Current Urban Studies, 2017, 5, 332-347

http://www.scirp.org/journal/cus
ISSN Online: 2328-4919
ISSN Print: 2328-4900

New Forms of Place-Making and Public

Space in Contemporary Urban
Development in Seoul, South Korea

Hee Sun (Sunny) Choi

Lecturer, Landscape Architecture, Hong Kong Design Institute, Hong Kong, China

How to cite this paper: Choi, H. S. (Sun- Abstract

ny) (2017). New Forms of Place-Making
and Public Space in Contemporary Urban Place-making and its evolving role in urban design has become a major issue
Development in Seoul, South Korea. Cur- in setting the 21st century urban development agenda. A key aspect of this
rent Urban Studies, 5, 332-347. within South East and East Asia in particular is an apparent tension between
https://doi.org/10.4236/cus.2017.53018
global aspirations and local tradition in emerging states such as China, South
Received: July 21, 2017 Korea and Malaysia. The intention of this paper is to provide a better under-
Accepted: August 29, 2017 standing of how new place making can be incorporated in contemporary ur-
Published: September 1, 2017
ban development, particularly within this South East/East Asian context, so
Copyright © 2017 by author and
that the needs of local cultures can be sustained and developed, whilst ac-
Scientific Research Publishing Inc. knowledging the desire of emerging states to gain international respect and
This work is licensed under the Creative recognition. The focus of this research is on exploring how these two views of
Commons Attribution International
design—the globally aspirational, and the locally situated and informed—
License (CC BY 4.0).
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
might be reconciled, using the particular context of South Korea and the city
Open Access of Seoul as a case study.

Keywords
Place-Making, Urban Transformation, Place Identity, Sustainability,
Sustainable Social and Cultural Identity

1. Introduction
There is now a widely held belief (King, 2004; Werbner, 1998; Appadurai, 1996)
that contemporary public space is defined by political, economic and technolo-
gical advancements, with the issues surrounding public space directly linked to
the politics and socio-cultural make-up of the local community, and how the si-
tuated histories of places within cities and local society and culture intersect.
Within this context, the majority of recent South East and East Asian urban

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 H. S. (Sunny) Choi

developments can be characterised as market-driven and consequently resulting

in a degree of homogeneity in their built form patterns, with a general lack of
concern for sustainable place-making and building practice. This has contri-
buted to the degradation of both regional culture and civic society.
In parallel, the issues identified by a number of scholars (McDowell, 1997;
Fraser, 1992; Mitchell, 1995; Zukin, 1991) surrounding the commodification and
semi-privatisation of public space for commercial benefit are also relevant in re-
lation to the urban and economic growth that is occurring within South East and
East Asia.
Considering that, the aim of this paper is to discover how new place making
can be incorporated in contemporary development, using the case of Seoul in
South Korea. Seoul is chosen as a particular reference case and example of a city
with a historic core that has integrated new development on a significant scale,
and as such can provide a physical reference for a theoretical review. The ques-
tion that this paper addresses is how can place making contribute to the reten-
tion and evolution of a sustainable built environment?

2. Methods
In order to understand the Sejong-ro case study area in Seoul, in relation to the
retention and evolution of traditional cultures and the particular kind of place
identity that is emerging, information was collected using a variety of methods.
The primary method involved a series of semi-structured interviews aimed at
gaining a clear insight into the perspectives of different key actors involved in the
Sejong-ro project. The interviews focused on building up a comprehensive narr-
ative of their knowledge, experience, and sense of identity and sustainability in
new place making. The interviews were conducted with officials from government,
local authorities, public and private producers, developers, non-governmental
organizations, and residents. Other methods of obtaining information involved
direct observations within the field, and gathering archival material such as gov-
ernment documents, newspapers, previous research work and policy documents.
The research employed morphological and typological field surveys. The em-
pirical study in Jongro, Seoul was carried out from April to December, 2012.
Using William Whyte’s “The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces” (1980) as a key
precedent, these research methods provide a means of gaining a deeper insight
into practical questions and issues relating to local identity.
21 semi-structured interviews were carried out with key decision makers and
those in urban design-related professions to ascertain the value and appreciation
of place-identity; two focus group meetings with users and one workshop with
urban design students were also part of the enquiry. These interviews were de-
signed to gain feedback from representatives of the four different key actors
groups involved with Seoul’s development and new town projects in South Ko-
rea; government, public/private producers, controllers and consumers (users

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H. S. (Sunny) Choi

and residents).

3. Seoul in Retrospect
Seoul, the capital of South Korea, is situated in the northwest of the country. It is
a settlement that has existed for over 2000 years. In the 14th Century it was es-
tablished as the capital of Joseon, a sovereign state that preceded the formation
of Korea. With Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945) came the development of a
modernised public infrastructure and increased urbanization across Korea and
in Seoul in particular. This evolution is visible in the street patterns of Seoul to-
day, with the northern and southern sides of the city each having a particular
morphological character. The southern part of the city that has grown up since
the period of Japanese colonial rule has a recognisably rectilinear urban grid,
whereas the northern part is more organic and diverse in character, and retains
the layout put in place based on the principles of geomancy 600 years ago (see
Figure 1).
Since the end of Japanese rule in 1945 Seoul has steadily grown in size as a
consequence of urban migration and economic development. As the city has
grown it has evolved from a linear city into a polycentric-core (multi-core) city
of approximately 600 km2 in size, with a population of 10.5 million people with-
in the city itself, and a population of 23 million within the wider metropolitan
area (http://www.seoul.go.kr/)
The historical development of Seoul is thus recognizable in the characteristic
building typologies from each period, with the traditional buildings that pre-date
the Japanese colonization, the key buildings from the colonial period that have
been retained, and the modern architecture that has grown up since Korean in-
dependence (see Figure 2).

Figure 1. Typology of Seoul in the northern part of the city (on left) and southern part
(on right), (source: Seoul City Hall, 2009).

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 H. S. (Sunny) Choi

Figure 2. Gyeongbuk Palace, originally constructed from 1395 onwards, (source: Kim,
2013); Bank of Korea, built in 1909, (source: Kernbeisser, 2010); Jongro Tower, built in
1999, (source: Author, 2012).

As described in Seoul urban development by Seon (2003), following the libe-

ration and independence from Japan in 1945, Seoul experienced extremely rapid
urban construction that further broke away from the traditional concepts of
geomancy and embraced modern designs and international influences. Howev-
er, detailed research into the history of the urban development of Seoul is hin-
dered by the fact that through the period of Japanese colonization (1910-1945)
and the Korean War (1950-1953) most of the historical urban development and
policy documents relating to Seoul were burned or destroyed. Consequently the
surviving documentation recording how Seoul has changed and developed is li-
mited (Seon, 2003). Currently, only a small number of authors (Seon, 2003; Lee,
1994; Kim, 1991) have published accounts of Seoul’s urban development and
transformation, based on the limited written history and oral accounts from
government officials and private developers.
As international trade with South Korea grew during the period from the
1960s until the mid-1980s, new buildings housing multi-national corporations
became a dominant force in shaping and rearranging the urban fabric of central
Seoul. These building types in Seoul demonstrate some repetitive contemporary
characteristics that typify a commercial approach to built form production in-
fluenced by capitalism, globalization and “positivistic technocentric rationality”
(Harvey, 1990).
In the context of the urban development of Seoul, this positivism relates to the
influence of the Korean mega-industrialists and multi-national companies and
their quantitatively proven formulas for economic growth and urban develop-
ment. A particular characteristic of South Korea is the immense power and in-
fluence held by these companies, notably Samsung, LG and Hyundai. Techno-
centric rationality also relates to industrial and capital accumulation to affect,
control and protect the environment (Harvey, 1990). This technocentric ap-
proach and the practice of building monuments as symbols of corporate power
has characterized Seoul’s urban context, combining with the historical monu-
ments symbolic of political and dynamic power. This form of urban develop-
ment has been analysed by Abel’s (1997) theory. His theory refers to the chan-
geability and shifts between different times, places, and people and he uses these

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H. S. (Sunny) Choi

movements as three chronological terms: “traditional culture”, “colonial culture”

and “consumerism culture”. The current phase of the urban development of
Seoul can be classified as the latter of these.

4. Creation of New Public Space and Erasure of Historic

Landmark Buildings
As part of this urban transformation, new design strategies and urban develop-
ment concepts were introduced in 2010 for four major new development corri-
dors in the city even more future oriented but rooted yet, each with its own dis-
tinct character; the historic corridor, digital media corridor, creative corridor
and green corridor (see Figure 3).
This is an attempt by the planning department to utilize a coherent and sys-
tematic approach to improve the built environment, in response to a period of
growth within the centre of the city that led to a production of the built envi-
ronment that resulted in the creation of “ambiguous” places of control and con-
sumerism lacking in local identity and a sense of place.
Firstly at the digital media corridor, the urban transformation includes the
creation of a new urban culture based on digital media technology within the
CBD area of Seoul, aimed at creating a vibrant new urban environment through
public and private partnerships fuelled by wireless communication and connec-
tivity, and the regeneration of historic and cultural spaces around heritages sites
(see Figure 4 and Figure 5).
The second key axis within the new development plan, and the main focal
point of this research, is the Historic Corridor (see Figure 5), centred around
Sejong-no (named after Sejong the fourth King of the Joseon Dynasty, “no”
meaning street). This wide boulevard is positioned to the south and on axis with
the Joseon Dynasty Palace, of Gyeongbokgun. The Joseon Dynasty was the
longest standing and most recent of the Dynastic periods in Korean history and
the period within which the foundations of Korea were established. Knowing
this, when the Japanese colonized Korea in 1910 this site was chosen as the

Figure 3. 2010 design strategy (Source: Seoul City Government, 2009).

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 H. S. (Sunny) Choi

Figure 4. View of Digital Media Corridor (Source: Author, 2012).

Figure 5. View of Historic Corridor (source: Author, 2012). Note: Historic Corridor with
Sejong-no as the principal boulevard running between the informal spatial structure and
cultural usage within Samcheong Dong to the north and the heritage sites, City Hall and
new public space to the south.

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H. S. (Sunny) Choi

location of the Governor General Building of Seoul, completed in 1926 and oc-
cupied by the Japanese colonial rulers of Korea until the United States received
the Japanese surrender from this building at the end of the Second World War
in 1945 (Yoo, 2010).
Following this, the building continued as government offices for the Korean
Government for a further 40 years, until 1982 when it was converted to a mu-
seum and opened to the public. Over this period the building and what it
represented continued as a topic of much debate in relation to the modern iden-
tity and history of South Korea. In 1996 the Korean Government reached the
decision to demolish the building. For many South Koreans, although there were
changes of occupation in the intervening years this building continued to sym-
bolize the period of Japanese rule and some welcomed the demolition. But for
many others, particularly amongst the younger generation the building was an
important landmark. This view was underlined by the focus group meetings and
workshop conducted with local users in Seoul; when asked the question what for
them symbolised Seoul’s identity, a number of participants referred to the for-
mer Governor General Building.
Reviewing the process of the decision to demolish the colonial building was
partly inspired by the desire to erase the memory of the Japanese colonial era,
and partly inspired by a wish to restore the visual symmetry and appearance of
the Sejong-no Boulevard, Gate and Palace beyond (see Figure 6).
With the demolition of the Governor General Building at the northern end of
Sejong-no complete, the Historic Corridor design proposals include a renova-
tion of the boulevard itself, with the central reservation updated to include water
and landscape features and new paving. This boulevard is a destination for tour-
ists and for certain national celebrations when the 8 lanes of traffic are closed,
the 600 metre long boulevard is transformed into a 100 metre wide pedestrian
processional space (see Figure 7).

Figure 6. Sejong-no from 1965 (left) showing the domed roof of the Japanese colonial
Governor General Building at the northern end. A more recent view of Sejong-no (right)
with the building demolished (Park, 2017).

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 H. S. (Sunny) Choi

Figure 7. Views of new public space along Sejong-no and Gyeongbok Palace (Source:
Yoo, 2010).

This redevelopment, with its focus on the creation of a pedestrian-friendly en-

vironment and sustainable environmentally friendly public open space, can be
considered as an “eco-cultural” approach to place-making, defined by Abel
(1997) as a form of cultural emancipation and a counteraction against the draw-
backs of modernized market-led approaches to urban form.
However, as noted by R. King (2009), the erasure of the old traditions in Ko-
rean urban development has currently left behind a vacuum in urban develop-
ment. Using the case study site of Sejong-no in Central Seoul, and considering
the arguments put forward by Abel in defining an “eco-culture” that is influ-
enced by market-led approaches and the observations by Ross and others in re-
lation to the urban development of Seoul, the case study research included direct
observation of Sejong-no as a means of testing these theories and how they can
be operationalized on the ground. This clarified the land use and the architec-
tural typologies that exist within the Sejong-no and Samcheong-dong area. An
imposing gateway to Seoul’s CBD, the central Boulevard of Sejong-no stands in
contrast with the cultural area of small traditional lanes that are set back from
the large commercial blocks on the main street. It is within this network of
smaller scale streets that a creative and cultural community is growing, full of art
galleries and small commercial enterprises, with traditional and contemporary
building types that reveal an evolving social and cultural network.
Considering the physical and social aspects within the area, the study hig-
hlighted 1) the area within which the evolving creative usage by local artists and
galleries is taking place and 2) how this usage is influencing the identity of public
space. Figure 5 shows an overall view of Sejong-no and Samcheung-dong, with
Figure 8 and Figure 9 providing detailed views and analysis. This mapping
analysis taken from survey data and illustrates the way in which the cultural
usage and activity is strongest within the Samcheung-dong area, whilst the
Northern section of Sejong-no is quiet and practically devoid of cultural activity.

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H. S. (Sunny) Choi

Figure 8. Sejong-no: Spatial analysis with cultural activity (Source: Author, 2012).

The spatio-functional analysis and observations above are supported by street

level views taken from the Samcheung-dong and Sejong-no areas (Figure 10 and
Figure 11).
The map analysis with site observation focuses in particular on the density
and forms of usage within the public space of Sejong-no and Samcheung-dong.
These findings illustrate that there is a growth in communal performance and
exhibition spaces for artists and their audiences within the smaller streets of
Samcheung-dong, together with tourists and other local users. One participant
from the interview noted “I prefer the organic nature of these street patterns,

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 H. S. (Sunny) Choi

Figure 9. Samcheong-dong: Spatial analysis with cultural activity (Source: Author, 2012).

Figure 10. Samcheong-dong (above) (Source: Author, 2012).

Figure 11. Sejong-no (below) (Source: Author, 2012).

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H. S. (Sunny) Choi

they give a great sense of character and identity for a city, and offer the chance
for surprise discoveries for visitors”.
Another user commented “I prefer this as I like undulating and hilly towns
more that flat ones. I get a better sense of place when I can review the hills
around.”
This rooted cultural and social activity stands in contrast to the new develop-
ment along the boulevard of Sejong-no, the large central strip of public, pede-
strian-only space is currently underused and lacking in this activity and vitality.
It is the view of certain planners, such as those overseeing the development of
the central boulevard in Putrajaya, Malaysia, that informal usage and creative
occupation of public space along central boulevards serving public offices is in-
appropriate (Choi, 2011). The planners of Putrajaya feel that the central boule-
vard should be reserved for national festival activities. However, there is a dan-
ger that this reserved approach to place-making becomes, to quote Stern and
Hall (2010), “disassociated from current residents, their needs and activities, and
the infrastructure that supports those needs and activities.” The feedback from
the 21 participants in the interview process, including members of the Seoul
planning department, have revealed how the urban policy for each region is only
geared towards commercial growth and increasing the international competi-
tiveness of each region, rather than focusing on localization.
Frampton (1985) argued that modern architecture should engage with and
respond to its particular context, in order to revive the old and enrich the new,
resulting in an evolving and sustainable sense of place identity.
In essence, the importance of public space is a political concern, but there is a
growing body of evidence that public space also provides a range of benefits
across economic, cultural and environmental spheres. One of the key historical
changes facilitating the rise of the public sphere is the increasing differentiation
of society and particularly a separation of political authority from the sphere of
everyday and domestic life. In a semi-structured interview with the key decision
makers from the planning department, the respondent (2012) mentioned that
“..the government’s top-down approach to policy-making and policy implemen-
tation is common. Recently, a committee has been organized as a local auto-
nomous entity to proceed with their urban development by giving an autonom-
ous strength, especially for the democratic urban policy-making process, but
there exists no clear role to control the committee. Therefore, undemocratic and
political lobbying arises without the participation and engagement of the com-
munity.” This relates to new place-making and the maintenance of the culture
and vitality of a region. R. King (2009: p. 616) argued that, in Korea, “new cul-
tural production is overwhelming either pastiche or electronic; political activity
slips from the Third Estate of popular democracy to an emerging Fifth Estate of
the Internet and the weblog. Particularly, in Korea’s case we may have the para-
dox of the weakly defined nation slipping away, into a wider imagined commu-
nity, even as the dream of Korean distinctiveness cuts ever deeper.”

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 H. S. (Sunny) Choi

5. Defining Disappearance
Understanding the urban changes in Korea in terms of sustainable national and
local identity, there are applicable lessons to be learnt from the architectural ty-
pology of the government buildings within Seoul.
Since independence from Japan in 1945, the seat of Seoul’s city government
has been the City Hall building (see Figure 12, in foreground), a gothic revival
building that was built during the period of Japanese rule. The classical details of
columns and portico echo the traditional hierarchy that still exists within the
successive “republics” of South Korean rule. A recent addition to the govern-
ment buildings in Seoul is the new President’s office (see Figure 12, in back-
ground). The existing colonial building retains a rooted sense of place whilst the
new addition represents a future-orientated approach to providing a new identi-
ty.
The interpretations of such identities in architectural built form are connected
to the wider issues of society and the public realm, and at a more intimate level
relate to materiality and human experience. In a semi-structured interview with
Lim, a local resident, when questioned about the changing usage and perception
of the area, she commented “I have been living here since the Korean-Japanese
War. Some of the local housing has been converted to hotels and many tourists
come to see our traditional way of life and atmosphere. The way we live our lives
is how it has been for generations.” These comments highlight the particular
sense of place that exists within Seoul.
In addition, cultural identity includes social activities that provide relation-
ships between public space and users’ activities, enhancing a sense of place. In
Seoul, there are many cultural and historical events, festivals and public perfor-
mances, engaging inhabitants and visitors and encouraging their participation.
From the workshop meeting with Seoul residents these events and festivals were
highlighted as a key element of the city’s identity.

Figure 12. Old and New City Hall in Seoul (source: Seoul Metropolitan Government,
2010).

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H. S. (Sunny) Choi

The participants further stated that the retention of historical and memorable
built form in urban development is something they valued. Especially, the reten-
tion rather than demolition of heritage buildings can embody users’ memories
and sense of time and place, encouraging an evolving form of cultural usage and
activity and informing the creation of a particular kind of local identity. The
spatial analysis and assessment of cultural activity shown in Figure 13 illustrates
how the traditional built form of the Old City Hall and the contemporary New
City Hall have been supplemented by a new form of public space to the south,
within which space has been reserved for evolving forms of cultural usage.
This understanding of the local identity of Seoul urban development high-
lights how the new design approaches to the area are concerned and focused
with the creation of the hard tissue of building form within the context of the soft
tissue aspects of cultural identity and community engagement, in order to empha-
sise continuity, distinctiveness, and self-esteem (Twigger-Ross and Uzzell, 1996),

Figure 13. Samcheong-dong: Spatial analysis with cultural activity (Source: Choi and Lee, 2012). Note: This figure shows the ex-
tensions of cultural usage within the context of heritage and government building and in relation to new forms of public space,
with an evolving building typology from the Old to the New City Hall building. The density of cultural usage between the City
Hall and public space and defined by the Heritage (landmark) buildings and its neighbourhood represents how this new form of
public space can provide a social and cultural network that maintains a tension between the history and contemporary life of the
area.

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 H. S. (Sunny) Choi

based on historical, social and cultural contexts.

This research illustrates the characteristics of human attachment to the built
environment, particularly in relation to the Samcheong-dong and City Hall area
of Seoul, from which transferable positive and negative lessons can be drawn for
establishing place-identity. This research has provided a better understanding of
how local traditions and contemporary design ideology can be reconciled in
place-identity terms. Kevin Lynch (1960: p. 104) argued that the “practical” and
“aesthetic” functions in complex built form are inseparable, and that physical
patterns may have predictable effects in culture, with its value and social struc-
ture.

6. Conclusion
Reviewing the sustainable environmental, social and cultural urban development
taking place, it is important to give consideration to the new forms of public
space and place identity being created in response to global forces or transna-
tional urban changes.
A critical understanding of the urban transformations of the public open
space around Sejong-no, including the demolition of the colonial Governor
General Building and the creation of a pedestrian friendly environment, gives a
transferable lesson when considering the tension between political power and
socio-cultural space in place making.
The evolution of the cultural and political identity, street pattern and the nat-
ural landscape within Seoul in particular highlights the way in which the new
place making can be established and commence its own period of evolution. As
the political identity of the government seat in Seoul shifts from a traditional
identity to something new and less identifiable, the new public space created can
sustain and evolve local identity only if it can be accepted and understood by
residents and users in relation to their social and cultural context and structure.
This shows the importance of how changes in the economic system and the po-
litical system influence the transformation of cultural institutions and practice in
place making (Rapoport, 1977).
The local identity created is not that of a fixed, perfect state but rather an
evolving one that responds to changes in the form production process in relation
to its social, cultural, and political context in each city. The value of local identity
in the development of a city’s social structure and physical form is an important
and evolving part of urban design thinking and ideology, in relation to the value
of locality and social and cultural context.
As discussed, place-making is defined not simply in terms of physical aspects,
but also through an understanding and appreciation for cultural processes, whe-
reas the creation of local identity can be clearly interpreted as a political act, not
inspired by a desire to create a particular sense of locality but by political ambi-
tion.
Considering that, it is worth analyzing the tensions of such practices, as the

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H. S. (Sunny) Choi

interrelationships between historical spatial structure, human perceptions and

social patterns, so that an appropriate balance of usage can be achieved, the
area’s unique character maintained and a diverse new range of cultural activities
sustained.
In closing, this paper has helped to explain how the case of Seoul can contribute
to the establishment of local identity for 21st century contemporary urban de-
velopment in South Korea and the wider Asian region. This stresses that in place
making it is crucial to acknowledge the cultural, political, and economic context,
in order to create not only distinctive design qualities with sustainable built
form, but also a progressive design ideology and an evolved urban design frame-
work for a “better loved”, forward looking, locally and globally sustainable city.

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DOI: 10.4236/cus.2017.53018 347 Current Urban Studies