‘This book combines sophisticated theories of industrial policy with a deep under-

standing of the policy process, which comes from the author’s long experience in
policy-making at the highest levels. This unusual combination has resulted in a frame-
work for empirical analysis that is not only fully appreciative of structural dynamics
and inter-sectoral linkages but also keenly aware of practical challenges of policy
implementation in terms of administrative capabilities, interest group politics, and
institutional constraints. A unique, pathbreaking book.’
Ha-Joon Chang, Reader in Economics, University of Cambridge

‘Ethiopia is a development miracle in the making, which will provide the inspiration,
confidence, and experiences for other African countries, like the Japanese miracle in
post WWII to East Asian countries. Dr Arkebe Oqubay’s Made in Africa: Industrial Policy
in Ethiopia is a brilliant book. It provides first-hand insights with academic rigor about
how Ethiopia kick started dynamic structural transformation and achieved double-digit
growth in the past decade. Anyone concerned about the development in Africa and
other poor countries in the world would be wise to read the book.’
Justin Yifu Lin, Professor, Peking University and Former Chief
Economist, World Bank

‘Solid transformation of the Ethiopian economy will generate its own industry of
success attribution, but few will dispute that this book spells out succinctly and beauti-
fully what is changing. There is no special secret as Arkebe rightly demonstrates:
industrial policy is about a reform-minded government having a drive to make it
happen; but also having the right cocktail of policies that generate the incentives in
every front to make success possible. From agro-processing to light industrial produc-
tion, from textiles to infrastructure servicing, Ethiopia has become a good case study for
other countries to emulate. Be it through regulatory and macro incentives, be it
through energy-centered investment, it demonstrates the need for coherence and
eagerness to learn from other realities, particularly from Asia. A must read for the
many Africans engaged in structural transformation.’
Carlos Lopes, UN Undersecretary and UNECA Executive Secretary

‘This is a profoundly original book about the Ethiopian development experience

which highlights the potential for, and constraints on, industrialization in Africa. It
questions conventional wisdom to argue that industrial policy can work even in low-
income countries, where the State performs a developmental role and has the space to
make its own policy choices. The author recognizes that industrial policy is easier said
than done, to focus on implementation as much as analysis, and emphasizes that even
if outcomes are mixed there is learning from both successes and failures. This lucid
and engaging book is an unusual blend of theory and policy, as Arkebe Oqubay
combines careful scholarship with his rich experience as a policy practitioner. It is
essential reading for scholars and practitioners in countries that are latecomers to
industrialization.’
Deepak Nayyar, Emeritus Professor of Economics, Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi, and Former Vice Chancellor, University of Delhi

‘Active and responsive industrial policy, trial-and-error attitude, and great attention to
sectoral details proposed in this book are essentially East Asian. As a scholar and policy
maker, Dr Arkebe has revealed to us what is going on in the mind-set of Ethiopian
leaders, and why the country is growing fast and absorbing a large amount of light
manufacturing investment from abroad.’
Kenichi Ohno, Professor, National Graduate Institute
for Policy Studies, Tokyo

‘This book arrives at a propitious moment. There is a growing recognition of the

importance of industrialization in Africa and an expanding consensus on the need
for industrial policy but a paucity of studies to map out the terrain of transformation.
The volume provides detailed insights into the institutional configuration and political
dynamics underlying industrial policy success and failures by an insider closely tied to
the center of power in Ethiopia. The book is essential reading for policy makers,
academics and students of the political economy of Ethiopian economic policy.’
Howard Stein, Professor School of Public Health, DAAS,
University of Michigan

‘Arkebe Oqubay is the ultimate insider, yet he offers an admirably detached and
balanced assessment of the ups and downs of Ethiopia’s industrial policies. His view
of industrial policy is a sophisticated one. Successful intervention requires the right
political and institutional framework. It demands a deep understanding of market
opportunities, of supply-side problems and linkages across activities, and an apprecia-
tion of what government can and cannot do. And it depends, most crucially, on the
government’s capacity to implement the appropriate measures. This book will be
essential reading for all those concerned with the process of industrialisation in devel-
oping countries.’
John Sutton, Sir John Hicks Professor of Economics,
London School of Economics

‘Made in Africa is a case study of Ethiopia, but far more than a case study. It uses Ethiopia
as the centre of a thoughtful and wide-ranging discussion of the literature on the
developmental state, industrial policy, and industrialization-at-large, and celebrates
the contributions of the more “heterodox” economists such as Hirschman, Rodrik,
Amsden, Reinert, and those at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Develop-
ment (UNCTAD). It is a model of its kind for economists and political scientists working
on development issues around the world. What is more, it is beautifully written!’
Robert H. Wade, Professor of Political Economy, Department of
International Development, London School of Economics
and Political Science, and winner of the Leontief Prize in Economics
Made in Africa
About this book

Made in Africa presents the findings of original field research into the
design, practice, and varied outcomes of industrial policy in different
sectors in Ethiopia. The book explores how and why the outcomes of
industrial policy are shaped by particular factors in different industries.
The findings are discussed against the backdrop of ‘industrial policy’,
which has recently found renewed favour among economists and inter-
national organizations, and of the history of thought about and practice
in industrialization. It argues that an effective industrial policy requires a
more interventionist state than most development economists would
accept, including those recently claiming to champion a ‘new industrial
policy’. It also examines industrial structures and associated global value
chains to demonstrate the challenges faced by African firms in inter-
national markets. The book seeks to learn from the failures and successes
in the cement, leather and leather products, and floriculture sectors, all of
them functioning under the umbrella of a single industrial strategy. More-
over, it argues that success lies in the interactions among policy, specific
industrial structures, and institutions. Specifically, this book argues that a
successful policy should maximize linkage effects, but will flounder in the
absence of a clear understanding of the political economy of each sector.

ARKEBE OQUBAY is a Senior Minister and Special Adviser to the Prime

Minister of Ethiopia and has been at the centre of policymaking for over
twenty-five years. He is a research associate at the Centre of African Studies
in the University of London, and holds a PhD in development studies
from SOAS, University of London. He is the former mayor of Addis Ababa
and winner of the ABN Best African Mayor of 2006, and finalist for the
World Mayor Award 2006. He is a recipient of the Order of the Rising Sun,
Gold and Silver Star and serves as board chair of several leading public
organizations and international advisory boards. His work includes Made
in Africa: Industrial Policy in Ethiopia (OUP, 2015); African Economic
Development: Evidence, Theory, and Policy (OUP, 2019); and China-
Africa and an Economic Transformation (2019, OUP). He was recognized
as one of the 100 Most Influential Africans of 2016, and a ‘leading thinker
on Africa’s strategic development’ by the New African.
Made in Africa
Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

Arkebe Oqubay

1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
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# Arkebe Oqubay 2015
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First published 2015
First published in paperback 2016
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contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
Contents

Preface to the paperback edition viii

Preface x
Acknowledgements xiii
Foreword xv
List of Figures xix
List of Tables xx
List of Abbreviations xxii

1. Introduction to Industrial Policy in Ethiopia 1

2. Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development 15
3. Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance 60
4. Cementing Development? Uneven Development in
an Import-Substitution Industry 105
5. Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges
in Floriculture 149
6. Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products 195
7. Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia 241
8. Lessons from Industrial Policy in Twenty-First-Century Africa 278

Bibliography 297
Index 327
Preface to the paperback edition

It is gratifying that Made in Africa has received a great deal of attention

since its publication in 2015, not least because it confirmed the surge of
interest in industrialization and broader structural change in developing
countries. Arguably, the recent drop in many commodity prices in the
international market only serves to underline the importance of developing
a diversified economy rather than one specialising narrowly on ‘primary
commodities’.
Meanwhile, industrial policy in Ethiopia has evolved since the research
for Made in Africa was undertaken. Addis Ababa, the nation’s capital,
opened the continent’s first electric powered urban light railway in late
2015; and the new Addis-Djibouti freight and passenger rail line, also
electric, becomes operational in 2016. The government’s Vision 2025—
aiming to make Ethiopia the leading manufacturing hub in Africa—is
supported by the five-year Growth and Transformation Plan II, which
puts even greater emphasis on targets for manufacturing output expansion
and large-scale industrial employment growth. And the government—in
some cases in partnership with foreign private firms—is pushing ahead
with a strategy to create a range of industrial parks to stimulate economies
of agglomeration. Bole Lemi, for example, is one of the new industrial
parks, a government run park that has created more than 10,000 jobs
since opening in 2015. Moreover, a new world-class eco-industrial park
in Hawassa city (representing a new generation of sustainable industrial
parks) will be occupied by leading international manufacturers and
domestic industrialists.
Industrialization is as challenging as ever and perhaps more so. While it
is a process that creates a huge demand for imports, it must also be capable
of generating export earnings over the long run, to help an economy
manage or even escape from the foreign exchange constraint on growth.
But industrial policy must also address the environmental constraints on
 Preface to the paperback edition

long-term economic development. Climate change is an unavoidable

pressure on any long-term industrialization strategy; and the Ethiopian
government is trying to craft an industrial policy that does not undermine
its broader commitments to a broader green economy. In Ethiopia, gen-
erating electricity from a rapidly expanding hydro-electric and wind farm
infrastructure for renewable energy is just one part of this strategy.
Another is the requirement that industrial parks meet environmental
targets.
It is understandable given details such as these that the Ethiopian effort
at structural transformation has warranted global interest and media
coverage, including the special conference organised by The Economist.
Within this context, I hope Made in Africa will continue to shed some light
on the foundations of the dramatic rate of change that is taking place in
Ethiopia.

ix
Preface

When I spoke previously at the Africa Summit about some of the bright spots and
progress that we're seeing in Africa, I think there is no better example than
what has been happening in Ethiopia—one of the fastest-growing economies in
the world. We have seen enormous progress in a country that once had great
difficulty feeding itself. It’s now not only leading the pack in terms of agricultural
production in the region, but will soon be an exporter potentially not just of agricul-
ture, but also power because of the development that’s been taking place there.
President Barack Obama, New York (25 September 2014)1

This book is about the ‘African Renaissance’ as evidenced in the successful

development experience of Ethiopia, a country that is in the throes of
dramatic political and economic transformation. As President Obama
recognizes in his quote above, an African country can break away from
dependence on subsistence agriculture and industrialize. The book chal-
lenges conventional wisdom on pathways to industrialization. It argues
that industrialization requires a strong and development-oriented state
with a long-term vision of structural transformation, a highly committed
political leadership, and effective transformative institutions. Employing
structuralist and political economy perspectives, the book shows that
industrial policies can work and indeed thrive in a low-income African
country, and that the state can and should play an activist and develop-
mental role. In this process, policymaking independence is a key
prerequisite.
For twenty-five years, I have had the privilege of serving in the top
leadership of the government of Ethiopia, including as mayor of Addis
Ababa and now as special advisor to the prime minister. During those

1
Source: <http://translations.state.gov/st/english/texttrans/2014/09/20140925308885.html>
 Preface

years, I have had numerous opportunities to participate in difficult policy

decisions, and have witnessed the twists and turns of development policy
as the government poured immense resources into developing the essen-
tial infrastructure and the health and education that are necessary to put
Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries in Africa, on a transformational
path that will alleviate the abject poverty of millions of its citizens.
Being a member of the highest policymaking circles and developing
sectoral policies and strategies is one thing, but reviewing policy outcomes
and extracting lessons is another challenge altogether, and requires
careful empirical research. This is even more important in view of the
country’s decision in 2010 to embark on the five-year Growth and Trans-
formation Plan, which departs from earlier plans by focusing on a struc-
tural transformation whereby manufacturing industry will steadily lead
the economy. This was obviously an enormous challenge for the govern-
ment. Thus, in 2010, I decided to embark on a research project to review
industrial policy in Ethiopia. This book is the outcome of that adventure
and of my own desire to contribute to debate on industrial policy and
industrialization within a developing country. By the standards of devel-
oping countries, the Ethiopian story is worth telling repeatedly, although
industrial policy remains very much a work in progress.
It is not possible for anyone to be completely free of bias. Some pro-
nouncements in this book may have been influenced by my direct invol-
vement in Ethiopian politics and policymaking for the past twenty-five
years. Nonetheless, I have tried to keep an open mind and a high degree of
professionalism in conducting the research, which focuses in the main on
three important—and very different—sub-sectors in the economy. This
book does not seek to indulge in triumphalism or to deal in sweeping (and
all too common) criticisms and generalizations. Rather, the purpose is to
explore what may be learnt from failures and successes, and to emphasize
and contribute to policy learning. It should also be made clear that, while I
am a government minister and have held a range of government posi-
tions, the views presented here are personal: they are not expressed on
behalf of the government or the other bodies with which I am or have
been affiliated.
It is hoped that scholars and practitioners alike interested in industria-
lization and industrial policy in developing countries, in particular in
Africa, will find this book useful. Equally, it is hoped that policymakers
in Ethiopia will find the book relevant at a time when there is a

xi
Made in Africa

shift towards an industry-led development strategy for the country. This

will require a fundamental shift in thinking, and the capacity and com-
mitment to climb the steep road ahead. Now is an opportune moment to
elucidate the different perspectives, experiences, and challenges, and ide-
ally to provoke further research and dialogue.

xii
Acknowledgements

The book would not have been possible without the support of many
organizations and individuals. First and foremost, I would like to thank
Professor Christopher Cramer of the School of Oriental and African Stu-
dies (SOAS), University of London, for his remarkable intellectual gui-
dance and encouragement throughout the process of researching and
writing the book. I am also indebted to Dr Abaraham Tekeste (MOFED)
for his encouragement and valuable comments on the drafts. I must thank
Professor John Sender, Dr Deborah Johnston, and Dr Carlos Oya at SOAS
for their comments on core chapters. I am grateful to the Centre of African
Studies (CAS) at SOAS for a postgraduate fieldwork award, and to the
Chevening Foundation for its financial support, as well as to Angelica
Baschiera of CAS for her administrative support. I would also like to
thank Ambassador Greg Dorey, his predecessor Ambassador Norman
Ling, Chris Allan, and Barbara Wickham.
In Ethiopia, I am highly indebted to the Office of the Ethiopian Prime
Minister for allowing me to take sabbatical leave to work on this book. I
am also indebted to the officials of the Ethiopian Ministry of Industry for
their full support and for providing me with a work station during my field
study. I must also thank all representatives of the firms, organizations, and
government agencies for their valuable time and for their readiness to be
interviewed, their participation in the survey, and their provision of data.
I thank my research assistants, in particular Eyoual Tamrat, Aregawi Geb-
remedhin, and Tadesse Gurmu, whose dedication and competence has
contributed to the quality of the research. Getnet, Hiwot, Simon, and
other enumerators participated in the field study. The encouragement
and support of Professor Graeme Salaman, Dr Axumite G. Egziabher
(UN-HABITAT), Dr Hailemichael Abera (ECSU), and Dr Haileselassie G.
Selassie (University of Amsterdam) is greatly appreciated.
Made in Africa

The process of publication has benefited from the outstanding guidance

and support of Adam Swallow, the commissioning editor of Oxford
University Press. Many thanks for this rewarding journey. It has been a
joy working with Adam and his team, the production and marketing
teams of OUP. I am indebted to Professors Christopher Cramer and
Fantu Cheru for taking the time to read the manuscript in full and provide
valuable comments before final submission. I am also indebted to the
anonymous external reviewers for their very constructive comments,
which indeed improved the scholarly quality of the book. And I thank
Peter Colenbrander, whose editing work has been remarkable.
Last but not least, I wish to thank my family—my wife Nigisty and our
sons, Samuel and Binyam—for their love, encouragement, and support.
Nigisty’s advice and constant assistance have been invaluable and my
hope is that this work will serve as inspiration to our dearest sons. This
book is dedicated to them.

xiv
Foreword

It is historically unusual for episodes of rapid economic growth to last very

long. And it is even more unusual for those growth spells to lead to, and be
underpinned by, the kind of structural transformation that makes an
initially low-income developing country better equipped to cope with
the shocks and constraints of a violently unstable world, while generating
jobs and productivity increases that raise the bulk of the population’s
living standards. Achieving this in a global context in which the incidence
of major financial crises has increased, in which international competi-
tion is intense and often hostile, and in which commodity prices and
global confidence can swing dramatically, is hugely difficult.
While the ‘Africa Rising’ narrative has become a commonplace in recent
years, there have also been concerns about whether rapid growth in many
Africa economies is really translating into structural change with widely
spread benefits. And in that context, it has become fashionable among
economists, who until very recently looked with disdain on the idea, to
champion ‘industrial policy’ in Africa.
It is very encouraging that so many more people now take the idea of
industrial policy in Africa seriously. But what, actually, does it mean?
What makes an industrial policy—or a strategy of industrialization com-
prising a whole set of policies—successful in some cases and a failure in
others? Is a successful industrial policy more of an art, even a fluke—neatly
labelled as a clear policy after the fact, when the fact involved a mixture of
strategic hunches about sectoral prospects, ad hoc allocation of protective
supports, favourable turns of global demand, and a happenstance combi-
nation of bright and driven individuals—or is it genuinely a science that
can be learned, copied, and repeated across contexts?
This book will give readers a unique, extraordinary insight into these
questions. How many books that are not memoirs or self-help leadership
guides, but the product of detailed, primary socioeconomic research, are
Made in Africa

written by individuals with long experience of political leadership, with

years involved in the leadership of a liberation movement that success-
fully booted out a totalitarian regime, and with some twenty-five years of
high level policymaking behind them? For that is what this book offers.
After I was first in touch with Arkebe, I thought I would try to find out a
little more about him. I talked to British Council officials. I talked to an
academic who had taught him when he was one of the remarkable cohort
of Ethiopian leaders, including the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who
had embarked on a distance learning degree programme through the
Open University. And I talked to diplomats. They all told me that Arkebe,
the former mayor of Addis Ababa, was a highly unusual person. Through
our discussions about development economics, about Ethiopia and Africa,
and about how one does research, I have gained insights particularly into
Ethiopia that would have been difficult to come by in any other way. But I
have also seen first-hand some of Arkebe’s qualities, qualities that run like
a watermark through this book.
Two characteristics in particular shape and colour this work: a frighten-
ing work ethic and a taste for the organized close observation and eye for
significance that are at the heart of good research. To sit in a position of
national authority, with ministerial rank and involved on the boards of
various major projects like Ethiopian Airlines (the state-owned enterprise
that is now the largest carrier in Africa), or the railway construction
programme, but to find time to carry out coalface research and to write,
rewrite, and write again the drafts of an academic manuscript must be
rather unusual.
But more than the work rate, what struck me, and I think surprised
Arkebe himself, was his natural research talent. I can think of quite a few
professional academics that don’t have this talent. It is a curiosity and
modesty motivated, I suppose, by the extreme significance of the research
(making something of a mockery of the ‘non-academic impact’ that UK
scholars contort themselves to show every few years in the Research
Excellence Framework evaluation of our work). I don’t know if he just
has a deeply unfair allocation of talents or whether it is about mobilizing a
core set of ‘transferable skills’, but few people surely have been so effective
at and passionate about transforming a city as he was when mayor of
Addis Ababa; working as a senior advisor to two prime ministers; and
doing fieldwork, making site visits, organizing enterprise surveys, and
interviewing industrialists across three sectors.

xvi
 Foreword

Attentive observation, repeated, reflected upon, is the source of social

science insights and other forms of creative enterprise. This book is
written with such modesty and intellectual calm that the reader might
not always realize—though I hope she/he does—how much passionate
observation, as well as extremely hard work, went into the research and
analysis.
The product is unique. It presents new empirical material, and the
discussion of this material is animated by the experience the author has
accumulated and by the urgency of the challenges of structural change.
These challenges are also the subject of the Ethiopian government’s am-
bitious Growth and Transformation Plan. And all the sectors addressed in
this book—cement, leather, and floriculture—have an important role to
play in that plan. The book does not attempt any grandstanding about
what in some cases are remarkable episodes of growth, as for example in
the rapid expansion of the cut flower export business. Rather, it tries to
understand why it is that a single industrial strategy can have such varied
outcomes across three sectors. And it emphasizes the obstacles, the con-
straints, and the difficulties, since while the successes are often impressive,
there is obviously a huge amount yet to change in Ethiopia if it is to
industrialize.
Arkebe’s own experiences probably account for his taste for particular
kinds of academic economist. To mangle Keynes’s famous quip, this
practical man, who does not actually believe himself exempt from intel-
lectual influences, is far from the slave of, but very much inspired by, the
ideas of perhaps two defunct economists in particular: Albert Hirschman
and Alice Amsden. What distinguishes economists like these (and a few
others) from the vast majority of their kind is their deep and direct
engagement with observation of the real world, as opposed to doctrinal
faith in abstract axioms and the creed of comparative advantage and
‘getting prices right’. We were trying to arrange for Alice to visit Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia when she died: her irreverence, her deep seriousness, her
emphasis on development as a learning process and one that involved
finding the right role models, would have been much appreciated.
Here lies the real significance of this book. Many neoclassical econo-
mists and international organizations have lately rediscovered the appeal
of industrial policy. And it is now very common to read and hear African
policymakers advocating industrial policy. But there remains a great deal
to understand about what makes for an effective industrial policy in

xvii
Made in Africa

low- and middle-income economies in Africa and elsewhere in the

twenty-first century. And there are still ongoing debates. Many main-
stream economists taking an interest in industrial policy completely
ignore the origins of the insights and arguments they offer—usually
because those origins lie in the work of earlier, far less orthodox econo-
mists, like Nicolas Kaldor, ‘structuralist development economists’, and
indeed Alice Amsden.
Mainstream proponents (at the moment) of industrial policy also cast
their case very much within the framework of neoclassical economics, in
terms of ‘market failure’ and of facilitating the exploitation of current
comparative advantage. There continues to be a thick vein of patronizing
advice in much of this work, which is rooted in the paternalistic idea that
governments of developing countries should not bite off more than they
can chew. This book suggests that such advice is often unfounded. It
suggests that, much as Albert Hirschman argued in Development Projects
Observed (1967), governments need to take on problem-rich, technically
complex projects, for only by implementing them will they acquire the
capacity for further such projects. The targets set out in Ethiopia’s Growth
and Transformation Plan may be hugely ambitious, but arguably they
help create a compulsion (politically a narrow margin for failure) to set
in train genuinely transformative developments. This book shows that
following through on ambitious industrial policies is far from easy. But it
offers insights into the experiences of different sectors, and of policymak-
ing, that are of enormous significance to policymakers elsewhere in Africa
and beyond. It makes a contribution to the academic debate. And, hope-
fully, it offers inspiration for further studies of industrial policy and
performance in low-income countries.
Christopher Cramer
Professor of the Political Economy of Development
SOAS, University of London

xviii
List of Figures

3.1 Contribution to GDP by economic activity at constant prices 67

3.2 Real GDP growth rates 2004–13 67
3.3 Policymaking hierarchies in Ethiopia 82
3.4 ETB–US$ exchange rate (July monthly average), 1992–2012 92
4.1 Production (in tons), 1978–2013 108
4.2 Total employees in the cement sector, 1993–2011 109
4.3 Growth of industrial energy consumption (in Ethiopian Calendar) 129
5.1 Export value of floriculture and horticulture, 1999–2012 (in $ million) 153
5.2 Number of employees in floriculture, 2007–12 156
6.1 Total production of semi-finished and finished leather by volume,
1992–2011 199
6.2 Export target and performance of leather sector (in million $) 201
6.3 Share of semi-finished and finished leather (based on export
earnings), 1999–2012 201
6.4 Labour productivity in footwear, 1979–2011 205
6.5 Labour productivity in tanning, 1977–2011 205
6.6 Export comparisons: live animals, leather, and meat
processing, 1998–2011 221
6.7 Monthly exports of leather sector ($ million), July 2011–November 2012 224
7.1 Comparative performance in three sectors (2003–12) 244
List of Tables

2.1 Regional structure of production, 1950–2005 51

3.1 Share of manufactured goods in Ethiopia’s export earnings
(in $ millions) 68
3.2 Summary of privatized firms and buyer profile 98
4.1 Comparison of growth rate and rank (in million tons) 108
4.2 Annual growth rate of cement industry, 2006–11 (in per cent) 110
4.3 Personnel composition and profile in cement and leather/leather
goods sectors 110
4.4 Capacity utilization in Messebo and Mugher Cement 111
4.5 Energy and cost efficiency (Mugher and Messebo) 112
4.6 Global cement production outlook (2012), in million tons 113
4.7 Economies of scale and capital intensity in the Ethiopian
cement industry 116
4.8 Interplay of shifting industrial structure and government policy 121
4.9 Cement imports 2006–11 (in tons) 126
4.10 Summary of investment certificates for cement industry 133
4.11 Industrial sub-sector loans above 1 per cent of total portfolio (in ETB) 135
4.12 Turnkey model choice 139
4.13 Management time spent in handling government-related issues 142
4.14 Lost revenue due to power shortages (Mugher Cement Factory) 143
5.1 Floriculture exports, 2004–12 (value, volume, growth rate) 154
5.2 Benchmarking rose production in Ethiopia and Kenya 159
5.3 Owner employment background/work experience 161
5.4 Global production in floriculture (in million euros), 2007–09 163
5.5 Exporter rankings in world floriculture (2010) 164
5.6 Cost components of floriculture 168
5.7 Perishable lift capacity on freighter flights, 2009–12 (in kg) 171
5.8 Government fuel subsidy for floriculture (2008–09) 172
5.9 Performance of non-floriculture, 2008–12 173
 List of Tables

5.10 Investment certificates in floriculture, 1992–2011 176

5.11 DBE loan performance in floriculture (in million ETB), 2007–11 178
5.12 Land development and utilization 181
5.13 Domestically owned firms’ views on FDI 188
5.14 Benchmarks of International Capacity Building Programme 190
6.1 Major inputs in tanning and leather products 203
6.2 Capacity utilization of firms (whole sector) 206
6.3 Capacity utilization of tanneries (2011) 206
6.4 Value chain comparator of Ethiopia, Kenya, and Italy 223
6.5 Domestic-owned firms’ share of export and local sales
(by volume), 2005–11 230
6.6 Domestic-owned firms’ reasons for investing 231
6.7 Investment certificates in leather and leather products (1992–2011) 231
6.8 Summary of DBE’s industrial financing (in ETB million) 232
6.9 Export Credit Guarantees, 1 September–30 November 2011 233
6.10 Major problems of privatized firms 234
6.11 Firms’ response to ‘What is the key limitation of LIDI?’ 237
6.12 Time spent on government-related issues 238
6.13 Views on ELIA’s role 239

xxi
List of Abbreviations

ADLI Agricultural development-led industrialization

AfDB African Development Bank
AGOA African Growth and Opportunity Act
AU African Union
CAD Comparative advantage-defying
CADF China-African Development Fund
CAF Comparative advantage-following
CBB Construction and Business Bank
CBE Commercial Bank of Ethiopia
CIP Competitive Industrial Performance Index
CLRI Centre for Leather Research Industry, Council of Scientific
and Industrial Research (India)
COMTRADE UN Commodity Trade Statistics Database
CSA Central Statistics Agency (Ethiopia)
DBE Development Bank of Ethiopia
EABG East African Business Group
EAL Ethiopian Airlines
EC Ethiopian Calendar
ECAE Ethiopian Conformity Assessment Enterprise
ECBP Engineering Capacity Building Program (Ethiopia)
EEPCO Ethiopian Electricity Power Corporation
EFFORT Endowment for the Rehabilitation of Tigray
EHDA Ethiopian Horticulture Development Agency
EHPEA Ethiopian Horticulture Producers and Exporters Association
EIA Ethiopian Investment Authority
EIB European Investment Bank
EIG Endowment investment group
 List of Abbreviations

ELI Export-led industrialization

ELIA Ethiopian Leather Industry Association
EPRDF Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front
EPZ Export-processing zone
ERCA Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Authority
ETB Ethiopian Birr
EU European Union
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization
FDDI Footwear Design and Development Institute (India)
FDI Foreign Direct Investment
FDRE Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia
FIA Federal Investment Agency
GDP Gross domestic product
GOE Government of Ethiopia
GTP Growth and Transformation Plan (2010–14)
GTZ/GIZ German Technical Cooperation
GVC Global Value Chain
ha. Hectare
HFO Heavy fuel oil
IDC Industrial Development Cooperation
IDF Industrial Development Fund
IDSE Industrial Development Strategy of Ethiopia
IFC International Finance Corporation
IFIs International Finance Institutions
IHDP Integrated Housing Development Programme
IMF International Monetary Fund
ISI Import-substitution Industrialization
ISIC International Standard Industrial Classification (Revision 3.1)
ITC International Trade Centre
LDC Least developed country
LIDI Leather Industry Development Institute
MIDI Metal Industry Development Institute
MNC Multinational corporation
MOE Ministry of Education (Ethiopia)

xxiii
Made in Africa

MOFED Ministry of Finance and Economic Development (Ethiopia)

MOI Ministry of Industry (Ethiopia)
MOM Ministry of Mines (Ethiopia)
MoST Ministry of Science and Technology (Ethiopia)
MoTI Ministry of Trade and Industry (Ethiopia)
MSEs Micro and small enterprises
MUDC Ministry of Construction and Urban Development (Ethiopia)
MVA Manufacturing value added
MWUD Ministry of Works and Urban Development
NBE National Bank of Ethiopia
NECC National Export Coordinating Committee (Ethiopia)
NEPAD New Economic Partnership of African Development
NIC Newly industrializing country
NIE Newly industrializing economies
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
PASDEP Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty
PFEA Public Financial Enterprises Agency (Ethiopia)
PPESA Privatization and Public Enterprises Supervisory Agency (Ethiopia)
SAP Structural adjustment programme
SDPRP Sustainable Development and Poverty Reduction Program
SNNPR Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region
SOE State-owned enterprise
SSA Sub-Saharan Africa
TGE Transitional Government of Ethiopia (1991–95)
TIDI Textile Industry Development Industry
TIRET Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Amahara
TVET Technical and vocational education training
UCBP University Capacity Building Programme
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
UN-DESA United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs
UNECA United Nations Economic Commission for Africa
UN-HABITAT United Nations Human Settlement Program
UNIDO United Nations Industrial Development Organization
USAID United States Agency for International Development

xxiv
 List of Abbreviations

USGS United States Geological Survey

VSK Vertical Shift Kiln
WB World Bank
WTO World Trade Organization

xxv
1

Introduction to Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

1.1 The Lion awakes

In March 2014, Time magazine published an article entitled ‘Forget the

BRICS: Meet the PINEs’. PINE is an acronym for the Philippines, Indo-
nesia, Nigeria, and Ethiopia, accounting for some 600 million people. The
author notes that for the last fifty years Africa has generally stood on the
sidelines as Asia and others in the developing world have made enormous
welfare gains. Now, at last, the continent is beginning to make gains. And
nowhere is this truer than in Ethiopia. Once synonymous with impover-
ishment, the country has enjoyed strong management and may be on a
new course. The author concludes by musing whether we are not seeing
the emergence of Lion economies in Africa, the analogue of Asia’s Tigers
of the late twentieth century. In the same month, the African Union
(AU) and UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) launched a
joint annual report at a conference of African finance ministers in Abuja,
Nigeria.1 The ministers and those attending the conference, and the
authors of the report, showed strong interest in Ethiopia’s attempt at
instituting an activist industrial policy.
Ethiopia is Africa’s second most populous country and occupies a highly
sensitive geopolitical position, and its economic performance does indeed
deserve attention. The country has made spectacular leaps on multiple
development fronts in recent years. For instance, Ethiopia—whose econ-
omy is not mineral dependent—has recorded double-digit economic
growth for a decade, quadrupling its gross domestic product (GDP) per

1
See UNECA-AU 2014.
Made in Africa

capita.2 Life expectancy increased by fifteen years from forty-eight years in

1992 to sixty-three years in 2013, and poverty was halved in two decades.3
This much-discussed performance is partly the result of the country’s
distinctive development path and bold experiment in industrial policy,
which is unlike any other in Africa. Few other countries on the continent
have even tried to implement an active ‘developmentalist’ industrial
policy.
Despite hiccoughs and ongoing challenges, Ethiopia’s momentum
seemingly persists. Indeed, in March 2014, the Ethiopian prime minister
inaugurated a new winery and vineyard at Ziway, a rapidly transforming
town 160 kilometres south of the capital. The French company Castel, the
largest wine producer in Europe, will export most of the output of the new
enterprise, and has committed to triple capacity. Of Castel’s 750 employ-
ees, only one is not Ethiopian. This company has also built three breweries
over twelve years, and has the largest share of the growing domestic
market. At the opening of the Castel winery, Prime Minister Haile Mariam
declared his government’s commitment to making Ethiopia the largest
wine producer on the continent within a decade, and promised to provide
full support to industrialists to this end.4 This was a serious affirmation,
and the government’s record in delivering on its promises has so far been
good, as seen in the floriculture sector.
A short distance from the Castel winery lies the biggest concentration of
flower farms in the country. For instance, floriculture’s largest exporter,
based in Ziway, employs more than 10,000 workers. In less than a decade,
Ethiopia has emerged as one of the leading players in global floriculture. The
sector has generated more than one billion dollars in export earnings over
seven years, a substantial amount for a new industry by Ethiopian stand-
ards.5 This success is associated with the Ethiopian government’s design and

2
The average GDP growth rate for eleven years (2003–14) was 11 per cent, while the annual
average growth rates for agriculture, industry, and service sectors were 9 per cent, 13.8 per cent, and
12.2 per cent respectively. The average annual growth rate of industry has increased to 20 per cent
during the four years (2011–2014) of Growth and Transformation Plan (MOFED 2014).
3
The average life expectancy for sub-Saharan Africa was fifty and fifty-six years for years 1992
and 2012 respectively. See World Development Indicators updated on 30 January 2015, and
UN-DESA (2013) <http://data.worldbank.org/region/sub-saharan-africa>
4
Speech of the Prime Minister on 23 March 2014, press release from the Prime Minister’s Office.
5
Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Authority (ERCA 2012a) and the National Export
Coordinating Committee (NECC 2012).

2
 Introduction to Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

execution of a successful industrial policy. Not far along the main road to
Addis Ababa, there are a number of new and established tanneries owned by
foreign and Ethiopian investors. Closer to Addis Ababa, the eye-catching
first industrial park built by a Chinese developer, the Eastern Industrial
Zone, dominates a landscape that includes many other warehouses, shops,
and factories. All these lie along a road that at the turn of the millennium
ran through almost entirely undeveloped country. Within twenty-four
months, this industrial zone will have close to 50,000 employees. The
world’s largest manufacturer of women’s shoes, the Huajian Group, started
production in January 2012 and currently employs 3,500 people. In the
near future, Huajian will build a special zone for footwear production that
will employ more than 30,000.6 Unilever, a leading European manufac-
turer, is also establishing a factory in this industrial zone.
In the capital, near the ring road, the largest Turkish textile and garment
plant employing 8,000 workers is expanding. Many Turkish companies
are relocating to Ethiopia, and see the country as the best destination for
their investment. According to a representative of the Turkish Federation
of Industrial Associations, ‘the Ethiopian government not only invites
investment, but also provides full support to the firms’.7 Pittards, a firm
from the United Kingdom (UK), established its first glove factory in Ethi-
opia in January 2012 and exports gloves to Wells Lamont in the United
States of America (US), part of Warren Buffett’s holding company, and to
Japan. In two years, Pittards has expanded production to three factories.
According to its young Ethiopian general manager, worker skills and
productivity are catching up to international industry standards. In dis-
cussing the major obstacles, she highlighted logistics and cumbersome
customs procedures, shortage of foreign exchange, acute insufficiency in
local financing for expansion, power interruptions, and the supply chain.
A globally experienced Korean industrialist also recently pinpointed cus-
toms procedures and the slow turnaround at the port of Djibouti as the
single most important constraints on doing business in Ethiopia. While
many industrialists voice these complaints, most are optimistic these
issues will soon be addressed. Many acknowledge the government’s efforts

6
<http://www.chinadailyasia.com/business/2014-01/27/content_15115269.html>; See also
‘Ethiopia becomes China’s China in Global Search for Cheap Labour’ <http://www.bloomberg.
com/news/2014-07-22/ethiopia-becomes-china-s-china-in-search-for-cheap-labor.html>
7
Meeting at Prime Minister’s Office in April 2014.

3
Made in Africa

in supporting industry, but some warn that the constraints are choking
manufacturing.
There are also dramatic changes in infrastructure under way—in power
generation, railways, and roads. The Renaissance Dam, the biggest hydro-
power project in Africa (and the thirteenth or fourteenth largest in the
world) and comparable to the Hoover Dam in the US, is being built with
finances entirely mobilized from local sources. It is a reflection of and
contributor to strong transformative economic growth under tight macro-
economic constraints and a symbol of the government’s recognition of the
political imperative of transformation. It is also a rallying point for a form
of ‘nationalism from above’ (Anderson 1991) in the context of federalism
and an ongoing ‘national’ issue (Markakis 2011). As the late Ethiopian
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi announced, ‘No matter how poor we are, in
the Ethiopian tradition of resolve, the Ethiopian people will pay any
sacrifice.’ He continued: ‘I have no doubt they will, with one voice, say:
“Build the Dam!”’ This is just one example of how growth and transform-
ation as a shared national project have been crafted into a ‘rhetorical
commonplace’ ( Jackson 2006), helping to shape and justify policy and
resource allocations. Moreover, Ethiopia began construction of the largest
electric railway network in Africa in 2010. In May 2014, a new toll-based
six-lane Addis Ababa–Adama expressway was opened to relieve the intense
pressure on the old road to the port at Djibouti.
As already noted, the country has become a destination for investment
from Europe and emerging economies, not only China and Turkey, but
also India. Deborah Brautigam, writing in The Guardian (30 December
2011), summed up differing international perceptions of Ethiopia as
follows: ‘To the Chinese, Ethiopia, with a fast growing economy and
90 million consumers, looks like good business; . . . to the West, Ethiopia
typically conjures up images of drought and starving children; we want
to save Ethiopia.’ Brautigam adds that while ‘China sees Ethiopia as a
land of business opportunities . . . the African country remains in charge
of any deals.’ Ethiopia’s rapid economic growth and poverty reduction
has attracted attention from friends, sceptics, and staunch critics. For
instance, a critique by The Economist Intelligence Unit (2012) gives a
careful picture of Ethiopia’s development path: despite the lack of com-
mercially exploitable hydrocarbons reserves found elsewhere on the con-
tinent, Ethiopia has achieved export-driven economic growth rates that are
the envy of other African countries. It adds, ‘The economic results of this

4
 Introduction to Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

state-led development model have been impressive, and proponents of the

difficult-to-define Beijing Consensus have cited Ethiopia as a successful
example . . . Ethiopia has grown more quickly than almost any country
on the continent while rejecting the advice from the IMF and others to
open up the economy quicker than it would like.’8
Although many recognize the recent achievements, few agree on the
drivers of growth. An Asian diplomat indicated that the secret has been
that ‘first, Ethiopia enjoys solid political stability. Second, Ethiopia has
found its development path and the government is committed to its
implementation. Third, Ethiopia’s growing market and big population
has been a plus.’9 On the other hand, Western diplomats and representa-
tives of international finance institutions question Ethiopia’s path of
economic development, and argue that state-led development is not sus-
tainable and that the state is crowding out the private sector.10 They
recommend slowing growth and arresting public investment as well as
rapidly liberalizing financial and telecommunications markets. Ideology
has been of no interest to foreign and local industrialists though, and they
are busily seizing new investment opportunities.
This rosy picture of a ‘rising Ethiopia’, however, reveals little about
either the actual details of the execution of industrial policy or the full
spectrum of challenges faced by low-income countries in general. It does
not reflect the daunting task for such countries in industrial catch up and
economic transformation. Indeed, given the extraordinary significance of
Ethiopian policy and performance, especially in the industrial sector, it is
remarkable how little careful empirical work has been done on them.
One way to understand the successes of and challenges facing Ethiopia’s
catch up and transformation is through in-depth study of the leading
industrial sub-sectors, for instance, leather, garments, and floriculture,
credited with the rapid transformation of the economy over the past
decade.

8
<http://country.eiu.com/article.aspx?articleid=659462850&Country=Ethiopia&topic=
Economy>.
9
Discussions with Chinese Ambassador in March 2014.
10
For instance, <http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2012/cr12287.pdf>; <http://www.
bloomberg.com/news/2013-10-18/imf-says-ethiopian-economic-growth-may-slow-without-policy-
shift.html>.

5
Made in Africa

1.2 Has industrial policy’s moment arrived in Africa?

Given the dominance of mainstream economic thinking, debate on

industrial policy has remained a ‘restricted zone’ until very recently. In
2011, United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
and United Nations Industrial Development Organization’s (UNIDO)
annual report focused on Africa’s industrialization, illustrating the chal-
lenges it faced. In 2012, a World Bank publication, Light Manufacturing in
Africa, was commissioned by the former chief economist Justin Lin. This
argued that industrialization is possible in Africa, but fell short of support-
ing industrial policy as the main vehicle in catch up and economic trans-
formation. Peculiarly, it also failed to mention the necessity for an activist
‘developmental’ state. Two years later, UNECA’s economic report sug-
gested that perceptions on African industrialization had started to change,
although it appears that perspectives on industrial policies continue to
diverge.
Although growth has been uneven among African countries and typic-
ally not sustained, more African countries have in recent years experi-
enced longer growth spurts. In some countries, oil, gas, and mineral
resources have driven growth and this growth has most often not been
inclusive or shared. This trend differs from the East Asian experience of
rapid industrialization and economic transformation. Scholars and pol-
icymakers are concerned that Africa’s growth is insufficient to improve
living standards for a rapidly growing population. At a more fundamental
level, there are concerns that in many countries policies and political
conditions are not in place to sustain rapid growth, to achieve industrial-
ization and economic transformation, and to ensure a more equitable
development structure. There are, in short, compelling grounds for debate
on African industrialization, structural transformation, and industrial
policies.
Is ‘Africa rising’? Are ‘lions on the move’? Does recent rapid growth in
Africa reflect an African version of the Asian Tigers? Perceptions of Africa’s
economic development have swung dramatically from doom-and-gloom
generalizations about a ‘growth tragedy’ or former UK Prime Minister
Tony Blair’s ‘scar on the conscience of the West’ towards a sometimes
hyperbolic excitement about recent growth. It is important to examine
how far that growth is underpinned by, or is being converted into, deeper,
more lasting structural change. Most people agree that such change

6
 Introduction to Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

requires industrialization and rapid technological innovation, which

enables countries to move out of subsistence production to more dynamic
industrial production. Historically, industrial policy has been central to
successful industrialization. However, mainstream thinking has been
wary of active industrial policy (see, for example, Ocampo, Rada, and
Taylor 2009). Although the idea of industrial policy has become more
fashionable recently, it is still unclear what this means in practical terms
for Africa. This is the issue this book seeks to address.

1.3 Alternative analytical perspective on late industrialization

The book examines conventional views of and contemporary debate on

issues associated with industrial policy. It also deploys an alternative,
predominantly structuralist, development economics approach, inflected
with political economy, to growth and structural transformation in devel-
oping countries and draws on a tradition influenced by Kaldor, Thirlwall,
and especially Albert Hirschman. Finally, it makes a novel contribution to
current debates. This work is based on the premise that economic per-
formance is the outcome of policies and political economy. Economic
transformation and structural change is the essence of economic develop-
ment. Industrial development, and development of the manufacturing
sector in particular, is believed by many (though not all) to be the prime
driver of economic transformation and sustained growth (Kaldor 1967;
Pasinetti 1981; Thirlwall 2002; Rodrik 2008c; Reinert 2010; Chang 2003a,
2003b; Amsden 2009).
Ocampo et al. (2009: 7) define economic structure as:

the composition of production activities, the associated patterns of specialization

in international trade, the technological capabilities of the economy, including
the education level of the labour force, the structure of ownership of factors of
production, the nature and development of basic state institutions, and the degree
of development and constraints under which certain markets operate (the absence
of certain segments of the financial market or the presence of a large under-
employed labour force, for example).

According to Hirschman (1958: 6), ‘[I]n general economic development

means transformation rather than creation ex novo: it brings disruption
of traditional ways . . . , in the course of which there have always been
many losses; old skills become obsolete, old trades are ruined . . . ’. Structural

7
Made in Africa

change can be defined in a simpler way as ‘those changes in the compos-

ition that are permanent and irreversible’ (Pasinetti 1993: 1). This suggests
that policies should be designed and measured with the aim of bringing
economic transformation and structural change. Because not all sectors
have the same economic or change-promoting characteristics, a sectoral
approach is called for, which also means that linkage effects should be
maximized to generate new activities and induce further investments. It
also means that learning and emulation should be enhanced to bring
sustained productivity growth in line with international competition
(Lall 1992, 2000b, 2003; Reinert 2009; Amsden 1989, 2001). Emulation,
moving up the productivity ladder, and advancing towards economic
activities with increasing returns are required for successful catch up.
Central to this endeavour is the presence of an effective developmental
state that invests heavily in physical infrastructure, skills development,
and direct credit and other incentives to pioneer firms, so they can suc-
ceed in the marketplace.
Many developing countries have been able to achieve rapid economic
growth and improve global competitiveness. By contrast, economic
growth has lagged in most African countries; or at any rate, it has proven
difficult for African countries to convert episodes of rapid growth into
growth sustained over twenty or thirty years. Economic development in
Africa is of utmost importance to Africans, a daunting challenge to African
policymakers, and a black box for researchers. One idea in the literature
on growth rates is the ‘Africa dummy’, a catch-all phrase for the residuals
that cannot be ‘explained’ by other variables in cross-country growth
regressions. Various possibilities are then explored or suggested for what
may account for this dummy—including geographical variables, ethno-
linguistic fractionalization scores, long-run history, institutional develop-
ment, and so on. However, the Africa dummy literature has been criticized
for being analytically, methodologically, and empirically fragile ( Jerven
2010a, 2010b, 2011).

1.4 Methodology based on original research

There are three main considerations in setting out the following meth-
odological framework. First, studies on industrial policymaking in
sub-Saharan Africa are scant, making it an under-researched topic. This

8
 Introduction to Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

is because such studies have been sidelined as irrelevant and harmful by

mainstream orthodoxy and the Washington Consensus since the early
1980s. The lack of research has limited wider appreciation of policy-
making, policy learning, and development of policy capabilities. Second,
most studies of industrial development in Ethiopia have focused on firm-
level quantitative data, which are often incomplete and conflicting. Such
data are important in researching an industry’s patterns, but fall short of
providing a comprehensive picture on policymaking, let alone a political
economy perspective. Third, the research approach adopted to date is
problematic in that many studies are conducted too quickly, with an
overdependence on secondary data only supported by one or two research
instruments. This has led to incomplete and, in some situations, mislead-
ing findings. Few studies have provided any detail or real depth of under-
standing of industrial performance and policy in Ethiopia. As a result, the
issues are typically frozen in polarized and shallow debates.
These approaches have to be viewed in the context of the aforemen-
tioned ‘Africa dummy’, hopeless ‘Afro-pessimism’, and the view of Africa
as ‘exceptional’ or homogenous. A typical recent example is the Neopa-
trimonial School, an over-simplistic view that blames African culture for
the ‘failure’ to reform economic and political systems as prescribed by
international financial institutions in the 1980s and 1990s. These incom-
plete perspectives on Africa have compounded the methodological
impediments (Padayachee 2010; Mkandawire 2013) and fail to generate
understanding of African social realities. This has undermined data
reliability and diminished research outcomes and their usability.
Mkandawire (2013: 52) stresses that ‘economic policymaking is a highly
complex process involving ideas, interests, economic forces and struc-
tures’ that cannot be reduced to a single explanation. A methodology is
needed that recognizes such complexity and considers broader political
economy factors rather than simplistic, uniform diagnoses. In the Ethi-
opian context, scarce availability of research and constraints on data
collection compound the methodological problems. Reliable and timely
data are not easily available in most organizations in Ethiopia, and many
studies are inconsistent as a result.
The research for this book was primarily qualitative, while also drawing
on quantitative data (both primary and secondary). A comparative design
was adopted, whereby three different sectors were compared within one
overarching industrial policy. Based on empirical evidence, this study

9
Made in Africa

investigates causal factors and their relationships, but does not pretend to
weigh with mathematical precision the relative contribution of specific
factors. In view of the limitations of existing data and studies, the study
has relied on extensive original data sources and adopted a more compre-
hensive data-collection system. A census using a qualitative and quanti-
tative questionnaire was conducted in 150 firms, with a 90 per cent
response rate. This complemented in-depth and qualitative interviews
involving 200 firms, intermediate institutions, government agencies,
and policymakers. Site observations of more than fifty factories in differ-
ing industries yielded unique insights. A review of some 1,000 primary
documents was undertaken, including previously inaccessible docu-
ments. Secondary sources were also extensively consulted. The field
study involved 1,300 person days, making this the first in-depth study
of industrialization and industrial policy in Ethiopia (beyond several
rapidly conducted consultancy reports). Appropriate analytical tools
have been carefully utilized, generating better understanding and new
findings. These are discussed throughout the remaining chapters. The
author hopes this project will encourage scholars to undertake more
extensive studies. Much of this evidence would have been more difficult,
even impossible, for ‘outsiders’ to assemble.

1.5 Structure of book

The main argument in the book is first, that industrial policy (despite
claims to the contrary) can work and indeed thrive even in low-income
countries such as Ethiopia. Nonetheless, the book cautions that industrial
policymaking is a work in progress in many such countries, and demon-
strates the colossal challenge of catching up and industrialization in
twenty-first-century Africa. Second, the book argues that the state in
developing countries can and must play an activist and developmental
role beyond being merely a ‘facilitating’ actor; that is, being little more
than a servant of comparative advantage. Policy independence is an
important ingredient. As Mazzucato (2013a: 5–6) highlighted:

When not taking a leading role, the State becomes a poor imitator of private sector
behaviours, rather than a real alternative. It is a key partner of the private sector—
and often a more daring one, willing to take the risks that business won’t. . . . The
State cannot and should not bow down easily to interest groups who approach it

10
 Introduction to Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

to seek handouts, rents and unnecessary privileges like tax cuts. It should seek
instead for those interest groups to work dynamically with it in its search for
growth and technological change.

Third, the book argues that the outcome of industrial policy is typically
uneven in different sectors. Overall, what matters for the evolution
and effectiveness of industrial policy is the way three factors interact—
industrial structure, linkage dynamics, and, broadly, politics/political
economy. Fourth, firms from low-income countries face huge challenges
in competing in a globalized economy, and more effective industrial
policies and instruments that facilitate growth and structural transform-
ation need to be designed and executed.
Based on rigorous and original research in Ethiopia into cement, an
import-substitution industry; leather, an export-oriented light industry;
and floriculture, the book reviews the constraints on, as well as lessons for,
Africa’s industrialization and industrial policymaking. The book focuses
on the design and implementation of industrial policy in Ethiopia, and on
how and why policy outcomes are shaped by different factors in different
industries. In view of the renewed interest in industrial policy in Africa
and internationally, the book will be a valuable addition to ongoing
discussion of the ‘African renaissance’, and provide arguments and evi-
dence for the possibilities of industrial policy in Africa.
The book is organized into eight chapters. Following this introductory
chapter, the second chapter, ‘Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy
and Development’, presents a literature review outlining the theoretical
framework (structuralist tradition, catch up, political economy), empirical
evidence, and the sub-Saharan African context. This chapter also outlines
the influence of industrial policy. Such policy has always been a bone of
ideological contention, and currently dominant viewpoints are strongly
averse to industrial policy in developing countries, and have been better
at identifying its failures than its evident successes. The third chapter,
‘Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance’, intro-
duces the main policies and policy instruments developed in Ethiopia in
recent years relevant to the selected case studies. This is done both to
clarify the context of policymaking in different sectors and to identify
national-level patterns in policymaking institutions.
The next three chapters provide sector-specific analyses. Thus, Chapter 4,
‘Cementing Development? Uneven Development in an Import-
Substitution Industry’, explores the cement industry as one of three case

11
Made in Africa

studies. Cement production is a strategic import-substituting industry in

many countries, driven by growth of the domestic market. The industry
has served as a binding agent of economic development and transform-
ation in multiple ways. In Ethiopia, it has undergone major changes in the
period under consideration, growing faster than in most developing coun-
tries. This chapter examines the industrial structure, linkage effects, policy
instruments, and institutions of the sector. In sharp contrast to the overall
domination by multinationals of the African cement industry, domestic-
ally owned firms continue to dominate the industry in Ethiopia.
Chapter 5, ‘Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in
Floriculture’, discusses the floriculture sector’s performance, structure,
linkages, and industrialization, and policymaking relating to it. Floricul-
ture shares many characteristics with manufacturing, and this sector has
been an economic success story that has attracted international interest
and policy debate. It emerged in Ethiopia in 2003 and has since shown
sustained growth, making the country the world’s fourth-largest cut
flower exporter. The chapter offers an alternative explanation for the
drivers of growth in the industry, arguing that government policy was
critical in this regard. Furthermore, early policies that helped bring about a
successful launching became inadequate as the industry matured and
encountered new challenges. New policies were thus needed.
Chapter 6, ‘Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products’,
focuses on the same issues as the previous two chapters, but in relation to
leather and leather goods. Unlike cement and floriculture, the perform-
ance of this sector has been characterized by erratic and sluggish growth.
The puzzle is that there is a century of manufacturing experience and a
plentiful endowment of livestock—Ethiopia stands first in Africa, and
among the top ten globally in this regard. Industrial policy relating to
leather and leather products has been unable to reverse this poor perform-
ance, and fully exploit the potential for linkage effects and insertion into
the global value chain. However, recent developments have begun to
yield more investment, better quality, and more exports of higher-end
products. The causes and factors are examined, to derive new insights.
Chapter 7, ‘Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in
Ethiopia’, discusses the findings from the case studies more thematically
and comparatively, and presents a comprehensive synthesis. Despite
growth in all three sectors, outcomes were indeed uneven. As noted
earlier, what matters overall is the interaction among industrial structure,

12
 Introduction to Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

linkage dynamics, and politics/political economy. This has significant

implications for policymakers.
The last chapter, ‘Lessons from Industrial Policy in Twenty-First-
Century Africa’ briefly draws the empirical contribution and analysis
together and highlights some policy and research implications for Africa.
Industrial policymaking in Ethiopia is a work in progress, but industrial
policies can work and thrive in a low-income African country, and the
state can and should play an activist developmental role, with policy
independence an important ingredient.11 However, the book also high-
lights how great the challenge of catching up and industrialization is for
twenty-first-century Africa.

1.6 Conclusion

Few books have been written on the political economy of industrial policy
in Africa, even fewer by Africans. This book provides a unique perspective
on why policy outcomes have been uneven in different industries, a major
challenge to policymakers. It also provides new data and perspectives on
the industrial structure of different sectors and firms. Finally, the study is
unique and comprehensive in covering the macro- (national policy-
making process), meso- (industrial policies in different sectors, institu-
tions, and in-depth industrial structure), and micro-levels. The author,
as both researcher and a senior policymaker, reflects on the challenges and
lessons of policymaking.
The book is a necessary corrective to the over-aggregated and typically
superficial hyperbole on an African economic renaissance. Beyond the
restrictive policy guidance by international financial institutions and
bilateral donors, and beyond the more recent flag-waving for industrial
policy, it is important that the scope and content of industrial policy are
informed by empirical evidence and careful, pragmatic analysis. This book
shows that low-income developing countries should not simply follow
‘comparative advantage’, as some would prefer. But equally it shows just

11
This is associated to the broader notion of ‘policy space’ that refers to the ‘various tensions
between national policy autonomy, policy effectiveness and international economic integration’
UNCTAD (2014: vii). Globalization, market internationalization, and legal agreements (multilateral,
regional, and bilateral) create obligations that undermine the scope of national policy.

13
Made in Africa

how difficult pursuing an effective industrial strategy can be (Rodrik

2008a).
Finally, this book highlights how, despite enormous challenges, Africa
can catch up, and contests the standard pessimism that Africa is a hopeless
continent. The distinguished German political economist, Friedrich List
(1841: 123) once said, ‘no nation has been so misconstrued and misjudged
as respects its future destiny and its national economy as the United States
of North America, by theorists as well as by practical men.’ Now, the US is
the leading economic power of our time. History offers many examples of
economic miracles occurring in unexpected places. Indeed, given the role
of interventionist states in successful industrialization there, East Asia
might have provided a more important lesson for Africa. Even so, the
Ethiopian story shows what is possible, and the aspiration of Africans to
catch up. With long-term national development vision, highly commit-
ted political leadership, and strong institutions, countries can shift from a
relatively agrarian to an industrial society.

14
2

Climbing without Ladders

Industrial Policy and Development

2.1 Introduction

All advanced capitalist nations have used industrial policies and state
interventions to establish their first mover status, to consolidate their
advantages, or to force the pace in catching up on those ahead of them.
Industrial policies have been the rule rather than the exception. The UK
and the US are typical examples of the frontrunners of the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries, with the US having played a successful catch up game
itself. For instance, the eighteenth US president, Ulysses Grant (1868–76),
once pointed out:

For centuries, England has relied on protection, has carried it to extremes and has
obtained satisfactory results from it. There is no doubt that it is to this system that
it owes its present strength. After two centuries, England has found it convenient
to adopt free trade because it thinks that protection can no longer offer it any-
thing. Very well then, gentlemen, my knowledge of our country leads me to
believe that within 200 years, when America has gotten out of protecting all that
it can offer, it too will adopt free trade (cited in Frank 1967: 164).

And, of course, industrial policy continues to be the rule. As is increasingly

acknowledged, the US owes many of its successes to state support for
technical innovation (Mazzucato 2013a, 2013b).
Current orthodoxy in development economics, however, favours a
minimalist state and short-term intervention. For example, Collier
(2007) argues that ‘quite possibly the easiest way for the state to “do no
Made in Africa

harm” in this situation is for it to be small, and concentrate on essential

public services.’ By contrast, commitment to an activist state is virtually a
sine qua non for structuralist development economists (Hirschman 1958;
Ocampo 2005; Ocampo et al 2009; Chang 1994; and Amsden 1989). For
these economists, there is a distinction between tailoring interventions to
the elusive idea of ‘market failure’ and intervening to create and shape
market institutions and transactions according to criteria less informed by
the quasi-religious faith in competitive perfection displayed by neoclas-
sical economics.
Despite periodic growth episodes, African countries have not succeeded
in catching up with advanced capitalist countries. In this context, and
after decades of economic stagnation and political instability, Ethiopia
has embarked on a course of economic revitalization. The country has
adopted home-grown economic policies, experimented with ethnic fed-
eralism, and broadly followed a line derived more from pluralist economic
traditions than from the ‘mono-economics’ often regarded as orthodoxy.
Arguably, Ethiopia’s economic expansion between 2003 and 2014 is
attributable to an aspiring developmental state and the adoption of activ-
ist economic policies. However, Ethiopia’s industrialization and industrial
policymaking are still a work-in-progress.
What is industrial policy and what are its foundations and rationale?
Can industrial policies and state activism be relevant in the contempor-
ary world? This chapter explores industrial policymaking by outlining
theoretical foundations and provides empirical perspectives on indus-
trial policy relevant to understanding the prospects for (and process and
outcomes of) such policy in Ethiopia. After introducing the concept, the
first part of the chapter discusses the structuralist tradition, classical
political economy, and heterodox or pluralist perspectives. Linkage
effects, both from industrial and policymaking perspectives, are also
highlighted in this chapter. Linkages have direct relevance to policy-
making. Just as there is policy learning-by-doing as well as industrial
learning-by-doing, so there are linkage-like dynamics in applied indus-
trial policy as well as among economic activities. This idea acknow-
ledges that within the government apparatus, through shifts in one
area calling forth new initiatives in other areas or levels of government,
bottlenecks and obstacles may generate a ‘uneven development’ of
policy capability. The last section of the chapter presents empirical
perspectives on Africa.

16
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

2.2 Industrial policy

Industrial policy has generated considerable controversy and is vaguely

defined, being frequently endowed with different meanings depending
on context and the person who defines it (OECD 1975; Johnson 1984;
Chang 1994; Rodrik 2008c). One definition is ‘a policy aimed at particular
industries (and firms as their components) to achieve the outcomes that
are perceived by the state to be efficient for the economy as a whole’
(Chang 1994: 60). This definition, despite its emphasis on selective
targeting, strategic orientation, and efficiency, omits (or keeps implicit)
any structural change and the various stages in catching up. Chang’s
definition resembles Johnson’s, which also emphasizes a strategic orien-
tation: ‘above all . . . industrial policy means the infusion of goal-oriented
strategic thinking into public economic policy’. For Johnson (1984: 8),
industrial policy is ‘the initiation and coordination of government activ-
ities to leverage upward the productivity and competitiveness of the
whole economy and of particular industries in it.’
Others, like Amsden and Chu (2003), Ocampo et al (2009), and
UNCTAD-UNIDO (2011), offer definitions more explicitly oriented towards
structural change and catching up. According to UNCTAD-UNIDO (2011:
34), industrial policy means:

. . . government measures aimed at improving the competitiveness and capabilities

of domestic firms and promoting structural transformation. Industrial policy
involves a combination of strategic or selective interventions aimed at propelling
specific activities or sectors, functional interventions intended at improving the
workings of markets, and horizontal interventions directed at promoting specific
activities across sectors.

The emphasis is on ‘restructuring of production and trade towards activ-

ities with higher technological content’ and promoting ‘innovative activities
that generate domestic spill over’ (Ocampo et al. 2009: 152–3). New
activities include new industries, new products, new markets, new tech-
nologies, and new institutions. While the prime focus is on manufactur-
ing, high value-added products such as horticulture are not excluded
(Ocampo et al. 2009). In this definition, industrial policy is viewed as a
vehicle for structural change, that is, constant upgrading to higher prod-
uctivity activities with increasing returns and the centrality of techno-
logical development (Amsden 2001; Reinert 2009; Rodrik 2011). This

17
Made in Africa

definition calls for an activist state, a perspective rejected by neoclassical

orthodoxy, and captures the long-term orientation of industrial policy.
The institutionalist perspective argues that is vital for the state and
industrial policy to govern the market (Chang 1994; Wade 1990; Amsden
1989). For instance, Amsden (1989) emphasizes not simply getting relative
prices right but ‘deliberately getting prices wrong’ in order to foster indus-
trialization and structural transformation. Indeed later, Amsden (n.d.) also
argued that getting property rights wrong had been equally important in
many successful cases of structural change. The mechanisms involve mar-
ket control, protection of foreign investors, picking winners (chaebol, etc.),
subsidizing capital, tariff protection, etc. This argument runs contrary to
the whole continuum of positions supported by neoclassical economics,
from the more extreme neoliberal or ‘market fundamentalist’ tendency to
the more moderate views based on ‘market failure’ analysis. The core
argument in economic orthodoxy is that state intervention and indus-
trial policy distort resource allocation, where optimal outcomes would
flow from free markets and free trade regimes (see Bhagwati 1989a,
1989b). Such economists ardently believe that industrial policies only
ever cultivate unproductive rent-seeking, and that picking winners is
impossible (Krueger 1974, 1980, 1990). Neo-utilitarian and public choice
models consider governments to be inherently ‘rent-seeking’ and view
public officials as rational (selfish) maximizers. Free markets, trade open-
ness, economic liberalization, and maximal (rather than optimal) com-
petition on the grounds of comparative advantage are advocated as ideal
mechanisms for efficient industrialization. Industrial policies are often
also misrepresented or simplified as import-substitution industrializa-
tion, or as any form of state intervention (Noland and Pack 2003;
Weiss 2013; Peres 2013; Warwick 2013).
This book proposes an operational definition of industrial policy,
namely ‘a strategy that includes a range of implicit or explicit policy
instruments selectively focused on specific industrial sectors for the pur-
pose of shaping structural change in line with a broader national vision
and strategy.’ The definition clearly underlines the need for selectivity,
both in terms of specific industries and targeted interventions, and
emphasizes structural changes within the broader framework of the
national economy. The following sections explore the theoretical influ-
ences on industrial policy, that is, the structuralist perspective, the theory
of catch up, infant industry theory, and political economy perspectives.

18
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

2.3 Structuralist and catch up perspectives

on industrial policy

Industrial policy is primarily underpinned by a structuralist perspective

and tradition that upholds the manufacturing sector as a particular engine
of growth and driver of structural economic transformation, and as being
the best prospect for catching up by late (or late-late) industrializers.

2.3.1 Structuralist perspectives on industrial policy

The structuralist approach to economic development holds that eco-
nomic growth alone does not necessarily produce structural economic
transformation and sustained economic development. Economic devel-
opment is a process of fundamental structural changes and economic trans-
formations embedded in sectoral shifts; sustained productivity increases as a
result of constant technological development, accompanied by fundamental
shifts in work occupations; and institutional and political economy trans-
formation (Chenery 1960; Chenery, Robinson, and Syrquin 1986; Reinert
2010; Thirlwall 1980, 2002, 2011; Thirlwall and Bazen 1989; Ocampo et al.
2009; Tregenna 2013; and UNCTAD 2011). Structural transformation
involves the shift of resources from low to high productivity sectors and
activities, and the fostering of a process of reallocation of productive
factors among industry, services, and modern agriculture (Ocampo 2008;
UNCTAD 2006; Tregenna 2013). This process is characterized by continu-
ous diversification into new economic activities with stronger domestic
economic linkages and a higher quality path dependency, and focuses on
the development of domestic technological capabilities (Rodrik 2008c).
It is important to clarify the different emphases within the structuralist
approach. First, there are the arguments associated especially with Kaldor,
whose propositions or growth laws were derived from stylized facts
suggesting that manufacturing has special growth-promoting qualities.
Second, there is Thirlwall’s (2002) view that because rapidly growing
developing countries face a structural balance of payments constraint,
they need to focus on rapid growth of export revenue. Third, there is
what might be called the UNCTAD strain of structuralism drawing on
the Prebisch-Singer hypothesis (of a secular decline in the net barter terms
of trade for primary commodities vis-à-vis manufactured goods) and its
implications. Meanwhile, there are others who argue against relying

19
Made in Africa

exclusively on primary commodity exports because of the relative volatility

of their export prices. There are also critics of the Prebisch-Singer hypothesis
who argue that it has encouraged many years of excessive and damaging
export pessimism among the governments of developing countries.

MANUFACTURING AS THE ENGINE OF GROWTH

AND TRANSFORMATION
Among advanced countries and newly industrializing countries (NICs),
economic growth has been associated with increased income per capita
and industrial development (Amsden 2001; Rodrik 2011; McMillan &
Rodrik 2011). Tregenna (2008a, 2008b, 2012, 2013) distinguishes between
industry and manufacturing, emphasizing that manufacturing specific-
ally has special properties as an engine of growth: ‘dynamic economies of
scale in manufacturing; strong backward and forward linkages between
manufacturing and other sectors of the domestic economy; strong prop-
erties of learning-by-doing; innovation and technological progress; and
the importance of manufacturing for the balance of payments’. Thirlwall
(2002: 41–2) expounds on the strong positive link between manufactur-
ing and growth by referring to Kaldor’s growth laws:

The first law is that there exists a strong causal relation between the growth of
manufacturing output and the growth of GDP. The second law states that there exists
a strong positive causal relation between the growth of manufacturing output and the
growth in productivity in manufacturing as a result of static and dynamic returns to
scale. This is also known as Verdoorn’s law. The third law states that there exists a
strong positive causal relation between the rates at which the manufacturing sector
expands and the growth of productivity outside the manufacturing sector because of
diminishing returns in agriculture and many petty service activities which supply
labour to the industrial sector. [My emphasis]

According to Kaldor (1966, 1967), it is impossible to understand the

development process and growth without a sectoral approach, and without
differentiating between increasing returns in manufacturing and dimin-
ishing returns in agriculture and mining (which are land-based). Similarly,
Young (1928: 539) emphasized that economic progress partly depends on
the increasing returns realized by ‘progressive division of labour and
specialization of industries’. Young drew on Adam Smith’s insight that
‘division of labour depends upon the extent of the market, but the extent
of the market also depends upon the division of labour’. Historical facts
indicate that growth of the manufacturing sector at earlier stages of

20
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

development depends on the transformation and increased productivity

of agriculture, while at later stages it is fed by resources from exports,
suggesting the loop between exports and growth (Thirlwall 2002).
Ocampo et al. (2009) reinforce this precept by inferring that economic
structure and structural transformation is associated with:

. . . the composition of production activities, the associated patterns of specializa-

tion in international trade, the technological capabilities of the economy, includ-
ing the educational level of the labour force, the structure of ownership of factors
of production, the nature and development of basic state institutions, and the
degree of development and constraints under which certain markets operate . . .
economic development is a process of structural transformation, . . . the realloca-
tion of productive factors from traditional agriculture to modern agriculture,
industry and services . . . shifting resources from low-to-high productivity sectors
. . . a capacity to diversify domestic production structure: that is, to generate new
activities, to strengthen economic linkages within a country and to create domes-
tic technological capabilities.

These insights, rooted in economic history, also caution against the pre-
tence that African economies could become advanced capitalist societies
without having to pass through a phase of (environmentally often dam-
aging) industrialization. That argument, that industrialization is no
longer fundamental to economic development, is also a product of the
misinterpretation of experiences in countries such as Singapore, India,
and Switzerland. Singapore and Switzerland, in fact, have very high value
added manufacturing compared to almost all other countries. And India’s
much vaunted services-based growth reflects a swing from a trade deficit
in services in the early 2000s to a very modest service trade surplus.
Further, a huge amount of service sector activity and employment pro-
vides services to manufacturing. There is really no convincing evidence
that a low-income country can generate sustained rises in living standards
without manufacturing. That is why many regard the fall in the share of
manufacturing in developing countries, including in Africa, in recent
years as ‘premature deindustrialization’. This is what Rodrik (2011) refers
to as ‘growth-reducing structural change’.

THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF EXPORTS

Some economists emphasize the strategic importance of exports to
growth and structural change. For many countries, the export growth
rate sets the threshold for a country’s rate of growth. The composition

21
Made in Africa

of exports is cardinal to industrialization and economic transformation,

and can determine future trajectory. Lall (2000b: 1) emphasizes that
‘export structures, being path-dependent and difficult to change, have
implications for growth and development’. Thirlwall in particular (2002)
has argued that sustained growth and structural change in developing
countries is threatened by a structural balance of payments constraint,
posing critical policy challenges for governments. As a consequence, rapid
growth of export earnings sustained over a long time cannot be relied
upon if they based exclusively on primary products or low-end exportable
products, partly due to the volatility of demand (and prices) for such
commodities. Hence, the least developed countries (LDCs) face a steep
uphill struggle and, as Thirlwall (1980, 2011) argues, structural balance
of payments constraints. The dynamic growth of exports depends on
diversified manufacturing goods, with a constant upgrading of the
technological features of manufactured goods (Lall 2000b).
Related to this, structural development economists like Raúl Prebisch
(1950) associated with the Economic Commission for Latin America and
Caribbean (ECLAC) argued earlier that the structure of the world economy
is tilted against developing countries. Low-income countries export pri-
mary commodities, for which there is a low income elasticity of demand.
In Engel’s Law, as a person grows richer, they spend a shrinking propor-
tion of their income on basic needs like food, and this is also applicable to
countries. Meanwhile, the state of world trade dictates that low-income
countries import manufactured items (for which there is a high income
elasticity of demand). One consequence of these, and other, structural
features of trade and production is that the terms of trade would system-
atically turn against exporters of primary commodities. Therefore, to
protect low-income countries, there is a strong argument for protective
trade policies and nurturing infant industry.1

2.3.2 Late Development, Catch up, and Industrial Policy

Throughout the history of capitalism, the level of industrial development
has been uneven across countries and regions. Empirical evidence

1
For a critique of the empirical record on the disadvantage in the terms of trade for primary
commodities vis-à-vis manufactured goods and on the effects this notion has on policymakers and
advisers in Africa, see Sender and Smith (1986).

22
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

strongly suggests that this unevenness is an essential characteristic of

capitalism and industrialization (Gerschenkron 1962; Reinert 2010; Chang
2003a, 2003b; Schwartz 2010). Although all agree on this unevenness,
different schools provide differing advice regarding the ‘right course’ to
achieve (industrial) development or catch up. Mainstream economists
argue that developing countries should follow the same (imagined) path
as the forerunners or advanced industrial countries, and that there is no
‘short-cut’ to economic development. Others, like the ‘preconditions’ the-
orists, argue that some preconditions (such as natural resources, capital
and saving, entrepreneurship and managerial abilities, skills or human
capital, and institutions) are the key determinants of economic develop-
ment (Hirschman 1958, 2013; Adelman 2013). However, according to
Hirschman (1958), these resources are available in great abundance among
a disguised, hidden, unemployed, reserve army of entrepreneurs. Further-
more, the proponents of catch up theories argue that in ‘the more backward
countries . . . the great spurt of industrial development occurred despite the
lack of these prerequisites’ (Gerschenkron 1962). Gerschenkron argued that
latecomers have the advantage of backwardness, as they can be motivated to
learn from forerunners. Abramovitz (1994) also emphatically highlights that
‘being backward in level of productivity carries a potential for rapid growth’.
According to Gerschenkron (1962: 45), however, ‘the higher the degree of
backwardness, the more discontinuous the development is likely to be’.
Further, the implication for structuralist development economists is that
the ‘advantages of backwardness’ do not generate unconditional conver-
gence, but require direct intervention.
Latecomers have a proposed advantage in that they can learn from
forerunners (Amsden and Hikino 1994). Latecomers have a compelling
reference in the forerunners and their experience, although they have to
develop in the face of a formidable competitive pressure from the fore-
runners. These latecomers are recommended to use institutional innov-
ations to create, mobilize, and concentrate resources with maximum
speed and effect. By contrast, forerunners had to develop without any
reference point, although they were rewarded with super profits (Shin
1996). The US, a latecomer, was able to catch up with and forge ahead
of Britain, the leading industrial economy in the nineteenth century.
Germany, France, Sweden, and (later) Finland were also able to catch up
in a similar way. The source of the latecomer advantage was the oppor-
tunity to follow a more deliberate and less spontaneous process, in the

23
Made in Africa

footsteps of the economic giants. Moreover, the process was facilitated by

multiple contacts between the latecomer and forerunner. More recently,
Japan, Korea, Taiwan, and currently China have been able to catch up
without having the full complement of commonly identified prerequis-
ites for advancement.
In response to uneven development, different states tend to follow
different development paths that combine a ‘Ricardian strategy’ and a
‘Kaldorian strategy’ (Schwartz 2010). The former is based on the export of
primary commodities, or even low-cost and low-quality manufactured
products, and fundamentally follows comparative advantage. This strat-
egy may be relatively easy to follow, is vulnerable to deteriorations in
terms of trade and to highly volatile world market prices, and may not
succeed in the end. By contrast, a Kaldorian strategy is export-oriented,
based on manufactured products with increasing returns, and maximizes
Verdoorn effects. Such a strategy focuses on rapid technological develop-
ments and aims to develop competitive advantage. A Kaldorian strategy
relies on ‘a set of interrelated phenomena like increasing returns to scale,
learning by doing, imperfect competition, and economies of speed to
generate growth’ (Schwartz 2010: 60).
Development is thus about breaking the vicious cycle by focusing on
the binding agents, the essential underlying structures, and the strategic
issues of development, all of which will allow dispersed, hidden, and
unutilized resources to be fully mobilized for development. The pace of
development depends not on prerequisites but on the nation’s ability and
determination to organize for development, which is created in the very
process of development (Gerschenkron 1962). One of the state’s primary
roles is creating the motivation to develop with a basic ‘growth perspec-
tive’, which is rooted in the belief that a society has ‘to move forward as it
is, in spite of what it is and because of what it is’ (Hirschman 1958: 10).
‘Such a view’, Hirschman wrote in Development Projects Observed (1967: 5),
‘stresses the importance for development of what a country does and of
what it becomes as a result of what it does, and thereby contests the
primacy of what it is, that is, of its geography- and history-determined
endowment with natural resources, values, institutions, social and polit-
ical structure, etc.’ This can best be done by focusing on clearing blockages
and releasing potentials, and aiming at inducement or learning ability
as the key link or binding constraint. This, in turn, depends on instilling
a ‘growth-perspective’ or ‘the desire for economic growth and the

24
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

perception of the essential nature of the road leading to it’ (Hirschman

1958: 10). Examples of societies that have made advances in particular
periods led by just such a growth perspective include South Korea after the
Korean War, the US after the American Civil War, Europe after the Second
World War—indeed, often but not always after wars. (Although the civil
war ended in 1949, China’s fastest growth occurred after the adoption of
its Openness Policy in 1978). Often but not always, advancement is also
closely tied to nationalism or to external and internal threats (Doner,
Ritchie, and Slater 2005).
According to Hirschman, ‘the complementary effect of investment is
therefore the essential mechanism by which new energies are channelled
toward the development process’, and the process is one ‘where one
disequilibrium calls forth a development move which in turn leads to a
similar equilibrium and so on ad infinitum’ (Hirschman 1958: 72). This
gives rise to the critical role played by linkage effects and latitudes
for performance discussed in the section 2.6 of this chapter. Hirschman
(1958) emphatically states that the major obstacle to change is the
negative perception or image of change, which thwarts the process of
mobilization for development. Such fear of change is often tied to par-
ticular interests that are threatened by change. In other words, there is a
political economy dimension to this.

2.4 Theory of infant industry in classical political economy

The theory of infant industry can be traced back to Alexander Hamilton

(1755–1804). It was he who first proposed this concept, while Friedrich
List (1789–1846) is considered to have laid its theoretical foundations (List
1841, 1856; Chang 2003b; Reinert 2009, 2010). The theory is aimed at
refuting David Ricardo’s (1772–1823) theory of comparative advantage
and free trade. According to Ricardo, international trade should be free,
with each country specializing in commodities with the least relative
costs of production, hence its comparative advantage (Ricardo 2004
[1817]). The Washington Council for International Trade (2013) defines
comparative advantage as ‘the ability to produce goods at a lower cost,
relative to other goods, compared to another country’ (www.wcit.org).
The comparative argument states that developing countries should
produce raw materials and exchange the materials for manufactured

25
Made in Africa

goods from the industrial countries. Moreover, it argues that free

trade and the market mechanism should be left to function without
policy intervention. The theory predicts that this would benefit both
industrial economies and agricultural exporters. Essentially, the theory
is sensible on its own terms, but desperately static and unrealistic
(Singh 2011).
By contrast, the theory of infant industry is based on the assumption
that the manufacturing sector should play the key role in the economy,
and that its promotion requires jumping ahead of current comparative
advantage, thus necessitating protection of infant industries, the use of
industrial policies, and an indispensable role for the state. These facets are
extensively discussed in the fundamental works of Hamilton (1934) and
List (1841). In the early days, when the US was predominantly agrarian
and had little industrial base, policymakers did not understand the bene-
fits of manufacturing. President Jefferson maintained that the US should
depend on agriculture, as it could rely on European imports for industrial
goods (Goodrich 1965). However, Hamilton argued that manufacturing
was the key to wealth creation (in contrast to mining, for instance), and
that it would also help in the development of agriculture through
increased demand, productivity improvements, cheaper supplies of indus-
trial products, and a secured market. Hamilton highlighted the overall
benefits in terms of increased labour productivity, full employment, and
increasing returns in manufacturing. Like Hamilton, List argued that
manufacturing was the primary source of wealth, and a diversified econ-
omy based on manufacturing and agriculture has stronger stimuli for
growth than an economy based solely on agriculture.
The rationale for protecting infant industry is based on the often pro-
hibitive risks of acquiring finance and new skills, the lack of inducement
by entrepreneurs, and the formidable competition from forerunners. The
competitive obstacle posed by predominant economies such as Britain
was profound and nearly insuperable. List (1827: 32) remarked:

It takes a long time until the labourers are experienced in the different workman-
ship and accustomed to it; and until the necessary number for every business is at
all times to be had . . . In the old manufacturing countries, we observe quite the
contrary . . . The old country, as long as it preserves its freedom, its vigour, its
political power, will, in a free intercourse, ever keep down a rising manufacturing
power. . . . A new country is moreover, the less able to contend against the manu-
facturing power of the old country, the more the interior market of this old

26
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

country is protected by duties, and competition in the new country is supported

by drawbacks, and by an absence of duties in the foreign markets.

List contends that ‘even if there were not capital and skill enough in
the country, they could be drawn from abroad by political measures’. He
pointed out that Britain rose to become the leading industrial power by
adhering to three mechanisms: ‘First, to prefer constantly the importation
of productive power to that of commodities; second to maintain and
carefully protect the development of productive power; third, to import
only raw materials and agricultural products, and to export only manu-
factured articles’ (List 1856: 297). In response to the assertion that protec-
tionism stifles domestic competition and consumer interests, Hamilton
argued that once the protected infant industry is able to establish itself,
more manufacturers will participate in domestic industry, weakening
monopoly and pushing down prices.
The high cost of acquiring new skills and the hesitation by industrialists
in the face of perceived risk makes state promotion of infant industry an
absolute necessity. The novelty of the industry and the need to build a
national industry are the rationale for this support. Both Hamilton and
List provide insights into the design of industrial policy. Hamilton
emphasizes the importance of understanding the successful instruments
countries can use. List distinguishes between inducements and restric-
tions, between targeted and general instruments, technological transfer,
and the importance of a more refined tax system. He contends that
the selection of industries should be based on their contribution to the
nation’s economic and defence interests, and on technological consider-
ations (and even specifies five criteria). Moreover, he recommends the
alternating, and sometimes combined use of protection and promotion,
and a package for each industry, including incentives for importing
locally unavailable raw materials (duty-free privileges) and a bounty for
local production of raw materials. The foreseen implementation problems
and need for prevention of potential abuse are also stressed.
In his Report on Manufacturers (5 December 1791), Hamilton further
advocated the importance of inducing foreign capital and investments,
foreign technology, and foreign experts and skilled labour to US manu-
facturing industry. He called for the establishment of a planning board,
and the allocation of funds for advancement of technology, rewarding
invention, inducing specialists, and importing foreign technologies. This

27
Made in Africa

was justified on the grounds that ‘in countries where there is great private
wealth, much may be effected by voluntary contributions of patriotic
individuals; but in a community situated like the United States, the public
purse must supply the deficiency of private resources. In what can it be so
useful, as in promoting and improving the efforts of industry?’ (Hamilton
1934: 276).
List stresses that protecting infant industry ‘can be operative for good
only so far as it is supported by the progressive civilization and free
institutions of a nation, we learn from the decay of Venice, Spain and
Portugal, from the relapse of France . . . and history of England’ ([1841]
2005: 132). List links policy effectiveness to ‘progressive civilization’,
which is similar to the widespread political commitment to growth that
Hirschman, among others, was interested in (though arguably also fore-
shadowing the ‘preconditions’ approach favoured by proponents of the
more recent ‘good governance agenda’). He also argues that the same
policy may be effective in one institutional context but less so in another.
In this, he anticipates the arguments of more recent industrial policy
advocates and analysts, as well as economic historians like Peter Hall
(1987).
Both Hamilton and List argue that infant industry cannot be developed
without strong state leadership, maintaining that state intervention
emanates from the unqualified sovereign power of the government
based on the constitution (Hamilton 1934; List 1841). In his letter to
George Washington, Hamilton (1934) notes that:

. . . every power vested in a government is in its nature sovereign, and includes . . . a

right to employ all the means requisite and fairly applicable to the attainment of
the ends of such power, and which are not precluded by restrictions and excep-
tions specified in the Constitution, or not immoral, or not contrary to the essential
end of the political society. The principle, in its application to government in
general, would be admitted as an axiom . . . (p. xiii)

List emphasized that the source of state intervention lay in the state’s
sovereign power and stressed that government ‘has not only the right, but
also it is its duty, to promote everything which may increase the wealth
and power of the nation, if this object cannot be effected by individuals’
(Earle 1986: 247; Austin 2009: 81). US industrial policy was based on
Hamilton’s principles and this policy was evident until the 1950s.
Goodrich (1965: vii) confirms that the American government took

28
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

‘deliberate action to promote industrialisation and economic growth’. The

purposeful industrialization of Japan after the 1860s by the Meiji dynasty
was based on very much the same belief.
In line with this, Mazzucato (2011, 2013a) argues that ‘market failure’
(the ideal of perfect competition from which the idea of ‘failure’ is derived)
is a myth, and that the US remains one of the most interventionist of
entrepreneurial states. The state has played an active role in creating and
shaping new products, new industries, many leading high-tech firms
(such as Google, Intel, Apple), and new technologies, such as the internet,
biotechnology, nanotechnology, space technology, and most new medi-
cines. The Economist (2013: 56) summarizes Mazzucato’s views:

Ms Mazzucato says that the most successful entrepreneurial state can be found in
the most unlikely place: the United States. Americans have traditionally been
divided between Jeffersonians (who think he governs best who governs least)
and Hamiltonians (who favour active government). The secret to the country’s
success lies, she thinks, in talking like Jeffersonians but acting like Hamiltonians.

Of Britain, O’Brien (1991: 33, cited in Ocampo et al. 2009) argues:

For more than a century, when the British economy was on its way to maturity as
the workshop of the world, its governments were not particularly liberal or
wedded ideologically to laissez-faire . . . the Hanoverian governments . . . poured
millions into strategic objectives which we can see (with hindsight) formed pre-
conditions for the market economy and night-watchman state of Victorian
England.

Two centuries after these initial debates, and after the so-called Asian
miracle, the debate between orthodox and heterodox scholars continues.
A recent exchange between Ha-Joon Chang and Justin Lin on industrial
policy typifies the state of the argument in the early twenty-first century.
The two development economists differ on the role of the state and
whether industrial policy should be based on comparative advantage-
following (CAF) or comparative advantage-defying (CAD) principles (Lin
and Chang 2009; Lin 2009). Justin Lin, while arguing for a CAF and
‘facilitating’ state, cautions against efforts to promote new comparative
advantages, competitive edges, and the constant upgrading of industries.
His emphasis is adamantly on ‘a facilitating state—a state that facilitates
the private sector’s ability to exploit the country’s areas of comparative
advantage . . . the key is to make use of the country’s current comparative
advantage—not in the factors of production that it may have some day,

29
Made in Africa

but in the factors of production that it has now’ (Lin and Chang 2009: 2).
In contrast, Chang argues that nations should focus on creating and
developing their comparative advantages as well as exploiting existing
comparative advantage, and he argues for a much more interventionist or
activist state. Despite the appeal of this approach—based especially on
economic history—Chang arguably fails to address how developing coun-
tries can effectively deploy most of their available productive forces in
the development of a few high-tech industries, given technological
backwardness.
Another contribution on the theoretical niceties of comparative advan-
tage and their practical implications for policy comes from Ajit Singh. He
(2011: 13) argues that reliance on existing comparative advantage is
insufficient and that ‘rather than close integration with the world econ-
omy, developing countries should seek strategic integration that enables
them to integrate up to the point where it is in their interests to do so. This
was the strategy followed by the East Asian Miracle countries.’ Singh
(2011: 13) highlights four areas in which trade openness is beneficial:
‘relatively specialized resources’, ‘diffusion of knowledge’, ‘sufficient com-
petitive pressure’, and in accelerating a Schumpeterian ‘process of creative
destruction’. This echoes, while going somewhat beyond, Pasinetti’s
(1981: 259) argument that ‘the primary source of international gains is
international learning (not international trade), where firms in one coun-
try are challenged by lower priced products from abroad. They will either
learn how to cut down costs or close down. Some of them, at best, may
learn and survive.’ Rather than having to choose between mutually exclu-
sive positions (CAF versus CAD), it may be possible to pick up on Singh’s
more pragmatic and eclectic approach. Such an approach is neatly cap-
tured in Schwartz’s (2010) analysis, theoretically informed and based on
economic history, and introduced above. He argues that many industrial-
izing countries have relied on a combination of relying on Ricardian (CAF)
practices at an early stage of development and gradually shifting towards
Kaldorian (more CAD) strategies (Schwartz 2010). This approach is
embedded in dynamic comparative advantage, which is driven by policy
to catch up, based on the belief that endowments are endogenous and
can be altered (Lall 2005; Johnson 1984). Competitive edge was created
by getting involved in new activities (learning by doing), and by continu-
ously adjusting policies to develop new and higher level productive
activities that lead to economic transformation (Rodrik 2011; Hirschman

30
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

1958; Amsden and Chu 2003). This approach also builds on the belief
that technological development is the key determinant of successful
industrialization.

2.5 Political economy perspectives and dimensions

of industrial policy

Perhaps the key political economy issue is the distribution of particular

material interests among groups and the way these can create obstacles to
structural change that promotes growth. This section highlights the role
of the state and the political aspect of industrial policymaking, and the
productive use of rents to accumulate technological capabilities and pro-
mote continuous productivity growth. Key issues in industrial policy-
making include the complementary relationship between export-led and
import-substitution industrialization. Industrial policy also involves the
enhancement of policy capabilities, policy instruments, and institutions;
and utilizing linkage effects, including the productive use of latitude for
performance standards. All of these are discussed below.

2.5.1 Political economy approach to industrial policy

An industrial policy is not a technical exercise, but a political process in
which political and economic factors interact. Policy formulation, imple-
mentation, and outcomes depend on the compatibility of state–society
relationships and the political support (or quiescence) of economic actors
(Hirschman 1963; Hall 1987; Di John 2009). Understanding the political
process, the polity, and the political dimension of each economic policy is
likely to be a key determinant of industrial policy outcomes. The state is a
political entity and its actions have to be explained within the dominant
polity, power balance, or political settlement. Specific social interests drive
its actions, and its support is based on the dominant political forces and
their interests (Hall 1987; Di John 2009; Hirschman 1963).
According to institutionalist perspectives of political economy, indus-
trial policies are constrained by socioeconomic structures conveyed
through political processes and determinants. National economic policies
are determined ‘first, by what a government is pressed to do and, secondly,
by what it can do in the economic sphere . . . the former defines what is

31
Made in Africa

desirable in a democracy and the latter defines what is possible’ (Hall

1987: 232). The key political determinants are the organization of capital
(the relations between finance and industrial capital); of labour (labour
markets, organized labour, and labour relations); of the state (the internal
organization of state apparatus); of its political economy, which includes
electoral practices and political parties; and the nation’s position in the
international economy (Hall 1987). According to Hall, an institutional
political economy approach underscores organizations as key variables in
policymaking, which is a political rather than a technical exercise. Policies
are responses to pressures from specific social groups, whose interests are
significantly influenced by the economic and political structure. Eco-
nomic policies are often responses to contesting pressures and demands,
with major distributive effects (Hall: 1987). For instance, President Jeffer-
son rejected Hamilton’s policy proposal, because American manufacturers
were too weak to exert meaningful pressure in the early days. The proposal
was put into action in 1812, but only after war became imminent and US
manufacturers were strong enough to exert pressure (Goodrich 1965). In
Latin America, by comparison, given the insignificant share of industrial
exports relative to the export of primary products by powerful land
aristocrats (Hirschman 1968), manufacturers were in no position to
exert enough pressure on the state to adopt favourable policies. The
success of a policy ultimately depends on the state’s having a clear vision
for the sector; the will and capacity to enforce the policy; and the ability to
mediate tensions among economic and political actors, while maintain-
ing its autonomy (Cramer 1999a). Cramer (1999a) shows how political
factors were one of the key determinants in the industrial processing of
primary commodities (or not). It should also be noted that what matters
is not the amount of state intervention, but the type and nature of state
intervention and leadership (Amsden 1989; Chang 1999; Johnson 1982).
This perspective is echoed in recent work by Buur (2014), Buur et al. (2012)
and associates, including Whitfield (2011) (also see Chapter 7).
In France, state intervention took the form of nationalized state-owned
banks and industrial corporations, and the active role of state institutions
(Commissariat Général du Plan, CGP; Ecole National d’Administration,
ENA; INSEE, the national agency for the collection and analysis of eco-
nomic data) in planning. In Germany, privately owned investment
banks created and guided investments in the railway and steel industries.
They also shaped so-called ‘cooperative managerial capitalism’ (Hall 1987;

32
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

Chandler 2004). In Japan, the Ministry of International Trade and Indus-

try (MITI) played a vital role, and bank-corporate organizations (Zaibatsu,
Keietsu) were a key feature, while in Korea the activist state, chaebol, and
state-owned banks and state-owned enterprises (for instance, the steel
manufacturer POSCO) played a significant role in the country’s catch up
process (Amsden 1989; Johnson 1982).
The developmental state is based on development projects that have the
potential to organize society around its vision, and the autonomy
(referred to sometimes as ‘hard state’) to insulate itself against the narrow
interests of specific actors and to secure the support of all social forces
(Evans 1995; Woo-Cumings 1999). Kohli’s ‘cohesive capitalism’ has some
of the attributes of a developmental state (Kohli 2004). In Korea and
Taiwan, successful industrialization was supported by land reform that
unlocked the potential of rural farmers, secured support, and weakened
the forces maintaining the preindustrial status quo (Wade 1990; Amsden
1989). Kohli argues that Japanese reforms and power relationships with
local social forces positively influenced the catch up and developmental
agenda (Woo-Cumings 1999). This configuration was conducive to indus-
trialization, and demonstrated the difference in the capability of the
Japanese state in comparison to Latin America (Kay 2002). Notice should
also be taken of the role of horrific war in the dramatic social, political, and
institutional change in South Korea. War is a not uncommon precursor
of fundamental social change that can be associated with long-run
development. Thus Cramer (2006) argues that war has often provided an
‘enabling environment’ for economic development. Meanwhile, Ocampo
et al. (2009) highlight the role of military expenditure in driving the
expansion of British capitalism in the late seventeenth and early eight-
eenth centuries.

2.5.2 Heterodox views on developmental states

The most successful industrial catch up of the twentieth century was in
East Asia, most notably in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, and more recently
China. This was spearheaded by what have come to be labelled develop-
mental states. Arguably, many of these developmental interventions were
driven by pragmatism and political economy contexts and compulsions,
and facilitated by the possibility of experimentation during what
Amsden (2007a) has called the First American Empire (1945–79), whose

33
Made in Africa

watchword was ‘do it your way’.2 By drawing on the early development

insights of economists such as Gerschenkron and Hirschman, a relatively
coherent body of analysis of developmental states and their rationales
emerged. According to Hirschman:

If we were to think in terms of a ‘binding agent’ for development, are we simply

not saying that development depends on the ability and determination of a nation
and its citizens to organize themselves for development? . . . By focusing on deter-
mination, for instance, we are taking hold of one of the specific characteristic of
the development process in today’s underdeveloped countries, namely the fact
that they are latecomers. This condition is bound to make their development into
a less spontaneous and more deliberate process than was the case in the countries
where the process first occurred. (Hirschman 1958: 7–8)

Such a deliberate process of development and catch up cannot be left to

market forces, and calls for an activist or developmental state that has a
developmental agenda as its central goal.

ORIENTATION AND BASIC FEATURES

OF DEVELOPMENTAL STATES
The developmental state has been more formally conceptualized and
empirically underpinned by Johnson (1982) in his study of MITI and the
Japanese Miracle. Hall (1987) also shows how the postwar French govern-
ment played a developmental role (as does Meisel 2004). In contrast to
states with conventional regulatory regimes, in developmental states the
developmental orientation dominates and produces a different business–
government relationship. This is further substantiated by other development
economists, including Amsden (1989), Wade (1990), Chang (1994), and
Evans (1995). Such states are also referred to as hard states and their
policies as state development capitalism, although neither illustrates the
nature of developmental states accurately. Various other names have been
coined by different scholars, such as ‘activist state’, ‘promotional state’,
Polanyi’s ‘transformative state’, Hirschman’s ‘mid-wifery’ role, and ‘plan-
rational capitalism’ (Polanyi 1944; Hirschman 1958; Johnson 1982). In
Johnson’s view, ‘the issue is not one of state intervention in the economy
. . . all states intervene in their economies for various reasons . . . the ques-
tion is how the government intervenes and for what purposes’ (Johnson
1982: 17–18). From an empirical perspective, it may be sensible to view

2
As opposed to the Second (ongoing) American Empire’s motto, ‘do it our way’.

34
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

the developmental state along a ‘predatory-developmental state con-

tinuum’, with the anti-developmental parasitic state at the one end and
the fully transformative and developmental state at the other.
Mkandawire (2010: 59) argues that ‘developmental states are not an end
in themselves, but an instrument for attaining particular goals—in this
case catching up, rapid economic transformation and growth. So what
matters is the collective aspiration and intent to develop.’ According to
Chang (1999), a developmental state takes long-term growth and struc-
tural change seriously, manages the inevitable conflicts during the process
of such change (with a firm eye on the long-term goals), and engages in
institutional adaptation and innovation to achieve those goals. He
(Chang 2003a) stresses the state’s role as entrepreneur and conflict man-
ager. Zenawi (2012: 169) emphasizes the ‘single-minded pursuit of accel-
erated development’, the shared vision of the development project, and
autonomy as the basic characteristics of developmental states. Evans
(1997) also highlights the necessity of ‘embedded autonomy’. He con-
tinues that:

the character of the business community can be reshaped by state policy. . . . In

short, either autonomy without embeddedness or embeddedness without auton-
omy is likely to produce perverse results. Without autonomy, embeddedness
becomes capture. Without embeddedness, joint projects that engage the energy
and intelligence of business cannot be constructed. The state’s contribution to
transformation depends on combining the two. (1997: 74)

In the case of almost all late-developers and late-industrializers that suc-

ceeded in catching up, the state played a visible transformative role. In the
Japanese context, for instance, Johnson (1982: 19) stresses that ‘the state
itself led the industrialization drive, that is, it took on developmental
functions’. Kohli (2004: 9) argues that ‘the way state power is organized
and used has decisively influenced rates and patterns of industrialization
in the global periphery.’ Cohesive-capitalist states [developmental
states] ‘have proved to be the most successful agents of deliberate indus-
trialisation in peripheral countries’. It can be concluded that states
with the political intent and determination to catch up can play a trans-
formative role.
Developmental states, despite their peculiar nature or orientation,
should not be understood as a pure prototype, as no two development
paths are identical and none can repeat itself. It is true that the

35
Made in Africa

‘developmental state’ is a classificatory artifice that, first, tends to be

demonstrated by outcomes and, second, gathers under one rubric a wide
variety of actual experiences, institutions, and policies. For instance,
Hobday (2013: 151–2) identifies great variety among the Asian Tigers in
terms of policymaking, capital ownership, industrial structure, and insti-
tutional innovation. Most often the developmental state is a post-hoc
simplification of what was at the time a less clear-cut, more experimental
reality, with many mistakes as well as evident successes. There is also a
tendency to use the term loosely and assume that developmental states
can be built regardless of the specific country’s political economy and
history. Doner et al. (2005), for instance, emphasized that threats,
resource scarcity, and systemic vulnerability can play a part (Doner et al.
2005; Mkandawire 2001; UNECA-AU 2011). Despite some common
views, there is ongoing debate on the context that facilitates the emer-
gence of such states, their viability in Africa, the role played by democracy,
etc. These debates revolve around a changed international environment
less conducive to developmental states and what some regard as Africa’s
near-impossible chances to succeed. The neopatrimonialism school argues
that African states are unable to develop into developmental states. These
views, even when advanced by people considering themselves progressive,
reflect what Hirschman (1991) referred to as ‘reactionary rhetoric’, and in
particular the ‘futility’ and ‘perversity’ variant of such rhetoric.3

THE DEVELOPMENTAL STATES OF

LATE TWENTIETH CENTURY ASIA
The developmental state of the twentieth century has been the object of
much study and debate, particularly in relation to the newly industrializ-
ing countries (NICs) of Asia. The developmental state associated with
NICs exhibits different features that reflect their transformative nature.
Based on patterns of development and government behaviour, adherents
of the developmental state school have identified the main features
of a developmental state. First is the presence of development-obsessed
political elites, under fully democratic or authoritarian political systems.
While the Korean developmental state, engineered by General Park, was

3
According to the futility thesis, progressive proposals for social change may be accepted as
highly desirable but dismissed as impossible. The perversity thesis suggests that similarly agreeable
proposals should not be attempted, because they will probably lead to perverse, disagreeable
outcomes.

36
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

authoritarian, Japan was different, in that a dominant-party system pre-

vailed.4 In Taiwan, despite the Kuomintang’s long rule, a multiparty
system gradually strengthened. Second, ‘the states know what to do and
are capable of doing it. There is then a cognitive question and a capacity
question’ (Herring 1999: 307). This is not dissimilar to Amsden’s (n.d.)
identification of the importance of the ‘right’ role model in the industrial
policy learning process and of a certain level of skills and knowledge.
Having an appropriate role model, but without skilled labour and know-
how, cannot be effective; nor can having excellent skills but an entirely
inappropriate role model. Such states are purposive and have a ‘narrowly-
defined national economic goal’ or ‘national projects’, which are infused
with nationalism, as was the case with Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. Johnson
(1982: 19) adds that ‘the very existence of an industrial policy implies a
strategic, or goal-oriented, approach to the economy’. Third, such states
mobilize the society around the national goals and hegemonic purpose.
Under government leadership, a strong alliance between state and indus-
trial class or the private sector is built around national goals. Such national
and social mobilization requires ‘pilot agencies’ (such as MITI in Japan
and Kuomintang in Taiwan). Although an efficient bureaucracy is indi-
cated as one condition, the vitality of institutions is also enhanced
during the implementation of the ‘national project’. In Peter Evans’
interpretation (1995), a bureaucracy that is developmental should be
‘embedded’ in society, connecting society with the state (what Buur
et al. (2012), refer to as an ‘embedded and mediating bureaucracy’).
Fourth, such states have ‘autonomy’ and the ability to take decisive
political action, which assumes a broad political base that may arise
from the legitimacy of the economic growth and transformation. A num-
ber of developmental states have implemented land reform, for instance
Taiwan, Korea, and Japan, which strengthened their political base, partly
by removing or diluting the influence of large landowners, who are
typically not well disposed towards industry. Fifth, such states have the
political will and capacity to channel developmental rents from less pro-
ductive activities to more developmental ones. Wade (1990: xviii) notes
that such transfers are ‘often in the form of transfers from unproductive
groups to productive groups’ and ‘sometimes in the form of policies to
convert unproductive groups into productive ones’. However, one should

4
See also Selwyn (2012) on relationship with labour.

37
Made in Africa

be cautious about the tendency to make neat textbook classifications of

developmental states. As Fine (1996) argues, Korea and others did not see
themselves as developmental states at the time. The term was invented
later and imposes more order and tidiness on the reality than was the case.
Resource mobilization (through domestic saving and revenue collec-
tion) and channeling into productive investment was an additional fea-
ture. Taxation and the capacity to mobilize resources are believed to
indicate state resilience or fragility and reveal the degree of authority
and legitimacy (Di John 2006, 2008). Di John (2006: 1) argues that tax-
ation could be the ‘principal lens in measuring state capacity, state for-
mation and power relations in a society’. In addition, industrial peace was
considered important to rapid industrialization and catch up. National
consensus, combined with improved living conditions, appears to main-
tain industrial peace, though this has sometimes involved brutal pacifica-
tion rather than liberal consensus. For instance, in Korea, stable industrial
relations were maintained through a combination of coercive measures
and wage increases following productivity increases. Seguino (2000)
argues that the early industrialization of East Asian countries relied on
exports produced by a high ratio of women employees, whose wages were
artificially repressed.
In conclusion, this section links the older political economy to the idea
of the industrial policy embedded in twentieth century developmental
states. It also shows that there are varying definitions of what this might
entail and a range of features and attributes. The implication is there may
be no single blueprint transferable to an African context, but there may be
important features to identify and try to adopt and adapt to circumstances
on the ground.

2.5.3 Financing Industrialization, Managing Rents,

and Supporting Technological Upgrading
Mobilization and apportionment of financial resources during catch up by
late developers is a strategic issue. The importance of resource mobiliza-
tion and the role played by investment or development banks during
catch up have long been emphasized in classical works by Gerschenkron
(1962) and others. Development banks have long existed, and are con-
sidered the flagships or conduits of developmental states (Amsden 2001;

38
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

Diamond 1957; Schwartz 2010; Aghion 1999; Diamond and Raghavan

1982; UNCTAD 2008). Ocampo (2008: 132) regards them as ‘a major
institutional innovation in support of [industrial] policies’, and emphat-
ically stresses that development banking is a ‘major instrument that
has not been limited by international agreements’. In recent years, the
Brazilian development bank, BNDES, has become one of the largest such
banks in the world.
Development banks are defined as institutions established to ‘supply
capital and enterprise in order to speed up the process of development’,
and are seen as catalysts for investment in the private sector (Diamond
1957; Diamond and Raghavan 1982; UNCTAD 2008). Empirical evidence
from elsewhere (for instance, Europe, East Asia, and Latin America) reveals
the roles played by development banks in industrialization (Diamond
1957; Schwartz 2010; Aghion 1999; Amsden 2001). Although orthodox
development economists have typically looked down on such banks,
other development economists characterize them as ‘flagships’, the
‘nerve system’ or as a ‘conduit’ for developmental states. The history of
development banks shows their diversity of ownership, purpose, and
operating patterns, as well as performance (Diamond 1957). BNDES, for
example, has played a very different role in Brazil’s structural change as
compared to South Africa’s Industrial Development Corporation. Devel-
opment banks are also different in their focus on long-term loan capital, in
contrast to equity finance or development corporations (Diamond 1957;
Diamond and Raghavan 1982; UNCTAD 2008; Amsden 2001; Aghion
1999). In addition, Amsden (2008 1: 11) notes that ‘as development
banks imposed operating standards on their clients, they themselves
tightened their own monitoring skills and procedures’.
In reference to Korea, Amsden (1989, 2001) emphasizes that banks
played their role by applying a ‘reciprocal control mechanism’, by target-
ing strategic industries, monitoring their loans, imposing export target
conditionality, and lending at lower interest rates. This is necessary
because rents are to be used to foster learning and catch up, and this
depends on disciplining the private sector. Khan and Jomo (2000: 5, 74)
define rent as:

. . . an income which is higher than the minimum which an individual or firm

would have accepted given alternative opportunities . . . Rents include not
just monopoly profits, but also subsidies and transfers organized through the

39
Made in Africa

political mechanism, illegal transfers organized by private mafias, short-term

super-profits made by innovators before competitors imitate their innovations,
and so on. . . . Rent-seeking is the expenditure of resources and effort in creating,
maintaining or transferring rents.

Khan and Blankenburg argue that managing rents to promote learning

and technological capability depends primarily on political constraints
(Khan 2000a, 2000b, 2006; Khan and Blankenburg 2009).
An equally important principle is Amsden’s ‘reciprocity principle’ noted
above. Based on the principle of a reciprocal control mechanism, incen-
tives and ‘rents’ were linked to learning and performance (Amsden 1989).
The purpose of rewarding development rent to industrialists in priority
sectors is to reduce the disadvantages of competing with well-established
industries. Amsden (2008: 108–10) emphatically argues that ‘what lay
behind successful post-war industrialisation was a monitored system of
controls on subsidies. Neither import substitution nor export-led growth
were free at all . . . Performance standards were thus an antidote to abuse
and inefficiency in government intervention.’ According to Amsden
(1990), ‘in all late-industrializing countries—Japan, Korea, and Taiwan
included—not only have governments failed to get relative prices right,
they have deliberately got them wrong in order to stimulate investment
and trade’. However, one of the hazards of allocating rents to firms,
Amsden indicates, is that the state will be pushed into rent seeking, and
firms may not have the incentive to improve their productivity.
Ocampo et al. (2009: 156) also argue that ‘incentives should be matched
by performance standards’ and that these should be ‘granted on [a] tem-
porary basis and dynamically adjusted to move forward in the structural
transformation process’. Incentives and protection instruments need to
be monitored constantly, as their effectiveness in serving industrial policy
can fade over time. The allocation of rent, in the form of subsidy, repre-
sents the socialization of the risks faced by firms participating in a new
industry or producing new products, but has to be linked to performance
(Johnson 1982). For instance, South Korea successfully linked incentives to
export targets (SaKong and Koh 2010; Studwell 2013; Rhee, Ross-Larson,
and Pursell 2010; Amsden 1989; Amsden and Hikino 1994). Most devel-
opment economists maintain that the East Asian Tigers were more suc-
cessful than Latin American countries because the former succeeded in
disciplining the private sector. In Korea, ‘the reciprocity principle . . . oper-
ated in almost every industry’ and ‘in return for protection of the domestic

40
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

market, the government required the enterprises to export . . . part of their

production’ (Amsden 2001: 149, 151). This is related to linking incentives
to performance, with constant adjustments to new and higher standards;
and states had the power and wit to withdraw incentives that were inef-
fective, that is, incentives were time-bound (Ocampo et al. 2009).
Productive rent management and the reciprocal control mechanism
are inseparable from the development of technological capabilities. Such
capability is defined as ‘the ability to use that capacity efficiently’ (Lall
2004). According to Amsden (2001), technological capabilities can be
classified into production capabilities, investment capabilities, and innov-
ation capabilities. The emphasis on technological development has
increased in the last century with the increased pace of technological
progress (Rodrik 2011; Amsden 2001; Lall 1999). Technology and innov-
ation are the key drivers of productivity and economic advancement.
Manufacturing has greater scope for contributing to increased productiv-
ity, and firms are the main embodiment of this technological advancement.
Contrary to the neoclassical assertion that technology is a freely available
item, in developing or late industrializing countries, technological supply
faces profound constraints. Circumventing them typically takes state
intervention.
The most effective industrial policies have had technological develop-
ment as a central component. The depth and scope of technological
development may differ in accordance with the structure of the industry
and level of development. Even so, technological development is crucial
to industrial diversification and to industrial deepening or upgrading.
Interventions include developing technological infrastructure, skills for-
mation, and promoting in-firm technological capabilities (Lall 2004;
Amsden 2001; Rodrik 2011). Depending on the context, policies may
emphasize ‘learning-by-doing’, or/and ‘innovation’ (Amsden 2001).

2.5.4 Complementary Export-Led (ELI) and Import-Substitution

Industrialization (ISI)
FOCUS ON ELI
Industrial policies and industrialization patterns are often depicted as
export-led or import-substituting, orientations that are presented as exclu-
sive rather than complementary. Hirschman (1968) objected to this
dichotomy, as both strategies are significant and mutually reinforcing.

41
Made in Africa

For most successful late industrializers, ISI has preceded exports, and has
continued to grow along with the export industry (Amsden 2009; Lall
2000a; Rodrik 1997; Rodrik 2012).5 Imports and import substitution are
also inseparable, and imports can play a creative role by signalling demand
for domestic manufacturing. Imports are also conduits for technological
development, as domestic producers may improve the quality of their
products to match imported goods. There is a need to strengthen indirect
exporters, as these serve as a conduit for exports and domestic production.
Nevertheless, it is important to distinguish the strategic importance of
export-oriented industry. The industrialization process has to be eventu-
ally oriented towards competition in the international market. Exports
will increase the dynamism of ISI by augmenting demand and economies
of scale and furnishing the foreign currency requirements of domestic
industry. Exports play a key role in tackling market-size limits, improving
balance-of-payments, setting high product and productivity standards,
and ensuring a sustainable source of capital formation. Exports are the
only source of autonomous demand (Thirlwall 2002), and play a key
role in disciplining domestic industry and speeding technological devel-
opment (Lall 2000a). But it has also been recognized that domestic
industrialists are often not enthusiastic about embracing international
competition, while overvalued exchange rates are often also favourable
to domestic ISI industrialists, but can impose structural limitations on
the prospects for outward-looking industry (Hirschman 1968; Thirlwall
2002).
Hobday (1995) and Schmitz argue that latecomer firms face two critical
challenges: being dislocated from major export markets (marketing gap)
and from sources of technology (technological gap). According to Schmitz
(2007: 420), ‘most developing country firms face the problem of being
latecomers: they have to make a rapid transition from patterns of demand
and competition typical of a domestic economy, to global standards of
competitiveness.’ Schmitz (2007: 419) presents this dilemma taxonomic-
ally and emphasizes that the key task is combining challenges to firms
(setting targets, exposing them to foreign competition in order to have
access to support) and supporting firms (access to subsidies, technological

5
Rodrik (2012: 169) highlights that ‘ . . . the overall record of ISI was in fact rather impressive.
Brazil, Mexico, Turkey, and scores of other developing nations in Latin America, the Middle East,
and Africa experienced faster rates of economic growth under ISI than at any other time in their
economic history. . . . Industrialization drove this performance’.

42
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

support, or protection from foreign competition in the domestic market).

Different combinations of support and challenge achieve different out-
comes. The Washington Consensus approach offers low support, while
posing a high challenge (international openness). An active industrial
policy combines high support with high challenge. Protectionism under
the old ISI combines high support and low challenge. No policy provides
both low support and low challenge. Based on the relative gaps, Schmitz
suggests four strategic avenues: first, attracting foreign direct investment
(FDI) where marketing and technological gaps are wide; second, integrat-
ing into global value chains led by global buyers where marketing gaps are
wide but technological gaps are narrow; third, opting for joint ventures
and licensing where the marketing gap is narrow and technological gaps
are wide; and, finally, exporting domestically designed products where
technology and marketing gaps are narrow. Although this approach is
helpful in designing export promotion strategies, in reality, the situation
is more complex.

ATTRACTING AND MANAGING FDI

Almost all countries use incentives to attract FDI. FDI incentives may be
defined as ‘measurable advantages accorded to specific enterprises/groups
of enterprises by a government to encourage them to behave in a certain
manner’ (UNCTAD 2000: 11). Technological development, the dynamic
effect of domestic capital, and spillover effects can be important in attract-
ing foreign investment (Lall 2000a, 2000b). Foreign investment can be
used as a catalyst ‘to enable and to embolden a country to set out on the path of
unbalanced growth’ (Hirschman 1958: 205, emphasis in original). In add-
ition, it helps by bringing in ‘missing’ factors of production, and may
complement those available locally in the early stages of development of a
poor country (Hirschman 1958, 1963). Foreign capital may also serve as a
stopgap measure and pressure reliever until the image of domestic invest-
ors improves (Hirschman 1958, 1971). To the extent that a sector’s or
industry’s organizational capacity, and the institutionalization of the
relationship between that sector or industry and the state are important,
it may be that in some cases foreign investors in manufacturing bring
greater organizational capacity to a sector (Burr 2014; Buur et al. 2012).
Incentives are secondary to the fundamental determinants such as
market size, access to raw materials, availability of skilled labour, and
infrastructure development (UNCTAD 2000: 11). This includes tax

43
Made in Africa

incentives. According to UNCTAD (2000: 19–23), tax incentives are clas-

sified into:

reduced corporate income tax rate, loss carry forwards, tax holidays, investment
allowances, investment tax credits, reduced taxes on dividends and interest paid
abroad, preferential treatment of long term capital gains, deductions for qualifying
expenses, zero or reduced tariffs, employment-based deductions, tax credits for
value additions, tax reductions/credits for foreign hard currency earnings.

Depending on the condition of the latecomer, the role of FDI may be

viewed as indispensable, but not necessarily as a supply of capital. For
instance, FDI played a relatively small role in Japan and Korea, where
domestically owned firms were the key players. FDI played a much more
dominant role in Singapore, China, Taiwan, and Vietnam. The political
choice was based on the available avenues and on political economy
factors. Domestic markets played more dominant roles in Japan’s indus-
trialization, and lesser roles in Taiwan and Korea. However, in the long-
term, domestically owned enterprises are likely to play a more decisive
role in industrialization than foreign-owned firms. They are better motiv-
ated to reinvest their profits within the country, easier to control and
‘discipline’, and arguably are more prone to invest in research and devel-
opment, to increase local content and local knowledge, and to display
better risk-taking and entrepreneurship (Amsden 2007b). The obvious
implication is that what matters is less the level and amount of FDI than
its composition, where it is directed, whether states succeed in maximiz-
ing domestic gains from FDI, and how transfer pricing, employment
generation, training, and technical and know-how transfers are managed.

ROLE OF ISI
Many scholars agree that import-substitution is a key transmission belt for
promoting industrial development and acquiring foreign technology.
One of the main policy issues is how to induce ISI firms to export, and
so to become competitive. As noted by Hirschman (1968: 25), ‘many
industries . . . started out producing for the home market and eventually
spilled over into foreign market; . . . prior, successful acceptance of a manu-
factured commodity in the home market has even been considered to be a
prerequisite for successful exporting.’ The possibility of successful export-
ing also depends on the nature of the economic actors, a ‘cohesive, vocal,
and highly influential national bourgeoisie’ being more effective than

44
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

traditional importers. Foreign companies with export experience are also

likely to invest in the manufacturing sector.
Hirschman (1958) argues that the process of import substitution is
dynamic and complex and needs flexible treatment. At the early stages
of development, imports serve as a catalyst for domestic industry through
demand-formation, demand reconnaissance, and reduction of uncer-
tainty, and by reducing selling prices because of bias against domestic
products (Hirschman 1958). With a successful policy, an import will
eventually culminate in what Hirschman calls ‘import swallowing’. This
has to be accompanied by a differently designed protection instruments
during the prenatal stage and when the infant industry is born. Hirsch-
man insists that:

during the prenatal stage, the opposite of the infant industry treatment is called
for if the confinement is to be accelerated. In fact, if it is desired to prepare the
ground for the creation of a particular industry, then it might be advisable to restrict
other imports so as to channel import demand artificially toward the commodity
whose eventual domestic production is to be fostered’ (Hirschman 1958: 124).

This process will at some point result in ‘import-swallowing’ and the

strengthening of domestic industry (Hirschman 1958: 120–4).
Understanding the dynamics of a specific country’s ISI requires identi-
fying the key drivers behind it and its probability of success. According
to Hirschman (1968, 1971), there are four distinct origins of ISI: wars,
balance-of-payment difficulties, domestic market growth, and official
development policy. Import substitution is more likely to succeed and
be sustainable when it is driven by expansion of the domestic market.
Domestic market growth with a gradual increase of income, coupled with
a deliberate policy to identify bottlenecks and promote investment link-
ages, is likely to lead to successful import substitution. ISI fails when the
prime motivation is balance-of-payments constraints or war, Hirschman
argued. The failure of import substitution in many Latin American and
African countries from the 1960s to the 1990s depended on the weaker
drivers behind import substitution than the fact of ISI itself.

2.5.5 Linkage Effects as Prime Conceptual Framework

Linkages are a central concept in the history of thought about industrial-
ization, and in the analytical approach adopted in this book. In particular,

45
Made in Africa

if linkages matter to the momentum of structural change, then successful

industrialization may involve the selection of, and targeting of support to,
those sectors and activities likely to have the most, or strongest, linkage
effects (Hirschman 1958, 1967, 1986, 1992; Ocampo et al. 2009). Accord-
ing to Hirschman (1981: 76), ‘a linkage exists whenever an on-going
activity gives rise to economic or other pressures that lead to the taking
up of a new activity.’ Hirschman (1958) also adds that linkage effects may
broadly include the transformation of subsistence goods into commod-
ities, backward linkages (including the development of the means of
production), forward linkages, consumption linkages, and fiscal linkages
(see also Sender and Smith 1986). Backward linkages involve signalling a
lack of—and a potential for—the production of inputs to an existing
economic activity. Forward linkages are created where one activity leads
to, or compels the initiation of, a new activity that uses the output of the
original production as a direct input. Weak linkages among economic
activities are typical of underdeveloped economies.
A linkage approach to economic development led Hirschman (1958: 5)
to argue, in the fundamental proposition of his unbalanced-growth the-
ory, that ‘development depends not so much on finding optimal combin-
ations for given resources and factors of production as on calling forth and
enlisting for development purposes resources and abilities that are hid-
den, scattered, or badly utilized’. A linkage or linkage effect is ‘a more or
less compelling sequence of investment decisions occurring in the course
of industrialization and, more generally, of economic development’
(Hirschman 1992: 56). The linkage concept is thus ‘devised for a better
understanding of the industrialisation process’, for ‘detecting how one
thing leads (fails to lead) to another’ (Hirschman 1992: 74). This then
leads to a useful policy and investment criterion based on giving priority
‘to investments with strong linkage effects’, where there is an absolute
necessity for ‘pressure mechanisms’ or ‘pacing devices’. Hirschman (1981:
75) emphatically notes that:

Development is essentially the record of how one thing leads to another, and the
linkages are the record of how one thing leads to another from a specific point of
view. These on-going activities, because of their characteristics, push or, more
modestly, invite some operators to take up new activities . . . Entrepreneurial deci-
sion making in both the private and public sectors is not uniquely determined by
the pull of incomes and demand, but is responsive to special push factors, such as
the linkages emanating from the product side. . . . the linkage effects of a given

46
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

products line [are defined] as investment-generating forces that are set in motion,
through input-output relations, when productive facilities that supply inputs to
that line or utilized its outputs are inadequate or non-existent. Backward linkages
lead to new investment in input supplying facilities, and forward linkages to
investment in output-using facilities.

The idea of linkages is clearly related to but not identical with other
concepts. Input–output relationships are at the heart of backward and
forward linkages, but Hirschman himself was wary of efforts to limit the
analytical significance of linkages by reducing it entirely to input–output
table measurements, not least because many linkage dynamics are not
easily quantified. Linkages have something in common also with the
more recently developed idea of supply chains in economic development
(and globalization). Whereas supply chains also involve input–output
relationships, supply chain analysis tends to emphasize the vertical inte-
gration of such chains and, in some iterations, the power relations reach-
ing down through them. Linkages do not always unfold through such
explicitly managed chains and can be more spontaneous (and more elu-
sive). Further, while linkages may involve, for example, taking up oppor-
tunities for processing domestically available primary commodities or for
minerals beneficiation, they are not restricted to this or to a given supply
chain. They may operate within or across sectors, opening up the scope of
both vertical and horizontal effects.
An example might be the South African firm Bell Equipment. This began
in the 1950s, producing equipment for timber and sugarcane cutting, in
what was a backward linkage effect from the sugar and forestry sectors. But
Bell’s experience allowed it to develop the capability, first, and later the
ability to identify other possibilities, notably the production of large earth-
moving equipment (articulated dump trucks) for the global mining sector.
Others, meanwhile, have identified a range of backward, forward, and ‘side’
linkages deriving from the Finnish timber and forestry industry (see, for
instance, Jourdan et al. 2012). These include the development of special-
ized chemical and biological inputs, machinery and equipment, and spe-
cialized services (backward linkages); the production of wood pulp, wood
products, including furniture, and construction materials, round wood,
and paper and cardboard, including 25 per cent of the world’s supply of
art paper (forward linkages); and the development of process automation,
logistics and marketing, energy production, and environmental industries
(‘side’ linkages). The concept can expand in different directions, and may

47
Made in Africa

include fiscal linkages (even the World Bank and International Monetary
Fund now advocate greater mobilization of fiscal linkages from resource
rents in low-income countries) and spatial linkages where, for example,
agriculture can hitch a ride on transport links developed primarily to serve
mining or energy mega-projects.
Hirschman (1967: 5) emphasizes that ‘some projects and technologies
have a special vocation for inducing certain types of learning, attitude
change, and institutional reform (and not others).’ Stimulating linkages
that involve manufacturing may be especially important. This is both
because of the special characteristics of manufacturing in the larger
growth process (see above) and because, as has often been argued, there
are more linkages associated with manufacturing than with, for example,
agriculture. This raises a fundamental point about linkages, which is that
they do not necessarily unfold automatically in the cumulative causation
process envisaged by Hirschman. Rather, linkages typically depend on
policy. This can be the macroeconomic policy environment: for example,
the compulsion of a potential linkage may be outweighed, for an entre-
preneur, by either inflationary uncertainty or foreign exchange shortages
or rationing. But there are other more direct ways in which policy matters
to unlocking linkage effects. Fiscal linkages from a mining project may be
virtually non-existent or significant, depending on the details of contracts
between states and mining companies. Local content stipulations in con-
tracts can increase the scope for backward linkages; just as insisting on an
obligatory payroll expenditure on research and development can stimulate
linkages. Both Chile and Norway have implemented policies on backward
linkages from the natural resource sector. By contrast, the demise of the
mining research agency COMRO in South Africa shows how policy can
undermine or weaken the scope of linkage effects in an economy (for
instance, see Jourdan et al. 2012). Even in countries with mineral resources,
as in countries without such endowments, steel is often imported at high
cost to nascent manufacturing. The costs and scale requirements of a steel
industry can undermine the development of a linkage to production. But
some countries have reacted to this challenge by establishing state-owned
enterprises to produce low-cost steel for the emerging manufacturing sector
(including POSCO in Korea, the Japan Iron and Steel Company, CSC in
Taiwan, Bao Steel in China, and Rautaruuki in Finland).
An issue complementary to linkages is latitude for failure, another
possible source of signalling available to policymakers. Competition is

48
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

one ‘disciplining’ mechanism that can help narrow the latitude for failure,
although it is rarely close to ‘perfect’ and may be best thought of in terms
of optimal rivalry and competition (e.g., among chaebol in Korea) rather
than maximal competition. Competition is neither the only nor neces-
sarily the most effective means of promoting learning, adaptation, or
productivity. Clearly, the discipline of export competition can narrow
the latitude for poor performance in many industries. In the absence of
export discipline, policies should promote the intensity of competition
and domestic rivalry. Narrow latitude can impel performance, a compul-
sion to deliver, and put pressure on firms and state institutions. According
to Porter (1998, 2008), two central concerns underlie the choice of com-
petitive advantage. The first is the industry in which the firm competes,
and the second is its position in the industry. An industry is a group of
competing firms producing similar products or services.
The dynamic potential of linkage effects may also not be released because
of lock-in or path dependency. According to Mahoney (2000: 507), path
dependency ‘characterizes specifically those historical sequences in which
contingent events set into motion institutional patterns or event chains
that have deterministic properties’. Path dependency is a formidable
problem because of the deliberate actions of actors to maintain the status
quo and to protect their narrow group interests, because of ‘cognitive
blindness’, and because of simple inertia among firms, stakeholders, and
government agencies. Again, this serves to emphasize the significance of
designing policy that encourages linkage effects rather than waiting for
them to unfold automatically.
A final point about a linkage approach and its policy significance is that
there can also be employment linkages between different activities.
Expanded flower production in a country like Ethiopia (see below,
Chapter 5) not only generates direct employment but can stimulate add-
itional employment: indirectly, through, for example, the creation of
cardboard packaging plants, logistical services, and cold storage and air
freight facilities; and at another remove, through induced demand for
labour in the services springing up (bars, hotels, construction, motorized
rickshaw transport, etc.). More broadly, indirect employment linkages are
a function of productive linkages: induced employment effects are exter-
nal effects of investment in manufacturing other than these linkages—
they are effectively a result of Keynesian multiplier effects (Lavopa
and Szirmai 2012). In line with the arguments developed above,

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Made in Africa

manufacturing matters here. Manufacturing generates direct labour

demand, and given that most manufacturing is characterized by relatively
high productivity, this often means relatively decent jobs at reasonable
pay. But it is also known that manufacturing usually has only limited
overall employment effects, accounting for a small proportion of total
employment. However, the critical feature of manufacturing is that it may
have relatively high scope for generating indirect and induced employ-
ment across sectors. According to Lavopa and Szirmai (2012: 5), ‘the
evidence suggests that one job created in manufacturing will create a
larger number of jobs in other sectors than one job in any other part of
the economy’.

2.6 The African context: why industrial policy

and industrialization have failed
2.6.1 The State of African Economies and the Role of Industry
Half a century after independence, Africa’s industrialization and exports
lag far behind the rest of the world. The manufacturing sector in Africa
represents 10.5 per cent of GDP, with small and medium-sized firms
dominating (UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011). Close to 70 per cent of African
manufacturing is resource based and low technology. A significant
amount of manufacturing is ‘informal’ (UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011; Page
2011, 2013; Page and Söderbom 2011). The continent’s share of world
manufacturing value added (MVA) decreased from 1.2 per cent in 2000 to
1 per cent a decade later (UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011). Primary commodities
continue to dominate exports, with overdependence on a few commod-
ities, exposing African countries to vulnerability and external shocks
(Cramer 2012; Sender and Smith 1986; UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011; Soludo,
Ogbu, and Chang 2004; Lall 2000b). Africa’s share of global manufactur-
ing and industrial exports has been persistently insignificant (UNIDO-
UNCTAD 2011). Between 2001 and 2006, sub-Saharan Africa’s (SSAs)
share of manufacturing exports was 0.558 per cent, and only 0.225 per
cent when South Africa is excluded (Jomo and Arnim 2012: 511). As
Table 2.1 below shows, the low share of manufacturing in the economy
indicates low development and lack of structural transformation (Szirmai,
Naudé, and Alcorta 2013; Page 2011, 2013).

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 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

Table 2.1. Regional structure of production, 1950–2005

Region 1950 2005

Agriculture Industry Manufacturing Services Agriculture Industry Manufacturing Services

Africa 43 22 11 34 28 27 10 45
Asia 49 14 10 36 14 33 22 53
Developing 37 22 12 42 16 31 15 53
countries
Advanced 16 40 29 45 2 27 16 71
economies

Note: Gross value added as percentage of GDP at current prices, regional average.
Source: Szirmai, Naudé, and Alcorta (2013), Table 1.2, pp. 11–12.

Africa’s economies continue to face fundamental structural constraints,

including lack of economic diversification, the prevalence of unregulated
and often low-productivity economic activities, low productivity in
industry and agriculture, and poor infrastructure (World Bank 2010;
Commission for Africa 2005). Africa is estimated to lose an estimated 1
per cent of GDP to poor infrastructure alone, which is much higher than
in other regions (World Bank 2010). This situation, and a weak regional
market, undermine industrial competitiveness. Khan (2012: 439) argues
that employment intensity and the labour force participation rate in
SSA were much lower than in Asia. Moreover, low saving capacity,
weak investment, and limited capital have been additional constraints
(UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011).
Since 2000, many African countries have begun to register economic
growth, primarily from resource extraction and commodity price booms.
This growth continues to be led by the very factors responsible for previ-
ous African growth episodes, which did not, however, engender sustained
rapid growth and structural change—inward capital flows, cheap capital,
and surging commodity prices. Overall, Africa’s economic growth has been
slower than Asia’s or Latin America’s, but the continent has also experi-
enced periods of faster economic growth and economic success (Jerven
2010a, 2010b), for example, during its so-called Golden Age (1960–75).
Countries such as Botswana and Mauritius more recently, and Côte d’Ivoire
in the 1970s, were commended for their somewhat activist industrial pol-
icies (Bhowon, Boodhoo, and Chellapermal 2004; Stein 2006; Soludo,
Ogbu, and Chang 2004). Supported by cheap borrowing, capital flows,
and high commodity prices, these activist states played an important role

51
Made in Africa

in achieving economic growth spurts in their countries (Ocampo et al.

2009). However, nowadays African governments are mostly advised against
adopting an ‘activist’ stance on the basis of previous growth collapses.
Neopatrimonialism, invoked increasingly since the early 1990s, is said to
explain why African states can be neither developmental nor implement
activist industrial policies (see Altenburg 2011; Chabal and Daloz 1999). A
recent piece of neoclassical advice to African countries has been to focus on
factor endowments and light manufacturing industry (Dinh et al. 2012).
This counsel tends to come out of an economic tradition that was also at
the heart of the Washington Consensus. Yet Africa’s slowest growth was
recorded precisely during the 1980s and 1990s, the very period when
African governments were preoccupied with implementing the Washing-
ton Consensus prescriptions.
Recent empirical studies and contributions to the debate on Africa’s
industrialization highlight the political constraints on, and the acute def-
icits in, industrial policymaking. Cramer (1999a), drawing on a case study
of Mozambican processing of primary commodities, cautions against
overgeneralization but highlights that the key constraint on Africa’s indus-
trialization has been ‘political rather than purely technical or economic . . .
the state lacks the capacity or will to produce a coherent and emphatic
analysis and policy package for industrial sectors.’ Warren-Rodriguez (2008)
highlights that a ‘deteriorating policy and economic environment’ was
the major factor in undermining technological development in Mozam-
bique. As a result, the country failed to optimize its industrial drive
through accumulation of technological capabilities and manufacturing
skills. ‘Wrong policies’ have not only led to lack of industrialization, but
have in some cases generated deindustrialization (decline in manufacturing
share). Tregenna (2008a, 2008b, 2012) provides a comprehensive structur-
alist explanation based on extensive empirical evidence from South Africa.
While emphasizing the ‘special characteristics of manufacturing’, Tregenna
(2008a) highlights recent deindustrialization and the weakness of industrial
policymaking in South Africa. Moreover, he (2012) argues that South Afri-
ca’s dependence on ‘domestic demand expansion’ as the main source of
growth has contributed to weak subsector dynamics, including sluggish
technological change. Industrial policy appears to have been unable to
effectively promote export capacity and global competitiveness.
Deindustrialization has not been limited to South Africa, but has been a
feature of SSA countries at lower levels of development too (Jalilian and

52
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

Weiss 1997, 2000), with negative consequences for long-term productive

gains. The overall policy environment and structure of African economies
in the early twenty-first century remain fundamentally unchanged,
although there are some positive departures. For instance, despite limits
to Mauritius’s transformation and upgrading (the so-called ‘Mauritius
Miracle’, it is one case of successful industrialization and industrial policy
(Stiglitz 2011; Rodrik 1997; Bhowon et al. 2004; Ancharaz 2003; Rodrik
2012). (It is surely curious, and linked to the fatalism common to many
economists, that the reflex reaction to any remotely successful case of
industrialization is to dub it a ‘miracle’.) Brautigam and Tania (2009) pro-
vide explanations for Mauritius’s achievements, highlighting a visionary
elite and societal consensus on national vision, transnational networks
(such as export-processing zones, EPZs), and systematic vulnerability. Its
per capita income rose from $400 in 1968, the year of independence, to
about $15,000 in 2012, and the economy diversified from monocrop
dependence (sugar) into industrial and services sectors.6 Mauritius devel-
oped EPZs, protection tariffs, and incentives; and innovatively adjusted to
changed domestic and international variables. This was accompanied by a
positive social and political framework, specifically a sound democratic
and welfare system (free education, free health service).
Tregenna more recently (2013) notes that between 2000 and 2007,
eleven African countries showed an increased share (at least by 1 per
cent) of manufacturing in GDP, eight of which had actually experienced
deindustrialization from 1990 to 2000. However, not all industrial policy
instruments have been successful across the board. Stein (2012: 322–39),
for instance, maintains that despite their wide adoption, EPZs failed in
many African countries because they were not part of a broader industrial
policy and industrialization drive. He points out that of the 3,500 zones
worldwide employing 66 million people in 2006, only ninety-one (2.6 per
cent of those in developing countries) existed in twenty SSA countries,
employing only about one million people. Most EPZs failed as most were
initiated for the short-term goal of benefiting from the African Growth
and Opportunity Act (AGOA) or multi-fibre arrangement.
Despite the recent global economic crisis, international factors have
been broadly favourable to African countries. These factors include high

6
Unless specified, the currency is in US$ throughout the book.

53
Made in Africa

commodity prices, cheaper borrowing costs, rising foreign investment

inflows, increased labour cost in emerging countries, and growing South–
South economic ties in investment, trade, and financing. For instance, FDI
to Africa has increased fivefold in recent years (AfDB 2011). Brautigam
(2011) and Jianhua (2013) highlight the increasing Chinese presence in
Africa and its implications for African industrialization. Domestic condi-
tions, such as growing investments in human capital (education and
health), political stability, and state institutions have also shown positive
developments. Regional cooperation is increasing (AU, NEPAD, and sub-
regions), while regional conflicts show a declining trend (HSRG 2012).7

2.6.2 African Development and Industrial Policy Literature

A review of African economic development and industrialization raises
fundamental issues about analytical perspectives (Sender and Smith 1986;
Cramer 1999b; Riddell 1990; Jerven 2011). Most available literature is
presumptuous, riddled with gaps, and metes out standard pronounce-
ments. Common diagnoses (for instance, the African ‘growth tragedy’)
and the resultant conclusions are not founded on reliable data or appro-
priate methodology, and have often reflected political bias. Riddell (1990)
stresses how scarce data on industrialization in Africa are, one instance of
the larger issue of ‘poor numbers’ on African economic activity (Jerven
2011). One of the major problems in the African political economy litera-
ture is the preoccupation with the source of the ‘Africa dummy’, a residual
in growth equations that cannot be otherwise explained by neoclassical
growth models. This quest involves the elaboration of econometric
models with ever-expanding variables, most of whose assumptions, data,
and technical methodologies are not context appropriate (Jerven 2011;
Sender 1999, 2003; Oya 2012). Many of these ingenious statistical exer-
cises, as well as many other analyses, treat the continent as a homoge-
neous entity, despite the huge diversity between and within its fifty-four
countries. This diversity is partly highlighted by the different growth and
economic development patterns between states (see, for instance, Sender,
Cramer, and Oya 2005). Such an oversimplified approach, however, has
led to unrealistic expectations and disappointing outcomes.

7
Human Security Research Group.

54
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

The second major problem with existing research on African political

economy is myopic Afro-pessimism, as a result of which misrepresenta-
tion and ideologically driven bias have significantly clouded reality. This
mindset presumes an African growth tragedy and then attributes this to
cultural factors and ethnicity, among others (Easterly 2002; Easterly and
Levine 1997). This outlook is aggravated by market fundamentalism,
which blames state intervention for Africa’s underdevelopment and lag-
ging industrialization. It is difficult not to see in this the contempt Hirsch-
man (2008) believed characterized many mono-economic approaches to
explaining the state of Africa.

2.6.3 Background to Africa’s industrial policymaking

Industrial policymaking has gone through different phases in Africa. The
first phase, between the 1960s and 1980s, was driven by vigorous indus-
trial promotion in many countries aiming for self-reliance and import
substitution. African nations embarked upon this quest after learning
that political independence does not automatically guarantee economic
independence and a better quality of life. Nonetheless, this industrializa-
tion drive and the resultant economic growth could not be sustained
because of balance of payment problems, debt burdens, and the inability
to build internationally competitive industries. The final straw was the
1970s oil crises. Poor policies pursued by many African governments
during that period—among them, failure to invest in export sectors,
neglect of high productivity agriculture, mismanagement of macroeco-
nomic policy and state-owned enterprises—contributed to the crisis.
This period also witnessed some less-than-successful policy experi-
ments, often coloured by populism, such as Ujamaa or ‘African socialism’
in Tanzania. The Zambian mismanagement of copper deposits, war and
policy crises in Mozambique, and macroeconomic policy struggles in
Ghana and elsewhere are other examples (Kitching 1982; Sender and
Smith 1986). Kitching (1982) argued that populist and neo-populist ideol-
ogy lay behind experiments such as Ujamaa, a widely influential initiative
that led to a bias in favour of a non-industrial path to development, an
option that is not viable in theory or practice. In his book Manufacturing
Africa, Riddell highlights the neglect of industrialization policy between
the 1970s and 1990s, and contrasts this with the focus on Africa’s indus-
trial development during the 1960s. These decades were characterized by

55
Made in Africa

neglect of the manufacturing sector, the weak structure of manufacturing,

low and falling manufactured exports, lack of interlinkages within manu-
facturing, and weak forward linkages.
The Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) phase (1980–2000) was
characterized by significant policy changes, which resulted in slower
industrialization and deindustrialization (Riddell 1990; Padayachee 2010;
Tregenna 2013). Most African countries were forced to undertake reforms
focused on economic liberalization, privatization, and structural adjust-
ment (Rodrk 2014a). Jomo and Arnim (2012: 511) underline how ‘economic
liberalisation has brought economic stagnation, de-industrialisation and
agricultural decline, rather than structural change induced by productivity
gains and stronger domestic demand from increasing incomes’. Industrial-
ization in many countries continued to play a minor role, and the economic
reforms promoted by International Financial Institutions (IFIs) did little to
promote new industries (Watanabe and Hanatani 2012). Under pressure
from the IFIs, most public enterprises were privatized, although this did not
lead to significant productivity gains. Trade was liberalized and domestic
firms were unable to compete in the international market without protec-
tion measures (Riddell 1990). This painful ‘adjustment process’ also had
social costs such as layoffs, and the state’s role was weakened.
Agriculture, the traditional economic mainstay, was plagued by prob-
lems and failed to increase productivity and transform. Support to farmers
and state interventions supposed to improve agricultural productivity
were largely ignored (Oya 2010, 2011; Sender 2003; Sender, Oya, and
Cramer 2006). Many African countries abandoned industrial policies,
and the opening of financial markets to foreign banks weakened domestic
capital. There is also evidence of a loss of policy capability (Warren-
Rodriguez 2010; Palma 2003, 2009, 2011, 2012). Once these reforms
were considered outdated, the poverty reduction strategy and Millennium
Development Goals were introduced, also narrowly focusing on social
goals and poverty reduction rather than addressing fundamental growth
and economic transformation. Indeed, the poverty reduction and social
goals are more likely to be achieved through successful economic devel-
opment and structural changes (Ocampo et al. 2009; Amsden 2009).
Despite the fragmented use of industrial policy instruments, industrial
policy has been based on a neoclassical vision of markets. There are two
ways in which this may be the case. One is that for a long time, industrial
policy has essentially been about not interfering in markets, and not

56
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

promoting industry, etc. The other is the newer neoclassical version,

where a moderate effort to facilitate industrialization is accepted, but
not more activist and higher risk interventions. Tregenna (2013) under-
lines the importance of increasing labour productivity in manufacturing,
highlighting the dynamic role it played in East Asia. This is a dilemma for
many African countries, as low wages are not an advantage until product-
ivity reaches international standards (Schwartz 2010). These observations
call for new approaches and policy perspectives that can lead to economic
transformation and for more fitting industrial development perspectives
for Africa. One of Riddell’s conclusions from the case studies in seven
African countries is that ‘there does not appear to be one particular road to
industrialization or mould into which either these or other SSA countries
could or should be made to fit’ (Riddell 1990: 47). He adds that:

the long-term prospects for the development and deepening of the manufacturing
sector in SSA, in general, and for the seven case-study countries, in particular, will
be critically determined by the nature of the policy environment, the incentive
system in which manufacturing enterprises operate, and by policies and stimuli
targeted specifically at firms within the manufacturing sector (Riddell 1990: 51).

2.7 Summary and Conclusions

The theoretical and conceptual constructs used in this book are summar-
ized as follows. First, mainstream economic theories emphasize that
there is no case for active industrial policies and that free markets and
trade are superior to interventionism in terms of economic growth. At
best, the ‘new development economics’ (Fine 2006) builds on neoclassical
foundations to argue that ‘market failures’ are fairly widespread and do
justify limited corrective state intervention, typically to be tailored to
‘state capacity’. From this perspective, even where there is a case for
industrial policies (because of market failures or ‘imperfections’), there
are still grounds for extreme suspicion of state intervention on the basis
of rent seeking and political economy considerations. As Mazzucato
(2013a: 21) put it: ‘Economists willing to admit the State has an important
role have often argued so using a specific framework called “market fail-
ure”. From this perspective the fact that markets are “imperfect” is seen as
the exception, which means that the State has a role to play—but not a very

57
Made in Africa

interesting one . . . ’ (my emphasis). Neoclassical economists also typically

reject claims that there are sector-specific dynamics in development.
Second, the theory of infant industry has significant policy implications,
as it gives prominence to manufacturing and the promotion of new indus-
tries. The theory refutes international free trade and posits that protectionist
policy is necessary to develop new industries. It also accepts the legitimacy
of the state’s role in developing these capabilities. These principles and
concepts are still relevant in the contemporary world (despite World Trade
Organization [WTO] rules, phyto-sanitary standards, etc.).
Third, the structuralist and catch up perspectives provide the basis for
industrial policy and a strong rationale for deliberate intervention to
generate dynamic gains from industrialization. This perspective also
calls for a sectoral approach that is based on manufacturing’s greater
scope for increasing returns in comparison with mining and agriculture.
The dynamics of sectors can be best explained by Hirschman’s linkage
effects (with varying spillover effects).
Fourth, the role of industrial policies is to ‘stimulate the sectors with
increasing returns while shifting resources from elsewhere in the econ-
omy’ and to foster economic transformation by promoting the ‘ability of
an economy to constantly generate new dynamics’ (Ocampo et al. 2009:
10). This perspective also stresses that each country follows its own devel-
opment path with specific characteristics that are usually not replicable.
Industrial policies are basically dependent on the dynamic nature of the
state as well as the broader political economy, in particular the relation-
ship of the state with the private sector and other social groups.
Fifth, overall, it is clear that Africa has not been successful to date in
industrializing or in industrial policymaking. Furthermore, all the con-
ventional policy prescriptions from the 1980s to 2000s have not achieved
structural transformation in Africa. Hence, active industrial policies for
achieving this end have to be explored. This book aims to contribute in
this regard by using comparative case studies from Ethiopia.
This chapter has also highlighted the dimensions of industrial policy,
in particular the strategic orientation towards exports and accumulation
of technological capabilities and the productive use of rents through
reciprocal control mechanisms and performance standards. In addition
to policy capabilities and institutional innovations, linkage effects
(including latitude for performance standards) can serve as an important

58
 Climbing without Ladders: Industrial Policy and Development

conceptual framework and policy guide. This analytical framework pro-

vides the foundation for exploring industrial policy and varying outcomes
across three sectors in Ethiopia. A thorough review of the literature on
industrial policy over time indicates that all countries can make the
transition from agriculture to industry, but the catch up can vary among
countries depending on their peculiar national situations, political econ-
omy, history, and the international environment.

CLIMBING THE LADDER!

What does this extensive literature review tell us about the challenges of
industrial policy and late industrialization, and what are the key drivers?
The empirical record discussed above shows clearly that catching up and
structural transformation do not depend on ‘laissez-faire’ and are not easy.
As Friedrich List warned, forerunners ‘can do nothing wiser than to throw
away the ladder’ and to ‘preach to other nations the benefits of free trade’.
This still holds true in the twenty-first century. Despite the importance of
the changing global context, the virtues of free trade do not determine the
absolute destiny of nations.
As Hirschman emphasized, development is determined neither by scar-
city of resources nor by various ‘prerequisites’. Structural transformation
and catching up go far beyond fixing ‘market failures’, and depend on a
developmental perspective and a transformative state, which are in turn
reliant on the political economy of each country. Industrial policies in
developing countries should thus address three important aspects that
lead to successful catch up: ‘innovation in new economic activities or new
ways of doing (in a Schumpeterian sense); linkages (Hirschman); and
surplus labour (Lewis)’ (Ocampo 2007: 1). Countries have to find their
own paths of development that reflect their own peculiarities and ‘advan-
tages of late development’. What implications does this discussion have
for Ethiopia? The following chapters discuss how climbing the ladder has
been undertaken in twenty-first-century Ethiopia, showing both what is
possible and the formidable challenges.

59
3

Setting the Scene

Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

Prior experience of manufacturing is regarded by some (for instance,

Amsden 2001) as important to the prospects for industrial policy. Ethiopia
does have a history of manufacturing, though little is known about the
mid-twentieth-century deindustrialization of the country. The British
removal of Ethiopian manufacturing equipment and factories built by
Italians was justified on grounds that Ethiopia was ‘over capitalized’ and
that ‘Ethiopians have no mechanical aptitude’. According to Richard
Pankhurst (1996: 43), who chronicled these events:

the Italian fascist surrender at Gondar, on 27 November 1941, marked the end of
the British East African Campaign. Five days later the British military authorities
made their first detailed proposals for dismantling of Italian Assets in Ethiopia . . .
Ethiopia at the end of the Italian occupation struck them as better equipped than
several long established, but little developed, British colonies or dependencies
from which they concluded that the country had been highly, and artificially,
industrialised.1

This chapter discusses Ethiopia’s recent experiences with industrial pol-

icies designed to recreate industrial capacity and competitiveness.
Ethiopia is one of the poorest LDCs, although the country has maintained
its independence throughout its long history, dating back to the early
Aksumite civilization of the first millennium BC. The country was ruled for

1
This episode is also recalled in Michela Wrong’s (2005) I Didn’t Do It For You: How the world used
and abused a small African nation.
 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

almost half a century by Emperor Haile Selassie, an absolute monarch who

was toppled in 1974 in a popular revolt. A military junta, the Derg, took
power in 1975, and established totalitarian rule and a USSR-type command
economy. Throughout much of the twentieth century, Ethiopia was identi-
fied with famine, conflict, and war, but by the early twenty-first century it
was becoming better known for its aspirations to become one of the greatest
success stories in Africa. The 1983–85 famine in Ethiopia affected close to
eight million people and led to more than 400,000 deaths (some estimates
put this figure at one million). It was described by the BBC as ‘a biblical
famine’ and ‘the closest thing to hell on earth’.
Less than a decade after the great famine, things started to change. By
the early 1990s, the country was emerging from totalitarian rule and three
decades of war, and confronted a rapidly declining economy and wide-
spread marginalization of its diverse population as a result of highly
centralized Derg rule. Totalitarian rule had ended in 1991 following the
defeat of Africa’s biggest army by the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary
Democratic Front (EPRDF), which led the liberation movement (EPRDF
2011b; Balema 2014). This was followed by a referendum in Eritrea (the
first in Africa), which led to Eritrea’s peaceful independence. The EPRDF
government then established a federal system, and introduced significant
administrative and fiscal decentralization. It also pursued an agricultural
development-led industrialization (ADLI) strategy, which focused on re-
ducing poverty and stimulating the economy (FDRE 1994, 1996). The
strategy assumes that initial take off depends on stimuli from agriculture
in terms of growth in demand, supply of foreign exchange for machinery
imports, and inputs for factories.
The government has since adopted a Growth and Transformation Plan
(GTP) that aims for rapid growth and structural change and the promotion
of industry as the leading sector of the economy by 2020 (MOFED 2010).
The overriding objective of GTP is to make Ethiopia a lower middle-income
country by 2025. This ambitious vision and strategy entails pursuing an
appropriate industrial policy, mobilizing the population around the vi-
sion, and effective state leadership. Achieving these objectives involves a
challenging combination of ideas, policymaking and implementation in-
stitutions, and a coalition of interests sufficiently robust to facilitate policy
implementation and to lend legitimacy to the state’s strategy.
Ethiopia has now been able to reduce the number of people living in
poverty from 54 per cent in 1992 to 22 per cent in 2014, while life

61
Made in Africa

expectancy has increased from forty-eight to sixty-three years in 2013 (by

comparison the average across SSA is eight years, from fifty to fifty-five)
(World Bank 2013). However, these indicators do not tell the whole story,
nor are they a strong basis for celebration. There is a need to both extract
‘lessons’ and acknowledge and engage with the massive challenges and
constraints Ethiopia still faces. A constructive approach is to focus on
policymaking, on understanding the factors that positively contributed to
outcomes, and on emerging challenges in order to sustain the gains made.

3.1 Genesis of Ethiopian industrialization

Ethiopia emerged as a united nation and state in the late nineteenth

century, and Ethiopia’s industrial development can be traced to the early
twentieth century (Zewde 2002a, 2002b). Like other African nations, Ethio-
pia has gone through stages of industrial development. Manufacturing
accounted for about 1.5 per cent of GDP under imperial rule in the 1950s.
The sector grew to 5 per cent in the 1970s, and was dominated by foreign
owned firms and ISIs.2 In the 1970s, there were about 300 foreign firms,
accounting for more than 75 per cent of the industrial sector. The Confed-
eration of Ethiopian Labour Unions (CELU) had about 50,000 members.
The manufacturing sector was limited to the production of consumer
goods, and its growth was constrained by the small market size and insig-
nificance of the private sector, as well as its weak forward and backward
economic linkages. Land ownership was exploitative and limited to aristo-
crats, the royal family, and the church. Consequently, agriculture stagnated
until the mid-1970s. This was a feudal economic system, rooted in auto-
cratic rule and based on a parasitic aristocracy. The period was characterized
by slow economic growth, which led to the popular revolt in 1974 that
ended both Haile Selassie’s reign (begun in 1934) and the monarchy.
During the Derg period (1974–91), all means of production were put
under state control and administered under a socialist economic man-
agement system (Balema 2014; Tekeste 2014). Industrialization was
guided by a command economy and import substitution, and economic
activities were largely designed to support the Derg’s war machine. For
instance, Asco (a shoe factory) was entirely given over to the production

2
For instance, see CSO and MCIT (1969).

62
 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

of army boots. Garment and food processing factories had also to service
the Derg’s 600,000 soldiers. Armament factories were also established,
with loans and technical assistance from Eastern Europe and
North Korea. ISI was low technology and focused on light industry, as
were state-owned enterprises. The policy had an anti-export bias, which
also inhibited private sector involvement. Private sector investment,
such as it was, was limited to small enterprises such as grain mills.
Moreover, labour and population mobility was tightly restricted.

3.1.1 Industrial policy post-1991: Challenges and opportunities

The chief aim of this chapter is to outline in detail the process of industrial
policymaking in Ethiopia post-1991, in the context of dramatic political
changes under the EPRDF-led government. During this period, the gov-
ernment has been heavily engaged in major state-building as a precondi-
tion for transforming the country and achieving middle income status
by 2025. Phase one covered the period up to 2002. It was a period of
transition from war to peace, from command economy to market-based
economy, and from totalitarianism towards a more democratic system
(Ottaway 1999). The Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), a pro-
visional coalition, introduced a new constitution in 1995. This stipulated
a multiparty political system, separation of powers within government,
and federalism. Major political changes and economic rehabilitation
and restructuring followed. The federal system established followed new
political and fiscal models (Balema 2014). The foundations for a market-
economy were laid. Recovery and rehabilitation of infrastructure and
basic services were undertaken. The revitalization of agriculture was key
to political stabilization, the activation of productive forces, and the
stimulation of the economy. These policies were also preparing Ethiopia
for industrial development. Domestic and foreign investment started to
expand slowly. Later, the growth momentum was disrupted by the costly
Ethio-Eritrean war of 1999–2000. In addition to the loss of life and phys-
ical resources, GDP growth slowed to 1.6 per cent in 2002 and –2.1 per
cent in 2003 (MOFED 2010). Thus, although the economy grew at about
5 per cent per annum during this period, this growth was erratic.
The second phase, from 2003 to 2012, is characterized by rapid growth
and economic development. Average annual economic growth was 11 per
cent between 2004 and 2012, almost double the SSA average for the same

63
Made in Africa

period (MOFED 2012a, 2012b). This period featured a clearer national

vision, with national strategies and policies in key sectors, which were
influenced by East Asian economic growth and developmental practice.
The industrial development strategy focused on labour-intensive, export-
oriented sectors, such as textiles and leather. Investment promotion
became more focused, and Ethiopia attracted more FDI than in years
past. The flow of FDI has increased from almost nil in 1992 to more
than half a billion dollars in recent years. Corporate governance systems
in public enterprises and investments in the commanding heights were
further consolidated, while many state-owned enterprises (SOEs) were
privatized to strengthen the newly flourishing private sector. Moreover,
federalism and decentralization deepened, and new urban development
reforms were initiated, increasing industrial and agricultural growth.
Support to small farmers grew, including the establishment of market
institutions and the development of rural infrastructure. Overall, infra-
structure and human development became a national priority.
After 2010, a five-year GTP began to be implemented, with rapid growth
in manufacturing and structural transformation of the economy as its
central aim. For instance, the target growth rate for manufacturing is 20
per cent per annum. Exports are planned to grow fivefold, with an
increased share for industrial exports. The GTP also aims at the develop-
ment of 2,000 km of railway lines and a fivefold growth in power
generation (from 2,000 MW to 10,000 MW) to help the process of trans-
formation. Moreover, the domestic savings rate has to more than double
in five years. The GTP emphasizes linkages within the economy, primarily
between manufacturing and agriculture, and the creation of a single
economic space.
The GDP growth rate has been 10.6, 11.4, and 8.7 per cent in 2010,
2011, and 2012, respectively (MOFED 2013a). Per capita GDP reached
about $700 in 2015 (more than five times higher than in 1991, when it
was $120). The ratio of domestic saving to GDP increased from 5.2 per
cent in 2010 to 21.8 per cent in 2015. However, bringing down inflation
to single-digit figures has been more challenging than government
expected. Public investment has also shown significant growth from
barely Ethiopian Birr (ETB) 1 billion or $0.2 billion in 1991, to ETB
53 billion in 2011 ($3.5 billion) (MOFED 2012a). Capital expenditure
(public investment) was 22 per cent of the total federal budget in the
early 1990s and exceeded 56 per cent in 2011. This contrasts starkly

64
 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

with many African countries. Ethiopia’s budget allocation has focused on

poverty reduction, agricultural development, infrastructure, and human
development (MOFED 2013a). Military expenditure had been signifi-
cantly cut to 1.1 per cent of GDP in 2011, down from 6.5 per cent under
the previous regime in 1990. The government has used SOEs to undertake
massive investments in energy, telecom, and rail networks (MOFED 2012a,
2013a).
Despite government efforts to put the economy on a high growth path,
the share of manufacturing in GDP remains low and the 10 per cent
annual growth in national industrial output has not exceeded GDP
growth, a necessary condition for change in the composition of the
economy. The sector also continues to be characterized by many struc-
tural constraints, such as low productivity, low value, and lack of inter-
national competitiveness. Export volumes have increased, although the
export structure has not fundamentally changed. There has been diversi-
fication, but within primary commodities, which has reduced the heavy
dependence on coffee (from two-thirds in the 1990s to about one-quarter
in 2012). Foreign currency shortages have become pervasive, despite the
increased share of exports from 3 per cent of GDP in 1992 to 17 per cent in
2011. This can be contrasted, for instance, with Mauritius’s exports,
which accounted for 59 per cent of GDP in 2011. Ethiopia’s imports of
goods and services reached 32 per cent of GDP in 2011, thus highlighting
the severity of the balance of payments problem.
One major constraint on rapid growth and catch up is the inability to
mobilize resources and concentrate on investment. Resource mobilization
requires social mobilization, institutions, culture change, and increased
growth dynamics. Ethiopia’s gross savings are among the lowest in Africa,
despite recent improvements. Arguably, the government’s approach
appears to resemble the Keynesian perspective, where investment is
expected to drive savings up, rather than, or as well as, the other way
round. The East Asian developmental states (notably Korea and Taiwan)
have been effective in resource mobilization (Amsden 2001; Wade 1990).
The powers to levy and collect tax and revenues are defined in the Ethi-
opian Constitution as well as in various federal and regional proclam-
ations. However, Ethiopia’s central government tax revenue as a share
of GDP is also among the lowest in Africa. As a result, revenue and tax
reform has become a major government priority. Tax reforms include
improving the tax information system (introducing sales register

65
Made in Africa

machines, automating import–export customs, and assigning tax identi-

fication numbers to taxpayers), public tax education and mobilization,
enforcement, and strengthening the tax authority. Despite efforts to
increase awareness of taxpayers’ obligations, corruption and contraband
crimes remain major challenges. Progress has been made since 2005, with
government revenues boosted from ETB 11.2 billion in 2006, to ETB 59
billion in 2011, and ETB 84 billion in 2012. Tax revenue has gradually
increased from 5.6 per cent of GDP in 1992 to 11.5 per cent in 2011.3

3.2 Patterns of industrial development in Ethiopia

The Ethiopian manufacturing sector has two distinct features. First, there
is a low level of industrialization in terms of the sector’s share in GDP,
export earnings, industrial intensity, and competitiveness. Second, the
industrial structure is dominated by small firms and resource-based indus-
tries (in particular the food industry), and concentrated around the capital
city. These features are explored below.

3.2.1 Low industrialization

Ethiopia’s low level of industrialization is well documented by govern-
ment agencies and in international reviews. Industry is composed of
manufacturing, mining, and construction. First, the share of industry
(13 per cent) and of the manufacturing sector (5 per cent) in the economy
is very low, and has shown little change between 1992 and 2013, even
exhibiting some decline (see Figure 3.1). It is much lower than the 10.5 per
cent average share of manufacturing in the economies of SSA countries
(UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011). In 2009, African industry accounted for 40.7 per
cent of GDP. The corresponding figure for East Africa is 20.3 per cent for
industry and 9.7 per cent for manufacturing.
While manufacturing industry has been growing rapidly, it slightly falls
short of the growth rate of the overall economy (MOFED 1999; Tekeste
2014). The average annual growth rate of the manufacturing industry was
11 per cent between 2004 and 2014, compared to the 10.9 per cent of the

3
The estimated dollar–ETB exchange rate was about ETB 10 in 2006, ETB 16 in 2011, and ETB 18
in 2012.

66
 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

60
50
40
30
20
10
0
2002 2006 2009 2012
Agriculture Industry Service

Figure 3.1. Contribution to GDP by economic activity at constant prices

Source: Unpublished data of National Economic Accounts Directorate, MOFED (December 2012
and October 2013)

20
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013

Total GDP Industry

Agriculture Services

Figure 3.2. Real GDP growth rates 2004–13

Source: MOFED, December 2011 and October 2013

average GDP growth rate during the same period. Recent estimates
show that growth of the manufacturing industry has started to accelerate,
growing by 13 per cent between 2011 and 2014. This rate of growth is,
however, still insufficient to generate the necessary shifts in the structure
of the economy, in view of the considerable shares of the agricultural and
service sectors (see Figure 3.2).
Second, the share of manufactured goods in Ethiopia’s export earnings
in recent years has been very low (below 10 per cent), and was based on
low technology goods such as leather and leather goods, textiles, and
other agro-industry products (see Table 3.1). The export earnings share

67
Table 3.1. Share of manufactured goods in Ethiopia’s export earnings (in $ millions)

1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

Export earnings (in $ millions) 37 39 84 67 82 75 78 110 109 136 98 89 176 212

Share of manufactured goods (%) 8 8 19 14 15 12 11 11 10 9 7 4 6 7
Growth rate (%) – 7 116 (20) 22 (9) 5 41 (1) 24 (28) (9) 97 20

Note: Rounded to nearest single digit

Source: Unpublished data, ERCA (2012a)
 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

of textiles, leather and leather goods, and agroindustry was 51, 40, and 8
per cent respectively in 2011 (ERCA 2012a). This highlights the profound
structural problems facing the economy. In SSA countries, the share of
manufactured exports in export earnings has decreased in recent years
(UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011).
Third, Ethiopia’s manufacturing value added (MVA) per capita was only
$9 in 2010, in contrast to Egypt’s $177 or Mauritius’s $522. In UNCTAD/
UNIDO typology (based on five groups, namely forerunners, achievers,
catching up, falling behind, and infant stage, that is, below $20 MVA per
capita), Ethiopia is in the infant stage of manufacturing. A more compre-
hensive measure of industrial competitiveness is the Competitive Indus-
trial Performance (CIP) Index (UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011; Lall 1996, 1999).
While Ethiopia is considered one of the lowest on the index, it has shown
some improvement in ranking in recent years, from 118th in 2005 to
111th in 2009.

3.2.2 Industrial structure

The industrial structure is dominated by smaller firms, and the average
size of manufacturing firms is even smaller (Tekeste 2014; Page and
Söderbom 2012). Medium and large firms are smaller than in other devel-
oping countries (Söderbom 2011). Most firms are concentrated in Addis
Ababa and its periphery, the result of historical factors, available infra-
structure, and market concentration. The dominant manufacturing
industry is the food industry, accounting for more than one-third of the
firms and employment in the sector. Insufficient industrial inputs for
manufacturing slowed the growth of domestic linkages, as is the case in
most sectors.
According to the official 2007 Central Statistics Agency (CSA) survey,
close to 40 per cent of small manufacturing enterprises are grain mills,
accounting for 50 per cent of employment; 20 per cent were furniture
manufacturers; followed by 25 per cent for metal fabrication plants. Most
small manufacturers indicate insufficient capital as their biggest problem.
Numbers of medium and large firms increased from 1,243 in 2005 to 2,172
in 2011 (CSA 2006, 2012c). Employment also increased from 118,000 in
2005 to 175,000 workers in 2011, primarily in labour-intensive industries
such as food products, beverages, and textiles. The first two industries
employ about a third of workers in the manufacturing sector. Firms

69
Made in Africa

identified market demand as a primary challenge, with newly established

enterprises listing infrastructure (electricity, water, and production prem-
ises) as a major problem (CSA 2010).
More than 75 per cent of factories are concentrated in the Addis
Ababa ring (with 40 per cent in Addis Ababa, 21 per cent in Oromia,
13 per cent in Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region
[SNNPR]). Agglomeration economies provide benefits to producers by offer-
ing bigger and closer markets, technological spillovers, concentration of
services and infrastructure, and consumers (Marshall 1920; Henderson
1974, 2003; World Bank 2008). Thus the spatial logic of industrialization
appears to run counter to the dispersion of economic opportunity intended
by the federal government.

3.2.3 Main industrial actors

Broadly, the key actors are in the private sector, which includes foreign-
owned (FDI) and domestically owned firms and firms owned by regional
endowment funds. Their relative roles differ from sector to sector. For
instance, in banking, food, and leather industries, domestically owned
firms dominate the home market, while foreign-owned firms dominate in
beverages and floriculture. In some industries, such as cement or construc-
tion, both foreign- and domestically owned firms have a significant pres-
ence. For industries that require lumpy investment (such as sugar, cement,
infrastructure, etc.), government continues to be the major actor.
The first investment law, enacted in 1992, allowed the private sector to
be the main industrial actor. Government also charted a privatization
programme to encourage the sector’s development. The domestic private
sector quickly capitalized on the promised benefits, particularly in ser-
vices, and to some degree in manufacturing and agriculture. By 2009,
the share of the private sector in GDP at constant prices was estimated
at 90.1 per cent. This sector, of course, includes smallholder agriculture
and non-agricultural micro and small businesses. Formal private sector
corporations accounted for about 27.3 per cent of GDP in 2009. However,
the informal sector is still believed to account for the bulk of private sector
activity (Kolli 2010).
Endowment fund–owned enterprises were founded in the mid-1990s,
with initial resources provided by the liberation movement for the
rehabilitation and development of war-torn regions. These major entities

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

are Endowment for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) and Endow-

ment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Amahara (TIRET) (Vaughan and
Gebremichael 2011; Kelsall 2013). Endowment fund–owned conglomer-
ates were established in accordance with Articles 483–515 of the Civil
Code of Ethiopia, No. 165 of 1960 (EFFORT 1995). According to Ethiopian
law, ‘an act of endowment is an act whereby a person destines certain
property irrevocably and perpetually to a specific object of general inter-
est’ (GOE 1960). These endowment investment groups (EIGs) have pri-
marily invested in large-scale manufacturing sectors, such as cement,
textiles, tanneries, breweries, and a malt factory; pharmaceuticals, marble
processing, and agro-industries (EFFORT 2010, 2011; Kelsall 2013). For
instance, EFFORT founded the second largest cement factory in Ethiopia
in 2000. In total, EIGs employ more than 25,000 people in more than
twenty enterprises, and their capital outlay is estimated at about $1
billion.
The role of the EIGs was highly controversial during the 1990s and early
2000s, and remains a divisive political issue. The major criticism of EIGs is
by IFIs and the international community based on the perception of them
as ‘parastatals’ and the questioning of their party political affiliations
(Altenburg 2010, 2013). These critics argue that the entities ‘crowd out’
private sector opportunities, a view also shared by prominent members
of the local chamber of commerce (Altenburg 2010; Vaughan and
Gebremichael 2011; Hagmann and Abbink 2012, 2013; Kelsall 2013). An
alternative explanation emphasizes the large-scale manufacturing nature
of the EIG investments in sectors in which the private sector has shown
little interest because of the risks and uncertainties. There is little evidence
to confirm that EIGs are party affiliated, in the sense of receiving party
donations or special favours. The charge that loan terms for EIGs (from
state-owned banks) are uniquely favourable and not subject to the same
competition policies as other businesses (Vaughan and Gebremichael
2011) is also not supported by the evidence. In fact, EIGs have fostered
industrial development while facing region-specific constraints, such as
proximity to the volatile Eritrean border, relatively poor infrastructure,
and remoteness from the Addis Ababa market. Thus, EIGs have become
major players in Ethiopia’s industrial policy and economic transformation
(Kelsall 2013). This suggests that EIGs have pioneered long-term value
creation, filled gaps where the private sector had been absent, narrowed
regional imbalances, and generated employment. Some linkages have

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Made in Africa

been activated by EIG-owned cement, brewery, and agro-processing

projects.
Government policy has focused on public investment in a few strategic
areas, and government has privatized about 300 enterprises. The central
focus of the remaining SOEs is in three broad areas: financial (four cor-
porations in banking and insurance services), utilities and infrastructure
(six corporations in electric power; telecommunications; road, air, and sea
transport), and large-scale manufacturing investments (three corporations
in chemical and cement, metal and industrial engineering, and sugar).
Since 2010, the government has established larger conglomerates by
merging existing public enterprises and establishing new ones in selected
sectors.
In sum, Ethiopia’s pattern of industrialization has significant vulner-
ability, as the export and sectoral composition is not shifting in favour of
manufacturing. The major industries are labour-intensive, manufacturing
low-value products. Industrial policy needs to move into higher gear, as
does structural transformation. Thus, further industrialization is central to
the country’s path of development.

3.3 Aspiring developmental state

Drawing on discussion in the previous chapter, it is possible to summarize

the main characteristics of a developmental state as the exclusive pursuit
of development (vision and practice); public mobilization around a grand
vision; and state capability, embeddedness, and autonomy. The develop-
mental nature of the Ethiopian government is discussed below.

3.3.1 Evolution of political process and tenets

POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL TENETS
The historical roots and political ideals of the ruling party, in power for
two decades under a dominant-party multiparty system, have shaped the
policies behind the new economic dynamism. EPRDF broadly defines its
ideological tenets as ‘revolutionary democracy’ (EPRDF 2011b; Balema
2014). Its thoughts and strategies, articulated as Abyotawi Democracy
(‘Revolutionary Democracy’), are expounded in speeches, publications,
debates, and other communication forums. One sceptical review condemns

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

this cohesive ideology as ‘vanguard party rule’, and emphasizes that

EPRDF’s ‘condemnation of neo-liberalism is rooted in TPLF Marxist-
Leninist origins’. The critique adds that ‘the ruling party refused to
relinquish command over the economy’ and promotes ‘a rhetoric that
emphasizes stability as a precondition for development’ (Hagmann and
Abbink 2012: 586). The undermining of governance and multiparty pol-
itics has been a concern for some scholars, the political opposition, and
donors. Some observers argue that this has resulted in a ‘monolithic party-
state system’ dominated by the ruling EPRDF (Clapham 2009; Lefort
2013). Nonetheless, there has been a working relationship with donors
and IFIs. Clapham (2009) states: ‘Internationally, Ethiopia has had con-
siderable success, presenting itself as a model of “good governance” with
donor approval. Having accepted the basic tenets of neoliberalism, it also
backed the “global war on terror”, giving it scope to promote its own
agenda in Somalia, with US backing. Its cardinal problem remains the
management of diversity and opposition.’ There seems thus to be dis-
agreement among external observers about whether, for instance, the
ruling coalition is really in favour of ‘neoliberalism’, but what is clearer
is that, for good or ill, the coalition does not neatly meet the typical
criteria for ‘good governance’.

WARTIME INTELLECTUAL FORMATION

The developmental orientation of the Ethiopian government has been
shaped by many factors, in particular the forging of a wartime coalition
when the liberation movement was led by the EPRDF. The liberation
movement’s origins can be traced back to strongly leftist student activists
of the early 1970s. EPRDF emerged as the dominant political and military
movement between the mid-1970s and early 1990s. Land reform and the
national question were among the main political issues (EPRDF 2011b; de
Waal 2012). The values and commitments stemming from the historical
experience and intellectual formation of the leadership, in addition to the
choice of federalism as a mechanism to manage long-lasting political
challenges in Ethiopia, have been key. Furthermore, the desire to main-
tain independence and the freedom to make mistakes has been a strong
theme among the leadership.
The ruling party and government have exhibited a long-term commit-
ment to sustained, rapid, and equitable growth (EPRDF 2011a; 2013a;
2013c; 2013d). Threats of endemic famine and poverty and the risk of

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Made in Africa

Ethiopia’s disintegration under internal and external pressure have all

contributed to the commitment to this vision. Increasing political pres-
sure in urban centres has been an important factor for the government’s
focus on urban economic and governance issues, especially after the 2005
national election. This election and its aftermath were an important wake-
up call, perhaps even an internal threat, to the ruling party. The focus on
large housing and infrastructure developments and employment pro-
grammes in urban centres commenced after, or partly because of, these
events.
Considering the widespread and profound poverty in Ethiopia and the
country’s long history of political fragility and ethnic diversity, the issue
of equitable growth has been especially pressing. Regional equity has
become the foundation of the polity, institutionalized through a commit-
ment to federalism. According to Clapham (2009), the management of
diversity and the difficulty of reconciling ‘autonomous systems of power
and authority within a common political structure’ remain a central
challenge for the government (Markakis 2011).
Arguably, this commitment to ‘horizontal’ equality (Stewart 2002,
2008) may have offered at least a rhetorical counterweight to the clearly
accelerating vertical inequality accompanying and encouraged by growth.
This is an interesting contrast with Amsden’s view that promotion of large
concentrated champions was easier in more equal countries like Korea
than in, say, South America. In Korea, a homogeneous national identity
appears to be a positive factor. In Ethiopia, promoting small businesses
and supporting smallholder farms has been preferred to the dominance
of a few large firms. This is justified on grounds of increased employment
generation and fairer wealth distribution. The focus on agriculture was
also warranted by the need to alleviate poverty in the countryside, where
more than 80 per cent of people live, and to use agriculture for the initial
take off of industrialization.

3.3.2 Strong developmental orientation in vision and practice

AN EXCLUSIVE PURSUIT OF DEVELOPMENTAL GOALS
There is strong evidence of developmental state behaviour in Ethiopia, as
expressed in the exclusive pursuit of developmental goals. Firstly, the
record demonstrates a political commitment to a grand vision. The Ethi-
opian state has fostered a national project, the ‘Ethiopian Renaissance’,

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

which lies at the core of public policies. As already noted, the govern-
ment’s medium-term vision is to become a middle-income economy by
2020–25. These public commitments and policy statements may be noth-
ing more than that, and many governments make rhetorical commit-
ments that do not correspond to reality. What is more important is
whether the rhetoric is matched by the behaviour of developmental states
and translated into meaningful interventions in investment, resource
allocation, policy implementation, and outcomes such as rates of growth
of key indicators and structural change. The government has been directly
and aggressively investing in infrastructure development and human
resource development towards this end. For instance, its interventions
to increase electricity generation capacity, expand railways and roads
(over 90,000 kilometres of roads, including universal access to rural
roads), and create capacity to train half a million university students
amply demonstrate its developmental orientation (MOFED 2010).
Ethiopia has sustained double-digit economic growth, in particular
between 2003 and 2013, without relying on a resource boom (such as oil
or minerals).4 It is recognized as having one of the ten fastest growing
non-oil economies. The government has reduced the country’s famine
vulnerability and improved its capacity to feed its growing population
(UN-DESA 2007; CSA 2013). The number of people living below the
poverty line has declined by half. Enrolment in primary schools has
increased from below 20 per cent in the early 1990s to about 95.3 per
cent in 2013. In 2012, the total student population in all levels exceeds
30 million.
The government has emphasized the essential role of an activist state in
the process of catching up, a role further necessitated by the strong
determination and vision to develop Ethiopia. This developmental orien-
tation is home-grown and based on specific conditions in Ethiopia,
although emulating forerunners has also played a role (for instance,
Germany’s technical and vocational education and training [TVET] and
university system, Japan’s Kaizen production system, China’s industrial
parks). Ethiopia’s rich history of independence and civilization and its
mimetic interest in finding East Asian role models have served as sources
of inspiration.

4
See also CSA Statistical abstracts including (CSA 2001, 2002, 2007, 2008, 2010, and 2011b),
CSO (1983), and CSO (1987).

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Made in Africa

3.3.4 Building from scratch: State capability and

embedded autonomy
STATE CAPABILITY
Another developmental characteristic is the somewhat imprecise idea of
the capability of the state. The bureaucracy from the dictatorial regime of
the Derg was politically hostile to the new EPRDF-led government, having
been used as an instrument for war mobilization, and having served both
the command economy and predatory ends. The state machinery at the
time was ill-suited to serving the new political leadership’s developmental
goals. The bureaucracy of the newly established federal state had to be
rebuilt. This implied massive bureaucratic transformation in terms of
political indoctrination (with the philosophy of the new government)
and instilling professional capabilities. The civil service reform pro-
gramme was thus initiated in the late 1990s to this end; but it was not
selective in its focus and did not succeed in generating the required
transformation. Arguably, the party’s organizational capability was strong
and may have compensated for the perceived deficiency of the bureau-
cracy in the short term.

INHERITED CAPACITY OF PRIVATE AGENTS

Although the old private sector barely survived under the Derg, some of its
participants managed to seize the opportunity to invest in many sectors
after the introduction of the market economic system in 1991. Nonethe-
less, the low level of infrastructure and human development undermined
the profitability of productive investment and instead encouraged unpro-
ductive and rent-seeking activities among all actors, including public
officials and the private sector. In this, both push and pull factors inter-
play. On the one hand, some of the businesses such as trading have been
speculative, earning super profits and evading tax; while this has not been
the case in some productive activities such as manufacturing. On the
other hand, the private sector faces differing and unequal constraints
across sectors. And given existing constraints, incentives push businesses
and entrepreneurs to invest more in short-term activities: they are not
‘compelled’ by incentive structures and institutions to do things differ-
ently. It is not that they are inherently good or bad, or weak or strong.
What is needed is a policy setting that incentivizes and maximizes the
dynamism of the private sector in Ethiopia.

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

EMBEDDED AUTONOMY
Another developmental characteristic is the embedded autonomy of
the state. Embeddedness comes with acceptance and, hence, legitimacy.
Autonomy is also about avoiding capture by specific interests and main-
taining policy independence. Ocampo et al. (2009: 155) suggest that the
‘the nature of the partnership [between state and private sector] will vary
from country to country, depending on the characteristics of both the
private sector agents and the state’ and the purpose should be ‘mutual
learning’. The government and the political party leadership in Ethiopia
have been careful to maintain autonomy and distance from the private
sector, although this has been uneven among sectors. Such distance
obviously limits mutual learning and achieving in an environment of
high rent seeking by both civil servants and the private sector, and
requires political commitment and skillful management. The distance
here may have hindered the institutionalized interaction between state
and productive private sector identified by Buur et al. (2012) as critical to
productive expansion, though this has changed in some Ethiopian sec-
tors, as later chapters show.
During the liberation struggle and post-1991 period, the rural popula-
tion continued to offer political support, guaranteeing the legitimacy of
the ruling party. However, as the economy diversifies and new and power-
ful social actors with a vested interest in the economy emerge, state
autonomy becomes ever more critical. In a country where rent seeking is
widespread, the state and the private sector are disposed to be locked into
a state of mutual suspicion and mistrust. This lack of trust has been an
obstacle to a durable state–business relationship. In this context, main-
taining the balance between state autonomy and developing trust
remains challenging. Structural factors such as intense foreign exchange
constraints have combined with political history to add urgency—and
hostility—to these fraught relationships in some cases. In one respect,
this also shows the inability of government policy to shape private sector
behaviour (though later chapters show how state–business relationships
have sometimes evolved in more productive ways).

POLICY INDEPENDENCE
In addition, the government withstood pressures from IFIs and their
shareholders and has kept important parts of the economy under state
ownership. This includes the power company (EEPCO), telecom (Ethio

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Telecom), the railway company, and banks. These SOEs were used to
advance broader developmental objectives and industrial policies. The
political wrangling between the Ethiopian government and the IFIs is
documented by Stiglitz (2002: 32),

When I arrived in 1997, Meles was engaged in a heated dispute with the IMF, and
the Fund had suspended its lending program . . . Ethiopia resisted the IMF’s
demand that it “open” its banking system, for good reason. The Ethiopian bank-
ing system was seemingly quite efficient . . . The IMF was unhappy, simply because
it believed interest rates should be freely determined by international market
forces, whether those markets were or were not competitive.

This is an example of how pressures combined with ideas to generate

particular ways of addressing difficult challenges. Liberalization of the
banking sector, it has been argued, might have detrimental political con-
sequences, considering the low levels of capacity of domestic banks and
the government’s insufficient regulatory capacity. The government’s
approach to privatization also differed from what IFIs prescribed. The
above developmental state construct also influenced the government’s
attitude towards FDI. Government FDI policy has entailed an open policy
in most sectors, with the exception of banking and certain businesses
(e.g., security).
One interesting aspect has been the growth of pressure from foreign
experts. This is not always in the form of heavy-handed IMF or World
Bank demands or insistent pressure from bilateral donors and govern-
ments. Sometimes, it is far more subtle and in the guise of supportive
offers of help and advice, arguably designed to adjust the parameters of
policy design and to introduce new or rival ‘rhetorical common places’
into discourse and thinking among Ethiopian policymakers.

3.3.5 Foundations of policymaking in Ethiopia:

Strategy, institutions, practices
In broad terms, industrial development in Ethiopia between 1992 and
2013 has been shaped by major political changes, shifts in economic
policies, and the political economy factors outlined in Chapter 1. The
organizational structure through which policy is designed, implemented,
adapted, stalled, and clogged was moulded within and is being changed
by this broader context. This and subsequent sections of this chapter map

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

the economic interests and principal agents, the policymaking frame-

work, policy instruments, and institutions shaping industrial policy in
Ethiopia. No such comprehensive overview has existed prior to this
research, to the best of the author’s knowledge. Moreover, this mapping
exercise minimizes the need for repetition in the three case studies in
Chapters 4–6.
The mapping of industrial policy instruments and institutions may also
further elucidate the circumstances by identifying patterns or striking fea-
tures, especially those which have a bearing on the research. As the narra-
tive and analysis in this and subsequent chapters show, anti-fragility was
the dominant characteristic: there were successes, failures, and remarkable
changes and adaptation under threat. Anti-fragility applies to phenomena
that benefit from stressors, volatility, and threats, and that gain strength
and reduce fragility (Taleb 2012). Industrial policy instruments have
evolved from their rudimentary beginnings into more coherent and com-
plementary toolkits, and from the generic to the more targeted. On the
other hand, institutional mismatches (rules failing to regulate in the ways
intended) and persistent institutional constraints have been significant and
have undermined the effectiveness of policy. Chapters 4–6 develop and
compare these issues through specific sectoral examples.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY OF ETHIOPIA

Within the broader ADLI, the Industrial Development Strategy of Ethiopia
(IDSE) is the basis for the country’s industrial policies. ADLI became the
country’s development strategy in 1994. IDSE has been the ruling party’s
guiding document since 2000, although it became an official document
only in August 2002. The industrial development strategy aims at pro-
moting industrial development that is export-oriented, agriculture-led,
and focused on employment generation through labour-intensive indus-
tries. It emphasizes the need for all-round support to industrialists, and
promoting an environment conducive to private sector expansion
through macroeconomic stability, infrastructure provision, and access to
loans. Also highlighted is human resource development, improving the
regulatory environment and justice system, and combating a rent-seeking
political economy. The strategy gives due attention to the development of
medium and large-scale manufacturing firms, particularly in priority
industries such as garments and textiles, agro-processing, meat process-
ing, leather and leather products, and construction.

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Made in Africa

Central to the strategy is the development of small enterprises. The

commitment to micro and small enterprises (MSEs) is the political and
ideological corollary of commitment to small farmers. But in adopting this
approach, government is setting itself up for the huge challenge of coord-
inating and leading large numbers of dispersed investors, producers, and
traders. Indeed, the government has found it immensely difficult to
deliver on commitments to numerous, widely scattered small farmers
and businesses. This challenge is further compounded by resource and
institutional constraints, as well as the low level of industrialization and
insufficient industrial experience.
To conclude, the key features are that the IDSE policy document was
originally based on the ruling party’s white paper, and it is one of the main
documents used for indoctrination and training within the party, the civil
service, MSEs, technical-vocational institutes, and universities. Second,
the document has not been supported by research and updated in light
of changing circumstances and perspectives. Third, it has not been fully
supported by any sector- or industry-based comprehensive strategy.

SECTOR DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES AND FIVE-YEAR

DEVELOPMENT PLANS
Planning is considered one of the tools of industrial policy and it is used
with different levels of emphasis. In Ethiopia, the industrial development
strategy was translated into medium-term five-year development plans,
including the Sustainable Development and Poverty Reduction Program
(SDPRP, 2002–05), a Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to
End Poverty (PASDEP, 2005–10), and GTP (2010–15). The distinctly bold
GTP reflects, first, the government’s ambition to pursue rapid industrializa-
tion and structural economic transformation. Its target for the annual
growth rate in manufacturing was set at 20 per cent, while total export
earnings were to increase fivefold. These targets are extremely high com-
pared to experience elsewhere. Second, in terms of sectoral transformation,
the share of industry in GDP was to increase from 12.9 per cent in 2009–10
to 15.6 per cent in 2014–15. GTP also called for a related shift in infrastruc-
ture development. For instance, electricity generation was to increase from
2,000 to 10,000 MW, and a new railway network was to be developed.
Third, the priority industries were expanded to include textiles and gar-
ments, leather and leather products, sugar and sugar-related products,

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

cement, metal and engineering, chemicals, pharmaceuticals, and agro-

processing (MOFED 2010; KOICA 2013).
Ambitious plans can arise from positive intentions to force the pace of
change (if the plans are shared and reinforced by incentives, sanctions,
and accountability systems), or from lack of data and poor analysis. Where
key agents and interest groups are not involved in the process, it can
become especially easy to blame them for failures to achieve targets.
Where there are repeated setbacks in achieving targets, then the tendency
to pay lip service to plans will become more apparent. The planning
process should clearly define boundaries and content, as there are differ-
ent interpretations of plans. Almost all countries use planning. What
differs is the purposes and instruments. Central planning has been used
in command and socialist economies, while indicative development plans
have been extensively used in Korea, Taiwan, Japan, and France, among
others. Many institutional and historical factors influence the boundaries
and content of specific indicative plans. The evidence from Ethiopia
suggests that its planning process has been subject to precisely these
challenges. For instance, SDPRP, PASDEP, and GTP are not uniform in
content or approach (MOFED 2002, 2006, 2010). Moreover, there have
been repeated cases of agencies blaming others, often sidetracking com-
mittee meetings in the process. Evidence of lack of reliable data and
analyses include, for instance, exaggerated targets for the cement industry
and low targets for alluvial gold mining. The absence of sufficient data and
sectoral understanding makes such digressions unavoidable. In short,
there can be no effective industrial policy without state capacity to gather
reliable data across economic sectors and to deploy the requisite analytical
capacity to translate evidence into concrete policies and to closely moni-
tor outcomes.

POLICYMAKING HIERARCHY AND CONSTITUTIONAL

FRAMEWORK
The policymaking framework emanates from the Ethiopian Constitution
(which was endorsed on 8 December 1994, and came into force on
21 August 1995). The new Constitution stipulates that the federal govern-
ment and states have legislative, executive, and judicial powers (FDRE
1995). The highest federal authority, the House of Peoples Representa-
tives, ratifies proclamations, basic policies, and budgets, while the Council
of Ministers approves regulations, policies, and executive directives,

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Made in Africa

• FDRE Constitution (at federal level)

1
• State Constitutions (at regional or state level)

• Proclamation (endorsed by the House of Representatives/

Parliament)
2
• Regulations (endorsed by Council of Ministers)
• Policies
• Five-year plans (House of Representatives and Council of
Ministers)
3
• Executive directives (Council of Ministers or Ministries)
• Annual plans and budget (Parliament and Council of Ministers)

• Ministerial directives (Ministries)

4
• Operational guidelines and manuals (Ministries and agencies)

Figure 3.3. Policymaking hierarchies in Ethiopia

which are acted upon by ministries (see Figure 3.3). The Constitution also
stipulates the need for public participation in policymaking processes.
Regional governments (states) and local administrations play important
roles in implementing industrial policies by, for instance, providing land
to businesses and promoting MSEs (FDRE 2012). This entails increased
institutional complexity and calls for more effective coordination among
government hierarchies in order to implement an effective industrial
policy. By contrast, Korea, Taiwan, and China have centralized unitary
systems, which have helped them in pursuing industrial policy. The
challenge for the Ethiopian government is to ensure that the policies
and goals set at the federal level are implemented with the same convic-
tion locally and regionally.

3.4 Industrial financing: Policies and instruments

3.4.1 Ethiopian banking policy and constraints
Despite pressure from the IMF and World Bank on Ethiopia to liberalize its
financial sector (see BBC, ‘Ethiopia hits out at IMF’, 1 September 2003), as
well as diplomatic pressure from individual countries, foreign banks are
not allowed to operate in Ethiopia. The government intends to continue
with this policy until domestic banks achieve the required financial,

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

managerial, and technological capacity to compete against international

banks, and until institutions are developed to regulate giant foreign finan-
cial institutions. ‘Intrinsic financial fragility’ and vulnerability, and high
dependence on foreign capital expose LDCs to external shocks (UNCTAD
2011). Palma (2003) argues emphatically that ‘developing countries
should avoid opening up their capital market’ in order to avoid crises.
Grabel (2003) notes the need for financial architecture that harnesses
economic development and equity, and warns against uncontrolled
surges of international private capital. UNCTAD (2011) also advocates a
regional developmental framework in which regional and sub-regional
development banks play a positive role (UNCTAD 2011; Grabel 2003; dos
Santos 2011).
Ethiopian policy also emphasizes the key role of state-owned banks, in
particular policy banks, in supporting the government’s industrial pol-
icies. The regulatory arrangements, on the other hand, have two dimen-
sions. The National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE), the central bank of the
country, regulates the financial sector as a whole. In addition, the Public
Financial Enterprises Agency (PFEA) was established to supervise state-
owned banks and financial institutions, including the Commercial Bank
of Ethiopia (CBE) and the Development Bank of Ethiopia (DBE).
Because of this policy framework, the main actors in Ethiopian banking
are the government and the domestic private sector. State-owned banks
continue to dominate the Ethiopian banking industry, with 40 per cent
coverage of branches and 60 per cent of the capital base. While CBE
spearheads trade support (working capital and international banking ser-
vices), DBE provides long-term loans to priority sectors at subsidized rates
(CBE 2011, 2012). CBE was established in 1970, and had 209 branches
in 2012, while DBE has thirty-two. State-owned banks combined had
273 branches and private banks 408 branches. Another state-owned
bank, the Construction and Business Bank (CBB) established in 1983 for
mortgage financing, continues to exist but has little influence in the
sector. The policies pursued by the previous regime meant there was not
a single private bank until 1991. Following the opening up of the econ-
omy in the 1990s, however, there has been rapid growth of private banks.
In 2012, there were sixteen privately owned domestic banks. In addition,
there are micro-finance institutions that focus on supporting smallholder
farmers and urban MSEs. Lending rates have remained relatively stable
throughout the period (between 7.5 per cent and 14 per cent).

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Nonetheless, the financial industry in Ethiopia remains underdevel-

oped (EEA 2013) in terms of capital, savings, and institutional capacity.
Specifically, the constraints and weaknesses of the banking sector are:
capital constraints due to low domestic saving; the banks’ tendency to
focus on short-term lending to the service sector rather than long-term
financing of, in particular, manufacturing; the limited coverage of bank-
ing services; weak institutional capacity; and slow pace of modernization
(NBE 2011; MOFED 2010). Recent policies to increase the level of savings
and investment include expansion of banking outlets and improving
coverage, sale of bonds (in particular, in relation to the Renaissance
Dam), savings for housing programme, and increasing saving rates
(MOFED 2013a).

3.4.2 DBE as prime policy bank

DBE was established in 1908 and was the only development bank that
financed long-term industrial and agricultural projects. The government
aims to use DBE as a policy bank to advance industrial policies, as indi-
cated in its industrial development strategy. DBE’s policy directive speci-
fies that the bank should ‘provide medium and long-term loans for
investment projects, which are engaged in agriculture, agro-processing
and manufacturing industries, preferably export focused’ (DBE 2012a).
The two criteria for funding eligibility are ‘diligence or KYC (know your
customer) assessment to identify the integrity of the borrower’ and
appraisal of ‘the feasibility study submitted by the applicant’. DBE’s inter-
est rate is lower than that of commercial banks and market interest rates,
entailing a subsidy of between 2.5 and 5 per cent. The bank requires a
minimum equity contribution of 30 per cent. Loan processing times have
decreased over time, although not to the satisfaction of clients. Sole
responsibility for deciding on loans rests with the bank’s president,
while the board of director’s responsibilities are confined to policy deci-
sions and to overseeing bank performance. Before 2005, the board was
involved in loan approval, which resulted in conflicts of interests and lax
accountability. The Ministry of Finance and Economic Development
(MOFED) and Ministry of Industry (MOI) have indirect influence in pri-
oritizing loans.
Since 2005, DBE loan policies, procedures, and terms have been brought
into line with government priorities. Reforming the bank took longer

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than expected and was not completed until very recently. In 2012, two-
thirds of DBE loans were channelled to the manufacturing sector, while
23 per cent went to agriculture. The major beneficiaries in manufacturing
were textiles (30 per cent), and non-metallic industries, primarily cement
(20 per cent). Industrial crops and floriculture were the key loan benefi-
ciaries in agriculture. In terms of concentration, 83 per cent of loans were
disbursed to fifty industrial projects in textiles, cement, and sugar (DBE
2012b). Thus, DBE is serving the government’s industrial policy by pro-
moting industrial and agricultural development.
Despite the recent operational changes, DBE has been constrained in
supporting rapid industrialization in a number of ways. First, DBE’s role is
restricted by its limited capital base and by its ‘single borrower limit’.
Second, bureaucratic inefficiencies and rigid application of standards
have undermined DBE’s role in effectively supporting industrial policy.
This has arisen from the difficulty of balancing transparency and effi-
ciency. Many firms in the leather, floriculture, and cement sectors com-
plained about delays in processing loans and the lack of efficiency and
flexibility in procedures. By contrast, the government and DBE’s board,
wishing to ensure accountability and transparency, strictly follow proced-
ure. Third, DBE faces information asymmetry problems, that is, insuffi-
cient knowledge of industries and difficulty in approving borrowers based
on their past record. Finally, the bank’s limited institutional and human
resource capacity has also undermined its effectiveness.

3.4.3 CBE’s active role in industrial financing

CBE has played an indispensable role in promoting exports and industrial
development. Experience elsewhere shows that commercial banks may
play a partial role in investment financing, either through specialized
subsidiaries or co-financing (Aghion 1999; Schwartz 2010; Diamond
1957). Since CBE’s capital base was much bigger than DBE’s, it co-financed
large-scale industrial projects such as sugar and cement projects. Until
2005, the bank’s loans were not in line with government policy, and
between 2000 and 2005 it accumulated bad loans because of laxity in
loan terms. The result in 2003 was that 52 per cent of loans were non-
performing. Recently, thanks to more effective management, this percent-
age has decreased significantly, and the bank has made changes to its
portfolio in line with government policy. This involved shifting from

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the profitable import and domestic trade towards financing exports, agri-
culture, and manufacturing. Consequently, CBE’s lending to manufactur-
ing and agriculture increased to 25 and 23 per cent respectively after 2002.
Its lending to domestic trade declined to 10 per cent, while the import–
export trade accounted for 30 per cent of lending in 2011. Its share of
export financing increased from mere 17 per cent in 2008 to more than 80
per cent in 2012, reaching $1 billion. While CBE has furnished working
capital to manufacturers, as well as providing an international banking
service, in practice the bank discriminates against manufacturing, as it
does not recognize machinery as collateral, but favours buildings instead.
CBE has also provided long-term loans of more than ETB 15 billion for
the government-sponsored housing programme, and more than ETB 3
billion for capacity building in the construction industry (MUDC 2013).
Coordination between CBE and DBE has been strengthened, thereby
apparently augmenting the implementation of industrial policy. It
seems that CBE has, in part, played the role of a development bank.
According to its president, a major constraint for the bank is inadequate
institutional capacity in terms of sectoral knowledge and experience.

3.4.4 Supplementary financing instruments

Resource mobilization through domestic savings and domestic revenue
mobilization, and channelling these resources into productive invest-
ment are also features of developmental states. The government has, in
addition, used other industrial financing instruments. It established an
Industrial Development Fund (IDF), intended to finance expansion pro-
jects by public enterprises. This has allowed government to mobilize part
of the profits of SOEs and use them to finance very high priority projects.
Allocation decisions are made by MOFED and MOI based on the coun-
try’s five-year plan. Public enterprises can retain a maximum of only
15 per cent of corporate income and can reinvest in productivity, tech-
nology, and governance capabilities. This funding scheme has been an
innovative and important trade-off, allowing investments in priority
areas upon approval by the respective boards, and improving enterprise
performance.
The government has also permitted the channelling of external loans
for investments by public enterprises. This includes loans for expansion
projects by Mugher Cement, Sugar Development Corporation, and

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

Ethiopian Airlines (EAL). In addition, government has allowed promoters

of large-scale, mainly FDI projects, to access external loans from inter-
national funding agencies. For example, Derba Cement received loans
from the African Development Bank (AfDB), European Investment Bank
(EIB), and International Finance Corporation (IFC). More recently, the
government made compulsory the buying of a 27 per cent central bank
bill (the NBE Bill) by private banks, which is then used by DBE for long-
term lending and investment in priority sectors. This has been a conten-
tious issue for private banks, NBE, and IFIs, on the grounds that the
arrangement favours public projects. There is an element of truth in
this, as loans to the private sector diminished after 2011 due to the strain
of financing new infrastructure projects. These initiatives indicate the gap
between long-term investment requirements and the government’s quest
for alternative financing without opening up the banking sector to foreign
banks. This experience of policymaking thus shows not only successes,
but also fragility and adaptation under threat.
In conclusion, as discussion in the following chapters will highlight,
the following findings can be underscored. First, a key feature of indus-
trial financing has been the banks’ lack of knowledge of the industries
they finance, the slow and bureaucratic process of financing, deficiencies
in prioritizing and selecting prospective industries, and low institutional
capacity. Monitoring effectiveness differs by sector, and loans were less
linked to economic performance. The banks were mainly concerned
with timely loan repayment, rather than driving long-term performance.
Second, government was reluctant to privatize banks and to admit for-
eign banks, a major bone of contention with IFIs, bilateral agencies, and
other countries. Third, government did not use the banks effectively as
policy banks, at least initially, and loans were not targeted at industrial-
ization. Fourth, this improved after 2004–05, and all government banks
were reoriented to follow government policies and priorities. DBE and
CBE have now effectively become policy banks and been instrumental
in providing long-term working capital to some key sectors. Fifth, the
government even sought to influence the behaviour of private banks
(focused on trade and short-term loans) and used indirect instruments
to channel resources for financing long-term priority investments. Lastly,
the gap between credit supply and demand in priority industries remains
huge, indicating that banks need to give more attention to deposit
mobilization.

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3.5 Investment and export promotion

3.5.1 Investment promotion instruments and organs
Foreign investment was welcomed in all sectors, with the exception of
telecommunications and finance. Since 2004, the Ethiopian government
has targeted Turkey, India, and China as sources of FDI in manufacturing.
Combined with increased labour cost in these countries, this targeted
investment promotion has had positive results. The country’s improved
economic performance, expanding domestic market, and cheap labour
were key attractions. In addition, the Netherlands government has pro-
vided incentives to floriculture firms that invest in Ethiopia, while China
has supported the establishment of an industrial park (for instance,
through the China-Africa Development Fund) as part of ‘China Goes
Global Policy’ (World Bank 2012a; Brautigam 2011). The building of
new industrial parks (for example, the Eastern Industrial Zone in
Dukem, the first in Ethiopia) has attracted more investments from
China (MOI 2012c). The share of Chinese investment in manufacturing,
mostly by private sector investors, amounted to 83 per cent of registered
FDI certificates (FIA 2012a). Most of the Chinese SOEs are involved in
construction works (hydropower projects, railway and road construction)
and providing equipment for private and government projects (including
cement manufacturers and the Ethio-Telecom SOE). China has also
become a partner in financing infrastructure and in project execution
(Brautigam 2011). Exim banks in China, as well as Turkey, India, and
Egypt have provided support. Between 2004 and 2010, FDI flow to Ethi-
opia was 2 per cent of the country’s GDP, much lower than in most Asian
countries. The equivalent flow in Vietnam was 5.7 per cent (2000–10); in
China, 3.9 per cent (1991–2010); and in South East Asia, 4.5 per cent
(World Bank 2012a). However, the volume of investment in Ethiopia has
grown rapidly since 2005. In floriculture, FDI comes mainly from Europe,
Israel, and India. In breweries, West European companies are visible,
while in the cement industry, textiles, and leather and leather products,
Chinese, Indian, and Turkish companies dominate (NECC 2012).
Guiding FDI towards industrial exports, the development of techno-
logical and marketing capabilities, and increasing local content continues
to be a key challenge. Experience in Asia and elsewhere shows that FDI does
not necessarily bring net positive effects, and strengthening the indigenous
private sector is vital from a long-term perspective (Amsden 2009).

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

INVESTMENT INCENTIVES
To create an incentive structure, incentives must be designed, granted,
and implemented, and there must be follow-up on compliance (UNCTAD
2000: 23). Incentives that included exemption from customs duty on
capital goods and related spare parts, and a two to five-year tax holiday
on profits were provided. The latter may be extended for two years for
investments in remote regions and for exporters who export more than 50
per cent of their output. Investors are also entitled to ‘carry forward losses’
and to use a preferred depreciation system, accelerated or straight-line.
The incentives were uniform in that they applied to most sectors, rather
than just some. The domestic private sector was quick to respond by
investing in many areas, including manufacturing. However, the incen-
tives and institutional supports were insufficient to direct the private
sector into priority manufacturing areas, into value addition, and into
technologically advanced activities.

GENESIS OF INVESTMENT ADMINISTRATION

In view of the low levels of industrialization and private sector develop-
ment, and the intense competition worldwide to attract investment,
designing appropriate policies and incentives to attract foreign invest-
ment has become paramount. In 1992, the first investment office was
established to promote and facilitate domestic and foreign investment. It
was an autonomous body led by a board of investment and chaired by the
prime minister (FIA 2012b). The board had fifteen members, including the
Ministers of Finance, Trade, Industry, Agriculture, and Foreign Affairs,
the NBE Governor, Commissioner of Science and Technology, and the
Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce. The Minister of Planning and
Economic Development (the current MOFED) deputized as chairperson.
In the same year, the proclamation was amended and directed regional
states on how to organize their own investment offices under regional
enactments. In 1996, the investment office was re-established as the
Ethiopian Investment Authority (EIA) with additional powers. It had a
seven-member board, again chaired by the prime minister. The notion of a
‘one-stop’ service was also adopted, although it became evident that this
concept was not fully understood, so that significant adjustment at federal
and regional levels was needed. Institutional tensions among federal,
regional, and local agencies have undermined the effectiveness of the
one-stop service, for instance, in the provision of land for investment.

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In 2002, the EIA was rebaptized as the Federal Investment Commission

and in 2006 it became the Federal Investment Agency (FIA). This was
accountable to the Ministry of Trade and Industry and was led by a new
board of investment, comprising government officials and private sector
representatives and chaired by the Minister of Trade and Industry. In
reality, the private sector representatives were handpicked to represent
the industrial associations. With the restructuring of the cabinet in 2010,
the agency was made accountable to MOI.
A review of board of investment minutes (2008–12) shows that of a total
of 446 decisions, 75 per cent related to duty-free privileges. Another 8 per
cent related to VAT and excise duty exemptions (FIA 2012c). Only seven-
teen decisions and consultations (8 per cent) focused on amendments to
various directives. This finding indicates that, first, the highest political
leadership (the board of investment) did not focus on institutional con-
straints and development of the agency’s institutional capacity. The
repeated cosmetic changes to the institution serve as additional evidence
of this deficiency. Second, this finding also highlights the vague lines of
accountability between board and management team. The management
executive should have made the most of these decisions, but a lack of
delegation hampered efficient service delivery. Third, the finding also
indicates that executive directives lacked clarity, thereby creating trans-
parency loopholes. The latest changes under a new proclamation in 2013
specify expanded responsibility for the agency, including ‘one-stop ser-
vice’ and ‘investment after-care’.

CONSTRAINTS AND CHALLENGES

First, frequent revisions to and weak implementation of investment pol-
icies (for instance, of one-stop service) have undermined the incentive
effect, contributing to a largely piecemeal approach and insufficient learn-
ing. Nevertheless, unlike the export-trade duty schemes, which were not
revised for a long period, these revisions do imply some learning. Second,
investment incentives were intended to encourage investment in remote
regions and to support equitable regional growth. Despite some improve-
ment in investment flows into major regions, investments continue to
concentrate on Addis Ababa and Central Oromia. The economies of
agglomeration appear to dictate the spatial distribution of economic
activities. There is thus a constant tension between equitable regional
growth and the reality of economic agglomeration, between interlocking

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

economic logics and the pressures of politics. Investment promotion is

thus in a major quandary (Schwartz 2010; Henderson 2003; Marshall
1920).
Third, recent shifts in investment policy favour selected industries in
the manufacturing sector and the domestic private sector. Manufacturing
was accorded more generous incentives than other sectors, while incen-
tives for established industries (tanneries, cement etc.) were reduced
(KOICA 2013). The development of industrial parks was given priority in
investment law. According to a proclamation ratified in September 2012:

. . . the encouragement and expansion of investment, especially in the manufac-

turing sector, has become necessary . . . to strengthen . . . domestic production cap-
acity; . . . further increase the inflow of capital and speed up the transfer of
technology into the country; . . . enhance and promote the equitable distribution of
investment among regions; put in place a system of supervision to ensure that
permits and incentives granted to investors are used for the intended purposes; . . . .
the system of administration of investment needs to be transparent and efficient . . .
the establishment of industrial development zones helps, by creating enabling and
competitive conditions, to interrelate manufacturing sectors based on value cre-
ation as well as to attract and expand investment. . . . [my emphasis]

Because of lack of effective control, there were many instances of abuse of

incentives by investors. These included abuse of duty-free privileges,
including selling duty-free vehicles and goods for hotel and touring oper-
ations at market prices, and the transfer and resale of land given under
concessional terms (see various Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Author-
ity [ERCA] and FIA reports).
In summary, the investment agency has not been effective and is largely
without ‘teeth’. It was reduced to compiling data on the number of
investment licences and capital, and providing investment certificates.
The tendency was to measure investment success by total registered cap-
ital rather than actual outcome.

3.5.2 Export promotion and trade protection

Development economists and economic historians have emphasized
export-led industrialization as a strategy for catching up (Studwell 2013;
Wade [1990] 2004; Amsden 1989; Thirlwall 2002; Ocampo et al. 2009).
What matters is not openness per se, but the manner of an economy’s
insertion into international markets (Ocampo et al. 2009). Export

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Made in Africa

promotion is vital not only to generating foreign exchange and for

balance of payments (see Chapter 2), but also for pushing the productivity
and competitiveness of a national economy. Ethiopian industrial policy
documents emphasize export-led industrialization, and refer to the
success of the East Asian experience (FDRE 2002).

EXCHANGE RATE AND ALLOCATION INSTRUMENTS

A stable exchange rate is part of a state’s macroeconomic policy for
sustained industrialization (FDRE 2002). Since 1992, the value of the
ETB has been constantly adjusted to narrow the disequilibrium. There is
indeed an argument for aiming at an undervalued currency to underpin
export performance (Ocampo, Rada, and Taylor 2009). Under the Derg’s
command economy, exchange rates remained unadjusted, resulting in an
overvalued currency, with a powerful anti-export bias (Tekeste 2014). It
remained at ETB 2.07 against the dollar for almost seventeen years (1975–
91). Contrary to IFI prescriptions for full liberalization, the current gov-
ernment adopted a managed floating system, which narrowed the gap
between the official and parallel market. A weekly auction of exchange
rates is conducted among local banks, and the central bank intervenes to
influence rates and reduce volatility. In 2010, the local currency was
devalued by about 20 per cent (Figure 3.4). The uneven effects of the
exchange rate on cement, floriculture, and leather and leather products
industries are discussed in Chapters 4–6.

20
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012

Figure 3.4. ETB–US$ exchange rate (July monthly average), 1992–2012

Source: National Bank of Ethiopia, Research Department, 30 November 2012

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

FOREIGN CURRENCY RETENTION

The foreign currency retention scheme was introduced in 1996 by the
National Bank of Ethiopia (Tekeste 2014; NBE 2013). In terms of the
directive, eligible exporters can retain up to 30 per cent of foreign currency
earnings, and exporters need to open two foreign currency retention
accounts for this purpose. The account holder can use 10 per cent with
no time limit for various purposes, such as the import of goods and export
promotion. Moreover, the holder is free to sell the remaining 20 per cent
within one month. This system was extensively applied and not difficult
to administer. As the country’s foreign currency reserves were limited,
there were persistent shortages and the central bank made allocations
based on government priorities. This instrument was used in periods of
critical shortages; and often, prioritization suffered from subjectivity that
caused dissatisfaction, and malpractice in banks. The complaints were
from international contractors (because of delayed payment), investors
(repatriation of profits), importers, exporters, and investors alike.

EXPORT PROMOTION AND TRADE DUTY INSTRUMENTS

Multiple export promotion schemes, such as duty-drawback, voucher
schemes, and bonded warehouses, were used to reduce the pressure of
increased working capital requirements and to relieve bottlenecks in trade
facilitation and logistics. These schemes may be broadly classified into pre-
export incentives (voucher systems, bonded warehouse), and post-export
incentives (duty-drawback). Under these schemes, the export sector was
exempted customs and indirect taxes such as VAT, customs duty, and
withholding taxes upon submission of the necessary documents. The
administration of the export promotion schemes is rife with problems.
First, MOI and other bodies have never developed reliable and timely
input–output data, a basic requirement for the system. The burden of
preparing these data was transferred to manufacturing firms, who had
neither the time nor capacity to undertake the task. Second, the system
was not supported by online services and automation to speed up pro-
cessing. This problem was exacerbated by lack of coordination among
government offices. Processing involves different government offices
such as the MOI, the ERCA, FIA, NBE, banks, and shipping agencies. On
top of this, there was a lack of trained personnel, weak supervision, and
corrupt practices. Third, domestic firms supplying to exporters were
unable to benefit from this system, due to deficient design and

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implementation. The system, moreover, failed to improve over time.

Manufacturers, the supposed key beneficiaries, were not involved in the
design and implementation processes. Finally, this system was further
weakened by lack of awareness and anti-export and anti-manufacturing
biases among different levels of government agency. Chapters 4–5 will
further explore how these instruments failed to support industrial policy.

EXPORT TARGET-SETTING AND MONITORING

Developmental states have used industrial policy in a visible way to
discipline the private sector by providing rents that are linked to perform-
ance. An export target-setting system has been used to review monthly
export performance since 2010. Experience in Korea and Taiwan shows
that export discipline and monitoring was instrumental in export-led
industrialization. The export target-setting instrument has, however,
been largely ineffective in Ethiopia, thanks to the passive engagement of
exporters, and, in part, the government’s inability to provide the support
required to operationalize targets. Target-setting requires a comprehensive
approach and shared commitment (or compulsion) involving both gov-
ernment and industrialist. In addition, an export award was endorsed in a
regulation, but was ineffective and did not have the intended outcome.
No effort was made to target industrialists for the award, rather than all
exporters. The scheme was discontinued after some recipients of the
award were charged with tax evasion and other illegal activities.

DIMINISHING ROLE OF IMPORT TARIFFS

Tariffs are used to protect domestic production against import competi-
tion, although their application has diminished over time. Trade liberal-
ization waves since the mid-1980s, structural adjustment reforms in
Africa, and the requirements of the World Trade Organization (WTO)
accession have shaped the rules of international trade. Ethiopia began
trade liberalization under the auspices of the IMF and World Bank in the
early 1990s. Tariff reduction was one of the components of this liberaliza-
tion. The government has adopted a gradual approach, in which seven
major revisions have been made to customs tariffs between 1993 and
2011. The upper tariff rate decreased from 230 per cent before 1993 to
35 per cent in 2011, while tariff bands decreased from twenty-three to six
(MOFED 2011a, 2012c; ERCA 2012b). The simple average tariff rate
decreased from 41.6 per cent in 1992 to 20 per cent in 2011, while the

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

weighted average rate decreased from 79.1 to 17.5 per cent in the same
period. Import bans were used in exceptional cases, notably cement; and
were used to discourage the export of raw materials, for instance, raw
hides and skins in 2012 (MOFED 2013b). Nevertheless, Ethiopia’s tariffs
in 2012 were still higher than those in many SSA countries. Ethiopia, as a
WTO applicant, is expected to further reduce its tariffs.

3.6 State as direct economic actor and privatization

3.6.1 Direct role of state as economic actor
Contrary to mainstream viewpoints, activist states use SOEs as direct
producers and industrial players with multiple goals (see also Chapters 2
and 7). Ownership structure has no relationship to inferior performance
or bureaucratic inefficiencies, and SOEs can play a key role in catch up
(Chang and Singh 1997; Chandler 2004; Chandler et al. 1997; Nolan
2012; Amsden 1989). Direct participation in economic activities has
been cardinal to the government’s industrial policy in Ethiopia, and
may have been influenced by many factors (FDRE 2002; EPRDF 2011c;
EPRDF 2013e). First, the low level of industrialization in Ethiopia and the
limited capacity of the domestic private sector (in terms of long-term,
high-risk, and large-scale investments) require an active government role
to supplement the small private sector in accelerating economic growth.
Prior to 1991, the private sector had been prohibited from engaging in
industry. Second, given the low level of infrastructural and human
resource development, widespread market failures, as well as enduring
perceptions of political risk, the private sector is more likely to invest in
areas of quick return, rather than in productive sectors essential to long-
term development. This has necessitated a selective government presence
in strategic areas by establishing SOEs, where necessary, in joint develop-
ments with foreign investors. The ideological underpinnings of this policy
appear to be rooted in the government’s developmental perspective,
which underscores the state’s key and active role during catch up
(EPRDF 2011b). In addition, Ethiopia has a long history of SOEs dating
back to the pre-1974 imperial period and the Derg regime (1974–91). This
history may have shaped a domestic political outlook that is not hostile to
this policy approach. However, this is difficult to ascertain and evidence.

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Made in Africa

Recent policy has focused on rationalizing major public enterprises by

merging them into new entities. For instance, Metal Engineering Corpor-
ation (METEC) was founded in 2011 from former defence engineering
plants. A new Ethiopian Shipping and Logistics Corporation (ESLC),
established in 2012, is a merger of Ethiopian Shipping Lines, Ethiopian
Maritime and Transit Enterprise, and the Dry Port Enterprise. A new
Chemical Industry Corporation (CIC) will focus on fertilizer, chemical,
and cement enterprises. However, it is not clear whether this reflects a
coherent policy focused on the development of national champions as
key drivers of industrialization.

3.6.2 Privatization as complementary policy

Since 1980, privatization became the most generally prescribed cure for
the ills of SOEs worldwide (Cramer 1999c).5 This was based on the ideo-
logical belief that government is a problem and should play a minimal
role (Stiglitz 1998; Cramer 1999c; Bayliss 2006; Bayliss and Fine 2008).
Privatization became part of the IFIs’ structural adjustment programmes
(SAPs) that were imposed on almost all African countries as a precondition
for accessing loans. According to Stiglitz (1998), privatization should not
be seen as an end, and regulatory mechanisms should be put in place for a
positive outcome. The justifications for privatization included operational
improvement, efficient allocation of resources, reduced government
spending on SOEs, strengthening the capital market and FDI inflows,
and technology and skills transfers. Ethiopia’s privatization strategy
diverged from IFI prescriptions and was the subject of intense dispute.
Late Prime Minister Zenawi (BBC 2003) remarked that ‘the IMF has been
pressing the government to sell these state firms, but we resisted these
measures which would have resulted in the collapse of our business’. This
opposition has been recorded often enough.6 In terms of institutional

5
In Private Island: Why Britain Now Belongs to Someone Else, James Meek (2014) reveals how
privatization was carried out assiduously across many sectors in UK without bringing about
economic dynamism. Rodrik (2012, 151) highlights that ‘privatization would have been the
conventional route, but it was ruled out by the Chinese Communist Party’s ideology’, and
China’s economic miracle after the 1980s is hard to deny.
6
For instance, see BBC (1 September 2003) ‘Ethiopia hits out at IMF’; AFP (31 August 2003)
‘Ethiopia rejects proposal to privatize loss-making state firms’; <https://brian.carnell.com/articles/
2003/ethiopia-and-the-international-monetary-fund-at-loggerheads-over-privatization/> ‘Ethiopia
and the IMF at Loggerheads Over Privatization’.

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

development, privatization proceeded through a taskforce under the

prime minister’s office, assisted by multiple technical teams. An autono-
mous agency, the Ethiopian Privatization Agency, was established in
1994, and was led by a board of directors appointed by the prime minister.
Another agency, the Public Enterprises Supervisory Agency, was also
established to supervise the public enterprises that were made autono-
mous. Faced with operational ineffectiveness and labour instability, both
agencies were later reorganized as one agency, the Privatization and Public
Enterprises Supervisory Agency (PPESA). Under the Derg’s command
economy, all enterprises were structured as bureaucratic corporations.
The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) Proclamation 25/1992
disbanded these corporations, and public enterprises were to be independ-
ent legal entities organized as profit centres, and to be led by their own
boards of management appointed by the PPESA (FDRE 1992).
Several conclusions can be drawn from Ethiopia’s privatization pro-
gramme. First, in parallel with privatization, government has also con-
tinued to invest, solely or in partnership, in areas where it believes the
market system would not invest. Saigon-Dima Textiles is an example of
the joint development between the government and Turkish investors,
which was initiated by the Turkish Party. The government has pursued a
gradual and pragmatic approach. This is consistent with Janos Kornai’s
argument that privatization is ‘the prime economic task of a change of
economic system’, and that a gradualist approach leads to organic devel-
opment of the private sector, by encouraging new domestic private sector
investors to enter (Lindbeck 2007; Kornai 1990). Some now argue that it
was too slow (it took two decades), reflecting lack of government commit-
ment to privatization and of private sector development. This conviction
is further underscored by the government’s embarkation in recent years
upon large-scale investments in sugar, fertilizer production, metal, and
engineering. The sequencing of the privatization programme was argu-
ably logical, given institutional capacity, the objective of promoting the
domestic private sector, and building confidence/credibility. Privatization
began with smaller firms (such as those in retailing), later advancing to
bigger firms as experience was gained. This sequencing was similar to that
adopted by Mozambique and Zambia (Cramer 1999c, 2000).
Second, the lack of domestic private sector capacity in terms of motiv-
ation, finance, and managerial capacity to buy about-to-be-privatized
firms posed a major problem. The government deliberately used the

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Table 3.2. Summary of privatized firms and buyer profile

Period Privatized Revenue Yearly Revenue per firm

firms (million ETB) privatized (million ETB)
firms
Firms In % Revenue In %

Phase 1 (1994–2001) 230 73 3,100 24 29 13.5

Phase 2 (2002–2011) 82 27 9,600 76 8 117
Total 312 100 12,800 100 17 41

Profile of buyers

Buyer profile No. of firms Share in %

Domestic buyers 264 85

Foreign buyers 31 15
Total 295 100

Source: Unpublished data of PPESA (2012)

privatization programme to foster domestic businesses. Preferential

requirements were specified, and many auctions targeted only the domes-
tic private sector. As a result, 85 per cent of firms privatized were sold to
domestic buyers (see Table 3.2). The outcome was expected to be even
better, particularly in terms of the domestic private sector’s buying some of
the large-scale enterprises. However, the sector’s weak response eventually
led to more opening up of privatization to foreign firms. Consequently,
foreign buyers bought many large enterprises. For instance, three breweries
(Meta, Harar, and Bedele) were sold to two European firms (Diageo and
Heineken) for about $400 million in 2012. Government revised the less
favourable valuation method, and extended payment times. Domestically
owned firms were allowed to pay up to 65 per cent within five years, and
foreign buyers up to 50 per cent within three. The interest rate for delayed
payment was to be based on NBE’s saving rate ceiling.
Third, transparency and accountability were as important as outcome,
thereby arguably narrowing the scope for abuse of resources and corrup-
tion. About three-quarters of the firms were transferred through open
tender and auction. Regional endowment funds bought no major privat-
ized enterprise, and there is no evidence of widespread gains by govern-
ment officials or politically connected individuals (Kelsall 2013). In 2000,
two ministers were implicated in corruption related to privatization, and
jailed.7 This is described more fully in Chapter 5. Lack of institutional

7
See also World Bank (2012b).

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

capacity (in the form of weak coordination among government offices,

shortages of skilled personnel, lack of appropriate valuation method and
effective promotion), was a major constraint. The use of external experi-
ence and expertise appears to have been limited, and the process shows
learning by doing. This problem was bigger particularly in the early phases
of privatization, but was less costly as the focus was on smaller firms.

3.7 Coordination and sectoral organs

3.7.1 National Export Coordination Committee (NECC)
List (1856) emphasizes that a nation’s effective political economy is
dependent on the strength of its institutions. Institutions have played
critical roles in industrialization, and have in turn evolved because of the
catching up strategies adopted (Amsden 1989; Rhee et al. 2010). In the
Ethiopian context, a particular set of institutional mechanisms was devel-
oped, including the National Export Coordination Committee (NECC),
MOI and its affiliated institutes, and SOEs such as DBE. The following
analysis is based on a few selected institutions.
NECC was established in 2003 after the endorsement of the new indus-
trial development strategy in 2002. Its precursors included the Export
Promotion Board (1995–98) and the Ethiopian Export Agency (1998–
2002), which had been largely ineffective (FDRE 1998a, 1998b). The
NECC’s aims and mandates are promoting exports and improving coord-
ination among government institutions. It is chaired by the prime minis-
ter and is composed of representatives of relevant government ministries.
Membership was limited to fewer than fifteen, although recently it has
exceeded twenty-five.
NECC meeting agendas have included performance reviews (monthly
targets and actual performance) of the overall export sector and each
ministry. Discussion has been based on the report of each relevant min-
istry and agency, and focuses on constraints requiring decisions. Between
2003 and 2012, NECC had ninety meetings. Monthly meetings have
rarely been cancelled, have always been chaired by the prime minister,
and usually take almost a day. Where necessary, difficult decisions were
made by the prime minister, the highest executive decision-maker. Deci-
sion-making was improved by the presence of most of the key actors, and

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Made in Africa

generally issues were discussed until consensus was reached. Partly thanks
to NECC’s leadership, exports grew on average by about 22 per cent per
annum between 2006 and 2012. During the same period, merchandise
export earnings more than tripled from US$1 billion to US$3.2 billion.
The NECC has continued to function effectively since the death of its
founding chair, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who is recognized as the
architect of the country’s industrial development strategy (EPRDF 2013b).
The Korean parallel is the National Export Promotion Meeting estab-
lished in 1961 and chaired by the Korean president, General Park, which
met on a monthly basis. It had 172 members, including thirty-six cabinet
ministers and state ministers, fifty presidential and ministerial staff, fifty
representatives of firms and industrial associations, eight bank represen-
tatives, and nine representatives of universities and research institutions.
Its name later changed to National Trade Promotion Meeting. Its sole aim
was export promotion, and to this end monthly targets were set and
decisions, characterized by pragmatism and flexibility, and were made
on the spot (Rhee et al. 2010). Rhee et al. attribute its effectiveness to
the capable and effective bureaucracy, which provided current and
dependable information; the alliance between the state and industry;
and the obsession and single-minded focus on exports as prime driver of
the economic growth. Through the meetings, government intentions
were conveyed to firms and industries, incentives were negotiated, and
information relevant to government decisions was received. Overall, the
meetings served as a vehicle for the national export promotion campaign
and to unify the export sector. Because of an almost fanatical export
discipline that linked export growth to the nation’s survival, exports
increased from $60 million in 1961 to $22 billion in 1982. This process
was assisted by a ‘reciprocal control mechanism’, which combined oper-
ationalized targets, accountability and sanctions, and performance stand-
ards (Chang 1994; Amsden 1989; Studwell 2013).
Despite the Ethiopian NECC’s important role in expanding export
earnings, its achievements fall far short of the targets. Several factors
have contributed to this. First, NECC has had a narrow composition. For
instance, important government institutions, such as CBE, DBE, EAL, and
institutes responsible for key export industries were not included. Their
participation might have improved the decisions, coordination, and
implementation. Industrialists and their industrial associations were also
not represented on NECC. Had they been, the committee would have

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 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

been better informed about industrial constraints and opportunities and

better positioned to make sound decisions. Moreover, industries could
have better understood government intentions and priorities, and helped
operationalize targets and associated sanctions. This would have contrib-
uted to greater trust and a stronger partnership between government and
industry. Industrialist involvement would, of course, give rise to technical
and political questions about which industrialists to include, and the
mechanisms needed to ensure this marriage did not lead to political
hijacking by particular interest groups. In addition, sector-level dialogue
platforms needed strengthening, to allow for deliberation between gov-
ernment and intermediary institutions. A political choice should also be
made to balance ‘autonomy’ and ‘embeddedness’ (Evans 1995).
Second, limiting NECC’s agenda to direct export issues led to the neglect
of other manufacturing industries, thereby undermining the complemen-
tarities between export and import-substitution industries. For most suc-
cessful late industrializers, import substitution has preceded exports, and
continues to grow along with the export industry (Amsden 2001, 2007a).
Arguably, this neglect, together with emerging political pressures from
vested interests, contributed to the slow growth of Ethiopia’s import-
substitution industries.
Third, many NECC discussions focused on operational issues, often
arising from weak accountability systems (NECC 2012). The sub-
committee structure was intended to promote operational coordination
among NECC members, but failed in this role. NECC could have focused
only on major coordination failures had most of the more routine coord-
ination problems been tackled at sectoral, regional, or local levels. This
underscores the importance of effective accountability, with sanctions for
those who do not deliver.
Fourth, a major obstacle to effective export target setting was the limited
supply response of the Ethiopian economy, determined by its productive
capacity. This structural rigidity has significant implications for export
development. For NECC’s close monitoring of progress in export expan-
sion to work, it has to have a well-operationalized target. Such targets have
to take account of the supply capacity of the domestic economy (and
hence reflect individual firm’s targets) and the support required to meet
the targets (credit, logistics, land, etc.). This was clearly lacking in Ethi-
opia. Therefore, simply setting targets (and even imposing sanctions for
undershooting) may be necessary, but is insufficient. Targets also need to

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Made in Africa

be closely tied to analytical capability, a key area in which there has been
too little development in recent years. These issues are explored further in
subsequent chapters.

3.7.2 Institutes: Organizational key to developing industries

MINISTRY OF INDUSTRY AS FOCAL AGENCY
The focal ministry and lead agency in the manufacturing sector is MOI.
There are also specialized institutes that oversee and support specific
industries (such as leather and leather products, textiles and garments,
basic metals and engineering), and agencies with specific mandates (such
as privatization, supervision of public enterprises). These are part and
parcel of a strategy to develop and improve the institutional interactions
between the state and specific sectors and industries (Buur et al. 2012).
MOI has been through a string of restructuring exercises almost every five
years, after each election. Factors such as the ministry’s structure at differ-
ent periods, the weight of political appointees (in particular, in improving
coordination with other federal and regional government institutions),
and access to the prime minister have influenced the ministry’s effective-
ness. MOI has been largely unable to function as the lead agency for
industrialization due to its limited mandates and lack of political influ-
ence over other institutions. This deficiency was raised on different occa-
sions in NECC, as MOI tended to bring coordination problems and
constraints to NECC, rather than itself effectively coordinating.

INSTITUTES AS ARCHETYPES FOR DEVELOPING

SPECIFIC INDUSTRIES
Since 2009, autonomous institutes have been adopted as the main insti-
tution to lead and develop key industries. The three institutes established
were the Leather Industry Development Institute (LIDI), Textile Industry
Development Institute (TIDI), and the Metal Industry Development Insti-
tute (MIDI). These institutes were initially used for export-oriented indus-
tries, but later also supported import-substitution. They were introduced
after many failed attempts to use directorates within the regular bureau-
cracy. Recently, there have been efforts to expand the ‘institute’ approach
to other sectors. Although belated, the institutes (for leather, textiles, and
metal industries) and an agency (for horticulture) have been instrumental
in channelling supports to their respective industries and firms. They have

102
 Setting the Scene: Ethiopia’s Industrial Policies and Performance

also helped by dealing with bureaucratic inertia, organizing the incentive

structure, and strengthening government–industry information flows and
collective learning. These institutes have been overloaded with adminis-
trative and facilitation tasks because of the major bureaucratic obstacles in
many government offices, a major constraint facing firms. Company
owners and managers argue that public service delivery and facilitating
trade and customs are more important than training and technological
support. The bureaucratic nightmare in government offices is evidence of
leadership failure, as the ultimate responsibility lies with the political
leadership. Unless this challenge is addressed satisfactorily, the institutes
will not be able to focus on developing the technological capabilities of
firms. Moreover, the institutes themselves suffer from a shortage of cap-
able staff and insufficient understanding of industrial policy, the indus-
tries, and related issues. They also lack the passion to push the industry
policy. A twinning programme has been instituted between sectoral insti-
tutes and international organizations, apparently with promising results.
However, research collaboration between institutes and universities
remains weak. These issues are further explored in the following three
chapters.

3.8 Summary and conclusions

Ethiopia has embarked on industrial development after a history of inad-

equate industrialization from the mid-1950s to the early 1990s, based
on ISI that failed to bring rapid growth and structural transformation. In
the 1990s, the government focused on postwar recovery, economic and
political reforms (including federalism), and the creation of a multiparty
polity. The Ethiopian government has certainly engaged in policy experi-
ments and largely maintained its autonomy. This is partly because of the
degree of legitimacy it achieved throughout the war and war-to-peace
transition. Partly also, it is because of the government’s foresight in
crafting and using the country’s geopolitical significance. Economic
growth has been impressive, although structural transformation lags far
behind.
This chapter suggests that Ethiopia in recent years has exhibited features
of a ‘developmental state’. It has also suggested that there is a strong case,
based on economic history and structuralist development economics,

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Made in Africa

for such a developmental state, in particular, for an activist focus on

industrialization. The proof of the pudding, however, lies in the detailed
evidence of policy implementation and performance in manufacturing
overall and in particular sectors. Manufacturing to date has played an
almost insignificant role in the Ethiopian economy, including employ-
ment creation and export earnings. However, there may yet be significant
implications from recent manufacturing policies and performance for
future directions. This book has been motivated precisely by this history
and reasoning and its aim is to observe and analyse in detail the perform-
ance of, challenges to, and industrial policy experiments of the activist
developmental state. More broadly, the book aims to explore the wider
feasibility and rationale for an activist state in applying industrial policy
in SSA.

104
4

Cementing Development? Uneven

Development in an Import-Substitution
Industry

4.1 Introduction

There has been a dramatic transformation in the use and especially pro-
duction of cement in Ethiopia over the past hundred years or so. Imported
Portland cement was used during the construction of the Ethio-Djibouti
railway between 1904 and 1917. The Italians, during the invasion of 1938,
built the Diredawa Cement Factory, with a yearly capacity of 30,000 tons.
In the mid-1960s, the Ethiopian government built two cement plants at
Massawa (in Eritrea) and Addis Ababa, with a combined annual output of
150,000 tons. Two production lines (with an installed capacity of 600,000
tons of clinker per annum) were built at Mugher between 1984 and 1991.
All state-owned factories were managed by Mugher Cement Enterprise
from the mid-1980s.
After a long period of sluggish development prior to the 1990s, the
Ethiopian cement industry recorded impressive growth between 2000
and 2012. Installed capacity in the industry rose from 800,000 tons in
1999 to 10 million tons in 2012 (MOI 2012b; MOI 2013). The average
annual growth rate for cement production was more than twice that of
Africa or the globe during this period. By the end of 2012, the number of
firms had increased from a single SOE to sixteen firms. New firms
upgraded their technologies and exploited economies of scale. The
cement industry has undergone major changes throughout this period,
and it appears that Ethiopia is likely to become one of the top three
Made in Africa

cement producers in Africa. With the existing growth forecast and 300 kg
per capita consumption per annum, domestic demand could reach 36
million tons in 2020. Average global cement consumption per capita
was 390 kg in 2012 (MOI 2012b). In sharp contrast to the overall African
cement industry, where multinationals dominate, domestically owned
firms are the leading players in Ethiopia.
Government industrial policies have shaped the cement industry’s
development through direct and indirect interventions. Direct support
including subsidized long-term investment loans, investment promotion
incentives, and access to the mining resources required as inputs. On the
demand side, the government’s large-scale housing and infrastructure
development programmes, combined with the expansion of private sector
construction, has led to a building boom since 2005 (MOFED 2012b). This
became the prime driver of growth in the cement industry. Nevertheless,
the process was also fraught with difficulties. The government did not
make timely interventions in the face of new challenges, and lacked a
realistic long-term strategy for the industry. Consequently, it failed to pre-
vent and contain cyclical crises in the industry. The country faced critical
shortages and was compelled to import cement between 2006 and 2011,
while in 2012 firms had excess capacity and surplus production. The indus-
try also suffered from lack of competitiveness and low productivity. More-
over, domestic technological capability remained at a relatively low level.
Different methodological tools—including surveys, interviews, site
visits, and document reviews—have been used to provide the evidence
and insights and enable further exploration of these issues in this chapter.
Where appropriate, the experiences of other countries (such as China,
India, and Korea) with established cement industries have been drawn
upon. The quantitative and qualitative survey was a quasi-census of all
sixteen firms in the cement industry. In addition, qualitative and in-depth
interviews with forty individuals in twenty-eight establishments were
undertaken. Site visits to twelve cement factories provided additional
insights. A review of hundreds of documents was conducted, including
primary and secondary sources. In addition, detailed historical and cur-
rent data from the two major cement factories (which produced 100 per
cent of Ethiopian output until 2007) were consulted. Where possible, this
chapter uses data updated to mid-2013, thereby enabling a better grasp of
ongoing trends within the industry. The International Standard Industrial
Classification (ISIC) and US Geological Survey (USGS) definitions have

106
 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

been adopted to allow cross-country comparisons and matching against

surveys conducted by the Central Statistics Authority (CSA) of Ethiopia.
The chapter reaches the following conclusions. First, the state provided
support to the cement industry in many ways, including massive policy-
induced industrial expansion through direct support to the sector, and to
the construction industry as a whole. Second, some of these policies were
more effective than others and the sector has absorbed a large share of
very scarce resources. Some policies were perhaps ‘over-designed’—they
added little to the main investment stimulus, the rapid expansion of the
market. Third, arguably indirect policies, notably government investment
in housing and infrastructure, were more effective than some of the direct
support. There have been trade-offs (foregoing fiscal revenue to create
incentives; facilitating the import of inputs versus supporting the export
sector through devaluation) and learning experiences. The tensions/trade-
offs are particularly noteworthy: foreign exchange constraints and alloca-
tion of scarce resources to promote an important industry, as well as the
mixed results of policy.
The following sections analyse the sector’s performance, followed by
discussion of the emerging industrial structure of Ethiopia’s cement
industry. Then, linkages and industrial development are addressed. The
last section discusses policies and related instruments, institutions, and
the policymaking process.

4.2 Sector performance

4.2.1 Output growth patterns
Between 2006 and 2010, the Ethiopian cement industry grew on average
by 12.4 per cent per annum, which was twice the world’s and Africa’s
average growth of 4.5 per cent (Figure 4.1).There was a more than tenfold
increase in annual cement output from the 237,000 tons in 1991–92
to more than 3 million tons in 2010. Growth in output was steady
throughout the period, with the exception of a surge in 2000 due to the
commissioning of a second factory, which doubled output. Cement out-
put also experienced another surge in 2012, after the commissioning of
new factories and expansion projects. Due to spurts in investment and
long gestation periods, the cement industry often experiences uneven
annual rates of growth.

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Made in Africa

7000000
6000000
5000000
4000000
3000000
2000000
1000000
0
80 9
82 1
84 3
86 5
88 7
90 9
92 1
94 3
96 5
98 7
00 9
02 1
04 3
06 5
08 7
10 9
12 1
3
19 /7
19 /8
19 /8
19 /8
19 /8
19 /8
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
20 /9
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /1
/1
78
19

Figure 4.1. Production (in tons), 1978–2013

Source: CSA, Report on Large and Medium Scale Manufacturing and Electricity Industries Survey,
1978/79-2010/11; MUDC July 2013

Table 4.1. Comparison of growth rate and rank

Description Average annual growth 2013 2012 production

rate Installed
(million
Growth Years tons) Actual (tons) Ranking
rate (%)

International comparison
World 4.5 2006–2010 3,700
China 10.7 1998–2010 2,150 1st Globally
African comparison
Africa: total 4.5 2006–2010 140
South Africa 1.8 2006–2010 13 1st SSA
Nigeria 14.2 2006–2010 35 5.4 2nd SSA
Ethiopia 12.4 2006–2010 12.2 4.2 3rd SSA
Kenya 10.8 2006–2011 4.1 4th SSA

Source: Own computation from USGS (2010a, 2010b, 2011a, 2011b) and CSA (2012)

As of 2013, installed production capacity in Ethiopia exceeded 10 mil-

lion tons per year. This improved the country’s ranking from the fifteenth
largest cement producer in SSA before 2000 to the third behind South
Africa and Nigeria. East Africa’s cement industry has shown faster growth
after 2005 than other African regions. Nigeria and Kenya have similarly
witnessed fast growth (Table 4.1). However, Ethiopia’s per capita cement
consumption (69 kg in 2012) still lags the average per capita consumption
of developing countries. In 2012, the per capita consumption of China,
Vietnam, India, and Africa was 1,500 kg, 700 kg, 200 kg, and 150 kg
respectively. This estimate is based on United Nations Department of
Economic and Social Affairs’s (UN-DESA) population figures; and exports
have not been deducted as they are considered insignificant.

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

4.2.2 Employment growth patterns

As the cement industry is capital intensive, its direct contribution to
employment is limited. Personnel in cement factories increased from
1,648 in 1992 to 7,233 in 2012 (Figure 4.2). The average wage in the
cement industry is higher by 122 per cent than in the leather and leather
goods sector. In 2011, the average monthly wage in the latter industry was
ETB 965 for male workers and ETB 864.43 for female. The cement indus-
try’s average wage was ETB 1,835. Despite these higher wages, labour costs
in cement factories account for 3.5 per cent of total production costs.
On the other hand, the cement sector has generated significant employ-
ment through forward linkages to downstream cement product manufac-
turers (concrete products and ready-mix cement). As part of its drive to
create jobs and build capacity in the construction industry, government
has promoted small enterprises in the cement products subsector since
2003. The cement and cement products industry together accounted for
10 per cent of total recorded manufacturing employment in 2011, thus
highlighting the indirect employment-generation effects of cement pro-
duction. There are also small unrecorded enterprises producing cement-
based products for households, which employ many people. This puts the
cement industry in second place after the food and beverage industry and
ahead of such labour-intensive sectors as textiles and leather (Table 4.2). It
is worth recalling that the employment created in the construction indus-
try has not been included here, as the direction of linkage is primarily
backwards from the construction industry to cement, not the reverse.
Nonetheless, to the extent that the expansion of a domestic cement

6,000
5,000
Employees

4,000
3,000
2,000
1,000
0
94 4
95 5
96 6
97 7
98 8
99 9
00 0
01 1
02 2
03 3
04 4
05 5
06 6
07 7
08 8
09 9
10 0
1
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /1
/1
93
19

Figure 4.2. Total employees in the cement sector, 1993–2011

Source: CSA, Reports on Surveys on Manufacturing Sector from 1993 to 2011

109
Made in Africa

Table 4.2. Annual growth rate of cement industry, 2006–11 (in per cent)

2006–07 2007–08 2009–10 2010–11 Average annual

growth rate (%)

Total manufacturing 5.2 13 24.7 (1) 4.2

Cement industry 26.6 7 21.1 4.3 14.7
Cement products industry 70 20 (10) (17) 15.7

Source: CSA Survey on Manufacturing and Electricity (2012)

Table 4.3. Personnel composition and profile in cement and leather/leather goods sectors

Variables or ratios Cement Leather Variance in %

Female: total employees 13.4 46.3 28.9

Professional staff: total employees 8.2 4.3 190.7
Technologists-engineering: professional staff 42 22.2 189.2
Technicians: total employees 16.3 6.5 250.8
Expatriates: total employees 7.9 4.5 175.6
Production: support staff 89:11 77:23 115.6

Source: Oqubay (2012)

industry has been fundamental to the continued expansion of construc-

tion in the country, cement may be argued to play an employment-
generation role significantly greater than what is captured in direct
employment data for the industry and in statistics covering forward-
linked enterprises.
The scaling down of regional housing development programmes is a
major reason for the slower growth in the cement products industry in
2009–10 and 2010–11. Cement enterprises rely less on female employees
(below 15 per cent), and use twice as many higher professional and
technologically skilled personnel than more labour-intensive industries
such as leather and related products (Table 4.3).

4.2.3 Capacity utilization and cost efficiency

Capacity utilization and cost efficiency in the form of the cost per ton of
cement offer clear insights into the industry’s performance. The former is
the achievable maximum output without increasing the unit cost. In the
cement industry, capacity utilization is measured either in terms of clinker
production, which is directly related to kiln capacity, or of cement pro-
duction. Cement plant and equipment manufacturers usually specify the
maximum attainable capacity of cement factories for benchmarking.

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

Table 4.4. Capacity utilization in Messebo and Mugher Cement

Year Mugher (in %) Messebo (in %)

Cement Clinker Cement Clinker

2000–2002 105.26 101.18 33.61 34.80

2003–2005 106.25 101.41 101.74 83.73
2006–2008 92.19 96.09 139.03 109.53
2009–2011 69.01 67.97 101.14 80.85

Source: Own computation based on Messebo and Mugher data (2012)

Moreover, in terms of cost efficiency and productivity, the key determin-

ants are capital productivity and capacity. Due to the capital-intensive
nature of the industry, and high fixed costs, labour plays a marginal role in
total productivity.
Table 4.4 shows the pattern of capacity utilization. Although Mugher
Cement Enterprise (MCE) enjoys a proximity advantage over Messebo
Cement Plc (MCP) to the major of Addis Ababa market (90 km vs. 870
km), Messebo exhibited better performance in terms of cost efficiency
and capacity utilization. This was because of advantages in plant tech-
nology and a more responsive management. Capacity utilization in the
first few years following commissioning are usually low. Between 2006
and 2010, capacity utilization increased as market demand rose (Table
4.4). Power shortages are the major factor that reducing achievable cap-
acity utilization. After 2011, with the entry of new firms into the industry
and improvement in the electricity supply, excess production capacity
in cement was created. The domestic market failed to expand to
match increased productive capacity. Six firms were operating below
50 per cent of capacity, four firms at between 60 and 80 per cent, and
only four reached 80 per cent capacity. Messebo and Mugher have
operated at higher capacity in 2011–12, and between 50 and 60 per
cent in 2012–13, and produced/sold 2.15 million tons. This variance in
capacity utilization is associated with the excess production capacity of
factories. In the survey, the firms identified fierce competition for a
limited market as the main reasons for low capacity utilization. The
firms also indicated uncertainty and seasonality of demand as their
prime concerns.
The second related performance parameter is productive efficiency (cost
efficiency), which shows the ability to produce a ton of clinker or cement
with the least possible inputs and resources. Energy efficiency can be an

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Made in Africa

Table 4.5. Energy and cost efficiency (Mugher and Messebo)

Year Share of energy of Energy cost per ton

the total cost (%) cement (ETB)

Mugher Messebo Mugher Messebo

2000–2002 55.80 18.14 171.43 223.22

2003–2005 49.46 33.56 197.50 216.54
2006–2008 60.47 48.61 333.97 322.52
2009–2011 67.95 44.86 692.47 299.81

Source: Mugher and Messebo Data (2012)

important proxy for measuring productive efficiency, since energy is the

major cost component in cement production. Energy has increasingly
become the most important cost component, given global fuel scarcity
and related price increases. The cost per ton of cement should be con-
trasted with best industrial practices and industrial benchmarks. Energy
efficiency in Ethiopia during 2000–11 was much lower than the accepted
industrial norm (Table 4.5). Mugher’s cost of energy per ton exceeded $50
in 2009–11. Messebo has eventually reduced its cost by a third by shifting
to coal. There has been no national energy savings programme, unlike
in Asian countries such as Japan, China, and India. According to studies
on energy efficiency, energy savings benchmarks can help reduce con-
sumption by up to 15–25 per cent (World Bank 2009a; UNCTAD-
UNIDO 2011). Energy accounts for 40 per cent of manufacturing costs
in India, and coal accounts for up to half of the energy costs (CSTEP
2012). Until recently, the competitive pressure in Ethiopia was low (low
rivalry among domestic firms, weak pressure from imports, and less
pressure to export), which has weakened the motivation to improve
performance and productivity. The cost efficiency of small firms that
use Vertical Shift Kiln (VSK) technology was higher than those using
rotary kilns, and unit costs decreased with bigger kiln capacity. In
general, factories have cut their energy costs from ETB 240 in 2011 to
ETB 180 in 2012.
These characteristics and the trends in the Ethiopian cement industry
have policy implications for managing demand, developing technological
capability, increasing capacity utilization, and raising energy efficiency.
Without investment in energy-efficient technology and raising product-
ivity, the competitiveness of the Ethiopian cement industry may be
eroded further.

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

4.3 Industrial structure of the cement industry

4.3.1 Global trends
This section discusses the technical and economic characteristics of the
cement industry, its shifting structure, the roles of cement manufacturers,
and the implications for the political economy. The industry has under-
gone structural shifts, particularly since 2008. Because of improvements in
process technology, economies of scale have increased: for instance, kiln
size doubled in terms of clinker output.

GLOBAL CEMENT INDUSTRY

Global cement production has shown a constant annual growth rate of
about 5 per cent from the 1970s. After that date, growth has shifted to
emerging economies in Asia, including Japan, Korea, China, and India. In
2011, total global production reached 3.7 billion tons of cement (USGS
2013). There were 2,360 integrated cement factories and 750 independent
grinding plants globally. China’s share is 1,000 integrated plants and 350
grinding plants (excluding obsolete factories). Currently, Asia is the big-
gest player, contributing more than 70 per cent of production and con-
sumption (see Table 4.6). The share of emerging economies has increased
to about three-quarters of total production. China is the world’s biggest
cement producer and consumer, with about 60 per cent of world produc-
tion (USGS 2013).
Given the product’s low value–high volume characteristics and the
global abundance of the necessary raw materials, cement is usually char-
acterized as a non-tradable commodity. Although shipping and mass
transport advances have enhanced its portability and tradability, less
than 10 per cent of output was traded globally during the last decade

Table 4.6. Global cement production outlook (2012), in million tons

Country Amount Share (%) Country Amount Share (%)

World 3,700 100

China 2,150 58.1 Iran 65 1.8
India 250 6.8 Turkey 60 1.6
USA 74 2 Russia 60 1.6
Brazil 70 1.9 Japan 52 1.4
Vietnam 65 1.8 Korea (Rep) 49 1.3

Source: USGS (2013)

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Made in Africa

(Selim and Salem 2010; COMTRADE 2012). In 2010, the international

trade in cement was 5 per cent, a volume of 151 million tons (67 per cent
through seaborne trade). This was 8 per cent less than the 2007 figure. The
top five exporters were Turkey (19 million tons), China (17 million tons),
Thailand (14 million tons), Japan, and Pakistan (10 million each). The
dominant producers and consumers in the global market were multi-
national corporations such as La Farge (French), Holcim (Swiss), Heidel-
berg Cement (German), Italcemento (Italian), CEMEX (Mexican), and
CNBM (Chinese), which between them produced about one billion tons
of cement in 2012. In terms of technological advancement and equip-
ment manufacturing, West European manufacturers dominated the
industry during the twentieth century. Currently, China is the dominant
player, accounting for the manufacture of more than 40 per cent of global
cement equipment (China Cement Association 2013). This global shift
has shaped the technology used in Ethiopian industry. While almost all
large cement factories sourced their technology from Europe until 2000,
China has over the last decade become the source of such technology in
Ethiopia. For instance, Sinoma International and CNBC supplied large-
scale cement manufacturers in Ethiopia (Mugher and Dangote, and Mes-
sebo and Derba respectively), thereby lowering investment layout and
making production relatively cheaper.
Africa’s share of global cement production was less than 5 per cent in
2011, and the cement industry was dominated by multinationals (USGS
2010a, 2010b, 2011a, 2011b, World Bank 2009a, 2009b; Wu 2004). In
2011, annual cement production in Africa reached 150 million tons,
which were produced in 190 plants in more than thirty countries. Only
a quarter of these plants were integrated plants, producing clinker and
cement. The biggest producers were the North African countries Egypt,
Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, and Libya, which accounted for more than half
of total African production (USGS 2010b). This was not exclusively driven
by growing domestic demand, but also partly by stricter environmental
regulations in Europe that forced firms to relocate to North Africa (Selim
and Salem 2010). Recently, the regional share of East and West Africa has
increased, while North Africa’s share declined relatively. This stemmed
from the political situation in North Africa since 2011, and increased
investment in SSA countries such as Nigeria and Ethiopia. Four multi-
nationals, La Farge (fifteen factories), Holcim (seven factories), Heidelberg
Cement (eleven factories) and Italcemento dominate the African cement

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industry, with the bulk of their production concentrated in North Africa

(Imara 2011). These multinationals produced close to half of African
output in 2011. Currently, a new player, Nigerian-owned Dangote Indus-
tries, has increased its presence in many African countries, including
Ethiopia. The efficiency and productivity of the African cement industry
is low compared to the performance of the industry elsewhere (World
Bank 2009a, 2009b).

4.3.2 Performance latitude, economic, and

technological characteristics
ECONOMIC AND TECHNOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS
Given its technological and economic characteristics, three features of
cement production are particularly significant in low-income countries
like Ethiopia. First, the capital intensity and economies of scale, as well as
the strategic significance of cement in a period of rapid growth and
structural change in a very low-income economy, created a build-up of
pressure that called for active involvement by the state. In particular, the
size of the investment required has put considerable pressure on DBE, the
country’s only investment bank. Second, the nature of production and
economies of scale and scope have necessitated the rapid acquisition of
effective organizational capabilities. Unlike the family firms that can
thrive in leather or floriculture, success in larger cement firms has required
salaried managers and professionals with technical skills. Evidence from
elsewhere (Chandler 2004; Amsden 1989) suggests that large national
enterprises may play a greater role in creating capabilities transferable to
other industries. Third, the cement industry has a narrow latitude for
failure. Demanding performance standards play a positive role in the
implementation of industrial policy. As the evidence reviewed in this
chapter shows, however, a narrow latitude for failure does not prevent
inefficiencies and mistakes in industrial policy.

ECONOMIES OF SCALE AND SCOPE

The economies of scale and scope differ from industry to industry and are
related to the specific production process used by firms (Chandler 2004).
According to Drucker (1999), the commonest production processes are
the ‘unique product production process, mass production (flexible and
rigid), and continuous production’. Continuous process (flow) production

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systems are operated in the cement industry, among others. Techno-

logical progress shapes the nature of the production process. For instance,
early cement plants were small and used VSK, in contrast to modern
cement production using bigger rotary kilns. The cement industry’s con-
tinuous process depends on the uninterrupted flow of inputs such as
energy and raw materials. This places serious demands on electricity
providers, fuel logistics, and the organization of inputs and throughput.
It also determines the nature of distribution and marketing of goods.
The large-scale nature of the industry acts as a major barrier to entry and
exit. With increased scale, unit costs of production diminish. Hence,
certainty of market demand is both a prerequisite and an advantage.
This is why, particularly in developing countries, the government is better
placed to invest in such large-scale undertakings. This is in line with what
Hamilton highlights, that ‘to produce the desirable changes as early as
may be expedient may therefore require the incitement and patronage of
government’ (Hamilton 1934: 204).
During the different development phases of Ethiopia’s cement industry,
kiln size has increased and technology (automation, process) has improved,
bringing significant increases in factory capacity and capital investment
(see Table 4.7).
In the Ethiopian case, the Mugher SOE and a factory in Tigray owned by
EFFORT, the regional endowment fund, were the pioneers and first
movers in the cement industry. They played the lead role, taking risks,

Table 4.7. Economies of scale and capital intensity in the Ethiopian cement industry

Factories Period Technology Capital investment

1st generation (Massawa, 1960s Small scale; Rotary kilns: 100 Below ETB 10 million
Diredawa, Addis Ababa tons per day (TPD); Annual
cement plants) capacity: 30,000–150,000
tons
2nd generation (Mugher- 1980s Large scale; Rotary kilns: 2 X Below ETB 300 million
Line 1 and Line 2) 1,000 TPD Annual capacity:
850,000 tons
3rd generation (Messebo) 2000 Large scale; Rotary kilns: 2000 ETB 1,200 million
TPD Annual capacity: 850,000
tons
4th generation (Mugher, 2010 Large scale; Rotary kilns: 3,000 $120–351 million
Messebo, National, Derba TPD; 5,000 TPD Annual
and Dangote) capacity: 1.4 million tons
each; 2.5 million tons each

Source: Own summary (based on firms’ documents and interviews)

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

and absorbing or facilitating externalities. After seeing the growing

demand and generous returns, many private businesses began to invest
in the industry. Of course, there were private sector investments in mini-
cement plants between 2005 and 2011. Rather than being based on a
long-term business development strategy, these investments were made
to exploit the excessive rents created by shortages in the domestic market.
Despite skyrocketing cement prices, the huge capital requirements of such
projects is another factor preventing the private sector from making
immediate investment decisions. Thus, the private sector was (under-
standably) slower to comprehend the full significance of investing in the
cement industry in Ethiopia. Consequently, the government and the
endowment fund, although themselves rather late starters, played a pion-
eering role in terms of investing at the appropriate scale.
In terms of economies of scope, large cement factories were forced to
integrate their activities vertically. For instance, in distribution and sales,
they relied on their own marketing and sales force (except the mini-
cement plants) rather than using external wholesale or retail outlets.
Likewise, they relied on their own or closely affiliated transport facilities
(for instance Messebo and Derba). One of the most critical inputs is
packaging, and most enterprises have established their own packaging
factories (for instance, Mugher, Messebo, and Derba). In terms of energy
inputs, some factories have engaged in coal mining (Messebo, Derba,
National Cement, Abyssinia), although this was still at an early stage at
the time of this research. Almost all cement manufacturers have their own
quarries for mining limestone and related inputs. This shows the signifi-
cant dynamics in terms of economies of scale and scope.

NARROW LATITUDE FOR POOR PERFORMANCE

The latitude for failure in production depends primarily on the intrinsic
technological characteristics of the production process of an industry.
Hirschman (1967: 87) emphasizes that the lack of latitude for failure or,
positively, ‘the presence of discipline’, imposes ‘propensities and pressures
to which the decision makers themselves are subject’. His popular
example is the airline industry, where developing countries have the
potential to develop successful airlines due to the narrow latitude
involved. In this industry, due to safety requirements, the space for oper-
ating at a sub-standard level is limited. Safety and other features of cement
production have indeed imposed pressures on decision-makers. The

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Made in Africa

product’s perishability exerts additional pressure on production and dis-

tribution. The shelf-life of cement is 120–180 days. Moreover, seasonality
and uncertainty of demand adds to the pressure exerted by the perishabil-
ity effect, as the rainy season (June to September) is the slack period for
construction in Ethiopia. Demand uncertainty is the basic feature of
cement and other similar industries, creating cyclical swings due to the
long gestation period. This implies that caution and long-term focus are
essential in decision-making.
Consistency of quality is an unconditional requirement for cement
manufacturers, because of the safety considerations for buildings and
construction works. Ensuring consistent product requires laboratory facil-
ities in large cement factories, and also in mini-cement plants. As cement
is used for various purposes and concrete specifications depend on geol-
ogy, weather, topography, and building codes, constant research into
product development is critical to the industry’s growth. And environ-
mental protection is also becoming important, as the cement industry is a
major polluter.

4.3.3 Changing structure of the industry and political

economy dimensions
SHIFTS IN OWNERSHIP STRUCTURE
A major structural shift has occurred in the cement industry in the past
two decades. In terms of ownership, the industry has shifted from a state-
owned monopoly (Mugher) until 2000 towards private sector domin-
ation. Mugher accounted for two-thirds of cement production in 2000,
decreasing to a quarter in 2011–12. Another ownership dimension of the
Ethiopian cement industry concerns the role of domestic firms. Two local
cement manufacturers (Mugher and Messebo) dominated the industry
until 2005, accounting for about 95 per cent of the country’s cement
production. This ownership structure appears to be the outcome of delib-
erate industrial policy. The fact that Mugher survived the privatization
programme was due to the government’s decision to maintain a presence
in the industry. Likewise, Messebo was one of the first of EFFORT’s
investments.
Two interesting developments in the domestic private sector were the
emergence of National Cement from the old, small, privatized firm, Dir-
edawa Cement, which was acquired by East African Business Group

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

(EABG); and the establishment of Habesha Cement, promoted by former

managers of the Mugher SOE. In 2002, EABG negotiated for and bought a
small, abandoned state-owned cement mill in Diredawa (built by the
Italians in 1938) and upgraded the plant into a 150,000-ton capacity
facility. EABG then commissioned a study on a large-scale cement factory
with a capacity of 1.4 million tons. The factory was in the commissioning
stage in mid-2013. The owner of EABG is Ethiopian, a third generation
industrialist who has built an industrial zone and a food processing com-
plex. Neither Habesha’s promoters nor EABG had political ties to the state
or ruling party. Habesha initiated the project, mobilized equity from more
than 16,000 shareholders (the highest number of shareholders in large-
scale manufacturing), attracted two South African partners, and secured
loans from DBE. This is a striking example of entrepreneurial dynamism in
the private sector.
Likewise, other domestic businesses entered into joint venture arrange-
ments. Ture Business group (which had imported Chinese equipment for
more than thirty years) entered into a joint venture with two Chinese
private manufacturers. The joint venture established a cement-grinding
factory in Addis Ababa and two small cement plants in Diredawa. Cur-
rently, domestically owned firms continue to account for about half of
total installed capacity in the industry. This contrasts starkly with the
situation elsewhere in Africa, where multinational corporations (MNCs)
dominate (Global Cement 2012). The foreign firms operating in Ethiopia
are not traditional multinationals. Among foreign investors in the cement
industry, the Chinese are dominant, with seven firms, followed by
Indians. A Saudi tycoon owns the biggest plant, Derba Cement, which
is part of the largest conglomerate in Ethiopia, Midroc Group, which is
owned by Sheik Mohamed Al Amoudi, an Ethiopian by birth. Another
major investor is Dangote, whose plant was still under construction when
this research was carried out. Foreign-owned firms together account for
the other half of installed capacity in Ethiopia’s cement industry.

CHANGING COMPETITIVE STRUCTURE

Competition was virtually nonexistent when the two state-owned cement
manufacturers dominated the cement industry. Mugher Cement had a
full monopoly until 2000, when Messebo Cement began operations in
northern Ethiopia. The Messebo plant was built between 1998 and 2000,
and has a capacity of 850,000 tons of Pozolana Portland Cement (PPC).

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Made in Africa

Mugher had an advantage in terms of proximity to the main market

around Addis Ababa, and the first mover advantage in acquiring skills,
but also a steeper learning curve. After 2005, mini-cement plants sprung
up, but their market share has never exceeded 10 per cent, and they have
had an insignificant influence in shaping the cement industry.
After 2011, there was a shift to an oligopolistic market structure. A key
milestone was the increased production due to new entrants and expan-
sion at two factories. Derba Cement (the largest firm so far in the industry,
with installed production capacity of 2.5 million tons), East Cement (with
installed capacity of 700,000 tons), and expansion projects of Mugher and
Messebo (additional capacity of 2.8 million tons) became operational more
or less simultaneously in 2011. The market will become more competitive
as projects under construction come on stream in 2015. In addition to sales
promotions, transport and credit facilities are increasingly being offered to
customers by cement manufacturers (Nazret 2010) to win market share.

INTERPLAY OF INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE AND

GOVERNMENT POLICY
Against this backdrop, it is important to examine the political dimension
of this changing competitive structure. Porter’s generic analytical frame-
work is moderately useful in addressing features of industrial structure,
policy, and performance as they change over time. However, a word of
caution is needed: his framework tends to undermine the pivotal role of
the state, resulting in a deceptive separation of market and state and a
restricted focus (Aktouf 2004, 2005).
According to Porter (2008: 80), ‘industry structure grows out of a set of
economic and technical characteristics that determine the strength of
each competitive force’. The five underlying forces that determine the
evolving industrial structure are the: threat of new entrants; bargaining
power of buyers; threat of substitute products; bargaining power of sup-
pliers; and domestic rivalry among existing competitors (see Table 4.8).
Porter adds that the relative pressure of each factor and their relationship
are context-specific: they vary by industry and across time. Likewise, an
industry’s development may involve a shift driven from inside the indus-
try or from outside. More importantly, government policies affect each of
these five forces. In view of this framework, it is noteworthy to assess the
underlying changes in Ethiopia’s cement industry and the effects of gov-
ernment policy.

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Table 4.8. Interplay of shifting industrial structure and government policy

Five Policy intervention Shifts and outcomes

competitive
forces

Threat of new Cement industry has high entry and exit a) High entry barrier was overcome;
entrants: barriers due to economies of scale and high Number of players increased to
capital requirements. The government sixteen, primarily FDI and domestic
policy included: private sector;
a) Long-term loans made available for b) Significant increase in total
capital investment; production capacity;
b) Providing investment incentives to c) Technology and equipment
mitigate risks and induce new players; modernized, with increased kiln
capacity;
c) Mining resources close to the market d) The gate for newcomers has now
made available to firms; been closed as FDI participation is
restricted and finance is temporarily
unavailable.
d) Foreign currency allocated on e) Mugher continued to be an active
preferential basis; industrial player with 20 per cent
e) Government involvement directly market share (currently has an
through SOE and quasi-public enterprises; installed capacity of 2.3 million tons);
f) FDI barred since the end of 2013; f) The privatization of Diredawa
opportunity for loans for new entrants cement factory induced new private
narrowed. investment of 1.4 million tons.
Bargaining a) Government was the biggest buyer a) Construction boom acted as key
power of (above 50 per cent or two-thirds share driver of the cement industry until
buyers between 2005 and 2013); 2011;
b) Demand failed to cope with the
supply and excess capacity;
b) Shortage (2006–2011) and buyers c) Buyer’s bargaining position
bargaining position was weak. Hence, high increased; cement price decreased
price and delay; and availability improved;
c) Import of cement during shortages; d) Seasonality, market uncertainty,
product perishability push the
industry to improve
d) Regulation of market during shortages e) Government’s action to stimulate
(allocation, price, etc.) demand (domestic and export)
required;
Threat of Alternative inputs (steel etc.) not extensively a) Insignificant impact in reducing
substitute available; demand;
products a) Government introduced the use of agro b) Limited scope for substituting
stone (substitute) in government projects, concrete in the long-term.
with modest success.
Bargaining Transport and energy are key supplies. a) Supply of inputs at subsidized
power of Government: rate;1
suppliers a) supplies heavy-fuel oil, coal, pet coke, b) Affected by the firms’ technological
and electricity to all firms; choices (kiln types and capacity,
distance from sources);2
b) Transport cost increased and shortage c) Transportation cost affected by
increased firms’ margins. Government distance from main market and fleet
imported 1,200 trucks for cement transport, availability;
and allowed firms to own transport fleet; d) Backward and forward integration
opportunities are observed.

(continued )

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Table 4.8. Continued

Five Policy intervention Shifts and outcomes

competitive
forces

c) Packaging materials: major factories own

packaging factory.3
Rivalry among a) Competitive edge of firms differed. No Derba followed aggressive price war;
existing scope for specialization; Mugher was still in ‘sleep mode’;
competitors b) Price competition driven primarily by Messebo aggressively worked on
price as product is homogenous. efficiency improvement (production
process and energy use) and
transport optimization. National
cement has focused on markets in
neighbouring countries, reducing its
investment cost, and selling clinker to
mini-cement plants. Mini-cement
plants were surviving by focusing on
market niches.

Notes: 1 Mugher, Messebo, and Derba have their own packing factory and sell packaging material to others. Messebo
uses the permanent transport fleet of a sister company. Derba has imported 700 heavy trucks. National Cement was
importing trucks. Currently, there is a shortage of freight transporters and often reliability is a problem. This, and the
existence of incentives (duty-free import of vehicles for own transport service), have influenced the decision by cement
factories to operate their own transport fleets.
2
HFO and coal are imported by government, and the administrative costs are absorbed. Private petroleum distributors
barely add to their profit margins. Although official data are not available, the subsidy is estimated to exceed 10 per cent.
3
In terms of kiln type, rotary kilns consume less energy than VSKs; bigger capacity kilns consume less energy than smaller
kilns; factories with coal conversion technology benefited by using coal (cheaper than HFO) to power the kiln. Thus, the
supply has a varied effect on firms, depending on their technology choices and scale of production.
Source: Own summary (based on collected data and analysis)

It is possible to observe from this matrix that these patterns have

significant implications for industry, cement manufacturers, and govern-
ment policy. First, in an increasingly diversified sector, government lever-
age and ability to guide the industry has not decreased substantially. Such
means as guiding Mugher and influencing other firms (such as Messebo,
National Cement, and Derba), procuring cement from foreign markets,
supplying inputs, and becoming the single major buyer have been used.
Although new institutional mechanisms (such as the role of the industrial
association) will evolve, the presence of domestic firms (which have good
working relations with government) will allow government to lead the sector.
Second, the new competitive environment could be used by govern-
ment to improve the sector’s long-term competitiveness regionally and
internationally, by directing it towards exports through incentives,
restrictions, and enforcement, and through support schemes that focus
on improving productivity and quality. Clearly, also, stimulation of the
domestic market requires definite government intervention. Current low

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capacity utilization and the resultant risk of bankruptcy have significant

implications for financial health of DBE, an indispensable component of
industrial policy in Ethiopia.
Third, the cement industry is a classic oligopoly, where a few firms
dominate (Chandler 2004). This can be measured by weighing the ‘four-
firm’ concentration ratio by measuring the market share of the four largest
firms. In 2012, the concentration ratio was 75 per cent, meaning that the
‘big four’ (Derba 2.5 million tons, Messebo 2.3 million tons, Mugher 2.3
million tons, East Cement 700,000 tons) had installed capacity to supply
three-quarters of the market. Total installed capacity of the overall cement
industry was 10 million tons (excluding National Cement and Ethio-
Cement, which were not operational). This domination could lead to
restrictive trade practices through collusion, market-sharing arrange-
ments, raising prices, or curtailing production. Experiences elsewhere
provide extensive examples of such practices. The US cement industry
(1930 and beyond), the Indian cement industry, Pakistan, and South
Africa are some examples. Conditions that lead to anti-competitive behav-
iour and, to an extent, cartel formation, are high market concentration,
excess capacity, high entry and exit barriers, a collusive history in the
industry, and the role of the industrial association. Most of these factors
appear to fit the Ethiopian cement industry well. Thus, new industrial
policies are now required to prevent undesirable oligopolistic outcomes in
the industry. With the ‘right competition policies’ and government guid-
ance, the oligopolistic market could be turned to more efficient ends,
including lower prices, better quality, and higher productivity. For
instance, in 2011, the per-ton cement price in China and Vietnam, both
low-cost producers, was $53 and $62 respectively. Brazil and the US were
medium-cost producers ($91–$92), while SSA countries were high-cost
producers (Nigeria $223, Angola $250, Ethiopia $175 for Ordinary Port-
land Cement [OPC]). Mugher’s price per ton was ETB 2,900 (dollar
exchange rate was ETB 16.5).

4.4 Cement-construction infrastructure linkages

4.4.1 Construction–cement linkage
This sub-section highlights the powerful linkages and feedback loops
between construction and the cement industry in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian

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construction industry grew by about 13 per cent per annum between 2004
and 2011, exceeding the annual GDP growth rate of nearly 11 per cent. Its
share of the economy expanded from 4.2 per cent in 2000 to 5.8 per cent
in 2011. The building sub-sector has multiple socioeconomic impacts.
First, it employs hundreds of thousands of unskilled and skilled workers,
thereby helping reduce urban unemployment (World Bank 2009c).
According to a CSA survey on construction in 2008–09, there were 1,384
construction firms (Grade 1–6), which employed 252,977 people at peak
times and 171,965 during the slack season. In addition, the producers
of construction materials employed 86,279 persons. This figure may be much
higher since not all smaller firms are registered. According to MOFED
(2012a), the Integrated Housing Development Programme (IHDP) and
urban road construction programme employed 193,000 and 373,800
workers respectively in 2011. Second, it supports and accelerates industri-
alization through cheaper and timely construction of factories. Third, it
contributes to the economical expansion of social infrastructure. Fourth, it
stimulates the manufacture of building materials. Fifth, it contributes to
wealth creation, housing and property development, and promotes savings
and the development of the financial sector. The construction industry can
also play a significant role in generating foreign exchange.

4.4.2 Policy learning through housing development programme

The government-sponsored IHDP demonstrates construction sector/
cement industry dynamics rather well. This programme is part of broader
urban development and is designed to redress the housing shortage,
which is also a hot political issue for most residents, particularly in
Addis Ababa. In the capital, there was an estimated backlog of 450,000
houses in 2005 (AACG 2003), which has increased since because of popu-
lation growth and rural-to-urban migration (UN HABITAT 2010). The
mounting demand for houses necessitated the massive construction of
public housing through IHDP.
The United Nations Human Settlement Program (UN HABITAT 2010)
concludes that the programme is unique in being ‘large-scale and pro-
poor; an integrated approach to housing, slum prevention and economic
development’; as well as in creating ‘access to home ownership’. The
report added that ‘the IHDP is not just a housing programme, but a wealth
generation programme through low-cost housing . . . In light of Ethiopia’s

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

uncoordinated and inefficient housing sector, the Integrated Housing

Development Programme has provided a highly successful tool for afford-
able housing delivery at large scale.’ The IHDP has gone through three
phases: pioneering the programme in Addis Ababa, scaling up, and a
subsequent scaling down. After successful completion of the pilot project,
IHDP went on to construct more than 30,000 houses in Addis Ababa in
the first year. An autonomous agency staffed with a committed and
qualified management team was established. The technical assistance of
an international agency (German Technical Cooperation, GTZ-IS) was
sought for the pilot project, and the city government paid for its services.
Discussions with the public were conducted and 453,000 applicants regis-
tered for the programme. The programme’s popularity and experience
gained during the first phase in Addis Ababa prompted the government
to replicate it in other regional towns. IHDP’s cement consumption
exceeded half a million tons per year, amounting to more than a quarter
of production capacity in the country.
The second phase included the scaling up of the housing programme at
national level. The programme was one of the key priorities in the PASDEP
five-year national development plan, which called for the building of up
to 900,000 houses through both IHDP and private sector initiatives.
Regional institutions were established in four states and in selected
towns. The Ministry of Works and Urban Development (MWUD) spear-
headed the programme.
Other government-sponsored building projects included the construc-
tion of thirty-two public universities, more than 1,000 health centres, and
housing projects for new sugar projects. Financial resources and foreign
exchange were earmarked for IHDP. Through it, more than 150,000
houses were built in sixty-five towns. The cement requirement reached
one million tons per annum, accounting for about half the country’s
production capacity. IHDP, together with other public infrastructure
programmes and private real estate investments, created excess domes-
tic demand for cement. Cement imports thus became necessary (see Table
4.9). In 2011–12, the national programme was scaled back. Meanwhile,
high housing demand in Addis Ababa continues. Potential homeowners
interested in public housing have reached one million (947,376 registered
in 2013 out of which 42 per cent are female). The housing programme
involves several contribution schemes, whereby beneficiaries can contrib-
ute 10, 20, or 40 per cent to reflect and encourage saving.

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Table 4.9. Cement imports 2006–11 (in tons)

Importer 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010/11 Total

Private 306,829 694,362 839,242 – – 1,840,433

Government – 11,000 335,147 821,547 650,000 1,817,694
Total 306,829 705,362 1,174,389 821,547 650,000 3,658,127

Source: MOI (2012b) and MWUD (2010, 2013) (Unpublished)

LINKAGE EFFECTS TO BUILDING MATERIALS MANUFACTURE

The construction boom has boosted the local manufacture of building
materials. Consequently, the first glass factory, ten steel factories (mainly
rebar manufacturers), and fifteen cement factories were built between
2004 and 2012. In the meantime, the construction industry suffered
until domestic cement manufacturers could catch up with growing
demand. Capacity constraints delayed projects by more than a year and
construction costs increased by about 15 per cent (MWUD 2013). The
government used various instruments to tackle cement shortages and
regulate the market (price controls, cement allocations, import permits,
and direct imports by government). The government also intensified
quality controls to curb the sale of sub-standard cement, which had
become a serious concern. It also increased transportation capacity.
Although the effects were limited until local cement production matched
demand in 2012, these measures did enable partial containment of price
hikes created by the cement shortage.

4.4.3 Capacity building and modernization of the

construction industry
A deliberate decision was taken to use public construction programmes to
enhance domestic construction capacity. The housing development pro-
gramme is typical of how government develops the capacity of domestic
contractors, consultants, and small enterprises. The shortage of building
contractors was a critical bottleneck in the housing programme. Modular,
standardized, and economical housing designs, and the innovative appli-
cation of a sub-contracting model fuelled participation by small and
medium contractors. Government eased the entry barrier by revising the
contractors’ licensing requirements to encourage participation by new
and young professionals. It also supported new construction firms with

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government-financed training packages, collateral-free loans, and direct

access to government building contracts. As a result, the number of con-
tractors increased fivefold to more than 2,500. The number of contracting
firms with owners with engineering backgrounds also increased, improv-
ing the technical capacities of the firms (MWUD 2009).
Likewise, the housing programme promoted the development of
domestic architectural and engineering firms. New architects and engin-
eers were registered as consultants, thereby allowing consulting firms to
undertake design, contract administration, and supervision. The increase
in contractors and consultants has intensified competition, changing
the landscape of the construction industry. About 3,000 items of con-
struction and transport machinery were also imported under a govern-
ment-sponsored and subsidized programme to develop contractor and
transport capacity. This included some 1,200 heavy-duty vehicles, 1,000
tippers, 500 wheel-loaders, and more than 150 other pieces of machinery.
The investment required a loan facility of ETB 3 billion. Government
arranged collateral-free loans, with a debt ratio of up to 70 per cent. It
took a lead in carefully preparing specifications and making bulk pur-
chases, thereby saving half the investment cost (MWUD 2010). As this
package was designed and implemented with the participation of con-
struction firms, it helped to boost industry capacity. According to one
firm, government intervention in procurement has increased its annual
savings by up to ETB 30 million. Another advantage associated with these
programmes was the University Capacity Building Programme (UCBP),
which was fully financed by the government with technical support from
GTZ. Local contractors, consultants, project managers, and small enter-
prises were supported through the construction of thirteen universities.
The development of standardized, modular, and economical housing
technology also improved cost efficiency in the construction sector.
According to UN HABITAT (2010: vii), ‘the programme has also built the
capacity of the construction sector, addressed . . . existing slums and . . .
been a significant generator of employment.’
From a policymaking perspective, a different kind of ‘narrow political
margin for failure’, especially after the 2005 elections, shaped policy
design and influenced the effectiveness of implementation. The ruling
party won the 2005 national election but lost Addis Ababa. In 2007, it was
able to win the local election in Addis. These elections revealed the
fragility of the government’s political base and policies in urban areas

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(Simon 2011; EPRDF 2013c). It was a milestone for the ruling party,
prompting it to come up with comprehensive urban economic, social,
and governance packages (MWUD 2007). Youth frustration at the lack of
employment was critical, making the housing programme and the devel-
opment of micro/small enterprises central to urban development pro-
grammes. Government interventions to develop the construction
industry and improve cement transportation were both policy- and polit-
ics-induced. These linkages were not fostered sooner, since the direct
effect of the transportation bottleneck was not felt. Transport shortages
were a critical obstacle to the politically important housing programme.
This underscored the linkage dynamics and compelled federal and
regional government agencies to act collectively to improve coordination.
Private sector collaboration and participation was also key to the success
of the programme (in construction, building material manufacturing, and
transportation). In a way, this demonstrates a propensity for ‘anti-fragility’
(Taleb 2012) in Ethiopian policymaking, that is, the ability to resolve
conflicts and policy contradictions, sometimes pre-empting them before
a crisis emerges. This anti-fragility had significant effects in developing
the cement industry.

4.4.4 Infrastructure development: energy and transport

Infrastructure development is a key determinant of manufacturing sector
growth. In particular, the large-scale cement industry depends on the
growth of infrastructure. Cement manufacturers unanimously agree on
this. The cement industry in turn contributes to infrastructure growth
through added demand for improved services (to address shortages of
power, disruptions, and quality issues); and by manufacturing industrial
goods used in construction. Energy supply and bulk transport services are
the most critical inputs for the cement industry. In fact, the cement
industry and power sector interlock.
The Ethiopian government has invested massively in the development of
roads. For instance, in 2013 the federal government allocated 27 per cent of
its budget to roads. In addition, in 2010 Ethiopia began construction of an
extensive electrified railway network covering more than 5,000 km. This
network has eight corridors, including corridors to Djibouti, Kenya, Sudan,
and South Sudan. The project costs more than $15 billion, with China,
India, Turkey, and Brazil (in process) providing part of the financing.

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

3,000 1,395
Energy Consumption in GWH

1,236
2,500 1,105 1,108
970
921
2,000
793
688 716 601
1,500 636 577 545 467
547 518 532 542 469 427
1,000 388
274 256 270 263 332 315 365

500 795
660
501 494 560 642
406
- 273 262 262 279 304 373 350
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003

HV Industries cosumption LV Industries consumption

Total industrial consumption

Figure 4.3. Growth of industrial energy consumption (in Ethiopian Calendar)

Source: EEPCO 2012

In addition to inputs such as coal, heavy fuel oil (HFO), and pet coke,
the uninterrupted supply of electricity is a necessary condition for cement
manufacture. In Ethiopia, electricity generation increased from 370 MW
in 1992 to more than 2,179 MW in 2011 (Figure 4.3). With the comple-
tion of fourteen ongoing projects, generation capacity will increase nearly
fivefold to 10,000 MW (EEPCO 2012). Ethiopia’s electricity tariffs are
cheaper than those in many African countries, including Mauritius (by
35 per cent), Kenya (37 per cent), and Uganda (66 per cent). Ethiopia also
has huge hydropower capacity, one of the cheapest and cleanest sources
of energy. This power could be exported to neighbouring countries, con-
tributing to regional economic integration.

4.4.5 Summary
The observations above on the development of linkages underscore a
number of points on the role of policy. First, incentives seem to have
had an effect on investment, particularly duty-free importation, tax holi-
days, repatriation of generated profits in foreign exchange, and provision
of land and quarries, etc. It is highly unlikely investments would have
been forthcoming without these incentives. Yet they were not sufficient
on their own. Market demand had also to expand to trigger investment in

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the cement industry. Government incentives—or ‘intermediate assets’—

were also costly. For instance, significant long-term industrial financing
had to be provided because of the gigantic scale of the new projects in the
cement sector. This drained the government’s limited capital (and foreign
exchange) resources, which were also needed to support other industries.
It should also be emphasized that the use of a public development bank to
support industrial policy is rare in SSA, though such banks are more
common in Asian and Latin American countries.
Second, there is an art to adjusting policies in the face of changing
circumstances. Amsden and Chu (2003) emphasize that the role of the
state changes as industrial policies are upgraded to meet changing require-
ments during each stage of industrialization. In light of the prevailing
domestic oversupply of cement, government has abandoned investment
incentives and even prohibited new FDI in the industry. The incentives
may have outlasted their usefulness through time. However, prohibiting
investment in the industry altogether has been overhasty. Such decisions
might be justifiable if all the relevant information was available. The
potential effect of this rash decision is compounded when we consider
that cement exports were not given serious consideration. Structuralist
perspectives highlight the strategic importance of exports to growth and
economic transformation: exporting is the only ‘true component’ that
comes from outside the economic system, where demand is therefore
autonomous and can cover required imports, such as capital goods crucial
to growth (Thirlwall 2002). Moreover, the current state of the industry
seems to bring larger issues to the forefront. On one hand, a strong interest
group emerged as a result of the promotion of the cement industry, and
the industry’s strategic importance in the growth of the construction
sector and indirect employment creation increased. On the other, there
is a question about the strategic primacy of the sector, given its limited
contribution to foreign exchange earnings and dependence on imported
machinery. Will the power of the interest group or simple policy inertia
prevent flexibility or adjustments in the selection of strategic priorities?
It is clear that powerful foreign industrial interests have moved into Ethi-
opian cement, and it may be difficult to resist their control, given inter-
national cartels, economies of scale, and technological advantages. The
critical question is whether this matters at this stage. What is the thinking
on this? What are the institutional mechanisms? The government still has

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Mugher and Messebo to guide the industry, and its role as a major con-
sumer of cement gives it some advantages in influencing the industry. Yet,
the industry clearly requires new policies and institutions.
This sector shows that in an age of privatization, the Ethiopian govern-
ment has not simply held on to some SOEs but actively sought to use
them as key tools in industrial strategy. Governments play a central role
by developing innovative institutions that overcome market barriers and
mobilize and concentrate capital investment. The main role of institu-
tions in latecomer states is as ‘functional substitutes’ to mobilize resources
and to deploy them to capital-intensive projects. Reflecting this develop-
mental approach is the government’s decision not to privatize but expand
Mugher Cement between 2006 and 2011 with an investment outlay of
$150 million, thereby tripling the company’s capacity to 2.3 million tons
and ensuring it a 20 per cent market share in Ethiopia. Moreover, the
Council of Ministers has agreed to restructure Mugher into a much bigger
conglomerate, the Ethiopian Chemical Corporation, which would prod-
uce building materials, fertilizers, and chemical products. Messebo
Cement was EFFORT’s first industrial project and EFFORT has also
expanded Messebo’s capacity to 2.3 million tons. This strategy is fully in
line with government policy, and its investment focused on the northern
region of Tigray. Again, this affirms government’s interest in maintaining
its presence and playing a direct role in the industry.
Moreover, fundamental to the growth of the cement industry was the
growth of the construction industry. The latter, in turn, was shaped by
government policy. Current demand constraints could put the industry in
a precarious position. Broader policies that stimulate domestic demand
through the expansion of construction and (more modest) promotion of
exports, are necessary for the sustained growth of the cement industry.
Policies that foster productivity improvements in line with global bench-
marks are also critical. In addition, we are witnessing the growing import-
ance of large corporations, which are playing a role as national champions
in the development of the industry. The Ethiopian manufacturing sector
is dominated by small and medium enterprises, and historically large
corporations have played an insignificant role. In view of increased eco-
nomic globalization, economies of scale, and the ‘global business revolu-
tion’ (Nolan 2003, 2012), developing countries (including Ethiopia) also
need larger corporate entities.

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4.5 Industrial policy in the cement industry

This section reviews government policies and policy instruments in the

industry more broadly, and focuses on direct instruments. There is no
evidence to suggest selective targeting prior to 2002. Nevertheless, the
cement industry was positioned as a priority in the IDSE of 2002 (FDRE
2002) and the PASDEP and GTP five-year plans. According to the latter:
‘This result [the gap between actual production of 1.7 million tons and the
PASDEP target of 4.7 million tons] suggests the need to increase the
production and supply capacity of cement in order to meet the needs of
the fast growing construction industry’ (MOFED 2012b).

4.5.1 Investment promotion and incentives

The investment promotion policy in the cement industry involves FDI
and domestic actors, incentives, and access to mining resources. Since the
first investment proclamation of 1992, the sector has been open to foreign
investors. However, it was only after domestic consumption expanded to
create excess demand that FDI entered the sector. The incentives to
investors included a tax holiday on profits of up to three years, and a
loss carry-forward benefit. Investors could import equipment and machin-
ery and up to 15 per cent of spare parts duty-free. Moreover, expatriates
were exempted from income tax for two years. In September 2012, a new
law was passed reserving investment in cement production to domestic
investors. It also reduced the investment incentives, in particular the
profit-tax holiday. In general, this move reflects the diminishing relevance
of investment incentives to the cement industry.
Third, government facilitated access to factory land and quarries for
limestone, gypsum, clay, and pumice, among others. Factory land was
made available at giveaway prices (between ETB 10 and 25 per square
metre, depending on location) on long-term lease arrangements. In
most cases, the price of land barely exceeded the cost of compensation
to the relocated farmers. The quarries were also available nearby (mostly
within a radius of 25 km), in particular for clay and limestone, which
account for 80 per cent of inputs. The federal Ministry of Mines (MOM)
provides exploration and mining licences to foreign investors, while
domestic investors get them from regional mining agencies. A total of
twenty-seven mining licences and thirty-eight exploration licences were

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given (at a very low rate) during this period (MOM 2012). Government
royalties per cubic metre of limestone, clay, gypsum, and pumice are ETB
4.29, ETB 4.01, ETB 7.50, and ETB 12.48 respectively (Mugher 2013). The
major input into OPC is limestone and pumice.
Fourth, the government is the sole provider of electricity, and this
energy-intensive industry has enjoyed tariffs that are among the lowest
in SSA and other developing countries. The tariff was $0.043 per kilowatt
hour (KWH) in 2008, compared to $0.02–0.46 in SSA, and $0.05–0.1
in other developing countries (UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011; Mugher 2013;
EEPCO 2012). The recent tariff is $0.039 per KWH, and Ethiopia entirely
relies on renewable energy, in particular hydropower.
Investment promotion has attracted more than 100 investors into the
sector, especially after 2003 (Table 4.10). Only 2 per cent of the invest-
ment was registered before 2002, while the investment flow became
significant after the construction boom and cement shortage became
evident. By July 2012, the number of investors involved in actual imple-
mentation and operational phases exceeded twenty. Twelve of these were
mini-cement plants (with less than half a million tons annual production
capacity and using VSK), while the remainder were medium and large
cement factories.
The incentives have eased the financial burden on investors and
improved their profitability by reducing investment costs. This was a
significant advantage, since cement factories have to operate at reduced
capacity for the first few years of production. Nonetheless, expansion of
the domestic market was the prime reason for investing in the sector. In
addition to political stability, the growth of the domestic cement market
was the most important factor in the increased investment after 2002.
Prior to that date, the domestic market was weak and investment in the
industry was low. By 2012, according to the CEO of Pretoria Portland,

Table 4.10. Summary of investment certificates for cement industry

Period Cement manufacture Cement products manufacture Total

Firms % Firms % Firms %

1992–2002 (ten years) 2 2 40 22 42 11

2003–2012 (ten years) 101 98 239 78 340 89
1992–2012 103 100 279 100 382 100

Source: Own computation from unpublished FIA data, August 2012

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Made in Africa

South Africa’s major cement manufacturer, ‘the country’s current invest-

ment plans, combined with one of the fastest growing cement demands in
Africa, makes us extremely confident about the sustainability and growth
of this investment.’1
It is difficult to weigh the value of the substantial resources committed
by government, in a context of extreme macroeconomic constraint and
the relatively high opportunity cost of subsidizing this industry, vis-à-vis
the effect of the stimulus. Cement production would probably have
expanded, perhaps at a slower rate, without such intervention, and with
the foreign-dominated ownership common to low-income countries. The
government’s policy represents a classic, centralized use of rent to encour-
age the strategic development of a sector, but at the risk of rent dissipation
among mini-plants, eventual oversupply, drain on foreign exchange, etc.
Another issue relates to the GTP, which targeted tenfold growth in five
years. This proved to be grossly unrealistic, and was not founded on a
careful market study by government. In 2012, new and existing cement
factories faced market problems, and they had to operate below one-third
of capacity. Government decided to halt new investment and to suspend
or slow projects that were at an early stage. Questions arise as to whether
this was necessary in the absence of full knowledge of the cement market,
and such a decision should be based on a longer term perspective. It is also
noteworthy that implementation of the investment policies was relatively
easy, and required no complex administrative capacity.

4.5.2 Industrial financing of cement industry

Cement requires large investment outlays and long-term financing. The
government has used three, apparently successful, financing instruments
to support the industry. The major mechanism was long-term DBE loans,
and when necessary, co-financing through CBE. In addition, government
used industrial development financing for Mugher Cement, and foreign
equity and debt financing for foreign investors.

1
<http://www.cemnet.com/News/story/150263/south-africa-s-ppc-invests-in-ethiopian-cement-
firm.html>.

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

DBE INVESTMENT FINANCING

The main source of long-term financing was DBE. It provided fifteen-
year loans at a subsidized interest rate (about 5 per cent), and financed
up to 70 per cent of the investment requirement without collateral.
In terms of allocation, cement was a top priority (DBE 2009, 2012a). A
quarter of loans for manufacturing were directed to the cement industry
(Table 4.11). Moreover, half of the six largest borrowers and a third
of loans exceeding the single-borrower limit were in cement. DBE has
so far financed Messebo, Derba, National Cement, and Habesha, which
have a total capacity of 7.5 million tons. CBE has participated in co-
financing, providing working capital and an international banking ser-
vice (opening letter of credit). It has also acted as a channel for Exim
Bank of China loans to Mugher Cement. The major constraints were
the difficulty borrowers had in mobilizing their equity satisfactorily,
the single-borrower limit, and the banks’ capacity to mobilize sufficient
resources.

INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT FUND AND FOREIGN

EQUITY FINANCING
The Industrial Development Fund (IDF) was designed to finance SOE
expansion, and to be replenished from the profits of public enterprises.
All public enterprises can retain a maximum of 15 per cent of corporate
incomes. Mugher Cement Enterprise has benefited from this scheme,
receiving ETB 700 million. Some foreign-owned investments have

Table 4.11. Industrial sub-sector loans above 1 per cent of total portfolio (in ETB)

Manufacturing sub-sectors No. of Total portfolio Total portfolio % share from total
loans including excluding loan portfolio with
comm. bal. comm. bal. comm. bal.

Textile industry 32 4,994,845,112 3,618,933,985 29.56

Non-metallic manufacture: 16 3,816,033,665 3,261,478,706 22.59
Cement
Chemicals and chemical 22 668,583,821 530,628,318 3.96
product industry
Leather and leather products 21 465,425,456 412,883,257 2.75
industry
Food industry 214 458,803,339 431,980,303 2.72
Beverage industry 7 410,370,887 381,208,559 2.43
Total 312 10,814,062,280 8,637,113,128 64.01

Note: Commitment balance means loans approved but not disbursed fully or partly. Such balance is always there for
projects under implementation.
Source: DBE (2012b), loan portfolio concentration report, 31 December 2011

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Made in Africa

accessed foreign loans that occasionally need government clearance or

consent. The International Finance Corporation (IFC), African Develop-
ment Bank (AfDB), and European Investment Bank (EIB) participated in
financing Derba Cement. The China-African Development Fund (CADF),
Exim Bank of China, and the South African Industrial Development
Cooperation (IDC) were additional participants.

FOREIGN EXCHANGE
The major devaluation in June 2010 of the ETB had a negative effect on
cement production. This was due to its coincidence with project imple-
mentation, and the heavy dependence on imported heavy machinery.
The cost increase amounted to some 20–25 per cent. Firms state that it
disrupted their cash flows, increased investment costs, and forced renego-
tiation of loans. This is a typical dilemma in industrial policy, where
governments choose a specific policy critical to the survival and growth
of one industry, but which has the opposite effect on another.

4.5.3 Mixed results in skills development

Clearly, government has played a central role in the development of this
sector as a major buyer and direct industrial player. It helped kick-start the
industry. It helped stabilize the market-stabilizing role. What has been less
remarked upon is the fact that the cement SOEs helped accelerate growth
by generating positive external economies in terms of expertise, experi-
ence, knowledge, and skill. New cement projects used the expertise of ex-
SOE staff during project implementation and to operate. As the CEO of
Pretoria Portland remarked of Habesha: ‘I have been impressed with the
professionalism of Habesha management and their advisors. They have
significant experience in the cement industry and we have already built
great relationships.’ SOEs also assisted by way of training, laboratory
testing, etc. for newly established factories.
However, there have been serious missed opportunities in technological
and skills development. In many developing countries, the cement indus-
try is considered an intermediate or heavy industry, with large economies
of scale and capital intensity, and requiring professional management.
Project design, implementation, and operation are complex, requiring
investment capabilities. A number of countries have used this industry as
a springboard for late industrialization and to develop their technological

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capabilities. Korea is one such, with Hyundai in particular reckoned a

success. Hyundai not only successfully pioneered the local cement indus-
try, but also used exports for developing technological capabilities in the
1960s. Chung Ju-yung, founder and, until his death in 2001, chairman,
established the first cement plants in the early 1960s, before diversifying
into the motor industry (late 1960s), heavy industry (including the biggest
shipbuilding yard, at Ulsan), electronics, aerospace, defence, steel, etc. The
investment capability developed during the construction of the cement
factories was transferred to construction works and to building cement
projects on a turnkey basis (Amsden 1989; Studwell 2013).
In China, after the late 1980s the growth of the cement industry was
integrated into a strategy to increase asset concentration and economies
of scale. More importantly, China developed the capacity to design
cement plants and manufacture equipment, and enhanced its capacity
to build cement factories on a turnkey basis and to undertake innovative
research in the cement industry. The two largest Chinese technology and
machinery suppliers are CNBC and Sinoma International. They have
increased economical kiln capacity to 10,000 tons per day (the biggest
size currently). All the major new cement factories in Ethiopia are being
built by Chinese manufacturers including Derba Cement, Messebo
Cement, Mugher Cement, National Cement, and Dangote. The growing
domestic market, coupled with appropriate policy, enabled China to
become the powerhouse of the global cement industry. In Ethiopia, the
government arguably missed an opportunity to use the growing domestic
market to develop the country’s technological capability, although there
were pioneering examples from which government and industry could
have drawn positive lessons (see below).

DEVELOPMENT OF INVESTMENT CAPABILITIES

One case that demonstrates the role of the government in the develop-
ment of technological capabilities is investment capability. According to
Amsden (2001), technological capability requires production capability,
investment capability, and innovation capability. Investment capability
involves personal training, pre-investment feasibility studies, project
management, project engineering, procurement, embodiment in physical
capital, and operational start-up. Investment capability is critical to redu-
cing project costs and time and to meeting project aims. It can also
improve a firm’s future competitiveness and productivity. Such capacity

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enables future projects to be effectively managed, and enhances the

country’s domestic capacity to implement major projects.
Both Korea and Japan used various policy instruments to develop
technological capabilities, such as local content requirements, guidance
in selection of technology, prohibiting turnkey projects, giving preference
to the breaking down of technologies, equipment, and activities. In Ethi-
opia, development of technological capabilities was not pursued. First,
there was no local content requirement to encourage local manufacturing.
As the major financier of the cement projects, the government had the
influence to insist on this requirement.
Second, almost all major projects (Derba, Messebo, and Mugher)
adopted a turnkey approach, and were unable to develop their investment
capabilities. The incentives and instruments were not designed to pro-
mote learning (technological capabilities) and learning rents were not
made available. National Cement adopted a non-turnkey approach. The
owner established his own project office and hired a foreign consulting
firm. He sub-contracted the civil and electro-mechanical work to a Chin-
ese contractor and procured equipment from China. He claims to have
saved a quarter of the investment cost by this means. He is also involved
in developing a coal mine with other partners: this is at an early stage. In a
different context, Messebo built its first factory without adopting a turn-
key model, and completed construction within twenty-four months
(1998–2000). It also used a local industrial equipment manufacturer to
manufacture some machinery locally, which also reduced costs (for
instance, transportation). A local consulting firm (in a joint venture with
an Indian firm) also supervised the project. During the second-phase
expansion of Messebo (2008–11), which used a turnkey model, project
execution took about thirty months, thereby showing that the turnkey
mode does not necessarily guarantee success. Project promoters of many
mini-cement plants also built the factories themselves without adopting
the turnkey approach. Where they did use that approach, they did so
primarily to avoid delays and minimize risks (see Table 4.12). This vividly
illustrates how the lack of appropriate policy and institutions to promote
technological capabilities leads to failure in developing a critical industry.
Knowledge acquired and experiences gained even through isolated initia-
tives were lost (for example, a local equipment manufacturer, MIE, which
developed some experience in manufacturing cement-making equipment
in 1998–99 did not sustain its first initiative).

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Table 4.12. Turnkey model choice

Response Frequency Per cent

To minimize risk 3 23.1

To optimized project investment 2 15.4
To avoid delay 4 30.8
Lack of experience in cement industry 3 23.1
To make easy project management 1 7.7
Total 13 100

Note: Some responses are tallied more than once.

Source: Oqubay (2012)

Third, government failed to guide the selection of technology, and firms

did not benefit from collective action, which would have been more
favourable to government. Because of this, project execution took longer,
with increased costs; and domestic project-execution capacity did not
develop. One example of the failure to guide technology selection is the
missed opportunity to introduce coal conversion technology, which is
related to the introduction of coal as a source of fuel. Even the state-owned
Mugher firm failed to incorporate this technology during its expansion.
Contrary to the neoclassical assertion that technology is a freely available
shelf item, in developing or late-industrializing countries, technological
supply is plagued by profound constraints. It typically takes state inter-
ventions to circumvent these constraints. Such interventions include
developing technological infrastructure, skill formation, and promoting
in-firm technological capabilities (Lall 2003; Amsden 2001; Rodrik 2011).
Choice of kiln capacity could have been improved with collective action
and state guidance. Similarly, government guidance would have helped
mini-cement plants improve technology imports. Instead, they imported
inefficient, poor-quality equipment, which frequently broke down.
Downtime was high and plants operated at less than a third of capacity.
Joint support in technology selection could also have promoted an asso-
ciation of mini-cement plant investors.
Government’s failure in this respect lies primarily in the lack of long-
term perspective on the cement industry and of a clear institutional and
policy framework for building technological capability. There was no
comprehensive plan focused on the long-range development of the indus-
try, other than the general five-year plan. The latter was mainly concerned
with increasing output, not technological development or improving the
industry’s productivity and competiveness. This also relates to the lack of

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emphasis on technological guidance. The presence of a strong agency to

lead the sector and of an industrial association might have helped.

4.6 Industrial policymaking: Policy instruments

and institutions

It is hoped that the wide-ranging aspects of policymaking raised in pre-

ceding sections provide a comprehensive perspective on the political
economy of the Ethiopian cement industry. Additional issues, in particu-
lar institutions and industrial policy, policy responses to energy use, and
industry regulations are examined in this section. Discussion of these
issues may provide additional insights into policymaking.

4.6.1 Institutions and industrial policy in cement industry

In several ways, bureaucratic constraints and coordination difficulties
have weakened policy effectiveness.

INTERMEDIARY INSTITUTIONS
There was and is no association of cement manufacturers. Dialogue
between government and manufacturers was not institutionally sup-
ported, and infrequent and informal consultations were the norm. This
is puzzling, given the role of industrial associations in many countries.
Seemingly, however, this did not significantly constrain the growth of the
sector for many reasons. First, the SOE had a monopoly until 2000, and
until 2005 there were only two firms, both closely affiliated with govern-
ment. Therefore, they enjoyed direct and indirect access to policymakers
and government agencies. It also seems government tolerated the firms,
and collected rent on their monopolistic position. This policy was driven
by the government’s interest in expanding the sector and minimizing
DBE’s risk (cement manufacturers had to repay loans acquired before
2000 and new loans for expansion). The companies’ profit margins
exceeded 20 per cent throughout the period. The large size and influence
of the major players (private and public) seems to have facilitated their
direct access to policymakers and government agencies after 2005.

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COORDINATING AND SUPPORT INSTITUTIONS

Multiple institutions are involved in implementing industrial policy in
this sector, such as DBE, MOI (through FIA and the Chemical Directorate),
MWUD, MOM, and MOFED. In addition, service providers, in particular
the Ethiopian Electricity Power Coroporation (EEPCO), played a key role
in the sector’s development. The Ethiopian Petroleum Corporation (EPC)
also played a role as the sole provider of HFO throughout this period, and
in 2012, of coal imports. Moreover, influenced by experience in the export
sector, in 2011 a high-level National Committee for Import Substitution,
Construction, and Employment Creation (NCISEC) was established.
Chaired by the late prime minister, its members included MOI and Min-
istry of Construction and Urban Development (MUDC, MWUD’s succes-
sor), among others. The committee took important decisions in relation to
the cement industry, such as making the use of coal compulsory. In
contrast to the NECC, it was, however, far from successful. Apparently,
there is insufficient clarity on the body’s role and agenda. Some of the
topics related to export activity fall under NECC, while others fall under
infrastructure development (another committee). The decision was made
in late 2012 to incorporate import-substitution industries (cement and
steel, pharmaceuticals, food processing, and beverages) into the NECC
agenda. This will allow for better coordination and a clearer focus on the
manufacturing sector.
The Chemical Directorate of the Ministry of Industry serves this sector
as well as pharmaceutical and other chemical projects, and has a staff of
sixteen junior professionals. This team lacked the skills and knowledge to
support the cement industry. This has mattered in particular in market/
demand analysis and forecasts, as well as in project implementation,
including the introduction of coal conversion. Recently, government,
recognizing the institutional gap, has established a new institute for the
building materials, manufacturing, and chemical industries.
Firms indicate that dealing with government offices was a major hin-
drance, although with fewer implications than for sectors where smaller
firms dominate (Table 4.13). Despite this, most firms maintain that hori-
zontal coordination among federal agencies was better than vertical
coordination among federal, regional, and local administrations. The
small number of players in the industry, the size of the firms, and the
established contacts with government were probably important. In add-
ition, cement plants require less service from the public administration

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Made in Africa

Table 4.13. Management time spent in handling government-related issues

Management time (%) Number of firms Per cent

≤15 5 31.25
16–30 6 37.50
>30 5 31.25
Total 16 100.00

Source: Oqubay (2012)

than export-oriented sectors, which require customs clearance, import

and export permits, tax refunds, etc.

4.6.2 Policy response in energy provision and energy efficiency

For the energy-intense cement industry, energy is a strategic issue. A key
issue for the industry is energy utilization and the efficient burning of raw
materials. This is the single biggest cost to cement factories. It also has a
significant effect on foreign currency savings. Thus, the cement industry is
dependent on the continuous flow of energy, which affects the quality
and cost of the products. The sector cannot expand where the energy
infrastructure is inadequate or the power supply unreliable. Despite the
government’s commitment to invest in energy infrastructure, the energy
supply continues to be a binding constraint on the cement industry.
Globally, cement factories use coal as the major fuel source. For instance,
in the US, coal’s share is 67 per cent, followed by 14 per cent for pet coke
and 1 per cent for HFO. Energy costs amount to only 25–30 per cent in
developed countries, but are as high as 50 per cent in developing coun-
tries. Ethiopia’s industrial energy intensity (measured by ton of oil equiva-
lent per $1,000 of MVA) rose by 65 per cent between 1990 and 2008 (from
1.989 in 1990 to 3.275 in 2008). Vietnam, China, and Pakistan reduced
their energy costs by 17, 65, and 28 per cent respectively in 2008 (Vietnam
0.928, China 0.791, and Pakistan 0.953).
Energy costs include the cost of electricity and of burning materials. In
terms of electricity, 94 per cent of firms surveyed confirmed they were
adversely affected by power interruptions. About three-quarters of firms
stated that power shortages had significantly affected them, particularly
during plant construction. Moreover, 90 per cent of firms emphasized that
the electricity supply had a delaying effect on the commissioning of
cement plants. Lost production days due to power shortages and

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

Table 4.14. Lost revenue due to power shortages (Mugher

Cement Factory)

Year Lost production days Lost production and revenue

In tons In ETB

1998 9 20,160 9,160,704

1999 7 15,680 7,124,992
2000 27 60,480 30,149,280
2001 1 1,859 986,943
2002 8 17,920 10,571,008
2003 13 29,120 17,177,888
2004 1 2,016 1,383,379
2005 0.3 717 492,005
2006 0.3 650 663,910
2007 0.3 605 617,947
2008 45 100,800 156,240,000
2009 119 266,963 517,240,812
2010 42 93,542 190,591,825
2011 97 217,280 638,803,200
2012 5 11,021 23,695,150
Total 375 838,813 1,604,899,043

Note: Lost revenue is based on ex-factory. 2012 involves only nine months.
Source: Mugher Cement Enterprise records (2012). Figures are rounded.

disruptions range from 60 to 400 working days. Table 4.14 shows that
revenues lost by a cement SOE to power shortages were significant.
The National Committee on Import Substitution, Construction, and
Employment Creation decided that cement factories must shift to pet
coke and gradually to coal. The decision focused on the use of imported
coal and an ultimate shift to domestic coal. This policy was driven by
foreign currency savings rather than full appreciation of linkage dynam-
ics. A comprehensive policy package could have led to the development of
a strong coal mining industry. Before this policy decision was made, a
study was conducted by experts from EPC, which was to import coal and
pet coke (replacing the HFO imports), MOM, MOI, and cement firms. This
effort by government to make a study and engage stakeholders was posi-
tive, but it also shows that policymaking was ad hoc. But which agency is
responsible for energy provision and efficiency and can champion them?
Most survey respondents agree that energy is the biggest component of
their costs and support coal conversion. However, they are concerned the
change was initiated without sufficient preparation.
Factories that had bought new plants prior to this decision (including
the SOE), were not advised to procure coal conversion technology. This

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Made in Africa

lack of guidance suggests either government shortsightedness or compla-

cency in directing technological capabilities during procurement and
project implementation, especially as thermal energy is the norm in
most cement-producing countries.
This lack of planning and agency could be one reason the coal conver-
sion policy has faced impediments during implementation. Despite
favourable attitudes, only a few firms readily adopted the technology.
Thus, although government imported coal for cement firms, half of
them needed extra finance and time (12–18 months) to equip their fac-
tories with the conversion technology. Mugher’s higher energy costs are
related to older plants and the use of HFO rather than coal. When this
survey was conducted, anthracite was not being imported for mini-
cement plants.
In sum, the government’s commitment and plan to develop the elec-
tricity sector was an important strategic response that facilitated growth
and expansion in the cement industry. It is impossible to imagine this
growth without development of the energy sector. In addition, with
political commitment and the right policies, it should have led to success-
ful backward linkages to the local coal industry. It should be noted that in
this case industrial policymaking failed by not inducing new activities
and industries. The initiative to introduce coal use was not taken by
the lead agency or MOI, but by some of the individuals involved. Even
then, government did not pick up the issue, or persistently pursue its
implementation.

4.6.3 Coping with market challenges: Shortages and

excess capacity
The cement industry has faced recurrent vicissitudes over the last two
decades. The market was more or less stable until 2004. However, both
market and government were caught by surprise when critical shortages of
cement occurred in 2005, which lasted until 2010. Again, both market
and government appeared ill-prepared when the industry suddenly
experienced excess supply and productive capacity in 2011. The policy
responses are documented below. Four instruments were used: price
control, product allocation, import licences, and direct imports by
government.

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

PRICE CONTROL
Price control was enforced to stabilize the price of cement. For instance,
the SOE had to get government approval for any price increases during the
period 1992–2005. After 2005, MoTI introduced a price control mechan-
ism for Messebo and Mugher factories during the period of shortage. More
than twenty price increments were approved between 2005 and 2010. The
price control did not focus on the small cement plants, whose market
share was only 10 per cent. Price controls helped to contain costs on
government projects, but did nurture rent-seeking in various forms.
Cement traders exploited the shortages and benefited through specula-
tion. Various administrative measures were taken, but had limited results.
The two cement factories used every loophole to gain an unfair advantage
from these practices. One cement factory sold in retail outlets at a higher
price through its sister company. Cement was also resold at higher prices,
resulting in two parallel markets. Various forms of leakage were widely
reported (MWUD 2009). Price control was lifted in 2011, when produc-
tion exceeded demand.

PRODUCT ALLOCATION
Allocation of cement products was prioritized: the first priority was the
housing development programme; second were the infrastructure pro-
grammes; and third private sector firms, in particular major manufactur-
ers. Allocation was also necessary to optimize transport costs: allocations
were based on proximity. MWUD, which coordinated all housing and
building projects (2006–10), made allocation decisions. Allocations gave
rise to contention and controversy, as supply and demand never matched.
While this policy helped direct critical input to priority public and private
construction projects, it prompted rent-seeking activities too. For
example, some contractors and businesses that received priority alloca-
tions resold the cement at higher prices (MWUD 2009). This is one of the
commonest rent seeking practices, whereby people collect rent from their
permits without paying a penny,2 and is a good example of the economic
behaviour identified in Kornai’s (1980) work on shortage economies (see
also Lindbeck 2007).

2
In Amharic,

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Made in Africa

IMPORT PERMITS
When demand outstripped domestic production, the government
decided to import cement for the first time. The cement industry had
always been protected by an import ban rather than an import tariff.
Government first gave an import licence to a single corporation, which
seemed to have the institutional capacity, finance, and foreign exchange
and had close ties with the ruling party. To the embarrassment of the
government, this initiative ended in fiasco when the corporation failed to
import on time. Then, under a new directive, import licences were issued
to those engaged in trade and construction on a franco-valuta basis.3
Franco-valuta can have an indirect impact on the foreign currency market.
In the face of increased black market activity, a normal process of opening
a letter of credit replaced the franco-valuta arrangement. Even this strata-
gem proved ineffective, given the difficulty of controlling the importers’
source of foreign exchange, and was abandoned.

DIRECT IMPORTS
The government, persuaded by increased requests for import licences,
finally made the political decision to directly import cement through
MWUD. Sufficient foreign currency was allocated on a priority basis.
MWUD set up a logistics project office to implement this scheme. Later,
the project office became an important mechanism for capacity building
among transporters and construction firms. All the government agencies
involved, including MOFED, MoTI, the Ethiopian Revenue and Customs
Authority (ERCA), Ethiopian Standards and Quality Authority (ESQA),
Ethiopian Shipping Lines (ESL), and CBE enhanced their coordination
efforts under the ministry. Contact with the international cement trade
following the decision to import was an eye-opener for government and
the domestic construction industry. Sourcing cement from Pakistan
proved the best procurement strategy. For instance, the Karachi free on
board (FOB) price of Pakistani cement was $53 per ton, and landed cost at
Djibouti $80 in 2010. The cement price in Ethiopia had surpassed ETB
3,000 ($200 based on 2010 exchange rates), although this figure had
dropped to $100–120 in 2013. This price disparity between imported
and domestic cement does raise questions about the decision to back

3
Franco-valuta means using one’s own foreign exchange to import cement, as opposed to the
ordinary practice of using official foreign currency.

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 Uneven Development in an Import-Substitution Industry

this sector, given the large volume of scarce resources allocated to it. But
the dynamics are more important and complex, and the price is gradually
dropping. For the first time, government was also able to gain experience
in handling and shipping a perishable commodity. The coal-use norm in
Pakistan appears to add to the pressure on government to adopt this
technique. Imports were allocated primarily to government projects, and
were sold through the government wholesale agency, MEWIT. The agency
was not known for its high performance, but played its designated role
thanks to close supervision by MWUD. The transport shortage was solved
by importing more than 1,200 heavy trucks, which were allocated to
transport operators under an open bid system.
In 2011, government and cement manufacturers were again taken by
surprise by the excess capacity, accentuated by the fact that all major
factories commenced production at the same time. Government was not
prepared to give guidance through export promotion or by stimulating
the domestic market. Its immediate response was to ban new investments,
suspend investment loans, and slow ongoing projects in the early stages of
construction. The decision was an immediate reaction based on nervous-
ness, rather than on comprehensive understanding of market conditions.
This experience shows that industrial policy in Ethiopia is a work in
progress. What has been unique in Ethiopia is the willingness of govern-
ment to change course when things go wrong without having to incur
additional transaction costs.

4.7 Conclusions

This chapter has shown, first, that the cement industry has responded to
rapid growth in the construction industry. Despite some mismatches with
demand, the Ethiopian cement industry has now grown such that Ethi-
opia has become the third largest cement producer in SSA. This is mainly
attributable to public policy (incentives, credit, housing and infrastructure
development, etc.). The tensions/trade-offs are noteworthy, in particular
between foreign exchange constraints and the allocation of scarce
resources to promote an important industry, as well as the mixed results
of policy.
Second, shifts in the industrial structure are marked by an ownership
pattern that is dominated by domestic public and quasi-public enterprises,

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Made in Africa

and is different from the patterns in other SSA countries. Domestic firms
still play an important part, although the role of FDI has increased. This
pattern is partly the result of deliberate policy choice.
Third, the incentives yielded different outcomes, some more effective
than others. Incentives alone are not sufficient, but when the key factor—
demand—reached or exceeded a certain level, the incentives triggered
investment in cement to such an extent that the government had to
abandon them. Indirect policies in housing and infrastructure develop-
ment played crucial roles in the expansion of domestic demand and,
consequently, the cement industry.
Fourth, there have been no deliberate, comprehensive policies to
develop the technological capabilities of the industry and individual
firms. Such efforts as there were, were fragmented, short-lived, and inef-
fective. Moreover, the failure of policies to enhance domestic competition
and expose firms to exporting appears to have contributed to the low
competitiveness and productivity of the Ethiopian cement industry.
Nonetheless, the cement industry has performed as a binding agent,
albeit flawed, of economic development and transformation in multiple
ways. The evidence suggests that the industry has been a partial transform-
ational player in economic development. This industry has the potential
to positively influence the development of heavy industry. The organiza-
tional capabilities of emerging large corporations have the potential to
make them national champions. Government policies were the key
drivers of the transformation of the cement industry, and its expansion
was not based on factor endowments.
The research has clarified how very mixed the cement industry’s experi-
ence has been: it has been hugely important, experienced some notable
successes, and signalled the importance of the state. It has demonstrated
synergies among industrial and other public policies, the interplay
between economic and political factors, the dynamics of policymaking,
and the significance of the narrow latitude for poor performance. While
the success of government policies is evident, there have also been fail-
ures, and hence fragility, which have slowed sustained growth. Adaptabil-
ity and learning were inherent, once again showing the anti-fragility of
Ethiopian policymaking.

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5

Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development

and Challenges in Floriculture

5.1 Introduction and overview

Floriculture tells a story similar to that of the cement industry, but adds to it
in ways that help reveal both the achievements and reasons for the
unevenness of industrial policy outcomes in Ethiopia. The economic suc-
cess of this sector has attracted international interest and debate
(The Economist, 7 February 2008 and 8 April 2009; Reuters, 2 March 2009;
Mano and Aya 2011; Gebreeyesus and Iizuka 2010; Rodrik 2008b). Flori-
culture resembles manufacturing more than traditional agriculture
(UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011). It emerged in 2004 and has since shown sus-
tained growth. Virtually the entire output of the sector in Ethiopia is
destined for export markets, markets characterized by intense inter-
national competition. Europe is the major outlet, with the Netherlands
the main hub and destination. Flowers imported into the European Union
(EU) must meet technical requirements, including MPS (environmental
sustainability certification for floriculture) and Global GAP, which focuses
on good agricultural practices. Product variety, quality, consistency, and
vase time are important considerations. Floriculture production is mainly
clustered around Addis Ababa because of better infrastructure and logistics.
FDI has played a key role in this sector, facilitating the spread of techno-
logical know-how and penetration into international markets.
Since 2004, floriculture has generated close to $1billion in export earn-
ings, making Ethiopia a major global player in the sector (EHDA 2012a;
UNCTAD-UNIDO 2011). Moreover, it has created direct employment for
Made in Africa

about 40,000 people, higher than the combined employment in the

cement and leather sectors. It has also been a springboard into new
exportable goods such as vegetables, fruits, and herbs, thereby creating
more jobs and export revenues (EHDA 2011a, 2011c, 2012a). The govern-
ment is working to make more land available for expansion beyond the
existing 1,500 ha.
Many agree that Ethiopian floriculture has indeed been successful,
although the explanations for this success diverge. One widely shared
explanation has been ‘comparative advantage’, which emphasizes natural
endowments as the key determinant, rather than policies or the role of the
state (Lin 2009; Dinh et al. 2012; Singh 2011). Although endowments are
important, this line of reasoning fails to explain why a strong sector did
not emerge earlier in Ethiopia, or in neighbouring African countries with
similar endowments. It also fails to explain why the Netherlands, a high-
income industrial country, continues to be the industry’s leader despite its
lack of cheap labour and natural endowments.
Another explanation associates the success with the ‘discovery process’
and private sector activism (Rodrik 2004). Although collective learning
may have played a major role, there is no convincing reason to assume
that this was the sole or prime factor. Moreover, the collective learning
and activism was mutual, involving state and private sector agents, rather
than unilateral. For instance, the establishment of the industrial associ-
ation, which has played an active role in the development of this sector,
was partly initiated and facilitated by government. The government’s readi-
ness to make bold policy decisions and political commitments to develop
this sector was equally important. Thus, the discovery process theory does
not fully capture the actual development of Ethiopia’s floriculture industry.
Patrimonialism has also been advanced to explain the sector’s growth.
In essence, growth flows from clientelism nurtured by the ruling party/
government. This study shows, however, that not a single firm was owned
by government or party officials, and investment opportunities were open
to all interested parties regardless of politics or networks. Another less
prevalent explanation emphasizes the role of the ‘Dutch trio actors’.
This narrative suggests, tacitly, that the success of the sector in Ethiopia
is entirely due to the role played by three external actors, namely Dutch
FDI; Dutch market structures, in particular the flower auction centres; and
Dutch development cooperation (Melese and Helmsing 2010). This may
partly be true, but the argument fails to recognize that these factors are not

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

unique to Ethiopia. Implicitly, this view disregards internal dynamics as

the key drivers of industrialization and exaggerates the role of external
forces in African economic development.
Contrary to these arguments, an alternative explanation credits much
of the success to state activism and industrial policy. For instance,
UNCTAD and UNIDO, in their 2011 report on African industrial develop-
ment, state that ‘there are also cases in Africa where industrial policy has
led to success in either developing new export products or adding value to
existing products. For instance, in Ethiopia, state activism played a critical
role in the successful development of the cut flower industry’ (UNCTAD-
UNIDO 2011: 63). This view rejects the absolute determinism of factor
endowment and is associated with the structuralist tradition and the
political economy perspective, which emphasize the state’s role in eco-
nomic development. It also recognizes that political processes, interests,
and constraints determine the choice and outcome of economic policies.
To examine these arguments and provide a more nuanced explanation,
this chapter presents a detailed analysis of the floriculture industry in
Ethiopia and offers a more comprehensive explanation of the drivers of
its growth. The chapter argues that government policy was critical to
nurturing and expanding floriculture. The rise of this new industry can
be better understood by exploring the interplay between policymaking
and institutions, and the dynamics of industrial structure and interest
groups. Analytically, the chapter draws especially on Hirschman’s concept
of linkage effects. As a subsidiary approach, Rodrik’s view of industrial
policy as a discovery process is adopted. The booming floriculture sector is
a classic demonstration of how unemployed labour, underutilized local
entrepreneurial potential, and natural endowments can be mobilized for
economic development.
Given natural endowments such as favourable altitude, water supplies,
and temperatures; and fertile soils, cheap labour, and proximity to Europe
(relative to Kenya, Tanzania, and Zambia), comparative advantage has
certainly been important. But static comparative advantage is only one
element in the rapid expansion of the sector. The evidence presented in
this chapter suggests it may not even have been the dominant factor.
Rather other factors, notably an activist state applying an industrial policy
to the sector, have been at least equally important.
A number of insights can be derived. First, the government’s commit-
ment to developing this sector was evident in the concerted use of policy

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Made in Africa

instruments that were exceptionally clear and coherent. This phenom-

enon is sometimes loosely referred to as ‘political will’, but the chapter
concludes with a better understanding of this commitment. It also dem-
onstrates how a politically well-designed and implemented industrial
policy can lead to the development of a new industry that would other-
wise have been unlikely to emerge under a laissez-faire regime. Second,
the collective learning of the state and industry was also impressive,
showing that the industry ‘picked the state’ while the state ‘picked the
firms’. Learning was not without problems, but in the floriculture sector,
the benefits outweighed the costs. Third, this process was aided by invest-
ors with the necessary technology and international market connections,
thereby easing the learning process. Fourth, this sector benefited from the
narrow latitude for poor performance as defined by the technological
nature of the production process. Export discipline was crucial to survival
as there is very little domestic demand for flowers. This situation served to
catalyse the evolution of performance standards and policy interventions.
Fifth, the policies that helped initiate a successful take-off became inad-
equate to the challenges of the industry as it grew, thereby necessitating
appropriate new policies.
This chapter’s main theme is the causes and drivers of this growth (the
‘why’), which also includes the growth and realization of linkage poten-
tial, and what this reveals about policy effectiveness. The study was chiefly
based on qualitative research, whose design was linked to a preliminary
quantitative survey of sixty-two of the sixty-nine firms in the sector. Semi-
structured and in-depth qualitative interviews were then conducted with
thirty participants, including firm owners and managers and heads of
government agencies. Site visits were made to flower farms, packaging
factories, and the airfreight terminal. Document reviews were carried
out, covering the Ethiopian Horticulture Development Agency (EHDA),
the lead agency of the sector, and the NECC, the national spearhead in the
export sector. Content analysis and decision tracing were used in these
reviews.

5.2 High growth in floriculture

The most important indicators of growth in the floriculture sector are its
export performance, employment patterns, and productivity trends. In

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

particular, the sector’s significance for Ethiopia lies in its easing of balance
of payments constraints, and its potential to create job opportunities for a
large, unskilled and semi-skilled labour force in conditions of widespread
unemployment in rural and small towns. Where data are available, per-
formance is compared to performance in other countries and other sectors.

5.2.1 Rapid export growth

The floriculture industry continues to be almost exclusively export
oriented, and the export trade determines the survival and growth of the
sector and is the key indicator of the sector’s international competiveness.
Export performance is presented in terms of growth, diversification, and
volatility.

EXPORT GROWTH
Floriculture was almost nonexistent in Ethiopia before 2004. Immediately
after its establishment, exports grew rapidly (Figure 5.1). Cut flower
exports increased from three tons in 2003–04 to more than 50,000 tons
in 2011–12, with export earnings rising from $0.32 million to about $200
million. The average annual growth rate was an astronomical 400 per
cent, which was unmatched in the country’s history. For instance, the
annual average growth of the overall exports sector in the same period
was 22.6 per cent, and earnings from manufactured exports were less than
16 per cent. The horticultural sector is broadly divided into floriculture

250

200

150

100

50

–50
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
/99 /00 /01 /02 /03 /04 /05 /06 /07 /08 /09 /10 /11 /12
Non-floriculture 3.73 4.17 4.2 5.59 6.73 7.54 14.57 12.73 16.16 13.66 11.91 31.73 31.5 44.69
Floriculture 0.2 0.13 0.3 0.15 0.04 0.32 7.72 21.97 63.61 111.8 130.7 170.2 175.3 197
Horticulture 3.93 4.3 4.5 5.74 6.77 7.86 22.29 34.7 79.77 125.4 142.6 201.9 206.8 241.7

Figure 5.1. Export value of floriculture and horticulture, 1999–2012 (in $ million)
Source: Unpublished data from ERCA Planning Department, October 2012

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Made in Africa

Table 5.1. Floriculture exports, 2004–12 (value, volume, growth rate)

Year In value ($ millions) Volume (millions kg) Comparators: growth rate of value (%)

Amount Growth Amount Growth All Manufactured Vegetable/

rate (%) rate (%) Exports fruit

2004 0.32 700.00 0.03 169.76 21.16 (8.95) 12.14

2005 7.72 2,312.50 2.73 10,265.28 10.41 4.56 93.17
2006 21.97 184.59 6.23 128.94 40.09 41.26 (12.68)
2007 63.61 189.53 13.60 117.72 14.64 (0.60) 26.98
2008 111.76 75.70 22.40 64.71 28.52 23.82 (15.48)
2009 130.70 16.95 29.17 30.20 (1.18) (27.85) (12.81)
2010 170.20 30.22 35.96 23.28 38.03 (8.59) 166.38
2011 175.28 2.98 41.56 15.58 37.40 97.16 (0.72)
2012 196.97 12.37 46.79 12.60 14.77 20.35 (41.91)
Average annual 392 1,203 22.65 15.68 33.21
growth rate (%)

Source: ERCA Planning Department, October 2012

and food horticulture, comprising vegetables, herbs, and fruit. During this
period, the growth of non-floriculture horticultural exports was less than
33 per cent. Within the horticultural sector, floriculture dominates, with
an 83 per cent share of total horticultural export earnings.
Within a decade, cut flowers became one of the top five export products,
accounting for more than 6 per cent of merchandise export earnings.
Between 2004 and 2012, the industry has earned close to $1 billion
(Table 5.1). Sometimes it is argued that its contribution to net foreign
exchange earnings was minimal, as the industry consumes huge amounts
of foreign exchange. This is a valid statement, but account needs to be
taken of the contingent role played by the sector in increased import
substitution through the local production of inputs, and in air transport.
The latter exceeds half the total cost, as flowers are high-value and low-
volume products that rely heavily on efficient airfreight services. With the
increased dominance of the state-owned EAL, and increased import sub-
stitution of inputs, the concerns about net foreign exchange earnings
appear to be unfounded. In other words, floriculture has become an
increasingly important contributor to Ethiopia’s tight balance of pay-
ments. It is, therefore, macroeconomically significant.

EXPORT DIVERSIFICATION
Export diversification is an important feature of sustainable growth
and structural change, especially if it is dominated by high-value goods,

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

such as manufactured goods and modern agricultural products. In terms

of export diversification, the share of floriculture in export earnings
increased from mere 0.05 per cent in 2004 to more than 6.2 per cent in
2011, making it the fifth largest source of foreign exchange. The share of
vegetables, fruit, and herbs was constant during this period. Ethiopia’s
mono-crop dependence on coffee exports has decreased as a result, declin-
ing from 60 per cent in 1998 to 26 per cent in 2011.

DESTINATION AND PRICE PATTERNS

Europe absorbs more than 94 per cent of Ethiopia’s floriculture exports,
distantly followed by the Middle East (2.5 per cent of exports), and Asia/US
(2 per cent). The main export destinations are the Netherlands, which
accounts for 85 per cent of floriculture export earnings, and Germany,
5 per cent. The price patterns were robust compared to the volatile export
prices for other primary commodities. For instance, the price of coffee has
always been volatile and decreased by 31 per cent in 2012–13. In terms of
floriculture’s export earnings in 2013, the biggest six players were Sher-
Ethiopia, AQ Roses, Red Fox Ethiopia, Herburg Roses, Ziway Roses, and
Linssen Roses, which combined had a 58 per cent share of export earnings.
In sum, floriculture has shown strong growth and had a significant
impact on export diversification. It should also be noted that the rate of
growth slowed in 2011 and 2012. The cause was neither low demand nor
competition from other countries. On the contrary, the global market is
favourable, most existing farms are seeking to expand, and new growers
are looking to invest. The key challenges will be examined later.

5.2.2 Substantial employment generation

Employment generation is another important indicator of policy out-
comes. First, the floriculture industry is labour-intensive and dependent
on specific skills. Second, employment creation is one of the central aims
of the industrial development strategy as well as the floriculture sector. In
view of high youth unemployment in urban centres and high population
growth, the job creation agenda has increased in prominence. Ethiopia is
the second most populous country in Africa (85 million in 2012, and
population growth of 2.6 per cent), and more than 2 million people are
added annually (CSA 2011).

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45,000
40,000

Number of employees
35,000
30,000
25,000
20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12
Number of employees 25,816 34,720 36,568 36,400 40,387

Figure 5.2. Number of employees in floriculture, 2007–12

Source: DLV, Quantitative Unified Information, and EHDA 2012a

In 2007, employment in floriculture stood at about 25,000, rising to

40,000 in 2011, an increase of more than 55 per cent (Figure 5.2). Accord-
ing to EHDA, employment in the flower industry grew to 50,484 in 2012
(EHDA, 2012b). This trend becomes even more significant when both the
direct and indirect employment created is considered. Floriculture also
generated indirect jobs through the associated expansion of horticulture.
Overall, the horticulture sector employed 183,804 people in 2012 (EHDA
2012a), mostly (133,320) in non-floriculture horticulture. In general, the
employment contribution of this sector, which deploys twenty persons
per ha. is impressive compared to other agricultural activities (traditional
smallholder farms or mechanized commercial farms) and the overall
manufacturing sector, which currently employs less than 175,000 people.
The leather and leather industry and the cement industry together
employ fewer than 30,000 workers.

SOCIAL DIMENSION
The above employment creation shows the sector’s strong contribution to
poverty-reduction. This is consistent with findings by Cramer, Sender,
Johnston, and Oya (forthcoming) that floriculture has a positive effect
on poverty reduction and direct and indirect employment. It also contrib-
utes to social equity by employing predominantly female workers, who
account for more than 75 per cent of the workforce. More than 95 per cent
of employees were between the ages of eighteen and twenty-nine, and
according to forty-one of the responding firms (89 per cent of respond-
ents), more than 90 per cent of employees were recruited from the region

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

in which the farms are located. Both these factors add to the sector’s social
and political significance.
Most workers (76 per cent) were permanent, only 14 per cent were on
contract, and 9 per cent were temporary. On most farms workers are union-
ized. Above 93 per cent are production workers with only 7 per cent engaged
in administrative and support activities, indicating the pressure for produc-
tion efficiency. Most of the workers are semi-skilled and unskilled, with only
1.5 per cent professional staff (of whom only one-tenth were technologists)
and below 2 per cent technicians. This highlights the lesser technological
depth compared to manufacturing, such as in the cement industry.
The labour issue has become a serious challenge to the industry, and for
government intervention. Recently, many of the farms (especially those
around Addis Ababa) have faced major problems in retaining experienced
workers. Indeed, this is an issue of wider concern, which has been given
frequent attention in the media, including a series of TV programmes.
Meetings on the issue during 2013 were addressed by the prime minister.
Many garment factories around Addis Ababa and employment agencies
are targeting employees in the floriculture industry. The farms have been
easy and attractive targets for recruitment, since the farm workers are
judged to have better skills and a better work ethic.
This continues to be a major problem. For instance, between June 2012
and May 2013, more than 1,350 workers (mostly with three years of experi-
ence) left five firms, mostly for the Middle East. Of these, 74 per cent were
from Sher-Ethiopia (in Ziway and Koka), 8.3 per cent from Redfox Ethiopia,
7.4 per cent from Ethiopia Cutting Plc., and 10.9 per cent from Lafto Rose,
ET Highland, and Dugda. Sher-Ethiopia lost 1,000 workers in five months
(EHDA 2013). On average, the five cut-flower farms worst affected lost 272
workers per month. Consequently, many farms were working below cap-
acity, and it usually takes five to six months to train staff to a minimum level
of output. This challenge required a comprehensive response by govern-
ment and the industry association, although by mid-2013 they had been
unable to reverse this trend. Thus on 17 April of that year, the former EHPEA
chair reported ‘the shortage of women workers continued to be a serious
constraint on ET Highland Flora and all other flower farms’ (Oqubay 2012),
a finding confirmed by other observers.1

1
In late 2013, many Ethiopian migrants returned from Saudi Arabia because of ‘permit’-related
charges.

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While it may be true that employees in floriculture are targeted for their
skill and discipline, it also may be that young women are using such
employment as a stepping stone. They seek work on the farms to save
some money (to pay employment agents, transport, and associated costs),
get to know Addis and its periphery, network with experienced migrants,
reach out to employment agents, and finally leave for factories and the
Gulf. This is natural in any labour market, and floriculture employers have
to adapt. This leads to a second point. Given high urban unemployment
and huge rural underemployment, this turnover may not be entirely
undesirable, in line with Lewis’s theory of the unlimited supply of excess
labour. However, even though basic employment in the greenhouses is
not highly skilled, there are frictions and costs associated with this turn-
over, and employers in some areas (for example, near Bisheftu, east of
Addis Ababa) claim that the labour market is tightening. From one per-
spective, this illustrates the strong positive externalities of the floriculture
industry. If other employers have a preference for women with flower
sector experience, floriculture employers are effectively subsidizing the
development of a capitalist labour force that is available to other employ-
ers. From another, it raises a policy challenge as the industry matures and
faces stiffer competition and higher labour costs. While government can
help to create the right conditions, the onus is on the industry itself to
develop a dynamic comparative advantage if it wishes to remain competi-
tive. Such a predicament is not unique to floriculture: all industrial sectors
go through a similar process of change, adaptation, and in the worst case,
decline. Firms that innovate survive, those that don’t die out unceremo-
niously—such is the nature of capitalist development.

5.2.3 Productivity: Key challenge and work in progress

Coping with international productivity levels is critical for developing
countries in order to exploit their comparative advantage in having a
cheap and trainable labour force (Schwartz 2010). Productivity growth
depends upon many factors, such as the pace and level of learning, as well
as on government support in socializing risks. The major productivity
indicators in this sector include labour productivity (stems cut per
labour-hour), yield (stems) per ha., investment per ha., cost per stem,
and profitability per worker.

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

The closest comparator for measuring productivity in Ethiopia is Kenya.

According to earlier data from Global Development Solutions (GDS) in
2006, marketable stems per ha. were higher and total cost per stem was
lower in Kenya. The selling price of an Ethiopian flower was higher due to
the variety (type) and ecological factors. The discrepancy in productivity
was caused by the gap in learning in the latecomer Ethiopian floriculture
industry, and a slower pace of productivity improvement. Nonetheless,
between 2006 and 2012, Ethiopian floriculture showed increases in prod-
uctivity (Table 5.2). The marketable stems per ha. increased by more than
9 per cent, and the farming cost per stem decreased by the same per cent.
Quantitative information from 2012 (DLV 2012) gives the yield per ha. as
2.03 million stems. Many Ethiopian firms visit Kenyan farms, indicating
proactive learning by copying from more experienced establishments.
Many firm owners stated that the gap has been narrowing lately due to
learning by doing and the resultant accumulation of industry experience,
which is essential given the intensity of international competition.
It was also observed that learning by doing in floriculture was relatively
quicker than in other industries. Workers got used to the discipline of
work and agricultural professionals acquired skills rapidly. Tens and prob-
ably hundreds of agricultural graduates (from Hawasa, Jima, and Hare-
maya universities) have replaced expatriates from India and Kenya
as production managers on many farms. For instance, the biggest firm
(Sher-Ethiopia) and second biggest (Linssen Rose) had no foreign employ-
ees in 2012.

Table 5.2. Benchmarking rose production in Ethiopia and Kenya

Unit of Ethiopia Kenya Ethiopia Kenya

measurement 2006 2006 2012 2012

Production (farm) cost ha. $ 63,334 81,134 63,131 85,000

Plants/ha. Number 65,000 80,000 75,000 75,000
Yield per ha. (Stems/ha.) Number 1,685,000 2,300,000 1,850,000 2,000,000
Loss rates Per cent 2 5 2.5 2
Marketable stems/ha. Number 1,651,000 2,180,000 1,803,750 1,960,000
Farming cost/stem ¢ 3.84 3.50 3.5 4
Post-harvest, transport, ¢ 11.66 8.60 12.35 13
marketing
Total cost/stem ¢ 15.50 12.10 15.85 17
Sales price/stem ¢ 18.3 14.40 19.2 21

Source: The 2006 data are adopted from Melese and Helmsing (as adopted from GDS 2006). Data represent running
costs and exclude set-up costs. The 2012 data are based on EHPEA’s data on average performing firms in Kenya and
Ethiopia.

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5.3 Industrial structure of floriculture

The industrial structure and economic and technological characteristics of

floriculture differ significantly from traditional agricultural activities and
share many of the characteristics of the manufacturing sector. Industrial
structure refers to technological and economic characteristics, market
structure, and international positioning (Hirschman 1967; Chandler
2004; Evans 1995). Labour-intensive industries are typically characterized
by fewer and smaller economies of scale and scope. Industrial structure is
an important determinant of sectoral performance in particular contexts
and is a constraint on (but also sometimes facilitator of ) government
policy. Hence, understanding industrial structure is a key factor in the
design and outcome of industrial policy.

5.3.1 Firm ownership and corporate structure

There were sixty-nine active firms in this sector in 2012, all privately
owned. Foreign firms accounted for 63 per cent (thirty-nine firms), domes-
tically owned firms for 26 per cent (sixteen firms), and the remaining seven
firms were jointly owned. Almost all foreign-owned firms had prior experi-
ence in the industry before coming to Ethiopia. Of these firms, 32 per cent
were from the Netherlands, 17 per cent from India, and 12 per cent from
Israel. The biggest such firm, Sher-Ethiopia, was among the first to invest in
Ethiopia.
Among domestic firms, 71 per cent (fifteen firms) were owned by local
investors, while the remainder were owned by members of the Ethiopian
diaspora. This diaspora is estimated to be more than one million, with the
highest concentration in the US (up to half a million) and the Middle East.
Most domestically owned firms were new entrants, and had different
backgrounds (Table 5.3). This finding differs from the observations in
the Enterprise Map of Ethiopia, which generalizes that most successful
business people in different industries had prior trading experience
(Sutton and Kellow 2010). The current study proves that this was not
true of most of them. For example, one successful firm is owned by a
member of the Ethiopian diaspora, a professional educated in the UK, who
had worked for several organizations, including the Bank of England.
When he wanted to enter the business, he studied the industry, secured
a soft loan from the state-owned bank (in less than six months), and

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Table 5.3. Owner employment background/work experience

Background Number of firms Share in %

Same industry (floriculture) 32 56.1

New entrant 11 19.3
Trade 8 14.0
Manufacturing 5 8.8
Trade and manufacturing 1 1.7
Total 57 100

Source: Oqubay (2012)

received land around Bisheftu. Sometimes the distinction between dias-

pora and domestic is not clear-cut: he is also from a four-generation
Merkato family (involved in trading). Another self-made Ethiopian entre-
preneur started as a shoe shiner, later became a shop owner, and currently
owns a general trading house. He worked hard, became literate, and he
earned his BA in management through evening classes. Before he decided
to invest in this sector (along with his partner), he too studied the indus-
try, including visits to foreign-owned firms and Dutch auction centres. He
secured loans in less than half a year and acquired land. He employed a
highly paid farm manager (Indian), and has a regular weekly management
meeting at the farm. Both these firms have performed well. Among those
firms that failed, some were owned by people who were also engaged in
the import trade and had shown little inclination to learn about and
manage their flower farms. They regarded flowers as a supplementary or
side business.
Ownership most often took the form of family businesses, and family
experience played a critical role in the industry. Among foreign firms,
42 per cent have businesses in other countries, with 20 per cent in Holland
and 12 per cent in Kenya. Unlike the cement industry, medium-sized
firms dominate in floriculture. Owner-managers manage close to 73 per
cent of farms. More than 55 per cent of managers have prior experience in
the sector. The key decision-makers in 83 per cent of firms (out of sixty
firms) were owner/family members, and only seventeen were managed by
a corporate manager and board of directors (Oqubay 2012). Other studies
show that flower farms in many countries (including the Netherlands) are
family owned, and predominantly small and medium in size (CBI 2002,
2013; Melese and Helmsing 2010; Nico 1998). Their size allows them the
advantage of fast and flexible decisions, reduced overheads, and a hands-
on management style. Although conceptions of size vary from country to

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country, farms of less than 25 ha. are considered medium-sized in this

book.
The total area in Ethiopia under flower farms increased from 922 ha. in
2008 to 1,500 ha. in 2012. During this period, foreign-owned firms
increased their land holdings from 615 ha. to 1,101 ha., and their share
of flower-producing land from 67 to 76 per cent. Land developed by
domestically owned firms increased from 56 ha. to 104 ha., accounting
for barely 7 per cent. Land held by jointly owned firms has been limited to
237 ha., with their share declining from 27 per cent to 16.5 per cent in the
same period. As regards farm size, there is no variation between domestic
and foreign-owned firms. Between 2005 and 2011, the domestically
owned firms’ share of exports was very limited and decreased from
25 per cent in 2008 to 13.3 per cent in 2012. In terms of volume, it
decreased from 20 per cent to less than 10 per cent in the same period.
Raising domestic firms’ share in production and export, and transfers of
technology, should be an important priority of industrial policy for this
sector.

5.3.2 Market and competitive intensity

Understanding market structure and competitiveness is important to
comprehending the underlying pattern in the floriculture sector in Ethi-
opia. The global floriculture market in 2009 stood at €26.2 billion (Table
5.4). Europe had the highest share (€11 billion), followed by Asia (€7.6
billion), and North America (about €5.5 billion) (FloraHolland 2010,
2012, 2014). During the financial crises of 2007–09, market growth in
Europe and the Americas was stable, while Asia showed a modest growth
of 10 per cent (FloraHolland 2010, 2014). According to International
Trade Centre (ITC) and UN Commodity Trade Statistics (COMTRADE),
in 2011 the world export leader in cut flowers was the Netherlands, with
53.7 per cent of the total, worth more than €3.2 billion. Following far
behind were Colombia (€858 million, 13.5 per cent), Ecuador (€393 mil-
lion, 7.35 per cent), Kenya (6.5 per cent), and Ethiopia (1.83 per cent). In
2010, Kenya exported 117,000 tons, worth €0.5 billion (MilcoRikken
2011), while Ethiopia exported 50,000 tons, generating €146 million.
Although the scope for growth in the flower market seems modest, these
figures show that Ethiopia has considerable opportunity to increase its
share of the world market.

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Table 5.4. Global production in floriculture (in million euros), 2007–09

Year Total production Africa South America North America Asia Middle Value in
value value value value value East value Europe

2007 24,356 504 1,450 4,059 6,891 220 11,232

2008 24,395 594 1,382 3,998 6,865 220 11,337
2009 26,196 634 1,441 5,450 7,608 220 10,843

Source: FloraHolland, 2010

MAJOR MARKETS AND DESTINATIONS

Markets are classified broadly as auction markets and direct markets. There
are auction markets in Amsterdam, Dubai, and Germany. The biggest is
FloraHolland, with 4,000 employees, a €4.35 billion turnover, and 12.4
billion products traded in 2013 (FloraHolland 2014). Close to 80 per cent
of Ethiopian cut flowers are sold on Dutch auction markets. Direct sales
are through supermarkets and niche markets. Other major destinations
are Germany, the UK, France, Italy, Belgium, and recently Russia (EHDA
2012c). The major flower products are roses, cuttings, carnations, gypso-
phillia, hypericum, and eryngium. Prices are usually higher during winter,
when European farms are less productive, and around events such as
Valentine’s Day or the New Year. Buyers look for bigger volume transac-
tions and competitive prices, indicating their increasing bargaining power
(CBI 2013). This also underscores the competitive pressures to increase
productivity and operate at lower costs with thin profit margins.

AIR TRANSPORT
Most cut flowers have a high value–weight ratio, and are very perishable.
Flowers are consumed throughout the year, and must respond to varying
consumer requirements through time. Thus, the industry depends on air
transport and cold-chain logistics throughout the value chain. Air trans-
port fees account for more than half the total cost of the product (EHDA
2012b, 2011b), and combined with marketing account for up to 75 per
cent of total costs. Frequency and timeliness of flights and other logistical
arrangements are of utmost importance in meeting orders on time and
ensuring that flowers arrive fresh to maximize vase time. The strategic
importance and role of EAL becomes clear from this perspective (see
Section 5.4 below).

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PRICE-DRIVEN COMPETITION
International trade patterns for flowers are significantly affected by their
perishability and by air transport services. Income levels and the state of
the global economy affect consumption and price patterns. The 2008
recession slowed the growth of the international trade, and prices
declined by 5–10 per cent from 2002 to 2012. Big-headed roses, especially
from Ecuador and the Netherlands, are the priciest, and small-headed
roses the cheapest. Big-headed roses from Kenya and Ethiopia are in the
medium price range, with those from Uganda, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe at
the lower end. Hybridization and breed development are significant fac-
tors in improving prices, productivity, and market share. Dutch breeders
are the leaders in the field, and usually earn up to 2 per cent in royalty fees
for a limited number of years.

COMPETITIVE INTENSITY
The major competitors in the European and American rose markets were
Colombia, Ecuador, Kenya, Ethiopia, Israel, Uganda, Tanzania, and Zim-
babwe. Major flower-growing countries in the developed world were
downsizing under the pressure of high labour costs, increased energy
costs, and land scarcity. Floriculture has also been downsized in Zimbabwe
due to political factors and lack of price competitiveness. Uganda and
Tanzania are facing major competitive challenges because of higher pro-
duction costs. Kenyan floriculture is vibrant and has nearly fifty years of
experience behind it. Kenya’s flower farms cover 3,000 ha., while Ecua-
dor’s covered 6,000 ha. in 2012. By contrast, Ethiopian floriculture is only
a decade old and has grown rapidly to make the country the fifth largest
exporter in the world and the second largest exporter in Africa (Table 5.5).
This only came about through an active industrial policy. However, the

Table 5.5. Exporter rankings in world floriculture (2010)

Country Export volume in ‘000 tons Export value in million €

Netherlands 639 3,151

Columbia 220 858
Kenya 117 500
Ecuador 102 393
Ethiopia 50 146

Source: Rikken (2011)

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

growth of the industry has begun to slow in 2012 and 2013, suggesting
the need for new policies.

5.3.3 Technological characteristics of floriculture

Technological factors shape ownership type, production management,
and economies of scale and scope.

VALUE CHAIN IN FLORICULTURE

Effective and intensive management of the value chain requires an inte-
grated approach from farm to final point of purchase. The perishability
and limited vase time of the product, and production uncertainties, create
a greater need for such management by owners. Almost all owners have to
be at their farms most of the week and in constant communication with
agents and customers. For instance, the (Dutch) owner of the biggest firm
spends two weeks at his Ziway farm in Ethiopia, and two weeks in Holland
to manage his business there. Moreover, his son is permanently based at
Ziway. The owner of the second biggest firm and his son are always at their
farm near Addis Alem. This reflects the narrow latitude for poor perform-
ance in floriculture.

ECONOMY OF SCALE AND SCOPE

Floriculture is even more labour-intensive than traditional farms in Ethi-
opia. Also, in comparison with smallholder farming or other commercial
farms, it requires more capital, for greenhouses, irrigation, and cool chain
infrastructure. An investment of $300,000 to $500,000 is required per ha.
According to the survey undertaken for this book, forty-five of the sixty-
two firms had invested more than ETB 3.5 billion in total, of which close to
58 per cent was spent on land development, greenhouses, and buildings,
while 17 per cent was for the purchase of machinery, equipment, and
vehicles. In a way, floriculture is also technology-intensive, as it is
dependent on developing new varietals (which requires extensive research
and development), sustained propagation, and a skill-intensive produc-
tion process. Many farms in Holland are used for breeding and hybridiza-
tion, and use sophisticated technology for maximizing productivity.
Most of the farms in Ethiopia average less than 20 ha. Indeed, 47 per
cent of firms have plots of 11–20 ha., and one-quarter held allotments of
less than under 10 ha. Only 20 per cent of the firms held more than 21 ha.

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Sher-Ethiopia is unique in owning or leasing 350 ha. of developed land

(with greenhouses and irrigation facilities).

NARROW LATITUDE FOR POOR PERFORMANCE

The product is perishable: according to one grower, sixty days of effort can
be lost in minutes. It requires maximum care throughout the year. The
implications of perishability are clear throughout the value chain from
farm to market. Vase time is affected by the time span of the value chain.
Cold-truck transport and coldroom storage at airports and during flights
are crucial. Hygienic and phytosanitary requirements are strict and may
affect trade, placing significant pressure on firms. Phytosanitary proced-
ures involve the inspection, testing, surveys, and treatment related to
plant quarantine
Timely delivery, high quality, competitive pricing, and product variety
are critical to success. These factors make for a narrow latitude for poor
performance, dramatically narrower than, for example, Ethiopian textile,
garment, and leather/leather products. Firms are under constant pressure,
and their narrow latitude for poor performance also affects the support
industry (such as packaging producers), air transporters, logistics and
transit companies, EHDA, and other regulatory bodies.
These features are compounded by the technological uncertainties
found in floriculture. It is these, rather than process technology, capacity
utilization, or demand uncertainty that are the key drivers of a flower
firm’s competitiveness. Flower farms, despite their greenhouse and irriga-
tion technology, are dependent on water supply, wind patterns, weather
changes, etc. The production process is permeated by significant uncer-
tainty. Intensive management, knowledge, experience, and often subtle
adjustments are called for, meaning that flower farms can seldom be run
as a side business, as some persons seem to have imagined.

5.3.4 Summary
It is clear that the particular features and structure of the floriculture sector
have analytical and policy significance. First, floriculture is highly com-
petitive and exclusively export-oriented, which has compelled firms to
make maximum efforts to survive and thrive. This has served as a positive
pressure to complement government policies. Second, the management-
intensiveness of the business, product perishability, production uncertainties,

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and intense international competition have powerful implications for

policy. Effectively, they translate a narrow margin for error in production
and distribution into a narrow margin for policy failure. Because of this,
there may be particular scope in this sector for policy learning, with
potential (but not automatic) linkages to policymaking in other sectors.
Just as employers in other sectors appear to prefer workers with floricul-
ture experience, so too is there an emerging demand in government for
officials with knowledge and experience of developing and adjusting
policy interventions in the flower sector.
Third, the industry has been dominated by FDI. The primary role of FDI
is technology, market access, and a ‘demonstration effect’, rather than as a
source of capital. Local entrants agree on the importance of FDI, and
working relations are friendly. A significant number of local firms have
so far survived the competition. This issue will be further discussed later in
the chapter.
Fourth, medium-size, family-owned firms dominate the industry. This
means that knowledge and technology is less codified and ‘learning by
doing’ plays a critical role.
Fifth, the nature of the product and markets is such that air transport is a
critical component of competitive advantage in terms of cost, quality, and
timely delivery. This has significant implications for the services provided
by air carriers. Finally, the backward and forward linkage effects to activities
and other mechanisms provide wide opportunities for the development of
new industries, products, and processes. Nevertheless, realizing this poten-
tial calls for appropriate industrial policies and related instruments.

5.4 Linkages and industrial development: Value-chain

spin-offs from floriculture

This section discusses the new industries and spin-off enterprises aligned
with the floriculture sector: packaging, air cargo, and new growth corridors.
Linkage effects, even apparently obvious ones, do not always manifest
themselves. It therefore makes sense to think of linkage potential and to
pay attention to factors that advance or even compel such investment
decisions. In other words, linkages are not always automatic. Unlike the
cement sector, where the major cost is energy, floriculture’s major costs are
air transport, fertilizer and chemicals, packaging, and labour (Table 5.6).

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Table 5.6. Cost components of floriculture

Cost in millions (ETB) Share in per cent Source

Airfreight 961 55.2 Mainly domestic (EAL)

Fertilizer & chemicals 311 17.8 Imported
Labour 182.6 10.4 Local
Packaging materials 171 9.8 Domestic manufacture
Total cost 1,748

Source: Oqubay (2012) based on forty firms

These components can be categorized as locally manufactured inputs,

imported inputs, utilities and distribution, and labour and related services.
For instance, in 2011 packaging accounted for 98 per cent of locally manu-
factured inputs and fertilizer and chemicals for 90 per cent of imported
inputs. Airfreight accounted for 92 per cent of service and utilities costs.
This input and output mapping helps us to understand linkages.

5.4.1 Backward linkages and value-chain spin-off:

The packaging industry
This section explores linkages by relying on Hirschman’s concept of
linkage effects (1958, 1981, and 1992). The floriculture sector has been
constrained by underdeveloped domestic inputs and a weak support
industry. According to recent studies, up to 80 per cent of inputs were
imported, sharply undermining corporate competitiveness because of
longer delivery times, increased costs, and higher working capital needs.
Moreover, importation involved the loss of hard-earned foreign currency
and of the opportunity to generate employment and build the country’s
productive capacity. Input–output analysis reveals that packaging mater-
ials are one of the three major input costs (35.5 per cent) in the industry.
Packaging is a basic input as it is non-substitutable, and has a major value
addition and marketing effect. It also affects the quality of flowers, space
utilization, and airfreight charges. Packaging materials cost ETB 171
million (out of a total of ETB 482 million for the three inputs), accounting
for up to 10 per cent of overall production costs. Packaging materials were
imported in huge quantity (more than ETB 100 million or $7.5 million) in
2011, and doubling in 2012 (EHDA 2012d, 2012e).
With the right industrial policy, imports can serve to develop new
industries in accordance with ‘the gradual swallowing of manufactured

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imports’ hypothesis, a process ‘in which the growth of imports induces

domestic production’ (Hirschman 1958: 110, emphasis added). Hirschman
(1958) stresses the creative function of imports in stimulating new com-
parative advantage. He argues that ‘traditional theory could hardly be
expected to see a connection that could also be formulated as follows:
countries tend to develop a comparative advantage in the articles they
import . . . We have stressed here the “creative” role imports can play in the
development process, a role that has been almost entirely overlooked’
(Hirschman 1958: 113). This involves value-chain creation, with further
expansion of employment, and strengthening backward and forward link-
ages. The packaging industry in Ethiopia demonstrates this notion. With
the development of the flower industry, consumption of packaging articles
reached a certain threshold, making their local manufacture economically
feasible. This in turn induced investment in the packaging industry.
By the end of 2012, there were sixteen firms, with an installed capacity
of about 75,000 tons, supplying corrugated boxes for flowers. This process
was accelerated by strong public support. EHDA, jointly with the Ethiop-
ian Conformity Assessment Enterprise (ECAE) and Ethiopian Standards
Agency (ESA), established standards for these articles. EHDA played an
active and leading role in the development of the packaging industry,
further strengthening floriculture’s support industries (EHDA 2012d,
2012e).
To induce the packaging industry, many policy measures were taken. In
short, the evolution of this direct linkage was policy-dependent. These
measures consisted of both incentives and sanctions to enhance the
competitiveness of the flower industry. First, the investment incentives
relevant to floriculture were applied to the packaging industry to make it
competitive with imported items. Factory gate prices were also negotiated
and agreed. Second, standards were set and the producers were given
technical support to meet them. To enforce compliance with quality
standards, factories were shortlisted, thereby accelerating the process.
Gradually, the quality of the domestic manufactured products improved,
which encouraged floriculture firms and other horticulture exporters to
use them. This has saved significant foreign currency, and built up local
manufacturing capacity.
Unlike in the floriculture industry, Ethiopians dominated the packaging
industry, accounting for 60 per cent of factories and 75 per cent of
installed capacity. The main challenge is lack of locally available raw

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materials, due to the underdeveloped state of the pulp and paper industry.
It is often argued (for instance Khan, 2011) that ex ante incentives and
intermediate assets are inefficient because they can be swallowed up and
still not perform, but that ex post incentives are much more effective.
Although this may often be true, the packaging experience suggests that
ex ante incentives can be effective. What is important is putting in place
appropriate and easily implementable control mechanisms. Administer-
ing ex ante incentives can, however, be tricky and may fail to induce the
necessary action by economic actors. One example is the duty drawback
scheme in the flower and leather sectors, which became impossible to
implement and consequently failed to motivate firms.

5.4.2 Air cargo and the state-owned airline’s developmental role

Floriculture cannot flourish without a reliable and competitive airline
industry. Until recently in Ethiopia, no such partner has been able to
meet floriculture’s requirements for frequency, cost competitiveness,
and service quality. This is because of the losses airlines can incur as a
result of the occasional variations in the volume of flowers. Many airlines
participated occasionally, but were not sufficiently reliable in terms of
frequency and cost. EAL, the state-owned national carrier founded in
1945, has been the flagship passenger carrier of Ethiopia. Despite intensi-
fied international competition that bankrupted other airlines, EAL has
expanded, modernized its fleet, and upgraded its infrastructure. It trains
pilots, technicians, and other staff, and provides overhaul services for
itself and other airlines at its maintenance centre. As part of its initiative
to modernize its cargo fleet, it has acquired Boeing 777s and is the first
African airline to own the Boeing 787 Dreamliner. EAL’s success mirrors
Hirschman’s hypothesis of how the narrow latitude for poor performance
can help developing countries to build a successful airline. The experience
of EAL also refutes conventional neoliberal criticisms of SOEs.

AIR CARGO CHALLENGES

Cold chain management on farms, in the form of refrigerated vehicles,
and at airport cold storage facilities was a binding constraint, particularly
in the early days of floriculture. Irregular flights were another major
problem. EAL has played a critical role in reversing this situation, to the
extent of operating at a loss. EAL, EHDA, the Ethiopian Horticulture

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Table 5.7. Perishable lift capacity on freighter flights, 2009–12 (in kg)

2009 2010 2011 2012 2009–12

(average)

Monthly average 2,130,411 2,863,439 2,984,180 4,467,010 2,804,332

Annual total 25,570,411 34,361,265 35,810,164 38,866,096 33,651,982
Annual growth +34% +4.2% +8.5% +52%
rate

Source: EAL (2012)

Producers and Exporters Association (EHPEA), and other regulating

bodies jointly paved the way for EAL’s crucial intervention. The state’s
motives for playing an additional role through the EAL correlate with
Hirschman’s (1981: 80) finding that ‘it is also possible, that the state, as
a result of having intervened successfully in one sector of the economy,
will acquire the capability and the appetite to tackle advances for other
sectors or for the economy in general’.
The development of the floriculture industry put significant pressure on
EAL in many ways. Historically, cargo transport was a secondary EAL oper-
ation. With pressure mounting to support the floriculture industry, govern-
ment and EAL resolutely seized the opportunity to develop an air cargo
business. This required long-term, multibillion dollar investments in aircraft
and infrastructure. Thirty-five new aircraft, including Boeing 777s for flower
transport, were ordered in 2009, and additional aircraft were leased as a
temporary solution. Lift capacity for perishables grew by 52 per cent
between 2009 and 2012, reaching 40,000 tons a year in 2012 (Table 5.7).

STRATEGIC RESPONSE
EAL’s experience in this regard is a classic example of how a government
can use a public enterprise to support industrial policy and industrial
development (Amsden 1989; Chang and Singh 1997). The strategic
importance of perishable cargo has been incorporated into EAL’s strategy
as set out in its Vision 2025. EAL’s freight capacity increased fivefold from
37,000 tons in 2003 to 181,000 tons in 2012, and the airline plans to
increase its annual cargo capacity to 710,000 tons by 2025 (EAL 2012).
Fleet size will increase to ten Boeing 777 and seven 757 freighters at a cost
of about $2 billion. A new provisional cold storage facility was built at Bole
international airport’s cargo terminal in 2013 to meet the demands of
floriculture firms and address the cold storage bottleneck. Similar cold
storage facilities were built by government in Mekelle, Bahirdar, and

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Table 5.8. Government fuel subsidy for floriculture (2008–09)

Period Original price New price Variance 30% variance

April 2008 5.16 8.64 +3.48 1.04

May 2008 5.16 9.66 +4.50 1.35
June 2008 5.16 11.01 +5.85 1.75
July 2008 5.16 11.13 +5.97 1.79
August 2008 5.16 11.05 +5.89 1.77
September 2008 5.16 9.41 +4.25 1.28
October 2008 5.16 8.48 +3.32 1.00
November 2008 5.16 7.84 +2.68 0.80
December 2008 5.16 6.99 +1.83 0.55
January 2009 – 6.27 +1.11 0.33

Note: EAL’s 30 per cent subsidy is not included

Source: MoTI (14 April 2008)

Diredawa to serve newly developing horticulture clusters. By 2020, the

capacity of the Bole cargo terminal will have increased to 1.2 million tons.
A challenging moment for EAL and the floriculture industry was the
more than doubling of fuel prices in 2008–09. Such increases have obvi-
ously to be passed on by airlines to the end user. The challenge for the
Ethiopian government and EAL was how to ensure the survival of the
floriculture sector, given that airfreight accounts for more than 50 per cent
of its production costs. At its meeting in January 2008, the Council of
Ministers took the difficult and bold decision to subsidize 30 per cent of
the cost increase (Table 5.8). Another 30 per cent of the increased cost was
subsidized by EAL.
This decision to subsidize a third of the fuel cost increases was difficult
politically, in view of the government’s earlier decision to end subsidies
on fuel for transport, factories, or homes. It also raises concerns that such
subsidies could be a bad precedent. But, if many floriculture firms had
gone bankrupt, large lay-offs would have resulted and the new industry
would have been doomed. The experience is clear evidence of the import-
ance of an industrial policy in Ethiopia, where state activism and the role
of SOEs have been critical in a situation of systemic market imperfection.
It also shows concretely how governments can play an effective coordin-
ation role.

5.4.3 Propagating the model: horticulture and new growth corridors

Linkages can involve not only new spin-off businesses but also new
geographic areas. Hirschman (1981: 76–7) maintains that ‘with the

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Table 5.9. Performance of non-floriculture, 2008–12

Year Developed land (ha.) Employees Export volume (in 000s ton) Export
(in million $)

2008 1,124 – 41,120 18.53

2009 1,665 33,300 39,830 17.41
2010 1,841 36,820 66,410 31.86
2011 5,214 62,570 93,010 40.00
2012 11,110 133,320 123,600 53.15

Source: EHDA Statistical Bulletin Issue 01, October 2012

broader linkage concept, a new activity could also be defined as one that
yields the same product as before but is carried on in a new place [emphasis
added]’. The evidence suggests that while new activities have been
induced in the horticulture sector, regional diversification was limited.
Recently, non-floriculture (vegetables, fruits, herbs) has rapidly expanded,
engaging thirty-two firms. In 2012, it generated more than $53 million in
export earnings, and employed 133,000 people on 12,552 ha. of land
(Table 5.9).
Close to 90 per cent of non-floriculture farms are concentrated around
Addis Ababa and in central Ethiopia, where the flower farms are clustered.
Three factors have contributed to the growth of this sector. First, floricul-
ture firms have diversified into other horticulture activities, as is evident
from the fact that half of the thirty-two horticultural firms were originally
engaged in flower farming. Second, the linkage has mainly been generated
by the flower sector due to its externalities and spill-over effects (techno-
logical diffusion, management skills, technical staff ), as both sectors
require similar expertise. Despite additional incentives provided by
regional governments (for instance, by providing land freely, which has
attracted fifteen firms), only four firms are operating in Amhara and Tigray.
This starkly demonstrates the fact that policy instruments can be less
effective in countering economic agglomeration and is in line with the
observations on Ethiopia’s cut flower industry by Mano and Suzuki (2011).
Third, institutional arrangements have positively induced these linkage
effects. For instance, the lead government agency EHDA, the sectoral
association EHPEA, and the NECC have focused on the whole horticulture
sector (not just floriculture). The presence of linkage dynamics from
the floriculture industry seems real. It is also noteworthy that the non-
floriculture sector has a greater employment-creation potential than the

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flower sector. It also has much larger potential in the domestic market.
Moreover, it appears to have much greater potential linkages with small-
holder farming (for instance, through outgrower schemes). Due to wider
latitude for poor performance, the participation of domestically owned
firms is much higher (43 per cent in contrast to 25 per cent in flowers).
In conclusion, although floriculture may be weaker than leather and
leather products in terms of backward linkages, its linkage dynamics have
been exploited and promoted through more effective policies. In the next
chapter, a direct comparative analysis between floriculture and leather is
developed.

5.5 Discovering ‘new’ sources of growth: Rise of floriculture

ADLI (Agricultural development-led industrialization), adopted as the

country’s development strategy in 1995, acknowledged agriculture as
the engine of economic growth. It focused on smallholder farms, labour-
intensive activities, and export promotion. The importance of high-value
agricultural products and labour-intensive industries was also stressed.
Nonetheless, it did not become evident that floriculture was one of the
priority sectors until 2002.

5.5.1 Genesis of a new industry

During the Derg regime (1975–91), the Upper Awash State Farm and ET
Fruit (both state-owned commercial farms) were producing flowers on 160
ha. of land, and a few flowers were exported to Europe, amounting to a few
tens of thousands of dollars. These were summer flowers, and were not
based on greenhouse production. In the late 1990s, a new summer-flower
farm was started by Ethio-Flora (owned by an Ethiopian investor) on a
5 ha. plot in Ziway. In 2000, Meskel Flower (owned by a member of the
diaspora) was the first to inaugurate a rose farm in a greenhouse on 5 ha. at
Ziway rented from farmers. Ethio-Dream, ET-Highland, and Golden Rose
followed between 2001 and 2003. These pioneering firms secured no
government support in terms of financing or land. There were no com-
prehensive guidelines and the sector encountered many challenges.
In 2004, these five small domestically owned flower farms established
EHPEA to lobby the government to address these issues. This far-sighted

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action, which drew on Kenyan experience, was the exception in the

Ethiopian private sector at the time. EHPEA managed to persuade govern-
ment to establish a lead agency. Following these small local firms, large
and foreign firms entered the industry. Thus, it is not always FDI and large
firms that play the pioneering role. Encouraging firms to take such a role is
an important characteristic of industrial policy. To what extent, then, did
government specially reward pioneer firms?
From 2003 until EHDA was established as the lead agency in 2008, MOI
(through the Ethiopian Export Promotion Agency) provided support to
this sector. In 2004, NECC was established to coordinate and lead the
overall export sector. It played a vital role in addressing many of the
constraints the firms faced. This demonstrates the state’s political com-
mitment and the ability of the top political leadership to pick and make
winners. Government opted to ‘pick’ the whole sector, and NECC made it
a priority. Land on state-owned farms in Oromia region, within 200 kms
of Addis Ababa, was made available to the industry.

FROM LATENT TO POLICY-LED COMPETITIVE ADVANTAGE

Most flower growers have a background in floriculture in Holland, Kenya,
Ecuador, India, or Israel. According to most of them, their decision to
invest in Ethiopia was based on natural endowments (land, altitude,
water, and soil), cheap labour, and government investment incentives.
Affordable land was a key factor in attracting investors from other flower-
growing countries such as Kenya, and was a consequence of government
policy. Land leases in Ethiopia were cheaper than in Kenya. Annual lease
prices for Grade 1 land (in Sebeta, Bisheftu etc.) ranged between ETB 1.23
and 4.01 per square metre, and for Grade 2 land between ETB 1.01 and
3.01. Second, geographic location or distance to the main European mar-
ket compared to other competitors (such as Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Ecua-
dor) was another advantage, in view of the effect of air transport as a key
cost. Third, the availability of cheap and trainable labour ($1.0 per day in
Ethiopia vis-à-vis $2.50 in Kenya) was an important advantage in a labour-
intensive industry. However, these endowments did not translate into
competitive advantage until the right policy and accumulation of capabil-
ity were in place. Investment interest materialized when all the necessary
supports (such as investment finance) were provided at the right time
and at the required scale. Natural endowments can be more than com-
pensated for by developing technological capability, as witness the Dutch

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floriculture industry. The Dutch are global leaders in floriculture produc-

tion and international trade, despite the high cost of labour and energy,
harsh winters, and being at sea level. They built the industry by making it
more technology-intensive, supported by the required clustering, infra-
structure, logistics, and trade facilitation.

5.5.2 Inducing change in a new industry: Investment,

export promotion, and other instruments
INVESTMENT PROMOTION
The key investment promotion policies involved attracting FDI and
domestic firms to the sector and related incentives. The latter included a
profit tax holiday of up to five years, and provisions for loss rescheduling.
In addition, duty-free privileges on all capital goods and related spare parts
(up to 15 per cent of the value of capital goods) and construction materials
were provided. According to FIA data (2012), 314 projects in the industry
were given investment certificates until 2012. In terms of execution, only
32 per cent of licensed projects were in operation, 14 per cent were in the
implementation phase, and the remaining 46 per cent were in a pre-
implementation phase. Only twenty-seven investment projects (a mere
9 per cent) were registered between 1992 and 2001. Investment interest
increased after 2002, with peak of seventy-five projects in 2008 (Table 5.10).
This number gradually decreased after 2008, falling below a third of the
growth in 2003–08. This highlights the difficulty government faces in
coping with the growth of the sector, in particular in providing serviced
land and finance.
FDI increased due to targeted promotion of Dutch firms, which was
supported by a Dutch government initiative as part of the Dutch devel-
opment cooperation programme. Following a successful Dutch trade

Table 5.10. Investment certificates in floriculture, 1992–2011

Period Number Share from total (%) Average firms per year

1992–2011 315 100 15.7

1992–2002 27 8.6 2.45
2003–2011 288 91.4 32
2003–2008 249 79.1 41.5
2009–2011 39 12.4 13

Source: FIA (2012a)

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mission in 2004, the Dutch government encouraged Dutch firms to invest

in Ethiopia. These firms benefited from Dutch grants covering up to 60 per
cent of initial investment. Stricter environmental and spatial planning
regulations, the narrow scope for domestic expansion, and rising produc-
tion costs acted as push factors in Holland (Melese and Helmsing 2010).
The investment incentives offered by the Ethiopian government were also
very attractive. In addition to soft loans, serviced land was available on
favourable lease terms, and land stock (under government control) was
readily available.
In sum, the investment incentives were relatively straightforward and
did not require elaborate administration. For instance, three-quarters of
the firms surveyed confirmed that there were no implementation prob-
lems with the profit-tax holiday. The floriculture sector clearly represents a
sizeable net benefit to the Ethiopian economy, in terms of foreign
exchange and especially employment, as well as in less quantifiable ‘soft
technology’ transfers and the development of industrial enterprise cap-
abilities. But rather than unfolding as an inherent comparative advantage,
these effects are the result of sustained and significant government inter-
vention; and, in the case of Dutch foreign investment, of a double subsidy
from both Dutch and Ethiopian governments. This deviates from Justin
Lin’s propositions on comparative advantage and Rodrik’s industrial pol-
icy as a discovery process. Nonetheless, as the following sub-section
shows, not all government support was as straightforward.

EXPORT PROMOTION AND DEVALUATION

Export promotion policy included several instruments (see Chapter 3). In
August 2010, government used exchange rate policy to promote export
competitiveness by sharply devaluing the ETB. Survey results indicate this
policy has helped floriculture firms, which are 100 per cent exporters.
These actors appreciate its effectiveness, and the fact that the measure
did not require the cumbersome government procedures associated with
other incentives. Many firms utilized their profits for additional expan-
sion, and the ratio of imported inputs in the total cost structure is rela-
tively modest and can be covered from their retention accounts.
Sixty-two per cent of firms surveyed indicated that the voucher system
had significant implementation problems, while an almost identical per-
centage asserted that the VAT and duty-drawback have had similar diffi-
culties. More than 55 per cent of firms believed that export retention

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directives were equally problematic. However, 68 per cent of firms indi-

cated that the customs branch at Bole airport and EAL provided satisfac-
tory service. In general, as observed in leather and leather products, export
promotion instruments were not fully effective. The main reason is that
they were ineffectively coordinated and inefficiently executed by the
bureaucracy.

5.5.3 Industrial financing of floriculture

The prime source of long-term investment financing was the state-owned
DBE. This bank provided financing at a subsidized interest rate without
any collateral requirement, and the loan covered 70 per cent of the
investment project (DBE 2012a). The DBE president remarked that ‘in
the absence of collateral, the loans to this sector held significant risk to
the bank, considering the perishability of the product’ ( Oqubay 2012). Yet,
nearly ETB 1.2 billion was given out as loans to almost two-thirds of
floriculture firms. Private banks provided limited loans to some firms,
following in the tracks of DBE. In 2012, more than 84 per cent (some
ETB 1 billion) of DBE’s total loans were good-performing (Table 5.11). The
average loan was ETB 29 million, while the maximum was ETB 149
million and the minimum ETB 6 million. Outstanding loans in 2012
were below ETB 200 million, fairly modest arrears in relation to total
loans provided. Only ten floriculture firms faced foreclosure, their arrears
amounting to ETB 120 million. Seven of these firms were domestically
owned, two were foreign-owned, and one was jointly owned. In June
2013, all the bankrupt firms were transferred to third parties. Studies by
the bank, confirmed by firms, show that the causes were poor manage-
ment, lack of knowledge of the floriculture sector and skills (selection of

Table 5.11. DBE loan performance in floriculture (in million ETB), 2007–11

Amount

Number of firms 40
Total approved loans 1,167
Average loan size 29
Maximum loan size 149
Minimum loan size 6
Good performing loans 981
Outstanding loans 199
Arrears 243

Source: DBE (2012c)

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

varieties, farming methods, marketing), and the failure to use expertise.

For instance, some of the firms overinvested in non-essential facilities,
focused on low-value flowers, and depended solely on auction markets.
Additional factors included disagreements among shareholders or pro-
moters, and poor screening by banks.
In summary, lack of management and experience in the industry, and
lack of decision-making capability and policy execution on the side of DBE
were the major factors behind arrears and foreclosure (DBE 2012c). Never-
theless, the government used its policy bank to promote the industry and it
is unlikely that the industry would have received such huge loans in the
absence of DBE. Empirical evidence from elsewhere (for instance, Korea
and Taiwan) confirms the role development banks play during catch up
(Amsden 2001; Ocampo et al. 2009; Wade 1990, among others).
In this author’s survey (Oqubay 2012), about 83 per cent of firms
confirmed that DBE’s support was satisfactory, the highest rating for any
federal institution. There were also major problems. The first shortcoming
was DBE’s lack of knowledge about the floriculture industry. This affected
screening, appraisal, loan decisions, and loan monitoring. Second, DBE’s
policies, standards, and terms were rigidly designed and inflexibly exe-
cuted. For instance, one loan proposal was rejected, even though the
project was the most economical (about $250,000 per ha. investment).
DBE refused it because the firm proposed to use wood to build green-
houses and traditional chicka (mud) to construct storage buildings. In
other words, this firm was ‘too cheap’ in comparison with higher priced
investment proposals relying on technologies and materials regarded by
industry experts as unnecessarily costly. Such comparability became a
major challenge for the bank, which had to ensure transparency and
consistency of decisions.
A survey commissioned by the Dutch embassy confirms that commer-
cial banks not only charged higher interest rates but also that loan
amounts were inadequate (Royal Netherlands Embassy 2012). It added
that the ‘process for obtaining a loan is long and very thorough’ and
expressed concern about abuse of attractive loans. In May 2012, one of
the successful flower firms complained that DBE would only accept
30:70 equity:loan ratios (even when proposals contained ratios more
favourable to it). The firm’s owner also complained that DBE refused to
accept early loan repayment. Some investors, who had used their own
capital in order to speed-up the project, were rejected when they requested

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loans from DBE, as the bank’s rigid procedures would not allow this. One
of the firms whose proposal was dismissed had a successful track record in
the industry in Ecuador. There have been renewed efforts by DBE to
address these shortcomings.

APPLICATION OF RECIPROCAL CONTROL MECHANISM

A key dimension of industrial policies is the principle of reciprocity,
though this is really a euphemism for the state’s disciplining of capitalist
enterprises that it supports with incentives. This issue has important
implications for improving standards and the use of rents for productive
ends (Amsden 1989; Khan and Jomo 2000). For instance, in land provi-
sion, if a firm did not start operations on time or if it misused the land, the
latter was taken back and given to other investors. The risks and leakages
associated with an inadequate ‘reciprocal control mechanism’ appear to
be not too significant. This is because of a combination of positive factors
such as the high competitiveness of the export sector. Moreover, given the
perishability of the product, established export channels, and limited
domestic demand, leakage was not as serious a concern as it is for export
commodities such as coffee and chat. Nonetheless, although DBE had loan
access criteria and a monitoring scheme focused on timely loan repay-
ment, these were not enough to shape the behaviour of actors. The
incentives were not sufficiently linked to performance or the reciprocity
principle, although the government coped over time. In the early stages,
there were instances of over-invoicing for equipment purchases, which
DBE, new to the industry, was in no position to control. NBE has been
exercising strict control over the repatriation of export earnings, and
recently the DBE has been nominated as the focal agency to administer
the firms’ export transactions. Due to the sensitivity and high-risk nature
of these loans, DBE took swift measures. It commissioned a study of all
farms, classified the firms into three groups, and took exemplary steps by
taking over two foreign and two domestic farms. The categories included
firms with management problems, ethical problems, and firms which
have a prospect of recovery. Their purpose was to influence the firms’
behaviour.2 It also rescheduled the loans for most firms affected by the
economic recession in 2007–08.

2
Interview with DBE president in May 2012.

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5.5.4 Provision of affordable land, infrastructure, and logistics

Land is publically owned in Ethiopia, and the government provided land
to investors on long-term leases and at low prices within 160 km of Bole
airport terminal. Close to 1,500 ha. was being used for floriculture by 2012
(see Table 5.12). The cost of land was below $10 per square metre in 2008
in Ethiopia, compared to $30–40 in Kenya. According to one company’s
annual report, land comprised about 1 per cent of total costs in 2011.
Initially, firms were given land that was formerly part of state farms. Later,
allocations became more difficult as land had to be provided from farmed
land or by regional administrations, often by means of complicated pro-
cedures. Two-thirds of the firms surveyed reported problems in acquiring
land. Delays in handing over land and escalating lease prices became
major obstacles to the expansion of the sector. Moreover, land provision
was in some regions hampered by weak political commitment and rent
seeking at different levels of the administration. Surveys by the Dutch
embassy in 2010, 2011, and 2012 show that corruption has increased,
particularly in lower level government offices and local administrations.
More recently, efforts were being made to establish a land bank under the
EHDA. Lease terms are favourable as firms can pay on an annual basis over
twenty-five to thirty years (EHDA 2012b; EHPEA 2007).
Most of the farms are close to urban centres, so the infrastructure
constraint has not been binding. However, disruptions to electricity sup-
plies were a major complaint, especially as greenhouse temperatures have
to be controlled. Most firms also complain that the provision of other
infrastructure had implementation problems. Almost all of them (85 per
cent) stated that this was especially true of logistics services. Moreover,

Table 5.12. Land development and utilization

Year FDI Domestic Joint Total

2007/08 Ha. 615.6 56.5 249.9 922.0

Share (%) 66.8 6.1 27.1 100.0
2008/09 Ha. 840.2 62.2 337.5 1,240.0
Share (%) 67.8 5.0 27.2 100.0
2009/10 Ha. 886.0 72.6 347.4 1,306.0
Share (%) 67.8 5.6 26.6 100.0
2010/11 Ha. 963.0 86.0 251.0 1,300.0
Share (%) 74.1 6.6 19.3 100.0
2011/12 Ha. 1,100.9 103.9 237.6 1,442.40
Share (%) 76.3 7.2 16.5 100.0

Source: EHDA Report to NECC (2012b)

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two-thirds of firms believed that the services provided by ESL and the
Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation (EEPCO) were poor. Clearly, there is
significant room for improvement.

5.5.5 Summary
Above all, a growth perspective, appropriate policies, the political com-
mitment to execute, and learning capability appear to be the key factors in
exploiting comparative advantage to develop a competitive new industry.
However, the key findings are threefold. First, the outcomes were a prod-
uct of endowments, institutions, enterprise, experiment, and learning:
they were produced by policy, but also by politics. Industrial policy
involved multiple instruments, which were coherent and compatible
with the country’s broader development strategy. This policy and related
instruments were constantly improved, and created a conducive and
supportive environment for the industry. These policy instruments were
also assisted by ‘push factors’ (for instance, Dutch government policy to
encourage Dutch companies to invest in Ethiopia and support them).
Second, implementation of policy was often inadequate as a result of
lack of capacity and coordination gaps among government agencies. In
addition, a lack of long-term vision and its translation into plans has
become an impediment to sustained growth of the industry. Actors in
the sector appeared complacent about the achievements to date and
future prospects.
Third, adequate reciprocal control mechanisms were not put in place.
This deficiency did not lead to unintended results in terms of performance
or rent seeking, as it was offset by the narrow latitude for poor perform-
ance in a dynamic market. The role of credit policy and public develop-
ment banks in industrial development needs to be underlined.
Fourth, mistakes were made (for instance, leading to some bankruptcies)
in policy execution. However, the evidence suggests there have been net
positive gains and that any sector-wide cost–benefit analysis needs to take
account of dynamic and often unpredictable features rather than applying
a rigid, narrow, and static perspective. It should be emphasized that the
benefits of the development of a competitive flower industry outweigh
the costs, since overall the policy helped generate new industries with
multiple long-term benefits.

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

Finally, this story shows that even with such costs, active industrial
policies are significantly better than laissez-faire policies, which had hith-
erto failed to induce the development of the industry. Government has
gradually learned lessons and shown the ability to cope (as in the manage-
ment of bankrupt firms) in managing rents and disciplining industrialists.

5.6 Policymaking and policy organizations

The research shows that the outcomes of industrial policies depend not
only on policy content, but also on the complementarity and coherence
of industrial policy instruments. More importantly, the outcome depends
on effective institutions, coordination, and collective learning by govern-
ment and economic actors.

5.6.1 Specialized institutional support to a new industry

Chapter 3 sketched the overall coordinating institutions, lead agencies,
and intermediary institutions. The establishment of EHDA as lead agency
to develop the horticulture sector was an important innovation. The
agency’s aims are ‘to ensure the fast and sustainable growth of horticul-
ture production and productivity; to facilitate the export of diversified
horticulture products that meet international food safety standards; and
to coordinate the development of supporting services’ (FDRE 2008b: 2–4).
In discharging these multiple duties and responsibilities, the agency is
expected to collaborate and coordinate its activities with EHPEA, the
industrial association for floriculture. The agency became fully functional
within six months, and a director general was appointed. The organiza-
tional structure was designed around the core activities of sector develop-
ment, technological capabilities, and market development. EHDA was
also made a member of NECC.
Working visits and study tours by government officials and industry
actors were made to Kenya, Ecuador, and the Netherlands. Benchmarks,
codes of practice, and standards have been frequently referred to and
applied with the close collaboration of the Dutch embassy. This suggests
policy learning and evident improvements in policy capabilities. Such
learning opportunities, including learning by copying or from models,
are known to be important in catch up by developing countries (Amsden

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1989, 2001). Second, open dialogue between government and the indus-
trial association was also effective, although it was not supported by a
systematic institutional structure, such as Japan’s deliberation forums (see
Johnson 1982).
More than 70 per cent of the firms surveyed are convinced that EHDA
works closely with economic actors in the sector. Nevertheless, only 53
per cent believe that EHDA has played a significant role in developing the
sector, hinting at higher expectations of EHDA, or at least highlighting
the difficulty for those involved of neatly distinguishing the factors that
influence outcomes. Moreover, 57 per cent of firms believe EHDA focuses
more on regulating than on supporting firms. In addition, about a quarter
of firms state that EHDA lacks appropriate knowledge of the industry. In
sum, EHDA needs to improve its institutional capacity and shift towards
providing effective support to floriculture, especially in the industry’s next
stage.

5.6.2 Effective institutional coordination and policy coherence

The key coordinating institution in the overall export sector is the NECC.
Among banks, DBE is the key institution for industrial financing, with
EAL its counterpart in providing air transportation and air cargo facilities.
NBE and Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Authority (ERCA) are the regu-
latory bodies for export activities and the repatriation of foreign currency.
A critical intermediary is the EHPEA.

NECC
NECC made floriculture one of its top priorities from 2004 to 2011. Its
coordinating role was impressive, particularly before EHDA’s establish-
ment. Once EHDA was in place, it became part of NECC, providing a
platform for identifying and discussing constraints and securing govern-
ment agency support. Since 2004, NECC has discussed 365 issues during
eighty meetings. Among the four categories of issues, the least discussed
are linkage effects (18 per cent), followed by logistics and market issues
(23 per cent), and firms and capacity building (27 per cent), while the
incentive package was the most discussed issue (32 per cent). Among the
single issues, the most discussed are investment and export incentives,
land and infrastructure, industrial financing, capacity building, and the
cold chain logistics system. Although this breakdown hints at priorities

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and the comprehensiveness of the issues, it does not give relative weight-
ing to the topics.

PERSISTENT COORDINATION DRAWBACKS

Implementation of industrial policies is usually dependent on the active
support and facilitation of multiple agencies, and the development of an
appropriate institutional web for the coordination of efforts was an expen-
sive process. Organizations involved include government agencies and
intermediary institutions, and there is also public–private dialogue. Coord-
ination remains a major failure, along with (and because of ) bureaucratic
inertia and low government agency capacity. The floriculture industry is
affected by federal, regional, and local levels of government. Forty-seven
per cent of floriculture firms reported loose coordination among federal
institutions, while 54 per cent noted that coordination among federal,
regional, and local administrations was even worse. However, 60 per cent
rated the support of regional states favourably. These firms strongly recom-
mended that coordination obstacles among government institutions be
resolved. Close to two-thirds of the firms were satisfied there is dialogue
between government and economic actors, but recommended a more
regular and institutionalized dialogue forum and emphasized the need
for greater consultation and communication. Moreover, they complained
of the frequent revisions to government directives without sufficient con-
sultation with industry. They also stressed the need for one-stop public
service and enhancing government officers’ knowledge of the industry.
This points to the need for a stronger ‘business–government’ dialogue.
Most firms complained that bureaucratic obstacles were so great that
management teams and owners spent significant time in handling gov-
ernment-related affairs: a quarter spend more than 30 per cent of their
time on this, and an additional 41 per cent spent 16–30 per cent. In short,
coordination remains incomplete and stands out as a binding constraint.
The strength of these views reflects the size and family ownership of the
firms and the nature of the industry: the firms cannot afford to spend time
on bureaucratic issues.

INTERMEDIARY INSTITUTIONS AND

INDUSTRY–GOVERNMENT DIALOGUE
Intermediary institutions play a key role in all industries, not least
this one. The Netherlands, Ecuador, and Kenya have well-developed

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Made in Africa

associations that actively lobby for the industry and market and techno-
logical development. Kenya, for instance, has a developed horticulture
industry of about 300 firms. The Horticulture Crops Development Author-
ity, established in the 1970s, has a headquarters and twenty-four
branches. The Ethiopian counterpart is EHDA, which has no branch
offices. Kenya’s Product Health Inspection Service (KPHIS) provides a
high standard of phytosanitary service with laboratories at Nairobi air-
port. Kenya also has an industrial association (Fresh Produce Exporters
Association of Kenya [FPEAK]) for the sector, established in the 1970s and
comprising 121 members, of whom forty-nine are in floriculture. In the
Netherlands, floriculture firms have a strong association as well as world-
renowned auction facilities. The Ecuadorian industry association also
plays an active role in market development.
Survey results indicate that nearly 91 per cent of the firms in the sector
belong to EHPEA, a much higher percentage than for other Ethiopian
industrial associations. As regards EHPEA, 90 per cent of firms think it
plays an important role in knowledge transfer and training, and almost
three-quarters agree that it lobbies government and promotes investment.
This is positive, especially in relation to the other industrial associations in
Ethiopia. About 80 per cent of firms agree that the Dutch embassy plays a
positive role in sector development.
As regards unions, almost all workers are unionized. Unions negotiate
with employers about salary and working conditions, although they are
weakened by the constant influx of labour. Labour–employer relation-
ships differ from firm to firm.

5.6.3 Policymaking
Three government directives in 2011–12 are selected to demonstrate the
policymaking process and divergent political views and interests. These
are NBE’s new export directive, the new cargo directive, and new pack-
aging standards. Together, these examples highlight the complexity and
tensions underlying simplistic ideas regarding ‘political will’. Unless pol-
icymaking is transparent and participatory, mutual suspicion between
government and private sector will be reinforced. The ‘political will’ to
act weakens where transparency and participation in decision-making
threatens the interests of powerful groups benefiting from the status-
quo. Lack of ‘political will’ and state capture are two sides of the same coin.

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

NEW EXPORT DIRECTIVE

NBE and EHDA prepared a new NBE export directive in 2012. Firms were
consulted and the draft discussed, and the directive was implemented
within a short time of preparation. The unit of measurement in floricul-
ture was changed from stem to weight. Moreover, the amount to be
repatriated was to be based on average auction prices. During the survey,
69 per cent of firms believed the new directive was unnecessary and the
consultation was unsatisfactory. In addition, 71 per cent insisted that
the preparation time was too short. On the effect of the policy on firms,
59 per cent indicated it was significantly negative. Among firms listed as
delinquent, more than half stated they were wrongly included on the list
due to errors and lack of coordination among government offices (DBE,
NBE, ERCA). About 16 per cent blamed their inclusion on delays caused
between buyers’ and corresponding banks.
Differences in the interpretation of the directive (whether related to
free on board [FOB] or cost, insurance, and freight [CIF]) persisted until
mid-2013. This problem was compounded by the over-restrictive imple-
mentation of export directives for many years. The current NBE export
directive applies rigid controls to foreign currency repatriation rather than
a more flexible, balanced approach that promotes exports and repatriation
(NBE 2012a). Firms suggest that the current monthly export permits and
the acceptable margins ought to be reviewed. NBE claims that exporters
do not repatriate foreign currency earnings on time or indeed in full.
For instance, on 1 June 2012, NBE instructed banks not to issue export
permits for the month to ninety-nine flower growers. However, non-
compliance with the existing export directive does not necessarily arise
from deceitful practices by exporters. As experience elsewhere shows,
intense balance of payments constraints can on occasion cause govern-
ment to be overly strict with exporters, to the extent that ‘the goose that
lays the golden egg’ is killed.

NEW PACKAGING STANDARDS

EHDA and related government agencies worked with the industry to
develop a local packaging capacity and to improve quality. Almost all
firms agreed this project was necessary, but insisted that consultation
was inadequate and preparation time too short. Due to instructions to
buy from the limited number of factories that complied with the specified
standard, 77 per cent of firms mentioned they incurred higher costs. The

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Made in Africa

majority (54 per cent) acknowledge this requirement helped reduce dam-
age to perishable goods. The firms also recommended that more manu-
facturers become involved in packaging to reduce prices, and insisted that
obligatory requirements be lifted.

NEW CARGO DIRECTIVE

A new directive on air transport was introduced in 2012. Intermediary
logistics firms were dropped and a direct contract between EAL and each
firm was inaugurated. Two-thirds of firms supported the new directive,
but again complained about the insufficiency of consultation and prepar-
ation time. Firms demanded more transport options, improved handling
at the airport, and reduced freight costs. This book was written shortly
after the introduction of this directive, but additional feedback (after the
new provisional cold storage became operational) showed increased satis-
faction with EAL service.

5.6.4 Emerging challenges

OVERRELIANCE ON FDI
FDI’s role in floriculture has been positive not only in terms of export
earnings, employment, and linkages, but also in terms of the sector’s very
development. Even owners of domestic firms acknowledge this. Survey
results indicated that more than two-thirds of domestic firms regard FDI
as positive in both know-how transfer (87.5 per cent) and market access
(69 per cent) (Table 5.13).
Externalities and spill-over effects have been positive, as domestic firms
found the opportunity to learn from farms in their vicinity, or from Dutch
auction centres and Kenyan farms. Such learning opportunities were in

Table 5.13. Domestically owned firms’ views on FDI

Responses Technology and know-how Market access On FDI contribution

transfer development

No. of firms % No. of Firms % No. of Firms %

Important 11 68.75 7 43.7 12 75

Moderate 3 18.75 4 25 4 25
Little 2 12.5 5 31.2 – –
Total 16 100 16 100 16 100

Source: Oqubay (2012). Response rate is 90 per cent

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

most cases initially facilitated by foreign-owned firms. Such firms facili-

tated introductions to Dutch breeders, and to logistics suppliers, and
foreign marketing infrastructure. The clustering of farms eased and
encouraged learning by doing and copying. It also allowed the ample
supply of skilled human resources (farm supervisors, technicians, and
semi-skilled workers). Recently, most foreign-owned firms use only Ethi-
opian staff, including as farm managers. This FDI dominance raises eye-
brows, however, as it makes the sector reliant on foreign actors, with
associated long-term risks.
Heavy dependence on foreign investment, limited strategic negotiation
with foreign investors, and limited direct linkages between foreign and
domestic firms highlight some of the limitations of industrial policy in
this sector. It also shows how government has been quite timid in its
efforts to maximize domestic firm governance, technological know-how,
and other benefits in the sector. First, there have been repeated com-
plaints that foreign-owned firms are making a lesser financial contribu-
tion to the country by over-invoicing overseas costs and declaring lower
selling prices (through subsidiaries or sister companies). This arguably
highlights the leakage of foreign exchange from the country. Second,
Dutch breeders usually sell their new and high earning breeds primarily
to the foreign-owned firms. Third, some of the foreign firms (due to their
dominant size, logistical advantages, market access, economies of scale)
secure excessive rents by exploiting their local monopoly. In addition,
there is ample evidence that foreign-owned firms were less enthusiastic
about government interventions to address market inefficiencies (for
instance, in packaging or airfreight). There are also associated risks of a
footloose industry, which in one case appear to be real. One (anonymous)
firm told the author it had decided to expand its farm in Kenya in 2012
rather than in Ethiopia. Thus, while the role of foreign-owned firms was
largely positive, it poses a fundamental challenge that requires an effective
policy response for the promotion of domestic actors.

DEVELOPING STRONG DOMESTICALLY OWNED FIRMS

The issue of developing the domestic private sector was raised at the
second meeting of the NECC in February 2004, but was given no prom-
inence in the Growth and Transformation Plan, 2010–15. Such domestic
firms as have survived, have so far shown good, if uneven, progress

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Made in Africa

Table 5.14. Benchmarks of International Capacity Building Programme

International benchmark Very good Good Poor

Productivity (stem) 8 kg per m2 0 4 14

Waste in bush management ≤5% 7 7 4
Fertilizer optimality 100% 3 4 11
Cool chain management 2–3 C 9 9 0
Cool chain management 15 C 11 7 0
Human resource utilization 10 per ha 0 2 16

Source: Own computation based on EHDA data (2012b)

(Table 5.14). This positive outcome was attributed to the joint efforts of
both government and industry.
This author’s survey (Oqubay 2012) results show that there has been
progress in cool chain management and bush management, while
productivity (the highest was only 6.3 kg/square metre, with fifteen
persons per ha.) lags. The availability of horticulture professionals has
improved over time, with many of them replacing expatriates from
Kenya and India. Research and development into seed varieties or farm
practices, and the expansion of propagation facilities, appear to be at
rudimentary levels, and an appropriate policy response appears to be
lacking. Various standards and certifications have been introduced in the
industry and most firms are participating and increasingly complying.
This project has benefited from the support of the Dutch embassy,
which has sponsored the use of experts. Such standards include MPS-A,
MPS-SQ, Global Gap Certification, Codes of Good Practice, and Inte-
grated Pesticide Management (IPM). However, there are differences in
the levels firms have been able to achieve. For instance, fourteen firms
were gaining bronze MPS certification, while three had already achieved
silver certification.
Another major concern is the decreasing role of domestically owned
firms. Due to the potential benefits, their share should be expanded, and
supports should enable this. Reversing the current trend requires a stra-
tegic response. In addition, domestic firms still use intermediaries rather
than dealing with their final customers and focus on low-value varietals.
The key challenges of involving new and the right type of domestic entrant
and of speeding up learning and catching up remain. Moreover, the size of
the sector could be increased to strengthen its international competitive-
ness and fully exploit its potential for employment generation.

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

EMERGING CHALLENGES IN THE GROWTH STAGE

The floriculture sector has been at an incipient stage until recently, facing
problems specific to that stage. For instance, land, industrial finance, air
transport by EAL, and incentive packages played critical roles during this
stage. Although these instruments may continue to be important during
the growth stage, they may not be sufficient. The growth stage has its own
unique constraints and challenges and they demand appropriate policy.
For instance, technological and marketing upgrading could be critical.
Productivity levels in Ethiopia are far behind industry benchmarks, and
need to catch up with Kenya and Ecuador, and also the Netherlands.
Maximizing the potential of existing and new linkages is critical. This
requires policy adjustments focused on new strategic issues, and develop-
ing more appropriate institutions.
It should be noted here that there are two distinct aspects: the expan-
sion of new projects and of existing firms. So far, only 1,500 ha. have been
developed. For firms to expand, critical support in terms of land, credit,
and cargo transport should be provided. Second, different policies and
institutions are required to address the evolving role of domestic firms,
technology, skills, productivity, market diversification, etc.

5.7 Conclusion

The Ethiopian floriculture sector has shown rapid development in terms

of foreign exchange earnings, export diversification, employment gener-
ation, and linkage effects. A range of policies and institutions were
applied, and the evidence suggests they were largely effective. Implemen-
tation has been better than in other sectors, and support institutions have
been relatively effective. Despite this progress, the full potential of the
sector has not been realized because of implementation constraints and
emerging challenges.
Second, the industry’s narrow latitude for poor performance helped
shape the behaviour of interest groups in the sector and complemented
policy interventions. Linkage effects were multifaceted, including back-
ward linkages (packaging products), forward linkages (air transport and
cold chain logistics), horizontal growth of horticulture, development of
new corridors, and other spill-over effects. Ethiopian floriculture has

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Made in Africa

indeed fostered linkages and stimulated economic development through

various mechanisms.
Third, the industry was first ‘pioneered’ by small domestic firms. Other
firms, particularly foreign firms, followed suit. This is in sharp contrast to
the widely held view that FDI and large firms play the pioneering role.
Fourth, FDI nonetheless played a key role by contributing to techno-
logical development and market access. Foreign-owned firms are predom-
inantly medium-sized, family-owned enterprises with prior experience
in the sector. Despite continued government support, the domestic-
ally owned firms’ share has been limited. Ethiopians are increasingly
filling farm management and other technical positions. This calls for
further indigenizing the sector in terms of ownership and human
resources.
Fifth, the policymaking process followed a distinctive path (as it is not
widely applied in other industries in Ethiopia) of collective learning and
discovery. The story shows that not only has government picked and made
winners, but the ‘winners’ have also picked the government. The govern-
ment, through multiple agencies such as the NECC, EHDA, DBE, and EAL,
has played key and exceptional roles in developing the sector. Intermedi-
ary institutions, in particular Ethiopian Horticulture Producers and
Exporters Association (EHPEA), were also active in promoting floriculture.
In sum, the central role of the state in developing the sector through
appropriate policy and institutions, and the presence of active industrial-
ists, firms, and a sectoral association were key success factors. While the
transformative potential of this sector is immense, the process of achiev-
ing this also offers substantial learning opportunities for government and
other economic actors. For the record, the findings also show that there
are multiple shortcomings in industrial policy. Examples include
the inability to sustain the growth of the sector after 2008, the lack of
technological deepening, and inadequate participation by domestically
owned firms.
At first glance, floriculture, with its rapid expansion, seems to evidence
the huge success of an activist state in designing and applying industrial
policy. The clarity and consistency of this policy seems to point to a strong
political commitment to it. However, the findings suggest that there is
more to this sector’s experience than a neat ‘success or failure’ or indeed
‘comparative advantage versus activist state’ dichotomy. The relatively
successful sectoral performance was neither a simple product of well-

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 Beyond Bloom and Bust? Development and Challenges in Floriculture

designed policy nor achieved in spite of industrial policy. Instead, the

following themes emerge.
First, the notion of ‘political will’ is of itself unhelpful, especially when it
suggests an abstract (‘autonomous’) and coherent commitment acting on
a sector. Rather, ‘political will’, or sustained commitment to a clear strat-
egy, is endogenous to the political economy of a sector (and to the array of
other sectors, institutions, and interlocking interests). In the example of
Ethiopian floriculture, and especially in comparison with other sectors
covered in the book, the evidence suggests that policy was especially
effective because of the relatively small (and recent) set of interest
groups. This simplified communications and relations between govern-
ment and sector interests. However, as the sector has evolved and new
interests and challenges have developed, these relations have become
more complex and the cracks in policy coherence have become more
evident.
Second, while it is clear there have been significant successes in sector
performance and in policy effectiveness, the success on both counts is far
from unmitigated. The research highlights a number of problems for the
industry and serious weaknesses in policy design and implementation. It
is as much from these shortcomings as from the successes that scholars
and policymakers can learn.
Third, this circumstance underscores the need for industrial policy to be
sector-specific: what works for cement may not work for floriculture.
Policies that were appropriate at one stage may have to be adapted later.
Understanding the interplay of linkages, political economy, and indus-
trial structure does offer the potential for effective policymaking.
Fourth, the research highlights the significance of learning by making
policy, of the dynamic emergence of new and shifting challenges, and to
some extent of unanticipated consequences that provoke varying
responses over time. This makes it virtually impossible, at least in the
absence of a highly detailed understanding of political economy and
industrial structure, to predict the outcome of industrial strategies. One
cannot, that is, ‘read off’ likely success or failure from generalized
models, be they inspired by laissez-faire or structuralist development
economics.
A final word: government–business dialogue or the collective learning
of state and industry is essential to industrial policy’s success, but only
succeeds if the state plays a leading and activist role. Mazzucato’s quote

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below beautifully encapsulates the spirit of Ethiopia’s industrial policy in

the floriculture sector:

When not taking a leading role, the State becomes a poor imitator of private sector
behaviours, rather than a real alternative. It is a key partner of the private sector—
and often a more daring one, willing to take the risks that business won’t. . . . The
State cannot and should not bow down easily to interest groups who approach it
to seek handouts, rents and unnecessary privileges like tax cuts. It should seek
instead for those interest groups to work dynamically with it in its search for
growth and technological change. (2013a: 5–6)

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6

Curing an Underperformer? Leather

and Leather Products

6.1 Overview and perspectives

The Ethiopian leather and leather products industry has existed since the
1920s and dominated the country’s limited manufactured exports until
the 1990s. Almost all firms in this sector were originally owned by for-
eigners, mainly Armenians. The first shoe factory, Darmar, was founded in
1927, and the first tannery (Asco) was established in 1925. Growth has
historically been slow, and lower-end products dominated the product
mix. Export earnings amounted to merely tens of millions of dollars, with
close to 95 per cent of such earnings coming from semi-finished hides and
skins, and the balance from finished leather and leather products (ERCA
2012a). In 2011, Africa’s export earnings from this sector accounted for
about 1 per cent of global export value, and Ethiopia’s share of Africa’s export
earnings was less than 1 per cent. Ethiopia’s share of African footwear pro-
duction was less than 0.3 per cent in 2011 (FAO 2011). The African export
market is entirely dominated by Tunisia (61 per cent) and Morocco (37.5 per
cent). In terms of exports of semi-finished and finished leather, Ethiopia stood
second to Nigeria (40 per cent), and was followed by Kenya (17 per cent).
The main puzzle is that even with prolonged manufacturing experience
and plentiful livestock resources, performance in Ethiopia has been per-
sistently poor. This sector suffered from inertia and path dependency that
arguably acted as a brake on policy changes. Evidence also suggests that
obvious linkage effects from the rich endowment of primary input mater-
ials are far from automatic.
Made in Africa

A number of explanations are offered for this poor performance, but

they are generally unsatisfactory. Several of these will be familiar to the
reader from earlier chapters. The first standard explanation relates to
factor endowment, in terms of which Ethiopia and other African countries
should focus entirely on leather and leather products, given abundant
cheap labour and livestock. Ethiopia’s livestock population ranks sixth in
the world and first in Africa, and the country possesses a quarter of Africa’s
cattle. Its goat and sheep population is the second biggest on the contin-
ent, and respectively the eighth and tenth largest worldwide (FAO 2011).
Yet the sector has underperformed. Although natural endowment is an
important consideration in policymaking, this argument fails to recognize
that sector development and exploitation of advantages are shaped by
effective policy choices and institutional adjustments. This is better dem-
onstrated by comparing the sluggish growth of the leather sector in
Ethiopia with Italy’s leadership in the industry. Italy, an industrialized
country with higher labour costs and shortages of raw materials, con-
tinues to be the industry’s leader and biggest exporter (exporting more
leather products than the total exports of all developing countries bar
China). Italy has maintained its position by constantly enhancing its
technological leadership and competitive edge. Thus, the endowment
factor is inadequate in explaining the circumstances of Ethiopia’s leather
and leather products industry.
Another explanatory approach relates to the GVC. Its proponents argue
that the division of labour is determined by a country’s position in the
GVC. Schmitz (2004: 1) argues that, ‘the upgrading prospects of local
enterprises differ according to the type of GVC they feed into’ (see also
Gereffi and Fernandez-Stark 2011; Kaplinsky 2005; Humphrey and
Schmitz 2004). Although the GVC literature is useful in understanding
the industry, it does have serious limitations. To the extent that it some-
times places the weight of ‘structuring’ and influence on core industrial-
ized countries, it risks inculcating a kind of fatalism with regard to
developing-country agency (thus echoing dependency theory). It also
diverts attention from the arguably more important issues of domestic
policy, in which the interaction between political economy factors and
GVCs features prominently.
In contrast to these explanations, a political economy and structuralist
perspective (discussed in earlier chapters) may provide a much sounder
explanation. In particular, the political constraints on policymaking and

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

institutions, and the role played by various interest groups and their
relations with the state, can open a new avenue of analysis. In addition,
Hirschman’s linkage approach (1958, 1981, and 1992) offers a sensible
conceptual framework for understanding linkage dynamics in terms of
potential, and converting this potential into material outcomes. Guided
by this perspective, this study uses extensive primary and secondary data.
The analysis is based on disaggregation of the industry into subsectors,
namely the tanning sub-industry or the manufacture of leather, and the
leather products sub-industry, comprising the manufacture of footwear,
gloves, jackets, belts, and other accessories. As with the other sectors in
this study, the key research tools were a quasi-census survey covering the
whole industry (the fifty-seven respondents represented almost 90 per
cent of firms in the sector); qualitative and in-depth interviews (seventy-
five interviews); site visits and observations in factories (mainly tanneries
and leather products); and document reviews. The industry classification
is based on the International Standards of Industrial Classification, Revi-
sion 4 (hereafter ISIC). The statistical data of CSA, FAO, International
Trade Centre (ITC),1 and UN COMTRADE have been used for historical
and comparative purposes.2
The research yielded the following main insights. First, by comparison
with floriculture or cement, the industry’s growth in terms of output,
exports, and employment has been sluggish. Thanks mainly to inappro-
priate policies, the sector has underperformed badly. Industrial policy in
the leather and leather goods sector has long been unable to improve
performance or to fully exploit linkage potential and insertion into the
GVC. However, matters have started to change very recently.
Second, one of the main reasons for underperformance is the lack of
effective policy response to the challenges of raw material supply. This
industry is material-intensive, so a reliable supply of low-cost and good-
quality raw materials is the key determinant of its growth. Input analysis
reveals that material costs amount to more than 70 per cent of production
costs. Despite the comparative advantage suggested by abundant herds
and flocks, the sector experienced shortages, rising prices, and low-quality
inputs (hides and skins for tanneries, finished leather for leather

1
For example ITC (2012).
2
CSA list of firms involved in 2012 survey of manufacturing was referred to investigate active
firms.

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Made in Africa

products). For instance, prices more than tripled between 2009 and 2011,
and quality deteriorated from 1991 to 2012 (FAO 2009; LIDI 2012d; ELIA
2012). The principal failure here has been the lack of a consistent and
effective policy that works for the large number of scattered rural produ-
cers. This is despite of a political commitment to small producers and the
high priority afforded the industry in the GTP.
Third, interests within the industry have been contradictory, contribut-
ing to the disappointing performance. At least until recently, tannery
owners dominated the industry but have shown little interest in techno-
logical upgrading of the sector. This has been compounded by an inad-
equate policy response (for instance, in supporting value addition and
introducing a multi-modal transport system) and inappropriate institu-
tions (notably, the absence of institutions for inputs). This failure to invest
in industrial upgrading has meant the sector has fallen prey to a buyer-
driven GVC (Schmitz 2004). This situation may not preclude local initia-
tives to accelerate upgrading, but does present policy challenges.
Fourth, as shown below, recent developments have begun to yield more
investment, better quality, and more exports of higher-end products. In
the 1990s, the shoe sub-industry was on the verge of extinction in the face
of stiff competition, in particular from China. However, it has been able to
survive and improve its market share in the domestic market. Neverthe-
less, the evidence is still too thin to give rise to unbridled optimism
about this sub-industry, since there are still contradictory interests (for
instance, around path dependency and the low value trap) that are poorly
managed by the state, and the fundamental input supply problem
remains unresolved.

6.2 Sector performance and policy outcomes

The industrial development strategy emphasizes the integrated develop-

ment of animal resources, meat processing, and the leather and leather
products industries. Development of animal resources is underscored as
the cornerstone of the meat and leather sectors. The strategy further
highlights the aim to develop local capacity to export finished leather by
improving the quality and productive capacity of existing tanneries as
well as through new investments. Also emphasized by the strategy is the
employment-creation potential of the leather goods sub-sector and the

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

need to enhance production capabilities by developing and managing

human resources, improving input supply, and by gradually developing
a domestic input and accessories industry. In reviewing this sector’s
performance, it is relevant to assess the effectiveness of industrial
policies over the past two decades. As this sector is export-oriented and
labour-intensive, appropriate performance indicators are output, exports,
employment, and labour productivity.

6.2.1 Output growth

Volume trends have been erratic, with periods of expansion followed by
substantial declines and then rapid recovery (Figure 6.1). Production vol-
umes in the tanning sub-sector, measured in square feet, increased on
average by 20.6 per cent per annum between 1992 and 2011. The footwear
sub-sector, on the other hand, grew on average by about 13 per cent per
annum in the same period. Nevertheless, these average growth rates
conceal significant fluctuations. Tanning production was close to 101
million square feet in 1992; declined to about 70.2 million square feet
by 2000; and bounced back to145.7 million square feet in 2001. It then
continued to decline before it reached a new peak in 2009, at over 160
million square feet. Growth in the sub-sector appears to have declined
again in recent years.
Likewise, the average growth rates for footwear mask fluctuations. Some
874,000 pairs of shoes were manufactured in 1992. Production generally

180,000.00
160,000.00
140,000.00
(000 Sq. ft.)

120,000.00
100,000.00
80,000.00
60,000.00
40,000.00
20,000.00
0.00
92 2
93 3
94 4
95 5
96 6
97 7
98 8
99 9
00 0
01 1
02 2
03 3
04 4
05 5
06 6
07 7
08 8
09 9
10 0
1
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
19 /9
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /0
20 /1
/1
91
19

Figure 6.1. Total production of semi-finished and finished leather by volume,

1992–2011
Source: Own computation based on CSA Report of Surveys on manufacturing, 1992–2012

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Made in Africa

continued to increase in subsequent years, reaching a new peak of close to

1.6 million pairs in 2000. Production then plummeted to 846,000 pairs of
shoes in 2005, even fewer than in 1992. Thereafter, production recovered,
rising to some 2.2 million pairs in 2011. This figure is minuscule in
comparison with Africa’s total output (91 million pairs) or the world’s
(4.4 billion pairs) in 2010. Morocco alone exported 29.3 million pairs and
Tunisia 25.1 million pairs in that year.

6.2.2 Export performance

EXPORT VOLUME AND EXPORT EARNINGS
The leather and leather products industry has been a significant source of
export revenue for Ethiopia for many decades. The export performance of
the leather industry is consistent with the production performance of the
industry described above. Although export earnings increased on average,
they have experienced significant fluctuations over the years. Leather and
leather products exports from 1999 to 2012 totalled more than $1 billion.
Although this figure seems large, it becomes less striking given the cen-
tury-long existence of the sector and the country’s acknowledged poten-
tial in this sector. Ethiopia’s share of the global market and of the African
market is almost nonexistent.
Export revenue between 1999 and 2011 showed significant instability
and variability. For instance, exports by the leather sector ranged between
3,000 tons in 2011 and 16,000 tons in 2007. Export earnings were $60
million in 2004 but only $56 million in 2010 (ERCA 2012a; LIDI 2012g).
There was, moreover, a significant gap in actual export revenues and
targets during 2002–12 (Figure 6.2). Actual performance fell below 50
per cent of target performance, possibly because of shortcomings in plan-
ning and implementation. This mismatch highlights both the govern-
ment’s desire to develop the industry and its inability to do so. On the
other hand, there is no real evidence on the magnitude of transfer pricing/
under-invoicing, tax avoidance/capital flight, or smuggling.
Because of the industry’s relatively slow growth, between 1999 and
2012 its share of total earnings declined from 7 to 3.5 per cent, and its
share of manufactured export earnings decreased from 86 to 52 per cent.
Moreover, this decline is not the result of exceptionally performance by
other sectors.

200
 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

250

200
Millions $
150

100

50

0
2004/05 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12
Planned 105.45 103.87 116.69 143.4 193.02 199.69 180.41 206
Performed 66.15 75.33 89.59 101.3 75.52 56.51 104.33 110.85

Figure 6.2. Export target and performance of leather sector (in million $)
Source: Own computation based on unpublished LIDI data, December 2012

150
130
110
Million $

90
70
50
30
10
–10
199 199 200 200 200 200 200 200 200 200 200 200 201 201
8/9 9/0 0/0 1/0 2/0 3/0 4/0 5/0 6/0 7/0 8/0 9/1 0/1 1/1
9 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 1 2
Semi-finished leather 27.76 31.14 75.24 61.22 71.51 60.09 53.02 65.29 76.73 79.69 59.16 40.78 72.93 49.57

Finished leather 3.34 3.55 3.17 0 0 0 2.36 7.65 6.27 12 8.62 9.44 21.36 49.58

Leather products 0.07 0.06 0.11 0.05 1 0.2 1.39 1.94 6.59 7.52 7.56 6.32 9.51 10.78

Total export earnings 31.17 34.75 78.52 61.28 72.52 60.28 56.76 74.88 89.59 99.21 75.34 56.54 103.8 109.9

Figure 6.3. Share of semi-finished and finished leather (based on export earnings),
1999–2012
Source: Own computation based on unpublished data from ERCA, October 2012

The transition to higher-value added leather and leather products

exports was slow, and has only recently begun (Figure 6.3). There was a
modest increase in the export share of finished leather after 2006. In 2011,
it reached close to $50 million (1,357 tons) and leather products exports
reached $11 million (586 tons). Exports of raw hides and skins dropped
significantly (from 15,000 tons to 5,000 tons) after 2009, following the
government’s export ban on crust (LIDI 2011). Nonetheless, overall
export revenue for the industry has increased, thanks to the shifts towards
value-added products. Export earnings from raw hides and skins were $5.3
per kg in 1999, while earnings from processed and value-added leather
and leather products increased 4.7 times to $25 per kg in 2012 (LIDI

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Made in Africa

2012g). However, not all tanneries could upgrade their product mix, so
the increase in total earnings was unevenly spread.
Comparison with other developing countries in this regard is instruct-
ive, and Vietnam is an appropriate comparator for many reasons. It has
the same population size as Ethiopia and made the transition from a
centrally planned economy after 1986. Vietnam, which was never on
the global leather and footwear map, has since recorded impressive
growth to become one of the top five leather and footwear exporters in
the world. In 2000, its leather and footwear exports exceeded $1 billion,
and by 2007 they surpassed $4 billion. They have recently topped $10
billion. Between 2007 and 2011, shoe exports increased by 164 per cent
and bag exports by 2,005 per cent (LEFASO 2012). The industry contrib-
utes 10 per cent of total export earnings, and leather products are the
sixth most important export commodity. The sector employs more than
650,000 workers, about 10 per cent of national employment. Major trade
partners are the EU (accounting for 48 per cent) and US (30 per cent), and
the country also exports to East Europe, Brazil, and China.

EXPORT DESTINATIONS
Ethiopia’s exports of leather and leather products are concentrated on a
few destinations. The top ten destinations in 2011 were Italy (32 per cent),
China (22 per cent), India (14 per cent), Hong Kong (12 per cent), UK (10
per cent), Indonesia (2 per cent), Germany (2 per cent), Turkey, Romania,
and Thailand (ERCA 2012a). Nonetheless, changes are happening. In
2009, Western European countries absorbed more than 55 per cent of
the total exports in the sector, while Asia’s share was below 37 per cent. By
2011, these shares stood at 43 per cent and 51 per cent respectively. This
increased trade between Asia and Ethiopia seems to be caused by increased
Chinese and Indian investment in the sector. While Italy, a traditional
trading partner, is still the single largest buyer (one-third of Ethiopian
exports), the shares of China, India, and the UK have shown some
increase. Although diversification has its own benefits, existing evidence
is insufficient to show advantages in terms of price or technological or
skills development.

INDUSTRY CONCENTRATION
In the exports of crust and finished leather, the top five exporters,
accounting for 56 per cent of the total, were Ethiopian Tannery

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

(a privatized firm owned by Pittards, a UK company), 15 per cent; ELICO

(a privatized firm currently owned by the Midroc Group), 12 per cent;
followed by China-Africa Tannery (11 per cent), COLBA, and DIRE (which
are locally owned), 9 per cent each. In shoe exports, German-owned ARA
(29 per cent) and four local firms dominated in 2012. Lately, changes have
come to the leather products sub-sector with the advent of new players
such as Huajian, the largest Chinese manufacturer of ladies’ shoes. So far,
industrial concentration in Ethiopia is much lower than in Vietnam,
where five firms account for about 70 per cent of exports (GIZ 2009).
With increased FDI in this sector, however, concentration in Ethiopia is
expected to increase.

COMPETITIVE EDGE
Poor quality also contributed significantly to weak export performance.
The industry is incapable of timely exports of good quality products at
competitive prices. Customer orientation and competitive spirit were
below the desired level. Respondents cited the poor quality of raw mater-
ials and lack of skilled personnel as the main causes for this. Lack of cost
competitiveness was primarily due to shortages and the high prices of raw
hides and skins. As Table 6.1 starkly shows, material inputs account for
about 85 per cent of production costs in both leather and leather products.
Hides and skins or finished leather accounted for 66–70 per cent of
production costs. This finding on inputs as binding constraints is in line
with the World Bank’s study (Dinh et al. 2012) and Cramer’s (1999d)
observations. By 2014, the crisis in the raw material sector for leather
remained fundamentally unresolved.

Table 6.1. Major inputs in tanning and leather products

Major inputs Leather sub-industry Leather products

(in %) sub-industry (in %)

2010 2011 2010 2011

Local raw materials and semi-processed inputs 60.6 66.4 44.8 70.6
Imported raw materials and semi-processed inputs 24.5 26.9 31.6 16.2
Utilities, transportation, and logistics 11.2 4.2 3.2 3.3
Labour and related service 3.7 2.5 20.3 9.9
Total 100 100 100 100

Source: Oqubay (2012)

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6.2.3 Employment generation

This industry is labour-intensive, especially the leather products sub-
industry, which also employs more female workers (about 46 per cent of
the total workforce) than the tanning sub-industry. According to CSA
Survey Reports (1991–2012), annual average employment growth in the
leather and leather products industry is 4.54 per cent. Between 1992 and
2003 the workforce grew by only 1.04 per cent to 7,352 (CSA 1993,
2012c). An annual average growth rate of 3 per cent was recorded between
2003 and 2007, while it doubled between 2007 and 2012 because of
new investments. The number of firms seeking investment certificates
increased from eighty-seven in the fifteen years after 1992 to 133 firms
between 2007 and 2011. However, actual investment did not exhibit such
high rates of growth.
Total employment in the fifty-seven medium and large firms sampled
was 15,443 in 2012. More than 57 per cent were permanent workers, 20
per cent were on contract, and the remainder were temporary. By contrast,
permanent employees accounted for more than 70 per cent of the work-
force in the cement industry and 76 per cent in floriculture.

6.2.4 Labour productivity and capacity utilization

LABOUR PRODUCTIVITY TRENDS
Labour productivity is measured as production per person per day, where
production is in terms of square feet in tanneries, and pairs per day in
footwear. For leather garments, reliable data were unavailable. Many
existing leather products manufacturers do not specialize in leather gar-
ments, and only produce them in small quantities. Data on footwear had
to be disaggregated into leather and non-leather footwear (canvas, rubber,
plastic). Labour productivity trends in leather footwear show that the sub-
sector has remained stagnant for a very long time. As Figure 6.4 illustrates,
it declined following liberalization in the early and mid-1990s and has
never recovered. Production per person was 1.00 pairs per day in 1993,
1.17 pairs in 2002, and 1.06 pairs in 2011. Compared to other countries,
current labour productivity in the leather footwear sub-industry is low.
Intra-country productivity comparisons have their own drawbacks, as
many variables distort the comparison. However, approximate average
productivity in men’s leather shoes was 6 pairs in China, 4 pairs in

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

14
Production amount per person
12
10
( Pairs/day)

8
6
4
2
0
19 /79

19 /81

19 /83

19 /85

19 /87

19 /89

19 /91

19 /93

19 /95

19 /97

20 /99

20 /01

20 /03

20 /05

20 /07

20 /09

1
/1
78

80

82

84

86

88

90

92

94

96

98

00

02

04

06

08

10
19

All types of footwear Leather footwear

Figure 6.4. Labour productivity in footwear, 1979–2011

Source: Own computation based on CSA Report on Large and Medium Scale Manufacturing and
Electricity Industries Survey, 1978–2012

160
Production per person

140
(Sq.Ft) per day

120
100
80
60
40
20
0
2004/05
1976/77
1978/79
1980/81
1982/83
1984/85
1986/87
1988/89
1990/91
1992/93
1994/95
1996/97
1998/99
2000/01
2002/03

2006/07
2008/09
2010/11

Figure 6.5. Labour productivity in tanning, 1977–2011

Source: Own computation based on CSA Survey of Manufacturing, 1978–2012

Vietnam and India, 3.3–3.5 pairs in South Africa, and according to recent
observation by India’s Footwear Design and Development Institute
(FDDI), 3–3.5 pairs in Ethiopia (FDDI 2012).
Tanneries appear to perform better, but labour productivity has been
highly erratic (Figure 6.5). The production per person was 77.85 square
feet per day in 1993, 61.32 square feet in 2002, and 63.64 square feet in
2011. At times, however, labour productivity has doubled, as in 2001 and
2009.

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Made in Africa

CAPACITY UTILIZATION
Another indicator of efficiency and productivity is utilization of installed
capacity. There can be biases in this indicator if it is not measured prop-
erly. Survey results show that the sector suffers from low capacity utiliza-
tion. According to the survey for this study, more than two-thirds of firms
operated below 60 per cent of capacity (Table 6.2). The main reported
causes for this were raw materials shortages, delays in input supply,
market or demand problems, lack of working capital, and lack of skilled
workers.
The tannery sub-industry, which is more capital intensive, has very low
capacity utilization: only 67 per cent for soaking and 57 per cent for
finishing. Moreover, the ratio of finishing to soaking capacity for sheep
and goatskins was 68 per cent (Table 6.3).
In sum, it is clear that the overall leather sector has a long way to go to
meet the GTP’s target output of $500 million by 2015. Employment has
remained below 20,000, insignificant in comparison with the 650,000
employed in this sector in Vietnam. China’s five million workers in the
sector underscore the employment scope of this sector.

Table 6.2. Capacity utilization of firms (whole sector)

Capacity utilization (%) Number of firms Per cent

<20 6 13.0
20–40 12 26.1
41–60 12 26.1
61–80 12 26.1
>80 4 8.7
Total 46 100

Source: Oqubay (2012)

Table 6.3. Capacity utilization of tanneries (2011)

Product type Soaking capacity Finishing capacity Ratio of finishing to

utilization (%) utilization (%) soaking capacity (%)

Sheep and goat skins 70.63 57.87 68.17

Cattle hides 57.29 54.80 93.33
Total 66.53 56.82 74.83

Source: Own computation based on unpublished LIDI data, October 2012

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

6.3 Industrial structure, economic, and technological

characteristics

This analysis of the structure of the leather and leather products industry
of Ethiopia is based primarily on the quasi-census conducted by the
author (Oqubay 2012). The results highlight the dominance of small
and medium firms, the low entry and exit barriers, and the wide latitude
for performance.

6.3.1 Industrial structure of the Ethiopian leather and

leather goods industry
GEOGRAPHICAL CONCENTRATION OF FIRMS
AND INDUSTRIAL CLUSTER
Industrial clusters are ‘the geographical concentration or localization of
enterprises producing similar or closely related goods in a small area’
(Sonobe and Otsuka 2006). Marshall’s (1920) pioneering work states that
agglomeration economies provide the advantage of information spill-
over, division of labour and specialization, and labour market develop-
ment. Porter (1998), for his part, emphatically highlights the role of
industrial clusters in many industries: ‘A nation’s competitive advantage
in industries is often geographically concentrated. Geographic concentra-
tion is important to the genesis of competitive advantage, and it amplifies
the forces that upgrade and sustain an advantage . . . Government policy
has an important role in nurturing and reinforcing clusters’.
The Ethiopian leather and leather products industry comprises sixty-
five medium- and large-sized firms clustered in and around Addis Ababa.
Fifty-six per cent (thirty-two firms) are in Addis Ababa, 36 per cent in
Oromia (seventeen firms), and 11 per cent in each of Amhara and Tigray
(six firms each). Other than Addis Ababa, Mojo, a rapidly growing indus-
trial and transport hub on the Addis–Djibouti corridor, had the highest
concentration of tanneries. Of the firms outside Addis Ababa, more than 70
per cent lay within a 200-km radius. Historically, all the old tanneries and
shoe factories were established along rivers in Addis Ababa and Mojo
because of the local availability of skilled labour, because Addis Ababa is
also the biggest domestic market in Ethiopia, and because of better infra-
structure and services. Similar agglomerations have been observed in Brazil,
China, Italy, and Vietnam, a strong indication of the role of industrial

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Made in Africa

clusters in the leather products industry. Although there have been recent
efforts in Ethiopia to encourage cluster development, this is at an early stage
and requires further study.

SIZE OF FIRMS
According to CSA survey data (2012b), the average size of manufacturing
firms in 2010 was eighty-one persons, while 149 persons were employed
per firm in the leather and leather products industry. This trend appears to
be associated with the firms’ origins as SOEs, which were larger than
privately owned enterprises. Some of the new FDI-owned firms are, how-
ever, much bigger than the privatized SOEs. For instance, Huajian had
1,200 workers in 2012. Moreover, Vietnamese factories on average employ
four times as many workers as their Ethiopian counterparts (GIZ 2009;
LEFASO 2004, 2012). One of the largest footwear manufacturers in
Vietnam (owned by the Taiwanese Chin Luh Group, which is the major
manufacturer for Nike) employs 24,000 workers and manufactures 20
million pairs of shoes per annum. While the subcontract production
system is not present in Ethiopia, 70 per cent of firms in Vietnam operate
on this basis.

OWNERSHIP AND CORPORATE STRUCTURE

SOEs dominated the sector until the first decade of the new millennium.
All large firms were owned by the state under the Derg regime’s command
economy. The leather and leather products industry was opened to private
investment following the transition to a market-led economy in the early
1990s. By 2012, all nine of these SOEs had been fully privatized, and two-
thirds of them had been bought by domestic private firms. Unlike in
cement and floriculture, Ethiopian nationals now dominate the leather
and leather products sector. This was not a direct result of government
policy, since the investment law opened the sector to FDI. Again unlike
floriculture, the Ethiopian diaspora has played an insignificant role in the
leather industry, investing in only four firms. About three-quarters of
the sector’s businesses are sole proprietorships or private limited compan-
ies, while ‘share companies’ have little presence. Nearly two-thirds of the
firms surveyed agreed that they were ‘family-businesses’. Moreover, the
general managers of these firms were family members, owner-managers,
or partner-managers, a pattern reminiscent of floriculture, in which
72 per cent are owner-managers.

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

Of the total number of firms in the industry in 2011, foreign-owned

firms accounted for 23 per cent in the leather manufacturing sub-industry
and 28 per cent in leather products (footwear and gloves). Foreign-owned
firms produced less than 25 per cent of the leather, and around 30 per cent
of leather products, and accounted for about 35 per cent of leather exports
and 55 per cent of leather products exports. Thus, foreign investors are
more active in leather products and oriented towards exports. Domestic-
ally owned firms sold 38 per cent of tannery output and 68 per cent of
footwear production to the local market. The origin of FDI was less con-
centrated, with China, the UK, and a Chinese–Italian joint venture each
having a 21 per cent share, and India a 14 per cent share.
In Vietnam, by comparison, FDI plays a more important role (45 per
cent), and state-owned firms have a presence, albeit diminishing, in foot-
wear production. In 2009, the sector had 465 medium and large footwear
manufacturers and forty-two tanneries. Domestically owned firms
accounted for 50 per cent (256 firms), while seventeen firms were jointly
owned, and six were SOEs. The balance were foreign owned (GIZ 2009;
LEFASO 2012). In 2004, FDI accounted for 44 per cent of footwear;
domestically owned firms 28 per cent; SOEs 21 per cent; and jointly
owned companies 6.5 per cent.

6.3.2 Economic and technological characteristics of the industry

TECHNOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND LATITUDE
FOR POOR PERFORMANCE
The leather and leather products industry has distinctive technological
and economic characteristics. It is classified as light industry and labour-
intensive. Based on technological intensity, Lall (2000b, 2003) classifies
leather production as low technology (LT-1). The production process is
product-driven, and depends on labour skills and variable market orders.
Economies of scale and scope are smaller in leather and leather products
than in industries such as cement. However, there is an increasing trend
towards concentration.
Given the limited capital requirements and the divisibility and low-tech
nature of the machinery, barriers to entry are low. However, entry into
international markets, driven by fashion houses and global retail chains,
is very competitive (Schmitz 1999; Schmitz and Knorringa 2000;
Gereffi 1994; Gereffi, Humphrey, and Sturgeon 2005). Delivery times are

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Made in Africa

becoming shorter and product varieties are increasing, while cost-

competitiveness is stiffening. The latitude for poor performance is there-
fore narrower in leather products, and the competitive pressures facing
Ethiopian leather products manufacturers are stronger than for tanneries.
The latter have wide latitude for poor performance in comparison not
only with leather products, but also industries such as cement or floricul-
ture. This is in line with the argument ‘that export structures, being path-
dependent and difficult to change, have implications for growth and
development. Low technology products tend to grow the slowest and
technology intensive products the fastest’ (Lall 2000b: 1). This may
imply the need for a top-down approach, where the leather products
industry becomes stronger and pulls the tanning sub-industry up
(UNIDO 2012). This is also in line with capitalist globalization in all
industries after the 1970s, including the dominance in this sector of global
actors such as Nike, Adidas, Reebok, and Puma (Nolan 2012). These four
brands dominate the $75 billion global athletic footwear market and have
a 20 per cent market share. The GVC in this sector is characterized by
increasing buyer dominance (UNECA-AU 2013; Gereffi et al. 2005;
Schmitz and Knorringa 2000; Kaplinsky and Morris 2000; Schmitz 2007).
The key stages in the leather and leather products value chain are the
recovery and supply of hides and skins, their conversion into semi-pro-
cessed and finished leather, the manufacture of leather products, and
marketing. The sector is material-intensive, and has much stronger back-
ward linkages, especially with agriculture. In terms of linkages ‘calling
forth’ activities, it may be worth establishing a sequence here: the industry
was created because of the existence of the livestock sector, which implies
a forward linkage from livestock. As the leather sector develops, it has the
potential to stimulate huge livestock production (productivity and qual-
ity) through a backward linkage. This shows there is the potential for
a ‘feedback loop’. However, this is not evident in Ethiopia due to the
leather products industry’s lack of dynamism. In addition, agriculture
(specifically, livestock) is vulnerable to drought and variable rainfall,
thus constituting immense ‘supply side’ technological uncertainty. This
has significant implications for policy design in the leather sector in terms
of institutional support, extension and veterinary services, credit, access
to grazing and watering facilities, fodder cultivation, post-slaughter care,
and marketing. Moreover, livestock owners and leather producers, on
account of their dispersal, lack of organization, and sometimes conflicting

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

interests, are poorly placed to bring pressure to bear on government. This

is relevant to government policy commitments and concerted effort.
Another key dynamic relevant to policy in the leather sector is the
pressure to improve environmental compliance. Tanning has significant
environmental effects, including air, water, and ground contamination.
Leather substitutes are expanding, while buyers and regulators are increas-
ingly insisting on strict environmental protection and the application of
eco-friendly labels, such as LITE standards (Low Impact to Environment)
and Leather Working Group. A current major issue is the lobbying to ban
the use of chrome in tanning. This represents a significant challenge, as
chrome is very economical and is used by nearly 80 per cent of the world’s
tanneries. Decreased applications of salt are also being strongly encour-
aged. Furthermore, traceability is becoming important, as is the tracking
of carbon footprints. And at the same time as the leather industry is being
pressured by buyers and others to improve its environmental compliance
and promote its environmental image, it is under constant pressure to
reduce production costs and expand the fashion range (FAO 2008;
Kaplinsky 2005; OECD 1976).

TECHNICAL CAPACITY AND STAFF COMPOSITION

A firm’s competiveness and productivity is largely driven by its pace and
scale of learning, and one aspect of the technical capacity of firms is staff
composition, specifically the extent of the professional and technical
core. The number of professionals in fifty-two firms was 440, or 2 per
cent of the total workforce, while the share of technical experts and
engineers was below a quarter of total professional staff (or 1 per cent of
overall employees). This is believed to be very low. Moreover, only 4 per
cent of all workers have technical or vocational training. In view of the
industry’s skilled worker shortage and low retention levels, firms may
have less motivation to invest in skills development.

6.3.3 Market structure and international competition

GLOBAL MARKET STRUCTURE
The global market for leather and leather products was $60 billion in 2011
(FAO 2011). Growth of the leather products sub-sector is determined by
the global economic situation and consumer demand. On the other hand,
the leather sub-sector’s growth is determined by demand from the leather

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Made in Africa

products industry, and production in the meat and dairy industries (FAO
2008; OECD 1976).3 In terms of global footwear production, China is the
leader, dwarfing all countries with 42 per cent of world production and
employing five million workers (FAO 2011). The Chinese footwear sub-
industry is the biggest employer in the world (China Leather Industry
Association 2012). Vietnam, Brazil, and India follow far behind in global
exports of footwear. While Italy leads in higher-end products, China,
India, and Brazil are focused on the lower end.4
The main source of hides and skins for China, Europe, and the Far
East has been the US. The US exports some 750,000 tons of bovine hides
and skins per year, while China is the biggest importer of bovine hides and
skins (FAO 2013). Brazil’s annual domestic consumption of hides
and skins stood at 12 million in 2011. Brazil has 213 million head of cattle
(14 per cent share of the world’s cattle population), an increase of 23 per
cent in ten years. This remarkable growth is attributed to Brazilian policy
and the Brazilian leather promotion agency’s initiatives to improve sus-
tainability, quality, innovation, and creativity.

6.3.4 Summary
In reviewing the Ethiopian leather and leather products sector, certain
features stand out. First, small and medium, mostly family-owned, firms
dominate both sub-sectors. Economies of scale and scope are low, as are
entry and exit barriers. Because the sector is not demand-constrained,
there is the opportunity to engage more firms. The firms’ limitations
suggest the need for increased support from government agencies; mar-
keting, research, and development institutions; and industrial associ-
ations. Learning from Brazilian and Vietnamese experience may be
important. Second, as a labour-intensive industry, labour productivity
plays a central role, implying a need to focus on developing production
capability. The dominance of high productivity and low cost countries

3
The global leather market showed sustained growth between 1981 and 2006, from $13 to $60
billion, but was slowed by the 2008 global economic crisis (FAO 2008). Of the total sales, the hides
and skins segment, tanning, and leather footwear accounted for 12, 30, and 58 per cent
respectively in 2007 (FAO 2008).
4
Brazil has one of the fastest growing leather goods sectors in terms of exports and production.
Brazil’s export earnings increased from $700 million in 2000 to more than $2.2 billion (352,222
tons) in 2011. This shows that this is not a ‘demand constrained’ sector, but one in which new
competitors have expanded to take larger slices of the global market.

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(such as China, Vietnam, and India) and the increased buyers’ bargaining
position in the GVC pose formidable challenges for entrants like Ethiopia.
Industrial clusters, which have played important roles in Italy, China, and
Brazil, could do the same in Ethiopia.
Third, the latitude for poor performance is wide, implying that policy
effectiveness is hampered by the lack of inherent pressure in the produc-
tion process. Firms prefer to sell on the domestic market rather than in the
more competitive export market. Moreover, the small size and limited
capital base of the domestic firms limits the scope of specialization, and
the firms view diversifying to other business as a better option to mitigate
their business risks. This implies, arguably, the need for innovative pol-
icymaking and institutional arrangements. Relatively, the leather prod-
ucts sub-industry exerts greater pressure of export discipline.
Fourth, just as energy is critical to cement, and air transport to floricul-
ture, the input supply issue is a binding constraint on this industry. This is
due to the material intensity of the product. In view of the factor endow-
ments of Ethiopia, which also became a key factor in attracting invest-
ment, the key policy challenge will be addressing this binding constraint.
With these premises, the following sections review the policy and insti-
tutional responses of the government.

6.4 Linkages, path dependence, and industrialization

6.4.1 Path dependence and low value trap in leather
and leather products industry
Path dependence ‘characterises . . . those historical sequences in which
contingent events set into motion institutional patterns or event chains
that have deterministic properties’ (Mahoney 2000). Path dependence is
locked in and hard to escape (Vergne and Durand 2010). The Ethiopian
leather and leather products industry has experienced path dependence in
the form of a low value trap. This dependence has been reinforced by
many factors. First, pressures from the GVC have been less acutely felt,
as Ethiopian leather and leather product output is based on tanneries.
Footwear production and exports have lagged leather production. The
tanning industry was dependent on raw hide and skin exports until
1975, and on semi-finished leather exports until December 2011. Under

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the command economy (1975–91), government was forced to prohibit

hide and skin exports in order to secure supplies for nationalized state-
owned firms that were experiencing shortages of, and high prices for, raw
materials. Evidence suggests this intervention was not made with a view
to upgrading the industry.5
Until 2007, the main export was wet-blue and pickle. It was only in that
year that the government imposed a high tax to discourage exports of low-
end semi-finished leather and encourage exports of crust. After 2011, crust
exports were also discouraged by a high export tax, and exporting finished
leather was promoted. Despite these interventions, the sector faces major
challenges in terms of value addition, localization of inputs (local content
is below 60 per cent), industry upgrading, and product design and devel-
opment (Oqubay 2012). This stands in contrast to Vietnam, which has
managed to break into the GVC, competing primarily on cost (against
China and others) after liberalization of the centrally planned economy
in the late 1980s. It is now the second largest manufacturer of footwear in
the world.
Second, exports of semi-finished leather suited the Ethiopian tanneries
because they only had to deal with a limited number of European tanner-
ies (unlike the footwear and other leather products manufacturers). This
reduced buyer uncertainty and facilitated good relationships with higher
value leather manufacturers. The prices of semi-finished leather were
stable between 1991 and 2008, and the trend changed only after the
end of 2008 because of falling retailer demand. For instance, in the US
hide prices decreased by more than 50 per cent in 2009 (FAO 2008).
Changes in consumption patterns for leather products do not directly
transfer to crust level manufacture. The purchasers of finished leather
are leather products manufacturers, who put heavy pressure on leather
processors and insist on stringent specifications, costs, delivery times, and
quality. The logistics of acquiring chemical inputs is more complex and
requires more working capital. After the oil price hike in 2008, operating
costs in Ethiopia increased as chemical costs rose. This situation further
worsened when raw hide and skin prices increased threefold on the local
market between 2009 and 2012 due to the establishment of new—mostly

5
The decision was also partly influenced by the Derg’s need to produce boots for its soldiers
under extreme balance of payments constraints.

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

foreign-owned—tanneries. As a result, tanneries came under increasing

pressure and the leather products industry was hard hit.
Third, with rising demand for leather footwear, the tanneries and foot-
wear industry were able to sell profitably on local markets. In this they
were assisted by the increased price of imported leather footwear because
of devaluation. This strengthened the dominance of family-owned firms,
some of which had also been involved in footwear manufacture. Those
who invested in tanneries after 1992 were hides and skins traders, some of
whom saw manufacturing as an extension of their hides and skins trade.
They also regarded their monopoly of the supply of raw inputs as advan-
tageous and were not interested in the government’s (half-hearted) efforts
to improve the supply of raw hides and skins. Instead, they considered
that the status quo offered better advantages in terms of access to raw
materials, price, and quality.
Fourth, the historical evolution and composition of the Ethiopian
Leather Industries Association (ELIA) further consolidated the tanneries’
position. Tannery interests shaped the association’s activities as well as
how government was lobbied. Eight firms, all tanneries, originally
founded ELIA in 1994. In 2012, ELIA’s membership reached thirty-
nine, of which 61 per cent were tanneries, and tannery owners also
owned some of the twelve footwear manufacturers. The firms do not
share cohesive aims and seem to wish to avoid competition. For
instance, they effectively lobbied to prevent new foreign firms from
investing in tanneries, as predicted by Hirschman in The Political Econ-
omy of Import-Substituting Industrialization in Latin America (1968). This
policy decision was made on a provisional basis in 2012, and became
part of the new investment code. In the absence of a stronger reciprocal
control mechanism, the organizational capacity of these private sector
investors seems likely to consolidate industry path dependence rather
than to break it.
Fifth, the low value trap and path dependence involves professionals
and management as well. Most managers and professionals had long been
operating under a quota and central planning system, which explains
their lack of enthusiasm for competition. An anonymous observer
remarked that the chemists in the sector were not aware of or receptive
to technological innovation (interview, August 2012). He also added that
the owners were less interested in specializing in, for instance, sheepskin
or cattle hides, crust production, or finished leather.

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Some of the constraints in this sector could have been tackled through
appropriate policies, institutions, and organization. This did not happen
for several reasons. First, other than the broad definition of the strategy,
no comprehensive roadmap was developed to chart how the sector could
upgrade its position in the GVC. GVC analysis focuses on the ‘dynamics
of inter-linkages within the productive sector, especially the way in which
firms and countries are globally integrated . . . ’ It also examines ‘the
full range of activities which are required to bring a product or service
from conception, through the different phases of production (involving a
combination of physical transformation and the input of various
producer services), delivery to final consumers, and final disposal after
use’ (Kaplinsky and Morris 2000: 4). Most of the policy decisions have not
been informed by an integrated approach and knowledge of the industry.
For instance, data on the local or global outlook of the industry are not
available to MOI. Most of the reports submitted to the NECC focused on
export performance and urgent constraints rather than underlying struc-
tures. Nor was the design of a multimodal transport system informed by
appreciation of the features of the global market in leather and related
products. The policy decision to upgrade products, though important and
long overdue, was not supported by coherent long-term plans.
Second, pressure from powerful lobbies (in particular tanneries) weak-
ened policy coherence and consistency. Some policies appeared incom-
patible, for instance, those promoting live animal exports versus those
promoting the meat processing industry. In addition, some decisions were
not followed through and firm accountability and monitoring was lack-
ing. For instance, the import of raw materials and semi-processed leather
was raised as far back as 2004, but was never seriously addressed. This was
mainly due to pressure from existing tanneries happy with the status quo,
and policymakers who did not insulate themselves from this pressure.
Even the upgrading of products was only implemented much later (in
October 2012).
Third, the institutional setting did not effectively support the sector.
There was no strong institution working on the input side, and there has
been a failure to coordinate trade facilitation and logistics. This is critical
to an industry needing to import accessories and components, and to
export under tight delivery and cost schedules. Research and vocational
training institutions have weak links to the industry. The lead institution
for the sector was strengthened only after 2010. Overall, this lack of

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institutions has further solidified the inertia. This situation stands in stark
contrast to Brazil, where research and development support is effective
(see Di John, forthcoming).
Further evidence of inertia includes the inability to diversify the product
range, in part because sub-contracting is almost nonexistent. For instance,
Ethiopian footwear firms have focused on men’s shoes, while foreign-
owned firms produce women’s shoes, for which there is a bigger and
more rapidly changing market. Government has put insufficient effort
into designing policy instruments and institutions to lead firms towards
higher productivity and industrial upgrading. Rather, a perceived easy
way out has been taken in the form of misguided and detrimental efforts
to continue protection and restrict FDI, as well as the weak interest in
exporting and industrial upgrading and lack of inter-firm linkages and
specialization (see Section 6.4.2 for details). Porter (1998: 598) points to
the wider significance of problems such as these by emphasizing that ‘the
most serious mistake is to support policies that will undermine true com-
petitive advantage, reduce the impetus to improve and innovate, and
create an attitude of dependence on government’.
In other countries, (for instance, the Sinos Valley footwear cluster in
Brazil and central eastern Italian footwear clusters) industrial associations,
firms, and local and national governments have played an active role in
industrial upgrading. The Sinos Valley cluster employs 153,400 people
in 1,821 firms (tanneries and footwear and leather article manufacturers).
It exported 100 million pairs of shoes worth approximately $900 million
in 1991. The dynamism of this cluster arose in response to international
competition and increased costs. Cooperative and collective action was
the key to this success (see Schmitz 1995a, 1995b, 1998; IDS 1997).

6.4.2 Backward linkages: neglected constraints and opportunity

The evidence shows that the quality, price, and shortages of raw hides and
skins were the binding constraint on the leather and leather products
industry. A number of observations support this finding.

INPUTS AS KEY CONSTRAINT ON PRODUCTIVITY

AND EXPORT COMPETITIVENESS
Most representatives of the firms surveyed stated that the major causes
of low capacity utilization were shortages of working capital and the

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Made in Africa

shortage and poor quality of raw materials. These are obviously inter-
related issues. In terms of constraints on export performance, close to
40 per cent stated that the delays, high prices, and poor quality of raw
materials were the major constraint. In response to the question on the
main cause of lack of competitiveness in terms of price and timely deliv-
ery, the firms pointed to the prices and inadequate supplies of raw mater-
ials as a prime reason. Most of the firms also identified these factors as the
major cause of the lack of competitiveness in terms of quality. According
to recent ELIA data, less than 20 per cent of skins and hides qualified as
Grades 1–3, while Grade 4–6 account for above 80 per cent (MOI 2012a;
ELIA 2012). This is consistent with the findings of other studies (see
USAID 2008; Dinh et al. 2012; Global Development Solutions 2011).
A comparative study on livestock development in Botswana and Ethiopia
indicates that Ethiopia’s cattle productivity is among the lowest in the
world, and that the supply chain is dominated by ‘numerous intermedi-
aries and actors’, a situation that increases transaction costs (UNECA
2012).

LINKAGE EFFECTS IN THE LEATHER SECTOR

The above evidence is consistent with the analysis of linkages, particularly
the input and output side of tanneries and the input side of the leather
products sub-industry. Tanneries and leather products have high material
intensity. Based on the responses of thirty-eight firms, hides and skins are
the key components in the input–output linkage. In tanneries (in 2011),
97 per cent of local raw materials were hides and skins, with sheepskin
alone having a 69 per cent share. Similarly, in leather products, 79 per cent
of local inputs are finished leather. Hides and skins account for the lion’s
share of the cost of inputs. In leather products, finished leather has a share
of 56 per cent. Clearly, for tanneries, the supply, quality, and prices of
hides and skins are crucial to their growth and competitiveness. The same
is true of finished leather in the leather products industry.
The price of hides and skins has increased over time, constraining the
growth and competitiveness of the industry. The cost of sheepskin
increased twelvefold from ETB 7.71 to ETB 91.53 between 1993 and
2012, and threefold between 2010 and 2012 alone as the capacity of
tanneries expanded. Similarly, although less spectacularly, goatskin prices
increased sevenfold between 1993 and 2012, and by 183 per cent between
2010 and 2012. The corresponding figures for cattle hides are fivefold and

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

166 per cent. The quasi-census shows that over the same period, other
input prices were fairly stable, although some showed less dramatic
increases.
According to the CSA survey of livestock, Ethiopia had more than 52
million cattle (almost half of all livestock), 24.2 million sheep, and 22.6
million goats (CSA 2012a). Livestock is concentrated in the most populous
regions of Oromia, Amhara, and Southern Nations, Nationalities, and
Peoples’ Region (SNNPR). There have been fundamental problems in
livestock development. For instance, the level of commercialization (sur-
plus to subsistence sold) ranges from 12 per cent for cattle to 25 per cent
for sheep and 18 per cent for goats, and 10 per cent overall. The most
extensive use of cattle was for draught, and in the case of sheep and goats,
breeding. Livestock contributes up to 45 per cent of Ethiopia’s agricultural
GDP (25 per cent according to MOFED estimates) (Behnke 2010: 7). In
low-income countries, livestock has broader social significance than as a
financial asset or food source, and represents the basis of livelihood and
cultural identity (Economist at Large 2011).
The number of slaughtered animals has been very low, and insufficient
to supply tanneries. The off-take rate for Ethiopian livestock was also low,
40 per cent for sheep, 27 per cent for goats, and 14 per cent for cattle
(MOA 2012). According to the CSA Agricultural Sample Survey, 61 per
cent of skins and 48 per cent of hides were not marketed but used within
producer households (2012a). Moreover, due to traditional animal hus-
bandry practices, the estimated reproductive rate is 37 per cent (which
means 28 million sheep produce only 9 million lambs), one of the lowest
in the world. At the other end of the spectrum are New Zealand, Australia,
and the UK, with a reproductive rate of 150 per cent. Improving the
agricultural extension system and providing a stronger incentive package
is essential, but not sufficient. This has to be supported by other interven-
tions, such as specialized infrastructure development.
Further, the quality of raw hides and skins has deteriorated in the last
twenty years. Although Ethiopian highland sheepskins (from so-called
Abyssinian sheep) are of good quality, this quality is undermined by
traditional slaughter methods and poor handling of raw hides and skins
during collection. According to ELIA, in the 1980s and early 1990s 50 per
cent of tanneries received Grades 1–3, a result of the compulsory dipping
of animals, as opposed to 20 per cent in 2012. Studies show that the major
reason for the defects is ectoparasites, also colloquially known as ‘cockle’

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Made in Africa

or ‘Ekek’ (USAID 2008; MOA 2012; ELIA 2012). This widespread infest-
ation, which can be controlled through appropriate veterinary services,
damages skins and undermines the effects of improved rearing practices.
These findings are consistent with interview responses by Ministry of
Agriculture officials, tanneries, and leather products firms. Although trace-
ability is difficult because of the inter-regional movement of animals and
skins, sheepskins from Gojjam and Gondar are held to be of better quality
and sell at a premium, while poor quality skins from Wollo sell at a lower
price.
Poor livestock health, estimated to cost more than $2 billion per year in
SSA in the 1980s, is a major constraint and requires government to take an
active lead (de Haan and Umali 1994). Unfortunately, veterinary services
and agricultural extension services in Ethiopia are poor and neglected
(Embassy of Japan 2008; USAID 2008; UNIDO 2005), a situation that
has been highlighted in various Ethiopian government documents (CSA
2012a; MOA 2012; MOI 2012a, MOFED 2010; see also Little et al. 2010
and Mahmoud 2010). Studies and pilot projects have been conducted by
various organizations, including USAID and Pittards, which show that the
technology is available to improve skin quality by up to 80 per cent, and
that reproductive performance can be immensely improved.
The introduction and expansion of ranches should be explored as
a complementary policy with medium-term relevance for the meat-
processing industry and supply of raw hides and skins. There is limited
experience of ranches in Africa, although they are common in Latin
America. The type of ranches is related to political factors.6 This policy
option was, however, not considered in the development of the livestock
sector in Ethiopia, possibly to avoid the risks that smallholder farmers
might face by becoming more dependent on livestock.
Currently, the livestock sector is viewed as supplementary to crop pro-
duction by smallholder farmers, rather than as a sustainable source of
livelihood (which also contributes to structural transformation and indus-
trialization). The necessary interventions, from livestock development to
the leather products industry, require a coherent and integrated approach
and high priority in terms of resource allocation. Evidence suggests that

6
See Mwangi (2007) on the political factors that transformed property rights and the ranch
system.

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

20
18
Export values in US$ million

16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011

Live animals
Meat and meat products
Leather and leather products

Figure 6.6. Export comparisons: live animals, leather, and meat processing, 1998–2011
Source: Own computation based on ERCA (2012a)

although there was a clear strategic articulation of this priority, no com-

prehensive policy approaches were formulated.
There is also a lack of compatibility in policies. As previously men-
tioned, one major policy contradiction regards exports of live animals,
which grew faster than meat exports. The former’s share of export earn-
ings increased from a negligible 0.16 per cent to 6.57 per cent in fourteen
years (see Figure 6.6). However, domestic slaughterhouses and meat
exporters are on the verge of closure due to high prices and lack of supply.
In November 2012, the association of meat processing plants and abat-
toirs requested the government to ban the export of live animals (MOI
2012a).
The structural problems related to smallholder livestock management
need to be addressed with more effective and coherent policy instru-
ments. Exploring the experiences of Brazil, Botswana, and South Africa
can help in addressing these constraints. For instance, in Botswana there
are still some 700 ranches, but their share of the national herd (3 million
in 2010) has dropped from 30 to 10 per cent because of low returns.
Feedlot operators face similar problems (FAO/GOB 2013). Ranches in
some African countries have been increasingly constrained by overgrazing
and lack of harmonization with pastoralist community norms (Behnke
and Scoones 1992; Ash, Bellamy, and Stockwell 1994). In Ethiopia as well,

221
Made in Africa

periodic environmental disasters erode livestock numbers and productiv-

ity, and the effects of overgrazing are considered to be immense (Hardin
1968; Economists at Large 2011; Aklilu and Wekesa 2002). It is note-
worthy that there is no inherent conflict between continued smallholder
production and the development of, or experiments with, larger scale
arrangements such as ranches: the answer is not ‘either/or’, but leveraging
complementarities.
To conclude, the meat and meat processing industry and the supply of
hides and skins are complementary and could have induced the rapid
development of a new industry. This is a typical example of Hirschmann’s
‘neglected problem’:

. . . I have distinguished between privileged and neglected problems. I defined as

‘privileged’ those problems whose victims have adequate access to the policy-
makers so that the latter are obliged to pay attention, for the sake of political
stability in general and of their own political survival in particular. ‘Neglected’
problems, on the other hand, do not enjoy this direct access, but they can be
brought to the attention of policymakers in various indirect ways . . . How privil-
eged a problem is depends on answers to such questions as: how numerous and
how concentrated are the problem’s victims, how important is the issue to them,
and how much influence do they have? (Hirschman 1981: 150)

6.4.3 Political economy of value-addition and industrial upgrading

An important illustration of the policymaking process is the experience of
trying to promote greater value addition in leather. Upgrading may refer
to process upgrading, product upgrading, or chain upgrading. Studies
suggest that product and process upgrading can happen within the
GVC, including under multinational corporations. However, it is unlikely
that chain upgrading can develop under the existing global governance
system for value chains (Humphrey and Schmitz 2004; Gereffi et al. 2005;
and Kaplinsky and Morris 2000). This governance system mirrors the
relative power of actors and their ability to assert their interests, and it is
the global retail chains that are at the apex of the industry, with their
reach extending right down to the tanneries. The value addition is closely
associated with the technological level of the industry. For instance, Italy’s
leather and leather products industry is much more advanced than
Kenya’s or Ethiopia’s (see Table 6.4).
Ethiopian raw hides and skins were exported during the imperial period
and under the Derg (1974–91) before being banned in 1983. After 1983,

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 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

Table 6.4. Value chain comparator of Ethiopia, Kenya, and Italy

Comparative factors Kenya Ethiopia Italy

Availability of raw hides and skins Abundant Abundant Low

Quality of raw hides and skins Generally poor Low–high High
Sustained capital investment Low Low High
Technological sophistication of facilities Low–medium Low–medium Very high
and equipment
Process skills Limited Limited Very high
R&D Limited Limited Very high
Product development Limited Limited Very high
Unique skills within the sector Rare Rare High
Degree of vertical integration Low Low High
Product perception by the global market Poor Poor (high for Very high
sheepskin)

Source: Adapted from UNECA and AU (2013)

wet-blue and pickle hides and skins dominated exports, predominantly to

Italy, where they were processed into finished leather. The export of pickle
and wet-blue hides and skins was prohibited in 2007. Exportable products
then had to be processed up to the higher crust level. In September 2008,
Proclamation No. 567 imposed an export tax on enterprises ‘exporting
hides and skins without adding significant value’ (FDRE 2008a). The tax
rate was 150 per cent of the value of raw hides and skins and 5–20 per cent
for wet-blue and pickle. In November 2011, MOFED Directive No. 30
increased the rate to 150 per cent of the value of all raw hides and skins
and semi-finished leather. It was only in December 2011 that crust exports
were also discouraged through a high export tariff (MOFED 2011b). At
present, exportable products need to be processed up to the level of
finished leather to avoid these steep taxes. MOI states that thorough
discussion and consultation with the industry (through ELIA) preceded
the decision on crust exports. However, although it may seem straightfor-
ward to induce domestic value addition in this sector, in fact several
fundamental changes are required.
Upgrading within the semi-processed stage is important, but the key
leap occurs in upgrading to finished leather. This requires upgrading of
the industry in terms of skills, technology, quality and supply of inputs,
market channels, and of the mentalities of firms and industrial actors. The
decision to ban semi-processed leather exports was discussed at NECC
meetings from 2005 onwards. For instance, at its eighteenth and twenty-
second meetings, it was decided that tanneries would not receive incen-
tives and access to loans if they did not produce finished leather. At the

223
Made in Africa

22
21
20
19
18
17
Export value (in million US$)

16
15
14
13
12
11
10
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
1

11

11

11

11

12

12

12

12

12

12
01

01

01

01

01

01

01
20

20

20

20

20

20

20

20

20

20
2

,2

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ly,

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Crust Leather shoes
Finished leather Leather garment and goods
Glove

Figure 6.7. Monthly exports of leather sector ($ million), July 2011–November 2012
Source: Own computation based on LIDI data, 20 December 2012

thirty-first meeting, it was also decided to tax tanneries that did not start
producing finished leather.
The final decision to ban crust exports was made in August 2011, with
December 2011 given as the cut-off date. When firms realized this decision
was irrevocable, they maximized their crust exports between September and
November 2011, temporarily increasing export revenues (Figure 6.7). On
the other hand, prices of raw hides and skins had been increasing rapidly
even before, but now skyrocketed. After January 2012, however, finished
leather exports dropped for many months, reflecting the industry’s lack of
readiness to make such exports. Many of the preparations were incomplete,
and a comprehensive package was not yet in place. Many in the industry
also resisted the change. In short, although the policy was important, its
implementation resulted in resource wastage and havoc.

DEVELOPING THE LEATHER PRODUCTS INDUSTRY

Another aspect of upgrading is development of the leather products
industry. In the early 1990s, there were only two footwear firms. As
NECC meeting minutes reveal, the government was committed to build-
ing up the leather products industry by attracting new actors to the sector

224
 Curing an Underperformer? Leather and Leather Products

(mainly after 2008) and by developing the capacity of domestic footwear

firms through a benchmarking programme. Among the foreign firms
attracted, a few (for instance, ARA from Germany and Huajian from
China) were industry leaders. Since 2008, government had made special
efforts to attract such firms, and has since cleared some of the obstacles in
their way.
Between 1992 and 2001, most investment was in tanneries (91.5 per
cent). From 2002 to 2011, investment trends and numbers of firms
changed. Up to 2006, 50 per cent of firms in the industry invested in
leather products. This number peaked at 106 firms between 2007 and
2012, accounting for 80 per cent of all investment. This clearly demon-
strates the focused investment promotion of the leather products sub-
industry. Indeed, NECC minutes reveal that of the 348 issues discussed
after 2004, 90 per cent focused on leather products, as did thirty-five of its
thirty-nine (on average) annual decisions. Although gradual and limited,
value addition has increased recently. In the tanning sub-industry, the
value of local raw materials and semi-processed products showed a bigger
increase than imported inputs.

VIEWS OF TANNERIES AND LEATHER PRODUCTS FIRMS

ON THE BAN OF CRUST EXPORTS
It should be clear that the ban of crust exports affected different actors
differently and their responses mirror their divergent interests (UNIDO
2003). During interviews, it became apparent that many foreign-owned
tannery firms that also owned tanneries in their home countries preferred
to export crust and add value at home. Their interests did not match those
of the Ethiopian government. Many of the domestic firms disliked the
decision because their interlocking interests with buyers (foreign tanner-
ies) were jeopardized and they were unable to compete in the changed
circumstances. The majority of the firms stated that the preparation time
was too short, and only half indicated that the policy has had positive
effects on tanneries. By contrast, 88 per cent of the leather products firms
maintained that the policy had positive effects, as it allowed them to buy
finished leather on more favourable terms. This may have been based on
the assumption that the tanneries would be unable to meet export stand-
ards of finished leather. In fact, the price of finished leather continued to
rise between 2012 and 2013, thanks to the continuing mismatch between
supply and demand.

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Made in Africa

VIEWS OF FIRMS ON TEMPORARY BAN ON LICENSING

NEW TANNERIES
In response to the shortage of raw hides and skins, domestic tanneries put
increasing pressure on government to ban new investment in tanneries.
Although MOI did make this decision, the Leather Industry Development
Institute (LIDI) did not agree on the need for it. LIDI was concerned that
such a ban would reduce domestic competition, affecting the leather
products industry. In this it appears that LIDI was right, as the decision
mainly benefited existing tanneries. Government could have provided
information on the circumstances in the industry and left the decision
on whether to invest to firms. This decision also undermines the expan-
sion of capacity for future growth, in response to supply once the input
problem is addressed. On the effects on firms, more than 70 per cent of
tanneries agreed it was positive, as did 53 per cent of leather products
firms. Experience elsewhere shows that the outcome of such decisions is
contingent on specific conditions (for instance, domestic competition
and processing capacity). It is evident that the policy decision was not
based on a comprehensive sectoral study.
In conclusion, the policy decisions seem to have had some positive
effects, in that exports of finished leather gradually increased. Neverthe-
less, the process was painful in terms of reduced capacity for almost a year,
and the finished leather capacity still does not match the soaked capacity.
This has two policy implications: industrial policies could work in this
sector, but success is not automatic. It entails extensive planning, moni-
toring, negotiation, sanctioning, as well as temporary pain. Moreover,
such a policy would have been more successful if it had been supported
by richer analysis of the sector and a comprehensive package with a longer
term perspective at a much earlier stage.

6.4.4 Binding constraint: Logistics and trade facilitation

Particularly for landlocked countries, international trade requires efficient
logistics and trade facilitation. This is very much the case for Ethiopia.
World Bank studies point out that the logistics and trade facilitation
constraint has become more significant in the last few years. For instance,
customs and trade facilitation is the major problem encountered by
Chinese FDI in Ethiopia (World Bank 2012a). Other major obstacles
are trade regulation, tax administration, access to finance, tax rates,

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macroeconomic instability, labour regulation, and electricity. According

to Doing Business 2011, 2012, and 2013 (World Bank and IFC 2011, 2013),
Ethiopia was ranked 152 in 2009, 157 in 2010, and 161 in 2013 in cross-
border trade. Arguably, compared with Ethiopia, other countries have
made more improvements that are appropriate. In the survey responses,
the firms not surprisingly identified import–export logistics and trade
facilitation as major constraints. In relation to export delivery times,
55 per cent stated that logistics were the foremost constraint.
In short, external trade is much more costly in Ethiopia than in many
countries, and it takes much longer to import and export. One twenty-
foot container costs $2,160 to export and $2,660 to import. In terms of
delivery times, it takes forty-two days on average to export and forty-seven
days to import such a container. The current industrial norm for delivery
of footwear and other leather products is less than forty-five days from the
date of order. This clearly highlights the challenge. Due to intense com-
petition and the dominance of GVCs, an export market has to be carved
out in conditions of stiff competition from Asian manufacturers. The most
successful exporting economies (Korea, Germany, and Singapore) have
the shortest delivery times and lowest costs (as low as four days and
$439 per container). Examples of developing countries include Vietnam
(twenty-one days and $600), and Egypt (twelve days and $625/755). It is
also believed that inland costs can be significant in landlocked countries,
depending on mode of transport.
Experience elsewhere shows that successful logistics and trade facilita-
tion policies involve an integrated or multi-modal transport system, eco-
nomical rail transport, enhanced competition among logistics providers,
and harmonization of customs and transport among neighbouring coun-
tries. Single windows linked electronically, automation, and factoring
risks have also been adopted in many countries. The key ingredient in
this exercise is effective institutions.
Many efforts have been made by government to improve logistics.
These include establishment of dry ports, a multi-modal transport sys-
tem in 2011, industrial zones, and economic operators authorized by the
customs authority. Not all these efforts have been effective, and logis-
tical obstacles remain. According to many in the industry, the failed
introduction of the multi-modal transport system had adverse effects
on manufacturing firms. This system, found to be effective in many
countries, was unsuccessfully implemented in Ethiopia. It proved

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impossible to trace containers, and shipments took up to four months

(double the earlier period). The new system failed from the very begin-
ning for many reasons. First, it was designed without sufficient know-
ledge or study of fundamental issues such as the problems associated
with inland freight transport and port related aspects. Second, the imple-
mentation agency was a merger—still incomplete—of three SOEs: ESL
(shipper), Ethiopian Maritime and Transit Service, and the Ethiopian
Dry Port Authority. Moreover, none of these individual entities had
good track records.
Third, there was no proper piloting of a complex system involving new
technology, which would have enabled officials to learn by experiment-
ing and partial execution, and nor was there sufficient consultation with
customers, industrialists, and other actors. For successful policy imple-
mentation, timing is important. For instance, it has been argued that the
system’s introduction should have been linked to the commencement of
the new Djibouti–Addis rail corridor. Fourth, hiring experienced partners
or consultants or adopting a management contract was not considered.
Fifth, in the middle of the project, all transit and clearing agents were
forbidden to pursue their activities. This may have reflected the govern-
ment’s broader economic and political concerns about middlemen,
market intermediaries, and traders.
A related issue was the monopoly rights granted in May 2000 to ESL to
ship all import cargoes, except where the line does not have the capacity
or serve the route. This directive, written in the form of a letter, has
significant policy implications. First, while ESL was granted a monopoly,
no government office was named to regulate the company. This flies in
the face of Stiglitz’s argument in the mid-1990s that privatization should
not proceed without prior establishment of effective regulatory bodies
(Stiglitz 1998). Second, ESL was insulated from competition, and the
outcome was negative. Even after enjoying a monopoly for twelve years,
ESL was still uncompetitive and weak in capacity. This was in stark
contrast to state-owned EAL, which had to contend with stiff inter-
national competition. EAL has grown and expanded to become one of
the leading airlines in Africa. Third, manufacturers and exporters experi-
enced delayed deliveries, as ESL had a limited number of vessels capable of
calling all ports of origin. Such delays resulted in missed orders and
increased costs, eroding the leather/leather products industries’ already
thin margins.

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6.5 Policy instruments in leather and related industry

This section discusses direct policy instruments, including export and

investment promotion, industrial financing, and privatization.

6.5.1 Investment and export promotion instruments

EXPORT PROMOTION SCHEMES
The export promotion schemes include foreign exchange retention for all
exporters, and other manufacturer-targeted schemes such as duty-draw-
backs, vouchers, and bonded warehouses. Of these, only foreign exchange
retention seems to have been remotely effective. This is confirmed by
73 per cent of the firms surveyed, which also reported no major imple-
mentation problems. By contrast, 85 per cent of firms stated that the
voucher system was ineffective and entailed enormous bureaucratic diffi-
culties. According to the unpublished report of the Taskforce on Export
Promotion Incentives Review, 187 firms were registered as beneficiaries of
the voucher system, of which fifty-two (28 per cent) are in floriculture,
forty-two (23 per cent) in leather and leather products, thirty-eight (20
per cent) in textiles/garments, and twenty-eight (15 per cent) in agro-
processing. Only forty-two firms (about 60 per cent of all firms in the
leather sector) were registered as beneficiaries, showing the low interest in
the scheme by manufacturers in this sector. Even those which were regis-
tered did not benefit from the scheme. Duty-drawbacks and bonded
warehouses were also ineffective. The reasons for these failures lie in the
weak design of the instruments and low implementation capacity of
government agencies.

EXCHANGE RATE POLICY

Ethiopia devalued its currency in 2010–11 by about 25 per cent. The
government has used exchange rate policy to promote exports, and, as
already noted, leather/leather goods were prioritized for export. In this
case, the policy clearly failed, as the interviews with firms and export data
for 2005–11 confirm. Only 43 per cent of survey respondents indicated
that devaluation had a positive impact, in contrast to two-thirds of flori-
culture firms. This deviates from the expectation that devaluation should
have a significant positive effect on exporters. A possible explanation is
that most of the firms failed to work at full capacity and mainly sold

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Table 6.5. Domestic-owned firms’ share of export and local sales

(by volume), 2005–11

Year Export sales (in %) Domestic sales (in %)

2005 95.73 4.27

2006 97.41 2.59
2007 71.23 28.77
2008 50.52 49.48
2009 67.71 32.29
2010 62.14 37.86
2011 62.47 37.53

Source: Oqubay (2012)

locally, resulting in smaller export earnings. Firms are increasingly produ-

cing for the domestic market, which is more profitable. For instance, the
quasi-census results show that the share of exports in total sales decreased
by 33 per cent between 2005 and 2011 (Table 6.5). This implies that the
policy instruments and incentives have not been calibrated to influence
the behaviour of industrialists, and to link export promotion with exploit-
ation of the domestic market.

INVESTMENT PROMOTION INSTRUMENTS

Initially investment incentives were designed to attract any type of new
investment, a practice that continued until 2012. The incentives were
neither designed to monitor reciprocity, nor to attract the best industrial
performers, who would advance Ethiopia’s technological and marketing
base. The total number of investment certificates issued between 1992 and
2012 was 220. However, of those registered between 2003 and 2007, only
12 per cent became operational, 7 per cent were at the implementation
phase, while 81 per cent were still in the pre-implementation phase.
Investment increased gradually after 2002, peaking after 2007. Between
1992 and 2001, more than 86 per cent of investors were domestic, and
they were primarily interested in tanneries. The primary reason for invest-
ing in this sub-sector was its familiarity in Ethiopia (see Table 6.6).
After 2005, the government began to target investment promotion. Of
the thirty-one investment certificates provided to FDI, 68 per cent were
registered between 2007 and 2011. Moreover, increased labour costs in
many emerging economies (including China) may have served as a pull
factor. There was also an investment shift away from tanneries, which
had dominated in the 1990s, towards leather products after 2007 (see

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Table 6.6. Domestic-owned firms’ reasons for investing

Reasons Ranked first

No. of firms Share in %

Natural resources 16 30.2

Experience and knowledge of the sector 14 26.4
Family background 12 22.6
Cheap labour 5 9.4
Growing domestic market 2 3.8
Others: Availability of incentives, political stability, cheap land, 4 7.6
ease of access to USA/Europe market
Total 53 100

Source : Oqubay (2012)

Table 6.7. Investment certificates in leather and leather products (1992–2011)

Period All firms Average Foreign firms Tanneries Leather products

firms/Year (FDI) sub-sector sub-industry

Firms In % Firms In % Firms In %

1992–2001 (10 years) 47 4.7 4 13 43 91.5 4 8.5

2002–2006 (5 years) 40 8 6 19 20 50 20 50
2007–2011 (5 years) 133 26.6 21 68 27 20 106 80
Total 1992–2011(20 years) 220 11 31 100 90 41 130 59

Source: Own computation based on unpublished FIA data (July 2012)

Table 6.7). Consequently, the share of investment in leather products

increased to 80 per cent. In terms of geographical distribution, more
than 50 per cent of the investments targeted Addis Ababa and 34 per
cent the Oromia region.
Despite the increased number of investments, the administration was
cumbersome and there were difficulties in acquiring land and other ser-
vices. Profit-tax holidays were easier to implement, as the firms confirmed.
More than 55 per cent of firms complained that customs duties and land
deliveries were problematic, causing delay and additional costs. Two-
thirds of the firms complained about poor coordination among federal
agencies as well as among federal, regional, and local administrations.

6.5.2 Industrial financing in leather and leather goods

DBE has provided industrial financing to various industries in the manu-
facturing sector (DBE 2012a, 2012d). Major beneficiaries were textiles and

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Table 6.8. Summary of DBE’s industrial financing (in ETB million)

Sector Number of Beneficiaries Average loan Total Loans

loans in % amount portfolio in %

Textile 32 10 156 4,995 46.2

Non-metallic mineral 16 5 238 3,816 35.2
Food processing and beverage 221 71 4 869 8.1
Chemicals and chemical products 22 7 30 669 6.2
Leather and leather products 21 7 22 465 4.3
Total manufacturing sector 312 100 35 10,814 100

Source: DBE (2012d)

garments (46 per cent share), non-metallic minerals (35 per cent), and
food processing and chemicals (close to 15 per cent). With a share of 4.3
per cent of the total loans to manufacturing, less than half a billion ETB
went to leather and leather products (Table 6.8). The average size of loans
to firms in this sector was ETB 22 million, while the average for the
manufacturing sector was ETB 35 million. The limited share and loan
size for leather and leather products was partly a function of the lower
investment requirements, but does also raise the important question of
whether the sector got what it required to fulfil its export and employ-
ment creation potential.
Eighty-eight per cent of firms in the sector indicated that inadequate
credit facilities posed major challenges, and pointed to the gap between
working capital requirements and available industrial financing. Work-
ing capital plays an important role in this sector, as firms are usually
forced to carry a large inventory. This is due to the high material inten-
sity of the sector, inefficient trade and logistical infrastructures, and
inefficient management within firms. The period for holding stock and
inventory is double that of the overall manufacturing sector (CSA
2012c). The leather and leather products sector’s poor performance
may have discouraged banks from extending loans to the sector. For
instance, in an interview with the author in 2012 (Oqubay 2012), a
senior CBE official, it was indicated that the bank was unwilling to
provide working capital because the firms would not repay within the
stipulated twelve months. Thus, financing policy seems to have been
ineffective in promoting this sector. The leather and leather products
industry was also unable to benefit from the export credit guarantee
scheme (Table 6.9).

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Table 6.9. Export Credit Guarantees, 1 September–30 November 2011

Commodities or products No. of loans Amount (ETB million) Share %

Oil seeds 17 316 61

Cereals pulses 6 88 17
Textile and garments 4 64 12
Livestock 3 37 7
Gum, incense, bee products 2 14 3
Total 32 519 100

Source: DBE (2012d)

6.5.3 Privatization in leather sector

Another government policy in the leather and leather products industry
was privatization. All nine large state-owned firms were privatized and
remain in operation. The previous Derg regime had made major invest-
ments to expand the capacities of these firms. Privatization in this sector
was implemented over fifteen years, and was guided by the government’s
pragmatic interests rather than ideology. Domestic firms were given pri-
ority and more favourable loans (the central bank’s saving rate). Accord-
ingly, three-quarters of the firms went to domestic buyers (PPESA 2012).
Valuations were revised when the exaggerated estimates became less
attractive to investors. There is no evidence that privatized factories were
transferred to interest groups connected to the ruling party. Even the
regional endowment funds were not among the buyers: for instance,
EFFORT established a new tannery in Tigray under the name Sheba
Tannery. In addition, the government used two transfer modalities:
most of the firms were sold by open tender, while the biggest tannery,
Ethiopian Tannery, was transferred to Pittards through direct negotiated
sale. Pittards, which initially opted for contract management, improved
productivity, made an additional investment, and strengthened produc-
tion management. In 2011, it also established a glove factory, with a
second leather products factory following in 2012.
Between 2007 and 2011, additional investment of ETB 234 million was
made by the new owners to equip the privatized firms. Capacity utiliza-
tion of privatized tanneries and footwear factories stood at 69 per cent and
56 per cent respectively in 2011, which were not below the industry’s low
average capacity utilization. This does not allow us to conclude that all
privatized firms have improved their performance. For that, a more
detailed study is required. Measuring the outcomes of privatization raises

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Table 6.10. Major problems of privatized firms

Problems Percentage

Shortage, high price, poor quality of raw materials 49

Shortage of skilled personnel and capacity 20
Shortage of finance 9
Logistics, customs, and trade facilitation 13
Others 9
Total 100

Source: Oqubay (2012)

several methodological issues, including differentiating direct and indir-

ect factors. Some of the privatized firms were still among the best perform-
ing top five exporters in the sector in 2011. Privatized firms faced
problems similar to those faced by other firms (see Table 6.10).

6.5.4 Summary
In sum, first, the policy instruments were only partly successful and were
not comparable in scale to the support provided to the cement or floricul-
ture sectors. Second, many of these instruments suffered from design
deficiencies, insufficient implementation capacity, as well as coordination
problems. Third, the firms in this sector played a largely passive and
insignificant role in the process, an issue with deeper implications.

6.6 Drivers of transformative change: specialized institutions

This section focuses on three relevant institutions, namely export coord-

ination institutions, the lead organization for the leather and leather
products industry, and intermediary institutions.

6.6.1 Export coordination and NECC

Some of the most significant NECC decisions included the decision to
privatize state-owned tanneries (May 2004) and that to prohibit new
tanneries from receiving government incentives (February 2006). Other
equally important decisions were, for instance, the one stipulating that
tanneries be supported in producing finished leather (September 2005)
and that DBE loan allocations be guided by this decision and not be made

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to new investors in tanneries (October 2005). Moreover, in January 2007,

it was decided to impose the new tax on tanneries that did not start
producing finished products. However, in May 2007, it was decided to
encourage Turkish investors in the tanning sub-industry, thereby reflect-
ing inconsistency in policy decisions. There were clearly other policy
inconsistencies, including the decisions to export live animals while also
importing raw hides and skins to alleviate shortages. Similar decisions
were repeatedly made, suggesting that government institutions were com-
placent and unresponsive, or lacked accountability or capacity.
Although NECC did treat this sector as a priority, there were problems in
the decision-making process. First, reports to government lacked depth
and a strategic analytical perspective, and were limited to tackling imme-
diate constraints. Consequently, policies and decisions were not well
informed. For instance, discussions on input constraints were not based
on detailed study and a comprehensive approach to the development of
this strategic sector. Second, decisions were not effectively implemented.
Third, the producers, enterprise owners, and trade unions were not
engaged in the decision-making process, an approach that exacerbated
the information gaps and divergences in the implementation of decisions.
Moreover, an opportunity to build trust between state and the industry
was missed. Government should play a role in promoting active private
sector involvement, as the industrialization process depends on such
activism.

6.6.2 LIDI as lead agency

The lead agency for the leather and leather products industry is LIDI. Its
precursor, the Leather and Leather Products Technology Institute, had
been established in 1998 by the Council of Ministers. Its main tasks
focused on training and information services and improved productivity
and quality standards. In addition to the resources allocated by the Ethi-
opian government, the Italian government, the Common Market for
Eastern and Southern Africa’s Leather and Leather Products Institute,
and UNIDO provided technical assistance and financial support. Building
of the Leather and Leather Products Technology Institute facilities took
more than five years. In June 2010, this institute was re-established with
expanded responsibilities and duties as LIDI. The new organization’s
mandate included:

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. . . to study and recommend policies to the government; conduct research; pro-

mote and support investment in leather and leather products sector; provide
training services; enhance technological and know-how transfer; provide labora-
tory services; assist in market development; promote input-output linkages; pro-
vide design and product development services; network with all potential
stakeholders and institutions. (FDRE, Council of Ministers, Regulation No. 181,
2010)

Led by a director-general, there were directorates for leather manufactur-

ing technology; footwear manufacturing technology; leather garments
and goods manufacturing technology; market support; research; and
investment support (project engineering). The institute has 265 person-
nel, almost equally divided between line and support staff. Among line
staff, 64 per cent were professionals and 32 per cent had technical certifi-
cates and diplomas. Among the technologists and technicians, 34 per cent
were in leather manufacturing, 31 per cent in footwear manufacturing,
and 34 per cent in garment and goods manufacturing.
LIDI is equipped with state-of-the-art technology and modern facilities.
The latter included models of a tannery, a footwear factory, and a leather
garment and goods factory. It also has an effluent treatment plant, fully
equipped laboratories, a computer-aided design/manufacture centre, a
library, computer facilities, and training halls. LIDI’s main deficiency
was its lack of capacity to use these facilities to support the industry. In
2011, government made an agreement with two Indian institutes, the
Central Leather Research Institute to support the leather sector, and the
FDDI to support the footwear and leather products industry. There is
evidence that the twinning arrangement is contributing to improvement
in LIDI’s capacities and those of the leather and leather products industry
(LIDI 2012a, 2012b, 2012c).
Eighty-four per cent of firms agreed that LIDI has made a valuable
contribution in supporting the sector, and affirm that the institute
works closely with industry (86 per cent). Eighty-one per cent of firms
agreed that the institute focuses more on supporting firms than on regu-
lation, a higher rating than that for EHDA in floriculture. Evidence does
not suggest that learning had been rapid or to the required level. Lack of
capacity remains LIDI’s single greatest challenge (see Table 6.11). More-
over, coordination among government institutions was weak, contribut-
ing to LIDI’s ineffectiveness. According to the survey results, 69 per cent of
the firms view coordination among federal government institutions as

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Table 6.11. Firms’ response to ‘What is the key limitation of

LIDI?’

Key limitations Per cent

Lack of skilled personnel 24.6

Lack of implementation power 22.9
Lack of focus on domestic market 13.1
Poor training support 9.8
Limited mandate 9.8
Lack of technological up gradation 8.2
Others 11.5
Total 100

Source: Oqubay (2012)

poor, while 60 per cent regard coordination among federal, regional, and
local administrations in the same light.
A review of firms’ requests to LIDI highlights the coordination chal-
lenge. A review of 316 letters (LIDI 2012e, 2012f) showed that 40 per cent
of those from foreign-owned firms related to permit requests for expatri-
ates from the labour affairs office. Delegating authority to provide these
permits to LIDI on behalf of the labour office would have eased this
problem. Domestically owned firms’ most frequent requests (37 per
cent) related to sending sample shoes or raw skins overseas, which should
not have required such permission to begin with. Again, a simple directive
would have solved this problem. This also shows how administrative
hurdles that should never have arisen in the first place can overwhelm
an agency, weakening its focus on key aspects of the industrial policies to
promote the development of the sector.
The data also show that these problems became more frequent over
time (eight in 2010, fifty-five in 2011, eighty-eight in 2012). Usually two to
four weeks are lost because of such administrative bottlenecks, significantly
delaying delivery times and increasing costs. This conclusion is also supported
by the author’s survey results (Oqubay 2012): the majority of firms indicated
that they spend significant management time on government-related issues,
and even more than firms in floriculture and cement (Table 6.12).
This shows the failure of such government agencies as MOI and LIDI in
providing coordinated and effective support. During interviews, most
firms regarded LIDI and the ministry as ‘toothless lions’. This in turn
shows the limitations of NECC in guiding the parties and enforcing
decisions. It also confirms that logistics and trade facilitation, as well as
government bureaucratic procedures, continued to be critical constraints.

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Table 6.12. Time spent on government-related issues

Management time (%) Floriculture Leather Cement Total

Firms In % Firms In % Firms In % Firms In %

≤15 19 35 19 34 5 31 43 34
16–30 22 41 23 41 6 38 51 41
>30 13 24 14 25 5 31 32 25
Total 54 100 56 100 16 100 126 100

Source: Oqubay (2012)

In the long-term, it is perhaps the competitiveness of domestically owned

firms that is most affected by such constraints.

6.6.3 Effectiveness of ELIA as intermediary institution

ELIA is the industrial association of the sector and the main intermediary
institution. It was founded in 1994 as Ethiopian Tanners Association and
reorganized itself in 2004 into Ethiopian Tanners, Footwear and Leather
Products Manufacturing Association. In 2004, the association had twenty
members, mainly tanneries. In 2007, it became ELIA and had forty-four
members, more than 60 per cent of which were tanneries. This group
continues to dominate the association. By contrast, in Vietnam it is the
leather products (footwear, bags etc.) manufacturers that dominate the
national industrial association.
Twelve of the fifty-five survey respondents were not members. Although
ELIA’s capacity mirrors the capacity of its members, responding firms
admit the association is ineffective. They said it played a weak role in
market development (61 per cent), in target setting and monitoring (78
per cent), and in investment promotion (66 per cent). Regarding its role in
training and knowledge transfer, 90 per cent of the firms gave it a poor
rating. Less than 60 per cent were satisfied with ELIA’s role in policy
development and government lobbying (see Table 6.13).
Although members rate the dialogue between government and the
industry as satisfactory, they recommended more discussion forums,
improved participation by stakeholders, and further government support.
Many of these views, however, are based on exaggerated expectations
concerning government’s role. Significant parts of the industry are com-
fortably locked into the status quo and are unwilling to engage. Sixty-four

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Table 6.13. Views on ELIA’s role

Degree of ELIA’s Lobbying Market Training/ Target Policy Investment

role government development know-how setting/ initiations promotions
transfer monitoring

No. % No. % No. % No. % No. % No. %

Excellent 1 2 – – – – – – 4 9 2 5
Satisfactory 25 58 17 39 4 10 9 22 23 52 11 29
Poor 17 40 27 61 36 90 32 78 17 39 25 66
Total 43 100 44 100 40 100 41 100 44 100 38 100

Note: No. represents the number of firms

Source: Oqubay (2012)

per cent of firms admitted that the association’s members do not play an
active role. Furthermore, the association does not include recent entrants
into the industry, including foreign-owned firms. In addition, hides and
skins suppliers are not part of ELIA or any other association, which further
compounds the challenges. All of this indicates that government has
failed to address important institutional aspects of the sector.

6.7 Conclusions

The disappointing performance of the leather and leather products sector

in Ethiopia is a reminder that industrial policy can fail. A number of
conclusions stand out from the research into this industry. First, in
terms of policy outcomes, sector performance was characterized by erratic
and sluggish growth throughout. Compared to cement or floriculture,
performance was very disappointing. Notably, massive animal resources
were not productively used. The evidence strongly suggests that compara-
tive advantage in natural endowments does not automatically lead to
sustained competitive advantage. Moreover, potential linkage effects are
converted into actual linkage promotion through effective policies, which
were lacking. Nonetheless, the sector is not quite the abject failure it is
sometimes made out to be. In recent years, there have been signs of
recovery and positive initiatives such as benchmarking. Policies did
achieve some value-adding in existing tanneries (from semi-finished to
finished) and in attracting new entrants into the leather products sub-
sector. Furthermore, it should also be emphasized that one of the most

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important macroeconomic conditions for maximizing linkages may be

ensuring a competitive exchange rate.
Second, in terms of policymaking and policy capabilities, it is evident
that policy improvements and huge investment in institutional develop-
ment were made. The policies and institutions rightly identified the key
constraints: inputs and logistics, for instance. Nevertheless, they could
not address them due to problems in operationalizing policies and, in
some cases, inappropriate policy choices. The institutional deficit in input
development (livestock development and marketing chain for raw mater-
ials) was a significant failure. In fairness, dealing with small, scattered
producers/input suppliers is always more difficult than dealing with a
few ‘modern’ enterprises, such as in the cement industry.
Third, the main economic actors in the sector are not well organized
and have conflicting interests. As a result, they played a much less prom-
inent part than in other sectors, contributing to the industry’s slow
growth and lack of competitiveness. Unlike the intermediary institution
in floriculture, ELIA played an insignificant role, and lacked internal
cohesion and a jointly developed agenda. Firms suffered from inertia,
preferring to limit themselves to the domestic market and shy away
from exports. This also shows that the incentives partly failed to induce
the required behaviour and export discipline. Thus, government–industry
dialogue forums need to be institutionalized more effectively.
Finally, it is noteworthy that this experience is associated with path
dependence in the leather and leather products industry. Path depend-
ence influences and shapes understanding, problem solving, policy
design, and implementation. Instituting desired changes in a long-
established sector with an accumulated network of interests is more diffi-
cult than in newer sectors. Path dependence in this old sector at least
partly explains the long history of stagnation, the limited deepening of
the value added, the inertia among actors and their intermediary institu-
tions, and the ineffectiveness of policies. Operationalization of policy was
insufficient or policies were followed for far too long. There are two
possible policy responses to change the sector. One is to allow foreign
investment in tanneries; the other is to continue to protect them but to
introduce a reciprocal control mechanism, with clear targets as the con-
dition for the protection.

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7

Failing Better

Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

Diversity notwithstanding, all late industrializers have in common industrial-

ization on the basis of learning, which has conditioned how they have behaved.
Alice Amsden, Asia’s Next Giant (1989)

7.1 Comparative performance

7.1.1 Performance, policy learning, and Ethiopian ‘anti-fragility’
Without wishing to provoke charges of policymaking hubris, I believe
there is evidence of ‘anti-fragility’ in Ethiopian industrial policy. Anti-
fragility is the term coined by Nicolas Taleb (2012) to describe the ability
of a system to be strengthened by stress rather than collapsing under its
weight (fragility). This is distinct from robustness, defined by Taleb as the
ability to fend off threats and remain unchanged. To understand the
sources of anti-fragility in policymaking, one must appreciate policy pro-
cesses based on learning-by-doing and adaptability, characteristics rarely
explored in studies of policy and performance in developing countries.1
Through sector case studies, previous chapters have shown examples of
these policy dynamics. It is also important to understand the conditions
that allow for anti-fragility rather than robustness or fragility. In Ethiopia,
these conditions seem to include the ruling party’s experiences as a

1
For a discussion of ‘adaptive capacity’ in decision-making in ‘mega-projects’, see Giezen et al.
(2014).
Made in Africa

liberation movement and in the protracted military struggle to oust the

Derg regime. In the post-liberation period, the EPRDF has survived under
enormous external threats; succeeded in developing a cohesive ideology
and mechanisms for resolving internal differences; often revitalized itself
after internal crises; and blended experiment, pragmatism, and long-term
vision and principles. By contrast, many other successful liberation move-
ments have degenerated after assuming power, often plunging their coun-
tries into destructive violence (see EPRDF 2011b; Young 1997; Clapham
2009; Tareke 1990, 1991).
At first glance, it is easy to identify successes and failures in the case
studies explored earlier in this book, but this is not, per se, a study about
success or failure, a too simplistic binary evaluative framework to be
useful. At the very least, the evidence in preceding chapters shows how
frail the categories of success or failure can be when applied on an aggre-
gated sector-wide basis. For example, despite disappointing overall per-
formance in leather and leather products, there have nonetheless been
important advances in this sector from which lessons may be learnt (for
instance, value addition). Floriculture appears to be an obvious and clear
success (UNIDO-UNCTAD 2011: 63), yet there are areas of failure and
emerging challenges that necessitate new policy responses. The emphasis
is better placed on challenges and problems and the logic behind them, an
approach that is also a healthy safeguard against self-congratulation.
While success brings new problems and challenges, problems have the
potential to generate new and unexpected opportunities. Reinvigorating
growth ultimately depends on leveraging learning in policymaking, and
having the political resolve to take decisive action and ensure coordin-
ation among multiple actors.
Earlier chapters have shown that the outcomes of Ethiopian industrial
policy have been distinctly uneven. This is a puzzle for policymakers and
scholars alike and requires explanation. As the discussions in Chapters 4–6
illustrate, floriculture, cement, and leather and leather products feature
prominently in national development and industrial development strat-
egies. Likewise, the broader context has affected general conditions in each
of these sectors in similar ways. This book has argued that the Ethiopian
state has played an important developmental role within a market econ-
omy, a role that goes beyond merely ‘facilitating’ comparative advantage,
as has been advocated by some. The country’s political landscape is shaped
by a federal and nascent multiparty system, and also the continuing

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

dominance of the ruling party since 1992. These factors are believed to
have been favourable to the growth of all three sectors, and for the first
time in its history, the country has witnessed a decade of rapid economic
growth. What has not thus far been explained is why, within this broader
context, there has been such marked variation in performance.
This chapter provides a comparative overview of the three sectors before
outlining such explanations as have been put forward. These are more or
less standard explanations—that outcomes must be a function of com-
parative advantage; are a product of neopatrimonialism; or are a product
of a ‘discovery process’. While not without some value, none of these
explanations is sufficiently convincing empirically or logically. Instead,
the chapter goes on to argue that the Ethiopian experience of policy and
performance is better understood in light of Albert Hirschman’s insights
into ‘linkages’ and the unevenness of developmental processes. From this
perspective, bottlenecks and constraints can be creative. As Samuel
Beckett put it in Worstward Ho: ‘Ever tried. Ever failed. No matter. Try
again. Fail again. Fail better.’2

7.1.2 Comparative analysis of the three sectors

Performance across the three sectors reveals several facts. First, sectoral
performance was markedly uneven: disappointing and erratic growth in
the leather and leather-working industry, and higher growth in both the
cement and floriculture sectors. This can be seen in the comparative
growth in production, employment, and exports (see Figure 7.1).
Second, output growth was much stronger after 2002 than between
1992 and 2002. This coincides with and may to a significant extent be
attributed to the government’s policy learning and the refinement of its
development strategies and industrial policies after 2003. This in turn
signals the importance of a relatively stable political settlement since the
removal of the Derg in the early 1990s. It has to be noted that this initial
phase was also characterized by economic transition from a command
economy to a free market economy, the imperatives of postwar recon-
struction with exceedingly scarce resources, and political reform. This
transition served as a springboard for economic stability and recovery

2
And indeed as the 2013 Australian Open tennis champion Stanislaw Wawrinka had tattooed
on his forearm.

243
Made in Africa

Growth pattern of output Growth pattern of Growth pattern of exports

employment
1400 450
1203 14 391.65
12.58 400
1200
12 350
1000 9.49
10 300
800 7.33 250
8
600 200
6
150
400 4
100
200 20.52
2 50
33.71 0 9.84
0 0 0
r

r
t

t
re

re

re
he

he

he
en

en

en
tu

tu

tu
at

at

at
m

m
ul

ul

ul
Le

Le

Le
Ce

Ce

Ce
ic

ic

ic
or

or

or
Fl

Fl

Fl
Figure 7.1. Comparative performance in three sectors (2003–12)
Source: Summarized from previous chapters (all in per cent)

after the late 1990s. It is also evident that growth in post-1991 Ethiopia
was much faster than in pre-1991 Ethiopia. Learning by doing is as much a
feature of policymaking as of a firm’s management and production tech-
niques. Arguably, a key feature of the overall policymaking context (and
its effectiveness) was the combination of relative political stability/con-
tinuity and a sharp political shock. On one hand, political stability and
continuity since 1991 created an environment conducive to learning by
doing, similar to that allowed by industrial protection. On the other, the
2005 elections produced a ‘shock’. The unexpected political challenge in
2005 acted almost as a ‘hiding hand’ by prompting a renewed develop-
mental imperative and refreshing the coherence of policy commitments.
The significance of policy learning by doing or an evolving adaptive
capacity (Giezen et al. 2014) is not commonly emphasized in the literature
on the political economy of industrial policy in Africa. But in another
respect, the Ethiopian evidence does confirm the findings of Whitfield
(2011) and Buur et al. (2012), who argue that political continuity and
coalition stability matter greatly for the outcomes of productive strategies.
Whitfield (2011), for example, argues that support for Ghana’s potentially
strong horticultural export sector was undermined by the incentive struc-
ture built into the political settlement after the advent of democracy.
Effectively, elites were not compelled to support new productive sectors,
however great their long-term potential: on one hand, emerging horticul-
tural producers were not strong enough to represent a threat; on the other,

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

the returns to government would not flow quickly enough to warrant

state support. In Mozambique, where there has been greater political and
party continuity since independence, there are nonetheless factional divi-
sions that have undermined the coherence and stability of state support
for particular sectors (Buur et al. 2012), although in other sectors, such as
sugar, support has been more sustained and effective.
The record in Ethiopia suggests that a development-oriented state indeed
performed better over time than states without an activist industrial policy
and that its industrial policy has contributed to higher growth. The facts
regarding the policy measures, institutional changes, and sectoral perform-
ance underpin this assertion. The important implication is that an appro-
priate industrial policy can work even in a very poor African country like
Ethiopia. Moreover, this growth and industrial expansion took place in a
landlocked economy in a ‘bad neighbourhood’, thereby distinguishing the
experience even more clearly from the predictions and typologies of some
influential analysts (Collier 2006, 2007, 2009; Collier and Gunning 1999;
Easterly 2002; Easterly and Levine 1997; Fosu 1992, 2012).
Third, despite higher growth during this period (1992–2013), the out-
come in terms of structural transformation was underwhelming, indicat-
ing the limitations of industrial policy. The share of manufacturing in the
economy and in export earnings remained low throughout. This reflects
an inherent weakness in current industrial and other related policies in
Ethiopia, which, as noted in earlier chapters, can be contrasted with the
policies adopted to transform Korea economically from 1960 to 1980 and
China between 1985 and 2005. The implication is that industrial policy
capability in Ethiopia remains rudimentary, and needs further develop-
ment. Nonetheless, the relatively strong performance of the overall econ-
omy and some parts of industrial production underscores the importance of
the Ethiopian government’s efforts to maintain policy independence, since
the policies pursued often represented a direct challenge to Bretton Woods
prescriptions, prescriptions routinely followed by most African countries.

7.2 Conventional arguments and standard explanations

7.2.1 Comparative advantage
One influential explanation views factor endowments (particularly cheap
labour and natural resources) as the most influential determinants of the

245
Made in Africa

success of industrial policy. A World Bank publication (2012), based on

this approach, tried to demonstrate how light manufacturing could be
promoted in Africa, by taking Ethiopia as one of the African case studies,
with Vietnam as a comparator, and China as benchmark. Justin Lin,
former chief economist of the World Bank, champions this approach
(Lin and Chang 2009). The key argument is that countries such as Ethi-
opia can successfully industrialize if they stick to their comparative advan-
tages and focus on light manufacturing, such as leather and apparel, and
on taking the prescribed actions to address key constraints identified in
the value chain. This approach fails to consider the political economy
determinants of industrialization, such as the nature and role of the state
and the role of policies in determining or avoiding path dependency. It
falls into the all too common trap of casting economic development as a
largely technical challenge. Buur et al. (2012) and others in the Elites,
Production and Poverty programme at the Danish Institute for Inter-
national Studies provide one alternative exploration of productive success
and failure that is much more realistic in its appreciation of the political
economy of productive expansion (or stagnation).
While factor endowments are clearly important, there are difficulties
with a policy approach that relies exclusively on them. According to Lall
(1999: 9) ‘the traditional theories of comparative advantage that are noted
as the foundations of government policy are based on highly simplified
models of “perfect” markets with no scale economies, costless and full
information flows, no risk and so on.’ Not only are the assumptions
unrealistic, often in the extreme, but many regression analyses provide
no convincing empirical evidence for the postulates of comparative
advantage theory. Indeed, as has been noted, one renowned macroecono-
mist, Greg Mankiw ‘was not surprised by the lack of robustness in
the cross country results, given the large number of candidate variables
relative to the number of country observations. He conjectured that
economists support free trade because they believe Ricardo, not because
they have been convinced by regressions.’3 In other words, there is a
strong element of faith among economists in Ricardian comparative
advantage theory, but this does not make it the best guide for policy.
The assumptions in the theory are a gross oversimplification of real

3
Rodriguez and Rodrik (2001:338).

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

economies that are characterized by ubiquitous market and information

‘imperfections’ (as they appear, at least, to neoclassical economics). These
circumstances in turn require active industrial policies in order to acceler-
ate industrialization and structural transformation of economies. However,
industrial policies should be based on market realities, rather than on abstract
models of ‘perfection’. Korean and Taiwanese economic transformations, for
example, were possible because they successfully moved up the ladder
from simple products to advanced skills and technology using active
industrial policies, rather than merely specializing in their traditional
comparative advantages (Lall 1999; Chang 1999; Singh 2011).
Factor endowment provides an inadequate explanation of the puzzle at
hand for many reasons, and factor endowments alone do not account for
the success or failure of industrial performance across sectors in Ethiopia.
The comparative advantage argument might predict that Ethiopia would
be competitive in basic leather production but not necessarily in leather
products (in particular, higher-end gloves, accessories, etc.), or in high
productivity flowers. This is because some versions of comparative
advantage thinking (Owens and Wood 1997) look more at the ratio of
skills to cultivable land—evidently higher in Holland (a high-
productivity flower producer) or in Italy’s leather products sector. Yet
there has been a sharp rise in productivity and skills in some of these
sectors in Ethiopia, whereas even in the more obvious area of basic
production of leather from hides and skins, Ethiopian performance has
historically been very poor (under a variety of different policy regimes).
Further, there is plenty of evidence from a range of countries of their
accelerating their growth and structural change by challenging factor
endowment constraints.
Likewise, growth in the Ethiopian cement industry did not depend on
factor endowments. The cement industry is a capital-intensive heavy or
basic industry, with large economies of scale and dependence on profes-
sional management. In Ethiopia, it is also a strategic import-substitution
industry that was driven by a fast-growing domestic market. It was neither
a light industry nor labour-intensive, and was not based on the country’s
endowment of cheap labour or natural resources. Further, expansion
in this sector was dominated by domestically owned firms and indeed
by state-owned and EIGs, thereby deviating from international trends
in which cement is typically dominated by massive global firms. This
evidence suggests that the advice to sub-Saharan Africa to focus

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Made in Africa

on light industry and to avoid building up such capital-intensive industry

is based on unwarranted assumptions.
Of course, there is some common sense in adopting the ‘Ricardian’
comparative advantage approach, at least partially, as almost all develop-
ing countries have done at some stage of their development. A ‘Ricardian’
strategy essentially follows and supports existing comparative advantage.
It effectively means, for a low-income country, specializing in the export
of primary commodities and perhaps some light manufacturing that is
technologically undemanding and requires little skilled labour. Such a
strategy typically will be supported by a ‘light touch’ state and by liberal-
ized trade, which indeed will provide the price signals to illuminate
comparative advantage. Nevertheless, historical facts also show that
‘Ricardian’ strategies can create self-sustaining growth only by shifting
to a second type of strategy, namely, the ‘Kaldorian’ strategy (Schwartz
2010).4 A ‘Kaldorian’ strategy is more complicated and prioritizes the
expansion of manufacturing, given the idea that manufacturing plays a
unique role in the growth and structural change process. Such a strategy
also rests on the premise that it is not possible to accelerate industrializa-
tion and to speed up the gains from economies of scale and learning-by-
doing in manufacturing without protective policies.
In the Ethiopian context, static comparative advantage was not the key
driver of industrial policy or performance in any of the three sectors
featured in this book. For instance, despite abundant Ethiopian livestock
resources, the leather and leather products industry has remained stag-
nant: this suggests a form of impotent or unrealized comparative advan-
tage. The government has long failed to upgrade the industry or attract
dynamic private investors into it; and the strategy has lacked coherence
and remained largely ineffective. By contrast, leather industries in Brazil,
China, and Italy have continued to play a major economic role, and not
without significant state intervention to support their growth or, in the
case of Brazil, resurgence. In Ethiopia, the sector has continued to be
uncompetitive internationally. Even cheap labour has not helped reverse
the industry’s stagnant and falling productivity, though the latter may
have begun to change with recent inward investment by a major Chinese
women’s shoe producer, as well as other foreign investors.

4
On Ricardian and Kaldorian strategies, see Chapter 2, Section 2.3.2.

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

By the same token, in floriculture, despite the existence of natural

endowments (water, soil, land, climate, relative market proximity, etc.),
the industry did not flourish until the early 2000s. What facilitated the
rise of this new industry were the government’s readiness to ‘pick’ this
industry (and to allow it to be ‘picked’ by entrepreneurs in line with the
government’s overall development strategy) and to implement appropri-
ate policy and policy instruments, combined with the readiness of invest-
ors (foreign and national) to participate in this industry.
These examples also suggest another area where political economy,
rather than abstract technical economic principles, is critical. As Buur
et al. (2012) argue in regard to sectoral variation in Mozambique, one
factor that matters is sustained political support and another is the organ-
izational capacity within a given sector or industry. Further, foreign
investment can raise such organizational capacity, as in the recent cases
of foreign investment in the Ethiopian leather sector. The flower sector is a
very good example of both domestic sector organization and a huge
contribution to this by foreign investors.

7.2.2 Patronage and neopatrimonialism

Another version of industrial policymaking is propounded by the neopa-
trimonial school. The patronage and neopatrimonial interpretation has
enjoyed much currency in the donor community and neoliberal circles
since the early 1990s and comes in several shades. A key inspiration in this
interpretation is Weber’s identification of three ‘ideal’ or ‘pure’ types of
legitimacy, namely traditional, charismatic, and legal. According to Clap-
ham’s (1985: 48) widely used definition, ‘neopatrimonialism is a form of
organization in which relationships of broadly patrimonial type pervade a
political and administrative system which is formally constructed on
rational-legal lines.’ Thus neopatrimonialism is a system of government
that is a mix of the rational-legal Weberian-type state, with separation of
powers and impersonal rules, and surviving personal relations that guide
decisions, resource allocation, appointments, etc. Weber (1947) applied
the term to traditional authority in ‘the Orient, Near East, and Medieval
Europe’. However, on the basis of Clapham’s definition and personal
observation of political processes and behaviour in advanced industrial
countries, including the US, UK, and France, neopatrimonialism is a
globally pervasive and enduring feature of governance. This would seem

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Made in Africa

to reduce even further the concept’s analytical value for understanding

African economic policy and performance.
However, it is to precisely the enduring and pervasive ‘chronic failure’ of
economic growth in Africa until recently that current proponents of
neopatrimonialism apply the concept. According to this pessimistic
view, there is no foundation or scope for developmental states in Africa.
Industrial policy, this school holds, cannot succeed in Africa, since it will
only reinforce, and be confounded by, neopatrimonialism. According to
Altenburg (2011: 8):

Industrial policy plays an important role in stabilizing neopatrimonialism as it

creates political space for politicians and bureaucrats to allocate government
resources to specific groups of beneficiaries. These can be employed to strengthen
ties of loyalty between individual politicians or bureaucrats and private beneficiar-
ies, but also to buy political support from specific social and ethnic groups that are
considered important for the survival of the incumbent regime. . . . Consequently,
politicians and bureaucrats who want to employ industrial policy for patronage and
clientelism can easily find technical justification to mask their political objectives.

Successes in some African countries are seen as exceptional or unsustain-

able, and generate a supplementary literature on ‘developmental neo-
patrimonialism’. Kelsall et al. (2010: 28) argue that ‘centralized, long-
horizon rent-seeking, when combined with broadly pro-capitalist policies,
can generate dynamic growth’.
Industrial policy is thus viewed as a vehicle to benefit party members
and supporters; party-affiliated businesses, such as endowment funds; and
specific ethnic groups. Ethiopian government programmes such as the
micro and small enterprises development programme are seen as a chan-
nel for consolidating the ruling party’s position. Influential NGOs, the
donor community, political parties, and vocal dissidents very much sub-
scribe to this view (Kelsall 2013). Nonetheless, no strong theoretical
grounds or empirical evidence are adduced to explain how this is different
from other political systems, for instance in the UK and US.
Conceptually, the neopatrimonial view has fundamental flaws and
cannot offer a solid analytical approach. First, it reflects Afro-pessimism
and is imbued with an entrenched prejudice that views African culture or
Africans as incapable of making progress (Mkandawire 2001; Padayachee
2010). All ills are attributed to the failures of African leaders or societies.
Consequently, it is blind to country-specific peculiarities and the diversity
among (and within) African countries. Yet, historical evidence shows that

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

many African countries had the vision and capacity to secure high eco-
nomic growth, for instance, during ‘the golden period of Africa from
1960 to 1980’ (Soludo et al. 2004). Even after the 1980s, Mauritius and
Botswana succeeded in sustaining growth, and since 2000 a dozen coun-
tries, including Ethiopia, have achieved high economic growth.
Second, it is a static, simplistic view that ignores how economic and
political forces are in constant motion, and the complexity of policy-
making. According to Ottaway (2003), neopatrimonialism is ‘an
ill-defined code word for the political ills that afflict the continent’, and
for Clapham (1996: 820) ‘. . . explanation in terms of culture should be
regarded as deeply offensive’. Mkandawire further refutes the notion in
conceptual and analytical terms.

[a] . . . while providing descriptions of the styles of exercise of authority . . . the

concept has little analytical content and no predictive value with respect to
economic policy and performance . . . [b] Economic policymaking is a highly com-
plex process involving ideas, interests, economic forces and structures, ‘path
dependence’ and institutions, and cannot be reductively derived from the ‘logic
of neopatrimonialism’. It will require serious attempts to understand the ideas,
interests and structures, which shape or hinder Africa’s development efforts. The
neopatrimonial approach is too simplistic and too formulaic to help in under-
standing the complex drama of development taking place in Africa.

Furthermore, Altenburg (2011) relied on a limited number of selective

interviews, which may not lead to objective observations. For instance,
individuals do not—as Altenburg suggests—own endowment funds, and
the law on endowment funds does not allow resource channelling to
political parties. The presence of political leaders on the boards of state-
owned or endowment fund–owned firms does not necessarily support this
conclusion. Moreover, loans have been available to most floriculture
firms, including foreign-owned firms (some of whom have ‘over-picked’
the state). The beneficiaries of the biggest DBE loans were private firms
with no political ties or connections, including foreign firms. If support-
ing the chaebols in Korea was not neopatrimonialism, how can support for
regional, publicly owned endowment funds in Ethiopia be counted as
such? The evidence on the allocation and performance of concessionary
loans to the floriculture sector, where there was at first little or no discip-
line (Amsden’s ‘reciprocal control mechanism’) on borrowers, suggests, if
anything, naivety on the part of state agencies rather than calculated
patrimonial misallocation.

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Made in Africa

Despite neopatrimonial assertions, state-owned enterprises have also

not necessarily or uniformly nurtured predatory groups and clienteles.
The Mugher Cement Enterprise was a pioneer and played a leading role
in the cement industry. As we have seen, other state-owned enterprises
such as EAL and DBE have served as key vehicles of industrialization and
change in the political economy of Ethiopia. Indeed, international evi-
dence suggests that ownership—state versus private—is not the key factor
in enterprise performance, and that, if anything, state-owned enterprises
have most often been fundamental to industrial catch up (Musacchio and
Lazzarini 2014a, 2014b).5 Support to the private sector in Ethiopia’s pri-
ority industries does not demonstrably produce the patronage predicted
by neopatrimonial theory. Again, there is nothing exceptional in the
blurred lines between government-controlled state enterprises and private
sector enterprises. As Milhaupt and Zheng (2014: 8) argue: ‘The . . .
response to the 2008–2009 financial crisis in the United States illustrates
that even in countries where private ownership of enterprise has strong
ideological and historical roots, the boundary between government con-
trol and private control’ can be blurry. In addition, the focus of state-
owned and endowment fund enterprises on large-scale manufacturing
and strategic projects shows their developmental role in overcoming
‘market failures’. Getting prices and property rights wrong (Amsden
1989) has, as the evidence suggests, been critical to the, albeit inchoate,
process of structural change in Ethiopia. Endowment funds made critical
investments—and took or socialized fundamental risks—in cement, bev-
erages, leather and leather products, textiles and garments, and transport.
In sum, claims by proponents of the neopatrimonalist approach appear in
large part to be unfounded and not empirically grounded.

7.2.3 Limits of ‘industrial policy as a process of discovery’

Another approach to industrial policy and performance that has had some
influence in recent years is ‘industrial policy as discovery process’. This
hypothesis would attribute success in the floriculture sector to collective

5
Musacchio and Lazzarini (2014b: 16) highlight ‘. . . thanks to SOEs Brazil developed large
sectors that initially were not funded by the private sector alone, such as steel, airplane
manufacturing, telephony, national oil, gas, petrochemicals, mining, and an integrated electric
grid . . . Most applied innovation efforts were also essentially executed by state agencies (such as
Embrapa in agriculture) as well as large SOEs such as Petrobras and Embraer.’

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

learning and the discovery process. Industrialization is very much about

learning. And the idea of a discovery process captures something relevant,
something not dissimilar to the emphasis in this book on adaptation, on
Hirschman-like dynamics of creative problem-solving. This is, therefore, a
relevant and interesting perspective, though one that like so many main-
stream perspectives seems strangely unaware of a whole tradition of
development economics and engagement with industrial policy. At the
same time, it seems to be an over-simplistic, descriptive, and post hoc ergo
propter hoc approach. The level of private sector development, existing and
potential tensions between conflicting interests, the risk of political cap-
ture by sector interests, etc., are important variables that are given little
attention in this kind of approach. The predictions of this framework are
also slightly fatalistic, calling for a less proactive or more passive industrial
policy until after a new and promising industry is discovered. This is fully
consistent with the pessimism Rodrik (2014) has expressed elsewhere:
‘I come down on the pessimistic side, due to what I think are poor
prospects for industrialization.’6 But if everything boils down to a mys-
terious process of discovery, how are policymakers to operate? Should
they simply sit and wait for discoveries to unfold?
This so-called discovery framework also fails to consider that the private
sector may not, left to itself, always represent the best interests of the
broader economy. Its entrepreneurs may be inclined to make ‘discoveries’
that are not really in the interests of overall transformation or welfare
improvements or, without appropriate government intervention, may be
a realm of rentier opportunity (Mazzucato 2013a). It is more likely that the
private sector focuses on short-term returns rather than the long-term
interests of industry; just as, on the flipside, governments may be so
beset with factional divisions or frequent democratic turnover they too
focus excessively on the short run and fail to ‘facilitate’ investors in
promising new sectors (Whitfield 2011).
The nascent private sector in Ethiopia has in the past demonstrated a
tendency to focus on short-termism and on the temptations of engaging
in speculative activities rather than productive sectors, and to prefer light
industry over riskier intermediate or heavy industry. This should not
be taken as evidence of uninformed judgements or hasty decisions.

6
<https://www.sss.ias.edu/files/pdfs/Rodrik/Research/An_African_growth_miracle.pdf> ‘An
African Growth Miracle?’, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, April 2014 (p. 2).

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Made in Africa

Rather, it is a product of their experience and resources, and of prevailing

incentive structures. Given the high risks involved in investing in the
manufacturing sector, and high rents in services and trading, there is
nothing ‘wrong’ or surprising in this preference. Specific sectoral features
and, indeed, broader political economy factors also shape interests and
investment patterns. Unlike in floriculture, the government was the
pioneer and key player in the development of the cement industry
throughout its initiation and growth stages (through its state-owned
enterprise). The government gradually induced the private sector to
play an active role in the industry, through the demonstration effect of
the state-owned enterprise and the inducement or linkage effect of the
rapidly expanding market for cement (principally in the construction
sector). The government had to ‘show’ the sectoral prospects to private
sector investors rather than wait for them to ‘discover’ these for them-
selves. In a nutshell, the narrative in the cement industry shows that its
development required an active and leading role by government, despite
the prompts and hints given by an industrial strategy that favoured large-
scale infrastructure investments, and by the rapid growth of the con-
struction sector.
Although industrial policymaking is indeed a learning process, and
there is a need for state and private sector to communicate (and often
industrialists will know better), the ‘discovery process’ approach (Rodrik
2004) reduces the process to an unrealistic fable whose moral is that
everyone should be nice and listen to each other, the typical charm of
liberal assumptions. Nor is it always just a matter of the kind of creative
imbalance that Hirschman (1958) emphasized, though that is important:
it is also a matter of conflicting interests and tensions. Often these con-
flicts are too intense and the scarcity of resources compounds the tension.
Hence, states have sometimes to be more interventionist. The South
Korean state, in the period of early rapid industrialization, was far from
‘nice’ and infamously put people in jail when they did not perform.
Although this might not be a ‘lesson’ to encourage, it is an indication of
the intensity of conflicts of interest. For instance, it is precisely in the
leather and leather goods sector where these conflicts have created an
obstacle to sectoral expansion and transformation.
The ‘discovery process’ interpretation was also based, in its application
to Ethiopia, on biased and incorrect evidence, as is shown in earlier
chapters. What mattered in floriculture was not dialogue per se, but the

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

decisive government response to the constraints of the industry. The

government took swift political decisions to make land available, to
make loans accessible, and to ensure that air transport and logistics
infrastructure were provided. In view of the resource constraints and
political sensitivity, the state showed its capability to manage rents, to
socialize risk, and to make critical political choices. There was almost
inevitably some corruption and wastage in this process, and some
individuals had clearly taken advantage of incentives without adequate
‘reciprocal control mechanisms’ in place, especially early on. But over-
all, the evidence suggests a net gain in terms of foreign exchange
earnings, employment creation, structural changes, and (unevenly)
the development of enterprise governance capabilities. The govern-
ment’s readiness to listen to the private sector was an outcome of its
strong political commitment and strategic orientation to develop this
sector. Land provision was a highly contested political issue, and the
political decision to subsidize air transport at a time when government
had withdrawn subsidies on kerosene and fertilizer was potentially
dangerous, as were concessional loans in the context of very scarce
credit. These key decisions could not have been made but for the
state-owned development bank, the state-owned air transport firm,
and publicly owned land (including former state-owned farms). These
issues say a lot about a developmental state and the policy independ-
ence of the government, rather than its capture by patronage. The
backdrop was that in contrast to many countries in sub-Saharan Africa,
the Ethiopian government resisted privatizing the development bank
and held land under public ownership, despite pressure from inter-
national financial institutions and strong neoliberal prescriptions
(what Joseph Stiglitz calls ‘market fundamentalism’). These were not
primarily matters arising out of a dialogue process, but rather out of
political constraints and political economy.
In addition, the frequent narrative is that the private sector pioneered
the floriculture industry. This narrative is associated with the implicit
assumption that foreign investors were the key drivers of this sector.
This is far from the truth. For instance, the state explicitly encouraged
the development of sectoral organizational capacity by advising the two
Ethiopian pioneers to establish their association EHPEA in order to over-
come obstacles and voice their interests. EHPEA is now one of the most
effective intermediary institutions, and an example to other industries.

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Therefore, development of this sector was mutual and complementary,

rather than one-directional.

7.3 Linkage approach to policymaking

7.3.1 Unfolding of linkage effects in the three sectors
As discussed in previous chapters, from a linkage perspective the pace of
development in general and industrialization in particular depends on
industries with strong backward and forward linkages. What the evidence
from the research suggests, though, is that there is considerable variety in
the way in which apparently obvious ‘pressure mechanisms’ or ‘pacing
devices’ (Hirschman 1992) unfold, or fail to unfold. There is nothing
automatic about linkage effects. They depend on policy, but they also
depend on politics, and on the structure and particularities of specific
sectors.

LINKAGES ARE NEITHER HOMOGENEOUS NOR AUTOMATIC

The linkage approach should not be taken to mean that linkages seam-
lessly reveal themselves (perhaps a version of the ‘discovery process’),
automatically generating new productive activities, and taking effect in
a uniform way. Nor should it be assumed they reveal themselves in similar
shape and scale and with similar dynamism. This is not the case in the real
world, as the sectoral chapters show. In fact, the diversity among linkage
effects has been striking, and there was no instance in this research where
they repeated themselves or where they appeared in one form. The first
important distinction is whether the linkages emanate from inside the
industry or from outside. Some linkages may initially originate in another
industry, sector, or activity to create the conditions for the activity under
observation. A typical example is the backward linkage from the construc-
tion industry to the cement industry that enticed the growth of cement
production. In contrast, in floriculture, the linkages were ‘transplanted’
from elsewhere (notably from the export market, not from domestic
market dynamism). There was clearly already a latent, readily accessible
source of autonomous export demand. But that of itself did not stimulate
investment. A combination of regional demonstration effect (Kenyan
success), exploratory contacts with potential investors, and a raft of pol-
icies was required to generate momentum in the flower industry, which in

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turn developed its own logic of opportunity and linkage to other investors
and to other related activities like packaging and logistics.
A second aspect of linkage effects is that the direction and dynamism of
the linkages may change gradually. At the initial stage, the prime linkage
for the leather sector may have been the forward linkage from livestock,
that is, raw hides and skins, to tanning and leather manufacture. The
push from this linkage became too weak, and the linkage feedback loop
shifted in the opposite direction from the leather sector back to the
development of raw skins and hides production, in short, a backward
linkage. But this linkage in turn only (and for a long time very slowly and
fitfully) unfolded because of the identification of the sector’s potential by
successive governments (supported by a string of external consultancy
reports).
The third aspect is that exploitation of potential linkage effects depends
not only on policy design and execution, but also on politics. Arguably,
one of the key lessons of this study is that almost all linkage effects
required government policy to be effectively exploited, and the outcome
mirrored the quality and effectiveness of the adopted policy and institu-
tional response. It is noteworthy that some policy responses depended on
the state’s posture on addressing the issue. The linkage to air transport and
cargo logistics in floriculture, the linkages to the energy sector, and those
from the construction industry to cement, and the critical financing of
the expansion of all three sectors by the state-owned development bank,
were possible because of the decision-making of the state (in the form of
political imperatives and cohesion, policy design, and institutional set-
tings) at that particular time.
In some cases, such as the development of a packaging industry initially
to service floriculture, the key was the emergence of new entrepreneurs
induced to invest by the rapid growth of flower exports, but even they
were supported by government policies. Yet in the cement industry,
manufacturers directly diversified into a backward linkage to the manu-
facture of cement bags (economies of scope). In the leather sector, the
response to linkage possibilities was left to smallholder livestock owners,
but without fundamental structural and social transformation they were
not in a position to take advantage of the opportunities created by an
emerging leather sector. Developing a dependable input industry based
on many and scattered producers is perhaps more difficult than support-
ing a few modern manufacturers.

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FAILURES AND SUCCESSES IN FACILITATING

LINKAGE MECHANISMS
It is therefore sensible to suggest that an important explanation for the
variability in policy outcomes was the differences in policy approach to
developing the linkage effects. The evidence so far shows the following:

a) In the floriculture sector, downstream (forward) linkages were more

important than upstream linkages. The industry’s growth would
have been arrested if the solutions in cold chain logistics and
dependable air services were not put in place. This binding con-
straint was removed primarily through state support. EAL was there
to fully exploit the opportunity created. It made strategic moves
including expensive aircraft purchases to modernize its fleet, and
subsidizing its services when necessary. The government also,
through EHDA, successfully supported the corrugated packaging
industry, and improved the local availability of inputs, thereby con-
tributing to the sector’s competitiveness. These efforts helped not
only address binding constraints but also to fully exploit opportun-
ities to develop new industries. In addition, government made land
available and provided close to ETB 1.5 billion to the majority of
firms in the flower sector, including foreign firms. Even realizing a
competitive advantage based, in part, on factor endowments (land
and agro-climatic conditions) required political and policy interven-
tion in the form of land policy, leases in particular. This was also
symbolic in terms of demonstrating the government’s commitment
to the sector, as well its readiness to welcome FDI.7
b) In the cement industry, the backward linkage (from the construction
boom) was strong and effective. The growth of the construction
industry was itself an outcome of government policy intervention,
including macroeconomic policies that produced sustained eco-
nomic growth and programmes such as housing and infrastructure
development and capacity building in the construction industry.
Sustaining this rapid growth was important politically (the 2005

7
The demonstration effect of this commitment should not be underestimated. Arguably, it
helped reveal fresh opportunities in other sectors and hence to build momentum for FDI flows into
Ethiopian manufacturing. In this sense, there may be a form of global intersectoral linkage, where
the obstacles and pressure points include multinational firms’ challenges in finding reliable
manufacturing and assembly suppliers.

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

election revealed narrow latitude for failure). This is similar to the

situation where internal and external threats provoked ‘political will’
in industrialization policies in East Asia (Doner et al. 2005). Housing
development was the flagship programme in urban centres. This
drive (with its direct effect on cement demand and on political
commitment to resolve key constraints of the cement industry)
was instrumental in the exponential growth of this sector. Energy
and freighting constraints were addressed through large-scale govern-
ment resource allocation to infrastructure development. The capital-
intensive character of the industry, and its scope for economies
of scale, also required government investment in the sector through
the state-owned Mugher Cement Enterprise.

c) The analysis of the leather and leather products sector clearly showed
that linkage effects are not always automatic or as compelling as
they would appear to be. The growth of the sector depended on a
sustainable supply of cheap and good-quality hides and skins,
something that would appear possible given the huge livestock
numbers in Ethiopia. The strategy in this sector was built on com-
parative advantage (cheap labour and livestock resources), and this
sector was singled out for promotion in the overall development
strategy, i.e. Agricultural development-led industrialization (ADLI)
and Industrial Development Strategy of Ethiopia (IDSE). Neverthe-
less, livestock resources are scattered across the country and agricul-
tural transformation is required to meet the growing demand and
requirements of the leather and related products sector. Considering
that livestock herds are dispersed among a large population of often
very low-income smallholder farmers, it may be a long time before
livestock production and husbandry is fully commercialized and
transformed. Traditional agriculture has diminishing returns, but
the feedback loop from leather manufacturing was too weak to
exert the necessary pressure on traditional farming. The govern-
ment’s capacity to mobilize its own resources (directly through
the state-owned enterprises) in shaping this linkage was too limited,
which is surprising in light of the country’s ADLI strategy. Hirsch-
man, in The Strategy of Economic Development (1958), refers to back-
wardness in agriculture by quoting Gerschenkron’s hypothesis
that ‘the more backward it is, the more the state intervention is

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needed’. Yet, in Ethiopia, what has happened is the reverse: the

leather and leather products sector should have enjoyed a much
more forceful and effective industrial policy. This does not, how-
ever, preclude the possibility of promoting a more realistic policy
option, namely modern ranches and modern slaughter and meat-
processing firms.

7.3.2 Linkages as coping mechanisms and policy learning

It is useful to draw out the parallels and direct connections between
linkages, in the sense of one economic activity ‘calling forth’ or making
viable another, on the one hand, and the policymaking and institutional
process, on the other. The core of the linkage and ‘unbalanced growth’
approach is the recognition that bottlenecks and imbalances can be
creative—they can induce recognition of a problem that requires an
innovative solution, and signal incentives to provide such a solution.8
However, this does not always happen. When it does happen in economic
activities, it is called a linkage. In policymaking, this response is more
about learning by doing, adaptation, and so on. In addition, the learning
and accumulation of policy experience can, of course, be applied to other
problems as they arise. It is difficult for outsiders to see this clearly.
Instead, they come as external experts (Hirschman’s ‘visiting economic
expert syndrome’) with blueprints, models, and best practices, which are
often limited and inappropriate, undermining the scope for institutional/
policymaking innovation (they may divert Hirschman’s ‘pressure mech-
anisms’ and clog up the ‘pacing devices’).
Clearly, this situation becomes very interesting where the institutional/
policymaking process takes place at the point where an economic linkage
does or does not materialize, or a sector does or does not undergo its own
development and learning by doing. One example is cheap loans to flower
farms. Subsidized loans were made available, with two negative results:
some of them were diverted into very different uses by some investors
(possibly including transfer abroad through over-invoicing and so on) and
some of them were invested, but in unnecessarily expensive equipment

8
Here there is a direct parallel between Hirschman’s idea of linkages and his (1967) idea, in
Development Projects Observed, of the principle of the ‘hiding hand’, whereby underestimation of
the costs and difficulties of a large project are necessary for the project to be begun at all, but then,
once these problems arise, they often provoke creative problem-solving adaptations.

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 Failing Better: Political Economy and Industrial Policy in Ethiopia

and technology. Part of the problem lay in DBE’s lack of appropriate and
effective mechanisms either to choose between borrowers or to monitor
or discipline them. But it seems that there was at least partial learning
here: the development bank started imposing more ex ante discipline by,
for instance, forcing borrowers to put up cash rather than just a fence
around the land. Monitoring was also strengthened (involving joint
action with EHDA, the lead government agency in floriculture) and meas-
ures included transferring assets and loans to a third party. This indicates
that there has been adaptation, but only partially. One concludes that a
reciprocal control principle and monitoring/disciplining have not been
fully developed.
Another such example is the interactions between the EHPEA, EAL, the
government, and the massive Dutch-owned flower farm. Here, too, gov-
ernment adapted. At first, government subsidized rent for no good rea-
son or purpose, allowing the firm to monopolize forwarding of output to
the airport for other flower producers in Ziway. However, there have
been changes since then, including direct service provision to all growers
by EAL. Here, the question arises: to what extent and how is business
decision-making and ‘soft’ technology or knowledge of running a capit-
alist enterprise developing among Ethiopian producers? And how is it
spreading (if it is spreading) from Ethiopians who play a lead role to
others, and from foreign investors (such as the relatively small French-
owned Gallica or Sher-Ethiopia) to Ethiopian owners? In addition, how
does government influence this ‘soft’ technology transfer? Evidence
suggests that farm productivity has improved and the gap with Kenya
is narrowing, while changes in terms of product and market develop-
ment and technological advancement are insignificant. This requires
further research.
Against this backdrop, it is possible to suggest that part of the explan-
ation for the failure in the leather and leather products industry was that
government policy lacked adequate appreciation of, or responsiveness, to
the scope for and challenges to stimulating linkages, despite the many
studies conducted (for instance, UNIDO, Japanese, and Cramer). The
challenge of profoundly transforming agriculture (the time needed,
scale, and politics of intervention) was beyond the scope of the policy
response. This can also be associated with the view that agriculture, unlike
manufacturing, has fewer linkage effects. The challenge was compounded
by the institutional inertia of, in particular, the Ministry of Agriculture

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and regional extension services, and the intermediary institution, espe-

cially ELIA, the industrial association for the leather industry, and the
absence of institutions that equally represented the interests of all firms
and stakeholders in the input chain. In view of the structural rigidities in
agriculture, alternative solutions focused on development of modern
ranches and strengthening modern slaughterhouses might have helped
address input constraints.

7.3.3 Path dependence in leather and leather products

Lall (1999, 2003) emphasizes that learning is ‘path dependent’, and adds:
‘Once embarked on, technological trajectories are difficult to change
quickly, as specialization patterns tend to persist over long periods.’ This
is particularly true of the Ethiopian leather and leather products industry.
This industry has been characterized by low-value products for many
decades. Tanneries were dominant and they have been interlocked in
mutual interest with Italian tanneries, an unholy alliance whereby Ethi-
opian tanneries supply semi-finished leather. This created a comfort zone
and a false shield for the sector. These circumstances were a reflection of
the long tradition of Ethiopian tanneries under the command economy,
where tanneries did not have to compete among themselves or with
others. In the footwear sub-sector, the moribund, stagnant productivity
equilibrium was suddenly disturbed by liberalization and the subsequent
competition from imported goods and entry of new firms. The sub-sector
faced fierce competition from imported Chinese footwear (from the mid-
1990s to the mid-2000s in particular), and almost all the footwear firms
were on the verge of shutdown, as they were uncompetitive even in the
Ethiopian market. Most firms then embarked on investment in techno-
logical and skills accumulation. The entry of many new firms has posi-
tively reinforced this transition to a better path.
In the leather sub-sector, however, no such exogenous shock arose, as
liberalization did not automatically lead to the inflow of imported semi-
processed hides and skins. Even privatization of state-owned tanneries did
not break old path dependence. Consequently, the old equilibrium
remained undisturbed. Since 2005, the tendency to sell only to the domes-
tic market and shy away from exports has become dominant in the sector.
Further, some key players in tanneries had backgrounds in the speculative
skins and hides trade. Hence, these tanneries did not face input shortages,

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and were less interested in fundamental transformation of the input

chain. Tannery interests dominated ELIA, making the association less
receptive to new government policies focused on exports. Efforts to
deepen the industrial structure met passive resistance, forcing the govern-
ment to postpone many policies for a long time. In addition, existing
firms perceived new investments in the tannery sub-sector as a threat, and
lobbied policymakers concertedly and with some success. In this sector,
piecemeal intervention and changes that depended solely on existing
actors did not bring about the required change.
Different policy decisions may have had varying results in breaking
path dependence and the development of a new growth path. For
instance, the government pursued and strongly adhered to a policy of
developing the leather products sub-sector (such as footwear and gar-
ments). Leather products provide narrower scope for poor performance,
as their production forces firms to confront global competition. The
presence of new actors with such experience enhances the chances that
interventions will bear fruit, and contributes to breaking the inertia and
forging a new path. This may compel backward linkage activities, for
instance, in the leather sub-sector. The ban on exporting semi-finished
leather and the requirement for increased value addition may also have
a transformative effect in breaking path dependence. In addition, the
import of inputs (raw skins and hides, semi-processed, and finished lea-
ther) could have helped break path dependence.
Yet, the banning of new tanneries (despite the government’s good
intentions to strengthen domestic firms) may further solidify existing
inertia, as it reduces competition within the leather sub-sector and reduces
pressure to transform the input value chain. Arguably, given the strength
of path dependence in this sector, the best policy option would have been
a targeted promotion of firms based on their past successes, rather than on
the origin of investment. Moreover, the introduction of performance
standards (including ex-post) could be more effective in channelling the
dynamics in the right direction.

7.4 Variations in industrial structure and policy implications

Industrial structure by itself is not everything. Nevertheless, the findings

suggest that industrial structure and industry-specific factors were

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important for performance variation and policy effectiveness across

sectors. Knowledge of industrial structure aids selectivity and targeting
in industrial policies, guides understanding of the roles and characteristics
of economic actors, and highlights the economic and technological char-
acteristics and requirements of the specific industry and the opportunities
they afford. Industrial structure reveals the underlying forces and basic
characteristics of sectors, the ‘type of the economic activity defined by a
combination of capital intensity, economies of scale, production flexibil-
ities, and asset/factor flexibility’ (Evans 1997: 61–87). The three aspects
that have significant implications for industrial policymaking in Ethiopia
are the characteristics of firms and investors, the latitude for performance
standards, and the stage of industrialization.

7.4.1 Economic actors and policymaking

The characteristics and behaviour of firms and producers vary across sec-
tors. For instance, the cement and floriculture sectors have been domin-
ated by a few medium and large firms. This makes it easier for government
to support and interact with sector leaders. In the leather sector, actors are
heterogeneous, with varying sectoral interests: tanneries (mostly medium
and large firms), leather products (dominated by many small enterprises,
in addition to medium and large firms), unorganized input traders, and
small, scattered skins and hides producers. These actors operate under
varied institutional settings, and often have conflicting interests.
Until late 2003, efforts to attract FDI were driven by the need for capital
investment and, hence, there was no selective sectoral targeting or strin-
gent monitoring of the process. There have been some shifts towards
selectivity in the three sectors more recently. In floriculture, investment
promotion targeted industrial leaders, for instance the Netherlands,
which plays a dominant role internationally. The majority of foreign-
owned firms had the marketing and technological capability needed to
secure Ethiopia a foothold in the global market. The government
arranged finance, which added to its leverage on foreign investors.
Local firms were supported with training interventions (by government,
the industrial association, and the Dutch embassy) that facilitated expert-
ise and skills transfer. This is an example of how aid, foreign policy, and
multinational interests partly converge; of how a bilateral state agency
(the Dutch embassy), acting primarily in the interests of Dutch capital,

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smoothed entry for Dutch firms, and subsequently provided assistance

and technology transfers to Ethiopia, probably beyond what Dutch firms
themselves would have done; and at the same time, an example of how
multinationals depend on their country of origin to promote their global
reach. The foreign-owned floriculture firms were family-owned and
medium-sized, as well as quick to adapt. It appears that the political
risks and pressures that come with these firms have not been unmanage-
able. There have been political challenges in the flower sector relating to
compensation issues, the environment, and labour, all of which required
government responses. This situation has shaped the pattern and
momentum of the sector throughout its history (2004–12), as has the
active role played by industrialists (domestic and foreign) and their inter-
mediary institutions (the sector’s industrial association and the Dutch
embassy).
The leather and leather products sector continued to be dominated by
domestic firms with institutional interests that created hostility to com-
petition and a strong dependency on government. Until after 2008,
designs to target investment promotion were inadequate. Domestic enter-
prise owners were less interested in seeing significant FDI or in learning
from counterparts. After 2008, the government took important steps to
engage firms such as Pittards (in 2009), Huajian (in 2011), ARA (in 2010),
and New Wing Addis (in 2010) through a managed privatization process
and promotion of FDI. Nonetheless, it appears that government acted
only after a long stalemate and when the damage had been done. In this
industry, the policy approach promoted inertia, while in floriculture it produced a
dynamic state–business partnership that enhanced collective action and collect-
ive learning.
In cement, state-owned Mugher, and later Messebo, played a leading
role in terms of taking risks and being first-movers. Others then followed,
facilitating collective action. Further, there is a lesser presence of FDI in
the Ethiopian cement sector than in the corresponding sectors in any
other African and many other non-African economies. This may well
have been important to the domestic evolution of firm and technology
capabilities, but thus far has undoubtedly come at the cost of efficiency.
The point is that policy, and indeed the larger issue of industrial policy
and the ‘developmental state’, is not independent of either industry
structure or the pattern of interests among investors and other relevant
actors in specific sectors. Just as ‘governance capabilities’ may vary across

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sectors within a country, so too will the degree of ‘state autonomy’ vary
across sectors and over time.
Finally, the industrial structure of the cement industry permitted and
called for the government’s direct role through state-owned enterprises.
This has allowed the sector to benefit from the critical role played by
the state. This was not the case with the other two sectors, which were
more favourable to small and medium, family-owned firms. The role given
to and played by state-owned enterprises in Ethiopia has been driven by the
belief that they are essential to industrialization, which requires an activist
role by the state. The neoclassical view emphasizes that markets would
function efficiently and that state intervention is bad. For instance, accord-
ing to World Bank (2013), ‘Private sector-led activities appear to be con-
strained by the policy choices favouring public investment’. This view rejects
the state’s role in direct economic activities through large state-owned enter-
prises (World Bank 1995; Shirley 1997) and holds that the state should
confine itself to protecting private property rights and reducing transaction
costs (North 1990). Consequently, privatization of state-owned enterprises
has been included as a key component of the Washington Consensus
(Williamson 2008) and its successors. The neoclassical view fails to see that
markets are neither always superior to states, nor immune themselves from
politics (Stein 2006; Chang 2006). Bureaucratic decision-making in state-
owned enterprises is wrongly blamed, although bureaucracy is a feature of all
large firms, private or state-owned (Chang and Singh 1997; Chandler 2004).
State-owned enterprises are founded with multiple aims, for instance,
economic transformation or catch up (Amsden 1989; Chang 1994). There
are also no grounds for assuming that state-owned enterprise performance
is weak because of the size of the enterprise or state ownership (Chang
and Singh 1997; Jalilian and Weiss 1997). Indeed, the research does not
support the argument that privately owned firms are more efficient
than comparable state-owned enterprises (Mühlenkamp 2013). There is
certainly huge variation in the performance of state-owned enterprises,
which is still poorly understood (Musacchio and Lazzarini 2014a, 2014b),
but so is there variation among private firms. The differences between
large private and large state-owned enterprises often evaporate on
close inspection: ‘Large, successful firms—regardless of ownership—
exhibit substantial similarities in areas commonly thought to dis-
tinguish SOEs from POEs: market dominance, receipt of state subsidies,
proximity to state power, and execution of the state’s policy objectives’

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(Milhaupt and Zheng 2014). A good example is Brazil, where ‘thanks to

SOEs Brazil developed large sectors that initially were not funded by the
private sector alone, such as steel, airplane manufacturing, telephony,
national oil, gas, petrochemicals, mining, and an integrated electric
grid . . .’ (Musacchio and Lazzarini 2014b: 16). Moreover, most applied
innovation efforts were also developed either by state agencies like
Embrapa in agriculture or by large state-owned enterprises such as Petro-
bras and Embraer (Musacchio and Lazzarini 2014a).

7.4.2 Latitude for performance standards

The prevailing incentive structure for private sector actors, including the
persistence of rent-seeking opportunities and lack of incentive to acceler-
ate learning and accumulate technological capabilities, creates intense
pressure on a society or government seeking to speed up structural trans-
formation. Hirschman (1967: 87) notes that latitudes for performance
standards are ‘the propensities and pressures to which the decision makers
are subject’, and that some projects or activities are ‘so structured that
latitude is severely restricted or completely absent: in these cases I shall
speak of lack of latitude or positively, of the presence of “discipline”
imparted by the project.’ However, such pressure mechanisms or discip-
lining opportunities are not equally realized in all sectors. For instance,
developing countries typically have better advantages in process-centred
production (such as refineries or cement manufacture) than in product-
centred production.
Technological and economic characteristics impose different latitudes on
performance standards in the three studied sectors in Ethiopia. Floricul-
ture’s narrow latitude for failure arises from the perishability of the product,
and the care it requires from farm to points of consumption. This is re-
inforced by constant pressure from supply-side technological uncertainties.
This is one reason why there is a concentration of family-owned medium-
sized firms in the sector. The exclusive orientation to export markets
imposes the need to cope with international competition. This has had
an important disciplining effect, in particular, on the many domestic firms
that were new entrants into the industry. It also helped to liquidate at an
early stage the exclusively rent-seeking firms that were unwilling to change.
The same was true of the cement industry, whose economies of scale,
capital intensity, high entry and exit barriers, and continuous production

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process acted as a positive force to improve capacity utilization. The risk of

failure was too great. This was reinforced by the nature of the product,
which is perishable and bears immense risks and legal implications if
quality standards are not met. In contrast, in the leather sector such
pressures did not exist, particularly in the tanning and basic leather sub-
sector. The industry was built on the dominance of tanneries and not on
the leather products sub-industry. By contrast, the leather products sub-
industry has much narrower latitude for failure. Producers in this sector
also ‘exploited’ the loophole of being able to supply the domestic market,
rather than the much more competitive export market. This wide latitude
interacted with the inadequate and inconsistent policy approaches in the
sector.
According to Lall (1999), the ‘domestic market plays an important role
in national capabilities’, as local demand affects the development of
products, quality, etc. This is crucial in countries like Ethiopia, where
the domestic market is, given population size, potentially large. This
requires intensification of competition in domestic markets, which helps
to dissipate rents not based on performance. Porter (1998: 119–20) argues
that

domestic rivalry not only creates advantages but also helps to avoid some dis-
advantages . . . The stock of knowledge and skill in the national industry accumu-
lates as firms imitate each other and as personnel move among firms. Domestic
rivalry not only creates pressures to innovate, but also to find ways that upgrade
the competitive advantages of firms. Toughened by domestic rivalry, the domestic
firms are equipped to succeed abroad.

Where really open and fair competition is unlikely, other devices need to
be instituted by the state, such as reciprocal control mechanisms or other
disciplining measures.
The role of the domestic market in building national capabilities also
suggests that there should be no dichotomy between export-led industri-
alization and import substitution: the value of exporting does not pre-
clude nurturing production for the domestic market. This is opposite to
the view associated with the approach that undermines import substitu-
tion, hindering integration between both strategies to maximize their
complementarities. In the three Ethiopian sectors, export discipline and
competitive pressure seem to have played a critical role, especially in
flower production. Lack of intense competition in the domestic market

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for leather and leather products, and the weakening of export discipline
are major factors in the sector’s disappointing growth. The disparity
between the success of state-owned EAL (unlike many other state-owned
airlines), which has had to compete in the international aviation industry,
and the disappointing performance of the state-owned Ethiopian Ship-
ping Lines, which has enjoyed a monopoly and unjustified rents, is a
typical example of the critical role of competition in industrial perform-
ance and competitiveness. Competition is not a magic ingredient, as it
may not breed success (as witness the failed airlines around the world).
Though it is rarely ‘perfect’ and is neither the only nor always the most
effective means of promoting learning, adaptation, or productivity, com-
petition is, nonetheless, one ‘disciplining’ mechanism that narrows the
latitude for failure.

7.4.3 Stage of industrialization

Variation in outcomes of industrial policy across the three sectors is partly
a function of the challenges and opportunities that come with the level of
development of the industry. It appears that, in some ways and contrary
to what one might expect, initiating a new industry is easier than stimu-
lating an existing industry. For instance, Hirschman (1968) highlighted
how the challenge in the early stages of import substitution is much easier
than in the second stage of industrialization, when the interlocking inter-
ests of different groups and political structures have become established.
There may also be a problem if there is insufficient capacity among
policymakers to follow and understand changes in industrial structure
over time and to adapt to the sector’s dynamic challenges. For example,
floriculture, after a decade of initial growth, appears to have entered a new
industrial stage since 2010, but the state has largely maintained the
existing policies. There is evidence that the slower growth of the flower
industry after 2009 reflected policies that have ‘run out of steam’, requir-
ing new policies suitable for the next growth stage. The same risk seems to
confront the cement industry, which has entered a new phase since 2012.
Each industrial stage brings its own constraints, challenges, and oppor-
tunities that call for appropriate responses. Arguably, initial success in an
industry may create the illusion of wider latitude for failure, and entrench
institutional patterns of behaviour and sets of interests, all of which pose
fresh challenges for policymakers. This highlights the need for policy

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capabilities that include the ability to sustain a long-term vision and

constant monitoring.

7.5 Unevenness of policy instruments and organizations

Policymaking is a dynamic and complex process beset by dilemmas,

tensions, and uncertainties. It involves diagnostic policy design, imple-
mentation, and evaluation of impacts. For instance, if policy outcomes are
not monitored, how can policymakers or others know whether there are
blockages or what the concrete policy effects are? Policies are also the
product of negotiations between conflicting interests, rather than merely
technical endeavours or the seamless translation into action of higher-
level visions or strategies. This implies that policies adopted as feasible and
relevant may not necessarily be the most effective ones.
It is often difficult to separate the outcome of a policy from other
relevant variables, and policy outcomes may need a long time horizon
for their full effects to become clear. Successful policies would make
themselves redundant over time, due to emerging constraints, challenges,
and opportunities. Although plans are necessary elements of industrial
policy, their effectiveness is undermined by the uncertainty of data and
the reality of constant change. Within this complex context, it is likely
that mistakes will be made. Policy-learning capabilities may help reduce
mistakes and improve the pace and scope of policy learning. Ultimately,
what matters is that benefits outweigh costs, and that lessons are learned
to minimize future mistakes and develop the capacity to adapt to and
recover from mistakes.
More importantly, the choice of policy instruments reflects political
choices and political constraints (domestic and international). While the
same instrument may be used for different aims, divergent instruments
can be used to achieve a specific goal. For instance, privatization or FDI
policy may serve different purposes, and many incentives can be used
with an inbuilt reciprocity principle. In Ethiopia, the government’s cohe-
sive strategic direction and political orientation has infused most specific
policy instruments, contributing to a consistency. Federalism, the relative
weakness of the state bureaucracy and stronger institutional strength of
the party, the relatively underdeveloped private sector, and the state’s
activist orientation, have all shaped political choices. For instance, active

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use of state-owned enterprises where ‘the market’ was reckoned unlikely

to lead to the most productive and developmental outcomes was compat-
ible with the government’s approach to privatization. This can be con-
trasted with policies followed in other African countries such as
Mozambique and South Africa (see Cramer 2000). The policy on FDI has
been consistent, given the relative weakness of the domestic private sector
and the government’s priority to strengthen it. The political commitment
to strengthen the DBE and provide subsidized long-term loans to key
industries was made possible by the cohesiveness of the governing coali-
tion and by the political pressures that helped cement this cohesion.
Nevertheless, the disparity in the coherence and concentrated use of the
design and implementation instruments has generated varied results.

7.5.1 Inconsistency in applying the reciprocity principle

Although most of the instruments (for instance, investment promotion,
export promotion, exchange rate policy) were applied across the three
sectors, their outcomes, importance, and applicability varied from sector
to sector. Export promotion required huge administrative capacity, while
investment incentives were easier to administer. The evidence shows that
uniform incentives were easier to implement than sector-specific instru-
ments, and applying a ‘reciprocal control mechanism’ was difficult: incen-
tives were linked very weakly to performance standards. The principle of
reciprocity depended upon a more sophisticated capacity to administer
the incentives than incentives without such a requirement. Export pro-
motion policy was less effective in leather and leather products, as it partly
failed to shape the behaviour of actors. The policy to attract FDI into the
leather sector had limited effect until 2006. In the absence of a strong link
between incentives and performance, outcomes have depended partly on
the nature of actors, export discipline, and competitive pressure. The
message is that reciprocity and performance-driven instruments have a
central function in industrial development.
In Korea, ‘the reciprocity principle operated in almost every industry’
and ‘in return for protection in the domestic market, the government
required the enterprises to export part of their production’ (Amsden
2007a: 96, 2001: 151). However, the political setting in Ethiopia is differ-
ent from Korea’s. Unlike Korea, where the political economy allowed
for a concentration of intermediate assets among national champions

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(Amsden 2001), the requirements of federalism and a political commit-

ment to equitable regional growth make such resource concentration
difficult in Ethiopia. Amsden argues in The Rise of the Rest that where
there is broad equality, it is easier to concentrate intermediate assets,
because there is less political risk. Ironically, where there is high initial
inequality (as in Latin America), risk-averse leaders do not dare to concen-
trate these assets. The Ethiopian experience suggests that, despite low
initial inequality, the federal system constrains the scope for concentra-
tion of intermediate assets and necessitates a wider dispersal than may be
optimal for industrial policy. The endowment funds may contribute to
narrowing regional disparity, but also arouse envy in regions where no
strong endowment funds exist.
An important condition for the reciprocal mechanism to work is
the introduction of export discipline, as it constantly forces firms to
improve their productivity. Ocampo (2007: 2), for instance, emphatically
argues that ‘. . . a successful export strategy is highly dependent on how
the export sectors are integrated with other domestic economic activities,
not least in terms of employment generation’. Export discipline must be
supplemented by increased competition and rivalry in the domestic mar-
ket. According to Porter (1998: 119–20), toughened by domestic rivalry, it
is more likely that ‘domestic firms are equipped to succeed abroad’. When
imposing reciprocal control mechanisms or equivalent forms of discipline
becomes too difficult, governments are left with the ruthless discipline of
export competition as the chief mechanism to promote adaptation (or to
destroy its prospects). That is why it is suggested that competition policy
be an integral part of any industrial policy (see also Roberts 2004). In
contrast to the mainstream approach, these authors argue that

competition policy ought to be seen as the set of measures providing incentives as

well as the “sticks” fostering innovative behaviours. . . . In short, competitive pres-
sures on individual firms must be strong enough not only to dissipate monopol-
istic rent but, more importantly, to induce firms to adopt active competitive
strategies instead of just profiting from the incentives provided by industrial and
technology policies’ (Possas and Borges 2009: 450)

Domestic rivalry within the leather and leather products industry con-
tinues to be low, allowing firms to operate in a comfort zone while
undermining the incentive to improve competitiveness and export
orientation. In contrast, competition in the cement industry has latterly

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intensified, while competitive pressure has been high throughout in flori-

culture. This does not mean that designing and implementing competi-
tion policy is easy, as it is usually captured by specific interests.
Export target-setting and monitoring were put in place after 2006, but
the evidence shows this has not been highly successful. The most signifi-
cant reasons for this failing have been lack of reliable data and of effective
participation by relevant actors in the planning process. Nonetheless, it
would be a mistake to dismiss target-setting as a complete failure, for the
research also shows that in some ways there have been ‘policy linkage’
and ‘institutional linkage’ effects. For instance, target-setting has helped
reveal bottlenecks in capability, calling forth responses, though unevenly.
As an example, the export earnings target for leather and leather goods,
which is set each year, was $0.5 billion in 2014–15. Although actual
implementation lagged badly, investigation of causes and bottlenecks
resulted.

7.5.2 Compatibility and cohesiveness of policy instruments

There was variation in the use of generic and sector-specific instruments.
Other than the generic policy instruments used in multiple sectors (for
instance, exchange rate policy and investment incentives), there are
instruments that have been used to address sector-specific constraints.
The varied approaches pursued to solve cold storage constraints and
packaging inputs in the flower sector, and the approach to solve the raw
materials constraints in the leather sector (supply, price, and quality of
raw hides and skins) are classic examples not only of specific needs, but
also of the variable success in addressing them. Capacity to address such
constraints is influenced by the priority given by the top political leader-
ship, depth of analysis, and institutional strength. In general, sector-
specific instruments were more effective than the generic incentives in
addressing the constraints in each sector, and their effectiveness is easier
to assess. Integrated and coordinated use of instruments also enhanced
policy effectiveness. In the flower and cement industries, there was better
governance of policies than in leather. The heterogeneity and scattered
nature of the actors and the diverse sub-industries in leather and leather
goods have thus far over-taxed existing policy capabilities.
There were also disparities in the speed of application of instruments,
and in how much they were concerted. Instruments that were

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implemented swiftly and in concert had better effects than those imple-
mented piecemeal. The support provided to the flower sector was swift,
coordinated, and concentrated, and had a clear impact. Loans were pro-
vided in high density without fundamental mistakes being made. Mis-
takes were indeed made, but the cost was much lower than the benefits. In
cement, support in accessing mineral deposits and energy supplies (elec-
tricity, heavy fuel oil, coal), and the design of regulations were directly
related to the requirements of the industry. It became easier to identify the
progress and drawbacks of sector-specific instruments. In floriculture,
the critical requirements were serviced land (with transportation and
energy access and proximity to the airport), availability of air transport,
cold storage facilities, and packaging options. Support has been focused
on these issues, enabling the sector to grow. In the leather and leather
products industry, sector-specific interventions were not evident until
2010, when benchmarking and upgrading value addition were intro-
duced. It is clear that sector-specific instruments deserve greater focus
and are more challenging. Policy decisions related to leather were
sometimes inconsistent (for instance, the export of live animals and
import of inputs), which further undermined policy effectiveness. Some
of the decisions were not taken at an early stage, as was evident in
floriculture.
High-level political commitment was crucial in developing the floricul-
ture sector. The same was true of the cement industry, as there was strong
political pressure on government to support the construction sector. The
state was able to exert strong pressure and make bold decisions to meet
requirements. In the leather sector, despite its priority in government
policy, this was not the case. The measures were too fragmented and
incoherent, producing minimal synergy. Industrial loans (investment
and working capital) were not easily available in sufficient amounts.

7.5.3 Quality and appropriateness of policy responses

The quality of industrial policy depends on the ability to make adequate
analysis of the situation, participation of concerned actors in the policy-
making process, and transparency and accountability in decision-making.
This book shows that the quality of policies has been mixed. The
multimodal transport intervention is a typical example of insufficient
study or preparation and minimal involvement by industrialists and

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other stakeholders. This failed initiative created additional disruption in

the trade logistics of the leather industry. Insufficient analytical work
was observed in many decisions across all sectors, although the effects
were felt less in industries with active enterprises and intermediary
institutions (mainly in floriculture) and larger firms that leveraged the
advantage of their size (mainly in cement). The major victim was the
leather sector, as key stakeholders were passive and the intermediary
institution was weak.

7.5.4 Coordination and insufficient organizational competence

a) Insufficient institutional capacity: Implementation failure has mirrored
implementation capacity (in terms of attitude, skills, and structure)
in various government agencies. For instance, LIDI (in the leather
sector) had better organizational capacity than EHDA (in the flower
sector) in terms of facilities and staffing. Nevertheless, the challenges
and constraints in both sectors were different, and the capacity of
LIDI was inadequate and focused on administrative tasks. This was
further compounded by the relative weakness of the fragmented
actors in the value chain. There was no strong intermediary institu-
tion of input suppliers, and the agency working on livestock devel-
opment was weak.
b) Institutional tensions and poor coordination: The coordination require-
ment differed among instruments and sectors. Coordination among
federal government agencies (horizontal) and among governments
(vertical: federal, regional, local) has in most cases been deficient.
This has been especially important for the leather and leather prod-
ucts value chain. Federal and regional priorities are not necessarily
the same, a factor compounded by capacity constraints, which are
even more visible at lower levels. Further, rigid bureaucratic practice
and hierarchies in government agencies (another example of path
dependency but also the product of particular political history, see
Lefort 2007, 2013) acted as constraints on learning and adaptation.
c) Intermediary institutions and state–business relations: Intermediary
institutions are important in enhancing an industry’s capacity in
terms of market development, training, and technological advance-
ment, or representing the interests of economic actors. They

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facilitate policymaking by improving the flow and quality of infor-

mation, communication of intentions, and joint actions. There has
been major variation in the roles played by intermediary institutions
among the three sectors.

EHPEA has played an active role throughout the history of the floriculture
industry. Communication with the highest level of policymakers and
government agencies was open, facilitating the timely resolution of prob-
lems and improving coordination. In the cement industry, the absence of
intermediary institutions did not hamper communication, due to the
large size of the firms. This does not necessarily imply that this will be
the case in the future though. In the leather and leather products industry,
ELIA, which mainly represented tannery interests, was weak and passive
with respect to influencing policymaking, and members lacked a common
vision. Moreover, economic actors in the input supply chain were not
organized into any association.

7.6 Conclusions

The country’s political landscape, rapid economic growth, and develop-

ment strategy have been conducive to the growth of all three of the sectors
studied. What has not thus far been effectively explained is why and how,
within this broader context, there has been such marked variation in
performance. The dilemma here is why a common industrial policy foun-
dation produced different outcomes in different sectors. Existing literature
provides limited empirical evidence and research, as the more typical com-
parisons in industrial policy and developmental state literature are between
countries rather than between sectors within individual countries.
This chapter has synthesized the conclusions and analyses in the vari-
ous case studies and sought to identify comparative insights, thereby
generating a unique picture of the patterns of policymaking and perform-
ance. The discussions have also shown that industrial policy outcomes in
Ethiopia have been distinctly uneven in recent years. The research sug-
gests there are three main factors shaping this variation, with significant
policy implications and a wider relevance beyond Ethiopia. First, indus-
try-specific factors, in particular the nature of economic actors, the in-
dustry’s latitude for performance, and the stage of development of the

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industry were the key determinants of the pace and scope of policy
outcomes. Second, the varying scope for linkage effects in different sec-
tors, and the appropriateness of policies in promoting creative linkage
effects, were crucial factors, with path dependence and low-value traps
acting as impediments in one sector. An additional point is that past
sectoral experience proved to be more of a constraint than a boost to
industrial prospects: the main example here is the largely stagnant and
mainly export-oriented leather and leather products sector, where a form
of path dependence thwarted policy objectives and interventions.
Third, the disparity in political commitment to, compatibility between,
and consistency of policy instruments and institutions was significant.
Political factors (for instance, the post-2005 election period and urban
development programmes, such as housing and infrastructure) played an
important role in promoting the cement industry. Political pressure from
scattered producers in leather inputs and processing played an equally
important, but opposite role. The quality of policy decisions and institu-
tional capacity varied among the sectors. The particular tensions and
trade-offs that arise in policymaking across individual sectors, ministries,
and organizations are also very relevant. Overall, what matters for the
evolution and effectiveness of industrial policy is the way these three
factors—industrial structure, linkage dynamics, and (broadly) politics—
interact.
Finally, the contribution of this research, and perhaps its most original
policy implication, is that it has unequivocally shown the importance for
policymakers of understanding and engaging with the interaction of indus-
trial structure, linkage potential, and politics/political economy. The interrela-
tional dynamics among these variables have significant implications for
policy design and implementation; and for the type of selective interven-
tion chosen to promote industrialization, as well as for how to guide the
design of reciprocal control mechanisms and assess their viability. It is
often pointed out that selectivity is critical to industrial policy: this
research provides a way of guiding thinking regarding that selectivity.

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8

Lessons from Industrial Policy in

Twenty-First-Century Africa

This chapter ties together the book’s findings and arguments on industrial
policy and performance across three sectors in Ethiopia and highlights
future research areas. After summarizing the previous chapters and focus-
ing on policy learning and lessons for Africa and other developing econ-
omies, the chapter concludes with a discussion of Africa’s catch up and
activist industrial policy in light of the theoretical perspectives and empir-
ical findings presented in the book. This final section reinforces the link to
the basic premise of the book—that industrial policy should be the vehicle
for catching up and structural transformation. As has often been noted in
earlier chapters, this is a departure from the more ‘market-friendly’ inter-
ventions favoured by conventional economists, including those who
have rediscovered industrial policy in recent years.

8.1 Summary
8.1.1 Main findings and theoretical implications
This book has examined industrial policymaking in Ethiopia between
1991 and 2013, and has sought to shed light on why outcomes have
been uneven across industries, despite a common foundation in industrial
development strategy and industrial policy. This puzzle has received little
attention in existing literature, since most studies generalize at the
national and international levels, and not at the level of cross-sectoral
comparison. Above all, the research for this book supports the argument
 Lessons from Industrial Policy in Twenty-First-Century Africa

that industrial policies can work and indeed thrive in a low-income Afri-
can country such as Ethiopia, and that the state can play an activist
developmental role, with policy independence an important factor. The
pretentions, lapses, setbacks, and failures of the ‘developmental state’, far
from indicating its uselessness, should be viewed, the book argues, as part
and parcel of the real-world process of accelerating structural change and
development. Industrial policymaking in Ethiopia is a work in progress,
and the examples discussed in the book illustrate the colossal challenge of
catching up and industrializing in twenty-first-century Africa.
In Chapter 2, the cardinal concepts of industrial policy, structural trans-
formation, catch up, the developmental state, and linkage effects are
examined, and the African context is briefly laid out. In addition, debates
on industrial policy and development are presented, and the economic
structure in developing countries (especially SSA countries) and historical
growth trends are outlined. Industrial policy has always been the subject
of ideological contention, and the dominant perspectives are strongly
averse to such policy in developing countries and have been better at
accounting for its failures than its evident successes. This book has
deployed structuralist and political economy perspectives (more pluralist
than the ‘mono-economics’ prevailing in the discipline since the late
1970s) to investigate the rationale for and recent experiences with indus-
trial policy in Ethiopia.
Ethiopia is a low-income, landlocked economy in a ‘bad neighbour-
hood’, and has the second largest population in Africa, and yet it is also
one of the few developing countries to record rapid economic growth in
the early twenty-first century. Chapter 3 maps out the history and foun-
dations of policymaking in Ethiopia, including the industrial development
strategy of the current government and the associated institutional frame-
work, information that is not available elsewhere in the literature. The
policy instruments include industrial financing, investment and export
promotion, trade protection, the state as direct economic actor/industrial
player, and privatization. The chapter sets out the roles of the overall export
coordinating institution and specific institutions designed to develop pri-
ority sectors, intermediary institutions (such as industrial associations), and
investment administration institutions. This descriptive analysis highlights
government adaptations of international experience and practice, particu-
larly in East Asian countries. Industrial policy instruments relating to spe-
cific sectors are further discussed in subsequent chapters.

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Chapter 4 examines growth patterns, linkage effects, and industrial

policy and policymaking in the cement industry. Cement production is
a strategic industry in many countries. The Ethiopian cement industry
has undergone major changes throughout the period under consider-
ation, growing faster than in most developing countries. This growth,
although characterized by swings, has been dramatic and has been driven
by the expansion of the domestic market and the construction boom. The
book demonstrates how the government’s industrial policies shaped the
development of the cement industry through direct and indirect inter-
ventions. Some policies were more effective than others. Similarly, the
incentives yielded different outcomes, some more desirable than others.
The cement sector has absorbed a large share of scarce resources, involv-
ing a number of trade-offs, tensions, and learning experiences. Also dem-
onstrated in the chapter is the synergy between industrial and other
public policies, the interplay between economic and political factors,
as well as the dynamics of policymaking and the significance of the
narrow latitude for poor performance. In sharp contrast to the overall
African cement industry, where multinationals preponderate, domestic-
ally owned firms continue to dominate the industry in Ethiopia. SOEs
have played a pioneering role through spill-over effects, and continue
to make an important contribution. Overall, the cement industry in
Ethiopia has been a binding agent of economic development and trans-
formation in multiple ways.
Chapter 5 explores floriculture, whose economic success has attracted
international interest and policy debate. This sector shares many char-
acteristics with manufacturing. Emerging in Ethiopia in 2004, it has
since experienced sustained growth, making Ethiopia one of the leading
producers and exporters of cut flower in the world. The standard explan-
ations for this success are comparative advantage, factor endowments, a
discovery process, and developmental patrimonialism, rather than the
role of the state. A detailed analysis of the drivers of the growth in the
industry is undertaken in the chapter, yielding a more comprehensive
explanation than has been available before. Government policy has
been critical in nurturing and expanding the sector, as have the inter-
play between policymaking and institutions, the dynamics of industrial
structure, and interest groups. Ethiopian floriculture classically demon-
strates how unemployed labour and underutilized local entrepreneurial
potential, as well as natural endowments, can be mobilized for economic

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development, but do not just bloom automatically under the warm sun
of comparative advantage. State commitment to develop the sector and
its use of policy instruments was exceptionally clear and coherent.
Collective learning was also impressive, with the industry ‘picking the
state’ and the state ‘picking the firms’. Floriculture also benefited from
the narrow latitude for poor performance and export discipline. The
chapter also shows how policies that helped bring about successful
take-off became insufficient as the industry matured and confronted
new challenges, which call for new policy responses. The chapter dem-
onstrates an ongoing ‘learning by making policy’, in spite of these new
challenges.
Chapter 6 focused on the underperformance of the leather and leather
goods industry and the reasons for the disappointing outcomes. The ‘joint
production’ of outcomes in this case involved policy design, the structure
of the industry, and, very much, the sector’s political economy. What the
chapter clearly shows is that factor endowment arguments are grossly
inadequate explanations for the failings in this sector. In contrast to
cement and floriculture, the performance of the sector has been disap-
pointing and characterized by erratic and sluggish growth. Industrial
policy has been unable to reverse this poor performance, or to fully exploit
potential linkage effects and insertion into the GVC. The main puzzle is
that there has been prolonged manufacturing experience in the sector and
there is a plentiful endowment of livestock. Yet the policies failed to
generate the required behaviour and export discipline among firms. The
main economic interests in the sector have been fragmented and often
conflicting. Tanneries have dominated, while the leather products indus-
try (which is integrated into GVCs) has failed to exert much influence.
This demonstrates how linkage effects are not necessarily automatic, and
how the policy instruments and institutions also lacked the dynamism to
promote them. Policy also failed to address strategic input problems,
while trade and logistical constraints further weakened the sector’s com-
petitiveness. Dependence on small-scale livestock husbandry is also part
of the explanation, as is the wide latitude for poor performance in the
sector. The sector has experienced path dependence that has perpetuated
a low-value trap. Despite these failings, recent policy on value addition
and new entrants is helping to break the logjam in the sector. Moreover,
there is recent evidence of more investment, better quality, and increased
exports of higher-end products.

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8.1.2 Implications for policymaking in Ethiopia

It is in Chapter 7 that the insights from previous chapters are synthesized

and developed. While sectoral performance has been uneven, the devel-
opment-oriented state performed better over time (especially after 2002)
and its industrial policy has contributed to higher growth. That said,
manufacturing output remains extremely low.
One thing the case studies reveal is that learning by doing is as much a
feature of government policymaking as of firms’ or organizations’ per-
formance. Comparative advantage/factor endowments and neopatrimo-
nial arguments do not provide sufficient explanation for the unevenness
of policy outcomes, and cannot account for such dynamics as learning by
doing, learning by failing, or ‘failing better’. The book demonstrates that
there are three main factors shaping the variation in sectoral perform-
ance, and suggests that these may have wider relevance for other devel-
oping countries. First, industry-specific factors, in particular the nature of
the economic actors, the industry’s latitude for performance, and its stage
of development, matter greatly. Second, success in promoting creative
linkage effects was crucial, while path dependence and low-value traps
act as impediments. Third, the depth of political commitment to, con-
sistency of policy instruments, and compatibility of policy institutions
was significant to the success of a sector. Overall, what matters for the
evolution and effectiveness of industrial policy is the way these three
factors interact.
The book also shows that even in successful economic sectors, the seeds
of failure were and are present, while there are signs of productive policy-
making evident even in the disappointing leather and leather goods
sector. This has significant policymaking implications for these three
sectors, the wider manufacturing sector, and for overall economic devel-
opment in Ethiopia and possibly beyond. As the book repeatedly shows,
there are many important issues requiring policy responses. In the cement
sector, the key policymaking challenges are sustaining the sector’s dyna-
mism through linkages to construction and infrastructure development,
and the development of coal mining. There is also the promotion of
the manufacturing of other building materials. Although domestic
market growth is the primary driver of this sector’s performance, different
instruments are essential to expanding the industry’s market horizons
and to improving its productivity and competitiveness. Furthermore,

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technological development, a neglected area, needs policy focus, as it

could serve as the foundation for equipment manufacturing.
The leather and leather goods sector deserves special mention, because
of its apparently wider scope for linkages, its contribution to export
earnings and employment generation, and indeed its potential for pov-
erty reduction in rural areas. Promotion of multiple linkage effects, espe-
cially backward linkages, is vital. A comprehensive review of policies is
required, as is devising policies that break the sector’s path dependence
and a constant focus on upgrading the industry. These efforts need to be
augmented by the development of market and technological capability by
attracting foreign firms that are key players in the GVC. While inadequa-
cies and limitations in research and knowledge are often obstacles to
effective policy design and prioritization in Ethiopia, this is less the case
in this sector. However, what became clear is that the policy challenge in
this sector is at least as much political as technical.
Meanwhile, floriculture is in a critical transition phase to a new stage of
development. Specifically, the development of domestically owned firms,
technological deepening of the industry, and the development of linkages
to the wider horticulture sector in various growth corridors have emerged
as new challenges that the government needs urgently to address.
Although this book focused on three specific sectors, it has wider impli-
cations for manufacturing. First, a detailed study of the remaining sectors
is necessary, although they may generally resemble these three sectors.
The textile and garment sector, for instance, has been long established in
Ethiopia, and is an export priority. It faces major constraints, and its
growth has not been impressive until very recently. Linkage effects with
agriculture are significant, and the domestic market is growing. Both
domestic and export markets are key drivers of its growth. Moreover,
agro-industries are playing an insignificant role in export earnings, despite
their large potential. Among import-substitution industries, pharmaceut-
icals, steel, and beverages have divergent characteristics. More broadly,
the point is that policymakers cannot design a cookie-cutter policy in the
expectation that it will work uniformly across sectors. Instead, they need
to design policy and to assess performance on the basis of detailed know-
ledge of the sector and its political economy. This stricture applies both to
state departments and development banks.
Second, there are also cross-cutting issues affecting all manufacturing
industries that require a policy response. For instance, in view of global

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competition and the global business revolution (Nolan 2003), redefining

the role of national champions is required. Present policy has been insuf-
ficient to maximize the synergies between the export and domestic mar-
kets. Furthermore, industrial clustering and industrial parks have played
an insignificant role till now, but could play a much bigger future role in
overall industrial development strategy. Again, some of these issues point
to dilemmas that the government will need to address. For instance, there
is the tension between industrial clustering and agglomeration and the
political commitment to spreading resources and opportunities across
federal regions. Meanwhile, the effect of joining WTO would need to be
considered within this broader strategic and policy context, and with an
understanding of its implications for the industrialization process and for
preserving ‘policy space’ (UNCTAD 2014).1
Third, there is a need to promote policy capabilities and adaptive cap-
acity, including developing multiple policy institutions. The availability
of reliable data is a major problem in Ethiopia, as research institutions are
too few and too thin. Policy learning has to be supported by analysis based
on reliable data. Many government agencies lack full knowledge of the
industry they are responsible for and their plans rely on insufficient
research. Furthermore, industrial policymaking is intertwined with the
federal political framework, and each needs to reinforce the other. Con-
sidering the limited and unique experience of federalism in Ethiopia, it is
important that the interplay of policymaking, institutions, and federalism
be properly researched. Other countries such as Korea, Taiwan, or China,
having unitary government systems, yield little information of direct
relevance, although clearly, given China’s massive regional differences,
there may be something to learn from Chinese policy experience. Such
research in Ethiopia might yield unique insights of value to Ethiopia and
other countries.
Finally, perhaps the most original policy implication of this book is
its unequivocal demonstration of the importance for policymakers of
understanding and engaging with the interaction among industrial structure,
linkage potential, and politics/political economy. The dynamics among
these variables have significant implications for policy design and

1
Policy space refers to the ‘various tensions between national policy autonomy, policy
effectiveness and international economic integration’ UNCTAD (2014: vii). Globalization,
market internationalization, and legal agreements (multilateral, regional, and bilateral) create
obligations that undermine the scope of national policy.

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 Lessons from Industrial Policy in Twenty-First-Century Africa

implementation, for the type of interventions to be instituted to promote

industrialization, and for the design of reciprocal control mechanisms and
assessment of their viability.2

8.2 Lessons for policy learning in twenty-first-century Africa

As argued above, industrial policy can be effective in Africa, notwithstand-

ing the conventional wisdom among development agencies, economists,
and IFIs. One consequence of the weight of this conventional wisdom has
been the diversion of research attention elsewhere: it is important that this
be reversed. There is a need for more research into African industrial
policymaking, particularly its intersection with structural change and its
relationship with politics and political settlements in individual countries.
This would improve understanding of how industrial policies can promote
structural transformation and foster economic catch up. The author hopes
to have made the case throughout for engaging in further comparative
research within specific countries. Such research should focus on country-
specific understanding of, and practices in, policy development and imple-
mentation, as theoretical concepts and constructs have ultimately to be
based on empirical evidence and experience. Much work has been done on
African industrial sectors, but it is often either narrowly technical or too
shallow, the product of ‘quick and dirty’ studies. And it is important to
encourage pluralism in research and evidence collection. The lesson after
decades of enormous amounts of research—especially into rural econ-
omies—to support the global poverty reduction campaign is that signifi-
cant gaps in perspective and evidence are still all too common. These are
arguably the result of ideological blind spots and of the influence of
entrenched, but insufficiently questioned, research assumptions.
Three key issues of policy learning in Africa emerge from this book:
the critical role of policy independence in policy learning; the role of
learning-by-doing as the main thrust of capacity-building in policy-
making; and the intelligent use of signals and mechanisms (such as

2
While much evidence has been presented in previous chapters, additional evidence of possible
value to researchers and policymakers may be provided by the author. Much of this evidence would
have been more difficult, even impossible, for ‘outsiders’ to assemble.

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Made in Africa

latitude for performance, hiding hand, and linkage effects) to steer and
enhance policy learning.

8.2.1 Policy independence

Policymaking is a pattern and mode of action geared, in this case, to
economic development. Policy choice influences shifts in political econ-
omy, and is constrained by the existing political economy. In other words,
no state is wholly autonomous from the wider political economy of a
society. Policy independence above all means the right, and political
space, to make policy choices free of political pressure or, at any rate,
without succumbing to particular interests. From a slightly more unusual
perspective, it means reserving the right to make mistakes and, in the
process, to learn from them. Policy independence also means the freedom
to make major policy decisions that entail risks and bold experiments.
Without this dimension, policy decisions will only sustain the status quo.
In terms of industrial policy, this may effectively mean abandoning hopes
of anything other than the very slowest and most modest structural
change. Major policy decisions will only achieve more ambitious results if
they are made within a long-term perspective. So, policy independence also
entails the right to chart long-term perspectives for development. This
independence, however, has its limits. Unlimited protection against the
consequences of ‘mistakes’ may reinforce a pattern of failure, with massive
social and political consequences. Policy independence is unlikely to gen-
erate constructive experimentation and learning from errors if applied
without discipline. This discipline comes in various highly context-contin-
gent forms, but is fundamentally a matter of political viability.
Policymaking in Ethiopia has reflected policy independence, including
occasional pressure from IFI and some donors, usually in the form of
economic threats. For instance, the government has refused to yield to
pressure to open up the finance sector to foreign banks, to privatize
utilities and telecom, to reform public land ownership, to freeze public
investment, and not to expand universities. The events in the late prime
minister’s office described in Chapter 2 show the lengths to which the
Ethiopian government is willing to go to maintain policy independence.
Ethiopia has also embarked on building the Grand Renaissance Dam on
the Blue Nile, depending entirely on domestically mobilized resources,
and despite the threat and withdrawal of support by external forces. In

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 Lessons from Industrial Policy in Twenty-First-Century Africa

areas of common interest, it has collaborated with external forces and

accepted assistance. The government has been able to develop its own
policies because of domestic political support, and by capitalizing on the
country’s important role in the geopolitics of the region.
Policy independence is a major concern in many African countries. Some
countries, despite independence from colonial rule, have little freedom to
make their own policy choices or, at any rate, have not been highly effect-
ive in using what freedom they have. They are obliged to ‘consult’ on their
policy proposals to get a green light, and receive backing for being ‘good
students’. Economic embargoes are enforced against those who would set a
bad example. As one diplomat said to a friend: ‘One of the unique things
about working as a diplomat in Ethiopia is that all feel equal, as Ethiopia
has never been ruled by colonial masters, as was the case in many other
countries.’ Another European diplomat remarked that Ethiopia is fortunate
in not having to get the green light for major policy decisions, and that it
can make them without having to consider the reaction of former colonial
masters. It is difficult to believe that such practices continue in some
African countries into the twenty-first century, after half a century of
independence. It is important that African countries be able to make their
own policy choices and bold experiments. This can only be achieved if
African countries individually and collectively resist such intrusions, and if
the international community condemns them. But it is also incumbent on
those, like Ethiopia, with greater room for manoeuvre to use this effectively,
thus to signal to others what is possible and sensible.

8.2.2 Learning by doing, emulation, and role models

Learning by doing is the prime means of mastering production among late
developers. This concept is equally valid for policymaking. We also know
that almost all late developers catch up by emulation, learning by copy-
ing. According to Reinert (2010: xxiii), emulation means ‘imitating in
order to equal or excel . . . [this], rather than “comparative advantage”
and “free trade”, lies at the heart of successful development . . . ’ As the
history of economic development shows, development almost by nature
is about copying and emulation.3 However, there is a balance between

3
Indeed, it may even be driven by something akin to the ‘mimetic envy’ that is at the core of
Girard’s work (see, for example, Girard 1977).

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Made in Africa

copying and learning by doing that is difficult to define. On one hand,

early catching up involved trying to repeat things that happened in the
UK in the ways they happened, although as Gerschenkron (1962) pointed
out, the solutions became different because the game had changed. This is
what China and East Asian Tigers have pragmatically done: copy technol-
ogy, copy policies, etc. But, on the other hand, copying and learning are
not straightforward, and it is not always obvious which lessons are more
important or applicable.
Some lessons may be quite straightforward, but most are more com-
plex and less easy to ‘carry across’ from one context to another. The
‘best practices approach’ that focuses on reviewing and applying
detailed lessons to other contexts may not be helpful, as the conditions
in different countries vary in terms of history, culture, political econ-
omy, the role of the domestic market, and exposure to international
trends. For instance, Ethiopia has always been an independent country
and was never colonized. And its history shows that fundamental
political and economic changes have occurred during regime changes,
sometimes by violent means. At the moment, the country’s ethnic
federalism is the only such experiment on the continent, and the
country’s ruling party has a history of focusing on its rural political
base. So, there is much that works (or doesn’t) because of political
factors that are not the same across African countries. To adopt the
currently fashionable randomized controlled trials approach to devel-
opment, or rather the critique of this approach, we cannot be at all sure
that ‘what works here’ will also and equally ‘work there’ (Cartwright
and Hardie 2012).
However, this does not mean there are no lessons applicable to certain
other contexts. Without dwelling on detailed practices, some broad les-
sons may be drawn. For instance, understanding the industrial structure of
different sectors, and leveraging latitudes for performance are valuable in
industrial policymaking. Hirschman’s linkage concept (the favouring of
industries with strong backward and forward linkages as well as support-
ing activities with greater employment linkages through indirect and
induced mechanisms) is essential in bringing dynamics and impetus to
new activities and increasing returns and in creating economic space in
developing economies. The principle of reciprocity is important in almost
all conditions, despite the challenges of implementation and its depend-
ence on the state’s political clout. As East Asia shows, reciprocity has been

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 Lessons from Industrial Policy in Twenty-First-Century Africa

indispensable in promoting exports and fighting rent seeking. According

to Amsden (2007a: 94, 96):

The guiding principle of the best bureaucracies—politics permitting—was to give

nothing away for free. Reciprocity was ideal. . . . The reciprocity principle in Korea
operated in almost every industry. . . . Reciprocity helped governments. If projects
succeeded, they got more power. The elitist development banks, flagship of the
‘developmental state’, subjected their clients to monitorable conditionalities. (my
emphasis)

Despite the efforts made, the rudimentary application, and the mixed
results of reciprocity in Ethiopia, the government needs to continue
experimenting with and mastering reciprocity.
In addition, many scholars highlight the importance of role models for
late developers. Amsden particularly showed their relevance for learning,
based on the economic histories of Argentina, Chile, and the Philippines
in contrast with the experiences of Korea and Indonesia. Amsden (n.d.)
argues that:

A problem in Argentina and Chile was the absence of any hands-on role model to
guide them. . . . [T]hey could emulate nothing regional. Nor did . . . multinational
investment from Europe or the US, offer much guidance. . . . Overall, the Philip-
pines . . . had good students but no teacher to guide it when an opportunity
presented itself . . . Off-setting the costs of emulation, role models provide hands-
on knowledge to emulators. . . . Korea and Taiwan . . . used many of the same
agents, policies, institutions and tactics [as Japan] to build their own heavy indus-
tries. . . . Africa’s disappointing economic performance in the presence of rich raw
materials may be attributed to . . . a continuity in foreign ownership of mines and
plantations, and the absence of a concrete role model to emulate other than
abstract theory.

Applying these approaches requires trial and error (rather than the
quasi-scientific notion of experiment in the randomized controlled trial
literature) and learning by doing. It also requires adaptive capacity in
decision-making (Giezen et al. 2014). If learning by doing is important
in manufacturing, it is even more so in policymaking, where it depends on
a pragmatic approach, curiosity in learning, and the boldness (including
political commitment) to experiment and make mistakes. There will be no
learning without mistakes, and the aim should be to improve the pace of
learning and to narrow the scope for and of mistakes. Ethiopian patterns
of policymaking show attempts at experimenting on mini and grand
scales, often with mixed outcomes. Learning by doing is probably a

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Made in Africa

good lesson for other African countries to learn in making industrial

policy work.
In sum, what is important is not simply the fact of having a role model,
but the matter of which role model presents itself or is chosen. There are
some indications in the basic policy documents of the ruling party and the
government that the latter has been looking to East Asia (in particular,
newly industrializing Korea, China, and Taiwan) for role models. There
are also close links with Japanese and Korean scholars on industrial policy
and frequent visits to China by policymakers. The Japanese kaizen concept
has been chosen to lead the productivity and quality improvement move-
ment in the manufacturing sector; while vocational education and train-
ing and higher education have been organized on the German model.

8.2.3 Applying Hirschman’s supporting devices and mechanisms

Although learning by doing, emulation, and having the right role models
are central to policy learning, they may not be sufficient. As Hirschman
highlights, the biggest problem in underdeveloped economies is the
inability to make decisions, and he underlines that devices and mechan-
isms which induce investment and policy decisions are essential. One
such device might be institutionalizing a sensibility among policymakers
to linkage effects—as important to policymaking as to production or
industrialization. Some industrial policy decisions and instruments will
force government to take steps to mitigate negative outcomes or exploit
the opportunities that arise. In Ethiopia, DBE took important policy deci-
sions to offset the failure of loans to the floriculture sector, and this
experience was applied to loans to other sectors.
Another factor that may enhance policy learning is the latitude for
performance and Hirschman’s ‘law of the hiding hand’. According to
Hirschman (1967: 28), the hiding hand is ‘essentially a transition mech-
anism through which decision makers learn to take risks; and the shorter
the transition and the faster the learning, the better’. According to this
concept, the scope for creativity and energy is usually underestimated,
just as much as project risks and difficulties are systematically underesti-
mated. This law gives us important insights into the psyche of many
policymakers, who will not take bold decisions on large projects that
may involve big risks. The mechanism of the hiding hand—where it
operates, and perhaps too little is known about the conditions under

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 Lessons from Industrial Policy in Twenty-First-Century Africa

which it is more (or less) effective—can help developing countries in

making such decisions. Hirschman (1968: 129) highlights this unortho-
dox approach as follows:

It could be argued that a country without much experience in solving techno-

logical problems should stay away from [such] projects . . . But the opposite course
can also be defended: how will the country ever learn about technology if it does
not tackle technologically complex and problem-rich tasks? . . . [A] certain ‘unfit-
ness’ of the project for a country becomes an additional and strong argument for
undertaking it; . . . if it is successful, [the project] will be valuable not only because of
its physical output but even more so because of the social and human changes it
will have wrought. [Emphasis added]

This approach stands in dramatic opposition to the much more common

advice from development economists and aid organizations that inter-
ventions should be tailored to current ‘capacity’; that while South Korea
or China might effectively have made bold interventions, low-income
countries should not ‘try this at home’. Again, for Hirschman, the benefits
go beyond the physical outcome in a fundamental way, in the shifts that
new projects may bring about in attitudes to development and readiness
to take risks. The Ethiopian narrative shows that government has been
undertaking extraordinarily challenging projects. The Grand Renaissance
Dam project and the integrated housing programme are typical examples.
Such big projects would have detrimental political costs were they to fail,
pushing government to make extraordinary efforts to ensure success. The
hiding hand concept is also associated with the concept of latitude for
performance, as many economic activities have narrow or wide latitude,
depending on the technological and structural nature of the industries.
This concept of latitude for performance forces us to accept that under-
developed countries can succeed in capital intensive industries, the airline
industry being a typical example. Industries such as airlines have narrow
latitude for failure, as they need to be run right or not at all. Latitude for
performance also applies to policymaking and political latitude. Accord-
ing to Hirschman (1968: 139): ‘ . . . latitude and lack of latitude can both be
valuable in facilitating learning or acquisition of needed skills and traits
. . . latitude is attuned to gradual learning, whereas lack of latitude has a
special affinity for the changes that take place through discontinuous
commitments to new values and types of behaviour.’ Understanding the
latitude for performance can help shape and accelerate learning and skills
development.

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Made in Africa

8.3 Can Africa catch up?

Contemporary scholarly debate has focused on the prospects for Africa’s

catching up, and the avenues for achieving this. This is an even more
critical agenda for African policymakers and Africans in general. Most
views on this subject focus on external factors (resource booms and
prices, FDI flows, cost of borrowing, etc.) or on the unconditional con-
vergence that is supposed to flow merely by liberalizing trade. This book is
premised on the argument that external factors are relevant only if the
internal dynamics are supportive. Despite global excitement about ‘Africa
Rising’, ‘Lions on the Move’, and so on, strong strains of pessimism
persist about the prospects for African industrialization and catch up.
One strain comes from the long tradition, evident in some UNCTAD
publications, for example, that emphasizes binding international con-
straints. In this, it harks back to variants of the Prebisch–Singer hypoth-
esis about the adverse terms of trade for exports from low-income
countries. Another strain, noted in Chapter 7, comes from economists
like Dani Rodrik, who otherwise acknowledge the role that industrial
policy has played elsewhere but are pessimistic about the chances for
successful industrialization in Africa.
Although economic history does not provide all the answers, it does
provide a clue as to future trends, and may even provide (partial) answers
to current challenges. The history of industrialization shows that some
late developers have indeed caught up with advanced capitalist econ-
omies in terms of income levels, productivity, and technical prowess.
The most notable nineteenth-century examples are the US and Germany.
Both these late developers have sustained their leadership into our own
century. During the first half of the twentieth century, nobody imagined
that the greatest catch up and late industrialization would take place in
East Asia. Japan was devastated during the Second World War and Korea
crumbled after the Korean War, which in turn followed decades of deeply
resented colonial oppression by Japan. Taiwan seemed to many to be little
more than a backward refuge for the corrupt losers in China’s political
upheavals. But after a few decades, Japan succeeded in becoming a leading
industrialized economy in the world. By the end of the twentieth century,
(South) Korea and Taiwan had undergone the fastest industrialization in
history to reach the upper rungs of the ladder. In three decades, China has
emerged as the second biggest economy, built the biggest sovereign

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 Lessons from Industrial Policy in Twenty-First-Century Africa

wealth fund, and become a global manufacturing powerhouse.4 These are

economic ‘miracles’ of the not so remote past. Despite the successes of
these countries, history has shown that only a few such countries forged
ahead, while most countries struggled as economic laggards.
It is highly probable that the fate of Africa will not be different from this
trend. Africa (with more than fifty countries) is heterogeneous, with
diverse political economies, histories, cultures, and geopolitics. Many
African countries (including the most populous, such as Ethiopia and
Nigeria) have great internal diversity. Most of them have not enjoyed
even moderate economic growth for many years, and have suffered
because of the colonial legacy, misguided IFI prescriptions, weak states
and fragmented political economies, and plain bad policy. Globalization
has been a major challenge, with Asian giants offering stiff competition
even in labour-intensive industries. Market fragmentation and weak infra-
structure represent additional challenges. Nonetheless, Africa has a
chance to exploit trade, financing, and investment opportunities with
emerging countries. Increased labour costs in China and other emerging
economies are also an opportunity. This suggests some African countries
can catch up, while many may fail to seize the new opportunities.
The specific policies that are required are neither automatic nor the
same, as contexts differ. But even those who succeed will have to sur-
mount the huge challenge of low levels of industrialization and technol-
ogy and the backwardness of their economies. While East Asian countries
had some industrial basis when they embarked on rapid industrialization,
most African countries have none. On the other hand, the experience of
the leather and leather goods industry discussed in this book suggests that
a manufacturing past does not automatically pave the way for success.
According to Hirschman (1958: 109), ‘The lack of interdependence and
linkage is . . . one of the most typical characteristics of underdeveloped
economies . . . Agriculture in general, and subsistence agriculture in par-
ticular, are . . . characterized by scarcity of linkage effects.’ This necessitates
an economic development strategy that induces sustained forward move-
ment. Hirschman (1958: 63, 66, 88) emphasizes that:

4
Indeed, in mid-2014 the International Comparison Project and IMF growth projections
suggested the Chinese economy would outgrow the US economy sooner than earlier forecasts
(for instance, see Huffington Post (2014)).

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Made in Africa

The real scarcity in underdeveloped countries is not the resources themselves but
the ability to bring them into play . . . If the economy is to be kept moving ahead,
the task of development policy is to maintain tensions, disproportions, and dis-
equilibria . . . The investment that is induced by complementarity effects may help
to bring about a real transformation of an underdeveloped economy . . . [O]ne
disequilibrium calls forth a development move which in turn leads to a similar
disequilibrium and so on ad infinitum . . . Once economic progress in the pioneer
countries is a visible reality, the strength of the desire to imitate and follow suit, to
catch up obviously becomes an important determinant of what will happen
among non-pioneers.

Such a possibility gives hope to latecomers from Africa, and can provide
opportunities for neighbours as well as being a source of motivation and
experience.

8.3.1 The ‘soul’ of industrial policy and catching up

Successful catching up has depended on active industrial policy. What
distinguishes industrial policy is its ‘soul’, that is, the purpose and under-
lying pattern of industrial policy. The basic pattern of active industrial
policy is essentially the same, although the tools change to fit the domes-
tic and international context. Similar instruments may be used for differ-
ent purposes, and the nature of the industrial policy is what determines
the outcome of the policy. Reinert (2010: 34) highlights that ‘any policy
recommendation will depend totally on context and structural issues, and
therefore on specific knowledge’. As witnessed in many African countries,
industrialization continues to play a minor role, and the economic
reforms promoted by IFIs have done little to promote new industries
(Watanabe and Hanatani 2012). To achieve catch up (and take-off), Afri-
can governments will have to successfully address the key challenges of
late development, that is, to promote institutional innovations that create
and concentrate investment and foster productivity and learning (creat-
ing Verdoorn effects).
An active industrial policy, while initially dependent on and overlap-
ping with a Ricardian strategy (relying on comparative advantage in
agricultural exports and low-value light manufacturing), will eventually
shift its focus to a more Kaldorian strategy. A Ricardian strategy on its own

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can neither bring structural change to the economy nor achieve catch up.5
Ultimately, it is a Kaldorian strategy (which partly ignores factor disad-
vantages or advantages, focuses on manufacturing exports, and is invest-
ment-driven) that can address the challenges of catch up in terms of
investment concentration, learning, and innovation.
As discussed in Chapter 2, Kaldor’s growth laws emphasize manufactur-
ing as an engine of growth, the strategic role of exports, and the funda-
mental importance of the balance of payments (Thirlwall 2002). But
history repeatedly demonstrates that realizing the benefits of these ‘laws’
and managing the structural balance of payments constraint on low-
income countries can only be achieved by an activist or developmental
state. The biggest advantage of latecomers is Gerschenkron’s ‘relative
degree of backwardness’ vis-à-vis industrial forerunners. According to
Gerschenkron, ‘a point will be reached at which the advantages implied
in rapid economic development will more than offset those obstacles to
economic progress, which are inherent in the state of economic back-
wardness’ (Gerschenkron 1955: 13; Hirschman 1958: 8). In contrast to
neoclassical thinking, he emphatically stressed that the degree of state
intervention increases with the relative degree of backwardness between
latecomer and forerunner. The experience of the Asian forerunners is a
great example for many African countries, and has gradually inspired
many African policymakers, not least in Ethiopia.
The above discussion reinforces the argument that active industrial
policies and an activist state go hand in hand, and that an active industrial
policy must essentially focus on manufacturing and exports (because of
the dynamics of increasing returns, learning by doing, spill-over, and
linkages). It is also worth mentioning that cheap labour is no guarantee
of sustained economic growth, while sustaining productivity in line with
international competition is. Continuously upgrading the technological
basis of industries and diversifying into new activities and industries is the
essence of an active industrial policy. This is what climbing the ladder
means.

5
The availability of cheap labour is repeatedly raised, while the centrality of labour productivity
is ignored in most debates. For instance, Japan has been able to sustain labour productivity,
matching increased labour costs for almost fifty years. In contrast, evidence suggests that in
many countries (such as Vietnam) labour costs have exceeded productivity growth, resulting in
the relocation of some factories to other countries with cheap labour. So, the only guarantee of
sustained competitiveness is a focus on productivity growth.

295
Made in Africa

Both economic theory (within a particular tradition) and, arguably

more important, economic history suggest that there is no reason for
African countries not to catch up with more advanced economies. The
external environment is unpredictable and often hostile, even when
prices and foreign capital flows and so on appear favourable. Successful
catching up has to rely fundamentally on internal changes and policies
that push structural change, whatever the state of the external environ-
ment. This book has, hopefully, shown that there is evidence of ‘devel-
opmentalism’ at work in the specific context and conditions of Ethiopian
manufacturing. In one of the poorest countries of the world where manu-
facturing accounts for one of the smallest shares of total economic activ-
ity, processes of structural change are under way, and they owe a great deal
(more than is typically understood or predicted) to ongoing learning by
doing and learning by copying in policymaking.
Furthermore, the Ethiopian experience shows that development policy
is complex and highly contested, and that industrial policy is no different.
Carefully thought-through policies are necessary but not sufficient to
produce desired results. Policies often yield intended outcomes only
when driven by ‘transformative’ institutions, and where there is strong
state capacity (and adaptive capacity) to pursue goals and enough flexi-
bility to allow for course changes when things go wrong. These attributes
have to become embedded in institutionalized policy learning. Policy-
making is a hotbed of conflicting interests and groups jockeying to
achieve narrow sectoral objectives. Thus, the state is constantly involved
in reconciling intersectoral and intra-group competition without sacri-
ficing the most sacred politic goal, the ‘national project’ of structural
transformation.
Will Africa forge ahead in the twenty-first century? As Hirschman
always stressed, a realistic but optimist perspective is essential to ‘prove
Hamlet wrong’ (Adelman 2013). And there may be greater scope for
African governments to prove the many doubting Hamlets of develop-
ment economics wrong if they are able to carve out greater policy space,
and then use it more effectively. As Thirlwall highlights (2002: 77–8):

Ajit Singh tells how Nicholas Kaldor taught him three things. ‘First, the only way
for a country to develop is to industrialise; second, the only way for a country to
industrialise is to protect itself; and third, anyone who says otherwise is being
dishonest! The developed economies do preach double standards.’ They preach
free trade for developing countries, yet protect their own markets.

296
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325
Index

Introductory Note
References such as ‘178–9’ indicate (not necessarily continuous) discussion of a topic
across a range of pages. Wherever possible in the case of topics with many references,
these have either been divided into sub-topics or only the most significant discussions of
the topic are listed. Because the entire work is about ‘Ethiopia’, the use of this term (and
certain others which occur constantly throughout the book) as an entry point has been
restricted. Information will be found under the corresponding detailed topics.

about-to-be-privatized firms 97 African industrialization 6, 11, 50, 52,

Abramovitz, Moses 23 54, 292
Abyotawi Democracy 72 African renaissance 11
accountability 85, 90, 98, 100, 235, 274 African Union, see AU
effective 101 Afro-pessimism 9, 55, 250
active industrial policies 7, 43, 57–8, 164, agglomeration economies 70, 207
183, 247, 294–5 Aghion, Beatriz 39, 85
activism 1, 6, 10, 13, 16, 51–2, 278–9 agricultural development-led
activist state 16, 18, 30, 33–4, 51, 75, 192 industrialization, see ADLI
Adama 4 agriculture 20–1, 26, 48, 58–9, 61–4,
adaptation 79, 87, 253, 260–1, 269, 84–6, 261–2
272, 275 modern 19, 21
adaptive capacity 241, 244, 284, 289, 296 traditional 21, 149, 259
Addis Ababa 3, 69–71, 119–20, 124–5, agro-processing 72, 79, 81, 84, 229
157–8, 173, 207 air cargo 167, 170–1, 184
Adelman, Jeremy 23, 296 air transport 163, 167, 175, 188, 191,
ADLI (agricultural development-led 255, 257
industrialization) 61, 79, 174, 259 airfreight 152, 168
AfDB (African Development Bank) 54, airlines 117, 170, 172, 228, 291
87, 136 airplane manufacturing 252, 267
Africa dummy 8–9, 54 Alcorta, Ludovico 50–1
African countries 4, 6, 50–3, 56–7, 250–1, allocation decisions 86, 145
287–8, 293–6 allocations 27, 40, 93, 107, 135,
African Development Bank, see AfDB 145, 147
African economies, state 50–4 Altenburg, Tilman 52, 71, 250–1
Index

Amsden, Alice H. 16–18, 31–4, 37–42, bargaining power 120–1

99–101, 137, 271–2, 289 Bayliss, Kate 96
animals, live 221, 235, 274 benchmarking 110, 159, 225, 239, 274
annual growth rates 2, 66, 105, 108, 110, beverages 69–70, 141, 232, 252, 283
113, 153–4 bias 45, 55, 206
anti-export bias 63, 92 anti-export 63, 92
anti-fragility 79, 128, 148, 241 binding agents 12, 24, 34, 148, 280
appropriate industrial policies 61, 167, 245 binding constraints 24, 142, 203, 213,
Argentina 289 217, 226, 258
Asia 1, 36, 51, 88, 113, 162, 202 Bisheftu 158, 161, 175
Asian Tigers 1, 6, 36 bonded warehouses 93, 229
aspiring developmental states 16, 72–82 borrowers 84–5, 135, 251, 261
AU (African Union) 1, 54, 223 Botswana 51, 218, 221, 251
autonomy 32–3, 35, 37, 72, 77, 101, 103 bottlenecks 16, 45, 243, 260, 273
embedded 35, 76–7 Brautigam, Deborah 4, 53–4, 88
national policy 13, 284 Brazil 39, 42, 123, 212–13, 217, 221, 248
breeders 164, 189
backward linkages 46–8, 144, 168–70, breweries 2, 71–2, 88, 98
174, 210, 256–8, 263 budgets 81–2, 128
backwardness 23, 259, 293, 295 bureaucracy 37, 76, 178, 250, 266
advantages 23 Buur, Lars 32, 37, 43, 77, 102, 244–6, 249
economic 295 buyers 98, 120–1, 163, 187, 211, 225, 233
technological 30 domestic 98, 233
Bahirdar 171 foreign 98
balance of payments 19–20, 22, 65, 92,
153–4, 187, 295 CAD (comparative advantage-defying)
constraints 19, 22, 45, 153, 187, principles 29–30
214, 295 CADF (China-African Development
banking 70, 72, 78, 87 Fund) 136
CBE (Commercial Bank of Ethiopia), CAF (comparative advantage-following)
see CBE principles 29–30
DBE (Development Bank of Ethiopia), capacity 109–11, 119–21, 134–5, 137,
see DBE 225–6, 228–9, 233–6
development 39 adaptive 241, 244, 284, 289, 296
policy and constraints 82–4 excess 106, 111, 121, 123, 144, 147
services 83–4, 86, 135 installed 105, 119–21, 123, 169, 206
bankrupt firms 178, 183 institutional 84, 86–7, 90, 97, 146,
banks 39, 78, 83–7, 92–3, 178–80, 275, 277
184, 187 capacity building 86, 126, 146, 184, 258
development 38–9, 84, 86, 255, capacity constraints 126, 275
261, 283 capacity utilization 110–11, 123, 166,
foreign 56, 82, 87, 286 204, 206, 268
private 83, 87, 178 and cost efficiency 110
state-owned 33, 71, 83, 160, 255, 257 low 111, 206, 217

328
 Index

capital 2–3, 83–4, 86–7, 91, 167–8, industrial financing 134–6

206, 232 industrial policy 132–40
human 23, 54 industrial policymaking 140–7
working 83, 86–7, 93, 206, 214, industrial structure of industry 113–23
217, 232 infrastructure development 128–9
capital goods 89, 130, 176 intermediary institutions 140
capital intensity 115–16, 136, 264, 267 interplay of industrial structure and
capital requirements 93, 117, 232 government policy 120–3
cargo directives 186, 188 investment promotion and incentives
Castel winery 2 132–4
catalysts 39, 43, 45 manufacturers 113, 117–18, 120, 122,
catch up 5–6, 14–15, 22–4, 33–5, 38–9, 128, 140, 147
58–9, 292–6 mini-cement plants 117–18, 122, 133,
cattle 206, 212, 215, 218–19 138–9, 144
CBE (Commercial Bank of Ethiopia) 83, narrow latitude for poor performance
100, 134–5, 146 117–18
active role in industrial financing 85–6 output growth patterns 107–8
cement 70–2, 105–50, 242–4, 256–9, ownership structure 118–19
264–7, 271–7, 280–1 plants 105, 110, 141–2
capacity building and modernization policy learning through housing
of construction industry 126–8 development programme 124–6
capacity utilization and cost efficiency producers 106, 108, 113, 147
110–12 product allocation 144–5
cement-construction infrastructure production 105, 109–10, 112–15,
linkages 123–31 117–18, 132, 134, 136
competitive structure 119–20 productivity 158–9
construction-cement linkage 123–4 products 109–10, 145
coordinating and support institutions sector performance 107–12
141–4 shortages and excess capacity 144–7
and DBE 135 skills development 136–40
development of investment Central Statistics Agency, see CSA
capabilities 137–40 certification 149, 190
direct imports 146–7 chaebols in Korea 18, 33, 49, 251
economies of scale and scope 115–17 Chandler, Alfred 33, 95, 115, 123,
employment growth patterns 109–10 160, 266
factories 105–6, 109–10, 117–18, Chang, Ha-Joon 16–18, 23, 29–30, 34–5,
121–2, 133, 142–3, 145 50–1, 246–7, 266
large 71, 114, 117–19, 133 cheap labour 3, 88, 150–1, 175, 245,
and foreign exchange 136 247–8, 295
global trends 113–15 chemicals 81, 167–8, 232
import permits 146 Chenery, Hollis 19
imports 125–6 Chile 48, 289
Industrial Development Fund and China 88, 108, 112–14, 136–8, 202,
foreign equity financing 135–6 212–14, 290–3

329
Index

Clapham, Christopher 73–4, 242, 249, 251 competitive advantage 24, 49, 167, 175,
clay 132–3 207, 217, 258
clusters, industrial 207, 213 competitive edge 29–30, 122, 196, 203
co-financing 85, 134–5 competitive forces/pressures 23, 112,
coal 112, 121–2, 129, 138–9, 141–4, 274 121–2, 163, 210, 268, 271–3
imported 143–4 competitive intensity 162, 164–5
coal conversion technology 122, 139 competitive structure 119–20
coherence 183, 244–5, 248, 271 competitiveness 17, 137, 139, 218, 238,
cold chain logistics 163, 184, 191, 258 240, 281–2
cold storage facilities 170–1, 274 cost 170, 203, 210
collateral-free loans 127 global 8, 52, 164
collective learning 103, 150, 152, 183, international 65, 190
192–3, 265, 281 complementarities 101, 183, 222, 268
Collier, Paul 15, 245 complexity 9, 82, 186, 251
Colombia 162, 164 compulsion 33, 48–9, 94
command economy 62–3, 76, 208, 214, concentration ratio 123
243, 262 conflicts 61, 84, 128, 222, 254
Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, see CBE conflicts of interests 84, 254
commodities 22, 25, 27, 45–6, 50, conglomerates 71–2, 119, 131
147, 233 constitutional framework 81–2
primary 19, 22, 24, 32, 47, 50, 52 constraints 7, 9, 11, 139, 216, 273, 275
commodity prices 51, 54 balance of payments 19, 22, 45, 153,
comparative advantage 24–6, 29–30, 187, 214, 295
150–1, 177, 243, 245–9, 280–1 binding 24, 142, 203, 213, 217,
dynamic 30, 158 226, 258
static 151, 248 capacity 126, 275
comparative advantage-defying (CAD) foreign exchange 77, 107, 147
29–30 input 235, 262
comparative advantage-following (CAF) institutional 79–80, 90
29–30 key 52, 217, 240, 246, 259
comparative analysis 174, 243–5 major 65, 86, 99, 103, 218, 220, 227
comparative performance 241–5 political 40, 52, 196, 255, 270
in three sectors 244 construction
comparators 154, 159, 246 boom 121, 126, 133, 258, 280
compatibility 31, 221, 273, 277, 282 construction-cement linkage 123–4
competition 42, 48–9, 215, 262–3, 265, industry/sector 109, 124, 126–8,
268–9, 272 130–2, 146–7, 254, 256–8
domestic 27, 148, 226 consultants 126–7, 228
foreign 42–3 consumers 4, 70, 113–14, 131, 216
intense/stiff 89, 198, 227, 268, 293 consumption 108, 112–13, 125, 129,
international 8, 149, 159, 167, 170, 132, 164, 169
211, 217 contractors 93, 126–7, 145
policy 71, 272 control mechanisms, reciprocal 39–41,
price-driven 164 180, 182, 251, 255, 268, 271–2

330
 Index

coordinating and support institutions, democracy 32, 36, 244

cement industry 141–4 Abyotawi 72
coordination 86, 93, 183, 185, 187, Derba 87, 114, 116–17, 119–20, 122–3,
236–7, 242 135, 137–8
improving 99, 102, 276 Derg 61–3, 76, 92, 95, 97, 208, 242–3
and insufficent organizational destinations 3–4, 149, 155, 163, 202
competence 275–6 devaluation 107, 136, 177, 215, 229
poor 99, 231, 275 developing countries 7–8, 10–13, 19–23,
problems 101–2, 234 30, 116–17, 133, 279–80
corporate structure 160, 208 development
corruption 66, 98, 181, 255 and industrial policy 15–59, 279
cost competitiveness 170, 203, 210 market 183, 186, 236, 238–9,
cost efficiency 110–12, 127 261, 275
costs 112, 142–3, 158–9, 167–8, 170–2, Development Bank of Ethiopia, see DBE
181–3, 218 development banks 38–9, 84, 86, 255,
energy 112, 142, 144, 164 261, 283
increased 139, 168, 172, 217, 228 public 130, 182
labour 54, 88, 109, 158, 164, 293, 295 state-owned 255, 257
production 164, 168, 172, 177, 197, sub-regional 83
203, 211 development economists 22, 29, 34,
transaction 147, 218, 266 39–40, 91, 291
transport 121, 145 structuralist 16, 22–3
unit 110, 112, 116 development-oriented state 245, 282
Cramer, Christopher 32–3, 50, 52, 54, development paths 2, 4–5, 24, 35,
56, 96–7, 261 58–9, 72
creative linkage effects 277, 282 development plans, five-year 80–1
crust 201–2, 214, 224 development programmes 80, 106, 110,
exports 214, 223–5 124–6, 128, 145, 250
CSA (Central Statistics Agency) 69–70, development strategies 79, 174, 182,
75, 107–9, 155, 197, 204, 219–20 243, 249, 259, 276
customs 66, 103, 226–7, 234 developmental goals 74, 76
ERCA 2, 91, 93–4, 146, 153–4, 184, exclusive pursuit 74–5
200–2 developmental states 72, 75, 78, 103–4,
250, 255, 279
DBE (Development Bank of Ethiopia) Asia 36–8
83–7, 99–100, 135, 178–80, 184, aspiring 16, 72–82
187, 231–3 heterodox views on 33–8
and cement industry 135 orientation and basic features 34–6
as prime policy bank 84–5 developmentalist industrial policy 2
decision makers 99, 117, 161, 267, 290 Di John, Jonathan 31, 38, 217
deindustrialization 21, 52–3, 56, 60 dialogue 140, 184–5, 193, 238, 240,
delivery 209, 216, 227 254–5
timely 166–7, 218 diaspora 160–1, 174, 208
demand, market 70, 111, 116, 129 Diredawa 105, 116, 118–19, 121, 172

331
Index

disciplining 39–40, 42, 49, 180, 183, 269 economic actors 31, 44, 183–5, 192, 264,
discovery process 150–1, 177, 243, 275–6, 282
252–4, 256, 280 economic agglomeration 90, 173
distribution 31, 116–18, 167–8 Economic Commission for Latin America
diversification 19, 41, 51, 153, 173, 202 and Caribbean (ECLAC) 22
export 154–5, 191 economic growth 19–20, 24, 51, 55, 57,
diversity 39, 54, 74, 241, 250, 256, 293 100, 103
management of 73–4 rapid 4, 8, 243, 276, 279
Djibouti 3–4, 105, 128, 146, 207, 228 economic history 21, 30, 42, 103, 289,
document reviews 106, 152, 197 292, 296
domestic competition 27, 148, 226 economic policies 16, 31–2, 78, 151, 251
domestic firms 118, 160, 162, 188–92, economic renaissance, African 13
263, 265, 267–8 economic transformation 5–8, 19, 22,
domestic market 43–5, 133, 137, 230–1, 30, 35, 56–8, 71
268, 271–2, 283–4 economies of scale and scope 209, 212
domestic private sector 83, 89, 91, 95, cement industry 115–17
97–8, 118, 121 floriculture 165–6
domestic production 42, 45, 94, 169 economists 16, 18, 21, 53, 57, 278, 285
domestic rivalry 49, 120, 268, 272 Ecuador 162, 164, 175, 180, 183,
domestically owned firms 70, 160, 162, 185, 191
188–90, 192, 209, 237–8 EEPCO (Ethiopian Electricity Power
Doner, Richard 25, 36, 259 Corporation) 77, 129, 133,
donor community 249–50 141, 182
Dutch embassy 179, 181, 183, 186, 190, effective industrial policies 11, 41,
264–5 81–2, 260
duty-drawbacks 93, 177, 229 effectiveness 85, 89, 100, 102, 270,
duty-free privileges 27, 90–1, 176 273, 277
dynamic comparative advantage 30, 158 policy 13, 28, 79, 152, 264,
dynamic growth 22, 250 273–4, 284
dynamics 58, 147–8, 280, 282, 284, EFFORT (Endowment for the
288, 295 Rehabilitation of Tigray) 71, 116,
of industrial structure 151, 280 118, 131, 233
internal 151, 292 EHDA (Ethiopian Horticulture
linkage 11, 13, 47, 128, 143, Development Agency) 149–50,
173–4, 277 152, 156–7, 168–70, 181, 183–4,
dynamism 42, 72, 76, 210, 217, 256–7, 186–7
281–2 EHPEA (Ethiopian Horticulture Producers
and Exporters Association) 171,
EAL (Ethiopian Airlines) 87, 168, 170–2, 175, 181, 183–4, 186, 192, 255
188, 191–2, 228, 261 EIA (Ethiopian Investment Authority)
East Asia 33, 38–9, 57, 64–5, 288, 290, 89–90
292–3 EIB (European Investment Bank) 87, 136
ECLAC (Economic Commission for Latin EIGs (endowment investment groups) 71
America and Caribbean) 22 elections 74, 102, 127, 244, 259

332
 Index

electricity 70, 110, 121, 129, 133, 142, 227 EPC (Ethiopian Petroleum Corporation)
generation 75, 80, 129 141, 143
supplies 111, 142, 181 EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary
ELI, see export-led industrialization Democratic Front) 61, 72–3, 95,
ELIA (Ethiopian Leather Industry 100, 128, 242
Association) 198, 215, 218–20, equitable development structure 6
223, 238–40, 262, 276 equitable growth 73–4, 90, 272
elites 36, 53, 244, 246 ERCA (Ethiopian Revenue and Customs
embedded autonomy 35, 76–7 Authority) 2, 91, 93–4, 146, 153–4,
embeddedness 35, 72, 77, 101 184, 200–2
emerging economies 4, 113, 230, 293 Eritrea 61, 105
empirical evidence 9, 11, 13, 22, 246, ESA (Ethiopian Standards Agency) 169
250, 276 ESL (Ethiopian Shipping Lines) 96, 146,
employees 2–3, 109–10, 156–8, 163, 211 182, 228
employers 158, 167, 186 Ethiopia, see Introductory Note and detailed
employment 69, 109, 127–8, 156, 158, entries
168–9, 243–4 Ethiopian Airlines, see EAL
creation 104, 130, 141, 143, 155–6, Ethiopian Electricity Power Corporation,
173, 198 see EEPCO
direct 49, 149 Ethiopian Horticulture Development
generation 44, 74, 79, 110, 190–1, Agency, see EHDA
272, 283 Ethiopian Horticulture Producers and
floriculture 155–8 Exporters Association, see EHPEA
leather and leather products Ethiopian Investment Authority (EIA) 89–90
industry 204 Ethiopian Leather Industry Association,
indirect 156 see ELIA
linkages 49, 288 Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary
emulation 8, 75, 287, 289–90 Democratic Front, see EPRDF
Endowment for the Rehabilitation of Ethiopian Petroleum Corporation (EPC)
Tigray, see EFFORT 141, 143
endowment funds 250–2, 272 Ethiopian Revenue and Customs
regional 70, 98, 116, 233 Authority, see ERCA
endowment investment groups, see EIGs Ethiopian Shipping Lines, see ESL
endowments 30, 70–1, 150, 175, 182, Ethiopian Standards Agency (ESA) 169
247, 251 Ethiopian Tannery 202, 233
factor 52, 148, 151, 196, 213, 245–7, ethnic federalism 16, 288
280–1 European Investment Bank, see EIB
history-determined 24 European Union (EU) 149, 202
natural 150–1, 175, 196, 239, Evans, Peter 33–5, 101, 160, 264
249, 280 evidence
energy 112, 116, 121–2, 128–9, 142–3, empirical 9, 11, 13, 22, 246, 250, 276
167, 176 historical 250
costs 112, 142, 144, 164 excess capacity 106, 111, 121, 123,
efficiency 111–12, 142 144, 147

333
Index

exchange rates 92, 146 failure 198, 242, 246–7, 258–9, 267–8,
policy 177, 229, 271, 273 279, 290–1
executive directives 81–2, 90 latitude for 48–9, 117, 268–9
export ban 201, 224–5 market 16, 18, 29, 57, 59, 95, 252
export competitiveness 177, 217 family-owned firms 167, 215, 266
export coordination 99, 234 FAO 195–8, 211–12, 214
export directives 187 farms 157–9, 161–2, 165–6, 170, 174,
export discipline 49, 94, 100, 152, 268–9, 180–1, 188–9
271–2, 281 smallholder 74, 83, 156, 174, 220
export diversification 154–5, 191 state-owned 174–5, 181, 255
export earnings 66, 153, 155, 173, 195, FDI (foreign direct investment) 63–4,
200–2, 283 88–9, 167, 175–6, 188–9, 208–9,
export-led industrialization 31, 40–3, 264–5
91–2, 94, 268 attracting and managing 43–4
export markets 42, 149, 195, 213, 227, floriculture 188–9
256, 267–8 federal government 70, 81, 128, 275
export performance 92, 94, 152–3, 200, Federal Investment Agency, see FIA
203, 216, 218 federalism 4, 63–4, 73–4, 103, 270,
export promotion 88, 91–5, 100, 174, 272, 284
176–8, 229–30, 271 ethnic 16, 288
export sector 55, 93, 99–100, 107, 175, FIA (Federal Investment Agency) 88–91,
180, 184 93, 141, 176
export targets 39–40, 201, 273 finance 4, 26, 32, 86–9, 97, 226, 234
setting and monitoring 94 financial crises 162, 252
export values 153, 164, 195, 221, 224 financial institutions
export volumes 65, 164, 173, 200 foreign 83
exporter rankings 164 international 9, 13, 56, 71, 73,
exporters 22, 89, 93–4, 114, 187, 77–8, 87
228–9, 234 financing 54, 87, 128, 174, 178, 293
exports 21–2, 41–2, 99–101, 153–5, industrial, see industrial financing
197–200, 212–14, 229–30 long-term 84, 130, 134–5
industrial 32, 50, 64, 88 mortgage 83
manufactured 50, 56, 69, 153, 195, Fine, Ben 38, 57, 96
200, 295 finished leather, exports 214, 224, 226
external economies 136 five-year development plans 80–1
externalities 117, 158, 173, 188 FloraHolland 162–3
floriculture 11–12, 149–94, 208, 242–4,
facilitating state 29 254–8, 274–6, 280–1
factor endowments 52, 148, 151, 196, air cargo challenges 170–2
213, 245–7, 280–1 air cargo directive 188
factories 3, 111–12, 114, 116–17, air transport 163
119–20, 143–4, 169 coordination drawbacks 185
packaging 117, 122, 152 development of strong domestically
shoe 62, 195, 207 owned firms 189–90

334
 Index

economies of scale and scope 165–6 flower sector 167, 169, 173–4, 256, 258,
effective institutional coordination and 265, 273–5; see also floriculture
policy coherence 184–6 food industry 66, 69, 135
emerging challenges 188–91 footwear 204–5, 209, 212, 214, 217,
employment generation 155–8 236, 238
export destination and price patterns 155 production 3, 209, 213
export diversification 154–5 foreclosure 178–9
export growth 153–5 foreign banks 56, 82, 87, 286
export promotion and devaluation foreign competition 42–3
177–8 foreign direct investment, see FDI
and FDI 188–9 foreign exchange 3, 61, 125, 129–30,
firm ownership and corporate 134, 146, 154–5
structure 160–2 and cement industry 136
firms 88, 169, 171–3, 177–8, constraints 77, 107, 147
185–6, 251 earnings 130, 154, 191, 255
growth stage challenges 191 foreign currency retention 93–4
high growth 152–9 foreign investment, see FDI
horticulture and new growth corridors foreign investors 18, 132, 134, 248–9,
172–4 255, 261, 264
industrial financing 178–80 foreign markets 27, 44, 122
industrial structure 160–6 foreign(-owned) firms 119, 160–2, 189,
intermediary institutions and 192, 209, 215, 251
industry–government dialogue forerunners 23–4, 26, 59, 69, 295
185–6 forward linkages 20, 46–7, 56, 109, 169,
investment promotion 176–7 191, 256–7
linkages and industrial development fragility 38, 74, 79, 83, 87, 127, 241
167–74 France 23, 28, 32, 81, 163, 249
major markets and destinations 163 franco-valuta basis 146
market and competitive intensity 162–5 free trade 15, 25–6, 58–9, 246, 287, 296
narrow latitude for poor freedom 26, 73, 286–7
performance 166 frontrunners 15
packaging standards 187–8 fundamentalism, market 18, 55, 255
policymaking 186–8
price-driven competition 164 garments 5, 63, 79–80, 102, 166,
provision of affordable land, 232–3, 236
infrastructure, and logistics 181–2 GDP (gross domestic product) 1, 50–1,
rise 174–83 53, 62, 64–7, 70, 80
social dimension 156–8 Gereffi, Gray 196, 209–10, 222
specialized institutional support 183–4 Germany 23, 32, 75, 155, 163,
technological characteristics 165–6 225, 227
value chain 165 Gerschenkron, Alexander 23–4, 34, 38,
value-chain spin-offs 167–74 259, 288, 295
flower farms 2, 152, 157, 161–2, 164, gestation periods 107, 118
166, 173–4 global cement industry 113–15, 137

335
Index

global markets 114, 155, 200, 211–12, GVC (global value chain) 196–8, 210,
216, 223, 264 213–14, 216, 222, 281, 283
global value chain, see GVC gypsum 132–3
globalization 13, 47, 131, 210, 284, 293
goals 34–5, 270, 296 Habesha 119, 135–6
developmental 74, 76 Hall, Peter 31–2, 34
Goodrich, Carter 26, 28, 32 Hamilton, Alexander 26–8, 116
governance 28, 64, 73, 249, 255, 265, 273 heavy fuel oil, see HFO
government 72–3, 78, 103, 105, 128, Helmsing, A.H. 150, 159, 161, 177
131, 177 herbs 150, 154–5, 173
agencies 140, 146, 152, 182, 184–5, HFO (heavy fuel oil) 122, 129, 141–2,
187, 275–6 144, 274
federal 70, 81, 128, 275 hides and skins 195, 197, 201, 203, 212,
guidance 123, 139 217–20, 222–4
institutions 99–100, 185, 235–6 exports 213–14
interventions 40, 122, 127–8, 157, prices 218
177, 189, 253 supply 210, 222
offices 93, 99, 103, 141, 181, 187, 228 hiding hand 244, 290
policy 85, 87, 120–2, 131–2, 148, 151, Hirschman, Albert 23–5, 30–2, 34, 41–8,
207–8 169, 171–2, 290–1
support 158, 174, 177, 192, 238 historical evidence 250
Grabel, Ilene 83 history 36, 39, 59–60, 103–4, 287–8,
greenhouses 158, 165–6, 174, 179 292–3, 295
gross domestic product, see GDP economic 21, 30, 42, 103, 289, 292, 296
growth 6–8, 11–12, 19–22, 130–1, 150–5, long 60, 74, 95, 240
210–12, 247–8 Hobday, Mike 36, 42
drivers of 5, 12, 106 Holland, see Netherlands
dynamic 22, 250 horticulture 17, 102, 153, 156, 191
equitable 73–4 and new growth corridors 172–4
perspective 24–5, 182 see also floriculture
productivity 8, 20, 31, 158, 295 housing 107, 124, 145, 147–8, 258, 277
rapid 6, 8, 19, 22–3, 61, 63–5, 257–8 development 124–6, 145, 259
sluggish/slow 12, 101, 196, 200, programme 84, 86, 124–8, 291
239–40, 281 public 124–5
stage 191, 254, 269 human capital 23, 54
sustained 7, 12, 22, 131, 148–9, human resource development 64–5,
182, 212 75–6, 79, 95
Growth and Transformation Plan, see GTP human resources 85, 189–90, 192, 199;
growth laws 19–20, 295 see also labour
growth rates 66–7, 75, 105, 108, 110,
113, 153–5 IDF (Industrial Development Fund) 86,
annual 2, 66, 105, 108, 110, 113, 153–4 135
GTP (Growth and Transformation Plan) IDSE (Industrial Development Strategy of
61, 64, 80–1, 132, 134, 189, 198 Ethiopia) 79–80, 132, 259

336
 Index

IFC (International Finance Corporation) strategy 64, 79–80, 84, 100, 155,
87, 136, 227 278–9, 284
IFIs (International Financial Industrial Development Fund, see IDF
Institutions) 9, 13, 56, 71, 73, Industrial Development Strategy of
77–8, 87 Ethiopia, see IDSE
IHDP (Integrated Housing Development industrial exports 32, 50, 64, 88
Programme) 124–5 industrial financing 85, 87, 184, 229, 279
IMF (International Monetary Fund) 5, cement 134–6
78, 82, 96 floriculture 178–80
import permits 126, 146 leather and leather products industry
import substitution 40, 42, 44–5, 141, 231–3
143, 154, 268–9 policies and instruments 82–7
import-substitution industrialization, supplementary financing instruments
see ISI 86–7
import-substitution industries 11–12, industrial parks/zones 3, 75, 88, 91, 119,
101, 105–48, 283 227, 284
import swallowing 45 industrial performance 9, 247, 269
imported inputs 168, 177, 225 industrial players 95, 121, 136
imports 42, 45, 107, 142, 146–7, 168–9, 227 industrial policy 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, 249–52
cement 125–6 active 7, 43, 57–8, 164, 183, 247, 294–5
direct 126, 144, 146–7 appropriate 61, 167, 245
cement 146–7 catch-up perspectives 22–5
incentives 40–1, 43–4, 88–9, 91, 132–3, cement 132–40
147–8, 270–2 and development 15–59, 279
investment 89–90, 130, 132, 169, 177, effective 11, 41, 81–2, 260
271, 273 evolution and effectiveness of 11,
packages 184, 191, 219 277, 282
structures 76, 89, 103, 244, 254, 267 instruments 53, 56, 79, 183, 279
tax 44 limits as process of discovery 252–6
income tax 44, 132 outcomes 31, 149, 269, 276
independence 50, 53, 60, 73, 75, 245, and performance 60–104
286–7 political economy approach 31–3
policy 10, 13, 77, 245, 255, 279, 285–7 political economy perspectives and
India 21, 88, 106, 112–13, 159–60, 202, dimensions 31–50
212–13 post-1991 63–6
inducements 24, 26–7, 254 reasons for failure in African context 50–7
industrial actors 70–2, 223 structuralist perspectives 19–22
industrial associations 100, 122–3, 140, industrial policymaking 8, 10–11, 13, 16,
183–4, 186, 238, 264–5 52, 55, 278–9
industrial clusters 207, 213 background 55–7
industrial concentration 202–3 cement 140–7
industrial development 7, 9, 20, 22–3, industrial structure 11–13, 69–70, 120–1,
62–3, 78–9, 103 160, 193, 263–4, 277
patterns in Ethiopia 66–72 cement industry 113–23

337
Index

industrial structure (cont.) installed capacity 105, 119–21, 123,

floriculture 160–6 169, 206
leather and leather products industry institutes 100, 102–3, 235–6
207–9 as archetypes for developing specific
variations 263–70 industries 102–3
industrial upgrading 198, 217, 222 institutional capacity 84, 86–7, 90, 97,
industrial zones, see industrial parks/zones 146, 275, 277
industrialists 2, 94, 100–1, 228, 230, institutional constraints 79–80, 90
265, 274 institutional coordination 184
industrialization 6–7, 10–13, 21–3, 44–6, institutional innovations 23, 36, 39,
52–8, 246–8, 252–3 58, 294
on the basis of learning 241–77 institutional mechanisms 99, 122, 130
genesis in Ethiopia 62–6 institutional patterns 49, 213, 269
import-substitution 18, 31, 41 institutional support 183, 210
late 7, 40, 42, 59, 101, 136, 139 institutionalist perspectives 18, 31
low level of 66–9, 80, 89, 95, 293 institutions 36–7, 78–9, 182–4, 191–3,
rapid 6, 38, 80, 85, 254, 293 197–8, 216–17, 279–81
reasons for failure in African context effective 183, 227
50–7 intermediary, see intermediary
stage of 269–70 institutions
successful 7, 14, 31, 33, 46, 53, 292 policy 11, 282, 284
industry, role in African economies 50–4 research 100, 284
industry concentration 202–3 state 7, 21, 32, 49, 54
industry–government dialogue 185–6, 240 strong 14, 216
inertia 185, 195, 217, 240, 261, 263, 265 transformative 296
infant industry 18, 22, 45, 58 Integrated Housing Development
theory in classical political economy Programme, see IHDP
25–31 intellectual formation, wartime 73–4
infrastructure 51, 63–5, 69–72, 76, interest groups 10–11, 81, 130, 151, 191,
170–1, 181, 184 193–4, 197
development 43, 74–5, 80, 106, 141, interlocking interests 193, 225, 269
147–8, 258–9 intermediary institutions 183, 185, 238,
inherited capacity of private agents 76 240, 262, 265, 275–6
innovation 20, 35, 40–1, 59, 183, cement industry 140
212, 295 floriculture 185–6
capabilities 41, 137 international banking services 83,
institutional 23, 36, 39, 58, 294 86, 135
input chain 262–3 international competition 8, 149, 159,
input constraints 235, 262 167, 170, 211, 217
input supply 199, 206, 276 International Finance Corporation,see IFC
inputs 46–7, 106–7, 116–17, 121, 154, international financial institutions 9, 13,
168, 216–18 56, 255
critical 117, 128 International Financial Institutions, see IFIs
imported 168, 177, 225 International Monetary Fund, see IMF

338
 Index

International Trade Centre, see ITC John 31, 38, 217

interventions 16, 18, 75, 214, 219–20, Johnson, Chalmers 17, 30, 32–5, 37,
261, 263 40, 184
direct 23 joint ventures 43, 119, 138, 209
government 40, 122, 127–8, 157, 177, Jomo, K.S. 39, 50, 56, 180
189, 253
indirect 106, 280 Kaldor, Nicolas 7, 19–20, 24, 248, 294–6
policy 26, 121–2, 152, 167, 191, 258 Kaldorian strategies 30
selective 17, 277 Kaplinsky, Raphael 196, 210–11, 216, 222
state 15, 18, 28, 32, 34, 41, 55–7 Kay, Cristobal 33
investment 3–4, 46–7, 64–5, 86–91, 129, Keietsu 33
133–4, 229–31 Kelsall, Tim 71, 98, 250
administration 89–90, 279 Kenya 159, 161–2, 164, 175, 185–6,
capabilities 41, 136–40 189–91, 222–3
certificates 91, 133, 176, 204, 230–1 Khan, M.H. 39–40, 51, 170, 180
decisions 46, 117, 167 Kitching, Gavin 55
flows 90, 133 knowledge transfer 186, 238
foreign direct, see FDI Kohli, Atul 33, 35
incentives 89–90, 130, 132, 169, 177, Korea 33, 37–40, 44, 74, 271, 289, 292
271, 273 chaebols in 18, 33, 49, 251
interest 175–6 Korean War 25, 292
large-scale 72, 95, 97 Kornai, Janos 97, 145
law 70, 91, 208
new 47, 134, 147, 198, 204, 226, 230 labour 20–1, 32, 49, 51, 167–8, 203, 207
promotion 88, 91, 225, 229–30, 238–9, cheap 3, 88, 150–1, 175, 245, 247–8, 295
264–5, 271 costs 54, 88, 109, 158, 164, 293, 295
cement 132–4 productivity 158, 199, 204–5, 212, 295
floriculture 176–7 skilled 27, 37, 43, 124, 206–7, 248
instruments and organs 88–91 trainable 158, 175
public 5, 64, 72, 266, 286 labour-intensive industries 69, 79,
investment loans 106, 147 109–10, 160, 174–5, 212, 293
investors 89, 91, 93, 132–3, 179–81, 230, labour markets 32, 158
264–5 Lall, Sanjaya 22, 41–3, 50, 209–10,
domestic 43, 132 246–7, 262, 268
private sector 88, 97, 215, 254 land 89, 161–2, 173–5, 180–1, 191,
ISI (import-substitution 255, 258
industrialization) 18, 31, 41–3, provision 89, 129, 180–1, 255
62–3, 103 reform 33, 37, 73
role 44–5 serviced 176–7, 274
Italy 163, 196, 202, 207, 212–13, 223, 248 land leases 175
ITC (International Trade Centre) 162, 197 late development 22, 294
late industrialization 40, 42, 59, 101,
Japan 33, 37, 40, 112–14, 289, 292, 295 136, 139, 292
Jerven, Morten 8, 51, 54 alternative analytical perspective 7–8

339
Index

latecomers 23–4, 34, 42, 44, 131, 159, inputs as key constraint on
294–5 productivity and export
Latin America 32–3, 39–40, 42, 45, 51, competitiveness 217–18
215, 220 labour productivity trends 204–5
latitude latitude for poor performance 209–11
for failure 48–9, 117, 268–9 logistics and trade facilitation 226–8
narrow 115, 117, 148, 152, 165–6, 170, output growth 199–200
280–1 ownership and corporate structure
for performance 31, 264, 267–9, 276, 208–9
282, 286, 290–1 path dependence 262–3
political 291 and low value trap 213–17
Lavopa, Alejandro 49–50 policy instruments 229–34
Lazzarini, Sergio 252, 266–7 political economy of value-addition
LDCs (least developed countries) 22, 60, and industrial upgrading 222–6
83 privatization 233–4
lead agencies 102, 144, 152, 175, 183, sector performance and policy
235 outcomes 198–206
learning 39–40, 158–9, 244, 260, 282, semi-finished leather 201, 213–14,
286–91, 294–6 223, 262–3
collective 103, 150, 152, 183, 192–3, specialized institutions 234–9
265, 281 technical capacity and staff
by doing 159, 244, 260, 282, 285, composition 211
287–90, 295–6 Leather Industry Development Institute,
policy 241, 243–4, 270, 278, 284–6, see LIDI
290, 296 leather products 195–7, 201–3, 209–11,
least developed countries, see LDCs 213–15, 217–19, 225, 229–33
leather and leather products industry 11–12, exports 200–1, 209
109–10, 195–240, 242–4, 246–8, garments 204, 224, 236
259–62, 271–7 shoes, see shoes
backward linkages 217–22 sub-industry 197, 203–4, 211, 213,
capacity utilization 206 218, 263, 268
competitive edge 203 LEFASO 202, 208–9
economic and technological legitimacy 37–8, 58, 61, 77, 103, 249
characteristics 209–11 lessons 11, 13, 62, 242, 254, 270, 278–96
employment generation 204 liberalization 18, 56, 92, 94, 204, 214,
export destinations 202 262
export promotion schemes 229–31 LIDI (Leather Industry Development
export volume and earnings 200–2 Institute) 102, 198, 200–1, 226,
firm size 208 235–7, 275
geographical concentration 207–8 life expectancy 2
global market structure 211–12 light industry 6, 63, 209, 246–8, 253
industrial financing 231–3 light manufacturing 52, 294
industrial structure 207–9 light touch 248
industry concentration 202–3 limestone 117, 132–3

340
 Index

Lin, Justin 29–30, 150, 177, 246 low-income countries 5, 10–11, 21–2, 48,
linkage approach 46, 49, 197, 256 115, 291–2, 295
to policy making 256–63 low productivity 51, 65, 106
linkage dynamics 11, 13, 47, 128, 143, low value trap 198, 213, 215
173–4, 277
linkage effects 12, 48–9, 167–8, 191, 254, macroeconomic policies 55, 92, 258
256–9, 279–81 Mahoney, James 49, 213
creative 277, 282 mainstream economic thinking 6, 23
potential 239, 257, 281 mainstream perspectives 253
as prime conceptual framework 45–50 management time 142, 237–8
linkages 46–9, 107, 109, 256–7, 259–61, manufactured exports 50, 56, 69, 153,
282–4, 293 195, 200, 295
backward 46–8, 144, 168, 174, 210, manufactured goods 19, 22, 67, 155
256–8, 263 manufacturing 19–21, 26, 48–50, 56–8,
as coping mechanisms and policy 64–6, 69–70, 84–6
learning 260–2 manufacturing sector 19–20, 56–7, 66–7,
employment 49, 288 84–5, 91, 101–2, 231–2
failures and successes in facilitating manufacturing value added, see MVA
linkage mechanisms 258–60 Markakis, John 4, 74
floriculture 167–74 market control 18
forward 20, 46–7, 56, 109, 169, 191, market demand 70, 111, 116, 129
256–7 market development 183, 186, 236,
neither homogenous nor automatic 238–9, 261, 275
256–7 market economy 29, 63, 242–3
potential 48, 174 market failures 16, 18, 29, 57, 59, 95, 252
List, Friedrich 25–8, 99 market fundamentalism 18, 55, 255
live animals 221, 235, 274 market protection 40, 43, 271
livestock 12, 196, 210, 219–20, 233, market share 120, 123, 145, 164, 198
257, 281 market structure 160, 211–12
development 218–20, 240, 275 marketing 43, 47, 116–17, 159, 179,
loans 84–7, 135–6, 178–80, 232–3, 251, 210, 212
255, 290 markets 17–18, 20–1, 56–7, 120–3, 144,
collateral-free 127 162–4, 166–7
external 86–7 auction 163, 179
long-term 83–4, 86, 121, 134, 271 export 42, 149, 195, 213, 227, 256,
secured 119, 161 267–8
soft 160, 177 foreign 27, 44, 122
subsidized 106, 260, 271 global 114, 155, 200, 211–12, 216, 264
logistics 181, 184, 214, 216, 226–7, labour 32, 158
234, 237 local 209, 214–15
cold chain 163, 184, 191, 258 parallel 92, 145
long-term financing 84, 130, 134–5 perfect 246
long-term loans 83–4, 86, 121, material intensity 213, 218, 232
134, 271 Mauritius 51, 53, 69, 129, 251

341
Index

Mazzucato, Mariana 10, 15, 29, 57, 193 nascent private sector 253
MCE, see Mugher Cement Enterprise National Bank of Ethiopia, see NBE
Meiji dynasty (Japan) 29 national capabilities 268
Meisel, Nicolas 34 National Cement 117–18, 122, 135, 137–8
Mekelle 171 National Export Coordination
Melese, Ayelech Tiruwha 150, 159, Committee, see NECC
161, 177 national policy autonomy 13, 284
meso-policy 13 natural endowments 150–1, 175, 196,
Messebo 111–12, 114, 116–20, 122–3, 239, 249, 280
131, 137–8, 265 natural resources 23–4, 48, 231, 245, 247
methodology 8–10 Naudé, Wim 50–1
micro-policy 13 NBE (National Bank of Ethiopia) 83–4,
Milhaupt, Curtis 252, 267 87, 92–3, 180, 186–7
mini-cement plants 117–18, 122, 133, NECC (National Export Coordination
138–9, 144 Committee) 2, 99–102, 141, 173,
mining resources 106, 121, 132 175, 183–4, 234–5
Ministry of Finance and Economic neoclassical economics 16, 18, 58, 247, 266
Development, see MOFED neoliberalism 18, 73, 255
Ministry of Industry, see MOI neopatrimonialism 9, 249–52
Ministry of Mines, see MOM Netherlands 149–50, 160–2, 164–5, 175,
Ministry of Works and Urban 177, 183, 185–6
Development, see MWUD embassy 179, 181, 183, 186, 190, 264–5
Mkandawire, Thandika 9, 35–6, 250–1 new entrants 120–1, 160, 239, 267, 281
MOFED (Ministry of Finance and new industries 56, 58, 151–2, 167–8,
Economic Development) 61, 172, 174, 182–3
63–7, 81, 84, 86, 89, 94–5 newly industrializing countries (NICs)
MOI (Ministry of Industry) 84, 93, 102, 20, 36
105–6, 141, 143–4, 220–1 NICs (newly industrializing countries)
as focal agency 102 20, 36
Mojo 207 Nigeria 1, 108, 114, 123, 195, 293
MOM (Ministry of Mines) 132–3, 141, 143 Nolan, Peter 95, 131, 210, 284
momentum 46, 256, 258, 265 North, Douglass 266
monopolies 119, 140, 215, 228, 269
Mozambique 52, 55, 97, 245, 249, 271 Ocampo, J.A. 7, 16–17, 19, 21, 39–41,
Mugher Cement Enterprise (MCE) 105, 58–9, 91–2
111–12, 117–23, 131, 133–5, OECD 17, 211–12
137–8, 143–4 off-take rate 219
multimodal transport 198, 216, 227, 274 one-stop services 89–90
multinationals 12, 106, 114–15, 265 openness, trade 18, 30
Musacchio, Aldo 252, 266–7 organizational capacity 43, 215, 249
MVA (manufacturing value added) 50, organizational competence, insufficient
69, 142 275–6
MWUD (Ministry of Works and Urban orthodoxy 15–16, 18
Development) 125–8, 141, 145–7 Ottaway, Marina 63, 251

342
 Index

output, growth 107, 199, 243 standards 31, 40, 58, 100, 263–4,
overgrazing 221–2 267, 271
owner-managers 161, 208 perishability 118, 121, 164–6, 178,
owners 165, 185, 188, 210, 215, 233, 235 180, 267
ownership 7, 118, 124, 134, 185, 192, 266 Philippines 1, 289
Oya, Carlos 54, 56, 156 phytosanitary requirements 58, 166
picking winners 18
pacing devices 46, 256, 260 PINE 1
packaging 117, 167–8, 188–9, 257 Pittards 3, 203, 220, 233, 265
factories 117, 122, 152 Plan for Accelerated and Sustained
industry 168–70, 257–8 Development to End Poverty,
materials 122, 168 see PASDEP
packaging standards 186–7 planned economy 202, 214
Padayachee, Vishnu 9, 56, 250 Polanyi, Karl 34
Page, John 50, 69 policies, economic 16, 31–2, 78, 151, 251
Pakistan 114, 123, 142, 146–7 policy capabilities 9, 16, 31, 56, 58,
Palma, Gabriel J. 56, 83 240, 245
Pankhurst, Richard 60 policy effectiveness 13, 28, 79, 152, 264,
parallel markets 92, 145 273–4, 284
parties 71, 76, 80, 247, 250–1, 261, 270 policy independence 10, 13, 77–8, 245,
ruling 72–4, 77, 79–80, 127–8, 146, 255, 279, 285–7
288, 290 policy-induced industrial expansion 107
PASDEP (Plan for Accelerated and policy institutions 11, 282, 284
Sustained Development to End policy instruments 11–12, 138, 140,
Poverty) 80–1, 125, 132 229–30, 270, 277, 281–2
Pasinetti, Luigi 7–8, 30 compatibility and cohesiveness 273–4
path dependence 49, 213–17, 240, 262–3, industrial 53, 56, 79, 183, 279
275, 277, 281–3 unevenness 270–6
leather and leather products industry policy intervention 26, 121–2, 152, 167,
213–17, 262–3 191, 258
patrimonialism 150, 280 policy learning 241, 243–4, 270, 278,
patronage 116, 249–50, 252, 255 284–6, 290, 296
Peres, Wilson 18 policy outcomes 11, 13, 149, 155,
perfect markets 246 269–70, 276–7, 282
performance 11–12, 39–42, 199–201, policy responses 140, 142, 144, 240, 242,
241–3, 250–2, 276, 281–3 257, 281–3
comparative 241, 244 quality and appropriateness 274–5
export 92, 94, 152–3, 200, 203, 216, 218 policy space 13, 284, 296
industrial 9, 247, 269 policymakers 6, 13, 140, 269–70, 276–7,
and industrial policy 60–104 283–5, 290
poor 148, 165–6, 196, 198, 209–10, policymaking 11–13, 140, 240–2, 276–7,
213, 280–1 279–80, 286–7, 289–91
sectoral 107, 192–3, 198, 239, 243, cement 140–7
245, 282 and economic actors 264–7

343
Index

policymaking (cont.) prerequisites 23–4, 59

floriculture 186–8 pressure mechanisms 46, 256, 260, 267
foundations of 78–82 price control 144–5
hierarchies 81–2 price patterns 155, 164
implications of findings for 282–6 prices 121–2, 145–7, 163–4, 197–8,
linkage approach 256–63 214–15, 217–18, 224–5
process 13, 82, 107, 186, 192, 222, 260 commodity 51, 54
political and ideological tenets 72–3 competitive 163, 203
political commitment 74, 77, 255, 259, constant 67, 70
271–2, 282, 284 high 121, 203, 214, 218, 221, 234
political constraints 40, 52, 196, 255, 270 primary commodities 19, 22, 24, 32, 47,
political economy 7, 31–2, 36, 38, 58–9, 50, 52
193, 286 priority sectors 40, 79–80, 83, 87, 174, 279
factors 9, 44, 78, 196, 254 private agents, inherited capacity 76
perspectives 9, 18, 31, 151, 279 private banks 83, 87, 178
political factors 32, 148, 164, 220, 277, private sector 39–40, 70–1, 76–7, 87–9,
280, 288 94–5, 117, 252–5
political parties, see parties behaviours 10, 77, 194
political pressure 74, 101, 271, 274, development 89, 97, 253
277, 286 domestic 83, 89, 91, 95, 97–8, 118, 121
political processes 31, 72, 151, 249 investors 88, 97, 215, 254
political risks 95, 265, 272 nascent 253
political settlements 31, 243–4, 285 privatization 95–9, 102, 228–9, 233, 262,
political space 250, 286 266, 270–1
political stability 5, 54, 133, 222, as complementary policy 96–9
231, 244 programme 70, 97–8, 118
political support 31, 77, 249–50, 287 Privatization and Public Enterprises
political systems 9, 36, 63, 250 Supervisory Agency (PPESA) 97, 233
political will 152, 186, 193, 259 privatized firms 98, 233–4
politics 91, 256–7, 261, 266, 277, product allocation 144–5
285, 289 product development 118, 223, 236
population growth 124, 155 production
Porter, Michael E. 49, 120, 207, 217, capabilities 41, 137, 199, 212
268, 272 capacity 91, 108, 120–1, 125, 133
POSCO 33, 48 costs 164, 168, 172, 177, 197, 203, 211
positive externalities 158 processes 115–17, 122, 152, 166, 209, 213
poverty reduction 4, 56, 65, 156, 283, 285 productive capacity 101, 111, 144,
power interruptions 3, 142 168, 198
power shortages 111, 128, 142–3 productive efficiency 111–12
PPESA (Privatization and Public productivity 40–1, 56–7, 111–12, 163–4,
Enterprises Supervisory Agency) 190–1, 210–11, 247–8
97, 233 cement industry 158–9
Prebisch-Singer hypothesis 19–20 growth 8, 20, 31, 158, 295
preconditions theorists 23 improvements 26, 131, 159

344
 Index

labour 158, 199, 204–5, 212, 295 Renaissance Dam 4, 84

ladder 8 rent-seeking 18, 40, 76, 79, 145, 250, 267
professionals 115, 126, 141, 159, 211, rents 11, 31, 39–40, 57–8, 77, 94, 180–2
215, 236 excessive 117, 189
profit margins 122, 140, 163 managing 38, 40, 183
property rights 18, 220, 252, 266 repatriation 93, 129, 180, 184, 187
public development banks 130, 182 research 8–9, 11, 79–80, 117, 256, 276–8,
public enterprises 56, 64, 72, 86, 96–7, 283–5
102, 135 institutions 100, 284
public investment 5, 64, 72, 266, 286 outcomes 9
public services 16, 185 resource allocation 4, 18, 75, 220,
pull factors 76, 230 249, 259
pumice 132–3 resource booms 75, 292
push factors 177, 182 resources 19, 21, 23, 46, 96, 98, 134–5
financial 38, 125
qualitative research 10, 106, 152 human 85, 189–90, 192, 199
quality 167–9, 198, 210, 214–15, 217–19, mining 106, 121, 132
274, 276–7 natural 23–4, 231, 245, 247
better 12, 55, 123, 198, 220, 281 scarce 107, 147, 243, 280
poor 203, 218, 234 Rhee, Yung Whee 40, 99–100
standards 169, 235, 268 rhetoric 36, 73, 75
quantitative data/methods 9–10, 106, Ricardian strategy 24, 248, 294
152, 156, 159 Ricardo, David 25, 246
quarries 117, 129, 132 Riddell, Roger 54, 56–7
quasi-census 106, 197, 207, 219, 230 risks 71, 73, 134, 138–9, 265, 268–9,
quasi-public enterprises 121, 147 290–1
political 95, 265, 272
Rada, Codrina 7, 92 Rodriguez, Franscisco 246
ranches 220–2, 260, 262 Rodrik, Dani 14, 17, 19–21, 41–2, 53,
rapid economic growth 4, 8, 243, 149–51, 246
276, 279 role models 37, 287, 289–90
rapid industrialization 6, 38, 80, 85, royalties 133, 164
254, 293 ruling party 72–4, 77, 79–80, 127–8, 146,
raw materials 25, 27, 113, 196–7, 203, 288, 290
214–16, 218
local 203, 218, 225 sales 84, 117, 126, 212, 230
reciprocal control mechanisms 39–41, sanctions 81, 100–1, 169
180, 182, 251, 255, 268, 271–2 SAPs (Structural Adjustment
reciprocal control principle 261 Programmes) 56, 96
reciprocity 40, 180, 230, 271, 288–9 savings 23, 84, 124–5, 127
inconsistency in application 271–3 foreign currency 142–3
regional endowment funds 70, 98, scarce resources 107, 147, 243, 280
116, 233 Schmitz, Hubert 42–3, 196, 198, 209–10,
Reinert, Erik S. 7–8, 17, 19, 23, 25, 287, 294 217, 222

345
Index

Schumpeterian processes 30, 59 Smith, Sheila 22, 46, 50, 54–5

Schwartz, Herman 23–4, 30, 39, 57, 85, SNNPR (Southern Nations, Nationalities,
91, 158 and Peoples’ Region) 70, 219
SDPRP (Sustainable Development and socialization of risks 40, 158, 252, 255
Poverty Reduction Program) 80–1 SOEs (state-owned enterprises) 63–5,
sector development programmes 80–1 95–6, 143, 208–9, 252, 254, 266–7
sectoral approach 8, 20, 58 soft loans 160, 177
sectoral performance 160, 192, 243, soul of industrial policy 294–6
245, 282 Southern Nations, Nationalities, and
secured loans 119, 161 Peoples’ Region (SNNPR) 70, 219
Seguino, Stephanie 38 specialization 7, 20–1, 122, 207, 213,
selectivity 18, 264, 277 217, 262
semi-finished leather 201, 213–14, 223, spillover effects 43, 58
262–3 SSA (sub-Saharan Africa) 50–3, 57, 66,
Sender, John 22, 46, 50, 54–6, 156 69, 108, 130, 133
serviced land 176–7, 274 stability, political 5, 54, 133, 222,
services 19, 21, 63, 65, 70, 167–8, 182–3 231, 244
banking 83–4, 86, 135 stagnation, economic 16, 56
one-stop 89–90 standards 85, 169, 179, 183, 190
public 16, 185 state 29, 31–2, 34–7, 57–8, 76–7,
veterinary 210, 220 192–4, 254–5
shared national vision/project 4, 35 as economic actor 95–6
shareholders 77, 119, 179 state autonomy 77, 266
sheepskin 215, 218–20, 223 state capability 72, 76
Sher-Ethiopia 155, 157, 159–60, 166, 261 state institutions 7, 21, 32, 49, 54
Shin, Jang-Sup 23 state intervention 15, 18, 28, 32, 34,
shoes 3, 199–200, 203, 208, 217 41, 55–7
exports 202–3 state-led development model 5
factories 62, 195, 207 state-owned banks 33, 71, 83, 160,
shortages 93, 121–2, 126, 128, 142–5, 255, 257
196–7, 217–18 state-owned enterprises, see SOEs
critical 93, 106, 144 state-owned farms 174–5, 181, 255
transport 128, 147 state–business partnership 77, 97,
Singapore 21, 44, 227 101, 265
Singh, Ajit 26, 30, 95, 150, 171, 247, 266 status quo 33, 49, 215–16, 238, 286
sister companies 122, 145, 189 Stein, Howard 51, 53, 266
skilled labour 27, 37, 43, 124, 206–7, 248 Stiglitz, Joseph E. 53, 78, 96, 228, 255
skills 23, 27, 155, 158, 247, 268, 275 Structural Adjustment Programmes, see SAPs
development 8, 202, 211, 291 structural change/transformation 6–8,
cement industry 136–40 17–19, 21–2, 59, 278–9, 285–6,
transfers 96, 264 295–6
skins 195, 197, 201, 203, 212, 217–20, structuralist approach 19
222–4 structuralist development economics 16,
smallholder farms 74, 83, 156, 174, 220 22–3, 103, 193

346
 Index

structuralist perspectives 18–19, 130, 196 tax holidays 44, 89, 129, 132, 176
Studwell, Joe 40, 91, 100, 137 tax incentives 44
sub-contracting 126, 217 taxation 11, 38, 43–4, 65, 93, 194, 223
sub-Saharan Africa, see SSA Taylor, Lance 7, 92
subsidies 39–40, 42, 84, 122, 172, 255 technological capabilities 19, 21, 40–1,
double 177 103, 106, 137–9, 264
subsidized loans 106, 260, 271 technological characteristics 115, 117,
subsistence agriculture 293 160, 165, 207, 209, 264
successes 148, 150–1, 192–3, 242, technological depth 157
279–80, 282, 293 technological development 17, 19, 31,
sugar 47, 53, 70, 72, 80, 85, 97 41–3, 52, 186, 192
supply capacity 101, 132 technological supply 41, 139
supply chains 3, 47, 218 technological upgrading 38
support 42–3, 94, 130, 236, 244–5, technology transfers 261, 265
251–2, 274 soft 177
direct 106–7 Tekeste, Abraham 62, 66, 69, 92–3
effective 184, 237 tensions 13, 32, 254, 270, 280, 284, 294
institutional 183, 210 institutional 89, 275
technical 127, 169 textiles 67, 69, 71, 79–80, 85, 102, 231–3
support industries 166, 168–9 TGE (Transitional Government of
support staff 110, 236 Ethiopia) 63
surplus production 106 Thailand 114, 202
surveys 143–4, 177, 179, 186–8, 190, Thirlwall, Anthony 7, 19–22, 42, 91, 130,
206, 219 295–6
Sustainable Development and Poverty threats 36, 73, 79, 87, 120–1, 241, 244
Reduction Program, see SDPRP external 242, 259
sustainable growth 154, 183 internal 25, 74
sustained growth 7, 12, 22, 131, 148–9, Tigray 71, 116, 131, 173, 207, 233
182, 212 TPLF 73
Sutton, John 160 trade facilitation 93, 176, 226–7, 234, 237
Switzerland 21 trade-offs 107, 277, 280
Szirmai, Adam 49–51 trade openness 18, 30
trade protection 91–5, 279
Taiwan 33, 37, 40, 44, 81–2, 289–90, 292 traditional agriculture 21, 149, 259
Taleb, Nicolas 79, 128, 241 trainable labour 158, 175
tanneries 214, 219, 226, 233–4, 262–3 transaction costs 147, 218, 266
state-owned 234, 262 transfers 37, 39, 44, 91, 188, 236, 239
tanning sub-industry 197, 203–5, transformation 4–5, 7, 20–1, 35, 37, 148,
210–12, 215, 257, 263, 268 253–4
Tanzania 55, 151, 164 transformative institutions 296
Tareke, Gebru 242 transition 14, 59, 63, 201–2, 208,
targets, export 39–40, 94, 201, 273 243, 262
tariffs 133, 146 Transitional Government of Ethiopia
diminishing role of import tariffs 94–5 (TGE) 63

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Index

transport 120–1, 158–9, 172, 227, 252 industrial 198, 217, 222
costs 121, 145 urban development 64, 124, 128, 141, 277
fleets 121–2 US Geological Survey, see USGS
multimodal 198, 216, 227, 274 USGS (US Geological Survey) 106, 108,
shortages 128, 147 113–14
Tregenna, Fiona 19–20, 52–3, 56–7
Turkey 3–4, 42, 88, 113–14, 128, 202 value addition 44, 89, 198, 214, 222–3,
turnkey approach 137–8 225, 242
value chain 12, 43, 163, 165–6, 168,
UCBP (University Capacity Building 222, 246
Programme) 127 comparator 223
Uganda 129, 164 vase time 149, 165–6
Ujamaa 55 VAT 90, 93, 177
UN COMTRADE 114, 162, 197 vegetables 150, 154–5, 173
UN-DESA 2, 75, 108 veterinary services 210, 220
UN Economic Commission for Africa, Vietnam 108, 113, 142, 202–3, 205–9,
see UNECA 212–14, 238
UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on voucher systems 93, 177, 229
Trade and Development) 6, 13, 19, VSK (Vertical Shift Kiln) technology 112,
39, 43–4, 83, 284 116, 122, 133
underperformance 12, 195–240, 281
UNECA (UN Economic Commission for Wade, Robert 18, 33–4, 37, 65, 91, 179
Africa) 1, 6, 218, 223 Warren-Rodriguez, Alex 52, 56
unemployment 124, 153, 155, 158 wars 25, 32–3, 45, 55, 61, 63, 103
uneven development 105, 107, 109, 111, wartime intellectual formation 73–4
113, 115, 117 Washington Consensus 9, 43, 52, 266
unevenness 23, 149, 243, 270, 282 Whitfield 32, 244, 253
UNIDO (United Nations Industrial will, political 152, 186, 193, 259
Development Organization’s) 6, Williamson, John 266
151, 210, 220, 225, 235, 261 Woo-Cumings, Meredith 33
unit costs 110, 112, 116 workers 2–3, 69, 156–9, 202, 206, 208,
United Nations 6, 62, 108, 124 211–12
United Nations Conference on Trade and working capital 83, 86–7, 93, 206, 214,
Development, see UNCTAD 217, 232
United Nations Industrial Development World Bank 51, 88, 112, 115, 226, 246, 266
Organization, see UNIDO
United States 3–4, 14–15, 23, 25–6, 28–9, Young, Allyn 20
249–50, 252
University Capacity Building Programme Zaibatsu 33
(UCBP) 127 Zenawi, Meles 35, 96
upgrading 41, 53, 198, 214, 216, Zewde, Bahru 62
222–4, 283 Zheng, Wentong 252, 267
chain 222 Zimbabwe 164, 175
constant 17, 22, 29 Ziway 2, 157, 165, 174, 261

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