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā has been transmitted in prin-
ciple and the lamp [of the true dharma] has been continued on [to the next]???????,
it was to the only one [legitimate successor,] the Dharma master [Lingyou]. … [He
should be] the head [patriarch] to the following one thousand years; he is the grand-
son [patriarch] of the Vinaya master [Hui]guang and is [the son patriarch] of the
Dharma master [Dao]ping ????????. The Dharma master was Ling[you] by his
monk name … …
如来滅後千季之中、廿有四聖大法師？伝法也、千季之後、次有凡夫法師亦 伝
法也、曁大魏太和廿二年、中天竺優迦城斉大法師勒那摩提、□ 云宝意、 ・・
志 在 伝 化、遂 従 中 天、持 十 地 論、振 斯 東 夏、授 此 土 沙 □□ 光 律 師、 其 □□
□、□□ 教授、如 瓶写 水、不失一 滴、其 光律師、俗姓楊 ・・・ 有 其 道 憑法師
之一人 也、 ・・・ 若 十 地 秘 論、固 本 垂 綱、而 伝 灯 □□□□□□□ 法 師 之一人
也、 ・・・ 当千年之後之上首也、又是光律師之孫、憑法師 之□□□□□□
□□ 矣、 法師道諱霊□・・・
There is no doubt that together with the minutely carved picture of the twenty
four holy great patriarchs in India on the back-wall of the entrance to the Dazhushen
cave, this epitaph of the Dharma master Lingyou is the witness of the very first

24 ŌCHI Fumio published the text in his article 1997.

186 ARAMAKI NORITOSHI

declaration of the legitimate succession of the true Dharma from Indian twenty four
holy great patriarchs to Chinese human ones: (1) Ratnamati ( 勒那摩提 ), (2) Hui-
guang 慧光 , (3) Daoping 道憑 and (4) Lingyou ( 霊祐 ). Thus it is Northern Dynas-
ties Huayan or the Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā tradition who has first declared the
legitimate Dharma lineage from Indian twenty four holy great patriarchs to Chinese
human ones. Henceforth Chinese Buddhist schools except Huayan itself, began to
claim their legitimate Dharma lineages from the same Indian twenty four holy great
patriarchs to their own respective Chinese human patriarchs as follows.
1) Tiantai lineage was founded on the religious and historical conversion of Hui-
si慧思 in his *Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasamādhi, and so continues from Indian twenty
four to its Chinese four patriarchs as follows: (1) Huiwen 慧文 , (2) Huisi 慧思 and
(3) Zhiyi 智顗 . This lineage seems to have lost its original inspiration of Huisi’s
religious and historical conversion in the course of its efforts to incorporate the hy-
per-practical and -philosophical doctrines into its own philosophical system.
2) Nothern Chan lineage claims to have directly descended from Indian twenty
four patriarchs to its first Chinese patriarch Bodhidharma ( 菩提達磨 ) and then is
transmitted to its Chinese patriarchs as follows: (1) Bodhidharma (菩提達磨 ), (2) Hui-
ke 慧可 , (3) Sengcan 僧粲 , (4) Daoxin 道信 and (5) Hongren 弘忍 , but, in reality,
seems still to continue the Sui Chandingsi 禅定寺 and Da Chandingsi 大禅定寺
tradition of the hyper-practical and -philosophical mind-only samādhi of the Da-
sheng qixin lun as betrayed by its inclusion of Sengcan 僧粲 as its third Chinese pa-
triarch perhaps in the place of Tanlun 曇倫 , a Chandingsi monk, who has definitely
been known as one of the predecessors of Northern Chan lineage.
3) Southern Chan lineage shares the same succession of Indian twenty four and
Chinese five patriarchs as the above Northern Chan, but finally overcame the
speculative nature of the hyper-practical and -philosophical mind-only samādhi of
Northern Chan lineage through being converted with the religious and historical
conversion of its sixth Chinese patriarch Huineng 慧能 at the moment of his awak-
ening to the ultimate truth of Mahāyāna Buddhism, that is śunyatā or anutpattika-
dharmakṣānti.

If I am right in thus sketching the fundamental trends of Sui and early Tang
Buddhist history toward the religious and historical conversion of the sixth patriarch
of Southern Chan, Huineng, then it is evident that huayan samādhi at the stage of
Lingyou’s Dazhusheng cave must have been very much limited in its eschatological
awareness to overcome the speculative nature of hyper-practical and -philosophical
doctrines ever since its earliest origin and foundation discussed in this paper. Then
isn’t it inevitable for the new Tang Dynasty tradition of Huayan practice and phi-
losophy – with Du Shun 杜順 as the first, Zhiyan 智儼 as the second and Fazang 法
蔵 as the third patriarch – to discontinue their historically legitimate descendency
from its Northern Dynasties precursor in view of the truely revolutionary historical
movement of Northern and Southern Chan schools accelarating in its wider and
wider popularity?
 THE HUAYAN TRADITION IN ITS EARLIEST PERIOD 187

References

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: “Jūji shisō no seiritsu to tenkai” [On the
華厳
formation and development of the ten bhūmi system of bodhisattva path] in Kegon shisō
思想 [Huayan philosophy]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1983, pp. 80–120. (Kōza Daijōbukkyō 3.)
荒牧典俊
Aramaki Noritoshi : “Hokuchō kōhanki bukkyō shisō shi josetsu” 北朝後半期佛教思想
史序説 [An Introduction to History of Buddhist Philosophy during the Latter Half of Northern
Dynasties] in Aramaki Noritoshi (ed.): Hokuchō Zui Tō Chūgoku bukkyō shisō shi北朝・隋
唐中国佛教思想史 [History of Chinese Buddhist philosophy in Northern Dynasties, Sui and
Tang]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 2000, pp. 13–85.
荒牧典俊
Aramaki Noritoshi : Hoku gi no chūshin Kō In no bukkyō shisō ni tsuite 北魏の忠臣高
允の佛教思想について [Northern Wei prime minister Gao Yun and his understanding of
Buddhist philosophy]. Tōhō gakuhō 2000 (72): pp. 159–179.
“Henan Anyang Lingquansi shiku ji Xiaonanhai shiku” 河南安陽靈泉寺石窟及小南海石窟 . Wen-
wu 文物 (1988) 4: 1–15.
望月信享
Mochizuki Shinkō 佛教經典成立史論
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formative history of Buddhist sūtras]. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1946.
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senji” 宝山霊泉寺石窟塔銘の研究 隋唐時代の宝山霊泉寺 [A study of the stūpa-inscrip-
tions around the caves at the Baoshan Lingquansi – the Baoshan Lingquansi in Sui and Tang
periods]. Tōhō gakuhō (1997) 69.
Sakamoto Yukio 坂本幸男 : Kegon kyōgaku no kenkyū 華嚴教學の研究 [A study of Huayan doc-
trine]. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1956.
Tang Yongtong 湯用彤 漢魏兩晉南北朝佛教史
: Han Wei liang Jin Nanbei Chao fojiao shi [His-
tory of Buddhism under the Han, Wei, Jin and Southern and Northern dynasties]. 2 vols,
Shanghai, 1938.

Ye 鄴
 WEI DAORU

A FUNDAMENTAL FEATURE OF THE HUAYAN

PHILOSOPHY

The Huayan tradition summarizes its religious doctrines into “the one-vehicle pratī-
tyasamutpāda”, “dharmadhātu pratītyasamutpāda” or “the pratītyasamutpāda of
nature-origination” and claims that it is utterly different from the theories of pratī-
tyasamutpāda in both Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna Buddhism. The theoretical emphasis
of this tradition is not the formation but the existing situation of the world. Accord-
ing to “dharmadhātu pratītyasamutpāda ”, countless dharmas (all phenomena in the
world) are representations of the wisdom of Buddha without exception (“pure mind
of the original nature”, “one-mind” or “dharmadhātu”). They exist in a state of mu-
tual dependence, interfusion and balance without any contradiction or conflict. This
thought essentially argues that there is no relationship of cause and result among
phenomena and that things are not formed sequentially. Instead, they constitute the
world by the mutual interfusion of complete equality. This theory is peculiar in the
history of the Buddhist thought, which is not contained in both Mahāyāna and Hīna-
yāna Buddhism. A most fundamental and protruding feature of the Huayan philoso-
phy is called “perfect interfusion” (yuanrong 圓融 ).
Among the Buddhist traditions of China, Huayan emphasizes perfect interfusion
most. For this tradition, perfect interfusion is the methodology to observe and under-
stand the world, the general principle to handle all issues, and also the ideal goal to
attain by practice. In the Chinese history, perfect interfusion of Huayan is gradually
accepted by all Buddhist traditions and it eventually permeated all aspects of Chi-
nese Buddhism.
“Perfect interfusion” contains two main connotations. First, as far as a single
thing or phenomenon is concerned, it becomes significant only in connection with
other things. That is to say, its existence depends on the specific network of connec-
tions. Second, as far as all things or phenomena are concerned, they are mutually
identical and penetrating without any obstruction. The Huayan tradition emphasizes
perfect interfusion with the purpose of establishing the harmonious relationship
among the myriad dharmas and of eliminating barriers and obstacles, as Chengguan
said, “to harmonize the myriad dharmas and eliminate all obstruction”. Without the
presupposition of perfect interfusion of the myriad dharmas, “dharmadhātu pratīt-
190 WEI DAORU

yasamutpāda” and even the entire doctrinal framework of the Huayan tradition would
lose its ideological foundation.
It is interesting that there are not many arguments in the Huayan works that spe-
cially interpret the concept of perfect interfusion. These views explain this interfu-
sion mainly in terms of different phenomena. These contents are abundant including
a wide variety of aspects. Based on the large number of works by the Huayan
monks, five main aspects of perfect interfusion can be induced.

1. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of Substance and

Function as well as of Essence and Phenomena

According to the Huayan thought, all things or phenomena represent the direct and
complete manifestation of the essence. Substance and function as well as essence
and phenomena exist in a state of perfect interfusion. Fazang explained this relation-
真 妄
ship with the terms “true” (zhen ) and “false” (wang ) as an example:
“True” governs all “false”;
There is no “false” that could not be called “true”.
徹
“False” penetrates (che ) the source of “true”;
體
The essence (ti ) of every thing rests in this state.
“True” and “false” are interconnected (jiaoche 交徹 );
These different two are in interfusion (shuangrong 雙融);
They penetrate each other without obstruction (wu’ai無礙).
This can be understood if one thinks it through.

又明真該妄末無不稱。
真妄徹真源體無不寂。
真妄交徹二分雙融無礙全攝。
思之可見。 1

“True” and “false” are dependant on each other. “True” as the substance and
“false” as its function are mutually permeated (interconnected), mutually interfused
(double interfusion), unhindered (without obstruction), and mutually inclusive (com-
plete penetration). In the Huayan philosophy, concepts belonging to a similar cate-
gory with “true” (“principle”, “one”, “nature”, “substance”, “purity”, “result”,
“mind”, etc) are opposed to concepts belonging to a similar category with “false”
(“things”, “many”, “characteristics”, “function”, “dirt”, “cause”, “dharma”, etc.).
Perfect interfusion also exists in these pairs. The monks of the Huayan tradition
opposed the discussion on function in spite of substance and on phenomena in spite
of essence. For instance, when Zongmi 宗密
(780–841) wrote about Du Shun’s 杜
順 事
(557–640) emphasis on perfect interfusion of things (shi ) and principle (li ) 理
and opposition to talking about the dharmadhātu of things in isolation, he said:

1 Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang 華嚴一乘教義分齊章, T 1866: 45.501c26–28.

 A FUNDAMENTAL FEATURE OF THE HUAYAN PHILOSOPHY 191

There are no independent phenomena apart from the dharmadhātu of these phenomena;
there are no isolated dharma within the doctrine of the Huayan; if you observe it in itself
then it is the conventional realm, not the realm of insight.

除事法界也。事不獨立故。法界宗中無孤單法故。若獨觀之。即事情計之境。非觀智
之境故。 2

Thus, when talking about the “dharmadhātu of things”, Zongmi always linked it
with “principle”; when talking about the “dharmadhātu of principle”, he always
linked it with “things”. In accordance with this methodology that substance and
function are in perfect interfusion, the world in the views of the Huayan tradition is
of both substance and phenomena as well as of both liberation and saṃsāra. These
two are completely identical.

2. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of Non-duality

of the Opposite Sides in Entity

Regardless of the apparent differences among various things and phenomena on the
surface, even if they occupy opposite positions within entity, there still exists non-
dual relationship among them. In other words, A is B and B is A, which is called
“mutual correspondence”. When Fazang explained the “perfect interfusion of the six
characteristics” (liuxiang yuanrong 六相圓融 ), he discussed the mutual correspon-
dence of “universality” (zongxiang 總相 ) and “particularity” (biexiang 別相
), “iden-
tity” (tongxiang 同相 異相
) and “difference” (yixiang ), “integration” (chengxiang
成相 ) and “disintegration” (huaixiang 壞相 ). “Universality” and “particularity” will
be exemplified. “Universal characteristic” is the whole (i.e. house); “particular char-
acteristic” is the part (i.e. rafter, tiles, etc.) of which the whole is made up. In terms
of the relationship between “universality” and “particularity”, “without particularity,
universality cannot be established either. The reason is that when there is no par-
ticularity, there is no universality. What does this mean? Originally, universality is
established on the basis of particularity and if there is no particularity, universality
cannot be established. As for particularity, it is in turn established on the basis of
由無別時即無總故。 此義云何。 本以別成總。 由無別故 總不成
universality.”
也。是故別者。即以總成別也。 3

On the one hand, if there is no part (particularity), there is no whole (universal-

ity). The whole is made up of parts, which is called “universality established on the
basis of particularity”. On the other hand, if there is no whole, there can be no part.
Because part becomes a part only in relation to a whole, which is called “particular-
ity established on the basis of universality”. When one obtains “universality”, one
also obtains “particularity” and vice verse. This leads to a conclusion that “univer-

2 Zhu huayan fajieguan men 注華嚴法界觀門 , T 1884: 45.684c4–6.

3 Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang, T 1866: 45.508a24–26.
192 WEI DAORU

sality is particularity” and “particularity is universality”. “If they do not mutually

correspond and universality exists apart from particularity, then it is not universality
anymore; if particularity exists apart from universality, then it is not particularity
anymore. This can be understood if one thinks it through.” 若不相即者。總在別外
故非總也。 別在總外故非別也。思之可解。 4
The “perfect interfusion of six char-
acteristics” claims that all things within entity are in the state of “mutual correspon-
dence of universality and particularity, of identity and difference, of integration and
disintegration”. “Mutual correspondence” elucidates that all things in entity are non-
dual or completely identical.

3. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of Mutual

Inclusiveness and Penetration of Things or Phenomena

In the Huayan thought, all things are in the relationship of A including B and B in-
cluding A, which is called “mutual penetration”. In the fourth volume of the Huayan
yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang 華嚴一乘教義分齊章 , Fazang described the mutual pene-
tration by using the strong and weak functions (“possessing force” youli 有力 and
“lacking force” wuli 無力 自 他
) of a pair called “self” (zi ) and “other” (ta ). Accord-
ing to Fazang, among all things originated dependently, if the “force” exerted by the
“self” of a certain thing is greater than the “force” exerted by another thing, the first
thing has an absolute advantage that draws the latter thing into itself. In other words,
if the other thing completely loses its own “force”, it inevitably enters into the “self”
of the first thing, which also means that the two can mutually penetrate. Here, the
difference of functions among things is exemplified to illustrate the relationship of
mutual penetration.

4. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of General

Relationship among Things and Phenomena

Superficially, all things are independent and different from one another. However,
possessing the same principle, they are in the state of mutual interfusion. There are
countless things different from one another. Therefore, the interfusion and harmony
without obstruction among countless things form a vivid painting that remains eter-
nally extensive. Such an ever-extendable relationship of “perfect interfusion” among
all things is named the “ad infinitum” or “infinite perfect interfusion”. This is very
similar to what Zongmi wrote in Zhu huayan fajieguan men 注華嚴法界觀門 when
he explained the “dharmadhātu without obstruction among things” (shishi wu’ai fa-
jie 事事無礙法界 ). “All different things and dharmas involve the same nature,

4 Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang, T 1866: 45.508b2–4.

 A FUNDAMENTAL FEATURE OF THE HUAYAN PHILOSOPHY 193

which is called ad infinitum.” 一切分齊事法。一一如性融通。重重無盡故。 5

Apparently, this philosophy of infinite perfect interfusion completely denies the in-
dependent existence of things, while emphasizing the universal relationship of them.

5. Discussing Perfect Interfusion from the Perspective of Practice

There is a fundamental feature of the bodhisattva practice advocated in the Buddhā-

vataṃsaka-sūtra. This scripture inherited all Buddhist practice rules and even ab-
sorbed some non-Buddhist practicing methods into a particular sequential structure
as the indispensable stage or procedure to attain the enlightenment. The Huayan tra-
dition faithfully follows these practice rules in their practice, but at the same time,
they interpret the rules from the perspective of perfect interfusion, resulting in a
unique theory of practice i.e. the unity of “differentiation gate” (xingbu men 行布門 )
and “perfect interfusion gate” (yuanrong men 圓融門 ). On the one hand, the Huayan
tradition believes that “the achievement of individuals is different” and “saints have
different status”. On the other hand, it also claims that as far as the principle is con-
cerned, there is no differentiation and the “xingbu men and yuanrong men mutually
support each other without obstruction”. 一者行布二者圓融此二相資互 無障礙。 6

Chengguan 澄觀 (738–839) explained this saying, “Xingbu is the doctrine and char-
acteristics, whereas yuanrong is the function of nature. Characteristics refers to the
characteristics of nature, thus xingbu does not obstruct yuanrong; nature refers to the
行布是教相施
nature of characteristics, thus yuanrong does not obstruct xingbu.”
設。圓融乃理性德用。相是性之相。故行布不礙圓融。性是相之性故。圓融不
礙行布。 To understand the countless practice rules in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra
7

from this perspective results in the conclusions that “practicing one teaching is prac-
ticing all teachings” and “finishing one kleśa is finishing all kleśa”. These conclu-
sions mean that if a person practices one certain teaching of Buddhism, he/she also
implements all Buddhist teachings; if a person completes practice of one certain
stage within the entire practicing process, he/she also obtains all the results within
all the stages. This is an effective slogan to encourage people to practice and is also
a kind of pragmatic value of perfect interfusion.
“Perfect interfusion” of the Huayan tradition is established on the basis of the
theoretically molding and transforming the fairy tales and realms of magic power in
the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The emphasis on perfect interfusion is conducive to
arousing the confidence and courage of believers, to attracting new followers of
various levels, to eliminating rivalry and enmity among different traditions and also
to promoting the harmonious development of various religions and sects. This inno-
vative doctrine conforms to the development of the Chinese Buddhism and therefore

5 注華嚴法界觀門
Zhu huayan fajieguan men , T 1884: 45.684b29–c1.
6 Da huayan jing lüe ce大華嚴經略策 , T 1737: 36.705b9–10.
7 Da huayan jing lüe ce, T 1737: 36.706a4–6.
194 WEI DAORU

it leads to prosperous and enduring growth. In sum, the thought of perfect interfu-
sion plays a positive role in the development of the Chinese Buddhism.
However, there are also some obvious shortcomings in the Huayan philosophy.
The overemphasis on harmony and accordance among things completely eliminates
the contradiction and contrast among them. The overemphasis on the identity thor-
oughly eradicates the distinction among things. The theoretical shortcomings often
bring about malpractice. Guided by perfect interfusion, practitioners will be eager
for instant success and quick profits and regardless of the concrete situation. They
will also take a part as a whole, which violates the natural laws. At the same time,
the overemphasis on perfect interfusion leads to the loss of distinction between right
and wrong, true and false, which in turn is detrimental to the healthy development of
Buddhism.
 IMRE HAMAR

A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF

MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS: THE ORIGIN AND MEANING
OF FAXIANGZONG AND FAXINGZONG∗

Introduction

Dan Lusthaus finds the origin of the paradigm xing 性 versus xiang 相 in the Cheng
weishi lun 成唯識論 and concludes:
Ironically, this very distinction became one of the major rhetorical weapons used by Fa-
tsang against Hsüan-tsang’s school, calling them ‘[the mere] fa-hsiang’ (Dharma-Charac-
teristics) school against his own Sinitic ‘fa-hsing’ (Dharma-Nature) school. This distinction
became so important that every Buddhist school originating in East Asia, including all
forms of Sinitic Mahāyāna, viz. T’ien-t’ai, Hua-yen, Ch’an, and Pure Land, came to be
considered Dharma-nature schools.1

Whalen Lai also attributes the establishment of this paradigm to Fazang, refer-
ring to Zhili 知禮: “The name ‘Fa-hsiang’ was, however, attributed to it by its crit-
ics; it is a derogative term alleging that the school did not know thoroughly the
deeper Fa-hsing (Dharma-essence). The contrast was intended to bring out the ‘Hī-
nayānist phenomenalism’ [sic] inherent in the Wei-shih school and to highlight the
‘Mahāyāna essentialism’ of its critic. As recalled by Sung T’ien-t’ai master Ssu-
ming Chih-li (959–1028), the distinction arose at the time of Fa-tsang’s (643–712)
attack on the Wei-shih school:
At the time [of Hua-yen (Avatamsaka) patriarch, Fa-tsang,] there was widely held the
theory of chen-ju sui-yüan (Suchness or tathatā accompanying the conditions [the pratyaya
that brought samsāra into being]) and the theory of a (passive) Suchness that would not
create (‘let rise’) the various existents (dharmas). From that is derived the distinction
between a hsing-tsung ([Dharma] essence school] and a hsiang-tsung ([Dharma] charac-
teristic school). This distinction was made by Fa-tsang and was unknown to our [T’ien-t’ai]
master Chih-i.2

They are right in that Fazang 法藏

introduced the term faxiangzong for 法相宗
the Yogācāra teachings of Xuanzang 玄奘
(600–664), and later this designation
became widespread in East Asian Buddhism. In Japan, the Hossō 法相
school repre-
sented the most outstanding of the six schools (Sanron 三論
, Hossō, Jōjitsu , 成實
∗ This study was supported by the Hungarian National Research Fund (OTKA No. T 047023).
1 Lusthaus 2002: 372.
2 Lai 1986: 1.
196 IMRE HAMAR

Kusha 俱舍 律
, Ritsu , Kegon 華嚴) of the Nara period (710–784).3 However, attrib-
uting the invention of the term faxingzong 法性宗 to Fazang is rather dubious, as it
cannot be found in his works. The faxing 法性is the Chinese equivalent of the Sans-
krit dharmatā,4 which means ‘essence’ or ‘inherent nature.’5 I will not delve into this
frequently used term in Indian and Chinese Buddhism here as this would go beyond
the scope of this article. Nonetheless, it should be pointed out that the founder of the
Tiantai 天台 school, Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597), identified dharma-nature with Buddha-
nature by saying: “Buddha-nature is dharma-nature 佛性即是法性 .”6 He thus attrib-
utes Buddha-nature not only to the sentient beings but also to the non-sentient be-
ings.7 Lusthaus’ other claim that Huayan “came to be considered Dharma-nature
school” can also be called into question. In order to provide an answer as to whether
Huayan belongs to the dharma-nature school, I shall examine the origin and mean-
ing of these two important terms in the history of Chinese Buddhist thought: the
zong of dharma-characteristics (faxiangzong 法相宗) and the zong of dharma-nature
(faxingzong 法性宗 ).

Faxiangzong as Yogācāra in Fazang’s works

In his commentary on the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing tanxuan ji 華嚴經

談玄記 ), Fazang relates the story of how he met a Central Indian monk, Divākara8
(Dipoheluo 地婆訶羅 , or Rizhao 日照
613–688),9 in the Taiyuan 太原
monastery10
of Chang’an in 684, and asked him whether Indian monks distinguish between pro-
visional and actual (quanshi 權實
) teachings.11 In his reply, Divākara said that there
were two famous Indian masters of the Nālandā monastery: Śīlabhadra (Jiexian 戒
賢 529–645)12 and Jñānaprabha (Zhiguang 智光
).13 He interprets their views on the
different levels of Buddhist teachings in the following way.

13 Tamura 2000: 46.

14 Soothill 1937: 269, Nakamura 1975: 1252d–1253a.
15 Monier-Williams 1899: 511.
16 Weimo jing lüeshu 維摩經略疏 , T 17783: 8.681a26.
17 Ng 2003: 78.
18 On Divākara, see Forte 1974.
19 Divākara is said to have translated 18 works between 676 and 687. Kaiyuan shijiaolu 開元
釋教錄 , T 2154: 55.564a12–17. With the assistance of Fazang, he translated the Ghanavyūha-
大乘密嚴經
sūtra (Dasheng miyan jing , T 681), on which Fazang wrote a commentary (Da-
sheng miyan jing shu 大乘密嚴經疏 , XZJ vol. 34). In addition, they worked together on the
translation of the parts of the last chapter of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, the Gaṇḍavyūha-
sūtra, that were missing from Buddhabhadra’s translation. See Liu 1979: 8–9.
10 Empress Wu established this monastery by converting her mother’s residence after she passed
away. She appointed Fazang as the first abbot. See Liu 1979: 8.
11 T 1733: 35.111c8–112a22.
12 Śīlabhadra was Xuanzang’s 玄奘 (600–664) teacher at Nālandā, and is mentioned in his fa-
西域記
mous record of his travels, Xiyuji T 2087. See Lusthaus 2002: 395–397.
13 Mochizuki 3571.
 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 197

Śīlabhadra, a disciple of Dharmapāla (Hufa 護法 530–561), who belongs to the

lineage of Maitreya (Mile 彌勒 ) and Asaṅga (Wuzhu 無著 310–390?),14 establishes
three levels of teachings on the basis of Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra and Yogācārabhū-
mi-śāstra.15 In the first period, Hīnayāna teaches the emptiness of living beings
(shengkong 生空 ), but fails to realise the true principle (zhenli 真理 ) of the empti-
ness of dharmas (fakong 法空 ). In the second period, the Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras ad-
vocate the emptiness of dharmas. The correct principle (zhengli 正理 ) of Mahāyāna
is revealed only in the third period, when the tenets of Yogācāra, i.e. three natures
and three non-natures, are taught. In addition, these three levels of teaching are ex-
plained in terms of the capacity of the audience, the teaching, and the revelation of
principle. In the first period, only śrāvakas are taught exclusively Hīnayāna teach-
ings that reveal the principle of emptiness of the person. In the second period, only
bodhisattvas are taught exclusively Mahāyāna teachings that show the emptiness of
both the person and dharmas. In the third period, beings of various capacities are in-
structed in all vehicles that expose both emptiness and existence (kongyou 空有 ). As
the third period comprises all capacities, teachings and principles, it represents the
level of explicit statement (nītārtha, liaoyi 了義 ).
Jñānaprabha, who belongs to the lineage of Mañjuśrī (Wenshu 文殊 ) and Nāgār-
juna (Longshu 龍樹 ca. 150–250), follows in the footsteps of Āryadeva (Tipo 提婆
170–270) and Bhāvaviveka (Qingbian 清辯 500–570). He distinguishes three levels
of teaching on the basis of the Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras and Mūlamadhyamakakārikā.
In the first period, Buddha instructed people of small capacity in the Hīnayāna
teaching, according to which both mind and objects exist (xinjing juyou 心境俱有 ).
In the second period, the faxiang of Mahāyāna (faxiang dasheng 法相大乘 ) is
taught to people of mediocre capacity. It explains that objects are empty, while the
mind is existent (jingkong xinyou 境空心有 ), which is the principle of conscious-
ness-only. However, these people cannot understand the equality of true emptiness
(pingdeng zhenkong平等真空 ). In the third period, the wuxiang of Mahāyāna (wu-
xiang dasheng 無相大乘 ) is taught to people of superb capacity. It argues that the
equal emptiness of both objects and the mind is the level of true explicit statement
(zhen liaoyi 真了義 ). In the first period, the audience consisted of the two vehicles
which must refer to śrāvaka-yāna and pratyekabuddha-yāna; in the second, it was
made up of the followers of both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna, and in the third, it was
only bodhisattvas. In terms of teaching, the first period is the teaching of Hīnayāna,
the second is that of three vehicles (sansheng 三乘 ), and the last period is that of one-

14 According to the legend, Maireya took Asaṅga to the Tuṣita where Yogācāra works were given
to him. Some scholars suspect that Maitreya could be a historical person, Asaṅga’s teacher,
who is referred to as Maitreyanātha. See Williams 1989: 80–81.
15 It is interesting to note that Xuanzang’s biography (Da Tang Daciensi sanzang fashi zhuan 大
唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳 慧立
, T 2053) by Huili and Yancong 彥悰 cites a letter by Xuanzang
where Śīlabhadra is said to be the successor to both Āryadeva and Nāgārjuna. This contradicts
Divākara’s alleged account that associates Śīlabhadra exclusively with Āryadeva and the Yogā-
cāra. See Li 1995: 231.
198 IMRE HAMAR

vehicle (yisheng 一乘 ). As regards the revelation of principle, the heretical view of

self-nature (zixing 自性 ) is refuted in the first period, clinging to the essential being
of those things that dependently arise is refuted gradually in the second, and the ap-
parent existence still retained in the second period is refuted in the third.
The classification of the two Indian masters can be summarised in two tables:

period audience teaching principle

1. Hīnayāna śrāvaka Hīnayāna emptiness of person
2. Wuxiang bodhisattva Mahāyāna emptiness of person and
dharmas
3. Faxiang all all emptiness and existence
(Classification by Śīlabhadra)

period audience teaching principle

1. Hīnayāna two vehicles Hīnayāna refutation of the heretical view
of self-nature
2. Faxiang both Hīnayāna and three refutation of essential being
Mahāyāna vehicles
3. Wuxiang bodhisattva one-vehicle refutation of apparent being
(Classification by Jñānaprabha)

Śīlabhadra’s classification is quite well-known from the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra

as the three turnings of the Dharma-wheel. According to this scripture, Buddha’s
teaching can be divided into three successive periods. The first period is the Hīna-
yāna when the emptiness of self was preached. In the second period, the emptiness
of all dharmas was proclaimed in the Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras. However, the hidden
meaning of these sūtras was revealed only in the third period, which is the teaching
of the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra. This is the explicit meaning of the teachings that
require no further explanation.16 By the time Bhāvaviveka lived, doctrinal disagree-
ments between the followers of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka had come to the fore.
Though he was willing to borrow some methods from his opponents, he was critical
of Yogācāra, and maintained the basic Madhyamaka principle of the emptiness of all
dharmas, including consciousness.17
Fazang introduced two names: Faxiang 法相 (characteristics of dharmas) and
Wuxiang 無相 (without characteristics). He applied the first name to the Yogācāra,
and though it was a rather pejorative designation, suggesting that it was a kind of

16 T 676: 16.697a23–b9; Lamotte 1935: 206–207; Keenan 2000: 49.

17 Ruegg 1981: 65–66.
 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 199

Hīnayāna school dealing only with the characteristics of dharmas, it became the tra-
ditional name for this Indian school of Buddhist thought in East Asian Buddhism.
He applied the term Wuxiang to the Madhyamaka school of thought, as it denied the
existence of characteristics. Divākara’s account of the Indian classification of Bud-
dhist teaching must have exercised a great influence on Fazang, because he refers to
it in his other works as well.18 This small episode in the history of Chinese Buddhism
sheds light on the process usually referred to as the ‘sinification of Buddhism’. Fa-
zang’s encounter with Divākara shows that there was an active dialogue between
Chinese and foreign monks during the transmission of Buddhism.19
In his commentary on the Awakening of Faith and on the Dasheng fajie wucha-
bie lun 大乘法界無差別論 , in which he discussed the Indian Buddhist teachings, Fa-
宗
zang distinguishes four cardinal principles (zong ): (1) clinging to the [existence] of
dharmas through their characteristics (suixiang fazhi zong 隨相法執宗 ); (2) real emp-
tiness without characteristics (zhenkong wuxiang zong 真空無相宗 ); (3) conscious-
ness-only [established by] the characteristics of dharmas (weishi faxiang zong 唯識
法相宗 ); and (4) the dependent arising of the tathāgatagarbha (rulaizang yuanqi
如來藏緣起宗
zong ).20 These four cardinal principles refer to the teachings of Hīna-
yāna, Madhyamaka, Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha, respectively. He defines these
lineages with the help of the basic Huayan paradigm: phenomena (shi ) and 事
理
principle (li ).21 Hīnayāna clings to the characteristics of phenomena. Madhya-
maka reveals the principle by the coalascence with phenomena. Yogācāra provides a
description of various aspects of phenomena that arise on the basis of principle. The
Tathāgatagarbha discusses the interpenetration and non-obstruction of principle and
phenomena. In addition, in his commentary on the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra, he again fur-
nishes these four kinds of cardinal principles, though with their names slightly
changed: (1) existence of characteristics (youxiang zong 有相宗 ); (2) non-existence
of characteristics (wuxiang zong 無相宗 ); (3) characteristics of dharmas (faxiang
zong 法相宗 ); and (4) ultimate truth (shixiang zong 實相宗 ).22 Fazang discusses these
four categories in terms of dharmas, consciousness, dependent arising, turning to

18 Shiermen lun zongzhi yiji 十二門論宗致義記 , T 1826: 42.213a5–c23; Dasheng qixin lun yiji
大乘起信論義記 , T 1846: 44.242a29–b21.
19 Robert Sharf has a different view, arguing that “whatever ‘dialogue’ transpired took place
among the Chinese themselves”. See Sharf 2002: 19.
20 T 1846: 44.242b23–c7; T 1838: 44.61c9–13.
21 The first patriarch of the Huayan lineage, Du Shun 杜順 (557–640), introduced these terms
when he changed the terms form for phenomena and emptiness for principle. For a translation
of his important work, Discernments of Dharmadhātu (Fajie guanmen 法界觀門 ), see Gimello
1976: 454–510, and for another which includes Chengguan’s commentary, see Cleary 1983:
69–124. For a summary of arguments in this work, see Ziporyn 2000: 171–174.
22 Ru Lengqie xinxuanyi 入楞伽心玄義 , T 1790: 39.426b29–427a2.
 200
names in the clinging to the real emptiness without consciousness only the dependent arising of
commentary on the [existence] of characteristics [established by] the the Tathāgatagarbha
Awakening of Faith dharmas through characteristics of dharmas
their characteristics
names in the existence of non-existence of characteristics of dharmas real characteristics
commentary on the characteristics characteristics
Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra
scriptures Four Āgamas, Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras, Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra, Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra,
Vibhāṣā Mūlamadhyamaka- Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra Ghanavyūha-sūtra,
kārika Ratnagotravibhāga-śāstra,
Mahāyāna-śradhotpāda-

IMRE HAMAR
śāstra
masters Dharmatrāta23 Nāgārjuna, Āryadeva Asaṅga, Vasubandhu Aśvaghoṣa, Sāramati24
dharmas 75 dharmas emptiness of dharmas three natures, three non- all dharmas arise in
natures, dependence on
100 dharmas based on tathāgatagarbha
consciousness
consciousness six consciousnesses emptiness of the six eight impure the eighth consciousness
consciousnesses consciousnesses is established by the
tathāgatagarbha
dependent arising

23 A master of the Sarvāstivāda school. See Mochizuki 3543.

24 He is the author of Dasheng fajie wu chabie lun 大乘法界無差別論 , T 1626: 31.1627. Fazang wrote a commentary on it titled Dasheng fajie wu
chabie lun bingxu 大乘法界無差別論疏 并序 , T 1838. See Mochizuki 925–926.
dharmas that existent empty both existent and empty neither existent nor
dependently arise empty,

A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS

fusion of phenomena and
principle
turning to followers of two beings of determinate beings of determinate both beings of
Mahāyāna from vehicles do not nature of two vehicles do nature of two vehicles do determinate nature and
Hīnayāna become Buddha not become Buddha, not become Buddha, beings of indeterminate
some of the beings of beings of indeterminate nature turn to Mahāyāna
indeterminate nature turn nature turn to Mahāyāna
to Bodhisattva path
vehicles (a) only three vehicles both three vehicles and three vehicles only one-vehicle
one-vehicle: three
vehicles are revealed,
one-vehicle is hidden
vehicles (b) lesser vehicle three vehicles three vehicles one-vehicle
five teachings lesser vehicle elementary teaching of elementary teaching of advanced teaching of
Mahāyāna Mahāyāna Mahāyāna

201
202 IMRE HAMAR

Mahāyāna from Hīnayāna and vehicles.25 In Fazang’s classification of teachings

these four lineages can be realated to the first three of the five teachings.26 Hīnayāna
represents the lesser vehicle, Madhyamaka and Yogācāra the elementary teachings
of Mahāyāna, and Tathāgatagarbha the advanced teaching of Mahāyāna.

The interfusion of xing and xiang in Fazang’s works

While Fazang’s Huayan master Zhiyan mainly applied various tenets of Yogācāra
philosophy, Fazang often referred to Madhyamaka in his works. As KAMATA Shigeo
demonstrated, the great master of the Sanlun 三論
lineage, Jizang
28
吉藏
(549–623),27
had a considerable impact on Fazang’s philosophy. Fazang intended to transcend
the scope of Yogācāra by incorporating elements of Madhyamaka. In his commen-
tary on the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra, in which he discussed the nature of dependent arising
(yuanqi xing 緣起性 ), he argued that it is actually both existent and empty, that
these two concepts complement one another and form one unity. Nāgārjuna ex-
plained that existence does not differ from emptiness (you bu yi kong ), as有不異空
Asaṅga made clear that emptiness does not differ from existence (kong bu yi you 空
不異有 ). However,
The later generation of philosophers lived in a degenerate age and their wisdom was slight.
If they heard about the emptiness [of dependent arising], they said that [this concept]
interrupts causality. If they heard about the existence [of dependent arising], they said that
[this concept] obstructs real emptiness (zhenkong 真空 ). Therefore, Bhāvaviveka refuted
the existence that is in contradiction with emptiness. Making this extreme view return to
emptiness is the only way to show the existence that is identical with emptiness (jikong zhi
you 即空之有 ). Thus, causality is not lost. Dharmapāla and others refuted the emptiness
that extinguishes existence. To establish causality is the only way to reveal the emptiness
that is identical with existence (jiyou zhi kong 即有之空 ). Thus, real nature (zhenxing 真
性 ) is not hidden. Each of these two masters refuted one extreme; thus, they show the
middle path together. Their views mutually become complete, and are not contradictory.

後代論師為時澆慧薄。聞空謂斷因果。聞有謂隔真空。 是以清辨破違空之有。
令蕩盡 歸空 。 方顯 即空 之有。 因果不 失。 護 法等 破滅 有之 空 。 令因果確 立。 方
顯即有之空。 真性不隱。 此二士各破一邊共顯中道。 此乃相成非相破也. 29

25 He expounds only on the aspects of dharmas, consciousness and vehicles in his commemtary
on the Dasheng fajie wuchabie lun. Here the explanation of the vehicles is slightly different. I re-
fer to it with a (b) in the table. See T 1838: 44.61c13–c28.
26 The system of the five teachings (lesser vehicle, elementary teaching of Mahāyāna, advanced
teaching of Mahāyāna, sudden and perfect) was first established by Zhiyan, but it was Fazang
who used this scheme in his works exclusively. For detailed studies of the formulation and con-
tent of the five teachings, see Cook 1970, Liu 1981, Gregory 1991: 116–135.
27 For an introduction to Jizang’s philosophy, see Liu 1994: 82–187.
28 Kamata 1965: 134–143, 325–331.
29 T 1790: 39.430c16–22. A slightly different version of this passage appears in Huayan yisheng
jiaoyi fenqizhang 華嚴一乘教義分齊章 , T 1886: 45.501a16–25. For a translation of this ver-
sion, see Liu 1979: 379–380.
 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 203

This passage can be regarded as a Huayan contribution and solution to the well-
known debate between the followers of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka on the theory of
the three natures advocated by the Yogācārins.30 Yogācārins held that though the
imaginary nature is empty the dependent nature and the perfect nature have both
empty and real aspects. Those things that arise out of the seeds contained in ālaya
are empty, but the ālaya and the seeds are real. The perfect nature is presented as the
pure ālaya in the Cheng weishi lun; it must therefore be the ultimate reality, and
cannot be empty.31 Being advocates of the emptiness of all dharmas, the Mādhyami-
kas refuted the existence of these two natures as well. In order to harmonize these
two views, Fazang formulated a Huayan interpretation of the doctrine of three na-
tures. He wrote that each of the three natures has an empty and an existent aspect:32
Each of the three natures has two aspects. The two aspects of the perfect [nature] are chan-
glessness and responding to condition. The two aspects of the dependent [nature] are sem-
blance of existence and being without self-nature. The two aspects of the imaginary nature
appear to have being to the ordinary senses and have non-existence in reality.

三性各有二義。真中二義者。一不變義。二隨緣義。依他二義者。一似有義。
二無性義。所執 中二義者。 一 情有義。二理無 義。 33

EMPTINESS BEING
perfect nature changelessness responding to condition
dependent nature without self-nature semblance of existence
imaginary nature non-existent in reality appearing to have being to
common sense
REAL FALSE
NATURE CHARACTERISTICS

As the empty aspects of the three natures are identical, and the existent aspects
are also identical, the identity of the three natures is established. The former aspects
are designated as “the eternal origin without destroying derivative 不壞末而常本 ,”
and the latter aspects as “the eternal derivative without moving origin 不動本而
常末 .” With these designations he places the question into the context of Chinese
philosophy. On the other hand, the empty aspects are not identical with the existent
aspects; hence, the difference between the three natures is established as well. Fa-
zang concludes with the typical Huayan statement that “reality includes the false de-
rivative and falsehood penetrates the source of reality; it is the interfusion and non-
obstruction of nature and characteristics 真該妄末妄徹真源。性相通融無障無礙 .”

30 Bhāvaviveka criticised the doctrine of three natures in chapter five of Madhyamaka-hṛdaya

śāstra and in Prajñāpradīpa. See Ruegg 1981: 65.
31 Liu 1979: 377–379.
32 I used Liu’s translation of these terms. See Liu 1979: 365. For a further explanation of this
Huayan doctrine, see Cook 1970: 30–53; 1977: 59–61.
33 T 1886: 45.499a13–15.
204 IMRE HAMAR

Various versions of “interfusion of nature and characteristics,” such as interpenetra-

tion of nature and characteristics (xingxiang jiaoche 性相交徹 ) and perfect interfu-
sion of nature and characteristics (xingxiang yuanrong 性相圓融 ), are found through-
out Fazang’s works.34 Terms such as real-false and origin-derivative frequently oc-
cur in the Chinese Buddhist texts, but the paradigm of xingxiang seems to be a nov-
elty. Where does it originate?
Lusthaus attributes this invention to Xuanzang, who was a prominent figure of
his day and Fazang’s contemporary. In verses 5 and 7 of his translation of Triṃśikā
he – supposedly deliberately – altered the original Sanskrit text through the interpo-
lation of xingxiang, though he is famous for the accuracy of his translations. In the
definitions of mano-vijñāna and the five consiousnesses we read that “discerning
perceptual-objects is its nature and characteristic” and “willing-deliberating is its
nature and characteristic”, respectively.35 In the Cheng weishi lun, Xuanzang explains
xing and xiang as self-nature (svabhāva, zixing 自性
) and activity-characteristic
(ākāra, xingxiang 行相 ), respectively. In the case of the five consiousnesses, dis-
cerning perceptual-objects is their self-nature, and the functioning (yong ) of this 用
nature is their activity-characteristic. In the same way, the willing-deliberating is the
self-nature of the mano-vijñāna, and the functioning of this nature is its activity-
characteristic. The text goes on to say that these natures and functions define each
consciousness. This is to say that the self-natures of the consciousnesses are none
other than their activities.
As Xuanzang’s usage of xing versus xiang is confined to a rather technical dis-
cussion of Yogācāra, other considerations should be taken into account in tracing
Fazang’s application of xing. First, it can be explained as emptiness of self-nature
(zixing kong 自性空 ) because the ultimate nature of dharmas is emptiness. There is
no doubt that this is the stance of Madhyamaka in this discussion. Thus, the interfu-
sion of nature and characteristics is another sinitic explanation of the famous Mahā-
yāna formula, “emptiness is form and form is emptiness” just like “principle is phe-
nomena”, advocated by the first patriarch of the Huayan lineage, Du Shun 杜順
(557–640). With the introduction of this short expression, interfusion of nature and
characteristics, Fazang managed to achieve the same goal as with the discussion of
the three natures: to harmonize Yogācāra and Madhyamaka. Second, xing can refer
to tathāgatagarbha, or Buddha-nature that leads to another explication on the basis of
the Chinese transmission of Yogācāra that includes Tathāgatagarbha teachings. One
of the important tenets of Huayan Buddhism is the theory of nature-origination
(xingqi 性起 ), which clarifies how the world evolves out of a pure mind.36 Thus,
xing means the nature out of which the world evolves, and xiang represents the

34 Yoshizu 1983.
35 For a discussion of xingxiang in Xuanzang’s translation, see Lusthaus 2002: 371–373.
36 This name originates from the title of Chapter 32 of the sixty-fascicle Huayan jing, Baowang
rulai xingqi pin 寶王如來性起品 . The version of the eighty-fascicle Huayan jing will be dis-
cussed below.
 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 205

characteristics of the outer world evolved from nature. However, this Yogācāra is
not the elementary teaching of Mahāyāna represented by the teachings of Xuanzang,
but rather the advanced teaching of Mahāyāna, that is Tathāgatagarbha. Nonetheless,
this deeper level of interfusion apropos of xing and xiang would later be discovered
and discussed by the fourth patriarch of the Huayan lineage, Chengguan 澄觀
(738–
839),37 who was the most loyal disciple of Fazang, though they never met.

Ten Differences between Faxingzong and Faxiangzong

Fazang’s disciple, Huiyuan 慧苑 (673–743), did not discuss the teachings of the two
Indian masters elaborated in great detail by Fazang, putatively because the tenet of
dependent arising did not play a central role in his philosophy.38 Chengguan, how-
ever, took up this topic again in his commentary on the Huayan jing. At the begin-
ning of his account of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka, he recapitulates the two versions
of three periods summarised by the third patriarch.39 He uses the names faxiang
dasheng and wuxiang dasheng introduced by Fazang, but he often refers to them as
宗
two zongs . Like Fazang, he arrives at the conclusion that these two zongs com-
plement one another; neither of them can stand alone, and they must be combined. It
is important to note that at the end of this section in his Subcommentary on the Bud-
dhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Dafangguang fo huayan jing suishu yanyi chao 大方廣佛華嚴
經隨疏演義鈔 ), Chengguan identifies Madhyamaka as faxingzong:
From the aspect of the first school, the faxiangzong is the ultimate [meaning of the
teaching] and faxingzong is not ultimate. From the aspect of the second school, the
faxingzong is the ultimate, and the faxiangzong is not ultimate. Therefore, they are both
ultimate and not ultimate, and equally share the principle.

謂 約初 門。 則法 相宗 為了。 法性宗 非了 。若 約後 門。 則法性 宗為了 。法 相宗 非了 。

既皆二義了。二義不了。於理則齊。 40

As Chengguan continues, in order to combine these two lineages first the differ-
ences between them should be known. He lists ten differences:41
(1) one-vehicle or three vehicles 一乘三乘
(2) one nature or five natures 一性五性
(3) consciousness is only real or false 唯心真妄

37 For his biography, see Hamar 2002. For his philosophy, see Hamar 1998a, 1998b, 1999, 2003a,
2003b, 2004.
38 Yoshizu 1983: 308–309. For a recent study on Huiyuan’s philosophy, see Li 2000.
39 T 1735: 35.510b23–c22. T 1736: 36.52c7–53b27. Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao 新修華嚴經疏
鈔 , vol. 1. 547–564.
40 T 1736: 36.53c18–20.
41 T 1735: 35.511a2–6.
206 IMRE HAMAR

(4) the tathatā is dependent arising or immovable 真如隨緣凝然

(5) the emptiness and existence related to the three natures are identical or different
三性空有即離
(6) the number of living beings and buddhas is not increasing or not decreasing 生佛
不增不減
(7) the two truths are identical or different, as well emptiness and existence are iden-
tical or different 二諦空有即離
(8) the four characteristics are simultaneous or successive 四相一時前後
(9) the subject and the object of enlightenment are identical or different 能所斷證
即離
(10) the body of buddha is unconditioned or conditioned 佛身無為有為
In each of the ten statements, the first part is the tenet of the faxingzong whereas
the second is that of the faxiangzong. For example, one nature and one-vehicle form
part of the doctrines of faxingzong, and the three vehicles and five natures are pro-
claimed by faxiangzong.
The first two differences are lumped together as the one-vehicle, and three vehi-
cles are closely associated with one nature and three natures, respectively.42 If the
doctrine of five natures is regarded as the ultimate teaching, then the doctrine of
three vehicles is evident. Those who have the śrāvaka-nature belong to the śrāvaka-
vehicle, those who have the pratyekabuddha-nature belong to the pratyekabuddha-
vehicle, those who have the bodhisattva-nature belong to the bodhisattva-vehicle.
Those who do not have a determinate nature can belong to any of the three vehicles,
while those who do not have an untainted nature do not belong to any of the three
vehicles but to the vehicle of men and gods. Thus, the five vehicles are established.
In contrast to this stance, the faxingzong accepts the doctrine of one nature, i.e. uni-
versal salvation, as the ultimate teaching; it therefore proclaims the one-vehicle.
In fact, the question of Buddha-nature is a long debated topic in East Asian Bud-
dhism. It is a well-known story in the history of Chinese Buddhism that Daosheng
道生 (ca. 360–434) was bold enough to argue against the so-called southern transla-
tion of the Nirvāṇa-sūtra which says that icchantikas can never become Buddha.43
After the northern translation of this sūtra supported Daosheng’s claim, the view of

42 This is discussed in great detail in the Commentary and Subcommentary. See T 1735: 35.511a6–
512b13. T 1736: 36.54a25–61b10. Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao 新修華嚴經疏鈔 , vol. 1. 566–
642.
43 For Daoan’s view on icchantikas, see Kim 1990: 34–38. The Fo shuo daban nihuan jing 佛說
大般泥洹經 法顯
(T 376) translated by Faxian and Buddhabhadra was called the southern text,
while the Daban nieban jing 大般涅槃經 (T 374) translated by Dharmakṣema was known as
the northern text. See Ch’en 1964: 113–114. For a study on the Buddha-nature in the Nirvāṇa-
sūtra, see Liu 1982.
 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 207

universal liberation became widespread in China. However, Xuanzang took up the

orthodox Yogācāra position and excluded icchantikas from salvation. But even
some of his disciples did not share the opinion of their teacher. His most talented
student, Fabao 法寶 一乘佛性究
(early 8th c.), claimed in Yisheng foxing jiujing lun
竟論 that one-vehicle was the actual teaching (shijiao 實教
) and the three vehicles
were only provisional teachings.44 His other disciple Huizhao 慧沼 (650–714) re-
futed Fabao’s views in his Nengxian zhongbian huiri lun 能顯中邊慧日論 .45 Ap-
proximately during Chengguan’s lifetime, a long debate on this problem raged in
Japan between the Hossō 法相 monk Tokuitsu 德一 (780?–842?), and the founder
of the Tendai 天台 school, Saichō 最澄 (767–822), resulting in several works by
these two eminent scholars.46
The next eight differences are discussed under the rubrics of the elementary and
advanced teachings of Mahāyāna.47 On the level of the elementary teaching, mostly
the characteristics are elaborated, the nature of dharmas, i.e. their absolute aspect,
appears only as one of the hundred dharmas.48 On the other hand, the advanced
teaching mainly expounds on the nature of dharmas, and the way in which charac-
teristics can revert to nature. This is to say that the dharmas, like skandhas, are
empty, and their emptiness is their nature. The faxingzong also teaches about the
characteristics, but its main purport is to reveal nature as the enigmatic subtlety
(xuanmiao 玄妙 ). This explanation seems to be in accord with the tenets of Yogācā-
ra and Madhyamaka, as Yogācāra teaches the doctrine of a hundred dharmas, and
Madhyamaka emphasises emptiness as the ultimate reality of dharmas. The third and
fourth differences touch upon the nature of the ālayavijñāna, which is a key issue in
the Chinese transmision of Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha philosophies.49
According to the faxiangzong, the eighth consciousness, the ālayavijñāna, pos-
sesses only the aspect of saṃsāra and is only tainted; Chengguan therefore depicts it
as “false”. This impure consciousness is the cause of both rebirth in saṃsāra and at-
taining nirvāṇa. He cites Xuanzang’s translation of Mahāyānasaṃgraha as a source
for this statement.50 In contrast to this, the faxingzong argues that this consciousness
also has an aspect of the absolute mind (zhenxin 真心
) due to the untainted tathāga-

44 Groner 2000: 103–104.

45 T 1863.
46 In this debate, Saichō often referred to the arguments of Fabao. See Groner 2000: 91–106.
47 T 1735: 35.512c12–513a13; T 1736: 36.62c27–67b28; Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao 658–702.
48 The tathatā is one of the unconditioned dharmas (asaṃskṛta-dharmas). See Lusthaus 2002:
553.
49 Paramārtha (499–569) played a crucial role in spreading Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha philo-
sophies in China, although these teachings had been known to the Dilun 地論 masters before
his arrival in China. For the process of the transmission of Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha
teachings, see Paul 1984 and Gimello 1976: 212–337.
50 She dasheng lunben 攝大乘侖本 , T 1594: 31.133b15–16. For a detailed study on the concept
of ālayavijñāna in the Mahāyānasaṃgraha, see Waldron 2003: 128–170.
208 IMRE HAMAR

tagarbha. He refers to the famous statement from the Awakening of Faith in Mahā-
yāna (Dasheng qixin lun 大乘起信論 ) according to which the saṃsāra and that
which is beyond saṃsāra are fused in ālayavijñāna.51
The issue at stake is the relationship between the Absolute and phenomena.52 Is
the tathatā, the Absolute, dependent arising, or is it immovable? Does the Absolute
have anything to do with the phenomenal world? According to the interpretation of
the final teaching of Mahāyāna (i.e. faxingzong), the Absolute and phenomena can
be described with the ‘water and wave’ metaphor. Due to the wind of ignorance,
waves of phenomena rise and fall, yet they are not different in essence from the wa-
ter of the Absolute. In contrast with this explanation, the elementary teaching of Ma-
hāyāna (i.e. faxiangzong) can be presented by the metaphor of ‘house and ground’.
The ground supports the house but is different from it.53 Referring to the same scrip-
tural sources as Fazang does, Chengguan claims that the dependent arising of tatha-
tā is taught on the level of advanced teaching. However, he also emphasises that
tathatā not only has a dependent arising aspect, but also an immovable one. It can be
immovable because it is dependent arising, and it is dependent arising because it is
immovable. If the water were to be deprived of its nature of moisture, how could it
create waves under the influence of wind? Phenomena can be established by retain-
ing the self-nature of the Absolute. On the other hand, if tathatā is not dependent
arising, its essence cannot penetrate conditions (bianyuan 遍緣
). If its essence can-
not be found in conditions, how can it be unchanged (bubian 不變 )? These two as-
pects are not contradictory, but complement one another.
The next topic touches upon the question of differing opinions between the fol-
lowers of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka on the status of the three natures. Chengguan
seems to be quite aware of the dispute on this matter in Indian Buddhism. As we
saw above, Yogācāra attributed emptiness only to the imaginary nature, retaining
some kind of existence of the other two natures. Chengguan explains that according
to faxiangzong the dependent nature has a resembling existence and is therefore not
nonexistent (siyou buwu 似有不無 ). Thus, it cannot be identical with the perfect
nature that is revealed through the absence of self-nature. However, according to the
faxingzong, the absence of self-nature in the dependent nature is identical with the
perfect nature, and as absence of self-nature is emptiness, thus the perfect nature is
iden tical with emptiness. This way, faxingzong demonstrates that the perfect nature
is empty, just like the imaginary nature. The dependent arising (yinyuan 因緣
) in-
cludes all three aspects, being identical with both emptiness and existence; hence,
these are not separate.
The sixth difference is related to the first and second differences. According to
the five natures of faxiangzong, beings of the fifth nature divested themselves of

51 T 1666: 32.576b8–9. Hakeda 36, Girard 2004: 28–29.

52 Whalen Lai translated and analysed the relevent part of the Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang
華嚴一乘教義分齊章 . See Lai 1986.
53 Ibid., 2–3.
 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 209

Buddha-nature forever and can never become Buddha. Consequently, they can never
leave the realm of living beings; they are sentenced to maintain this world. Thus, this
realm cannot decrease. The faxingzong teaches that the one principle is ubiquitous
(yili qiping一理齊平 ), that is to say the potency of becoming Buddha is inherent in
all living beings including icchantikas. The realm of living beings cannot decrease,
while the realm of Buddha cannot increase. Why? Because both living beings and
buddhas have already been in the domain of faxing, and faxing cannot increase fa-
xing. This is similar to how the Eastern space cannot add anything to the Western
space, i.e. the Western space cannot increase with the decrease of the Eastern space.
In other words, Buddha and sentient beings share the same absolute nature; there is
therefore nothing to increase or decrease.
In the next topic, two questions are discussed: first, the identity or difference of
two truths; then, the identity or difference of emptiness and existence. These are
closely related as emptiness and existence are regarded, especially by Madhyamaka,
as absolute truth and mundane truth, respectively. According to faxiangzong, the
mundane truth and the absolute truth are different, while according to faxingzong
they are in fact identical, and as the Nirvāṇa-sūtra states it is only an upāya that
there are two truths.54 The Absolute is not beyond the mundane, it is Absolute if it is
identical with the mundane. The former concentrates on discriminating the two
truths, while the latter tends to fuse them. Chengguan warns against clinging to any
of these positions one-sidedly. The faxiangzong argues that the cause ceases when
the fruit is produced (guosheng yinmie 果生因滅 ). This way, the extremes of nihil-
ism and eternalism are avoided, as existence is not eternal due to the cessation of
cause, and is not interrupted due to the production of fruit. The way in which the fa-
xingzong avoids the two extremes is to underline that emptiness is the emptiness that
is identical with existence (jiyou zhi kong 即有之空 ), and existence is the existence
that is identical with emptiness (jikong zhi you即空之有 ). It is therefore empty but
not interrupted, and existent but not eternal. Non-existence and existence are neither
identical, nor different. This is how the middle way is achieved. If they were identi-
cal, then the meaning of existence and non-existence would be abolished. If they
were different, then it would lead to the extremes of nihilism and eternalism. As is
quite obvious, the differing views of Yogācāra and Madhyamaka on the absolute
truth are found here. As we discussed above, Yogācāra does not accept the emp-
tiness of absolute nature that is the absolute truth, while Madhyamaka strongly ar-
gued for it.
The faxiangzong propounds the successiveness of the four characteristics (birth,
duration, differentiation, cessation),55 which is to say that something that was not ex-
istent is born due to various conditions. It then endures and in this duration it changes,

54 For the relevant passage cited by Chengguan, see T 374: 12.443a7–19.

55 For the relevant passage from Cheng weishi lun cited by Chengguan, see T 1585: 31.6a8–17.
For the English translation, see Cook 1999: 34–35.
210 IMRE HAMAR

and finally it reverts to non-existence. According to the faxingzong, the past, present
and future are all empty; their essential natures are therefore extinct, and this is what
Chengguan calls returning to nature through coalescence with characteristics (hui-
xiang guixing 會相歸性 ). In this way, faxingzong establishes that the four charac-
teristics are simultaneous.
The ninth difference concerns the result of religious practice. The faxiangzong
states that the object and subject of enlightenment are different. It says that there are
two aspects of wisdom: wisdom that eliminates delusion (duanhuo 斷惑 ) and wis-
dom that realises principle (zhengli 證理 ). According to one of the interpretations,
the fundamental nondiscriminating wisdom (genben zhi 根本智 ), i.e. Buddha’s ab-
solute wisdom, is able to eliminate the propensities (suimian 隨眠 ) of delusions con-
cerning both principle and phenomena, while the subsequently acquired wisdom
(houde zhi 後得智 ), i.e. wisdom related to the ordinary world, cannot. The other
opinion is that this latter wisdom can eliminate only the propensities of delusions
concerning phenomena.56 Consequently, the fundamental wisdom and the subse-
quently acquired wisdom are different. Regarding the wisdom that realises the prin-
ciple, it says that wisdom that is the subject of enlightenment is conditioned (youwei
有為 ), but the principle that is realised by this wisdom is unconditioned (wuwei 無
為 ). Thus, the subject and object of enlightenment are not identical. The faxingzong
also discusses two aspects of wisdom. It shows that in both cases wisdom and the
object of wisdom are not different. The wisdom that eliminates the delusion (huo ) 惑
and the delusion that is eliminated, in fact, share the same substance. If we search
for the origin of delusion, it cannot be found anywhere; it is thus has a nonabiding
origin (wuzhu ben 無住本 ). Therefore, the origin of delusion is nonabiding; that is to
say, it does not have an origin (wuben 無本 ). Next, this nonabiding origin is nothing
more than a different name for the ultimate truth (shixiang 實相 ). Thus, the origin of
the delusion is the essence of wisdom, and consequently their essences are not dif-
ferent. Regarding wisdom that realises the principle, Chengguan argues that the es-
sence of wisdom is being without thought (wunian 無念 ), and it can be defined only
with the help of delusion; thus, wisdom does not have a self-nature (zixing 自性 ).
This absence of self-nature is also the essence of tathatā that is realised in the proc-
ess of enlightenment. As wisdom, subject, and the tathatā, object, have the same es-
sence, i.e. not having self-nature, the identity of subject and object is established.
The last topic revolves around the conditioned or unconditioned nature of the
body of Buddha. The main divergence lies in what the two lineages regard as the
support of the transcendental wisdom. According to the faxiangzong, it is the seeds
of the saṃsāric consciousness (shengmie shizhong 生滅識種 ), while according to
the faxingzong it is the tathāgatagarbha. The Cheng weishi lun clearly states that the

56 This is discussed in Cheng weishi lun, which is cited by Chengguan. See T 1585: 31.54c29–
55a6. For the English translation, see Cook 1999: 337–338.
 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 211

four kinds of wisdom include all conditioned qualities of the stage of Buddha.57 As
the four kinds of wisdom are born of seeds, they must therefore be conditioned. In
addition, if the consciousness that gives birth to wisdom has a nature of saṃsāra,
wisdom that is born out of it must be conditioned. The four kinds of wisdom are in-
cluded in the three bodies of Buddha. Moreover, one of these four kinds of wisdom,
the great perfect mirror wisdom (mahādarśana-jñāna, dayuanjing zhi 大圓鏡智),
creates what a Buddha receives for his own use or enjoyment (zi shouyong 自受用);
therefore, the body of retribution (saṃbhogakāya, baoshen 報身
) is conditioned and
untainted (youwei wulou 有為無漏 ). However, the tathāgatagrabha, the supporter
of wisdom is eternal, thus, that which is supported, i.e. wisdom, must also be eternal.
The Awakening of Faith distinguishes between two kinds of enlightenment: one is
that which beings originally possess (benjue 本覺
), the other is that which is attained
through cultivation (shijue 始覺 ).58 Consequently, the former is eternal as it exists as
a principle (liyou 理有 ), whereas the latter is not because it requires conditions in
order to be generated. Chengguan abolishes the distinction between these two kinds
of enlightenment, stating that they are both eternal. On the one hand, enlightenment
attained through cultivation from the aspect that it is generated it must be regarded
as conditioned. On the other hand, it is identical with the nature of tathāgatagarbha,
and thus is unconditioned. Even the nirmāṇakāya of the three bodies of Buddha is
therefore eternal. If this is eternal, then the more subtle saṃbhogakāya must be eter-
nal as well. Chengguan adds that wisdom must be identical with essence because if
it existed outside essence then it would not be eternal.
In order to evaluate the content of these differences it is worth examining the
scriptural sources that Chengguan quotes to substantiate his statements.59 As we
might expect, Chengguan often refers to the Cheng weishi lun and other Yogācāra
works in discussing the teaching of faxiangzong, and cites Madhyamaka and Tathā-
gatagarbha scriptures to demonstrate the arguments of faxingzong. However, we also
find Yogācāra works (Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra, Vasubandhu’s commentary on the Daśa-
bhūmika-sūtra) and Mahāyāna sūtras (Lotus Sūtra, Nirvāṇa-sūtra, Vimalakīrti-sū-
tra) under the rubric of faxingzong. It is important to note that the Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra
and Prajñāpāramitā scriptures are cited by both faxiangzong and faxingzong.

57 T 1585: 31.56b1–2. Cook 1999: 348.

58 Hakeda 38–42, Girard 2004: 30–37.
59 These references are included in Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao. Some of the scriptures listed here
are well-known Indian ones, others have survived only in Tibetan and Chinese translations, and
we also find works that were presumably written in China. I use the Sanskrit titles whenever
they are available or have reconstructed versions. For the reconstructed titles, I am indebted to
Demiéville 1978 and Conze 1982.
 212
faxiangzong faxingzong
1. one-vehicle or three vehicles Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra Saddharmapuṇḍarika-sūtra
T 676: 16.695a19–20, 22–25; 697b5. T 262: 9.7c5; 8a17–19; 9a6–11; 11b14–
2. one nature or five natures
15; 13c10–14; 15a18–19, a29–b3, b9c1–5;
Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra
17b7–10, 13–15; 18c14–15; 25c12–20;
T 220: 7.1066a28–b6.
30a15, a19–b1; 31b16–21; 50c20–51a1.
Daśacakrakṣitigarbha-sūtra* T 411:
Saddharmapuṇḍarikopadeśa*
13.769c4–27.
T 1519: 26.8b15–17; 8c25–9a3; 9a12–
Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra 20; 18a4–5
T 671: 16.526c8–11.
Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra
Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāravyākhya T 279: 10.275a19–21, 25–26; 444a10–11.

IMRE HAMAR
T 1604: 31.594b1–17.
Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra
Yogācārabhūmiśāstra T 374: 12.365c6–7; 419b1–7; 420a23–
T 1579: 30.478b13–c15; 720c23–26. 25; 493b17–18; 522c23–24; 523c1–2;
T 1581: 30.888a20–21, b4–5; 900a16–17. 524b8, c8–9, 11–16, 559a21–23;
574b11–28, c5–6
Mahāyānasaṃgraha-upanibandhana
T 1598: 31.447a25–b10. Mahāprajñāpāramitā-śāstra
T 1509: 25.369c13; 714a9–21.
Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra
T 671: 16.525c12–19; 527b2–20; 540a9–
10; 541a11–12; 555a9–10.
Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanāda-sūtra
T 353: 12.219c5–18; 220c21; 223b8–9.
 Anuttarāśaya-sūtra
T 669: 16.470b3–6; 472a24

A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS

Ratnagotravibhāga
T 1611: 31.830b8–11; 831b6–9.
Buddhatvaśāstra* T 1610: 31.788c19–23;
799a6–7.
Ghanavyūha–sūtra
T 682: 16. 774a13–16.
Mahāyānasaṃgraha
T 1594: 31.151b17–18. 1595: 31.212b17.
無量義經
T 276: 9.386a10–12.
百喻經
T 209: 4.548a22–23.

3. consciousness only is real or Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra*

false T 1579: 30.478c12–16. T 1666: 32. 576b8–9.
Āryaśāsanaprakaraṇa* Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra
T 1602: 31.581a2–3. T 672: 16.594c11–14.
Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi
T 1585: 31.14a17.
Mahāyānasaṃgraha (Xuanzang’s version)
T 1594: 31.133b15–16.

213
 214
faxiangzong faxingzong

4. the tathatā is dependent Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi Śrīmālādevīsiṃhanāda-sūtra

arising or is immovable T 1585: 31.48a23–24. T 353: 12.222c4–5.
Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra*
T 1666: 32.576c13–14.
Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra
T 670: 16.510b4–8, 512b16–17.

5. the emptiness and existence Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi Madhyamaka-śāstra

related to the three natures T 1585: 31.45c8–11; 46b5–18. T 1564: 30.33b11–12.

IMRE HAMAR
are identical or different Ghanavyūha-sūtra
6. the number of living beings T 681: 16.746c10–11.
and buddhas is not
increasing or not decreasing

7. the emptiness and existence Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi Madhyamaka-śāstra

are identical or different, T 1585: 31.7c19–20; 12c4; 48a19–21. T 1564: 30.20b17–18.
two truths are identical or Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra Nirvāṇa-sūtra
different T 1579: 30.653c27–654a6. T 374: 12.443a7–19.
Mahāyānasaṃgraha (Paramārtha’s version)
T 1595: 31.53c5.
Kāruṇikā-rājā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra*
T 245: 8.829a4–8, 9–13,16–17, 20.
18. the four characteristics are Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi Mahāyānaśraddhotpāda-śāstra*
simultaneous or successive T 1585: 31.6a8–17. T 1666: 32.576c1–4.

A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS

Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra
T 475: 14.542b3–6.
Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra
T 670: 16.512c18–19.

19. the subject and the object of Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra

enlightenment are identical T 1585: 31.54c29–55a6. T 279: 10.134b5–6, 24–25.
or different
Nirvāṇa-sūtra
T 374: 12.410c21, 27–28.
Daśabhūmivyākhyāna
T 1522: 26.133a10, 28–b2.

10. the body of Buddha is Buddhabhūmyupadeśa Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra

unconditioned or T 1530: 26.301c1–8. T 374: 12.374a21–23, a19–b2, b10–14;
conditioned 388b26–27.
Vijñaptimātratāsiddhi
T 1585: 31.55b2–3; 56a7–11; 56b1–2. Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra
T 475: 14.542a17–18.

215
216 IMRE HAMAR

One-vehicle of faxing

Fazang’s classification of teachings was at variance with that of his master Zhiyan
智儼 (602–668) in that he exclusively identified the Huayan jing 華嚴經
with the
perfect teaching while his master related it to the sudden teaching as well. In addi-
tion, they both regarded the Huayan jing as the separate teaching, and the Lotus
Sūtra as the common teaching, but Fazang degraded the Lotus Sūtra to the level of
the advanced teaching of the Mahāyāna.60 He thus established the superior position
of Huayan, and his awareness of it was certainly enhanced by the lavish support that
he received from Empress Wu 武
(r. 684–705). Fazang was eager to demonstrate
that the one-vehicle of Huayan is different from the one-vehicle of Lotus Sūtra and
from the one-vehicle of Nirvāṇa-sūtra, proclaiming that the one-vehicle of Huayan
is the basic one-vehicle (genben yisheng 根本一乘
). Chengguan, however, identifies
all one-vehicles as faxing, accepting them as his own tradition.61 On the other hand,
though he, unlike Fazang, does not draw a sharp distinction between separate and
common teaching, he retains the superiority of Huayan:
The ocean of this teaching is vast and profound; there is nothing that it does not include.
Form and emptiness exchange their brightness, merit and function interpenetrate. Concern-
ing its content, it contains the five teachings in their entirety. It comprises all teachings as
far as the teaching of men and gods. This is the only way to reveal its profundity and
broadness. It is similar to how rivers do not include the ocean, but the ocean must include
rivers. Though it includes all rivers, it tastes salty everywhere. Therefore, every drop of the
ocean is different from rivers. The previous four teachings do not include the perfect teach-
ing, but the perfect teaching must include those four teachings. Although the perfect teach-
ing includes the four teachings, it goes beyond them. Thus, ten virtues and five prohibitions
can also be found in the perfect teaching, but they are not those of the third and the fourth
teachings, not to speak about those of the first and the second teachings. [These four teach-
ings] have teachings in common [with the perfect teaching], but they do not hold the same
position. As this perfect teaching is described as broad, it is named immeasurable vehicles.
It is said to be profound because this teaching reveals the one-vehicle. There are two kinds
of one-vehicle. The first is the one-vehicle of common teaching that is common in the
sudden and real [final] teachings. The second is the one-vehicle of separate teaching that
perfectly comprises all merits. The separate teaching includes the common teaching, and
the perfect teaching comprises all teachings.62

此 教 海宏 深包 含 無外 。色 空交 映 德 用重 重。 語 其橫 收全 收五教 。 乃至 人天 總 無不
包。方顯深廣。其猶百川不攝大海。大海必攝百川。雖攝百川同一鹹味。故隨一適
迥 異百 川。 前之 四教 不攝於 圓。圓 必攝 四。 雖攝 於四 圓以貫 之。故 十善 五戒 亦圓 教
60 Gregory 1991: 128–129; in his comprehensive book, Yoshizu Yoshihide discusses the seperate
teaching of one-vehicle as a central concept of Fazang’s teachings. He demonstrates the distinc-
tion between seperate and common teachings in Zhiyan’s writings; then he treats various as-
pects of this question in Fazang’s works. See Yoshizu 1991.
61 Yoshizu 1991: 470–477.
62 For a Japanese translation of this passage, see Yoshizu 1991: 473–474.
 A HUAYAN PARADIGM FOR THE CLASSIFICATION OF MAHĀYĀNA TEACHINGS 217

攝。上非三四。況初二耶。斯則有其所通無其所局。故此圓教語廣名無量乘。語深
唯 顯一 乘。 一乘 有二 。一同 教一乘 。同 頓同 實故 。二 別教一 乘。唯 圓融 具德 故。 以
別該同皆圓教攝。 63

Conclusion: is Huayan faxingzong?

It is quite clear from the discussion above that it was Chengguan who introduced the
term faxingzong, and started to use the paradigm of faxiangzong versus faxingzong.
In doing so, he had recourse to philosophical frameworks established by Fazang.
First, in treating Divākara’s classification of Indian Mahāyāna philosophies, Cheng-
guan identified Madhyamaka with faxingzong. Second, on the basis of the paradigm
of xing versus xiang propounded by Fazang, Tathāgatagarbha teachings also came to
be included in faxingzong. Thus explaining the ten differences between faxiangzong
and faxingzong, the stance of faxingzong is described by the teachings of Madhya-
maka and/or Tathāgatagarbha. In terms of scriptures that represent faxiangzong and
faxingzong, we have seen that some scriptures belong to both categories. The para-
digm of faxiangzong versus faxingzong is thus a hermeneutical, ‘transscriptural’ de-
vice for the classification of Mahāyāna teachings. It is more flexible than the classi-
cal Huayan classification of five teachings advocated by Fazang, which simply quali-
fies Yogācāra and Madhyamaka as elementary teachings of Mahāyāna, and Tathāga-
tagarbha as the final teaching of Mahāyāna. This paradigm attempts to sort out some
principles in the giant corpus of Mahāyāna literature, and one group of principles or
guidelines is called faxiangzong while the other is referred to as faxingzong. Conse-
quently, the term zong 宗 should be rendered as a principle or guideline and defi-
nitely not as a ‘school’.
When Chengguan elaborates on the ten differences, he says that faxiangzong is
the elementary teaching of Mahāyāna while faxingzong is the final teaching of Ma-
hāyāna. If faxingzong is the final teaching, it cannot be identified with Huayan,
which represents the perfect teaching, the highest of all teachings. The final teaching
claims that the tathāgatagarbha is not isolated from the world of life and death; it is
thus described as the non-obstruction of principle and phenomena (lishi wu’ai 理事
無礙 ) using the Huayan terminology. The perfect teaching also includes this impor-
tant tenet, but it goes one step further. It advocates the notion that on the basis of the
non-obstruction of principle and phenomena, the interrelatedness of phenomena be-
comes established. This interrelatedness is depicted as the non-obstruction of phe-
nomena (shishi wu’ai 事事無礙 ).64 As we have seen above, the perfect teaching in-
cludes the set of advanced principles called faxingzong, but they are not identical:
“although the ocean includes all rivers, it tastes salty everywhere.”

63 T 1735: 35.514a6–16.
64 Shih 1992: 138.
218 IMRE HAMAR

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新修華嚴經疏鈔
Xinxiu huayan jing shuchao 成一
. (ed.) Chengyi , Taibei: Huayan lianshe, 2001.
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide 性相融会について
: “Shōsō yūkai ni tsuite” [Concerning the interfu-
sion of nature and characteristic]. Komazawa daigaku bukkyō gakubu kenkyū kiyō 駒澤大学仏
教学部研究紀要 (1983) 41: pp. 300–321.
220 IMRE HAMAR

Yoshizu Yoshihide 吉津宜英 : Kegon ichijō shisō no kenkyū華厳一乘思想の研究 [A study of the

ekayāna thought in the Huayan]. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1991.
Ziporyn, Brook: Evil and/or/as The Good: Omnicentrism, Intersubjectivity, and Value Paradox in
Tiantai Buddhist Thought. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia Center for the
Harvard-Yenching Institute, 2000.
 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

HUAYAN AND CHAN

1. Introduction

Here, I would like to discuss the subject “Huayan and Chan.” Although it might be
impossible to give a sufficient argument to this extremely wide issue, it is necessary
to begin with an introduction to the two concepts, Huayan and Chan, in order to
better understand the topic.

1.1 The Concept of Huayan

To the West, Huayan 華嚴 (J. Kegon; Skt. Avataṃsaka) may not be such a familiar
concept as it is to East Asia, where traces of influence can still be found in the cul-
ture. For example, take Japan, the Great Buddha of the Tōdaiji Temple 東大寺 in
Nara is the statue of Vairocana Buddha, known as the principal Buddha of the Bud-
dhāvataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing 華嚴經 ). In China, at the centre of the Longmen
Grottoes (Longmen shiku 龍門石窟 ), is also located the statue of Vairocana Buddha
武則天
that is said to be modeled after Wu Zetian (623 or 625–705), the only female
monarch in the history of imperial China. Finally, at the Borobuḍur in Indonesia, a
part of the cloisters surrounding this highly constructed architecture is decorated
with relief in the motif of the story from the Gaṇḍavyūha, becoming the Entering
the Realm of Reality (Ru fajie pin 入法界品 ), which was taken in as the final chapter
of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra afterward.
At this point, it is useful to ask to what “Huayan” does refer.
The meaning of Huayan can be approached from three different aspects. First, it
refers to the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, one of the principal scriptures of Mahāyāna
Buddhism, including three comprehensive translations in Chinese: the 60-fascicle,
80-fascicle and 40-fascicle versions. (But, the last one is different from the former
two. It is that which the Gaṇḍavyūha was enlarged to.) As a compiled scripture, the
Buddhāvataṃsaka might have assumed its integral form by the end of the 4th cen-
tury or the beginning of the 5th century. This scripture reveals a peculiar vision of
the Buddha’s Enlightenment and the Way for bodhisattvas to achieve enlightenment.
222 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

Secondly, Huayan also stands for the doctrine of the Huayan school, an inde-
pendent philosophy system based upon the Buddhāvataṃsaka. This school was
founded, in outline, during the early Tang Dynasty, from the 7th century to the be-
ginning of the 8th century in China.
Finally, besides the school itself, Huayan also represents the whole thought in
general that has developed under the strong influence of the Huayan jing, the Chi-
nese version of the Buddhāvataṃsaka. In fact, it had such a considerable impact on
the Buddhist world in East Asia – such as China, Korea and Japan – that reflections
can also be found in the teachings of Tiantai 天台 school, Sanlun 三論 school and
Chan 禪 school, and so on. Those three schools were especially influenced by the
philosophical ideas of the Huayan jing during the formation of their thought.

1.2 The Concept of Chan

Compared to Huayan, the term chan 禪 (J. zen) must be much more familiar to the
West. As a Buddhist terminology, chan was originally derived from channa 禪那 or
chanding 禪定 , the Chinese equivalents of dhyāna in Sanskrit. In this sense, chan
stands for an intuitive method of spiritual training or mental concentration aimed at
tranquilizing and purifying the mind.
In Buddhism, besides chan, various synonyms are used without clear distinction
between each another. One of them is sanmei 三昧 (Skt. samādhi, J. sanmai, zan-
mai). Sanmei originally refers to the state deep in meditation. Subsequently, this
term comes to represent the way to be concentrating on something in Japan such as
dokusho-zanmai 讀書三昧 , that means to be absorbed in reading a book.
Another important instance of a popular synonym is zhiguan 止觀 , a term fre-
quently used to refer to contemplative practices by the Tiantai school. This school
was established by Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597) of the Sui Dynasty (581–618) in China,
who systemized a peculiar contemplative theory called zhiguan in one of his greatest
treatises, entitled the Mohe Zhiguan 摩訶止觀 .1 The term zhiguan indicates two as-
pects of meditation: zhi 止 (Skt. śamatha), particularly emphasizes the meditative
觀
state of equanimity and comfort; while guan (vipaśyanā), represents the insight
attained through contemplation, during which the true wisdom is to be realized by
the practitioner. Involved in the teachings of the Tiantai school, this pair of concepts
has been extensively accepted and generally acknowledged throughout the East Asian
world.
Furthermore, the term chan also refers to changuan 禪觀 , a broadened idea devel-
oped based upon dhyāna. Chan, in this sense, represents the contemplative practices
in general that aim at an awakening stage.
Thirdly, and most frequently, chan stands for the Chan (J. Zen) school, one of
the Buddhist traditions developed in China. Though the final goal of this school can

1 T 1911.
 HUAYAN AND CHAN 223

be regarded as the Great Meditation of the Buddha, it had actually assumed the fun-
damental form especially under the influence of Daoist ideas.
The Chan school contained various lineages. Two primary branches of this,
which were developed during the Tang Dynasty (618–907), are the Northern Chan
and the Southern Chan schools. The latter subsequently split into the so-called Five
Lineages Seven Sects (wujia qizong 五家七宗 ), two of which were transmitted to
Japan, the Linji (J. Rinzai) 臨濟 榮西
by Eisai (1141–1215), the Caodong (J. Sōtō)
曹洞 by Dōgen 道元 (1200–1253). In addition, the Huangbo (J. Ōbaku) 黄檗宗 ,
a sect similiar to the Linji, was born later in China and transmitted to Japan by Yin-
yuan (J. Ingen) 隠元 (1592–1673) during the Edo period (1600–1867).
The followers of Chan school must have been so proud of their “independent
transmission out of doctrines (jiaowai biechuan 教外別傳 )” that they tended to refer
themselves as chanjia 禪家 (the chan family). This appellation was particularly used
in contrast to jiaojia教家 (the doctrinal family), which the Chan school used to re-
fer to as the Buddhist sects or schools that depended on particular scriptures or doc-
trines, that is to say, all schools and sects only except itself. However, objectively,
such a classification from the viewpoint of the Chan school contains limitations. For
instance, the Tiantai school with obvious practical characteristics might tend to be a
member of chanjia, rather than jiaojia.
Finally, or fourthly, Chan also refers to the Chan thought, or Chan Buddhism (or
Zen Buddhism), that has been generally accepted in the West.

2. Doctrines Concerning Dhyāna in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra

In consideration through the first paragraph, Huayan and Chan may seem to have lit-
tle in common; except for the relation, to some degree, between the Huayan thought
in its broadest meaning and Chan school’s thought. However, further observation
suggests otherwise. First, let us see whether any idea concerning meditative thought
is taught in the Buddhāvataṃsaka.

2.1 Contemplative Vision of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra

The Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra that consists of seven Acts and eight Scenes reveals an
amazingly large-scale imagination and fantasy of the Indian and Central Asian peo-
ples. It is based upon such a vast vision that the scripture represents the true Way to
Buddhahood, as well as that of bodhisattvahood.
Fundamentally, the vision of this scripture is based upon the world of the Bud-
dha’s Enlightenment and reveals the way for bodhisattvas to attain that Enlighten-
ment, for which they have been determined and devoted themselves into entirely
practices. Therefore, the scripture begins with a line to announce that the Buddha had
accomplished His great Enlightenment, which says, “At one time the Buddha was in
224 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

the land of Magadha, in a state of purity, at the site of enlightenment, having just re-
alized true awareness.” Immediately after this announcement, a splendid world of
beauty and magnificence emerged before the audience of the assembly: “The ground
was solid and firm, made of diamond, adorned with exquisite jewel discs and myriad
precious flowers, with pure clear crystals,” and so forth.
Such a vision of the Buddha’s Enlightenment is regarded as the fundamental, yet
not the only stage, in the Huayan jing, for Vairocana Buddha, the principle buddha,
was to be seen in several assemblies at the same time. For example, in Ascent to the
Palace of the Suyama Heaven (Chapter 19), it is said that “due to the spiritual
power,” “without leaving the foot of the enlightenment trees and the peaks of the
polar mountains,” Vairocana Buddha “headed for the jewel-adorned hall of the pal-
ace of the Suyama Heaven.” This is the second time that the Buddha was seen to
move to a new stage where another Act was to begin. What fascinates us is the de-
scription of the Buddha to appear before another assembly without leaving the
places He used to be. Thus “moving without leaving” is considered to be one of the
Buddha’s characteristics that are defined within the Huayan jing.
Another distinctive feature of the Buddha is His complete silence at the site of
Enlightenment. In fact, in the Buddhāvataṃsaka great bodhisattvas preached teach-
ings instead of the Buddha, for whom various gods uttered verses of praise. Such
unique treatment or comprehension of the Buddha might have been rooted in the in-
sight into Truth attained through contemplative practices. In this respect, the Bud-
dhāvataṃsaka can also be regarded as sort of dhyāna scripture.

2.2 Analyses of Samādhi in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra

A series of close analyses of samādhi can be found in the Buddhāvataṃsaka. For

instance, the chapter 12 of the Huayan jing named Bodhisattva of Chief of the Good
makes clear the correspondence and interrelationship respectively between samādhi
and the six sense-organs (ṣaḍ indriyāṇi, liugen 六根 ) or the six objects of cognition
corresponding to the six sense-organs (ṣaḍ viṣayāḥ, liujing 六境 ). The whole analy-
sis begins with an observation on the relationship between samādhi (concentration)
and the function of the eyes. This says, “Entering right concentration in the eye-
organ, Bodhisattva emerges from concentration in the field of form, showing the
inconceivability of the nature of form.” 於眼根中入正定 於色塵中從 定出示現色
性不思議 2
That is to say, I guess, a person cannot only enter the right concentration
by perceiving a vision, but also emerge from that perceived vision.
Another instance is buddhānusmṛti-samādhi (Ch. nianfo sanmei, J. nenbutsu
zan-mai 念佛三昧 ) that is preached in the Buddhāvataṃsaka. To speak of nianfo
念佛 , many of us in East Asia might tend to associate it with the invocation of the
name of Amitābha Buddha, which is mainly preached in the Pure Land teachings.

2 T 279: 10.77c29–78a1.
 HUAYAN AND CHAN 225

Nevertheless, as a Buddhist term, nianfo originally meant meditating on the figure or

world of a buddha. Therefore, nianfo sanmei refers to a kind of religious contempla-
tion by means of visualizing and concentrating on an imaginary buddha, with which
the practitioner is supposed to be eventually unified in his conscious mind. Since
such a teaching was transmitted into East Asia including Japan, it has undergone a
considerable transformation and resulted in a new style of Buddhist practice, oral
invocation of the name of Amitābha Buddha; on the other hand, the original mean-
ing has also survived.
The tenet of buddhānusmṛti can be found in the final book of the Buddhāva-
taṃsaka, which originally was an independent scripture entitled the Gaṇḍavyūha-
sūtra. Sudhana-śreṣṭhi-dāraka, the main character of this book as well as a truth pur-
suer who is to gradually deepen his state of mind and approach the world of the
Buddha during his journey, which starts from his visit to the first teacher monk Me-
ghaśrī under Manjuśrī’s guidance. Meghaśrī himself has practiced a kind of bud-
dhānusmṛti and attained “mindfulness of the buddhas from the universal light in
which is concentrated the information of all sense objects (nian yiqie zhufo jingjie
zhihui guangming puxian famen 念一切諸佛境界智慧光明普見法門 ),”3 However,
he admits that what he has gained is still superficial if compared with the awakening
state of those great bodhisattvas who have respectively attained twenty-one kinds of
meditations, from “the means of mindfulness of buddhas in the sphere of universal
illumination of wisdom (zhiguang puzhao nianfo men 智光普照念佛門 )” to “the
means of mindfulness of buddhas in space (zhu xukong nianfo men 住虛空念佛
門 ).”4 This reminds us of the fact that Sudhana’s journey for truth substantially be-
gins with the practice of buddhānusmṛti that leads to a deep and profound contem-
plative world.
After his visits at least fifty-two (fifty-three, or fifty-four) teachers, Sudhana even-
tually gained a vision of Samantabhadra Bodhisattva, from whom he was to receive
the final lesson on journey. The details of Sudhana’s first meeting with Samanta-
bhadra are given in the scripture that says:
Then Sudhana, contemplating the body of the enlightening being Universally
Good, saw in each and every pore untold multitudes of buddha-lands filled with
buddhas. And in each buddha-land he saw the buddhas surrounded by assemblies of
enlightening beings. And he saw that all those multitudes of lands had various bases,
various forms, various arrays, various perimeters, various clouds covering the skies,
various buddhas appearing, various enunciations of cycles of the Teaching.5
Observing Samantabhadra, in every pore, every part, or every feature of the bo-
dhisattva’s body, Sudhana “saw” infinite realms fulfilled with buddhas, each of
whom was accompanied by one or innumerable great bodhisattvas. All of the bud-
dha’s realms that Sudhana saw were distinctive from one another. According to the

3 T 279: 10.334b22–23.
4 T 279: 10.334b24–c22.
5 Cleary 1987: 386.
226 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

Huayan school, these descriptions culminated as a theory of “one is all, all is one,”
or “one in all,” “all in one.” That is to say, each individual phenomenon embraces
every other phenomenon, including the magnificent world of Truth. Thus, in each
individual being is present the whole cosmos, and the life of which is also mani-
fested within an individual life. Such observation seems to reflect nothing but the
insight into the meditation world.
In Japanese, the tip of a finger, besides its literal meaning, is also an idiom to
express something very small and trivial. If using this idiom, Huayan philosophy
asserts that even within such a little fingertip there are present infinite buddhas as
well as a vast world of truth.
Speaking in connection with this insight, in Chinese medicine, it is said that the
five fingertips of a hand reveal the health condition of the body that is concerning
with the whole movement of the cosmos. In this respect, we may recognize that any
individual being is absolutely neither isolated nor trivial.
In connection, the song most selled now in Japan is titled “the only one flower”,
which is a metaphor of each person as an originally incomparable being.

3. The View of the Buddhāvataṃsaka of the Huayan School:

with a Special Reference to Haiyin samādhi

The Buddhāvataṃsaka, as above mentioned, can be regarded as a kind of large-scale

dhyāna scripture. However, actually, such an aspect of this scripture was of little
interest to the Huayan school, because it is inevitable for this school to be restricted
by the limitations of the times during which it was founded, as well as that of the
traditional interpretations through a long history that had begun even much earlier
than the formation of the Huayan school.
If any teaching of meditation in the Buddhāvataṃsaka did interest the Huayan
followers, it must be the ocean-seal samādhi (Ch. haiyin sanmei 海印三昧 , Skt. sā-
gara-mudrā-samādhi). This samādhi is often paired with huayan samādhi (huayan
sanmei 華嚴三昧 ) (It is said a meditation into which Samantabhadra Bodhisattva
entered), both of which can be found in the Huayan jing. According to the scripture,
it is taught that “for the sake of the power of haiyin samādhi,” the bodhisattvas who
have accomplished their stage of belief are enabled to perform various religious
practices extensively, and to develop all kinds of virtues freely. However, haiyin sa-
mādhi in the Buddhāvataṃsaka was not so much important as that in other Mahāyā-
na Buddhist scriptures, including the Wisdom Sūtras (Skt. Prajñāpāramitā-sūtras).
Nevertheless, to the Huayan school, haiyin samādhi was regarded as the ultimate
meditation of the Buddha. Fazang 法藏 (643–712), the systematizer of Chinese
Huayan school, explicitly defined it as the basis of the doctrine of one-vehicle (Ch.
yisheng 一乘 , Skt. ekayāna). According to the Huayan school, haiyin samādhi refers
to the Buddha’s great meditation that makes all truth appear clearly and vividly, just
 HUAYAN AND CHAN 227

as all beings are reflected in a quiet ocean without a slightest wave. Thus, this re-
veals an insight into the origin of Buddhism of the Chinese Huayan followers.
In Korean Hwaŏm school, the first patriarch Ŭisang 義相 義湘
( 625–702), also
known as a co-disciple of Fazang, wrote a treatise entitled The Diagram of the Realm
of Reality (Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 華嚴一乘法界圖 ), that consisted of a square
seal-like illustration and annotations, and represented Uisang’s unique perception of
the Huayan world. Within that figurative design with some magic implication there
are notes in verse that began with “the non-duality (pŏpsŏng wŏnyung puri sang 法
性圓融不二相 )” at the center. The verse on the upper right of the illustration says
that within haiyin samādhi (K. haein sammae), all truth is to be seen actively and
freely. Furthermore, the annotations also suggest that the three-constituents of the
Buddhist world are the embodiment of haiyin samādhi, which is considered as the
basis of the whole religious world. This notion of haiyin samādhi was to be the basis
of Korean Hwaŏm school, as well as that of the Korean Sŏn Buddhism that assumed
its main form under the influence of the former.

4. Treatises on Contemplation of the Huayan School

Although haiyin samādhi is the most significant contemplative theory of the Huayan
school, contemplations organized in Contemplation of the Realm of Reality (Fajie
guanmen 法界觀門 )6 and The Ending of Delusion and Return to the Source (Wang-
jin huanyuan 妄盡還源 )7 are most powerful in regard to the influence upon the de-
scendent of Huayan.
It is generally accepted that Contemplation of the Realm of Reality made the pre-
tense of Du Shun 杜順 (557–640) consists of three parts that correspond to the three
stages of contemplation: the view that śūnyatā is the real nature of all phenomena
(zhenkong guan 真空觀 ), the view that all phenomena are harmonious with the
Truth (lishiwu’ai guan 理事無礙觀 ), and the view that everything has no obstruction
each other, and, no matter how infinitesimal, contains the whole phenomenal world
(zhoubian hanrong guan 周遍含容觀 ). In fact, among these views, only the first one
can be considered to have clarified a contemplative stage to some extent. The latter
two parts have rather described the insight gained through contemplation.
On the other hand, The Ending of Delusion and Return to the Source attributed to
Fazang tends to be a manifestation of specific world-view that roots in contempla-
tive experiences. At the very beginning of this treatise, referring to “the One Essence,”

6 This work is preserved by Chengguan’s and Zongmi’s commentary to this. See Huayan fajie
xuanjing 華嚴法界玄鏡 , T 1883. and Zhu huayan fajie guanmen 注華嚴法界觀門 , T 1884.
For an English translation of Du Shun’s work with references to the commentaries, see Gimello
1976: 456–510. For an English translation of Chengguan’s commentary, see Cleary 1983: 69–124.
7 The complete title of the work is Xiu huayan aozhi wangjin huanyuan guan 修華嚴奧旨妄盡
還源觀 , T 1876. For an English translation, see Cleary 1983: 147–170.
228 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

the author defined it as “the inherently pure, complete and luminous essence.” Such
a definition reveals the Buddhistic world-view of the Huayan school after Fazang, in
which the substantial essence per se is considered the root of the world of beings.

5. Li Tongxuan and the Contemplation of Buddha-light

Besides the Huayan school, another unique trend of Huayan study that was devel-
oped by Li Tongxuan 李通玄 (635–730) is also worth of attention. Li Tongxuan was
a lay Buddhist who was a contemporary of Fazang. During his declining years, he
was devoting himself into the study of the Buddhāvataṃsaka and his effort resulted
in an extraordinary commentary on this scripture. Differing from traditional inter-
pretations by the Huayan school, Li Tongxuan’s commentary was a challenging
approach that was thoroughly practical in its point of view.8
In Chinese Buddhist history, Li Tongxuan is among those representative figures
of the lay Buddhist tradition. Inheriting the efforts of his predecessors, Li Tongxuan
organized a unique theory of contemplation named the contemplation of Buddha-
light (foguang guan 佛光觀 ). This theory was based upon the descriptions in Chap-
ter 9 of the Huayan jing, Awakening by Light which depicted the light that emanated
from beneath the Buddha’s feet and was to progressively illuminate the whole
universe. Depending on these descriptions for his interpretation, Li Tongxuan at-
tempted to trace that light in mind. He suggested that as the light expands further
and further, so to the conscious self extends and becomes universalized more and
more until the self is unified with universal light. Such a contemplative practice aims
at the realization of emptiness or non-substance of the self.
Furthermore, Li Tongxuan also had a considerable influence on Buddhism of
other East Asian countries. For example, it was due to his influence that Myōe Shō-
nin 明惠上人 (Kōben 高辨 , 1173–1232), of the Kamakura period (1185–1333) in
Japan, known as the restorer of Japanese Kegon school, initiated a new theory of
contemplation.9
In any case, Li Tongxuan is a memorable figure of great importance to the de-
velopment of East Asian Buddhism.

6. The Chan School and Huayan Philosophy

Conversely, how has Huayan philosophy been involved in the development of the
Chan school? In The Interrelationship between Huayan and Chan, Takamine Ryō-
shū 高峰了州 introduced several Chan followers who were affected by the teach-
ings of the Huayan scripture or the Huayan school.10 One typical instance for this is

18 For Li Tongxuan, see Gimello 1983.

19 Girard 1990, Tanabe 1992.
10 Takamine 1956.
 HUAYAN AND CHAN 229

Yuanwu Keqin 圜悟克勤 (1063–1135), a Chan monk known as the compiler of

Biyan lu 碧巖録 , a Chan treatise of peculiar importance to the Linji Sect. This Chan
monk did not only frequently refer to the Buddhāvataṃsaka, but also showed a ten-
dency to comprehend it through his own religious experiences. Moreover, as a mat-
ter of philosophy and in relation to the history of thought, what interests us most is
his critical view on the doctrine of the “four dharmadhātus” that is considered to be
ontology in Huayan philosophy.
The doctrine of the four dharmadhātus (si fajie 四法界 ) classifies the world of
reality into four categories: the realm of phenomena (shi fajie 事法界 ), the realm of
noumenon (li fajie 理法界 ), the realm of nonobstruction between noumenon and
phenomena (lishi wu’ai fajie 理事無礙法界 ), and the realm of nonobstruction
among phenomena (shishi wu’ai fajie 事事無礙法界 ).11 Showing a particular con-
cern on this doctrine, Yuanwu indicated how these categories corresponded to those
stages of Chan in one of his conversations with Zhang Shangying 張商英 (1043–
1121), a representative intellectual of his time.
In this conversation, Zhang Shangying argued that, “Huayan philosophy is great.
It does clarify the ultimate stage of Chan.” However, Yuanwu suggested, “Except
for the former three realms. Only the realm of nonobstruction among phenomena
does share something in common with Chan. Yet, none of them is to approach the
realm of Truth as long as those conceptive categories exist. On the other hand, the
sphere of Chan is beyond all conceptualizing.” (Luohuyelu 羅湖野録 , 1)
Yuanwu’s suggestion is that only after the four categories or realms disappeared,
would there emerge the stage of Chan that is rooted in the realm of nonobstruction
among phenomena. To live among phenomena, without any obstruction to each
other, is the goal as well as the liberated stage of Chan. Though this Chan monk
criticized the Huayan school for its doctrinal limitations, nevertheless the worlds of
Huayan and Chan are, in his thought, deeply interconnected with each other in sub-
stance.

7. Substitute for Conclusion

In connection with sāgara-mudrā-samādhi, above mentioned, I would lastly like to

touch upon a curious question of Shōbōgenzō 正法眼藏 by Dōgen 道元(1200–
1253), the first patriarch of Japanese Sōtō Zen. This famous Buddhist treatise con-
tains a chapter named kaiin-zanmai 海印三昧 (Ch. Haiyin sanmei), which exactly
shares the Chinese name with, though definitely differs from in contents. Why did
he never mention the teaching of “sāgara-mudrā-samādhi” 海印三昧 that is taught
in the Huayan jing as well as the theory of it by the Huayan school? This question is
one of the subjects of my life-study.

11 Hamar 1998.
230 KIMURA KIYOTAKA

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Hamar Imre: “Chengguan’s Theory of Four Dharma-dhātus.” Acta Orientalia Hung. (1998) 51,1–2:
pp. 1–19.
Kimura Kiyotaka: Shoki Chūgoku kegon shisō no kenkyū 初期中国華厳思想の研究 [A study of
early Huayan thought in China]. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1977.
Kimura Kiyotaka: “Engokokugon to kegon kyōgaku 圜悟克勤と華厳教学 [Yuanwu and Huayan
doctrine]” in Commemorative Volume of Dr. Yoshirō Tamura on His 60th Birthday. Tokyo:
Shunjūsha, 1982.
Takamine Ryōshū: Kegon to Zen no tsūro 華嚴と禪の通路 [The passage of Huayan to Chan]. Na-
ra: Nanto bukkyō kenkyūkai, 1956.
Tanabe, George J., Jr.: Myōe the Dreamkeeper: Fantasy and Knowledge in Early Kamakura Bud-
dhism. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992. (Harvard East Asian Monographs
156.)
 JANA BENICKÁ

(HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY

(OR UNITY) OF ESSENCE AND ITS FUNCTION
(OR PRINCIPLE AND PHENOMENA) IN SOME
COMMENTARIES ON “FIVE POSITIONS”
OF CHAN MASTER DONGSHAN LIANGJIE

The so-called Northern Chan school of Chinese Buddhism is often said to have been
heavily influenced by Huayan thought. With the demise of that school, and the rise
of its rival, the Southern school, in the mid-eighth century, the importance of Hua-
yan thought was downplayed.1 It nevertheless continued to influence some trends of
Chan, even despite Chan’s alleged “anti-intellectualism”. A case in point is the the-
ory of the “five positions” (wu wei 五位
) of Dongshan Liangjie 洞山良價
(807–869),
a founder of the more intellectual Caodong 曹洞
(Jap. Sōtō) school.
The “five positions” represent five perspectives or modes of experiencing reality
in terms of mutual relationship between “the right” (zheng ) and “the biased”正
偏
(pian ).2 Traditionally, the “five positions” were considered to be a kind of Chan-
like “version” of the “four dharmadhātus” in Huayan Buddhism,3 the “right”/“bi-
ased” paradigm being analogous to the Huayan principle/phenomena (li /shi ) 理 事
paradigm.4 Thus, accordingly, in the following text, we might interpret the terms
“the right” and “the biased” as “principle” and “phenomena” (“phenomenal manifes-
tation of the principle”). But, anyway, even regardless of this analogy with the Hua-
yan terms, according to various texts of Caodong, we can say that the term “the
right” denotes absoluteness, equality, essence or principle while “the biased” can de-
note relativity, diversity, particularity or phenomenon. Thus, the “five positions”

1 Faure 1997: 37–49.

2 The teachings of the “five positions” philosophy are found mainly in three texts usually ap-
pended to the “recorded sayings” (yulu 語錄 ) of either Dongshan Liangjie or Caoshan Benji as
independent treatises – Gāthā on Five Position (also called) Lords and Vasals (Wu wei jun
chen song 五位君臣 頌 – in T 1986B: 47.525c1–8.), Exoteric Explaining of Dongshan’s Five
Positions (Dongshan wu wei xian jue 洞山五位顯訣 ; T 1987A, 1987B.) and Precious Mirror
Samādhi (Bao jing sanmei 寶鏡三昧 ; T 1986B: 47.525c23–526a19.).
3 For “four dharmadhātus” theory, see Chang 1971: 141–169, Hamar 1998.
4 The “five positions” are: 1. zheng zhong pian 正中偏 – “the biased within the right”; 2. pian
zhong zheng 偏中正 – “the right within the biased”; 3. zheng zhong lai 正中來 – “coming from
within the right”; 4. jian zhong zhi 兼中至 – “arriving at within together [the right and the bia-
sed]”; 5. jian zhong dao 兼中到 – “going within together [the right and the biased]”.
232 JANA BENICKÁ

represent five different perspectives of the comprehension of the mutual interrelation

of these two aspects of reality.5
Regarding the term wei 位
itself, which I translate as “position”, Whalen W. Lai
suggests that in Chinese this character also evokes the meaning “occupying a proper
position”, which in the Buddhist context can imply connotations like taking a proper
“position” toward reality.6
The “positions” in question are believed to be a kind of altered modes of discern-
ing reality, which, resulting from awakening and cultivation, represent different
“forms” in which reality is given in the experience of the awakened mind.
In my paper I want to try to show some aspects of the Huayan influence on the
Chan “five positions” or five modes of experiencing reality, using the commentaries
on them, written by two respected Chan masters: Caoshan Benji 曹山本寂
(804–
901) – a direct disciple of Dongshan Liangjie who also elaborated his own “five
positions”7 – and a much later commentator on the “positions” Yongjue Yuanxian
永覺元賢 (1578–1657).
They both seem to accentuate a Huayan-like notion of the inseparability of the
principle and phenomena in the theory of the “five positions”, mainly in their elabo-
ration on the mutual relationship between essence and function (or principle and
phenomena) in various “positions”.8
In Chinese Buddhism, the essence and its function are often paraphrased as
“nature” and “practice” – only Buddha perfectly actualizes his essence and com-
pletely unfolds it, while the enlightenment experienced by other beings is nothing

5 William F. Powell (1986: 11–12) in his short introduction to Dongshan’s “five positions” (he
translates the term wu wei as “five ranks”) says that the first “rank” suggests an experience of
reality in which “form is emptiness” and that such an experience of reality might, for example,
result from the conceptual reductionism taught by Nāgārjuna, while the second “position” pre-
sents the experience from the opposite perspective, i.e., that the truth of emptiness can be
manifested in phenomenal events, and that metaphor and poetry are ideally suited to function in
this way. Regarding the third “position” Powell states that it suggests the experience of reality
that results from an absorption in emptiness, as in meditation, while in the fourth “position”
attention is redirected to phenomena, where phenomena are totally identified with emptiness –
phenomena, when experienced in a particular frame of mind, are not merely metaphorical re-
presentations of the ultimate but they are directly experienced as the ultimate. And, finally, the
fifth “position” seems to be an attempt to account for a completely harmonious experience of
reality that transcends the previous four “positions”. See also Chang 1965.
6 Lai 1969: 231
7 I used his commentary on the Dongshan’s “five position” rather then his own elaboration of the
“positions”, since the commentary seems to be more rich in a formally expressed “philosophi-
cal” content.
8 A. Charles Muller (1999: 12) states that in various East Asian Buddhist schools the essence-
function construction appears in other analogous forms, one of the most prominent being the
li/shi (“principle/phenomena”) terminology used by the philosophers of Huayan.
 (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY 233

more than being trapped in the attributes of the purity of the enlightened nature.9
Generally speaking, in Mahāyāna Buddhism, the human beings are seen to be pure
in the aspect of essence and it is an aspect of function that people differ.
Based on this basic understanding of the essence/function paradigm in Bud-
dhism, in my elaboration on the relationship between essence and its functioning in
different “positions”, I am also going to try to apply a more general understanding of
the terms essence and function, thought basically used in Western philosophical dis-
course, yet, I think, also valid for Buddhism as well: the function is “the appearing
(in some space) when the (regulative) principle sets it”.

Caoshan Benji

His commentary on one of the crucial works explaining the “five positions” Explain-
ing of Dongshan’s Five Positions (Jieshi Dongshan wu wei 解釋洞山五位 , hereaf-
ter Explaining) is titled Elucidation of the Exoteric Explaining of Dongshan’s Five
Positions (Jieshi Dongshan wu wei xian jue 解釋洞山五位顯訣 – hereafter Elucida-
tion).10
The influence of Huayan philosophy can be seen, I think, especially in the first
two “positions” of the Elucidation, more or less directly pointing to the inseparabil-
ity of the principle and phenomena, while the following three “positions” are elabo-
rated in a more “Chan-like” way, playing with the terms “the spoken” and “the un-
spoken”, and I’m not going to analyze them in this paper.

1st “Position”

Explaining:
正位卻偏
就偏辨得
是圓兩意
The right position is yet the biased. It is discernable within the biased. This is fulfill-
ment of both meanings.

19 For example, Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密 (781–841), traditionally honored as a patriarch in

both the Huayan school and Heze 荷澤 Branch of Chan, even assimilates the essence/function
paradigm into that of root/branch (ben/mo 本末 ) – it entails a notion of religious practice as a
return to a more basic state, the primordial condition of the mind before its bifurcation into
subject and object attendant upon the first subtle movement of thought. And, it is only through
a direct experience of the essence that its functioning can be validated as true. See Gregory
1991: 237. Zongmi introduces a critical distinction between two levels of functioning: 1. intrin-
自性本用
sic functioning of the self nature (zixing benyong ) and 2. responsive functioning in
accord with conditions (suiyuan yingyong 隨緣應用 ). See Gregory 1991: 239.
10 T 1987: 47.541c14–542b15.
234 JANA BENICKÁ

In the Elucidation we read:

正位卻偏者
為不對物
雖不對物
卻具正中
無用為偏
全用為圓
是兩意 11

[1] The right position is yet the biased,

because [one] does not confront things [with the ‘right’].
Though, [one] does not confront things [with the ‘right’],
yet it is within the right.
[2] When there is no function, it is biased.
[3] Total function is completeness.
This is both meanings.

The three sentences in bold we can, I think, paraphrase (keeping in mind what I
mentioned earlier – “the right” equals “principle”, “the biased” holds the meaning
“phenomenal manifestation (of the principle)” and “function” means “the appearing
(in some space) when the (regulative) principle sets it”) like this:
[1] “The ‘position’ of the principle is that of the phenomenal manifestation [of the
principle], because [one] does not confront things [with the principle]”.
– at the same time:
[2] “When there is no ‘appearing when the principle sets it’, [even then] it is [also]
phenomenal manifestation [of the principle]”.
– at the same time:
[3] “‘Appearing whenever the principle sets it’ is completeness”.
The sentences, at some points contradicting each other but at the same time com-
pleting each other, I think, simply aim to point, in a typical Chan-like way, to a Hua-
yan notion of the inseparability of the principle and phenomena, in the sense that the
principle is manifested exclusively through the phenomena and at the same time that
phenomena are produced exclusively while attached to the principle.12

11 T 1987B: 47.541c19–20.
12 For example, in Chengguan’s 澄觀 (738–839) Manual of Avataṃsaka-sūtra (Da huayan jing
lüece 大華嚴經略策 ) – hereafter Manual), in a passage explaining the meaning of the term
“dharmadhātu”, we read: “Phenomena are produced while attached to the principle, the prin-
ciple is manifested through the phenomena” 事攬理成理由事顯 . See T 1737: 36.707c13.
 (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY 235

2nd “Position”

Explanation
偏位雖偏
亦圓兩意
緣中辨得
是有語中無語
The biased position, though being biased, still fulfills both meanings. It is discern-
able within conditions. This is “the unspoken within the spoken”.
Elucidation also states:
為用處不立的
不立的則真不常用也
偏位雖偏亦圓者
用中無物不觸
是兩意
雖就用中明
為語中不傷 13

This is because no location is defined in the function.

[When] No [location] is defined, then it is really not a fixed function.
The biased position, though being biased, it is still complete.
In function there is nothing which is not touched/related.
This is both meanings.
Though it is clarified in the function,
no violence is done in speech.

Here we can read: “No location is defined in ‘the appearing (in some space)
when the principle sets it’ ”. Being so, “it is really not a fixed ‘appearing (in some
space) when the principle sets it’”.
This kind of interpretation implies, in my opinion, a Huayan-like notion that in
the process of origination nothing is to be originated that had not existed earlier – it
is only that a given phenomenal mark cannot be manifested at the same moment (of
linear time) at the same place as any other.

Yongjue Yuanxian

Yongjue Yuanxian, in my opinion, points to the inseparability of the principle and

phenomena from different points of view at every single “position”, and, in the “po-
sitions” four and five he even accentuates a total unity of the essence and its func-
tioning.

13 T 1987B: 47.541c24–25.
236 JANA BENICKÁ

The commentaries of Yongjue Yuanxian can be found in the Recorded Sayings

of the Chan Master Yongjue Yuanxian (Yongjue Yuanxian Chanshi guang lu 永覺元
賢禪師廣錄 ), section Dongshan’s Five Positions (Dongshan wu wei 洞山五位
)14
and a section titled Commentary on the Gāthā on Dongshan’s Five Positions (Dong-
shan wu wei song zhu 洞山五位頌注 ).15
Concerning the first “position”, Yuanxian criticizes other masters who consider
this “position” to express that the “function is initiated within the essence” (ti zhong
fa yong 體中發用 ),16 whereby they convey the meaning, according to Yuanxian,
that “the biased is produced after the right” (zheng hou qi pian 正後起偏
).17 Yuan-
xian says that the relationship between “the biased” and “the right” should be like
“there is the biased in the right” (zheng zhong bian you pian 正中便有偏
)18 – thus,
in our understanding, “there is a phenomenal manifestation (of the principle) in the
principle.”
Here Yuanxian indicates that phenomena are not produced after the principle;
and that “there is a phenomenal manifestation (of the principle) in the principle”.
Again, I think, the author of the commentary simply points to the inseparability of
the principle and phenomena, here in the sense that they come into being together
and cease together as well.19
In the commentary on the 2nd “position” we read:
此位師家多作轉用歸體釋者非是
以洞山意
是偏中便有正
非偏後歸正也 20

The way that many masters often make this position [to mean] “transformation of the func-
tion [of the appearing when the principle sets it] by returning to the essence” is not a cor-
rect explanation.
Because according to Dongshan’s meaning,
it is “the right is there in the biased”.
It does not mean that “after [truly comprehending] the biased [the phenomenal mani-
festation of the principle], one returns to the right [the principle]”.

In the commentary of this “position”, the author points to the “fact” that every
phenomenon is nothing but a direct and total manifestation of the principle; there is
no reality beyond the phenomenal world. Therefore, in the process of origination

14 XZJ vol. 27.

15 XZJ vol. 27.
16 XZJ 27.356a18.
17 XTJ 27.356b1.
18 XZJ 27.356a18.
19 Chengguan in his Manual (1737: 36.707c13–14.) states: “[If] they both [phenomena and princi-
ple] cease to exist together, then both phenomena and principle perish. If they come into exis-
tence together, then they are permanent phenomena and permanent principle”.
20 XZJ 27.356b7–9.
 (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY 237

nothing is to be originated that had not existed earlier – but there are different phe-
nomenal marks appearing in any different moment (of a linear time) in any different
space.

3rd “Position”

In Yuanxian’s commentaries on the third “position”, I did not find the term function
explicitly explained. Yuanxian simply claims that this is the “right position” (zheng-
wei 正位 ),21 thus the “position” of pure principle. It seems to be a little surprising
step, after the two previous stages, in which there were accentuated that the principle
can be manifested exclusively through the phenomena. On the other hand, in the
light of the “soteriological” content of the “positions”, stressing the upāya (“skillful
means”) aspect of the bodhisattva’s mind,22 here Yuanxian seems simply trying to
say, that this “position” does not necessarily (unlike following two “positions”) im-
ply the “upāya-oriented” functioning of the essence, when stating that “[one] has
not yet entered into the ordinary and is still separated from the ‘earthly pollution’”.23

4th “Position”

In the commentary on the fourth position we also read: “the total essence is the
function” (quan ti ji yong 全體即用 ).24
Thus, using the definition of the term “function” I introduced earlier, in our para-
phrase we can read it like this:
“The essence in its entirety is ‘the appearing (in some space) when the principle [of the
essence] sets it’”.

From this short sentence, explaining the “fourth level” of the experience of real-
ity, we can derive the following notion: The essence in its entirety is (nothing but)
its own functioning. Here, I think, the Huayan notion of every phenomenon being
totally pervaded by the principle in its entirety can be applied.
If we do not distinguish between the terms essence and principle (I think that we
can do it in the case of Chan Buddhism since these both aspects of reality don’t need
any kind of justification), thus replacing the term essence by the term principle, we
can read:

21 XZJ 27.356b12.
22 The “soteriological” aspect of Dongshan’s positions is mainly propagated in his another set of
stanzas called Gāthā of the “Five Positions” of Merits (Gongxun wu wei song 功勳五位頌 ,
T 1986B: 47.525c14–22.).
23 XZJ 27.356b15.
24 XZJ 27.355d2–3.
238 JANA BENICKÁ

“The principle in its entirety is ‘the appearing when the principle sets it’”. Of course, this
sentence is incoherent in the sense of formal logic, yet it can express the notion that the es-
sence (principle) is nothing but the active functioning of itself, in a Chan-like “illogical” way.

5th “position”

In the commentary on the fifth position we read: “the total function is the essence”
(quan yong ji ti 全用即體 ).25
Thus:
“‘The appearing in whatever space whenever the principle [of the essence] sets it’ is
[nothing but] the essence”.

Here the commentary suggests that all the functioning of the essence is nothing
but the essence itself. Therefore, can we say that all phenomena are totally com-
prised by the principle (of the essence)?26
Or, if we formally replace the term essence by the term principle, we can read:
“‘The appearing (in whatever space) whenever the principle sets it’ is the principle.”

Here, again, this sentence is incoherent in the sense of formal logic, yet the no-
tion that all the functioning of the essence (principle) is nothing but the essence
(principle) itself, is expressed in a Chan-like “illogical” way.

Conclusion

Both masters in the above mentioned commentaries obviously seem to accentuate

the Huayan notion of the inseparability of the principle and phenomena in Dong-
shan’s “five positions”.
In Caoshan’s case (in this particular commentary), the inseparability of the
principle and phenomena is mainly elaborated in the sense that the principle can be
manifested exclusively through the phenomena and at the same time that phenomena
are produced exclusively while attached to the principle.
Yongjue Yuanxian’ commentary seems to more accentuate that aspect of Hua-
yan teaching which introduces a notion of a total interpenetration of the principle
and phenomena and that of all phenomena being totally comprised by the principle,
while suggesting that (position 4) the essence in its entirety is (nothing but) its own
functioning and (position 5) that all the functioning of the essence is nothing but the
essence itself.

25 XZJ 27.355d4–5.
26 In Chengguan’s Manual (T 1737: 36.707c16.) we read: “The fourth [“dharmadhātu”] is the
“dharmadhātu” of the non-obstruction of phenomena, which means that the principle includes
phenomena (yi li rong shi 以理融事 ).
 (HUAYAN-LIKE) NOTIONS OF INSEPARABILITY 239

References

Chang, Chung-Yuan: “Tsao-Tung Ch´an and its Metaphysical Bacground.” The Ching-hwa Journal
of Chinese Philosophy (1965) 1: pp. 33–65.
Chang, Garma C.C.: The Buddhist Teaching of Totality: The Philosophy of Hwa Yen Buddhism.
University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971.
Chen Yingbo: “Caodong zong de wu wei zongzhi yanjiu” 曹洞宗的五位宗旨研 [Studies in the Ob-
jective of the Five Positions of the Caodong school]. Ph.D. dissertation, National Taiwan Uni-
versity, Taibei, 1973.
Cleary, Thomas: Entry Into the Inconceivable. An Introduction to Huayen Buddhism. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1983.
Gregory, Peter N.: Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. Honolulu: Hawaii University Press,
1991.
Fang, Keli: “On the Categories of Substance and Function in Chinese Philosophy.” Chinese Studies
in Philosophy (1986) 17,3: pp. 26–77.
Faure, Bernard: The Will to Orthodoxy: A Critical Genealogy of Early Chan. Stanford University
Press, 1997.
Hamar Imre: “Chengguan’s Theory of the Four Dharma-Dhātus.” Acta Orientalia Academiae Sci-
entiarum Hungaricae (1998) 51,1–2: pp. 1–19.
Lai, Whalen W: “Sinitic Mandalas: The Wu-wei-t´u of Ts´ao-shan” in Original Teachings of Ch´an
Buddhism. New York: Random House, 1969.
Lin Yizheng. “Zhouyi chongli gua yu Caodong chan” 周易重離卦與曹洞禪 [The hexagram dou-
bled li of Zhouyi and the Caodong Chan] in Zhongguo fojiao, September 1981, pp. 26–32.
Muller, A. Charles: The Sutra of Perfect Enlightment. Korean Buddhism’s Guide to Meditation.
New York: State University of New York Press, 1999.
Powell, William F., trans.: The Record of Tung-shan. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1986.
Verdú, Alfonso: “The ’Five Ranks’ Dialectic of the Soto-Zen School.” Monumenta Niponica (1966)
22,1–2: pp. 125–170.
Verdú, Alfonso: Dialectical Aspects in Buddhist Thought. Kansas: University of Kansas, 1974.
 HUANG YI-HSUN

HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S

GUANXIN XUANSHU: SIX CHARACTERISTICS
AND TEN PROFOUND GATES

Introduction

Yongming Yanshou’s 永明延壽 (904–975) Records of the Tenet-Mirror (Zongjing

lu 宗鏡錄 ) is the best-known source for investigating the development of Chinese
Buddhism between the Tang (618–907) and Song (960–1279) dynasties in southern
China. Buddhist scholar Jan Yün-hua remarks that despite this, it is difficult to sin-
gle out Yanshou’s own thought in the Zongjing lu because the work functions like
an encyclopedia. Jan recommends research on Yanshou’s smaller works, which he
believes were written after the Zongjing lu and better represent Yanshou’s thought.1
I therefore have chosen the Profound Pivot of the Contemplation of Mind (Guanxin
xuanshu 觀心玄樞 , referred to hereafter as the Profound Pivot) as the focus for my
research on Yanshou’s Huayan thought.2
In the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot, Yanshou uses the six characteristics
(liuxiang 六相 ) and the ten profound gates (shixuan men 十玄門
) to connect the
practice of contemplation of mind (guanxin 觀心) and Buddha deeds (foshi ).3 佛事
Yanshou’s usage of these two sets of Huayan concepts in his Profound Pivot dem-
onstrates a doctrinal change from the Huayan tradition. To understand the signifi-
cance of this change, this paper will begin with a brief introduction of the Profound
Pivot, then analyze the structure of issue fifty-three, and finally discuss the six char-
acteristics and ten profound gates.

The Discovery of a Complete Version of the Profound Pivot

The title of the Profound Pivot is attributed in two accounts. One is the Record of
the Self-cultivations of Chan Master Zhijue (Zhijue chanshi zixinglu 智覺禪師自行
1 Jan 1995: 227.
2 According to the preface of the Tenri 天理 University manuscript of the Profound Pivot, it is
abstracted from the Zongjing lu (Zongjing lu zhong lüechu dayi 宗鏡錄中略出大意 ).
3 Foshi will be discussed below.
242 HUANG YI-HSUN

錄) compiled by Yanshou’s disciple Xingming 行明 (d. 1001). In it Xingming lists

4
sixty-one of Yanshou’s works, including the Profound Pivot. According to the Japa-
nese scholar MORIE Toshitaka 森江俊孝, the other account is the Catalogue of the
Transmission of Lamp of the East (Tōiki dentō mokuroku 東域傳燈目錄), compiled
by the Japanese monk Eichō 永超 in 1094, approximately one hundred twenty years
after Yanshou’s death.5 While an incomplete version of the Profound Pivot exists in
the XZJ,6 my paper is based on a complete manuscript of the Profound Pivot.7
According to the colophon of the complete manuscript, it was copied by a Japa-
nese monk named Dentoku Ryōson 傳得良尊 at the Muryōkōin 無量光院
in 1069.
The Muryōkōin was a temple of the Shingon 真言 school, but the details of Dento-
ku’s life are unknown.8 Morie came upon this manuscript in the Tenri University li-
brary in 1976.9
Morie subsequently collated this complete version with three other incomplete
versions: the version in the XZJ, the version belonging to Japanese book collector
Ikeda 池田 , and a version from Tokyo University. He then published two articles
containing an edited version of the Profound Pivot. He also wrote two other short
articles giving a general introduction to the text and explaining its relation with the
Zongjing lu.10 Morie’s version of the Profound Pivot is a convenient and helpful
work, but he did not analyze it or explain its role in the development of Chinese
Buddhism.
Moreover, after comparing Morie’s version with a copy of the manuscript I ob-
tained from the Tenri University in 1997, I found that Morie made a serious mistake:
his version omits one page of the original manuscript. In the Profound Pivot, Yan-
shou summarizes seventy-two important issues and discusses how the contemplation
of the mind relates to them. Because of the missing page, Morie states that there are
only seventy issues in the Profound Pivot. In addition, Morie’s version also contains
several instances of erroneous or omitted Chinese characters. Therefore, I have col-
lated a new version, based on Morie’s version, the Tenri manuscript, and occasion-
ally the Zongjing lu.11

14 XZJ 111.166b11.
15 Morie 1981: 50.
16 The first third of the Profound Pivot in the XZJ is missing. XZJ 114.847a–870a.
17 See appendix 2 for my collated version and translation of the fifty-third issue of the Profound
Pivot.
18 Morie 1981: 56.
19 Morie 1977.
10 Morie 1976, 1979.
11 For a complete version and English translation of the Profound Pivot, see my Integrating Chi-
nese Buddhism: A Study of Yongming Yanshou’s Guanxin Xuanshu.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 243

The Structure of Issue Fifty-three

The topic of issue fifty-three is “If one does not contemplate the mind, how can one
accomplish Buddha deeds?”12 Before going on to examine the relation between the
contemplation of mind and Buddha deeds, it is first necessary to understand the
meaning of the contemplation of mind provided in Yanshou’s works. Yanshou’s in-
terest in the contemplation of mind seems to relate to the Tiantai school. In the
Zongjing lu, he quotes from the Fahua xuanyi 法華玄義 to explain that for common
people doing meditation, contemplating the Buddha-Dharma is too difficult, and
contemplating worldly things is too general. It would be easier and more accessible
for them to contemplate their minds.13
Fahua xuanyi then uses the Nirvāṇa-sūtra and the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra as its
canonical bases to argue for the importance of the contemplation of mind. The Nir-
vāṇa-sūtra states that every sentient being has the ability to attain three kinds of sa-
mādhi: supreme, middle and inferior. Supreme samādhi is the samādhi in which one
is able to see one’s Buddha-nature and seeing one’s Buddha-nature is seeing the
nature of one’s mind.14 According to the Huayan jing, if one contemplates one’s
mind and experiences the dharmadhātu as being like empty sky, one has achieved
the state of Buddhas.15 This is because the dharmadhātu is the middle way; empty
sky is emptiness; mind and Buddhas are conventional truth. When one is able to
contemplate these three truths in one mind, one has achieved the state of Buddhas
and this is called the contemplation of mind.
The nature of mind is, therefore, related to Buddha-nature and the dharmadhātu,
and the practice of the contemplation of mind is Tiantai’s “contemplation of three-
fold truth in one mind.” Buddha-nature as the nature of mind expresses Yanshou’s
soteriology; dharmadhātu as the nature of mind demonstrates the centrality of mind-
only for Yanshou. As a result, Yanshou firmly believes that contemplating the mind
in order to understand the nature of mind is the essential practice of liberation.16 To
advocate this belief, Yanshou connects the contemplation of mind with seventy-two
important Buddhist doctrines and practices in the Profound Pivot.
With regard to Buddha deeds, the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra is one of the most
important sources for Yanshou’s discussion of this concept.17 For Yanshou, any ac-
tivity helping people to achieve enlightenment is a Buddha deed (foshi). He further
argues that all phenomena in the world are Buddha deeds which can help people to
achieve enlightenment. He says in issue fifty-three: “This teaching of the mind can
make the ordinary and the sacred interact with each other.” The fundamental theory

12 For this and all subsequent citations from issue fifty-three, see Appendix 2.
13 T 2016: 48.425c6–13, T 1716: 33.692c26–27.
14 T 2016: 48.425c9–10, T 1716: 33.696a15–19, T 374: 12.524c29–a1.
15 T 2016: 48.425c10–12, T 1716: 33.696a19–22, and T 278: 9.409c1.
16 Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.442b7.
17 Lamotte provides the Sanskrit term “buddhakārya” for “Buddha deeds” in Lamotte 1976: 223.
244 HUANG YI-HSUN

underlying this statement is his belief that our mind can transform the myriad things
to be Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment. It is as Master Fu
傅大士 says, the mind has no shape and no characteristic, but it has great divine
power. With the mind, all phenomena in the world, such as world-weariness, de-
filements, mountains and rivers of this Flower Treasure world (huazang shijie 華藏
世界 ), can become Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment.
Yanshou then gives several examples from Buddhist sūtras and Chinese litera-
ture to explain how everything can be a Buddha deed. He tells us stories of the youth
Sudhana, the Wheel Turning King Ajātaśatru, the rice from Gandhalaya Buddha-
land, and even a story from the Zhuangzi.
Yanshou continues by explaining that the power of mind is not bound by space
and time. For example, innumerable Buddha-lands are seen in one particle of dust, a
mustard seed can contain the high and broad Mt. Sumeru, and Chinese monk Jietuo
解脫 met the emanation of the historical Buddha. Listening to Buddhist sūtras for
fifty eons is like an instant, but when one obtains immediate comprehension in seven
days, time expands like a great eon. All the differences of large and small, and an-
cient and modern time disappear in the stories. These Buddha deeds happened be-
yond our ordinary perception of form, space and time, but all have to be understood
through our mind. This is why Yanshou argues that one has to practice the contem-
plation of mind in order to see Reality in every phenomenon and then establish them
as Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment.
Next, Yanshou uses the six characteristics and the ten profound gates to explain
the relationship between one-mind and its aspects. By using these two sets of Hua-
yan concepts, he argues in issue fifty-three that, “Any single example taken from the
immeasurable Dharma teachings is not outside one’s own mind.” He then concludes
this issue with more sayings and stories to prove his point from the Vimalakīrti-
sūtra, Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經 , and the Song of Monk
Nanyue Lanzan 南嶽懶瓚和尚歌 .

Yanshou’s Interpretation of the Six Characteristics

Fazang’s discussion of the six characteristics in his Wujiao zhang 五教章

is the
most representative explanation of the Huayan school.18 Yanshou cites Fazang’s fa-
mous analogy of a building and its parts several times in his Zongjing lu.19 Accord-
總
ing to Fazang, the six characteristics are universality (zong ), particularity (bie
別 同 異 成
), identity (tong ), difference (yi ), integration (cheng ), and disintegration
壞
(huai ). This teaching of the six characteristics serves to explain the meaning of

18 The full title of the Wujiao zhang is Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang 華嚴一乘教義分齊章,
T 1866. This discussion is found in T 1866: 45.507c20–508c22.
19 For example, T 2016: 48.690b1ff.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 245

dependent origination of the dharmadhātu (fajie yuanqi 法界緣起 ) and to demon-

strate the perfect teaching of the one-vehicle (yisheng yuanjiao 一乘圓教 ).20
Fazang uses the six characteristics to explain the relationship between the dhar-
madhātu and phenomena depedently arisen in the dharmadhātu (i.e., principle and
phenomena). He uses the analogy of a building and its parts to explain this relation-
ship.21 The building has the characteristic of universality. At the same time, the
building is also composed of rafters and other parts. Without rafters and other parts,
there could not be a building. Thus, it could be said that because rafters and other
parts make up the building, they therefore share in the characteristic of universality.
Fazang continues to explain that rafters and other parts must also have the char-
acteristic of particularity, meaning they are different from the building; otherwise,
they cannot be used as material to construct a building. Then, since rafters and other
parts are used together to construct a building, they have the identity of being parts
of a building, but at the same time, rafters are different from other parts such as the
roof. Finally, the building can be erected due to the integration of its parts, but at the
same time every part retains its own character and function (disintegration).
Peter Gregory explains this relationship between the dharmadhātu and phenom-
ena: “The character of each phenomenon is thus determined by the whole of which it
is an integral part, just as the character of the whole is determined by each of the
phenomena of which it is comprised.”22 Thus each phenomenon possesses the six
characteristics due to its role as an integral part of the dharmadhātu and its relation
with other phenomena.
In his Zongjing lu, Yanshou includes Fazang’s analogy of a building and its
parts, but then adds his own interpretation, in which he replaces a crucial element.
He writes, “Because the true one-mind (zhenru yixin 真如一心 ) includes mundane
and supermundane dharmas, it has the characteristic of universality.”23 Yanshou de-
scribes dharmas and remaining characteristics as follows: Mundane and supermun-
dane dharmas produce various conditions, so they have the characteristic of par-
ticularity. They are equal due to the lack of self-nature, but they have different
forms. They come together to establish this realm, but at the same time, retain their
own role. Yanshou borrows Fazang’s conceptual structure, but replaces the dharma-
dhātu – the most representative element for the Huayan tradition – with the one-
mind, one of the central tenets of the Chan school. Thus Yanshou’s Zongjing lu em-
ploys a relationship of one-mind and phenomena.
In his subsequent work, the Profound Pivot, Yanshou uses a terse 28-character
passage to set forth a new position with regard to the six characteristics. Yanshou
says that one-mind has the characteristic of universality, while the various aspects

20 T 1866: 45.507c7–12. My translation is based on Cook 1994: 77, but I have modified it.
21 The description that follows, continuing to the subsequent paragraph, is a summary of the dis-
cussion in the Wujiao zhang, T 1886: 45. 507c19–508c22.
22 Gregory 1991: 155–56.
23 T 2016: 48.690c14–18.
246 HUANG YI-HSUN

of mind (duoxin 多心 ) possess the characteristics of particularity, identity, integra-

tion, and disintegration. Thus he shifts to a model using the relationship between
one-mind and the various aspects of mind. As explained in the Zongjing lu, various
aspects of mind includes erroneous views and the functions such as seeing, listening,
and knowing.24 The Profound Pivot concludes that, the various aspects of mind are
本 末
merely the appearances of the root (ben ) and the branches (mo ) of one-mind.
In other words, one-mind is the ultimate source of its various aspects and their rela-
tionship is like that of a building and its parts.25
To sum up, in the Zongjing lu, Yanshou first cites Fazang’s terms and explana-
tion of the six characteristics without alteration. Then, he replaces the dharmadhātu
with one-mind, and finally, in the Profound Pivot, replaces phenomena with the
various aspects of mind. The six characteristics thus are used to explain the relation-
ship between one-mind and the deluded aspects of mind in the Profound Pivot.
Yanshou’s concept of the relationship of one-mind and the deluded aspects of mind
is similar to the well-known theory of the two aspects of one-mind in the Awakening
of Faith. The Awakening of Faith states that although the relationship between the
two aspects of one-mind is neither one of sameness nor difference, one-mind is pure
and yet appears to be defiled.26
The doctrine of one-mind is also a monistic ontology in the Profound Pivot.
However, with the six characteristics Yanshou proposes that the relationship of one-
mind to its various aspects is the whole and its parts and they together comprise and
share their characteristics. This relationship is the theoretical foundation for under-
standing the ten profound gates in the following discussion.

Yanshou’s Interpretation of the Ten Profound Gates

As most scholars who are familiar with Huayan doctrine know, there are the so-
called “old ten profound gates” and “new ten profound gates.” The old ten profound
gates are first formulated by Zhiyan in the Huayan yisheng shixuan men 華嚴一乘
十玄門 . The new ten profound gates are formulated by Fazang in his Huayan jing
tanxuan ji 華嚴經探玄記 , and inherited by Chengguan in his Huayan jing suishu
yanyichao 華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 .27 Fazang rearranges the old ten profound gates and
replaces two of them. Both the old and the new ten profound gates are cited in the
Zongjing lu, and Yanshou is also aware of the significance of Fazang’s change. One
of the two old profound gates that Fazang excludes from his newer version is “the
endowment of all repositories with both purity and mixed qualities” (zhuzang chun-

24 T 2016: 48.895b04–5; 889c4; 949c20–22.

25 The Zongjing lu also states, “One-mind produces various aspects of mind and various aspects
of mind are included in one-mind. They comprise each other without obstruction.” (T 2016:
48.895b4–6.)
26 Gregory 1991: 181.
27 T 1868, T 1733 and T 1736 respectively.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 247

za jude men 諸藏純雜具德門 ). Fazang replaces it with “the gate of mastery of the
general and the specific” (guangxia zizai men 廣狹自在門 ).28
The other category deleted by Fazang is “creation through the transformation of
the mind-only” (weixin huizhuan shancheng 唯心迴轉善成 ). This category of “crea-
tion through the transformation of the mind-only” is, however, Yanshou’s favorite
gate. As a result, Yanshou adopted Zhiyan’s old ten profound gates in the Profound
Pivot.
Despite the fact that Yanshou uses the categories of Zhiyan’s ten profound gates,
there are two significant changes in the list and his explanation. First, as described,
he lists creation through the transformation of the mind-only as the last gate, con-
cluding the other nine with it. Second, he changes their contents to accord with the
theory of mind-only. He uses the ten profound gates to explain the unobstructed in-
terrelationship between one-mind (yixin 一心
) and its deluded aspects of mind (duo-
xin 多心 ). In his discussion, Yanshou also substitutes one-mind for the mind of
equality (pingdeng xin 平等心 ), subtle mind (weixi xin 微細心
), and one-real mind
(yishi xin 一實心 ) in order to contrast one-mind with its deluded aspects of mind
such as the differentiating mind (chabie xin 差別心
), mind of all (deluded) thoughts
(yiqiexin 一切心 ), and coarse mind (guangda xin 廣大心 ).
Yanshou lists and defines the ten profound gates in the Profound Pivot as fol-
lows:29
1. The gate of simultaneous completion and respondence (tongshi juzu xiangying
men 同時具足相應門 ): The mind of equality is one and the differentiating mind are

28 Yanshou explains the problem with the “older” gate: it maintains a dual view. Specifically, this
gate elucidates the dharmadhātu of lishi wu’ai 理事無礙 , the harmonious interaction of the
principle and the phenomenal without obstruction. The principle has the quality of purity while
the phenomena possess mixed qualities. For example, if great compassion is a pure practice of
a bodhisattva, then the bodhisattva’s other practices will be seen as unimportant.
On the contrary, if one adopts the perspective of “the gate of mastery of the general and the
specific,” then with generosity as the pure practice of a bodhisattva, any forms of practice the
bodhisattva does can be seen as instances of that generosity. In this way, pure practice includes
相入
mixed practices; this is called mutual interpenetration (xiangru ). Furthermore, pure practice
is identical with mixed practice; this is called mutual determination (xiangji 相即 ). This way of
understanding demonstrates the realm of shishi wu’ai 事事無礙 , the unobstructed interrelation
of each and every phenomenon. This is why Fazang deletes the old name and changes it to the
profound gate of the mastery of general and specific. Yanshou uses the following analogy to
describe the meaning of the new gate: It is like flowers embroidered on a piece of silk. Although
the flowers are made by different colors of thread, the threads are knitted together. See T 2016:
48.573c11–24. I borrow these terms from Gregory 1991: 156. For Fazang’s own discussion,
see T 1733: 35.124c26–27.
29 See the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot. This description of the ten profound gates is
quoted in the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.644a12–27. My translation of the ten gates is mostly
based on Gimello 1976: 432–33. and partly on Gregory 1991: 150–51, but I have modified
them slightly. Although the order of Yanshou’s explanation for the ten gates is different from
his list, both end with the gate of the excellent creation through the transformation of the mind-
only. The order of my explanation is in accordance with the list.
248 HUANG YI-HSUN

many. The differentiating mind, according to Yanshou’s explanation in the Zongjing

lu, arises because of the deluded mind (wangxin 妄心 ), and is associated with sen-
sation and attachment.30 The differentiating mind and the mind of all (deluded)
thoughts by definition should be different from one-mind. Yanshou, however, states
that one-mind is the mind of all (deluded) thoughts. This is the meaning of mutual
determination (xiangji 相即 ) and is also the meaning of simultaneous respondence.
The mind of all thoughts enters one-mind; this is the meaning of interpenetration
(xiangru 相入 ).
2. The gate of the mutual inclusion, and yet difference, of the one and many
(yiduo xiangrong butong men 一多相容不同門 ): To say that the differentiating
mind includes one-mind means that the mind of equality can be manifested without
destroying the differentiating mind. To say that one-mind includes the differentiat-
ing mind means that the differentiating mind can be manifested without concealing
the mind of equality.
3. The gate of revelation and concealment in secrecy (yinxian men 隱顯門 ): Con-
攝
cealment means that one-mind encompasses (she ) all (deluded) thoughts. Reve-
資
lation means that all (deluded) thoughts complement (zi ) one-mind.
4. The gate of Indra’s net (diwang men 帝網門 帶
): one-mind bears (dai ) the mind
of all (deluded) thoughts and again enters one-mind. This is the meaning of Indra’s net.
5. The gate of the endowment of all qualities (jude men 具德門 ): one-real mind
is pure and the differentiating mind is mixed. Nevertheless, because the differenti-
ating mind is also one-real mind, the mixed is always pure; and because one-real
mind is also differentiating mind, the pure is always mixed. This is the reason that it
is called the repositories with both purity and the mixed (zhuzang chunza men 諸藏
純雜門 ).
6. The gate of the mastery (zizai men 自在門 ): For an unknown reason, Yanshou
does not define the meaning of this gate in the Profound Pivot. The original title of
this gate in Zhiyan’s work is the gate of the mastery of the mutual determination of
all phenomena (zhufa xiangji zizai men 諸法相即自在門 ). Based on the pattern
Yanshou uses to interpret the other gates, the definition of this gate could be that
one-mind can be regarded as determining the character of all other aspects of mind
as well as having its own character determined by all other aspects of mind.
7. The gate of the concordance (anli men 安立門 ): Subtle mind does not obstruct
coarse mind; coarse mind does not obstruct subtle mind.
8. The gate of ten life-times (shishi men 十世門 ): Long eons and short eons, long
periods and short periods are all established by accumulated thoughts and mani-
fested by one-mind.
9. The gate of the reliance on phenomena (tuoshi men 託事門 ): Objects are
manifested because of the mind, and by seeing objects the mind is known.
10. The gate of the excellent creation through the transformation of the mind-
only (weixin huizhuan shancheng men 唯心迴轉善成門 ): Based on the correct mean-

30 T 2016: 48.674a18–19.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 249

ing of one-mind, the inconceivable Dharma teachings are expounded, so that lan-
guage is cut off and deluded thoughts are extinguished.
With these ten profound gates, Yanshou contends that one-mind is identical with
its various deluded aspects of differentiation, impurity, and coarseness. They mutu-
ally include and reflect each other’s qualities. As Yanshou says, it is not easy to un-
derstand how one-mind encompasses the deluded thoughts, for one-mind is not
easily seen. However, it is easier to see how deluded thoughts complement one-mind
and that their relationship crosses many life-times. Finally, as long as one can follow
the Dharma teachings in accordance with the correct meaning of one-mind, one will
obtain the ultimate goal and deluded thoughts will be extinguished.
To Yanshou, the ten profound gates demonstrate the infinite interpenetration and
mutual determination of one-mind and its deluded aspects of mind. Yanshou’s al-
teration of the ten profound gates in the Profound Pivot is no mere reshuffling of
categories. Not only does he re-interpret every profound gate with the theory of one-
mind, but he also concludes the discussion with the gate of the excellent creation
through the transformation of mind-only. The main reason for this deviation is Yan-
shou’s consistent predilection to see the mind as the root of every thought based on
mind-only theory, which represents one of the essential teachings of the Chan tradition.

Summary

In the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot, Yanshou states that the contemplation
of mind is a necessary condition for accomplishing Buddha deeds helping people to
achieve enlightenment. The Huayan concepts of the six characteristics and the ten
profound gates are used to illustrate the interpenetration and mutual determination of
one-mind and its deluded aspects.
As Yanshou states in the Zongjing lu, these six characteristics and ten profound
gates are used to understand and perfect31 the meaning of lishi wu’ai 理事無礙
, no
obstruction between the principle and the phenomena.32 In his Profound Pivot, a
work deeply rooted in mind-only theory, the interrelation of the principle and the
phenomena therefore is not important, for phenomena are empty by nature. The sig-
nificance of phenomena is more in how the mind perceives them and how the mind
reacts to them. The six characteristics and ten profound gates serve to explain the
relation between the mind and its various aspects: even though its various thoughts
are differentiating, mixed, and coarse, they are parts of the mind.
Yanshou’s alteration is not simply an ontological statement, it is more an expres-
sion of Yanshou’s soteriological concern and his emphasis on religious practice. The

31 Gai zhi 該之 and yuan zhi 圓之 ; see the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.487b1; 498a12.
32 Robert Gimello also states that each of Zhiyan’s ten gates is “a particular principle of depen-
dent origination” to understand the interfusion of principle and phenomena. See Gimello 1976:
432.
250 HUANG YI-HSUN

contemplation of mind – regarded as the pivot of Buddhist practice by Yanshou – is

a practice to transform every thought into a Buddha deed. The content of the six
characteristics and the ten profound gates is changed and used to help practitioners
observe the relationship between their mind and thoughts in the contemplative state.
As Yanshou describes in the fifty-third issue of the Profound Pivot, if one under-
stands the teaching of mind-only, one is able to attain the Path by merely smelling
the fragrance of a flower. Flying flowers and moving swords also can show one the
truth. The Zongjing lu also emphasizes that those who do not truly understand the
meaning of mind-only can not see Buddha-mind (foxin 佛心 ) in external phenom-
ena. However, by following the thoughts of the various aspects of mind, Buddhas
and tathāgatas can immediately and thoroughly comprehend the truth even with
various thoughts in their minds.33 This way of dealing with the relationship between
one-mind and delusion displays Yanshou’s distinct identity as a Chan monk.
From the perspective of the development of Huayan doctrine, Yanshou’s under-
standing of one-mind is the same with that of Zongmi. Moreover, Yanshou argues
that the establishment and endless interrelation of ten dharmadhātus, four realms of
the principle and phenomena, and other realms are all based on the dharmadhātu of
one-mind (yixin fajie 一心法界 ).34
Yanshou’s position is also consistent with the later Song Huayan thinkers’ posi-
tion that “the unitary and pure ‘principle’ is the basis of reality.”35 Even the most
prominent Huayan (and Chan) master in the Northern Song (960–1127), Changshui
Zixuan 長水子璿 (965–1038), cannot resist the influence of the Chan school. In his
起信論疏筆削記
sub-commentary (Qixin lun shu bixiaoji ) on Shibi Chuan’ao’s 石壁
傳奧 起信論隨疏記
(d.u.) no longer extant Qixin lun suishuji ,36 he remarks that the
Awakening of Faith only discusses three of the four dharmadhātus. It does not in-
事事無礙
clude the realm of shishi wu’ai , which represents the perfect teaching (yuan-
jiao 圓教 ) to the Huayan school. Zixuan explains that this is because the essence of
one-mind (yixin zhi ti 一心之體 ) is the true dharmadhātu (zhen fajie 真法界 ). He
therefore concludes that, although the realm of shishi wu’ai is not discussed in the
Awakening of Faith, any discussion of lishi wu’ai implicitly included shishi wu’ai.37
In summary, Yanshou not only found a successful way to interpret and connect
the Huayan school’s philosophical doctrines with Chan’s theory of mind-only, he
also skillfully utilizes Huayan thought to supplement his Chan contemplative prac-
tice. Yanshou’s thought also provides us with one example of how a Chan monk
adopted Huayan thought in the period between the Tang and the Song dynasties.

33 T 2016: 48.778b15–17.
34 Ibid., 435c26–436a2.
35 Gregory 1999: 8–9.
36 Chuan’ao’s work is a subcommentary on Zongmi’s Qixin lun shu起信論疏 and is listed in
Ŭich’ŏn’s 義天 新編諸宗教藏總錄, T 2184:
catalogue, Sinp’yŏn cheyong kyojang ch’ongnok
55.1175a15.
37 T 1848: 44.308a26–b4.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 251

Appendix 1

The Ten Profound Gates in the Zongjing lu and the Profound Pivot

The Zongjing lu The Profound Pivot

From Zhiyan’s Shixuan From Chengguan’s Issue fifty-three
men (T 2016: 48.641a12ff) Huayan yanyi
(T 2016: 48.579c10ff)
1 The gate of simultane- The gate of simultaneous The gate of simultaneous
ous completion and re- completion and respon- completion and respon-
spondence dence dence
2 The gate of Indra’s net The gate of mastery of The gate of the mutual
generation and specific inclusion, and yet differ-
ence, of the one and
many
3 The gate of the co-es- The gate of the mutual in- The gate of revelation
tablishment of revela- clusion, and yet differ- and concealment
tion and concealment ence, of the one and many
in secrecy
4 The gate of the concor- The gate of the mastery of The gate of the Indra’s
dant compatibility of mutual determination of net
the subtle and minute all phenomena
features
5 The gate of the segre- The gate of the co-estab- The gate of the endow-
gation of phenomena lishment of revelation and ment of all qualities
and their different for- concealment in secrecy
mation in the ten life-
times
6 The gate of the en- The gate of the concor- The gate of mastery
dowment of all reposi- dant compatibility of the
tories with both purity subtle and minute features
and mixed qualities
7 The gate of the mutual The gate of Indra’s net The gate of the concor-
inclusion, and yet dif- dance
ference, of the one and
many
252 HUANG YI-HSUN

The Zongjing lu The Profound Pivot

18 The gate of the mastery The gate of the reliance on The gate of ten life-times
of mutual determina- phenomena to display
tion of all phenomena Dharma and to generate
understanding
19 The gate of the excel- The gate of the segrega- The gate of the reliance
lent creation of all phe- tion of phenomena and on phenomena
nomena through the their different formation
transformation of mind in the ten life-times
only
10 The gate of the reliance The gate of main and ac- The gate of the excellent
on phenomena to dis- companying phenomena creation of all phenom-
play Dharma and to being endowed with per- ena through the trans-
generate understanding fection and illumination formation of mind only

Appendix 2

The Fifty-third Issue of the Profound Pivot and its English Translation

若不觀心，何成佛事？以萬法隨心迴轉，善成一切，能令凡聖交徹，大小 相含，隱顯 38

互 成，一多 融 攝。故 云：「觀 空 心 王，玄 妙 難 測，無 形 無 相，有 大 神 力。」所 以

云：「此之供具，皆是無作法所印，無上心所成。」是以華藏山河，皆成佛事。
If one does not contemplate the mind, how can one accomplish Buddha deeds
helping people to achieve enlightenment? The myriad things are transformed ac-
cording to the mind and thus are all things established. This teaching of the mind can
make the ordinary and the sacred interact with each other, the vast and the miniscule
contain each other, revelation and concealment supplement each other, and the one
and the many harmonize and encompass each other. It is said, “The mind of con-
templating emptiness is profound and abstruse. It has no shape and no characteristic,
but it has great divine power.”39 Therefore, it is said, “These kinds of offerings are
the unconditional Dharma seal and made by the supreme mind.”40 Thus, the Flower

少
38 The Tenri manuscript uses the character “ ” (shao) here, but for consistency I have changed it
小
to “ ” (xiao). See Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.484a8.
39 This verse is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.536b27–28. It is originally from the Xin-
wang lun 心王論 attributed to Fu Yi 傅翕 . See Jingde chuandeng lu 景德傳燈錄 , T 2076:
51.456c 25–26.
40 This sentence is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.553a28–29. It is originally from the
Huayan jing, T 279: 10.367c13–15.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 253

Treasure world, rivers and mountains are all Buddha deeds helping people to
achieve enlightenment.
善財知見，悉入法門。輪王坐妙寶床時，入四禪而離五欲。菩薩著法性冠處，見一切
法，悉現在心。或寂寞 無言，示心輪而顯妙；或虛空絕相，化闍王以悟真。袈裟懸於
41

高幢，香飯取於上土。或目擊而存道，或異相而傳心。放一毫智慧之心光，示種種塵
勞之佛事。
The wisdom and views of the youth Sudhana are all in the Dharma teaching.
When the Wheel Turning King sat in the profound and precious chair, entered the
four dhyānas and abandoned the five desires, and the bodhisattvas wore the crowns
of dharma-nature, they saw all dharmas appearing in their minds. Sometimes, they
are silent with no words, but the wheel of mind manifests excellently. Sometimes, it
is empty and has no characteristics, but it makes King Ajātaśatru realize the truth.
Sometimes, a monk’s robe is hung on a high flag and fragrant rice is taken from a
supreme land. Sometimes, merely by seeing, one obtains the Path.42 Sometimes, by
showing the form, the mind is transmitted. Sometimes, by emitting the light of the
mind of wisdom, various Buddha deeds helping people to achieve enlightenment in
the world are shown.
乃至如法華身內，積大鐵圍之山川。摩耶腹中，展不可說之世界，一塵中見難思之佛
國，針鋒上立無邊之身雲。以四海之渺瀰，攝歸毛孔。用須彌之高廣，內入芥中。飛
佛 土 於 十 方，未 移 本 處。擲 大 千 於 界 外，含 識 莫 知。日 月 懸 於 毫 端，供 具 現 於 體
內，腹納劫燒之焰，火事如然，口吸十方之風，身無損減。斯皆自心轉變，不動而遠
近俄分，一念包容無礙，而大小相入。
It is like that the lotus body contains Great Iron Mountains and rivers. In the
womb of Māyā, an ineffable world expands. The inconceivable Buddha Land is seen
in one particle of dust. Innumerable Buddhas stand on the tip of a needle. The four
vast seas can be contained in a hair follicle, and the high and broad Mt. Sumeru can
be contained in a mustard seed. It is like flying to the buddha-fields in the ten di-
rections without leaving one’s starting place at all; it is like throwing the world to
outer space and not understanding that the world is still in one’s consciousness. The
sun and moon are hung on the end of a hair and offerings appear inside the body.
Then the belly lets in flames that burn for eons; the burning is like this. A person in-
hales the wind from the ten directions, but the person’s body does not shrink or ex-
pand. These are all the transformation of one’s own mind, which is immovable and
does not have the discrimination of near and far. In one thought, big and small forms
interact with each other without obstruction.43

莫
41 This character is “ ” (mo) in the Tenri manuscript, but according to the meaning of the
寞
sentence, it should be “ ” (mo).
42 This paragraph is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.924b6–8. It is originally from the
Huayan jing, T 279: 10.82a24–27. This translation is from Cleary 1993: 375, but with minor
modifications.
43 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.556c27–557a2.
254 HUANG YI-HSUN

或云： 香積去此，有四十二恆沙世界者，即是經歷四十二位心地法門。或云：散
44

華 瓔珞 空中 ，成 四柱 之寶台 者，即 是常 樂我 淨， 一心 四德之 涅槃。 所以 云： 此華 蓋

等 ，皆 是無 生法 忍之 所生起 。或佛 言： 彼時 鹿王 者， 即我身 是。結 會古 今， 明自 心
一際之法。
It is also said that going from here to the world of the Buddha of Fragrance, there
are as many worlds as there are grains of sand in forty-two Ganges Rivers; thus does
one undergo the teachings of forty-two mind grounds. It is said that the spreading
flowers and precious stones becomes a precious platform with four pillars which
represents eternity, bliss, Self, and purity, the nirvāṇa of four virtues in one-mind.
Therefore, it is said that these flowery canopies and so on are produced by the truth
of nonproduction.45 The Buddha says, “Long, long ago, the Deer King was me.”46
The Buddha combines ancient time and present time to illustrate the mind is a single
reality.
或 教 中凡 有空 中 發聲 告示 ，言 下 息 疑者 ，並 是 頓悟 自心 ，非他 境 界。 如解 脫 和尚
得遇化佛，因請問深旨。佛隱身不現，空中說偈云：「方便智為燈，照見心境界，
欲知真實法，一切無所見。」因玆悟道。又如楞伽王聞佛說法後，佛與四眾，忽然
不見。因此思維，頓入唯心之旨。
It is said in Buddhist texts that the Buddha preached from the sky and people
eradicated their doubts immediately. This means that they immediately realized their
own mind and that there were no other objects.47 When the monk Jietuo met the
Emanation-Buddha, he asked the Buddha for the meaning of the profound tenet. The
Buddha became invisible and preached a verse from the sky:
By using the wisdom of expedient means as a lamp,
One lights up the state of mind.
If you want to know this true Dharma,
There is nothing that can be apprehended.48

Because of this, the monk attained liberation. Moreover, after the King of Laṅka
listened to the Buddha’s preaching, the Buddha and four assemblies suddenly disap-
peared.49 In the same way, one suddenly understands the tenet of mind-only.
或 法 花移 天人 於 他土 ，即 是三 變 心 田。 或維 摩 取妙 喜來 此方， 斯 乃即 穢明 淨 。或
丈 室 容於 高座 ， 寶蓋 限於 大千 。 未 離兜 率， 已 般涅 槃。 不起樹 王 ，而 昇仞 利 。執
手 經 無量 之劫 ， 登閣 見三 世之 因 。 釋迦 眉間 ， 出菩 薩身 雲之眾 。 普賢 毛孔 ， 示諸
佛 境 界之 門。 小 器出 無限 之嘉 羞 ， 仰空 而雨 難 窮之 珍寶 。不動 此 處， 遍坐 道 場。
44 Ibid., T 2016: 48.558b29–c9.
45 This thought is originally from the Huayan jing, T 279: 10.118a25–26.
46 This story is originally from the Huayan jing, T 279: 10.148a6–13.
47 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.558b23–29.
48 Ibid., T 2016: 48.942b9–12. It is originally from the Dafangguang fo huayan jing yanyi chao
大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 , T 1736: 36.115b22–23.
入楞伽經
49 This story is originally from the Ru Lengqie jing , T 671: 16.514c3.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 255

十方寶坊，合為一土。聞經於五十小劫，猶若剎那之時。現通於七日之中，舒之為
大 一 劫。
In the Lotus Sūtra, heavenly beings were moved to another land.50 This is called
the three changes of the mind ground.51 In the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa-sūtra, Vimalakīrti
moved the World of Akṣobhya to this world.52 This shows that an impure [land] is
bright and pure. Moreover, a ten-foot square small room can accommodate a high
seat; and a precious canopy can cover the whole world. Without leaving Tuṣita
Heaven, one enters nirvāṇa; without planting the king tree, one ascends to Trāyas-
triṃśas Heaven. When one raises one’s hand, immeasurable eons have passed.
When one ascends a pavilion, one sees the causes of the three time periods. Between
the eyebrows of Śākyamuni Buddha, the assembly of innumerable bodhisattvas ap-
pears. A single hair follicle of Samantabhadra shows access to the states of all
Buddhas. Unlimited amounts of delicious food are taken from a small container. The
sky rains indescribable treasures. Without moving from this place, one sits in every
practice hall. The precious places in the ten directions are united in one land. Listen-
ing to Buddhist sūtras for fifty eons is like an instant. When one obtains immediate
comprehension in seven days, it expands into a great eon.
如 王 質遇 仙， 一 局經 三年 ，而 謂 食 頃。 周穆 皇 隨於 幻士 ，積多 年 歲， 實謂 剎 那。
尚 能 以短 為長 ， 以長 為短 。故 知： 非 多時 劫， 唯 識所 成耳 。
It is also like Wang Zhi meeting the immortals playing go. One round was in fact
three years long, but he thought it was merely the length of a single meal.53 Emperor
Zhou Mu followed a magician for many years, but in fact it was merely one in-
stant.54 Thus, short can be long and long can be short.55 One should know that the
length of time of eons is established by consciousness-only.
乃 至六 相義 十玄 門， 皆是一 心圓融 ，顯 現無 礙。 六相 義者， 一心為 總相 ，多 心為 別
相 ，乃 至能 同能 異， 能成能 壞，皆 是一 心本 末建 立。 十玄門 者，同 時具 足相 應門 ，
一 多相 容不 同門 ，乃 至隱顯 門，帝 網門 ，具 德門 ，自 在門， 安立門 ，十 世門 ，託 事
門，皆於此由心迴轉善 成一門，無量教義，一時成就。
56

50 T 262: 9.33a14.
51 In the chapter “Emergence of the Treasure Tower” in the Lotus Sūtra, the Buddha transformed
this sahā world into a pure land three times, T 262: 9.32b–34a.
52 T 475: 14.555c1.
53 T 2016: 48.579a24–27. This story is based on the Dongxian zhuan 洞仙傳 , v. 10. Wang Zhi
came across a cave when he was cutting wood in the mountains. He entered the cave and saw
two people playing go. He watched them until they finished the round. After he came out from
the cave, he found that his ax was rusted and more than one hundred years had passed since he
entered the cave. See Yunji qiqian: 791.
54 This story is from the chapter “Zhou Muwang” in the Liezi. See Zhou 1983: 56–70.
55 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.579a25–26.
義
56 Morie’s version miscopies this character as “ ” (yi). See Morie 1981: 64.
256 HUANG YI-HSUN

Together, the six characteristics and the ten profound gates perfectly and harmo-
niously manifest one-mind without obstruction. Of the six characteristics, one-mind
is universality and the various aspects of mind are particularity. In the same way, the
mind can also be identity, difference, integration, and disintegration. These are all
established by the root and branches of one-mind.
The ten mysterious gates are: 1. The gate of simultaneous completion and respon-
dence; 2. the gate of the mutual inclusion, and yet difference, of the one and many;
3. the gate of revelation and concealment; 4. the gate of Indra’s net; 5. the gate of the
endowment of all qualities; 6. the gate of mastery; 7. the gate of the concordance; 8.
the gate of ten life-times; 9. the gate of the reliance on phenomena; all of the above
are due to 10. the transformation of mind, which excellently creates all phenom-
ena.57 [Thus] are innumerable teachings accomplished simultaneously.
以 平等 心是 一義 ，差 別心是 多義。 以一 心即 一切 心， 是相即 義。是 同時 相應 義， 以
一切心入一心，是相入義。以一心攝一切心，是隱義。以一切心資一心 ，是顯 58

義。以不壞差別心，而現平等心，是多中一義。以不隱平等心，而現差別心，是一
中 多 義 。 又 微 細 心 不礙 廣 大 心 ，廣 大 心 不 礙 微 細 心 ，是 一 多 不 同義 。
59

Because the mind of equality is one, the differentiating mind is many. Because
one-mind is the same as the mind of all [deluded] thoughts, this is the meaning of
“mutual determination” and “simultaneous respondence.” Because the mind of all
[deluded] thoughts enters one-mind, this is the meaning of “interpenetration.” Be-
cause one-mind encompasses the mind of all [deluded] thoughts, this is the meaning
of “concealment.” Because the mind of all [deluded] thoughts complements one-
mind, this is the meaning of “revelation.” Because the mind of equality is mani-
fested without destroying the differentiating mind, this is the meaning of “many in-
cluding one.” Because the differentiating mind is manifested without concealing the
mind of equality, this is the meaning of “one including many.” Because the subtle
mind does not obstruct the coarse mind, and the coarse mind does not obstruct the
subtle mind, this is the meaning of “the difference of one and many.”60
以 一 實心 是純 ， 差別 心是 雜， 差 別 心即 一實 心 ，雜 恆純 ；一實 心 即差 別心 ， 純恆
雜，即諸藏純雜義。以一心帶一切心，還入一心，是帝網義。因心現境，見境識
心 ，是託事顯法義。長劫短劫，延促時量，皆從積念而成，一心所現，是十世
61

義。因一心正義，演難思法門，究竟指歸，言亡慮絕，即唯心迴轉義。自心既爾，
他 心 亦 然 。 涉 入 交 羅， 重 重 無 盡。
57 These ten gates are based on the Huayan yisheng shixuanmen, T 1868: 45.515b20–29. This
translation is based on Cleary 1983: 132–33, but I have modified it slightly.
58 The Tenri manuscript reads “ 資一切心 ” (zi yiqie xin). For intelligibility, I followed the XZJ
切
version, which omits the character “ ” (qie).
59 Morie’s version omits these three characters. See Morie 1981: 64.
60 This paragraph is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.644a12–19. These ten profound
gates are based on Zhiyan’s Huayan yisheng shixuan men 華嚴一乘十玄門 , T 1868.
61 Morie’s version miscopies this sentence as “ 內世境識心 ” (neishijing shixin). See Morie 1981:
64.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 257

Because one-real mind is pure, the differentiating mind is mixed. [However,]

because the differentiating mind is one-real mind, the mixed is always pure; because
one-real mind is the differentiating mind, the pure is always mixed. This is the
meaning of “repositories with purity and the mixed.” Because one-mind bears and
enters the mind of all [deluded] thoughts, this is the meaning of “Indra’s net.” Be-
cause of mind, objects are manifested; when objects are seen the mind is known.
This is the meaning of “revelation of Dharma by relying on phenomena.” Long eons
and short eons, long periods and short periods are all established by accumulated
thoughts and manifested by one-mind. This is the meaning of “ten life times.” Based
on the correct meaning of one-mind, the inconceivable Dharma teachings are ex-
pounded, so that language is cut off and deluded thoughts are extinguished. This is
the meaning of “excellent creation through the transformation of mind-only.” One’s
own mind is thus; so are the minds of others. Mind interpenetrates and interacts with-
out end.62
並是圓機入處，悉堪投足棲神。且如觀味聞香，皆能悟道。華飛劍動，盡可證真。
語 默 嘗合 ，玄 微 動止 。未 離法 界 ， 乃至 恆沙 義 聚， 無量 法門， 舉 一例 諸， 俱 不出
自心之法。故知：菩薩隨世所作皆表心。故淨名經云：「不捨道法，現凡夫事。」
如 云 ：「 一念 於 一切 處， 為一 切 眾 生， 示成 正 覺。 是菩 薩園林 ， 法身 周遍 ， 盡虛
空 一 切世 界故 。 」
Furthermore, this is where sentient beings obtain the perfect teaching and rest
their feet and spirits. It is similar to how, by tasting the flavor and smelling the fra-
grance, one is able to attain the Path. Flying flowers and moving swords all can
show the truth. Although words are silenced, this corresponds with the truth. Al-
though the profundities are subtle, disturbances cease. Without leaving the dhar-
madhātu, meanings innumerable as the sands of the Ganges come together. Innu-
merable teachings are explained by means of a single example, and none of them are
outside one’s own mind. Thus, one should know that all a bodhisattva does in any
lifetime is merely from the mind. It is said in the Jingming jing, “Not abandoning
the principles of the Path and yet showing oneself in the activities of a common
person.”63 It is also said, “[The bodhisattvas] demonstrate all sentient beings the at-
tainment of perfect enlightenment in one thought at everywhere. Based on this, in-
numerable bodhisattvas and the Dharma-body pervade all worlds in space.”64
則 知 不用 天眼 ， 觀徹 見十 方際 ， 曷 假天 眼？ 耳 聽通 聞法 界聲， 寧 伏神 足通 疾 至十
方 土 ？端 坐寂 不 動， 諸佛 常現 前 。 緊那 羅琴 ， 豈假 調品 而韻？ 似 無聲 之樂 ， 何須

62 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.644a19–27.

63 This sentence is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.558c12–13. It is originally from the
Weimojie jing, T 475: 14.539c22. This translation is based on Watson 1993: 37, but I have modi-
fied it slightly.
64 This passage is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.558c13–15. It is originally from the
Huayan jing, T 279: 10.286c29–287a1.
258 HUANG YI-HSUN

彈 擊 而成 ？故 云 ：「 摩訶 迦葉 久 滅 意根 ，圓 明 了知 ，不 因心念 。 」又 云： 「 我有
一 語 ，不 過直 語 ，小 於毫 末， 大無 方 所， 本自 圓 成， 不勞 機抒 。」
Therefore, if without using the divine eye, one sees throughout the world in the
ten directions, why does one need the divine eye? If the ears hear the voice of the
dharmadhātu entirely, why does one need the supernatural power of divine feet to
quickly go to [Buddha] lands in the ten directions? Sitting still without moving, the
Buddhas always appear before one. Does the lute of Kiṃnara need to be tuned in or-
der to play melody?65 If the music is the music without sound, why does it need to
be played? Thus, it is said, “Although Mahākāśyapa eradicated the root of con-
sciousness a long time ago, he finally realized [the truth] perfectly by not depending
on thought.”66 It is also said, “I have one sentence which I will teach you directly. It
is as small as the tip of a hair; it is also very big without boundaries. It is originally
perfect and does not need any effort.”67

References

Cleary, Thomas, trans.: The Flower Ornament Scripture: A Translation of the Avatamsaka Sutra.
Boston: Shambhala, 1993.
Cleary, Thomas: Entry into the Inconceivable: An Introduction to Hua-yen Buddhism. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1983.
Cook, Francis: Hua-yen Buddhism: the Jewel Net of Indra. Delhi: Sri Satguru, 1994.
Gimello, Robert: “Chih-Yen (602–668) and the Foundations of Hua-Yen Buddhism.” Ph.D. disser-
tation, Columbia University, 1972.
Gregory, Peter: Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism. New Jersey: Princeton University
Press, 1991.
Gregory, Peter ed.: Buddhism in the Sung. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999.
Huang, Yi-hsun: Integrating Chinese Buddhism: A Study of Yongming Yanshou’s Guanxin Xuan-
shu. Taibei: Dharma Drum Publishing Corporation, 2005.
冉雲華
Jan Yün-hua 延壽
: “Yanshou foxue sixiang de xingcheng – wenxianxue shang de yanjiu”
佛學思想的形成 文獻學上的研究 – in Cong yindu fojiao dao zhongguo fojiao 從印度佛教到
中國佛教 . Taibei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1995.
Lamotte, Étienne, trans.: The Teaching of Vimalakīrti. Trans. from French to English by Sara Boin.
London: The Pali Text Society, 1976.
Morie Toshitaka 森江俊孝 : “Kanshin gensū ni tsuite”觀心玄樞について . Shūgaku kenkyū 宗学
研究 (1976) 26: pp. 166–167.

65 According to the Tanxuan ji, Kiṃnara is a music god who plays wonderful music, T 1733:
35.135b21–22.
66 This sentence is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.432b12–13. It is originally from the
Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經 , T 945: 19.123c5–6.
67 This paragraph is quoted from the Zongjing lu, T 2016: 48.942a1–2. According to the Zongjing
lu, the original source is from A Song of Monk Lanzan 懶瓚和尚歌 by the Chan master Nanyue
Mingzan 南嶽明瓚 佛祖歷
. A complete text of his song can be found in the Fozu lidai tongzai
代通載 , T 2036: 49.606b4ff.
 HUAYAN THOUGHT IN YANSHOU’S GUANXIN XUANSHU 259

Morie Toshitaka 森江俊孝: “Shinshutsushiryō itsubun Kanshin gensū no kenkyū” 新出資料逸文

『觀心玄樞』の研究. Sōtōshū kenkyūsei kenkyūin kiyō 曹洞宗研究生研究員紀要 (1977) 9:
pp. 78–88.
Morie Toshitaka 森江俊孝: “Sugyōroku to Kanshin gensū ni tsuite” 宗鏡錄と觀心玄樞について.
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Morie Toshitaka 森江俊孝: “Kanshin gensū no kenkyū (ni)” 觀心玄樞の研究(二). Sōtōshū kenkyū-
sei kenkyūin kiyō 曹洞宗研究生研究員紀要 (1981)13: pp. 56–72.
Watson, Burton, trans.: The Lotus Sutra. Tokyo: Soka Gakkai, 1993.
Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤. Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1992.
Zhou Shaoxian 周紹賢: Liezi yaoyi 列子要義. Taibei: Zhonghua shuju, 1983.
 JOERG PLASSEN

SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP

OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO*

Introduction

Consisting of a meandering diagram of 30 verses of 7 words each, accompanied by a

brief introduction of only a few sentences, and a commentary filling somewhat more
than seven pages of the Han’guk pulgyo chŏnsŏ (HPC), the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 一乘法
界圖 1
(“Diagram of the dharma-realm2 of the one-vehicle”) undoubtedly is one of
the most influential works of Silla Buddhism.3
For centuries, the text as a whole was commonly ascribed to Ŭisang (625– 義湘
702), the well-known Silla monk who went to China to study with Zhiyan (602– 智儼
668),4 the implicit assumption being that it should be regarded an auto-commentary.

* I should like to express my gratitude to Dr. Wolfgang Behr and an anonymous reader for their
numerous suggestions on earlier drafts, as well as to Prof. KIM Sang Hyun 金相鉉 , Prof. CHOE
Yeonshik 崔鈆植 佐藤厚
and Dr. SATO Atsushi for sharing their expertise on the matter and
making some important materials available to me.
1 Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 華嚴一乘法界圖 , HPC 2.1a–8c. Due to the Zokuzōkyō and Taishō
editions, the text is more commonly known under the name of Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo. How-
ever, as SATO Atsushi has shown, in the majority of the traditional catalogues the title does not
bear the expression “Hwaŏm”. Cf. Sato 1999, p. 141f.
2 I.e., dharmadhātu.
3 There has been a vast number of publications on Ŭisang’s thought in general, and on the Ilsŭng
pŏpkyedo 華嚴一乘法界圖 in particular. A fairly recent survey on the state of research related
to Ŭisang can be found in Choe 2002, an extensive bibliography of the secondary literature and
reprints of some major contributions by Korean scholars (YI Ki-yong, KIM Haeju, NAM Dong-
sin et alia) in Ŭisang ki’nyŏmgwan 2001. (Among others, also consult Kim 1994, 71–223 and
Chŏng 1998, 117–182). For discussions of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 華嚴一乘法界圖 in English
language, refer to Odin 1982, which also contains a full translation of the commentary, and,
although much more essayistic than his seminal “Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo-ŭi kŭnbon chŏngsin
華嚴一乘法界圖의 근본정신 ” [The fundamental spirit of the Diagram of the dharma sphere
of Hwaŏm] (first appeared in Silla-Kaya munhwa 4 (1972), reprinted also in Kim 2001), Yi
Kiyong 1994.
4 A Pŏpkyedo 法界圖 is ascribed to Ŭisang (625–702) already in the Sin pyŏn chejong kyojang
ch´ongnok 新編諸宗教藏總錄 , Ŭich’ŏn’s義天 (1055–1101) inventory of the supplement to
the Canon published in 1090. Cf. T 2184: 55.1166c29.
262 JOERG PLASSEN

More recently, however, doubts have been raised whether the author of the seal dia-
gram indeed was Ŭisang, or rather his mentor Zhiyan.
The present article attempt to re-approach the problem through a reassessment of
certain passages in the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok 法界圖記叢髓錄 , the implications
of which appear to have been somewhat neglected. By the way of introduction, a short
introduction of the diagram and its textual embedding for those not accustomed with
the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 一乘法界圖 commentary will be given. Before turning to the re-
spective passages, the two conflicting outlooks on the texts will have to be sketched,
and a short digression on their shared main textual basis will be in place.
According to the HPC edition, the already mentioned introduction to the seal
runs as follows:
Now, the good teachings of the Great sage are without direction; responding to [the differ-
ing] capacities [of the living beings] and in accordance with [their] diseases, they are not one.
Because of the last days, [during] which the deluded ones [concerning] the traces [in form]
of the characters (zi ji/chajŏk字迹 體
) do not know that they loose the body (ti / ch’e , i.e.
the essential) and zealously [strife to] return to the ancestor, [we] – relying on the [under-
理
lying] structure (li /i ) and based on the teachings – by way of summary drew up a ro-
tating poem (banshi / pansi 槃詩 ), hoping that the followers grasping at names still [may]
return to the nameless true source.
[As for] the method how to read the poem: One should start from the “dharma” in the mid-
dle as the beginning [point], and in numerous turns [follow] the bends, until reaching the
“Buddha” as the end, by reading along the path of the seal. (54 corners, 210 characters)
夫 大聖善教無方 應機隨病非一
迷者 字迹 不知失體 懃而歸宗 末日故
依理據教 略制槃詩 冀以執名之徒還歸無名真源
讀詩之法 宜從中法為始 繁迴屈曲 乃至佛為終 隨印道讀 五十四角二百一十字 5

Immediately afterwards, the seal itself is depicted (see next page).

In Steve Odin’s only slightly deviant rendition,6 the poem reads as follows:

1. Since dharma-nature is round and in- 16. Saṃsāra and nirvāṇa,

terpenetrating, Are always harmonized together.
It is without any sign of duality. 生死涅槃常共龢
法性圓融無二相
2. All dharmas are unmoving, 17. Particular-phenomena (shi) and Uni-
And originally calm. versal-principle (li)7
諸法不動本來寂 Are completely merged without
distinction.
理事冥然無分別
5 HPC 2.1a3–8; T 1887A: 45.711a5–a9. In the text given above, textual variants have been omit-
ted, as these are of minor concern for the argument.
6 While Odin does resort to minor graphical variants some of which could not be reproduced, a
semantic difference can be found only in verse 19, where Odin reads in/ren 仁
(“benevolent”)
入
instead of in/ru (“to enter”).
7 More literally: “structure”.
 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 263

一－微－塵－中－含－十 初－發－心－時－便－正－覺－生－死

一 量－無－是－即 方 成 益－寶－雨－議－思－不－意 涅

即 劫 遠－劫 念 一 別 生 佛－普－賢－大－人 如 槃

多 九 量 即 一 切 隔 滿 十 海－入－能－境 出 常

切 世 無 一－念 塵 亂 虚 別 印－三－昧－中－繫 共

一 十 是－如－亦－中 雜 空 分－無－然－冥－事－理－和

即 世－互－相－即－仍－不 衆－生－隨－器－得－利－益－是

一 相－二－無－融－圓－性－法 叵－際－本－還－者－行－故

一 諸 智－所－知－非－餘 佛 息 盡－寶－莊－嚴－法－界

中 法 證 甚－性－真－境 為 忘 無 隨－家－歸－意 實

多 不 切 深－極－微－妙 名 想 尼 分－得－資 如 寶

切 動 一－絕－相－無 不 動 必 羅－陀－以－糧 捉 殿

一 本－來－寂－無－名 守 不 不－得－無－緣－善－巧 窮

中－一－成－緣－隨－性－自 來－舊－床－道－中－際－實－坐

3. No name, no form, 18. This is the world of the Bodhisattva

All (distinctions) are abolished. Samantabhadra,
無名無相絶一切 And the Ten Buddhas.
十佛善賢大人境
4. It is known through the wisdom of 19. In Buddha’s ocean-seal samādhi,
enlightenment, 能仁海印三昧中
Not by any other level.
證智所知非餘境
5. The true-nature is extremely pro- 20. Many unimaginable (miracles) are
found, produced,
Exceedingly subtle and sublime. According to one’s wishes.
眞性甚深極微妙 繁出如意不思議
264 JOERG PLASSEN

16. It does not attach to self-nature, 21. This shower of jewels benefiting all
But manifests following (causal) sentient beings,
conditions. Fills all of empty space.
不守自性隨縁成 雨寶益生滿虗空
17. In One is All, 22. All sentient beings receive this wealth,
In Many is One. According to their capacities.
一中一切多中一 衆生隨器得利益
18. One is identical to All, 23. Therefore, he who practices (con-
Many is identical to One. templation),
一即一切多即一 Returns to the primordial realm.
是故行者還本際
19. In one particle of dust, 24. And without stopping ignorance,
Is contained the ten directions. It cannot be obtained.
一微塵中含十方 叵息妄想必不得
10. And so it is, 25. By unconditional expedient means,
With all particles of dust. One attains complete freedom.
一切塵中亦如是 無縁善巧捉如意
11. Incalculable long eons, 26. Returning home (the primordial
Are identical to a single thought- realm) you obtain riches,
instant. According to your capacity.
無量遠劫即一念 歸家隨分得資糧
12. And a single thought-instant, 27. By means of dhāraṇī,
Is identical to incalculable long eons. An inexhaustible treasure.
一念即是無量劫 以陀羅尼無盡寶
13. The nine times and the ten times, 28. One adorns the dharmadhātu,
Are mutually identical. Like a real palace of jewels.
九世十世互相即 莊嚴法界實寶殿
14. Yet are not confused or mixed, 29. Finally one resposes in the real
But function seperately. world,
仍不雜亂隔別成 The bed of the Middle Way.
窮坐實際中道床
15. The moment one begins to aspire 30. That which is originally without
with their heart, motion,
Instantly perfect enlightenment (is Is named Buddha.
attained). 舊來不動名爲佛 8

初發心時便正覺
8 Odin 1982, Preface, xix–xx. The Chinese text has been added, and the transcriptions of Chinese
terms have been transposed from Wade-Giles into Pinyin.
 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 265

The seal having been presented, an outline of his commentary is given:

Wishing to explain the text, two [access] gates are set apart: first, explaining the intention
of the seal by generalizing; second, elucidating the characteristics of the seal seperately.
Question: Why does [one] rely on the seal?
Answer: Because [one] wants to manifest [how] the three kinds of worlds comprised by the
Thus-come Śākyamuni’s net of teaching originate in the ocean-seal samādhi, emerge in
rotation and become visible. What one calls the ‘three worlds’: First, the world as a vessel
(containing the material things), second, the world of the living beings, third, the world of
the correct awakening [based on] wisdom.
[Those] who correctly awake [based on] wisdom are the buddhas and bodhisattvas,
beacause in the three kinds of worlds [they] comprise and exhaust the [various] dharmas.
That one does not treat the rest: As for the broad meaning: [It] is like the Huayan jing says.
In the second gate of seperate characteristics, [again] three gates are set apart: First,
exposing the characteristics of the seal text; second, clarifying the characteristics of the
characters; third, explaning the intention of the text…

將欲釋文 二門分別 一總釋印意 二別解印相

問何以故依印
答 欲表 釋迦如來教網所攝三種世間 從海印三昧 槃出現顯故
所謂三種世間 一器世間 二眾生世間 三智正覺世間
智正覺者 佛菩薩也 三種世間攝盡法故
不論餘者 廣義者 如華嚴經說
第二別相門中 三門分別 一說印文相 二明字相 三釋文意… 9

As can be seen from the passages quoted, at first glance the introduction gives rise
to the impression that the diagram and the commentary were the work of a single
author. Later on, however, the commentary explicitly raises the issue of authorship,
giving a distinctively “Buddhist” answer to the problem, which nevertheless might
be considered somewhat suspicious:
‘The one seal combining the verses’ of the Ilsŭng pŏpkedo based on the Huayan jing and
the Shidi lun manifests the ancestor and essentials of the perfect teaching. It was recorded
on the 15th day of the seventh month in the first year of Zongzhang [period] (668).
一乘法界圖 合詩一印 依華嚴經及十地論 表圓教宗要 總章元年七月十五日記
Question: Why does one not see the personal name and style of the compiler?
Answer: Because [this] manifests that all conditionally arisen dharmas have no owner.

問 何故不看集者名字
答 表緣生諸法無有主者故
Further question: For what reason is a name [given] in [respect to] year and month?
Answer: Because [this] manifests that all dharmas arise based on conditions.

又問 何故在年月名
答 示一切諸法依緣生故 10

19 HPC 2.1b1–9; T 1887A: 45.711a41–b4.

10 T 1887A: 45.716a3–7.
266 JOERG PLASSEN

The Dispute and Its Textual Basis

In 1996, the Chinese scholar YAO Changshou introduced a stone inscription un-
earthed at Yangshan (70 km Southwest of Peking), which – apparently buried some-
when between 1118 and 1196 – bears the introductory lines and the seal.11 While the
textual differences to the versions of the HPC text, which is based on sources
preserved in Japan, are negligible, this version still differs significantly in as much
as the characters Huayan shi zao 華嚴師造 (“created by a Huayan master”, or,
somewhat less likely, “created by Master Huayan”) have been added to the intro-
duction. Not surprisingly, Yao draws the conclusion that in fact Zhiyan is the author
of both the seal and the introduction. – Following the Venerable Haeju, we may
summarize the main arguments as follows
– The addition to the introductory preface indicates that both the poems and the in-
troduction were written by Zhiyan.
– The use of the word ki 記 (“record”) upon giving the date when the text was pro-
duced indicates that one cannot consider the compiler of the preface and the seal
to be identical with the one recording it. Furthermore, the use of the designation
chipcha 集者 (“compiler”, instead of chakcha 著者 , or “author”) relates to the
compilation of the seal and the commentary. Thus, these two have to be distin-
guished. Likewise, the title Pŏpkyedo chang 法界圖章 given at the end of the
Taishō edition indicates that the text as a whole is but a commentarial exposition,
into which a separately existing Pŏpkyedo 法界圖 has been integrated.
– The use of the phrase Yŏn pul p’il ŭi Ch’oe chŏng ya 然不必依崔傳定也 (“But
[the question of authorship] should not necessarily be determined based on the
biography [written by] Ch’oe”) in Kyunyŏ’s 均如 (923–73) Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏp-
kyedo wŏnt’ong ki 華儼一乘圓通記 indicates that the eminent Koryŏ monk con-
sidered the account attributed to Ch’oe Chiwŏn not necessarily correct.
– The phrase Chang yok sŏk mun 將欲釋文 (“Wishing to analyze the text…”) in
the commentary itself again entails that the introduction cum seal and the com-
mentary have to be distinguished.
– The Fangshan stone inscription appears to antedate the late 12th or early 13th
century text contained in the Taishō, as well as the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok 法
界圖記叢髓錄 , which here is ascribed to the 14th century monk Ch’ewŏn .體元
Besides, in Korea the text as a self-contained unit had been lost until Chosŏn
times.
– The earliest extant commentary on the text is Kyunyŏ’s Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo
wŏnt’ong ki 華儼一乘圓通記 , which, although written down in 1287, derives
from a manuscript lectured upon by Kyunyŏ in the 7th month of the year 958.

11 Yao 1996.
 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 267

This commentary, however, asserts that the seal and the commentary originally
were distinct.
– The assumption that the author of the seal in 30 verses and the commentary are
identical goes back to Ŭisang. Attributions to Fazang 法藏
in other commentar-
ies should be regarded as wrong.
– As the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok 法界圖記叢髓錄 indicates, the so-called Kŭn-
bon in 根本印 (“fundamental seal”, an expression for the diagram as occurring
in the commentary) might be one among 73 seals allegedly written by Zhiyan.
– Ŭisang’s mention of the date of recording, which cannot be found in the bio-
graphical sources, should be considered significant: Zhiyan already knew that he
would pass away, and by encorporating the date into his commentary, Ŭisang
might have wanted to underline its acknowledgement by Zhiyan and thus its
authoritativeness.
– The line of thinking in the poem seal confirms to other works by Zhiyan.12

In a forthcoming article based on a paper presented in 199713, John Jorgensen

seems to very carefully express general consent with the underlying basic hypothe-
sis. However, it should come as no surprise that the ascription of the seal to Zhiyan
has met with fierce resistance from Korean scholars, who follow the assumption that
the stone inscription was actually based on Ŭisang’s text. Thus, the Venerable Haeju
point to point refutes Yao’s arguments. The arguments forwarded again can be sum-
marized as follows:
– Yao himself refers to the doubtful attributions of texts to Du Shun (558– 杜順
640) and Fazang appearing in the same material. Thus, the actual provenance of
the Fangshan seal might be questioned: It might very well have been taken from
Ŭisang’s commentary, the reference to Zhiyan being a later addition.
– The terms ki 記
and chip 集
only refer to the seal, and not to the commentary.
The position that all parts of the text go back to Ŭisang derives from Ch’oe Chi-
wŏn’s biography, and is also found in the [Koryŏ work] Paekhwa toryang pal-
wŏnmun yakhae 白花道場發願文略解 . The attribution to Zhiyan can be found
only in [indirect quotes from] the Wŏnsang nok, and there would only refer to
the Pŏpsŏng ke 法性偈, i.e. the poem. Thus, all works ascribe the pansi or 槃詩
“rotating poem” to Ŭisang. Likewise, one should dismiss the assumption (as
maintained by Jorgensen) that the introductory preface, which is also contained

12 Haeju 1999, 208–211.

13 “The authorship and cultural matrix of the Ilsûngpôpgyedo 一乗法界図 ”. I should express my
gratitude to Prof. Jorgensen for the generousity of making this significant article accessible to
me. The article provides a wealth of helpful ideological and cultural background information
on related diagrams, which I will refrain from reproducing in this context.
268 JOERG PLASSEN

in the stone inscription, has to be separated from the commentary: In that case
one should expect the commentary to begin with explanations on the preface,
which it does not even mention. Furthermore, by analysis of the contents it can
be shown that Ŭisang first wrote the diagram and the exposition, and later wrote
a preface based on the latter.
– Yao’s reading of the phrase Yŏn pul p’il ŭi Ch’oe chŏng ya 然不必依崔傳定也
is erroneous: The correct meaning of the phrase would be that the same conclu-
sion could also be reached by adducing other evidence.
– The attribution of the introduction to Ŭisang can be found already in the Wŏn-
sang nok.
– Reference to Ŭisang is made already in Yongming Yanshou’s (904– 永明延壽
75) Zongjing lu 宗鏡錄(961), where both the seal and the commentary are
quoted. Although the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 一乘法界圖
as a self-contained text had
been lost by Chosŏn times, it was still available through the Ch’ongsu nok,
which is not a work written by Ch’ewŏn and contains quotations from Silla dy-
nasty works, among others from a record by Pŏbyung 法融
(end of 8th century).
– According to the extant sources, Ŭisang passed the seal on to his disciples
P’yohun 表訓, Chinjŏng 眞定
etc., and his successors wrote expositions on it.
Also, Chi-t’ong 智通
is said to have received the seal from Ŭisang.
– The idea that this might be one of 73 diagrams by Zhiyan goes too far.
– The date serves to clarify the conditional arising of the diagram.
– The seal does not fully confirm to Zhiyan’s thought.14

Again, Jorgensen adduces enough circumstantial evidence to back up the first as-
sumption, and thus the reader is referred to his forthcoming article. Among the re-
maining points, the second one of course is the most interesting, and we should have
a look at the pertaining passages. As the wording in the Paekhwa toryang palwŏn-
mun yakhae 白花道場發願文略解 appears to be based on one of the earlier texts
and poses yet further textual problems, we will concentrate on the two underlying
accounts. Thus, in the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki 一乘法界圖圓通記 we find the
following information:
One says: “[If it comes to] the poem of 30 verse-lines of 7 words, then this is what Master
[Zhi]yan created, [if it comes to] the explaining [text], then this is what Sir Sang (i.e. Ŭi-
sang) expounded.”
That means the Wŏnsang nok says: “At the time Sir Sang received [the teachings of] Hua-
yan at the place of Master Yan, Master Yan composed a poem of 30 verse-lines of 7 words
in order to confer it to Master Sang.

14 Haeju 1999: 211–215.

 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 269

Master Sang then drew on top of the black characters a red seal in order to present it. The
master sighed and said: ’You have exhaustively born testimony to dharma-nature and have
penetrated to the Buddha’s intention and purport. It would be suitable to create an explana-
tion.’
Master Sang at first created an explanation of more than 40 pages in order to forward it to
the master. The master wanted to know whether it matched the intention of the Buddha or
not. Right in front of the Buddha he would establish a vow and burn it, and all burned
away. [Sang] again created more than 60 pages and forwarded [them]; [they] also burned
away. Again, he created more than eighty pages to forward to the master. The master to-
gether with the [Tae]tŏk Sang also like before burned them. In [their] middle, there were
burned and not-burned [parts]. The unburned writings now circulate in the world.”

一云 七言三十句詩 則儼師所造 能釋則相公所述

謂元常錄云 相公 於儼師所受花嚴時 儼師造七言三十句詩 以授相公
相公則於黑字上 畫赤印以獻 師歎曰 汝窮證法性達佛意旨 冝造於釋
相公 初造四十餘紙釋 以進師
師欲知合佛意否 將至佛前 立願燒之 悉皆燒盡
又造六十餘紙進 亦燒盡 又造八十餘紙進師 師共相德 亦如前燒之
於中有燒不燒 不燒之文 今行於世 15

Unfortunately, the Wŏnsang nok 元常錄

cannot be identified. As Jorgenson sug-
gests, this designation might have resulted from a permutation of Sangwŏn nok
常元錄 , in which case it would refer to an (otherwise unknown) work by one of Ŭi-
sang’s disciples. And yet, while the overall tendency towards numerology may be
regarded typical of Zhiyan and his successors, it has also been pointed out that the
series of 40, 60 and 80 appears to have been inspired by the various editions of the
Huayan jing and betrays a considerable degree of artificiality in the above record.
On the other hand, the major textual evidence for the theory that Ŭisang was the
author of the diagram not only derives from the same text, but itself may be consid-
ered not less artful:
One says: “In the biography narrated by Ch’oe Chiwŏn it is said:
‘At the time Sir Sang received Huayan at the place of Master Yan,16 in a dream there was a
spirit神人 , whose appearance was very tall and robust. Speaking of Sir Sang, he said that
to make an exposition based on what he himself had awakened to and bestow it on others
would be suitable. Again, in a dream [the Bodhisattva] Good Wealth (Sudhāna) gave him
more than ten pills of wisdom-medicine. Again, he met a blue-clothed boy, who thrice
gave him secret oral instructions.’
[When] Master Yan heard this, he said: ‘The spirit gave numinous presents to me once and
to you thrice. You have come across from afar and practiced diligently, and the [future]
reward for this such is manifested.’ Consequently, he ordered [Ŭisang] compile and order
[a text], so that he could glimpse what [Ŭisang] had obtained.
At that time, [Ŭisang] exerted his brush and wrote the Dasheng xuan zhang in ten fascicles,
asking the Master to point out the flaws.
Yan said: ‘The meanings are very beautiful, but the wordings still obstruct [them].’

15 HPC 4.1a5–15.
16 It should be noted that the wording of this passage is the same as in the first quotation.
270 JOERG PLASSEN

Thereupon, [Ŭisang] retreated and weeded out the complicated [wordings] in four travers-
als, and styled it “Liyi chongxuan”, wishing to honour the meanings of the Souxuan fenqi
written by his master.
Yan then went with Sang to pray before the Buddha, made a vow so as to burn it, and
moreover said: ‘In the case that [in] the words there is [something] matching the Saint’s
purport, we wish that they will not burn’. Afterwards, from the remaining ashes he ob-
tained 210 characters, and caused Sang to gather them. [They] sincerely swore and again
threw [the characters] into the fierce flames, but unexpectedly they would not burn away.
Yan, having tears [in his eyes], sighed, and had [Sang] compose [them] into gāthas.
[Sang] shut his room for several evenings and accomplished thirty verses, including the
profound purport of the three contemplations and raised the remaining beauties of the ten-
fold darkening.
Therefore, the thirty verses of seven words are also something written by Mr. Sang.
The latter meaning can be admitted [as correct]. But one does not have to decide relying
[only] on Ch’oe’s biography:
After this exposition now has stated about itself: “Relying on the structure and in accor-
dance to the teachings, abbreviating [we] made a rotating poem”, then what is explained is
also [something] exposed by the owner of the diagram. Why should one need to quote cor-
roborating evidence in support? Moreover, [why does] Zhixiang’s (i.e. Zhiyan’s) Conduct
make no mention of the affair of composing the thirty verses in seven words?

一云 崔致遠所述傳中云
相公 於儼師所 受花儼時 夢有神人 貌甚魁偉
謂相公曰 以自所悟 著述施人 宜矣
又夢善財授聡明藥十餘劑
又遇青衣童子 三授秘訣
儼師聞之曰 神授靈貺 我一爾三 遠涉勤修 厥報斯現
因命编次 窺澳所得
於是奮筆 緝大乘玄章十卷 請師指瑕
儼曰 義甚佳 詞尚壅
乃退而芟繫為四通 號曰立義崇玄 盖欲崇其師所著搜玄分齊之義
儼乃舆相詣佛前 結願焚之
且曰 言有脗合聖旨者願不爇也
既而煨燼之餘 獲二百十字
令相捃拾 懇誓更擲猛焰 竟不灰
儼 含涕嗟稱 俾綴為偈
閉室數夕 成三十句 括三觀之奥旨 舉十玄之餘美已上
故七言三十句 亦相公所述也
後義可許 然不必依崔傳定也
今釋既自叙 依理據教 略制槃詩 則 所釋亦是圖主自述斷矣 17

As can be inferred from the points of agreement between the two accounts, they
again appear to relate to a common underlying narrative. – However, a detailed tex-

17 HPC 4.1a15–b15. My rough translation of this passage is heavily indebted to Jorgensen’s much
more polished rendition. – This and the preceding passage have been quoted in full in Jorgen-
sen’s forthcoming article.
 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 271

tual analysis eventually would not lead too far, as the following short digression on
the textual history of the text containing these accounts will manifest.
In his Sin pyŏn chejong kyojang ch’ongnok 新編諸宗教藏總錄 , Ŭich’ŏn 義天
(1055–1101) remarks concerning Chit’ong’s (654?–?) [Hwaŏm] yoŭi mundap [ 華嚴
要義問答 ] (aka. Ch’uhyŏl mundap 錐穴問答 ) and Tosin’s (n.d.) [Hwaŏm ilsŭng]
yoŭi mundap [ 華嚴一乘 要義問答 ] (aka. Tosin chang 道身章
), two texts based on
lectures by Ŭisang:
Note: Ŭisang’s biography in the Monks’ history of the Great Song says: “At times he took
the brush and wrote on a sash, and he [always] carried lead and tablets at his bossom. –
Transcripts [of them] were like collections knotted together, copies [of them] resembled
recorded speech [in administration].
[In the case of] such gates of meanings [one] gives a title according to the disciple [re-
sponsible for the edition]: If one says ‘Tosin chang’, it is [just] this. Or, at times one creates
a name by [referring to] a place, as like if one says ‘Ch’uhyŏl chang’”18, and so on.
Yet, as the compilers of those times were not yet good in literary style, their paragraphs
and sentences consequently were mean and coarse, and mingled with local language. –
Sometimes it is the case that the Great Teaching flows over [at the beginning], and that the
effort lies merely in complying with the occasion. Later gentlemen ought to add an embel-
lished countenance.

按 大宋僧史義湘傳云 或執筆書紳 懷鉛札葉 抄如結集 錄似載言

如是義門 隨弟子為目 如云道身章是也 或以處為名 如云錐穴問答等云云
但以 當時集者 未善文體 遂致 章句鄙野 雜以方言
或是 大教濫觴 務在隨機耳 將來君子 宜加潤色 19

It does not need to be emphasized that the passage quoted from the Song gao-
seng zhuan 宋高僧傳 provides an interesting, albeit somewhat sobering, glimpse
into pratices of lecturing and editing in 7th–8th century Silla: As the undoubted com-
piler of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo commentary, Ŭisang definitely was rather well-versed
in both reading and writing Buddhist hybrid Sinitic. Nonetheless, he apparently
would hold vernacular lectures, taking down vernacular notes in their preparation.
His disciples would base their transcripts of the lectures mainly on these notes, trans-
forming them – more or less successfully – into some sort of BhSi still “tainted” by
the vernacular.
Although Ŭich’ŏn’s own attitude clearly mirrors the “literary consciousness” of a
leading Hwaŏm exegete of the capital (who at the same time was the third son of the
ruling king), there is nevertheless no reason to doubt his devastating account of the
shape of these lecture records. Thus, Ishii Kōsei has shown that the text of the [Hwa-
ŏm] yoŭi mundap [ 華嚴 要義問答
] preserved in Japan still contains traces of the ver-
nacular.20 – Even harsher criticism, however, Ŭich’ŏn directs at works commonly
attributed to Koryŏ monks:

18 Cf. Song gaoseng zhuan, T 2061: 50.729b27–c1.

19 T 2184: 55.1167b25–c2, quoted and paraphrased in Nam 1999: 30.
20 Kōsei 1996: 272–276.
272 JOERG PLASSEN

[That] the spurious writings considered by the world to be of the Masters Kyunyŏ, Pŏmun,
Chinp’a and Yŏngnyun, in [their] words do not constitute texts (or: sentences), [that] in
[their] meanings they are without [unfying bond] going through the transformations, and
that they render the path of the patriarchs desolate, confusing those born later: There is
nothing worse than this!

世所謂均如梵雲真派靈潤諸師謬書 語不成文 義无通變 荒蕪祖道 熒惑後生者

莫甚於斯矣 21

As a matter of fact, the editorial postfaces to four transcripts of lectures held by

Kyunyŏ and one text ascribed to Kyunyŏ himself, edited after careful collation of
available materials by the eminent monk Ch’ŏn’gi 天奇(fl. 1226–1248?)22 and his
disciples, indicate that the situation had indeed not changed significantly at least un-
til the beginning of the Koryŏ dynasty: Most of these editions involved the compari-
son of several transcripts (or records, ki ). 記
According to its postface, the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki 一乘法界圖圓通記
had been prepared based on a vernacular (pangŏn pon 方言本 ) transcript of a lecture
held in 958, which had been recorded by Kyunyŏ’s disciple Pŏpchin 法璡 (n.d.), and
a Hanmun translation of this lecture record (Hanyŏk pon 漢譯本 ) prepared by a cer-
tain Hyŏn’yŏ 玄如 , which contained further deviations and errors due to the cir-
cumstance that the translator personally had not witnessed any lecture by Kyunyŏ.
By Ch’ŏn’gi’s times, only the Hanmun version had been available, until Ch’ŏn’gi’s
contemporary Inwŏn 印元 , abbot of Kŭmsaeng-sa, rediscovered the old text, and the
monk Ildang 日幢 completed an edition in two roles based on a collation of the
texts. Reportedly because this manuscript was feared to be in danger of being lost, it
was again reedited by Ch’ŏn’gi and submitted by him and his collaborators for
printing. The print version having been lost, the only extant written copy dates from
the year 1287.23
From these brief remarks, it should have been become obvious that it is difficult
to decide whether the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki 一乘法界圖圓通記 should be
attributed to Kyunyŏ, Pŏpchin, Ildang, or Ch’ŏn’gi: On the one hand, we have rea-
son to assume a strong philological orientation on the side of the editors, and – al-
though perhaps somewhat too naively – we thus may concede that both the extant
version and its predecessor may have aimed at a faithful reconstruction of Kyunyŏ’s
lecture as mediated by the available records. On the other hand, given the circum-
stance that at least parts of the Hanmun translation were considered inferior to the
vernacular version, one should not give too much credit to the actual wordings of the
quotations contained in the text.24 This observation again might be not without

21 Cf. Taegak kuksa munjip 大覺國師文集 , kw. 16, HPC 4.556b9–11, quoted in Nam 1999: 31, n. 4.
22 The standing of this monk can be seen from the fact that during his career he served both as
abbot of the Haein-sa and Supervisor on Doctrine at Hŭngwang-sa.
23 Cf. HPC 4.38c5–39a8, esp. 38c14–39a4; Han’guk pulgyo ch’ansul munhŏn chongnok 96–97, no. 5.
24 In fact, we do not even know to what extant the quotations were collated with versions of the
reference texts available to the editors. Likewise, we do not know the extent to which addi-
tional content was added.
 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 273

significance in our context. Thus, the attribution of the poem to Ŭisang based on the
anonymous (!) reference quoting from the lost (!) Ŭisang biography reportedly
written by Ch’oe Chiwŏn depends on the correctness of a single character in the
phrase pi chŏ wi ke 俾綴為偈 . (“… had [Sang] compose [them] into gāthas…”).

Applied numerology: 73, or rather 70 × 3?

In the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok 法界圖記叢髓錄 , which according to KIM Sang

Hyun is likely to have been also compiled by Ch’ŏn’gi25 and thus probably dates to
the 13th century, we find a series of possibly more helpful quotes, several among
them from a Record by Pŏbyung Taedŏk (fl. 800), a disciple of Sillim and thus a
member of the fourth generation after Ŭisang.26
These quotations from what should be regarded the earliest extant elaborations
on the Pŏpkyedo not only seem to support the assumption that Zhiyan was the author
of the verses and that Ŭisang’s contribution was the congenial addition of a vermil-
lion line to a previously existing seal of characters. They furthermore indicate that
the idea of producing seals visualizing the ultimate oneness of the dharmas had been
put into practice already by Zhiyan:
The Taedŏk Pŏbyung’s Record says:
“… This ’One’ of the one-vehicle as well as the one vermillion seal seperate from begin-
ning and end [presented] below this [passage] and Master Yan’s One character seal(s)
within the ’Gate of mutual production of origin and end’ are all of one meaning.”
That [he] attaches the One character seal(s) at the head of the Great Sūtra: [He] wishes to
clarify that in the whole work, from the beginning to end, sentence by sentence and verse
by verse merely reveal the One. Furthermore, that [he] attaches the one character seal at the
passage on opposing that which deviates (i.e. heresies) and revealing the correct in [his]
five kwŏn commentary: [If] one produces a dualistic understanding of the dharmas, this is
“deviation”; [if] one knows that the dharmas are one, then this exactly is the “correct” [view].

法融大德記云
此一乘之一及此下離始終之一朱印
與儼師本末相生門中一字印並一義也
大經之首按 一字印者 欲明 一部始終所說文文句句唯現一也
又 五卷疏對邪 現正之處按一字印者 於諸法中若生二解
則是邪 知法是一即是正也 27

While we can only speculate on whether the mentioned “One character seal(s)”
should be thought of as shaped in the form of the character “one”, consisting of one

25 Kim 1991: 41.

26 Kim 1991: 42. Sillim had studied under Ŭisang’s disciple Sangwŏn 相元 (n.d.) and was consi-
dered the legitimate heir to the Pusŏk tradition. Cf. Kim 1991: 313.
27 T 1887B: 45.716c24–a4.
274 JOERG PLASSEN

character, or of separate individual characters, it is remarkable that Zhiyan is re-

ported to have employed seals designed to visualize oneness in at least two texts.
The Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok 法界圖記叢髓錄 also contains some interesting nu-
merological speculations. – Quoting from a nowadays lost work supposedly written
in the early Koryŏ period, it says:
The Great record says: “As for the two-hundred ten characters: [Starting with] the five
rounds of cause and fruit, one takes away the first [pair of] cause and fruit, and selects the
causes and takes up the fruits from among the latter four rounds. In each of the four rounds
of reasons, there are 50 ranks, therefore one accomplishes 200. [As to] the rank of the fruits
contained in the four rounds: One combines the four into one. Because one wants to visu-
alize that these fruits uniformly are the fruits of the ten buddhas, one says ‘10’.
Furthermore, it says: “[The phrase] ‘…is (or: are) the three worlds, ten gates and ten
dharmas which are visualized in this ocean seal’ means: The metaphor of the 10 coins and
the ten universal dharmas [further] below in the text make up 20, [and these] 20 each dis-
cuss the ten-fold darkening. Combined [they] make up two hundred’. Because one adds the
original ten darkenings, one says ‘two hundred and ten’. ”

大記云 二百一十字者 五周因果 除初因果

於後四周簡果取因 於四周因各有五十位
故成二百 其四周中所有果位合四為一
欲現此果同是十佛果故 言一十也
又云 此海印中所現三世間十門十法也
謂下文十錢喻及十普法為二十 二十各論十玄 合為二百 并本十玄故 云二百一十也 28

Quite obviously, these calculations do not help us too much concerning the mat-
ter under consideration. However, they are immediately followed by another nu-
merological account:
Furthermore: “This seal is the general, the seventy [by] three seals are the separate.
In the [case of the] separate seals, one takes 70 seals and continues them through a seal of
the three boundaries.
Since for each single boundary there are 70 seals, combined they make up 210.”
Therefore, combining the 210 seals, one completes the one seal with the characteristic of
generalness of the ocean-seal samādhi.
As for the thirty verse-lines of seven characters: The dharma similes [presented] before
each are ten. One adds the original ten darkenings, and combined they make up 30.
As these 30 verses do not go beyond the 7 characters of the title of the sūtra, one makes a
poem by means of 7 words [per verse-line].
Therefore, although the dharmas of the dharma-realm are inexhaustible, they do not go
beyond the 210 characters. Generalizing this, one then accomplishes 30 verse-lines. Again
generalizing this, they do not go beyond the seven characters. Again generalizing this, they
do not go beyond structure and wisdom. Again generalizing this, they do not go beyond the
one most clean dharma-realm. – Therefore, the title says: The Diagram of the dharma-
realm of the one-vehicle.

又此印為總 七十三印為別
就別印中 將七十印 歷三際印
28 T 1887B: 45.718b10–b20.
 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 275

一際各七十故 合為二百一十也
故 合二百一十印成 一海印三昧總相印 也
七言三十句者 前之法喻各十 并本十玄 合為三十
此三十句不出經題七字故。以七言造詩也
是故法界之法雖云無盡
不出二百一十字
總此即成三十句
又總此不出七字
又總此不出理智
又總此不出一最清淨法界
是故題云一乘法界圖也 29

Against conventional wisdom expressed in the secondary literature, we appar-

ently have reason to read “70 x 3 seals”, instead of “73 seals”. Thus, the reference
would not entail that Zhiyan wrote 73 seals in all, but rather that he composed “70 x 3”
seals (here referring to individual characters). – The source underlying this passage
or perhaps even the passage itself again seems to be echoed in a quote appearing
even in the spurious Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki 一乘法界圖圓通記 :
Furthermore, the old worthy says: “This seal is the seal with the characteristic of general-
ness, the seventy [by] three are the seals (or: seal) with the characteristic of separateness.
Further, in the seventy [by] three of these separate characteristics, the 3 boundaries are the
general. The insides of these 3 boundaries each contain 70. Therefore it [makes] 210.” –
Therefore, one says “210 characters”. [If] one now wants to visually unite the 210 seals
contained in the three boundaries [so that they] form the one ocean-seal. [That] is such be-
cause of the seal with the characteristic of generalness.

又古德云 此印是摠相印 七十三印是別相印

又此別相七十三中 三際是摠
此三際中各具七十 故二百一十也
故云二百一十字也 今欲現合此三際印中 所具二百一十印 成一海印 摠相印故爾也 30

The circumstance that the pertaining section ends with these words seems to sug-
gest that the compilators, and possibly even Kyunyŏ himself, while being critical of
the attribution of the poem to Zhiyan, did not object against the application of the
70 × 3 numerology as such. In fact, the expression ch’il-sip san in 七十三印 seems
to be used very much in the same sense in the following quote from Pŏbyung’s Re-
cord, again contained in the Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok 法界圖記叢髓錄:
[Tae]dŏk Pŏbyong’s Record says:
“[As for] ‘The One seal combining the verses’: The vermillion stroke of the One Way
combines all black characters, and the squares [of the seal] form the round (i.e., perfect)
seal. Therefore, one says ‘combining the verses’.

29 T 1887B: 45.718b20–b29.
30 Cf. HPC 4.4b1–7.
276 JOERG PLASSEN

Question: Does [one] draw the vermillion stroke after having written the black characters?
Or does [one] write the black characters after having drawn the vermillion stroke?
Answer: The two [answers] both are right.
That [one] writes first and afterwards draws: [this is] due to the meaning that the structure
originates with (or: ‘follows’) the affairs.
That [one] draws first and afterwards writes: [this is] due to the meaning that the affairs
originate with (or: ‘follows’) the structure.
Although Master [Zhi]yan created the 70 [by] 3 seals, he only wanted to reveal the mean-
ing of the one seal, and because Monk [Ŭi]sang deeply understood the intention of the
Master, he merely created this one fundamental seal.”

法融德記云 合詩一印者 一道朱畫合諸黑字 方成圓印 故云合詩

問書黑字後畫朱畫耶 畫朱畫後書黑字耶
答二俱是也
先書後畫者 以理從事之義
先畫後書者 以事從理之義也
儼師雖作七十三印 但欲現其一印之義
而相和尚深得師意故 唯作此一根本印也 31

As implied by the two options concerning the order of the characters and draw-
ing the stroke, the question apparently does not refer to the way the al” diagram was
written, but rather to the way it should be written: The passage refers to a medita-
tive32 writing practice, in the course of which the diagram, i.e. both the 70 x 3 char-
acters and the one vermillion stroke are to be created anew.
Also, the seamless juxtaposition of the statements on the temporal order of writ-
ing and drawing and the references to Zhiyan’s and Ŭisang’s seals seems to suggest
that the former’s [written] seal (i.e. the 30 × 7 “character seals”) and the latter’s
[drawn] seal are complimentary parts which in fact are forming a whole.
How then does this relate to Ŭisang’s Ilsŭng Pŏpkyedo? – Unfortunately, there is
no mention of the vermillion stroke. However, the term kŭnbon in 根本印
(“funda-
mental seal”) does occur:
What is called “six characteristics”: The characteristic of generalness, the characteristic of
separation, the characteristic of identity, the characteristic of difference, the characteristic
of completion, the characteristic of destruction.
The characteristic of generalness:
[It is found in] the fundamental seal.
The characteristic of separation:
[It is found in] the excessive bends. – Because they separately depend and rest upon
[the path of] the seal and fill that seal.
The characteristic of union:
Because they enter the seal. – By which one means: Because the bends are separate,
but unitedly [form] the seal.

31 T 1887B: 45.718a18–24.
32 The meditative context will become even more evident from the next quote.
 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 277

The characteristic of differentiation:

Because of the characteristic of increase. – By which one means: Because the first,
second, etc. turn separately increase the calmness.
The characteristic of completion:
Because of the summarizing exposition. – By which one means: Because one
completes the seal.
The characteristic of destruction:
Because of the extended exposition. – By which one means: Because the numerous
turns and bends each and every are not created from the very beginning.
[Among] all dharmas produced by conditions there is none which is not completed by
[means of] the six characteristics.

所謂六相者 總相 別相 同相 異相 成相 壞相
總相者根本印
別相者餘屈曲 別依止印滿彼印故
同相者[入]印故 所謂曲別而同印故
異相者增相故 所謂第一第二等曲別增安故
成相者略說故 所謂成印故
壞相者廣說故 所謂繁迴屈曲
各各自本來不作故 一切緣生法 無不六相成也 33

As can be seen from the above quotation, also Ŭisang himself uses the designa-
tion kŭnbon in 根本印 not in reference to one particular seal among several ones, but
in order to designate the diagram as a unity, as in contrast to its parts. Moreover, the
安
reference to the increase of calmness (an ) with each bend again corroborates the
assumption that the seal was used in a meditation practice designed to lead towards
the experience of haein sammae 海印三昧 .

Some Preliminary Conclusions

As has been demonstrated, in the light of the textual history of the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo
wŏnt’ong ki 一乘法界圖圓通記 , there is ample reason to doubt the evidential value
of the quotational excerpt from the otherwise not extant biography ascribed to Ch’oe
Chiwŏn, which serves as the major textual basis for the thesis that the poem has
been written by Ŭisang. On the other hand, the quotes from Pŏbyung’s Record in the
Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok 法界圖記叢髓錄 are not only consistent with each other,
but – as far as their numerological contents are concerned – are not put to question
even in the former text. Also, at least the notion of the “one fundamental seal” as
opposed to its meandering parts can be found already in Ŭisang’s commentary.
As has been pointed out in the secondary literature, Ŭisang is reported to have
transmitted the diagram to several of his students. At this point, one could speculate

33 HPC 2.1c5–12; T 1887A: 45.711b22–29.

278 JOERG PLASSEN

whether Pŏbyung’s early account possibly might have been a forgery made up by
later authors in an attempt to establish hegemony among competing lineages, but
there is no concrete evidence pointing in that direction. Quite to the contrary, the
scarce circumstantial evidence we have seems to indicate that Pŏbyung enjoyed un-
rivaled popularity and thus also himself would have had little reason to invent a
legimatory tradition.34
As can be inferred from the above, I am inclined to suggest that – at least in the
light of the evidence we have at hand – the verses of the Pŏpkyedo indeed were not
composed by Ŭisang but rather by Zhiyan, and that Ŭisang’s own contributions were
to arrange the verses in a diagram and to add the all-pervading vermillion stroke.
In his further explanations to the diagram, Ŭisang equates the characteristic of sepa-
rateness (biexiang 别相 ) with the three teachings (sanjiao 三教
) and the charac-
teristic of generalness (zongxiang 總相) with the round teaching (yuanjiao ). 圓教
While both adhere to the middle way (zhongdao 中道
), they represent very different
perspectives: Whereas the first and the last bend of the diagram signify the reason
and the result of enlightenment as perceived in the expedient three teachings, the
diagram seen as a whole reflects the perspective of the round teaching, in which
there is no “before and after”.35 Thus the addition of the single stroke provides an
astounding new dimension to the diagram: Without it, the verses would have remained
biased towards a temporal, “worldly” perception of the path to awakening. Adding
the one pervasive stroke and thus underlining the unity of the diagram, Ŭisang took
the qualified step of reinterpreting the phrases and characters themselves as tokens of
seperateness/temporality and balancing them with a symbol for the aspect of gener-
alness/atemporality. Thus, he created an intricate device for a truly “round” medita-
tive practice.
Of course, at this point one might raise the objection that Ŭisang’s commentary,
while referring to “the one fundamental seal”, does not explicitly mention the ver-
million line. This, however, might be related to the usage of the diagram in the nas-
cent Silla Huayan tradition: As Jorgensen and in nuce already Odin have pointed
out, the diagram has to be understood in the framework of esoteric practices. It is
therefore not too far-fetched to assume that there might have been exoteric as well as
esoteric explanations to it. This assumption appears to be supported by the circum-
stance that the tradition names several of Ŭisang’s disciples as recipients of a trans-
mission of the seal, which seems to indicate that there was at least something about
it which initially would not be disclosed in public. – In other words, we may raise

34 Furthermore, being only two generations removed from Ŭisang, he would have met strong re-
sistance by other offsprings of the nascent tradition. By contrast, Kyunyŏ seems to have been
involved in factional struggles between the Namak and Pukak factions, which are partially re-
garded as mirroring a political background at the end of Silla (pro or contra Wang Kŏn), but are
also viewed as reflecting the Fazang and the Ŭisang lineage, respectively. Cf. Haeju 1992, 114f.
35 HPC 2.1c13–2a5, and T 1887A: 45.711b29–c9.
 SOME REMARKS ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ILSŬNG PŎPKYEDO 279

the question whether the commentary might only reflect the exoteric part of the trans-
mission.36
Most obviously, more research should be done in order to substantiate (or fal-
sify) this hypothesis. If we accept it for the moment, however, it should give rise to
further considerations. Thus, the case of the diagram seal(s) contained in Ŭisang’s
commentary might very well be seen as merely an extreme instance of a more gen-
eral phenomenon of unmarked incorporation of the teacher’s writings into lecture
記
records (ki ),37 and a reminder of how arbitrary our historicising ascriptions of a
given text to an individual may be. Furthermore, the intricate reference to the condi-
tional arising of the diagram in Ŭisang’s commentary cautions us concerning the
problematic nature of the very concept of an “author” or “editor” in the Buddhist
context. At the same time, it reminds us that the still quite fashionable attempts at
“deconstructing” the author are not that modern after all.

References

Choe Yeon-shik 최연식 崔鈆植 [Ch'oe Yŏnsik ]: “Ŭisang yŏn'gu-ŭi hyŏnhwang-gwa kwaje. Kung-
義相 연구의 현황과 과제 국내 연구를 중심으로
nae yŏn'gu-rŭl chungsim-ŭro” . [Present
state of and tasks concerning the research on Ŭisang, centering on domestic research; English
義相
title of abstract: A survey of the Studies of Eui-sang ( ) in Korea]. Han’guk sasangsa hak
韓國思想史學 (2002) 19: pp. 1–29.
全海住
Chŏn Haeju 全好蓮 [Chŏn Horyŏn 義湘華儼思想史研
]: Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasangsa yŏn’gu
究 [Studies in the history of Ŭisang’s Hwaŏm thought]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1994 [1st ed.: 1993].
정병삼
Chŏng Pyŏngsam 의화엄사상연구
: Ŭisang Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu [Studies in Ŭisang’s
Hwaŏm thought]. Seoul: Sŏul Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1998.
Haeju 海住 全好蓮
[Chŏn Horyŏn 一乘法界圖의
]: “‘Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo’-ŭi chŏja-e taehan chaego”
著者에 대한 再考 [A reexamination concerning the author of the Diagram on the dharma-
韓國佛教學
realm of the one-vehicle]. Han’guk Pulgyohak (1999) 24: pp. 197–216.
石井公正
Ishii Kōsei 華厳思想の研究
: Kegon shisō no kenkyū [Studies in Kegon thought]. To-
kyo: Shunjūsha, 1996.
一乗法界図
Jorgenson, John: “The authorship and cultural matrix of the Ilsŭngpŏpgyedo ”. Forth-
coming. [Revised version of a paper presented during a conference held at Inha University in
1997].
Ŭisang Ki’nyŏmgwan (eds.): Ŭisang-ŭi sasang-gwa sinang yŏn’gu 義相의思想과 信仰 研究 [Stud-
ies in Ŭisang’s thought and belief]. Seoul: Pulgyo sidae sa, 2001.
Kim Sang Hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] 金相鉉 新羅華儼思想研究
: Silla Hwaŏm sasang yŏn’gu [Stud-
ies in the Hwaŏm thought of Silla]. Seoul: Minjoksa, 1991.

36 This esoteric dimension also would be another explanation for the fact, that later conflicting
versions concerning the origin of the diagram would arise.
37 In fact, the majority of early Sino-Korean commentaries extant today seem to be either notes
prepared for or notes recording lectures. Needless to say, in the latter case the distinction bet-
ween editor and author at least in some cases becomes blurred.
280 JOERG PLASSEN

Nam P’unghyŏn 南豊鉉 : Kugŏsa-rŭl wihan ku’gyŏl yŏn’gu. 國語史를 위한 口訣研究 [Studies on
ku’gyŏl with regard to the history of Korean language]. Seoul: T'aehaksa, 1999.
Odin, Steve: Process Metaphysics and Hua-Yen Buddhism. Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1982.
Sato Atsushi [Satō Atsushi] 佐藤厚 : “‘Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo’-ŭi t’eksŭt’ŭ munje” 일승볍계도 의
텍스트 문제 [Textual problems of the Diagram of the dharma-realm of the one-vehicle]. Pu-
lgyo ch’unch’u 佛教春秋 (1999) 15: pp. 135–149.
Tongguk Taehakkyo Pulgyo munhwa yŏn’guso 東國大學敎佛敎文化研究所 (eds.): Han’guk Pul-
gyo Ch’ansul munhŏn ch’ongnok 韓國佛敎撰述文獻總錄 . Seoul: Tonguk Taehakkyo ch’ul-
p’anbu, 1976.
姚長寿
Yao Changshou 房山石経における華厳
: “Bōzan sekkyō ni okeru Kegon tenseki ni tsuite”
典籍について [On the Huayan materials within the stone sūtras on Mt. Fang]” in Kegasawa
気賀沢 保規
Yasunori (ed.): Chūgoku Bukkyō sekkyō no kenkyū. Bōzan Ungoji sekkyō o chū-
中国仏教石経の研究 房山雲居寺石経を中心に
shin ni – [Studies in Chinese stone sūtras –
with emphasis on the stone sūtras at Yunju Tempel on Mt. Fang]. Kyoto: Kyōtō Daigaku gaku-
jutsu shuppansha, 1996, pp. 411–437.
Yi Kiyong 李箕永 : “Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo-ŭi kŭnbon chŏngsin 華嚴 乘法界圖의 근본정신
–
[The fundamental spirit of the Diagram of the dharma sphere of Hwaŏm]” in Ŭisang Ki’nyŏm-
gwan 의상기념관 (eds.): Ŭisang-ŭi sasang-gwa sinang yŏn’gu義相의思想과 信仰 研究 [Stud-
ies in Ŭisang’s thought and belief]. Seoul: Pulgyo sidae sa, 2001, pp. 246–315. [reprint of arti-
新羅伽倻文化
cle in Silla-Kaya munhwa (1972) 4].
Yi Kiyong 李箕永 : “Hwa-yen Philosophy and Bodhisattva Ethics” in Yi Kiyong 李箕永 : Wŏnhyo
sasang yŏn’gu I 元暁思想研究 I. Seoul: Han’guk Pulgyo yŏn’guwŏn, 1994, pp. 363–388. [re-
print of article in Pulgyo yŏn’gu (1986) 3].
 CHARLES MULLER

WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN

IN HIS EXPOSITION OF THE TWO HINDRANCES

1. The Two Hindrances as Representative Buddhist

Soteriological Paradigm

Precursory Models for the Hindrances in Early Indian Buddhism

When Yogācāra specialists take on the task of trying to introduce the tradition to
newcomers and non-specialists, whether it be in a book-length project, or an article
in a reference work, they inevitably choose different points of departure, depending
on their particular approach to understanding Yogācāra, and Buddhism in general.
Some will start with the explanation of the eight consciousnesses; some will start
with the four parts of cognition; some will start with the three natures; others will
start with the doctrine of no-self, and so on. There is no special need to try to assess
whether one of these approaches is better than the other, for indeed, in the vast and
complex system that is known as Yogācāra, all of these different approaches and
categories are ultimately tied into each other, and thus, starting with any one of
them, one can eventually enter into all of the rest.
Another approach, partially utilized in a recent introductory Yogācāra book by
the Japanese Yogācāra specialist Yokoyama Kōitsu – Yasashii yuishiki (“Easy Con-
sciousness-Only”), would be to take the two hindrances as a point of departure for
an introduction to the Yogācāra soteriological system. This is also a viable approach,
since there is nothing within the Yogācāra system that cannot be tied into or devel-
oped from the two basic categories of problems that Buddhist practitioners must
work their way through: (1) afflictive/emotive disorders and (2) distorted apprehen-
sions of reality.
The two hindrances 二障 are the afflictive hindrances (kleśa-āvaraṇa 煩惱障 ;
also rendered in English as “obscurations from defilement,” “veils of the afflic-
tions,” etc.) and the cognitive hindrances (jñeya-āvaraṇa 所知障 智礙 , ; “obstruc-
tions of the knowable,” “obscurations of omniscience,” etc.). These two broad cate-
gories are a way of articulating what Buddhism takes to be the two basic categories
for the main problems of the human condition: (1) that we suffer from a wide range
282 CHARLES MULLER

of emotive imbalances, such as anger, jealousy, pride, lust, dishonesty, and so forth,
which come into existence based on the fact that (2) we live in a state of continuous
misapprehension of reality, reifying and attaching to conceptual constructs that lead
us to see our own existence as an autonomous “self,” along with the assumed intrin-
sic, “as-is” reality of the objects that surround us.
Even though the two hindrances do not appear as expressly articulated doctrinal
categories until fourth century Mahāyāna, one may argue that in retrospect, it is not
only Yogācāra that may be explained through these two perspectives, but just about
any form of Buddhism that places emphasis on the application of individual effort
toward a path of moral discipline, meditation, and wisdom.1 This includes not only
the Mahāyāna schools that are based on meditative practices, but early Indian Bud-
dhism and modern forms of Theravāda.
For example, the remedies of the eightfold path can be analyzed in terms of their
application to these two kinds of hindrances, with its components of moral discipline,
concentration, and right thought being applicable to afflictive problems, and right view
being applicable to cognitive problems. Within the twelve-linked chain of dependent
arising, the first link, ignorance, can be seen as a cognitive problem, with the impor-
tant eighth and ninth links of desiring and grasping being afflictive troubles. Or again,
among the three poisons, ignorance can be seen as representing the core cognitive
issue, with the pair of attraction/aversion being the ground of afflictive difficulties.
As Indian Buddhism developed into its Abhidharmic stage, the meaning of the
concept of “ignorance” became clearly associated with the errant mental function of
imputing in our beings the existence of an isolable and enduring self, or ego. As this
self is believed in, and attached to, it produces an identity (asmimāna), and then de-
sires to accumulate things and create stability for itself. It then compares itself with
other selves, which, being judged through this self’s own colored view, are assessed
as superior, inferior, or mistakenly equal. Name, profit, and comparative evaluation
become a perpetual preoccupation of this self, and thus it cannot but continually suf-
fer from desire, pride, jealousy, ill-will, resentment, and a whole gamut of troubling
thoughts and emotions. In Abhidharma, this array of afflictions becomes precisely
schematized within their chart of seventy-five mental factors.

Prioritizing the Cognitive in Mahāyāna: Bodhi and Śūnyatā

With the attachment to an imputed self understood as the source of all problems,
there was in Abhidharma apparently not yet a perceived need to differentiate the

1 Thus, other-power oriented schools such as Pure Land, and chanting oriented schools such as
Nichiren Buddhism really don’t fit in here. It is not that practice and attainment within these
schools could not also be explainable from the perspective of the hindrances. But since the
practices in early Buddhism, Madhyamaka, Yogācāra, Chan, and so forth that are applied to-
ward the removal of the hindrances cannot but fall under the "self-power" rubric, it would be
hard to initiate a discussion of the hindrances in the context of other-power oriented systems.
 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 283

types of obstructions to liberation into the pair of cognitive and afflictive. However,
with the arrival of Mahāyāna, as part of the broadening of the discourse that oc-
curred with the shift from early Indian scholasticism to the Mahāyāna-based Yogā-
cāra 唯識 and Tathāgatagarbha 如來藏, the inclinations and character of the bodhi-
sattva as Mahāyāna hero came to be defined in the context of the three intertwined
concepts of emptiness, compassion, and bodhi (enlightenment), which supersede the
Abhidharmic trio of no-self, indifference (upekṣā), and nirvāṇa (cessation). In defin-
ing the course of the bodhisattva’s practice through the five stages,2 the Yogācāras
took great pains to provide reference to the two lesser vehicle practitioners of the
Abhidharmic arhat path – śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas, mainly so that detailed dis-
tinctions could be made between their practices and progress in comparison with
those of the bodhisattvas.3 A key element utilized in making this distinction was the
newly introduced classification of all mental disturbances (kleśa, doṣa) into the two
categories of afflictive hindrances and cognitive hindrances.

Parameters for the Cognitive Hindrances

The Mahāyāna teaching of śūnyatā had taken the earlier doctrine of no-self to a new
level of subtlety by arguing that it was not only the individual self, or ego, that
lacked an intrinsic and defining nature, but also all the objective dharmas, “things”
法
(fa ) that we perceive, whether these be physical objects, mental images, or lin-
guistic constructs. It was understood by Mahāyānists that the uncritical acceptance
of the reality of the phenomena that we cognize was a far subtler and more pervasive
stumbling block than the imputation of an ego, and that if this was not overcome, the
tendency to reify an ego-conception would be especially difficult to eradicate. To
only eliminate the notion of an ego in the way of a lesser-vehicle Arhat was a stage
significantly removed from that of buddhahood, which implied the attainment of bo-
dhi-enlightenment. Thus, the cognitive hindrances in the Yogācāra system were de-
fined as attachment to dharmas – “phenomena” (Ch. fazhi; K. pŏpchip ). 法執
The cognitive hindrances were understood to operate at a generally subtler level
than the afflictive hindrances, serving as the causes for the generation of the afflic-
tions (simply put, the various kinds of suffering that we experience are ultimately
caused by our mistaken understandings of reality). Also, while the karmic moral

2 The five stages are: 1. the stage of preparation (ziliang wei 資糧位 ), 2. the stage of applied
practices (jiaxing wei 加行位 ), 3. the stage of proficiency (tongda wei 通達位 ) (also known as
the stage, or "path," of seeing jiandao 見道 ), 4. the stage of practice (xiuxi wei修習位 ) and
5. the stage of completion (jiujing wei 究竟位 ).
3 We often hear the reason for this inclusion of the "two-vehicle" practitioners being described as
"polemical" in purpose. In other words, as a means for disparaging the "Hīnayāna" system.
There is probably a certain amount of validity to this, but I would tend to take this inclusion as
simply a doctrinal practicality. Why reinvent the wheel (i.e. create an entirely new path struc-
ture) when you already have one that just needs a few modifications?
284 CHARLES MULLER

quality of the afflictive hindrances was understood to almost always be of negative

value, the cognitive hindrances were in most cases karmically indeterminate, or neu-
tral (avyākṛta, Ch. wuji; K. mugi 無記) – a characteristic that would also tend to
make them less obvious to identify and treat. In other words, although the cognitive
hindrances continually lead us to believe that we are seeing things as they actually
are, they are usually not in themselves “bad.”4
For the purposes of getting a general grasp of the differences in character be-
tween the hindrances, the above characterization can be understood as being basi-
cally accurate. And on a very broad basis, the above model of the hindrances is used
as the standard for distinguishing the content of the Mahāyāna path from the so-
called Hīnayāna path. The general characterization is made that the practices of the
adherents of the two vehicles (śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas) are limited in their
focus and application of contemplation to the afflictive hindrances, while the prac-
tices of the bodhisattvas can be applied to both. This means that the two-vehicle
practitioners are limited in their enlightenment to their realization of selflessness to
that of their recognition of anātman, and thus only attain the Hīnayāna nirvāṇa,
whereas the bodhisattvas penetrate further, to the meaning of śūnyatā and can hence
attain bodhi equal to the buddhas.
In this very basic and general Mahāyāna doctrinal device, the general under-
standing of the meaning of the two hindrances in juxtaposition with each other is
relatively uniform throughout both the Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha corpora, as it
is a seminal component to the explanation of the five-stage path of the bodhisattva in
contradistinction to that of the two lesser vehicles in both the Yogācāra and Tathā-
gatagarbha systems. In making the general distinctions between the five stages in the
path to perfect enlightenment laid out by the Yogācāras, one of the most oft-used set
of criteria is that of the extent to which a practitioner has first quelled (Ch. fu; K. pok
伏 斷
), and then permanently eliminated (Ch. duan; K. tan ) the various manifesta-
tions of each of the two categories of hindrances, with final elimination of the most
subtle forms of the cognitive obscurations (their karmic-impression form) being the
last treatment of mental imbalance, leading to the attainment of buddhahood.5
It should be kept in mind that each of the types of hindrances is really a rubric
for a broad category of mental disturbances and imbalances, each one having a wide
range of variations in its manifestations. For example, each type of hindrance has
both subliminal/dormant and conscious/active aspects; and each can carry on to
some extent in the form of karmic impressions (vāsanās) after the main dormant and
active forms have been quelled or eliminated. And despite the general lesser vehi-

4 Some descriptions of the cognitive hindrances in the works of commentators such as Huiyuan
and Wŏnhyo will even mention such positive tendencies as love of the Dharma to be cognitive
hindrances. In the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment, even extremely advanced realizations are in-
cluded in the category of cognitive hindrances.
5 For a detailed explanation of the role of the hindrances defining in this process, see the entry on
the five paths (weishi xiudao wuwei 唯識修道五位 ) in the Digital Dictionary of Buddhism at
http://www.acmuller.net/ddb.
 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 285

cle/greater vehicle distinctions that are made between two, a little bit of understand-
ing of the standard descriptions of both kinds of hindrances is going to lead the as-
tute student to wonder if there are not some gray areas between the two. There are.
While the standard definition that one sees given to these two hindrances in shorter
summaries inevitably explains the afflictive hindrances to be the object of the reli-
gious practice of the adherents of the two vehicles, and the cognitive hindrances to
be the special domain of the bodhisattvas, finer analyses of the hindrances, in texts
that give detailed treatments, explain the two hindrances as having a wide range of
interpretations that defy easy compartmentalization. As Wŏnhyo says:
When it comes to the cognitive hindrances, there are some that the two-vehicle practitio-
ners eliminate and some that they do not eliminate. The arhats who are liberated through
wisdom-only do not eliminate any of the cognitive hindrances. Those who are liberated
through the combined practice of meditation and wisdom are able to remove some of the
cognitive hindrances. This means the undefiled ignorance that hinders the eight kinds of
liberation is to be countered by the cultivation of the eight kinds of verification. As the Yo-
gācārabhūmi-śāstra says: “Furthermore, liberation is manifested through the liberation
from the cognitive hindrances. Based on this, the śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas attain lib-
eration from the mental states of the cognitive hindrances.”
所 知 障 中 有 斷 不 斷。惠 解 脫 人 都 無 所 斷。倶 解 脫 者 分 有 所 斷。謂 八 解
脫 障 不 染 無 知 修 八 勝 解 所 對 治 故。如 瑜 伽 說。又、諸 解 脫 由 所 知 障 解
脫 所 顯。 由 是 聲 聞 及 獨覺 等 於 所 知 障 心 得 解 脫。故。 6

It is furthermore usually the case that finer interpretations of the hindrances are
contingent upon a given text’s particular position regarding the constitution and op-
eration of consciousness.
It only takes a bit of clear-minded thinking to guess that it could not be the case
that two-vehicle practitioners do not deal at all with cognitive problems, or, con-
versely, that bodhisattvas necessarily have some kind of handicap when dealing with
afflictive problems. The point is, though, that while bodhisattvas must of course over-
come their own afflicted karmic conditioning, they must also be able, at a fairly early
juncture, to begin coping with the correction of cognitive obscurations that hamper
their work of teaching unenlightened sentient beings. Śrāvakas and pratyekabuddhas
tend to be concerned with extinguishing their own afflictions, rather than the re-
moval of the suffering of others, and are thus, relatively speaking, lacking in motiva-
tion to develop the wisdom of expedient means necessary to teach others.
At a commonsense level, it is obvious that emotional imbalance is going to have
an effect on cognitive clarity. For instance, as the Cheng weishi lun 成唯識論
says:
The cognitive hindrances also obstruct nirvāṇa. Why is it said that they only obstruct bodhi?
And it is said that the afflictions only obstruct nirvāṇa. How could they not be capable of
obstructing bodhi? You should know that the holy teaching relies on the most prominent
function in explaining the principle. In fact, both are able to pervasively obstruct the two
realizations.

6 The citation from the Yogācārabhūmi is from T 1579: 30.645c10–11; the citation from Wŏn-
hyo is from the Yijangŭi, HPC 1.809b13.
286 CHARLES MULLER

所知障亦障涅槃。如何但說菩提障。說煩惱但障涅槃。豈彼不能
障菩提。應知聖教依勝用說理。實倶能通障二果。 7

Furthermore, at the level of the individual mental factors themselves, there are af-
flictions listed in the Yogācāra table of dharmas that are obviously both cognitive and
afflictive in character, such as the four afflictions of the manas, the most insidious be-
ing the conceit “I am” (asmimāna). There are also problems in the effort of trying to
strictly define the means and potential for eliminating different sorts of hindrances of
both categories, depending upon at how deep a layer of consciousness they are thought
to reside.
What has been related above represents nothing more than the barest outline of
hindrance theory, only hinting at the wide range of complexities involved in setting
forth a comprehensive and coherent system. Furthermore, what is outlined thus far
only scratches the surface of one type of system – that which can be extrapolated
from the Yogācāra texts of the Asaṅga-Vasubandhu stream, which influenced the
East Asian Faxiang school of Xuanzang and Kuiji 窺基(632–682). There are other
systems of the hindrances that vary from this one significantly, which we have not
yet touched upon, and which in fact ended up holding greater influence in East
Asian Buddhism. But before I move to the introduction of these (actually, we will
only discuss one other system in significant detail in this paper), I would like to di-
gress briefly to provide some peripheral background as to how this particular paper
fits in to my larger research project on the hindrances.

2. Wŏnhyo and the Yijangŭi

I have already cited Wŏnhyo 元曉 (617–686) once above, but before proceeding
further I would like to clarify the extent which I am indebted to this eminent Korean
scholar–monk for the understanding I have gained of the hindrances and their asso-
ciated problems thus far. This is because the bulk of the basic framework for my ac-
quisition of a modicum of understanding of this topic was initially gained from my
work with Wŏnhyo’s remarkable treatise, the Yijangŭi 二障義
(Doctrine of the Two
Hindrances).8 The Yijangŭi represents the culmination of the results of a research pro-
ject that Wŏnhyo undertook in between the writing of his two famous commentaries
on the Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith [AMF]9. As I have explained in detail in a

7 T 1585: 31.56a3–6.
8 HPC 1.789c–814b.
9 大乘起信論
In rendering the title of the Dasheng qixin lun as Awakening of Mahāyāna Faith, as
opposed to Hakeda’s Awakening of Faith in Mahāyāna I am following the position put forth by
Sung Bae Park in Chapter Four of his book Buddhist Faith and Sudden Enlightenment. See Park
1983. There he argues that the inner discourse of the text itself, along with the basic under-
standing of the meaning of Mahāyāna in the East Asian Buddhist tradition does not work ac-
cordingntonanWesternftheologicalf“faith in…” subject-object construction, but according to an
 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 287

recent article,10 Wŏnhyo began to delve into hindrance theory in the course of his at-
tempts to properly deal with the brief, but pivotal discussion of the hindrances con-
tained in the AMF. Taking note of the radical difference in connotation to be seen
with the hindrances as they are described in the AMF as compared with that found in
the Yogācāra texts recently made available to him via the translations of Xuanzang
玄奘 (600–664) and his team, Wŏnhyo was spurred to undertake a full-length study
of the hindrances, to clarify the range and categories of their implications.
The Yijangŭi is an incredibly thorough work in the degree to which the problems
related to affliction and delusion are examined, compared, sifted, and reconciled.
First working exclusively within the Yogācāra interpretation of the hindrances (in-
troduced above), Wŏnhyo uncovers and treats a broad range of problems, mostly
concerned with differences in the way that various thinkers understood the constitu-
tion of the eight regions of consciousness, and the degree to which each of the hin-
drances affected and/or resided in each of these regions. He also analyzes the hin-
drances into a dizzying array of strength, subtlety and coarseness, after which he
moves on to examine the complexities of their removal by different types of practitio-
ners, through the various Yogācāra paths and practices. He does this work through
citations from such basic Yogācāra classics as the Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra, the Yogā-
cārabhūmi [YBh], Madhyānta-vibhāga, along with a couple of dozen other texts.
Having extensively clarified the structure of the hindrances within the Yogācāra
system, he then turns to the significantly different explanation of the hindrances set
forth in the AMF. The AMF’s articulation of the hindrances works from its basic
structure of intrinsic enlightenment (Ch. benjue; K. pongak 本覺 ) vs. activated enlight-
enment (Ch. shijue; K. sigak 始覺 ), beginningless ignorance, and the treatise’s de-
scription of the fall into suffering and the production of karma through nine progres-
sive stages that are initiated by the first movement of mind. The afflictive obstruc-
tions of the AMF, rather than being grounded in the six fundamental afflictions that
arise from the view of an ego (as in standard Yogācāra texts), are instead defined as
this first movement of mind, termed as “intrinsic ignorance,” or “non-enlight-
enment.” The sentient being does not cognize the quiescent and unitary nature of
suchness that is the one mind, and thus (1) the mind karmically moves due this igno-
rance (Ch. wuming ye; K. mumyŏng ŏp 無明業 ), initiating, in a downward spiral: the
perception of the (2) subjective perceiver (Ch. nengjian; K. nŭnggyŏn 能見 ) and
(3) objective world (Ch. jingjie; K. kyŏnggye 境界 ), (4) mental discriminations (Ch.
智
zhi; K. chi ), (5) continuity (Ch. xiangxu; K. sangsok 相續 ), (6) attachment (Ch.
zhiqu; K. chipch’wi 執取 ), (7) definition of names (Ch. ji mingzi; K. kye myŏngja
計名字 ), (8) production of karma (Ch. qiye; K. kiŏp起業 ), and finally, (9) suffering
and transmigration (Ch. yexi ku; K. ŏpkye ko 業繫苦 ). Thus the starting point of the
afflictive hindrances, rather than being the mistaken reification of an ego as in Yogā-

indigenous East Asian essence-function (ti yong 體用 ) model. Thus, Mahāyāna should not be
interpreted as a noun-object, but as a modifier, which characterizes the type of faith.
10 Muller 2004.
288 CHARLES MULLER

cāra, is defined as the inability to perceive suchness, which means that it is actually,
in the framework of the prior explained Yogācāra system, much more like a cogni-
tive obscuration than an emotive affliction.
The cognitive obstructions of the AMF are defined in the context of their ability
to obscure the function of activated enlightenment (Ch. shijue; K. sigak 始覺 ), as the
inability to accurately discriminate the things of the world. Although the framework
of the AMF’s pair of hindrances cannot be said to be bereft of any connection what-
soever to the original Yogācāra set, the basic explanation provided in regard to the
makeup and activity of the unenlightened vs. enlightened mind is significantly dif-
ferent in its approach.
After clearly distinguishing these two different approaches, Wŏnhyo labels the
former (Yogācāra) approach as the “exoteric” explanation, and the latter (AMF) ap-
proach as the “esoteric” explanation, since, as he notes, the latter subsumes the for-
mer. This is because all of both kinds of hindrances in the Yogācāra system can be
included within the category of the afflictive hindrances of the AMF, while the cog-
nitive obstructions of the AMF form a whole new category of interpretation.
Wŏnhyo extensively cited the YBh and other standard Yogācāra works to eluci-
date and analyze the first set of hindrances, and uses a completely different set of
texts to define a coherent body of discourse for his explanation of the AMF’s pair of
obstructions. Here, he builds his arguments from the classical texts of the Tathāgata-
garbha tradition: the Śrīmālā-sūtra, the Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 ,11
Ratnagotravibhāga and so forth. As it turns out, these texts are tied together by more
than simply being of the same Tathāgatagarbha pedigree: they also each contain sec-
tions that define the relationship between ignorance and affliction in terms of the four
and five “entrenchments” (vāsabhūmi, Ch. zhudi; K. chuji 住地 – latent bases, or
seeds, of various kinds of delusion and affliction). Wŏnhyo’s investigation and analy-
sis of these abstruse and complex categories is, as usual, exasperatingly detailed and
thorough, and is eventually brought around to interface with the Yogācāra model.
The Yijangŭi is an unusually difficult text, the difficulties being compounded by
the extent of its corruption, and thus working through it, along with all of the cita-
tions from his source texts was in itself a formidable task. Because of this, at the
time I was engaged in the translation itself I did not do that much comparative study
with other commentarial treatments of the hindrances as described in the AMF. I had
read Fazang’s 法藏 (643–712) commentary on the AMF in the past, and hence knew
that in his treatment of the hindrances, Fazang gives little more than a summary of
Wŏnhyo’s analysis. Since Wŏnhyo does not mention Huiyuan 慧遠 (523–592), and
I had never seen special mention accorded to Huiyuan elsewhere in my studies of
the two hindrances, I was not motivated to check his commentary on the AMF to see
how he treated the section on the hindrances, and thus only began to look at it re-
cently. Having now done so, I can only say that I am delighted to have found a
whole new treasure trove of two hindrances discourse – one which is fascinating in

11 T 1485.
 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 289

itself, and pulls together so many loose ends, that in itself it could well serve as the
subject of a much longer article. It is to Huiyuan’s work that we now turn.

3. Huiyuan’s Explication of the Hindrances

Wŏnhyo and Huiyuan

We modern scholars have mixed feelings when comparing the character of our work
with that of our classical counterparts. Certainly the best of our early predecessors
possessed an internalized mastery of the canonical corpus far superior to our own,
coupled with sharp analytical skills and insight developed over years of deep study.
One of their scholarly practices that many of us find annoying, however, is the lack of
a tradition of peer citation equivalent to our own. Admittedly, they were usually good
at accurately citing their scriptural sources, but most of them didn’t care much about
identifying or accrediting their contemporary or near-contemporary colleagues. At
least Wŏnhyo didn’t. If he had, I would have been onto Huiyuan’s track several years
ago, and I would have known that Wŏnhyo’s entire systematic explanation of the
esoteric/AMF hindrances, being grounded in the scheme of the five entrenchments
found in the Śrīmālā-sūtra, Ratnagotravibhāga, etc., was most likely inspired, to
some extent or another, from Huiyuan’s essay on the hindrances contained in his
commentary to the AMF. This is not to say that Wŏnhyo plagiarized Huiyuan. For
although it is clear that Huiyuan’s work represents a definite point of orientation for
Wŏnhyo, Wŏnhyo goes so far beyond his predecessor in working these relationships
out, that we really cannot voice any complaint of dishonesty.
This being said, we still must acknowledge Huiyuan’s treatment of the hindrances
as being formidable, and in my own research on the hindrances thus far, I see it as
being second in terms of thoroughness in treatment only to Wŏnhyo. Of course,
Wŏnhyo had a major historical advantage, in coming along roughly a century after
Huiyuan, since in the century between came Xuanzang, with all of his new transla-
tions of the Yogācāra texts, most importantly, the Yogācārabhūmi.

Huiyuan’s Treatment of the Hindrances

It is evident that Huiyuan took the matter of the explication of the hindrances to be
something of relatively great importance within the context of his work on the AMF.
His full commentary to the AMF is twenty-five pages in the Taishō, and despite the
fact that the AMF’s discussion of the hindrances constitutes only a few lines, he de-
votes three full pages of discussion to the hindrances.12 Given the disproportionately
large treatment of this topic accorded by both Huiyuan and Wŏnhyo, we must as-

12 T 1843: 44.188c1–191c1.
290 CHARLES MULLER

sume that at least one of three possible factors motivated this detailed inquiry into
the matter: (1) a felt need to straighten out confusion generated from the discussion
found of the hindrances in the AMF; (2) a sense of a more general situation of
vagueness and confusion due to the fact of varying interpretations of the hindrances
in prior literature, and (3) a sense of the unique vantage point provided by hindrance
theory in shedding light on the soteriological positions of the emerging Tathāgata-
garbha tradition.
Huiyuan classifies the hindrances according to three levels of profundity, all of
which are explained through the framework of the four/five entrenchments. The first
level, which is the most straightforward and readily apprehensible, is (1) the one that
takes the four afflictive entrenchments (si zhu fannao 四住煩惱 ) to be directly equiva-
lent to the afflictive hindrances, and the nescience entrenchments (wuming zhudi 無
明住地 ) to be directly equivalent to the cognitive hindrances. (2) In the second ap-
proach, the natures of all five entrenchments (wu zhu 五住 ) are collectively under-
stood to constitute the afflictive hindrances, while the inability to properly cognize
distinct phenomena (shizhong wuzhi 事中無知 ) constitutes the cognitive hindrances.
In this approach, ignorance is distinguished into two types: confusion in regard to
principle, and confusion in regard to distinct phenomena. (3) In the third approach,
the essence of the five entrenchments, as well as obscuration of cognition in regard
to distinctions in phenomena are taken to be the afflictive hindrances, leaving only
the function of discriminating wisdom itself as the cognitive hindrances. Rendered
graphically, the scheme looks like this:13

煩惱障 智障
1 四住煩惱 無明住地
2 五住性緖 + 迷理無明 事中無知
3 五住性 + 事無知 + 迷理無明 分別緣智
As one might well expect in an East Asian commentarial work of this sort, each of
these three categories is in turn distinguished into sub-categories for the purposes of
hermeneutical analysis, with these sub-categories again branching out to as much as
three or four further levels. The four main, top-level categories that are applied through-
out are (1) the ascertainment of the distinguishing characteristics of the hindrances
(within the given hermeneutic framework) (Ch. ding zhangxiang; K. chŏng chang-
sang 定障相 ); (2) the explanation of the rationale for their naming (Ch. shi zhang-
ming; K. sŏk changmyŏng 釋障名 ); (3) the clarification of the levels of practice at
which they are eliminated (Ch. ming duanchu; K. myŏng tanch’ŏ 明斷處 ), and
(4) the explanation of the counteractive measures (pratipakṣa; “antidotes”) that are

13 T 1843: 44.188c4–9.
 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 291

applied in the removal of specific types of hindrances (Ch. duizhang biantuo; K. tae-
jang pyŏnt’al 對障辨脫 ).14
Even before we delve into the details of Huiyuan’s two hindrances commentary
there are a number of interesting points that present themselves, related to Huiyuan’s
distinctive interpretive approach, his historical situation, and his lineage affiliations.
Most noticeable in Huiyuan’s explication of the hindrances is a lack of any reference
to what would become known as the orthodox Yogācāra scheme of the hindrances,
as is found in the YBh and related texts. In other words, there is no trace of an expla-
nation that clearly defines the afflictive hindrances as being derived from the cogni-
tive hindrances, with the afflictive hindrances being grounded in the mistaken im-
putation of a person and the cognitive hindrances being derived from the mistaken
imputation of phenomena (dharmas). Instead, Huiyuan develops his argument solely
on the doctrine of the five entrenchments (Ch. wuzhu; K. oju 五住
) as found in the
Śrīmālā-sūtra, Dilun 地論 , Benye jing 本業經
, and so forth.
The five entrenchments as taught in these Tathāgatagarbha texts can be under-
stood as five underlying bases from which manifestly active afflictions are generated
– in other words, the latent aspects of the hindrances – comparable in connotation to
such concepts as bīja (seeds) in Yogācāra. In texts such as the Śrīmālā-sūtra they
are contrasted with active or “arisen” afflictions (Ch. qi fannao; K. ki pŏnnoe 起煩
惱 纏
) – (usually expressed in Yogācāra as Ch. chan; K. chŏn or Ch. xianxing; K. hyŏ-
nhaeng 現行 ). This teaching first starts with a basic set of four entrenchments (Ch.
si zhudi; K. sa chuji 四住地 ). They are:
1. entrenchment of mistaken view in regard to all things in the three realms (Ch.
jian yiqie zhudi; K. kyŏn ilch’e chuji 見一切住地
) (also interpreted by Wŏnhyo
as “entrenchment of seeing a single basis”),
2. entrenchment of attachment to objects in the desire realm (Ch. yu ai zhudi; K.
yogae chuji 欲愛住地 ),
3. entrenchment of attachment to things in the form realm (Ch. se ai zhudi; K. sae-
gae chuji 色愛住地 ),
4. entrenchment of attachment to objects in the formless realm (Ch. you ai zhudi;
K. yuae chuji 有愛住地).

14 By comparison, Wŏnhyo’s treatise on the hindrances is structured in six sections: (1) an expla-
nation of their naming (shi mingyi 釋名義 ); (2) an explanation of their constitution and cha-
racteristics (chu tixiang 出體相 ); (3) an elaboration of their various functions (bian gongneng
辨功能 ); (4) an explanation of the rationales behind the various types of categorical arrange-
ments of the hindrances (she zhumen 攝諸門 ); (5) an explanation of the antidotes and paths
(ming zhiduan 明治斷 ); and (6) a final chapter that treats discrepancies in interpretation (zong
jueze 惣決擇 ) between Mahāyāna/Hīnayāna paths, and between various Mahāyāna scriptures
and commentators. We can see that there is much overlap between Huiyuan’s and Wŏnhyo’s
categories, suggesting again, that Wŏnhyo may have picked up some hints from his predeces-
sor, and then went a few steps further.
292 CHARLES MULLER

The fifth entrenchment is entrenched ignorance (avidyā-vāsabhūmi, Ch. wuming

zhudi; mumyŏng chuji 無明住地 ), referring to ignorance in its latent aspect as some-
thing innate and deeply embedded in the consciousness, which is extremely difficult
to remove, and which serves as the basis for the other four entrenchments, and thus
as the basis for the production of afflictions. When entrenched ignorance is added as
a separate entity to the previous four, they are spoken of as the five entrenchments
(Ch. wu zhudi; K. o chuji 五住地 ).
If one reads this family of texts, one will find no reference to the Yogācāra ter-
minology of treating the hindrances, such as references to attachment to self (Ch.
wozhi; K. ajip 我執 ) and dharmas (Ch. fazhi; K. pŏpchip 法執
), the production of the
six primary and twenty secondary afflictions, etc. And conversely, the YBh and so
forth never discuss the hindrances in terms of the five entrenchments. Thus, this
topic in itself provides for an interesting study in the way that this form of sote-
riological discourse bifurcated between these two systems, considering that both are
operating under some of the same basic paradigms, such as eight consciousness the-
ory, perfumation, karmic maturation and so forth.
In Huiyuan’s explanation, there is no hint whatsoever of the main components of
the Yogācāra definition. It is quite possible that this absence can be attributed simply
to the fact that the YBh and most of the other influential Yogācāra texts had not yet
been carried back to China and translated by Xuanzang, and thus had not yet re-
ceived summarial treatment by Xuanzang in the form of the Cheng weishi lun – all
materials which were available to Wŏnhyo. We have to assume that that Bodhiruci’s
translation of the Saṃdhinirmocana was available to Huiyuan, but although the Saṃ-
dhinirmocana does contain some discussion of the hindrances, the explanation of the
hindrances in that text is not yet developed into what would become the standardly
promulgated Yogācāra explanation, in terms of linking the cognitive and afflictive
hindrances to the attachment to dharmas and attachment to self, respectively.
Returning to Huiyuan’s three basic categories of the hindrances, the straightfor-
ward afflictive/cognitive distinction made in the first category makes it fairly clear
that this approach can be pretty much correlated with the mainstream Yogācāra ex-
planation, and thus, the “exoteric” classification laid out by Wŏnhyo.15 As for the
second category, Huiyuan directly tells us (but only after we’ve worked our way
through his entire explanation) that this is the one that fits the AMF. Hence, this is
the category that Wŏnhyo will later label as the “esoteric”, mainly because it sub-
sumes the prior category, showing awareness of a specific type of cognitive problem
not treated in the first level – that of bodhisattvas lingering in meditative absorptions
in suchness.
Interesting here is the third category, since it is one that, as far as I can tell, does
not receive treatment from Wŏnhyo and is not readily extrapolated from any Yogā-

15 The explanation given to this category, found both in the Śrīmālā-sūtra and in Huiyuan’s
commentary locates the two-vehicle practitioners and the bodhisattvas in analogous positions
to that found in the Yogācāra explanation, in terms of their ability to deal with the hindrances.
 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 293

cāra or Tathāgatagarbha text that I have yet read.16 This is the definition where all
five of the entrenchments, plus original ignorance and inability to discriminate taught
in the AMF, comprise the afflictive hindrances, with the cognitive hindrances con-
sisting only of dependently-arisen wisdom. The stakes are again raised, it seems, to
have it so that the cognitive hindrances are understood to be identified in their im-
pedimentary effect with an even higher level of practice – even the correct wisdom
exercised by advanced bodhisattvas. This is commensurate, nonetheless, with the
basic view in the Tathāgatagarbha texts that any movement of the mind whatsoever
is impedimentary to the perfect enlightenment of the Buddha. Huiyuan identifies it
as a mode of the hindrances explained in the Śrīmālā-sūtra but the citation he gives
to explain it in there doesn’t seem to be in that text.17
What I have provided here is still little more than a basic introduction to the ma-
jor issues presented in Huiyuan’s explanation of the hindrances in the background of
the much more thorough and detailed work done a century later by Wŏnhyo. As
mentioned above, Huiyuan’s explanation of the hindrances, is, even when only taken
by itself, rich and sophisticated, taking into account a fairly exhaustive range of pos-
sible interpretations of the nuances of cognitive problems in their juxtaposition with
the afflictive karmas that they enable and engender.
The relevance of Huiyuan’s work for Wŏnhyo’s later treatise is deep, and hence
any truly exhaustive study of the Yijangŭi must begin with an adequate investigation
of this portion of Huiyuan’s commentary. On the other hand, once one has reached
the point of sufficiently understanding both works, one cannot, I am sure, but come
away with an even greater respect for Wŏnhyo’s scholarship. Even within the area
treated by Huiyuan, that of the relationship of the hindrances with the Tathāgatagar-
bha entrenchments, Wŏnhyo is far more thorough and painstaking, explaining in
much more detail how the entrenchments are related to each other, the role they play
in preserving afflictive tendencies and generating active disorders, and more pre-
cisely how they are related to the brief explanation of the hindrances delivered in the
AMF. Beyond this, Wŏnhyo also conducts a “no-stone-left-unturned” study of hin-
drance theory in Yogācāra proper, throughout all of its regions of consciousness, and
all of its paths of removal, and then even shows how the two systems match up to
each other.
One significant new realization that I have arrived to through studying Huiyuan’s
treatment of the hindrances along with the additional Tathāgatagarbha texts that he
cites, is in coming to see that my original understanding of the way hindrances doc-
trine originally developed was somewhat skewed. Due to earlier reliance on Yogā-

16 There is much hindrances-related scriptural literature that I have not yet read carefully, so my
suspicion is that if I keep looking, I will eventually turn up a source for this interpretation.
17 I assume it must be derived from some text, but I haven’t been able to locate it yet. Inte-
restingly, it is a type of interpretation that can be seen in the much later Chinese apocryphon,
the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment (Yuanjue jing 圓覺經 ), which treats the most profound ex-
perience of enlightenment as cognitive hindrances, as long as they are attached to.
294 CHARLES MULLER

cāra-biased presentations in reference works and short classical summaries, I had

come to understand hindrance theory as something that more or less started and de-
veloped to a level of fruition in Yogācāra, which was then later picked up and al-
tered in Tathāgatagarbha. I now see it as being the case that the two lines of inter-
pretation must have developed over a period of a couple of centuries pretty much in
parallel, with some cross-fertilization, starting from a fairly early date.
In East Asia, the Tathāgatagarbha approach actually predominates at first (along
with Tathāgatagarbha-influenced views of Yogācāra categories), with the competing
Yogācāra explanation only taking hold after the publication of Xuanzang’s transla-
tions. In discussions of the hindrances in East Asia subsequent to the demise of the
Chinese Faxiang school, a somewhat blurred model becomes the norm in China and
Korea. For example the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment’s scheme of the hindrances
basically picks and chooses from aspects of both types of explanations, while plac-
ing de facto exclusive emphasis on the cognitive dimension to a degree not seen in
最
either of the prior models. In eighteenth century Korea, when the monk Ch’oenul
訥 (1717–1790) composed his Sippon kyŏngnon ijang ch’esŏl 十本經論二障體説
(Explanation of the Two Hindrances through Ten Canonical Texts),18 nine of the ten
texts selected are Tathāgatagarbha/AMF/Huayan works, with the only Faxiang
source being the Cheng weishi lun, with no citations whatsoever from original In-
dian texts. Within the Hossō school in Japan, which maintained a distinct Faxiang
doctrinal identity, the Xuanzang/Kuiji view of the hindrances became standardized
based primarily on the almost exclusive influence of the Cheng weishi lun and Japa-
nese derivative texts such as the Kanjin kakumu shō 觀心覺夢鈔 .19
I have merely scratched the surface here in terms of showing both the internal di-
mensions and the characteristics of the interface of these two systems of the hin-
drances, leaving a rather large amount of territory yet to be explored. This further ex-
ploration, when carried out, holds great potential for the development of a far more
nuanced understanding of the symbiotic nature of the doctrinal developments of the
two streams that we currently label as Yogācāra and Tathāgatagarbha.

References

Cook, Frances H.: Three Texts on Consciousness-only. Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist
Translation and Research, 1999.
Keenan, John P., trans.: The Scripture on Explanation of the Underlying Meaning. Berkeley: Nu-
mata Center for Translation and Research, 2000.
Muller, A. Charles: The Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment: Korean Buddhism’s Guide to Meditation
(with the commentary by the Sŏn monk Kihwa). Albany, New York: SUNY Press, 1999.

18 HPC 10.46–47.
19 T 2312.
 WŎNHYO’S RELIANCE ON HUIYUAN 295

Muller, A. Charles: “The Yogācāra Two Hindrances and their Reinterpretations in East Asia.”
Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (2004) 27,1: pp. 207–235.
Park, Sung Bae: Buddhist Faith and Sudden Enlightenment. Albany: State University of New York
Press, 1983.
Powers, John, trans.: Wisdom of Buddha: The Saṃdhinirmocana Sūtra. Berkeley: Dharma Pub-
lishing, 1994.
竹村牧夫
Takemura Makio : Yuishiki no kokoro: Kanjin kakumushō wo yomu 唯識の心「観心
覚夢鈔」をよむ [The Mind of Consciousness-only: A Reading of the Kanjin kakumushō].
Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 2001.
Wayman, Alex, and Hideko Wayman, trans.: The Lion’s Roar of Queen Śrīmālā. New York: Co-
lumbia University Press, 1974.
Yokoyama Kōitsu 横山紘一 やさしい唯識
: Yasashii Yuishiki [Easy Yogācāra]. Tokyo: NHK
Books, 2003.
 BERNARD FAURE

KEGON AND DRAGONS:

A MYTHOLOGICAL APPROACH TO HUAYAN DOCTRINE

A cursory glance at the abundant scholarly literature reveals that the Chinese Huayan,
Korean Hwaŏm, and Japanese Kegon schools (whose names are different readings
for the same Chinese characters, 華嚴 ) have been studied until today predominantly
through the thought of a handful of patriarchs – essentially Zhiyan 智儼 (602–668),
Fazang 法藏 (643–712), Li Tongxuan 李通玄 (635?–730), Chengguan 澄觀 (738–
839), and Zongmi 宗密 (780–841) for China; Ŭisang 義湘 (625–702), Wŏnhyo 元
曉 , and Kyunyŏ 均如 (923–973) for Korea; Myōe 明惠
(alias Kōben, 1173–1232)
and Gyōnen 凝然 (1240–1321) for Japan. Much less has been done about other as-
pects – historical, institutional, cultural – of the Huayan tradition. The predominantly
philosophical approach taken so far is amply justified by the sheer complexity of
Huayan scholasticism. However, I believe that this approach is not sufficient to
explain the enduring cultural impact of Huayan in East Asia. I will therefore take
here a different approach, as I have already done in the case of another major school
of Buddhism, Chan/Sŏn/Zen, and also in the case of the Korean master Wŏnhyo.1
In the case of Chan, I tried to show the ideological underpinnings of the doctrine
of sudden awakening, and emphasized its “rhetoric of immediacy.” A similar ideo-
logical critique remains to be done in the case of Huayan. Clearly, notions such as
the interpenetration of principle and phenomena (lishi wu’ai 理事無礙 ) lent them-
selves to ideological recuperation. It is no coincidence that Mahāvairocana, the cos-
mic Buddha of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra (Huayan jing 華嚴經) was chosen as symbol
of imperial centrality and cast into the monumental Buddha of Tōdaiji 東大寺 in
Nara. The Hwaŏm doctrine played a similar role in Korean politics. More recently,
the Kegon teaching was used in Japan by the so-called Kyoto school to support im-
perial ideology.2 However, I will not attempt such an ideological critique here. I would
like to focus instead on some cultural aspects of Huayan in Korea and Japan.
The philosophical teaching of Huayan was summarized in Ŭisang’s famous Dia-
gram of the Dharmadhātu According to the One-vehicle of Huayan (Hwaŏm ilsŭng
pŏpkyedo 華嚴一乗法界圖 , known under its abbreviated title Pŏpkyedo, Ch. Fajie

1 Faure 1991, 1998.

2 Nishida 1990. See also Ishii Kōsei’s contribution to this volume.
298 BERNARD FAURE

tu, J. Hokkai zu).3 While the content of Ŭisang’s poem is standard Huayan meta-
physics, its diagrammatic format allegedly points to that which cannot be expressed
by words, and more specifically, by analytic discourse.
The poem starts from the center of the diagram, and unfolds in four phases, form-
ing four separate sections of the diagram, before finally returning to the center. The
first and last characters, next to each other at the center, are said to show that “the
seats of cause and effect each represent the true virtue and the function of the dharma-
nature, and that dharma-nature is the Middle Path.”4 The first four lines are also be-
lieved to contain the gist of the poem:
Since dharma-nature is perfect and interpenetrating, it is without any sign of duality.
All dharmas are unmoving, and originally calm;
No name, no form exist, all [distinctions] are abolished.
It is known through the wisdom of awakening, not by any other level.5

According to the Sŏn master Chinul 知訥

(1158–1210), these lines explain not
only the interpenetration of all phenomena (shishi wu’ai 事事無礙
), but the very
origin of that interpenetration.6
The diagram is said to have the form of a Chinese seal, and to represent the
ocean-seal samādhi (haiyin sanmei, J. kaiin zanmai 海印三昧
). In fact, the dynamic
nature of the diagram calls to mind a Tantric maṇḍala with four assemblies, rather
than a Chinese seal. In other words, the gaze of the reader or practitioner, starting
from the center, follows the red thread between characters, in four successive cen-
tripetal and centrifugal movements, rather like the subsequent processes of emana-
tion and reabsorption described (and instantiated) in maṇḍalas.
The name of the samādhi represented by the diagram already implies a reference
to Indian mythology. As Ŭisang himself explains, when the god Indra fought against
the Asuras, all the warriors were clearly reflected in the sea and they looked like the
characters of a seal. Hence the name ocean-seal samādhi.7
For all the philosophical insights of Ŭisang’s poem, its semantic content is not
the only thing that matters here. Ŭisang himself alerts us to the fact that the Diagram
is supposed to represent the three realms of matter, life, and of the ultimate wisdom
that includes all dharmas. The white paper – pure potentiality – on which the poem
is written is said to represent the realm of matter. The black characters, all different,
represent the realm of life in its mind-boggling diversity. Finally, the red line that
connects these characters represents the realm of the enlightened mind that links and

3 T 1887A.
4 Yi 1994: 82.
5 Yi 1994: 82–83 (slightly modified).
6 Chinul: Pŏpchip pyŏrhaengnok choryŏ pyŏngip sagi. Korean Buddhist Texts 4:759–760; quoted
in Yi 1994.
7 Ibid., 718b. This brings to mind another similar seal, said to have been imprinted at the bottom
of the sea of Japan by the Buddha Mahāvairocana (Dainichi 大日 ). See for instance Shasekishū
沙石集 1:1, trans. See Morrell 1985: 73.
 KEGON AND DRAGONS 299

encompasses all the multifarious facts of life. The enlightened mind is the one who
sees the writing on the wall. The way in which this Diagram was allegedly produced
should serve as a model for all the scholars who have to copyedit a manuscript. We
are told that Ŭisang, on the advice of his master Zhiyan, put a first draft of his text
twice into a fire, and that only 250 characters remained, with which he composed his
poem.8
The diagrammatic form of Ŭisang’s argument is certainly not, as YI Chi-kuan ar-
gues, a reflection of Ŭisang’s incapacity to emulate his master’s rhetorical flourishes.9
To believe that resorting to diagrams is a sign of illiteracy reveals an unjustifiable
prejudice in favor of writing. If that were the case, the Shingon master Kūkai 空海
(d. 735) as well, who obviously loved diagrams and maṇḍalas, should be characterized
as a poor writer of Chinese. This is obviously not the case, and neither is it for Ŭisang.
Apart from its attempt to transcend the limits of the written word, Ŭisang’s dia-
gram, like other similar diagrams (I have in mind here texts such as Dōgen’s 道元
Jike kunketsu 自家訓決 “Rules for our School”, as found in the transmission docu-
ments or kirigami 切紙 of the Sōtō 曹洞 tradition), probably had a ritual function.10
It seems that, in some cases at least, these diagrammatic texts also imply a kind of
ritual choreography.
At any rate, a purely philosophical understanding of such works falls obviously
short off the mark. This may serve here as a metaphor for the broader understanding
of Huayan texts. We know for instance that the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, along with many
other sūtras, was renowned primarily for its apotropaic efficacy. Likewise, the
masters who commented on these texts were famous above all for their thaumaturgic
powers. As I have argued in the case of Wŏnhyo, their “life,” as it developed in hagio-
graphic literature, was another aspect – and perhaps the most important – of their
“thought,” and it is in large part what explains the enduring appeal of that “thought”
– rather than its purely doctrinal or philosophical excellence.11
At the formal level at least, my argument will emulate Ŭisang’s Diagram in its
labyrinthine meanders. My central point, however, is that the appeal of Huayan in
Korea and Japan, but probably also in China, had much to do with the mythological
context of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and its commentaries. The images of the bodhi-
sattvas Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra, in particular, have played a fundamental role
in the devotion and the imagination of Huayan followers.12 Another important figure
is that of the youth Sudhana, in his vision quest throughout the Buddhist realms. The
Kegon maṇḍala, representing the fifty-three scenes of Sudhana’s pilgrimage as de-
scribed in the Gaṇḍavyūha, was the main object of worship in rituals performed in

一乗法界圖圓通記
18 Kyunyŏ: Ilsŭng pŏpgyedo wŏnt’ong ki , quoted in Yi 1994: 77.
19 Yi 1994: 87.
日域洞上室内嫡々秘伝密法切紙
10 Nichiiki Tōjō shitsunai tekiteki hiden mitsuhō kirigami . Sō-
tōshū zensho, shūi 曹洞宗全書、拾遺 , ed. Sōtōshū zensho kankōkai, Tokyo: Sōtōshū shūmu-
chō, 1970, vol. 18: 498–499.
11 For more details, see Faure 1998.
12 Tanabe 1992.
300 BERNARD FAURE

medieval Japan.13 This pilgrimage was also probably the model emulated by priests
like Ŭisang and Myōe, in their desire to go in search of the Dharma in China and/or
India. Inasmuch as this representation deconstructs itself, by pointing out that the
end of the quest is contained in its beginning, it was also perhaps, as I will argue in
the cases of Wŏnhyo and Myōe, a reason not to embark on a long and strenuous trip.
Sudhana’s pilgrimage is a root-metaphor for Ŭisang’s Diagram. As Ŭisang ex-
plains in his Pŏpgyedo ki: “One day someone fell asleep and dreamt that he was
wandering about thirty places. When he awoke, he found that he was lying in the
same position as he had started in, without changing. In this way, though we start
from the first character “Dharma” [in the Diagram] and return to that same charac-
ter, passing all others along the way, it is in the same position as if we had never
moved at all.”14 This is not quite true, since – as any reader or traveler knows – any
word or place is always understood through the context of those that preceded it.
In the Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 , Ŭisang and Wŏnhyo appear together to
form a contrast.15 The setting is the famous episode in which the two friends, having
started on their journey to China, spend the night in a cave that, in the daylight, turns
out to be a grave.16 During the second night in that place, Wŏnhyo is assailed by de-
mons, and realizes that they are the product of his own fear. He thus comes to realize
the cardinal tenet of Huayan, namely, that the world is produced by our own mind.
He draws the logical conclusion that there is no need to travel in search of the Law,
and decides to return home. Ŭisang continues alone, and becomes a disciple of the
Huayan master Zhiyan. Upon his return to Silla, he becomes the first patriarch of the
Hwaŏm school, whereas Wŏnhyo remains unaffiliated with any particular school.
Perhaps the contrast between the two monks could best be described in the Chan
terms of “sudden” and “gradual.” Ŭisang’s pilgrimage represents the gradual proc-
ess of learning and awakening, whereas Wŏnhyo’s realization that his mind is fun-
damentally enlightened represents the position of “sudden,” that is “im-mediate” or
“un-mediated” awakening.17
The contrast does not stop there, however. We are told that Ŭisang observed scru-
pulously the Buddhist precepts, in particular the precept regarding monastic celi-
bacy; whereas Wŏnhyo was (in)famous for his dissolute behavior – frequenting tav-
erns and brothels, and eventually begetting a son with a royal princess. However,
this behavior was widely perceived as a trope for the ultimate freedom of the enlight-
ened person. Paradoxically, the Japanese master Myōe seems to have been more at-
tracted by Wŏnhyo’s character than by Ŭisang’s. Although it is not clear whether
autobiographical parallels existed between Myōe, “the purest monk of Japan,” and

13 Fontein 1967: 78–115, Tanaka 1979.

14 T 1887A: 45.730a; Yi 85–86.
15 T 2061: 50.731.
16 On these two masters, see Tanabe 1992: 131–135; and Girard 1990. On Ŭisang’s biography,
see Durt 1969: 411–422. On the epistolary relation between Ŭisang and Fazang, see Forte
2000.
17 On this paradigm, see Faure 1991.
 KEGON AND DRAGONS 301

the dissolute Wŏnhyo, clear doctrinal affinities can be found between some of
Myōe’s works and Wŏnhyo’s Yusim allak to 遊心安樂道 .18 Admittedly, Myōe pre-
sented in his writings a rather cleaned-up image of Wŏnhyo, whom he called a
“patriarch of the Kegon sect,” while conveniently omitting the latter’s frequentation
of brothels. He merely states that it is “as if [Wŏnhyo] had forgotten propriety and
the precepts.”19
The sharp contrast created by the Buddhist historian Zanning 賛寧 (919–1001)
in his Song gaoseng zhuan between the two biographies is obviously a literary de-
vice, and it should not be read as an objective description of reality. As all docu-
ments show, Ŭisang was also an advocate of the “sudden” approach, while Wŏnhyo
seems to have advocated a rather conventional morality.20 However, perceptions
eventually have more weight than facts, and this contrast explains the fact that, in
Japan, the two men’s popularity as Kegon patriarchs eclipsed that of their Chinese
predecessors.
However, I believe that another hagiographical element has played a fundamen-
tal role, not only to explain the two men’s role in the Japanese Kegon school, but
also in the cultural influence exerted by that school. It is the relation that these two
figures entertained with dragons and with the dragon-palace. Even today, the first
thing evoked by the word Kegon in the mind of the ordinary Japanese is not the
abstruse philosophy of one of the nine schools of Nara Buddhism, but the famous
Kegon waterfall near Chūzenji 中禅寺 Lake at Nikkō. This waterfall is usually
associated in tourist guides with another nearby one, called Ryūzu no taki 竜頭の滝
(Waterfall of the Dragon Head). This association of Kegon with waterfalls and drag-
ons, in “Japan, the land where dragons dwell” (tatsu no sumu Nihon 龍の棲む日本 ,
the title of a recent popular book by the historian KURODA Hideo 黒田日出男 ), is,
perhaps ironically, one of the enduring cultural tributes of Huayan in East Asia.21
Waterfalls are usually associated with dragons (or nāgas in the Buddhist con-
text), owing to the belief that they often mark one of the entrances to the dragon-
palace. The symbolism of the nāgas/dragons and the nāga-palace plays an important
role in the legend of the Huayan school and of its founders. First, there is the belief
that the Avataṃsaka, like other important sūtras, was preserved in the nāga-palace.
According to a widespread tradition, the patriarch Nāgārjuna, having gone to the
nāga-palace, saw three versions of the Avataṃsaka.22 In medieval Japan, but perhaps
already in Tang China, the nāga-palace had become a metaphor for the storehouse-
consciousness (Sanskrit: ālayavijñāna), the source and repository of all things.23

18 T 1965.
19 Tanabe 1992: 136.
20 Faure: Essentials of Observance and Transgression According to the Book on the Bodhisattva
Precepts.
21 Kuroda 2003.
22 Huayan jing zhuanji 華嚴經傳記 , T 2073.
23 See for instance Keiran shūyōshū 溪嵐拾葉集 , T 2410: 624a, 772c, 863b; and Faure 1999:
278–283.
302 BERNARD FAURE

The nāga-palace reappears in Wŏnhyo’s legend (a priest also known by the

name “Yellow Dragon,” from the name of his monastery, the Hwangnyong-sa 黄龍
寺 ), in the circumstances surrounding his writing of a commentary on the Jin’gang
sanmei jing 金剛三昧經 . According to Robert Buswell, this apocryphal scripture
was probably composed in Korea by Pŏmnang 法郎 (n.d.), a disciple of the fourth
道信
Chan patriarch Daoxin (580–651).24 As the legend has it, the Korean queen
was beset by an apparently incurable illness. Divination revealed that only drugs
brought from overseas could cure her. An envoy was therefore sent to Tang China.
On the way, the envoy was diverted to the dragon-palace, where he received a sūtra
(the Jin’gang sanmei jing) that could heal the queen’s illness. The dragon-king
added that this sūtra should be the object of a commentary by Wŏnhyo. The latter,
owing to his eccentricities, had been shunned by his colleagues and by the court, but
now, with the dragon-king’s support, he suddenly rose to prominence.25
The Song gaoseng zhuan adds a discussion to its biography of Wŏnhyo, in which
it mentions other cases of scriptures hidden in (or revealed from) the nāga-palace.
“The scriptures state that there is a seven-jewelled stūpa in the nāga-king’s palace.
All that all the buddhas have said and all of their profound teachings, such as the
twelve-fold chain of causes and conditions, the dhāraṇīs and the samādhis, are kept
there in a seven-jeweled casket.”26
It is also a dragon that stands behind the rise of his former companion Ŭisang to
the rank of first patriarch of Hwaŏm. Here again, the legend is well known and I will
simply give its outline. While in China, Ŭisang stays in the house of Buddhist lay
persons, whose daughter, a young girl by the name of Shanmiao 善妙
, falls in love
with him. Ŭisang, intent on keeping his vows, “makes his heart like a stone,” and re-
sists the girl’s advances. Better, he converts her. Later, when he returns to her town on
his way back to Korea, she rejoices at the thought of seeing him again. Then she is
stricken with grief when she hears that his boat has already set sail. Finally, she vows
to become a dragon to escort him and protect him always. The scene where she
throws herself into the sea and turns into a magnificent dragon that carries Ŭisang’s
boat on its back forms the climax of the Japanese illustrated scroll known as Kegon
engi emaki 華嚴縁起絵巻 (Illustrated Scroll on the Origins of Huayan/Kegon).27
Upon returning to Korea, Ŭisang intends to take up residence in a monastery.
However, he complains about the presence of monks of other schools (described as
“heretics” in later documents). Shanmiao then turns into a huge rock that stands in
mid-air above the monastery, frightening the “heretics” away.28 Ŭisang eventually
moves into the monastery, which he renames “Monastery of the Floating Rock.” Ŭi-
sang’s teaching on the Avataṃsaka prospers from that moment onward.

24 Buswell 1989: 170–177.

25 Song gaoseng zhuan, T 2061: 50.730a–b29; and Buswell 1989: 44–46.
26 Ibid., 730b25–28.
27 華厳縁起
On this scroll, see Brock 1988: 6–31. See also: Kegon engi .
28 Note in passing the two aspects, ophidian and lithic, of Shanmiao.
 KEGON AND DRAGONS 303

This story exerted a great influence on Myōe, the so-called Restorer of Japanese
Kegon. Scholars have discussed the role played by Myōe in the production of the
Kegon engi emaki. While he may not have sponsored it initially, he did write a com-
mentary on it, in which he pays close attention to the story of Shanmiao.
The motif of Shanmiao’s transformation into a dragon made a particularly deep
impression on Myōe. The latter was acutely aware of the fact that that motif, also
found in the famous Dōjōji 道成寺 legend, could have a negative interpretation. In
the Dōjōji legend, a young girl falls madly in love with a young monk who stays for
a night in her house, on his way to Kumano 熊野. In order to resist her advances, the
monk promises that he will visit her again when he returns from his pilgrimage.
When she realizes that he has not kept his promise, she runs after him in anger and
transforms into a huge snake while crossing a river. She finally catches up with him
at Dōjōji, and, coiling around the temple bell under which he has taken refuge, she
reduces him to ashes through the burning intensity of her hatred.29
The image of women turning into snakes because of jealousy or hatred was a
medieval Japanese topos. Thus, when someone asks Myōe whether Shanmiao’s turn-
ing into a dragon was not a mark of attachment, he insists that, in her case, things are
quite different – because she had previously been converted to Buddhism, not only
by Ŭisang in her present life, but already in a past life. Her love for Ŭisang, Myōe
argues, was not an ordinary love that grew out of attachment, but a pure love that
stemmed from a deep respect for the Dharma. This is, Myōe concludes, why she be-
came a dragon, and not a monstrous snake like the protagonist of the Dōjōji leg-
end.30 On the surface, Myōe read the story of Shanmiao as an exemplum on moral
causality, but at a deeper level, another scene is taking place, and Myōe himself was
aware of it when he tried to establish a clear-cut distinction between snake and
dragon – a distinction that does not reflect Japanese beliefs of the time. According to
the Jinten ainōshō 塵添蓋嚢抄 , a medieval dictionary, dragon and snake are dis-
tinct, but the dragon is a former snake.31 From the symbolic standpoint, however, the
line of demarcation between them is often blurred. Medieval deities are fundamen-
tally ambivalent, as shown for instance by the figure of the goddess Benzaiten 弁財
天 , who manifests herself as both a snake and a dragon.
In the case of Shanmiao as well, Myōe seems to have been at times more hesi-
tant. In a dream he had in 1203, he sees a Chinese doll that turns into a tearful young
woman. Moved, Myōe decides to take her under his protection. When he visits a
monastery with her, someone accuses her of mating with snakes. Myōe argues that
this is not the case, and that she merely happens to have a snake-body. He concludes
that she is none other than Shanmiao (J. Zenmyō).32

29 On the Dōjōji legend, see Klein 1991.

30 On this question, see Brock 1990: 185–218.
31 Jinten ainōshō. See DNBZ 150.204.
32 On that dream, see Girard 1990: 145–146.
304 BERNARD FAURE

Shanmiao was so important for Myōe that he made her the main object of wor-
ship (honzon 本尊 ) of Zenmyōji 善妙寺 in Hiraoka 平岡 , a nunnery that he founded
as a refuge for women widowed by the Jōkyū Disturbance (Jōkyū no Ran 承久の乱 )
in 1221. This nunnery was a sub-temple of Myōe’s Kōzanji 高山寺 , near the Kiyo-
taki 清滝 River, an appropriate place for a dragon-deity. Significantly, owing to her
role in protecting Ŭisang’s monastery, Zenmyō was enshrined as a protecting deity
“from Silla” (Korea), not from China.33
After Myōe’s death, some of the nuns who had copied the Avataṃsaka-sūtra on
his behalf (the so-called Nuns’s Sūtra, Ama-gyō 尼經 ) followed him in death by
drowning themselves. One such case is that of the nun Myōtatsu 妙達 , who jumped
into the Kiyotaki River in 1232, six months after Myōe’s death.34 Tanabe has argued
that, in doing so, Myōtatsu was following the example of Shanmiao, who sacrificed
herself to protect Ŭisang. While there may be some truth in this, another explanation
has to do with the belief in the nāga-palace and the legend of the Empress Kenrei-
mon’in 建礼門院 , as spread by the Heike monogatari 平家物語 . According to this
legend, when the Taira were defeated by the Minamoto at the battle of Dan-no-ura
壇ノ浦 , the Nun of Second Rank, mother of Kiyomori, jumped into the waves with
the child-emperor Antoku 安徳 , telling him that they were going to the nāga-palace.
Kenreimon’in jumped too, but was rescued by Minamoto warriors, and subsequently
became a nun at Ōhara 大原 , on the northern outskirts of Kyoto. When the Retired
Emperor visited her there, she told him of a dream she had had, in which all the Tai-
ra had been reborn in the nāga-palace. The Heike monogatari, describing her saintly
death, suggests that she has been reborn into the Pure Land, together with two la-
dies-in-waiting. However, it adds that these two ladies attained the nāga-girl’s wis-
dom.35 The enlightenment of the nāga-girl, as found in the Lotus Sūtra, was a pow-
erful exemplum of women’s liberation, and it merged with the motif of the nāga-
palace.36
At any rate, the interest of Myōe for the spiritual salvation of women led him to
emphasize the figure of Zenmyō as protector of both women and the Kegon teach-
ing, and its relations with dragon-imagery. However, despite his attempt to present
Zenmyō in a purely positive light, as a case of salvation through karmic causes, this
imagery remains more ambivalent than he would like. The same is true of the nāga-
palace, which is both a repository of the Dharma and a locus of fundamental igno-
rance. Likewise, its inhabitants are powerful deities, yet they remain subject to the
“three fevers” (sannetsu 三熱 ), the fundamental sufferings that affect all sentient
beings. They are protectors of the Dharma, but they can also be at times rather
threatening to humans. According to non-dualistic theory of hongaku 本覚 (“fun-
damental awakening”), ignorance (mumyō 無明 ) is actually the source of awaken-

33 Kōzanji engi高山寺縁起 (dated 1253). See DNBZ 117.

34 On this question, see Okuda 1997: 31–51; Faure 2003: 98.
35 McCullough 1988: 433–438.
36 Faure 2003: 91–98.
 KEGON AND DRAGONS 305

ing.37 Therefore, the nāga realm does not simply belong to one of the six paths (ro-
kudō 六道 ), but it is, as it were, the source and fountainhead of the entire Buddhist
cosmos. Along the same line, we recall that the two dragon-kings Nanda and Upa-
nanda are coiled around the cosmic axis, Mount Sumeru. In similar fashion, maps of
Japan at the time of Myōe showed a huge dragon coiled around the Japanese archi-
pelago.38
The motif of the nāga-palace also played an important role in the promotion of
“local knowledge” and the elevation of Japan to the status of sacred Buddhist land
and of “country of the gods” (shinkoku 神国 ). The nāga-palace came to be per-
ceived as a kind of underworld that was not located exclusively in (or below) India,
but existed in (or below) Japan as well; indeed, it could be reached from the bottom
of any waterfall or from any of the numerous “dragon-holes” (ryūketsu 龍穴) scat-
tered all over Japan. It is no longer necessary to undertake a long journey to India to
bring back Buddhist scriptures or relics of the Buddha: these may be found in the
backyard of one’s own monastery, provided there is a waterfall, a pond, or a dragon-
hole there.
This revalorization of Japan as “land of the gods” calls to mind another episode
in Myōe’s life (or rather legend) that came to be connected with dragon imagery.
During his visit to the Kasuga 春日 Shrine in Nara in 1203, he received from the
Kasuga deity an oracle that told him to abandon his project of pilgrimage to India.39
Significantly, the episode describes, in mythological terms, the same meaningless-
ness of the vision quest that Wŏnhyo had already emphasized. Through the mouth of
a female shrine attendant (who happens to be a relative of Myōe), Kasuga Daimyō-
jin春日大明神 reveals to him that the essential places of Indian Buddhist lore (the
Eagle Peak, etc.) can be found here in Japan, at Kasuga. The name Kasuga Daimyō-
jin usually refers collectively to the five ancestral deities of the Fujiwara clan wor-
shiped at Kasuga Shrine, but it also sometimes designates other deities that are seen
as the “original ground” (honji 本地 ) or the “traces” (suijaku 垂迹) of the latter. In
翁
this particular instance, the god refers to himself as “this old man” (okina ), but he
is also sometimes identified with the Dragon-King Nanda. It is a such that he ap-
pears to Myōe, together with the eight great dragons/nāga-kings that protect the
Dharma, in the retelling of the legend by Zeami in his Nō play “Kasuga Ryūjin” 春
日龍神 (The Dragon-God of Kasuga).40 In it, the deity reveals its true form to a
Myōe still intent on going to China and India, as well as the scenes of Buddha’s life
that he yearned to see: “Māyā’s delivery of Śākyamuni,/ His Preaching the Law on
Eagle Peak,/ His entering nirvāṇa beneath the dual teack trees –/ All are revealed in

37 This calls to mind Ŭisang’s line, in his commentary on the Diagram: “From where does the
inverted mind come?/ From ignorance that has no beginning./ From where does ignorance
without beginning come?/ From the absolute./ Where is the absolute?/ In the dharma-nature of
each person.” Hwaŏm ilsŭng popkyedo, T 1887A: 45. 716a.
38 Kuroda 2003: 5–12, and Illustration 2.
39 Brock 2001: 49–113.
40 Morrell 1982: 179–200; 1987: 121.
306 BERNARD FAURE

their entirety./ Now then, Myōe Shōnin, about your plans to go to China?” To which
Myōe, having finally reached Wŏnhyo’s state of mind, replies: “I abandon them.”41
According to Royall Tyler, the figure of the dragon here, instead of the tradi-
tional “old man” image of Kasuga Daimyōjin, stands simply as a generic image of the
deity in Nō plays, and “says less about the Kasuga deity than about the conventions
of Noh.”42 This may be so, but precisely it shows the prevalence of dragon symbol-
ism in medieval imagination, and more specifically in Myōe’s imagination. Not only
the origins of the Avataṃsaka, but also the subsequent fate of the Huayan school in
Korea and Japan were intimately connected with dragon-lore. As Frédéric Girard
and George Tanabe have shown, the case of Myōe, whose teaching is nourished by a
rich visionary imagery, provides a paradigmatic example of the mental world of me-
dieval Buddhists.43 Without that imagery, that is, without due attention to the con-
crete mythological aspects that constitute, together with the philosophical abstrac-
tions, the warp and woof of the Huayan teaching, one risks losing the red thread that
connects doctrinal developments, not to mention the “oceanic feeling” in which prac-
titioners like Ŭisang and Myōe immersed themselves.

References

Brock, Karen L.: “The Case of the Missing Scroll: A History and Reconstruction of Tales of Gishō
and Gangyō.” Archives of Asian Art (1988) 41: pp. 6–31.
Brock, Karen L.: “Chinese Maiden, Silla Monk: Zenmyō and Her Thirteenth-Century Audience” in
Martha Weidner (ed.): Flowering in the Shadows: Women in the History of Chinese and Japa-
nese Painting. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1990.
Brock, Karen L.: “‘My Reflection Should Be Your Keepsake’: Myōe’s Vision of the Kasuga De-
ity” in Robert H. Sharf and Elisabeth Horton Sharf (eds.): Living Images: Japanese Buddhist
Icons in Context. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. (Asian Religions and Cultures)
Buswell, Robert: The Formation of Ch’an Ideology in China and Korea: The Vajrasamādhi-Sūtra,
a Buddhist Apocryphon. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989.
Durt, Hubert: “Biographie du moine coréen Ui-sang, d’après le Song Kao Seng Tchouan” in Kin
Saigen hakushi kaikō kinen ronsō [Festschrift for Kim Che-won]. Seoul, 1969, pp. 411–422.
Faure, Bernard: The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Critique of Chan/Zen Buddhism. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1991.
Faure, Bernard: Visions of Power: Imagining Medieval Japanese Buddhism. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1996.
Faure, Bernard: “Life as Thought.” Paper presented at the Wŏnhyo Conference, Seoul, 1998.

41 Other dragon-kings were believed to dwell in the Sarusawa Pond near Kasuga and in the
dragon-palace under the Main Hall of Kōfukuji. See Tyler 1990: 124–126.
42 Tyler 1990: 143.
43 Girard 1990; Tanabe 1992. Another interesting case is that of the Zen master Keizan Jōkin 瑩
山紹瑾 (1268–1325); Faure: 1996.
 KEGON AND DRAGONS 307

Faure, Bernard: “Relics, Regalia, and the Dynamics of Secrecy in Japanese Buddhism” in Elliot R.
Wolfson (ed.): Rending the Veil: Concealment and Secrecy in the History of Religions. New
York and London: Seven Bridges Press, 1999, pp. 278–283.
Faure, Bernard: The Power of Denial: Buddhism, Purity and Gender. Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 2003.
Faure, Bernard, trans: Essentials of Observance and Transgression According to the Book on the
Bodhisattva Precepts (Pusajie ben chifan yaoji) by the Korean Master Wonhyo (617–686).
(Wŏnhyo Translation Project) (forthcoming).
Fontein, Jan: The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of Gaṇḍavyūha Illustrations in China, Japan
and Java. The Hague, Paris: Mouton, 1967.
Forte, Antonino: A Jewel in Indra’s Net. Kyoto: Italian School of East Asian Studies, 2000.
Girard, Frédéric: Un moine de la secte Kegon à l’époque de Kamakura, Myōe (1173–1232) et le
“Journal de ses rêves”. Paris: EFEO, 1990.
Kegon engi 華厳縁起 [Origin story of the Avataṃsaka]. Ed. Kadokawa shoten henshūbu 角川書店
編集部 . Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1959. (Nihon emakimono zenshū 7.)
Klein, Susan B.: ”When the Moon Strikes the Bell: Desire and Enlightenment in the Noh Play Dō-
jōji.” Journal of Japanese Studies (1990) 17,2: pp. 291–322.
Kuroda Hideo 黒田日出男 : Tatsu no sumu Nihon 龍の棲む日本 [Japan where the dragons dwell].
Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 2003. (Iwanami shinsho 831.)
McCullough, Helen C.: The Tale of the Heike. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988.
Morrell, Robert E.: “Passage to India Denied: Zeami’s Kasuga Ryūjin.” Monumenta Nipponica
(1982) 37,2: pp. 179–200.
Morrell, Robert E.: Sand and Pebbles (Shasekishū): The Tales of Mujū Ichien; A Voice for Plural-
ism in Kamakura Buddhism. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985.
Morrell, Robert E.: Early Kamakura Buddhism: A Minority Report. Berkeley: Asian Humanities
Press, 1987.
Nishida, Kitarō: An Inquiry into the Good, trans. Abe Masao and Christopher Ives. New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1990.
奥田勲
Okuda Isao : “Myōe to josei: Kegon engi, Zenmyō, Zenmyōji” 明恵と女性 華厳縁起、善 –
妙、善妙寺 [Myōe and women: the Kegon engi, Zenmyō, and Zenmyōji]. Shōshin joshi dai-
gaku ronsō (1997) 89: pp. 31–51.
杉本俊龍
Sugimoto Shunryū : Tōjō shitsunai kirigami narabini sanwa no kenkyū 洞上室内切紙并
參話の研究 [Researches on the transmission Kirigami and the dialogues of the Sōtō school].
Tokyo: Sōtōshū Shūmucho, 1982 [1938].
Tanabe, George J., Jr.: Myōe the Dreamkeeper: Fantasy and Knowledge in Early Kamakura Bud-
dhism. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992. (Harvard East Asian Monographs
156.)
Tanaka Ichimatsu 田中一松 (ed.): Kegon gojūsho emaki華厳五十所絵巻 [The painted scroll of the
fifty sites of the Avataṃsaka]. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1979. (Nihon emakimono zenshū 25.)
Tyler, Royall: The Miracles of the Kasuga Deity. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990.
Yi, Chi-kuan: “Hwaŏm Philosophy,” in Korean Buddhist Research Institute (ed.): Buddhist Thought
in Korea. Seoul: Dongguk University Press, 1994.
 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES

AT THE BEGINNING OF THE KAMAKURA PERIOD

This article is a survey on some possible influences of the Kegon doctrines on the
history of Buddhism, at the end of the Heian period (794–1185) and at the beginning
of the Kamakura period (1185–1333). It will also take into consideration the consti-
tution of patriarchal images of prominent monks like Hōnen 法然 (1133–1212), Dō-
gen 道元 (1200–1253) and so on. I will limit myself to raising some questions about
historical and doctrinal problems.
An inquiry into the Kegon doctrines at the beginning of the Kamakura period of-
fers a topic of much interest but also, I fear, of just as much difficulty. The Kegon
school played a major role in Japanese religious history during a rather brief period,
namely the Nara period of the eighth century. During the following centuries, its
role as a sect was far from negligible – its Tōdaiji 東大寺 temple remained a key
monastic center in Nara, with its ordination’s platform – but it ceded to other sects
its previous preeminence in the creation of new Buddhist doctrines and concepts.
Nevertheless, the post-Nara impact of the Kegon teachings on Japanese thought
is a field of research that so far has received very little careful scholarly attention,
thus we should refrain from making any hasty conclusions on this topic. Nonethe-
less, I will argue here that the influence of Kegon thought was more persistent and
extensive in the Heian and early Kamakura periods than previous discussions of the
development of Buddhist thought and doctrine in Japan have suggested.
In the Heian period, for instance, Kegon monks held discussions with learned
monks of other temples, for instance the Kōfukuji 興福寺 , the Enryakuji 延暦寺 or
the Kōyasan 高野山 , thereby revealing, in some documents of this period, the under-
currents in the evolution of Buddhist doctrinal tenets. The relative absence of dis-
tinctive Kegon features in such philosophical discussions should not disguise the
real, if sometimes only implicit, influence of Kegon doctrines on the elaboration of
new systems of thought. The cases of Saichō 最澄 (766–822) and Kūkai 空海 (774–
835) are well known instances of such intellectual exchange. During their early edu-
cation, they were imbued with Kegon thought, and the approach they followed in
developing their own teachings was, to a great extent, indebted to Kegon influences.
For example, Saichō began to pay attention to the fresh insights of Tendai doctrines,
310 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

while he was reading the works of the Chinese monk Fazang 法藏 (643–712) and
practicing a form of dhyāna of the northern school close to Kegon.
Kegon doctrines were also introduced into the thought of the Tendai school by the
Chinese Shanwai (Sangai 山外 ) current (mixing Tiantai and Huayan doctrines, “out-
side of the Mountain”), so that they were providing a permanent source of inspira-
tion for the Tendai school. In contrast to other Buddhist sects of the Nara period,
Kegon advocated the notion of a universal interpenetration and inter-relation of all
sentient beings and of a salvation that could be extended to them due to the presence
of Buddha-nature in all of them. This set of concepts (especially the idea of inter-
penetration) had, from the very beginning, been applied in the Nara period by the
Kegon sect in order to stress the crucial role of the imperial household. This notion
of universal salvation was, I suspect, intended to encompass all of the territory of Ja-
pan, so that all the elements in the country were interlinked under the person of the
emperor at the top of a three-tier national hierarchy in descending order of the em-
peror, his administrators and his people. A problem remains: to which extent could
this hierarchy have a correspondence with the twofold structure of the society enun-
ciated by the administrative codes, distinguishing a good or noble people (ryōmin 良
民 ) and the common people (senmin 賤民 )? This scheme would seem to have been
based on the three-tier Buddhist model of the Buddha, the bodhisattva and the sen-
tient beings, which was presented in the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra and its commen-
tary by Fazang, the Huayan jing tanxuanji 華嚴經探玄記 , and which Shinjō 審祥
(?–?) and his audience may well have encountered in their lectures given in 740:
“That a Buddha, who is in a domain of self-fruition, shares the same domain with
other Buddhas, may be compared to the fact that all the Buddhas as incarning the
Law (in their so-called Dharma-body) have a common sustainment, for they have
the same domain of the nature of things. In the same way, the Buddha and bodhi-
sattva have in common the domain of communion with others which is partaken of
王
Buddha and bodhisattva: so do the sovereign (ō ) and his ministers (shin ) who 臣
possess in common the same country. The soiled domains are all, in turn, the mani-
festation of the acts done in common by sentient beings.”
若自受用土佛與諸佛共有一土。 猶如法身諸佛共依故。 以是同法性土故。 若他受用
土亦佛與菩薩之所共有。如王與臣共有一國。諸雜染土亦是有情共業所現故無別也。 1

This notion also had implications for the more limited span of individual salva-
tion, examined from both social and psychological perspectives.
This twofold conception of inter-relation and salvation seems to have played a
vital function in Saichō’s notion (akin to that of the Tendai sect) about the universal
presence of the buddhahood in human nature. Likewise, Kūkai’s conception of eso-
teric Buddhism was akin to that of the Kegon sect, as seen in his Treatise on the Ten
Stations of the Mind (Jūjūshinron 十住心論 ). This is perhaps the reason why a Ke-
gon scholar like Keiga 景雅 (1103–1185) said that this treatise of Kūkai was com-

1 T 1733: 35.159b29–c4.
 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 311

posed under the influence of Kegon doctrines, while Hōnen 法然 (1148–1212) said
it was inspired by the Mahāvairocana-sūtra.2
In the Shingon school’s conceptions of the attainment of the state of Buddha in
one’s own body or person (sokushin jōbutsu 即身成佛 ), as explained in the treatise
attributed to Kūkai, the inspiration from Kegon thought seems self-evident:
“The mind, the Buddha and the sentient beings are three. Nevertheless, these
three are absolutely equal and one. Being one, they are infinite. Being infinite, they
are one without any obstruction between them. This is the reason why we say that
“the infinite jewel net of Indra is an epithet for this very body (sokushin)”. It is a
metaphor for the perfect fusion of the three mysteries without obstruction in the infi-
nite atoms of the domains of all the Venerables”. 重々帝網名即身，是則譬喩以
明諸尊刹塵三密圓融無礙 .3
But there was a big difference between the Buddha of Kegon, called Vairocana,
who stayed silent in his intuition of the bodhi, and that of Shingon, called Mahāvai-
rocana, who is said to have preached his experience of the “fruit”, that is, of the
bodhi, and therefore to have shared the fruit with others. In the case of Kūkai, the
fact that his uncle played an important role as a superintendent of the construction of
the Great Buddha of Nara (Zō Tōdaijishi 造東大寺司 ), was perhaps a determining
factor in the rapprochement of the Shingon school, situated in both Tōji 東寺 and
Kōyasan, with the clergy of Tōdaiji.
Now relating to Myōe’s views, Myōe explains, in one of his sermons, the differ-
ences between the esoteric and the exoteric perspectives; in the esoteric ones, the
body of the Law of Mahāvairocana cumulates the function of a body of self-fruition:
“Concerning the Mahāvairocana-sūtra, the perfect illumination is the fundamental
knowledge. Its only one object is the veridic principle and not the profane truth. The
magical powers and the sustaining force (the “grace”) (kaji 加持 ) are an acquired
knowledge. In other words, the sustaining (gracious) body of the Buddha (butsuka-
jishin 佛加持身 ) is a retributive body of self-fruition (jijuyūhōjin 自受用報身 ).
In the exoteric schools, the body of self-fruition (jijūyūshin 自受用身 ) never exposes
the Law to people. In the Shingon school, he exposes the Law and gives profits with
the name of “gracious” body of the Buddha. What we call the preaching of the Law
by the body of the Law in its self-nature (jishō hosshin seppō 自性法身説法 ) is this
sustaining body of the Buddha. His residence is the palace of the world of the Law.
This is the reason why it is considered as the one and same thing as the body of
Law. This is also the reason why we call it the preaching of the Law by the body of
the Law. This doctrine is not limited to the Shingon school but is also advocated in
the exoteric teachings, like in the Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment where the matter of
predication has an indistinctive body of Law and retribution.”4

2 Ishii Kyōdō石井教道 , Shōwa shinshū Hōnen shōnin zenshū 昭和新修法然上人全集, 1955:

728–729.
3 即身成佛義
Sokushin jōbutsugi , T 2428: 77.383c2–3.
4 Shinmonshū 眞聞集 , volume II, MSS, III: 237.
312 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

Another way in which we can see the influence of Kegon thought concerns the
interpretation of the world of the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. The sūtra depicts it as the
ocean of the embryo of the lotus flower, or as it may be also interpreted, the ocean
of the womb of the lotus flower. This world was considered, from the time of the
Emperor Shōmu 聖武天皇 (701–756) and the Empress Kōmyō 光明皇后
(701–
760) and afterwards, as a Pure Land in which men may be born. This world in fact
was viewed as being the same as that of Shingon’s one and, in later times, this Ke-
gon’s idea of a world of Flower Ornament seems to have passed, to a certain extent,
through the Amidist conception of the Pure Land, as an underlying and parallel the-
ory of an ideal land. Thus, the doctrines of the Kegon school may have slid from the
prominent place they occupied in Buddhist thought during the middle of the Nara
period. But they were neither discarded nor disproven; they remained, if sometimes
obscurely, in the intellectual assumptions and heritage of the most important Bud-
dhist schools that emerged in the Heian and Kamakura Periods.

Yūzū nenbutsu

Before the emergence of the Pure Land faith of Hōnen as a quasi-independent

movement and organization, the Pure Land belief during the Heian Period was a
rather syncretic mixture of doctrines of other sectarian creeds. Thus it is not surpris-
ing to see that some forms of amidism were mixed with the Kegon doctrine of inter-
dependence, or fusional interpenetration. The best-known case concerns the teach-
ings of the Tendai monk Ryōnin 良忍 (1073–1132), a master famous for his liturgi-
cal singing and his disciplinary tenet on ordination rules called “perfect and sudden”
圓頓戒
(endonkai ). Ryōnin is worshipped as the founder of the Yūzū nenbutsu sect
融通念佛宗 , the sect that called for the commemoration or invocation of Buddha
[Amida] in a fusional interpenetrating way. His invocation of the Buddha was thus
fused with other practices and came to encompass all the merits accrued by all the
Amida invocations by all men, in an ongoing process of fusion that, when perfected,
allows all men to be born in the Paradise of Amida. Although his writings have not
survived, we can gain some insight into his thought by reading his posthumous ac-
count of his thought, the Treatise on the Perfect Doctrine of Fusional Interpenetra-
tion (Yūzū enmonshō 融通圓門章 ),5 as well as his biography found in the History of
Buddhism of the Genkō Era (Genkō shakusho 元亨釋書 ) (c.1322) by Kokan Shiren

5 T 2680: 84.1a–6a. This book, though it was composed very late, in 1703 by Daizū Yūkan 大通
融觀 (1649–?), is not without documentary value, for it is one of the few sources giving a syn-
thetic account of the doctrines of the Yūzū nenbutsu, based on a commentary of the stanzas of
Amida by Ryōnin we quote on the next page. It refers especially to the Yūzū nenbutsu hon.engi
and makes commentaries using in an equal proportion the doctrines of Tendai and Kegon, but
especially the latter in reference to the doctrine of the Unique and authentic world of Law
(isshin hokkai 一眞法界 ), which explains that there is no place in any of the possible worlds
which is not the Pure Land.
 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 313

虎關師錬 (1278–1346). According to Yūzū dainenbutsu hon.engi 融通大念佛本縁

6

起 (1314), which is the fundamental source of these two latter works, Ryōnin is said
to have entered samādhi, when he was forty-six years old in 1117 (Eikyū 5), and to
have seen an apparition of the Buddha Amida who told him the essentials of his
teachings in the form of a stanza:
One man is in all men, all men are in one man, one practice is in all practices and all prac-
tices are in one practice. This is what I call ‘birth in the Land of bliss by “Other Power” (ichi-
nin issainin, issainin ichinin, ichigyō issaigyō, issaigyō ichigyō, zemyō tariki ōjō [kore tariki
ōjō to nazuku] 一人一切人、一切人一人、一行一切行、一切行一行、是名他力往生 )

In response, Ryōnin is said to have composed this stanza:

The commemoration of Buddha penetrating in fusion the ten worlds in one instant of
thought has the meritorious qualities of ten thousand million commemorations perfectly
achieved. (jukkai ichinen no yūzū nenbutsu wa okuhyakumanben no kudoku enman 十界一
念、融通念佛、億百萬遍、功徳圓満 ).
7

Although these two stanzas cannot be formally proven and explained by the doc-
trines of Kegon or by their combination with those of the Tendai sect-indeed, they
may derive from a fictitious work of Genshin, the Essentials on the Examination of
the Mind (Kanjin ryakuyōshū 觀心略要集 ),8 – we cannot deny that their vocabulary
and conceptions, such as “the one in the all, and the all in the one” and “penetration
in fusion” are familiar in the Kegon texts. We can notice, in particular, the ideas that
there is a coincidence between one individual person and one practice, all individual
persons and all practices, and also that the “veritable aspect of all things” (shinnyo
眞如 : “suchness”), as well as the non-duality of facts and principle, can explain the
notions of “compenetration in fusioning” and “the presence of the decuple universe
in one instant of thought”. The same text has also this tenet: “The fusional com-
memoration of the Buddha asserts that the practice of one person is the practice of
all persons and reciprocally, so that their merits are grandiose, and the birth in the
Pure Land will arrive in the next life. If one person can be born in the Pure Land, it
is without fail that all people will accomplish this birth.”9 The text goes on to say that
belonging to this adapted teaching of the Buddha, all men will be saved, whether
they may be good or bad, great saints or small saints, with profound or superficial
spiritual faculties, they will arrive to the capital of the true aspect of things as the
original enlightenment (hongaku shinnyo no miyako 本覺眞如の都 ).10 The expression
“Capital of the true aspect of the original enlightenment” is identical with the one
Myōe uses in his work titled the Signification of the Mind-only according to the Kegon

16 DNBZ 101.271–272. Also Honchō kōsōden, see DNBZ 103.216–217.

17 Yūzū dainenbutsu hon.engi 融通大念佛本縁起 , probably composed in 1314 by Goa Ryōchin
護阿良鎮 (?–?), a subdisciple of Ryōnin, copied in 1390, and edited in 1691. See Zoku Tendai-
shū zensho, Shiden 2, Nihon Tendai sōdenrui, 1, 1988: 347.
18 Shimaji 1933: 195–196.
19 Ibid., 350b.
10 Ibid., 356a, 357a.
314 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

(Kegon yuishingi 華嚴唯心義 ) (1201). Here, he refutes the false doctrines of con-
temporary monks who, probably, belonged to the new schools of Nenbutsu,11 monks
who were probably identical with those criticised in his other works, the Konjishishō
kōkenshō 金獅子章光顯鈔 (1210) and the Zaijarin 摧邪輪 (1212). We cannot close
our eyes to the possibility of the influence, direct or indirect, of Kegon texts, for we
do not find these words even as pregnant concepts in the Essentials on the Examina-
tion of the Mind, that the Tendai scholar Shimaji Daitō considered as an authentic
work of Genshin. In fact this work, which was possibly composed by a master of
Ekai 惠海 of the Anraku.in 安樂院 in the 5th month of 1077 (Shōryaku 1),12 some-
times refers to the Kegon doctrines but mostly concerning its doctrine of “mind-
only” (yuishin) as creative of the dream-like things.
While the nenbutsu of Ryōnin stressed the practical aspects and consisted of a
verbal invocation of the Buddha Amida, its theoretical basis can be found in the Ke-
gon concept of fusional compenetration. Can we not, in this instance, conclude that
the Kegon doctrine of the interpenetration of all things lies behind these concep-
tions, at least when observed theoretically from a distance? The same thing may be
said of doctrines, akin to the Yūzū nenbutsu’s ones, that we can find in another work
attributed to Genshin but which, in fact, is manifestly posterior and, may have been
written by Shingen 眞源 (1063–1130), a scholar of the Genshin lineage (Eshinryū
惠心流 ) at the Hieizan. This work is entitled: the Dialogues on the Commemoration
of the Buddha as a Practice for Oneself (Jigyō nenbutsu mondō 自行念佛問答 ).13
In this work, it is assumed that one instant of thought (of the commemoration of the
Buddha) penetrates in the trichiliomegachiliocosme, that is the whole universe in
space and time, as though, belonging to the real aspect of things (shohō jissō 諸法實
相 ), there is an immediate adequation between the right and the false, the state of
profane and the state of Buddha. It says in one passage that, according to “the signi-
fication of the perfect doctrine, one Buddha is all the Buddhas and all the Buddhas
are one Buddha, one practice is all the practices and all the practices are one prac-
tice, one vow is all the vows and all the vows are one vow. That is the reason why
the vow of one Buddha, as is Amida, is the vow of all the Buddhas.” This quotation
is a testimony that during the 12th century there existed a doctrine relating to the
solidarity of the vows and the practices in all the Buddhas, by the means of the
invocation of the nenbutsu, which is very akin to the Yūzū nenbutsu. Thus we cannot
say that the doctrines attributed to Ryōnin are only an invention of latter ages.
In fact, the Yūzū nenbutsu conception of Ryōnin was partly inherited by Hōnen,
and was also found in customary practices of the Dainenbutsue during medieval
times. We have the example of the retired emperor Toba who, in 1124 (Tenchi 1),

11 See the suggestive article of ŌTAKE Susumu 1999.

12 Nishimura and Sueki 1992: 223.
13 Shingen is, together with Ryōga 良賀 , a disciple of Gensan嚴算 ; as he was a friend of Ryōga,
who was the master of Ryōnin, we cannot consider the doctrinal affinities of the two monks as
the product of a mere coincidence. See DNBZ 31.204a.
 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 315

promoted the practice of yūzū nenbutsu throughout the country, with the Sumiyo-
shi’s temple Shūrakuji (the Dainenbutsuji 大念佛寺 ) in Settsu as a center of prac-
tice. Here, monks recited the “fusional invocation Amida” (yūzū nenbutsu) with high
voice during the Ōhara’s controversy for three days and three nights in 1186 (Bun-
ji 2). The famous disciple of Hōnen, Seikaku 聖覺
(1167–1235), the liturgist singer
of Agui, practiced the “fusional invocation of the Buddha Amida” (yūzū nenbutsu)
for one week in an offering for the third anniversary of the death of his master in
1215.14 We have testimony that the mixture of the invocation of Amida with the
odori nenbutsu, as practiced by Jishū’s disciples for the accompaniment of dancing
and loud musical performances, was firmly prohibited in 1413 (Ōei 20). However, a
center is said to have been founded for the performance at the Kayadō 萱堂
by Shin-
ji Kakushin 心地覺心 (1207–1298) and inherited by Ippen 一遍
(1239–1289): here
a form of nenbutsu may have been mixed with Zen (nenbutsu zanmai 念佛三 昧) in
religious practices on Mount Kōya.15

Myōe

May not this kind of practice explain discussions about the achievement of the state
of Buddha by all human kind, even when it has been realized by just one individual?
These discussions seem to us like mere abstractions similar to those concerning “the
sex of the angels” during the European Middle Ages, seem abstract to us, but during
the Heian and Kamakura periods, they were so seriously discussed that they must
have been significant; but, if we cannot grasp their implications in the social history,
perhaps the reason lies in our own lack of knowledge and researches in this field.
Consider, for instance, a discussion about the elimination of human passions. Some
believed it to be an individual question, while the Kegon school partly took it to be a
collective one. In the first view, the extirpation of passions was a matter of concern
for just one person, but, in the second view, it concerned all humankind, or more
strictly speaking, all sentient beings. Starting with the laconic statement that “one
cutting of passions involves all cuttings of passion,” we can infer two possible inter-
pretations, both of which are based on the conception of the interpenetration of all
things, as resumed by Myōe 明惠 (1173–1232), for instance:
1. If in just one person there is a successful cutting of passions, all other passions
are exhaustively eliminated in this person, since all phenomena, including pas-
sions, are inextricably related.

14 Hōnen shōnin chokuden法然上人勅傳 , the famous biography of Hōnen compiled on imperial

order by Shunshō 舜昌 (1255–1335), in 48 volumes, one century after the death of his Master.
See Jōdoshū zensho 淨土宗全書 , XVI.
15 Gorai 1975: 233–238.
316 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

2. A radical application of this principle would hold that if one man eliminates one
passion in himself, he cuts off not only all other passions in himself, but also all
passions in all other men.
If we ask whether these tenets have any factual significance, we obviously can
conclude that they do not, in our eyes, except if we consider the distant perspective of
a universal salvation based on Mahāyānic compassion. The first interpretation is not
evidence for the religious belief that if we cut off one delusion, we extirpate all delu-
sions from ourselves, unless one accepts as valid the concept of sudden enlightement
as advocated by some Zen masters, like those of the Darumashū, according to Myōe.
It is true that these Zen masters were thought to advocate the “sudden teaching”
which is generally considered as the closest to the “perfect teaching” of the Kegon,
in the classifications of the Buddha’s teachings according to the Kegon school. The
second interpretation, condemned by Myōe, could have been assumed by followers
of the Yūzū nenbutsu or akin to this current. In this case, if we consider that the uni-
versal salvation, which is implied in only one invocation of Amida by one person, is
expected in the next birth and not in the present life.
Myōe discusses this question about the doctrine of the conditioned coproduction
of things, according to Fazang’s interpretation (in his Treatise on the Five Teach-
ings),16 and especially about its doctrine of perfect fusion of the six characteristics of
things. This follows the famous principle enounced in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra that
“when one conceives first the thought of enlightenment, at this very moment he real-
izes the correct enlightenment”.17 But Myōe notices that “the correlation between
one cutting (of passions) and all cuttings means that when, in the obstacles of all the
delusions, one suppresses one category of delusions, he suppresses the obstacles of
all the delusions (of the same category). Moreover, the correlation between one reali-
zation and all the realizations means that when one realizes the virtues of one cate-
gory of practice, he realizes the virtues of all the practices (of the same category).”18
Myōe concludes his analysis, saying that the opinion of a “certain person” (aru hito)
that we can extend the reasoning from one person to all people, is only an extra-
polation of the principle expounded in the Chapter on Nature-origination of the Bud-
dhāvataṃsaka-sūtra. This says that when the Tathāgata realizes the state of Buddha,
he sees in his body (var.: in his mind) all the sentient beings realizing tthe same
state.19 What refers to a “vision” of a principle cannot be extrapolated to a present re-
ality. Can we consider that the adversaries of Myōe were believers of Nenbutsu who
misunderstood the doctrine of the Yūzunenbutsu, that speaks of a universal salvation
in the following birth, in the sense of a salvation in the present life, in conformity
with the common sense of their times?

16 T 1866.
17 T 1881: 45.507c10–16.
18 DNBZ 13.188b–189a.
19 T 278: 9. 627a1–4, T 279: 10.275a19–21.
 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 317

We can also notice that such discussions, like those on the sudden or gradual cut-
ting of the delusions, were very earnest, during the Heian period among monks of
Tendai. One of these discussions took place between Kan.en 觀圓 of the Miidera, a
son of the second counsellor Fujiwara no Kanetaka 藤原兼隆 , and Gonshō 嚴勝 of
the Hieizan, the 11th month of 1101, at the palace of emperor Toba. The controversy
was related to the Sūtra of the Benevolent Kings, the Treatise on the Awakening of
Faith and the Lotus Sūtra. In conclusion, it says that “the diachronic cutting of pas-
sions was the tenet of the Minor Vehicle, while the simultaneous cutting of passions
was established by the Tendai. There were a lot of similar discussions on this subject
among Chinese and Japanese masters.”20
We can find an allusion of discussions on the validity of one practice and one
commemoration of the Buddha as determinant for the salvation in the Recorded Say-
ings attributed to Hōnen, but probably posterior to him.
“Question nine: When we speak of ten commemorations within the original vow
and of one commemoration in the accomplishement (hongan niwa jūnen jōju niwa
ichinen 本願には十念成就には一念 ), is its meaning valuable for the ordinary life or
for the last moments of life? Answer: As I have said in the past years, in the Holy
Way, when we cultivate in such a manner one practice (ichigyō 一行 ) in the ordi-
nary life, one’s faults immediately vanish, so that, afterwards, we speak of the reali-
zation of the state of Buddha, even though one does not perpetuate [this practice].
We also say that it is useful to tie an opportunity [to engage oneself in the salvation],
and we teach it as a skilfull means of the Buddha. But it does not signify [a birth in
the Pure land] in the next life. This is surely the ultimate teaching of the Flower Or-
nament (Kegon), the adepts of Dhyāna (Zenmon 禪門 ), [the practioners] of mantra
(Shingon) or of the mental appeasement and examination (Shikan 止觀 = Tendai).
The reason [of this kind of practice] is that, for the beings who are originally idle, af-
ter they have recitated one time the invocation, they install themselves in the convic-
tion they will be born [in the Pure Land], even though they never recite it after-
wards, and refrain themselves to recite it several times, which is regrettable. Ten
commemorations have a meaning when we seal them in the form of the infinite. For
those who have embraced the Buddha’s invocation towards the end of their life, in
the moment they will pass away, we teach the recitation of ten invocations if they
cannot recite one hundred invocations. And we teach one invocation if they are un-
able to recite even ten invocations.”21

20 It was recorded in the Honchō kōsōden 本朝高僧傳 compiled by Mangen Shiban卍元師蛮

(1626–1710) in 1702, vol.11, DNBZ 102.185b–186b. Concerning the Kegon, we have the fol-
lowing sources: Zhiyan, Kongmuzhang, T 1870 : 45.562b (allusion); Fazang, Huayan wujiao-
zhang, T 1866: 45.492b–496a, 507c; Huayan jing wenda, T 1873: 45.600a–c; Myōe, Konjishi-
shō kōkenshō, DNBZ 13.188b–195b; Gyōnen, Kegon hokkai gikyō, NST 15.287–290; Jōyo,
Kegon tekagami, DNBZ 13.490b–493b; Tan.e, Gokyōshō sanshaku, 36, 26; Shōken, Gokyōshō
chōshō, vol. 2. 160.
21 The Shūi Kurodani shōnin gotōroku 拾遺黒谷上人語燈録 良惠
was written by of Ryōe Dōkō
道光 (1251/1243?–1330/1290?), in the second half of the 13th century, T 2611: 83.257b–c.
318 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

We can see that, even in the Nenbutsu school, the idea of one practice as suffi-
cient to assure the salvation was criticized as an idle means which was asserted by
schools like the Kegon, the Tendai, the Shingon or Zen. This text, dated to the end
of the 13th century, is late but it may reflect an anterior situation prevalent through-
out century. The question settled here is to combine, in doctrinal terms, the immedi-
acy of the realization of the fruit, which is instantaneous and beyond the time, and the
practices required to accomplish it within the time.
On one hand, Myōe, for instance, states that at the very moment one has con-
ceived the faith, he is equal to the Buddha, so that it is without moving one thought
he is equal to the Buddha.
“At the state of profane, from the very moment we have conceived the thought of
the faith, we cultivate meritorious practices during innumerable eons and we accom-
plish the stages to be equal to all Buddhas, without moving even one thought. Why?
Because the three dimensions of time (past, present, future) are without measured
running.”22
In other words he says that the all time is reduced to one instant of thought: “In
front of the wisdom of emptiness of things (dharma), the three dimensions of the
time are only one instant of thought.”23 The reason alleged is that, from the begin-
ning, the thought of faith, when it is fulfilled, is associated with wisdom, the term of
the career of the praticioner.
“The final thought [of the faith stage] is the term where the thought of faith is as-
sociated with the wisdom. It is not a question here of ten thousand eons or anything
else. The faith of the one-vehicle constitues itself by according itself with these three
things: the great vow, the great compassion and the great wisdom. The great wisdom
penetrates the fruit of Buddha, the great compassion gives benefits to sentient beings
and the great vow extends itself to the ten directions.”24
This oneness of thought is, on one hand, an absence of delusive thought (condi-
tioned thought) (munen 無念 ), and on the other hand a fusion with the principle and
the nature of things: “A thought, that is one, is qualified of being perpetually without
delusive thought. It is the oneness of the spatial fusion in conformity to the principle,
or it is the oneness of the adequation to the nature of things.”25 This is the idea of Ke-
gon that there is a fusion without obstruction between one instant [of thought] and
the immesurable [three] eons in the bodhisattva’s career (nengō yūsoku 念却融即 ,
ichinen soku sangi 一念即三祇 , ichinen fuge sangi一念不礙三祇 ).
But, on the other hand, Myōe insists on the need of gradual practice, against an
irrealistic subitism:
“At the stage of the faith, we are strictly of the same flavour as the inconceivable
Buddha’s Law. The reason for this is that we hold it true that the individual sub-

22 Kegon shinshūgi華嚴信種義 (1221), T 2330: 72.72a.

23 Ibid., 225b.
24 Ibid., 235a.
25 Kegon shinshūgi monjūki 華嚴信種義聞集記 (1226), II, 225.
 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 319

stance is already empty. If we don’t differ at all from a Buddha, the nature of things
is enlightenment and is not different from ourselves. Consequently, we are not sepa-
rated from it. As long as we have not cutted the faculties which bind us to the indi-
viduality, the covetousness and the aversion are weaker. This is the reason why we
don’t enjoy the object of our desire and don’t hate the object of our aversion. In this
very place, unestimable realizations are also manifested. If the things are so, the cut-
ting [of passions] in the way is not over necessary, and the passions are all in them-
selves the enlightenment […] The absence of ego and great self [the true self], being
without limits, is the nature of all phenomena which have been emptied by the knowl-
edge of the emptiness of things. We enter straight-out in the emptiness of the indi-
vidual and of elements (dharma), as in the case of the evacuation of subtantiality of,
for instance, this cloth. First of all, this cloth is linen-made. The sleeves are cotton-
made (kaiko). My body is constitued by the blood and the flesh of my father and my
mother. I am bound to my body, a mere temporary reunion of the four elements and
of the five aggregates, which are associated by the action of good and bad acts done
during my previous existences. The basis of my thought, which is bound, is the
receptacle-consciousness of maturation. What binds is the mental (manas). What
apprehends an object, by the combination of the sense-faculties, the objects and the
consciousness, is the five sense-consciousnesses, and what distinguishes the good
and the bad is the mental-consciousness. What knows the temporary thing constitued
by a natural combination, has the name of knowledge of emptiness of individual.
And what, from here, knows the non-substantiality of phenomena is the knowledge
of emptinesss of phenomenon. To enter straight-out into the arcane [of this doc-
trine], without cultivating by ascending degrees [this understanding of things], is
like constraining a baby to ingurgitate a solid aliment. First we give milk to a baby,
and it is only when he grew up that we give him solid food. If we give a sardine to a
hungry man, he will die. But, if he eats the sardine gradually, with diluted rice, for
instance, he will live. To penetrate straight out in the depth [of the principle of
things] is dangerous. It is in the dharmas without ego that we can, for the first time,
find the true self. But if we do not treat of the absence of ego, which true self can be
found?”26.
It is a well-known fact that Myōe did not admit that the Kegon doctrine of the
extension of the cutting of passions is only limited to one person, in relation to the
same species (jirui sōtai 自類相對 ), and that it is only by induction from the princi-
ple that it was extended by the school to each others (jita sōtai 自他相對 ). However,
he admitted this extension in the case of the realization of the state of Buddha, from
the viewpoint of perfect fusion.
Finally, when we can consider the place and the role of Myōe vis-à-vis the devel-
opment of Kegon doctrines at Tōdaiji in the Kamakura period, it is probably inaccu-
rate to claim that Myōe championed a kind of heterodoxy opposed to the orthodoxy
of the Kegon school as represented by the scholarship practiced at Tōdaiji. In fact,

26 Daijō kishin ron honsho chōshūki 大乘起信論本疏聴集記, DNBZ 92.449–450.

320 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

both of these intellectual currents inherited the tradition of Kegon scholarship. In the
case of Myōe, his strong personality enabled him to develop new teachings, as he
widely drew upon the wide diversity of ideas current at this time, in order to adapt
his thoughts in response to the needs of his audience and lay followers. As a result,
Myōe constructed quite an original system of thought and doctrine, that did not con-
tradict the former Kegon tradition. Instead, he developed conceptual innovations that
won the attention of his audience and, of course, the monks of Tōdaiji who did not
share Myōe’s preoccupations with the contemporary problems of Japan that was just
emerging from the chaos of civil war. Perhaps unexpectedly, the Tōdaiji scholars con-
tinued to follow Myōe’s example in settling religious problems. They adopted his
positions or proved critical of them. Thus, as Shimaji Daitō pointed out, no direct
discussions or controversies took place between Tōdaiji and Kōzanji; there were no
controversies over ceremonies, similar to the rongi, no exchanges of opinions, and
Tōdaiji did not exercise any real influence on Kōzanji.27

Dōgen

When we look for an influence of Kegon on some thinkers of the Kamakura period,
the result is quite disappointing, but the question excites sometimes our curiosity.
We can find, in the works of the lay follower of Shingon, Chidō 知道 (?–?), a grand-
nephew of Dōgen, who was a believer of Maitreya’s paradise and influenced by the
nenbutsu. In his works, we can find some scattered traces of his reading (direct or
indirect) of Kegon literature, such as the Gaṇḍavyūha, apart from his knowledge of
the Zen work, the Gateless Gate (Wumenguan), which was circulated in Kyoto in his
time. According to him, when Sudhana entered into the treasory palace of Maitreya,
he felt as if he entered into the heaven of Tuṣita.28 His idea that his access to the Pure
land of Maitreya is accomplished in one instant of thought (ichinen 一念 ), by only
one thought of faith that plants a germ of realization of the state of Buddha – this is
a point identical to Myōe’s views. It allows to see the real aspect af all things which
entirely pervades the world of the Law (dharmadhātu). This world is described as
a state of original no-abode (honmusho 本無處 ) and of no-birth (fushō 不生 ) – it is a
terminology coming from Zen –. But in fact, Chidō is very critical towards the ap-
proach of the “original enlightenment” (hongaku) in the Shigon sect of his time. In a
manner similar to his great-uncle’s, he thought that an effort was necessary in prac-
tices to get access to the buddhahood. This differed from the Shingon teaching ac-
cording to which no practice and no enlightenment was required, because “it is with-
out moving from the saṃsāra that we attain the nirvāṇa, and the providing of the
three soiled acts of our profane state is in itself the three mysteries of the body of

27 Shimaji, Ibid., 394–395.

28 Ten Causes of a Good Dream (Kōmu jūin 好夢十因), quoted in Tanaka 1982: 272–273.
 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 321

Law.”29 Though knowing some Flower Ornament literature, Chidō did not accept
the idea of an effortless and universal salvation.
In the case of Dōgen, whose name itself comes from a quotation of the Buddhā-
vataṃsaka-sūtra, were are struck by the fact that Kegon seems to be quasi-omni-
present while even unidentifiable and unseizable through accurate sources. This was
demonstrated by Kamata Shigeo’s enquiry on this subject. Such is the case of the
metaphor of the gemma which reflects the entire universe, or of the flower which
contains the whole world in its recesses, or of the absolute space (not the physical
one) which is identified with the prajñā and is the locus where all things can take
place and act without any obstruction. This impression is perhaps due to the fact that
these doctrines were present, not explicitely but chiefly as background and pregnant
sources, in the Logia of the Chinese Zen masters that Dōgen read earnestly during
his travel in China. This kind of Huayan background can be founded in the Logia of
Mazu and partly in those of Linji. We can read some allusions to the pilgrimage of
Sudhana and quotations of Li Tongxuan’s New Combined Treatise in Linji’s Logia.
Nevertheless, we can find some indirect allusions to the Kegon literature in Dō-
gen’s works. He speaks of the manner in which Sudhana acquires a good medi-
cation, identified with the whole earth, by visiting the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī who is
conceived as a good master.30 He also quotes some words of the Chan master Nan-
yang Huizhong 南陽慧忠 (?–775). Huizhong discusses the realization of the state of
Buddha by sentient and non-sentient beings and explains the prediction and the
realization of buddhahood by sentient beings, using the comparison of a prince who
becomes the sovereign of his territory. He says that “the domains of the ten direc-
tions are completely the body of the Buddha Vairocana.” Vairocana is the favourite
fundamental Buddha of the Zen schools, who occurs quite frequently in the sermons
of Dōgen, as in the Ocean-seal Samādhi (Kaiin zanmai), which speaks of the Biru
zōkai 毘廬藏海 , the ocean of the embryo-matrix of Vairocana.31
In a stanza composed at Eiheiji, nine years after having moved to the province of
Echizen, Dōgen evokes, from his small hermitage compared to this threefold world
of transmigration, the impossible perception of the principle of the "no birth" of all
things. He compared it with something that is neither material nor immaterial as the
odour of a flower, which even with a “transcendantal eye”, can only be perceived in
the immediacy of the sense of smell:
My thatched hermitage of three fathoms square [of this Threefold world] is completely in
the freshness of the wind,
My nose perceives by inquiring at first the perfume of the automnal chrysanthemum.
With eyes of iron and pupils of copper, Who can perceive it distinctly?

29 Ibid., 266–267.
30 Eihei kōroku 永平廣録 , I, n° 16 ; II, n° 169.
31 DZZ, I, p. 125. Girard 1997: 81. The same word is used by Dōgen in the meanig of ocean of
the treasure of the Law (Vairocana being the incarnation of the Law), that is the « Buddhist
Canon », Eihei kōroku, V, n° 362, DZZ (Kagamishima), III: 232; DZZ (Ōkubo), II : 87.
322 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

I have seen in Echizen nine times reduplicated yang [the ninth of the ninth month’s festival
of chrysanthemum]?

三間茅屋既風涼、鼻觀先參秋菊香、鐵眼銅睛誰辨別、越州九度見重陽 32

Here, the play on numbers, especially on the “perfect number” nine and its sub-
multiple three, is in occurrence evident. The multiplication and the division of this
perfect number nine lets emerge the idea of the infinite, or, in terms common to Ke-
gon and Dōgen, of the inexhaustible, so that Menzan, the commentatator of this
stanza assures that the multiplication of the number nine is synonymous with the
“principle of the gate of the ten infinite and inexhaustible mysteries of the Flower
Ornament [Kegon]” ( 華嚴の重々無盡 の十玄門の道理 ).33 Though this interpreta-
tion is posteriorous to Dōgen, Menzan adopted it, maybe, because in this passage
and other passages, the influence of Kegon doctrines was naturally suggested, not
only in the vocabulary, but also in the dominant tone of writings of Dōgen.
In the collection of kōan named the Three Hundred Cases of the Treasury of the
Vision of the True Law (Shōbōgenzō sanbyakusoku 正法眼藏三百則 ), Dōgen also
quotes the words of the national master Qi’an 齊安國師(755–817) stating that the
fourfold realm of the Law (dharmadhātu), which is based on the Flower Ornament
Sūtra is not measurable nor apprehendable by the intelligence, as is done in the de-
mon’s cave (in the abode of death), but has to be seen immediately, which seems to
signify that it is inexhaustible.34 So we may infer that Dōgen was probably also criti-
cal towards the conception of four dharmadhātus, as a mere scholastic one.
In a sermon adressed to his disciple Ejō 懷奘
(1198–1280), who asked how he had
to exercise in the monastery, Dōgen said that he had to sit only, constantly, in a pa-
villion at the foot of a tower-mirador, without mingling nor speaking with other peo-
ple, but always remaining “like a deaf and a dumb.” This may be an allusion, slightly
transformed and incurved, to the well-known phrase of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra relat-
ing the state of the common beings listening to the Buddha preaching about his inner
enlightenment incomprehensible for us. But, in the case of Dōgen, this state of idi-
ocy, which he describes as the wise ignorance of worldly affairs for someone who
wants to become an accomplished man, may be interpreted as a supreme state of
quiet understanding of the truth.35

32 Eihei kōroku, X, personal stanza n° 108, version of Manzan ; DZZ (Kagamishima), IV: 291;
DZZ, II (Ōkubo): 199; Kikuchi Ryōichi, 2000: 728–729. The stanza can be dated to the ninth
of the ninth month of 1252. The version of the Eiheiji says :
“My thatched hermitage of three fathoms square is plunged in freshness,
My nose cannot be duped by the perfume of the automnal chrysanthemum.
How my eyes of iron and my pupils of copper could be tottering [they cannot hesitate] ?
I have seen in Echizen nine times reduplicated yang [the ninth of the ninth month’s festival of
chrysanthemum]? ”
三間茅屋足清涼、鼻觀難瞞秋菊香、鐵眼銅睛何潦倒、越州九度見重陽
句中玄
33 Tōjō kuchūgen , n° 148, Murakami, 1995: 191–192.
正法眼藏三百則
34 Shōbōgenzō sanbyakusoku , III, n° 24, DZZ (Ōkubo), II, pp. 241–242.
正法眼藏隨聞記
35 Shōbōgenzō zuimonki , VI–13, VI-20, DZZ (Ōkubo), II, pp. 485, 490.
 SOME ASPECTS OF THE KEGON DOCTRINES 323

In a sermon preached at Fukakusa, in 1242, Dōgen examines the generic samā-

dhi of the Flower Ornament, the ocean-seal samādhi (kaiin zanmai). His quasi-con-
temporary Myōe, in a sermon of 1226, considered this generic samādhi as the source
of all activities, not only all of the samādhis, as states of meditation and practices,
but also as the foundation of the social activities. However, in reality, it was for him
an effective state of meditation at the light of which all things had to be seen. In his
sermon, Dōgen, faithful to what may be called his “phenomenism” and his “ab-
stractionism,” states that this samādhi cannot be defined as a peculiar state of medi-
tation adequate to the truth. It is the recognition and discovery of the things as they
are, so that we have to return to this samādhi as at the source of the mind and of our
original nature. While criticizing the conception of “returnig to the source,” which is
peculiar to the Kegon philosophy, and which Myōe uses, Dōgen seems to attack
conceptions that were prevalent in his time. Nevertheless, we are unable to point out
exactly the opponents he disparaged, but probably it was not Myōe for whom this
“return to the source” was not a definitive one, as – he included social activities in
this samādhi. Dōgen rather attacked doctrines held, for instance, by the Hieizan or
Tōdaiji’s monks or, adepts of the Darumashū.
We can see, to a certain extant, Dōgen’s aknowledgement of the Kegon doctrines
by indirect sources; he seems to accept them as a tacit foundation of his worldview,
but he disagreed with Kegon as a doctrinal system, perhaps due to the contempora-
neous Buddhist followers he knew in Japan or in China.
It is worthy to notice, we think, that the stanza on the “bell in the wind” (fūrinju
風鈴頌 ), composed by the Chinese master of Dōgen, Rujing 如淨 (1162–1228), was
considered as very important for the two men. This contained the quintessence of
their philosophy combining the conception of an absolute space, the preaching of
non-sentient beings with the highest understanding of the prajñā.36 This stanza was
transmitted, under rather strange circumstances, among the practicioners of vocal
invocation of Amida, in the current originally issued from Kūya and continued by
Kūamidabutsu 空阿彌陀佛 (1155–1228), a current close to that of the odori nenbu-
tsu and the yūzū nenbutsu.37 This rather odd filiation, which seems at the first glance
quite inexplicable, might not be understood by affinities lying in a latent infiltration
of Kegon thought?

Conclusion

During the Kamakura period, the Kegon doctrine played a quite subterranean role in
some currents of Buddhism and was still alive in some original figures of this age.
Its role as a state ideology was not absent, as it is the case in the Tōdaiji monks, and

寶慶記
36 See the dialogue n° 32 of the Hōkyōki . See DZZ (Ōkubo), II, 385.
37 It appears in the Myōgi shingyōshu明義進行集 , composed by Shinzui 信瑞 (?–1279) circa
1270, and copied in 1282 by Eban 惠鑁 . See Myōgi shingyōshū, 2001:136.
324 FRÉDÉRIC GIRARD

even of Myōe who was rather marginal in his epoch. However, this role is not as in-
fluential as used to be in the Nara period when, for other doctrinal systems could as-
sume this function.

References

Dōgen zenji zenshū 道元禪師全集 [Collected works of Zen master Dōgen]. Ōkubo Dōshū 大久保
道舟 (ed.), 2 volumes. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1970. [New edition: Kyoto: Rinsen shoten, 1989.]
Dōgen zenji zenshū 道元禪師全集 [Collected works of Zen master Dōgen]. Kagamishima Genryū
鏡島玄隆 酒井得元
, Sakai Tokugen and Sakurai Shūyū 桜井秀雄 (eds.), 7 volumes, Tokyo:
Shunjūsha, 1988–1993.
Girard, Frédéric: “Le Samadhi de réflexion sigillaire océanique chez Dōgen” in Le Vase de Béryl
(ed.): Etudes sur le Japon et la Chine en hommage à Bernard Frank. Paris: Philippe Picquier,
1997.
Gorai Shigeru 五來重 高野聖
: Kōya hijiri . Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten 1975. (Kadokawa sensho 角
川選書 79.)
Ishii Kyōdō 石井教道 : Shōwa shinshū Hōnen shōnin zenshū 昭和新修法然上人全集 [Collected
works of Hōnen edited during the Shōwa period]. Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1955. [New edition:
1974.]
淨土宗全書
Jōdoshū zensho [Collected works of Jōdo school].
華嚴信種義聞集記
Kegon shinshūgi monjūki 金澤文庫資料全
. Kanazawa bunko shiryō zensho
書 , volume 2, 1975.
菊池良一
Kikuchi Ryōichi : Dōgen no kanshi – Eihei kōroku shishō 道元の漢詩 永平廣録私抄 –
[Dōgen’s poems, the Eihei kōroku shishō]. Ashikaga: Ashikaga Kōgyō daigaku, 2000.
村上信道
Murakami Shindō : Dōgen zenji shigeshū Tōjō Kuchūgen 道元禪師詩偈集洞上句中玄
[Collected poems of Zen master Dōgen, the Tōjō Kuchūgen]. Tokyo: Seizansha, 1995.
西村冏紹
Nishimura Keishō 末木文美士 , Sueki Fumihiko 觀
: Kanjin ryakuyōshū no shinkenkyū
心略要集の新研究 [New studies on Kanjin ryakuyōshū]. Kyoto: Hyakkaen, 1992.
大竹晋
Ōtake Susumu 本覺の都考
: “Hongaku no miyako kō” [An investigation of the expression
“capital of the original enlightenment”]. Nihon bunka kenkyū 日本文化研究 (1999) 10: pp.
63–76.
大谷大學文學史研究會
Ōtani daigaku bungakushi kenkyūkai (ed.): Myōgi shingyōshū 明義進行
集 . Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 2001.
Shimaji Daitō 島地大等 日本佛教教學史
: Nihon bukkyō kyōgakushi [The history of doctrines of
Japanese Buddhism]. Tokyo: Nakayama shobō, 1933.
Tanaka Hisao 田中久夫 鎌倉佛教雜考
: Kamakura bukkyō zakkō [A random investigation of Ka-
makura Buddhism]. Tokyo: Shibunkaku shuppan, 1982.
續天台宗全書
Zoku Tendaishū zensho [The continuation of the collected works of Tendai school].
Tokyo: Tendai shūten hensanjo, 1988.
 ISHII KŌSEI

KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM

IN MODERN JAPAN

It is often said that Kegon philosophy was used as a doctrinal justification for the
planning of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere and Japan’s militaristic ac-
tivities. This assessment probably derives from the fact that in roundtable discus-
sions published in Chūōkōron 中央公論 immediately after the start of the Japan–US
War and henceforth, Kyoto school scholars such as Kōyama Iwao 高山岩男 (1905–
1993) and Nishitani Keiji 西谷啓治 (1900–1990) justified Japan’s aggressive be-
havior through a combination of Hegel’s philosophy of history, Ranke’s historical
view, and Kegon philosophy.1 These scholars in turn had a serious impact on intel-
lectuals and university students. In fact, however, even though they were philoso-
phers having nationalistic leanings, they cooperated with some elements in the Navy
who were against war party in the Army. They had received information that Japa-
nese military activities in China were in fact a war of aggression with little likeli-
hood of resolution, and were aware of the fact that if Japan waged war against the
United States, Japan would have no chance of winning. While they justified Japa-
nese military activities in China as a war to liberate Asian colonies, they also tried to
lead the Japanese war effort in a more moral direction and to avoid the expansion of
the war aimed for by the Army and militarists.2 Consequently, they insisted that Ja-
pan should lead world history by integrating Asian countries in a way that was
different from Western colonialism, and by resisting Western powers from the posi-
tion of representative of the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. They argued
that Kegon philosophy, which spelled out the relationship between “individual” and
“whole” or “absolute,” could serve as a theoretical underpinning for such a new world
order.3 However, they were criticized by the Army and rightwing extremists, and
their activities were gradually limited. In the end, their only accomplishment was to
adorn the Japanese war with philosophical language.
Shortly before the rise of the Kyoto school, the Japanese Buddhist community
and Buddhist academic community had linked Kegon philosophy with nationalism.

1 Horio 1994.
2 Ōhashi 2001.
3 Ishii 2000a.
326 ISHII KŌSEI

In order to protect Buddhism from Shintō chauvinists, who regarded Buddhism as

an alien idea and tried to eliminate it, they emphasized the fact that the imperial fam-
ily had been worshipping Buddhism for a long time and that Buddhism had been the
national religion in Japan from the very beginning; thus it was fully integrated into
the state. They put great emphasis on the fact that Prince Shōtoku (574–622) propa-
gated Buddhism in Japan. Taking as examples Emperor Shōmu’s 聖武 (r. 724–49)
achievements in establishing the Great Buddha in Tōdaiji Temple 東大寺 and set-
ting up provincial monasteries (kokubunji 国分寺 ), they emphasized that the wor-
ship of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra was the basis of Emperor Shōmu’s faith. From the
mid-1930s, Kegon philosophy was often used to explain the relationship between in-
dividuals and the state under an authoritarian regime.4 This kind of use by the Kyoto
school was just one example.
However, the most extreme nationalistic groups that propelled Japan to war in
the early Shōwa period were in the lineage of state Shintō, the Nichiren sect, the Jōdo-
shin sect, the Zen sect, and other sects. For example, the National Pillar Society (Ko-
kuchūkai 国柱会 ), which was organized by TANAKA Chigaku 田中智学 (1861–1939)
and which had a great influence on military personnel, consisted of group of people
who followed Nichiren and the Lotus Sūtra. The Japan Principle Society (Genri nip-
pon sha 原理日本社 ), which criticized professors who showed a liberal political ori-
entation and had them expelled from their universities one after another, was a group
of waka 和歌 (Japanese short poem) poets who followed Shinran.5 No private reli-
gious group existed that actually believed in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and developed a
radical political movement. Kegon philosophy was probably too theoretically ab-
struse to serve as a guideline for activists. This situations stands in sharp contrast to
the case of Chinese intellectuals, such as KANG Youwei 康有為 (1858–1927), TAN
Sitong 譚嗣同 (1866–1898), and ZHANG Taiyan 章太炎 (1868–1936), who made
the best use of Huayan philosophy and the mind-only philosophy to aim at social re-
form and revolution.

The Avataṃsaka-sūtra and the State in Japan

When the “Eye-Opening” ceremony was held at Tōdaiji Temple in 752, Bodhisena
(Bodaisenna 菩提仙那 ), an Indian monk, and Daoxuan 道璿
, a Chinese monk,
conducted the ceremony accompanied by Chinese, Indochinese, and Korean music.
The Imperial Court needed the appearance of having all the Asian nations willingly
participating in the Japanese emperor’s Buddhist ceremony. It was not merely a co-
incidence that the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere was justified later by Ke-
gon philosophy. Study of the doctrines of the Kegon school flourished afterwards,
centered at Tōdaiji Temple. However, unlike the Lotus Sūtra and the Diamond Sūtra,

4 Ichikawa 1975: 222.

5 Ishii 2002a.
 KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 327

laymen seldom transcribed the Avataṃsaka-sūtra for the merits of their ancestors.
The Avataṃsaka-sūtra was probably considered to be the national sacred text wor-
shipped by Emperor Shōmu, and was not an object of worship among ordinary
people. This is quite different from the situation in China and Korea.
It is often said that Fazang’s 法藏 (643–712) Kegon (Ch. Huayan) philosophy
became the guiding force of the social ideology during the reign of Empress Wu 武
(624–705). However, this was just a hypothesis of the late Prof. KAMATA Shigeo 鎌
田茂雄 . Kamata criticized the Kyoto school and TAKAKUSU Junjirō 高楠順次郎 , who
utilized Kegon philosophy to justify the Great East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere and
totalitarianism, and supposed that the same thing held true in the Tang dynasty.6 It is
true that Fazang and Empress Wu took the best advantage of each other, but Fazang
was in the lower ranks of the monastic hierarchy and other famous monks were far
more respected than he was.
The Kegon School in various temples in Nara, such as in Tōdaiji Temple, was a
public school for the purpose of studying Kegon philosophy. In the Tōdaiji Temple
Kegon school in the Kamakura period, Gyōnen 凝然 (1240–1321), a great scholar
monk, composed numerous texts on Kegon philosophy as well as many books sur-
veying the histories and doctrines of various Buddhist schools, including Kegon. In
the Edo period (1600–1867), Gyōnen’s works, such as the Essence of Eight Schools
(Hasshū kōyō 八宗綱要 ), were used as standard introductory texts for Buddhism.
Moreover, many schools of Buddhism studied Kegon philosophy to gain basic Bud-
dhist doctrinal knowledge. Among these sects, Jōdoshin Sect and Shingon Sect were
particularly keen on studying Kegon philosophy, because their originators greatly
esteemed the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Kegon philosophy. Hōtan 鳳潭 (1654–1738),
an Edo period reviver of the Kegon School, often held heated discussions with the
scholar monks of other sects. As a result, despite the fact that many scholar monks
developed detailed philological and historical studies, the Kegon studies at Tōdaiji
Temple remained on the wane. Moreover, because, unlike other sects, Tōdaiji
Temple did not have an enormous number of believers, its influence further waned
after the Meiji Restoration. In 1872, when the Meiji Government ordered each
temple to clarify to which sect it belonged, Tōdaiji Temple was forced to be man-
aged under the Jōdo (Pure Land) sect. It was only in 1886 that Tōdaiji Temple re-
gained independence as the head temple of the Kegon School.

Kametani Seikei’s Revival of Kegon Philosophy

In this situation, it was KAMETANI Seikei 亀谷聖馨 (1858–1930) who approached

Kegon philosophy from a modern perspective, regarding the Avataṃsaka-sūtra as
the supreme Buddhist scripture.7 Kametani, who served as a secretary to a national-

6 Kamata 1960.
7 Ishii 2002b.
328 ISHII KŌSEI

istic politician, moved to Tōdaiji Temple in his mid-thirties and devoted himself to
the research of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra. Then, working as a newspaper writer and an
educator, Kametani wrote a number of books on the history and doctrines of the
Kegon school. Comparing Kegon philosophy with that of Kant and Hegel, Kametani
insisted that the philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra was the most profound, and
that all Western philosophies could be subsumed within it.8 He also tried to demon-
strate that Kegon philosophy was not incompatible with Einstein’s Theory of Rela-
tivity.9 Kametani, who respected and followed Emperor Meiji’s Imperial Rescript on
Education, argued that it reflected Kegon philosophy. Moreover, believing in the
Sun Goddess Amaterasu – held to be the Imperial ancestor – to be equivalent to Vai-
rocana Buddha in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, Kametani tried to link Kegon philosophy
with kokutai 国体 or National Polity of Japan.10 Intellectuals and students read Ka-
metani’s works written from this perspective to a certain extent, and they seemed to
stimulate interest in Kegon philosophy.
While Kametani was an old-style patriotic Buddhist who respected the Imperial
family and emphasized loyalty and filial piety, he recognized the merits of Christi-
anity. He was also a pacifist who did not cease to have positive hopes for results
from the activities of the International Peace Conference and so on. However, he
regarded Japan’s war as a kind of holy war for peace. The combination of Prince
Shōtoku, Emperor Shōmu, and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra that Kametani worshiped was
simply a combination that the Buddhist community used as a vindication against
attacks on Buddhism by extreme nationalists in the decade starting from the mid-
1930s.

Kihira Tadayoshi’s Nationalistic Kegon Philosophy

Kametani was on good terms with INOUE Tetsujirō 井上哲次郎 (1855–1944), a

famous nationalistic philosopher who wrote an officially recognized commentary on
the Imperial Rescript on Education. KIHIRA Tadayoshi 紀平正美 (1874–1949), a
student of Inoue, who helped Hegelian philosophy to get firmly accepted in Japan,
became familiar with Buddhist philosophy in his youth and wrote books on Chinese
Zen, Shinran, and Dōgen. Kihira particularly respected Prince Shōtoku’s Seventeen
Article Constitution, Kegon philosophy, and Shinran’s philosophy. One feature of
Kihira’s interpretation of Buddhism is its thorough linkage with nationalism.11
While Kihira evaluates Kegon philosophy as superior to Hegelian philosophy, he
was cautious about its doctrine of “non-obstruction between distinct phenomena.”
This is because if the doctrine were applied to the situation in Japan, the common

18 Kametani 1923.
19 Kametani 1922.
10 Kametani 1912.
11 Ishii 2000b.
 KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 329

people and the emperor would be seen as equals because they have unlimited virtues
in common. This kind of thinking also has affinities with Western democracy.
Therefore Kihira emphasized that the ancestors of the Imperial family were the
fundamental source of all virtues. He identified this situation with the doctrine of
“dependent co-arising from the tathāgatagarbha” which argued that everything
comes out of tathāgatagarbha. As the Avataṃsaka-sūtra included these doctrines, he
believed that Japan stood in the middle between the doctrine of “non-obstruction be-
tween distinct phenomena” and the doctrine of “dependent co-arising from the tathā-
gatagarbha.” In other words, each person was different according to his occupation
and societal status, but everyone was equal under the absolute Emperor, and he ar-
gued that the Great Buddha in Tōjdaiji Temple represented this idea.12
Like Inoue, Kihira had a close relationship with the Ministry of Education from
early on.13 When the Ministry of Education established the Institute of National
Spiritual Culture (Kokumin seishin bunka kenkyūjo 国民精神文化研究所 ) in 1932
for the purpose of study and teaching of nationalism, Kihira became quite active as
the head of its thought division. The Ministry of Education made a nationalistic pam-
phlet entitled Cardinal Principles of the National Entity of Japan (Kokutai no hongi
国体の本義 ), primarily written by the institute’s members, which was distributed to
schools all over Japan. Its central theme utilized Kihira’s argument.14 As soon as Car-
dinal Principles was published, Kihira published its manual via the Ministry of Edu-
cation. Arguing that “wa 和 (harmony)” advocated by Prince Shōtoku was not mere
pacifism but “daiwa 大和 (great harmony)” that could include resorting to military
force, Kihira justified the application of force for peace.15 Putting Kegon philosophy
into practice, Kihira believed that this “daiwa” was the amalgamation of equal indi-
viduals and the absolute state, which was a special feature of Japan. However, be-
cause Kihira was cautious about the socialist movement in Japan and argued for the
harmony of a variety of people while completely ignoring Asian nations, he did not
pay any attention to the problem of rationalizing Japanese rule over Asian nations
through Kegon philosophy.

Tsuchida Kyōson’s Liberal Interpretation of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra

Kihira was cautious about Kegon philosophy, aware that the philosophy contained a
principle of equality that could be used to deny monarchy. It is possible that Kihira
had taken into account the opinions of TSUCHIDA Kyōson 土田杏村 (1891–1934).
Tsuchida entered the Kyoto University department of philosophy, where he studied
phenomenology under NISHIDA Kitarō 西田幾多郎 (1870–1945). He subsequently

12 Kihira 1930: 117–118.

13 Kihira 1932.
14 Ajisaka 1991.
15 Kihira 1938.
330 ISHII KŌSEI

chose a career not as a university professor, but as a freelance critic. In his Philo-
sophy of Symbols (Shochō no tetsugaku 象徴の哲学 ) published in 1919, he criti-
cized the notion that an entity has various attributes, and tried to develop his own
epistemology using Kegon philosophy. In 1921, he published the Short Essays on
the Kegon Philosophy (Kegon tetsugaku shōronkō 華厳哲学小論攷 ) that dealt with
the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and the Awakening Faith in Mahāyāna. In this book, he ar-
gued that Buddhist philosophy should not be a merely passive theology, declaring
that any principle to reform society should be based on the philosophy of the doc-
trine of “non-obstruction of distinct-phenomena” of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra. In other
words, considering the idea of private ownership as the source of various social
problems, he aimed at formulating a liberal social system free from such attach-
ments. Tsuchida highly evaluated Kegon philosophy as a theory to articulate this
kind of social system. He published his own journal entitled Culture, introducing
philosophies and social conditions of Western Europe, including communism and
anarchism, but opposing dogmatic Marxism. He also cooperated with the Free Uni-
versity of Shinano 信濃 , which was a small learning society run by young people,
considering this system as a model of liberal and democratic society. Consequently,
academic scholars, the thought police, and Marxists regarded him as heretical phi-
losopher, a dangerous activist spreading socialism, or a reactionary fascist.16
In this way, Tsuchida was a philosopher who respected liberty and equality, and
used Kegon philosophy to inform his personal thinking and lifestyle. However, in
his later years, he made an argument that came close to state socialism.17 As he
insisted on the necessity of a national agency that would implement equitable poli-
cies to fill the gap between rich and poor, his arguments ended up becoming even
closer to state socialism. He died at the age of 43 before the onset of World War II,
but if he had lived for ten more years, we can imagine that his arguments would
have moved even closer to state socialism with the rise of nationalism in Japanese
society.

Nationalistic Interpretation of Kegon Philosophy in the Buddhist

Community and the Buddhist Academic Community

TAKAKUSU Junjirō (1866–1949), a major figure within the Buddhist academic com-
munity and well-known as the editor of the Taishō Tripitaka, gave a lecture entitled
“Buddhist Totalitarian Principle” at a meeting sponsored by the Ministry of Educa-
tion six months after the publication of Cardinal Principles of the National Entity of
Japan. This lecture was published by the Ministry of Education in the following
year.18 He argued that Japan had been totalitarian since the foundation of the coun-

16 Ueki 1971: 360–361.

17 Yamaguchi 2004.
18 Takakusu 1938.
 KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 331

try, taking Tōdaiji Temple and its provincial monasteries as prime examples. He
articulated the specific totalitarianism in Japan through Kegon philosophy, and
insisted that the Japanese people should devote themselves to the country under such
a national system. Since Takakusu, like Kihira, belonged to the Institute of National
Spiritual Culture and participated in the editing of Cardinal Principles, Kihira proba-
bly had an influence on Takakusu. Takakusu from the beginning respected liberty
and peace. He made efforts to promote international exchange programs, and de-
voted himself to educating women, but he was strongly cautious about the growth of
Christianity from his youth and this attitude became stronger with age. When he was
young, Takakusu became deeply involved with Anagarika Dharmapala (1864–
1933), a Sinhalese nationalist fighting for the revival of Buddhism and independence
of Ceylon. In his third visit to Japan in 1902, Dharmapala had a long discussion with
TANAKA Chigaku, a representative of modern Japanese nationalistic Buddhists, and
they had a strong impact on each other. Based on an ancient legend reported by
Dharmapala, Tanaka began to argue that Emperor Jinmu came from India and the
Imperial Family was descended from Chakravarti-rājas or Śākya clan. He claimed
that Japan should morally integrate the world and coined the notorious phrase, “All
the world under one roof (hakkō ichiu 八紘一宇 ).” Dharmapala not only met with
many nationalistic Buddhists in Japan with whom he exchanged mutual influence,
but also stimulated YANG Wenhui 楊文會 (1837–1927), a key player in the revival
of Buddhism in China. Though Dharmapala was himself a pacifist, he played a
significant role in linking Buddhism with nationalism in modern Asia.
Besides Takakusu, there were many scholars and Buddhist monks who gradually
came close to extreme nationalism through protecting Buddhism from extreme right-
wingers and came to use Kegon philosophy to justify war. Concerning the behavior
of these scholars and Buddhist monks, ICHIKAWA Hakugen 市川白弦 (1902–1986)
persistently surveyed their behaviors and sought to clarify the responsibility for the
war among the Buddhist Community and Buddhist Academic Community, as well
as his own responsibility.19 Ichikawa made his points in a series of articles entitled
“War Experience in Buddhism (Bukkyō ni okeru sensō taiken 仏教における戦争体
験 )” (1959–1962). These people included famous scholars, Buddhist monks, and in-
tellectual Buddhists who wrote books about the Avataṃsaka-sūtra and Kegon phi-
losophy, such as KANEKO Daiei 金子大栄 , YAMABE Shūgaku 山辺習学 , KAMEKAWA
Kyōshin 亀川教信 , EBE Ōson江部鴨村 , and others. Some of these people were
respected for their righteousness, deep beliefs, and scholarship. Why were these peo-
ple easily swayed by nationalism and why did they develop their nationalistic argu-
ments using Kegon philosophy? Did Kegon philosophy have something common
with the Imperial Rescript on Education?
This situation held true for Nishida Kitarō, a representative philosopher of mod-
ern Japan. Nishida was originally a liberal, but as he defended himself against per-
sistent attacks from the right wing, his argument gradually became close to that of

19 Ishii 2004.
332 ISHII KŌSEI

ultranationalists. In his last years, Nishida deepened his own philosophy and often
used the phrase “non-obstruction between distinct phenomena” and explained
Japan’s distinctive features centered on the Imperial family. In other words, Nishida
opposed the crude arguments of radical nationalists, while writing articles that gave
theoretical significance to the foundation of their arguments, such as Japan’s promi-
nence and Japan’s particularity, based on his own ideas and on Kegon philosophy.20
Nishida, however, did not study Kegon philosophy in a systematic way. In later
years, Nishida adopted Kegon philosophy into his own ideas because his close friend
D. T. Suzuki was actively discussing Kegon philosophy, and his students, Kōyama
and Nishitani, had organized an Avataṃsaka-sūtra study group and studied Kegon phi-
losophy while they were graduate students. While he was young, Nishida had contact
with Kihira, who went to the same university, but in later years, they became enemies.
During the war, Kihira and his followers actively criticized Nishida’s philosophy as
unpatriotic.

D. T. Suzuki’s and Ichikawa Hakugen’s Perspectives

on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra

Unlike many aggressive Zen masters during the war, D. T. Suzuki (1870–1966) did
not praise the holy war or suicide attacks. He well understood the power of the
Western nations and predicted that Japan would lose the war. During the war, Su-
zuki began to search for a means to revive Japan in the postwar era. With this pur-
pose in mind, he paid particular attention to the philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra.
Suzuki was the first Buddhist scholar in East Asia who clearly claimed that it was
necessary to separate the philosophy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra itself from the philo-
sophy of the Kegon school. However, in his Construction of a Spiritual Japan (Rei-
seiteki nihon no kensetsu 霊性的日本の建設 ) published in the year following the
defeat in the war, he regarded the philosophy of “non-obstruction between distinct
phenomena” of the Kegon school as the basis for rebuilding Japan as a democratic
country. In other words, using Kegon philosophy, Suzuki described a picture where
nations in the world could freely mingle with each other on an equal footing, and
where at home all the people respected each other’s freedom, and freely related with
one other. This is reminiscent of KANG Youwei’s “society of great harmony (datong
shijie大同世界 )” because both had utopian ideas. Suzuki regarded the Emperor as
the center of Japan and expected the Emperor to function as the nucleus of an equita-
ble society where independent people could judge everything for themselves. This is
different from the totalitarian idea that prevailed during the war, in which the state
and the military controlled every aspect of people’s lives.
Suzuki did not regard the Emperor as an absolute God and believed that inde-
pendent individuals should act according to their own judgment. However, it is true

20 Ishii 2002c.
 KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 333

that the structure of Suzuki’s idea resembles a rationalization of the totalitarianism

of Kegon philosophy. In fact, later in his life, Suzuki wished that the philosophy of
the Avataṃsaka-sūtra would achieve the democratization of Japan and break the
deadlock of Western civilization, believing that such a philosophy of the Avataṃ-
saka-sūtra would become activated only through Japanese spirituality.21 We can find
in Suzuki a link between internationalism and nationalism.
Early on, Suzuki rated Ichikawa Hakugen highly, and Ichikawa was greatly in-
fluenced by Suzuki. However, in the postwar era, Ichikawa began to criticize Suzu-
ki. One of the reasons was that Suzuki did not express opposition to militarism dur-
ing the war, but after the war, suddenly began to criticize Shintōism and Zen mas-
ters’ wartime behavior. Another reason was that even though Suzuki tried to create a
democratic Japan, he situated the Emperor at the center of Japan. Ichikawa, who had
been familiar with anarchism since he was young and actually participated in mod-
erate anarchist political movements in the postwar era, appreciated Suzuki’s ap-
proach, but did not accept the idea of seeing the Emperor as the center of Japan.
Ichikawa believed that the society Suzuki pictured should be like the society of
“unity of order and anarchy” idealized by Proudhon, and the World of the Lotus
Treasury in the Avataṃsaka-sūtra is exactly such a society.22 Even in his later years,
Ichikawa probably was unaware of reformist and revolutionists in China who util-
ized Huayan philosophy.

Conclusion

In this way, Kegon philosophy was often used in connection with nationalism in
modern Japan. This can be partly attributed to the fact that Kegon philosophy had
been studied under authority of Emperor Shōmu. More importantly, because Kegon
philosophy taught the interpenetration of the individual and the whole, it was easy
for it to be connected with totalitarianism. On the other hand, there were some schol-
ars who regarded Kegon philosophy as a theory for a society to be established by
free and equal individuals. But these people were in an extreme minority and did not
have any meaningful social influence.

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21 Suzuki 1946: 158–163.

22 Ichikawa 1961.
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思想
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Ishii Kōsei 石井公成 《 》
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(2002c) Numéro hors-série printemps: pp. 71–112.
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shite”宗教者の戦争責任 市川白弦その人の検討を通して — [War responsibility of believ-
－ 暴力
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Kametani Seikei 亀谷聖馨 華厳の哲理と相対性原理
: Kegon no tetsuri to sōtaisei genri [Kegon
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 KEGON PHILOSOPHY AND NATIONALISM IN MODERN JAPAN 335

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Kihira Tadayoshi : Nippon seishin to benshōhō 日本精神と弁証法 [Japanese spirit and
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Ōhashi Ryōsuke : Kyōto gakuha to nihon kaigun 京都学派と日本海軍 [The Kyoto
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Tsuchida Kyōson]. Tokyo: Perikan-sha, 2004.
 DOROTHY WONG

THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS

IN EAST ASIA

Introduction

Huayan (J. Kegon; K. Hwaŏm) Buddhism, whose teachings are based on the Huayan
jing, the Avataṃsaka-sūtra or Flower Garland Sūtra, is one of the most important
schools of East Asian Buddhism.1 The Huayan jing has provided inspiration for the
creation of numerous artworks, ritual objects, and architectural complexes.2 We are
familiar with the portrayals of Vairocana (Ch. Darirulai 大日如來 , or Piluzhenafo
毘廬遮那佛 ), Mañjuśrī (Ch. Wenshu 文殊
), and Samantabhadra (Ch. Puxian ) 普賢
– the “Three Holy Ones” of Huayan Buddhism. The Gaṇḍavyūha, or Rufajiepin
入法界品 , the last chapter of the Tang translation of the Huayan jing, recounts the
young boy Sudhana’s (Ch. Shancai tongzi 善財童子 ) pilgrimage to visit fifty-three
spiritual friends (kalyāṇamitra) in search of enlightenment. This originally independ-
ent text has inspired a variety of popular pictorial narratives and sculptural reliefs.
In this study I discuss a group of Huayan paintings that hitherto has received
relatively little attention. These are the so-called Huayan bian 華嚴變
, or “trans-
變
formation tableaux” (referring to bian , bianxiang 變相
, or jingbian 經變
), that
are intended to embody, or make manifest, the entirety of the sūtra’s teaching in
a pictorial format. I examine the Chinese examples from Dunhuang, of ninth- to
eleventh-century dates, and the slightly later Japanese ones dating to the Kamakura

1 Early versions of this chapter were presented at the 2004 Association for Asian Studies annual
meeting in San Diego, and at the Chinese Buddhism Conference held at Hsi Lai Temple, Los
Angeles, in June 2005. I am grateful for the comments from Robert Gimello, the discussant of
the 2004 AAS panel, and from Deborah Klimburg-Salter, who has read early drafts of this
essay. I would also like to acknowledge the support of a small grant from the Carl H. and Martha
S. Lindner Center for Art History, University of Virginia, toward preparation of this essay for
publication. The Avataṃsaka-sūtra was first translated into Chinese by the Indian monk Bud-
dhabhadra in 420 (T 278, 60 fascicles), and again by the Khotanese monk Śikṣānanda in 699
(T 279, 80 fascicles). For more details, see Hamar’s chapter, “The History of the Avataṃska-
sūtra,” in this volume.
2 Ono 1937, Matsumoto 1937, Fontein 1967, Gómez and Woodward 1981, Ishida 1988.
338 DOROTHY WONG

period (1185–1333). Although most early Hwaŏm paintings from Korea have not
survived, some later examples are included for discussion. These three groups of
Huayan/Kegon/Hwaŏm paintings share similarities, but they also differ in other ways.
This essay is a preliminary attempt to explore and interpret these paintings as a group.
Furthermore, an examination of the use of these paintings in ritual contexts, both in
East Asia and elsewhere, may shed light on the meanings of these paintings and the
emerging esoteric context within which they can be interpreted.

Huayan Paintings in China

The most flourishing period of Huayan Buddhism in East Asia was in the seventh
and eighth centuries, when the school’s teachings were intertwined with state ideol-
ogy. Empress Wu Zetian 武則天皇后 (624–705) of Tang dynasty (618–907) China
and Emperor Shōmu 聖武天皇 (701–756) of Nara period (710–794) Japan were
both important imperial patrons of Huayan/Kegon Buddhism. It was also during the
High Tang period (705–780) that we first read about paintings entitled Huayan bian.
Zhang Yanyuan’s 張彥遠 Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記 [Record of Famous Painters
of All Dynasties] mentions such mural depictions in Yidesi 懿德寺and Jing’aisi
敬愛寺 , Buddhist temples in Chang’an and Luoyang, respectively.3 In Japan, Monk
道慈
Dōji (d. 744) commissioned an embroidery of Kegon hen (Huayan bian) for
大安寺
Daianji in 742, suggesting that the new kinds of Buddhist paintings developed
in China were closely followed in Japan.4 The embroidery’s title, Avataṃsaka’s Seven
Locations and Nine Assemblies (Ch. Qichu jiuhui, J. Shichisho kyūkai 七處九會),
confirms that its contents were based on the Tang translation of the sūtra. (The fifth-
century translation of the Huayan jing mentions only eight assemblies.) The majority
of Huayan paintings at Dunhuang also portray the same subject, and it is to this group
that we turn our attention.
Unlike the more alluring, splendid Pure Land paintings, or the captivating narra-
tives of the Vimalakīrti-sūtra (Ch. Weimojie jing 維摩詰經 ) and the like, the Huayan
paintings at Dunhuang have largely been seen as dry and monotonous, lacking in
visual appeal that merits study. Most of them depict the Buddha’s magical appear-
ances in seven mythical locations where he expounds the Huayan teachings in nine
gatherings. The assemblies are more or less identical, static with minimal details about
place and narrative contents. Most art historians ascribe this lack of visual interest to
the difficulty of representing the abstract, abstruse philosophical doctrine of a text

3 Zhang 847: juan 3, 61, 68–69, respectively.

4 In “Daianji garan engi narabini ryūki shizaichō 大安寺伽藍縁起并流記資財帳 [A history of
the founding of Daianji and a record of its properties] (747),” in Hanawa Hokinoichi塙保已一
(1746–1821), 1983 ed., Gunsho ruijū 群書類従 [A compendium of categorized texts], vol. 24,
p. 381. Dōji was one of the Japanese monks who traveled to Tang China during the heyday of
Huayan Buddhism.
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 339

as long and complex as the Huayan jing. Because of such aesthetic judgments, full
illustrations of these murals are seldom included in major publications of Dunhuang
art. For example, the Dunhuang Academy records a total of twenty-nine murals of
Huayan bian in the Dunhuang cave-chapels, yet not a single mural was featured in
the five-volume series published in the early 1980s.5
The recent rediscovery and publication of two large, portable Huayan paintings
in the Pelliot Collection, which until recently have been neglected in storage at the
Musée Guimet, present new materials for re-evaluation.6 These two silk paintings
are among the largest portable paintings from Dunhuang – one almost 2 meters and
the other almost 3 meters in height. Based on their stylistic characteristics, they have
been dated to the Five Dynasties (907–960) or Song (960–1279) period, in the tenth
century. Their impressive size and fine quality indicate that the Huayan doctrine was
of central importance to the Buddhist community at Dunhuang. Probably intended for
hanging in temples, they served important liturgical functions.
The first painting portrays the Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies (194 × 179
cm), while the second depicts the Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood (286 × 189 cm),
based on the Daśabhūmika, or Shidipin 十地品
, chapter of the Huayan jing (figs.
1, 2). Like the Gaṇḍavyūha, the Daśabhūmika was originally an independent text
that became incorporated into the larger body of the Avataṃsaka literature.
The painting of Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies belongs to the type that
originated in the High Tang period and was subsequently transmitted to Korea and
Japan. According to the Huayan tradition, after the Buddha achieved enlightenment
at Bodhgayā he remained in a trance, in a state of ecstatic beatitude, for a period of
four times seven days. During this period of deep meditation, and upon Brahmā’s
intercession, the Buddha manifested himself in seven mystical locations and preached
to the assemblies gathered for his teachings (the total number of assemblies was
eight or nine according to the fifth- or seventh-century translations of the Huayan
jing, respectively.) The Buddha’s manifestations are thus magical apparitions, and
the mystical locations delineate a movement beginning from the site of the Buddha’s
enlightenment in the terrestrial realm, then ascending to the heavens, and finally
finding a resolution back in the terrestrial domain. This temporal-spatial scheme in

5 Dunhuang wenwu yanjiusuo 敦煌文物研究所 1982: 227–28. In the Tonkō Bakkōkutsu 敦煌莫
高窟 series (1980–82), there are only views of the ceilings of Cave 9 and 55, which include
Huayan bian, but the photographs are not of the quality that one can study. The Dunhuang
shiku xishu 敦煌石窟藝術 series (from 1993) that published individual cave-temples began to
include Huanyan bian for study; but prior to this publication one still had to rely on Pelliot
1914–24, or Matsumoto’s study in 1937. At the 2004 AAS meeting, Robert Gimello commented
that a common phenomenon in the reception of religious art is that beatitude is difficult to
portray, whereas depictions of the lower realms of spirituality, such as hells scenes in Christian
art or the many pictorial narratives in Buddhist art, are much more engaging and are often the
first to draw the attention not only of viewers but of scholars as well.
6 Giès 1994, 1996.
340 DOROTHY WONG

the Buddha’s apparitions corresponds to the Avataṃsaka cosmology, a variant of the

many conceptions of Buddhist cosmology.
In Buddhist cosmology one generally distinguishes between the single-world
system, also known as the triple world system, of pre-Mahāyāna Buddhist cosmology
and the multiple-world system, or the cosmology of innumerables, of Mahāyāna
cosmology; the latter includes the Pure Land cosmology of Amitābha/Amitāyus (Ch.
Amituo/Wuliangshoufo 阿彌陀 無量壽佛/ ) and various buddha-fields (buddhakṣetra;
Ch. fotu 佛土 ). The Avataṃsaka cosmology, or the Lotus Repository World (Ch.
Lianhuazang shijie 蓮華藏世界 ) of Vairocana Buddha, however, incorporates the
earlier single-world system but transforms it into a fantastic, miraculous realm.7 The
triple world system is divided into three spheres: the kāmadhātu (the realm of desire;
Ch. yujie 欲界 ), rūpadhātu (realm of form; Ch. sejie 色界
), and ārūpyadhātu (realm
of formlessness; Ch. wusejie 無色界 ). The seven mystical locations of Vairocana’s
assemblies all occur within the kāmadhātu, the lowest sphere in the triple world sys-
tem. In the Dunhuang painting, the nine assemblies are neatly arranged in a grid plan
of three rows and three columns (fig. 1a). These are, from left to right:
Top register:
5th assembly (Tuṣita Heaven; Ch. Doushuai tian兜率天 )
4th assembly (Suyama Heaven; Ch. Yemo tian 夜摩天 )
6th assembly (Paranirmitavaśavartin Heaven; Ch. Tahuazizai tian 他化自在天)
Middle register:
7th assembly (Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance, in Magadha; Ch. Puguangfa
tang普光法堂 )
3rd assembly (Trāyastriṃśa, summit of Mt. Meru; Ch. Daoli tian忉利天 )
8th assembly (Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance, in Magadha)

Bottom register:
2nd assembly (Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance, in Magadha)
1st assembly (Bodhgayā, in Magadha; Ch. Puti daochang 菩提道場 )
逝多園林
9th assembly (Jetavana Groves, in Kosalas; Ch. Shiduo yuanlin )

The kāmadhātu is further divided into the heavens, earth (Jambudvīpa; Ch. Zhan-
buzhou 瞻部洲 ), and hells. In the Huayan scheme, the Buddha preaches the first
assembly at Bodhgayā, in the kingdom of Magadha, where he achieved enlighten-
ment, in the bottom center, followed by the second assembly, which takes place in
the Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance, also in Magadha. The subsequent
assemblies take place in the heavenly abodes of gods; the most significant one, the
third assembly, shown in the center, occurs at Trāyastriṃśa, the abode of Indra on
the summit of Mt. Meru (or Sumeru, Ch. Xumishan 須彌山
). The fourth, fifth, and
sixth assemblies that follow take place in the upper levels of heaven and are shown
in the upper register. The seventh and eighth assemblies, also at the Palace of the

7 Kloetzli 1983, 1987; Sadakata 1997: 143–157; Wong forthcoming.

 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 341

Dharma of Universal Radiance, flank the third assembly in the middle register. The
last or ninth assembly, during which the Gaṇḍavyūha chapter is taught, occurs at the
Jetavana Groves, in the Kosalas kingdom in Jambudvīpa, the site of the Buddha’s
first sermon. It is shown to the right of the first assembly, thus concluding the
sequence of mystical visions in a kind of ascending and descending path.
Subtly interwoven into this diagrammatic composition we can interpret the Huayan
concepts of the triloka (three worlds) and the trikāya (three bodies; Ch. sanshen
三身 ). For example, the locations occur both at Jambudvīpa and in the heavens of
gods. While the historical locations provide the settings for the nirmāṇakāya (trans-
formation body; Ch. huashen 化身 , or yingshen 應身 ) of the Buddha, the mystical
places furnish the environments for the apparitions of the Buddha’s saṃbhogakāya
(enjoyment body; Ch. baoshen 報身 ). The Huayan doctrine also describes the Buddha
in absolute terms as the dharmakāya (truth body; Ch. 法身 ), embodied by Vairocana,
the supreme Buddha of the universe. As the abstract, cosmic form of Śākyamuni,
Vairocana is omniscient and omnipresent, and the sūtra emphasizes his multiplicity
and all-pervading presence. His world is the dharmadhātu, the realm of absolute
truth, described in the sūtra with the metaphor of the lotus, and it is one of ineffable
immensity and wonders, embracing countless world systems. This Lotus Repository
World is depicted in the bottom part of the painting, separated from the assemblies
by an arc of five-colored clouds (fig. 1b). A large lotus emerges from the oceans of
fragrant water, supported by two nāga kings. Flowers refer to the practice and deeds,
which produce fruits and seeds. The ocean of fragrant water symbolizes the “reposi-
tory consciousness,” a storehouse for experiential impressions. The walled enclosures
depicted within the lotus refer to the infinity of world systems it contains. The sūtra
speaks of each atom of the Lotus Repository World as containing the universe of
elemental cosmos, countless as the sands of the Ganges.8
One of the most well-known representations of the Lotus Repository World is
the colossal bronze statue of Vairocana at Tōdaiji 東大寺 first cast in the eighth
century, although this iconography is based on the earlier Brahmajāla-sūtra (Ch.
Fanwang jing
10
梵網經 ; c. third century C.E.)9 rather than on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra
(figs. 3, 3a). Vairocana sits upon a thousand-petaled lotus, each petal of which
supports a world. The Buddha incarnates into one thousand Śākyamuni Buddhas, one
for each of the worlds. On each petal, in each world, there are ten billion Mt. Meru
worlds. The Śākyamuni Buddhas each incarnate into ten billion Śākyamuni bodhi-
sattvas, who dwell within each of these Mt. Meru worlds. Thus there are altogether
one Vairocana Buddha, one thousand Śākyamuni Buddhas, and ten trillion Śākyamuni

18 Cleary 1984: 204.

19 T 1484.
10 For a distinction between the two descriptions of the Lotus Repository World based on the
Brahmajāla-sūtra and the Avataṃsaka-sūtra, see Sadakata 1997: 143–157. The Brahmajāla-
sūtra is generally thought to be an apocryphal text. At Dunhuang and Yulin there are also
mural illustrations of this text; see Huo 1990.
342 DOROTHY WONG

bodhisattvas. On the original petals of this Tōdaiji statue are engravings that depict a
simplified version of the Mt. Meru world, with layers of wind circles, and numerous
buddhas as Vairocana’s incarnations in innumerable worlds. A Chinese depiction of
the Lotus Repository World (Huazang zhuangyan shijiehai tu 華藏莊嚴世界海圖 )
has also been preserved on a stele in the Da Kaiyuansi 大開元寺 in Xi’an, dating to
the fourteenth century.11 In this case, the depiction is based on the Avataṃsaka-sūtra
and focuses on the giant lotus supporting the Mt. Meru world rather than on Vairocana
Buddha (fig. 4).
The Dunhuang silk painting is almost identical to the mural from Cave 61 in
composition and in the spatial-temporal arrangement of the assemblies (fig. 5). Other
Huayan murals are depicted on the sloped walls of ceilings, with the whole com-
position either fitted into the trapezoidal shape or divided into three slopes, each
showing three assemblies. Mt. Meru is prominently displayed in the mural of Cave
55 (fig. 6). Pictorial depictions of Sudhana’s pilgrimage are included in some exam-
ples, either as framed panels in the bottom of the mural (Cave 12, figs. 7, 7a) or at
the sides or bottom section of the mural if the bianxiang is depicted on the ceiling,
such as the ceiling murals of Caves 9, 85, and 156 (figs. 8, 8a). Compared with the
well-known Song printed illustration of the Gaṇḍavyūha (the Wenshu zhinan tuzan
文殊指南圖讚 , of Southern Song date),12 the narrative vignettes in the Dunhuang
murals seem rudimentary in iconography, usually showing a youth together with a
couple of figures with very few other distinguishing details. Some are discernible
when the accompanying cartouches have legible inscriptions. A cartouche from the
ceiling mural of Cave 85 mentions Mañjuśrī extending his hand from across a long
distance to touch the head of Sudhana, shortly before the youth’s last visit to Samanta-
bhadra (fig. 8a).13 Although Huayan bian of High Tang and Mid-Tang (781–848)
dates are not yet available for examination, the presence of the depiction of Sudhana’s
pilgrimage in Late Tang (848–907) cave-temples represents the earliest such examples
(see fig. 7, and later discussion of eleventh-century depictions of Sudhana’s pilgrimage
in the Tabo Monastery in the Western Himalayas).
The iconographic programs of Dunhuang cave-chapels also deserve some atten-
tion. From Zhang Yanyuan’s and others’ descriptions, we know that the Buddhist
temples in the Tang capitals are decorated with multiple bianxiang murals and other
Buddhist subject matter. The Chan hall (chanyuan 禪院) of Jing’aisi that contains a
mural of Huayan bian also includes murals of Amitābha’s Pure Land and Maitreya’s
Paradise, among others.14 The inclusion of several bianxiang within a temple hall is
consistent with the practice at Dunhuang beginning in the Tang dynasty. During the

11 Tokiwa Daijō 常盤大定 and Sekino Tadashi 関野貞 1975–1976: plates vol. 9, pl. 40; text vol.
2, pp. 38–39.
12 Fontein 1967: 23–40.
13 The full list of Huayan bian at Dunhuang includes Caves 6, 9, 12, 25, 44, 45, 53, 55, 61, 76,
85, 98, 108, 127, 138, 144, 146, 156, 159, 196, 231, 232, 237, 261, 431, 449, 454, 471, and
472. They include one mural dating to High Tang, but the rest from Mid-Tang to the Song.
14 Zhang 847: 68.
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 343

Early Tang (618–704) and High Tang periods, Pure Land paintings were the most
popular, often with Amitābha’s and Maitreya’s Pure Lands juxtaposed to each other
on opposite walls. Huayan bian began to be popular at Dunhuang in the Mid-Tang.15
From that time on and until the Song dynasty, the number of bianxiang murals painted
within a given cave-chapel increased steadily, from six to more than a dozen. Further-
more, a fair consistency in the pairing of subject matter emerged. In examining the
almost thirty murals of Huayan bian, almost all of them are depicted on the north wall
or the north slope of the ceiling. When one is depicted on the north wall, it invariably
faces a bianxiang of the Lotus Sūtra on the south wall (see appendix 1). The number
of bianxiang depicted within a cave-chapel gradually increased: the Five Dynasties
Cave 98 includes 13, and the Song dynasty Cave 55 has 19 (see appendix 2). These
later bianxiang paintings become formulaic in expression, and the same regularity in
the pairing of certain subject matters persists. Other bianxiang subjects that became
popular in the ninth and tenth centuries include those associated with Chan and other
schools.
By including the transformation tableaux of many sūtras within a cave-chapel in
some regular arrangement, the entire program reads like a compendium of canonical
texts that encompasses the teachings of the different schools of Buddhism. At the
minimum level of interpretation, one can concede that these bianxiang subjects at-
test to the popularity of certain sūtras or the significance of certain schools of Bud-
dhism at Dunhuang at the time: Jingtu 淨土
, Tiantai 天台
, Huayan 華嚴
, Chan , 禪
and so on. Increasingly esoteric subject matters also made their presence known –
some by being incorporated into the predominantly Mahāyāna program, others by
asserting themselves in more independent programs.
The second silk painting illustrates the Daśabhūmika chapter of the Huayan jing,
enumerating the ten stages of bodhisattvahood (fig. 2). The only known depiction of
this subject, the painting is divided into four registers, consisting of twelve scenes.
The ten transcendent assemblies symbolic of the ten stages are shown from left to
right, top to bottom. In the bottom register, the two extra squares show Samanta-
bhadra in the lower left and Mañjuśrī in the lower right, flanking the assembly of
Vairocana in the center. The presence of the boy Sudhana among the entourages of
Samantabhadra and Mañjuśrī makes reference to the Gaṇḍavyūha, suggesting that
the painting embodies the teachings of both the Daśabhūmika and Gaṇḍavyūha
chapters of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra. In doctrinal terms, the painting is an exposition of
the path of spiritual advancement, from a description of the progressive stages of
bodhisattvahood to Sudhana’s pilgrimage and realization of enlightenment under the
guidance of the two great bodhisattvas.
The two Huayan paintings on silk are similar in composition in the use of a grid
pattern to arrange the assemblies. They also share similar iconographic details and

15 The Dunhuang Academy records that the only extant example of Huayan bian of High Tang
date, in Cave 44, is depicted within the east-facing niche of the central pillar, but this mural is
not yet published. Dunhuang Academy 1982: 15.
344 DOROTHY WONG

stylistic characteristics, suggesting that they were made about the same time. The
French scholar Giès suggests that these two liturgical paintings are related to each
other dialectically. Perhaps hung on temple walls facing each other as a ritual pres-
entation, they set up a visual hierarchy analogous to the scholastic exposition of both
a general theory and a scheme of practice.16
If there remains doubt as to the value of interpreting the meaning and function of
the icons and murals at the Dunhuang cave-chapels due to the fact that their interiors
were almost completely dark, then one must remember that these cave-chapels come
close to simulating the interiors of temple halls, probably both in layout and in subject
matter.17 Copious records of Buddhist temples of Tang and Song times mention the
same kind of sculptures and bianxiang murals adorning the temple halls.18 Further-
more, the silk painting depicting Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies (fig. 1) is vir-
tually identical to the mural in Cave 61 (see fig. 5), while other Huayan murals bear
only minor variations. This similarity between portable paintings and cave-temple
murals suggests that they shared the same designs/models and may have been executed
by the same workshops and artists. The large format of the two Huayan bian silk
paintings indicates that they were likely hung in temples. Called zhenghua , 幀畫
they were hung behind the main image(s) on the altars in temple halls, on side walls,
or, in later times, even outside the temples (such as the large thangka paintings hung
outside Tibetan monasteries). Some extant, though later, portable Hwaŏm zhenghua
(K. t’aenghwa) in Korea that are still hung in temples confirm the ritual use and
visual practice of displaying such paintings (see discussion below).

Kegon Paintings in Japan

In Japan, Kegon Buddhism was one of the old schools of Nara Buddhism, with its
headquarters at the Tōdaiji, but it declined after the move of the capital to Kyoto and
the destruction of Tōdaiji during the civil war. The embroidered Seven Locations and
Nine Assemblies that Monk Dōji commissioned for Daianji in 742, which we assume

16 Giès 1996: 45–46.

17 At the AAS meeting and elsewhere, Robert Sharf raised the issue (and is not the first one to do
so) that since the interiors of Dunhuang cave-chapels were so dark, no rituals or other practices,
such as meditation or visualization, could have taken place inside them. While this is true, and
the cave-chapels may indeed have commemorative or other functions, this does not diminish the
value of studying these murals and icons – or the iconographic program as a whole – for under-
standing contemporary practices that took place in the halls of monasteries. One must, of course,
distinguish between the temple and the cave-chapel contexts.
18 In addition to Zhang Yanyuan’s Lidai Minghua ji, and Duan Chengshi’s 段成式 “Sita ji寺塔
記 ,” which record the many temples of Tang Chang’an and Luoyang, we also have records of
major temples such as the Xiangguosi 相國寺 in the Northern Song capital of Kaifeng. The
Xiangguosi, for example, includes a Lushena dian 盧舍那殿 (Hall of Vairocana) that houses a
life-sized Buddha statue, flanked by Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra in side towers; lining the
connecting corridors are tall steles engraved with the Huayan jing. See Soper 1948: 24–26.
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 345

closely followed the iconography and composition developed in Tang China and
was similar to examples at Dunhuang, also did not survive. The record in Daianji
garan engi narabini shizaichō 大安寺伽藍縁起并流記資財帳 (747), however, notes
尺
that the embroidered painting is 20 shaku high and 18 shaku wide (approximately
6.6 meters × 6 meters), indicating that the portable painting was of impressive size.19
Even if the dimension given is figurative rather than literal, there are indications that
the portable painting was probably of impressive size, for known Shingon mandaras
can be as tall as 4 to 5 meters high.20
In the Kamakura period, Rōben 良辨
(1173–1232), or Myōe Shōnin 明恵上人
,
sought to revive Kegon Buddhism, and Kōzanji 高山寺
, where he served as abbot,
became the new center of the Kegon school.21 The next group of Kegon paintings in
Japan, dating from the thirteenth century, are all associated with Myōe in one way or
another. Major studies by Jan Fontein and ISHIDA Hisatoyo 石田尚豊
, among others,
have given us a detailed genealogy and analysis of this group of Kegon paintings.22
Three are associated with Sudhana’s Pilgrimage: Zenzai dōji emaki 善財童子絵巻
[Handscroll of Sudhana’s pilgrimage], in handscroll format; Kegon gojūgo sho-e 華
厳五十五所絵 [The Fifty-five Visits (of Sudhana) as Narrated in the Avataṃsaka-
sūtra], a set of paintings mounted on wooden frames; and Kegon kai-e zenchishiki
華厳海会善知識曼荼羅
mandara [The Good Friends of the Avataṃsaka Ocean
Assembly]. Two others are: Kegon kai-e sho shōju mandara 華厳海会諸聖眾曼荼
羅 [The Congregation of Holy Beings of the Avataṃsaka Ocean Assembly]; and
華厳縁起絵巻
Kegon engi emaki [Handscroll of the Founding of Avataṃsaka
Buddhism], which narrates the founding of Avataṃsaka Buddhism in the Korean
kingdom of Silla by the monks Gishō 義湘
(K. Ŭisang; 625–702) and Gangyō 元曉
(K. Wŏnhyo; 617–686), whose disciples propagated the Avataṃsaka doctrine in Japan.
The narrative handscrolls and the mounted panels are not discussed below; instead
I focus on the Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara and the Kegon kai-e sho shōju
mandara, both of which are iconic portrayals of the Kegon Ocean Assembly similar
to the Huayan paintings at Dunhuang. Yet these two Japanese paintings already show
divergence from the Dunhuang examples.

19 The same entry in “Daianji garan engi narabini shizaichō” mentions another embroidered paint-
ing of the same size, depicting the Dai hannya shijūjūrokkai大般若四重十六会 [Four Locations
and Sixteen Assemblies of Mahāprajñāpāramitā]. The title suggests that the painting might
share a similar composition of depicting a number of Buddha’s assemblies, like the Huayan
paintings at Dunhuang. Dōji is known for introducing the Mahāprajñāpāramitā ritual (called
hannyakai 般若会 ), which is still practiced today. A third embroidered painting that he commis-
sioned for Daianji depicted the Buddha flanked by bodhisattvas and the eight classes of beings,
and was taller, though narrower, than the other two that were based on the Kegon and Hannya
texts. See Daianji garan engi narabini shizaichō 747: 379.
20 I thank J. Edward Kidder, Jr., for sharing his knowledge of interpreting these measurements
mentioned in historical records in relation to actual paintings and sculptures.
21 For a discussion of Myōe’s Kegon beliefs, see Tanabe 1992: 122–158.
22 Fontein 1967: 78–115; Ishida 1988. See also Brock 1988; Myōe Shōnin to Kōzanji iinkai 明恵
上人と高山寺委員会 1981: 290–343.
346 DOROTHY WONG

The Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara, in the collection of Tōdaiji, was painted
by Raien 頼圓 in the late thirteenth century (fig. 9). Occupying the top center is
Vairocana, while the fifty-four small squares show the sequence of Sudhana’s visit
to the sages from top left (Mañjuśrī) to bottom right (Samantabhadra) in a zigzagging
fashion. The placement of Mañjuśrī and Samantabhadra at the beginning and end of
the sequence reiterates the two bodhisattvas’ pivotal roles in guiding Sudhana’s
spiritual journey. In tracing the pedigree of this painting, Fontein concludes that it is
probably a later copy of one originally commissioned by Myōe. Myōe had long
expressed his desire to travel to China, though he was dissuaded from doing so
because of his dream revelations. However, because of the renewed traffic between
Kamakura Japan and Song China, Myōe apparently had access to models or sketches
of Song Buddhist paintings (karahon 唐本 ) and had copied sketches of Sudhana’s
pilgrimage. When his aunt commissioned the painting of a zenchishiki mandara,
Myōe’s sketches were dispatched to the Kyoto monk painter Shunga 俊賀 in 1201 as
the model. The mandara that Shunga painted was in turn given to Sonshōin 尊勝院
of Tōdaiji. Some time later several copies of this mandara were painted, and Raien
copied one for the Kōzanji in 1294 (which also included one by Shunga). Thus if
this painting has any reference to Chinese models, it is at best a thirdhand copy.
Since this Kegon mandara portrays the spiritual teachers of Sudhana, the textual
source is the Gaṇḍavyūha. Nevertheless, with the choice of an iconic rather than a
narrative mode of presentation, the emphasis has shifted from capturing Sudhana’s
experience to portraying the holy congregation of Sudhana’s teachers. Fontein sug-
gests that this painting derived its iconographic details from Song works such as the
Wenshu zhinan tuzan prints (fig. 10). The main differences are that individual scenes
have been stripped down to minimal details and then arranged into a diagrammatic,
mandara-like arrangement. The unusual preaching mudrā of Vairocana, with both
hands facing outward, is the same as that in a sketch in Myōe’s dream diary and in
the sculptural relief of the Huayan assembly at Feilaifeng 飛來峰 in Hangzhou
(dated 1022), indicating Myōe’s exposure to new iconographic features in Song
Buddhist art (figs. 11, 12). Note that in these images Vairocana is shown in esoteric
form as a crowned, bejeweled Buddha.
The use of the term mandara for the painting’s title is noteworthy, and can be
further explored in conjunction with the Kegon kai-e sho shōju [The Congregation
of Holy Beings of the Avataṃsaka Ocean Assembly] dated c. 1300 (fig. 13). The
painting shows sixty-one bodhisattvas, devas, and members of the eight classes of
heavenly beings, each painted within a rectangle. In the top center is Vairocana
accompanied by the great bodhisattvas Avalokiteśvara (Ch. Guanyin, J. Kannon 觀音 )
and Mahāsthāmaprāpta (Ch. Dashizhi, J. Daiseishi 大勢至 ), and the heavenly kings.
Like the previous painting, the figures are statically arranged in a grid pattern. In its
delicate style and iconography, the painting also shows strong Chinese influence,
such as the portrayal of the King of Tuṣita Heaven as a Chinese official. In par-
ticular, the figural style is associated with that of the Song figure painter Li Gonglin
李公麟 (c. 1047–1106), who is known to have painted the subject of Avataṃsaka
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 347

scenes.23 Kōzanji engi 高山寺縁起 mentions two paintings of this type, one of which
was by Shunga. Thus both of the Kegon paintings just discussed have connections to
Myōe and to the painter Shunga, and some connection to Song Buddhist paintings or
prints.24

Ritual and Visual Practice

The fact that these two Kegon paintings employ the same compositional formula
suggests that such paintings were used as pairs in a ritual setting. In the Dunhuang
pair, the ten stages of bodhisattvahood, with implicit reference made to Sudhana’s
pilgrimage, were juxtaposed to Vairocana’s nine assemblies in seven locations. In
the Japanese pair, Sudhana’s pilgrimage was juxtaposed to the congregation of the
Kegon assembly. In both these examples, the representation of Vairocana’s assem-
bly in conjunction with the delineation of the path of spiritual advancement came to
embody both the essence and the entirety of the Avataṃsaka doctrine.
The Dunhuang Huayan paintings drew on prototypes of an earlier tradition first
developed in the eighth century. The Kamakura paintings apparently incorporated
new iconographic details and styles from Song China that had not yet been reflected
at Dunhuang. These included the emphasis on the Gaṇḍavyūha made popular by the
wood-block printing of Wenshu zhinan tuzan, a much enlarged Avataṃsaka con-
gregation, the esoteric portrayal of Vairocana, and the new figural styles developed
by painters such as Li Gonglin. Furthermore, the Japanese Kegon paintings show
additional departures from their Chinese prototypes. First, instead of full assemblies,
the figures are shown individually. In the zenchishiki mandara, the descriptive and
narrative details in the Chinese models are reduced to one or two figures frozen in
time, thus transforming the narrative mode into the iconic mode (compare fig. 9a
with fig. 10, as both show Sudhana’s visits to the night goddesses). Second, the
arrangement of the fifty-three sagely figures becomes temporal and directional. In the
ritual setting, perhaps this composition is essential and appropriate to the exposition
of the Kegon doctrine, reinforced by the presence of the Kegon assembly in the
accompanying painting. Members of the congregation are shown in their hierarchical
order, with the important ones shown in the top and center, in accordance with the
general principle of illustrating the Buddhist iconic group.
This interpretation can likewise be applied to the two Dunhuang silk paintings in
their liturgical use, namely, with the delineation of the ten stages of bodhisattvahood
shown in conjunction with the apparition of the Buddha’s assemblies in their mythical
locations, structurally arranged according to their relative positions in the Buddhist
cosmos. A viewer/practitioner in the presence of these paintings would be reminded

23 Fontein 1967: 24.

24 Fontein 1967: 110.
348 DOROTHY WONG

of – and would thus enact, through ritualistic and performative actions – the spiritual
journey toward enlightenment (see further discussion below).
In regard to the term mandara (maṇḍala), we know that the Japanese have used
it rather loosely, from Pure Land paintings (such as the Taima mandara) to shrine
mandaras and the map-like configurations of esoteric deities in the Tantric tradition.25
The two Kegon paintings are also called mandaras. Considering their similarities,
the Dunhuang Huayan paintings can be considered predecessors of the Japanese Kegon
mandaras. In these examples, the description of physical settings for assemblies is
reduced to an abstract, structural order, while the path of spiritual progression is
rendered in the temporal, lineal direction. Huayan teachings have sometimes been
called proto-Tantric, and the abstract, diagrammatic character of these Huayan bian
further affiliates them with later esoteric mandaras. In Song China, Huayan Buddhism
interacted with Chan. In Japan, Kegon further amalgamated with both Zen and
Shingon Buddhism, and Myōe was a pivotal figure in this development, to the extent
that Myōe has sometimes been called the first patriarch of Esoteric Kegon.26
The placement of the paintings and sculptures in both the Buddha Hall and the
three-storied pagoda of Kōzanji attests to Myōe’s amalgamation of Kegon with
esoteric teachings late in his career.27 In the three-storied pagoda, for example, the
center of the space is occupied by statues of the five holy deities of Kegon, which
now include Vairocana, Mañjuśrī, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteśvara (Ch. Guanyin,
J. Kannon 觀音 ), and Maitreya (Ch. Mile, J. Miroku 彌勒 ; fig. 14). A painting of the
same configuration, called Kegon gosei mandara 華厳五聖曼荼羅 , is also associated
with Myōe; this grouping is part of the Garbhadhātu maṇḍala, or Womb World
mandara (J. Taizōka mandara 胎蔵界曼荼羅 ). The painting on the north depicts the
Gohimitsu 五秘密 : Vajrasattva (J. Kongōsatta 金剛薩埵 ) and four other esoteric
bodhisattvas; the Gohimitsu mandara represents one of the nine assemblies of the
Vajradhātu maṇḍala, or Diamond World mandara (J. Kongōkai mandara 金剛界
曼荼羅 ). Thus the juxtaposition of the sculptural Kegon gosei mandara and the
painting of the Gohimitsu mandara represents, at one level, the union/nonduality of
the Garbhadhātu and Vajradhātu maṇḍalas. Furthermore, since the Kegon kai-e
zenchishiki mandara is placed directly behind the Gohimitsu mandara, Sudhana’s
fifty-three spiritual teachers are made part of the Vajradhātu maṇḍala, whereas the
holy figures and the eight classes of heavenly beings of the Kegon Ocean Assembly
depicted on the four pillars and the side walls become aligned with the Garbhadhātu
maṇḍala. The two pictorial Kegon paintings have thus been integrated into the dual
maṇḍala system of Shingon 真言 Buddhism.28

25 ten Grotenhuis 1999.

26 Tanabe 1992: 140.
27 Ishida 1988: 53–55. In the Shimen jibutsu dō四面持仏堂 , the configuration includes the two
Kegon mandaras, Gohimitsu, as well as the Womb World and Diamond World mandaras.
28 Ishida 1988: 54.
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 349

Myōe also advocates the practice of kōmyō shingon 光明真言 to achieve insight
into the Kegon doctrine of interpenetration made visible by light and radiance. In a
work on the ritual meditation on one of the good friends of Sudhana (Śilābhijña,
from whom Sudhana learns a forty-two-character mantra at his forty-fifth visit),
Myōe notes how one should prepare for the ritual with “proper posture, purification,
prayer, incense offerings, and mantra recitations. Then the meditation hall must be
visualized as Magadha, and the participant must become Sudhana himself. The Kegon
vision of interpenetration of all things with all things and of the dharma realm with
the ordinary world of dust is conjured, followed by more mantras. The practitioner is
then called upon to identify with Mañjuśrī and each of the kalyāṇamitras.”29 Myōe
also instructs the practitioner to meditate on a wheel of the mantra’s letters and on
the recitation of the mantra, which dispels the darkness of ignorance with a vision of
light and radiance.
While this discussion by no means addresses the contents of Myōe’s complex
teachings, I hope it has demonstrated the continuities as well as divergences between
the Chinese and the Japanese Huayan/Kegon paintings, and how these paintings were
continuously engaged with doctrinal developments of their time and place. At Dun-
huang, Huayan bian, in conjunction with the cultic deities of the Avataṃsaka triad,
remained an important theme in medieval Chinese Buddhist practice. At Kōzanji,
Myōe’s personal vision had an enormous impact, both in terms of the synthesis of
Kegon with esoteric teachings and in the artistic production and ritual use of these
paintings.

Hwaŏm Paintings in Korea

The Avataṃsaka school was one of the most prominent schools of Buddhism in
Korea. Ŭisang and Wŏnhyo brought Avataṃsaka Buddhism to Korea from China,
and their disciples disseminated the doctrine in Japan. Unfortunately, Hideyoshi’s
campaign in the sixteenth century destroyed many Buddhist establishments in Korea.
Most early Hwaŏm pictorial art in Korea has not survived, except for some examples
of frontispiece illustrations of illuminated sūtras. Several recently discovered frag-
ments belong to the frontispiece illustration to a copy of the Avataṃsaka-sūtra dated
to 754 (figs. 15, 15a).30 Delineated in “thin iron wire” lines in gold and silver on
thick, purple-dyed mulberry paper, the scene shows an Avataṃsaka assembly. Seated
on a lion throne under a tree canopy and in front of a two-story pavilion, Vairocana
is accompanied by Mañjuśrī on the right. Both the figure style and the composition
are consistent with High Tang depictions of Buddha’s assemblies, except for the lack
of symmetry in balancing Mañjuśrī with another great bodhisattva. In his reconstruc-
tion of these fragments, Kang Woobang also notes the armband of Vairocana (much

29 Tanabe 1992: 140.

30 Pak 1987/88: 360–362, fig. 5; Kang 1989: 4–7, figs. 1.1–1.5; See Kang 2003: 176–177.
350 DOROTHY WONG

of the image is damaged), and concludes that Vairocana is presented in the esoteric
bodhisattva form, probably with hands held in the wisdom fist mudrā.31
Several Hwaŏm paintings in the zhenghua (K. t’aenghwa) format, of eighteenth-
century dates, are relevant to the present discussion. The three extant Hwaŏm paintings
are found in: Songgwangsa 松廣寺 , Hall of Hwaŏm, in Chogye Mt. (dated 1770,
281 × 255 cm); Sŏnamsa 仙巖寺 , Hall of the Eight Phases, in South Cholla Province
(dated 1780, 279 × 248 cm); and Sanggyesa 雙溪寺 , Hall of the Great Hero, in Chiri
Mt. (dated 1790).32 All of them are paintings in color on hemp with silk gauze, and
these large banner-like paintings are similar in height to the second of the two
Dunhuang silk paintings (Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood, fig. 2), though larger than
the first one (Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies, fig. 1). All three Hwaŏm paintings
depict the subject of seven locations and nine assemblies, and bear resemblance to
the Chinese ones. In the example at Songgwangsa, the painting is divided into four
horizontal registers: the top three registers are for the seven locations (of Vairocana’s
nine assemblies), and the bottom register depicts the Lotus Repository World (figs.
16, 16a).33 Unlike the more regular grid plans of the two Dunhuang paintings, the
arrangement of assemblies in the Songgwangsa painting is less rigid. The second reg-
ister shows the first assembly in the center, the second, seventh, and eighth assemblies
to the right (as they all take place at the Palace of the Dharma of Universal Radiance),
and the ninth assembly to the left. The third and fifth assemblies are depicted in the
third register, while the fourth and sixth assemblies are in the top register. Thus the
number of units is determined by the number of locations rather than the number of
assemblies (the 2–2–3 arrangement looks less regular than the 3–3–3 grid of the
Dunhuang examples), giving greater emphasis to spatial than to temporal concerns.
Nonetheless, the Songgwangsa painting preserves the hierarchical structure of these
locations in correspondence to their vertical placement within the kāmadhātu, namely,
those assemblies taking place at Jambudvīpa occur at the lower (second) register,
while those taking place in the heavens are shown in the upper registers.

31 Kang 1992: fig. 1.5; Kang 2003: 176–177. Since this is the earliest extant example of the esoteric
bodhisattva form of Vairocana, Kang concludes: “From the eighth to ninth century Unified
Silla and Japan followed separate paths in the practice of Buddhism, the former receiving
Avataṃsaka and Zen from China and the latter, Esoteric Buddhism. Korean Buddhism of that
time combined Avataṃsaka and Zen, and Vairocana with the wisdom fist was an object of
devotion outside the Avataṃsaka and Zen temples as well. In other words, Korean Buddhism,
revealing Zen influence, was not rigidly sect-divided, whereas Japanese Buddhism emphasized
ritual and sectarian distinction, as prescribed by Esoteric Buddhism.” Kang 2003: 177. I would
like to thank YI Jongbok for interpreting Kang’s essay (1992, in Korean) for me.
32 I am grateful to KANG Woobang, PAK Youngsook, and Robert Gimello for the information and
references on Hwaŏm art in Korea.
33 Sorensen 1988; the Hwaǒm painting at Sŏnamsa is identical in composition, in Mun 1984: pls.
85–89. One of the photographs in Sorensen’s article (fig. 2) shows the painting hung against
the wall behind the icons on the altar in the temple hall, and points to how the Dunhuang silk
paintings might have been used.
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 351

In the ninth assembly, which occurs at the Jetavana Groves, the pictorial content is
considerably more complex than that depicted at Dunhuang. In addition to Vairocana’s
assembly and the accompaniment of Samantabhadra, Mañjuśrī is shown twice: once
as a youth, seated inside a pagoda-like structure (referring to Maitreya’s magical
kūṭāgāra) with Maitreya standing to the right, and again seated inside the city in a
scene to the left. The two scenes refer to Sudhana’s fifty-first and fifty-second visits;
below the pagoda, all fifty-three teachers of Sudhana are shown in rows. In all nine
assemblies, Vairocana Buddha is shown in the same form as in Japan’s Kegon kai-e
zenchishiki mandara, that is, as a crowned and bejeweled Buddha with hands in the
unique teaching gesture. The bottom register depicts the Lotus Repository World,
with a giant lotus spanning the whole width of the painting. This Lotus World, the
sum total of the Buddha’s universal and perfect enlightenment, emanates the Worlds
of the Ten Directions, each of which gives rise to ten lesser satellite worlds; these
are shown in larger and smaller circles schematically.34
When comparing this Hwaŏm painting with the tenth-century Dunhuang examples
and the thirteenth-century Japanese examples, it seems that the Korean tradition
closely follows the Chinese lineage established in the Tang dynasty by giving weight
to Vairocana’s nine assemblies. At the same time, the new iconographic form of
Vairocana, the full depiction of Sudhana’s fifty-three teachers in the ninth assembly,
and the diagrammatic representation of the Lotus Repository World and its satellite
worlds show the Korean artists’ awareness of later iconographic developments in
both China and Japan.

Beyond East Asia

Thus far the discussion of this group of Avataṃsaka paintings has focused on their
iconography, composition, aspects of their stylistic character, and, to some extent, the
placement and visual practice of these painting in temple settings. If complete under-
standing of the ritual use of these paintings remains elusive, perhaps a consideration
of other monuments and contexts outside of East Asia will shed additional light.
Deborah Klimburg-Salter recently drew my attention to the presence of a complete
mural cycle depicting the Gaṇḍavyūha in the Tabo Monastery in the Western Hima-
layas.35 The monastery was founded in 996, while the assembly hall of the Main
Temple, where the Gaṇḍavyūha murals are located, dates to the second artistic phase
of the temple’s renovation in the eleventh century. Since the depictions of Sudhana’s
pilgrimage in Dunhuang murals date to as early as the ninth and tenth centuries (see
fig. 7a), they may provide a missing link between those in the Western Himalayas
and the Song and Kamakura examples with twelfth- and thirteenth-century dates.
The Main Temple at Tabo consists of an entry hall, an assembly hall, a cella, and an

34 Sorensen 1988: 97.

35 Klimburg-Salter 1997.
352 DOROTHY WONG

ambulatory (fig. 17). The temple is dedicated to Vairocana, including the original
Vairocana image in the cella and a four-bodied Mahāvairocana added in front of the
cella during the renovation. Protector figures and guardians of the directions are de-
picted inside the entry hall, while the entrance wall to the assembly hall is decorated
with a wheel of life on the left juxtaposed with a cosmological picture on the right.
This follows an ancient tradition of temple building in India, for early monastic
regulations stipulate that a wheel of life/existence, the bhavacakra, should be repre-
sented in the entrance hall of each monastery.36 The wheel of life, which portrays the
six realms of human existence, emphasizes the endless cycles of birth and rebirth and
the goal of reaching ever higher levels of existence until achieving ultimate release,
or nirvāṇa, from the chain of causation.
The entire program of the assembly hall, carried out during the renovation in the
eleventh century, has been preserved intact. The four walls are each divided into three
horizontal registers. The lower section depicts two narrative cycles. Upon entering
the assembly hall, the murals begin with the south side of the east wall and continue,
in a clockwise direction, through the four walls to conclude on the north side of the
east wall: the Gaṇḍavyūha appears on the south side, and the Life of the Buddha on
the north side (figs. 18, 18a). Sudhana’s pilgrimage commences with his meeting with
Mañjuśrī and ends with Sudhana in the palace of Samantabhadra, while the narrative
of Life of the Buddha begins with the Future Śākyamuni in Tuṣita Heaven and con-
cludes with Śākyamuni’s parinirvāṇa.
The middle section contains sculpted deities of the Vajradhātu maṇḍala, with
thirty-two life-sized clay sculptures bonded to the four walls, along with the free-
standing four-bodied Mahāvairocana seated on a lotus throne in front of the cella that
allows for circumambulation (figs. 19, 19a). Evenly spaced among the bodhisattvas
of the maṇḍala are the Buddhas of the Four Directions: Akṣobhya (east) and Ratna-
sambhava (south) on the south wall, and Amitābha (west) and Amoghasiddhi (north)
on the north wall. The upper section, whose murals have suffered more damage,
portrays the Buddhas of the Ten Directions with attendant bodhisattvas as well as
other Buddha realms, including a triad of the Buddha with Avalokiteśvara and
Samantabhadra above the entrance on the east wall and the Dharmadhātu-Vāgīśvara-
Mañjuśrī maṇḍala on the north side of the west wall.
The three-tier program of the assembly thus presents not only an iconographic
unity but also a theory and a practice not unlike the Avataṃsaka art that we have
been examining. This program corresponds to a vision of the cosmic geography and
a path of attaining enlightenment, which can be experienced and enacted by the

36 One of the earliest extant examples is a fresco in the porch section of Cave 17 at Ajaṇṭā, which
dates to the late fifth or early sixth century. Thus the Tabo Monastery has preserved this ancient
Indian tradition of monastery building and iconographic program. The earliest example of the
wheel of life image in China is found in the Baodingshan site in Sichuan, dating to Song times.
Howard 2001: 6–10, Fig. 9. A tenth-century example is also depicted at Yulin Cave 19; see Zhang
Boyuan 張伯元 , 1998: 20–23. I’m grateful to Stephen Teiser for pointing out that there is also a
wheel of life depicted in Kumtara Cave 75; see Teiser’s forthcoming book (2006) on the topic.
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 353

practitioner during the ritual performance of circumambulation (pradakṣina) inside

the assembly hall. Through ritual circumambulation and meditation, the practitioner
enters into the maṇḍala and unites with the deities who reside there. By contemplat-
ing the paths undertaken by Sudhana and Siddhārtha, the practitioner also enacts this
path toward gaining enlightenment. Klimburg-Salter writes:
Traditionally the practitioner would circumambulate at least three times around the main
Vairocana image. In Tabo he progresses through the spiritual geography of the mandala
and simultaneously identifies with the spiritual pilgrimage accomplished in the narratives,
first by Sudhana and then by Siddhārtha, the Buddha Śākyamuni. Thus through meditation
and ritual circumambulation he performs a symbolic pilgrimage which also leads to succes-
sively higher levels of consciousness.37

The ritual practice described here bears remarkable similarity to that advocated
by Myōe discussed earlier. The Gaṇḍavyūha had been in popular currency for some
centuries before its depiction at the Tabo Monastery, yet the unusual arrangement
there of individual scenes accompanied by panels of text comes more from the Chi-
nese than the Indian tradition (note the extensive use of cartouches to identify scenes
in Dunhuang murals). Furthermore, the narrative’s lucidity in a linear, temporal
arrangement reinforces the interpretation that a viewer “activates” the narrative by
physically moving through the space of the narrative.38
An even earlier narrative cycle of Sudhana’s pilgrimage can be found in the sculp-
tural reliefs of Borobuḍur, dating possibly to the eighth century (figs. 20, 20a).39 The
interpretation of the complex of Borobuḍur has spawned many theories (ranging
from the monument as a prāsāda or terraced building to a stūpa, an architectural
maṇḍala, or a commemorative monument),40 but one of the commonly agreed-upon
perceptions is that of the milieu of esoteric Buddhism during which this monument
was built.41 The identities of the Buddha images on the upper galleries and of the
unfinished Buddha within the central stūpa remain unclear, yet the textual sources of
sculptural reliefs on the lower galleries include the Mahākarmavibha, Lalitavistara,
jātakas, avadānas, and the Gaṇḍavyūha. Despite their differences, Klimburg-Salter

37 Klimburg-Salter 1997: 108.

38 Klimburg-Salter 1997: 132–133. Klimburg-Salter also notes that this viewing experience is
somewhat similar to the viewing of narrative sūtra scrolls in East Asia, although in this case
the viewer is stationary but activates the narrative through the unfolding and viewing of the
scroll; see Klimburg-Salter 1997: 133.
39 Fontein 1967: 116–174. For a discussion of the scholarship on Borobuḍur, see Gómez and
Woodward 1981: 1–14.
40 The intended function of Borobuḍur as a commemorative monument does not conflict with its
other possible meanings, the same way that, if a specific Dunhuang cave-chapel’s primary func-
tion was commemorative, this does not preclude interpretation of the iconographic program of
the cave-chapel, since most monuments can have multiple levels of meanings.
41 That the two Indian monks who introduced esoteric Buddhism to China, Vajrabodhi (670–741)
and Amoghavajra (719–774), both passed through Java before reaching Chang’an was not
irrelevant. From Chang’an Kūkai (774–835) in turn introduced this tradition to Japan, founding
the Shingon school.
354 DOROTHY WONG

draws a parallel between the theory and practice at Borobuḍur and at the Tabo Mon-
astery. She writes:
The existence of Borobuḍur in Java is particularly interesting from our point of view for
several reasons. 1) We have the fusion of the Vajradhātu-maṇḍala with an architectural
space. 2) The elements of the iconographic program are the same as those at Tabo: the
Vajradhātu-maṇḍala, and the narratives from the Gaṇḍavyūha and the life of the Buddha.
The viewer begins with the previous Lives of the Buddha and then, through the ritual
circumbulation of the stupa, he progresses from terrace to terrace upward through the Life
of the Buddha Śākyamuni, followed by the Pilgrimage of Sudhana and then, as he circum-
ambulates through the mandala, he ascends through successive layers of realizations.42
The group of Avataṃsaka paintings examined here is connected to Borobuḍur and
the Tabo Monastery because of the subject of the Gaṇḍavyūha. While it can be seen
that the Dunhuang Huayan bian (and to a large extent the Korean ones) are truthful
to the Avataṃsaka-sūtra in the exoteric or mainstream Mahāyāna context, those in
Japan evolved toward an esoteric understanding, in tandem with the new esoteric
movement that spread in different geographical regions of Asia. Thus Sudhana’s visit
to the fifty-three sages became an enduring metaphor of the prototypical pilgrimage
central to the Buddhist concept of soteriology, rivaling or paired with none other than
the journey of the Life of the Buddha.
At the fundamental level, a maṇḍala is understood to be a cosmic diagram that
portrays deities in a schematic fashion. A mandalic arrangement can be expressed in
painting, sculpture, in temple layout, interiors of main halls, or in the movement of
rituals.43 In her examination of the Ellora cave-temple site in India as an early
expression of esoteric, mandalic structures in the seventh and eighth centuries, Geri
H. Malandra notes:
The conception of the maṇḍala as a diagram is extended into a visualization of concrete
architectural space, and was transformed into actual temple architecture and sculpture. The
universe-in-the-maṇḍala is thus described and represented as a palace and, at the same time,
the maṇḍala as a whole is conceived as being located in a kūṭāgāra, a three-storied eaved
palace resting on top of Mount Sumeru. … Such maṇḍalas as these include layers, or galler-
ies in which reside numerous manifestations of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and other deities.44
In spatial terms, a maṇḍala is a sacred space that the initiates approach in care-
fully orchestrated steps, and into which the gods are invited to descend. As Elizabeth
ten Grotenhuis observes, it “lays out a sacred territory or realm in microcosm, show-
ing the relations among the various powers active in that realm and offering deities a
sacred precinct where enlightenment takes place.”45 Robert Sharf likewise notes that
a Shingon mandara “is not so much a representation of the divine as it is the locus
of the divine – the ground upon which the deity is made manifest.”46

42 Klimburg-Salter 1997: 105.

43 Malandra 1993: 17–21. For a discussion of the definitions of maṇḍalas, see Saunders 1987:
155–158.
44 Malandra 1993: 18.
45 ten Grotenhuis 1999: 2.
46 Sharf 2001: 189.
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 355

In a more general sense, if a maṇḍala is understood as a congregation of deities,

then the commonality of the Avataṃsaka paintings in East Asia is apparent: they all
portray a gathering of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and other heavenly beings, whether these
are the mystical apparitions of Vairocana in various assemblies, the fifty-three teachers
of Sudhana (Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara), or the congregation of all classes of
holy beings of the Avataṃsaka assembly (Kegon kai-e sho shōju). But whereas the
presentation of the Huayan paintings at Dunhuang and elsewhere in China remains
couched in the mainstream Mahāyāna visual practice, in which Huayan bian were
but one of many types of bianxiang associated with popular canonical Mahāyāna
sūtras, in Kamakura Japan, under the guidance of Myōe, the arrangement of paintings
and sculptures within the three-storied pagoda and inside the Buddha Hall of Kōzanji
realizes the establishment of a mandalic ritual space in three-dimensional, architec-
tural space. The study of these Avataṃsaka paintings of East Asia thus provides a
window to understanding several strands of developments that occurred in the Bud-
dhist world between the eighth and thirteenth century: (1) the central role of Avataṃ-
saka teachings in shaping visual and ritual practice in both exoteric and esoteric
contexts (evidenced by the significance of the cultic status of Vairocana and the
popularity of the theme of Sudhana’s pilgrimage); (2) the development of earlier
iconography into diagrammatic, schematic arrangements of presenting deities in
cosmic, geographical spaces that are now called maṇḍalas; and (3) the formulation
of a clearly delineated soteriology that encompasses the theories of the three bodies
and the three realms. Furthermore, the significance of Avataṃsaka teachings and the
associated visual practice can be put into sharper focus when considering contemporary
developments in the Buddhist world beyond East Asia.
In artistic terms, we’ve seen the deployment of both conventional narrative and
iconic modes for representation. In traditional Buddhist imagery, such as the repre-
sentation of a Buddha triad, the sacred figures are portrayed in a transfixed, timeless
manner. But stories that involve the protagonist’s actions that occur at specific time
and locations, such as Sudhana’s pilgrimage or the Buddha’s life events, are often
depicted with the techniques of pictorial narratives. Underlying the distinction between
these two modes of representation is also the implied separation of the sacred realm
from the world of the mundane, or, in Buddhist terminology, the Buddha’s realm
versus the sahāloka or Jambudvīpa. In more developed Mahāyāna teachings, such as
the Avataṃsaka or esoteric doctrine, it seems that the abstract, diagrammatic mode is
the preferred mode for portraying happenings in the Buddha’s realm that also involve
temporal and spatial/cosmological dimensions. That the Huayan bian, as preserved in
the Dunhuang silk paintings, were superseded by the popular narratives of Sudhana’s
pilgrimage in China while being preserved in Korea or transformed into mandaras in
Japan can only be accounted for by the reception of the Huayan doctrine in those
places – and its subsequent trajectories in the diverse cultures of East Asia.
356 DOROTHY WONG

Appendix 1

Cave 12, Late Tang

Main chamber

Ceiling
Thousand Buddhas

West wall
Recessed niche: Statues of seated Buddha flanked by disciples, bodhisattvas, and
heavenly kings (Qing), framed panels depicting Legends of Buddha’s Life, Buddha
images above and donor images below
S: 普賢 Samantabhadra
N: 文殊 Mañjuśrī
South wall (from west)
法華經變 (Lotus Sūtra)
觀無量壽經變 (Amitāyur-dhyāna-sūtra)
天請問經變 (Devata-sūtra)
Below: narratives of various sūtras in panels

North wall (from west)

華嚴經變 (Avataṃsaka-sūtra)
藥師經變 (Bhaiśajyaguru-sūtra)
彌勒經變 (Maitreya-sūtra)
Below: narratives of various sūtras in panels

East wall
S: 報恩經變 (Bao’en Sūtra)
N: 維摩詰經變 (Vimalakīrti-sūtra)
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 357

Appendix 2

Dunhuang Cave 55, Song Dynasty

Main chamber:
Central platform: Statues of Buddhas, bodhisattvas, disciples, and lokapalas

Ceiling:
W:彌勒經變 (Maitreya-sūtra)
S:法華經變 (Lotus Sūtra)
E:楞伽經變 (Laṅkāvātara-sūtra)
N:華嚴經變 (Avataṃsaka-sūtra)
Four Heavenly Kings in corners

South wall (from west):

觀音經變 (Avalokiteśvara-sūtra)
報恩經變 (Bao’en Sūtra)
觀無量壽經變 (Amitāyur-dhyāna-sūtra)
彌勒經變 (Maitreya-sūtra)
Below: 賢愚經諸品 (Damamūka-nidāna-sūtra), jātakas, avadānas

West wall:
勞度叉鬥聖變 (Contest between Raudrākṣa and Śāriputra)
Below: 賢愚經諸品 (Damamūka-nidāna-sūtra), jātakas, avadānas

North wall (from west):

佛頂尊勝陀羅尼經變 (Uṣṇīṣa-vijaya-dhāraṇī-sūtra)
思益梵天問經變 (Viśeṣacinta-brahma-paripṛccha-sūtra)
藥師經變 (Bhaiṣajyaguru-sūtra)
天請問經變 (Devata-sūtra)
Below: 賢愚經諸品 (Damamūka-nidāna-sūtra), jātakas, avadānas

East wall:
Seven Buddhas
S:金光明經變 (Suvarṇaprabhāsottama-sūtra)
N:密嚴經變 (Ghanavyūha)
358 DOROTHY WONG

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yanjiu (1988) 1: pp. 20–23.
Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠 歷代名畫記
(9th century): Lidai minghua ji [Famous painters of all dynas-
ties] (847). Beijing: Renmin meishu, 1963.
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 361

Figure 1: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies.

Dunhuang, 10th century, Chinese, Ink and colors on Silk, H. 194 cm, W. 179 cm,
Musée des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris, France,
Photograph courtesy of Réunion des Musées Nationaux /Art Resource, NY, ART192660
362 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 1a: Diagram of Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies in Fig. 1.

From Giès and Akiyama, eds., The Arts of Central Asia: the Pelliot Collection
in the Musée Guimet (Japanese ed.), p. 50, fig. 4

Figure 1b: Lotus Repository World, detail of Fig. 1.

 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 363

Figure 2: Ten Stages of Bodhisattvahood.

Dunhuang, 10th century, Chinese, Ink, gold and colors on silk, H. 286 cm, W. 189 cm,
Musée des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris, France,
Photograph courtesy of Réunion des Musées Nationaux /Art Resource, NY, ART161979
364 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 3: Vairocana Buddha and interior of Daibutsu-den, Tōdai-ji, Nara.

Mid 8th century (recast in late 17th century), Japan, Bronze, H. 14.73 m,
From Rosenfield, et al, The Great Eastern Temple:
Treasures of Buddhist Art from Tōdaiji, p. 19, fig. 4

Figure 3a: Engraving of Lotus Repository World, on lotus pedestal of bronze Buddha statue
Tōdaiji, Nara. Late Nara period, 756–757, Japanese, Bronze, H. of petal 200 cm,
From Rosenfield, et al, The Great Eastern Temple:
Treasures of Buddhist Art from Tōdaiji, p. 24, fig. 8
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 365

Figure 4: Lotus Repository World, engraving on reverse of Da Kaiyuansi xingzhi bei

Da Kaiyuansi, Xi’an. Yuan dynasty, dated 1319, Chinese, Rubbing,
From Tokiwa Daijō and Sekino Tadashi, Chūgoku bunka shiseki, vol. 9, pl. 40, no. 1
366 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 5: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies.

Dunhuang Cave 61, north wall, 10th century, Chinese, Mural painting,
Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed. Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Cave 61, pl. 100
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA

Figure 6: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies.

Dunhuang Cave 55, north slope of ceiling, 10th century, Chinese, Mural painting,
From Giès and Akiyama, eds., The Arts of Central Asia: the Pelliot Collection
in the Musée Guimet (Japanese ed.), p. 53, fig. 6
367
368 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 7: Huayan bian.

Dunhuang Cave 12, north wall, 9th century, Chinese, Mural painting,
Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed., Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Caves 9 and 12, pl. 170
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 369

Figure 7a: Sudhana’s Pilgrimage, detail of Huayan bian.

Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed., Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Caves 9 and 12, pl. 190
 370
DOROTHY WONG

Figure 8: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies.

Dunhuang Cave 85, north slope of ceiling, 9th century, Chinese, Mural painting,
Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed., Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Caves 85 and 196, pl. 28
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 371

Figure 8a: Mañjuśrī extending his hand to touch the head of Sudhana,
detail of Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies in Fig. 8.
Dunhuang yanjiu yuan, ed., Dunhuang shiku yishu, volume on Caves 85 and 196, pl. 32
372 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 9: Kengon kai-e zenchishiki mandara Tōdaiji, Nara.

By Raien (act. late 13th century), Japanese, Ink and colors on silk, 184.5 × 118 cm,
From Nihon bijutsu zenshū, vol. 9, pl. 44
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 373

Figure 9a: Sudhana’s visits to the Night Goddesses,

detail of Kengon kai-e zenchishiki mandara in Fig. 9.

Figure 10: Wenshu zhinan tuzan, detail showing Sudhana (Shancai tongzi)
visiting the Night Goddesses.
12th century, Chinese, Woodblock print, Kyoto National Museum,
From Jan Fontein, The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of Gaṇḍhavyūha
Illustrations in China, Japan and Java, pl. 7b
374 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 11: Sketch of Vairocana in Myōe’s dream diary.

By Myōe (1173–1232), Japanese, Ink on paper,
From Ishida Hisatoyo, Kegonkyō e, p. 41, fig. 42

Figure 12: Avataṃsaka assembly.

Feilaifeng, Hangzhou, Northern Song dynasty, dated 1022, Chinese, Stone relief,
From Paul Swart, “Sculptures at Feilai Feng: A Confrontation of Two Traditions,” fig. 1
THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 375

Figure 13: Kegon kai-e sho shōju.

Kōzan-ji, Circa 1300, Japanese, Ink and colors on silk.
From Ishida Hisatoyo, Kegonkyō e, p. 13, fig. 13
376 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 14: Diagram of iconographic program in pagoda, Kōzanji.

From Ishida Hisatoyo, Kegonkyō e, p. 55, fig. 63

Figure 15a: Fragment of Avataṃsaka Assembly showing attendant bodhisattva, detail of Fig. 15.
Kang Woobang, “Han’guk Pirojana Pulsang-ui songnip-gwa chon’gae
– wonyung-ui tosang-jok sirhyon –,” fig. 1–3
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 377

Figure 15: Diagram of Avataṃsaka Assembly.

Dated 754, Korean, Illustrated frontispiece to Avataṃsaka-sūtra,
Gold and silver on purple paper, H. 21 cm, Ho-am Art Museum, Seoul,
From Kang Woobang, “Han’guk Pirojana Pulsang-ui songnip-gwa chon’gae
– wonyung-ui tosang-jok sirhyon –,” fig. 1–5
378 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 16: Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies.

Songgwangsa, Hall of Hwaŏm, Chogye Mt., Dated 1770, Korean,
Ink and color on hemp and silk gauze, H. 281, W. 255 cm,
Mun Myong-dae, ed., Chosǒn Purhwa, in Han’guk ŭi mi, vol. 16, pl. 85
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 379

Figure 16a: Diagram of Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies in Fig. 16.
From Sorensen, Henrik H.: “The Hwaǒm kyǒng pyǒnsang to:
A Yi Dynasty Buddhist Painting of the Dharma Realm,” p. 103, Table II
380 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 17: Drawing of Program of Main Temple, Assembly Hall.

Tabo Monastery, 11th century, Western Himalayan,
From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al, Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 122, diagram 8
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA

Figure 18: Pilgrimage of Sudhana, Sudhana visiting the monk Meghaśrī.

Tabo Monastery, Main Temple, Assembly Hall, east wall, 11th century, Western Himalayan, Mural painting,
From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al, Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 124, fig. 120
381
382 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 18a: Mañjuśrī, detail of Sudhana’s Pilgrimage.

Tabo Monastery, Main Temple, Assembly Hall, east wall, 11th century, Western Himalayan,
Mural painting, From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al, Tabo:
A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 123, fig. 119
 THE HUAYAN/KEGON/HWAŎM PAINTINGS IN EAST ASIA 383

Figure 19: Sculptural deities of the Vajradhātu-maṇḍala.

Tabo Monastery, Main Temple, 11th century, Western Himalayan,
From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al, Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 93, fig. 54

Figure 19a: Mahāvairocana.

Tabo Monastery, Main Temple, 11th century, Western Himalayan, Sculpture
From Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, et al. Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom, p. 97, fig. 61
384 DOROTHY WONG

Figure 20: Diagram of Borobuḍur.

Borobuḍur, Central Java, Circa 8th century,
From Gómez and Woodward, Jr., eds., Borobuḍur: History and Significance
of a Buddhist Monument, p. xvii

Figure 20a: Pilgrimage of Sudhana, Sudhana’s visit to Vasumitra.

Borobuḍur, Central Java, Circa 8th century, Stone relief,
From Jan Fontein, The Pilgrimage of Sudhana: A Study of Gaṇḍhavyūha Illustrations
in China, Japan and Java, pl. 50
 CONTRIBUTORS

ARAMAKI Noritoshi is professor at Ōtani University (Kyoto) and professor emeritus at Kyoto
University. He has published the Japanese translation of the Daśabhūmika-sūtra. He was the
editor of Hokuchō Zui Tō Chūgoku bukkyō shisō shi 北朝・隋唐 中国佛教思想史 [History
of Chinese Buddhist philosophy in the Northern Dynasties, Sui and Tang] (2000).
Jana BENICKÁ is associate professor in the Department of Chinese Studies, Comenius University,
Bratislava. Her research field is Chan Buddhism.
CHOE Yeonshik is assistant professor in Korean History at Mokpo University, Korea. His field of
research is the history of Korean Buddhism (especially Huayan and Chan during the Silla and
Koryŏ dynasties). He has coauthored the volumes Han'guk kodae chungse komunsŏ yŏn'gu 韓
國古代中世古文書硏究 [Ancient and medieval documents in Korea] (2000), Pulgyosa ŭi ihae
불교사의 이해 불교의 이해
[Understanding of Buddhist history] (2004), Pulgyo ŭi ihae [Un-
derstanding of Buddhism] (2005).
Bernard FAURE is professor of Religious Studies at Columbia University. His research fields are
Chan and Esoteric Buddhism. His works include: The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Cri-
tique of Chan/Zen Buddhism (1991), Chan Insights and Oversights: An Epistemological Cri-
tique of the Chan Tradition (1993), Visions of Power: Imagining Medieval Japanese Buddhism
(1996), The Read Thread: Buddhist Approaches to Sexuality (1998), and The Power of Denial:
Buddhism, Purity and Gender (2003).
Frédéric GIRARD is professor at l’Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient. His research field is Kama-
kura Buddhism, especially Myōe and Dōgen. He has published Un moine de la secte Kegon à
l’époque de Kamakura, Myōe (1173–1232) et le « Journal de ses rêves » (1990) and Traité sur
l’acte de foi dans le Grand Véhicule (2004).
Imre HAMAR is associate professor in the Department of East Asian Studies, Eötvös Loránd Uni-
versity (Budapest). His main research area is Huayan philosophy, especially Chengguan’s
thought. He has published A Religious Leader in the Tang: Chengguan’s Biography (2002).
HUANG Yi-hsun is assistant researcher at the Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies (Taipei),
where she is doing research on Chan texts. She has published Integrating Chinese Buddhism:
A Study of Yongming Yanshou’s Guanxin Xuanshu (2005).
ISHII Kōsei is professor at Komazawa Junior College. His research field is Chinese Buddhism,
Japanese classical literature, and modern Asian philosophy. He has published Kegon shisō no
kenkyū 華嚴思想の研究 [A study of Huayan thought] (1996).
386 CONTRIBUTORS

KIMURA Kiyotaka is a professor of the International Institute for Buddhist Studies (Tokyo) and
professor emeritus of Tokyo University. He has published Shoki chūgoku kegon shisō no kenn-
kyū 初期中國華嚴思想の研究 [A study of early Huayan thought] (1977) and Chūgoku kegon
中国華厳思想史
shisōshi [The history of Chinese Huayan thought] (1992).
Charles MULLER is professor of East Asian philosophy and religion at Toyo Gakuen University,
Japan. His research field is the Hwaŏm school of Korean Buddhism and Yogācāra philosophy.
He has published The Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment: Korean Buddhism’s Guide to Meditation
(with the commentary by the Sŏn monk Kihwa) (1999).
Jan NATTIER is professor of Buddhist Studies at the International Research Institute for Advanced
Buddhology, Soka University (Tokyo), where she is doing research on early Chinese Buddhist
translations. She is the author of Once Upon a Future Time: Studies in a Buddhist Prophecy of
Decline (1991) and A Few Good Men: The Bodhisattva Path according to The Inquiry of Ugra
(Ugraparipṛcchā) (2003).
ŌTAKE Susumu is a part-time lecturer at the Institute for Research in Humanities, Kyoto Univer-
sity and Hanazono University (Kyoto). His research field is Yogācāra and Huayan Buddhism.
He has published the Japanese translation of Jin’gangxian lun 金剛仙論 in collaboration with
TAKEMURA Makio, and the annotated Japanese translation of Shidi jing lun 十地経論 . He is
now preparing for the publication of his dissertation on Huayan Buddhism.
Joerg PLASSEN is assistant professor (Juniorprofessor) in Korean intellectual history at Ruhr-Uni-
versity Bochum, Germany. Since the completion of his Ph.D. thesis on the Sanlun school of
Chinese Buddhism at Hamburg University, his field of research has shifted towards Sino-Korean
Buddhism. Recently, he he has been working mainly on early Korean Buddhism.
WEI Daoru is the director of Buddhist studies at the World Religions Institute of the Chinese
Academy of Social Sciences. His research field is Huayan and Chan. He has published Zhong-
guo huayanzong tongshi 中国华严宗通史 [The general history of Huayan Buddhim of China]
(1998).
Dorothy WONG is associate professor of the McIntire Department of Art, University of Virginia.
She researches Buddhist art of medieval China, and has published Chinese Steles: Pre-Buddhist
and Buddhist Use of a Symbolic Form (2004).
ZHU Qingzhi is professor in the Department of Chinese Studies, Beijing University. His research
interests generally lie in history of Chinese language, Buddhist Hybrid Chinese (Chinese lan-
guage in Buddhist sūtras translated from India), and history of cultural interaction between
China and India. His major publications include Fodian yu gu hanyu cihui yanjiu 佛典与中古
汉语词汇研究 [The study of the Buddhist sūtras and ancient Chinese vocabulary] (1992).
 INDEX

Abhidharma 282 Āryadeva (170–270) 154, 197, 200

absence of self 126, 208, 210 Asaṅga (Wuzhu 無著 310–390?) 197, 200,
absolute mind 35, 207 202, 286
ācārya 121 Asitaveda 116, 117
Acintyavimokṣa-sūtra 140 Aṣṭādaśasāhasrikā 94
actual teaching 207 Aṣṭasāhasrikā 94, 112
afflictive hindrances XVIII, 281, 283, 284, Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitā 119
285, 287, 288, 290, 291, 292, 293 asura 298
Agui 315 Asvabhāva 142
Ajaṇṭā 352 Aśvaghoṣa 200
Ajātaśatru 114, 244, 253 avadāna 353, 357
Ajātaśatru-sūtra 114 avaivartya 177
Akaniṣṭha heaven XIII, 90 Avalokiteśvara 117, 131, 346, 348, 352, 357
Akṣobhya 117, 130, 138, 255, 352 avataṃsa 96
ālaya 203, 301 Avataṃsaka-sūtra
ālayavijñāna 35, 37, 207, 301 allusion to 322;
Ama-gyō 尼經 304 apotropaic efficacy of 299;
Amaterasu 328 and art 337, 341, 343, 345, 349, 354, 356,
Amitābha/Amitāyus/Amida XIX, 117, 130, 357;
143, 170, 224, 340, 342, 352 Chengguan’s Manual of 234;
Amitāyur-dhyāna-sūtra 356, 357 and Japanese nationalism 326, 327, 328,
Amituo sanyesanfo saloufotan guodu ren dao 329, 330, 331, 332, 333;
阿彌陀三耶三佛薩樓佛檀過渡人道
jing Japanese scholars on XX;
經 119 Mahāvairocana in 297;
Amoghasiddhi 352 mythological context of 299;
Amoghavajra (705–774) 150, 353 nuns copying 304;
An Faxian 安法賢 (3rd c.) 147 principle in 316;
Anagarika Dharmapala 331 scholarly literature on 12, 15, 20, 21, 22, 24,
anātman 126, 284 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, 37, 38, 42, 44, 45,
anonymous translation (shiyi失譯 ) 98, 136 80, 83, 84, 158, 159, 218, 334, 358, 359;
Anraku.in安樂院 314 Sudhana in XX;
Antoku 安徳 304 textual history of 109, 141;
anutpattikadharmakṣānti 176, 186 translation of 149.
Appearance of Tathāgata in the World 141 See also Buddhāvataṃsaka
arhat 122, 126, 283, 285 awakening 9, 77, 175, 176, 222, 225, 232,
ārūpyadhātu 340 265, 278, 298, 304, 305, 334;
388 INDEX

of Buddha 109, 113, 129, 132, 170, 180, as Mahāyāna hero 283;
183; nature of 206;
Chengguan on 72, 82; meditation of 90, 292;
gradual 300; miracle given to 91;
of Huineng 186; practice 93, 118–122, 131, 176, 182, 183,
in Sanlun and Huayan 4, 71, 75, 82; 187, 193, 283, 284, 293;
sudden 74, 297, 300 Śākyamuni bodhisattvas 341, 342;
Awakening by Light 228 scholarly literature on XIV, XV, 21, 22,
Awakening of (Mahāyāna) Faith XVIII, 17, 18, 29, 80, 137, 138, 158, 280, 307;
34, 43, 199, 200, 208, 211, 218, 246, 250, spiritual development of 146;
286, 330 stages of 343, 347, 348, 349, 350, 352,
354, 355, 356, 357;
bam-po 153, 154 teaching for 94, 197, 198;
Baoshansi 寶山寺 170 ten 98, 102, 113;
Bari lo-tsaba (1040–1111) 154 in three-tier Buddhist model 310;
Benzaiten 303 upāya aspect 237
Bhadracarī-praṇidhānarāja-gāthā 150, 155 bodhisattva path XIV, 115, 118, 120, 122, 123,
Bhadraśrī XIII, 90, 91, 101, 102, 105, 117 124, 129, 130, 131, 135, 174, 176, 177,
Bhagavat 94 183, 187, 284
Bhaiśajyaguru-sūtra 356 bodhisattva śīla XV, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174,
bhavacakra 352 177, 178, 183, 184
Bhāvaviveka (500–570) 197, 198, 202, 203 Bodhisattvabhūmi 17, 79, 170, 177
bhūmi system 123, 128, 187 Bodhisattvapiṭaka 93
Biankong 遍空 monastery 149 Bodhisattvapraśnāloka 96
Bing 并 53 Bodhisena (8th c.) 326
Binglingsi 炳靈寺 cave 169, 170, 171, 172, Bon-gak [Pon’gak] 72, 79
174, 177 Borobuḍur 13, 141, 221, 353, 354, 358
Biyan lu 碧巖録 XVI, 229 Brahmā 339
Bo Fazu 帛法祖 145 Brahmajāla-sūtra 341
Bodhgayā 339, 340 末
branches (mo ) of one-mind 246, 256
bodhi XII, XVI, 91, 99, 118, 127, 139, 283, bright Buddha seed-nature 51
284, 285, 321 Buddha, buddhas XX, 54, 94, 122, 124, 154,
Bodhidharma 186 177, 184, 189, 201, 206, 209, 210, 211,
Bodhiruci 菩提流志 149, 292 214, 225, 226, 232, 243, 244, 253, 254,
bodhisattva 255, 263, 264, 284, 302, 305, 311, 312,
in art 346, 347; 313, 314, 315, 317, 318, 319, 322, 328,
in Buddhāvataṃsaka 113–137, 141, 143– 340, 341, 342;
144, 154, 170, 183, 221, 223, 224, 225, body of 60, 210, 211, 215, 311, 321;
226; in Buddhāvataṃsaka 109, 113–118, 122,
characteristics of 143; 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131,
and cognitive hindrances 285; 132, 133, 135, 136, 137;
“Consciousness-King” 153; characteristics and qualities of XVII, 98,
crowns of 247; 102, 122, 129, 224;
in Dousha jing group 111; classification of teachings of 170, 178,
Dwelling places of 92; 179, 182, 183, 184, 197, 198, 316;
and Fo shuo pusa benye jing 佛說菩薩本 enlightenment of XIII, XV, XVII, 95, 99,
業經 143; 100, 109, 113, 132, 139, 170, 180, 221,
in Guanxin xuanshu 253, 255, 257; 223, 224, 293, 339, 351;
in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 265, 269; epithets of 114;
 INDEX 389

in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 262, 265, 269, 270, 274; bodhisattva practice in 193;
image of XI, XVI, XX, 170, 171, 172, 177, dhyāna in 223, 224, 226;
178, 221, 297, 311, 326, 329, 338, 339, Fazang’s commentary on 196;
341, 346, 347, 348, 349, 351, 352, 353, Huiyuan’s subcommentary on 205;
354, 355, 356, 357; Li Tongxuan on 228;
light of 228; samādhi in 224, 225, 226;
meditation of and on XIV, XVII, 54, 132, scholarly literature on XII, XIII, XIV, XV,
223, 225, 226; XVI, 16, 22, 23, 28, 48, 61, 138, 158;
miracle performed by XIII, 89, 90, 91, 105, textual history and versions 87, 89–102,
114, 115, 126, 133, 254, 258, 339; 105, 106, 109–116, 118, 121–125, 129–
scholarly literature on 12, 13, 15, 17, 20, 133, 135, 139–143, 146, 147–149, 151–
22, 39, 43, 46, 51, 72, 80, 138, 159, 153, 155–156, 212, 215;
218, 219, 295, 357, 359; three-tier Buddhist model in 310.
seat of 115; See also Avataṃsaka-sūtra, Huayan jing
state of 243, 311, 314, 315, 316, 317, 319, Buddhāvataṃsaka meditation 90, 102
320, 321; Buddhayaśas 146
of ten directions 129, 130, 131, 132, 137; 不可思議解脫經
Buke siyi jietuo jing , see
in three-tier Buddhist model 310. Acintyavimokṣa-sūtra
See also Amitābha, Mahāvairocana, Bukesiyi jing 不可思議經 141
Śākyamuni, Vairocana Bukkyō ni okeru sensō taiken 331, 334
Buddha deeds XVII, 241, 243, 244, 249, 252, Bu-ston (1290–1364) 154, 155, 158
253 Buswell, Robert 137, 138, 302, 306
Buddha Land 225, 244, 253. Byang-chub bzang-po, paṇḍita 154
See also buddha-fields Byang chub sems dpa’s dris pa snang ba 96
Buddhabhadra
life and travels of 147, 148, 169, 172; Cao Shuwen 曹淑文 61
scholarly literature on 33; 曹洞
Caodong (J. Sōtō) XVII, 223, 231, 239
translation of Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra Caoshan Benji 曹山本寂 (804–901) XVII,
XIV, XV, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 98, 231, 232, 233
101, 102, 103, 112, 118, 135, 136, 147, celestial bodhisattva 131
148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 160, 162, 164, Central Asia XII, 92, 93, 94, 95, 105, 144, 158,
166, 169, 196, 206, 337 213, 358
Buddhabhūmi-sūtra 52, 98 Ceylon 321
Buddhabhūmi-sūtra-śāstra 52 Chakravarti-rājas 331
buddha-fields 113, 114, 115, 117, 127, 128, Chan 禪 10, 222, 223, 282, 297, 300, 343;
129, 131, 136, 340. See also Buddha Land and Pure Land XVII;
Buddhahood XIV, XIX, 11, 29, 37, 74, 113, Daoxin, master of 302;
122, 123, 131, 183, 223 Dongshan Liangjie, master of XVII, 231;
Buddhalakṣaṇaprakāśa 96 Guifeng Zongmi, master of 233;
Buddha-mind 250 influence on Chengguan XVI;
Buddha-nature XVI, 55, 60, 129, 174, 182, lineage of 171, 186, 187, 223;
183, 196, 204, 206, 209, 219, 243, 310 Nanyang Huizhong, master of 321;
buddhānubhāvena 114, 130 Nanyue Mingzan, master of 258;
buddhānusmṛti-samādhi 224 relationship with Huayan XVI, XVII, 221,
buddhavacana 130 222, 223, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233, 234,
Buddhāvataṃsaka, meaning of term XIII, 87, 235, 237, 238, 348;
88, 89, 90, 91 scholarly literature on 13, 20, 21, 23, 26,
Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra XI, 87, 89, 90, 221, 29, 30, 34, 37, 38, 49, 50, 51, 56, 57, 58,
222, 226, 229, 243, 244, 312, 316, 321; 59, 62, 63, 66, 67, 82, 85, 230, 239, 306;
390 INDEX

Yanshou and 241, 246, 249, 250; Chogye Mt. 350

Yuanwu Keqin and 229; Chŏng Pyŏngjo 75, 82
Zongmi and XVI, 9 Chosŏn 78, 84, 266, 268, 369
Chan hall 342 Christianity 328, 331
chan jiao yizhi禅教一致 50 出三蔵記集
Chu sanzang ji ji XI, 144, 145,
禪
Chan school XVI, 30, 34, 37, 49, 51, 56, 58, 146, 148, 156, 173
82, 85, 187, 223, 228, 245, 250 Chu Shudu 褚叔度 147, 148
Chang Won-kyu [Chang Wŏn’gyu] 71, 74, 79 Chūzenji 中禅寺 Lake 301
chanding禪定 224 classification of teachings XII, XV, 25, 49, 55,
禅定寺
Chandingsi 186 75, 77, 84, 202, 216
chanjia禪家 (the chan family) 223 cognitive hindrances XVIII, 281, 283, 284,
channa 禪那 222 285, 290, 291, 293
陈景富
Chen Jingfu 61 common people XVII, 243, 310, 329
陈沛然
Chen Peiran 52, 61 common teaching 33, 36, 216
陈扬炯
Chen Yangjiong 50, 61 compassion 247, 283, 316, 318
陈远宁
Chen Yuanning 55, 61 conditioned 5, 6, 126, 206, 210, 215, 316, 318
陈允吉
Chen Yunji 50, 61 conditioned (saṃskṛta) dharmas 126
Cheng Hao程颢 56 Confucianism 9, 14, 49, 54, 55, 58, 60, 61, 62,
成唯識論
Cheng weishi lun 198, 203, 204, 63, 64, 66, 67, 73, 81, 218
209, 210, 211, 285, 292, 294 consciousness-only 40, 53, 197, 199, 255
Cheng Yi程颐 56 consecration (abhiṣeka) 124, 129
Chengguan澄觀 (738–839) XIV, 8, 10, 205, contemplating on nature 55
297; contemplation of Buddha-light (foguang guan
stūpa of XI; 佛光觀 ) XVI, 228
and faxingzong and faxiangzong XV, XVI, contemplation of mind XVII, 241, 243, 244,
205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 216, 217; 249, 250
harmonizing Huayan with other schools controlling thoughts 121
XV, XVI; counting breaths 121
on perfect interfusion 189; crown prince (yuvarāja) 124, 128
and Prajñā 150; Cui Dahua 崔大华 56, 62
scholarly literature on 14, 15, 21, 30, 32, Cui Hao 崔浩 (381–450) 173
33, 34, 35, 37, 50, 51, 54, 61, 62, 63, cultivation 6, 10, 37, 74, 127, 129, 211, 232,
70, 72, 73, 78, 81, 82, 158, 218, 230, 285
239;
works of XV, 2, 9, 140, 158, 193, 199, Da fangguang huayan jing busiyi fo jingjie fen
209, 210, 227, 234, 236, 238, 246, 251; 大方廣華嚴經不思議佛境界分 100
on xingbu and yuanrong 193; 大方廣
Da fangguang rulai busiyi jingjie jing
and Zongmi 9 如來不思議境界經 100
Chengshi lun 成實論 170, 173, 174 大開元寺
Da Kaiyuansi 342
Chidō 知道 (?–?) 320 大般涅槃經集解
Daban niepan jing jijie 170
Chinese art 56, 57, 67, 358 大遍
Dabian monastery 149
Chinese esthetics 56 大慈恩
Dacien monastery 151, 152
Chinese literature 50, 57, 58, 244 Dad pa’i stobs bskyed pa la ’jug pa’i phyag rgya
Chinese medicine 226 zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo 96
Chinjŏng眞定 268 dadao大道 122
Chinul 知訥 (1158–1210) 14, 15, 17, 40, 74, Dafangguang fo huayan jing rufajie pin 大方廣
77, 78, 83, 84, 85, 298 佛華嚴經入法界品 149
Chiri Mt. 350 Dafangguang fo huayan jing suishu yanyi chao
Cho Yoon-ho [Cho Yunho] 38, 73, 30 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔 205
 INDEX 391

Dafangguang puxian suo shuo jing 大方廣普賢 Daśabhūmivyākhyāna 141, 215

所說經 152 daśaka 96
Dafangguang ru rulai zhi de busiyi jing大方廣 Daśasamādhi[ka] 101
入如來智徳不思議經 96 大乘法界無差別
Dasheng fajie wuchabie lun
Dafangguang rulai xingqi weimizang jing 大方 論 199, 202
廣如來性起微密藏經 145 大乘密嚴經疏
Dasheng miyan jing shu 196
Dai 代 43 Dasheng qixin lun 大乘起信論 8, 9, 10, 40, 52,
大安寺
Daianji 338, 344, 345, 358 54, 73, 183, 184, 186, 208, 286
Daianji garan engi narabini shizaichō 大安寺 大乘義章草稿本
Dasheng yizhang caogao ben
伽藍縁起并流記資財帳 345, 358 178
大念佛寺
Dainenbutsuji 315 daśottama 96
Daiwa 大和 329 Dazhi du lun 大智度論 140
大通融觀
Daizū Yūkan 312 Dazhusheng 大住聖 170, 186
Dalai Lama XII 93 Dazu 大足 141, 158, 358
Damamūka-nidāna-sūtra 357 De bzhin gshegs pa’i yon tan dang ye shes bsam
Dānaśīla 155 gyis mi khyab pa’i yul la ’jug pa bstan pa
Dan-no-ura壇ノ浦 304 zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo 96
Daoan 道安 (312–385) 140, 145, 206 deluded mind 248
Daochang道場 monastery 147 Dengmu pusa suowen sanmei jing 等目菩薩所
Daoism 3, 110, 116, 133, 134, 223; 問三昧經 99, 101, 144
Lingbao scriptures of 120, 137; Dentoku Ryōson 242
scholarly literature on 11, 14, 17, 21, 31, dependent arising XV, 30, 33, 39, 199, 200,
46, 49, 52, 60, 63, 67, 73, 81, 137, 218; 202, 205, 206, 208, 214, 282
Taiwudi, emperor of Northern Wei and Dessein, Bart 150
173, 183; Detachment from the World 142
in the Weishu 178; Devaprajñā 100
Zongmi’s understanding of 9 Devata-sūtra 356, 357
Daoping 道憑 (?–??) 171, 185, 186 Dezong 德宗 (r. 779–805) 150
Daorong 道融 XV, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, Dga’-ba, paṇḍita 154
176, 183 dhāraṇī 264, 302
Daosheng 道生 (ca. 360–434) 206 Dharma 120, 121, 126, 127, 128, 243, 244,
Daoxin 道信 186, 302 249, 252, 253, 254, 257, 300, 303, 340;
Daoxing banruo jing 道行般若經 119 bodhisattvas’ comprehension of 113, 127;
Daoxuan 道璿 326 Dan, teacher of 170;
Daoyan 道嚴 109 Daoping, master of 185;
Darumashū 316, 323 establishing of 129;
daśa 143 faxiang(zong) and 195;
daśabhūmi 106 faxing(zong) and 195, 196, 253, 298;
Daśabhūmika XIII, 93, 95, 106, 114, 132, 146, in Gaṇḍavyūha XVIII;
153, 182; lineage and transmission of 171, 185, 186;
bodhisattvas in 183; Lingyou, master of 185, 186;
Sanskrit text of 109, 121; love of 284;
scholarly literature on 17, 18, 21, 28, 53, protectors of 304, 305;
154; repository of 304;
ten stages of the bodhisattva path in 123, revelation of 257;
125, 127, 146, 339, 343; search of 300;
Vasubandhus’s commentary on 212 Sengtan, master of 92;
Daśabhūmika-sūtra-śāstra 53, 182, 183 study of 126;
Daśabhūmikavibhāṣā 185, 186 unconditional seal of 252;
392 INDEX

of Universal Radiance 340, 341, 350; Divākara (613–688) 88, 148, 149, 152, 157,
wheel of 180, 198 196, 197, 199, 217, 218
Dharmabhadra 153 Divyāvadāna XI Prātihārya-sūtra 90
Dharma-body 257, 310 doctrinal taxonomy 109
dharmadhātu 189, 261, 264, 320, 322, 352; Do-eop [Toŏp] 72, 80, 81
Changshui Zixuan on 250; Dōgen 道元 (1200–1253) XIX, XXI, 7, 45,
Chengguan on 234, 238; 223, 229, 299, 309, 320, 321, 322, 323,
dependent arising XV, 3, 245; 324, 328
Diagram of the 297; Dōji 道慈 (d. 744) 338, 344, 345
Discernments of 199; Dōjōji道成寺 303, 307
Fazang on XVII, 245; 董平
Dong Ping 54, 56, 62
in Huayan jing 243; Dong Qun董群 58, 62
scholarly literature on 13, 16, 39; 洞山良價
Dongshan Liangjie (807–869) XII,
as Vairocana’s world 341; XVII, 231, 232
Yanshou on XVII, 243, 245, 246, 247, 250, 洞山五位頌注
Dongshan wu wei song zhu 236
257, 258; Dongxuan lingbao changye zhi fu jiuyou yukui
Zongmi on 190, 191, 192. 洞玄靈寶長夜之府九幽玉匱
mingzhen ke
See also dharma-realm dharmadhātus 明真科 137
dharmadhātu pratītyasamutpāda 48, 49, 52, 兜沙經
Dousha jing XIII, 16, 110, 111, 112,
60, 189, 190, 245 115, 121, 122, 124, 125, 133, 135, 138,
Dharmadhātu-Vāgīśvara-Mañjuśrī maṇḍala 352 144, 158
dharmakāya 39, 183, 341 dragon-hole 305
Dharma-king 128, 180 dragon XIX, 99, 297, 301, 305, 307
Dharmakṣema 147, 206 Du Jiwen 杜继文 48, 49, 62, 65
Dharmamati 111, 115, 123, 125, 126, 129, 130, 度世品經
Du shi pin jing 98, 101, 144
132, 135 Du Shun 杜順 (558–640) XI, XIV, XV, 2, 3, 6,
dharma-nature 34, 195, 196, 253, 262, 269, 7, 52, 53, 55, 61, 65, 187, 190, 199, 204,
298, 305 227, 267
Dharmapāla (Hufa 護法 530–561) 35, 197, 202 Du zhufo jingjie zhiguangyan jing 度諸佛境界
Dharmarakṣa 93, 98, 100, 101, 102, 113, 114, 智光嚴經 96
144, 145, 146, 154, 157 Dunhuang
dharma-realm 48, 49, 52, 53, 60, 261, 274, Buddhist paintings in XX, 337, 338, 339,
279, 230. See also dharmadhātu 340, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 347, 348,
Dharmaruci 96, 97, 99 349, 350, 351, 353, 354, 355, 357;
dharmas 3, 4, 113, 126, 127, 129, 189, 192, Cave 55 at 357;
195, 200, 202, 273, 274, 277, 283, 298; Huayan bian in XX, 342, 343, 349;
arising of 200, 201, 265; manuscripts in 93, 169, 170, 178;
characteristics of XV, 198, 199, 200; scholarly literature on 30, 339, 358, 359, 360
“cleansing” and “exhausting” of 4; Dushi pin jing 度世品經 101
contemplation on 72, 79; Dwelling Places of Bodhisattvas 92
emptiness of 197, 198, 200, 203, 204, 207;
in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 262, 265; Ebe Ōson江部鴨村 331
nature of 207; Edo period 19, 223, 327
Yanshou on 245, 253; Eichō 永超 242
Yogācāra on 283, 286, 291, 292 eight consciousnesses 281
dharmatā 196 eighty-fascicle version 142, 143, 145, 149, 150,
dhyāna XVI, 222, 223, 224, 226, 310, 317 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 204
Diamond Sūtra 326 Eiheiji 321, 322
Dīpaṃkara jātaka 126 Einstein 328
 INDEX 393

Eisai榮西 (1141–1215) 223 essence-function 232, 286

Ejō 懷奘 (1198–1280) 322 eternalism 180, 209
Ekai惠海 314 European 19, 20, 315
ekajātipratibaddha 113, 128 European philosophies 20
ekayāna 22, 23, 220, 226 expedient five natures 48
emptiness (śūnyatā) 6, 10, 126, 128, 200, 214; explicit statement (nītārtha, liaoyi 了義) 197
Asaṅga on 202; external schools 54
Chengguan on 206, 207, 208, 209;
Dharmamati on 126; Fabao 法寶 (early 8th c.) 207
Du Shun on 199; Fahua 法華 4, 5, 21, 49, 60, 93, 243
Fazang on 202, 203, 204, 216; Fahua xuanyi 法華玄義 243
form and XV; Fahua zhuanji 法華傳記 93
Hīnayāna on 197, 198; Fajie guanmen 法界觀門 XVI, 32, 199, 227
Li Tongxuan on 228; fajie yuanqi 48, 49, 245
Mahāyāna on 197, 198, 283; Fajing 法經 97, 139
Myōe on 318, 319; false 190, 194, 203, 205, 207, 213, 314
Nāgārjuna on 202; 方立天
Fang Litian XII, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55,
scholarly literature on 26, 29, 35, 52, 71, 56, 59, 62, 63, 65
72, 73, 79, 84, 85, 232; 梵網經
Fanwang jing XV, 170, 171, 172, 173,
of self-nature XVI; 174, 177, 183, 341, 358
ultimate truth of 5, 6, 181; Faxiang 法相 school 52, 53, 198, 286, 294.
without characteristics 199, 200; See also faxiangzong
Yanshou on 243, 252; 法相宗
faxiangzong XV, XVI, 15, 195, 196,
Zongmi on 9 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212,
enlightenment 129, 215, 232, 263, 264, 278, 283, 214, 217, 218
284, 293, 313, 316, 320, 348, 352, 354; faxingzong 法性宗 XV, 196, 205, 206, 207,
in Awakening of Faith 211; 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 214, 217
of Buddha XII, XIV, XVI, 94, 95, 99, 100, Faye 法業 148
139, 221, 223, 224, 293, 322, 339, 340, Fazang法蔵 (643–712) XI, XIV, XV, XVI,
351; XVII, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 47, 149,
Chengguan on XVI, 206, 210, 211; 187, 202, 216, 227, 228, 247, 267, 278,
faxiangzong on 210; 297, 300, 310;
intrinsic and activated 287, 288; criticism of Yogācāra XV;
Myōe on 319; and Empress Wu 196, 327;
of the nāga-girl 304; on faxiang(zong) and faxing(zong) 195,
non- XVIII, 287; 196, 198, 199, 202, 203, 204, 205, 208,
practices for attaining 193, 223, 353; 216, 217;
scholarly literature on 6, 10, 14, 17, 18, on haiyin samādhi 226;
43, 58, 80, 84, 218, 294, 295, 307, 324; and the term “Huayan” 88;
Sudhana’s quest for XX, 337, 343; on perfect interfusion 190, 191, 192;
Yanshou on XVII, 243, 244, 249, 252, 253, scholarly literature on 5, 11, 12, 13, 18,
257; 20, 22, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37,
Zongmi on XVI, 9 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 62, 65,
Enlightenment through the Light of Tathāgata 66, 67, 70, 71, 73, 75, 79, 82, 84, 157;
142 works of XIV, 8, 93, 99, 140, 148, 149,
Enryakuji 延暦寺 309 152, 196, 200, 227, 288, 310, 316, 317;
essence XV, 32, 49, 56, 62, 67, 190, 195, 196, and the term xing XVI;
208, 210, 211, 228, 231, 232, 233, 235, and Yanshou XVII, 244, 245, 246, 247
236, 237, 238, 250, 286, 290, 347 Fei Changfang 費長房 135
394 INDEX

Feilaifeng 飛來峰 346 of discriminating wisdom 290;

Feng Huanzhen冯焕珍 53, 63 essence and 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236,
five doctrines 48 237, 238, 286;
Five Lineages Seven Sects (wujia qizong 五家 of eyes 224;
七宗 ) 223 Fazang, on 192, 216, 245;
five positions XVII, 231, 232, 233, 238 ignorance as mental 282;
five skandhas 120 in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 264;
five stages 283, 284 Jizang on 5;
five teachings 201, 202, 216, 217, 316 Mahāvairocana and 311;
Flower Treasure world 244, 252 of nature 204;
佛
Fo huayan ru rulai de zhi busiyi jingjie jing scholarly literature on XV, XVII, 17, 32,
華嚴入如來徳智不思議境界經 96 56, 232, 239;
佛華嚴三昧
fo huayan sanmei 88 substance and 190, 191;
佛昇須彌頂品
Fo sheng xumiding pin 143 Wŏnhyo on 291;
佛説兜沙經
Fo shuo dousha jing 95, 96, 142, Yanshou on 246;
143 yuanrong as 193
佛說菩薩本業經
Fo shuo pusa benye jing 143 fusion of the three Ways 54
佛說菩薩十住經
Fo shuo pusa shizhu jing 146
佛說如來興現經
Fo shuo rulai xingxian jing Gaṇḍavyūha 150, 221, 225, 320, 339, 341, 346;
144 illustrations of XX, 342, 347, 351, 352,
佛寺
fo si 121 353, 354;
佛宗廟
fo zongmiao 121 questioned identification with Huayan jing
佛地经论
Fodijing lun 52 XIII, 87, 88, 89, 105;
Fontein, Jan 345 Sanskrit version 109, 123, 141, 148, 149,
forty-fascicle Huayan jing 150 156;
佛授記
Foshouji monastery 149 scholarly literature on 12, 13, 27, 28, 29,
佛說
Foshuo jiaoliang yiqie fosha gongde jing 31, 45, 46, 157, 307;
較量一切佛剎功德經 153 Sudhana in XVIII, XX, 141, 299, 337, 343;
佛說羅摩伽經
Foshuo luomoqie jing 156 ten stages of the bodhisattva path in 123,
佛說十地經
Foshuo shidi jing 153 124;
Four Āgamas 200 translation of 146, 148, 152, 196
four continents 114 Gandhahastin 117
four dharmadhātus (si fajie 四法界 ) XVII, 54, Gandhalaya Buddha-land 244
229, 231, 250, 322 Gangyō 元曉 (617–686) 11, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42,
four fearlessnesses 113, 122 306, 345, 358
four great elements 126, 127, 129 Gaodi 高帝 , emperor of Southern Qi (r. 479–
four parts of cognition 281 482) 179
Fozang dafangdeng jing 佛藏大方等經 96, Garbhadhātu maṇḍala 348
97 gātha 270, 273
Free University of Shinano 330 Geng Shimin 耿世民 50, 63
Fuhan 枹罕 172 Genkō shakusho 元亨釋書 312
Fujaku 普寂 (1707–1781) 19 gentlemen and ladies 122
Fujiwara 305 Ghanavyūha-sūtra 33, 88, 196, 200, 214
Fujiwara no Kanetaka 317 Gishō 義湘 (625–702) 11, 30, 38, 39, 40, 306,
Fukakusa 323 345, 356
Fuli 復禮 149 衹多蜜
Gītamitra (fl. 317–420) 135, 146
function Gocarapariśuddhi-sūtra 142
of activated enlightenment 288; Gongxun wu wei song 功勳五位頌 237
of dharma-nature 298; Gonshō 嚴勝 317
 INDEX 395

gotra 43, 94, 159 Hirakawa Akira 平川彰 92, 106, 138
gradual 9, 10, 27, 73, 129, 178, 179, 182, 183, Hiraṇyavatī 99
184, 300, 317 Hiraoka平岡 304
gradual practice XVI, 55, 80, 318 Hōnen 法然 (1133–1212) 46, 309, 311, 312,
gradual teaching (jianjiao漸教 ) 170 314, 315, 317, 324
Great Buddha XIX, 12, 311, 326, 329 hongaku本覚 43, 304, 313, 320
Great Buddha of the Tōdaiji Temple 221 Hongren弘忍 186
Great Sūtra 273 Hossō 法相 42, 43, 195, 207, 294
Great Way 122 Hōtan 鳳潭 (1654–1738) 19, 43, 327
Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere 325, Hou Chuanwen 侯传文 57, 63
326 householder-bodhisattva 114
guan 觀 222 Hu Minzhong 胡民众 54, 63
Guanding qi wan er qiu shenwang hu biqiu Huang Chanhua黄忏华 49, 63
灌頂七萬二千神王護比丘呪
zhou jing Huangbo 黄檗 223
經 136 Huayan hall 148
觀心玄樞
Guanxin xuanshu XVII, 241 Huayan jing華嚴經 XII, 3, 47, 100, 132, 147,
Guṇavarman 求那跋摩 (367–431) 135 170, 178, 182, 183, 184, 204, 221, 222,
Guo Peng 郭朋 48, 63 224, 226, 228, 229, 243, 252, 253, 254,
Guzang 姑臧 170 257, 265, 269, 297, 337;
Gying-ju hwashang 154 and art 337, 338, 339, 343, 344;
Gyōnen 凝然 (1240–1321) 42, 44, 45, 297, Buddhabhadra’s translation of 136, 148,
317, 327 172;
Chengguan on 140, 193, 205, 234, 246;
Hae-joo [Haeju] 74, 75, 76, 81 Fazang on 4, 9, 20, 88, 93, 99, 140, 196,
海住
Haeju, Venerable 266, 267 216, 246;
Ha Yingfei 哈迎飞 60, 63 Huiyuan on 87;
羽渓了諦
Hadani Ryōtai 92, 106 Korean studies on 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 80,
海印三昧
haiyin sanmei 226, 298 81;
Hall of Brightness XIII, 97, 98, 99, 100, reciting of 177;
101 Sanzang Fotuo on 97;
Han Jong-man [Han Chongman] 78, 81 scholarly literature on 24, 29, 30, 33, 40,
Han Ruichang 韩瑞常 59, 63 45, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 60, 61,
塙保已一
Hanawa Hokinoichi (1746–1821) 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 157, 219;
338, 358 textual history and versions XIV, 88, 89,
Hasshū kōyō 八宗綱要 327 93, 94, 97, 100, 109, 112, 142, 143,
He Yizhuang 何义壮 61 145, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155,
heavenly king 346, 356 169, 171, 177;
heaven-realm 114 Zhiyan on 5, 100, 140, 216
Hegel 325, 328 華嚴經兩卷旨歸
Huayan jing liangjuan zhigui
Heian period (794–1185) 43, 309, 317 97
Heike monogatari 平家物語 304 Huayan jing tanxuan ji華嚴經探玄記 XXI,
hell 114, 339, 340 88, 93, 99, 156, 196, 246
Heo Heung-sik [Hŏ Hŭngsik] 78, 81 Huayan jing zhuanji 華嚴經傳記 XXI, 45, 93,
和上
heshang 121 97, 100, 156, 301
和田縣
Hetian xian 147. See also Khotan Huayan jinshizi zhang 華嚴金狮子 49, 56, 67
Heze 荷泽 58, 233 Huayan practice 4, 171, 185, 187
Hideyoshi XX, 349 huayan samādhi XV, 169, 170, 171, 173, 174,
Hīnayāna 122, 150, 179, 181, 189, 197, 198, 177, 183, 186, 226
199, 201, 202, 283, 284 Huayan temple 61
396 INDEX

華嚴一乘教
Huayan yisheng jiaoyi fenqi zhang India 10, 63, 106, 107, 138, 151, 153, 158, 185,
義分齊章 5, 190, 191, 192, 208, 244 219, 223, 307;
Huayan yisheng shixuan men 華嚴一乘十玄門 Bodhisena from 326;
246, 256 Buddhabhadra from 109, 337;
Huayan zhigui 華嚴旨歸 148 Buddhāvataṃsaka in XIII, 27, 87, 92, 94,
Huayan-related works 139 95, 96, 97, 99, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113,
惠
Hui , Emperor (r. 290–306) 145 115, 116, 120, 130, 133, 140, 141, 142,
Huidan 慧誕 170 143, 148, 150, 152, 154, 337;
Huiguang慧光 (?–?) 171, 186 Buddhist texts from 111, 135, 211, 294;
Huike 慧可 186 dharmatā in 196;
Huili 慧立 197, 219 Divākara from 148, 196, 199;
Huilong慧隆 (429–490) 178, 179 Emperor Jinmu’s origin in 331;
Huineng慧能 30, 185, 186 Jinamitra and Surendrabodhi from 154;
Huisi 慧思 186 Mahāyāna in 52, 176, 177, 217;
Huiwen 慧文 186 mythology of 298;
Huiyan 慧嚴 32, 148 nāga-palace in 305;
Huiyuan慧苑 (673–743) 205; patriarchs in 170, 171, 186;
commentary of XV, 87, 149; pilgrimage to 300, 305;
scholarly literature on 20, 26, 32, 55, 64, Prajñā 150;
158, 159, 205, 219 Śīlabhadra and Jñānaprabha from 198,
Huiyuan 慧遠 (523–592) 205;
scholarly literature on XVIII; sources of Buddhism in 3;
Wŏnhyo and XVIII, 281, 284, 288, 289, temple building in 352, 353, 354;
290, 291, 292, 293 Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra from 353;
Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–417) 147 Yogācāra in 177, 283
Huizhao 慧沼 (650–714) 207 Indian Buddhism 52, 53, 106, 158, 199, 208,
Hwang Kyu-chan [Hwang Kyuch’an] 76, 81 281, 282
Hwangnyong-sa 黄龍寺 302 indifference 283
Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 華嚴一乘法界圖 74, Indra 1, 6, 8, 12, 16, 60, 248, 251, 256, 257,
83, 227, 261, 266, 280, 297 258, 298, 307, 311, 340
華儼一
Hwaŏm ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki Indra net 60
乘圓通記 266 inexhaustible conditioned arising 48
Hye-nam [Hye’nam] 73, 81 Inhwan 75, 81
Inoue Tetsujirō 井上哲次郎 (1855–1944)
icchantika 206, 209 328
Ichikawa Hakugen 市川白弦 (1902–1986) Institute of National Spiritual Culture 329,
331, 332, 333, 334 331
Ichiren-in Shūson 一蓮院秀存 19 interfusion XV, 56, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194,
identity and difference of three natures 54 202, 203, 204, 219, 249
ignorance XVIII, 208, 264, 282, 285, 287, 288, interpenetration of all phenomena 298
290, 292, 293, 304, 305, 322, 349 interpenetration of principle and phenomena
Ildang 日幢 272 238, 297
Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 一乘法界圖 XII, XVII, 1, 39, Inwŏn 印元 272
41, 75, 81, 261, 262, 268, 271, 272, 275, Ippen 一遍 (1239–1289) 315
277, 279, 280 石田尚豊
Ishida Hisatoyo 345, 358
Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo wŏnt’ong ki 一乘法界圖圓通 石井公成
Ishii Kōsei XII, XIX, 5, 22, 24, 26,
記 268, 272, 275, 277 30, 38, 42, 97, 106, 271, 279, 297, 334
Imperial Rescript on Education 328, 331, 334 石井教道
Ishii Kyōdō XII, 21, 22, 148, 311,
impermanence 126 314
 INDEX 397

Itō Zuiei 伊藤瑞叡 XII, 21, 22, 149, 157 Kamata Shigeo 鎌 田茂雄 XII, 8, 12, 13, 14,
18, 21, 22, 24, 25, 202, 218, 321, 327, 334
Jambudvīpa 340, 341, 350, 355 Kamekawa Kyōshin 亀川教信 XII, 20, 22, 331
Japan Principle Society 326, 334 Kametani Seikei 亀谷聖馨 (1858–1930) XII,
Japanese Buddhism XIX, 54, 219, 306, 307, XIX, 19, 20, 22, 42, 327, 334
324, 334, 350 Kan.en 觀圓 317
Japan–US War 325 Kaneko Daiei 金子大栄 331
jātaka 353, 357 Kang Woobang 姜友邦 14, 349, 350, 358, 359
Jeong Soon-il [Chŏng Sunil] 72, 92 Kang Youwei 康有為 (1858–1927) 49, 64,
Jetavana Groves 340, 341, 351 326, 332
漸備一切智德經
Jianbei yiqie zhi de jing 93, Kang Zhongqian 康中干 56, 63
144 Kanjin kakumu shō 觀心覺夢鈔 294
蒋桂存
Jiang Guicun 49, 63 Kant 20, 22, 328
建康
Jiankang 53, 147 Karashima Seishi 辛嶋静志 119, 138
教家
jiaojia (the doctrinal family) 223 karmic impression 284
解釋洞山
Jieshi Dongshan wu wei xian jue Kashgar 92
五位顯訣 233 Kashmir 147
解釋洞山五位
Jieshi Dongshan wu wei 233 Kasuga 春日 11, 305, 306, 307
解脫
Jietuo 244, 254 春日大明神
Kasuga Daimyōjin 305, 306
自行念佛問答
Jigyō nenbutsu mondō 314 春日龍神
Kasuga Ryūjin 305, 307
自家訓決
Jike kunketsu 299 Kayadō萱堂 315
金申
Jin Shen 50, 63 華厳縁起絵巻
Kegon engi emaki XIX, 302,
Jinamitra XIV, 87, 154, 155 303, 345
淨名玄論
Jingming xuan lun 92 華 厳五十五所絵
Kegon gojūgo sho-e 345
淨土
Jingtu 343 華厳五聖曼荼羅
Kegon gosei mandara 348
淨行品
Jingxing pin 142, 143 華厳海会諸
Kegon kai-e sho shōju mandara
京兆
Jingzhao 53 聖眾曼荼羅 345
旌異記
Jingyi ji 178 華厳海会
Kegon kai-e zenchishiki mandara
Jinmu, Emperor 331 善知識曼荼羅 345, 346, 348, 351, 355
塵添蓋嚢抄
Jinten ainōshō 303 Kegon studies 19, 327
吉藏
Jizang (549–623) 3, 4, 5, 12, 33, 92, 93, 華厳哲学小論攷
Kegon tetsugaku shōronkō
140, 202 330
Jñānagupta 96, 97, 99, 140 Kegon waterfall 301
Jñānaprabha (Zhiguang 智光 ) 196, 197, 198 華嚴唯心義
Kegon yuishingi 314
Jñānaśrī 111, 114, 117, 125 Kegonkyō 華厳経 12, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29,
Jōdo 淨土 school 19, 324 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 40, 44, 45, 109, 157,
Jōdoshin XIX, 326, 327 159, 334, 358
成實
Jōjitsu 195 Keiga 景雅 43, 310
Jōkyū承久 Disturbance 304 Keizan Jōkin 瑩山紹瑾 (1268–1325) 306
Jūjūshinron 十住心論 310 Khotan XII, 89, 92, 107, 140, 147, 149, 151,
Jung Byung-sam [Chŏng Pyŏngsam] 75, 82, 249 152, 153. See also Hetian xian
Jung-om [Chŏngŏm] 73, 82 Khri-lde-gtsug-brtsan (704–754) 153
Juqumengsun 沮渠蒙遜 173 Khri-srong-lde-brtsan (754–797) 153
Kihira Tadayoshi 紀平正美 (1874–1949) XX,
kaiin-zanmai 海印三昧 229 42, 328, 334, 335
kalpa 153 Kim Bok-soon [Kim Poksun] 76, 82
kāmadhātu 126, 340, 350 Kim Chon-hak [Kim Ch’ŏnhak] 77, 82
Kamakura period (1185–1333) XIX, XX, 228, Kim Dujin [Kim Tujin] 77, 82
309, 315, 319, 320, 323, 327, 338, 345 Kim Ha-woo [Kim Hau] 4, 71, 75, 82
398 INDEX

Kim In-duk [Kim Indŏk] 76, 82 Kūamidabutsu 323

Kim Ji-gyeon [Kim Chigyŏn] 74, 77, 78, 83 Kuiji窺基 (632–682) 286, 294
Kim Sang-hyun [Kim Sanghyŏn] 8, 76, 83, 279 Kūkai空海 (d. 735) XIX, 28, 42, 43, 299, 309,
Kim Sang Hyun 金相鉉 261, 273, 279 310, 311, 353
Kim Ying-seuk [Kim Ingsŏk] 70, 74, 77, 83 kulaputra and kuladuhitṛ 122
Kiṃnara 258 Kumano 熊野 303
Kimura Kiyotaka 木村清孝 XI, XII, XVI, 7, Kumārajīva 3, 114, 140, 146, 147, 170, 172, 174
19, 21, 23, 24, 26, 39, 138, 142, 145, 158, Kŭmsaeng-sa 272
230 Kunlun 崑崙 152
King of Laṅka 254 Kun-tu bzang-pos bstan-pa 152
kirigami 299, 307 Kuroda Hideo 黒田日出男 301, 307
Kiyotaki清滝 River 304 Kusha 俱舍 196
Klimburg-Salter 337, 351, 353, 354, 359 kūṭāgāra 351, 354
Kōben 高辨 (1173–1232) 228, 297 Kwon Tan-joon [Kwŏn T’anjun] 72, 83
Kōfukuji興福寺 306, 309 Kye-hwan [Kyehwan] 73, 74, 84
Koh Ik-jin [Ko Ikchin] 15, 75, 83 Kyoto school XIX, 197, 325, 327, 334, 335
虎關師錬
Kokan Shiren (1278–1346) 312 Kyoto University 329
kokutai国体 328, 335 Kyunyŏ 均如 11, 39, 41, 77, 78, 80, 82, 266,
国体の本義
Kokutai no hongi 329, 333 272, 275, 278, 297, 299
Kōmyō 光明 , Empress (701–760) 312
光明真言
kōmyō shingon 45, 349 Lai, Whalen 13, 16, 195, 208, 219, 232, 239,
孔目章
Kong mu zhang 100 Lalitavistara 353
金獅子章光顯鈔
Konjishishō kōkenshō 314, lamp-transmission 58
317 Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra 24, 30, 38, 58, 199, 200,
Korea 266, 279, 294, 327; 202, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215
Hwaŏm in XI, XIV, XVII, XIX, 69, 222, larger Sukhāvatīvyūha 117, 119, 131
227, 297, 299, 306, 350; lay bodhisattva 120, 121
Hwaŏm paintings in XX, 338, 339, 344, Ldan dkar ma catalogue 95, 153
345, 349, 351, 352, 355; Leader of the Good 142
legend of the dragon king in 302; Lee Hyo-kul [Yi Hyogŏl] 72, 84
music from 326; 李富华
Li Fuhua 50, 63
Pŏmnang, master from 302; 李公麟
Li Gonglin (c. 1047–1106) 346, 347
scholarly literature on Buddhism in 2, 8, 李广良
Li Guangliang 49, 63
11, 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 38, 39, 40, 41, Li Mingyou李明友 60, 64
46, 54, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80, 李瑞明
Li Ruiming 57, 64
81, 83, 239, 261, 267, 279, 294, 306, 離世間品
Li shijian pin 101, 142
307, 358, 359; 李双璧
Li Shuangbi 59, 64
Shamanism in 8; 李通玄
Li Tongxuan (635–730) XV, XVI, 31,
Ŭisang, first patriarch in 227, 302; 32, 55, 65, 74, 77, 228, 297, 321
Wŏnhyo, master from 286, 297; Li Xi 李曦 50, 60, 64, 67
Zenmyō as deity in 304 李向平
Li Xiangping 60, 64
Koryŏ 75, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 266, 267, 李耀仙
Li Yaoxian 60, 64
271, 272, 274 Li Zuoxun李作勋 56, 64
冦謙之
Kou Qianzhi (363–448) 173 梁高僧傳
Liang gaoseng zhuan 169, 170, 171,
Kōyama Iwao高山岩男 (1905–1993) 325, 334 179
Kōyasan 高野山 309, 311, 315 liaoyi了義 197
Kōzanji 高山寺 XIX, 304, 320, 345, 346, 347, 歷代名畫記
Lidai minghua ji 338, 360
348, 349, 355, 359 歷代三寶紀
Lidai sanbao ji XXI, 93, 94, 97,
高山寺縁起
Kōzanji engi 304, 347 135, 145, 146, 147, 157
 INDEX 399

靈寶
Lingbao 120, 137 classification of teachings in XV, XVI,
霊祐
Lingyou 170, 171, 184, 185, 186 195, 198, 202, 207, 216, 217;
Linji臨濟 (J. Rinzai) 223, 229, 321, commentaries on sūtras 170, 178, 179,
lion seat 113, 114 183, 211;
Liu Mengxiang 刘孟骧 53, 64 correct principle of 197;
Liu Qiu 179, 180 faxiang of 197;
六相
liuxiang 48, 54, 191, 241 Huayan jing as a sūtra of XII, XIII, XIV,
lixue理学 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67 120, 121, 122, 126, 127, 129, 141, 161,
Lokakṣema 130; 221, 226;
compared to other translators 98, 99, 119, Indian 176, 177;
123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 131; Parinirvāṇa-sūtra 182, 183;
Dousha jing translated by XIII, 95, 96, scholarly literature on 3, 13, 16, 17, 21, 34,
110, 111, 142, 144; 52, 138, 157, 159, 219;
other texts translated by 114, 119; śūnyatā in 282, 283;
texts borrowings from 135; two hindrances in 282, 284;
Zhi Qian and 111, 114, 116, 117, 118, 120, ultimate truth of 186;
123, 124, 125, 127, 128, 129, 135 wuxiang of 197;
Lokottaraparivarta 29, 98, 101, 142 Yogācāra as 205, 283
Longmen 龍門 Grottoes 221 Mahāyāna Parinirvāṇa-sūtra 181, 182, 183
Longshu 龍樹 (ca. 150–250) 197 Mahāyānasaṃgraha 93, 94, 98, 142, 207, 212,
Lotus Repository World 340, 341, 350, 351 213, 214
lotus seat 113 Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya 93
Lotus Sūtra XX, 16, 36, 211, 216, 219, 255, Mahāyānasaṃgraha-upanibandhana 142, 212
304, 317, 326, 343, 356, 357 Mahāyāna-sūtrālaṃkāra 52, 142
Lotus-womb world 153 Mahāyāna-sūtrālaṃkāra-bhāṣya 142
Lou Yulie 楼宇烈 52, 64 Maijishan 麦積山 172
loving-kindness (maitrī) 126, 128 彌勒
Maitreya (Mile ) 29, 148, 170, 197, 320,
Lu Xiangshan陆象山 (1139–1193) 56, 62 342, 348, 351, 356, 357
Luoyang 洛阳 53, 146, 184, 338, 344 Maitreyanātha 197
Lushan 廬山 147 Maitreya-sūtra 356, 357
Lusthaus, Dan 195 maitrī 128, 129
Lü Jianfu吕建福 49, 64 maṇḍala XVIII, 298, 299, 348, 352, 353, 354,
355
Madhyamaka XVI, 3, 9, 67, 129, 198, 199, mandara 345, 346, 347, 348, 354
202, 203, 204, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211, Mangen Shiban 卍元師蛮 (1626–1710) 317
214, 217, 219, 282 Manjuśrī 225
Madhyamaka-hṛdaya śāstra 203 mano-vijñāna 204
Madhyānta-vibhāga 287 mantra 317, 349
Magadha 132, 224, 340, 349 Marxism 330
mahādarśana-jñāna 211 Matsuda Kazunobu 松田和信 89, 106
Mahākarmavibha 343 Māyā 28, 148, 253, 305
Mahākāśyapa 258 Mchims-brtson-seng 154
Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra 94, 212, 215 Meghaśrī 225
Mahāsthāmaprāpta 117, 131, 346 Meiji Era (1868–1912) 19
Mahāvairocana XIX, 17, 297, 298, 311, 352 Meiji Restoration 327
Mahāvairocana-sūtra 311 Meng Yi 孟顗 147, 148
Mahāyāna 115, 117, 128, 129, 179, 181, 182, mental disturbances 283, 284
189, 200, 201, 202, 204, 208, 233, 283, Meru, Mt. 340, 341, 342
284, 191, 340, 343, 354, 355; Middle Path 40, 202, 209, 243, 278, 298
400 INDEX

Miidera 317 pilgrimage of 300, 305, 306, 346;

Milarepa 154 scholarly literature on 11, 13, 15, 18, 32,
mild metaphysics 43 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 157, 230, 306,
Mile, see Maitreya 307, 345, 359;
Minamoto 304 on Shanmiao 303, 304;
mind is ideal 56 and Wŏnhyo 300, 301
mind-nature theory 51 Myōtatsu 妙達 304
mind-only XVII, 26, 27, 37, 41, 184, 186, 243,
247, 248, 249, 250, 254, 257, 313, 325 nāga 131, 149, 301, 302, 304, 305, 341
Ming (dynasty) 50, 58, 62, 67, 144 nāga-king 302, 305
明
Ming , Emperor (r. 58–75) 146 nāga-palace 301, 302, 304, 305
minister 173, 187, 310 Nāgārjuna 3, 10, 92, 93, 96, 139, 140, 141,
minor marks 121 154, 155, 158, 197, 200, 202, 232, 301
minute dust 60 Nakamura Kaoru 中村薫 XII, 21, 23, 24, 25,
miracle of double appearances 89 27, 28, 32, 44
Mochizuki Shinkō望月信享 173, 187, 219 Nālandā monastery 196
Mohe Zhiguan 摩訶止觀 222 Names of Tathāgata 142
Mok Jeong-bae’s [Mok Chŏngbae] 78, 84 Nanda 305
Mokṣala 114 Nanyang Huizhong 南陽慧忠 (?–775) 321
monastery XI, XXI, 50, 121, 147, 149, 151, Nanyue Mingzan 南嶽明瓚 258
152, 196, 302, 303, 304, 305, 322, 326, Nara XIX, 15, 19, 23, 44, 46, 221, 230, 297,
331, 344, 351, 352 301, 305, 309, 310, 311, 312, 324, 327,
monastic bodhisattva 120, 121, 122 338, 344
monastic robes 121 Nara period (710–784) XIX, 44, 196, 309, 310,
Morie Toshitaka 森江俊孝 242, 258, 259 312, 324, 338
Mount Gośīrṣa (Gośṛiṅga) 92 National Pillar Society 326
mudrā 229, 346, 350 National Polity of Japan 338
Mūlamadhyamakakārikā 197 nationalism XIX, 325, 328, 329, 330, 331, 333
Muryōkōin 無量光院 242 nature-inclusiveness 59
Musée Guimet 339, 358, 362, 367 nature-origination XV, 48, 51, 54, 59, 72, 75,
mutual correspondence 191, 192 77, 78, 158, 204, 316
mutual dependence 77, 83, 189 Nengxian zhongbian huiri lun 能顯中邊慧日論
mutual determination 247, 248, 249, 251, 252, 207
256 Neo-Confucianism XII, 9, 10, 58
mutual interfusion 189, 192 nianfo 念佛 37, 224, 225
mutual interpenetration XI, 247 Nichiren XIX, 282, 326
mutually identical 189, 264 Nie Qing聂清 54, 64
Myōe (Myōe Shōnin 明恵上人 , (1173–1232) nihilism 180, 209
297, 306, 313, 317, 319, 320, 323, 324; nirmāṇakāya 211, 341
on conditioned coproduction of things 316; nirvāṇa 127, 207, 254, 255, 262, 283, 284,
death of 304; 285, 305, 320, 352
dreams of XIX, 303, 346; Nirvāṇa-sūtra 60, 170, 184, 206, 209, 211,
and esoteric Buddhism XX, 311, 348, 349, 214, 215, 216, 243
353; Nishida Kitarō 西田幾多郎 (1870–1945) 329,
on gradual practice 318; 341
on interpenetration of all things 315, 316; Nishitani Keiji西谷啓治 (1900–1990) 325
Li Tongxuan’s influence on 228; Nō 305, 306
maps of 305; noble people 310
and painting 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 355; nonobstruction XIX, 44, 42, 229
 INDEX 401

nonobstruction between principle and perfect interfusion XV, 49, 53, 56, 60, 189,
phenomena 52 190, 192, 193, 194, 204
non-sentient beings 37, 196, 321, 323 perfect interfusion of the six characteristics 54,
Northern Chan 禅 186, 223, 231 191
Northern Dynasties (386–581) 53, 169, 170, perfect teaching XVI, 14, 39, 216, 217, 218,
171, 178, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187 245, 250, 257, 265, 316
涼
Northern Liang (401–439) 172, 173 persecution of Buddhism 50, 173, 183
Northern Qi 齊 (550–577) 171, 184 Phal-chen 153, 154
phenomena 4, 189, 190, 191, 232, 283;
Ōbaku 黄檗 223 Absolute and 208;
ocean-seal samādhi XVI, XVIII, 40, 45, 82, 90, as Buddha deeds 243, 244;
226, 227, 265, 274, 298, 321, 323. Chengguan on 234, 236, 238;
See also haiyin sanmei dharmadhātu and 245;
Oḍḍiyāna 150 Du Shun on 199, 227;
Odin, Steve 1, 8, 16, 261, 262, 264, 278, 280 essence and XV, 190;
odori nenbutsu 315, 323 faxiangzong on XVI;
no-self 126, 281, 283 Fazang on XVII, 195, 245;
Ōhara 大原 304, 316 in the four realms of reality 229;
one instant of thought 313, 314, 318, 320 in Hīnayāna 199;
one thousand Buddha images XV, 171 Huiyuan on 290, 291;
one-mind XVIII, 39, 72, 81, 189, 244, 245, in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 262;
246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 254, 256, 257 Myōe on 315, 319;
one-vehicle 5, 36, 39, 43, 44, 73, 77, 82, 84, non-obstruction between XX, 15, 199, 217,
94, 181, 189, 198, 201, 205, 206, 207, 229, 328, 329, 330, 332;
212, 216, 226, 245, 261, 273, 274, 279, one-mind and 245;
280, 318 penetration of things or XV, 189, 192, 298;
Ōnishi Ryūhō 大西龍峰 151, 159 principle and XVII, 199, 201, 204, 210,
original enlightenment 43, 313, 320, 324 217, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237,
Ōtake Susumu 大竹晋 XI, XII, XIV, 29, 33, 238, 245, 249, 250, 297;
40, 45, 106, 109, 139, 142, 314, 324 scholarly literature on XVII, 26, 27, 52, 56;
Yanshou on 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248,
Paekhwa toryang palwŏnmun yakhae 白花道場 249, 250, 251, 252, 256, 257;
發願文略解 267, 268 Zhiyan on 248;
Pāli tradition 89 Zongmi on 191
潘桂明
Pan Guiming 59, 64 philology 19
Pañcaśatikā 94 Pi Chaogang皮朝纲 57, 64
Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā 94, 112, 113, 114 Pingcheng 平城 173
Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā prajñāpāramitā 112, 蓱沙王 五願經
Pingsha wang wuyuan jing 119
113, 114 帛尸梨蜜多羅
Po Śrīmitra (fl. early 4th
panjiao判教 3, 9, 61, 109 century) 136
Paradise of Amida XIX, 312 Pŏbyung 法融 (fl. cca. 800) 268, 273, 275,
Paramārtha 10, 93, 94, 207, 214 277, 278
pāramitā 125, 126, 136, 181 Pŏmnang 法郎 (?–?) 302
Paranirmitavaśavartin 132, 340 Pŏpchin 法璡 (?–?) 272
paranormal power (ṛddhipāda) 113, 126, 128, 法 界圖記叢髓錄
Pŏpkyedo ki ch’ongsu nok
129 38, 262, 266, 267, 273, 274, 275, 277
parinirvāṇa 181, 183, 185, 352 prajñā 5, 15, 52, 55, 67, 321, 323
Pelliot Collection 339, 358 Prajñā (744–810?) 150
Pengcheng 彭城 173 prajñāpāramitā 112, 125, 139, 181, 214
402 INDEX

Prajñā-pāramitā-sūtra 58 Pusa chudi jing 菩薩初地經 146

Prajñāpradīpa 203 Pusa mingnan pin 菩薩明難品 96
Praśnāloka-sūtra 98 Pusa neijie jing菩薩內戒經 135
pratītyasamutpāda 180, 189 菩薩內習六波羅蜜
Pusa neixi liu boluomi jing
pratyekabuddha XVIII, 283, 284, 285 經 136
pratyekabuddha-yāna 197 Pusa shi dao di jing菩薩十道地經 146
prince (kumārabhūta) 128 Pusa shidi jing菩薩十地經 144
principle 190, 192, 293, 298, 224, 234, 316, Pusa shizhu jing 菩薩十住經 135, 144
318, 319, 321, 322, 329, 330; Pusa shizhu pin 菩薩十住 品 143
Awakening of Faith on 211; Pusa shizhu xingdao pin 菩薩十住行道品
Chengguan on 205; XIII, 110, 114
of consciousness-only 197; Pusa wenming pin 菩薩問明品 96
of the emptiness of dharmas 197; Pusa yingluo benye jing 菩薩瓔珞本業經 120,
essence 237, 238; 136, 173, 174, 288
faxiangzong on 210, 217; 菩
Pusa yunji miaosheng dianshang shuojie pin
faxingzong on 209, 217; 薩雲集妙勝殿上說偈品 143
Fazang on 199; Pusŏk tradition 273
function and 233, 285; Puxian pusa xingyuan zan 普賢菩薩行願贊
Myōe on 311, 319; 150
non-duality of facts and 313; Puxian xingyuan pin 普賢行願品 150
of the Path 257;
perfect interfusion of things and 190; Qifochipan 乞佛熾槃 172
phenomena and XV, XVII, 199, 201, 204, Qing Jixiang 慶吉祥 154
217, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, Qiu Gaoxing 丘高兴 53, 55, 65
238, 245, 247, 249, 250, 262, 290, 297; Qixin lun shu bixiaoji 起信論疏筆削記 250
revelation of 198; Qixin lun suishuji 起信論隨疏記 262
scholarly literature on 35, 44, 52, 56;
Yogācāra on 197, 199; Raien 頼圓 346
Zongmi on 191 Ral-pa-can (r. 815–836) 154
Proto-Buddhāvataṃsaka XIII, 110 Ranke 325
Proudhon 333 Ratnagotravibhāga 141, 149, 200, 212, 288,
provisional teachings 207 289
Pure Land 130, 195, 282, 312; Ratnagotravibhāga-śāstra 200
Amitābha in 224; Ratnamati 171, 185, 186
Chidō on 320; Ratnasambhava 352
cosmology of 340; Ratnaśrī 116, 117
paintings of 338, 342, 343, 348; Ratnolkādhārāṇī 142
rebirth into the 304, 312, 313, 317; Rdo-rje-gdan-pa 154
scholarly literature on 15, 21, 23, 24, 27, real nature 202, 227
32, 34, 35, 44, 46, 66, 72, 80, 138, 219; receptivity (kṣānti) 174, 175, 176, 177, 183,
Tōdaiji Temple managed by 327; 184
Yanshou and XVII recorded sayings 58, 231
pure practice 142, 143, 247 Reiseiteki nihon no kensetsu霊性的日本の建
purity of the original self-nature 51 設 332, 335
Pusa benye jing 菩薩本業經 XIII, 16, 110, Ren Jiyu 任继愈 XII, 48, 49, 65
111, 112, 115, 116, 121, 122, 124, 125, Renwang banruo boluomi jing 仁王般若波羅
133, 135, 136, 138, 158 蜜経 173, 174
Pusa benyuan xing pin jing 菩薩本願行品經 Rgyud 155
146 Rhi Ki-young [Yi Kiyong] 17, 74, 84
 INDEX 403

Ritsu律 196 Samantabhadra 118, 255, 299;

Roben良辨 (1173–1232) 345 huayan samādhi and 226;
root XVIII, 77, 82, 139, 228, 249, 256, 258, in Huayan jing 148, 150;
300 in Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo 263;
本末
root/branch (ben/mo ) 233, 246 portrayal of XX, 337, 342, 343, 344, 346,
如淨
Rujing (1162–1228), 323 348, 351, 352, 356;
如來
Rulai gongde jingjie shang jingjie ru pin in a Sanskrit colophon 89;
功徳境界上境界入品 100 scholarly literature on 12, 39, 44, 157;
如來光明覺品
Rulai guangming jue pin 142 Sudhana’s vision of 225;
如來名號品
Rulai minghao pin 96, 142, 143 Teaching of 152;
如來興顯經
Rulai xingxian jing 145 The speech by 156;
rūpadhātu 126, 340 the vow of 150
良惠道光
Ryōe Dōkō (1251/1243?– Samantabhadracaryānirdeśa 89
1330/1290?) 317 Samantanetraparipṛcchāsamādhi-sūtra 100
Ryōnin良忍 (1072–1132) XIX, 312, 313, 314 Samantaprabhaḥ prāsādaḥ 98, 99
竜頭の滝
Ryūzu no taki 301 śamatha 222
saṃbhogakāya 221, 341
Sadāprarudita 119 Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra 98, 197, 198, 200,
Saddharmapuṇḍarīka 94, 113, 181 212, 219, 287
Saddharmapuṇḍarīkasamādhi 186 saṃgha 122
Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra 21, 113, 138 saṃgha of śrāvakas 122
sāgara-mudrā-samādhi 226, 229 saṃsāra 191, 207, 211, 262, 320
Sahā world-system 115 Sanada Ariyoshi 真田有美 151, 159
Saichō 最澄 (767–822) 45, 207, 218, 309, 310 Sangs rgyas kyi mtshan shin tu bstan pa 96
Sakamoto Yukio 坂本幸男 XII, 20, 23, 143, Sangs-rgyas phal-po-che zhes-bya-ba shin-tu
170, 178, 187 rgyas-pa chen-po’i mdo 109
Śakra 115, 119 Sangs-rgyas rmad gcad ces bya-ba shin-tu
Sakurabe 88, 89, 90, 107, 109, 138 rgyas-pa’i mdo 153
Śākyamuni 46, 113, 118, 123, 124, 129, 130, Sangs-rgyas-’bum 154
131, 132, 133, 143, 255, 265, 305, 341, Sangs-rgyas-kyi chos bsam-gyis mi khyab-pa
352, 353, 354 bstan-pa 155, 166
samādhi 126, 132, 177, 222, 302; sanguan 三关 52, 57
bodhisattvas entering and emerging from Sangwŏn 相元 (?–?) 269, 273
XIV, 110, 115, 123, 132; Sanggyesa雙溪寺 350
in the Buddhāvataṃsaka 224; sanmei 三昧 88, 98, 113, 222, 224, 226, 229,
Daorong as master of 174; 231, 302
Dōgen on 323; Sanron 三論 37, 195
mind-only 186; Śāntideva (686–763) 142, 157
Myōe on 323; 三藏佛陀
Sanzang Fotuo 97
in Nirvāṇa-sūtra 243; Saptaśatikā 94
Precious Mirror 231; Sāramati 141
Ryōnin entering 313; Sārdhadviśatikā 94
sāgara-mudrā- 229; Sarusawa Pond 306
scholarly literature on 13, 37, 137; Sarvāstivāda XIII, 90, 91, 105, 141, 150,
ten 113, 144; 200
visionary 129; Sa-skya-pa (1092–1158) 154
Xuangao achieving 172, 173. Śatasāhasrikā 94
See also huayan samādhi, ocean-seal Sdong pos brgyan 88
samādhi Seikaku 聖覺 (1167–1235) 315
404 INDEX

self-nature XVI, 27, 198, 203, 204, 208, 210, Siddhārtha 353
245, 264, 311 Śikṣānanda (652–710) 100;
Sengcan 僧粲 186 compared to other translators 88, 90, 91,
Sengtan 僧曇 92, 93, 140 98, 99, 102, 103, 104, 105, 112, 160,
Sengxiang僧詳 93 162, 164, 166;
Sengzong 僧宗 (444–509) 179 scholarly literature on 11, 90, 91, 102, 103,
sentient beings XIX, 127, 181, 183, 196, 209, 104, 157;
257, 264, 285, 304, 310, 311, 315, 316, translation of Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra
318, 321 XIV, 87, 92, 96, 100, 101, 109, 118,
separate teaching 216 132, 135, 149, 151, 152, 154, 337;
serpent 139, 155 travel to China 149
seven jewels 119 Śikṣāsamuccaya XXI, 106, 142
Seven Locations and Nine Assemblies XX, Śīlabhadra (Jiexian戒賢 529–645) 196, 197, 198
338, 339, 344, 350 Śilābhijña 349
Seventeen Article Constitution 328 Śīladharma 153
Sgra-sbyor bam-po gnyis-pa 154 Silla 8, 11, 15, 32, 38, 45, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82,
Shanmiao 善妙 XIX, 302, 303, 304 83, 261, 268, 271, 278, 279, 280, 300, 304,
Shanwai 山外 310 306, 345, 350, 359
Sharf, Robert 11, 199, 219, 306, 344, 354, 359 Sillim 273
沈曾植
Shen Zengzhi 57, 64 Sin Dong-sik [Sin Tongsik] 71, 85
Shengjian聖堅 146 Sinification of Buddhism 9, 11, 13, 14, 53,
Shenhui神会 54, 64 218, 239, 258
Shi Jun石峻 49, 65 six characteristics XVII, 48, 49, 192, 241, 244,
石壁傳奧
Shibi Chuan’ao (?–?) 250 245, 246, 249, 250, 256, 276, 277, 316
十地斷結經
Shidi duanjie jing 146 six meanings of the cause 54
十定 品
Shiding pin 100, 101, 145 six paths 305
島地大等
Shimaji Daitō 314, 320, 324 six sense-organs 224
Shin Gyoo-tag [Sin Kyut’ak] 73, 85 sixty-fascicle Huayan jing 143, 145, 149, 152,
Shingen眞源 (1063–1130) 314 155, 204
Shingon真言 17, 43, 242, 299, 311, 312, 317, Siyuan jing 四願經 119
318, 320, 327, 345, 348, 353, 354, 359 skilfull means 317
心地覺心
Shinji Kakushin (1207–1298) 315 śloka 140, 147, 149, 151, 152, 153, 155
Shinran親鸞 25, 44, 45, 326, 328, 334 society of great harmony 332
Shintō 326, 333 Sokushin jōbutsugi 即身成佛義 311
十忍品
Shiren pin 145 Sŏn 9, 14, 69, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 85,
石羊寺
Shiyangsi 172 227, 294, 297, 298
十住經
Shizhu jing 146 Sŏnamsa 仙巖寺 350
十住毘婆沙論
Shizhu piposha lun 141 宋高僧傳
Song gaoseng zhuan 148, 150, 271,
Shōbōgenzō正法眼藏 229, 322 300, 301, 302
象徴の哲学
Shochō no tetsugaku 330 南嶽懶瓚和尚歌
Song of Monk Nanyue Lanzan
Shōmu 聖武 , Emperor XIX, 44, 312, 326, 327, 244
328, 333, 338 松廣寺
Songgwangsa 350
Shōtoku, Prince 326, 328, 329 尊勝院
Sonshōin 346
首楞嚴經
Shoulengyan jing 244, 258 soteriology 243, 354, 355
Shouming pin 壽命品 153 Sōtō 曹洞 229, 231, 299, 307.
Shōwa 昭和 19, 87, 311, 324, 326 See also Caodong
Shūgaku 宗學 19, 258 禪
Southern Chan 58, 186, 223
Shunga 俊賀 346, 347 Southern Dynasties (420–589) 66, 169, 173,
Shūrakuji 315 183, 184
 INDEX 405

Southern Qin 秦 172 Sūtrasamuccaya 96, 97

sovereign 82, 310, 321 Suvarṇaprabhāsa-sūtra 94
spiritual friend XX, 337 Suvarṇaprabhāsottama-sūtra 357
Śraddhābalādhānāvatāramudrā nāma Suyama Heaven 224, 340
mahāyāna-sūtram 96 Suzuki Daisetsu鈴木大拙 (1870–1966) XX,
śrāvaka XVIII, 33, 90, 91, 197, 198, 206, 283, 20, 23, 332, 333, 335
284, 285 Suzuki Sōchū 鈴木宗忠 XII, 20, 23
śrāvaka-yāna 197
Śrāvastī miracle 89 Tabo Monastery XX, 17, 342, 351, 352, 353,
Śrīmālā-sūtra 288, 289, 291, 292, 293 354, 359
stone canon 60 Taira 304
stūpa 50, 121, 302, 353 Taishang dongxuan lingbao zhihui zuigen
Su Shi 苏轼 57, 65 shangpin dajie jing 太上洞玄靈寶智慧罪
Subhūti 130 根上品大 戒經 137
substance XV, 33, 49, 52, 56, 121, 190, 191, Taishang wuji dadao ziran zhenyi wucheng
210, 228, 229 太上無極大道自然真
fuwen shangjing
substance and phenomenon 49, 56 一五稱符文上經 137
sudden XVI, 6, 10, 27, 39, 48, 55, 73, 80, 129, Taishō Tripitaka 330
178, 179, 184, 202, 297, 300, 301, 312, 317 太武帝
Taiwudi (r. 424–452) 173, 183
sudden teaching (dunjiao 頓教 ) 170, 171, 182, 太原
Taiyuan monastery 148, 196
183, 216, 316 高楠順次郎
Takakusu Junjirō (1866–1949)
Sudhana XX; XX, 327, 330, 335
Chidō on 320; 高峰了州
Takamine Ryōshū XII, 20, 23, 159,
Dōgen on 321; 228, 230
in Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra XVIII, 141, 148, 高崎直道
Takasaki Jikidō 18, 145, 159
149, 225; 玉城康四郎
Tamaki Kōshirō 21
Kegon mandala and 299, 346, 348; 譚嗣同
Tan Sitong (1866–1898) 64, 326
as metaphor for Ŭisang 300; 田中智学
Tanaka Chigaku (1861–1939) 326,
Myōe on 349; 331
portrayal of XX, 141, 337, 342, 343, 345, 曇斌
Tanbin 148
346, 347, 348, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355; Tang dynasty (618–907)
scholarly literature on 12, 17, 25, 157, 158, Buddhist paintings and sculptures in 338,
307, 358; 339, 342, 343, 344, 345, 349, 351, 356;
Yanshou on 244, 253 Chan school during 223;
Sudhana-śreṣṭhi-dāraka 225 connection between poetry and Buddhism
suffering 126, 283, 285, 287 during 57;
Sui dynasty (581–618) 3, 139, 148, 178, 184, Dōji in 338;
186, 222 Huayan jing during 148, 149, 153, 337,
Sui and Tang 3, 47, 48, 49, 58, 63, 65, 66, 67, 338;
169, 182, 184, 185, 186, 187 Huayan teachings during 47, 171, 187, 222;
Sumeru 143, 244, 253, 305, 340, 344 Korean envoy to 302;
Sumiyoshi 315 nāga-palace during 301;
Sun Changwu 孙昌武 57, 65 scholarly literature on 12, 14, 31, 48, 58,
śunyatā 181, 186 60, 61, 65, 157, 158, 187, 218, 219;
supernatural power 89, 94, 258 Takakusu Junjiro on 327;
Surendrabodhi XIV, 154 Wu Zetian’s reign during 338;
Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment 58, 284, 293, Yanshou after 241, 250.
294, 311. See also Sui and Tang
See also Yuanjue jing Tang Yijie 汤一介 52, 65
406 INDEX

Tang Yongtong 汤用彤 47, 65, 178, 187 Teramoto Enga 寺本婉雅 92, 107
Tang-Song poetry 57 thangka 344
Tanhong 曇弘 172 the one and the many 128, 132, 252
Tanhuai 曇淮 (439–515) 179 The Sūtra of the Inconceivable Enlightenment
Tanmeimoti 曇昧摩提 111, 115 140
Tantric Buddhism XVIII, 29, 137, 150, 155, The Sūtra on the Five Wishes of Bimbisāra 119
298, 348 Theory of Relativity 328
Tanwuchen 曇無讖 173 three dharma-realm contemplations 52
Tanwupi 曇無毘 172 three fevers 304
Tanyan 曇延 184 three jewels 121
Taoism, see Daoism three natures 197, 200, 203, 204, 206, 208,
Daoism and Confucianism 21 214, 281
tathāgata 96, 134, 159 three non-natures 197, 200
Tathāgata 11, 71, 72, 94, 143, 144, 145, 154, three poisons 120, 121, 282
156, 158, 180, 181, 185, 316 Three Treatises 53
Tathāgatagarbha 202, 283, 284, 294; three-fold truth 243
Chengguan on 207, 210, 211, 217; Thu-thu-zhun hwashang 154
dependent arising of the 199, 200, 329; Tianshui天水 172
Dharmarakṣa and 145; Tiantai天台 school 37, 48, 54, 59, 62, 64, 66,
Fazang on 199, 204, 205, 217; 67, 171, 186, 196, 220, 222, 223, 243, 310,
Huiyuan on XVIII, 290, 291, 293, 294; 343
Paramārtha and 207; Tibetan Tanjur 94
scholarly literature on 25, 33, 37, 40, 71, Ting nge ’dzin bcu 100, 101
85, 159, 207; Toba, Emperor 314, 317
Wŏnhyo and 288, 290, 293; Tōdaiji東大寺 Temple XIX, 12, 19, 25, 26,
xing connected to XVI; 27, 28, 41, 42, 44, 297, 309, 311, 319, 323,
Zongmi and 9 326, 327, 328, 331, 341, 344, 346
Tathāgataguṇajñānācintyaviṣayāvatāranirdeśa Tōiki dentō mokuroku 東域傳燈目錄 242
nāma mahāyāna-sūtram 96 Tōji東寺 42, 311
Tathāgatotpattisaṃbhava-nirdeśa-sūtra 18, 德一
Tokuitsu (780?–842?) 42, 207
145 Tokyo University 242
ten bodhisattvas 98, 102, 113 toṣa 96, 143
Ten Dedications 142, 143 Tosin 道身 271
ten directions 113, 114, 115, 117, 119, 123, transformation tableaux XX, 337, 343
124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, Trapuṣa and Ballika 94, 95
136, 137, 253, 255, 258, 264, 318, 321 Trāyastriṃśa 340
Ten Meditations 100 Trāyastriṃśas Heaven 255
ten mysterious gates 48, 49, 54, 256 trikāya 341
ten paramis 125 triloka 341
ten powers 122 Triṃśikā 204
ten practices 113, 125, 126, 174 triple world 120, 126, 127, 340
ten profound gates XVII, 241, 244, 246, 247, true principle 197
249, 250, 256 Tsuchida Kyōson 土田杏村 (1891–1934) XX,
ten samādhis 113, 144 329, 335
ten schools 48 Tuṣita Heaven 197, 255, 320, 340, 346, 352
ten stages XIII, XIV, 32, 93, 94, 106, 113, 115, Twelve gates treatise 93
123, 124, 125, 129, 130, 135, 137, 141, two hindrances XVIII, 281, 282, 284, 285, 288,
143, 144, 146, 176, 180, 183, 343, 347 291
Tenri University 242 Tyler, Royall 306, 307
 INDEX 407

Ugraparipṛcchā 112, 120, 138, 158 Viśeṣacinta-brahma-paripṛccha-sūtra 357

Uighur Bashi Huayan 50 Vivṛtaguhyārthapiṇḍavyākhyā 94, 106
Ŭisang 義湘 (625–702) 69, 297, 345, 349; vows XIX, 39, 44, 118, 119, 120, 137, 138,
hagiography of XIX, 300, 301, 302, 303, 302, 314, 317, 318
304, 305, 306;
and the Ilsŭng pŏpkyedo XVII, XVIII, 227, waka 和歌 41, 326
261, 262, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273, Wang Guowei 王國維 (1877–1927) 57, 67
276, 277, 278, 279, 297, 298, 299, 300; Wang Hongbin 王鸿宾 60, 65
scholarly literature on 1, 8, 12, 16, 18, Wang Kŏn 278
30, 38, 39, 40, 41, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, Wang Song 王颂 35, 55, 65
81, 82, 261, 279, 280 Wang Wei 王維 (701–761) 50, 61
ultimate truth XIV, 5, 6, 181, 186, 199, 210 Wang Yueqing 王月清 59, 66
unconditioned (asaṃskṛta) 126, 206, 207, 210, Wang Zhi 王質 255
215 Wangjin huanyuan妄盡還源 XVI, 227
universal salvation 206, 310, 316, 321 Wei Daoru 魏道儒 XI, XII, XV, 31, 51, 53, 59,
upādhyāya 121 64, 66, 159, 189
Upananda 305 Wei Dedong 魏德东 60, 66
upāya 6, 209, 237 維摩經義疏
Weimo jing yi shu 93
upāyakauśalya 125 魏書釈老志
Weishu shilao zhi 178
Uṣṇīṣa-vijaya-dhāraṇī-sūtra 356 問明 顯經
Wen mingxian jing 96, 97
Wen Yucheng 温玉成 51, 66
Vairocana Buddha 118; 文殊師利發願經
Wenshu shili fayuan jing
as Buddha of Kegon 311; 150
in Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra 143, 156, 224, 文殊指南圖讚
Wenshu zhinan tuzan 342, 346,
328; 347
Dōgen on 321; wisdom 93, 202, 222, 225, 254, 263, 265,
in Huayan cosmology 340, 341; 269, 274, 282, 285, 293, 298, 318;
images of XV, XX, 170, 171, 172, 177, 178, acquired 210;
184, 221, 337, 341, 342, 343, 344, 346, aspects of 210;
347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 355; of Buddha 189, 210;
Nanyang Huizhong on 331; dependently-arisen 293;
scholarly literature on 12, 17, 46, 358, 359; as a dharma-realm contemplation 52;
in Yingluo jing system 177 discriminating 290;
Vajrabodhi 353 four kinds of 211;
Vajradhātu maṇḍala 348, 352 fundamental nondiscriminating 210;
Vajradhvaja-sūtra 142 great perfect mirror 211;
Vajrasattva 348 light of the mind of 253;
-varṇa 117 mudrā of 350;
Vasubandhu (400–480) 141, 142, 200, 211, nāga-girl’s 304;
286 Perfection of 112, 181;
vataṃsa 96 receptivity of illuminating 175;
-veda 117 receptivity of 175, 176;
Vibhāṣā 200 scholarly literature on 46, 52, 55, 295,
Vimalakīrti 37, 58, 126, 211, 244, 245, 258, 359;
338, 356 single 128;
Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra 37, 58, 92, 93, of Sudhana 253;
113, 117, 181, 211, 215, 243, 244, 255, Sūtras of 226;
338, 356 to teach other beings XVIII, 285;
vipaśyanā 222 ultimate 298
408 INDEX

Wŏnhyo 元曉 (617–686) XVIII, 297, 345, 349; Xuangao 玄高 (402–444) XV, 169, 171, 172,
and his Doctrine of the Two Hindrances 173, 174, 176, 177, 183
281, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 291, Xuanzang 玄奘 (600–664) XV, 2, 151, 152,
292, 293; 195, 196, 197, 204, 207, 213, 286, 287,
hagiography of 299, 300, 301, 302, 305, 289, 292, 294
306;
popularity of XIX; yakṣa 131
scholarly literature on 4, 8, 9, 12, 15, 17, Yamabe Shūgaku山辺習学 331
38, 39, 41, 42, 71, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82, yamakaprātihārya 89, 90, 91
83, 84, 280, 306, 307 Yan Fotiao嚴佛調 (fl. 181–188) 136
World of the Lotus Treasury 333 Yancong 彥悰 139, 197, 219
武
Wu , Northern Zhou Emperor 53 Yang Renshan楊仁山 21
吳
Wu prefecture 147 Yang Wenhui 楊文會 (1837–1927) 331
Wu Yansheng 吴言生 57, 66 Yang Yi 杨毅 52, 67
Wu Zetian 武則天 , Empress (r. 684–705) XI, Yang Zengwen 杨曾文 48, 65
30, 47, 48, 149, 196, 216, 221, 327, 338 Yangshan XVIII, 266
Wujiao zhang五教章 244, 245 Yao Changshou姚长寿 XVIII, 35, 60, 67,
Wutaishan 五台山 XV, 31, 32, 50, 61, 62, 63, 266, 280
67, 73, 81, 150 Yao Weiqun 姚卫群 52, 67
wuxiang 無相 197, 198, 199, 205 Ye 業 171
Ye 邺 53
Xian wubian fotu gongde jing 顯無邊佛土功德 Ye-shes-sde XIV, 154, 155
經 152 Yidesi懿德寺 338
xiang相 XV, XVI, 195, 202, 204, 205, 217 二障義
Yijangŭi 285, 286, 287, 288, 293
向世陵
Xiang Shiling 56, 58, 66 Yijing 55, 56, 65
向世山
Xiang Shishan 55, 66 Yijing義淨 149
賢首品
Xianshou pin 101, 142 隠元
Yinyuan (J. Ingen) (1592–1673) 223
賢首菩薩品
Xianshou pusa pin 101 一乘別教
yisheng biejiao 22
显通
Xiantong 50 一乘法界图合诗
Yisheng fajie tu he shi yiyin
Xiaomo zhihui benyuan dajie shangpin 消魔智 一印 61
慧本願大戒上品 137 一乘佛性究 竟論
Yisheng foxing jiujing lun
孝文帝
Xiaowendi 178, 179 207
xing性 Yogācāra 98, 197, 207, 281, 282, 292;
in the Cheng weishi lun 195, 204; Bhāvaviveka on 198;
Chengguan on 205, 217; and the bodhisattva path 123, 127, 177;
of dependent arising 202; Chengguan on XVI, 205, 207, 208, 209, 211;
Fazang on XVI, 202, 204, 217; Fazang on XV, 195, 196, 198, 199, 202,
interfusion of characteristics (xiang) and 203, 204, 205, 217;
XV, 202. hindrances in 282, 283, 284, 286, 287, 288,
See also faxingzong 289, 291, 292, 293, 294;
Xingming 行明 (d. 1001) 242 Prajñā and 150;
信力入印法門經
Xinli ruyin famen jing 96, scholarly literature on 16, 25, 219, 295;
97 Śīlabhadra on 197;
續華嚴略疏刊定
Xu huayan lüeshu kanding ji Wŏnhyo and XVIII;
記 24, 87, 149 Xuanzang and XV, 2, 195, 196, 204, 205,
许抗生
Xu Kangsheng 59, 67 207, 286, 289, 292, 294
徐绍强
Xu Shaoqiang 53, 67 Yogācārabhūmi 197, 200, 213, 214, 285, 287,
许总
Xu Zong 58, 67 289
漩洑偈
Xuanfuji 61 Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra 197, 200, 213, 214, 285
 INDEX 409

Yokoyama Kōitsu 横山紘一 281, 295 Zhi Qian 支謙 (3rd c.) 113, 117, 119, 131, 126;
Yongjue Yuanxian 永覺元賢 (1578–1657) borrowings from the translation of 136,
XVII, 232, 235, 236, 238 137;
Yongjue Yuanxian Chanshi guang lu 永覺元賢 the character yuan in the translations of
禪師廣錄 236 118, 119;
永明延壽
Yongming Yanshou (904–975) compared to other translators 123, 125,
XVII, 241, 242, 258, 268 127, 128, 129;
吉津宜英
Yoshizu Yoshihide XII, 9, 22, 23, meditation in the translations of 121;
27, 37, 41, 45, 46, 216, 219, 220 Pusa benye jing translated by XIII, 110,
You Youwei游有维 50, 67 111, 116, 120, 125, 143;
圆觉经
Yuanjue jing 54, 293. scholarly literature on 113, 114, 138;
See also Sūtra of Perfect Enlightenment translations of Lokakṣema and 113, 116,
圜悟克勤
Yuanwu Keqin (1063–1135) XVI, 118, 120, 123, 124, 127, 128, 129, 135
229 Zhidan 智誕 170, 171, 178, 179, 180, 184
Yungang 雲岡 caves 171, 178, 184 zhiguan 止觀 6, 7, 8, 222
遊心安樂道
Yusim allak to 301 Zhijue chanshi zixinglu 智覺禪師自行 錄 241,
湯次了栄
Yusugi Ryōei XII, 19, 23 252
Yutian 于闐 147. See also Khotan Zhili知禮 195
yuvarāja 124 Zhixiang temple 61
融通大念佛本縁起
Yūzū dainenbutsu hon.engi Zhiyan智儼 (602–668) 187, 297, 317;
313 and the authorship of the seal and the intro-
融通圓門章
Yūzū enmonshō 312 duction 266, 267, 268, 274, 275, 276;
融通念佛
Yūzū nenbutsu XIX, 312, 313, 314, and Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra XIV, XV,
315, 316, 323 100, 140, 151, 152, 154, 156, 160, 162,
164, 166;
Zaijarin 摧邪輪 41, 42, 43, 45, 314 compared to Fazang 202, 216;
Zanning 賛寧 (919–1001) 301 innovations of XV;
Zeami 305, 307 scholarly literature on 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 20,
Zen XIX, 222, 223, 297, 306, 315, 317, 318, 21, 30, 51, 52, 53, 61, 70, 216;
326, 328, 332, 333, 350; and the “ten profound gates” 246, 247,
Chidō and 320; 248, 249, 251, 256;
Dōgen, patriarch of XIX, 229, 321; and Ŭisang XVII, 69, 261, 262, 270, 273,
Kegon and 348; 276, 278, 299, 300
scholarly literature on 20, 23, 26, 29, 30, Zhiyan智嚴 147, 151
34, 37, 38, 46, 230, 239, 306, 324, 334; Zhiyi智顗 (538–597) 3, 31, 186, 196, 222
sudden enlightement in 316; Zhiyuan fabao kantong zonglu 至元法寶勘同
Vairocana as Buddha of 321. 總錄 87, 154
See also Chan Zhongjing mulu衆 經目録 XXI, 97, 136, 139,
Zenmyōji 善妙寺 XIX, 304, 307 157
善財童子絵巻
Zenzai dōji emaki 345 Zhongnanshan 终南山 XI, 61
Zhang Jiemo张节末 57, 67 Zhongzong 中宗 (r. 684, 705–710) 149
Zhang Liwen 张立文 68, 79 Zhou Dunyi 周敦颐 (1017–1073) 56
Zhang Shangying張商英 (1043–1121) 229 Zhou Mu 255
Zhang Taiyan章太炎 (1868–1936) 326 Zhou Qun 周群 54, 67
Zhang Wenxun 张文勋 56, 67 Zhu Falan 竺法蘭 146
Zhang Xinmin 张新民 61, 67 Zhu Fonian 竺佛念 (fl. late 4th c.) 136, 146
Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠 338, 342, 344, 360 Zhu huayan fajieguan men 注華嚴法界觀門
zhenghua 幀畫 344, 350 191, 192, 193
Zhi Faling支法領 89, 147, 148, 151 Zhu Liangzhi 朱良志 58, 67
410 INDEX

Zhu pusa qiu fo benye jing 諸菩薩求佛本業經 ten profound gates in 246, 247, 249, 251,
XIII, 110 256
Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) 56, 64 Zongmi 宗密 (780–841) XV, 1, 297, 233;
Zhuangzi庄子 3, 4, 52, 244 Chuan’ao on 250;
庄严经论
Zhuangyanjing lun 52 commentary of 227;
諸菩薩求佛本業經
Zhupusa qiu fo benye jing on dharmadhātu of things 190, 191, 192;
143 harmonizing Huayan with other schools XV,
Zongjing lu 宗鏡錄 XVII, 241, 250, 252, 253, XVI;
254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 268; scholarly literature on 3, 9, 10, 21, 22, 29,
differentiating mind in 248; 31, 35, 36, 44, 50, 51, 54, 55, 58, 63,
Ikeda on 242; 64, 66, 67, 73, 74, 80, 85;
one-mind in 245, 246; and Yanshou 250
quoting Fazang 244, 245; Zuisheng wen pusa shizhu chugou duanjie jing
quoting from the Fahua xuanyi 243; 最勝 問菩薩十住除垢斷結經 146