Tabari Volume 26 PDF
Tabari Volume 26 PDF
History of al-1abari
The Waning of the Umayyad Caliphate
Volume XXVI
Translated by Carole Hillenbrand
78088 26
THE HISTORY OF AL-TABARI
AN ANNOTATED TRANSLATION
VOLUME XXVI
Editorial Board
Ihsan Abbas, University of Jordan, Amman
C. E. Bosworth, The University of Manchester
Jacob Lassner, Wayne State University, Detroit
Franz Rosenthal, Yale University
Ehsan Yar-Shater, Columbia University (General Editor)
SUNY
40
VOLUME XXVI
Carole Hillenbrand
University of Edinburgh
Published by
State University of New York Press, Albany
0 1989 State University of New York
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced
in any manner whatsoever without written permission
except in the case of brief quotations embodied in
critical articles and reviews.
For information, address State University of New York
Press, State University Plaza, Albany, N.Y. 12246
Library of Congress Cataloging-In-Publication Data
Tabari, 838?-923.
(Ta 'rikh al-rusul wa-al-muluk. English . Selections)
The waning of the Umayyad caliphate: prelude to revolution/
translated and annotated by Carole Hillenbrand.
p. cm.-(SUNY series in Near Eastern studies) (The
history of al-Tabari = Ta'rikh al-rusul wa '1-muluk;v.26)
(Bibliotheca Persica)
Translation of extracts from: Ta 'rikh al -rusul wa-al-muluk.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index.
ISBN o-88706-810-3 . ISBN o-887o6 -812-X (pbk.)
x. Islamic Empire-History - 661-75o. I.Hillenbrand , Carole.
II.Title. III.Series. IV.Series : Tabari. 838?-923 . Ta'rikh al-rusul
wa-al-mulilk. English;v.9. V.Series : Bibliotheca Persica (Albany,
N.Y.)
DS38 .2.T313 1985 vol. 9 1987
IDS38.51
909'.o97671 s-dcx9
(909'.097671 ) 87-33505
CIP
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
fb
Preface
10
Ehsan Yar-Shater
e
Contents
00
Preface / v
Abbreviations / xi
Translator's Foreword / xiii
Table I. Genealogy of the Later Umayyads / xix
Table H. Genealogy of the Prophet's Family (The Shi'ah and the
'Abbasids) / xx
Map I. Khurasan / xxi
Map II. Transoxiana / xxii
Map III. Syria in the Umayyad Period / xxiii
Map IV. Al-Kufah and Its Environs / xxiv
Index / 283
do
Abbreviations
and that was edited by Gabrieli from the texts of al-Tabari, al-
Igfahani, and Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi.
My remarks on the manuscripts of al-Tabari 's history, which
form the basis of this section of the Leiden edition, must inevita-
bly be limited, since I have not had the opportunity to view the
manuscripts personally . M. J. de Goeje, who took over from D. H.
Muller the task of editing these pages, used three manuscripts-
those in Oxford (0), the British Museum (BM), and Berlin (B)-for
most of this section of the text (pp. 1667- 1811 ). Thereafter he
was limited to only two (BM and B ), since the Oxford manuscript
had come to an end (pp. 1811 -25). For the final pages he had only
one manuscript (O), as the British Museum manuscript had also
finished (p. 1825).
Considerable help is provided by other parallel sources at cer-
tain points in this section of al-Tabari 's text. The Kitdb al-'uyun
wa-al-bada'iq fi akhbar al-laaga'iq, edited by M. J. de Goeje and P.
de Jong under the title Fragmenta Historicorum Arabicorum (and
abbreviated in this volume as Fragmenta ) covers much of the
material on the Umayyad caliphs . Many of the details of the
relationship between Hisham and al -Walid and of the brief caliph-
ate of al-Walid, provided by al-Tabari, are also to be found in al-
Igfahini 's Kitab al-Aghani and al-Baladhuri 's Ansab al-Ashraf.
The wording of the Ansab is almost always identical with that
found in the later Fragmenta.
For the events concerning Zayd b. 'Ali and his son Yahyi, there
are parallel, often identical, accounts to be found in the Ansab
and in al-I$fahani 's Magatil al-Talibiyyin. For Khurisin and
Transoxiana there is, however, a paucity of early extant sources
which would help to clarify a number of obscurities in the rele-
vant part of al-Tabari's text . There are only Narshakhi's History
of Bukhara, which gives an account of the murder of the Bukhar
Khudah very like that of al-Tabari (pp. 1693-94), and al-
Dinawari 's version of the exploits of al-Kirmani (pp. 1858-66),
which at times diverges considerably from al-Tabari 's account.
The basis of the translation provided here has been the Leiden
text. Although there are a number of unsolved textual difficulties,
de Goeje 's editing achievement with its full critical apparatus
still excites admiration even after the lapse of a century. The
Cairo edition of al-Tabari has also been consulted throughout. At
Translator's Foreword xvii
Carole Hillenbrand
s. ^
r1•
I
3
Table II. Genealogy of the Prophet 's Family )The ShFah and the
'Abbisids)
'Abd al-Mullalib
The names shown here are only those of importance to this volume of
al-Tabari's history.
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DAMASCU S - AL-KUNASAH
MuWill Khiad
1. Mlkhnsf
AL-BASRAH
121
(DECEMBER 18, 738 -DECEMBER 6 , 739)
40
Among the events taking place during this year were the raid into
Byzantium of Maslamah b. 'Abd al-Malik, ' during which he con-
quered Matamir,z and the raid into the country of the Lord of the
Golden Throne3 by Marwan b. Muhammad 4 Marwan captured
Armenia, whence he conducted raids into the Caucasus . Cf. Ibn Khayyat, II, 367;
al-Tabari, 11, 1431 - 32. For an account of his career, cf. Shaban, Islamic History, I,
144-45, 16o-64 , Wellhausen, 370-96.
5. Poll-tax payable to the Muslims by the "People of the Book ." For a fuller
definition, cf. E12, s.v. (C. Cahen). Cf. also n. 105 and n. 107.
6. Literally, "one thousand heads."
7. AI-'Abbas b. Muhammad b. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah , the brother of the 'Abbasid
caliphs al-Saffib and al-Mansur . Cf. E12, s.v. (K. Zetterstben).
8. Cf. the genealogical table of the 'Alids.
9. Muhammad b. 'Umar al-Wagidi ( 13o-2o7 / 748-823 ), the famous historian
and author of the Kitab al-Maghazi. Cf. Duri, 37, Ell , s.v. (J. Horovitz).
to. Abu al -Mundhir Hishim b. Muhammad al-Kalbi, an important and prolific
scholar of history and genealogy . Cf. Ibn al-Nadim, 1, 205-13 ; Sezgin, 1, 268, 271;
Duri, 146-48.
i 1. For other accounts in primary sources of the rebellion of Zayd b . 'Ali, the
great-great-grandson of the Prophet, cf. al-Baladhuri , Ansab, 229-59; al-isfahsni,
Magatil, I27-51 ; Ibn A'tham, V, 108- 25; al-Ya'qubi, Historiae, 11, 390-91; Frag-
ments, 92-100; al-Mas'udi, Muriij, V, 467-71.
12. The famous historian and genealogist , d. 206 (821) or 207 ( 822). Cf. Ibn al-
Nadim, 1, 216-19, Duri, 53-54; Sezgin , I, 272.
13. 'Abdallah b. 'Ayyish b . al-Rabi'ah, a mubaddith. Cf. Ibn al-Nadim, I, 68.
14. Cf. the genealogical table of the 'Alids.
15. Cf. the genealogical table of the 'Abbasids.
16. Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri had been appointed governor of Iraq in io5
(723-24 ) or 106 ( 724-25). Cf. al-Tabari, II, 147t . He fell from power in 120 (738), so
this incident must have occurred before that date.
The Events of the Year 121 5
For Khilid's career, cf. Gabrieli, Califfato, 5-341 E12, s.v. (G. R. Hawting); al-
I0fahi ni, Aghani, VI, 53- 63; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, II, 275 ff.
17. Yusuf became governor on the dismissal of Khalid al-Qasri . Cf. Dinawari,
339, Fragments, 92. For the career of Y11suf b. 'Umar , cf. El', s.v. (K. V. Zetter-
stelen); Hawting, 82-83 , 96-97.
r8. Bi-ma ajazahum bihi. Cf. line 2, fa-ajazahum.
19. Umayyad caliph, ruled 105-25 (726-43). Cf. E12, s.v. IF. Gabrieli(.
20. Ibrahim b. Hishim al -Makhzumi, the maternal uncle of the caliph Hisham.
2r. The famous genealogist and historian (d. 157/774). Cf. U. Sezgin, Abu Mih-
naf; Duri, 43-44.
22. There is confusion in the sources as to whether it was Khilid, his son Yazid,
or both who made the allegations. Whichever of the two made the claims about
the money did so under torture. Cf. Ibn A'tham, VIII, 108, al-Isfahini, Maqatil,
133i Fragmenta, 93.
23. Hishim's preferred place of residence . Cf. the fuller discussion in n. 426.
24. Fi sadagat rasa] Allah. This phrase is used in other sources . Cf. Shaykh al-
Mufld, 402; Fragmenta, 92. Zayd was appointed by his brother Muhammad to
represent the I;Iusaynids in litigation against the Hasanids . Later on, al-Tabari
uses the term wuquf 'Ali when probably referring to the same litigation. Cf. n. 3S.
Cf. E12, "Fadak" (L. Veccia Vaglieri); Hrbek, " Mubammads Nachlass and die
Aliden," 145, 148 ; El', "$adaka" IT. H. Weir).
6 The Caliphate of Hishim
whom you have made the allegations that you have made." Yazid
said: "I am not owed any sum, either small or great, from them."
Yusuf said: "Are you ridiculing me or the Commander of the
Faithful? " Then Yusuf tortured Yazid so much that day that he
thought he had killed him. He took the other men to the mosque
when the afternoon prayer was over and made them take an oath.
When they had sworn an oath to him, he ordered these men to be
flogged, with the exception of Zayd b. 'Ali, from whom he with-
held his hand. He did not dare to do anything (more( with them
and he wrote to Hisham informing him of the situation.27 Hi-
sham replied that he should make them swear an oath and release
them. So Yusuf set them free . They left and went to Medina but
Zayd b. 'Ali stayed in al-Kufah.
According to 'Ubayd b. jannad-'Ala' b. Muslim al-Khaffaf:
Zayd b. 'Ali dreamt that he lit a fire in Iraq which he extinguished,
and that thereafter he died. This frightened him and he said to his
son YaI ya: "My son, I have had a dream that frightened me." So
he told him about it. Then came the letter from Hisham b. 'Abd
al-Malik requesting his presence . Zayd went and Hisham said to
him: "Go to your amir,28 Yusuf." Then Zayd said to him: "I
implore you, for God's sake, 0 Commander of the Faithful! By
God, if you send me to him, I am not sure that you and I will ever
again meet alive on the face of the earth ." Then Hisham said:
"Go to Yusuf as you have been commanded to do." So Zayd went
to him.29
Some reports said that Hisham b . 'Abd al-Malik summoned
Zayd from Medina only because of the letter from Yusuf b . 'Umar.
According to Abu 'Ubaydah:30 The reason for Hisham 's sum- (16711
moning Zayd was that when Yusuf b. 'Umar tortured Khalid b.
'Abd Allah, Khalid claimed that he had deposited a great deal of
money with Zayd b. 'All, Dawud b. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas
and two men of the Quraysh, one of whom was a Makhzuml and
the other a Jumahi. Yusuf wrote to Hisham about this and Hi-
sham thereupon wrote to his maternal uncle Ibrahim b . Hisham,
who was his governor in Medina , ordering him to bring the men
to him. Ibrahim b. Hisham summoned Zayd and Dawud and
asked them about what Khalid had said. They swore that Khalid
had not deposited anything with them . Ibrahim said: "In my
view, you are telling the truth , but the letter from the Com-
mander of the Faithful has come with these instructions and I am
obliged to carry out his orders." He took them to Syria and they
swore an inviolable oath that Khalid had never deposited any-
thing with them. Dawud said : "I came to Khalid in Iraq and he
ordered ioo,ooo dirhams31 for me ." Hisham said : "In my view
the two of you are more truthful than Ibn al-Nagraniyyah 32 Go to
Yusuf so that he may bring you and Khalid together; then expose
him as a liar before Yusuf."
It was said that Zayd only went to Hisham to litigate against
his paternal cousin 'Abdallah b . Hasan b. Hasan b . 'Ali. This ac-
count came from Juwayriyah b. Asma '33 who said : "I saw Zayd b.
'Ali and Ja'far b. Hasan b. Hasan disputing34 over the guardianship
of the endowments (wugti f of 'Ali.35 Zayd was arguing on behalf
of the Husaynids and ja 'far was arguing on behalf of the Hasanids.
J1672J Ja'far and Zayd used all the arguments at their disposal36 in the
presence of the governor, and then they stood up and never spoke
another word about the disagreement between them. When Ja'far
died, 'Abdallah said : "Who will take on Zayd for us?" and Hasan
b. Hasan b. Hasan said: "I will take him on for you ." Then 'Abdal-
11h said: "Not at all ! We fear your tongue and your hand . I will do
it." Hasan said : "In that case you will not achieve your aim or
37. The editor notes (1672, n. g) that Ibrahim b. Hishim was dismissed in 114
(732) and replaced by Khilid b . 'Abd al-Malik, who governed until 118 (736).
38. Attma'u an tandlaha . This is either a reference to the wilayat wuquf 'Ali
(the guardianship of'Ali's endowments ), which has already been mentioned, or to
the caliphate. One of the accounts from al -Balidhuri refers specifically to the
caliphate: attma'u ft al-khilafah (Ansab, 2301.
39. "'The Helpers." The term was originally used to designate the men of Medi-
na who supported the Prophet . In Umayyad times, the Angir formed a "pious
opposition" to the regime. Cf. Ell, s.v. (W. Montgomery Watt).
40. Qabtin was the legendary forefather of the "Southern" tribes just as
Qudi'ah was the ancestor of the "Northerners." Cf. E12, s.v. (A. Fischer-A. K.
Irvine).
41. 'Abdallih b. Wagid b. 'Abdallih b. 'Umar b. al-Khattib. Cf. p. i i.
10 The Caliphate of Hisham
call God to witness that I will not litigate before you again on this
matter, either rightly or wrongly, as long as I live." Then Zayd
said to 'Abdallah: "Get up, cousin." So they stood up and the
people dispersed.
Some sources said that Zayd continued litigating against Ja'far
b. I Iasan and then against 'Abdallih after him until Hisham b.
'Abd al-Malik made Khilid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. al-Harith b. al-
Hakam governor of Medina. Zayd and'Abdallih were in litigation
and 'Abdallah spoke rudely to Zayd saying: "You son of a Hindu
woman! "42 Zayd laughed it off and said: "You've done it now,
Abu Muhammad." Then he retaliated by mentioning 'Abdallih's
mother in some (disparaging) connection.43
According to al-Madi'ini:44 When 'Abdallah said that to Zayd,
Zayd said: "Yes, indeed. By God, she was patient after the death
of her master. She never crossed her threshold, whilst other
women45 were not as patient." Zayd repented and was ashamed
of what he had said about his aunt46 and he did not go in to see
her for a time. She sent a message to him saying: "I know,
nephew, that you feel about your mother just as 'Abdallih feels
about his mother."
Some sources said that Rtimah sent a message to Zayd: "If
'Abdallih has insulted your mother, then you insult his mother."
She said to 'Abdallah: "Did you say such-and-such about Zayd's
mother?" He said: "Yes." She said: "0 wretched man to have
done that! By God, she was the best woman of our kinsfolk."
It is reported that Khilid b. 'Abd al-Malik said to Zayd and
'Abdallih: "Give us a break until tomorrow morning, for I am not
the son of 'Abd al-Malik if I cannot decide between you." During
the night the city (Medina) seethed like a cauldron 47 Some said
42. "You son of the Sindi woman ": MS. B and Ibn al-Athir, V, 172 . In one report
from al-Balidhuri, 'Abdallih calls Zayd 's mother "a witch " (saljirah) (Ansab, 230).
Zayd's mother was a slave given by al-Mukhtir to 'Ali Zayn al-'Abid-m. Cf. al-
lyfahinI, Magatil, 127.
43. Al-Balidhuri quotes in the mouth of Zayd a scabrous story about 'Abdallih's
mother. Cf. Ansab, 230.
44. Al-Madi'ini, the famous historian , d. 225 (839). Cf. Duri, 481 Ell, s.v. (C.
Brockelmann); Ell, s.v. (U. Sezgin).
45. According to Ibn al-Athir, Zayd is referring here to his aunt who married
again after the death of her husband (V, 172).
46. Fitimah bint al-Husayn b. 'Ali.
47. For an almost identical account, cf. Fragmenta, 92-93.
The Events of the Year 121 11
one thing and others another. Some said Zayd had said such-and-
such and others said 'Abdallah had said such-and-such. The next [ 16741
morning Khilid held an audience in the mosque and the people
assembled, some gloating, some grieving, and Khilid called the
two of them, wanting them to insult one another. 'Abdallih made
as if to speak, so Zayd said : "Don't hurry, Abu Muhammad! Zayd
will free all his slaves before he ever litigates with you in front of
Khilid." Then Zayd went up to Khilid and said to him: "Khilid,
you have assembled the descendants of the Prophet of God in a
way in which Abu Bakr and 'Umar would never have done."
Khilid said: "Is there no one here to answer this fool?" Then one
of the Angir from the family of 'Amr b. ]Uazm spoke and said:
"You descendant of the 'dustman' ('Ali[48 and of that fool Hu-
sayn ! Can't you see that you have a duty to the governor and that
you owe him obedience ?" Zayd retorted: "Shut up, Qahtani, we
don't reply to the likes of you." The man said : "Why are you
shunning me? By God, I am better than you and my father is
better than your father and my mother is better than your moth-
er." Zayd laughed it off and said : "0 tribe of Quraysh! This re-
ligion has gone, but has honorable lineage gone too? By God, the
religion of the people may disappear, but their honorable lineage
does not ." Then 'Abdallih b. Wigid b. 'Abdallih b. ' Umar b. al-
Khattib said : "You are a liar, you Qahtani! By God, he is better
than you as a person and in respect of his father and mother and in
every way." He spoke about Zayd for a long time and the Qahtini
said: "Leave us alone, Ibn Wigid." Then Ibn Wigid took a hand - [16751
ful of stones and threw them on the ground and said : "By God, I
have no patience with this," and he stood up [and left).
Then Zayd went to Hishim b. 'Abd al-Malik. Hishim began by
not allowing Zayd into his presence, so Zayd complained in writ-
ing to Hishim, and whenever he did so Hishim wrote at the
bottom of it: "Go back to your amir." Zayd said: "By God, I won't
go back to Khilid ever again. I am not asking for money. I am only
a litigant." Then one day, after a long delay, Hishim allowed
Zayd in to see him.
48. Literally, "0 descendant of Abu Turib" ( "father of dust," "dustman"!. This
was a name given contemptuously to 'Ali by his enemies, but it was later in-
terpreted as an honorific and legends developed on this theme. Cf. E12, "'Ali b. Abi
Tilib" (L. Veccis Vaglieri).
12 The Caliphate of Hisham
49. Abu Zayd 'Umar b. Shabbah al-Numayri (d. 264 / 877), historian and mubad-
dith. Cf. Sezgin, 1, 345, Rosenthal, 386.
50. 'Umar in the text. The editor later corrects it in Introductio, p. Dccx.
5r. On the office of hajib, cf. E12, s.v. (D. Sourdel).
52. An important garrison town (misr) in early Islamic times. For a further
discussion of al-Kufah, cf. n. 221 and n. 233.
53. Al-Abrash Said b. al-Walid al-Kalbi . For stories about his dealings with
Hishim, cf. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, I, 74,148 ; II, 124; al -I$fahani, Aghuni, II, 121; X, 62;
&I-Jahshiyiri, 37.
54. Zayd is presumably implying that just because Hishim is caliph , God is not
necessarily pleased with him. Cf. Shaykh al-Mufid, 404; Ya 'qubi, Historiae, 11, 67.
Al-Mas'udi has "No one is too high or too humble to dispense with fearing God"
(Munij, V, 4681.
The Events of the Year 12 i 13
the best of the prophets and was the ancestor of the best of them,
Mu1 ammad. Ismail was the son of a slave girl and his brother
was born of a pure woman, just as you were, but God chose
Ismail in preference to his brother and caused the best of man-
kind to come forth from him and no one disputes that. A man
whose ancestor was the Prophet of God should not therefore be
ignored, whoever his mother was." Then Hisham said to him:
"Get out." Zayd said : "I am leaving and you will not see me
(again) except where you do not want to see me." Salim55 said to
him: "0 Abu Husayn, this is certainly not what is expected of
you."
The account now goes back to the narrative of Hisham b.
Muhammad al-Kalbi-Abu Mikhnaf: The Shi'is56 began to rally
behind Zayd and to put pressure on him to rebel , saying: "We
hope that you will be al-Man$nr57 and that this will be the time
when the Banu Umayyah will perish ." Zayd stayed in al-Kufah
and Yusuf b. 'Umar began asking questions about him and was
told that Zayd was there . Yusuf sent a message to Zayd asking
him to leave . Zayd said that he would do so, but he made the
excuse that he was ill and he delayed a good while . Then Yusuf
asked about Zayd again, and he was told that he was still living in 116771
al-KUfah and that he had not gone away . Yusuf sent a message to
Zayd, urging him to come in person . Zayd fobbed him off with the
excuse that he had things to buy and he told Yusuf that he was
preparing himself (for the journey). Zayd now realized how per-
sistent was Yusuf's interest in him, so he got ready and went as
far as al-Qadisiyyah.58
Some sources say that Yusuf sent a messenger with Zayd who
took him as far as 'Uthayb.59 The Shi 'is joined him there and said
to him: "Why are you leaving us, when you have iooooo men of
al-Kufah fighting on your side tomorrow with their swords and
there is only a small number of Syrians against you? Even if one of
our tribes like Madhkiij or Hamdan or Tamim or Bakr joined
them, there would still be enough men for you to deal with them
if God Almighty wills it so. We implore you by God to come
back." They kept on urging Zayd until they brought him back to
al-Kufah6°
Accounts other than that of Abu Mikhnaf come from 'Ubayd b.
Jannad-'Ala' b. Muslim: When Zayd b. 'Ali went to see Yusuf,
Yusuf said to him: "Khalid has claimed that he has entrusted
money to you." Zayd said: "How would anyone who cursed my
ancestors from his pulpit entrust money to me?" Then Yusuf sent
a messenger to Khalid and the latter came to him wearing a cloak
('abah). Yusuf said: "This is Zayd. You have alleged that you
deposited money with him and he has denied it." Khalid looked
at both of them, and then he said (to Yusuf(: "Do you want to add
to your crime against me a crime against this man? How would I
entrust money to him when I curse him and his ancestors from
the pulpit?" Yusuf cursed him and sent him away.
Abu 'Ubaydah's account is as follows: Hisham believed Zayd
116781 and the other men against whom Yusuf had made accusations
and he sent them to Yusuf. Hisham said: "They have sworn oaths
to me and I have accepted their oaths and have pronounced them
innocent in regard to the money. I have sent them to you only so
that you may bring them and Khalid together so that they may
prove him a liar." Then Hisham gave them presents.
When they came to see Yusuf, he received them hospitably and
treated them well. He sent for Khalid, who was duly brought in.
Yusuf said to Khalid: "These people have sworn oaths and this is
the letter from the Commander of the Faithful exonerating them.
Do you have any proof about what you have alleged?" Khalid had
no proof, and the men said to him: "What made you do what you
did? Khalid said: "Yusuf tortured me severely and I made the
allegation that I made, hoping that God would give me relief
before you arrived."61 Then Yusuf released them. The two men of
Quraysh, the Jumabi and the Makhzumi, went to Medina and the
two Hishimis, Dawud b. 'Ali and Zayd b. `Ali, stayed behind in al-
Kufah.
It was reported that Zayd stayed in al-Kufah for a period of four
or five months. Yusuf then ordered him to leave and wrote to his
agent ('omil)62 in al-Kiifah-Yusuf being at that time in al-
Hirah63-ordering him to harass Zayd. Zayd said that he was in
litigation with some of the family of Talbah b. 'Ubaydallah64
about money in Medina . Yusuf's agent wrote to him about this
and Yusuf let Zayd stay on a few days. Then the news reached
Yusuf that the Shi'is were rallying to Zayd. So Yusuf wrote to his
agent saying: "Send Zayd away and don 't allow him to stay any
longer. If he asserts that he is in litigation, then let him appoint
an agent and choose a trustee to take his place in the legal pro- [1679)
ceedings." A group of people, amongst whom were Salamah b.
Kuhayl, Nagr b. Khuzaymah al-'Absi, Mu'awiyah b. Isbiq b. Zayd
b. Hirithah al-Angiri, Hujayyah b. al-Akhlaj al-Kindi,65 and other
Kufan leaders, had given Zayd the oath of allegiance.
When Dawud b. 'Ali discovered this, he said to Zayd: "Cousin,
don't let these men make you delude yourself, for you should
learn a lesson from the members of your family and the way in
which these people (the Kufans) let them down." Zayd said:
"Diwud, the Umayyads have been inordinately proud and
pitiless." Dawud continued speaking (to Zayd) in this way until
Zayd decided to leave (al-Kufah ) and they both went as far as al-
Qadisiyyah.
According to Abu 'Ubaydah: The Kufans followed Zayd to al-
Tha'labiyyah66 and they said to him : "We are forty thousand. If
61. For this term, which was used for a variety of government officials , includ-
ing the governor of a province and the director of finances in a provincial centre,
cf. E12, s.v. (A. A. Duri(.
63. A1-I;lirah, situated close to the Euphrates and to the southeast of present-day
Najaf, was the center , of Lakhmid power in the late Sasanian period. Cf. Le
Strange, Lands, 75, Ell, s.v. (1. Shahid).
64. One of the Companions of the Prophet . Cf. Ell, s.v. (G. Levi della Vida.
65. The text has al-Akhlaj. This is emended by the editor to al-Ajlab (Introduc-
tio, p. nccx).
66. A town on the road from Iraq to Mecca, between Bitiniyyah and
Khuzaymiyyah. In 'Abbisid times it was one-third of the route from Baghdad to
Mecca. Cf. Ibn Rustah, 204.
16 The Caliphate of Hisham
you return to al-Kufah everyone will join you." They made cove-
nants with him and swore inviolable oaths . Then Zayd began to
remonstrate : "I am afraid that you will desert me and hand me
over, as you did with my father and grandfather." So they swore
further oaths to him (that they would not desert him). Then
Dawud b. 'Ali said: "Cousin! These men will let you down! Did
they not desert someone who was dearer to them than you, your
great-grandfather 'Ali b. Abi Tilib, so that he was killed? Then
they gave the oath of allegiance to al-Hasan67; after that they
attacked him, snatched his cloak from round his neck , plundered
his tent, and wounded him. Moreover , did they not force your
grandfather al-Husayn to rebel ? They made binding oaths to him,
then they deserted and abandoned him and were not satisfied
until they had killed him. So don't do it and don't go back (to al-
Kufah) with them ." Then the Kufans said : "This man doesn't
want you to be victorious . He is claiming that he and the mem-
bers of his family are more entitled to this authority than you."
(r68o) Zayd b. 'Ali said to Dawud : "'Ali had Mu'awiyah, 68 with his sa-
gacity and cunning,69 and the Syrians fighting against him and al-
Husayn had Yazid b . Mu'awiyah70 fighting against him, and the
situation went in their favor ." Dawud said: "I am afraid that if
you go back with them nobody will be more violent toward you
than they will be, but you know best ." Then Dawud went to
Medina and Zayd returned to al-Kufah.
According to'Ubayd b. lannad-'Ala' b. Muslim al-Khaffaf: Hi-
sham wrote to Yusuf telling him to send Zayd to his own town,
since whenever he lived in any other town and summoned his
followers they responded to his call . So Yusuf sent him away and
when he had got as far as al-Tha 'labiyyah or al-Qadisiyyah, the
wretches, that is, the Kufans, caught up with him, brought him
back (to al-Kufah ), and gave the oath of allegiance to him. Sa-
lamah b . Kuhayl71 came to him and asked permission to see him.
67. The Prophet's grandson. Cf. the genealogical table of the 'Alids.
68. The first Umayyad caliph, who ruled from 41 to 6o (661-So).
69. Bi-dahd'ihi wa-nakhrd'ihi. The two words are synonyms . Cf. Ibn Man;ur,
Lisan, III, 715.
70. The second Umayyad caliph, who ruled from 6o to 64 ( 680-83). During his
reign (in 61 / 68o) the Prophet 's grandson, al-Husayn, was martyred at Karbala'.
71. For the conversation between Salamah and Zayd, cf. also Fragmento, 95-96.
The Events of the Year 1211 17
71. La amliku na/si. Fragmenta, 96, has la ahliku na/si ("I would not destroy
myself").
73. District of Central Arabia . Cf. Ell, s.v. (A. Grohmann!.
18 The Caliphate of Hisham
74. Cf. al-Balidhuri, Ansab, 241. Parts of this are susceptible to more than one
interpretation. The meaning of fa'antum is especially difficult. However, in view
of the fact that the other parts of 'All's statements are in the form of sharp
contrasts, ta'ana has been translated as "to join in" (Cf. Lane, 1, 1855 ). Other
possible translations would include "you defame (him)" or even "you go away."
(Cf. Lane, loc. cit.).
75. Al-Balidhurl has a shorter version of this letter from Hisham to Y3suf. Al-
Balidhuri attributes the letter to Silim (Ansab, 238).
The Events of the Year 121 19
76. The northwestern part of the Arabian peninsula . Cf. E12, s.v. 1G. Rentz.
77. Ablamuhum. Cf. Qur'an 52, v. 32.
78. Qat'u naslihim . It is possible that the phrase has to do with gat'u rajmihi
("the severing of the ties of kinship"). Cf. Freytag, 5o9.
79. Cf . Qur'an 2, v. 255.
20 The Caliphate of Hisham
80. In pre-Islamic times a term used for chattels taken as booty. For its usage in
the early Islamic period, cf. EP, s.v. IF. Lokkegaard).
8t. This passage is discussed at length in Appendix I.
The Events of the Year 121 21
You are far from being too old. "86 She said: "May God have
mercy on you ! I know myself better than you do and I know
better what time has done for me. If I were to marry one day, I
would not prefer anyone else to you . But I do have a daughter,
whose father was my paternal cousin and who is more beautiful
than I am. I will give her to you in marriage, if you like ." He said
to her: "I will be satisfied if she is like you." She said: "Her
Creator and Maker was not content to make her like me, so He
made her whiter, more good-looking, more corpulent, and finer
than me in coquettishness and form ." Zayd laughed and said to
her: "You have been blessed with your full share of eloquence and
fine speaking. How does her eloquence compare with yours?" She
said: "I am not sure about that, because I grew up in the Hijaz and
(1687 1 my daughter grew up in al-Kufah , so I don't know . Perhaps my
daughter speaks as the Kufans do." Zayd said: "I don't object to
that." Then he arranged a meeting with her, came to her, and
contracted a marriage with her. Then he went in to her. She bore
him a daughter, after which she died . As for Zayd, he was madly
in love with her.
Zayd b. 'Ali lived in various houses in al-Kufah : 87 in his wife's
house with the Azd on one occasion , with his Sulami sons-in-law
on another occasion, once with Nagr b. Khuzaymah from the
Banu 'Abs, and once with the Banu Ghubar . Then he moved from
the Banu Ghubar to the house of Mu 'iwiyah b. Ishaq b. Harithah
al-An$ari at the far end of the Jabbanah of Salim al -Saluli.88 He
also lived with the Banu Nahd89 and the Banu Taghlib near the
mosque of the Banu Hilal b. 'Amir . He remained there, receiving
the oath of allegiance from his followers . The oath of allegiance
go. Versions of this oath are given by Ibn A'tham ( VM, 113 ) and &I-Balidluld
(Ansab, 137-38).
9r. Mubammad's sunnah comprises his deeds , sayings, and unspoken approval.
Cf. Ell, s.v. (A. T. Wensinck).
92. Cf. Qur'in 28, vv. 4-5.
93. The family of the Prophet.
94. Literally, "on his hand."
95. Again the plural has been used here for consistency.
96. The last Umayyad governor of Khurisin , appointed by Hishim in rso (738).
97. It is likely that these three campaigns were spread out over a number of
years ( r2r-13 /739-46 cf. Cabrieli, Califfato, 66.
98. For the career of KUraUl, a Targesh leader, cf. Gibb, 85, gr . Gibb believes
that al-TabarI's narrative here, which attributes the capture of Kuraul to Naar b.
Sayyir, is later Muslim glorification of Arab achievements. He adds that if Kunnl
is to be identified with Bagha Tarkhin , he was executed by the Chinese in 116
( 744). Gabrieli accepts al-Tabari 's account ( Califato. 66 ff.).
24 The Caliphate of Hisham
99. For the activities of Na$r b. Sayyir in Central Asia, cf. Gibb, 88-991 van
Vloten, 71-721 Wellhausen, 473-86; Gabrieli, Califfato, 27-70.
zoo. A city now in Afghanistan. According to al-Ya 'qubi, Balkh was the greatest
city of Khurisin (Buldan. trans. by G. Wiet , zoo(. Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 420-22.
101. Bab al-lladid, the famous "Iron Gate," two marches to the north of
Hishimjird. This defile in the mountains was the thoroughfare between Samar-
qand and India. Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 441-42.
102. Marw al-Shihijin, the important city of medieval Khurisin. The epithet
al-Shihijin was used to distinguish it from Marw al-Rud . Cf. Le Strange, Lands,
397-4031 E12, s.v. (A. Yakubovski-C. E. Bosworth(.
103. Bahrimsis had been appointed Marzubin of Marw by Muslim b. Said al-
Kilibi in 105 ( 723-24). It was Muslim 's policy to appoint officials acceptable to
the Persians . Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1462.
104. I.e . taxation.
105. It is difficult to define exactly the use of such terms as kharaj and jizyah in
this period and area . Cf. Van Vloten, 72; Ere, "Kharidj " ( Cl. Cahen).
The Events of the Year 121 25
rob. Literally, "Thirty thousand Muslims who had been paying the jizyah and
eighty thousand polytheists who had been exempted from the jizyah came to
him."
to7. For a clear summary of the preceding fiscal situation in Khurgsin and of
this celebrated tax reform introduced by Nagr b . Sayyir, cf. Hawting, rob. Cf. also
Wellhausen, 477-82; Gabrieli, Califfato, 68. Here Nagr established that all
cultivators of taxable land, whatever their religious affiliation, would be liable to
pay land tax (kharaj) and that non-Muslims only would pay poll tax (jizyah).
rob. A large village between Banjikath and Samarqand . Cf. Le Strange, Lands,
465, 467.
rog. For this important Central Asian city , cf. Ell, s.v. (H. H. Schaeder).
iio. Nowadays Tashkent . The medieval city of al -Shish lay to the west of
Farghi nah, on the right bank of the Jaxartes . It was the greatest of the Arab towns
beyond the Jaxartes . Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 480-82.
x 1 t. In 116 (734) al- Hirith b. Surayj from the Banu Tamim had led a revolt of
Arabs and Soghdian mawlis against the Umayyads and in support of the rights of
the mawlis (non-Arab Muslims ). Al-Hirith was willing to collaborate with the
Turgesh with whom he eventually took refuge . Cf. Gibb, 76-85i Hawting, 86-88,
107-09; Shaban, 'Abbasid revolution. x 18-22, E12, s.v. (M. J. Kister).
112. For the meanings of saris, cf. Sadan, 32-41.
26 The Caliphate of Hisham
(r 690] Then Kuriul crossed with forty men and made a night raid on
Nair's camp, driving away some sheep which belonged to the
people of Bukhara. (This was possible because) the Bukharans
were at the rear and it was a dark night when Kuriul went round
the camp. Nair had with him men from Bukhara, Samarqand,
Kish,113 and UshrUsanahl14 and they numbered twenty thou-
sand. Nair made the following proclamation to his tribal
units: I is "Let nobody leave his tent; hold firm to your positions."
'Asim b. 'Umayr, who was in charge of the jund116 of the people
of Samarqand, was outside (the camp) when the army of Kuriul
passed. The Turks had shouted (as they went) and the people in
the camp thought that the Turks had all crossed (the river).11 7
Then still more of Kuriul's troops passed by, and 'Asim attacked
the last of these. He captured a man who was one of their kings
and the lord of four thousand tents (qubbah), and they took him
to Nair. He was an old man who had a lifetime of fighting' Is
behind him. He was wearing brocade gaiters with rings of metal
in them and a silk gabs' hemmed with brocade. Nair asked him
who he was and he told Nair that he was Kuriiil. Nair said to
him: "Praise be to God who has enabled us to get hold of you, you
enemy of God!" Kuriul said : "What do you hope for by killing an
old man? I will give you one thousand Turkish camels' 19 and one
thousand draft horses' 20 with which to strengthen your army. So
let me go." Nair asked the Syrians and the Khurasanis around
him for their opinion and they said that he should let Kuriiil go.
Then Nair asked Kuriul: "How old are you?" He said: "I do not
know." Nair said: "How many raids have you made?" and Kiiriul
answered, "Seventy-two." Nair said: "Were you present at the
11;. Kiss in the text. This should be identified as Kish for Kishsh (, which was
later called Shahr-i Sabz and lies to the south of Samarqand . Cf. Le Strange, Lands,
469.
114. The province of Ushrusanah lay to the east of Samarqand . There was a city
of the same name . Cf. Le Strange, Lands. 474-76.
115. Akhmas, plural of khums ("fifths" (. From 50 (670(, Arab tribal settlements
were divided into quarters or fifths. Cf. Crone, ;1.
116. A regular regiment of soldiers under a ga 'id. Cf. Crone, 38.
117. The sequence of events in this passage is rather obscure.
118. Literally, "who had trailed his coat of mail for a (life-) span."
119. lbn al-Athir (V, 177) has four thousand camels.
120. Birdhawn: the heavy Persian warhorse.
The Events of the Year 12 i 27
Day of Thirst ( Yawm al-'Atash )?" 121 and Kur$ul said : "Yes." (1691)
Na$r said : "Even if you were to give me everything on which the
sun rises, you would not escape me now that you have said that
you were present at that battle ." Na$r said to 'Asim b. 'Umayr al-
Sughdi: "Get up, disarm and seize him." When Kur$ul realized
that he was going to be killed, he said : "Who was it who took me
prisoner?" Na$r said laughing: "Yazid b. Qurran al-Hanpli"122
and he pointed to him. Kur$ul said : "He can't wash his backside
properly"-or, according to another report, he said: "He cannot
stop his urine," 123-"so how could he have taken me prisoner?
Tell me who it really was who captured me, for I am worth killing
seven times ." He was then told that it was 'Asim b . 'Umayr.
Kur$ul said : " I will not feel the pain of death if the person who
took me prisoner is a (true) Bedouin horseman." Then Na$r killed
him and crucified him upon the river bank . (The narrator said):
'Asim b. Umayr, who had the sobriquet al-Hazirmard,124 was
killed at Nihawand125 in the lifetime of Qal abah.'26
When Kur$ul was killed, the Turks were in disarray.'27 They
went to his quarters and burnt them . They cut their ears and tore
the skin on their faces128 and began weeping over him. When
evening came and Na$r wanted to leave he sent someone to Kur-
$ul with a bottle of naphtha (naf?), which he poured over him. He
then set fire to the body lest people should take away his bones.
121. The defeat of Muslim b. Said al-Kilibi and the Arab troops in rob (724) by
the Tirgesh and rebel Soghdians was called "The Day of Thirst." It was a major
military disaster for the Arabs. Cf. Gibb, 64-67, Shaban, 'Abbasid Revolution,
ro6-07, al-Tabari, II, 1480.
522. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1569.
123. These expressions denote contempt at a man's lack of manly qualities in
war. Cf. Gloss., P. CXLIV.
124. The word denotes either "having one thousand men under him" or "as
strong as one thousand men." A number of other warriors were given this epithet.
Cf. F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, 128.
125. Nihiwand was a city some forty miles south of Hamadin. Cf. Le Strange,
Lands, 196-97.
126. Qabtabah b. Shabib al-Ti'i was appointed by the imim Ibrahim as military
commander of the Hishimiyyah. Qabtabah and his son defeated the Umayyad
forces at Nihiwand in Dhil al-Qa'dah 131 (June 22-JUIy 22, 7491. Cf . Wellhausen,
540; al -Tabari, III, 7-8.
127. Takhaddard: cf. Gloss., p. ccxiv.
128. Wa-jarradu wujuhahum. Noldeke prefers a variant in the apparatus: wa-
khadadu wujuhahum. Cf. Gloss., p. ccxiv.
28 The Caliphate of Hishim
129. The city of Farghinah, otherwise known as Akhsikath, lay on the north
bank of the Jaxartes. There was a province of the same name . Cf. Le Strange,
Lands, 477, and map opposite p. 433.
130. Sir iln hadhd al-ghariz dhanabahu bi-al Shash (lit., "go to that one who
sticks his tail in al-Shish"). Cf. the example agama bi-ardina wa-gharaza
dhanabahu ("he stayed in our land and remained fixed"). Cf. Lane, 1, 980.
131. Wartat al-Muslimin. War(ah means literally slime or thin mud into which
sheep or goats fall and from which they cannot extricate themselves . Cf. Lane, I,
2938.
132. In 106 (724) Ya)ayi b. Hudayn al-Bakri had advised 'Agim to stand firm
against al-Hirith b. Surayj . Wellhausen describes him as "the most esteemed
leader of the Bakr." Cf. Wellhausen, 467, 487.
133. Again the word used is wartah. Na$r is being sarcastic about the warning
Yusuf b. 'Umar has given him in his letter.
134. For a definition of 'arradah and manianiq, both medieval artillery ma-
chines, cf. Bl2, "'Arridah" (C. Cahen).
135. I.e., al-Hirith 's own people.
The Events of the Year 121 29
Bukhir KhudAh said to Nair: "May God bless the amir. I have
heard that the two of them have become Muslims in your pres-
ence, so why do they have daggers hanging on them ?" So Nair
said to the two dingans: "Why do you have daggers on you when
you have become Muslims?" They said: "There is enmity be-
tween us and the Bukhir Khudih, and we do not trust his inten-
tions toward us." Nair gave orders to Hirun b . al-Siyawush, the
mawli 145 of the Banu Sulaym , who was in charge of the gar-
rison, 146 and he seized the two men forcibly and removed their
daggers. 147 The Bukhar Khudah went up to Nair and spoke se-
cretly to him about the two men. Then the two of them said: "We
will die nobly." One of them attacked Wiiil b. 'Amr and stabbed
him in the belly with a knife . Wiiil struck him on the head with
his sword, cleaving his skull, and killed him. The other (dihqan)
(1694) went in search of the Bukhar Khudah. Prayer commenced148 and
the Bukhir Khudih remained seated on a chair . 149 Nair stood up,
went into the tent, and summoned the Bukhir Khudah. He
tripped at the door of the tent and the dihqdn stabbed him. Al-
Juzjan b. al-juzjan150 attacked the dingan , striking him with an
iron rod he had with him, and killed him . The Bukhar Khudih
was picked up and taken into Nasr 's tent. Nair ordered a cushion
for him and he leaned back against it. Qar 'ah,'5' the physician,
came to him and began treating him. The Bukhar Khudih made
his will before Nair and then died soon afterward . Wiiil was
buried in the tent and Nair prayed over him . As for Tughshadah,
they removed the flesh from him and took his bones to
Bukhara.152
Nasr made for al-Shish and when he came to Ushrusanah, its
dingan, Abirikharrah,' " gave him money. Then Nasr went on
to al-Shish. He made Muhammad b. Khilid al-Azdi agent'54
(' amil) of Farghinah and despatched him there with ten people.
MuIammad sent back from Farghinah Jaysh's155 brother and
those dingans who were with him, both from al-Khuttal136 and
from other areas. He took away many idols from there and put
them in Ushriisanah.
Some sources said that when Nasr came to al-Shish, the ruler,
Qadir, 157 received him, offering peace terms , a gift, and a pledge.
Nasr imposed on him the condition that he should expel al-
Harith b. Surayj from his town . He the fore sent him away to
Firib. 158 Then Nasr appointed as the ent ('amil) of al-Shish [x695)
Nizak b. $ali1, the mawla of 'Amr b. al- As. Nasr moved on and
came down to Quba, 159 which is in the gion of Farghanah. The
people there had heard that Nasr was co so they burned the
grass and stored away the provisions.
In the remaining part of the year 121, Nasr sent people to the
waif 'ahd of the ruler of Farghinah160 d they besieged him in
one of its citadels. The Muslims were ught unprepared by the
people in the citadel, who seized and dry a away their horses and
isa. For a bibliography on Zoroastrian burial customs, cf. Frye's n. 223 in his
translation of Narshakhl, 141.
153. Abar3lcharahh in the text is corrected by the editor to Abirikharrah. Cf.
Add., p. nccx.
154. Al-Tabarl mentions this name here only.
t s 5. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1593, 1618, where the form given is al-jaysh.
15 6. The mountainous tract on the upper course of the Oxus, between the rivers
Pan) and Wakhshib. The term was also vaguely applied to all lands of the infidel
to the east and north of Khurisin. Cf. Ell, s.v. (C. E. Bosworth)j Marquart, Iran-
iahr, 299-3031 Le Strange, Lands, 437-39.
157. Q.d.r.: the form of this name is unclear. In the apparatus it is suggested that
the person may be B.d.r'jurkhin (cf. al-Tabarl, II, 1629). The editor later suggests
another form, Tudun. Cf. Add., p. Dccx.
158. Firib: the city on the east bank of the jaxartes, later known as Utrir. This
city should not be confused with Firyib in Khurisin. Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 484-
851 S9. A city in the province of Farghinah. Cf. Yiqut, IV, 24-25; Ibn liawgal, 490.
160. Walt 'ahd: the appointed heir and successor. lbn al-Ateir has wall fabib
Fargh3nah (V, 179).
32 The Caliphate of Hishim
Tabaristan, 168 so how can I not know ?" He said : "What did you
think of the preparations we have made?" I said : "I saw good
supplies, but did you not know that even the lord of a citadel169 is
not proof against all perils? "17o He said : "What are they?" I said:
"He is not free from the fear that those closest to him, most liked
by him and most trusted by him might attack him , coveting his
position, and advance themselves thereby. Then (there is the fear)
that what he has hoarded will melt away and that he will be
utterly ruined. Or an illness could afflict him and he might die."
He scowled and did not like what I had said to him. He told me to
go to my house, so I went off and stayed for two days, not doubt-
ing that he would reject the idea of peace . Then he summoned
me. I gave the peace treaty to my slave and I said to him: "If a
messenger comes from me to you asking for the treaty, go to the
house and do not show the treaty, and say171 that I have left the
treaty in the house ." 172 I went in to see the lord of Farghanah and
he asked me about the letter, so I said: "I have left it behind in the
house." He said: "Send someone to bring it to you." Then he
accepted the (offer of) peace and gave me a fine reward. He sent
his mother with me and she was in charge of his affairs. When I
went in to see Nagr, he looked at me and said : " The saying of an
ancient is most appropriate for you:
Send a wise man and you will not need to give him any
orders."
I told Nagr what had happened and he said : "You did well."
Then he gave permission for the mother of the ruler of Farghanah
to come in. She came in to him and he began talking to her, with
the interpreter explaining what she was saying. Then Tamim b.
168. The well-known province to the south of the Caspian Sea. Cf . Le Strange,
Lands, 368-76.
16g. Ibn al-Athir has al-Mabsur "the one under siege " (V, 179(.
17o. lthisul: literally, "good or bad qualities." Cf. Lane, I, 751.
171. The variant qul in the apparatus has been preferred here since it makes
better sense than quill in the text.
172. This seems a rather obscure narrative . Presumably, if the text is not faulty,
which it may well be, Sulaymin's elaborate dimarche was aimed at giving an
impression of surprise if the amir of Farghinah should decide after all to sign the
treaty.
34 The Caliphate of Hishim
[1697) Nagr173 came in and said174 to the interpreter: "Ask her: 'Do you
know who this is?"' She said: "No." He said: "This is Tamim b.
Nagr." She said: "By God, I see in him neither the sweetness of
youth nor the nobility of age."
According to Abu Isbaq b. Rabi'ah:175 She said to Na$r: "Every
king is not a king unless he possesses six things : a vizier to whom
he may divulge his secret intentions and from whom he may seek
advice and receive trustworthy counsel in every contentious is-
sue within his bosom that he wishes to discuss; a cook who,
whenever the king does not fancy food, will bring him what he
does like; a wife who, whenever he goes in with troubled mind to
see her and he looks at her face, causes his trouble to disap-
pear;176 a fortress to which he betakes himself when he is afraid
or in trouble and it rescues him she meant his horse); a sword
which will not fail him when he fights the enemy; and a store-
house sufficient to live off no matter where in the world he takes
it.,,
Then Tamim b. Nagr came in with a large group of people.177
She said: "Who is this?" They said: "This is the hero of Khurisin.
This is Tamim b. Nagr." She said: "He has neither the nobility of
old men nor the sweetness of young ones." Then al-Hajjij b.
Qutaybah came in and she said: "Who is this?" They said: "Al-
Hajjij b. Qutaybah." She greeted him and asked about him. Then
she said: "You Arabs, you don't keep faith nor do you behave
properly with one another . It was Qutaybah178 who laid the foun-
173. Tamim b. Naor was killed in 130 (7481 fighting the Hishimiyyah near )b.
Cf. al-Tabari, II, 2016.
174. It is not clear whether Tamim or Nagr asks the woman this question.
175. Cf. al-Tabor!, II, 1456.
176. Literally, "his trouble disappears."
177. The text has fi mirfalatin wa jamn'atin. For mirfalah, a long flowing gar-
ment, cf. Gloss., P. CCLXVII. Lane (1, it 28) suggests that the term denotes a con-
ceited gait . If this reading is accepted, a possible translation would be: "with
conceited gait and a group of people." The Cairo edition (VII, 187) interprets the
variant in the apparatus as azfalah ("a group or collection of people"), which
makes good sense here.
178. Qutaybah b. Muslim al-Biihili became governor of Khurisin in 85 (704). He
was killed when he tried to rebel at the time of Sulaymin 's succession in 96 (714-
15 1. During his governorship he undertook many campaigns beyond Khurisin. Cf.
Wellhausen, 429-44; Gibb, 31-57. Qutaybah laid the foundations on which Isla-
mic rule in Central Asia was built . Although many of his family held high office
later, &I-Hajjij apparently did not. Cf. Crone, 137-38.
The Events of the Year 121 35
dations of your power,' 79 as I myself saw. This is his son and yet
you make him sit down below you. It is your duty to raise him to
this position (majlis) and you should sit where he is."
In this year Muhammad b. Hisham b. Ismail al-Makhzumilso (16981
led the pilgrimage. This report came from Abu Ma'shar181-
Ahmad b. Thabit182- his informants-Ishaq b. 'Isa-his father.
Al-Wagidi and others also gave the same report.
The governor ('dmil) of Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik in charge of
Medina, Mecca, and al-Ta'if in this year was Muhammad b. Hi-
sham. Hishim's 'dmil over the whole of Iraq was Yusuf b. 'Umar,
his'dmil in Azarbayjan and Armenia was Marwan b. Muhammad,
and his 'dmil in Khurasan was Nagr b . Sayyar. In the post of gdtji
in al-Bagrah was 'Amir b. 'Ubaydah183 and the gd4f of al-Kufah
was Ibn Shubrumah.184
122
(DECEMBER 7, 739-NOVEMBER 25, 740)
185. This man is also mentioned in a similar context by Ibn A'tham (VIII, 114)
and al-Igfahini (Magotil, 13S).
186. Literally, "gave him news about him and informed him that...
187. Literally, "the son of a sister of Biriq."
The Events of the Year izz 37
19g. For the background history of the Great Mosque of al-Kufah, cf. Massi-
gnon, 353.
Zoo. 'Arif. plural 'urafa': an official in charge of a military division in the gar-
rison towns. Cf. Eta, "'Arif" IS. el-Ali and C. Cahen).
tor. Mankib, plural manakib: an official below the'arif Cf. Lane, 1, 2846.
2o2. Cf. al-Balidhuri, Ansab, 243; al-l$fshini, Magdtil, 136.
203. Cf. P. 22.
204. One report from al-ISfahini adds that this was seven nights before the end
of al-Mubarram. Cf. Maqatil, 136.
205. The translation has simplified the repetitiveness of the original . A literal
translation would read : "They searched for Zayd in the house of Mu 'iwiyah b.
Isbiq b. Zayd b. Hirithah al-Anpiri. He (Zayd) left the house of Mu'iwiyah b. Isbiq
in the night, which was the night of Wednesday, on an extremely cold night."
2o6. Yd Mansur, omit, omit ye Mansur ("Kill, kill, you who are given victory").
This was the Prophet's war-cry on the Day of the Bann al-Musgliq. Cf. lbn
Hishim, 2, 218.
207. Other sources give al-T. b. '1. Cf. In al-Athir, V, 182; al-I5fahini, Magatil,
136; Fragmenta, 97.
2o8. Later he was to become governor of Armenia. In 127 1745) he fell in battle
against the Khirijite al-Qabbik b. Qays b. al-Husayn. Cf. lbn al-Kalbi, II, 253.
2o9. Al-Tabari's account is ambiguous : shaddu 'alayhi we asbabihi. Fragmen-
ts, 97 has shadda 'alayhima ("he attacked the two of them "). This latter version
seems to suggest that it was Ja'far who began the fight against the two supporters
of Zayd. Al-Igfahini's account is clear : "Ja'far met them; they attacked him and
his companions " (Magdtil, 136).
40 The Caliphate of Hisham
was killed and al-Qasim himself was wounded and taken to al-
Hakam. The latter questioned him, but al-Qasim gave him no
reply. Then al-Hakam gave orders as to his fate and he was ex-
ecuted at the gate of the citadel . Al-Qasim and his companion
were the first of the followers of Zayd b. 'Ali to be killed.
117021 Al-Hakam b. al-$alt gave orders concerning the entrances to the
market and they were shut and the doors of the mosque were
locked on the Kiifans.
The following people were in charge of the quarters210 of al-
Kufah at that time: Ibrahim b. 'Abdallah b. jarir al-Bajali211 was
in charge of the Medinans ; 'Amr b. Abi Badhl al-'Abdi was in
charge of Madhhij212 and Asad ; 213 al-Mundhir b. Muhammad
b. al-Ash'ath b. Qays al-Kindi214 was in charge of Kindah2t5
and Rabi'ah;216 and Muhammad b. Malik al-Hamdani,217 who
was later called al-Khaywani , was in charge of Tamim218 and
Hamdan.219
Al-Hakam b . al-$alt sent word to Yiisuf b . 'Umar informing him
of what was going on. Then Yusuf gave orders to his herald, who
proclaimed to the Syrians : "Who will go to al-Kufah , approach
the rebels, and bring me back news of them? " Ja'far b. al-'Abbas al-
Kind1220 responded : "I will," and he rode off with fifty horsemen.
When he reached the jabbanah of Salim al -Saluli,221 he asked for
information about the rebels . He then returned to Yusuf b. 'Umar
and told him the news. The next morning Yusuf went out to a hill
near al-Hirah and camped there. He was accompanied by some
Quraysh and by leaders l ashra f of the people. In charge of his
210. For the tribal organization of al-Kufah , cf. Djait, 154-55; Massignon, 345;
Crone, 31.
211. Cf. ibid., i 15.
213. Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, 1, 176; II, 381-82.
213. Cf. ibid ., U, 194.
214. For his family history, cf. Crone, iii.
215. Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 371-72.
216. Cf. ibid., II, 481.
217. For his family tree, cf. ibid., 1, 328.
318. Cf. ibid., II, 544.
219. Cf. ibid., U, 277.
220. One report from al-Isfahan has 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas al-Hamdani. Cf.
Magatil, 137.
221. For the function of the jabbanahs of al-Kufah, cf. Djait, 176-77.
The Events of the Year 122 41
222. The text has al-Muzani, as elsewhere in al-Tabari 's history. Cf. II, 1707,
1711 . The name should be read as al-Murri . Cf. Fragmenta, 99, Ibn Khayyi;, 5561
Ibn al-Kalbi, II, £03.
223. This person is called al-Arrant by Ibn al-Athir, V, 182.
224. These are specified as cavalry in Fragmenta. 98.
225. A well-known regiment of archers from Qigan.
226. Cf. al-igfahani, Magatil, 137.
227. For this tribal group, cf. Ell, "Dude's" IM. J. Kister).
228. Cf. al-Tabarl, II, 6141 Massignon, 347. This jabbanah was for the Banu
Asad.
42 The Caliphate of Hisham
229. Literally, " he was shouted to while he was in the house and he began by
not answering."
230. Qur'in, 17, V. 81. These words were recited by the Prophet when he wit-
nessed the destruction of the Ka'bah after the conquest of Mecca. Cf. Pickthall,
290, n. r.
231. Fa'altumuha. Fragmenta, 98, has fa'altumuha Husayniyyatan ("You have
behaved in the same way as (other Kufans did( with al-Husayn"(.
232. Literally, "God is your Reckoner."
233. "The Place of Sweepings," one of the chief quarters of al-Kufah which lay
to the western side of the town. It was in al-Kunisah that the town 's gibbet was
situated. Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 75i Massignon , 354-55) Yiqut, IV, 481.
234. Wa-Yusuf b. 'Umar 'ala al -talli yan;uru ilayhi huwa wa-a$habihi. An
alternative translation might be : "Yusuf b. 'Umar and his followers were looking
down at Zayd," reading ahabuhu.
235. This nisbah may also be al-Mum. Cf. n. 222 above.
236. Cf. al-lgfahani, Magatil, 138.
237. For this route, cf. Massignon's map.
238. Cf. Massignon, 347.
239. Cf. Massignon, loc. cit.
The Events of the Year 122 43
they went into a lane and walked down it. One of Zayd's men
hung back and went into the mosque, where he prayed two
rak'ahs.240 He then went out to the Syrians , whom he fought for
some time. They got him on the ground and began striking him
with their swords. One of them, who was a horseman wearing an
iron helmet, shouted out: "Take off the helmet and then hit him
on the head with iron bars." They did that and he was killed. The
man's companions attacked the Syrians and pulled them away
from him but he was already dead . Then the Syrians went away.
They had taken one of Zayd' s men but the rest of them got away.
The man (they captured) had gone into the house of 'Abdallih b.
'Awf and the Syrians went in after him and took him prisoner. (1705)
They brought him to Yusuf b. 'Umar, who killed him.241
When Zayd b. 'Ali came and saw how the Kufans had forsaken
him, he said: "Nasr b. Khuzaymah, are you afraid242 that they
will behave as they did with al-Husayn?" Nagr said: "May God
make me a ransom for you! By God, I shall certainly fight by your
side with this sword of mine until the death !" (His fight in fact
took place that very day in al-Kufah). Then Na$r b. Khuzaymah
said to Zayd b. 'Ali: "May God make me a ransom for you! The
Kufans are detained in the Great Mosque. So come with us to
them."
Zayd went with them toward the mosque and he passed the
house of Khalid b. 'Urfutah .243 'Ubaydallih b. al= Abbas al-Kindi
heard that Zayd was coming, so he sallied forth with the Syrian
troops. Zayd approached and the two sides met at the door of (the
house of) 'Umar b . Sa'd b. Abi Wagg4 .244 The standard-bearer245
of 'Ubaydallih, who was Salman, his mawla, recoiled in fear.
240. I.e., he performed two bowings of the head and body in prayer. Cf. Lane, I,
1147.
241. For a similar account , cf. al-I5fahini, Magatil, 1;8.
242. Ibn al-Athir has : "I am afraid that . . ." (V, 183).
243. Khilid b. Urfutah fought at the battle of al-Qidisiyyah against the Persians
and at al-Nukhaylah near al-Knfah against the Khirijites . He was put in charge of
the Bann Tamim and the Bann Hamdin in 51 (671!. Cf. al-Tabad, II, 1311 Shaykh
al-Mufid, 249; Ibn al-Kalbi , II, 343. His house was a well-known landmark in al-
Knfah for a long time . Cf. al-Tabari, It 615.
244. He led the Umayyad army against al-Husayn in 61 (680) . Cf. Shaykh al-
Mufid , 341-45.
245. Sahib liwa'i 'Ubaydallah. The Iiwa' was the banner of a particular com-
mander. Cf. Lane, I, 3015.
44 The Caliphate of Hishim
254. The army storehouse which was near the bridge over the Euphrates. Cf.
Massignon, 349.
255. The sequence of events is clearer in Fragmenta, 99.
256. Al- lofahani gives a similar conversation between Yusuf and al -Rayyan. Cf.
Magatil, 139.
257. Cf. n. 222 above.
258. For the Bann 'Abs, cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 135-36.
259. Ibn al-Athir calls him Nabil (V, 184).
46 The Caliphate of Hishim
He went toward him, struck him, and cut his thigh. Then Na$r
dealt him a blow which killed him. Na$r also died soon afterward.
The battle raged on fiercely and Zayd b. 'Ali put the Syrians to
flight, killing about seventy of them. The Syrians departed in a
sorry state after al-'Abbas b. Sa'id had called out to them: "Get
back on your horses . In a narrow place cavalry can't do anything
against foot soldiers ." So they got back on their horses.
[170$1 In the evening Yusuf b. 'Umar prepared them for battle again
and sent them off. They came and met up with Zayd's men. Zayd
launched an attack on them and routed them. Then he pursued
them, driving them into the swamp (sabkhah). 260 He attacked
them in the swamp, pushing them toward the Banu Sulaym.26I
Then he followed them with his horsemen and foot soldiers until
he and his men had taken possession of the dam.
Zayd then sallied forth262 against the Syrians in the area be-
tween the Birig263 and the Ru'as,264 and there he engaged in a
fierce battle with them. His standard -bearer that day was a man
called 'Abd al-$amad b. Abi Malik b. Masruh from the Banu Sa'd b.
Zayd, the ally (Iia1if)265 of al-'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muflalib.2" Mas-
rub al -Sa'di had married $afiyyah, the daughter of al- Abbas b.
'Abd al-Mullalib. The Syrian cavalry began by breaking in the face
of Zayd's cavalry and his foot soldiers . Then al-'Abbas b. Said al-
Murri267 sent to Yusuf b. 'Umar informing him of this and asking
him to send him archers . So Yusuf sent them Sulayman (b. Su-
laym) b. Kaysan al-Kalbi2611 with the Qiginiyyah and the
Bukhiriyyah269 who were archers. They began shooting at Zayd
260. The word is vocalized in the text as sabkhah but is later corrected to
sabakhah; the lexica give both forms as correct . Cf. Add., p. nccx . For the loca-
tion of the swamp, cf. Massignon's map.
26r. Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 5r7.
262. The text has a Kara lahum . The Cairo edition (VII, 185 ( has ;ahara lahum,
which is followed here. This reading is supported by al-Igfahini , Magatil, 140.
263. Many of the Band Bariq had settled in al-Kdfah . Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 489.
264. For the Band Ru'as, cf. Ibn al -Kalbi, II, 489.
265. Halif: one who unites in a confederacy or covenant . Cf. Lane, 1, 627.
266. The uncle of the Prophet . Cf. E12, s.v. (W. M. Watt).
267. Cf. n. 222 above.
268. Properly Sulaymin b. Sulaym b. Kaysan al-Kalbi . Cf. Index, 249; Crone,
139.
269. This group had been formed by 'Ubaydall ah b. Ziyid when he had taken
four thousand Bukhirans prisoner in 53-54 (673-74(. Cf. Narshakhi, 37, Crone,
230, n. 271.
The Events of the Year 1122 47
and his men. (In fact ), Zayd had wanted to send his men away
when they reached the swamp but they had refused. Mu'awiyah b.
Isliaq al-Angari fought fiercely in front of Zayd b. 'Ali and was
killed.27O Zayd b . 'Ali and his men held firm until, when night
was at hand, someone shot an arrow which struck him on the left
side of his forehead and lodged in his head . Zayd then withdrew
with his men. The Syrians, however, thought they had with - [ 117091
drawn only because not was falling.27'
Salamah b. Thibit al-Laythi, who was with Zayd b. 'Ali and
who, together with a slave belonging to Mu'awiyah b. Ishaq, was
the last person to leave that day, said : I went with my companion,
following in close behind Zayd b . 'Ali, and we found that he had
been lifted down from his horse and taken into the apartment
(bayt) of Harrin b. Karimah,272 a mawli of one of the Arabs in the
sikkah al-barid, 273 into the living area (dur) of Arbab274 and
Shakir.275 [Salamah b. Thabit went on:] I came into the presence
of Zayd and I said to him: "May God make me your ransom, Abu
al-Husayn!" His companions went off and fetched a physician
called Shugayr, 276 a mawla of the Banu Ru 'as. This man took the
arrow out of his forehead while I was watching him and, by God,
hardly had he taken it out before Zayd began screaming and it was
not long before he died. The people around said : "Where shall we
bury him and where can we conceal him?" One of his compan-
ions said : " Let's dress him in his coat of mail and throw him in
the water." Another of them said : "No, let's cut off his head and
put it amongst those slain in battle ." Zayd's son, Yabya, said:
"No, by God, the dogs shall not eat the flesh of my father."
Another of them said : "Let's take him to al -'Abbasiyyah and bury
him."277
278. Karbali ' lies to the northwest of al-Kufah and marks the place where al-
Husayn was martyred in 6r (68o) . Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 78. For al-Nahrayn, cf.
Massignon's map.
279. A place near al-Kufah . Cf. Yiqut, N, 77!; Wellhausen, 76-77.
28o. Ninawi: the village where the prophet job lived. According to Yiqut (IV,
870-71), it was in the Sawid of al-Kufah . Cf. El', s.v. (M. Streck).
2S1. Besides the well -known town of this name in Egypt , there was a place
called al-Fayyum near Hit in Iraq, which is probably meant here . Cf. Yiqut, III,
933.
The Events of the Year 122 49
dirhams was the fact that he asserted that he had not killed
Mu'iwiyah.
11712 1 Other reports say that it was only when Yusuf b. 'Umar was so
informed by Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik that he heard about Zayd's
activities and how, having left al-Kufah and gone some distance,
Zayd had gone back there .285 That came about because a man
from the Banu Umayyah wrote-according to the reports-to
Hisham, mentioning Zayd 's activities to him. Then Hisham
wrote to Yusuf, reproaching him, calling him ignorant and say-
ing: "You are being negligent while Zayd has fixed himself at al-
Kufah and the oath of allegiance is being given to him . Keep on286
searching for him . Give him a guarantee of safe conduct and, if he
does not accept, fight him." Yusuf wrote to al-Hakam b. al-$alt,
who was of the family of Abu 'Agil and was Yusuf 's deputy in al-
Kufah, asking him to look for Zayd. Al-Hakam looked for Zayd
but he could not find where he was hiding . Then Yusuf secretly
summoned a Khurasini mamluk of his who was a stutterer. He
gave him five thousand dirhams and ordered him to ingratiate
himself with some of the Shi 'ah. Yusuf told him to tell them that
he had come from Khurisin out of love for the family of the
Prophet ( ahl al-bayt) and that he had money that he wished to use
to support their cause . After the mamluk had met the Shi'ah on a
number of occasions and told them about the money that he had
with him, they took him in to see Zayd. Then the mamluk went
away and told Yusuf where Zayd was to be found . Yusuf sent out
cavalry to Zayd. Zayd 's men raised their war cry but only three
hundred or less of them gathered to him . Zayd said: "Diwud b.
'Ali knew you (Kufans ) better. He warned me that you would
desert me but I took no heed.1"287
Other reports say that the person who revealed the place where
Zayd was buried-and he was buried, according to these reports,
in the river of Ya'qub, where his followers had blocked the river,
285. The text is very obscure here. The translation has attempted to clarify it.
The literal translation would be : "Yusuf b. 'Umar knew about the affair of Zayd
and his going back from the road to al-Kufah after he had set out only by being
informed about it by Hishim b. 'Abd al-Malik."
286. The text has fa-iljaj fi lalabihi . This is emended later to fa-alhib: cf. Add..
p. Dccx . There is no great difference in meaning between the two.
287. Cf. also al-Balidhuri, Ansab, 244.
The Events of the Year 122 51
dug a grave for him in the riverbed, buried him in his clothes, and 1171131
allowed the water to flow over him-was the slave288 of a fuller
who happened to be there . The slave, having first agreed on a
price to show Yusuf's men where Zayd was laid, showed them the
place. They took Zayd away, cut off his head, and crucified his
body. They ordered that a guard should be posted over him in case
anyone should try to take down the body, and a guard was indeed
posted over him for some time.
Some reports say that Abu Khaythamah Zuhayr b. Mu'-
awiyah289 was amongst the people guarding Zayd. Zayd's head
was sent to Hisham, who gave orders that it should be put up on
the gate of the city of Damascus. Then it was sent to Medina. The
body remained on the gibbet until Hisham died.290Then al-Walid
ordered that it should be taken down and burned.291
Other reports say that it was Hakim b. Shank who informed on
Zayd to Yusuf.
Abu 'Ubaydah Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna gave the following re-
port about Ya1ya b. Zayd: When Zayd was killed, one of the Bann
Asad went to Yaliya b. Zayd and said to him: "Your father has
been killed. The people of Khurasan will give you their support. I
think you should go to them ." Yal}ya said: "How can I do that?"
The man said: "Hide yourself until the search for you has been
called off, then leave ." So the man hid Yaliya in his house for one
night. Then he lost his nerve and went to'Abd al-Malik b. Bishr b.
Marwan,292 saying to him : "Zayd was a close kinsman of yours.
It is your duty to uphold his rights ."'Abd al-Malik said : "Yes, but
it would have been a more pious act to pardon him." The man
said: "Zayd has been killed and this is his son, a young boy who
has committed no crime. If Yusuf b. 'Umar finds out where he is
he will kill him, so you must protect him and hide him with
288. 'Abdu ga$$drin. The text itself has 'inda ga$$arin, which makes little
sense. N8ldeke emends the reading to 'abdu, which is a variant in the apparatus.
Cf. Add., p. ncca this reading has been followed in the translation. According to
Fragmenta, too, it was the fuller himself who revealed where Zayd's body was.
289. Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, I, 269.
290. According to al-Mas'udi, Zayd's body remained attached to the gibbet in al-
Kufah for five years . Cf. Muruj, V, 472-73.
291. Zayd was forty-two when he died. Cf. al-Iofahini, Magatil, 13o1 Ibn Sa'd, V,
240.
292. He was an Umayyad. Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, I, to.
52 The Caliphate of Hisham
117141 you." 'Abd al-Malik said: "Yes, with great pleasure ." So the man
brought Yahya to him and he hid him in his house . This came to
the ears of Yusuf and he sent the following message to 'Abd al-
Malik: "I have heard that this boy is with you. I swear to God, if
you do not bring him to me I will certainly inform the Com-
mander of the Faithful about you." 'Abd al-Malik said to him:
"This is a tissue of falsehood and lies. Would I hide somebody
who would challenge my authority and have a better claim to it
than I have myself ? I would never have thought that you could
believe such a thing of me nor that you would listen to the author
of such lies." Yusuf said: "He's telling the truth. By God, Ibn
Bishr is not the sort of person to hide away the likes of Yahya." So
Yusuf called off the search for Yahya and when the hue and cry
had died down, Yahya escaped with a number of Zayd's support-
ers to Khurasan.
After the killing of Zayd, Yusuf delivered the following exhor-
tation in al-Kufah : "0 people of al-Kufah! Verily Yahya b. Zayd
has entered the bridal chambers of your women just as his father
did. By God, if he were to show his face to me, I would rip off his
testicles just as I ripped off the testicles of his father!"
The following report came from one of the Angar: When the
head of Zayd was brought and displayed293 in Medina in the year
123 [November, 26, 74o-November 14, 7411, one of the Anger
poets came and stood before Zayd and said:
0 violator of the covenant,
rejoice in what has brought you disaster!
You have violated the trust and the covenant.
You are steeped in wrongdoing.
Satan has broken faith
over what he promised you.294
117151 People said to the poet: "Woe on you! How dare you say this
about the likes of Zayd ?" He replied: "The amir is angry and I
wanted to please him." Then one of their poets gave him the
following response:
293. The text has $uliba. The apparatus suggests an alternative, nu$iba, which
makes better sense.
294. The meter is hazai.
The Events of the Year 122 53
295. The text has atashtimu ibna al-rasal, which breaks the meter (hazaj!. The
editor emends this later to read : ashatmu ibna rasuli Alldhi; cf. Add.. DCCXI. The
Cairo edition ( 19o) follows this emendation.
296. Literally, "there is no doubt that."
297. Ism3 it b. Muhammad al-Himyari, whose laqab was al-Sayyid. Cf. Ibn
A'tham, VIII, 205, Ibn al-Athir, V, 185; al-ISfahiini, Aghdni, VII, 229.
298. Al-Mutahhar. Ibn al-Athir has al -Hpsayn (V, 1815!.
299. Literally, "a tree stump."
Soo. The meter is muqta4ab.
54 The Caliphate of Hisham
117161 According to Abu Mikhnaf: When Yusuf had killed Zayd b. 'Ali,
he went into al-Kufah , mounted the minbar, and said:
0 you citizens of an abominable city! By God, even a re-
fractory camel can achieve nothing against me;-301 I am nei-
ther daunted by the clattering of worn -out water-skins3O2 nor
am I frightened by the wolf. Far from it! I was endowed with
the mightiest of forearms . Lament, 0 men of al-Kufah, your
disgrace and degradation . Expect neither stipend nor allow-
ance for yourselves from us. Indeed , I am resolved to destroy
your city and your homes and to despoil your possessions. I
have mounted3O3 my minbar only to make you understand
what repressive measures will be taken against you 304 You
are a people of violence and contumacy . All of you, except
Hakim b. Shank al-Muharibi, wage war against God and His
Prophet. I have asked the Commander of the Faithful to give
me permission to take action against you. If he gives me a
free hand, I shall kill your fighting men and enslave your
children.305
In this year Kulthum b. 'Iya4 al-Qushayr1306 was killed. He
was the man whom Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik had sent with
the Syrian cavalry to Ifrigiyah307 when strife broke out
amongst the Berbers.
301. Ma tuqarranu bi al-$a'batu . Cf. Gloss., p. coxxl ) Freytag, Prov., II, 589.
302. La yuga'ga'u If bi- al-shinani ("a confused and clattering noise will not be
made for me with the old and worn -out water skins "). Cf. Lane, 1, 1602. Yusuf is
suggesting that he is frightened by nothing.
303. An alternative translation could be : "I will never mount my minbar again
until I have made you understand what repressive measures will be taken against
you."
304. Ma tukrahuna 'alayhi (lit., "what you will be forced to do"). Cf. Ullmann,
152.
305. Other versions of this khulbah can be found in Fragmenta, too, and al-
Baliidhuri, Ansab, 258-59.
306. According to Ibn Khayyas , Kulthum was sent as governor of Ifrigiyah at the
beginning of Sha'bin 123 (June 21 -July 19, 741) and he died in 124 (741-421
(Ta'rikh, 369-70). For an analysis of Kulthum 's career, cf. Crone, 128) Gabrieli,
Califfato, 98-tot. It was in 124 1741-42 ) that the great Berber revolt occurred in
Spain.
307. For definitions of the boundaries of the province of Ifrigiyah , cf. E12, s.v.
(M. Talbi).
The Events of the Year 122 55
308. 'Abdallih al-Battil b. al-Husayn, the semilegendary hero to whom are at-
tributed many raids into Byzantine territory. Cf. Fragmenta, loo; Ibn Khayyit,
367. Ibn Khayyit puts al-Battil's death in 121 (738-39). Cf. also Brooks, "Arabs in
Asia Minor," 198-200.
309. Al-Fadl b. Silib b. 'All b. 'Abdallih b. 'Abbis, governor of Cairo in 169 (785-
86). Cf. Zambaur, 26, and genealogical table 9, n. 206.
310. A member of the 'Abbisid family who was twice governor of Mecca, the
first time from 149 to 158 (766-67 to 774-75) and the second from 178 to 184
(794-95 to 800). Cf. Zambaur, 20.
311. The province of Sijistin for Sistin) lay to the south of Khurrsin. Its capital
in medieval times was Zaranj . Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 334-51. 'Abdallih b. Shub-
rumah al-Qabbi is not mentioned amongst the governors of Sijistin by Ibn
Khayyit (Ta'rtkh, 375).
312. The leader of the Turks. Cf. Wellhausen, 433.
dh
The
Events of the Year
123
( NOVEMBER 26, 740-NOVEMBER 14, 741)
Amongst the events taking place during this year was the drawing
up of a peace treaty between Na$r b. Sayyar and the Soghdians.
319. The text has dabiratun dabiratun. This is emended to dabaratu dabiratin
("the sore of an ulcerated camel "). Cf. Add., p. Dccxt. The Cairo edition ( 193) has
dabaratun dabiratun and its editor explains in a footnote that the phrase means a
disturbed area.
32o. Al-Junayd b. 'Abdallah al-Mum was governor of Khurisin from 1 t 11730)
to 115 ( 733)• He died in t x6 (734). Cf. E12, "Al-Djunayd b. 'Abdallih" (Veccia
Vaglieri ); Gibb, 72-76, Wellhausen, 459-62, Ibn Khayyat, 375.
321. The text has al-Sa'di, as does Ibn al-Athir, V, 189 . The name is later emend-
ed to al-Sughdi. Cf. Add., P. DCCXI.
322. This is a comment by the narrator.
323. For al-Firyab, cf. E12, Faryib (R. Frye). Of the various possible locations, the
most likely is that it is a village in Sughd.
324. Khardi: usually, land tax. For more precise definitions of the term, cf. E12,
s.v. (Cahen); Morony, 99-106.
The Events of the Year 123 59
prisoner." Hisham said: "Oh dear! How did he escape from al-
Harith?" Mugatil said : "Al-Harith twisted his ear, slapped him
on the back of his head, and let him go."325
Later on, al-Hakam brought the kharaj revenues of Iraq to Hi-
sham. Hishim found that al-Hakam was handsome and eloquent,
so he wrote to Yusuf saying: "Al-Hakam has arrived . He is as you
described. In the area you govern there is ample scope for him.
Dismiss al-Kinani326 ( i.e., Nagr) and make al-Hakam agent ('anvil)
(in his place)."
In this year Nagr made a second raid on Farghanah and he sent
Maghra' b. Abmar to Iraq. The latter, however, denounced him to
Hisham.
325. In al-Athir (loc. cit.) adds that al-Hirith told al -Hakam that he was too
contemptible for him to kill him.
326. The nisbah of Nagr b. Sayyir. For the Band Kininah, cf. In al-Kalbi, II,
371. They were a "small and almost neutral tribe " (Gibb, 89).
327. This term of abuse, probably meaning "son of a man with an amputated
hand," would suggest thieving, for which the fixed penalty is well known.
328. Ibn al-Athir (V, 189) has Quraysh.
329. Aghaththu ("more speedy"). There is some doubt about this reading. The
apparatus cites two variants , a'addu and aghazzu.
60 The Caliphate of Hisham
more courageous33O than they are; their cavalry331 are like ele-
phants; they have adequate supplies of men and equipment-but
they have no leader." Then Hisham said: "Shame on you! What
has al-Kinani (Na$r) been doing?" Maghra' said : "Na$r is so old
that he does not even recognize his own son." But Hisham did not
accept Maghra "s statement . He sent someone to the public
guesthouse and Shubayl b. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Mazini332 was
brought to him. Hisham said to him: "Tell me about Na$r."
Shubayl said : "There is no need to fear that he is so old as to be in
his dotage nor that he is too young to possess sound judgment. He
is experienced and tried. He was in charge of all the borders and
wars in Khurasan even before he became governor."
Yusuf was told by letter about what had happened and he
posted spies. When Na$r's delegation reached al-Maw$il, they left
the road taken by the postal service333 and instead used byways
until they reached Bayhaq.334 Nasr had also been informed by
letter about what Shubayl had said. Now Ibrahim b. Bassam was
in the delegation . Yusuf practiced a deception on him , telling him
that Na$r was dead and that accordingly he had himself appointed
117211 al -Hakam b . al-$alt b. Abi 'Agil as governor of Khurasan. So
Ibrahim suggested to him the people to whom he should allocate
all the provinces of Khurasan .335 Then Ibrahim b. Ziyad, the en-
voy of Nasr, came to Ibrahim b. Bassam and told him that Yusuf
had tricked him. Ibrahim b. Bassam replied : "Yusuf has destroyed
me."
It is said that Nasr sent Maghra ' together with Hamlah b.
Nu'aym al-Kalbi (to Hisham). When they came to Yusuf, Yusuf
aroused ambition in Maghra', promising that if Maghra' impugned
Na$r's reputation in front of Hisham , he (Yusuf) would make
Maghra' governor of Sind. When Maghra' and Hamlah came to
330. Anjadu ("more courageous "). The apparatus has a variant, ahaddu ("more
sharp"), which is followed by the Cairo edition (1941.
33 r. Firusiyyah. It is suggested tentatively in the glossary that this is a collec-
tive term for men skilled in horsemanship . This meaning is followed here.
332. Presumably this man was a visitor from Khurasan.
333. For the route taken by the postal service, cf. Sprenger, Die Post - and Reise-
routen des Orients.
334. The district of Bayhaq lay four days' march west from Nishapiir. The town
of Sabzavir was also known in medieval times as Bayhaq. Cf. Le Strange , Lands,
391.
The Events of the Year 123 61
335. Qassama lahu Ibrahim Khurdsdna kullahu. This seems to mean that
Ibrihim made suggestions as to who should assume rule over the individual parts
of Khurisin now that he believed Nasr was dead. Cf. Gloss., p. cnxxln.
336. Md huwa kamd gdla huwa wa huwa. The Cairo edition ( 194) punctuates
this phrase to make better sense and omits the wa: and huwa kamd gala, huwa
huwa. This reading has been followed in the translation.
337. Salm b. Qutaybah was not the only member of his family who was a
contender for the governorship of Khurisin. His brother Qatan and his cousin
Muslim b. 'Abd al-Rabmin were also in the running . For Salm's career, cf. Crone,
137.
338. Khayr (lit., "benefit").
339. Qad laawwaltu ismahu.
62 The Caliphate of Hisham
Maghra' said: "With what can I reproach him? Should I find fault
with his experience, his obedience, his good fortune in affairs, or
his skillful government?" Yusuf said: "Reproach him for being
old." When Maghra ' went in to see Hisham, he spoke about Naar
in the most glowing terms , and then, at the end of his speech, he
said : "If only. . ." Then Hisham sat up straight and said: "What
do you mean by 'If only'?" Maghra' said : "If only old age had not
overtaken him." Hisham said : "Come on now! Old age has not
yet overtaken him." Maghri' said : "Naar only recognizes a man
close up and then only by his voice . He has become too weak to
raid and ride ." This distressed Hishim but then Hamlah b.
Nu'aym spoke up.
When Naar heard about what Maghra' had said he sent Harun b.
al-Siyawush to al-Hakam b. Numaylah , who was in the saddlers'
quarter (al-sarrajin ) reviewing the troops (fund). Harun grabbed
him by the foot, dragged him from a carpet on which he was
sitting, and broke his flag on his head . Then he hit him in the face
with his carpet and said : "This is how God deals with traitors."
According to 'Ali b. Muhammad (al-Mada'ini)-al-Harith b.
(1723) Allah b. Malik b. Asma' b. Kharijah: When Naar became governor
of Khurasan he made particular favorites of Maghra ' b. Ahmar b.
Malik b. Sariyah al-Numayri,340 al-Hakam b. Numaylah b. Mal-
ik, and al-Hajjaj b. Harun b. Malik. Maghra' b. Abmar al-Numayri
was the leader of the people of Qinnasrin 341 Naar gave preference
to Maghra', appointed him to a privileged position ,342 and accept-
ed his intercessions in respect of what he needed343 Naar ap-
pointed Maghri"s nephew , al-Hakam b. Numaylah, as agent
('amil) of al-Juzajan (Juzjan)344 Then he put him in charge of the
ahl al-'dliyah.345 This was a responsibility that his father in al-
340. Some of the Bann Numayr had settled in Northern Syria in the early
Islamic period. Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 450.
341. A town in northern Syria . The medieval geographers speak of its former
greatness and comment on its insignificance in their own time . Cf. Yignt, IV,
184-87, Ibn Hawgal, 118, E12, " ( .innasrin" I N. Elissieff(; Le Strange, Palestine,
486.
342. Sanna manzilatahu. Cf. Gloss., p. ccxctx.
343. Wa-shaffa'ahu fi laawa'ijihi.
344. A district in Afghan Turkestan between the Murghib and the Oxus. Cf.
E12, "Djuzdjan" (R. Hartmann ); Le Strange, Lands, 423; Hudud, 328-32.
345. The ahl al-'aliyah were a group consisting predominantly of Qays who are
mentioned as one of the divisions (akhmas, "fifths"( in al-Bagrah . Cf. Djait, 163.
The Events of the Year 123 63
346. Muslim b. 'Abd al-Rabmi n b. Muslim al-Bihill had been governor of Balkh
for Junayd . He was the nephew of Qutaybah b. Muslim. Cf. al-Tabari , II, 1529-32,
1663-64.
347. The area to the east of Balkh which stretched along the south side of the
Oxus as far as the frontiers of Badakhshan. Cf. Le Strange , Lands, 426-27.
348. The text has a$1ami. The Cairo edition ( 196 has izlami, which seems
better.
64 The Caliphate of Hisham
349. The text has min sabiha al-magsumi. This is corrected in the Cairo edi-
tion ( 196) to min saybiha al-magsiimi, which makes better sense.
350. Cf. Qur'an 7, 176: fa-mathaluhu ka-mathali al-kalbi. Cf. also the saying:
"Fatten up your dog and he will eat you," quoted in G. R. Smith and M. A. S.
Abdel Haleem, The Book of the Superiority of Dogs over many of Those who wear
Clothes, Warminster, 1978, p. xxx.
The Events of the Year 123 65
The
117261 Events of the Year
124
(NOVEMBER 1 5, 741-NOVEMBER 3, 742)
Amongst the events taking place during this year was the arrival
in al-Kufah of a group of 'Abbasid supporters who were making for
Mecca 357 According to some historians, Bukayr b. Mahan bought
Abu Muslim, the leader of the 'Abbasid da'wah, from 'Isa b.
Ma'gil al-'Ijli.
them and they were arrested. Bukayr was imprisoned and the
others were released. Also in the prison were Abu 'Agim Yunus
and 'Isa b. Ma'qil al=fill , who had Abu Muslim359 with him as his
servant. Then Bukayr invited them to support the 'Abbasid cause
and they were won over to his views. Then Bukayr said to 'Isa b.
Ma'qil : "Who is this young man?" 'Isa replied : "He is a slave."
Bukayr inquired : "Will you sell him?" ' Isa responded: "He is
yours." Bukayr said : "I would like you to take a proper price for
him." 'Isa replied : "He is yours for whatever price you want," so
Bukayr gave 'Isa four hundred dirhams. Then they were released
from prison and Bukayr sent Abu Muslim to Ibrihim,3w who
gave him to Musa al-Sarrij -mt Abu Muslim learned (much) from
Masi and memorized what the latter told him. Then he began
making repeated journeys to Khurisin.
Other reports said: In the year 124 [November 15, 741-
November 3, 7421 Sulaymin b. Kathir,m2 Malik b. al-Haytham,
Lahiz b. Qurayz,363 and Qabtabah b. Shabib" left Khurisin, [17271
making for Mecca. When they entered al-KUfah, they went to
'Agim b. YUnus al-' Ijli, who was in prison under suspicion of
spreading propaganda on behalf of the 'Abbisids. With 'Aim were
'Isa and Idris, the sons of Ma'qil, whom YUsuf b. 'Umar had im-
prisoned, and those agents ('ummal) of Khilid b. 'Abdallih whom
he had also put in prison. 'Isa and Idris were accompanied by Abu
Muslim, who was their servant. The Khurasanis recognized un-
usual qualities ('alnmat) in AbU Muslim, and they said: "Who is
this ?" The people in the prison replied: "A young man from al-
Sarrajin365 who is with us." Abu Muslim had listened to 'Isa and
359. The future leader of the revolutionary 'Abbisid movement in Khurisin. Cf.
E12, s.v. IS. Moscati )3 Welihausen, 5i8 ff, Shaban, 'Abbdsid revolution, 153-57•
;6o. Ibrahim succeeded his father as 'Abbasid imam in ray (743).
361. lbn al-Athir has Abu Musi al-Sarrij (V, i9z(.
361. After the death of Khidish in 118 (736), Sulaymin b. Kathir was appointed
by the 'Abbasid imam, Mu bammad, to take charge of the 'Abbasid organization in
Khurisin. He is named as one of the six 'Abbisid chiefs in Marw. Cf. al-Tabari, II,
15863 Shaban, 'Abbasid Revolution, 151-54.
363. Malik b. al-Haytham and Lihiz b . Qurayz were amongst a group of'Abbis-
id supporters who had been imprisoned by Asad al-Qasri in 117 (735). Cf. a1-
Tabari, II, 1586.
364. Cf. Ell, FL&btaba (M. Sharon).
365. Abu Muslim learned the trade of saddler from Abu Musi al-Sarrij and
would take saddles to Igfahin, Mosul, and other places to sell them . Cf. Ibn at-
68 The Caliphate of Hisham
Idris talking about the 'Abbasid cause366 and when he heard them
he wept. When they saw him reacting in this way, they invited
him to join their movement and he agreed 367
In this year Sulayman b . Hishim368 went on a summer raiding
expedition. In battle he met Leo, the king of Byzantium, and he
returned safely, having taken plunder.369
According to al-Wagidi : In this year Muhammad b. 'Ali b.
'Abdallah b. 'Abbis died370 According to Ahmad b. Thibit-his
informants-Ishaq b. 'Isi-Abu Ma'shar: Muhammad b. Hisham
b. Isma'il led the people on the pilgrimage in this year.371 Al-
Wagidi gave the same report.
Also in this year 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Hajjij b. 'Abd al-Malik372
went on the pilgrimage, accompanied by his wife, Umm Salamah,
the daughter of Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik.
According to Muhammad b. 'Umar ( al-Wigidi)-Yazid, the
117281 mawli of Abu al-Zinid : I saw Muhammad b. Hisham at Umm
Salamah's door.-373 He was sending in his greetings and there
were many gifts from him at her door. He begged her to accept
Athir, V, 191- 92. Al-Sarrijin (the saddle makers ' (quarter)) was apparently in
Marw.
366. Literally, "this viewpoint."
367. For other reports on Abu Muslim in Ynsuf 's prison, cf. al-Dinawari, 339-
411 al-Ya'gnbi, Historiae, II, 392-93.
368. This son of the caliph Hishim was later to play an important role at the
time of the coup of Marwin b. Muhammad in 127 )744). Cf. Hawting, 96-99. He
had considerable military experience on the Byzantine frontier and was at the
head of an armed force known as the Dhakwiniyyah, which numbered several
thousand men. Cf. Crone, 53•
369. There is a similar report in al-Ya'qubi, Historiae. II, 395. According to
Christian sources, however, it was Leo's son whom Sulaymin met in battle, since
Leo III had died on June 18, 741 (i.e., in the preceding Muslim year, 123 A.H.J. Cf.
Brooks, "Arabs in Asia Minor," 202.
370. Cf. Ibn Khayyit, 3721 In al-Athir, V, 19S . Muhammad b. 'Ali b. 'Abdallih
b. 'Abbis had come to prominence on the death of Abu Hishim in 98 (716), when
one group known as the Hishimiyyah held him to be their imam . Muhammad
sent out missionaries to Khurisin from around 100 (718 ). Cf. E12, "'Abbisids" B.
Lewis); and n. 395.
371. Cf. Ibn Khayyit, 372.
372. The caliph Hishim's nephew. Cf. the Umayyad genealogical table.
373. The inclusion of this anecdote probably suggests that Muhammad b. Hi-
shim was acting in an improper way toward Umm Salamah . Presumably the
Muhammad b. Hishim mentioned here is the man mentioned as being in charge
of the pilgrimage.
The Events of the Year 124 69
them and she refused. Finally, when he had given up hope of her
accepting his presents, she gave orders that they should be taken
in.374
The agents ('ummal) of the garrison cities in this year were the
same as in the years 122 (December 7, 739-November 25, 7401
and 123 [November 26, 74o-November 14, 741], and they have
already been mentioned.
374. Literally, "When he had given up hope of her accepting his present, she
gave orders that it should be taken in."
e
The
Events of the Year
125
(NOVEMBER 4, 742-OCTOBER 24 , 743)
qI
Amongst the events taking place during this year was a summer
raid made by al-Nu'man b. Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik.-375
Also in this year occurred the death of Hisham b . 'Abd al-Malik
b. Marw3n. According to Abu Ma'shar: Hisham died after six
nights had elapsed of the month of Rabi' II [February 6, 7431. The
same report was given by Abmad b. Thibit-his informants-
Isbaq b. 'Isa. Al-Wagidi, al-Madi'ini, and others gave the same
report, but they said that Hishim 's death occurred on a Wednes-
day, after six nights had elapsed of the month of Rabi ' II (Wednes-
day, February 6, 7431.
The length of Hishim 's caliphate, according to all reports, was
nineteen years. According to al-Madi'ini and Ibn al-Kalbi: Hi-
shim ruled for nineteen years, seven months and twenty-one
days. According to Abu Ma'shar: (nineteen years ) and eight and
one-half months . According to al-Wiqidi : (nineteen years,) seven
months and ten nights.
375. For this expedition , cf. al-Ya'giibi, Historiae, II, 395. For al-Nu'man, cf. the
Umayyad genealogical table.
The Events of the Year 125 71
376. For the length of Hishim's rule, the date of his death and his age, cf. also
Ibn Khayyit, 372; Ibn Qutaybah, 185; al-Ya'qubi, Historiae, II, 394; Fragmenta,
1071 al-Masudll, Murdi. 456-57; al-Mas'udi, Tanbih, 295; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, II,
286; Hamzah, rag.
377. Abmad b. Zuhayr, also known as Abmad b. Abl Haythamah, d. 279 (892-
93), was a Iianball Jurist. He was one of al-Tabari's authorities for the Baran and
Medinan historical traditions, which he reported from his father . Cf. Pedersen,
'Ali and Mu'dwiya, r 10; In llajar, Mizdn, I, 174; Ibn al-Nadim, I, 174.
378. The reading Kali' is uncertain. Other variants, Waki' and Dulay', are cited
in the apparatus.
379. According to the Leiden index, this Silim is not Hishim 's famous katib,
who was in charge of the diwdn al-raso'il. The index is probably wrong. Grignasci,
who presents a clear discussion of the identity of Silim, the kutib, calls him Silim
Abu al-'Ali; cf. Rasu'il, 12-13.
72 The Caliphate of Hisham
;86. 'Aqqil b. Shabbah al-Tamimi al-Khatib. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1755- 56, 1820.
387. Umayyad caliph who ruled 65-86 (685-705).
388. Literally, "stuffed."
389. Umayyad caliph who ruled 64 -65 1684-85).
74 The Caliphate of Hisham
ing along with him. Yet it seems that it was Salim who domi-
nated Hisham 390
None of the Marwanids391 used to draw an army stipend392
11732] unless they had to go on raids . Some of them raided in person and
some of them sent out a substitute . Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik had
a mawla called Ya 'qub, who used to take Hisham 's stipend, i.e.
two hundred and one dinars, for he was treated to an extra dinar.
Ya'qub would take the money and go out on raids . The Mar-
wanids used to make themselves diwan guards393 and gave them-
selves other posts which allowed them to stay put and which
exempted them from the obligation of going out on raids . Dawud
and 'Isa,394 the two sons of 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. `Abbas39s by the
same mother, served as guards to Khalid b. 'Abdallah396 in the
east, in Iraq 397 They stayed with Khalid and he gave them mon-
ey. If that had not been the case, he would not have been able to
detain them.398 Khalid made them guards and they spent their
nights talking to Khalid and engaging him in their conversations.
Hisham entrusted an estate of his to one of his mawlis. The
mawla made it flourish and the estate yielded a large income. He
continued to make the estate prosper and its income was doubled.
The mawla sent his son to take the income ; the latter presented it
to Hisham and told him how the estate was faring . Hisham re-
390. Wa-kdna Shcimun ka-annahu huwa ammara Hishdman. Literally: "it was
as if Silim had made Hisham amir." This translation is only tentative.
391. The Banu Marwin , the descendants of Marwin I (cf. n. 389 above(, from
whose number the Umayyad caliphs were drawn from 65 (685 ( until the fall of the
dynasty in 132 (750(.
392. 'Ald'. Cf. E12, S.V. (C. Cahen(.
393. Fi a'wdni al-diwdni . Cf. Gloss., P. CCCLXXXIII.
394. Prominent members of the 'Abbisid family who were subsequently in-
volved in the overthrow of the Umayyads. Cf. Wellhausen, 543-44.
395. The grandson of al-'Abbas , the Prophet 's uncle. 'Ali was the father of the
imim Muhammad . Cf. n. 370.
396. Khalid al-Qasri.
397. Fi a 'wdni al-shargi bi-al-'lragi. This translation is only tentative. The ap-
paratus has a variant reading, fi al-sdgi ("in the market"), which is preferred in the
Cairo edition, 202. Neither version is very satisfactory when followed by "in
Iraq."
398. Fa -agdma 'indahu fa -wasalahumd wa-lawid dhdlika lam yastali' an
yalabisahuma . This is rather obscure . Wasalahumd has been translated as "he
gave them money," and the verb babasa as "to detain," rather than "to im-
prison." Presumably, Khalid made guards of the two 'Abbisids as a device to keep
them close to him.
The Events of the Year 1 25 75
warded him well and the boy saw that Hisham was pleased, so he
said: "0 Commander of the Faithful , I have a request ." Hishim
said: "What is it ?" The boy said: "Ten more dinars in my sti-
pend." Hisham said: "You all seem sure that ten dinars in the
stipend are a mere trifle.399 No, by my life, I will not do it!"
According to Al mad (b. Zuhayr )-'Ali (al-Mada'ini )-Ja'far b.
Sulayman400-'Abdallah b. 'Ali:401 I scrutinized the registers
(dawuwin ) of the Marwinids and I have never seen a more sound
register than that of Hisham nor one which was more beneficial
both to the common people and to the government . According to
Abmad (b. Zuhayr)-'Ali (al-Mada'ini)-Ghassin b. 'Abd al-
Hamid:402 Nobody amongst the Marwanids was more avaricious (1 733)
in dealing with his associates and registers than Hisham nor did
any of the Marwinids investigate (the activities of) his officials
with such extreme thoroughness as did Hishim.403
According to Abmad (b. Zuhayr)-'Ali (al-Madi'ini )-Hammad
al-Abal : Hisham said to Ghaylan :404 "Fie on you, Ghaylin!
People have been spreading gossip about you, so let's hear your
side of the argument. If it is the truth, we shall support you; and if
it is false you will be made to stop thinking that way." Ghaylan
agreed, so Hisham called Maymun b . Mihran405 to question
Ghaylan. Maymun said to Ghaylan: "You ask first, since the case
is strongest if you ask first ." So Ghaylan said to Maymun: "Has
God willed that he should be disobeyed?" Then Maymun replied
to Ghaylan: "Was God disobeyed if He did not will it so?"
Ghaylan was silent and Hisham said : "Give him an answer." But
Ghaylan still did not answer him . Then Hisham said to Maymun:
"God will not forgive me for my errors if I forgive Ghaylan his."
So Hisham gave orders that Ghaylan's hands and feet should be
cut off.
According to Abmad (b. Zuhayr)-'Ali (al-Mada' ini)-a man of
Banu Ghani4O6-Bishr, the mawla of Hisham : A man who had
singing girls, wine, and a guitar in his home was brought to Hi-
sham. Hisham said : "Break the lute over his head ." The instru-
ment struck the shaykh , who wept . Bishr (the narrator) said: "I
said to him, by way of consolation : 'Be patient.' He retorted: 'Do
you think I am crying because I was struck ? I am only crying
because of the contempt which Hisham showed toward the guitar
when he called it a lute!"'
A man spoke rudely to Hisham, and Hisham said to him: "You
should not speak rudely to your imam."
Hisham went in search of one of his sons who had not attended
the Friday prayer. Hisham said to him: "What prevented you
from performing the prayer ?" His son said: "My horse has died."
Hisham said : "Why didn't you walk instead of missing the Friday
prayer ?" Then he deprived his son of a horse for a year.
Sulayman b. Hisham wrote to his father as follows :407 "My
mule is too weak to carry me. If the Commander of the Faithful
(1 734) thinks it appropriate to issue orders for me to be given a horse,
then let him do so ." Hisham wrote back to Sulayman as follows:
"The Commander of the Faithful has understood your letter and
what you have said about the weak condition of your riding ani-
mal. The Commander of the Faithful thinks that this situation
has arisen from your negligence in feeding the animal, and that its
fodder is being wasted. So see to the maintenance of your animal
personally and the Commander of the Faithful will further con-
sider the matter of your transport. "408
412. It is possible that this was the type of horse that had been much in demand
for the Sasanian armored cavalry and had also been exported for centuries to
China-the celebrated "blood- sweating" horse of the Oxus. Cf. Watson, Genius,
110, 119 -2o. A similar story is told by al-Mas'iidi, Muraj, V, 478-79.
413. The text has ali. This is corrected later to ali. Cf. Add., p. nccxl. The Cairo
edition (VII, 2051 has the corrected form.
414. According to al-Mas'udi, it was Maslamah , the brother of Hishim, who
teased Hishim in this way. Cf. Muni j, V, 479.
415. And balimun 'afi fun. Al-Mas'iidi has and bakimun wa-'alimun ("I am wise
and knowledgeable"). Cf. Murnj, loc. cit.
The Events of the Year 125 79
getting the milk to flow."416 Then Hishim ordered that the bread
dough should be brought and it was kneaded .417 Then Hishim lit
the fire himself, made a hollow in it for the bread, and threw in
the bread. He began turning it over with the poker and said: "Well
Abrash, what do you think of my expertise?" When the bread was
cooked thoroughly Hisham removed it. He began hitting it with
the poker, saying: "This is just for you!" And al-Abrash would
reply "Here I am"4 18 (this is what young boys say when bread is
being baked for them). Then Hisham and the people ate lunch and
he returned home.
'Ilba' b. Man;ur al-Laythi came to Hisham and recited the fol-
lowing to him:
'Ulayyah said, when I decided to undertake a journey
on a bewildered she-camel flapping her ears:
"How can you contemplate a journey when all the people of
your family,
old and young alike, are dependent on you?
The young ones are like little sand -grouse,
wealthy neither in property nor in kinsfolk."
(I replied) : "I am traveling to the king of Syria, the one to whom
every care-burdened man419 makes his way.
I will certainly leave you rich, provided I stay alive, 117371
through the gifts of the caliph , that dispenser of glittering
largesse.
We are indeed a people whose court is dead;420
416. Lam abuss al-balaba. Cf. Lisan, 1, az2. Hishim is clearly proud of his
prowess in milking.
417. Amara bi-mallatin fa-'ujinat. The mallah can mean the hollow made in
the fire for baking bread, or the hot dust and ashes in which the bread is cooked.
Khubzu mallatin is bread baked in hot ashes. Cf. Lane, I, Supplement, 3023. In
view of the following verb, 'ujinat ("it was kneaded"), the word mallah has been
translated as "bread dough." Cf. E12 , "Khubz" (C. Pellat).
418. Yagi lu jabinaka, jabinaka wa-al Abrash yagWu labbayka, labbayka.
This translation is only tentative . Jabinaka may be analogous to the phrase min
jabini, "I alone."
419. The text has muwaqqari. Noldeke prefers the reading mtigari. Cf. Add., p.
nccxt. This emendation is followed by the Cairo edition, VII, 206.
420. Mayyitun diwanund. An alternative translation is provided in the Gloss.,
p. ccxt.vll: "We accept no stipends."
80 The Caliphate of Hisham
lived in the desert far away from people . When Hisham wanted to
move to al-Rugafah, he was told: "Do not leave ! Caliphs are not
touched by plague . It is unheard of for a caliph to catch the
plague." Hisham said : "Do you want to experiment with me?" So
he moved to al-Rugafah,, which is a desert place, and he built two
castles there . Al-Rugifah is a Byzantine city built by the Byzan-
tines 426
Hisham had a squint (aIwal). According to Abmad (b.
Zubayr)-'Ali (al-Madi'ini): Khilid b. 'Abdallih427 sent a camel-
driver (I. adi) to Hishim b. 'Abd al-Malik, and he recited428 before
Hisham a poem of Abu al -Najm (al-'Ijli)429 in the rajaz meter:
The sun on the horizon is descending like the eye of a man
with a squint.
It intends to set but has not yet done so.
At this Hisham became angry and dismissed him.
According to Abmad b. Zuhayr -'Ali b. Muhammad (al-Ma-
di'ini)-Abu'Agim al-Rabbi: I noticed Mu'awiyah b. Hisham pass
me when I was in the clearing (raI bah ) of Abu Sharik. Abu Shank
was a Persian after whom the clearing -which was a field under
cultivation-was named. I had been baking bread . Mu'iwiyah
stopped near me and I said : "Have some lunch ." He dismounted
and I took out the bread , put it on some bricks,430 and he ate.
Then other people came along and I asked , "Who is this?" They
replied : "Mu'awiyah b. Hishim." Mu'iwiyah ordered that I
426. There has been a long controversy about the interpretation of this passage.
The reference to "two castles " (gasraynj was interpreted by Sauvaget ("Remar-
ques", 2-5;) and by Creswell (Architecture, 513, 537 - 381 as denoting Qaar al-
I:Iayr al-Shargi in the Palmyrene steppe , which has two adjoining enclosures of
Umayyad date. One of these, however, is a city and the other apparently a khan;
for neither of them does the term gasr seem appropriate . Moreover, subsequent
excavations on the site have revealed no traces of a Roman or Byzantine city
(Grabar, City, 5;). It seems preferable, therefore, to assume with Grabar that the
Rufifah mentioned by al-Tabari is Rusafat al-Shim /Sergiopolis, the major Byzan-
tine city of northeastern Syria, situated in the desert some twenty -five miles
south of the Euphrates. Cf. Ell , "Al-Rugifa" (E. Honigmann).
427. Khilid al-Qasri.
428. lfadd: to urge on a camel by reciting verses to it in the rajaz meter. Cf.
Lane, 1, 532-33.
429. Abu al-Najm al-Fall (or al-Mufaddal) b. Qudimah al-101 was a well-known
rajaz poet. He enjoyed particular success under Hishim . Cf. Sezgin, II, 375-72.
430. The text has ft labinin, "on bricks." An alternative reading could be ft
labanin, "in milk."
82 The Caliphate of Hisham
431. According to another source, the ruby was one and one-half gabdahs in
length. Cf. Fragmenta, 101. The gabdah was usually measured as one -sixth of a
cubit. Cf. Hinz, 63.
432. The pearl weighed three and one-half mithqals. Cf. Fragmenta, 1o1. For
the weight of the mithgal in various parts of the Islamic world, cf. Hinz, 1-7.
433. Fursh. This usually means "carpets." Given the common Sasanian royal
custom of piling cushions one upon another beside the monarch as he reclined
(Grabar, Sasanian Silver. plates 13 - 14) and Hishim's readiness to favor Persian
culture and customs, it seems probable that he had adopted this aspect of Sasanian
court ceremonial . Even if fursh were to be translated as "carpets," the context
(and the Sasanian silver dishes published by Grabar) establishes that such carpets
were being used as cushions in this instance.
434. Ibrihim b. al-Mundhir al-Hizimi (d. 236 /850-51), was a traditionist. Cf.
al-Tabari, I, 967; Ibn al-Nadim, 1, 244, 246; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, III, 190, 210.
The Events of the Year 125 83
People say that Solomon asked his Lord to bestow on him sov- (17401
ereignty such as should not belong to any after him. They do
claim that that period was twenty years. 114m Muhammad b. `Ali
said: "I don't know what tales are current with the people, but
my father told me on the authority of his father on the authority
of `Ali on the authority of the Prophet , who said: "God will not
prolong the life of a king in a community ( ummah)-in the event
that he has been preceded by a prophet-for a period longer than
the life of that prophet."
In this year al-Walid b. Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan437
became caliph after the death of Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik. Accord-
ing to Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbi : Al-Walid became caliph
on a Saturday in Rabi' II, 125438 [February i-March 2 , 743j. Ac-
cording to Muliammad b. 'Umar (al-Wagidij: Al-Walid b. Yazid b.
'Abd al-Malik acceded to the caliphate on Wednesday , the sixth of
Rabi' II, 125 [Wednesday, February 6, 7431. `Ali b. MuIammad (al-
Mada'ini) concurred with Moammad b. 'Umar in this dating.
The
Events of the Year
1 2 5 (cont'd)
(NOVEMBER 4, 742-OCTOBER 24 , 743)
439. For the early life of al-Walid II , cf. Gabrieli, "Al-Walid"j Derenk, Leben,
27-38 . Al-Walid's father, Yazid, had been persuaded in rot (719) by Maslamah b.
'Abd al- Malik to nominate Hishim as caliph and that Yazid 's own son, al-Walid,
should be second successor . Yazid may well have regretted this decision, but, as
his exclamation here suggests, he regarded the arrangement as a solemn obligation
before God which he could not change . Therefore Hishim had duly succeeded to
the caliphate in 105 ( 724) and al-Walid had to wait another nineteen years for his
turn.
88 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
fifteen years old and Hisham became caliph. Hisham was gener-
ous, respectful, and kind toward al-Walid and their relationship
continued in that style until al -Walid b. Yazid began to show
signs of wanton behavior and to drink wine.440
According to Ahmad b . Zuhayr-'Ali b. Muhammad (al-Ma-
da'ini)-Juwayriyah b. Asma', Ishaq b. Ayyiib, 'Amir b. al-
Aswad,441 and others: It was 'Abd al-$amad b. 'Abd al-'Ala al-
Shabbani,442 the brother of 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-'Ala,443who in-
cited al-Walid to act in this way. 'Abd al-$amad was the tutor of
al-Walid. Al-Walid also acquired drinking companions . Hisham
wanted to keep them away from al -Walid, so he put him in charge
of the pilgrimage in 116 [January 8-13, 7351 . 444 Al -Walid took
with him some dogs445 in boxes, one of which, according to'Ali b.
Muhammad (al-Mada'ini)-his shaykhs whose names I have
given-fell from the camel . In the box was a dog. People trained
whips on the man who had hired out the camel and they beat him
hard . Al-Walid also took with him a domed canopy,446 which had
been made to the exact size of the Ka'bah so that he could place it
over the Ka'bah . He also took wine with him . He wanted to erect
the domed canopy over the Ka'bah and to sit in it .447 His compan-
440. For al-Walid's relationship with Hisham , cf. al-11fahini, Aghani, VI, to2-
03, 107-08; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, 11, 117,282, 285; al-Baladhuri, Ansab ( Derenk), 6-9.
441. 'Amir b . Haf$, also known as Subaym b. Hafg (d. 190/806), was a prolific
writer. Many fragments of his work are preserved in Ibn Qutaybah , Ma'arif. Ac-
cording to Ibn Durayd, he was the mawli of the Band al-'Ujayf . Cf. !shtigaq, 235.
Cf. also Sezgin, II, 266-67, Rosenthal, 381.
442. Scabrous stories were rife about this man. Cf. al-Isfahini, Aghani, II, 78; VI,
102, 104-o5. His nisbah, which appears in the text as al-Shaybini, is corrected by
the editor to al-Shabbini (Add., p. nccxi ). The Cairo edition ( 209) has al-Shabbani.
bani. Al-Balidhuri calls him 'Abd al-Samad b. 'Abd al-'Ali, al-Sha'ir ("the poet").
Cf. Ansab (Derenk). 6.
443. 'Abdallih b. 'Abd al -'Ali al-Shabbani, the poet. Cf. al-Tabari, 1, 2064; al-
Ipfahani, Aghani, XII, i i r ; XVI, 157.
444. The pilgrimage proper begins on the eighth of Dhd al-Hijjah and ends on
the thirteenth of Dhd al-Hijjah . In 116 A.R. these days correspond to January 8-13,
735. For corroboration of the year 116 (73s1 , cf. Ibn Khayyat , 377, &I-Igfahani,
Aghani, II, 78; Fragmenta, 'ii; Ibn al -Athir, V, 198 , al-BaIidhuri, Ansab (Derenk),
7.
445 . Presumably for the hunt . The dog was ritually unclean . Cf. Smith, Dogs, p.
xxix-xxx.
446. Qubbah. Cf. Ibn A'tham, VIII, 137; al-Ya'gdbi , Historiae, II, 400.
447. Ibn &I-Athir (loc. cit.) and Fragmenta (loc. cit .) have "to drink wine in it."
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 89
ions frightened him off the idea and said : "We don't feel safe,
either on your behalf or our own,448 from what the people might
do." So al-Walid did not move the canopy [on to the Ka'bahl. Even
so, the people saw him behaving in a contemptuous and flippant
way toward religion, and Hisham came to hear about it. Hisham
wanted to depose him (as his heir) and to have the oath of alle-
giance given to his son Maslamah b. Hisham. Hisham tried to 117421
persuade al-Walid to annul the oath of allegiance sworn to him
and to give it instead to Maslamah, but al-Walid refused. Hisham
then said to al-Walid: "Give Maslamah the oath of allegiance (to
succeed) after yourself," but this too al-Walid refused to do.
Thereafter Hisham changed his attitude toward al -Walid and did
him mischief. He took steps in secret to have the oath of alle-
giance given to his son, and a number of people complied with
Hisham 's request. Amongst those who did so were his maternal
uncles, Muhammad and Ibrahim , the sons of Hisham b. Ismail al-
Makhzumi, and the sons of al-Qa'ga' b. Khulayd al-'Absi 449 as
well as others among Hisham 's close followers.
Al-Walid persisted in his wine-drinking and his pursuit of plea-
sure and he exceeded all due bounds . Hisham said to him: "Fie on
you, Walid! By God, I do not know whether you are for Islam or
not. You commit every reprehensible action without feeling any
shame or bothering to conceal it." So al-Walid wrote Hisham the
following poem:
0 you who ask about our religion,
we follow the religion of Abu Shikir.
We drink it (the wine) both pure and mixed,
sometimes warmed and sometimes cooled.450
Hisham was furious with his son Maslamah, whose kunyah was
Abu Shikir, 451 and he said to him : "Al-Walid is making use of
448. Literally, "We do not feel safe for you or for us who are with you from the
people."
449. For the history of this family , who were involved in several Umayyad
succession disputes, cf. Crone, 105-06.
450. The meter is sarf. For these verses , cf. al-Igfahini, Aghani, VI, 102; Frag-
menta, 114; Ibn al-Athir, V, 198; Gabrieli , "al-Walid," 46; al-Balidhuri, Ansab
(Derenk!, 7.
451. Maslamah had become friendly with al-Walid and had joined in some of al-
Walid's hedonistic activities . Cf. al-Baladhuri, loc. cit. Al-Walid's response involy-
90 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
you to mock me. To think I was rearing you for the caliphate!
Behave in a civilized way and attend the collective prayer." Hi-
sham put Maslamah in charge of the pilgrimage in rig
[December, 7371.452 Maslamah devoted himself to acts of re-
ligious devotion and behaved in a steady and gentle manner. He
distributed money in Mecca and Medina , and a mawla belonging
to the Medinans recited the following lines:
0 you who ask about our religion,
we follow the religion of Abu Shakir.
The one who generously donates hairless horses453 with their
halters
and who is neither a free-thinker454 nor an unbeliever.
The poet was referring obliquely to al-Walid.
The mother of Maslamah b. Hisham was Umm Hakim,455 the
daughter of Yal ya b. al-Hakam b. Abi al-'Ag.456 Al-Kumayt457
recited as follows:
Verily the stakes (of the tent) of the caliphate will be
transferred
after al-Walid to the son of Umm Hakim.
[1 743) Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri said: "I want nothing to do with a
caliph whose kunyah is Abu Shakir." Maslamah b. Hisham was
ing Maslamah is therefore particularly offensive to Hishim . For al-Walid 's affec-
tion and kind treatment toward his friend Maslamah , cf. &I-Isfahan, Aghani VI,
103-04; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, II, 286.
452. For Maslamah's leading the pilgrimage , cf. Ibn Khayyit, 377.
453• Al-jurda ("horses endowed with fine hairs "). Cf. Freytag, Lexicon, 77. /urd
is the reading followed by Fragments. 114; al-Balidhuri, Ansab (Derenk), 7; and
In al-Athir, V, 198. Al-I$fahini has al-buzla (camels that have attained their full
strength(. Cf. Aghani VI, 102; Lane, f, 200.
454. Zindiq is a difficult term to translate accurately since it is often used as a
general term of abuse, as well as to denote Manichaeans and those of other "heret-
ical" beliefs.
455• Umm Hakim was famous for her beauty as her mother Zaynab bint 'Abd
al-Rabmin had been before her. Umm Hakim was very fond of wine, a charac-
teristic of here that is recorded in verse by al-I$fahini, Aghani XV, 48.
456. The uncle of the Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-Malik and governor of Palestine.
Cf. Crone, 12;.
457. AI-Kumayt b. Zayd al -Asadi (d. 126 /743 or 127/7441. Other verses of his
ar-- quoted in al-Tabari, II, 1574-75. Cf. E12, "Kumayt b. Zayd" (1. Horovitz/ C.
Pellat(; Sezgin, II, 347-49: al-I$fahini, Aghani, XVII, 40; XV, 113. The meter is
kamil.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 91
furious with Khalid, and so when Asad b. 'Abdallah, 458 the broth-
er of Khalid b. 'Abdallah, died, Abu Shakir (Maslamah) wrote to
Khilid b. 'Abdallih, sending a poem in which Nawfal459 lam-
pooned Khilid and his brother Asad:460
May a Lord who has given the people respite from Asad
liberate them from Khilid by destroying him too!
As for his father, he was of impure lineage,
a low-born slave who was himself begotten of slaves with
stunted limbs.46'
Maslamah sent a scroll by postal courier to Khilid . Khilid
thought that it contained a message of condolence on the death of
his brother. He broke the seal but found in the scroll nothing but
the lampooning verses. Then he said: "Never have I seen con-
dolences like those I have received today."462
Hishim used to criticize and denigrate al-Walid . He frequently
scoffed at al-Walid and his friends and often pointed out his
faults. When al-Walid realized what Hishim's attitude was he
went away, accompanied by some of his retinue and his mawlis,
and lived in al-Azraq between the territory of the Balgayn4" and
the Fazirah464 at a watering -place called al-Aghdaf.465 Al-Walid
wrote to him asking him to allow Ibn Suhayl to come and join
me. So he beat Ibn Suhayl and sent him away, although he knew
how highly I thought of him.475 He found out how attached 'Iyad
b. Muslim is to me and that he is under my protection. He knew
that I have a high regard for him and that he is my scribe. So he
beat him and imprisoned him, just to harm me . 0 God, protect
me from him !"476 Then al-Walid recited as follows:
It is I who477 warn the man who would constantly bestow
favor
on people of dubious character,478 not having experienced
their faithlessness.
If you treat them with honor, you will find them insolently
ungrateful;479
if you treat them with contempt, you will find them
tractable.
How can you exalt yourself above us when we are the very
source of your prosperity?
Just you wait until480 fortune veers in our favor.
Look around, and if the only likeness you can find
for him is that of a dog,481 then try that!482
111 7461 His master fattens him up for the hunt
until he has grown strong ,483 after his formerly emaciated
state,
And thereupon the dog attacks him-and although that assault
fails to harm him,
if he were able to devour him, he would do so.484
475. Ra'yi fihi ("my (good) opinion about him "!. Cf. Gloss., p. cccv.
476. For Hishim's treatment of'Iyi4 b . Muslim, cf. a1-Isfahan, Aghani, VI,1o5i
al-Balidhuri, Ansab (Derenk), 12.
477. Literally, "1 am the warner who."
478. Al-magarif. Cf. Gloss., p. CDXX.
479. Butur : plural of baler. Cf. Gloss., p. cxxxvi.
480. Literally, "You will find out when."
481. Cf. n. 350.
482. The text has fa -u¢rubhu . This is emended to fa-adribhu by Gabrieli, "Al-
Walid," 54.
483. Nawa. Al-1 fahini has istawa; cf. Aghani, V, to5.
484. The meter is basil . There is a strong possibility that some of the last few
lines ( 1746, 11.1-4 1 are out of order here. The version of al-Balidhuri is more
coherent, incorporating parts of al-']'abaci 's version : baynn yusamminuho li-a1-
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 95
saydi sabibuhu 'ada'alayhi falaw yastati uhu aklu ("while his master is fattening
him up for the hunt, he attacks him and, if he could, he would eat Ihim(" (. Cf.
Ansdb (Derenk(, i 3.
485. For other versions of this letter, cf. al-Igfahini , Aghani, VI, to6-o7; al-
Balidhuri, Ansab (Derenk (, 13-14. For a detailed analysis of the various textual
and translation problems connected with this letter and Hisham 's reply, cf. Ap-
pendix"i.
486. Even if Ibn Suhayl were as the Commander of the Faithful made him out
to be"; al-Isfahan, Aghani, loc. cit.
enough befor the ass (i.e.
wolf (Hishaml)" (in order
w ); al-1gahani,
,devour y Aghcnic loc. citp the
488. Literally, " whether people like it or dislike it."
489. Literally, " there is no delaying of His hastening and no hastening of His
allotted span."
96 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
should be the one most mindful of it. May God be the one
who directs the Commander of the Faithful to good judg-
ments in his conduct of affairs!
Hisham inquired of Abu Zubayr : "Nastas,490 do you think that
the people will be satisfied with al -Walid if anything happens to
me?" Nasfas said : "Rather, may God prolong your life, 0 Com-
mander of the Faithful!" Hisham retorted : "Fie on you! Death is
an inevitable fact . So do you think that the people will be satisfied
with al-Walid?" Nasfas said : "0 Commander of the Faithful, an
oath of allegiance to al-Walid is already obligatory for the people."
Thereupon Hisham replied : "If the people are satisfied with al-
Walid, I can only think that the popular dictum 'anyone who is
caliph for three days will not enter the fire ' is false."
Hisham then wrote to al-Walid as follows:491
The Commander of the Faithful has understood what you
have written about the cuts he has imposed on you and about
other matters . The Commander of the Faithful asks pardon
from God for the allowance he used to give you. The Com-
mander of the Faithful is more afraid for his own soul because
of the wrong he has done against himself in giving you the
allowance he gave you than because he has made the cuts he
has made and ruined those of your companions whom he has
ruined. This is for two reasons . The first is that the Com-
mander of the Faithful gave you preferential treatment in the
allowance he bestowed on you, even though he knew what
your attitude toward it was and that you spent it in an inap-
propriate way.492 The second reason is that he made much of
your friends and gave them lavish allowances (too). They do
not have to put up with the kind of setbacks that the Mus-
11 7481 lims undergo every year when the campaigns are curtailed.
Your friends remain in your company and you drag them off
490. Nagtis was the freedman of $afwin b . Umayyah; the name is obviously an
arabicized form of the Greek name Anastasios. Cf. al-Igfahini, Aghani, VI, 103.
491. For other versions of Hishim's letter , cf. al-Igfahini, Aghani, VI, 107-08,
al-Balidhuri, Ansab (Derenk ), 14-15 . For a discussion of textual and translation
problems in this letter, cf. Appendix i.
492. Al-Balidhuri has : "even though he knew the places where you put it and
that you were spending it on the path of disobedience ." Cf. Ansab (Derenk!, 14.
The Events of the Year 1 25 Jcont'd) 97
493. I.e., Hishim fears God's anger for his former generosity toward al-Walid
and his friends.
494. Literally, "and he was worthy that you should be pleased about him or
displeased."
495. It is difficult to find an appropriate translation for lilldhi abuka, an ex-
pression that denotes wonder and praise. Cf. Lane, I, tr.
496. The text has bi-ghayri illin ("without a compact"). The Cairo edition (VII,
214) has bi-ghayri alin ("without family (obligation("(. This latter reading has
been used in the translation.
497. Qur'in 65, v. 3.
498. The text has wa-huwa'ald al-yagfni min rabbihi ... ("he is sure from his
Lord ..."), as does al-Balidhuri, Ansdb (Derenk), 15. Al-I$fahini's version (loc.
cit.) makes better sense : wa-huwa 'ald al-yaglni min ra'yihi ("he is firm in his
opinion").
98 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
499. There is an echo here of Qur'in 7, v. 156: 'adhnbi u$ibu bihi man ashn'u ("I
smite with My punishment whom I will").
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 99
You have spurned the hand of one who offers kindness. If you 117501
had taken it,
the Compassionate One, the possessor of grace and
beneficence, would have rewarded you for it.501
Al-Walid continued to live in that desert until Hisham died. On
the morning of the day that al-Walid became caliph502 he sent for
Abu al-Zubayr al-Mundhir b. Abi 'Amr. The latter came to al-
Walid, who said to him: "Abu Zubayr! As far back as I can re-
member I have never spent a longer night than last night. During
the night I was assailed with anxieties and I kept thinking about
things connected with the rule of that man (meaning Hisham). He
has evil designs on me .503 Come riding with us and let's get some
air." So they went riding. After going two mils,504 al-Walid
stopped at a sandy hill and began complaining about Hishim.
Then suddenly he saw a cloud of dust and he exclaimed : "These
are messengers from Hisham . Let us pray to God that they bring
good news." Then two men on post-horses hove into sight; one of
them was a mawli of Abu Muhammad al-Sufyin , and the other
was Jardabah. When they came nearer they went toward al -Walid,
dismounted, ran up to him, and greeted him as caliph . Al-Walid
was struck dumb with amazement . Jardabah began to repeat his
salutation to him as caliph, so al-Walid said : "Steady on! Are you
telling me that Hisham is dead?" Jardabah said: "Yes." So al-
Walid asked : "Who sent your letter ?" jardabah replied: "Your
mawli, Salim b. 'Abd al-Rahman, the master of the chancellery."
Al-Walid read the letter and the two men turned to leave. Then
Soo. Fa-law kunta Ad irbin. Al-I0fahini (loc. cit.) has fa-law kunta Ad hazmin
("if you had any determination /judgment"). Fragmenta. 117, has ... dhd 'aqlin
("if you had any intelligence").
Sox. For these verses, cf. al-lifahini, Aghdni, VI, 104; Fragmenta, 117-18, a1-
Balidhuri, Ansdb ( Derenk), 15 (only part of the verses); Ibn al-Athir , V, 199,
Gabrieli, "al-Walid," 60-61 . The meter is tawil. In the Aghdni the verses occur in
a different context, namely, when Hishim is attempting to depose al-Walid and
make his own son his heir.
Soa. For similar accounts of the way in which al-Walid heard of Hishim 's death,
cf. al-Balidhuri, Ansab, (Derenk), 20-2x; al-IBfahini, Aghdni, VI, xo8; Ibn A'tham,
VIII, 139.
503. Qad awla'a bi: i.e., Hisham wishes al-Walid dead.
504. Two mils : approximately 4 km. Cf. Hinz, 6;.
100 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
SoS. In an earlier version of this story (cf. P. 721 the closing of the treasury
occurred after the death of Hishim, not before.
Sob. Cf. the Umayyad genealogical table.
507. For some of these lines, cf. al-Balidhuri, Ansob (Derenk(, 22. The meter is
san'.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 101
Sob. For these verses (with minor variants ), cf. al-Iofahini, Aghdni, VI, 1091
Fmgmenta, lal, Ibn al-Athir, V, goof Gabrieli, "al-Walid," 49-50. The meter is
sari'.
509. Cf. Qur'an 4, v. 4M i z , vv. 85-86.
5 zo. Al-furgdn: "the Criterion of right and wrong ." Cf. Qur'in 2, V. 5 3. Al-
Balidhuri, Ansdb (Derenk), 22, and Fragmenta, i2t, live "al-Qur'an."
5 z z. Marwi n b. Mubammad was the cousin of al-Walid 's father and later was to
become the last Umayyad caliph. He had served on the frontier in Armenia. For a
good summary of his career, cf. Schonig, 7. Cf. also n. 4.
512. For other versions of this letter, cf. al-Balidhurl, Ansdb (Derenkj, 35-361
Fragmenta, 124-25.
513. Cf. Qur'in 23, v. 56: fa-dharhum fighamratihim ("therefore leave them in
(the submerging flood of ( their ignorance"). Cf. also Qur'in 23 , v. 651 51, v. It.
514. Fa-wajadn ("they found"j. The apparatus has a variant , fa-wajada ("he
found"), which is adopted also by the Cairo edition (VII, 216) . This makes better
sense.
102 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
520. Wa-zidhum ziyddatan yuf4alu biha man kana qablaka battd yaiara
fadluke 'alayhim 'ald ra'iyyatika. Here the Cairo edition ( 117) adds a wa: battd
ya;hara fadluke 'alayhim wa-'ald ra'iyyatika (" so that your favor to them and
your subjects may be manifest").
521. Cf. Ibn A' tham, VIII, 139•
522. Cf. Wellhausen, 353.
523. Z-=I' was a large village, one of the stages on the bail route. It was in the
Balgi' province. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 554.
104 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
524. lnna ft gawlika an;uru 'idatan ma yugimu 'alayha al-lalibu. The transla-
tion is only tentative.
525. The meter is fawil. For these verses, cf. also al -Baladhuri, Ansab IDerenk),
26, al-Igfahini, Aghani, VI, r r r, Ibn al-Athir, V, 201.
526. The word order in the Arabic is very unwieldy and has been changed
around in the translation.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 105
517. The identity of this person is not clear . He may be al-Naar b . Shumayl,
who is mentioned in the company of Hishim. Cf . Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, III, 17, 19.
Sa8. For these verses, cf. Fragmenta, 131. The meter is mutagarib.
Sag. Nu'ammilu 'Uthmana ba'da al-Walidi li'1-'ahdi fine wa-narid Yazidan
("We are hoping for 'Uthman after al-Walid to rule among us and we hope for
106 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
Yazid"). For the second hemistich , the version in Fragmenta, 131, makes better
sense in the context: aw Flakaman thumma narid Saidan ("or Hakam, then we
hope for Said "). Al-Walid had fifteen sons, one of whom was Said . Cf. the discus-
sion of al-Walid 's family, listing primary sources, in H. 'Atwin, AI-Walid b . Yazid:
'ar4un wa-naqdun (Beirut, 1981 ), 90-91 . The Cairo edition (VII, 219) has nubdT
for nu'ammilu.
530. Fa•awsi al-gariba 'anha ("bequeath it to the near relative ( ?)"). The Cairo
edition (VII, 219 ) has fa-ardi al-gariba'anho. With awsa, the normal preposition
would be bi. The version in the Cairo edition based on one manuscript reading is
better grammatically and has been preferred here.
5 31. For a full discussion of the background and significance of this letter, cf.
Crone and Hinds, God's Caliph, 116-18 . They provide an annotated translation of
the letter, 118-26 . A longer discussion of this letter is to be found in Appendix 2.
532. Wa -ja'alahu khayra khiyaratihi. The apparatus (BM and 0) has din for
khayr, as does the Cairo edition, 219. Crone and Hinds , 118, prefer this reading:
"he has made it the religion of the chosen ones of His creation."
533• Cf . Qur'in 35, v. I.
534. The syntax of this passage is faulty and it is clear that some words have
been omitted. The missing words must refer to the succession of prophets whose
message was ignored by their own people and on whom God inflicted His punish-
ments. The words in brackets in the translation are purely hypothetical.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 107
541. The text has tashyidan . The apparatus has tashdidan, which is better.
542. Literally, "the strengthening of His rope."
543. Dafan bi-him 'an barimihi : literally, "fending )people ) off from its )Islam's)
or His (God's) forbidden things."
544. Cf. Qur'in 2, V. 251.
545. lama'ah.
546. Cf. Qur'in 41, V. I I.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 109
name be glorified, also said : "And when thy Lord said unto
the angels: 'Lo! I am about to place a viceroy in the earth,'
they said: 'Wilt Thou place therein one who will do harm
therein and will shed blood, while we, we hymn Thy praise
and sanctify Thee?' He said: 'Surely I know that which ye
know not., 11547
So it is by the caliphate that God preserves those of His
servants on earth whom it is His will to preserve548 and those
whom He has appointed to inhabit the earth. It is in showing
obedience to those whom God has appointed to rule on earth
that there lies happiness for those whom God inspires there-
to and who are made to understand it.549 For God, may He be
praised and glorified, knows that there is no stability or well-
being for anything save through that same obedience, by
which God preserves His due, by which He carries out His
command, by which He repulses those who rebel against
Him, safeguarding those things that are sacred to Him and
protecting His inviolable precepts. He who accepts his por-
tion of that obedience becomes the friend of God; he is obe-
dient to His command, he obtains right guidance from Him,
and he is singled out for God's blessing both in this life and in
the life to come. But he who abandons that obedience, turns
his face against it and opposes God thereby, squanders his
allotted portion, disobeys his Lord, and loses for himself the
things of this life and the next. His lot is cast with those
overcome by wretchedness, possessed by sinful actions55°
which drag those in their thrall to drink in the foulest of
waterholes and which betray them to the most dreadful of
ends,551 so that God afflicts them (even) in this world with
humiliation and retribution and reduces them to a state of
551. Fima 'indahum . Crone and Hinds, op. cit ., 121, have the reading fima
a'adda lahum "(grief( which He has prepared for them," following $afwat, Rasa'il,
II, 450 n.
553. Wa-al-tabaddulu bi-ha ("giving it away in exchange for it (i.e., disobe-
dience("(. Variants mentioned in the apparatus add li-al-ma'siyati or bi-al-ma-
'siyati. Crone and Hinds ( loc. cit.( read tabadhdhul (" carelessness").
554. Wa-fl dhalika li-man kana ra'yun wa-maw`i;stun 'ibratun. Crone and
Hinds translate this as "In that there is a warning and a lesson for the perceptive
person " (op. cit., 122). The problem here is the wa between ra'yun and maw'i;atun
(or aw in the variant reading ). The text as it stands should take ra'yun wa-
maw'i;stun together.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 111
560. Bi-ha. It is not clear to what the ha refers . Rather than referring to obe-
dience or the caliphate, it probably refers to God 's benevolent actions toward
those who follow Him.
565. Literally, "God has perfected ... the best of that to which He has ac-
customed them and enabled them to attain from His reinforcing, honoring, exalt-
ing, and empowering."
562. Fa-amru hadha al-'ahdi. Amr can also mean "matter." Cf. Crone and
Hinds, op. cit., 123.
563. The words it is a fraction have been added for stylistic reasons.
564. Literally, "and is part of that which God has made therein (in the cove-
nant? Islam?( for the one by whose hands He has accomplished it and on whose
tongue He has decreed it."
565 • Mu awwalan : literally, "a place in which one may place confidence."
The Events of the Year 12S (cont'd) 113
569. Crone and Hinds read rakhn'ihi ("ease") for raid'ihi )op. cit., rss). This
makes better sense than the version in the Leiden text, which has been translated
here.
The Events of the Year 3135 Jcont'd) 115
574. Qasama 'ala ahli Khurdsdn al-hadnyd . The context that follows, where
Naar is busy collecting valuable items to take to Yusuf, makes it clear that this
sentence does not mean that Naar distributed presents to the people of Khurisin
and his officials, as Muir suggests (Caliphate, 415-16(. For the use of the term
haddya as tribute, cf. Lekkegaard, 144.
575• Cf. Ibn al-Athir, V, aos.
576. Cf. n. 334.
577. Al-bamm.
578. Al-zir.
579. Cf. Qur'in 43, v. 70.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 117
In Hishim 's time, al-Azraq b. Qurra al-Mismi'i came from al- 117661
Tirmidh580 to Nag and he said to Nagr : "I dreamed I saw al-
Walid b. Yazid when he was heir -apparent, fleeing, as it were,
from Hishim . I saw him on a couch, drinking honey, and he gave
me some of it to drink ." Then Nagr gave al-Azraq four thousand
dinirs and a set of clothes and he dispatched him to al -Walid with
a letter.581 Al-Azraq came to al-Walid and gave him the money
and the set of clothes . Al-Walid, pleased with this, gave al-Azraq
presents and also rewarded Nagr well . Then al-Azraq departed; he
heard about Hishim's death on his way back to Nagr before Nagr
had any idea of what he had been doing. When al-Azraq reached
Nagr, he told him what had happened. On becoming caliph, Walid
wrote to al-Azraq and to Nagr and gave orders to his messenger
that he should go first to al-Azraq and give him his letter. The
messenger reached al -Azraq at night and gave him his letter as
well as Mgr's letter, but al-Azraq did not read his own letter.
(Instead) he brought the two letters to Nagr. Walid's letter to Nag
instructed him to acquire guitars, mandolins, and gold and silver
ewers for him, to collect from Khurisin as many female cymbal
players, falcons, and spirited horses as he possibly could, and to
dispatch all this personally with prominent people from
Khurisin.
A man from the Banu Bi hilah said : A number of astrologers
kept warning Nagr that a time of trial (fitnah ) was imminent, so
Nagr sent for $adaqah b. Waththib, who was in Balkh and was an
astrologer in his service . Yusuf kept asking Nagr to come and see 117671
him and Nagr continually hesitated to do so . Then Yusuf sent a
messenger with instructions that he should keep on pressing
Nagr to come, and that if he did not do so Yusuf would proclaim
publicly582 that Nagr had been dismissed from his office. When
the messenger reached Nagr, Nagr gave him presents and bought
him off.583 Then Nagr made for his citadel, which nowadays is
the day al-imarah, and he was on his way there when trouble
58o. The most important town of the $aghiniyin district at the place where the
Zamil and Oxus rivers join. Cf . Le Strange, Lands, 440-41; Bosworth, "Cha-
ghiniyin," 1-2.
581. Literally, "he sent him to al-Walid and Nagr wrote to him."
582. Literally, "or he would proclaim publicly."
583. Literally, "satisfied him."
118 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
584. Majan was a village in the Marw area . Cf. Yaqut, IV, 378. Majan became a
flourishing suburb of Marw under Abu Muslim . Cf. Ibn Hawgal, 420-21; Le
Strange, lands, 398-99.
585. Saghaniyan is probably to be identified as the modern town of Sar -i Asya on
the upper course of the $aghiniyan River. $aghaniyan was also the name of a
district that lay to the west of the Wakhsh River and that was bounded on the
south by the Oxus . Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 439-40.
586. Amul lay on the left bank of the Oxus, about 120 miles to the northeast of
Marw. To distinguish it from Amul in Tabaristin, it was later called Amu or
Amuyah. Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 403-04; Yaqut, 1, 365; E12, s.v. (M. Streck).
587. Amarahum ... an yastablibd. Ibn al-Athir, V, 202, has yastajlibu. For
yastablibu ("urge to assemble"), cf. Gloss., p. cc. For yastajlibu ("to summon"),
cf. Gloss., p. ct xiv. Both verbs make good sense in the context.
588. For yughiru, Ibn al-Athir (V, 202 ) has ya'buru ("that they should cross").
589. The addition in parentheses is from lbn al-Athir, V, 202.
590. This isolated snippet about al-Walid 's murder and the events that ensued is
placed too early in al-Tabari 's narrative. These events are discussed in detail later,
under the year 126 (744). Cf. Wellhausen, 482-83.
59t. He is called Salim by Ibn al-Athir (V, 202).
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 119
597. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, V, 206 . For the early history of the Muslims in Cyprus, cf.
812, " gubrus " (A. H. de Groot).
598. Cf. the preceding account given by al-Tabari (II, 1726-27). The 'Abbisid
nugaba' were on the pilgrimage . Cf. also al-Ya'qubi , Historine, II, 397•
599. Cf . n. 370.
boo. I.e., 'Isi b. Ma'qil al-'Ijli.
601. Cf. al-Dinawari, 340.
6o2. The death of Muhammad b. 'Ali is reported in the sources as having oc-
curred in either 124 or 125 A.H. lbn al-Athir says that Muhammad was seventy-
three when he died (V, 206).
603. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1714.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 121
604. For other accounts of the death of Yabyi b . Zsyd, cf. Ibn A'tham, VII, 126-
36; al-Ya'qubi, Historiae, II, 397 -98; al-Balidhurl, Ansab (ed. Mabmudl), 26o-65;
al-Mas'udi, Muruj, VI, 2-4.
6os. This name is uncertain . The apparatus also has al-Jarish, while In al-Athir
gives al-Huraysh (V, 3031. According to al-Balidhuri, al-Harish was from the
Rabi'ah (Ansab, 261).
606. Yazid b. 'Umar had looked after Yabyi for six months in Sarakhs . Cf. al-
Balidhuri, Ansab, 360.
122 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
mules,607 and Yahya and his associates departed. Yabyi got as far
as Sarakhs608 and then he stayed there. In charge of Sarakhs was
'Abdallah b. Qays b. Ubbid. Nagr b. Sayyir wrote to him request-
ing that he should send Yabyi away from Sarakhs. Na$r also
wrote to al-Hasan b. Zayd al -Tamimi, who was the leader of the
Banu Tamim and who was in charge of Tus,609 saying: "Keep
your eyes open for Yahya b. Zayd, and if he passes your way don't
let him stay in 'b'us but send him away from there." Na$r further
ordered both 'Abdallih and al-Hasan that if Yahya passed them
they should make sure that they handed him over610 to 'Amr b.
Zurirah in Abrashahr.611 Accordingly, 'Abdallih b. Qays sent
Yahya out of Sarakhs . Yahya then passed al-Hasan b. Zayd, who
ordered him to be on his way and put him in the care of Sirhan b.
117721 Farrukh b. Mujihid b. Bala' al-'Anbari Abu al-Fa4l, who had
charge of a group of armed guards.
Sirhan said : When I went in to see Yahya, he spoke dis-
paragingly about Nasr b. Sayyir and about what Nagr had given
him 612 Then he mentioned the Commander of the Faithful, al-
Walid b. Yazid, and spoke ill of him . 613 He said that he went
around with his associates and that he only did so because he was
afraid that he would be poisoned or suffocated . He made a veiled
reference to Yusuf (b. 'Umar) and said that he was frightened of
him. He confessed that he had also wanted to criticize Yusuf, but
had refrained from doing so. I said to Yahya: "Say what you like,
may God have mercy on you, for you need fear no spying on my
part. Indeed, Yusuf has behaved toward you in a way that should
607. Al-Baladhuri has: "Two thousand dirhams and a pair of sandals ." Cf. An-
sab, 261.
6o8. Sarakhs in Khurlsln lay on the road from'Tus to Marw. It was on the great
postal route. Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 395-96 , Huddd, too; al-Ya'qubi, Les Pays, 85-
86, Ibn Rustah, soo-ox.
609. Tus : a city in Khurisin, due east of Nishipnr. Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 388-
89; Ibn Hawgal , 419; al -Ya'qubi, Les Pays, 83-84.
61o. Literally, "they should not leave him until they had given him to 'Amr."
611. The text has "Abarshahr." This is corrected later to "Abrashahr." Cf.
Introd., p. nccxl . Abrashahr was one of the names of Nishipnr in the early Islamic
period . This is the name given on Umayyad and 'Abbasid dirhams . Cf. Le Strange,
Lands, 383; al-Ya'gnbi, Les Pays, 417.
61 2. Literally, "he mentioned Nagr b . Sayyir and what he gave him and there he
was as if belittling him."
613. The text has fa-athna 'alayhi. This phrase is ambiguous since athna can
mean both to speak well or ill of someone, although the former is more common.
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 123
621. The village was called Arghunah . Cf. Ibn A'tham, VIII, 134. Al-blss'fidii has
Ar'awanah. Cf. Muni;, VI, 2.
622. For the Banu 'Anazah, cf. E12, s.v. (E. Graf(.
623. Cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansdb, 262.
624. Presumably the Muhammad in question is Muhammad b. 'Aziz al-Kindi,
the father of Sawrah. This, at any rate, is the tentative opinion of the editor . Cf. al-
Tabari, II, 1774, note b.
625. 'Iii. Cf. Qur'an 20, v. 88, 7 , v. 148 . These details about burning the "calf of
The Events of the Year 125 (cont'd) 125
bum him, then scatter him as dust in the river ."626 Yusuf gave
orders to Khirish b . Hawshab and he brought Ya1 yi down from
the gibbet,627 burned his body, then crushed it, put it in a date
basket, placed it in a boat, and then scattered YaIiyi's remains in
the Euphrates.
In this year the agents of the garrison cities were the same as in
the preceding year and we have already mentioned them.
Iraq" are also mentioned in some sources in connection with Zayd. Cf. al-Ba-
lidhuri, Ansub, 257; al-Igfahini, Maqatil, 143-44.
626. Fi al-yammi. Cf. Qur'in 2o, v. 39.
627. Literally, "from his tree."
fb
The
1 17751 Events of the Year
12 6
(OCTOBER 25 , 743-OCTOBER 12, 744)
One of the important events taking place during this year was the
killing of al-Walid b. Yazid by Yazid b. al-Walid,628 who was
known as the Inadequate (al-Nagis).629
all the more in his pursuit of idle sport and pleasures, hunting,
drinking wine, and keeping company with libertines . I have left
to one side the accounts which deal with all this as I would hate
to make my book any longer by mentioning them . These aspects
of al-Walid's behavior troubled his subjects and his soldiery deep-
ly and they hated what he was doing. One of the worst offences he
committed against himself, and which finally led to his death,
was the way in which he aroused disaffection against himself
amongst the sons of his two uncles, Hishim and al -Walid, who
were the sons of 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan,"O as well as amongst
the Yaminiyyah who formed the major part of the Syrian fund.
said : "In that case, there will be much neighing of horses around
your troops."633
He (al-Walid) imprisoned Yazid b. Hisham al-Afgam634 and
wanted the oath of allegiance to be given to his two sons, al-
Hakam and 'Uthmin.635 Al-Walid consulted Said b. Bayhas b.
Suliayb on this, who said: "Don't do it, for they are young boys
who have not yet reached puberty. Have the oath of allegiance
given to 'Atiq b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik." Al-
Walid was furious and put Said in prison, where he died. Al-Walid
wanted Khilid b. 'Abdallih636 to give the oath of allegiance to his
two sons but Khilid refused . Some of Khilid 's family said to him:
"The Commander of the Faithful wanted you to give the oath of
allegiance to his two sons yet you refused to do so! " Khilid re-
torted : "Fie on you! How can I give the oath of allegiance to those
behind whom I cannot say my prayers or whose testimony
(shahddah) I cannot accept?"637 They replied: "What about al-
Walid? You know all about his wantonness and depravity , yet you
still accept his testimony !" Khilid replied : "Al-Walid's activities
(1 777) are hearsay. I cannot be sure about them. It is only vulgar tittle-
tattle." But al-Walid was furious with Khilid.
'Amr b. Said al-Thaqafi said : "Yusuf b. 'Umar sent me to al-
Walid. When I went in to see him, al-Walid greeted me: 'Well,
how do you find the libertine?' meaning by that himself. Then he
went on: 'Beware lest anyone should hear you saying such a
thing.' I rejoined: 'I would divorce Habibah, the daughter of 'Abd
al-Ralimin b . Jubayr, rather than allow my ear to hear such things
as long as you live."' Then al-Walid laughed.
Al-Walid deeply distressed the people (by his behavior), and the
sons of Hisham and of al-Walid (b. 'Abd al-Malik) charged him
with being an unbeliever and with having debauched the mothers
of his father's sons. They also alleged that al-Walid had taken one
hundred collars(?) and had written on each of them the name of
one of the Umayyads whom he intended to kill thereby.638 His
kataba 'aid kulli jdmi'atin isma rajulin. The meaning of jdmi'ah as a collar or
manacles joining the hands to the neck is well attested. Cf. Lisdn, II, Sot and
Kazimirski, I, 328. Presumably, if such collars were made of metal for even leather)
they could be both written on and tightened so as to strangle the wearer . However,
this is only a tentative translation. It may be that jdmi'ah could be translated more
blandly as "document," but the lengthy entries in the standard dictionaries give no
support for this interpretation . Moreover, there might then be a problem with the
phrase "11-yagtula bihd." Al-Balidhuri, however, omits bihd (Ansdb, 4S).
639. Al-zandaqah.
640. The term Dahlak refers to a group of islands off the west coast of the Red
Sea opposite Eritrea. Dahlak al-Kabir was used as a place to which the Umayyad
caliphs sent opponents, such as the Qadariyyah. Cf. E12, s.v. (S. H. Longrigg).
641. Cf. Hishim's treatment of Ghaylin.
642. For a recent discussion of the elements that comprised the opposition to al-
Walid II, cf. Hawting, 93. Al-Walld 's father, Yazid, had espoused anti-"southern"
(Kalb! and Yemeni ) policies, and al-Walid had already in his short rule confirmed
Ynsuf b. 'Umar is Qaysi) in the key post of governor of Iraq.
643. Literally, "he did not answer them."
130 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
asked him to keep quiet about their plans and Khalid said: "I will
not mention any of your names." But when al-Walid wanted to go
on the pilgrimage , Khalid was afraid that the conspirators would
assassinate him en route. Khalid therefore went to al-Walid and
said : "0 Commander of the Faithful, put off going on the pil-
grimage this year." When al-Walid asked him why, Khalid would
not tell him. So al-Walid ordered that Khalid should be cast into
prison and that whatever Iraqi revenues Khalid had should be
taken from him.644
According to `Ali (al-Mad a'ini )-al-Hakam b. al-Nu`man: Al-
Walid resolved to dismiss Yusuf (b. 'Umar) and to appoint as
governor 'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad b. al-Hajjaj. So he wrote to
Yusuf as follows:
You have written to the Commander of the Faithful explain-
ing how Ibn al-Na$raniyyah (i.e., Khalid b. `Abdallah al-Qasri)
has allowed the country to go to rack and ruin, and you go on
to say that it was for that reason that you delivered such
small revenues to Hisham.645 It was only to be expected that
you would have made the land prosper to such an extent that
you restored it to its former state . So come to the Com-
(1 779) mander of the Faithful and confirm his high expectations of
you by what you bring him to show how you have made the
land prosper . (Do this so that) the Commander of the Faithful
may be assured of your superiority over other men, because
of the close kinship that God has made between you and the
Commander of the Faithful-for you are his maternal uncle
and the person most entitled to give generously to him-and
because you know that the Commander of the Faithful has
given instructions that the stipends of the Syrians and of
others should be increased. (You know, too,) what he has
given the members of his family-to the detriment of the
treasuries -because of the churlish treatment which they
endured for so long at the hands of Hisham.646
644. Al- Baladhuri adds after the same account : "He (al-Walid) gave him (Khalid)
to Yusuf b. 'Umar, who tortured him to death." Cf. Ansub ( Derenk ), 47. Cf. Also
Fragmenta, 132.
645. Literally, "you brought to Hisham what you brought."
646. Cf. Wellhausen, 357. This letter is a transparently desperate ploy on the
part of al-Walid to raise money and was to culminate in al-Walid 's selling Khilid
al-Qasri to Yusuf b. 'Umar.
The Events of the Year 126 131
647. Literally, "it was inevitable that he would have to settle the matter of his
ministers." Ibn al-Ateir has: "he advised him to take bribes to his ministers" (V,
2121.
648. At the court.
649. lbn al-Athir's account is much more straightforward. Yusuf bought Khilid
from al-Walid for fifty million dirhams and al-Walid gave him to Yusuf (V, sts).
Cf. also al-Dinawari, 347-48.
650. Witd': "what is placed or spread beneath one, to sit or lie upon ." Cf. Lane, I,
2949.
132 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
675. This is probably a reference to the rebellion of Ibn al-Ash 'ath in 8o-82
(699-702 ). Cf. E12, s.v. (Veccia Vaglieri ), Hawting, 67-71; Dixon, 151-68, Crone,
I ro-t 1s Wellhausen, 232-48.
676. For the rebellion of Yazid b. al-Muhallab in 102 (720), cf. Wellhausen, 312-
18j Shaban, 'Abbasid Revolution , 93-95; Hawting, 73-76, al-Tabari, II, 14o2-o5.
677. For the Bann Judhim, cf. E12, " judhim" ( C. E. Bosworth). In the Umay
yad period, they were close supporters of the Band Marwin. The text has Ju-
dhamun. This is corrected to Judhamu . Cf. Emend., P. DCCXII.
678. For the Band Lakhm, cf. EP, s.v. (H. Lammens-I. Shahid). They were
closely linked in Umayyad times with the Judhim.
679. The Leiden text has satabld The Cairo edition (VII, 236 ) has sanabki ("we
will mourn "), as does the emended version. Cf. Emend., p. Dccxu.
680. Literally, "while you were leanness for them."
681. The text has la yuzayalna. This is later emended to la yuzayilna. Cf.
Emend., p. DCCXtI.
136 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
this poem was recited. Then Ibn BiO682 declaimed the following
lines:683
You have loaded the cloud of affliction with further affliction,
after
you asserted that the cloud of affliction would be lifted
from us.
Would that Hisham were still alive ruling over us,
and that we still had our hopes and aspirations intact!
Hisham had appointed al-Walid b . al-Qa'ga'684 as agent of
Qinnasrin685 and 'Abd al-Malik b. al-Qa'ga' in charge of Hirps. Al-
Walid b. al-Qa 'ga' had given Ibn Hubayrah one hundred lashes.686
When al-Walid became caliph, the Banu al-Qa'ga'687 fled from
him and sought refuge at the grave of Yazid b. 'Abd al -Malik.688
Al-Walid sent people to seize them . He then handed them over to
Yazid b. 'Umar b. Hubayrah,689 who was in charge of Qinnasrin.
Ibn Hubayrah tortured them, and al-Walid b. al-Qa'ga', 'Abd al-
Malik b. al-Qa'ga' and two other men from the Qa'ga' family died
under torture.
11784) The sons of al-Walid (b . 'Abd al-Malik) and of Hisham, as well
as the family of al-Qa'qi' and the Yamaniyyah, conceived a deep
682. Ibn al-Athir has Hamzah b . Bid (V, 213). Fragmenta, 133, and al-Balidhuri,
Ansab (Derenk), 48, give the poet the nisbah al-Hanafi . Cf. also Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi,
1, 289; al-Isfahan, Aghani, XII, 42-43.
683. The meter is tawil. Ibn al-Athir has more lines of poetry , also by Ibn Bid, at
this point (loc. cit.). These are also in Fragmenta, 133.
684. Al-Walid b. al-Qa'qi' had served in Armenia under Maslamah and in
Khurasin under Junayd . Cf. al-Baladhuri, Futtili, 206; al-Tabari, II, 1529, 155o. He
was appointed 'amil of Qinnasrin by Hishim in 119(737 )• Cf. al-'('abaci, II, 1593.
For the history of this family, cf. Crone, 105.
685. For this well-known city of northern Syria, cf. Le Strange , Palestine, 353-
57; E12, s.v. (N. Elissfeff).
686. 'Umar b. Hubayrah al-Faziri had been made governor of al-lazirah under
'Umar II in loo (718-19). Cf. al-Tabari, [I, 1349; Wellhausen, 319-22, 326-28,
453-55 . For the one hundred lashes, cf. also Fragmenta, 122.
687. The Banu al-Qa'qi' had supported Hishim in his unsuccessful attempts to
have al-Walid ousted as his heir apparent . Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1742.
688. The Umayyad caliph , Yazid II, who ruled 101 -05 (720-24). Cf. the Um-
ayyad genealogical table . Fragmenta, 122 has the Banu al-Qa'ga' fleeing to the
grave of Marwin.
689. Yazid b. 'Umar b. Hubayrah later joined up with Marwin II . Cf. Ibn
Khayyil, 564. He was killed by the 'Abbisids in 132 (749-50). Cf. al-Tabari, II,
1913 ; III, 61; Crone, 107.
The Events of the Year 1126 137
690. The text has 'Amr. Ibn al-Athir has 'Umar. For his biography, cf. Crone,
156.
691. Cf. the Umayyad genealogical table.
693. Al-Qastal was a place near al-Balga' in the area of Damascus, on the road to
Medina. Cf. Yagiit, IV, 95; Derenk, 121; Dussaud, 8o, 85, Gaube, 67-73, 76-78,
85-86.
693. For these events, cf. Fragmenta, I33-34s al-Balidhuri , Ansdb (Derenk(,
48-49; Ibn al-Athir, V, 31;.
694. Cf. Ibn Khayyat, 381.
695. According to al-Jabshiyiri, Qatan was in charge of al-khdtam al-kabir
(Wuzard', 441.
138 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
him and said: "If you resort to this kind of behavior again, I will
certainly tie you up tightly and take you to the Commander of the
Faithful," so Yazid and Qatan went away. Then al-'Abbas sent
word to Qatan, saying: "Look here, Qatan! Do you think that
Yazid is in earnest ?" Qatan said : "To tell the truth, I don't think
117851 he is. But he can no longer endure696 what he has heard of al-
Walid's treatment of the sons of Hisham and the sons of al-Walid
(b. 'Abd al-Malik) and of the caliph's flippant and contemptuous
attitude toward religion." Al-'Abbas replied: "By God, I myself
think that he is the ill-starred one697 of the Banu Marwan. Were it
not for the fact that I am afraid that al-Walid would act hastily
and unfairly toward us, I would truss up Yazid hand and foot698
and take him to al-Walid. So dissuade him from what he plans to
do. He listens to you." Then Yazid said to Qatan: "What did
al-'Abbas say to you when he saw you?" So Qatan told Yazid what
al-'Abbas had said and Yazid said: "No, by God, I won't hold
back!"699 When Mu'awiyah b. 'Amr b. 'Utbah heard about the
people's activities, he went to al-Walid and said: "0 Commander
of the Faithful, you coax forth my tongue when we have a friendly
conversation, but I hold it back out of reverence for you. I hear
what you do not hear and I fear things which do not worryyou.70°
Shall I speak honestly or remain silent out of obedience?" Al-
Walid said : "Everything is acceptable from you. God has hidden
knowledge about us, it is our destiny to reach him. If the Banu
Marwan knew that they are kindling a fire on red-hot stones
which they are casting into their own bellies, they would not act
in this way. Let us go back701(to what we were talking about) and
we will hear what you have to say." Marwan b. Muhammad heard
Verily God has created for the benefit of all the members of a [1786]
family pillars on which they may lean and by which they
may guard themselves against dangers. By the grace of your
Lord, you are one of the pillars of [the members of] your
family. I have heard that a group of fools in your household
have set in motion a certain matter . 705 If they achieve their
aim in this matter, having agreed to abrogate their oath of
allegiance, they will open a door which God will not shut for
them until much blood of theirs has been shed. I myself am
fully occupied on the most perilous of the Muslim frontiers.
If I could get hold of these people, I would put their wrong-
doing to rights with my own hand and with my own words. I
would, moreover, fear God7O6 if I did not act in this way707
because I know what mischief is caused to religion and to
this earthly life as a consequence of schism. [I know too) that
the strength of a group will only ever be destroyed if they fall
into disagreement amongst themselves and that if their
words become confused their enemy will seek to overcome
them. You are closer to these people than I am . Use deceit to
find out what they are plotting and pretend to be on their
side. When you find out anything about their conspiracy,
702. Cf. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, II, 192, 292, 298; al-Balldhuri, Futula, 332. He was
made governor of Palestine. Cf. al-Tabari, IT, 1831.
703. The text has wa-kdna Sa'idu yatdllahu. The editor says that he has put this
only as a tentative reading but that it was known that Said had a pious reputation.
Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1174. The editor' s reading is supported by al-Baliidhuri, who has
wa-kdna Sa'idu muta'allihan. Cf. Ansdb (Derenk), So. The Leiden text does not
have the hamzah: it should read yata'allahu, as the Cairo edition (238) has it.
704. For another version of Marwln's letter, cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansdb (Derenk),
so.
705. Qad istannn amran. Cf. Gloss., p. ccxcvln. Al-Balidhuri has qad assasu
amran. Cf. Ansdb (Derenk), So.
706. I.e., God's wrath.
707. Literally, "in neglecting that."
140 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
threaten that you will reveal their secrets. Grip them by your
words and make them afraid of the consequences (of their
acts). Perhaps God will restore to them what they have lost of
their religion and their senses, for in the course of their striv-
ing, the general good is blighted708 and the state is destroyed.
So act quickly in this matter, whilst the cord of friendship is
still tied fast, whilst the people are quiet and the frontiers are
still protected. For (in the course of time) communal unity
turns to disunity, prosperity is ousted by poverty, 709 and the
numbers (of men ) diminish. For the people of this world,
117871 these are (only) vicissitudes which come and go in the fluctu-
ation between waxing and waning . 710 We, the people of this
family, have received a prolonged series of blessings and this
has caused distress711 to all nations , to those who are hostile
to such blessings and who envy those that possess them. It
was because of the envy of Iblis that Adam was driven out of
Paradise. This group (of conspirators ) have pinned their hopes
on strife, but perhaps it is their souls which will perish with-
out their achieving what they anticipated. Every family has
ill-fated individuals because of whom God removes His
favor. May God protect you from being one such person. Keep
me informed of what they are up to. May God preserve your
religion for you, may He deliver you from what He has made
you enter into, and may He cause your reason to overcome
your natural inclinations!
Said took this matter seriously and he sent Marwan 's letter to
al-'Abbas. Al-'Abbas summoned Yazid and he reproached and
threatened him. Yazid warned al-'Abbas, saying: "I am afraid,
brother, that one of those enemies of ours who envy us this pros-
perity wants to stir up trouble between us ." Then Yazid swore an
oath to al-'Abbas that he had not done anything wrong, and his
brother believed him.
According to Abmad-' Ali (al-Mada'ini)-Ibn Bishr b. al-Walid
b. 'Abd al-Malik : My father Bishr b. al-Walid712 went in to see my
uncle al-' Abbas and spoke to him on the matter of deposing al-
Walid and giving the oath of allegiance to Yazid . Al-'Abbas was
against the idea and my father argued the opposing point of view
with him. I rejoiced and told myself : " Here is my father daring to
speak to my uncle and to dispute what he says with him ." I could
see where my father was correct in what he said, but the truth
(really) lay with what my uncle said . 713 Al-'Abbas sighed: "0
Banu Marwin ! I do believe that God has permitted your destruc. (1788]
tion." He then recited the following verses:714
I beseech God to protect you from temptations
that loom as high as mountains, and then violently erupt.
Verily God's creatures have grown tired of your policies,
so hold fast to the pillar of religion, and keep a tight rein
on yourselves.
Do not offer yourselves as prey to men who are wolves,
for wolves devour meat whenever they are offered it.
And do not rip open your bellies with your own hands,
for by then neither sorrow nor alarm will bring you relief.
After Yazid had made his arrangements and while he was still
living in the desert, he went toward Damascus until he reached a
distance of four nights from Damascus ; he was in disguise, ac-
companied by seven people , riding asses. They then stopped at
Jarud, 715 which was a day's journey from Damascus. Yazid threw
himself down and went to sleep . The people with him said to a
mawla of 'Abbad b. Ziyad : "If you have any food, we will buy it."
The mawla replied: "I won't sell you anything, but you may have
711. Cf. the Umayyad genealogical table. Bishr and al-'Abbas were brothers.
M. This is presumably what is meant here. The text has wa-kuntu and anna
al-sawaba fima yaqulu abi wa-kana al-sawabu fimd yaqulu 'ammi Alter-
natively, Ibn Bishr could mean that he saw the right in both viewpoints.
714. Cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansdb (Derenk), S 1; al-l fahini, Aghdni, VI, 137; Ibn al-
Athir, V, 214. The meter is basil.
7 1 S. A village of Ma'Inla . Cf. Yiqut, II, 65; Le Strange, Palestine, 463.
142 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
716. Al-Mizzah was a large village in the upper part of the Ghutah of Damascus.
Cf. Yaqut, IV, 522; Le Strange, Palestine, Sob. The area was well-known for its
Qadari sympathies . Cf. Fragmenta , 135; al-Balidhurl, Ansdb (Derenk(, 51.
717. Perhaps this is a hint at a messianic status . Cf. Hawting, 93.
718. The text has al-Khushani . Fragmenta, 135, has al-Khushayni . Al-lgfahini
has al-I;lasani ; cf. Aghdni, VI, 137.
719. Al- Nayrab was a village near Damascus, famous for its gardens. Cf. Yaqut,
IV, 855; Le Strange, Palestine, 515.
720. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1778-79.
721. Qatani was one of the villages in the area . Cf. Yaqut, IV, 137; Le Strange,
Palestine, 483.
The Events of the Year 126 143
was drunk. They also seized the treasurers of the bayt al-md1728
and the postmaster. Then Yazid sent men to all the people whom
he feared and they were arrested. Yazid immediately sent people
to Muhammad b. 'Ubaydah, the mawla of Sa'id b. al-'Ag, who was
in charge of Ba'labakk,729 and he was arrested . Yazid also dis-
patched men at once to 'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad b. al-I;lajjaj,
1 17911 and he too was seized. Then Yazid sent to al-Thaniyyah730 to his
followers requesting them to join him. Yazid ordered the
gatekeepers731 (of the city): "In the morning, open the gate only
to those who give you our password," and they left the gates
chained up . There were many weapons inside the mosque which
Sulayman b. Hisham had brought from the Jazirah. The treasurers
had not managed to appropriate them, so Yazid's followers took
them, and acquired a large number of them. In the morning Ibn
'Igam and the people of al-Mizzah came, and by the middle of the
day the people had given the oath of allegiance to Yazid, who
recited the following lines:732
When they are made to dismount from their horses to stab
each other, they stride
toward death in the manner of refractory camels.
Yazid's followers were amazed and said: "Look at this man! Be-
fore dawn he was glorifying God and now he is reciting poetry!"
According to Ahmad b. Zuhayr-'Ali (al-Mada'ini)-'Amr b.
Marwan al-Kalbi-Razin b. Majid: In the morning we went with
'Abd al-Rahman b. Magid-we numbered around fifteen hundred
728. The bayt al-mal was situated inside the Great Mosque of Damascus, on
the northwest side of the courtyard . Cf. the description given by al-Muqaddasi and
quoted by Le Strange, Palestine, 227.
729. Ba'labakk (Heliopolis ) was part of the jund of Damascus in Umayyad
times. Cf. Ya'qubi, Les Pays, 172-73; Yiqut, 1, 672, 675; Le Strange, Palestine,
295-98 ; ER, s.v. J. Sourdel-Thomine).
730. This is a reference to Thaniyyat al-'Uqab ( the Eagle 's Gorge), which was a
pass situated to the north of Damascus . Cf. Yiqut, I, 936; III, 691; Le Strange,
Palestine, 383, 545.
73 r. It is not quite clear whether this is a reference to the doors of the mosque or
the gates of the city. Fragmenta, 137, specifies that it was the gates of the city; this
seems more probable.
732. The meter is tawil. For these verses, cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansab (Derenk), 53;
al-Isfahan, Aghani, VI, 128 ; Framenta, 137. The Cairo edition of al-Tabari, 241,
notes that this is from the diwan of al-Nibighah.
The Events of the Year 126 145
733. The Bib al-Jabiyah was at the western end of the "Street called Straight."
Jabiyah was a suburb of the city. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 231.
734. The Sakisik were a branch of the Kindah . They had fought for the Umay-
yads at Marj Rabat in 64 (683). Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 503.
735. The Daraj door is not identifiable but in this some context al-Balidhurl
calls it Bib Jayrun . Cf. Ansdb ( Derenk), 53. This was the eastern door of the
mosque. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 260.
736. There is some doubt about this man's nisbah . In the text it is al-'Absi but
in the apparatus the variant al-'Ansi is given. Ya'qub's father, 'Umayr, was used by
al-Hajjij to control the Kurds and was later made deputy governor of al-Kufah. Cf.
Ibn Khayyit, 385; Crone, 140. Al-Balidhuri gives him no nisbah (loc. cit.). Ibn al-
Athir, V, 215, has al-'Absi.
737. Dirayyi was a village in the Damascus area . Cf. Yiqut, II, S 36; Le Strange,
Palestine, 436.
738. The Bib al-$aghir was situated at the southwestern angle of the Damascus
city wall. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 231.
739. Cf. Crone, 16o-6r.
740. Harasti was a farmstead in the Damascus area. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine,
237; Yiqut, II, 245.
741. The Bib Tumi was a city gate of Damascus facing northeast. Cf. Le
Strange, Palestine, 254.
742. Dayr al-Muffin was a monastery near Damascus . Cf. Yignt, I, 696; N, 480.
743. Sacra was a village of the Damascus area . Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 532;
Yignt, III, go.
146 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
744. Jarash ( the ancient Gerasa) was a town in Transjordan to the southeast of
the Jabal 'Ajlnn. Cf . Yignt, II, 61, Elx, s.v. (D. Sourdel).
745. Al-Hadithah was a village in the Ghntah of Damascus . It was also called
Hadithat Jarash. Cf. Yiiqut, II, 225 , Le Strange, Palestine, 445•
746. Dayr Zakkii was also a village in the Ghntah . Cf. Yagnt, If, 665 ; Le Strange,
Palestine. 435 .
747. For the Bann 'Uthrah, cf. Ibn al-Kalbi , II, 565-66. The tribe were within the
sphere of the Ghassinids, and well before the coming of Islam had gone to Syria
and become Christians.
748. The Banu Salimin were a subgroup of the Bann 'Uthrah who settled in
Syria . Cf. lbn al-Kalbi, II, 414.
749. For the Banu Juhaynah, cf. n. 227.
750. This may be the same person who had earlier been deputy governor of al-
Basrah. Cf. Ibn Khayyi5, 414, and the discussion in Crone, 139.
751. The meter is lawil. For these verses, cf. also al-Balidhuri, Ansob (Derenk),
54. The textual differences are only minor.
752. Literally, "brought them horses and supplies."
753. Literally, "honor them as the firm supporters of a tradition."
754. For the Banu Sha'bi n, a branch of the Himyar, cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 521.
755. For the Banu Ghassin, cf. E/x, s.v. (I. Shahid).
756. For the Banu Taghlib, an important tribe of the Rabi 'ah, cf. Ibn al -Kalbi, If,
541-42 . The Taghlib were allowed to remain Christians during the Umayyad
period without having the status of the ahl al-dhimmah.
The Events of the Year 126 147
757. The text has Qatan. Earlier, al-Tabari reported that 'Abd al-Malik had fled
the plague and taken up residence in Qatani . Cf. II, 1789.
758. Literally, "he ordered him and he stood at the Jibiyah Gate."
759. Anzil al-rdhiba fa-fa'ala ("bring the monk down, so he did ( i)"). This iso-
lated snippet is not explained nor is there information in any of the other sources.
760. For a long biography of Mansur b. Jumhur al-Kalbi, cf. Crone , 158-59.
148 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
761. The editor gives two vocalizations: Dihyah and Dihyah . The latter has
been preferred because of the known form of the name Dibyah b. Khalifah, who
was one of the Prophet 's Companions . Cf. Ibn al-Kallbi, II, 333; Crone, 156-57.
762. Dhanabah was one of the districts of Damascus . Cf. Yagiit, 11, 734; Le
Strange, Palestine, 437.
763. For al-Aghdaf, cf. n. 465 . Al-Balidhuri has al-Azraq; cf. Ansab (Derenk), 55.
764. It would be more appropriate in this context to translate 'askar as "camp"
rather than "troops." Al-Baladhuri has "his camp, his treasures, and his women."
Cf. Ansdb (Derenk(, 56. Cf. also a similar version in Fragmenta, 139.
The Events of the Year 126 149
765. Literally, "it is only 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Hajjij b. 'Abd al-Malik coming to
them."
766. Viz., Palmyra. Cf. El', "Palmyra" IF. Buhl), Yiqut, 1, 828.
767. AI-Balpdhurl and Fragmenta add: "and its name is its name" (loc. cit.(.
Tadmuru means "you perish."
768. Al-Qaryah. This is vocalized by Guidi in the indices to the Aghani, 761, as
al-Qurayyah. Probably this is a place-name too. Perhaps it is a reference to the
village at Palmyra or to the well -known place al-Qaryatayn.
769. Hazim was due south of Palmyra. Cf. Dussaud, 79. Hazim can mean "a
voice like thunder ." Cf. Lisun, III, 8o5.
770. Al-Bakhrs' : the feminine of abkhar ("to have a stinking mouth"). Al-
Bakhri' has been sited variously in eastern Syria (Huart,1, 2760 near al-Qaryatayn
between Damascus and Palmyra (von Kremer, 1, 152), and 25 km south of Palmyra
(Derenk, 46). Derenk 's location is probably the correct one. Al-Nu'min b. Bashir
was a Companion of the Prophet, after whom the town of Ma'arrat al-Nu'min was
named. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 495-97.
771. Al-Samiwah was the name of the desert between al-Kafah and Syria. Cf.
Yiqut, III, 131, Le Strange, Palestine, 530.
772. These verses are also to be found in al-Balidhuri , Ansab, loc. cit., al-
Iafahini, Aghani, VI, I t 1. The meter is tawil.
150 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
Then 'Abd al-'Aziz launched the attack against al -Walid and his
followers.780 In charge of his right flank was 'Amr b. Huwayy al-
Saksaki781 whilst Mangur b. Jumhur headed the vanguard.782 In
charge of the infantry was 'Umarah b. Abi Kulthum al-Azdi.783
'Abd al-'Aziz called for a black mule of his to be brought and he
mounted it. 'Abd al-'Aziz sent Ziyad b. Husayn al-Kalbi to speak
to al-Walid and his followers and to summon them to the Book of
God and the sunnah of His Prophet, but Qalari,784 the mawli of
al-Walid, killed Ziyad. Then Yazid 's men withdrew, 'Abd al-'Aziz
dismounted, and his followers fled. A number of soldiers of 'Abd 117981
al-'Aziz had been killed and their heads had been taken to al-
Walid, who was at the gate of the citadel of al-Bakhra ', having
displayed the flag of Marwin b. al-Hakam which Marwin had
raised at al-Jabiyah.785 'Uthman al-Khashabi786 was amongst the
followers of al-Walid b . Yazid who were killed, he had been slain
by JunaJ b. Nu'aym al-Kalbi. 'Uthman was one of the sons of the
Khashabiyyah787 who had been with al-Mukhtar.
When 'Abd al-'Aziz heard that al-'Abbas b. al-Walid was com-
what should be done with him.799 At that point ten men came
down from the wall;80O amongst them were Mansur b. jumhur,
Hibal b. 'Amr al-Kalbi, 'Abd al-Rahman b . 'Ajlan, who was the
mawla of Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik, Humayd b. Na$r al-Lakhmi, al-
Sari b. Ziyad b. Abi Kabshah, and 'Abd al-Salem al-Lakhmi. 'Abd
al-Salem struck al-Walid on the head and al-Sari hit him in the
face; then five of them seized him to take him outside . A woman
who was with al-Walid in the room screamed, so they let go of al-
Walid and did not take him out. Then Abu 'Ilagah al-Qu4a i cut
off al-Walid 's head. He took some gut and sewed up the wound on
al-Walid's face. Thereupon Rawly b. Muqbil took al -Walid's head
to Yazid (b. al-Walid) and said: "Rejoice, 0 Commander of the
Faithful. The libertine, al-Walid, has been slain and those who
were with him and with al-'Abbas have been taken prisoner!"
11180111 Yazid was eating his lunch and both he and his companions pros-
trated themselves (in thanks to God).80I Then Yazid b. 'Anbasah
al-Saksaki stood up , took the hand of Yazid ( b. al-Walid)802 and
said : "0 Commander of the Faithful , arise and rejoice in God's
victory." Yazid removed his hand from the hand of Ibn 'Anbasah
and said : "0 God, if this is pleasing to you, then direct me to the
right way." Yazid asked Yazid b . 'Anbasah : "Did al-Walid speak
to you ?" Ibn 'Anbasah said : "Yes, al-Walid spoke to me from
behind the door. He said : 'Is there anyone of noble descent among
you to whom I may speak ?' So it was I who spoke to him and I
upbraided him. Then al-Walid replied : 'That's enough from you.
By my life, you have gone too far and said too much . The disunity
amongst you will never be healed ,803 and dissension amongst you
will never be put right and your tongues will never agree."'
799. Al-Balidhuri has: "to have consultations with Yazid b. al-Walid about
him" (loc. cit.).
goo. The account in the Aghnni is clearer and has been followed here : fa-nazala
min a1-I n'iji 'asharatun fihim (loc. cit.). The text in al-Tabari states that there
were ten men and then enumerates only six of them.
Bor. Ibn A'tham has : "he (Yazid) and those with him prostrated themselves out
of joy before Almighty God, just as Abu al-'Abbas al-Saffah prostrated himself
when Marwin b. Muhammad died " (VIII, 14o-41).
802. In view of the fact that the narrative involves two people called Yazid, the
aim here has been to clarify which Yazid is performing which action.
803. Cf. al-Balidhuri, loc. cit. This might be an optative, which may use the
present tense: "may the disunity amongst you never be healed ..."
The Events of the Year 126 155
Sri. Tal'ah ("high land"). The word can also mean "stream".
812. This is tentative vocalization . The text has al-M.sh.b.hah. There is a vari-
ant reading, al-M.s.b.h.h.
813. For a history of this man's family, cf. Crone, 93-94. According to lbn al-
Kalbi, he had been head of police for Hisham as well (11, 343).
The Events of the Year 126 157
from the Bann Harithah b. Janab ,814 who said to al-Walid: "I was
in Damascus with'Abd al-'Aziz and I have come to tell you what I
know. Here are fifteen hundred dirhams which I have brought
with me." At this point he untied a purse from his waist and
showed it (to al -Walid) (He went on:) "'Abd al-'Aziz has en-
camped at al-Lu'lu'ah and he will be coming to you from there
tomorrow morning." Al-Walid vouchsafed him no reply. Instead,
he turned to a man who was beside him and began a conversation
with him which I could not hear. I asked one of the people who
were standing between al -Walid and me what al-Walid was say-
ing. That person informed me: "Al-Walid was asking the man
about the canal which he had dug in Jordan and inquired how
much more there was to do ."815 Then 'Abd al-'Aziz approached
from al-Lu'lu'ah. Having arrived in al-Mulaykah he took posses-
sion of it. He dispatched Manger b. Jumhur, who took Sharqi al-
Qura, a high hill in a desert areas 16 on the road from Nihya817 to
al-Bakhra'.
Al-'Abbas b. al-Walid was making preparations with about one
hundred and fifty of his mawlas and sons. He then sent a man
from the Banu Najiyah, 818 who was called Hubaysh,819 to al- (18o4)
Walid to ask him to decide whether al-'Abbas should come and
join him or march against Yazid b. al-Walid. Al-Walid had his
suspicions about al -'Abbas, so he sent word ordering him to come
and join him. Manger b . Jumhur intercepted al-Walid 's messenger
and asked him what his mission was, and the messenger told
him. Then Manger said to the messenger: "Tell al-'Abbas: By
God, if you leave your present position82O before sunrise, I will
certainly kill you and your men! In the morning let him go wher-
814. The Bann Harithah b . Janib were a branch of the Banu 'Abdall3h b. Kininah
from the Band Kalb. Cf. ibn al-Kalbi, II, W.
815. Cf. Braslavski, "Hat Welid a den Jordan ablenken wollen? ", 97-1oo.
816. Fi ardin malsd'a. Malsd'u: a desert in which there are no herbage , trees, or
wild animals. Cf. Lane, 1, 2736.
817. For a tentative siting of Nihy3 (southwest of Palmyra ) cf. Dussaud's map
(op. Cit., 79).
818. For the Bann Nijiyah, cf. lbn al-Kalbl, II, 442.
819. The vocalization comes from the Cairo edition, 248.
82o. The text has zabalta ("if you withdraw"), which is a conjecture on the part
of the editor. The Cairo edition (249) has rabalta ("if you march"), which also
makes good sense.
158 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
a way forward. These men are from the Banu 'Amir."923 Then
al-'Abbas b. al-Walid arrived, but the men of 'Abd al-'Aziz blocked
his path. A mawli of Sulayman b. 'Abdallih b. Diliyah who was
called al-Turki launched an attack on al-Harith b . al-'Abbas b. al-
Walid and thrust at him with a blow which knocked him from his
horse. 829 Al -'Abbas struck out in the direction of'Abd al-'Ariz. Al-
Walid's men were confused830 and retreated in disarray.
Then al-Walid b. Yazid sent al-Walid b . Khilid to 'Abd al 'Aziz
b. al-Hajjaj to tell him that al-Walid would give him fifty thou-
sand dinars, that he would appoint him to the governorship of
I iimg for his lifetime, and that he would protect him in every
difficult situation (that might arise), provided he went away and
stopped fighting. 'Abd al-'Aziz rejected this offers3' and would not
agree to any of these terms . 932 Al -Walid (b. Yazid) prevailed upon
al-Walid b. Khilid to go back to 'Abd al-'Aziz and make him the
same offer again. Al-Walid b. Khalid did so, but 'Abd al-'Adz
remained obdurate . Then al-Walid (b. Khilid ) moved a short dis-
tance off, turned his horse around, approached 'Abd al-'Aziz once
more, and addressed him as follows : "Will you put five thousand
dinars at my disposal and do likewise for al -Abrash, seeing that I
have an exclusive status with my people ? Then I will come in
with you and join your enterprise." 'Abd al-'Aziz replied: "On
condition that you attack al-Walid 's soldiers at once." According-
ly, al-Walid b. Khilid did so. Now in charge of the right flank of 118061
the caliph al-Walid 's army was Mu'iwiyah b. Abi Sufyan b. Yazid
b. Khilid.8m He said to 'Abd al-'Aziz : 834 "Will you give me twen-
ty thousand dinars, the governorship of Jordan, and a share of the
command if I join up with you?" 'Abd al-'Aziz answered: "On
condition that you attack al-Walid's army immediately." This
835. As well as the basic meaning of "reeds," ga$ab is "anything made of silver
and of other material, resembling )in form ) the kind of round and hollow bone thus
called" and "fine, thin, delicate or soft garments." Cf. Lane, 1, 2529-30.
836. Washi. For al-Walid 's taste for fine clothes, cf. n. 8io.
The Events of the Year 3126 161
837. Fa-ma wa$a1a ahadun ila shay'in za'ama annahu lahu . This sentence
seems a little odd. It has been translated tentatively as if it read fa-ma wa$ala ...
ilia za'ama ("nobody came to anything except that he claimed that it was his").
838. Cf. al-Baladhuri, Ansab (Derenk), 6o-6i Fragmenta, 143-44.
839. Ibn al-Athir has the Banu Murrah (V, 217).
840. Fragmenta, 144, has data ibnihi ("the house of his son").
841. Literally, "the people of the house."
842. La-qad aradani 'aid nafsi al-fasiga. Even seduction may be suggested here.
162 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
'Agim al-Ziyidi : Ten men claimed that they had killed al-Walid.
(Abu'Agim continued): "I saw Wajh al-Fals holding a piece of skin
from al-Walid's head in his hand and he said : "I killed al-Walid
and I took this piece of his skin. Then somebody came and cut off
al-Walid's head and this piece of skin remained in my hand." The
real name (ism) of Wajh al-Fals ( "Farthing-face ") was 'Abd al-
Rabmin.
Al-Hakam b. al-Nu'man, the mawli of al-Walid b . 'Abd al-Ma-
lik, said: Mansur b . Jumhur, accompanied by ten men, amongst
whom was Rawl} b. Muqbil, brought al-Walid's head to Yazid.
Then Rawl, said: "Rejoice, 0 Commander of the Faithful, that
the libertine has been killed and al-'Abbas has been taken pris-
oner." Amongst those who brought the head were 'Abd al-
Ral)man Wajh al-Fals and Bishr, the mawla of the KinanahM9 of
Kalb. Yazid gave each of them ten thousand dirhams. On the day
al-Walid was killed, he said, while he was fighting the rebels:
"Anyone who brings a head will have five hundred dirhams."
When a number of people brought heads , al-Walid said: "Write
their names down. '1850 Then a mawla of his who was one of the
people who had brought a head, said : "O Commander of the
Faithful, today is not a day on which to use credit!"851
The singers Malik b. AN al-Samb852 and 'Umar al-Widi953
were with al-Walid. When his men forsook him and he was sur- (r8roj
rounded, Malik said to 'Umar: "Let's leave."85' 'Umar replied:
"That would be disloyal; besides, we won't be touched, since we
are not fighting men." Malik said : "Come off it! By God, if the
rebels are victorious against us, you and I will be the first to be
849. The Kininah !b. 'Awf) were a branch of the Kalb . Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 371.
85o. In exactly the same context, al-Balidhuri (loc. cit.) tells this story about
Yazid, not al-Walid . In view of al-Walid's well-known attitude toward money and
his lack of ready cash earlier to pay his troops (cf. al-Tabari, II, 1803), the anecdote
is more likely to refer to al-Walid . Al-l$fahini also attributes this story to al-
Walid. Cf. Aghdnf, VI, 139.
85 r. Laysa hddhd bi-yawmin yu'malu fihi bi-nasi'atin. Cf. Gloss., p. Dx1. Al-
I$fahini has laysa hddhd ... yawman yu'dmilu fihi bi-al-nasi'ati (loc. cit.).
852. For Milik b. Abi al-SamI &I-TI-1, cf. In 'Abd Rabbihi, III, 198, 207.
853. The text has 'Amr al-Wadi. The name is given in other sources as'Umar al-
Widi b. Diwud b. Zidhin. Cf. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, III, 2071 al-Isfahan, Aghdni, VI,
64-65 , 109-10, 139-44. The form 'Umar has been used in the translation.
854. Literally, "go with us."
164 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
killed. Al-Walid's head will be put between our heads and the
people will be told: 'Look who was with him even in this (abject)
state.' There will be no worse criticism of him than that ." 855 So
the two of them fled.
According to Abu Ma'shar-Ahmad b. Thabit-his infor-
mant(s)-Ishaq b. 'Isa: Al-Walid b. Yazid was killed on a Thurs-
day, two nights before the end of Jumada II, 126 (Thursday, April
15, 744). Hisham b. Muhammad, Muhammad b. 'Umar al-Wagidi,
and 'Ali b. Muhammad al-Mada'ini give the same date . Historians
disagree, however, as to the length of al-Walid's caliphate .856 Ac-
cording to Abu Ma'shar-Ahmad b. Thabit- his informants-
Ishaq b. 'Isa:857 Al-Walid's caliphate lasted one year and three
months. Hisham b . Muhammad (al-Kalbi ) said : Al-Walid 's caliph-
ate lasted one year, two months and twenty-two days.
Historians also disagree about al-Walid 's age on the day he was
killed. Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbi said that al-Walid was
killed when he was thirty-eight years old. Muhammad b. 'Umar
(al-Wagidi ) said he was killed when he was thirty-six. Some other
historians said he was killed when he was forty -two; others said it
was when he was forty-one , others said forty-five, and yet others
forty-six.858
Al-Walid's patronymic was Abu al-'Abbas. His mother was
Umm al-Hajjaj,859 the daughter of Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Tha-
(1811 ) qafi . Al-Walid was a man of great strength and he had prehensile
toes .860 He used to take an iron ploughshare with a rope in it,
have the rope tied to his foot, and then jump on his horse and pull
the ploughshare along. He could ride without holding onto his
horse, and he was a poet, much addicted to wine-drinking.
According to Ahmad (b. Zuhayr)-'Ali (al-Mad a'ini)-Ibn AN
al-Zinad861 - his father: (Abu al-Zinad's narrative begins): Once I
855. Literally, "they will not censure him for anything worse than this."
856. Literally, "they disagreed on the amount of time in which he was caliph."
857. This chain of transmitters has been arranged in the usual way, although it
is somewhat different from usual in the text.
858. For other sources on the date of al-Walid's death and the length of his life
and his caliphate, cf. al-Balidhuri, Ansnb (Derenk), 66-67; Fragmenta, 145; a1-
Ya'qubi, Historiae, II, 400; Ibn Khayyat, II, 380; Hamzah, rsq; Ibn Qutaybah, 186;
Ibn A'tham, VIII, 140.
859. Al-Walid's mother's name was Zaynab. Cf. 'Atwin, 61.
860. Literally, "long toes." Cf. Ibn A'tham, VIII, 137.
861. Literally, "Ibn Abi al-Zinid, who said, 'My father said."' For Abu al-Zinid,
The Events of the Year 126 165
the important jurist and traditionist, cf. al-Iafahlni, Aghanf, VI, to6, Ibn 'Abd
Rabbihi, III, 387 . His names were Abu al-Zinid 'All b. Dhakwin al-Quraald. He
had been secretary to 'Umar II ; cf. Wellhausen, 270, 347. He died in 131174811 cf.
Sezgin, l, 405.
863. For Abu Bakr Muluammad b. Muslim al-Zuhri (d. 124/743) the famous
traditionist and historian, cf. Sezgin , 1, 28; Duri, 95-121 . He was on very good
terms with Hishim, who made him his son's tutor. Cf. Duri, 118.
863. AI-fdsiq.
864. Literally, "that squint-eyed man has taken away my life."
865. The text has saffagna bayna yadayhi bayni wa-baynahu. $affaga can
mean to transfer wine from one vessel to another in order for it to become clear,
i.e., to decant the wine (Cf. Lane, f, 1700). Thus a literal translation would be
"they decanted (the wine) in front of him between me and him." The wording
bayni wa-baynahu is rather odd; it is unlikely that the girls divided the wine
between al-Walid and Abu al -Zinid. Fragmenta, 129, has fa-$uffifna bayni wa-
baynahu ( "they were positioned between me and him "). The version of al-Ipfahani
166 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
(Aghdni, VI, 1o6) is the most straightforward : fa-qumna bayni wa-baynahu ("they
stood between me and him "). Later the editor emends the reading to safafna (his
vocalization). Cf. Add., p. uccxu. The Cairo edition (253) has sufifna, which is
more satisfactory. It is always conceivable that saf fagna, the original reading of
the editor, was correct, especially in view of the sentence that follows : "He asked
for drink and they did as they had done at first." The tentative translation pro-
vided here omits the phrase bayna yadayhi and thus follows the Fragmenta and
the Aghdni.
866. The text has dhahabna. The Cairo edition (loc. cit.) has dhahabnd ("we
went away").
867. Literally, "continued doing like that."
868. Literally, "from his post and his governorship." For a parallel account, cf.
Ilm al-Athir, V, 207-t0.
869. Wisit, in Iraq, had been founded by al-Hajjij b. Yusuf in 831702) or 84 (703).
He had built a large prison there, which is presumably where Khalid al-Qasri was
put by Yusuf b. 'Umar. For a long discussion of the exact site of medieval Wisit, cf.
Ell, s.v. (M. Streck). Cf. also Yiqut, IV, 881 -88, Le Strange, Lands, 39-40. The
city was called Wisit because it lay equidistant from al -KUfah, al-Basrah, and
Ahwiz.
The Events of the Year 126 167
sion to be allowed a free hand with Khilid and to torture him, but
(at first) Hisham would not allow Yusuf to do that. Then, after
Yusuf had asked repeatedly and had made excuses to him for a
shortfall in the khardj and for loss of revenue, Hisham did on one
occasion give Yusuf permission .870 But he sent a guard to witness
the torture and he swore that if Khilid met his end while he was
in Yusuf's hands, then he (Hisham) would certainly kill Yusuf. So
Yusuf summoned Khilid and he sat on a bench (dukkan ) in al- 118131
Hirah,871 with the people all assembled . Yusuf was free with his
tongues72 against Khilid, but Khilid did not utter a single word
until Yusuf abused him by calling him Ibn Kahin, meaning Shiqq
b. Sa'b al-Kihin.873 Thereupon Khalid retorted : "You fool! You
revile me by questioning my noble birth, but your father, 0 Ibn
al-Sabbi', was only a wine -merchant," meaning that he sold wine.
At this, Yusuf sent Khalid back to his prison . Then in Shawwil
121 [September 10, 739-October 8, 7391 Hisham wrote to Yusuf
ordering him to release Khalid, and Khalid settled in the citadel of
Ismail b. 'Abdallih in Duran behind the Kufah bridge . Yazid b.
Khalid set out by himself, going through the territory of the Banu
Tayy874 as far as Damascus. Then Khalid set out, accompanied by
Ismail and al-Walid, after 'Abd al-Rahmin b. 'Anbasah b. Said b.
al-'Ag had equipped them (for the journey). Khilid sent the heavy
baggage to the citadel of the Banu Mugatil ,875 but Yusuf had sent
876. Fa-4araba wa bu'a. Presumably this is the meaning of 1araba in this con-
text. Certainly if the mawlas were beaten, the text would have to read
4arabahum.
877. Hit, a town in Iraq, lay on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the spot
where caravans trading between Iraq and Syria crossed the river . Cf. Eli, s.v. (M.
Streck)y Le Strange, Lands, 64-65.
878. The phrasing of the Arabic here seems to indicate that al-Qaryah is a place
name rather than "the village": thumma tal)ammald ila al -qaryati wa-hiya. Ibn
al-Athir has al-qaryati allati ("the village which . . . " (V, 207).
879. Literally, "he gave orders concerning him and his throat was cut."
The Events of the Year 1126 169
887. Literally, "when the people came and they went away from the frontier."
888. Fa-gamat ibnatahu li-yatanahhayn. Ibn al-Ateir (V, 208) has fa-gama ba-
natuhu yabtajibna ("his daughters stood up to veil themselves").
The Events of the Year 126 171
889. The imam of the Shi's . Cf. al-Tabari , II, 1769. Al-Dinawari, 345, has
Ibrahim b. Mubammad b. 'All b. 'Abdallih b. 'Abbas.
89o. The kunyah of Khalid al-Qasri . Cf. Ibn Khallikin, II, 308.
891. Cf. In al-Athir (loc. cit. , al-Dinawari (loc. cit.).
892. La'in sa'a. A variant reading has Win sha'a ("if he wishes"). It might have
been more usual to expect la'in asa'a.
893. Literally, "if he snorts a snort."
894. Innaka hadhdha'atun hudharatun . Cf. Gloss., p. DxL.
895. The meter is ;awfl. The poet is named by Ibn Khallikin as Abu al-Shaghb
al-'Absi. In Khallikin also quotes the verses (loc. cit.). Al-Dmawari, 347, has
similar, although not always identical, lines, which he attributes to al-Ash'ath b.
al-Qini.
896. Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 553.
172 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
are you . God is generous and so are you. God is merciful and so
are you. God is forbearing and so are you.' And so ('Abd al-
Rabman continued in this way) until he had enumerated ten
qualities.9O2 Now the Commander of the Faithful swears by God
that if that incident is authenticated to his own satisfaction, the
shedding of your blood will be licit. So write and tell me about the
matter properly, so that I may inform the Commander of the
Faithful about it." Then Khalid wrote the following reply: "That
assembly had too many people present for it to be possible that
unjust or wicked persons could falsify the truth of what was said.
'Abd al-Rabman b . Thuwayb stood before90a me and said: '0
Khalid, I love you because you have ten special qualities . Truly,
God is noble; He loves every noble person and He (therefore) loves
you and I love you because God loves you...' and 'Abd al-
RaImin continued in this way until he had enumerated ten
qualities. But worse than that was (your condoning) the way in
which Ibn Shaqqi al-Himyari stood up before the Commander of
the Faithful and said: '0 Commander of the Faithful, which do
you prize more highly : your deputy (khalifah) among your people,
or your messenger ?' So the Commander of the Faithful replied:
'My deputy among my people.'904 Then Ibn Shaggi9O5 said: 'You
are the deputy of God and Mul<iammad is His messenger. By my
life, if a man of the Banu Bajilah9O6 goes astray, it is certainly a
more paltry matter both to the common people and to the court 118191
that if the Commander of the Faithful (himself) goes astray.' 11 Al-
Abrash read out Khalid's letter to Hisham, who said: "Abu al-
Haytham has become senile."907
Khilid remained in Damascus during the (remainder of the
time) that Hishim was caliph, until Hishim died . After Hishim's
death, al-Walid became caliph and the leaders of the junds, in-
cluding Khalid, came to see him, but al-Walid would not allow a
single one of them in to see him. Khalid complained ( that he was
unwell)908 and sought permission (to go home ). This was granted
to him, and accordingly he went back to Damascus where he
remained for some months . Then al-Walid wrote to Khalid as
follows : "The Commander of the Faithful is apprised of the mat-
ter of the fifty million (dirhams). Didn't you know?909 So come to
the Commander of the Faithful with his envoy . He has ordered
him to give you enough time to make your preparations." Then
Khalid sent for a number of his close advisers , amongst whom
was 'Umarah b. Abi Kulthum al-Azdi, and Khalid read out the
letter to them and said : "Advise me on what I should do." They
replied : "Al-Walid is not to be trusted in regard to you . We think
that you should go into Damascus, seize the treasuries, and sum-
mon people to follow whomsoever you wish . The majority of the
people are for you, and nobody will raise a dissenting voice
against you." Khalid said : "What action other than that (could I
take)?" They replied: "Seize the treasuries and stay put until your
position has become secure ." Khalid then asked : "What else
could I do? " His advisers replied: "You could hide."
Then Khalid declared : "As regards your suggestion that I
should summon people to follow whomsoever I wish, I would
hate to have discord and disagreement on my hands . As for your
suggestion that I should make my position secure , you do not feel
that I am safe against al -Walid when I have done nothing wrong,
so how can you hope that he will keep faith with me when I have
seized the treasuries ? As for hiding, by God, I have never covered
my head in fear of anyone, and now that I have reached the age I
am now, I won't do so either . On the contrary, I will go (to al-
Walid) and I will ask God for help." Then Khalid departed and
came to al-Walid, but al-Walid did not summon him or speak to
(1820) him and Khalid remained in his own house with his mawlas and
his servants until the time that the head of Yaliya b . Zayd was
go8. Wa -ishtaka. Later on in this narrative Kh-slid says that he is unable to walk
and that he has to be carried . It may be that this was the result of the earlier
torture he had undergone at the hands of Yesuf b . 'Umar.
909. A -lam ta'lam' Ibn al-Athir has allati ta'lamu ("which you know about")
(V, 209).
The Events of the Year 126 175
gro. Literally, '?hen he said, 'Stand up, Khilid !' and allowed all the people to
go in."
911. Literally, "a claw struck him from Hishim." Cf. Gloss., p. cccxcvr.
g12. In the Damascus province. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 32-33.
176 The Caliphate of al-Walid b. Yazid
913. The text has la-urhiganna. The Cairo edition (259) has la•uzhiganna ("I
will surely kill"). The latter version has been followed.
914. Al-Dinawari (347) calls him Said b. Ghaylin.
915. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1779-80.
916. It is not clear whether this refers to Yusuf or al-Walid.
917. According to al-Dinawari (348) Yusuf took Khalid to Wasit.
The Events of the Year 126 177
923. Khalaf b. Khalifah, the mawli of Qays b . Tha'labah. Cf. Ibn'Abd Rabbihi, II,
301.
924. Cf . Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, loc. cit . The meter is Iawil.
925. For the Ban6 Madhbij, cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, 11, 381.
926. Sudan. Cf. Lane, 1, 1671 . The translation here is based on the basic mean-
ing of $adiyu ("to thirst vehemently "). Others will argue that what is meant here
is the bird (often an owl) that cries in the head of the slain when his blood has not
been avenged by retaliation. Cf. ibid. The translation here, "tormented with
thirst," is based on an oral explanation of the term $adan given in 1970 by Pro-
fessor A. F. L. Beeston, who convincingly related the term to the Ugaritic practice
of placing water in the grave so that the soul of the deceased should not thirst in
eternity.
927. Tarakna ("they have left"). Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi (loc. cit. ) has trakna ("we
have left").
928. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1378.
929. The meter is basil.
The Events of the Year 126 179
I26 (cont'd)
(OCTOBER 25, 743- OCTOBER 12, 744)
In this year the unity of the Banu Marwin was disturbed and
discord prevailed.
939. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1776. For Sulayman's activities after his release from
prison, cf. also Ibn al-Athir, V, 22o : Fragmenta, 146.
184 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
940. The two sons mentioned in al-Walid 's succession letter, i.e., al-Hakam and
'Uthmin.
94!. Literally, "he would give (stipends to them for the children."
942. Mu'awiyah b. Yazid b. Husayn b. Numayr al-Sakuni . Cf. Crone, 97.
943. This translation is only tentative.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 185
shurn. 'Amr b. Qays al-Sakuni94 replied: "We are content with 118271
our heir-apparent" (wall 'ahd), meaning the son of al-Walid b.
Yazid. At that Ya'qub b. 'Umayr945 took hold of 'Amy's beard and
berated him: "You decrepit old man ! Your judgment is unsound
and you have lost your ,reason. Even if the person you mean946
were an orphan in your care, it would not be lawful for you to give
him his money, so how could it be otherwise in the case (not just
of money, but) of the ummah itself?"947 Then the people of Himg
attacked the envoys of Yazid b. al-Walid and drove them out. In
charge of Himg was Mu'awiyah b. Yazid b. Hugayn . Marwin b.
'Abdallih had no authority over them. Al-Simi b. Thabit948 was
with the people of Himg, too, but relations between him and
Mu awiyah b. Yazid were strained . Abu Mulammad al-Suf-
yani,949 who was also with the rebels, declared to them: "If I
went to Damascus and showed only myself to the people there,
they would not oppose me."
Then Yazid b. al-Walid dispatched Masrur b. al-Walid and al-
Walid b. Rawls with a large number of troops, most of whom were
from the Banu 'Amir of Kalb, and they camped at Huwwirayn.950
Thereafter, Sulaymin b. Hisham came to Yazid . Sulaymin was
well received by Yazid, and Yazid married Sulayman's sister,
Umm Hishim, the daughter of Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik. Yazid
also returned to Sulayman those of his family 's possessions that
al-Walid had seized . Then Yazid sent Sulayman b. Hisham to
Masrur b. al-Walid and al-Walid b. Rawlt, ordering them to heed
and obey him. Then the people of Himg arrived and camped at a
village belonging to Khalid b . Yazid b. Mu'iwiyah.
According to Alamad (b. Zuhayr)-'Ali (al-Madi'ini )-'Amr b.
95 r. Literally, "and to leave this army behind you." lbn al-Athir has: "if you are
victorious over them what follows them will be easier for you" (V, 221).
952. There is no dual in the Leiden text here, but the Cairo edition (VII, 264)
corrects it without comment.
953. 'Adhri' was a well-known village of the Ghu;ah district around Damascus.
Cf. Yiqut, 111, 625, Le Strange, Palestine, 383.
954. This is presumably a reference to the Eagle 's Gorge which lay near 'Adhri'.
Cf. Le Strange, loc. cit.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 187
955. The text has al-Salamah. Ibn al -Atha has al-Salimiyyah (V, 221). Certainly
al-Salimiyyah (unlike al-Salamah) can be located in the area between Hamih and
Him$. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 528, Dussaud, 79.
956. Literally, "until God has decreed what He decrees between me and them."
957. For these two men called Tufayl, cf. Crone, 162.
188 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
attacked Abu al-Halba' and killed him. Next, Thubayt b. Yazid al-
Bahrani sallied forth and issued a challenge to single combat,
whereupon Irak al -Sughdi, who was a descendant of the kings of
Sughd and was attached to Sulayman b. Hisham, came out
against him. Now Thubayt was short and Irak was massive.
When Thubayt saw Irak advancing toward him he retreated, so
Irak stood and shot an arrow at him which pinned his leg muscle
(18301 to his saddle cloth. While they were thus engaged, 'Abd al-'Aziz
approached from the 'Ugab pass and he attacked the men of Him$
with such vigor that he broke through their lines killing (some of
them) and then reached us.
According to'Ali (al-Mada'ini )-'Amr b. Marwan-Sulayman b.
Ziyad al-Ghassani:958 I was with 'Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Hajjaj. When
he caught sight of the troops of Himg , he said to his followers:
"Your destination is that hill which is in the center of their troops.
By God, any of you who falls behind will be beheaded by me
personally." Then, ordering his personal standard -bearer to ad-
vance, he launched into the fray and we went with him. We killed
everyone in our way until we reached the hill . 'Abd al-'Aziz had
split up the troops of Himg who were in disarray . Then Yazid b.
Khalid b. 'Abdallah al-Qasri shouted: "Fear God, fear God when
dealing with your own people ! "959 and thus he restrained them, for
his heart misgave him at what Sulayman and 'Abd al -'Aziz had
done. Hostilities almost broke out between Sulayman, supported
by the Dhakwaniyyah ,960 and the Band 'Amir from Kalb. The
Dhakwaniyyah were stopped from attacking the Band 'Amir on
being assured that the latter would give the oath of allegiance to
Yazid b. al-Walid. Then Sulayman b. Hisham sent men to Abu
Muhammad al-Sufyani and Yazid b. Khalid b. Yazid b. Mu'awiyah,
and they were seized . As they were being taken past al-Tufayl b.
Harithah, they shouted out to him: "We beseech you, uncle,961 by
God and kinship, (help us)." So al-Tufayl went with them to
958. The Cairo edition ( 265) puts in Abmad (b. Zuhayr) at the beginning of this
chain of transmitters.
959. Alldha Allaha fi qawmika.
960. The Dhakwiniyyah were the armed retinue of Sulayman b. Hisham, num-
bering several thousand men. Cf. Crone, 5;, 241, n. 393.
961. Their maternal uncle.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 189
962. Al-Khadrd': the palace built at Damascus by Mu'iwiyah, the first Umayyad
caliph. It is perhaps significant that the audience hall at al-Rus fah and the palace
at Wisil also had green domes . Cf. the discussion in Grabar, Al-Mushatta, rob.
963. For an analysis of the revolt of the men of Himg , cf. Shaban, Islamic
History, I, I57; Wellhausen, 365-66.
964. Cf. Ibn al-Athlr, V, 222-23.
965. For the history of this family, cf. Crone, 99-tor.
966. Literally, "the sons of Sulaymin b. 'Abd al-Malik ." For Yazid b. Sulaymin,
cf. the Umayyad genealogical table.
190 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
living in Palestine, and the people there liked them because of the
protection that they extended to them. When al-Walid was killed,
the leader of the people in Palestine at that time, Said b. Rawh b.
Zinba', wrote to Yazid b. Sulayman, saying: "The caliph has been
killed. Come to us and we will appoint you to rule over us." Then
Said (b. Rawh) gathered his people to him and wrote to Said b.
'Abd al-Malik, who was at that time camped at al-Saba',967 saying:
"Leave us. The situation here has become very troubled and we
have chosen as our ruler a man under whose government we can
be content." Accordingly, Sa'id b. 'Abd al-Malik went away to
Yazid b. al-Walid. Then Yazid b. Sulaymin summoned the people
of Palestine to fight against Yazid b. al-Walid. The people of Jor-
dan heard about their activities and so they appointed Muham-
mad b. 'Abd al-Malik to rule over them, whilst it was Said b.
Rawly and I?ib'an b. Rawh968 who were in command of the people
of Palestine. When Yazid (b. al-Walid) heard about the doings of
the people of Jordan and Palestine, he sent Sulayman b. Hisham
against them, accompanied by the men of Damascus and the men
of Him$ who had been with al-Sufyini. According to 'Ali (al-
11832) Mada'ini)-'Amr b. Marwin-Muhammad b. Rashid al-Khuza'i:
The men of Damascus numbered eighty-four thousand even be-
fore Sulayman b. Hisham went out to join them.969
According to Muhammad b. Rashid: Sulayman b. Hisham97O
kept on sending me to I?ib'an and Said, the two sons of Rawh, and
to al-Hakam and Rashid, the two sons of Jir' of the Balqayn, and I
would make them promises and raise their hopes (of what they
would receive) if they gave the oath of allegiance to Yazid b. al-
Walid. Accordingly, they agreed to do so. According to'Uthmin b.
Dawud al-Khawlini: Yazid b. al-Walid sent me, together with
Hudhayfah b. Sa'id, to Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Malik and Yazid b.
Sulaymin to call on them to submit to him and to make them
promises and raise their hopes. So we began with the men of
967. Two places called al-Saba' (Le Strange has al -Sab'( were located in the
province of Filas;in. The more likely one here is the district that lies between
Jerusalem and al-Karak . Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 523.
968. Qib'an is the vocalization given by the editor . Fragmenta, 153, has Qab'in.
969. Literally, "the men of Damascus were eighty-four thousand, and Sulayman
b. Hisham went to them."
970. Cf. n. 368.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 191
975. Tabariyyah (Tiberias), the capital of the province of Jordan . Cf. Le Strange,
Palestine, 334-51.
976. The commander of the Dhakwaniyyah, a freedman of Yazid b. al-Walid. Cf.
Crone, 241, n. 394.
977. This place is vocalized in the text as al-$innabrah . According to Le Strange,
basing his reading on Yiiqut , m, 419, it should be al-$annabrah . This was a place in
the province of Jordan, three miles from Tabariyyah ( Palestine, 531).
978. The text has wajjaha Sulaymanu ila ... fa -ja'ala yusayiruhum. There
would appear to be an implied object ( "them," "the people") with wa; jaha. Other-
wise, tawajjaha would be more usual.
The Events of the Year 1z6 (cont'd) 193
979. For other versions of this famous khutbah. cf. Fragmenta, 15o-; l; Ibn a1-
Tigtaqah, 13o-31; Ibn Khayyit, 382-83; Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, II, 144; al-1 , al-
Baydn, II1141 -42. Only significant differences are noted below. For a recent
discussion of this khutbah, cf. Hawting, 95.
980. Bataran. Cf. Qur'in 38, v. 58.
981. Hudimat. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi (loc. cit.) and Ibn Khay$t (loc. cit.) have du-
zisat ("had been effaced").
194 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
982. These are attacks on the building activities of his predecessor, al-Walid.
983. Hattd asudda ... khasdsata ahlihi bi-md yu'nihum. This is later amended
to yughnihum ("until I have restored the fortune of its people by that which
satisfies them"). Cf. Emend., p. nccxm. The Cairo edition (269) has bi-md
yu'inuhum ("by that which keeps them").
984. Fa-in fadala fa4latun naqaltuhu. The Cairo edition (269) corrects f.:dlatun
to fadlun.
985. Naqaltuhu lid al-baladi yalihi mimman huwa abwaju ilayhi. The version
of Ibn'Abd Rabbihi (loc. cit.) makes better sense: ila al-baladi alladhi yalihi wo-
man huwa abwaju ilayhi. This is the version adopted in the translation.
986. Literally: "will drive them from their lands and decimate their progeny."
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 195
what I would give you, and you want to give the oath of
allegiance to him, then I would be the first to give him my
allegiance and submit to him.
0 people ! Obedience to a (created) human being should not
involve disobedience to the Creator nor should you keep
faith (with a human ruler) by breaking a covenant (with God).
Obedience consists solely in obedience to God . So obey him
(the caliph), in (your) obedience to God, as long as he (the
caliph) obeys (God). But if he (the caliph) disobeys God and
summons (you) to disobey God too, then he deserves to be
disobeyed and killed. This is what I have to say and may God
forgive me and you.
998. Al-Jum' was a castle in the Petra area, in the Jabal al-Sharih. Cf. Yiqut, II,
t 18; Le Strange, Palestine, 466.
999. The leader of the Syrian troops at al-Hirah . Cf. Wellhausen, 368.
rooo. For Qayr al-Abyad, cf. Dussaud, 79.
root . 'Ayn al-Tamr is a small town between Anbir and al-Kafah eighty miles
west of Karbali'. Cf. ER, s.v. IS. A. El-Ali(.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 199
al-Athir, V, 223.
I oo2 . Cf. Ibn
1003 . Presumably this story only makes sense if fiurayth was outside the city of
Wisit when he received Manaur 's letter.
Ioo4. 'Amr b. Mubarnmad b. al-Qisim had been appointed governor of Sind by
Yusuf b. 'Umar in 112 (739-40). Cf. Ibn Khayyit, 369.
Ions. The clear inference is that Muhammad did not keep up with the
payments.
200 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
ioo6. Al-Balgi' is one of the districts of the province of Damascus . Its major
town was 'Ammin. Cf. Le Strange, Palestine, 34-35 . For more details of its limits,
cf. E12, s.v. 1J. Sourdel -Thomine).
1007 . Literally, "leave Mangur and the governorship/job."
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 201
too8. The text has fo-garradahu. This is emended by the Cairo edition (273) to
fa-Barra;ahu ("he eulogized him"). Both versions are acceptable.
ioo9. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, V, 224.
1010. Rajab 126 began on April 19, 744.
202 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
rorr . Yazid was the most suitable person to avenge the death of his father by
killing Yusuf.
rota. Ibn al-Athir suppresses the details of the way in which the two sons of al-
Walid and Yiisuf met their end IV, 224 ).
1013. Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 450.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 203
for me," and he then ordered that Yusuf should be thrown into
prison.
Other reports said that Yazid summoned Muslim b. Dhakwan
and Muhammad b. Said b. Mutarrif al-Kalbi, and he said to them:
"Word has come to me that the libertine Yusuf b. 'Umar has
reached al-Balga'. Go and bring him to me." So they searched for
him but they could not find him. Then they frightened a son of
Yusuf's into saying: "I will show you where he is," and he told
them that Yusuf had gone to an estate of his, thirty mils away.
The two men took with them fifty men from the fund at al-Balga'
and they found Yusuf sitting there. When he realized that they
had found him, he ran away, leaving his sandals behind. The two
men searched for him and they found him with some women who
had thrown a silk drape over him and were sitting on the hem of
it, with their heads bared. The men dragged him away by his foot
while Yusuf started imploring Muhammad b. Said to use his good
offices with the Kalb and (in return) he would pay (him) ten thou-
sand dinars and the blood-money of both Kulthum b. 'Umayr and
Hani' b. Bishr. When Muslim and Muhammad came to see Yazid
(with Yusuf), an agent of Sulayman's, who was taking his turn at
guard duty, came up to Yusuf. He grabbed Yusuf's beard, tugged at
it, and pulled some of it out; Yusuf's stature was of the shortest,
just as his beard was of the longest.1014 Then Muslim and
Muhammad took Yusuf in to see Yazid, whereupon Yusuf
grabbed hold of his own beard, which at that time reached below ( 1 843(
his navel, and said: "By God, 0 Commander of the Faithful, he
has pulled out my beard and he has not left me a single hair of it."
Then Yazid gave orders concerning Yusuf and he was imprisoned
in the Green Palace. (Later) Muhammad b. Rashid went in to see
Yusuf and he asked him: "Are you not afraid that one of the
people whom you have wronged will bear down on you and throw
stones at you?" Yusuf replied: "No, by God, I hadn't thought of
that. I beseech you, by God, to speak to the Commander of the
Faithful about moving me to a different place from this, even if it
1014. Literally, "he was one of the largest of men as regards beard and one of the
shortest as regards stature ." Cf. the marked hostility shown toward Yfisuf by
Wellhausen, who calls him in the same paragraph both a goblin and a toad (op. cit.,
368(.
204 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
ro15. This letter has recently been translated by Crone and Hinds, God's Ca-
liph, 126-28 . They draw attention to the version of the letter found in al-Ba-
1adhuri, Ansab (MS.), fols. 17oa-b, where the date of the letter is given as 28 Rajah
r16/May 15 , 744 and the scribe is named as Thibit b. Sulayman b. Said (i.e., Sa'd).
Crone and Hinds follow the text of al-Tabari and point out only the significant
variants found in al-Balidhuri 's version.
ioi6. Literally, "God does not give the blessing of the caliphate to anyone who
accepts the command of God and comes to Him , then someone (else) competes
with him (the caliph) with a covenant or tries to give away what God has be-
stowed on him (the caliph) or a violator violates Is compact) except that that
person 's perfidy is most feeble and his deceit is most worthless ." In 1.17, the
reading aw bi-laulnli $arfi has been changed to aw yuhawilu $arfa ma, following
the Cairo edition (VII, 275). This is based on a variant in the apparatus.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 205
1oz7. Literally, "because of that, they had from His friendship and help that
which completed the blessings upon them."
1ot8. Al-amru. Crone and Hinds have "office" (loc. cit.).
1019. Tukarruman an. This presumably applies to both the Muslim and non-
Muslim.
1020. Sirtu ilayhi ma'a inti;ari muraja'atihi we i'dharin ild Alldhi wa-ild al-
Muslimina munkiran li= amalihi ... Crone and Hinds have: "I went to him with
the expectation that he would mend his ways and apologize to God and to the
Muslims, disavowing his behavior ...." (loc. cit.). An alternative translation
could read : "I went to him with the expectation that he would return (to the right
path) and excusing myself to God and the Muslims, rejecting his activities." The
interpretation here is based on the premise that Yazid, not al -Walid, is apologizing
to God and the Muslims and that he (Yazid) is dissociating himself with al-Walid's
profligate activities.
1021 . Literally, "the fulfillment of that which I purposed consisting of the
restoring...."
206 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
boas . Shdmilan. Crone and Hinds have "generally " (loc. cit.).
1023. The text has fa-ibta'atha Allahu minhum ba'than yukhbiruhum
man/min awls al-dini wa -al-rids. This is very unsatisfactory. It is possible to
render it as "God sent a group of them to inform them (the others ), those (man)
possessed of religion and what is pleasing to God ," with man awls al-dini wa-al-
ri4a in apposition to ba 'than. This is certainly the inference of the punctuation of
the Cairo edition (VII, 276). Alternatively, if min is read instead of man, a possible
translation would be: "God sent a group of them to inform them (the others), Is
group) consisting of those possessed of religion and what is pleasing." Crone and
Hinds emend yukhbiruhum to bi -khayrihim, which makes good sense (loc. cit.).
Their translation thus reads : "God sent a deputation made up of the best of those
possessed of religion and what is pleasing."
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 207
1024. The text has tdbi'u. Crone and Hinds follow al-Balidhuri, who has bayi'u
(loc. cit.l.
208 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
came as amir of Iraq, Yusuf b. 'Umar fled. Mansur sent his brother
Manzur b. Jumhur1025 as governor of al-Rayy1026 and I accom-
panied him there. Then I said (to myself): "I will go to Nag and
tell him (what is going on)." When I reached Nishapur,1°27
Humayd, Nasr's mawia, threw me into prison and said: "You will
not get out of here until you tell me (why you are here)." So I told
him and I made him swear by God's oath and covenant that he
would not tell anyone until I had reached Nasr and informed him,
so Humayd did that. Then we all went to Nasr, who was in his
citadel in Majan. We asked permission to go in and see him, but a
eunuch of his said that Nasr was asleep. We pressed him further
and he went off and told Nasr. Nasr came out and grabbed my
hand and took me inside. He did not say anything to me until we
were inside the room. Then he asked me (why I had come) and I
told him. Nasr said to Humayd, his mawla: "Take him away and
give him a present." Then Yunus b. 'Abd Rabbihi1028 and 'Ubay-
dallah b. Bassam came to me and I told them (the news). Salm b.
Abwaz (also) came to me and I told him.
(Bishr's narrative continues.) Al-Walid b. Yusuf was with Nasr.
When Nasr heard the news, Nagr kept al-Walid with him. Al-
Walid sent people to me and when I had told them the news1O29
they called me a liar. So I said (to Naga: "You should get these
men to confirm (what they say)." After three days had passed
1025 . Manyur b. Jumhur was later murdered in India by Rifa'ah b. Thibit al-
Judhimi. Rifi'ah was seized by Mansur b. Jumhur and walled up alive in a pillar.
Cf. al-Tabari, II, 18951 al-Ya'qubi, Historiae, II, 407; Crone, r59.
ro26 . AI-Rayy was an important city of the province of Jibil, which stood near
the site of modem Tehran. Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 214-r7 ; al-Ya'qubi, Les Pays,
79-80 ; Schwarz, 446-48, 740-83.
1027 . Nishipur was one of the four great cities of Khurisin . Cf. Le Strange,
Lands, 382-88 ; Barthold, Historical Geography, 95-102.
1028. For a discussion of Nagr's relationship with Yunus b. 'Abd Rabbihi, an-
other of his mawlis, cf. Crone, 53•
1029 . This is rather an obscure narrative, which seems to be in no other source.
A literal translation would be : "he made him stay (aqarrahu ) when the news
reached him, then he sent (people) to me, and when I told them, they called me a
liar, so I said : 'Seek confirmation (istawthiq) from these people ."' A possible
sequence of events here is that Nagr kept Yusuf 's son with him. Al -Walid b. Yusuf
sent some of his associates to Bishr . They tried to refute the news that Bishr told
them-namely that al-Walid was dead and Yusuf b. 'Umar had fled. Bishr then
told Nagr to make the others confirm the truth of what they had said . The emen-
ded version of this passage in the Cairo edition (VII, 277) is of no use.
The Events of the Year 1126 (cont'd) 209
10;0. Nawruz is the first day of the Persian solar year , which now occurs at the
vernal equinox. It was also in earlier times deemed to be at the midsummer
solstice. For a discussion of the history of the dating of Nawruz, cf. Ell, s.v. (R.
Levyl.
1031 . AI-hadaya. Cf. n. 574.
1032. Ibid.
1033 . Wa-arjafat al-Azdu . Arjafa, "to cause agitation in others by spreading
false rumors." Cf. Lane, I, 1041.
1034. Thumma balsa bihi ba'du fa-kdna yaqulu 'Abda ARAM a]-makhdhdia al
mabtura ("then he revealed it after that and he would say 'Abdallih, the deserted
one, the mutilated one"). These imprecations were no doubt intended as a warn-
ing to anyone who wanted to take Khurisin from Nagr . The Cairo edition (VII,
178) has al-mathbnr ("overcome") for al-mabtdr.
1035 . Khwirazm was the province lying along the lower course of the Oxus. Cf.
E11, s.v. (C. E. Bosworth).
1036 . The meter is Gawil.
210 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
1037. A number of areas were called Quhistin ("the mountain country"). The
district meant here is Quhistin -i Khurisin, the mountainous region that
stretches south from Nishipur to Sistin . Cf. Le Strange, Lands, 352-63; ER, s.v.
H. H. Kramers).
1038. The meter is mutagarib.
1039. The text has akhadhtu. It would make better sense if it is read as
akhadhta.
1040. The text has idha la tujibu ila ma turidu . This is later emended to idha
ma nuzidu. Cf. Emend., P. DCCX111.
1041 . This hemistich seems to be in the wrong place. An alternative translation
might be "and you treated all of them with absolute justice."
1042. This line seems also to be in the wrong place and it is difficult to deter-
mine the subject of ajara.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'dj 211
And to the soldiers in both east and west you have become
a milch-camel, its udders overflowing with milk for them.
We will remain in that situation1O43 118481
until the paths to be followed become clear to the
pathfinders,
And until the Quraysh have revealed that which
is hidden in the depths of their hearts.
I have sworn that it is better for the
grazing-camels who make journeys to be stripped of their
wool,1044
And added to what is paid by those of the Quraysh who live in
the valleys,1045
first those of noble birth and then the base-born.1°
If he who becomes powerful robs the weak,
we will beat their horses on their manes.
We have found fodder, no matter what its source,
which the horses feed on once it has been heated up for
them.
As long as they have a share in it, their
flanks will become heavy (with fat), when formerly they
were lean.
We continue as before to maintain our support for
the Quraysh, and we are content with their allies,
We shall be satisfied to have your power as a place of refuge for
them,
for your power is their bulwark.
Perhaps the Quraysh, when they vie amongst themselves,
will hit some1047 of their targets,
And they will overwhelm the plotters in Iraq
who have up-ended the bucket from the east by its hooks.
1043. This line also does not fit here. The meaning seems to be "we will remain
loyal to you."
1044. The text has IN-ghazwf. This is emended by the editor to laIurwu. Cf.
Emend., P. DCCXIII . The Cairo edition (VII, 279) follows this correction.
1045. Literally, "the Quraysh of the valleys."
1046. Literally, "their low-ranking men after their high-born ones."
1047. The text has a lacuna here: tuqartisu ... fi ahdafiha. The Cairo edition
(VII, 279) has tugartisu fi ba'di ahdafiha.
212 The Caliphate of Yazid b . al-Walid
1048 . The translation is only tentative . The Cairo edition (loc. cit.) has wa-bi-
al-usdi mina ("and with lions of ours") .
ro49. Literally, "by you our feet have remained firm."
toso. Literally, "when their banks collapse."
105 t . For the Banu Fazarah, a North Arabian tribe, cf. Els, s.v. (W. M. Watt).
1052. For the pre-Islamic Aramaic -speaking Arab people, the Nabataeans (al-
AnboR), cf. Ell , s.v. (E. Honigmann). During the Islamic period the term
Nabataean in the mouth of Arabs was one of abuse . Cf. the long discussion in
Goldziher, 1, 145.
1053 . Al-gariba "water birds." Cf. Gloss., p. cnxlx.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 213
1054. Sikak. This is rather ambiguous, since it can mean either the engraved
pieces of metal used for stamping coins or streets.
ro55. Literally, "so do not say anything but good."
ro56. Literally, "has fled from the throne of Iraq."
1o57. Innano bi-iumhurikum min al-kafirina.
214 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
1070. Literally, "I would not resemble Muhammad or Marwin ." Mubammad
was his father and Marwin his grandfather.
1071. Here, the Cairo edition (VII, 282) adds bi after qada'u Allahi and bihim
after yarmi: "whatever God's decree ordains therein for me or whatever punish-
ment He inflicts on those whom He chooses to punish."
1072. Literally, "prevent people from asking for any of that with the stipend."
1073 . Ishtara. Presumably the transaction had not yet been completed , as Yazid
needed four thousand more dinars.
1074. I{hilit (Akhli;) is a town at the northwestern comer of Lake Van (in
modem Turkey ). Cf. E12, "Akhlit" (V. Minorsky).
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 217
not be able to get through." I asked Marwin: "What does the amir
know about this ?" Marwin laughed and said : "I satisfy all those
with deviant views so that they will tell me their secret inten-
tions."1079 I said to myself: "I am one of those people "; then I
remarked (to Marwin): "If you have done that, God will set you
aright. Indeed, the following story was told about Khilid b. Yazid
b. Mu'awiyah, who said : 'I obtained this information (in the fol- (18541
lowing way). I went along with the people in their erroneous ideas
and shared their sentiments with them until they divulged to me
what they were thinking and passed on to me their innermost
thoughts."'
(Muslim's narrative continues:) Then I took my leave of Mar-
wan and departed. When I got as far as Amid, 1080 I met a succes-
sion of postal couriers (who reported) al-Walid 's murder and that
'Abd al-Malik b. Marwin had attacked al-Walid's agent in the
Jazirah and driven him out of the area, and that he had placed
scouts on the road. Then I left the postal couriers, hired a riding-
animal and a guide, and came back to Yazid b. al-Walid.
In this year Yazid b . al-Walid dismissed Mangur b. Jumhur from
(his post as governor of) Iraq, appointing in his place 'Abdallih b.
`Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwin.
ro79. Literally, "there are no people of erroneous opinions (ahli hawd( except
that I give them satisfaction until they have told me their secret intentions."
1080. The well-known city of the province of Diyir Bakr, now known in mod-
em Turkey as Diyarbakir. It stands on the left bank of the Tigris. Cf. Els, "Diyir
Bakr" (M. Canard and C. Cahen).
rob r . The son of the Umayyad caliph 'Omar H. For the dismissal of Mansur b.
lumbar and the appointment of 'Abdallih b. 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz, cf. In al-
Athir, V, 228 -29i Fragmenta, 152-53.
robs. Muta'allimun. Ta'allama: "to be in pain."
220 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
who were in Iraq, for he was afraid that Mangur b . Jumhur would
not surrender the post to him . All the commanders submitted to
his authority and Mangur b. Jumhur handed over (the post) to him
and left for Syria . Then 'Abdallah b . 'Umar appointed his own
agents to office and issued the people with their rations and their
stipends . Then the Syrian commanders began to dispute with him
and said : "You are distributing our fay' to these people, yet they
are our enemy." 'Abdallah said to the people of Iraq : "I wanted to
return your fay' to you, for I knew that you were more entitled to
( 18 55) it. (Now) these men have disputed with me and found fault with
me." Then the people of al-KUfah went out to the jabbanah and
mobilized (there). The Syrian commanders sent messengers to
them, making excuses and denying ( their own words) outright
and swearing that they had not said any of the things that the
KUfans had heard. Then a mixed rabble of men rose up from both
sides and began stabbing each other with spears, and a small
group of them were killed . These were not identified . 'Abdallah b.
'Umar was in al -l liirah and 'Ubaydallah b. al= Abbas al-Kindi was
in al-KUfah . Mansur b. Jumhur had appointed him as his deputy
in the city and the people of al-KUfah wanted to drive him out of
the citadel. So 'Ubaydallah sent word to 'Umar b. al-Ghadban b.
al-Qaba'thari, 1083 who came to him, kept the people away from
him, calmed them down, and rebuked them until they had dis-
persed peaceably with one another. '°84 When 'Abdallah b. 'Umar
heard about this he sent for Ibn al-Ghadban , gave him a set of
clothes and a beast to ride, 1085 rewarded him generously, and put
him in charge of his shurtah and the kharaj of the Sawad . He also
entrusted him with the auditing'086 and ordered him to assign a
portion (in the diwan ) to his family, so he assigned (them ) sixty or
seventy (dirhams).
In this year discord broke out in Khurasan between the
Yamaniyyah and the Nizariyyah , and al-Kirmani1O87 rose up in
opposition to Nagr b. Sayyar . A group of supporters rallied to each
of them.
the Oxus, and had taken refuge with the TUrgesh, was sent by Asad in 118 (736)
against some of al-Hirith 's followers in Badakhshin. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1589-91,
Gibb, 811 Wellhausen, 467-69, Shaban, 'Abbasid Revolution, 124, Hawting, 86-
88.
1088. This is looking forward to events discussed later in detail by al-Tabarl (II,
1861-62).
1089. Literally, "gold from the vases." This is ambiguous. It is not clear
whether the gold came from the melting down of the vases or whether the vases
had been used to store gold coins. The former possibility is more likely.
1090. Cf. n. 574.
1091 . As it appears to have been a Friday, the discussion must have taken place
in the mosque.
1092. Iyydya wa-al-ma'$iyata: "preserve me from disobedience (on your part)."
Cf. the examples quoted in Wright, II, 8i.
222 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
furious and declared: "You will not receive any stipends from me
after this behavior of yours today." Then he went on: "My posi-
tion with you is as if one of you'093 rose up against his brother or
his cousin and slapped his face when he was being given a camel
or a garment to wear (as presents) and who (then) said: "My lord
and my foster-father!" Or I feel as if 1094 some intolerable evil has
materialized from under your very feet1095 and it is as if you are
being flung down in the bazaars like slaughtered camels.1096
Truly people become disenchanted with the rule of anyone who
rules for a long time. You, people of Khurasan , are a garrison in
the very heart of the enemy . Beware lest there should be any
dissension amongst you."
According to'Ali b. Muhammad (al-Mada'ini )-'Abdallah b. al-
Mubarak: Na$r said in his oration:
Verily, I am one who pronounces (people) unbelievers1097
and, further, who tells (them) when they are doing wrong.
That is probably better for me. Indeed, you are striving to
attain your ends but deliberately arousing discord in so
doing. lo98 May God (therefore ) not preserve you. By God, I
know you through and through1o99 and I do not have (even)
ten of you left on my side. The situation with me and you is
[1857 1 as one of your predecessors said: 1100
Hold fast, comrades,' 101 and we shall urge on11o2 your
1093 . Literally, "it seems to me that a man amongst you ..." )ka-annani bi-
rajulin minkum ). Cf. Wright, II, 170.
1094. The text has ka-annani bihim . In al-Athir changes bihim to bikum IV,
22q). This makes better sense in the context and has been followed in the
translation.
to95 . Similarly here, lbn al-Athir !loc. cit.) has tabta arjulikum for al-Tabari's
arjulihim.
1096. Wa-ka -annani bikum mularraljina fi al-aswagi. Probably some prophetic
allusion to the forthcoming revolution is being attributed here to Nasr.
1097 . Mukaffir. Cf. Ullman, 263.
to98. Literally, " you are striving to attain a matter in which you want discord."
1099 . Literally, " I have stretched you out and rolled you up and rolled you up
and stretched you out."
1 too. The meter is rajaz. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, V, 229.
1101 . Literally, "our comrade."
1102. The text has nabdu. This is later emended to nabdu. Cf. Emend., p.
nccx11,. Hada : "to urge on camels by singing to them ", cf. Lane, 1, 532-33.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 223
t 103 . Literally, "then each man amongst you would certainly want to be de-
prived of his money and children and not to have seen it."
1104. A -sultana al-maihali turiduna... I
i tos. The meter is wdfir. Al-Nibighah al-Dhubyini was born in the second half
of the sixth century. He enjoyed a high reputation, and the caliph'Iimar was said
to have called him the best poet of the Arabs . Cf. Sezgin, II, 1to- 13.
t io6. Literally, "whenever they depart, their first ones reappear."
1107. Literally, "entangled are its woods."
224 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
I Io8 . Literally, "because of it they are in every blind confusion, tested by its
tangled complexities( it." The text has fi-kulli mubhamatin . The Cairo edition
(VII, 276) has ft #11i mubhamatin ("in the shadow of blind confusion"). The text
has tumnd lahum . The Cairo edition iloc. cit.) has taghtaluhum , which makes
much better sense.
I Io9 . Literally, " the people do not see in its consequences except that which its
speaker does not explain ." The text has yabinu . This is later emended to yubinu.
Cf. Emend., p. DCCXIII.
Itro. Ka$ayhati hubld farragat, bawlaha gawdbiluha. The text has Raragat,
but a reading of Iarragat makes better sense . Cf. Lisdn, II, 589.
I I t I . The text has fa-jd'in. This is later emended to fa-jd'a. Cf. Emend., p.
DCCXIII.
1112 . Possibly a reference to the newborn child as well as the bloodshed of
fitnah.
The Events of the Year i26 (cont'd) 225
our guard against him." So the Mu4ariyyah said : "Send your men
to him and imprison him. "1113
Nagr received word that al-Kirmani was saying : "My ultimate
aim in obeying the Banu Marwan was that I would be made a
commander1114 and then I would seek vengeance for the Banu
MuhallabIIIs as well as for the treatment that we have received
at the hands of Nagr, what with his coarseness and the prolonged
restrictions he has imposed on us and his retaliation against us for
what Asad did to him."' 116 Then 'ISmah b. 'Abdallah al-Asadi said
to Nagr: "This is the beginning of discord. Accuse al-Kirmani of
some foul deed, announce publicly that he is a dissident, and
execute him. Execute Sibs' b. al-Nu'man al-Azdi and also al-
Farafigah1117 b. Zuhayr al-Bakri, who continues to be angry at
(Asad b. 'Abd) Allah because he thought himself to be superior to
the Mu4ar and the Rabi 'ah when he was in Khurasan"(?). 1118
Jamil b. al-Nu'man said (to Nasr): "You have treated al-Kirmani
1113. Cf. Ibn al-Atha, V, 230. The Cairo edition interprets this passage differ-
ently. The Leiden text is vocalized to read : "They said, 'Send (people) to him and
imprison him.' "The Cairo edition (VII, 287) has galu 116, gdlaJ (brackets are those
of the Cairo editor( fa-arsala ilayhi fa-babasahu: "They said ' no.' So he sent
(people) to him and he imprisoned him."
1114. An tugallidani al-suyufu. The Cairo edition (loc. cit.) has an yuqallada
wuldi al-suydfa ("that my sons would be invested with swords (i.e., given
command)").
ills. Cf. n. 676.
1116 . Probably a reference to Asad's having ordered that Nasr should be lashed.
Cf. Wellhausen, 45 5
1117 . The form of this name is uncertain. The editor earlier had al-Furi fisah (II,
1604) but has al-Farafisah here.
1118 . This part of the text is clearly faulty and neither the Leiden nor Cairo
editions have satisfactory versions. Ibn al-Atha omits it altogether and al-
Dinawari's account sheds no light on the matter (op. cit., 350-51). The Leiden text
has fa-innahu lam yazil muta'assaban'ala Allahi bi-tafaddulihi'ald Mudari [wa-
bi-tafaddulihi'aid Rabfata kana bi-Khurasan.] By the editor's own admission he
guessed at what is between the brackets. The Cairo edition (VII, 287) has fa-Innahu
lam yazil mutaghaddaban'old Allahi bi-tafdilihi Mudara'ald Rabi'ah (and then,
in a new paragraph :) wa kana bi-Khurasan. It is possible that words may have been
omitted here, e.g., pan of a name before Allah (e.g., Asad b. 'Abdallih, the preceding
governor of Khurasan, who supported a pro-Yemeni and anti-Rabi'ah and Mudar
policy). A possible reconstruction of the sentence might therefore lead to the
following translation : "for he continues to be angry (mutaghaddaban ) against Asad
b. 'Abdallih (?) because of his thinking himself superior (bi-tafaddulihi) to Mudar
and to Rabi 'ah when (?) he was in Khurasan ." Various textual problems remain
unsolved, however.
226 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
honorably. If you can't face killing him (yourself), hand him over
to me and I will kill him."
It was said that Nag became angry with al-Kirmani only be-
(18 591 cause the latter wrote to Bakr b . Firis al-Bahrini, the governor of
Jurjan, telling him about Mangur b. Jumhur, and because he
(Bakr ?) sent a letter with Abu al-Za'farin, the mawli of Asad b.
'Abdallah, appointing al-Kirmani . So Na$r instituted a search for
al-Kirmani but he could not find him. The man who wrote to al-
Kirmani informing him of the killing of al-Walid and the coming
of Man$ur b. Jumhur to Iraq was $alih al-Athram al-Hirar.
It is said that a group of people came to Na$r and reported: "Al-
Kirmani is encouraging faction ." Aram b. Qabi$ah said to Nagr:
"If Juday' could achieve power and authority only by means of
Christianity or Judaism, he would become a Christian or a
Jew."1119 Nagr and al-Kirmani had been on friendly terms and al-
Kirmani had behaved well toward Nag during the governorship
of Asad b. 'Abdallih. Then when Nagr became governor of
Khurisin he dismissed al-Kirmani from (his) command' 120 and
appointed to it Harb b. 'Amir b. Aytham al-Washiji . His lead-
ership was not successful' 121 and Nagr reinstated al-Kirmani in
office, but only a short time later he dismissed al-Kirmani, ap-
pointing in his stead Jamil b. al -Nu'man. Relations between Nagr
and al- Kirmani became strained and then Nagr imprisoned al-
Kirmani in the citadel . The man in charge of the citadel was
Mugitil b. 'Ali al-Mara' i-or according to some sources, al-
Murri.1122
When Nagr had made up his mind to imprison al-Kirmini, he
gave orders to 'Ubaydallah b. Bassim, the commander of his
guards, who brought al-Kirmani to Nag. Nagr said to him: "Kir-
mani, did I not receive a letter from Yusuf b. 'Umar ordering me to
kill you, and write back to him saying: 'Al-Kirmani is a shaykh
and a knight of Khurisin,' and prevent the shedding of your
blood ?" Al-Kirmani said : "Yes." Nagr went on: "Did I not pay the
debts you had incurred and did I not take it equally out of the
people's stipends ?" Al-Kirmini said: "Yes." Nagr said : "Did I not
appoint ' ' 23 your son 'Ali to a position of authority, even though
your people were against it?" Al-Kirmini replied : "Yes." Then
Nagr went on: "And yet you repaid that (kindness) by arousing [r86oJ
discord." Then al-Kirmini said: "There was more to it than what
the amir has said. 1124 Aid I give thanks for that . just as the amir
prevented the shedding of my blood, so too I behaved during the
time of Asad b. 'Abdallih in the way that he knows . So let the
amir act without haste and make sure (of the truth), for I am no
friend to faction ." Then Igmah b. 'Abdallih al-Asadi said: "You
are lying. Your aim is sedition and that you will not achieve."
Salm b. AJwaz urged: "Behead him, 0 amir." Al-Migdim and
Qudimah, the two sons of 'Abd al-Ralimin b. Nu'aym al-
Ghimidi, said: "Truly the companions of Pharaoh were better
than you when they said 'Put him off (for a while), both him and
his brother. '1125 By God, do not let al-Kirmani be killed, as Ibn
Abwaz recommends ." So Nagr gave orders to Salm, who put al-
Kirmini in prison, three days before the end of Ramajin, 126
(July 14, 744J. Then the Banu Azd spoke up (about al -Kirmini) and
Nagr said : "I have sworn that I would imprison him and that no
evil will befall him at my hands. If you fear for his safety, then
choose a man to keep him company." So the Banu Azd chose
Yazid al-Naltawi and he remained with al-Kirmini in the cit-
adel.' 126 Nagr appointed the Band Nijiyah, who were the associ-
ates of 'Uthmin and Jahm, the two sons of Masud, to guard al-
Kirmini. The Banu Azd sent al-Mughirah b. Shu 'bah al-Jahdami
and Khilid b. Shu'ayb b. Abi $iliJ al-Iluddani to Nagr and they
spoke to Nagr about al-Kirmini . Al-Kirmini remained in prison
for twenty-nine days.
According to 'All b. Wi'il, one of the Banu Rabl'ah b. I3anWah:
I went in to see Nagr and al-Kirmini was sitting apart and com-
plaining: "What have I done wrong ? If Abu al-Za'farin had come,
1123 . The text has a-lam artash. This is later emended to a-lam ura"is. Cf.
Emend., P. DCCXIII.
1124. Literally, "the amir did not say anything except there was more than it."
In other words, in everything Nagr said there was more to be added.
II25. Cf. Qur'in 7, v. III.
1126. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, V, 231.
228 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
by God, I would never have hidden him; and I do not know where
he is."
On the day that al-Kirmini was imprisoned , the Banu Azd had
wanted to snatch him away from his escorts, but al -Kirmini im-
plored them in God ' s name not to do that and he went away
laughing under escort from the guards of Saim b . Ahwaz. Then
[ r 86 r 1 when al - Kirmini was put in prison, 'Abd al-Malik b . Harmalah al-
Yahmadi, al-Mughirah b. Shu'bah, 'Abd al-Jabbir b. Shu'ayb b.
'Abbid, and a group of the Banu Azd talked ( over the matter).
They went down to Nawsh1127 and said : "We do not accept that
al-Kirmini should be imprisoned when he has committed no
crime or offense." Some shaykhs from the Banu al-Yahmad1128
said : "Do not take any action. See what your amir does." The
Banu Azd replied: "We are not satisfied. Just let Nagr keep his
hands off us or we will certainly start on you." Then'Abd al-'Aziz
b. 'Abbid b. Jibir b. Hami(m)1129 b. Han;alah al-Yahmadi joined
them with one hundred men, and also Muhammad b. al-Muthan-
ni and Diwud b. Shu'ayb. They spent the night in Nawsh with
'Abd al-Malik b. Harmalah and those men who were with him.
The following morning they marched to Hawzin and set fire to
the house of 'Azzah, Nagr's concubine. They remained (there) for
three days, proclaiming: "We are not satisfied ." Thereupon they
(Nagr's men?) appointed trustworthy men to watch over al-Kir-
mini and they put Yazid al-Nalaawi and others with al-Kirmini.
Then one of the people of Nasaf113o came and said to Ja'far, the
servant of al-Kirmini : "What would you give me if I got al-Kir-
mini out (of prison )?" They replied : "You could have whatever
you requested ." Then the man went to the water conduit (lead-
ing) from the citadel and widened it. Then he made his way to al-
Kirmini's sons and said to them : "Write a letter to your father
telling him to be ready to escape tonight ." So they wrote to him
and they put the letter in the food . Al-Kirmini called Yazid al-
Nahawi and Hu$ayn1131 b. Hukaym and they ate supper with him
1127. A number of villages in the Marw district bore this name . Cf. Yi qut, IV,
82 3 -24.
1128. For the Banu al-Yabmad , a subgroup of the Azd, cf. Ibn al-ICalbi, 11, 589.
1129. The text has Hama.
1130. For the city of Nasaf in Sughd, cf. Le Strange, Lands, 469-71.
1131. Ibn al-Athir has : Khi4r b . Hukaym . (V, 231).
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 229
1 132. The name Abu al-Walid in the text is later emended to Abu al-Dhiyal. Cf.
Emend., P. DCCXIII . This is not accepted by the Cairo edition (VII, 289).
1133 . Al-Dinawari gives a detailed account of al-Kirmini 's escape from prison,
giving a longer version of the story involving Bassi m (op. cit., 351-51 ). Cf. also lbn
A'tham, VIII, 146-53.
1134. The text has Farqadu, later emended to Farqadun. Cf. Emend., p.
DCCXIII.
1135 . Ushturj is a town in the district of Andkhoy in Khurisin. Cf. lludnd, 336,
n. 61j al-ISRakhri, I, 270-71. The text has Ushturj Ma'nan. The Cairo edition (VII,
ago) has ma'an ("together"). Ma'an is the name of a tribe, but it makes little sense
here.
230 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
lages, armed with weapons, and al-Kirmini led them in the morn-
ing prayer. They numbered around one thousand . Before sunset,
however, their number had increased to three thousand . Then the
people of al-Sagadim joined them . Al-Kirmini marched to Marj
Niran, getting as far as Hawzan . Khalaf b. Khalifah recited the
following lines:' 136
Go forth to the meadow which most effectually removes
blindness,
for the people of the conduit have already departed.' 137
Truly the meadow of the Azd is extensive,
and in it the feet stand equal to the knees.
It is said that the Banu Azd gave the oath of allegiance to 'Abd
al-Malik b . Harmalah on the basis of God's Book on the night that
al-Kirmani escaped. Once they had assembled in the meadow at
[1863 1 Nawsh, prayer began' 1-38 and 'Abd al-Malik and al-Kirmani were
in dispute for a while . Then 'Abd al-Malik conceded al-Kirmani
precedence, handing the command over to him, and al-Kirmini
led the prayer.
When al-Kirmini had escaped, Nagr went and camped hard by
the gate of Marw al-Rudh1139 on the Ibrdinah(?) 1140 side where he
remained for a day or two. It is said that when al-Kirmini escaped,
Nayr appointed as his own deputy ' Igmah b. 'Abdallih al-Asadi,
while he himself made for the five bridges at the gate of Marw al-
Rudh, where he addressed the people and carped at al-Kirmani,
saying: "He was born in Kirmin and was a Kirmini . Then he
came to Harih (Herat) and was a Harawi . He who falls between
two Stools 1141 has no firm base nor does he flourish ."' 142 Then
Nagr said, referring to the Banu Azd : "If they gather together,
1143. The famous Christian Arab poet (d. probably before 92/710). Cf. E12, s.v.
(R. Blachtre).
1144. Literally, "the mentioning of God is a cure, the mentioning of God is a
blessing in which there is no evil."
1145 . Qdla al-nasu akhrajahu annahu habahu. Ibn al-Ateir (V, 232) has 1i-
annahu, which has been followed here. The Cairo edition (VII, 291 ) also has li-
annahu.
232 The Caliphate of Yazid b. al-Walid
1146 . The text has no obvious break between the events occurring with Na$r
and al-Kirmani and then the reference to al-Hirith b. Suray). This is probably an
early allusion to the men who rallied to al-Hirith )under the year 127 ) amongst
whom 'Abd aI -'Aziz b. 'Abd Rabbihi was one . Cf. al-Tabari, II, 18go; Weilhausen,
485-86.
1147. Cf. n. 327 . Cf. also al-Dinswari, 352.
1148. Cf. Ibn al-Athir, V, 232. Hereafter, Ibn al-Athir's account omits the details
of the various attempts to persuade al-Kirmini to go to see Nast.
1149. Literally, "we are proposing certain proposals to you. So go to your amir,
who will suggest them to you."
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 233
Al-Kirmini replied: "I know that Nagr did not charge you with
this message, but that you wanted (what you said) to reach his
ears and thereby to gain favor (with him). By God, I will not say
another word (to you) after I have finished what I am saying now
until you have gone back to your house. So let him send anyone
he likes so long as it is not you." Then 'Igmah went back and said
(to Nagr): "I have not seen a more undisciplined lout than al-
Kirmani. I do not wonder at him, but I do wonder at Yalyi b.
Hudayn (and his people)-may God curse them! 1150-indeed,
they respect him more than his (own) associates do."
Salm b. AIiwaz said: "I am afraid that this frontier and the
people will become corrupted . So send Qudayd to al-Kirmani."
Then Nagr told Qudayd b. Mani ' to go to him. Qudayd did so and
said to al-Kirmani : "Abu 'Ali, you have been stubbornly per-
sistent (in this matter) and I am afraid that the situation will
become too difficult, that we will all perish, and that these for-
eigners1151 will gloat over us." Al-Kirmani replied : "Qudayd, I
am not suspicious of you; but what has happened has made me
mistrustful of Nagr. The Prophet of God said : 'The Bakri is your
brother, but do not trust him."' Qudayd said : "If that is what you
think, give him some surety." Al-Kirmini asked: "Who?"
Qudayd answered : "Give me 'Ali and 'Uthmin." Al-Kirmani re-
joined : "Who is he giving me? He has nothing good to offer."
Qudayd replied : "Abu 'Ali, I swear to you, by God, do not let the
ruin of this city be on your hands ." Then Qudayd went back to
Nagr and he said to 'Aqil b . Ma'gil al-Laythi : "What I most fear is
that disaster will befall this frontier . So speak to your (paternal)
cousin." So 'Aqil said to Nagr, ' 0 amir, I beseech you, by God,
not to cause evil fortune to befall your tribe . Rebels (khawdrij) are
fighting Marwin in Syria . Both the people and the Bann Azd are in
a state of dissension. ' 152 They are light-headed and foolish; but
i i so. The text is perhaps faulty here. The editor notes that after Hudayn there
may have been the words wa-gawmihi, i.e., Bakr b. Wi'il. Cf. al-Tabari , U, 1571.
This makes good sense with the plural suffix of la'anahum.
it 5 r . Al- a'cjim: the non-Arab population of Khurasin.
it 5 a. There are various ways in which this passage could be punctuated. It
could be translated as: "Indeed, Marwan is in Syria (and) the rebels are fighting
him, and the people and the Azd are in discord ..." Alternatively, it could read:
"Indeed, Marwin is in Syria (and) the rebels and the people are fighting him, and
the Azd are in discord ..." The punctuation of the Cairo edition (VII, 292 ) places a
comma after "rebels."
234 The Caliphate of Yazid b . al-Walid
they are your neighbors ." Nagr replied : "What am Ito do? If you
know a way of restoring the people to good order, then go ahead,
118661 for al-Kirmani has made up his mind not to trust me."
Then 'Aqil went to al-Kirmani and said : "Abu 'Ali, you have
instituted a custom which will be followed by other amiss after
you. Indeed, I foresee a situation in which I fear that people will
act quite unreasonably." Al-Kirmani said : "Nagr wants me to go
to him, but I do not feel safe from him. We want him to withdraw.
(Then) we ourselves will withdraw and we will choose a man
from Bakr b . Wi'il who is satisfactory to all of us to be our gover-
nor until a decree comes from the caliph. ( But) Nagr refuses (to do)
this." 'Agil replied : "Abu 'Ali, I am afraid that the people of this
frontier will perish, so go to your amir and say that whatever he
(Nagr) wants will be agreed to by you. But do not incite the fools
amongst your people to action in this affair that they have under-
taken." Al-Kirmani said : "I am not suspicious of you so far as
your advice or your reasoning are concerned, but I do not trust
Nagr. Let him take what he wants from the wealth of Khurisan
and go away." 'Aqil said : "Are you willing to do something that
would lead to agreement between you? You can make marriage
alliances with his family and he can make marriage alliances
with yours." Al-Kirmani replied : "I don't feel safe from him in
any situation." 'Agil said: "No good will come of this. I am afraid
that tomorrow you will be wiped out and all to no purpose." Al-
Kirmani replied : "There is no power and no strength except in
God." 'Agil asked him: "Shall I come back to you?" Al-Kirmani
replied : "No, but take him a message from me and tell him: "I
fear that people will incite you to do what you do not want (to do)
and that you will behave toward us in a way that has irrevocable
consequences . But, if you insist, I will go away from you, not out
of fear of you but (because ) I would hate to be the cause of any
disaster to the inhabitants of the province or to cause bloodshed
in it." So al-Kirmani prepared himself to leave for Jurjan.
In this year Yazid b. al-Walid granted al-Harith b . Surayj safe-
(18671 conduct and he wrote to al-Harith accordingly . He also wrote to
'Abdallih b. ' Umar ordering him to return to al-Harith such of his
money and sons as had been seized from him.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 235
1160. Mansur b. 'Umar al-Sulaml. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1677, x 679i Wellhausen, 477.
i16i . A-li-husni balc'ihil Presumably a sarcastic comment.
trios. It is not clear from the text whether this is Mansnr's letter to Nasr or
Na$r's reply to Mansur. The former possibility has been adopted in the
translation.
t 163. Literally, "to your disadvantage."
t x64. Fa-ista'ad8 ibnuhu f.nd.h Mansuran fa-babasahu. The vocalization of the
name is uncertain, but it appears in the indices, tog, as J.nd.h b. Baysin.
1165. Cf. E12, Ibrihim b. Muhammad IF. Omar).
1166. Cf. n. 358.
t 167. Bi-al-sirati. I.e., having been given instructions as to how he should
proceed.
238 The Caliphate of Yazid b . al-Walid
1168. For Yazid 's nomination of his brother Ibrihim as his heir, cf. Fragmenta.
153; In Khayyit, 387.
1169. Yusuf b. Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Thagafl, the brother of al-Walid II's
mother, Umm Hajjij, had been sent as governor to Medina by al-Walid on his
accession. Cf. Wellhausen, 354; al -Tabari, 11, 1768.
The Events of the Year 126 (cont'd) 239
In this year Yazid b. al-Walid died . His death was at the end of
Dhu al-Hijiah 126 [October 12, 7441. According to Abu Ma'shar- ( 18741
Abmad b. Thabit-his informants-Ishaq b. 'Isa : Yazid b. al-
Walid died after the Feast of the Sacrifice in Dhu al-Ijijjah 126
[after September 23, 7441.
According to all of our informants , his caliphate lasted six
months. It is (also said' '91 that his caliphate lasted five months
and two nights. According to Hishim b. Muhammad (al-Kalbi[:
Yazid ruled for six months and several days . According to 'Ali b.
Muhammad (al-Mada'ini) : He ruled for five months and twelve
days. 1182 Yazid b. al-Walid died ten days before the end of Dhu al-
Hijjah 126 [October 3 or 4, 74411183 at the age of forty-six.
According to some sources : Yazid ruled for six months and two
nights.
He died in Damascus but there is disagreement as to how old he
was when he died. According to Hishim (b. Muhammad al-Kalbi):
Yazid died when he was thirty-seven. According to some sources:
He died when he was thirty-seven. Yazid's patronymic was Abu
Khalid. 1184 His mother was a concubine . Her name was Shih-i
Afrid. 1185 She was the daughter of Firuz1186 b. Yazdigird b.
Shahriyir b. Kisri. Yazid used to say:' 187
I am the son of Kisri; my father is Marwin.
One grandfather is a gay$ar; the other a khaqun.1188
It is said that he was a Qadari.
12,6 (cont'd)
(OCTOBER 25, 743-OCTOBER 12, 744)
ri93. Lam yatimm amrun. Literally, "a command/an affair was not accom-
plished." Ibn al-Athir, loc. cit., has al-amru; Pragmenta, 154, has amruhu.
1193 . Cf. the verse of a poet quoted by al-Mas 'iidi: "We give the oath of alle-
giance to Ibrahim every Friday " (Munij, VI, 19(.
1194. The dating is somewhat uncertain here . According to al-Ya'gtibi (loc. cit.(,
Ibrahim was deposed by Marwin , who then had the oath of allegiance given to
himself on a Monday halfway through $afar raj . For the reign of lbrihim, cf. also
Ibn A'tham, VIII, 141-421 Fragmenta, 154.
248 The Caliphate of Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ... Marwan II
was killed in 132 [August 20, 749-August 8, 750[. His mother was
a concubine.
According to Ahmad b. Zuhayr-'Abd al-Wahhab b. Ibrahim-
Abu Hashim Mukhallad b . Muhammad: The rule of Ibrahim b. al-
Walid lasted seventy nights.
e
The
Events of the Year 1 1 8761
127
( OCTOBER 13 , 744 - OCTOBER 2, 745 )
Among the events taking place during this year were the journey
of Marwan b. Mul}ammad to Syria and the battle that took place
between him and Sulayman b. Hisham at 'Ayn al-)arr. I 19s
i195 . 'Ayn al-Jan was an important site in the Bigi' and contained a vast en-
closure with towers. It is generally held to have been founded by al-Walid b. 'Abd
al-Malik around 95-96/714-15. Cf. 811, s.v. (J. Sourdel-Thomine)j M. Chehab,
"The Umayyad palace at 'Anjer" in Ars Orientalis, V (1963): 17-17.
tt96. For parallel accounts, cf. Ibn al-Athir, V, 143-453 Fragmenta , 154-56.
1197. Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1870-73.
250 The Caliphate of Abu Ishiq Ibrahim ... Marwin II
win's men crossing the river ) they fled in disarray and were
routed. The people of 'Himg thrust their weapons into them be-
cause of their anger toward them, and they killed about seventeen
thousand of them. The people of the Jazirah and Qinnasrin (on the
other hand) recoiled from slaughtering them, and they did not kill
a single one of them . They brought to Marwin prisoners from
amongst them who were as many as those killed or even more,
and Marwin 's men were permitted to plunder Sulayman's
army. 1208 Marwin took the ba'yah from them in favor of the two
boys, al-Hakam and 'Uthmin; he released them (the prisoners)
after he had provided them'209 with a dinar each, and he allowed
them to rejoin their families . He killed only two men from their
number, one of whom was called Yazid b. al-'Aggar and the other
al-Walid b. Magid, both of them Kalbis . They were among those
who had gone after al -Walid and compassed his murder. Yazid b.
Khilid b. 'Abdallih al- Qasri was with them, and he took flight
with those who escaped with Sulaymin b. Hishim to Damascus.
One of the two, i.e, the two Kalbis, had been in command of the
guards of Yazid (b. al-Walid ), and the other had been in charge of
his police. 1210 Marwin beat them with whips then and there.1211
He subsequently gave orders concerning them, and they were
thrown into prison, where they perished.1212
Sulaymin and those men who were with him kept going until
they reached Damascus, where the leaders of the people 1213-
Yazid b . Khilid al-Qasri, Abu Ilagah al-Saksaki, 1214 al-Agbagh b.
Mullah al-Kalb-i, 1215 and the likes of them-gathered to him,
Ibrahim, and 'Abd al -'Aziz b. al-Hajjaj . They said to one another:
"If the two boys, the sons of al-Walid, survive until Marwin
arrives and gets them out of prison and authority devolves onto
them, they will not spare any of their father's murderers. The best
thing for us is to kill them both." So they appointed Yazid b.
Khalid to do that. In prison with the two of them were Abu
Muhammad al-Sufyini and Yusuf b . 'Umar. Yazid sent a mawli
affiliated to Khilid (al-Qasri) called Abu al-Asad with a number of ( 18791
his associates . Abu al-Asad went into the prison and broke the
skulls of the two young boys with Clubs. 1216 He brought out
Yusuf b. 'Umar in order that they should kill him , and he was
(accordingly) beheaded. They (also) wanted to kill Abu Muham-
mad al-Sufyini. 1217 He went into one of the rooms of the prison,
locked the door, 1218 threw carpets and cushions behind it,1219
and leant against it, so that nobody could open it.1220 They called
for fire to bum him out,1221 but it was not brought before news
came that Marwan's cavalry had entered the City . 1222 Ibrahim b.
al-Walid fled and hid himself . Sulaymin plundered1223 what was
in the treasury, distributed it amongst those contingents he had
with him, and left the city.
In this year1224 'Abdallih b . Mu'iwiyah b. 'Abdallih b . Ja'far b.
Abi Talib1225 summoned people in al-Kufah to his cause and
fought 'Abdallih b. 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwin1226 there.
Abdallih b. 'Umar defeated 'Abdallih b. Mu'iwiyah, who made
for al-Jibi11227 and took possession of it.
1216 . For a previous account of this murder, cf. al-Tabari, II, 1841-42.
1217. For this person, cf. al-Tabari, II, 1828, 1830-31.
1218. Fa-aghlagahu.
1219. Khalfahu. Presumably the door is meant here , although it could be trans-
lated as "behind him."
1220. Fa-lam yaqdir 'ala fatbihi. Both the Cairo edition (VII, 302 ) and Ibn al-
Athir (V, 245) have yagdiru.
1221 . Li-yutariquhu. It is possible that the prison is meant here, rather than al-
Sufyani.
1222. Here Ibn al-Athir adds: "and they (Yazid's associates) fled" (loc. cit.).
1223. Wa-anhaba. lbn al-Athir has the more appropriate usage of intahaba (loc.
cit.). Fragmenta (156) has nahaba.
1224. The apparatus has the variant "Abu ja'far said" before the account begins.
1225 . This man was a Shiite, the great-grandson of 'Ali's brother ja'far. Cf.
Shahan, Islamic History, 161 ; Wellhausen, 384.
1226 . Cf. al-Tabari, II, 1854-5 5, x858, z864, 1867-68, and subsequent accounts.
1227. For the province of jibal, cf. Le Strange, Lands, 185-231, E12, s.v. (L.
Lockhart).
254 The Caliphate of Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ... Marwan II
1228. For other accounts of the revolt of 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiyah, cf. al-Igfahini,
Aghani, XII, 228- 32, Ibn al-Athir, V, 246- 48; Ibn Khayyis , II, 394-95.
1229 . Yaltamisu siiatahu . The Aghani (XII, 228 1 has mustamihan "asking for a
stipend."
1230. For the family of this man , cf. Crone, it 8. He must have been a local
notable.
1231 . Fa-arddhu: lit: "gave him what satisfied him."
1232 . The Aghani calls him Ibn IHamzah (XII, 229).
1233 . Lit: "do not let his running away alarm you." And yet, as the sequel
shows, the people did do exactly as Ibn I )amrah wanted, leaving Ibn Mu'awiyah in
the lurch.
The Events of the Year 127 255
1234. For Khidish, cf. al-Tabarl, II, 1503, 1588 , 15931 Wellhausen, 504,509-11,
514-17i E12, s.v. (M. Sharon).
1235 . For the city of Hulwin in the province of Jibil, cf. Le Strange, Lands, 191;
Eli, s.v. (L. Lockhart).
1236. For this man's family, cf. Crone, III-I2.
1237. For the city of Mihin in the province of Kirmin, cf. Le Strange, Lands,
307.
1238. Ibn al-Athir has a slightly different list of places in his account-Hulwin,
al-Jibil, Hamadhin, Isfahin, and al-Rayy (V, 248).
1239. Those lines are found, along with others not included here, in the Aghanf
(XII, 232).
1240. Al-sani. Cf. Lane, 1, 1734.
256 The Caliphate of Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ... Marwan II
1241 . The editor rightly notes that it would be more accurate to say "Band"
(Notes, 1881(.
1242. The Band Nakh' were brought from Yemen to &I-Kufah at the time of the
wars of conquest (cf. lbn al-Kalbi , II, 4441•
1243 . Ibn al-Athir has "on him and his brothers" (V, 246.
1244. Wa-kharaja ilayhi Ibrahim fa-gatalahu fa-hazamahu Marwan wa-;afara
bihi wa-kharaja hariban. The Cairo edition has a version of the text that is
different in some places, although its apparatus makes no reference to this: wa-
kharaja ilayhi Ibrahim fo-gatalahu Marwan fa-hazamahu wa-;afara bi-'askarihi
wa-kharaja hariban (VII, 3041.
The Events of the Year 127 257
1245 . For this head of the shurtah for'Abdallih b. 'Umar , cf. Crone, 162.
1246. Ibn al•Athir has "from," rather than "the brother of" (V, 2461.
1247. For this branch of the Bakr, cf. lbn al•Kalbi, II, 543.
1248. Thumiimah had been head of police for Mansur b . Jumnhur, apparently in
Wisit (cf. Crone, 119!.
258 The Caliphate of Abu Ishiq Ibrahim ... Marwin II
them they were in Dayr Hind,1249 where they had gathered to-
gether. 125o He precipitated himself among them and said, "This
is my hand (as a pledge) for you, so make your decision ." They felt
(18831 ashamed and honored and thanked 'Agim. 'Agim went up to their
two leaders, but they remained silent and held back. In the eve-
ning, under cover of night, Ibn'Umar sent to'Umar b. al-Ghaciban
with one hundred thousand (dirhams), and he distributed them
amongst his tribe, the Banu Hammim b. Murrah b. Dhuhl b.
Shayban . 1251 He sent to Thumamah b. Hawshab b. Ruwaym with
one hundred thousand (dirhams ), and the latter distributed them
amongst his tribe . He sent to Ja'far b. Nafi' b. al-Qa'qi' with ten
thousand (dirhams ) 1252 and to 'Uthmin b. al-Khaybari with ten
thousand.
According to Abu Ja'far (al-Tabari): When the Shi'ites saw
his1253 weakness, they censured him, became enboldened against
him, sought to overcome him, and called for 'Abdallih b.
Mu'awiyah b. Ja'far-the person who was in charge of that was
Hilil b. Abi al-Ward, the mawla of the Banu 'Ijl. The Shi 'ites rose
up with the rabble from the people and reached the mosque where
they assembled. Hilil was the one in charge of matters. The
Shi'ites joined him in giving the oath of allegiance to'Abdallih b.
Mu'iwiyah . Then they went immediately to 'Abdallih (b.
Mu'iwiyah), removed him from the house of al-Walid b . Sa'id,
brought him into the citadel , and prevented 'Agim b. 'Umar from
entering the citadel . So 'Agim joined his brother 'Abdallih in al-
Hirah. The Kufans came to Ibn Mu'awiyah and gave the oath of
allegiance to him; amongst them were 'Umar b. al-Ghadbin b. al-
Qaba'thari, Mangur b. Jumhur, Ismi'il b . 'Abdallih al-Qasri, and
those Syrians who had family connections1254 in al-KUfah. He
remained in al-KUfah for a few days , and the people gave the oath
of allegiance to him. The oath of allegiance was (also ) given to
him in Ctesiphon (al-Mada'in) and Fam al-Nil,1255 and the people
1249. There were two sites known as Dayr Hind in al -Hirsh (Yiqut, II, 707 and
709).
1250. Lit: "they had assembled and collected."
1251 . Cf. Ibn al-Kalbi, II, 278.
1252. Ibn al-Athir has simply "money" (V, 247).
1253 . Presumably lbrihim is meant here, although it could equally apply to Ibn
'Umar.
1254 . Lit: "who had family and stock."
1255 . Cf. Wellhausen, 5 41.
The Events of the Year 127 259
1256. Lit: "they are not fighting you today until you get up in the morning and
they will fight you." Ibn al-Athir has: "Tomorrow we will be opposite you, for
today they are not fighting you" (loc. cit.).
1257. In istata'tum an ld takuna bikum al-bazzata. Cf. Gloss., p. cixcl.
1258. The Cairo edition has min Rabi'ah, and its punctuation yields the transla-
tion: "that the left wing of Ibn 'Umar is from Rabi'ah, and Mudar will be standing
opposite his (Ibn Mu'iwiyah's) right wing, in which is Rabi'ah" (VII, 306). This is
less satisfactory.
1259. Lit: "This is a sign that will appear to us if we get up in the morning."
1260. Fa-huwa ghadara. The Cairo edition prefers the reading fa-huwa'udhrun:
"it is an excuse " (loc. cit.). This latter reading has been followed in the translation.
260 The Caliphate of Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ... Marwan II
die."1262 They retorted: "This will avail you and your compan.
ions nothing." So they took the reins of his horse and brought
him into al-Kufah.
According to'Umar-'Ali b. Muhammad-Sulayman b. 'Abdal-
lah al-Nawfali-his father-Khirash b. al-Mughirah b. 'Aliyah, a
mawla of the Bana Layth-his father: "I was the scribe of 'Abdal-
lah b. 'Umar. By God, I was with him one day, when he was in al-
Hirah, and somebody came to see him and said: "That man1263 (18861
'Abdallah b. Mu awiyah has arrived with the people." 'Abdallih b.
'Umar remained silent for a while, and his head baker came to
him and stood in front of him as if notifying him that his food was
ready, so 'Abdallah made a sign to him that he should bring it in
and he brought in the food. We were anxious, 1264 fearful that Ibn
Muawiyah would attack us while we were with Ibn 'Umar. I
began to scrutinize Ibn 'Umar to see whether he had changed in
any aspect of his eating or drinking or appearance or the instruc-
tions1265 (he was giving ). But no, by God! I failed to see any
change either great or small in his mien. When his food was
brought in, a bowl was placed in front of each pair of us. A bowl
was put between me and so and so and another bowl between so
and so and so and so until (all) those who were at his table were
included. When he had finished his breakfast and his ablutions,
he ordered (that) money (should be brought), and it was (duly)
brought, together with vessels of gold and silver and clothes. He
distributed most of that amongst his commanders. Then he sum-
moned a mawla of his, or (perhaps it was ) a mamink, who used to
bring him luck and good fortune because of his name; he was
called either Maymiin or Fatli or one of the names of good au-
gury.1266 Ibn 'Umar said to him: "Take your standard, go to such
and such a hill, stick it in the ground, call your companions, and
1262. Hattc amartu : "until I give the command." The Cairo edition has amata
(VII, 307). This has been followed in the translation, especially in view of the
version of In al-Atha: hatt3 uqtala, "until I am killed" (V, 2481.
1263 . Presumably the word hadh8 forms part of the sentence that forms part of
the sentence that contains "'Abdall3h." This is certainly the interpretation of the
Cairo editor (VII, 307).
1264. Lit: "our hearts became swelled" (disquieted).
1265. Lit : "in any thing of his affair consisting of his place of eating or drinking
or outward appearance or ordering or forbidding."
1266. Lit: "from whom he used to look for a blessing (yatabarraku bihi) and
262 The Caliphate of Abu Ishiq Ibrahim ... Marwan II
from whose name he would seek a good augury (yatafa'alu bi-ismihi), being called
Maymun or Fatb or one of the names through which blessing is sought by uttering
the name of God (al-mutabarrak biha(." In al-Athir adds "Riyab ... or another
auspicious name" (V, 247). Cf. E12, "fa'l" IT. Fahd(.
1267 . Lit: "the owner of the head," a phrase that might be misinterpreted as it
stands!
1268. The Cairo edition has thard bi-al-qawm: "they rose up with the people"
(VII, 308).
1269. Al-nawa4tla, plural of na4ftta: "a camel or ass or bull upon which water is
drawn"; cf. Lane, 1, 2807.
1270. This is possibly a reference to al-Jibil , since preceding accounts in al-
Tabari mention that area as the destination of Ibn Mu'awiyah.
1271 . Cf. Gloss., P. CCCLXXIII.
The Events of the Year 127 263
that he had obtained from a khagan. The khagan had made al-
Harith choose between one hundred thousand Danbakaniyyah
dinars and the coat of mail , and he had chosen the coat of mail.
Al-Marzubanah, the daughter of Qudayd and the wife of Nagr b.
Sayyar, caught sight of it. She sent al-Harith a sable garment of
hers with a slave girl who (also) belonged to her with the message:
"Greet my cousin and say to him that it is cold today, so warm
yourself up with this sable garment , and praise be to God who has
brought you safely (here)." Al-Harith said to the slave girl: "Greet
my cousin and say to her: is this a loan or a gift ? "' She said: "It's
a gift." Then al-Harith sold it for four thousand dinars and dis-
tributed them amongst his companions. Nagr sent al-Harith
many carpets and a horse. Al-Harith sold all that and distributed
the proceeds equally amongst his companions . Al-Harith used to
sit on a saddle with a rough cushion folded for him . Nagr sug-
gested to al-Harith that he (Nor ) should entrust him with author-
ity and give him one hundred thousand dinars . Al-Harith refused
to accept and sent a message to Nagr saying : "I have no liking at
all for this world nor for its (lit : 'those') pleasures nor for marriage
with the most excellent of the Arabs . I ask only for the Book of
God, may He be praised and glorified , and for conduct in accor-
dance with the sunnah and for fair treatment of the people who
are good and have merit. If you act accordingly, I will help you
against your enemy ." Then al-Harith sent to al-Kirmani saying:
"If Nagr deals with me by the Book of God and fair treatment of
the people who are good and have merit , as I have asked him, I
will support him and will fulfill God's command . If he does not
do so, I will call on God's help against him, and I will help you if
you guarantee to me what I want in the way of conduct in accor - ( r 890)
dance with justice and the sunnah ." Whenever the Banu Tamim
came in to see him, he would summon them to himself-and
Muhammad b. Humran , Muhammad b. Harb b. Jirfas al-Min-
gariyyan, al-Khalil b. Ghazwan al-'Adawi, 'Abdallah b. Mujja'ah,
Hubayrah b. Sharahil al-Sa'diyyan, 'Abd al-')Wiz b. 'Abd Rabbihi
al-Laythi, Bishr b. Jurmuz al-Qabbl, Nahar b. 'Abdallih b. al-
Hutat al-Mujashi i, and 'Abdallah al-Nubiti took the oath of alle-
giance to al-Harith . Al-Harith said to Nagr : "I left this city thir-
teen years ago in disgust at tyranny, and (now) you want to incite
me to that." Then three thousand men joined al-Harith.
Appendix I
Problems of Translation
i. Al-Walid's letter to Hisham (al-Tabari, II, 1746-47)
(a) 1746, 1.6: min ... malawi ma malia min a$14iabi wa-1 urami
wa-ahli. Al-Igfahani (Aghani, VI, 107) has min . .. malawi ma
mabd min a$habi wa-annahu $arramani wa ahli ("how he
has ruined my friends and has ostracized me and my
dependents").
(b) 1746,11.7-8: wa-lam akun akhafu an yabtaliya Allahu amira
al-mu'minina bi-dhalika wa-la ubali bi-hi minhu. For both
the literal and more elegant Latin translations of this passage
and a detailed discussion, cf. Gloss., CXLI . Al-Igfahini has
wa-lam akun akhafu an yabtaliya Allahu amfra al-mu'mi-
nina bi-dhalika fiyya wa-la yunaluni mithlahu minhu (lit.,
"I would never have thought that God would thus test the
Commander of the Faithful through me and that he (Hishsm)
would defame me like that "). Cf. Aghani, loc. cit. This ver-
sion, as suggested in the Tabari apparatus, is much better and
has been adopted here.
Cf. also al-Balidhuri's version : "I did not fear that God
would thus test the Commander of the Faithful nor that He
would test me thereby " (Ansab (Derenk), 13).
(c) 1746, 1.1o: The text has isti$labihi. The apparatus has the
variant isti$babi, which makes good sense , especially with
the suggested amendment lahu (II, 1746, n. i.) The transla-
268 Appendix I
Appendix II
The index contains all proper names of places, persons, and tribal and other
groups that occur in the introduction, the text, and the footnotes, as well as some
technical terms, except that only names belonging to the medieval or earlier
periods have been included from the footnotes.
The definite article and the abbreviation b. (for ibn, son) have been disregarded
for the purposes of alphabetization. When there may be ambiguity over names
(as with some of the Umayyads), a longer genealogical chain has been provided.
E
D
Eritrea 129
Daghestan 3 Euphrates xxiii-xxiv, 15, 45, 48, 81,
al-Dahak b. Ayman r56 125, 168, 242
288 Index
F Hadath 169
al-Hadithah 146
al-Fall, mawli of 'Abd al-Qays 121 al-Hajjij b. 'Abdallih al- Ba$ri 1g8
al-Fa511 b. $alih b. 'All, 'Abbisid gover- al-Hajjij b. Artih al -Nakha'i 214
nor of Cairo 5 5 al-Hajjij b . Bishr b. Fayruz al-Daylami
Pam al-Nil 258 129
Firib 31 al-l:iajlij b. Hirun b. Milik 62
al-Farifisah b. Zuhayr al-Bakri 225 al-Hajjij b. al-Qisim b . Muhammad 49
al-Farazdaq, poet 92, 177 al-Hajjij b. Qutaybah 34-35
Farghanah xxii , 25, 28 , 31-33, 59 al-Hajjij b. Y6suf 166
Farqad, mawla of al-Kirmini 229 al-Hakam b . Hazn al-Qayni 168
Farqad, tribal group 21 al-Hakam b. fir' al-Quit 190-91
Firyib xxi, 31, 58 al-Hakam b. al-Nu'min, mawli of al-
Fitimah bint al-Husayn b. 'All to Walid b. 'Abd al- Malik 130, 163
al-Fay4 b. Muhammad b. al-Qisim al- al-Hakam b. Numaylah b. Milik 62-
Thaqafi 132 63
al-Fayyilm 48 al-Hakam b. al-$alt al-Thagafi 37, 39,
Fazirah, tribal group 91, 212 40-41, 49-50, 57-6o
Firuz b. Yazdigird b. Shahriyar 243 al-Hakam b. al-Walid b . Yazid,
Umayyad xix, 104- 5, 114, 128,
G 155, x60,251-53,271
Hakim b. Sharik al -Muhiribi 51, 54
Halil 134
Ghalatin 229
Hamadhin 27, 255
Ghilib, mawli of Hishim too
Hamih 187
Ghamr b. Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik,
Hamdin, tribal group 14, 40, 43
Umayyad xix, 119, 214, 239
Hamlah b. Nu'aym al-Kalbi 60-63
Ghani, tribal group 76
Hammid al -Ababb 75
Gharshistin xxi, 32
Hammid b. 'Amr al-Sughdi 124
Ghassin, tribal group 146
Hammid al-$i'igh 221
Ghassin b. 'Abd al-Ilamid 7S
Hammim b. Murrah b. Dhuhl b.
Ghassin b. Qi'is al-'Udhri 201
Shaybin, tribal group 258
al-Ghawr 92
Hamzah b. Talbah al-Sulam! 66
Ghaylin, chief of guards for al-Walid
Hanafi 235
11 176
Hanbali 71
Ghaylin b. Muslim al-Qibti al-Di-
Hini ' b. Bishr 203
mashgi 75-76, 129, 197
Hanifah, tribal group 124
Ghaznah 32
Han;alah b. Safwin 240
Ghubar, tribal group 22
Harasti 145
Ghur xxi, 32
Harb b. 'Abdallih b. Yazid b.
al-Ghutah 142, 146, 186
Mu'iwiyah 187
al-Ghuwayr 156
Harb b. 'Amir b. Aytham al-Wishiji
226, 229
H Harim b. 'Abdallih b. Dihyah 152
al-Hanish b. 'Amt b. Diwud 121
Habibah bint 'Abd al-Rabmin b. al-Hirith b. al-'Abbas b. al-Walid,
jubayr 128 Umayyad 159, 198, 200
Index 289
al-Hirith b. 'Abdallih b . al-Hashraj al-Hirah xxiv, 15, 37, 40, 45, 148,
223 166-67, 177, 196, 198-99, 220,
al-Hirith b. Aflal. b. Malik 62 254-55 ,2 57-61
al-Hirith b. Surayj 25 , 28-31 , 58-59, Hishim b. 'Abd al -Malik, Umayyad
158, 220-21, 232, 234-37, 263- caliph xiii-xvi, xix, 5-8, 10-14,
65 16-20, 23, 35, 50-51, 54, 57-62,
al-Hirith b. Yazid 77 68, 70-83, 87-101 , 103, 117, 121,
Hirithah b. Janib, tribal group 157 127-30, 136, 138, 152, 156, 165-
Harrin 239, 242, 250 68, 170 -73, 175 , 180,185# 205,
Harrin b. Karimah 47 239-40, 267-68
Hirdn b. al-Siyiwush 30, 62 Hishim b. Ismiil b. Hishim al-
al-Hasan b. 'Ali b . Abi Tilib 5, 16 Makhzdmi 6, 89, 119
al-Hasan b. al-Hasan b. al-Hasan, 'Alid Hishim b. Khilid al -Qasri 169
8 Hishim b. Magid 186-87
al-Hasan b. Mu'iwiyah b. 'Abdallih b. Hishim b. Muhammad al-ICalbi, his-
Ja'far 256 torian xiv-xv, 4-5, 13, 21, 36,
al-Hasan b. Zayd al -Tamimi, governor 70-71 , 83, 121 , 124, 164, 196,
of TuS 122-23 243, 247, 254
al-Hashis al-Azdi 124 Hit 48, 168
Hishimiyyah (also Hishimi) 15, 27, Hizim b. Murrah al-Muzani 42
34, 66, 68, 168, 254 Hubayrah b. Sharilul al-Sa 'diyyin 265
Hishimjird 24 Hubaysh 157
Hassin al-Asadi, governor of Samar- Hudbah al-Sha'riwi 235
gand rr8 Hudhayfah b. Said 190
Hassin b. ja'dah al-Ja'fari 178 Hujayyah b. al-Akhlsj al-Kindi 15
Hassiin al-Nabaii 131 Hulwin 255
al-Hatim 65 I:lumayd, mawli of Naar 208, 213
Hitim b. al-Sharqi b. 'Abd al-Mu'min Humayd b. 'Abdallih al -Lakhmi 241
254 Humayd b. Habib al-Lakhmi 145, 148
al-Hawn b. Khuzaymah, tribal group Humayd b. Nagr al-Lakhlni 129, 154
37 Hurayth 129
Hawshab 53 Hurayth b. Abi al-Jahm al -Kalbi, gov-
Hawzin 228, 230 ernor of Wisit 196, 199
al-Haytham b . 'Adi, historian 4, 132, al-Husayn b. 'All 1 i , 16-17 , 42-43,
168, 177 48,53
Hayyah b. Salimah al-Kalbi 187 Husayn b. Hukaym 228
Hayyin al-Naba;i 235 Husayn b. Yazid 82
Hazirmard 27 Husaynids 5, 8
al-Hazirn 149 Huwwirsyn 185
Herat 32, 124, 230
Hibil b. 'Amr al-Kalbi 129, 154
Hijiz xiii, 18, 22, 65 I
Hilil b. Abi al-Ward, mawli of Band
'Ij1258 Ibn Abi Layli Muhammad b. 'Abd al-
Himg xxiii, 136, 148, 150, 155-56, Rabmin, gddl 5 5, 244
159, 170, 183-90, 250, 252 Ibn Abi Nuhaylah 72
Himyar, tribal group 134, 146 Ibn Abi al-Zinid 164
290 Index
Nabateans 212
al-Nibighah al-Dhubyini, poet 144, 0
223
al-Nagr, kutib Io5 Oxus (river) xxi-xxii, 31, 62-63, 78,
al-Naar b. Said b. 'Amr al-Harashi 260 117-18, 209, 221
Index 295
p Qigiiniyyah 41, 46
Qubi 31
Palestine 9o, 189 -93, 240-41 Qudi'ah, tribal group 9, 91, 129, 134
Palmyra (see Tadmur) Qudimah b. 'Abd al-Ralimin b.
Panj, river 31 Nu'aym al-Ghimidi 227
Persians 43, 150 Qudimah b. Mus'ab al-'Abdi 213-14
Petra 198 Qudayd b. Mani' 233
Quhistin xxi, 210
Qiimis xxi, 123, 25 5
Q Quraysh 7, 9, 11 , 40, 118 , 134, 187,
200,211
gabdlah 57 Quraysh b. al-Harish III
Qadariyyah (Qadarij 75 , 129, 142, 186, Qusaym b. Ya'gUb 147
191,216, 238,243 Qusayr 'Amrah 91
Qadlr 31 Qustanin 152
al-Qidisiyyah 13, iS-r6, 43 Qutaybah b. Muslim al- Bihili 34-35,
Qabdam, kdtib 82 63, 243
Qakktabah b. Shabib al-Tai 27, 67, 120
Quin 9, 11
al-Qa'gi' b. Khulayd al-'Absi 89 R
Qar'ah, physician 30
Qirah, tribal group 37 al-Rabi' 71
al-Qaryah 149, 168 Rabi'ah, tribal group 40, 111 , 134, 146,
al-Qaryatayn 149 209, 213, 225, 257, 159-60, 262-
al-Qisim b. 'Abd al-Ghaffir al-'Ijli 25 9 63
al-Qisim b. Najib 231 Rabi'ah b. Hanzalah 227
al-Qisim al-Shaybini 237 Rabi'ah al-Qurashi 235
al-Qiisim al-Tint, later called al- Rifid'is 38
Hadrami 39-40 al-Rihib 147
Qasr Bani Mugitil 167-68 al-RA'igah, slave girl of Khilid al-Qasri
Qasr al-Hayr al-Sharqi 81 82, 169
Qasr al-Tnbah 92 Raja' b. Rawh b. Salamah 189
al-Qastal xxiii, 137 al-Ramlah 193
Qatar, mawli of Yazid III 137-38, al-Raggah 250
151 Rashid b. Jir' 190
Qatan b. Qutaybah 61 Rawly b Muqbil 154, 163
Qatina 142, 147 al-Rayy 208, 255
Qatari, mawli of al-Walid 151 al-Rayyin b. Salimah al-Ariishi 4!-
Qays (Qaysiyyah (, tribal group 59, 62- 42, 45
63, 65, 129, 133 - 34, 146, 150, al-Rayyin b. Sinin al-Yalimadi 229
197, 113, 240, 250, 259 Rahn b. MAjid 144, 147
Qays b. Hini' al-'Absi 195 Red Sea 129
Qays b. Tha'labah 178 Ribi'i b. Hishim al-Hirithi 146
Qays b. Thawr al-Sakuni 15 S Rifi'ah b. Thibit al-Judhimi Zoe, 242
Qinnasrin xxiii, 62, 8o, 136, 193, 250, Ru'is, tribal group 46
252 al-Rusiifah xxiii, 5, 71, 80-81 , 92, 100,
Qigiin 41 168, 171 -72, 189, 240
296 Index
S al-Sagadim 230
al-$aqr b . $afwin 18g
al-Saba' 190 Sat-i Asya 118
Sabiq, mawla of Bishr b. 'Abd al-Malik Sarakhs xxi, 121-22
b. Bishr 48 Sardarkhudah 237
Sabsavar 60 al-Sari b. Ziyad b . Abi Kabshah al-
Sa'd b. Ibrahim, qadi 119 Saksaki 129, 154, 252
Sa'd b . Zayd, tribal group 46 Sarir 3
$adagah b . Waththab, astrologer 117 al-Sarrijin (in Marw) 62, 67-68
. adagat rasal Allah 5 Sasanian 15, 78, 82
al-$afah 65 Satre 145
al-Saffah, 'Abbasid caliph 154 al-Sawed 21 , 220, 263
$afiyyah bint al= Abbas b . 'Abd al- Sawrah b. Muhammad b. 'Aziz al-
Muttalib 46 Kindi 124
$aghaniyan xxii, 117-18 al-Sayyid, Isma'il b. Muhammad al-
Said b. 'Abd al-'Aziz Khudaynah 23S Himyari 53
Said b. 'Abd al- Malik b. Marwin, gov- Sergiopolis Si
ernor of Palestine xix, 139-40, Sha'bin, tribal group 146
189-90 Shabbah b. 'Aqqil 175
Said b. al-'As, governor of Ba 'labakk Shabib b. AN Malik al-Ghassini 129
144 Shah-i Afrid, mother of Yazid III
Said b. Bayhas b. Suhayb 128 243
Said b. Khalid a!-Qasri 169-70 Shikir, tribal group 47
Said b. Rawh b. Zinbs' 19o al-Sharih 175
Said b. al-Walid (Umayyad) xix, 105- Sharqi al-Qura 157
6 Shish xxii, 25, 28, 31, 56, 118
Sakisik, tribal group 145-46, 153 Shaybah b. 'Uthman 71
Sakun, tribal group 133-34 al-Shi'b 152
al-Salamah 187 Shihib b . 'Abd Rabbihi 82
Salamah b. Kuhayl 15-17 Shi is (Shi'ites) 13, 15, 21, 44 , 50, 258,
Salamah b. Thibit al-Laythi 47-48 262
Salimin, tribal group 146 Shiqq b. Sa'b al-Kihin 167
Silih al-Athram al -Hirer 226 Shubayl b. 'Abd al-Rahmin al -Mizini
Salim b. 'Abd al- Rahmin, katib 13, 6o
18,99 Shuqayr, mawla of Banu Ru'as, physi-
Salim Abu al-'Ali', katib 71-74 cian 47
Salim al-Laythi 207 shura 158, 206
Salim al -Naffit 177 Sibi' b. al-Nu'min al-Azdi 225
Salm b. Ahwaz 1,8 - 19, 124, 208, 221, $iffin 151
227-28, 231-33 Sijistin xxi, 55, 199
Salm b. Qutaybah 61 al-Simi b. Thibit b . Yazid 185-86,
Salman, mawli of 'Ubaydallih b. 189
al-'Abbas al-Kindi 43-44 Sind 6o, 66, 199
Samil 115 Sirhin b. Farrukh b. Mujihid
Samarqand xxii, 24-26, 29, 118, 237 al-'Anbari, Abu al-Fall 122-23
al-Samiwah 149, 200 Soghdians 25, 27, 56-57
al-$annabrah 192 Su'di, tribal group 132
Index 297
T U