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Buddhist Saints in India - A Study in Buddhist Values and Orientations - Reginald PDF
Buddhist Saints in India - A Study in Buddhist Values and Orientations - Reginald PDF
A Study in Buddhist
Values and Orientations
REGINALD A. RAY
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
For Lee
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PREFACE
Buddhism, it may be said, finds religious authority not only in texts and institu-
tions, but also in enlightened people. Certainly, those understood as realized have
occupied an important if not always well defined place within the early and de-
veloped tradition. The following pages will argue that the Buddhist saints have in
fact a relatively clear role to play within historical Buddhist tradition, and also
one that places them much more at the center of the tradition than has been rec-
ognized, either by contemporary scholarship or, sometimes, even by Buddhism
itself.
This book raises some basic questions: Who are the Buddhist saints? How
have they been understood by their devotees and detractors? What have been their
characteristic historical roles in India? In response to these questions, this study
offers a definition of the Buddhist saint as such and identifies the major types that
existed in India. It also acquaints the reader with the legends surrounding some of
the more important and representative individual saints. Further, it introduces the
field of the Buddhist saints in India, providing a survey of some of the more
significant scholarly studies on the subject. Finally, it gives an overview of some
of the more important methodological, structural, and historical issues involved in
any attempt to understand these figures.
Indian Buddhism exhibits a number of major periods of formation, including
those of the genesis of Buddhism itself, and also of later movements such as the
Mahay ana. This study is particularly concerned with those saints who were im-
portant—especially but not only—in these formative periods. These were people
who, to find freedom, chose to abandon the world and retreat into the wilds, the
"forest" (Skt., aranya; P., arannd) in the Indian terminology. These "forest
saints" are particularly worthy of our attention not only because they represent
the first Buddhist saints, but also because classical Buddhism owes so much to
them. They stand at the beginning of many of the most important trends within
Indian Buddhism. They articulated a specific ideal of complete renunciation of
which later Buddhists were well aware and to which they could return at moments
of personal and collective crisis. And the normativeness of the ideal they repre-
sented was enduring. Even when, in particular times and places, the specific type
of the forest saint defined in these pages was modified or substantially trans-
formed, even when the physical wilds themselves were left behind, the terminol-
ogy and imagery definitive of the early saints of the forest tended to remain in
force.
In its historical method, this book is frankly an experiment. Usually when the
history of Indian Buddhism is written, settled monasticism provides the central
reference point in terms of which that history is cast. This study takes the different
Vlll PREFACE
starting point of the forest saint. It asks how the history of Indian Buddhism looks
when considered from the viewpoint of this contrasting standard. The success of
this approach may be judged by the extent to which it can make sense of certain
kinds of evidence surrounding the Buddhist saints for which no fully satisfying
explanation has yet been offered, and can yield a more coherent view of certain
periods of Indian Buddhist history than those now put forward.
Although the central character in the following study is the forest saint, also
entering into the discussion are the classical ideals of the settled monastic and the
layperson. In this book, however, monastics and the laity are not viewed in their
own rights, but are rather seen in terms of what I shall call "forest values and
orientations." Sometimes, for reasons to be discussed, the view provided is not
particularly complimentary. I ask the reader to remember that critiques of non-
forest ideals are sometimes important parts of the expression of forest Buddhism.
At the same time, I would be seriously misunderstood if it is thought that I, as
the author, am trying to say that these nonforest types are finally reducible to or
should be judged strictly in terms of the views of certain forest texts. The primary
intention of this study is to clarify the voice of forest Buddhism in India; in so
doing, it abstains from trying to do full justice to other Buddhist types. Maybe,
in the end, we can best understand Indian Buddhism (or any religion, for that
matter) not by arriving at some supposedly balanced and objective overview, but
rather by hearing clearly the different voices that have spoken—without being too
put off by contrary perspectives or trying too hard to resolve contradictions. The
presumption of this, at least, lies at the basis of this study.
We in the West—perhaps I should say in the modern, increasingly secularized
world as a whole—live with what is, when taken in the context of world religions,
a remarkably devalued idea of human nature. We seem no longer to believe that
human nature is perfectible or that genuine saints are possible. Such a view has,
obviously, profound impacts on the way people think about and engage in (or do
not engage in) the spiritual life. In my view, prevailing interpretations of Bud-
dhism which, as we shall see, reduce the saints to peripheral actors in the tradition
represents another, if perhaps more sophisticated, expression of this same modern
devaluation. Buddhism may be seen essentially as an ethical system, an elegant
philosophy, a practical psychology, a technique for dealing with mental distress,
a cultural tradition, or a force of civilization. Rarely, however, is it seen primarily
as a tradition that produces and celebrates genuine saints. Yet, at least in my
reading, this is finally what Buddhism essentially is, and as long as this fact is
not recognized, the specific genius of Buddhism is missed, a genius with the
potential to provide a healthy challenge to our increasingly scientific, materialistic,
and consumeristic view of human nature.
Boulder, Colorado R. A. R.
September 1993
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Conventions, xiii
Abbreviations, xv
Introduction, 3
11. The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence, 358
A Doctrine of Absence in the Mahaparinirvana Sutra, 358
A Doctrine of Presence or Immanence among the Buddhist Saints, 367
Conclusion, 381
Bibliography, 448
Index, 469
CONVENTIONS
Pali and Sanskrit terms are romanized following generally accepted practice. Ti-
betan is rendered according to the Wylie method and Chinese according to the
Wade-Giles system. In the interests of stylistic consistency and to avoid creating
unnecessary confusion for the nonspecialist reader, the Sanskrit versions of terms
are used, generally also including cases where Pali and Tibetan texts are being
discussed. There are a few exceptions, of which the reader will be advised in the
notes, in which the preference for Sanskrit is suspended, particularly in sections
where Pali texts alone are treated. In cases where it is important for the reader to
know both the Sanskrit and Pali of a term, both are given at first occurrence.
Italicized foreign terms, unless otherwise noted, are Sanskrit.
Sanskrit words now commonly appearing in English are not italicized. The
class names of the major types of Buddhist saints discussed in this book are not
italicized, as all but one (the pratyekabuddha) now occur in English. Sanskrit
terms, whether naturalized or italicized, are given in standard spelling with diacri-
tics. Occasional exceptions are terms and place names that have become familiar
in English in a different form (e.g., brahmin as opposed to brdhmand).
Sanskrit and Pali texts are referred to in their standard editions. Tibetan texts
are generally referred to according to the Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka,
with exceptions noted. References to Chinese texts are to the Taisho Tripitaka,
exceptions again noted. For the reader's convenience, citations to Buddhist texts
are followed by references to European-language translations, where these exist.
Original texts are usually cited by volume and page number of the edition (some-
times including line numbers when specific terms are in question), followed by
volume and page number of the translation.
This book contains a great number of references, and citations to text editions
and translations are particularly frequent. To help the reader keep track of which
texts are being referred to, textual citations are generally given in the body of the
text rather than in the notes. In order to minimize visual cluttering, I have adopted
several conventions. First, I have generally used abbreviations for text titles and
also for translators or translations when they are frequently cited. All of these are
given in the list of abbreviations. Second, when a text is frequently cited, I have
sometimes adopted a reference form for the original that may also be used to
locate the passage in translation. This has been possible particularly in the cases
of texts entirely or mostly in verse in which verses contain the same numbering
in text edition and standard translation (for example, the Theragdthd, Therlgdthd,
Suttanipdta, and Dhammapadd). All such reference forms are explained in the
XIV CONVENTIONS
notes. Finally, when the same source is cited consecutively in a single paragraph,
after the first reference, only the page number is given. Unless otherwise speci-
fied, when quoting from Buddhist texts, I follow existing translations. Quotations
from French and German works represent my own translations unless otherwise
noted.
ABBREVIATIONS
Primary Texts
Aa Asokdvaddna
Ak Abhidharmakosa
Als Avalokita Sutra
Als-1 Avalokana Sutra
An Anguttaranikaya
An-c Anguttaranikaya commentary
Ap Apaddna
Ara Asokardjdvaddna (A yii wang chuan)
Ars Asokardja Sutra (A yu wang ching)
As Avaddnasataka
Asp Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra
Bbh Bodhisattvabhumi
Be Buddhacarita
Bca Bodhicarydvatdra
Cd Cullaniddesa
Cp Candrapradlpa Sutra (Srs as quoted in Ss)
Csp Caturasitisiddhapravrtti
Css Culasunnata Sutta
Cv Cullavagga
Da Divydvaddna
Dbs Dasabhumika Sutra
Dgn Dhutagunanirdesa (Vimuktimdrgadhutagunanirdesa)
Dhs Dharmasamgraha
Dn Dlghanikdya
Dp Dhammapada
Dp-c Dhammapada commentary (Dhammapada-atthakathd)
Gbs Gilgit Buddhist Manuscripts
Cms Gilgit Manuscripts
Is Isigili Sutta
Iv Itivuttaka
J Jdtaka
Jm Jdtakamdld
Kbdd bka' .babs. bdun. Idan
Kn Khuddakanikdya
Kp Kdsyapaparivarta
XVI ABBREVIATIONS
Ks Khaggavisdna Sutta
Las Lankdvatdra Sutra
Lv Lalitavistara
Mgb Mi. la'i. mgur. 'bum
Mmk Manjusrlmulakalpa
Mn Majjhimanikdya
Mp Milindapanha
Mpds Mahdpaddna Sutta
Mpps Mahdprajndpdramitd Sdstra (Ta chih tu lun)
Mps Mahdparinirvdna Sutra (without reference to version)
Mps-p Mahdparinibbdna Sutta (Pali version of Mps)
Mrp Manorathapuram (commentary on the Anguttaranikdyd)
Mss Mahdsunnata Sutta
Mv Mahdvastu
Mvy Mahdvyutpatti
Na Nandimitrdvaddna (in Chin.)
Nk Niddnakathd
Pb Pratyekabuddhabhumi
Pds Pradaksind Sutra
Psp Pancavimsatisdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra
Rgs Ratnagunasamcayagdthd
Rk Ratnakuta Sutra (as quoted in Ss)
Rps Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra
Rps-m Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra (minor) (in Tib.)
Rps-s Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra (as quoted in 5s)
Rr Ratnardsi Sutra (as quoted in Ss)
Sds Srlmdlddevisimhandda Sutra
Sn Suttanipdta
Sn-c Suttanipdta commentary (Paramattha-jotikd, II)
Sns Samdhinirmocana Sutra
Sp Sdratthappakdsinl
Sps Saddharmapundarlka Sutra
Srs Samddhirdja Sutra
Ss Siksdsamuccaya
Sv Sukhdvativyuha Sutra
Svs smaller Sukhdvativyuha Sutra
Syn Samyuttanikdya
Ta Theragdthd
Ta-c Paramatthadlpanl (Theragdthd-atthakathd, Theragdthd commentary)
Tcj Td.ra.nd.tha'i.rgya.gar.chos. 'byung
Ti Therlgdthd
Ti-c Paramatthadlpanl (Therlgdthd-vannand, Therlgdthd commentary)
Ud Vddna
Up Ugrapariprcchd Sutra (as quoted in Ss)
Vcp Vajracchedikdprajndpdramitd Sutra
Vmm Vimuttimagga
Abbreviations xvii
Miscellaneous Abbreviations
B. Beal 1869
BHSD Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary (Edgerton 1970)
BR. Bendall and Rouse 1922
Bg. Burlingame 1921
Bp. Bapat 1964
C. Cowell 1895-1913
C.R. C.A.F. Rhys Davids
Cg. Chang 1962
Chin. Chinese
Ch. Chavannes 1910-35
Cz. Conze 1973b
D. Derge edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka
E. Ensink 1952
ER Encyclopedia of Religion (Eliade 1987)
ERE Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics (Hastings 1908-26)
Eh. Ehara, Soma Them, and Kheminda Thera 1961
Eng. English
F. Feer 1891
H. Horner 1938-66
Hn. Horner 1954-59
IIR Indo-Iranian Reprints
Jns. Jones 1949-56
K. Kloppenborg 1974
Kn. Kern 1884
L. Lamotte 1935
Lm. Lamotte 1958
LC. Levi and Chavannes 1916
N. Nyanamoli 1976
Nr. Norman 1985
P. Pali
Pk. Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka
Pkt. Prakrit
pr. prose
Prz. Przyluski 1923
PTSD The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary (Rhys Davids and Stede
1921-25)
R. Rockhill 1884
Rb. Robinson 1979
XV111 ABBREVIATIONS
Modern buddhology has long recognized that Indian Buddhism shows a particular
predilection for its saints, who are many and various.1 In fact, one cannot examine
any piece of Buddhist evidence without coming across one or another of these
figures, typically associated as they are with the important texts, places, events,
lineages, teachings, practices, schools, and movements of Indian Buddhism. The
Buddhist saints, at least within the traditional perspective, are an unfailing source
of illumination and creativity, and whatever is good may ultimately be traced to
them. It is, then, an ironic fact that modern scholarship has paid relatively little
attention to the Buddhist saints.
There seem to be two reasons for this neglect: the place of the saints in the
Buddhist texts themselves and certain modern scholarly presuppositions concern-
ing the saints. Although in what follows each of these factors will be explored in
detail, some initial comment will be useful.
In spite of the fact that Buddhist saints do appear throughout the evidence, in
the scenario described by most Indian Buddhist texts—and particularly those best
known in the West—the saints simply do not stand out. Rather, they are part of
the assumed background and context, in relation to which the history of the dharma
(P., dhammd) unfolds. Often enough, Buddhist texts focus their attention upon
other matters, such as doctrinal exposition, philosophical or psychological analy-
sis, refutation of false theories, clarification of the conventions and procedures of
Buddhist monastic life, and so on. When the saints do occupy the foreground,
typically they are either seen to have lived in a remote bygone era or understood
as significant because they embody a state in the far distant future to which con-
temporary Buddhists may aspire.
There is another reason why the saints have not been given more attention in
modern scholarship, namely, certain attitudes and beliefs that scholarly interpret-
ers take for granted in treating the Indian evidence. Though appearing in the texts,
the saints do not impress because scholars of Buddhism have learned to see them
as not significant. Or, perhaps more accurately, we have learned to see them as
not having specific, important, and recognizable roles within Indian Buddhist his-
tory. Even where prominent in the texts, they are not clearly seen, either because
we tend to bypass just that evidence where they appear or because, when we do
examine such evidence, our questions and interests are elsewhere and we look
past them.
This second reason for the saints' invisibility can be illuminated by the psy-
choanalytic metaphor. When scholars took up the study of Buddhism in the nine-
teenth century, for specific historical and cultural reasons that I shall touch upon,
3
4 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
they typically became enamored of certain trends within Buddhism. In this pro-
cess, they "repressed" the figure of the Buddhist saint. Although visible in much
of the evidence that was studied, the saints' full presence was not consciously
acknowledged and their kind of Buddhism was, to a large extent, excluded from
the conscious viewpoint of early buddhologists. This repression, the effects of
which are still visible today, resulted—I shall argue—in a one-sided view of Bud-
dhism, one in which arguments were constructed to work around the saints and
make sense of phenomena deriving directly from them by reference to other fac-
tors. This scholarly repression, then, calls for a redressing of the balance, for a
reintegration into buddhological consciousness of the important and powerful but
repressed force represented by the Buddhist saints.
The metaphor is worth extending. It may be argued that the Buddhist saints
cannot be studied as a distinct phenomenon because in the evidence they are so
tied in with virtually every level and trend of Indian Buddhism. But the web of
Indian Buddhism in which they are imbedded is far from seamless. In fact, the
precise way in which the Buddhist saints are placed within the various kinds of
evidence almost always invites reflection. There are often tensions, oppositions,
and contradictions without any immediately obvious explanation. As in psycho-
analysis, so in the study of history, an exploration of such anomalies can provide
considerable insight into formative processes, and this insight, in turn, can tell us
much about subsequent history. The result is a more integrated and satisfying
understanding of the phenomena under consideration. It is toward such a reinte-
grative process that the present study aims.
This kind of reintegration will show, on the one hand, that the saints have had
a considerable historical importance, have been central actors within Indian Bud-
dhism during its major periods, and have played crucial if as yet largely unappre-
ciated roles in certain epoch-making events and developments of Indian Buddhist
history. On the other hand, it will show that they stand much closer to the core
nature and intentions of Indian Buddhism than has been previously recognized.
To continue the psychoanalytic metaphor, the reintegration proposed here has con-
siderable implications that will require, among other things, a reorientation of the
conscious viewpoint of scholars regarding not only the Buddhist saints but also
the way in which we conceptualize the very nature and structure of Buddhism in
India.
interesting still, it began to appear that what they did say about the saints often
contradicted what I was actually finding in the texts. It furthermore appeared that
much of what was said about the saints was being said, not to shed light upon the
saints themselves, but for other reasons. The saints, it appeared, were being used
to construct an overall picture of Indian Buddhism, but one in which, ironically,
they were given little essential role to play. It seemed to me that the Indian Bud-
dhist saints needed to be examined in their own right. Finally, I suspected that if
they were more fully recognized, they might reveal some important things about
Indian Buddhist history and the scholarship that seeks to understand it. These—
they can only be called initial impressions—formed the original inspiration behind
the present study.
It is one thing to have impressions such as these and another to try to explore
them in detail, think them through, and write them up both to clarify one's own
understanding and to make them comprehensible to others. Among what are un-
doubtedly many possible approaches, I selected one with the following principal
themes.
1. It was obvious that the various figures functioning as realized beings in the
Indian Buddhist evidence are invariably understood to exemplify one or another
major type of saint, including: (1) the buddha ("enlightened one"), initiator of
Buddhist tradition in any era, the prime exemplar of which is Sakyamuni Buddha;
(2) the pratyekabuddha (P., paccekabuddha) ("enlightened by oneself"), a soli-
tary saint who lives in remote regions and meditates; (3) the arhant (P., arahanf)
("worthy [of offerings]"), enlightened disciple of a buddha or later saint within
Nikaya Buddhism;2 (4) the bodhisattva (P., bodhisattd) ("enlightenment-being"),
who aspires to the realization of a buddha and whose special charisma derives
from his aspiration to this supreme enlightenment; and (5) the siddha ("perfected
one"), the enlightened ideal of the Vajrayana. It became clear that each of these
to some extent requires separate and specific treatment.3
2. Although these five types of saint are in many ways quite different from
one another and often represent quite disparate traditions, it is insufficient to treat
them as altogether separate. In fact, functioning as one or another variation on the
Buddhist theme of enlightenment, they not surprisingly also possess certain things
in common. What is surprising is that in many cases these continuities are rather
more extensive and specific than one might at first suspect. This fact suggests the
utility of framing these continuities in a single, overarching type, "the Buddhist
saint." As we shall see, once framed, this general type, in its basic structure,
reveals itself to be relatively consistent from one geographical region to another,
across the lines of traditions, and at widely differing time periods.
3. The siddha needs to be excluded from this overarching type, at least for the
time being, for two reasons. First, the siddha is, among the Buddhist saints, a
particularly distinct type, considerably more removed from the other types of saint
than these latter are from one another. Second, the Tantric saint is bound up with
sufficiently difficult historical and hermeneutical problems so as to place this type
outside the reach of the present, general study. Thus I leave aside the siddha and
in this book deal with the first four types: the buddha, pratyekabuddha, arhant,
and bodhisattva.
6 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
4. This typological approach was chosen not simply for reasons of clarity and
convenience. In addition, to a significant extent, it reflects the character of the
saints as evidenced in the Indian Buddhist texts. Generally, specific saints tend to
approximate the traditional types: if a particular person is understood to be a Bud-
dhist saint, and moreover a particular type of Buddhist saint, certain kinds of
things are expected of him or her. The type and subtypes identified in what fol-
lows, then, are not purely scholarly creations, but are—more or less—reflective
of the thinking of Indian Buddhists about their saints. Often, these types are im-
plicit and taken for granted in the evidence; sometimes—particularly at moments
of confusion and crisis—they become the explicit subjects of debate.4
This means that in studying the Buddhist saints, one is to a large extent deal-
ing with relatively stable, stereotypical ideas about where saints come from, who
they are, and what they do. In the evidence, moreover, it is these ideas that are
of paramount interest to the Buddhist hagiographers, more or less at the expense
of much appetite for individual—"historical," we should say—idiosyncrasy. This
should not be surprising, for, as Oldenberg observed long ago, "India is, above
all, the land of types and one should not seek [in accounts of the saints] individ-
uality."5 In Indian Buddhism, then, if one knows the commonly held expecta-
tions, one has taken a large step toward understanding its saints.6
5. The emphasis on types discloses a fundamental structure in the way Indian
Buddhism understands its saints: one attains sainthood through the process of di-
vesting oneself of the personal and individual. Lest this emphasis on the collective
be misread, however, this does not mean that the journey to sainthood is not
understood as a personal—indeed, intimate—one; for, to the Indian mind, it most
certainly is. It also does not mean that the saints do not—in a certain way—take
their own personal history seriously, for they do. And finally, it does not mean
that the great saints are entirely lacking in historical uniqueness. In fact, the whole
question of the relation of the impersonal to the personal in Indian, and particu-
larly Buddhist, religious life has yet to be adequately understood in the modern
West. It is almost as if we moderns feel that to be a complete individual, one
must sacrifice collective patterns of identity, and that by approximating such col-
lective patterns, one sacrifices one's individuality. The Buddhist saints present a
different alternative altogether, and some appreciation of this alternative, which I
attempt to develop in this study, is essential to a correct reading of who they are.
6. The emphasis on types is not without its difficulties for the scholarly inter-
preter. Although religious India tends to orient itself by types, there remains the
challenge of getting the types straight and of accurately discerning their specific
historical roles and relations. For example, when Indian Buddhists think about
their saints in terms of a given type, such as an arhant, they are not always
thinking of the same pattern. In addition, where the same pattern is in question,
interpretations may vary. Finally, even when certain typical variations on subtypes
and their interpretations can be identified, one still finds many examples that run
counter to type, that can be clarified only through reference to history, and in
which individual, textual, institutional, sectarian, and similar considerations come
into play. Attention to divergencies and exceptions, then, must form an essential
part of any attempt to understand the saints of Indian Buddhism.
Introduction 1
This work relies particularly upon two intersecting and complementary traditions
of modern scholarship: buddhology, encompassing the work of scholars approach-
ing the study of Buddhism from a variety of angles and in terms of its many
cultural traditions; and the history of religions, including both its general attention
to religious history and structure and its specific examination of the ideals (myth,
symbol, and rite) and the actuals (social, political, and economic contexts) of
religious life. The mutual stimulation and fructification of these two fields has
generated a sizable and valuable collection of works touching in one way or an-
other upon the Buddhist saints, including text editions, translations, and secondary
sources pertinent both to the various Indian Buddhist saintly types and to the
Buddha, his realized disciples, and later saints.7 Although these works touch upon
nearly every important aspect of the Buddhist saints, taken as a whole and in the
context of the present discussion, they remain incomplete in two respects. First,
they usually do not take the Buddhist saints as their primary datum and method-
ological center. Second, they generally remain isolated, making little connection
with one another. The result is that questions concerning the nature of the Bud-
dhist saints and their implications for an understanding of Indian Buddhist history
as a whole have not been explored. What has been missing so far is, in short, a
sustained attempt to assemble the various pieces of the puzzle of the Buddhist
saints into a coherent picture.
The present work again takes up several of the fundamental questions that
have played an important role in defining and enlivening Buddhist studies through-
out its brief history. For example, is Buddhism more accurately defined as a reli-
gious tradition or an ethico-philosophical system? The latter characterization pre-
vails today—perhaps because it is particularly compatible with a modern, secular
orientation—and so Buddhism is most often seen as a rational, ethical, and philo-
sophical system. By contrast, the interpretation that defines Buddhism as primarily
religious emphasizes its superhuman, supernatural, mythic, and cultic dimen-
sions—all of which are fully accessible only to the eye of faith.
The debate over the nonreligious as opposed to the religious character of Bud-
dhism is as old as the field of Buddhist studies itself.8 No one, of course, has
attempted to argue that historical Buddhism is either without ethico-philosophical
or without religious trends. Over the past century or so, the debate has focused
rather on what Buddhism may have been in its earliest or at least its most essential
manifestations.9 This debate, particularly in its initial stages, is now a bit hard to
follow because proponents on both sides used evidence and arguments now dis-
credited, and because of the occasionally outlandish extremes to which they were
prone to carry their points.10 Nevertheless, although the debate no longer occupies
center stage in the study of Buddhism, it does continue and remains important in
setting the parameters of the discussion of the character of Buddhism as a tradi-
tion.11 This study, given the subject matter of the Buddhist saints as well as my
own interests and training, focuses on the more religious dimensions of Indian
Buddhism. Nevertheless, as will be seen, the question of the religious versus the
ethico-philosophical nature of Indian Buddhism is more fruitfully discussed when
it is not framed as a set of either/or alternatives but rather explored as the complex
dialectic of two trends.
8 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
This study also raises the related question of the kind of evidence that is most
useful in attempting to understand Indian Buddhism. In his magnum opus, Boro-
budur (1935), Paul Mus suggests that the type of evidence one chooses to examine
significantly affects the conclusions one reaches about Buddhism. In this regard,
Mus criticizes the prevailing buddhological emphasis on explicit philosophical evi-
dence and the resultant view of Buddhism as essentially philosophical. Mus points
out that philosophy is a specialized domain of Indian Buddhism. It is, in fact, far
more incidental to historical Buddhism than has been recognized and does not
reflect the actual priorities of the Indian tradition, wherein visual art, hagiography,
and ritual, expressed largely in the idiom of symbolism,12 tend to be more central
and definitive.13 For Mus, it is such concrete expressions, reflecting the exigencies
of Buddhist religious life, that are primary. They, in turn, give birth to the rela-
tively ancillary phenomena of the variety of highly refined and sophisticated con-
ceptual abstractions that make up scholastic tradition.14 According to Mus, if one
wants to understand Buddhist philosophy, one may follow modern buddhology
and study philosophical texts. But if one wants to understand Buddhism as a
whole, one must take a different and much more comprehensive view of the evi-
dence of the tradition.
Mus, in his search for Indian Buddhism, took the Buddhist monument of the
stupa (P., thupd) as his focus and his organizing principle. The present study, in
its attempt to understand Indian Buddhism, takes the Buddhist saints as its central
cipher. In addition, it follows in the Musian legacy by examining a kind of evi-
dence that, like the stupa, is not essentially philosophical (although like the stupa
it certainly has profound and far-reaching philosophical implications)—namely,
Buddhist hagiography, as found in independent texts, sections of texts, and the
background particularly of much historical writing and discussions of discipline
(e.g., the vinayd). As in the case of the stupa prior to Mus, hagiography has
generally been considered by modern buddhology to be of secondary importance,
particularly when compared with more scholastic texts.15 Yet hagiography is par-
ticularly interesting and revealing because here one finds a Buddhism that is alive
and in evolution, and also relatively unself-conscious. The more scholastic Bud-
dhist texts typically argue for certain views of doctrine, discipline, or history.
Such concerns are not entirely absent from hagiography, but in hagiography one
more often finds Buddhists disclosing their deep-seated beliefs and values.16 In
addition, as Migot has pointed out,17 successive generations of learned compilers
and editors have tended to tamper less with hagiography than with other genres of
texts,18 and thus it can often provide particularly effective access to early patterns
of Buddhist experience and understanding.19
This study raises another, related question, that of the relation of Buddhism to
its non-Buddhist, Indian religious environment. In earlier buddhology, there was
a lively debate between those who held that the Buddha definitively separated
himself from his Hindu religious context20 and those who held that the Buddha
and his teachings are best understood as expressions of that Hindu world.21 Mod-
ern buddhology, perhaps influenced by the preferences of Buddhist tradition itself,
has tended to prefer the first of these two alternatives, sometimes even taking it
as axiomatic that Indian Buddhism must in some essential and fundamental way
Introduction 9
be different from its non-Buddhist context. It is significant that this position is not
independent of the view one takes of the basic character of Buddhism and of the
evidence most definitive of the tradition. The view of Buddhism as distinct from
its environment is closely linked with the assumption that real Buddhism is given
in its philosophical expressions (here Buddhism argues strenuously for its separate
identity) and that its more purely religious dimensions are epiphenomenal, perhaps
even non-Buddhist (here Buddhism participates freely and without complaint in
pan-Indian patterns of religiosity). In fact, as we shall see, a preference for philo-
sophical evidence tends to bring to light and emphasize differences among the
different Buddhist orientations and, even more starkly, Buddhism's disjunction
from the non-Buddhist schools, both orthodox and nonorthodox. By way of con-
trast, examining the kinds of evidence more closely reflecting the religious life as
lived (myths, symbols, and rituals) tends to bring to light continuities not only
among the various Buddhist schools but also among the Buddhist and non-
Buddhist religious worlds.
Finally, this study considers the question of whether anything can be known
about the teaching of the Buddha or the earliest Buddhist community. In the early
days of Buddhist studies, there was the hope, sometimes even the presumption,
that something definitive could in fact be known about Buddhist origins. In this
fascinating chapter of Western intellectual history, scholars, with a remarkable
engagement and fervor, developed a variety of often quite different and even dra-
matically opposed reconstructions of this hypothesized "original Buddhism." The
variety of reconstructions itself reflects just how uncertain and unstable is the
evidence of earliest Buddhism. In the past half century or so, particularly with the
increasing recognition of the complex history of the early communities and texts,
it has come to be widely agreed that nothing definitive can be known about the
Buddha himself or the Buddhism he founded.
In what follows, I certainly have no intention of disputing this well-founded
scepticism, at least with respect to what can be known in the way of historical
details of Sakyamuni Buddha's person and life or the specific teachings and prac-
tices that he taught. At the same time, however, I find that the current agnosticism
concerning Buddhism's early days is unnecessarily extreme. I shall in fact suggest
that through a recasting of the question, a way may be opened for a search, not
for specific biographical traits or doctrines, but rather for the general character and
shape of the early tradition and community. The evidence leads to a reasonable
reconstruction, and this in turn permits some informative questions to be asked
and some provocative hypotheses to be developed.
The questions mentioned here—whether Indian Buddhism is essentially ethico-
philosophical or religious, what kind of evidence should be used to understand it,
whether the tradition is best seen as a separation from or continuation of its non-
Buddhist environment, and what may have constituted the earliest tradition—are
as large and provocative as the field of Buddhist studies itself. In this work, I
propose a variety of perspectives on these questions and sometimes suggest some
possible answers. At the same time, it must be admitted that it is probably the
questions themselves rather than any possible answers to them that, in the final
analysis, reveal the most about Indian Buddhism. It may also be that in the two
10 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Notes
1. This introduction contains a general orientation to this study in the main body of
the text and a discussion of bibliographic and other more technical matters in the notes.
2. That is, the sects (nikaya) of the "eighteen schools," what is usually but infelici-
tously termed "pre-Mahayana" (there is uncertainty as to when the Mahayana originated
and what, within these schools, historically precedes the Mahayana) or "Hlnayana Bud-
dhism" (a term of Mahayanist deprecation, at best referring to a very limited number of
phenomena within the historical Nikaya schools).
3. As we shall see, each of these types in turn has its subtypes. For example, buddhas
include not only Sakyamuni Buddha but also buddhas of the past and future and, in the
Mahayana, celestial buddhas presently presiding over different buddha fields (buddhakse-
tra) throughout space. The pratyekabuddhas, or "solitary buddhas," are found, according
to tradition, as one or the other of two major subtypes, living alone or in groups. To the
type of the arhant belong saints of two, three, five, or more subtypes. The bodhisattvas
likewise include beings of different sorts: those who are human and those who have tran-
scended the human sphere; those who live in cities, those who live in forests, and monas-
tics. And the siddhas also include a variety of types of Tantric saint, including wandering
yogins, monks, and laypeople.
4. The intention behind this study is to identify what Joachim Wach defined as "ideal
types"(see 1951)—in the present context, the Buddhist saint or one of the subtypes (bud-
dha, pratyekabuddha, etc.). These forms are not inert phenomena but rather formulations
of identity that were, presumably, taken on by certain people and, at the same time, ex-
perienced and understood as such by ancient Indian society.
One may seek ideal types on a potentially infinite number of levels of generality. For
example, this study seeks, on the most general level, the ideal type of the Buddhist saint,
more specifically of buddhas, pratyekabuddhas, arhants, and bodhisattvas, and more spe-
cifically still, of subcategories of these types of saint. Any given ideal type, such as those
dealt with here, are arrived at through a dialectical interaction of three levels of analysis.
First, one identifies and analyzes the various images of the saint in question in the texts.
Second, one seeks to interpret the significance of what one finds. Third, one attempts to
arrive at a valid picture of the saint, focusing on that inner logic and meaning that defines
the saint as a type.
a. From an examination of the evidence one compiles an inventory of elements of the saint, a
kind of statistical picture detailing the features that are contained by all, most, some, or only a few
saints of the type one is seeking. This picture reveals no more than how the texts explicitly represent
the type.
b. In the second level of analysis, one attempts to put together the various images of the type
into a coherent picture. This level requires arriving at an understanding of the significance of the
Introduction 11
members of the inventory of images. At this level, one must address the question of the impact of the
history and viewpoint of the original hagiographers and their communities, as well as of the successive
generations of hagiographers and communities, upon the content of the text. At this level, one needs
to pay special attention to questions arising from the appearance of discrepancies and contradictions in
one's inventory, both within one text and across the lines of traditions. To what extent are discrepan-
cies within one text or among several texts due to basic differences in the understanding of the type
and to what extent are they due to more external factors of the text's history?
c. Finally, one attempts to arrive at a valid picture of the Buddhist saint. The saint is an ideal
with a particular inherent logic and meaning, which can be seen both by devotees and detractors as
well as by more removed observers such as ourselves. Those in the communities and contexts behind
the texts about the saint have some idea—though not necessarily always the same one—of what a saint
is and what it means to be one. It is an understanding of this ideal, as it makes sense to ancient
Indians, that we seek.
Wach observed that, in seeking the ideal type, one sometimes finds a difference be-
tween the statistical appearance of the type in the evidence and the ideal type to which one
finally conies in one's analysis. Most often, it will turn out that the essential character and
meaning of a given type of saint is revealed by those images of the saint that are most
frequent. However, sometimes the statistically infrequent example throws into bold relief
some essential element of the structure of the ideal type, thus shedding light on the coher-
ence of the type as a whole.
5. Oldenberg 1934, 156-57, quoted by Migot 1954, 409. Migot adds, "what is strik-
ing is [the saints'] lack of personality; each one is stereotypical . . . [and] depersonalized"
(1954, 409).
6. The focus on the general means that the treatment of the specific classes of saints
or the individual saints will need to be strictly selective. There are, of course, often marked
differences among various textual expressions of any type of saint, and in what follows
many of these will be noted. However, it will be argued, such differences presuppose and
occur within fidelity to the overall type and subtypes of the "Buddhist saint." Moreover,
at this stage of our understanding of the saints, concern for the specificity of the saints
appropriately defers to a concern for what is generally the case. In spite of what is lost
through such an approach, much is to be gained, for it enables us to identify, among the
saints, broad and distinctive patterns within Indian Buddhist history, to examine some of
their variations, and to begin to develop some hypotheses about their impacts on the history
of Indian Buddhism.
7. The following bibliographic summary is no more than selective and representative
and also leaves aside the Tantric saints. Specific page references are provided in the follow-
ing chapters and so are not included here. For additional references, see the following
chapters. If one deems Sakyamuni himself to be a Buddhist saint (for some researchers, as
we shall see, Buddha Sakyamuni must in some important respects be excluded from the
idea of a Buddhist saint), one must initially mention the examination of Buddha Sakyamuni
that, taking its lead from the late-nineteenth-century quest for the historical Jesus, is re-
flected in ever more accurate translations of key texts (e.g., T. W. Rhys Davids 1880;
Rockhill 1884; Foucaux 1884-92; Johnston 1936, 1937; Jones 1949-56); and increasingly
detailed and sophisticated secondary studies (e.g., Oldenberg 1881; Senart 1882; Thomas
1927; Foucher 1949; Lamotte 1947-48; Bareau 1963, 1970-71, 1975, 1979, etc.). Beyond
this, beginning toward the end of the nineteenth century, one finds an initial though small
trickle of interest in the other saints. This is exemplified first in the editing of a number of
texts containing accounts of Buddhist saints (see the "Texts" section of the bibliography
for examples); second, in the translations of several works giving evidence of the Buddhist
saints (e.g., Cowell 1895-1913; Walters 1904-5; Beal 1869, 1884; Peer 1891; C.A.F.
Rhys Davids 1909, 1913; Chavannes 1910-35; third, in the historical works of buddholo-
12 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
gists that refer in their course to the saints (e.g., Burnouf, La Vallee Poussin, Przyluski,
etc.); and fourth, in the works of a few scholars who have explicitly devoted attention to
specific topics connected with the Buddhist saints (e.g., Peer 1881; Kumagusu 1899; Maung
Kin 1903; Duroiselle 1904). Nevertheless, these early studies generally remained isolated
notices, largely unappreciated and peripheral to the major direction of buddhology as a
whole.
During the past three-quarters of a century or so, the Buddhist saints have continued to
be the subject of some attention, in text editions, translations, sections of books, dictionar-
ies and encyclopedias, articles, and, lately, a few monographs focusing on the saints. Dur-
ing this period a considerable range of areas and topics within the field of the Buddhist
saints has engaged the attention of scholars, as indicated by the following summary.
a. Introductory surveys of saints and sainthood in Buddhism (e.g., Schmidt 1947; Lamotte 1958,
765-75; Bareau 1972; Spae 1979).
b. General discussions of saints in early Buddhism (e.g., Schayer 1935; Falk 1943; Lamotte 1958).
c. The translation of texts particularly pertinent to the Buddhist saints (e.g., Burlingame 1921;
Przyluski 1923; Horner 1938-66; Jones 1949-56; Hofinger 1954; Ensink 1952; Lamotte 1962; Ehara,
Soma Thera, and Kheminda Thera 1961; Norman 1969, 1971).
d. Specific saints (e.g., Buddha [as above in this note]; Sariputra [Migot 1954; Nyanaponika 1966];
Gavampati [Przyluski 1926-28; Levy 1957; Bareau 1958]; Pindolabharadvaja [Strong 1979]; Upagupta
[Strong 1992]; Devadatta [Mukherjee 1966; Bareau 1988-89]; Nagarjuna [Walleser 1922; Jan 1970]).
Lamotte, in 1944-80 and, to a lesser extent, 1962, mentions a number of Buddhist saints and typically
offers a wealth of bibliographical and other information on them. Couture (1988, 33) has provided a
useful list of references to Lamotte's discussion of thirty-four of the more important of these saints.
Material in Lamotte's two works particularly relevant to the present study is cited in subsequent chap-
ters.
e. Groups of saints (e.g., Levi and Chavannes 1916; De Visser 1922-23; Bareau 1959].
f. Dogmatic and scholastic conceptions of the different types of "pre-Tantric" saints, including
buddhas (e.g., Vogel 1954; Gombrich 1980; Harvey 1983); pratyekabuddhas (e.g., La Vallee Poussin
1908-27; Kloppenborg 1974; Norman 1983; Wiltshire 1990); artiants (e.g., Horner 1936; Bareau 1957;
Katz 1980; Bond 1984); and bodhisattvas (e.g., Dayal 1932; Gomez 1977; Basham 1981).
g. Specific codes and traditions reflective of the Buddhist saints (e.g., Bapat 1937a, 1937b, 1964;
Filliozat 1963; Khantipalo 1965; Jaini 1970; Keyes 1982; Carrithers 1983; Tambiah 1984).
h. Symbolism of Buddhist saints (e.g., Mus 1935; Bareau 1969).
i. Cults of living saints (e.g., Keyes 1982; Carrithers 1983; Tambiah 1984).
j. Cults of saints "passed beyond" in stupas, images, etc. (e.g., Combaz 1932-36; Mus 1935;
Benisti 1960; Bareau 1962, 1974, 1975, 1980, etc.; Dallapiccola 1980).
k. The nature of Buddhist hagiography as such (e.g., Bareau 1963 and 1970-71; Tambiah 1984;
Migot 1954).
1. Buddhist saints as actors within the sociological world of Buddhism, as identified by anthropol-
ogists (e.g., Carrithers 1983; Tambiah 1984; Bunnag 1973).
m. Bibliographical works, including summaries of primary literature on the saints as well as sec-
ondary studies (e.g., Lamotte 1944-80; Reynolds 1981, 260-93; Couture 1988).
defining the Buddha's teaching and the essence of Buddhism. Trends in the interpretation
of Buddhism as a religion have included notions that, from the earliest times, the master
himself was seen as an embodiment of ultimate reality, endowed with a supernatural and
mythical character, who possessed magical and miraculous powers, elicited the fervent
devotion and cultic response of his disciples, and taught others the same mystical goal that
he himself embodied (Welbon 1968, 194-295).
10. For example, those favoring the ethico-philosophical character of Buddhism some-
times affirmed also its nihilism. Stcherbatsky, for example, speaks of the final Buddhist
attainment as "a blank" (1923, 50). Those holding for the religious character of Buddhism
have sometimes fallen prey to essentialism. C.A.F. Rhys Davids, for example, felt that the
Buddha originally taught an atman ("eternal self) doctrine and in this respect did not
differ from his Hindu environment (see Murti's discussion [1960, 20ff.]).
11. In more recent times, for example, variants of the ethico-philosophical interpreta-
tion have been advanced by scholars such as Lamotte (e.g., 1958, 708 and 712-73) and
Bareau (e.g., 1980), while versions of the religious interpretation have been put forward
by scholars such as Mus (e.g., 1935) and Snellgrove (e.g., 1973). It is intriguing that the
final reading given Buddhism by proponents on either side of the issue has not changed
very much in the interim.
12. Mus developed a sophisticated description of the dynamics of religious symbolism,
dealing with the genesis of symbols; their development, elaboration, devaluation, fragmen-
tation into parts; assimilation to or combination with other symbols; retention, alteration,
or inversion of meaning; and so on (see Victoria Urubshurow's useful summary, 1988). As
we shall see, an appreciation of dynamics such as these is essential to a proper understand-
ing of the Buddhist saints.
13. Schopen points out that although nontextual (archaeological) and textual evidence
of Buddhism has presented itself from the beginning of Buddhist studies, Western bud-
dhology has exhibited "an overriding textual orientation" (1991, 4), which Schopen finds
in buddhology early (e.g., Burnouf) and contemporary (e.g., de Jong). Schopen points out
that texts—and, moreover, the kind of texts favored by buddhologists—tend to articulate
abstract ideals rather than concrete religious practices. They show "what a small atypical
part of the Buddhist community wanted that community to believe or practice" (3). Unfor-
tunately, however, buddhology has tended to take these abstract ideals as if they reflected
actual practice. The end result has been that the overriding textual orientation of Western
buddhology has led to a picture of Buddhism that has no reliable relation to actual Buddhist
practice (see Schopen 1991).
14. Mus argues that Buddhism is more—and more essentially—a praxis than a philo-
sophical enterprise. This suggests that those phenomena standing closest to praxis—sym-
bolism and ritual as they are expressed in art and legend (or hagiography)—are extremely
valuable indicators of Buddhism as such. Mus cites Foucher's comment that at a certain
point in Indian Buddhist history, the thinkers and the sculptors parted ways, with the sculp-
tors moving ahead of the thinkers. Then Mus remarks, "In reality, it is the collective
imagination and cultic practice that anticipate the creation of theoretical forms. And art and
legend have but the benefit of reflecting more immediately this natural process" (1935,
1:70).
15. Although Mus's preferred form of evidence is iconography, he frequently mentions
the intimate relation of iconography and hagiography and the close proximity of both to the
religious life of noninstitutionalized Buddhism in India (e.g., 1935, 1:72).
16. See Hofinger's remarks in his Le Congres du Lac Anavatapta (1954, 15-23). Hof-
inger's characterization of the character and contents of the Sthaviravadana applies well to
Buddhist hagiography as a genre.
14 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
17. See Migot's comments (1954, 533). While in the saints we cannot always be con-
fident of encountering historical individuals, at least in our modern Western sense of the
term, we do meet with another type of historical individuality, namely, that of traditions,
movements, and trends. The Buddhist saints have become noteworthy to Buddhist authors
because they exhibit in their lives and characters the personalities of specific Indian Bud-
dhist aspirations, ideas, and communities. As Migot observed four decades ago, "This
particular character of [saintly] persons, though inconvenient for the writing of personal
biographies, is perhaps an advantage if one wishes . . . to seek behind the 'type' the
tendency of the group which he represents and the place of this group in the history of
Buddhist doctrines and sects" (1954, 409). As we shall see, the Buddhist saints can be-
come invaluably revealing lenses through which various broad patterns of Indian Buddhist
life may be viewed.
18. Migot notes that the hagiography of the Buddha provides an exception to this rule.
There are other important exceptions, a number of which will be noted in the discussion of
individual saints.
19. It should be noted that the written evidence of Buddhism is notoriously difficult to
date with any precision. Manuscripts can, of course, be dated, but this does not tell us
when a given text was written down for the first time nor when it may have been first
assembled as a discrete (perhaps oral) entity. More important, it does not tell us when the
different sections of the text or the material contained therein originated. The texts and
portions of texts that concern themselves with saints add special difficulties to the dating
process because, as we shall see, although Buddhist texts not infrequently contain hagio-
graphical material, this is often presupposed by the text as its assumed background. This
background is generally very hard to place or date. For the immediate goals of this study,
fortunately, a close dating of material within texts or of texts themselves is not a primary
desideratum, since what is sought here is a pattern, some of its exemplifications, and its
implications. At the same time, the distinguishing of types and subtypes of saints some-
times brings to light developmental trends among the saints, and these in turn can suggest
significant temporal patterns and sequences.
20. E.g., Oldenberg, T. W. Rhys Davids.
21. E.g., La Vallee Poussin (1927, 259), C.A.F. Rhys Davids, Senart (1882, 255),
Schayer.
1
The Buddhist Saints
and the Two-Tiered Model
of Buddhism
The relative lack of scholarly attention given to the Buddhist saints cannot be
explained by an absence of data, for these figures are many and are documented
throughout Indian Buddhist history. The primary reason for this neglect, it seems,
has to do with a prevailing interpretation given to these figures and, more funda-
mentally, of Buddhism itself, an interpretation referred to in this study as the
"two-tiered model of Buddhism."1 Any discussion of the Buddhist saints must
be preceded by the identification of this model and an assessment of its impact on
any attempt to understand the saints.
Buddhist Tradition
Modern scholarship typically understands Buddhism itself to articulate and pro-
mote a particular norm or ideal, the two-tiered model of Buddhism. This ideal,
though derived chiefly from Theravadin evidence, is thought to have general ap-
plicability to Indian Buddhism.2 Although primarily defining the structure of Bud-
dhist community, the two-tiered model is, as we shall see, much more than that
and in fact offers an all-inclusive interpretation of Buddhism as such, in its various
dimensions. As defined in various important texts, this ideal takes shape as a
structure composed up of two normative lifestyles, that of the monk (bhiksu) oc-
cupying the upper tier and that of the layperson (Skt. and P., updsaka [m.], upd-
sikd [f.]) occupying the lower.3 Both of these lifestyles, we are told, were insti-
tuted by the Buddha himself and have provided the primary elements of the Buddhist
community throughout its Indian history.4
The monk follows the highest teachings of the Buddha, having renounced the
world and directed his activity toward the gaining of nirvana (P., nibbdnd).5 To
achieve this aim, he engages in two important pursuits: the cultivation of pure
15
16 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
behavior through adherence to the vinaya and the study of texts—in the Therava-
din formulation, the development of scriptural expertise (P., pariyatti), sometimes
known as the "vocation of texts and scholarship" (P., ganthadhura).6 As a result
of these two preoccupations of cultivating behavioral purity and studying texts,7
the monk becomes endowed with innumerable virtues and is a worthy object of
veneration and donations.
The first major preoccupation of the monk has traditionally been the cultiva-
tion of slla (P., slid) (behavioral purity). Although intentionality plays an impor-
tant role in Buddhist ethics (Gombrich 1984b, 91; Sadatissa 1970, 7-8 and pas-
sim), in the case of the monk, slla is defined primarily as compliance with external,
behavioral criteria. As Gombrich remarks, for the Buddhist monks, "slla here
refers to conduct becoming to the role of a monk; in a word, decorum" (emphasis
in original; 1984, 94).8 The exact requirements of this monastic etiquette are given
in the vinaya, which outlines behavioral norms for both individuals and the com-
munity of monks as a whole. The prdtimoksa (P., pdtimokkhd) (and its elaboration
in the Sutravibhanga [P., Suttavibhanga]) articulates a code of 218 or more rules
to be followed by each monk (or nun),9 and the Karmavdcand (P., Kammavdca)
(and its elaboration in the Skandhaka [P., Khandhaka]} establishes the structures
and procedures governing communal life.10 The vinaya stands at the center of
monastic life, not only because it provides the rules for individual and collective
action, but also because it serves to guarantee the behavioral purity of the monks.
The posadha (P., uposathd) ritual performed fortnightly at monasteries, at which
the prdtimoksa is recited, for example, certifies compliance with the prdtimoksa
by each member of the community and thus the sanctity of the monastic samgha
as a whole.
The monk's behavioral purity is, in turn, a central component in his relation-
ship with the laity. The immediate goal of lay Buddhists is not nirvana, but rather
the accumulation of merit (punya), by which they aspire to happiness in this life
and a good rebirth in the hereafter. Lay Buddhists gain merit through good ac-
tions, and central among these is the making of donations to the monastic samgha
(Bunnag 1973, 30). However, the degree of merit gained by donations is depen-
dent upon the level of sanctity of the recipient (Lamotte 1958, 79-80; Conze
1980, 39). The more blameless the behavior of the monk to whom donations are
made, the more merit gained by the donor.11 Thus it is a matter of considerable
concern among the laity that the recipients of their donations be paragons of vir-
tue, again understood as complying with the regulations of the prdtimoksa and
larger vinaya. Weber saw this quite clearly in remarking that "the fellowship
[monastic samgha] appears above all to have served the concerns of status deco-
rum, of the monks' deportment lest their charisma be compromised in the eyes of
the worldly" (1958, 214). Levy similarly observes in reference to contemporary
Buddhism in Southeast Asia, "you have to have seen the jealous and suspicious
surveillance which the parishioners keep over their bonzes, in order to understand
the personal importance that they attach to the good conduct of the latter" (1968,
100). This "surveillance" undoubtedly put considerable pressure on the monks to
excel in their observance of the prdtimoksa for, as Bunnag observes, "the man
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 17
who earns the disapproval of the laity may well forfeit their continuing material
support" (1973, 31).
The second major preoccupation of Buddhist monks, study of the scriptures,
has involved the memorization, preservation, and study of those texts (first oral,
later written) most important to the various monastic traditions.12 That such schol-
arship has been not only a central monastic preoccupation but also an essential
and defining feature of the monastic type of Buddhism was again clearly seen by
Weber (1958, 206-7). Lamotte has pointed out the extent to which, from the
monastic viewpoint, the study and correct understanding of the textual tradition is
a sine qua non of authentic Buddhism (1949, 345-46).13
Just as the behavioral purity of the monks was of importance for the laity, so
was their textual learning. The monks were to memorize, preserve, and study the
texts not only to edify themselves and to maintain the integrity of established
Buddhism, but also to act as reliable transmitters of the Buddhist teachings to the
laity. In fulfillment of this latter purpose, the monks were thus teachers to the
laity, instructing them in the authentic dharma and acting as vehicles through
which the sacred power of the dharma became available to them. The monk who
was learned thus counted for much in the eyes of the laity.14 So it was that the
worthiness of the monk as a recipient of donations was bound up with one or the
other, or both, of these two preoccupations of cultivating pure behavior and study-
ing texts.
The preceding discussion raises an important question: to what extent can these
two preoccupations be seen to characterize not only Theravadin monasticism, in
which it is most clearly present, but also the Indian Buddhist situation as such?
Although this question will be explored in more detail below, a few examples
may be cited to suggest that the behavioral and scholastic ideals of Theravadin
monasticism do indeed have applicability to Indian Buddhist monasticism in gen-
eral. Let us consider the revealing fact that, when monastic Buddhists wished to
criticize other Buddhist monks, it was typically for deficiencies in these two areas.
For example, in one version of the Nikaya Mahdparinirvdna Sutra (P., Mahdpari-
nibbdna Sutta), preserved in Chinese, certain bhiksus are castigated for not ob-
serving the precepts and not delighting in the texts (Bareau 1970-71, 1:238).
Similarly, when Hsiian-tsang wants to criticize a certain monastery in northwest
India, he remarks that its members are "very defective in their observance of the
rules of their Order" and are "without definite learning" (Walters 1904-5, 1:240;
see also 2:73-74). And when the Mahayana Buddhist monk Santideva is threat-
ened with explusion from his monastery, the reasons given are his behavioral
laxity (he eats five bowls of rice a day) and his unwillingness (or inability) to
participate in textual study and debate (Csp 143-45 [Rb., 146-47]).
There is another preoccupation of the ideal monk that, although appearing in
the texts, is less commonly found among the past and present priorities of main-
line Theravadin monasticism (and other forms of Nikaya monasticism)—namely,
the practice of meditation. The classic texts, in fact, articulate an idealized three-
fold summary of the Buddhist path for monks: pure behavior (sila), meditation
(samddhi), and scholarly learning/insight (prajnd; P., panna)15 (Lamotte 1958,
18 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
46-52). By its very nature, settled monasticism placed more emphasis on slla, as
fulfillment of the vinaya, and prajnd, defined as knowledge based on learning.16
At the same time, it placed considerably less emphasis on samddhi. Thus, al-
though many classical texts—both Buddha-word17 and commentaries18—recom-
mend meditation as a necessary component of the Buddhist path,19 in monastic
tradition, meditation has often remained a primarily theoretical ideal, followed
more in the breach than in the observance (Bunnag 1973, 55-58; Maquet 1980).
Progress in meditation necessitates intensive and sustained practice, and this, in
turn, requires seclusion and absence of distraction. According to the great spokes-
man of monastic Buddhism, Buddhaghosa, the institution of the settled monas-
tery, along with its characteristic environment, tends to inhibit the practice of
meditation owing to its many inhabitants, its noise, the necessary duties of com-
munal life, obligations to the laity, the arrival of visitors, and other interrup-
tions.20 Buddhaghosa indicates further that the preoccupations of the settled mon-
astery, and most particularly the study of texts, also tend to militate against the
practice of meditation21 (Vsm 95-97 [N., 1:96-98]).22
As Buddhist texts reiterate, meditation and realization are indissolubly linked
(for example, Dp 282 [Radhakrishnan 1950, 148]; Nyanaponika 1962, 117): where
meditation ceases to be a priority of the renunciant life, realization tends to fall
away, quickly coming to be considered no more than a theoretical possibility. The
emphasis on slla and textual study in classical Buddhist monasticism, along with
a corresponding deemphasis of meditation, led inevitably to a decline of realiza-
tion as an immediate and practicable goal of settled monastic life and of the Bud-
dhism in which monasticism predominated. As Conze remarks in relation to the
ascendency of nonmeditative concerns in the monastic life of the Theravada, Sar-
vastivada, and the Nikaya schools in general, "the scholars ousted the saints, and
erudition took the place of attainment" (1959, 116).23 As we shall see, the same
is reflected in certain Buddhist lamentations, found in texts of various schools,
that complain that the Buddha's dharma, once one of meditation and realization,
has become a dharma of pure behavior and textual expertise alone. Such a trend
is also visible in the Pali texts where we find evidence that, in Bond's words, the
full realization of "arhantship had become a remote norm fairly early," a trend
that only became more pronounced as time went on. In the Visuddhimagga (late
fourth to early fifth centuries C.E.), for example, it has become virtually unreal-
izable (Bond 1988, 164). In relation to Buddhist monasticism in contemporary
Thailand, Bunnag makes an observation that reflects the same view. After noting
that according to Buddhist theory, only monks can legitimately aspire to nirvana,
she continues:
However, none of the Thai monks to whom I spoke appeared to consider nirvana
a relevant goal for which to strive; those who considered that [it was a relevant
goal] . . . believed that only after billions of years of tireless effort could they
or their contemporaries achieve this state. The majority of monks . . . chose to
rationalize their limited spiritual horizons by saying that only the Buddha and a
few of his disciples had become enlightened, and that this facility was no longer
available. (Bunnag 1973, 19-20)24
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 19
Recent Scholarship
Contemporary scholarship generally accepts the main outlines of the two-tiered
model of Buddhism as articulated in the Theravadin and other evidence and finds
it a useful device for understanding the structure and history of Indian Bud-
dhism.29 Etienne Lamotte, for example, tells us that "one must admit the exis-
tence of two distinct and often opposed Buddhisms: that of the religious and that
of the layfolk" (Lm., 59). In Lamotte's characterization, on the one hand are the
monks, who live in monasteries, adhere to the vinaya, maintain the textual tradi-
tion, and strive for nirvana. On the other are the laity, who worship and serve the
monks, follow basic moral principles, engage in a devotional and cultic Bud-
dhism, and through these activities strive for a better rebirth (for example, 58, 59,
65). The religious life of the laity, in contrast to that of the monks, also includes
worship of ancestral deities and participation in local non-Buddhist religious life.
Lamotte summarizes: "Both offspring of Sakya, the religious and the lay person
represent divergent tendencies which, without conflicting with one another di-
rectly, assert themselves with increasing clarity: on the one hand, the ideal of
renunciation and of personal sanctity and, on the other, the active virtues and
altruistic preoccupations" (59). Particularly important in Lamotte's interpretation
are the differing evaluations given to these two different Buddhisms. The Bud-
dhism of the laity is not the one principally advocated by the master, for the
Buddha reserved his highest esteem strictly for those who entered the monastic
order. The Buddhism of the laity Sakyamuni deems to be inferior and accords it
only a qualified approbation (71-72). In fact, it must be admitted that the Bud-
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 21
dhism of the layperson is "a sort of compromise between the Buddha Dharma
and the superstitions of paganism." This compromise was not without its delete-
rious effects: "This was the principal cause of the reabsorption of Buddhism into
surrounding Hinduism" (75-76).30
Among many other contemporary scholars favoring this two-tiered model of
Buddhism31 is S. Dutt, who emphasizes a theme that will be important later in
this study, namely, the stupa as the special and characteristic concern of the laity.
Originally, Dutt tells us, there were two different and divergent forms of Bud-
dhism, a "popular Buddhism" and a "monkish Buddhism." Monkish Buddhism
emerges directly from the hand of the founder, was practiced by the learned,
scholarly elite, and followed the abhidharma (P., abhidhammd) (Dutt 1957, 144).
Popular Buddhism, on the other hand, cannot be deduced from the doctrines preached
by the Buddha (178), but develops out of "folk-myth and superstition" (166).
Illiterate and expressed in symbol and ritual, its basis is the stupa, a manifestation
of the "crude, bizarre, comical, realistic,—embracing all that folk mind could
conceive in its odd intermixture of folk-lore, superstition, fancy as well as piety"
(176).32
As articulated by modern scholars, Buddhism from its earliest days thus emerges
with a relatively clear and consistent two-tiered structure. On the one hand is the
Buddhism of the founder, the Buddhism of the monks, marked by renunciation of
the world and entry into the monastic samgha, decorous behavior as defined by
compliance with the vinaya, the pursuit of the vocation of texts and scholarship,
and the goal of nirvana. On the other hand is the Buddhism of the laity, charac-
terized by virtuous behavior and generosity toward monastics as well as by partic-
ipation in the cults of the stupa and of local deities. The laity practiced a compro-
mised Buddhism and, in so doing, acted as a kind of buffer between the authentic
Buddhism of the monks and the non-Buddhist environment of larger India. In this
role, for whatever assistance they may provide the monks, the laypeople are al-
ways a potential threat to the maintenance of the purity of the dharma.
Scholars have embraced the two-tiered model of Buddhism not only because
it is found in normative textual tradition. Equally important, this model also pro-
vides a coherent and thorough explanation of the basic structures of Indian Bud-
dhism and is particularly useful in placing a number of phenomena that do not
seem to conform to the notion of a pure, elite, monastic Buddhism. Thus, the
monument of the stupa, so pervasive across the face of India, may be explained
as a product of popular Buddhism. The same is true of the liturgical kind of
Buddhism associated from an early time with the stupa but found elsewhere, such
as in the cult of the Buddha image. In addition, the presence of magical and
miraculous elements in the Buddhism of all periods receives a similar ' 'popular''
explanation (Conze 1959, 175-80). Finally, the existence in early Buddhism of a
"cult of saints" is understood in the same way as a manifestation of popular
Buddhism.
In explanation of this latter, we may again cite Lamotte, who, in the final
chapter of his Histoire, entitled "La religion bouddhique," summarizes the trans-
formation that he sees to have occurred in the Buddha's teaching, largely as the
result of lay pressure, by which Buddhism was transformed from "a philosophi-
22 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
The two-tiered model is also attractive to scholars for its ability to explain
historical transformation. If Buddhism undergoes change, it may be ascribed to
"popular (that is, strictly speaking, non-Buddhist) elements" entering by way of
the laity. A great many changes in Buddhism can be explained in this way, and
Lamotte shows just how universal a principle of historical explanation the two-
tiered model can be when he remarks that "the conflict, not to say rivalry [be-
tween the Buddhism of the monk and that of the laity] conditions the entire history
of Indian Buddhism" (Lm., 59). We have already noted one example of change
explained by the two-tiered model, namely, the "disappearance" of Buddhism
from India around the twelfth century c.E.34 Another frequently cited example is
the rise of Mahay ana Buddhism itself. Lamotte, for instance, says that "the for-
mation of the Mahayana in the heart of the [monastic] community constituted the
triumph of the humanity of the laity over the rigorism of the bhiksu" (59), and
"the arrival of the Mahayana constituted the triumph of lay aspirations" (89).35
Similarly, the rise of Pure Land Buddhism in East Asia is likewise often tied to
the emergence into dominance of trends in Buddhism from the popular sphere, as
is the entire phenomenon of the cult of Maitreya (785). Finally, the origin of
Vajrayana Buddhism is likewise ascribed to lay influences.36
The preceding should suggest that the two-tiered model of Buddhism purports
to provide an all-embracing and sufficient explanation of Buddhist life in whatever
manifestation, where there are only two options available to the would-be Bud-
dhist: to become a monk living in the settled monastery and following the prdti-
moksa or to become a layperson and to follow the lesser path. No other option is
admitted. Further, the two-tiered model has a virtually unlimited field of opera-
tion, something shown in a curious dynamic in the way the model works. Whereas
the monastic ideal is given a relatively clear and careful definition based on certain
normative texts, the lay ideal tends to be defined as whatever does not fit into the
ideal of the monk. In this way, the two-tiered model can function in a manner
that is both all-inclusive and also difficult to challenge: whatever does not corre-
spond to the normative monastic ideal is automatically relegated to the category
of popular Buddhism.37
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 23
structures and procedures (50). In the operation of the earliest community, deci-
sions were arrived at through the Buddha's own response to situations rather than
by reference to preexisting codes and patterns. In this kind of situation, Weber
tells us, "formally concrete judgments are newly created from case to case and
are originally regarded as divine judgments" (51). These judgments are not car-
ried out by administrative organs. "In their place are agents who have been pro-
vided with charismatic authority by their chief or who possess charisma of their
own" (51).
The community of renunciants surrounding the Buddha lived by the relatively
unpredictable means of voluntary gifts obtained by alms-seeking, rather than by
regularized means of economic support (Weber 1968b, 51).40 In this practice,
earliest Buddhism fits with other charismatic movements, which are, at least from
the viewpoint of more rational considerations, an "antieconomic force" (53) and
"foreign to economic considerations" (51). For Weber, the disavowal of predict-
able, regularized economic maintenance as a priority is an essential part of the
Buddha's charisma. His power is not of samsara, and the web of alliances, agree-
ments, and concessions necessary to economic stability are not his concern. In all
these ways, the charismatic authority of the Buddha, as of similar leaders, is
specifically "outside the realm of every-day routine and the profane sphere" (52).
"In this respect, it is sharply opposed both to rational, and particularly bureau-
cratic authority, and to traditional authority. . . . Both rational and traditional
authority are specifically forms of every-day routine control of actions; while the
charismatic type is the direct antithesis of this" (51). According to Weber, for
some time after the Buddha's passing, this form of organization continued, with
the Buddha's disciples functioning as charismatic masters for their disciples, just
as the Buddha had for them.
However, soon a marked change took place within the Buddhist community,
and Buddhist renunciants began to develop modes of organization, operation, and
teaching that were unprecedented in Buddhism up to that point. According to
Weber, this change involved a shift in type of authority, from one based on cha-
risma to one based on tradition, whereby the community came to be managed
primarily through reference to a given set of traditional structures, rules, and pro-
cedures. This change represented, Weber tells us, a fundamental transformation:
charisma, the antithesis of routine, was "routinized." Charisma, "outside the
realm of every-day routine," was converted into tradition, a form of "every-day
routine control of action" (Weber 1968b, 51). Charisma, based on the present and
its perceived spiritual exigencies, gave way to tradition, which takes as its primary
normative reference point the past.
What were the motivations for this kind of shift among the early Buddhists?
With Buddhism as a primary example, Weber points to a number of factors that
are typically involved in such transformations away from charismatic authority in
religions (1968b, 54ff.). For one thing, the followers have an interest in the con-
tinuation of their movement, and they seek to make it something rational, stable,
and reliable. They also tend to develop definitive forms and codified procedures
to preserve what they have received. Thus "they have an interest in continuing
[their movement] in such a way that both from an ideal and a material point of
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 25
view, their own status is put on a stable every-day basis" (54). In so doing, "the
great majority of disciples and followers will in the long run 'make their living'
out of their 'calling' in a material sense" (58-59). Thus it is that "routinization
of charisma also takes the form of the appropriation of powers of control and of
economic advantages by the followers or disciples, and of regulation of the re-
cruitment of these groups" (58). This shift from charismatic authority to tradi-
tional authority, in early Buddhism as in other similar religious movements, also
involves several other factors. The personal charisma of the master as the basis of
recruitment is gone, and now "the followers or disciples . . . set up norms for
recruitment, in particular involving training or tests of eligibility" (58). In addi-
tion, the antieconomic character of the charismatic movement is altered so that it
is "adapted to some form of fiscal organization to provide for the needs of the
group and hence to the economic conditions necessary for raising taxes and con-
tributions" (60). In addition, the distinction between laity and clergy (in the case
of Buddhism, the monastic) becomes important: "When a charismatic movement
develops in the direction of praebendal provision, the 'laity' become differentiated
from the 'clergy'; that is, the participating members of the charismatic administra-
tive staff which has now become routinized." "This process," Weber points out,
"is very conspicuous in Buddhism" (60).41
Particularly important in the shift from charismatic to routinized authority is
the development of an administrative structure. This structure, in monastic Bud-
dhism, possesses some of the characteristics of Weber's "bureaucracy." It im-
plies a fixed jurisdictional area, namely, the community of monks42 living in the
monastery, which is "ordered by rules, laws or administrative regulations" (We-
ber 1968c, 66-67). It also implies an official hierarchy based on a "firmly ordered
system of super- and subordination" (67) and a staff, possessing technical train-
ing, to manage the institution. Written documents (or, in the early Buddhist case,
memorized texts) play a central role, in turn implying a system of scribes (or
specialists in memorization) and scholars to transmit and interpret them. Finally,
such an administration "follows general rules which are more or less stable, more
or less exhaustive, and which can be learned. Knowledge of these rules represents
a special technical learning which the officials possess" (69). Although, as we
shall see, Weber's analysis needs correction on several important points, his ac-
count of early Buddhist history is important in suggesting something of the fun-
damental and far-reaching nature of the transformation that led from the earliest,
wandering form of the Buddhist community to classical Buddhist monasticism.43
Further insight into the shift in early Buddhism from an originally wandering
to a primarily settled, monastic form of community has been provided by scholars
studying the early vinaya. Erich Frauwallner, for example, has attempted to iden-
tify the earliest textual expression of monastic Buddhism, the Old Skandhaka,
which he has reconstructed from surviving vinayas of the various traditions and
from other related early sources (1956). Basing his work partly on that of Louis
Finot, Frauwallner believes that he has been able to reconstruct an original work,
standing at the very beginnings of Buddhist literature and providing the earliest
evidence of Buddhist monasticism.44 According to Frauwallner, the Old Skan-
dhaka was a vinaya work, created by earliest monastic tradition before it under-
26 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
went division into different schools. The later monastic schools preserved different
portions of the Old Skandhaka in their vinayas and other texts, and it is from
these remains, Frauwallner says, that the parent document can be reconstructed.
According to Frauwallner, "the core of the work [the original Old Skandhaka]
[was] the exposition of the Buddhist monastic rules." This urtext was, however,
considerably more inclusive than the classical vinayas of the Nikaya schools. Around
an essential core of monastic rules, it contained a life of the Buddha, including
the earliest version of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra and a history of the early com-
munities. In this material, which Frauwallner dates to the fourth century B.c.E.,45
one finds a relatively clear and consistent expression of settled monasticism, as it
was just then in the process of consolidation. The "text" and the "author" hy-
pothesized by Frauwallner represent a grand justification of monastic Buddhism,
in which an overview of Buddhist history is presented, with the character and
legitimacy of the monastic institution providing the central raison d'etre of the
work. Thus the Old Skandhaka is at once an expression of classical monasticism
in its formative stages and a major force in the process of consolidation.
In Frauwallner's Old Skandhaka, we can see in the settled monasticism of the
fourth century B.C.E. a very different kind of Buddhism from that of the original
wandering community. For one thing, Buddhism is clearly departing from the
original peripatetic ideal, and the Old Skandhaka views the settled monastery as
the norm. The monastery is, moreover, a complex institution, with provision for
various bureaucratic functions, including administrative positions responsible for
the distribution of clothes, food, and medicine; for the assignment of sleeping
places to newcomers; and for the allotment of the works and duties necessary to
ongoing monastic life.46 The Old Skandhaka is not only articulating but also jus-
tifying its brand of Buddhism. In the fourth century B.C.E. the developing insti-
tution of settled monasticism represented an innovation that needed to legitimize
itself vis a vis the older and more traditional Buddhist (and non-Buddhist) renun-
ciant style of homeless wandering. This must have been no easy task, and the
survival and success of those early monks would have been inseparably bound up
with their ability to articulate effectively the normativity of their tradition. In this
process, the Old Skandhaka had a crucial role to play by presenting an interpre-
tation of Buddhist history in which its own kind of Buddhism is seen not only as
authentic but as the one originally intended by the founder and the measure against
which other forms are to be judged.
In the Old Skandhaka, we thus find settled monasticism in the very midst of a
conversation with the older, wandering form, which it wants partly to ignore,
partly to refute, and partly to subordinate to its own kind of Buddhism. Against
the ideal of wandering mendicancy, the Old Skandhaka manages to insist on the
normativity of its own settled monastic form in two ways. First, it accepts in
principle the major forms of the earlier wandering ideal but then adds so many
exceptions that it emasculates the ideal. Second, through its various perspectives
and regulations, it goes one step further and makes the wandering life no longer
possible, at least for those following the (now) normative life of settled monasti-
cism.47 These perspectives and regulations are illustrated by the new role played
by the ancient ideal of the so-called four nisrayas (P., nissayd)—to take only food
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 27
given as alms, to wear only rags, to live only under trees, and to employ as
medicine only the urine of oxen—which defined a normative style of life for
wandering Buddhist renunciants in earlier times (Frauwallner 1956, 74). In the
Old Skandhaka, the danger is admitted that one may seek entry into the monastic
life out of a desire for a comfortable and secure existence. In the Pali version of
the incident found in the Mahdvagga (V-p 1:57-58 [H., 4:74-75]), a certain brah-
min sees a succession of sumptuous meals arranged for the disciples of the Bud-
dha and, impressed by the fare, joins the order. However, when the succession of
meals concludes and all must wander afresh for alms, the brahmin becomes disen-
chanted and resentful and threatens to leave the order. This is reported to the
Buddha, and, when he confronts the monk, the monk admits he joined the order
for the sake of his belly. In order to hinder such behavior in the future, in Frau-
wallner's words, "the Buddha prescribes that at the ordination the four . . . [ni-
srayas] should be communicated to the applicant. . . . This communication should
be made after the ordination" (1956, 74). This regulation only makes sense if we
suppose that the way of life described by the four nisrayas does not have norma-
tive force for the monks of the Old Skandhaka.4* To be sure, renunciant life
outside of the monastery is not excluded by the Old Skandhaka. For example,
monks living in the forest are mentioned, but now they appear as an exception
(58). In addition, they are under the authority of the vinaya, and rules are given
for the monastic regulation of their behavior (124-25).
The Old Skandhaka moves away from the ancient wandering life in other ways
as well. Those who belong to a specific monastic group or samgha are strictly
differentiated from those who do not,49 and these latter are forbidden to take part
in official acts of the samgha or in the communally central event of the posadha
service (Frauwallner 1956, 38). In addition, the posadha is not only a privilege
of all monks but a duty, and no monk shall avoid this gathering (79). Thus, "the
Buddha . . . prescribes that a community procedure should settle the limits of the
common dwelling zone, inside which all monks must come to the same confession
ceremony"5® (80; emphasis added). Furthermore, a monk is forbidden to go to a
monastery that has no monks except in sufficient numbers to perform the posadha
(39). In these and other ways, then, the Old Skandhaka promotes an ideal that
excludes those who would follow the ancient Buddhist ideal of unrestricted wan-
dering.
There is another way in which the Old Skandhaka appears to depart from the
earlier wandering ideal—namely, in its devaluation of meditation. In many early
texts, meditation in the forest is presented as a central value and concomitant of
the wandering life. The Old Skandhaka does not encourage the life of meditation
and instead puts forward as priorities settled monastic values, including the behav-
ioral purity of monk and monastic community (Frauwallner 1956, 80) and, by
implication, the proper maintenance of textual tradition (see later in this chapter
and Chapter 11). A possible instance of the Old Skandhaka's devaluation of med-
itation is provided in the Mahdvagga in its explanation of the inception of the
pravdrand (P., pavdrana), or ceremony at the end of the rains retreat. In the
passage in question, we are told that a certain group of monks decided to pass
their rains retreat in complete silence. This, of course, is harmonious with a med-
28 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
itative preoccupation during the three months; as we shall see, the practice of
"holy silence" sometimes accompanies other practices carried out by Buddhists
engaging in intensive meditation. In the Mahdvagga, however, the reason given
for this silence is that the renunciants in question wished to avoid conflicts with
one another. The Buddha, disapproving of this kind of behavior, instituted the
pravdrand, wherein monks asked pardon of each other in public. Thus the Buddha
provided a way to maintain harmony that, in effect, criticizes and does away with
the practice of silence during the retreat (Olivelle 1974, 39). Such a development
suggests a communal context in which the practice of silence was no longer felt
to be important and was, in fact, seen as in some way counterproductive to the
community's larger aims.
The Old Skandhaka departs from the earliest Buddhist ideal in another way,
crucial in the present context: it is no longer the charismatic leader who stands at
the center of the tradition, but the routinized monastic institution itself. Thus the
younger monk must have an older monk as teacher, but their relationship is strictly
subordinated to and regulated by the monastic samgha. A monk may not take a
disciple until he has been ordained for ten years, obviously militating in various
ways against the spontaneous relationship of disciple and charismatic teacher
(Frauwallner 1956, 72). Of particular interest, only fully ordained monks of long
standing may be teachers, that is, those who have already established themselves
as reliable representatives of monastic tradition. In addition, under various condi-
tions the disciple may be assigned another teacher, thus denying the unique and
lifelong bond of disciple and master so clearly exemplified in the Buddha's rela-
tion with his own disciples. Thus we read, "subordination under a master shall
last only five years" (73). The occasion for this rule is revealing. The story is
told that one day the Buddha makes a journey but is accompanied only by a few
junior monks because the other monks "do not wish to leave their masters" (72;
emphasis added). Such devotion to one's personal master is seen as blameworthy
by the Buddha as depicted in the Old Skandhaka*1
In the Old Skandhaka, settled monasticism wants to deny the charismatic mas-
ter as the ultimate reference point for the disciple and for the community of ren-
unciants. But what might be its reason for doing so? Here Weber's insights seem
pertinent: the charismatic master, with uncertain loyalty to past ways of doing
things, who embodies the unpredictability of the realized saint, represents a poten-
tial threat to the ordered organization and operation of the monastic institution.52
As Weber remarks, the "community of monks clearly did not wish to permit
either spiritual succession or, in general, the aristocracy of charisma to gain as-
cendency in their midst" (1958, 224). Thus classical monasticism replaced hier-
archy based on spiritual charisma with a hierarchy based on seniority and bureau-
cratic function (224).
In the Old Skandhaka, it is no longer the individual master but rather the
community of monks that has the power to confer full ordination. The texts depict
the Buddha's own disciples as coming to him and receiving bhiksu ordination
from him as an individual teacher and their spiritual master. Subsequently, the
Buddha is shown giving the authority to ordain to his own disciples, such that
they can confer ordination on others (Frauwallner 1956, 73). However, according
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 29
to the Old Skandhaka, a person can no longer take the bhiksu ordination from an
individual monk, for now there must be at least ten fully ordained monks present
for an ordination to be valid. This, in effect, means that an individual monk,
however senior and however realized, is debarred from giving ordination to oth-
ers. In essence, it thus becomes only the collective community of monks that has
the power to confer ordination and so control admission into the order (73). The
shift of authority away from the freely wandering reununciant is complete. Such
a one no longer has the ability to induct a disciple into the full remmciant life, at
least in so far as this is conceived in the vinaya.
We have seen that, according to the two-tiered model, as propounded in the
Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, the laity's kind of Buddhism is regarded as different from
and inferior to that of the monks. However, in the Old Skandhaka, this low esti-
mation casts an interesting shadow in a certain deference, perhaps by way of
compensation, paid by monks to laity. As we shall see, in the early and later texts
dealing with forest renunciation, one is jealous of protecting one's independence
and of maintaining some distance from the laity. In the Old Skandhaka, by con-
trast, there is a tendency for monks to be careful to adapt themselves in so far as
possible to the demands and expectations of the laity. Thus the reason that the
Buddha first orders his disciples to keep the rains retreat is that the laity wish it
(Frauwallner 1956, 82). In the Theravadin vinaya, in fact, we find the Buddha
instituting the prdtimoksa recitation because the layman, King Bimbisara, has asked
him to do so (V-p 1:101-2 [H., 4:130-31]). Further, in the Old Skandhaka, the
monks are told that they should keep the rains retreat in one place. However, a
monk may abandon the retreat to accept an invitation of a layperson to receive
gifts, although he may not be gone more than seven days. The commitment that
a monk makes to a layperson to remain in the retreat in one place cannot be lightly
contravened, and if a monk does leave, it is considered an offense and is only not
so under certain conditions (Frauwallner 1956, 83). We saw previously how the
Mahdparinirvdna Sutra (in Frauwallner's view, originally part of the Old Skan-
dhaka) appears to devalue stupa worship and sets the laity on a lower spiritual
level than the monk. We have just seen how the more strictly vinaya section of
the Old Skandhaka accomplishes the same kind of devaluation in relation to the
ideal of wandering mendicancy. Now it may be observed that these devaluations
taken together are nothing other than the two-tiered model of Buddhism, which
the Old Skandhaka is developing in order to accomplish its central purpose of
establishing the authenticity and normativity of its own, settled monastic kind of
Buddhism. Thus in its earliest Buddhist rendition,53 the two-tiered model of Bud-
dhism is ideological in character and part of the attempt of one kind of Buddhism
to assert its own special normativity at the expense of others.54
It is interesting that the question of the unique normativity of settled monasti-
cism versus peripatetic forms is not solved for all parties concerned at the hypoth-
esized time of the composition of the Old Skandhaka. In the Milindapanha, writ-
ten around the beginning of the common era, the issue is evidently not settled,
and we see the proponents of the settled monastery still engaged in strenuously
asserting the normativity of their own way of life. In chapter 5 of the text, King
Milinda puts forward various "dilemmas" that puzzle him. The very first di-
30 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
lemma is the apparent contradiction between the wandering ideal and the ideal of
settled monastic life. Citing a venerable passage from the Suttanipata, the king
remarks, "Venerable Nagasena, the Blessed One said: 'In friendship of the world
anxiety is born, / In household life distraction's dust springs up, / The state set
free from home and friendship's ties, / That, and that only, is the recluse's aim' "
(211 [T.R. 1890-94, 2:1]). The king then cites a passage from the vinaya that
appears to advance a different ideal: "But on the other hand he said: 'Let therefore
the wise man, / Regarding his own weal, / Have pleasant dwelling-places built, /
And lodge there learned men' " (211 [2:2]). Then the king poses the obvious
question: "Now, venerable Nagasena, if the former of these two passages was
really spoken by the tathdgata, then the second must be wrong. But if the tathd-
gata really said: 'Have pleasant dwelling-places built,' then the former statement
must be wrong" (211 [2:2]).
Nagasena, here speaking as the proponent of settled monastic life, replies that
both statements were made by the Buddha and are, therefore, true. The first state-
ment is true in the sense that it represents the appropriate psychological attitude
of renunciants: they should remain inwardly free from attachment to any thing.
The second statement is true because it indicates the actual lifestyle and physical
habitation that is appropriate to monks:
The gift of a dwelling-place (vihara) has been praised and approved, esteemed
and highly spoken of [for monks], by all the buddhas. And those [the laity] who
have made such a gift shall be delivered from rebirth, old age, and death. . . .
And again, if there be a common dwelling-place (vihara) the sisters of the Order
will have a clearly ascertained place of rendezvous, and those who wish to visit
(the brethren of the Order) will find it an easy matter to do so. Whereas if there
were no homes for the members of the Order it would be difficult to visit them.
(Mp 212 [T.R., 1890-94, 2:3])
part of their general project of promoting the normativity of their own preferred
Buddhist lifestyle. In so doing, they betray the fact that the two-tiered model of
Buddhism is not a disinterested reflection of the situation of early Buddhism so
much as an ideological construct.56
thority; this is implied in the presentation of the Old Skandhaka as the authorita-
tive teaching of the Buddha on the renunciant life. The Vedas imply a learned
priestly elite who are custodians of the sacred texts; so does the Old Skandhaka.
More specifically, as part of their assertion of their authority, the Vedas possess a
list of teachers.
Frauwallner believes that the list of teachers of the vinaya in the Old Skan-
dhaka "was created on the pattern of and as a counterpart to the Vedic lists of
teachers, in order to bestow on the[ir] own tradition an authority similar to the
Vedic one" (1956, 62). Frauwallner believes that this explanation also clarifies
the reason for the legendary account of the first council, an account that scholars
generally agree cannot be the story of a historical event pure and simple. In at-
tempting to append a list of teachers to their texts, the early monastic Buddhists
faced a problem not faced by their Brahmanical priestly counterparts. The author-
ity on which the texts rested was the Buddha himself. "But it was impossible to
attribute all his work to the Buddha and to attach to him the teachers' list, because
the Buddha had delivered only individual sermons and given individual precepts;
and it was impossible to annex a list of teachers to every single one of them"
(64). The problem was solved by the account of the first council, placed before
the list of teachers (64). Thus the "author" of the Old Skandhaka followed the
Vedic model in a general way, by this ingenious maneuver, and succeeded in
establishing a single, definitive text, and, more specifically, in putting his material
"in a form which would make his work the equal of the great Vedic texts" (65).
This modeling of Buddhism on Brahmanical tradition will be discussed further in
Chapter 12.
The vocation of texts and scholarship, with its fruition in the writing down of
Buddhist texts,58 must, as it rose to prominence, have changed Buddhist tradition
in some dramatic and irreversible ways. Once the letter of the Buddhist teachings
has been identified, and once those teachings have been committed to definitive
form, first orally and then in writing, once this textual material is understood as
canonical, it becomes identified as the repository of the authentic Buddhist teach-
ings. Thus there arises the tendency to locate the "authentic teachings" not, as
originally, in the understanding of the realized saint, but rather in external and
objectified form, in the authoritative texts. Just such a view is articulated in the
Manorathapuram:
As long as the suttanta exist, as long as the vinaya flourishes, so long will the
light shine, as at sunrise. . . . Whether or not there is realization (pativedha) or
practice (patipatti), scholarship (pariyatti) is sufficient for the maintenance of the
religion. The erudite man, provided that he is learned in the Tepitaka, fulfills
both. . . . That is why, as long as scholarship remains, the religion remains.
. . . Whether there may be a hundred or a thousand [bhikkhus] adorned with
accurate vision, if scholarship is in default, no realization of the noble path is
possible. (Mrp 1:93 [Lm., 403])
The mode of access to the teaching also undergoes a change. Whereas previ-
ously technical expertise had no particular impact on one's ability to receive the
highest teachings, now, in order to gain full access to the teachings and especially
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 33
"How are you in the scriptures, friend?" "I am studying the Majjhima [Nikaya],
venerable sir." "The Majjhima is a hard responsibility, friend. When a man is
still learning the First Fifty by heart, he is faced with the Middle Fifty; and when
he is still learning that by heart, he is faced with the Last Fifty. How can you
take up a meditation subject?" "Venerable sir, when I have taken a meditation
subject from you, I shall not look at the scriptures again." He took the meditation
subject, and doing no recitation for nineteen years, he reached Arhantship in the
twentieth year. (Vsm 3:51 [N., 96-97])
has direct access to the sacred scriptures as well as the technical and logical abil-
ities to read and master the textual tradition, canonical and commentarial. Where
textual Buddhism reigns supreme, the charismatic teacher has been replaced by
the learned and decorous scholar.
The pursuit of textual learning, as understood in monastic tradition, thus can-
not be separated from certain ideological features. The teachings of the Buddha
tend to be identified with those texts preserved in the monastic canon. The main-
tenance of this scriptural tradition is understood as a primary task of the monk,
above and even tending to exclude the practice of meditation. Those who are
proficient in texts are to be given the highest respect. Other texts, other pursuits,
renunciants with other accomplishments, are implicitly if not explicitly devalued.
Thus the vocation of texts and scholarship as understood in settled monasticism
represents, in and of itself, a major buttressing factor of the two-tiered model of
Buddhism.
Just how far the vocation of books and learning came to be definitive of settled
monasticism as such is suggested by the Chinese traveler Hsiian-tsang, who vis-
ited India between 629 and 645 C.E. In a general summation of the scholarly life
of Indian Buddhist monasteries, he makes the following observations:62
The Brother who expounds orally one treatise (or class of scripture) in the Bud-
dhist Canon, whether Vinaya, Abhidharma, or Sutra, is exempted from serving
under the Prior; he who expounds two is invested with the outfit of a Superior;
he who expounds three has Brethren deputed to assist him; he who expounds four
has lay servants assigned to him; he who expounds five rides an elephant; he who
expounds six rides an elephant and has a surrounding retinue. . . . The Brethren
are often assembled for discussion to test intellectual capacity and bring moral
character into prominent distinction, to reject the worthless and advance the in-
telligent. Those who bring forward . . . fine points in philosophy, and give sub-
tle principles in their proper place, who are ornate in diction and acute in refined
distinctions, ride richly caparisoned elephants preceded and followed by a host of
attendants. But as for those . . . who have been defeated in discussion, who are
deficient in doctrine and redundant in speech . . . the faces of such are promptly
daubed with red and white clay, their bodies are covered with dirt, and they are
driven out to the wilds or thrown into ditches. (Walters 1904-5, 1:162)
In spite of the undeniable social and scholarly creativity of monastic Buddhism
as seen in its great textual tradition, the development of the monastery with its
textual preoccupations was not, as already implied, without its drawbacks. Rather
than seeing itself as complementary to other kinds of Buddhism—particularly to
types of renunciant Buddhism placing more emphasis on wandering freely and on
meditation—in at least some cases it came to regard itself as a self-sufficient form
of renunciant Buddhism.63 It was as the expression of such a view that the two-
tiered model arose. Because it was monastic Buddhism that was generally charged
with the written tradition, and because the texts provide the primary evidence of
Indian Buddhism, the voices of other kinds of renunciant Buddhism in the time
following the Buddha's parinirvdna have not been well heard, either by modern
scholars or even by later Buddhists themselves.64 These other kinds of renunciant
Buddhism—characterized by elements such as a wandering mode of life, dwelling
36 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
But who were these people? What was their Buddhism like? How did they under-
stand themselves? How did others see them? It is the intent of the following
chapters to begin to provide some answers to these questions.
Notes
1. I adopt this terminology from Peter Brown (1981), who uses it in his examination
of the rise and function of the cult of saints in Latin Christianity. Schopen (1988, 153ff.)
has made reference to the applicability of this model to the Buddhist case. See also Lan-
caster's different way of relating Brown's two-tiered model to Buddhism (Lancaster 1984).
2. This is not an unreasonable assumption, as the Theravada along with its classic
texts and practices originated in India.
3. The use in this chapter of masculine terms to refer to the settled monastic ("the
monk") as presented in the two-tiered model is intentional. This usage follows the tendency
of those favoring the two-tiered model to discuss monastics only in terms of the fully
ordained man. The nun (bhiksuni; P., bhikkhunl) represents a special case to be discussed
later. Her status as a renunciant would seem to locate her in the upper tier, but because she
is a woman and thus theoretically debarred from enlightenment, when she is mentioned,
she tends to be linked with the lower. In general, however, as we shall see, she is usually
ignored in literature, both Buddhist and scholarly, articulating the two-tiered model. See
Ku 1984.
4. For a useful collection of citations of, and quotations from, Buddhist texts describ-
ing Buddhist community in terms of this two-tiered model, see Lester 1973, 47-150.
5. Useful summaries of the monastic ideal are given by Lamotte (1958, 58-71), Hir-
akawa (1966), Lester (1973, 48-56; 83-129), and Bunnag (1973). By far the clearest and
textually best grounded summary has been provided by Wijayaratna (1990). See also Gom-
brich's helpful review of the original French edition (1986).
6. Lit. "burden of books" (PTSD 243.1); cf. Tambiah (1984, 53) and Khantipalo
(1965, 5-7). In this study, the phrase "vocation of texts and scholarship," which translates
the Pali, will be used more generally to designate the characteristic settled monastic pursuits
connected with textual learning.
7. These two primary preoccupations are discussed by S. Dutt (1962, 25ff. and 50ff.),
Bunnag (1973, 30ff. and 50ff.), Khantipalo (1979, 91-127), and Tambiah (1984, 53ff.).
8. Gombrich additionally comments that in Buddhaghosa's classic Visuddhimagga,
the monastic ' 'stta is envisaged as a kind of protective cloak in which the monk is to remain
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 37
wrapped, a cloak of decorum . . . [where] certainly we are dealing with externals" (1984,
93). This is not to deny, of course, that the fulfillment of the requirements of external,
decorous behavior may not, at the same time, serve the needs of inner, spiritual develop-
ment.
9. Depending on which vinaya tradition is followed, 218-263 rules for the monk and
279-380 rules for the nun (Prebish 1975b, 50).
10. For a useful summary of the vinaya literature, see Prebish (1979a and, more con-
cisely, 1975a, 49-53).
11. A very ancient idea in Indian Buddhism; see, e.g., Sn 466-67, 488ff.
12. The fact that so many early texts have survived intact attests to the care and energy
devoted to this "vocation" by the Buddhist monastic tradition (Gombrich 1990a, 6).
13. Gombrich similarly remarks that "the first function and duty of the [monastic]
samgha was to preserve the Doctrine and thus preserve Buddhism as such. Preserving the
Doctrine meant in effect preserving the scriptures, the Canon, and its commentaries" (1984a,
77). Perhaps reflecting such textual preoccupations are affirmations in numerous canonical
texts that brahmins (with their inherited and socially reinforced tendencies toward scholar-
ship) were particularly prominent in the early monastic community (Gokhale 1965, 391-
402; Gombrich 1984b, 91-101).
14. Among textual descriptions of monks embodying this ideal of textual accomplish-
ment, the one given in the Milindapanha of Nagasena, the teacher of King Milinda, is a
good example. He was, we read, "learned, clever, wise, sagacious, and able; a skilful
expounder . . . well versed in tradition, master of the three Baskets (pitakas), and erudite
in Vedic lore . . . master of all that had been handed down in the schools, and of the
various discriminations (patisambhidd) by which the most abstruse point can be explained.
He knew by heart the ninefold divisions of the doctrine of the Buddha to perfection, and
was equally skilled in discerning both the spirit and the letter of the Word. Endowed with
instantaneous and varied power of repartee, and wealth of language, and beauty of elo-
quence, he was difficult to equal, and still more difficult to excel, difficult to answer, to
repel, or refute . . . mighty in eloquence, a confounder of the followers of other masters,
a crusher-out of the followers of adherents of rival doctrines. Honoured and revered by the
brethren and sisters of the Order, and its lay adherents of either sex, and by kings and their
high officials, he was in abundant receipt of all the requisites of a member of the Order—
robes and bowl and lodging, and whatever is needful for the sick—receiving the highest
veneration no less than material gifts" (Mp 21 [T.R. 1890-94, 1:34-35]).
15. The term prajnd has, of course, a dual meaning in Indian Buddhism signifying
both the ultimate insight that constitutes liberation and also relative methods of approaching
the ultimate, such as textual learning (Lamotte 1980, 126-27). In reference to relative
methods, Vasubandhu classically spells out three prajnas: learning (srutamayi), contem-
plating (cintdmayi), and meditating (bhdvandmayi) (La Vallee Poussin 1971, 6:143-44,
159).
16. For some examples of this understanding of prajnd, see Cousins 1984.
17. For example, the Satipatthdna Sutta (Mn X and Dn XXII [Nyanaponika 1962,
117-35]).
18. For example, Buddhaghosa's Visuddhimagga (Nyanamoli 1976) and Vasubandhu's
Abhidharmakosa (La Vallee Poussin 1971).
19. The necessity of meditation is spelled out, for example, in the Dhammapada, which
remarks that "there is no wisdom [P., pannd] for one without meditation [P.,jhdna; Skt.,
dhydna]" (Dp 372 [Radhakrishnan 1950, 174]).
20. In Vsm, Buddhaghosa says that a monastery "that is unfavourable [to meditation]
has any one of eighteen faults." These include the many disturbances of (1) a big monas-
38 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
tery, (2) new construction, (3) reparation, (4) arrival of people day and night because the
monastery is on a busy highway; disturbances of people coming to fetch (5) water, (6)
edible leaves, (7) flowers, or (8) fruit, because sources of these are nearby; disturbances
because (9) the place is one of pilgrimage, where people gather; it is (10) near a town,
(11) a place where people gather wood, (12) fields where people dispute, (13) where there
are disagreeable persons, (14) a marketplace; it is (15) in a remote area with no faith in the
dharma, (16) in a border region in dispute, (17) in a place where there are other distur-
bances; or (18) it is located where it is not possible to have a spiritual teacher (Vsm 118-
22 [N., 122-23]; see also Dhammaratana 1964, 46-47). Because, excepting 15 to 18,
these are just the kinds of places where town-and-village monasteries tend to be built, it is
hard to imagine a settled monastery without any of these "faults."
21. Maquet has provided a summary of the high level of activity required of monks
living in settled monasteries in contemporary Sri Lanka, which more or less rules out
serious meditation practice (1980, 143-45).
22. The general incompatibility between the settled monastic lifestyle and a lifestyle
defined primarily by meditation, pointed to by Buddhaghosa, does not mean that monks
invariably had no opportunities whatsoever to meditate. Motivated settled monastics might,
in the monastery, fit short periods of meditation into their daily schedules. Those with a
desire for more intensive practice also might have the option of separating themselves from
the monastery for periods of time in order to meditate in retreat. In addition, the practice
of ritual chanting (e.g., in the posadhd), with its potentially contemplative character, formed
a more or less important part of the regular liturgical calendar of settled monasteries. Such
were the exceptions, however, and meditation was typically not a primary focus of the
settled monastic institution as such or of its way of life.
23. Conze believes such a development is reflected in a Sarvastivadin text that relates
"the terrible and sad story of the death of the last arhant by the hand of one of the
scholars" (1959, 116).
24. This same general pattern is discussed by Maquet 1980, 140-41. See also Peter
Masefield's interesting discussion of the origins of this idea (1986, 136-44). On this same
issue, see Richard Gombrich 1971, 285 and R. L. Slater 1951, 49.
25. See also Bunnag 1984.
26. See Bareau's useful summary 1972, 460ff.
27. For a more detailed summary of the essential components of the ideal lifestyle of
the lay Buddhist, as seen by early normative texts, see references to laity in Barua 1966
and Bunnag 1973.
28. Mps-p 5.10. References are to the chapter and section numbers of the Pali text.
The chapter and section numbers of the Rhys Davidses' English translation of the Pali Mps
(T.R. and C.R. 1899-1921, 2:71-191) correspond to the chapter and section numbers of
the Pali text. Therefore, no additional references to the English translation need be given.
The reader attempting to locate passages in T. W. Rhys Davids's earlier translation of the
Mps (1881, 1-136) should be alerted that the section numbers of the Pali and this transla-
tion frequently do not correspond. Questions concerning the correct translation and inter-
pretation of 5.10 cited here have recently been raised by Gregory Schopen. For a discussion
of this issue, see Chapter 10, pp. 338-39.
29. The present section provides a summary of some of the more important ways in
which the two-tiered model has functioned in modern interpretations of Indian Buddhism.
Although precluded by the limits of this study, a full understanding of the use of this model
by modern scholars of Buddhism would need to examine the question of whether there may
be something in Western understandings of religion as such that predisposes Western schol-
ars to favor such a model, irrespective of its applicability in a given religious situation. A
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 39
very suggestive discussion of precisely this question has been carried out by Peter Brown
(1981, 1-49).
30. See also Lamotte 1984a.
31. For example, Conze (1962b, 270; 1980, 38-39) and Bareau (1979, 56; 1980, Iff.).
32. Many other examples of the two-tiered model as a dominant hermeneutic in con-
temporary studies of Buddhism could be cited. See, e.g., Bareau 1979, 56 and 1980, Iff.;
and Pachow 1976.
33. This same interpretation appears elsewhere in Lamotte's scholarly writing. See, for
example, Lamotte 1980, 130-32.
34. I set "disappearance" off by quotation marks because, of course, Buddhism did
not disappear from India after the twelfth century. It was monastic Buddhism that was
eliminated (and this not entirely), largely because of Muslim depredations, and even mo-
nastic Buddhism maintained itself for some time in certain regions at a greater remove from
the centers of Muslim activity (see, e.g., Vasu 1911).
35. See also Lamotte 1984, 90.
36. As in Conze's reading: "In the course of time, the laymen became more and more
predominant, and, although the basic terms and concepts of the monastic philosophical
tradition were often used to embellish the utterances of the Tantras, Tantric thought itself
descends directly from the lay Buddhism which for many centuries ran parallel to monastic
Buddhism" (Conze 1962b, 270).
37. See Peter Brown's similar observation in reference to the function of the two-tiered
model in the study of Latin Christianity (1981, 1-22).
38. The following discussion draws particularly on Weber's examination of charismatic
authority and its "routinization" as outlined in 1968a, b, and c. In these pages, Weber
discusses charisma and routinization as general phenomena in the history of religions, with
Buddhism as a primary example. The present discussion applies his generalizations to the
Buddhist case.
39. Weber (1968a, 46) defines authority on rational grounds as "resting on a belief in
the 'legality' of patterns of normative rules and the right of those elevated to authority
under such rules to issue commands (legal authority)." In the same place he defines au-
thority on traditional grounds as "resting on an established belief in the sanctity of imme-
morial traditions and the legitimacy of the status of those exercising authority under them
(traditional authority).''
40. Although it is certainly true—and Weber would have admitted it—that during the
rainy season, the Buddha's samgha did settle down and likely enjoyed some regularization
in the reception of donations.
41. For the same kind of shift, as it occurred in Jainism, see Tatia 1980.
42. In Buddhist studies, the English terms "monk" and "nun" are typically used to
refer to a wide range of Buddhist renunciants, including both the Buddha's earliest disciples
(we read about the Buddha's first five disciples as "monks," the first women renunciants
as "nuns," and so on) and later representatives of classical monasticism. At the same time,
the terms "monk" and "nun" are also generally understood to translate bhiksu and bhi-
ksuni, respectively, and these as defined in classical Buddhism each refer to fully ordained
monastics following the prdtimoksa. Thus it comes about that in using the terms "monk"
and "nun," scholars typically make the assumption that the types of the classical bhiksu
and bhiksuni are adequate models for Buddhist renunciation in its earliest as well as its
later periods.
In what follows, I depart from this conventional usage as follows. First, unless explic-
itly quoting or summarizing someone else, I usually use "monk" and "nun" to refer to
bhiksu and bhiksuni in the classical sense, i.e., one who: (1) has passed through two ordi-
40 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
nation ceremonies, that of the novitiate (pravrajyd; P., pabbaja) and that of full ordination
(upasampadd); (2) is beholden to the classical prdtimoksa; and (3) primarily (if not always)
lives or maintains membership in a settled monastery governed by the classical vinaya.
Second, I use the term "forest renunciant" rather loosely to refer to those renunciants who
are not representatives primarily of settled monasticism but rather have renounced the world,
undergoing some form of pravrajyd, and instead live mostly in retreat, in the wilds. In the
texts, sometimes bhiksu and bhiksum refer to forest renunciants rather than to classical
monastics; in these cases, the term "forest renunciant" translates bhiksu and bhiksum. In
this study, the term "forest renunciant" is also used to refer to pratyekabuddhas and bod-
hisattvas who similarly live in the wilds.
43. On this shift, see Gombrich (1984a, 80-82). See also Mus (1935, 1:47). Victor
Turner, examining material quite removed from that of India studied by Weber, has, of
course, developed a model with many features similar to Weber's. Thus Turner explicates
what he believes to be two basic modalities of human relatedness, which he calls "limin-
ality," on the one hand, and "social structure," on the other. Liminality contains a number
of features reminiscent of Weber's charismatic phase: (1) the whole person stands in rela-
tion to other whole persons under the genus "human being," rather than as one understood
primarily through a socially assigned value; (2) this generates a different kind of community
from that of conventional society; (3) this type of community ("communitas") involves
intense comradeship and egalitarianism of value; (4) the routinization and utilitarian values
of "society" are replaced by affect, immediacy, and spontaneity; (5) this new form of
community is intensely creative—new religious formulations are abundantly produced, in-
cluding myths, symbols, rituals, and philosophical systems; (6) human beings, their relation
to nature, society, and culture are reconceived; and (7) the members of this community
submit themselves to "ritual elders." Social structure, corresponding to Weber's "routin-
ization of charisma," represents a contrast on each point: (1) people are judged not as
human beings but rather in terms of their socially assigned status and value; (2) community
is interpreted through heavily institutionalized norms, roles, and status positions; (3) human
interaction is strictly defined and limited by this institutionalization; (4) routinization and
utilitarian values prevail; (5) there is conservative adherence to the "tried and true" aspects
of religious life; (6) the human being's relations to nature, society, and culture are also
marked by adherence to the "tried and true"; and (7) the role of ritual elders is delimited
by convention. See Turner 1969. See Peter Homans's useful summary of Turner, adapted
here, and his interesting application of Turner's theories in a more modern context (1985,
38-42).
44. Frauwallner's work has been the subject of considerable debate within recent Bud-
dhist studies (see Tambiah's summary, 1984, 116-18). In general, Frauwallner has re-
ceived praise from scholars for his use of surviving vinayas in the attempt to reconstruct
their common source. In what follows, we intend to make use of those aspects of Frau-
wallner's work that have stood the test of time. Most scholars have accepted the major
outlines of Frauwallner's hypothesis—namely, that there was a common, parent text lying
behind the vinayas of the various schools and that this text can, by a comparison of surviv-
ing documents, to some extent be reconstructed. See the approbations of Frauwallner's
work in Conze (1967a, 8-9 and 1980, 19), Lamotte (1958, 195), Prebish (1979a, 303),
and Bechert (1984, 79). Frauwallner's conclusions cannot be accepted without qualifica-
tion, for which see Lamotte (1958, 193-97), Prebish (1973, 669-78), and Bechert (1984,
79). Important in this context is the work of Bareau, particularly his analysis of Mps (1970-
71 and 1979), for specific references to which, see Chapter 10. Bareau argues for a grad-
uated composition of Mps over several centuries. This appears to contradict Frauwallner's
hypothesis of a single author (or at least of a relatively unified time and place of composi-
The Buddhist Saints and the Two-Tiered Model of Buddhism 41
tion) for the entire Old Skandhaka. However, when Bareau and Frauwallner refer to Mps,
they mean different things, for Frauwallner means the original core of Mps as contained in
the Old Skandhaka, prior to its elaborate development, whereas Bareau means the finished
document as it exists in its various extant forms. As we shall see, Bareau also identifies a
core common to the various extant versions of Mps and present prior to its diffusion. In
this, he has actually confirmed the major outlines of Frauwallner's thesis of a common,
original parent text (see the "Conclusion" of Chapter 11). As we shall see, Bareau's
analysis has also clearly confirmed the notion of a monastic hand and perspective behind
the text.
45. Based on the fact that schools from both sides of the Sthavira-Mahasamghika schism
draw on this early Skandhaka, thus suggesting to Frauwallner that the text antedates their
parting (1956, 54).
46. Frauwallner 1956, 124. Olivelle, working from the Pali texts, in confirmation of
Frauwallner's basic characterization, comments on the basic shift to the settled monastery
thus: in the vinaya, he tells us, "we see a fully developed monastic style of life with
detailed and minute rules governing the entire life and activities of individuals and of
communities. These communities, i.e., the particular samgha, lived settled lives in mon-
asteries" (1974, xiii). Olivelle remarks further that "the text of the pdtimokkha appears to
be a compilation rather than an original composition . . . it has all the marks of an artificial
composition prepared for a well defined purpose" (1974, 50-51). See Pachow's discussion
of the development of the prdtimoksa, which he believes occurred over a 250-year period
(1955, 7-18).
47. S. Dutt comments on the way in which the nature and organization of early settled
monasticism undercut and made impossible the wandering lifestyle (1962, 92).
48. Olivelle remarks on the various ways in which in the vinaya, the basic intention of
the four nisrayas is weakened and rendered ineffective by the addition of a variety of
exceptions to each. One no longer wanders abroad but may dwell in a settled monastery
year-round, or in a curved house, a building on high foundations, a mansion, or a cave.
The begging of food from house to house can be circumvented by various means. Thus,
one is allowed a meal for the samgha, a meal for a special person, an invitation (for a
full meal), food given on ticket, food given on a day of the waxing or waning of the
moon, on a posadha day, or on the day after a posadha. One no longer need wear a
robe stitched from rags but may accept robes made of linen, cotton, silk, wool, coarse
hemp, or canvas. And a variety of additional "medicines" beyond cow's urine are permis-
sible to the monk, including ghee, fresh butter, oil, honey, and molasses (Olivelle 1974,
58-59).
49. A point emphasized by S. Dutt (1962, 92-93).
50. See Dutt 1970, 50.
51. How interesting that it is the precisely the more senior monks who do not wish to
leave their masters and the junior ones who are willing to do so. Would one not expect it
to be the other way around, that it is the younger, more dependent monks who would feel
anxiety at the prospect of leaving their masters? On the other hand, as so often in Buddhist
historical and biographical writing, we may find reflected here a large pattern of historical
development: it is perhaps those representing the "old order" who do not wish to leave
their masters, whereas it is those representing the younger "new order" who have no
difficulty doing so, because their allegiance is now no longer to the individual master but
to the monastic institution as such.
52. As we shall see, in Buddhism realized saints presuppose accomplishment in medi-
tation, itself a potentially destabilizing and decentralizing force vis-a-vis institutional Bud-
dhism. This character of meditation was recognized in the conflict that led to the official
42 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
mitted the Pali canon to writing in the first century B.C.E., in Sri Lanka. Implicated in this
event was a controversy that, in the words of Lamotte, "would dominate . . . the entire
religious history of Ceylon. The question was to know whether the foundation of the tra-
dition (sdsana) resided in the practice of the dhamma (patipatti) or in textual scholarship
[la science religieuse] (pariyatti)" (1958, 403). Lamotte remarks that it was, of course,
the Dhammakathika party, with its primary allegiance to pariyatti, that prevailed in the Sri
Lankan case. On this, see also Tambiah (1984, 54) and Rahula (1966, 158). This latter
chronicles the rejection of the ascetic-hermit tradition in Buddhism and the victory of those
with a town-and-village monastic orientation. For discussion of the shift from oral to writ-
ten tradition in the Mahayana, see Schopen (1975, 159, 168, 179).
59. Bareau remarks that for entry into monastic life, "high caste men, and above all
brahmins, were better prepared by their education" (1972, 464-65). We see here a striking
congruity between the concerns of the brahmin caste and the concerns of the conservative
monastic sects, a theme to which I shall return. This pattern of upper-class literati, owing
to their textual abilities, rising to prominence in Buddhist monastic circles is, of course,
also found in non-Indian Buddhism (see Robinson 1967, 9).
60. Gombrich (1990b) is thus quite right to remark on the close connection between
the institution of settled monasticism and the Buddhist preoccupation with texts and learn-
ing: "the preservation of oral literature . . . depends on institutions, on recognized and
regular arrangements for training, rehearsal and performance" (21). All of this was pro-
vided by the Buddhist monastery: "from the first the institution which performed the func-
tion of preserving the Buddhist texts must have been the [monastic] samgha . . . [O]nly
monks and nuns . . . were so organized that they could hand [the texts] on to future
generations" (25). Elsewhere, Gombrich remarks, "None of the other religious leaders
contemporary with the Buddha seem to have achieved such preservation of their teachings,
and this may well reflect the fact that they did not organize settled religious communities
like the Buddhist monasteries" (1990a, 6).
61. Beyer is here speaking of the great monastic universities of northern India, but his
remarks may be taken, mutatis mutandis, as an accurate assessment of perspectives bound
up with the textual preoccupations of classical Buddhist monasticism as such.
62. This characterization is a general one and does not refer to a given sect or region.
63. Bareau remarks that the authors of the Vinayapitaka lived a long time after the
parinirvana, at a time when the mode in which renunciants lived had changed a great deal.
Now they lived in relative material comfort and security in monasteries, in contrast to the
lifestyle of earlier Buddhist renunciants. Moreover, "they judged the conditions of their
existence as completely normal and in conformity with the rules set forth by the Buddha,
because the samgha had become little by little habituated to these over the course of time."
Thus it was that they were not always able to comprehend those representing the more
austere manner of earlier Buddhism and, in fact, could heap criticism and even vilification
upon figures representing these values (1988-89, 546).
64. Gombrich has suggested how important were the monastery and monastic outlook
in determining what literature was preserved, remarking that "any earlier texts which de-
viated from or criticized the canonical norms (by which I mean approximately the contents
of the Vinaya Khandhaka and Sutta Vibhahga and the Four Nikaya of the Sutta Pitaka)
[i.e., monastically preserved canonical works] could not survive because they were not
included among the texts which the [monastic] samgha preserved orally" (1990b, 21).
Given the fact that it is the monastic samgha that had the inspiration and wherewithal to
preserve Buddhist textual tradition, "any text which is critical of the current teachings or
introduces something palpably new [or perceived as new] has no chance of survival" (20-
27). The same themes are developed in Gombrich 1984a, especially 77-78.
2
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint
The Buddhist saints, though reflecting a variety of types deriving from different
times, geographical locales, and traditions, are nevertheless unified by a common
and quite detailed conception of what a holy person is. At the outset, it will be
useful to summarize the major features of this conception, as a hypothesis to be
clarified, amplified, and tested in the following pages. Most simply put, the saint
in Buddhism may be understood as a person in whom the ultimate potentiality of
every human, indeed sentient, being has been more or less fully realized. In the
Indian Buddhist context, such a realization implies three overlapping and mutually
interdependent spheres of religious understanding and action: a characteristic life
journey made by the individual from an ordinary human status to saintly perfec-
tion; a set of traditional disciplines, including forest renunciation and meditation,
that are understood to facilitate this transformation; and a societal dimension, wherein
the saint may manifest his or her enlightened charisma and others may respond to
it through certain cultic behaviors. These phenomena together form a "religious
complex" defining saints and making them recognizable as such to others.
Each element of this complex may be further described as follows:
1. The paradigm of the general type represented by the saint that takes shape
in a specific "life story" that is typical of the Buddhist saints. The saints' lives
typically unfold along certain thematic lines and, as realized beings, their "per-
sonalities" conform to a certain structure, making up a generalized hagiographic
paradigm. This paradigm contains certain standard features in its various manifes-
tations (the Buddhist saint, as such) and also always appears with more specificity
because, beyond belonging to the general type, each saint also belongs to one or
another subtype (buddha, pratyekabuddha, arhant, or bodhisattva).
2. The specific ascetic traditions followed by the saints, including their gen-
eral lifestyle in the forest, the renunciant codes to which they adhere, and the
meditation practice that these are understood to facilitate. As understood by Bud-
dhist tradition, Buddhist saints do not occur haphazardly or for no reason but are
rather most typically "produced" by specific kinds of traditions. The Buddhist
saints are usually renunciants but are typically not primarily associated with the
settled monastery of town and village. Instead, in order to be able to engage in
their primary practice, meditation, they follow certain ascetic codes and dwell in
44
Buddha Sdkyamuni as a Saint 45
the forest, or aranya, a term that specifies any locale outside of the town and
village, that is, separated from centers of human habitation and activity.1 Aranya
has both a literal and a symbolic meaning,2 indicating a place removed from pop-
ulation centers and also a particular kind of environment that is solitary, uncivi-
lized, and disjunct from human civilization. This makes the forest frightening to
ordinary worldly folk but compelling to those who aspire to realization.3
3. The cult of the saint. Societal and cultic recognition of the saints develops
among all segments of the Buddhist population, lay and renunciant, and is ori-
ented both to living saints and, after death, to the stupa (or its functional equiva-
lent, such as saints' images or relics), which localizes their ongoing presence. The
various dimensions of this cult are actualized through a set of ritual behaviors that
are partly common to all suppliants and partly specific to certain subgroups.
The identity of Buddhist saints, then, emerges as the intersection of these three
elements. People may be acknowledged as saints because they approximate the
hagiographical paradigm by which saints are recognized in Buddhism. They have
become saints, in the Buddhist understanding, because they have followed certain
classical traditions of meditation and forest renunciation. Finally, the forms of the
cult of saints provide a vehicle through which the spiritual charisma of the saints
becomes acknowledged by and accessible to individuals and to the culture at large.
Buddha Sakyamuni, for example, is who he is by virtue of the religious complex
of which he is an expression, with these hagiographic, ascetic, and cultic dimen-
sions.
This definition of the Buddhist saint has a variety of implications, many of
which will be clarified in the following pages. One implication that needs to be
mentioned at the outset, however, concerns the understanding of the term cult in
relation to the Buddhist saints. Often, the term cult, as used in the history of
religions, denotes a specific system of religious worship, especially with reference
to a particular set of ritualized procedures and ceremonies. Sometimes in this
study, I use the term cult in this restricted sense. As in the two-tiered model of
Buddhism, a cult is further often understood to imply a "popular" level of reli-
gious life, that of the laity, in contrast and even opposition to the "elite" level,
that of the monks. However, the definition of the Buddhist saint suggested here,
with its three convergent and ultimately inseparable elements, does not permit of
such a separation between cultic worship and other kinds of religious activities.
In this study, the term cult is also used in the broader sense to denote any activi-
ties through which devotees (both lay and renunciant worshipers as well as close
personal disciples) relate themselves to the saint. These include both cultic (in the
narrow sense) actions of worship and also those actions by which devotees seek
to emulate the saint (such as forest renunciation and meditation), as well as all
other actions through which followers articulate their relationships with the saint.
The problem of understanding the Buddhist saints thus resolves itself, to a large
extent, into the problem of making sense of the religious complex including the
paradigm of the Buddhist saints, their ascetic traditions, and their cults. The fol-
lowing pages contain an examination of this complex and its implications. In the
present chapter, I identify the paradigm of the Buddhist saint as an overarching
46 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
type through a thematic analysis of the life of Buddha Sakyamuni, in whom the
paradigm is present in a particularly clear and classic form. This paradigm is
further clarified in Chapter 3 through an examination of the many men and women
saints represented in the Theragdthd and Therlgathd of the Pali canon. Next fol-
lows a discussion of some famous Indian Buddhist saints, including, in Chapter
4, some well-known orthodox figures (Mahakasyapa [P., Mahakassapa], Upa-
gupta [P., Upagutta], and Sariputra [P., Sariputta]) and, in Chapter 5, two saints
who are the subjects of varying degrees of criticism, Pindolabharadvaja and De-
vadatta. In Chapter 6, I summarize evidence of the Indian Buddhist cult of ar-
hants. Chapters 7 and 8 treat the figures of the pratyekabuddha and bodhisattva,
respectively. The next two chapters consider two important facets of the Buddhist
cult of saints, the ascetic traditions of the forest they typically follow (Chapter 9)
and the stiipa, containing their relics, important to the cult of saints at all periods
(Chapter 10). The last two chapters and the conclusion are concerned with the
place of the Buddhist saints within the larger scope of Indian Buddhist history.
Chapter 11 considers some theological doctrines pertinent to the Buddhist saints
while Chapter 12 contains a discussion of the general "process of monasticiza-
tion" in relation to the Buddhist saints. In the conclusion, I suggest an alternative
to the two-tiered model of Buddhism as well as some of the ways in which such
an alternative might better serve our understanding of the Indian tradition.
Most of the early sutra accounts of the Buddha's life9 begin with the events
surrounding his renunciation, and it is with these that this analysis appropriately
begins. The prior events may be left aside for the time being, because in the
majority of cases, texts discussing other Buddhist saints devote relatively little
attention to events prior to leaving home.10
48 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
3. The formal renouncing of the world. Inspired to follow the saint's example
(5.22) and despite his father's opposition, Gautama determines to renounce the
world. He summons his groom in the dead of night, has his horse brought, and
leaves the palace and the city, vowing not to return until he has attained realiza-
tion (5.66ff.). Away from the palace, he cuts off his own hair, gives his royal
ornaments to his groom, and exchanges his garments for a simple hunter's robe
(6.1), in a kind of self-ordination that is not unknown in later Buddhist times.
15. A cult with characteristic features that develops around the Buddha. The
relationship of sentient beings to the Buddha is defined through a series of cultic
attitudes and actions. The gods, other supernatural beings, renunciants, laity, and
the animals all, to one degree or another, participate in the cult of the Buddha.
This cult has two major dimensions: veneration of the Buddha as a living saint
and worship of the Buddha, after his death, in his stupa. The general shape of the
cult is the same in both cases, and, indeed, it is doubtful whether in the Buddhist
context these cases were seen as essentially different or in any fundamental way
separable. Thus there is a somewhat informal set of general cultic behaviors that
people are to employ in the presence of the living Buddha: one is to rise, greet
him respectfully, offer him a seat, circumambulate him and prostrate oneself to
him, present water for his feet as well as food and drink, make other offerings
such as flowers, hold a parasol over him to shield him from the elements, ask
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint 53
after his health, make confession, praise him, express one's commitment as a
devotee, request teachings, listen respectfully, follow his instructions, and so on.
In the cult of the stupa, as we shall see, very much the same ritual forms are
used, although—at least as seen in the texts—in an often more self-conscious and
stylized way.
In addition, different kinds of Buddhists, renunciants and the laity, ordinary
lay people and kings, employ characteristic cultic behaviors toward the Buddha.
For example, certain cultic behaviors are mentioned as being appropriate for re-
nunciant disciples to show to their masters. When the Buddha arrives among his
five former ascetic companions, they rise, approach him with folded hands, take
his mantle and begging bowl, show him a proper seat, and provide water for his
feet. In so doing, they treat him as, in Asvaghosa's terminology, their guru (15.19-
21). Among the laity, there are also some important distinctions, such as the
special cultic forms employed by kings. Thus King Srenya (Bimbisara), drawing
near to the Buddha, alights from his carriage, discards his royal paraphernalia,
including yak tail and fans, leaves behind his retinue, approaches the Buddha on
foot, makes obeisance, obtains permission to sit down, and receives teachings
(16.51-53). Cultic forms such as these, then, constitute a veritable grammar of
devotion. Through them, one is able to articulate one's relationship as suppliant
to the Buddha as realized saint, to make an implicit but well-understood request
for transmission of his charisma, and to open oneself to receive his teaching and
wisdom. In the context of these ritual attitudes and actions, the Buddha—as a
living saint and as incarnated in his stupa—presents himself as an object of ven-
eration and as a source of wisdom, compassion, and power. The cultic actions
become a way for the suppliant to make a connection with his charisma. Some-
times, these cultic forms are a prelude to various kinds of verbal teaching and
instruction. On the other hand, sometimes they and the exchange they entail are
presented as sufficient in and of themselves.
16. The teaching of others, including not only humans but supernatural beings
as well. The Buddha, after his realization, is depicted primarily as a teacher, and
his various activities can be seen as expressive of this function. The Buddha in-
structs, leads, and enlightens all beings, not only humans of all stations and con-
ditions, including the departed (20.56-58), but also gods,24 other nonhumans (for
example, yaksa, ndgd), animals (including in the Buddhacarita an elephant [21.54],
a parrot, and a starling [21.30]). Although, as we shall presently see, Asvaghosa
avoids a rigid dichotomy between renunciants and laity, still, important distinc-
tions remain in the kinds of teachings given to each. In contrast to teachings
presented to renunciant disciples, those given to the laity emphasize the virtue of
giving. Thus the Buddha gives a long sermon to Anathapindada on the importance
of making donations before he instructs in sila, samddhi, and prajnd (18.1-87).
Another important, if relative difference between laity and renunciants has to do
with the goals that are put before each. Whereas the goal of enlightenment is
preached to both renunciants and laity, the goals of worldly prosperity and the
winning of heaven are recommended particularly to the laity (for example, 18.65-
68ff.).
54 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
17. The acceptance of close personal disciples and lay followers. In Asvaghosa's
rendering, the Buddha is a guru (1.27) who accepts both close personal disciples
and lay followers. On the one hand, the Buddha accepts close personal disciples
who are trained by him, receive full transmission, and can attain enlightenment
and act as his successors in teaching and training others.25 On the other, he also
accepts a larger "penumbra"26 of lay followers who come to see him, participate
in his cult, and make gifts to him. However, in Asvaghosa's presentation there is
no rigid separation between these two categories. On the one hand, the renun-
ciants receive darsan from the Buddha, venerate him with forms of the cult, make
gifts to him of what little they have, and in that context participate in his charisma
(for example, 18.16). On the other, the Buddha teaches the laity, instructs them
not only in the virtue of giving but also in the importance of their observing
morality, practicing meditation, and developing insight (see, for example, 18.1-
14). Particularly important, Asvaghosa tells us that the laity may freely gain trans-
formative insight and even realization (16.94-95). Sometimes, they remain lay-
people after gaining some realization, as in the case of Anathapindada (18.16).27
For Asvaghosa, the really important distinction is internal, not a matter of external
lifestyle: he quotes the Buddha as remarking, "He who leaves his home with his
body, but not with his mind, and who is still subject to passion, is to be known
as a householder, though he live in the forest. He who goes forth with his mind,
but not with his body, and who is selfless, is to be known as a forest-dweller,
though he abide in his home" (16.11-12).
18. The absence in the Buddha of scholarly considerations and particularly
of textual study. In the Buddhacarita, the Buddha is depicted as a meditator and
a guru, not as a scholar or a textual specialist. Doctrine certainly has a role to
play in the life of the Buddha in the Buddhacarita, but it is presented as a support
to the path to liberation. This point is, of course, particularly stressed elsewhere
in early Buddhism, for example in the "questions that tend not to edification,"
wherein knowledge for its own sake is abjured.28 Learning, the Buddha seems to
say, has no virtue in and of itself but must be measured by its ability to lead
directly to liberation.29
19. The communication of teachings in an oral form. Connected with this is
the theme of the oral form of the Buddha's teachings: in the Buddhacarita, the
Buddha presents his teachings in a strictly oral and also extemporaneous fashion.
This is perhaps not surprising for a founder such as the Buddha is, but it will be
of particular interest and significance as a feature of later Buddhist saints.
20. The making of conversions. The Buddha spends much of his teaching
career converting various beings, "whether faring on earth or in the sky" (21.36).
Those he converts include all those who can recognize him, venerate him, and
receive teachings from him, including the gods, other nonhumans, human beings,
and animals. Sometimes, those who subsequently become his followers are con-
verted quickly and without obstacle. For example, the instant the great future
arhant, Mahakasyapa, sees the Buddha, he is convinced of the master's realization
and sanctity and asks to be accepted as a disciple (17.24-27). Sariputra and
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint 55
Maudgalyayana, similarly, have only to hear the message of the Buddha from
another to gain insight (17.16ff.). And Amrapali, the courtesan, comes to the
Buddha filled with faith and longing (22.16ff.).30 But many of those who become
the Buddha's devotees present initial obstacles to their conversions. The Buddha's
five former ascetic friends fully intend to ignore him. An example of more ex-
treme resistance, King Prasenajit, the rapacious, lustful, and aggressive monarch,
presents himself to the Buddha for instruction (20.4ff.). And the Licchavis are
proud and haughty rulers whose wrath is not easily quelled (23.Iff.).
21. The defeat of evil beings. More than this, there are those who will not be
converted, such as the non-Buddhist (tirthika) masters who, seeing the veneration
the Buddha receives, are jealous and challenge him to a display of his magical
powers (20.54-55); or Devadatta or Mara, whose only wish is to bring the Bud-
dha to injury, defeat, and destruction.
23. The unconventionality of the Buddha and his critique of social and reli-
gious conventions. In a similar vein, within the Indian context the Buddha is in
some respects an unconventional figure, one who does not affirm the values of the
established order.32 In regard to his own tradition, he is one who does not hesitate
to place inner meaning ahead of external form, as in his statement (see theme 17)
defining the true forest renunciant as one who, living no matter where, has achieved
genuine inner renunciation. As we have seen, the Buddha is unconventional in
another way: he will contravene social convention in his interactions with others.
He puts the prostitute Amrapali ahead of the wellborn Licchavis; he does not
hesitate to expose the faults of the high and mighty; and he generally puts no
ultimate stock in caste status. As we shall see, the later Buddhist saints may also
behave similarly or even more unconventionally. With the Buddha and other saints,
what is in question is not an attack on conventionality as such, for these holy
persons can often appear decorous and pleasing. The Buddha and other saints
56 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
show the path to freedom and, theoretically as well as hagiographically, they act
in accord or disaccord with convention in furtherance of this end.
24. The Buddha criticized and even persecuted for his sanctity, unconvention-
ality, or explicit critiques. The sanctity of the Buddha, the integrity of his mes-
sage, and his noncompliance with conventional norms sometimes provoke the an-
tipathy of others, in the form of personal attack or persecution from those who
doubt him and from those heretic teachers who would defeat him. In Asvaghosa's
text, a variety of beings would like to bring defeat to the Buddha. In the Buddha-
carita, as in the other of the Buddha's lives, it is primarily his cousin Devadatta
who most clearly embodies this enmity. Among the nonhumans, Mara is the Bud-
dha's primary enemy and does everything in his power to undermine the master's
own path and his teaching of others. The other Buddhist saints will no less suffer
the attacks of the vicious. Such attacks are correlative to the integrity of the mes-
sage and manifestation of the Buddha and other saints. Just as the Buddha attracts
the veneration of the worthy, so he draws, so to speak, the antipathy of those who
hold dear the happiness of samsara, of personal gratification and worldly power.
For those solely intent upon personal aggrandizement, egolessness must be re-
garded as the ultimate threat and the Buddha as the ultimate enemy.
25. The danger of the numinous power of the Buddha. The Buddha counsels
his five former companions on the need to address him with an appropriately
respectful address. They must do so, not because the Buddha is attached to praise
and blame, but for their own good: otherwise they will themselves suffer by reap-
ing evil karmic consequences (15.22). Such is the power of the Buddha's sanctity
that one can be protected in his presence only by possessing the right cultic rela-
tionship with him. The consequences of failing in this respect are fully realized
by Devadatta who, as a result of abandoning devotion to the Buddha and trying
to undermine his work and harm him, falls into the lower realms (21.65).
26. The Buddha as principal reference point of the dharmafor his followers.
The Buddha, as founder, is the central authority for the early community and the
definer of tradition for his age. In this role, moreover, we may think him to be
unique. Nevertheless, as we shall see, this role is taken by other Buddhist saints,
who will be assimilated to the Buddha and will play the part of buddha for their
generations. This feature is important because it suggests that the authenticity and
power of the Buddha and other saints ultimately derives not from their relationship
to the received forms of tradition but rather from their direct access, through
realization, to reality itself. Such direct access is the ultimate source of their wis-
dom and provides them with a purchase from which they can fully understand,
interpret, and adjudicate the various elements of tradition.
27. Possession of a body that is supermundane in some way. The Buddha's
physical body is uncommon for its beauty, radiance, golden hue,33 and charis-
matic magnetism (for example, 19.46; 20.55). It possesses the thirty-two marks
of the great man (24.50). His body transcends the ordinary also in another way,
in its resistance to injury and death. For example, the Buddha at one point lodges
in a house inhabited by a malevolent naga, who sets the structure on fire. As the
Buddha Sdkyamuni as a Saint 57
inferno rages around him and the onlookers are distraught at what they suppose to
be his end, the Buddha sits in meditation, his body miraculously unharmed34
(16.21-31). The Buddha's supernatural body is clearly another aspect of his status
as superior to humans and gods. The deities, in particular, appear with perfect,
glorious bodies and are invulnerable to the things that injure ordinary people, and
the Buddha, as their guide, is in full possession of these qualities as well.
28. Possession of the power of longevity and the capacity to live even to the
end of the kalpa. The theme of the Buddha's powers of longevity is an important
one in his hagiographies. In the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, he is credited—by virtue
of his being a tathdgata—with the power to live to the end of the kalpa; he fails
to remain only, we are told, because Ananda lacks the presence of mind to request
him to do so (Mps-p 3.3-4, 40). In Asvaghosa's text, the story is told in a slightly
different manner, but the assumption is, again, of the Buddha's powers of longev-
ity (23.64ff.). The theme of longevity is an important one among the Buddhist
saints, and—in their cases as in that of the Buddha—it serves to show that their
essential identity as realized beings renders them beyond the power of death. As
we shall see, sometimes this is interpreted as a literally physical longevity and
sometimes as a longevity that is achieved in some other way. In either case,
however, the saint can remain indefinitely available to the suppliant.35
29. Association of the Buddha with millennial expectations. Millennialism—
the belief that the old world order will pass away and be replaced by one in which
peace, justice, and abundance will reign—is in Buddhist tradition most often as-
sociated with the figure of Maitreya. Although there is no mention of Maitreya in
Asvaghosa's text, the future Buddha does play an important role elsewhere in the
Buddha's hagiographical tradition.36 Millennial expectations are at least implicitly
present as a potential in the Buddha's life and type, as a consequence of his
critique of samsara and his compassion for all beings.37 Millennial trends in Bud-
dhism represent the logical outcome of the Buddhist belief in the perfectibility of
human nature and its wish to realize this both individually and socially. The Bud-
dhist monastery represents, in fact, a community with a quasi-millennial charac-
ter, providing as it does a clear and well-organized alternative to communities
based on samsaric norms. Millennial trends tend to be found also among other
Buddhist saints because, they, like the Buddha, put the Buddhist teachings to their
most radical test, and their critique of samsara is perhaps the most thoroughgoing.
30. Anticipation of death. The Buddha knows when his time has come to pass
beyond. In fact, he participates in the setting of the precise time of death when,
at Mara's request, he agrees to die three months hence (23.64-66). For the Bud-
dha as a saint who has transcended death, his own demise holds no fear, and his
lack of concern in the face of it is a further confirmation of his realized status.
The Buddha spends his final days preparing his followers for his demise, giving
final darsan and his last teachings. It is significant that the theme of the forest,
which has played such an important role in Asvaghosa's text to this point, once
again comes to the fore in the Buddha's final instructions to his followers. As-
vaghosa thus has the Buddha counseling his disciples henceforward to follow the
58 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
forest way of life; to have moderate desires (26.55); to observe exact measure in
eating (26.39); to dwell on mountains, in the forest, or in vacant dwellings (26.72);
and to ' 'pass the entire day and also the first and last watches of the night in the
practice of yoga" (26.42).38
31. Extraordinary death. As if in final confirmation of his saintly status, the
Buddha dies in an extraordinary manner, accepting death as an occurrence the
timeliness of which need not be doubted. This attitude is perhaps most fully re-
vealed in the precise way he dies: he enters into meditation, progresses through
its various attainments from first to last and back again, then ascends to the fourth
dhydna, and dies in that manner, an expression not of defeat but of his spiritual
strength and confidence (26.89-92).
32. Ritual disposition of the body of the Buddha, by cremation. The Buddha's
body is ritually prepared and placed in a special casket. His followers pay him
final homage and his body is then ritually cremated, accompanied by various lam-
entations. The Buddha's status renders his body, even after death, imbued with
enlightened charisma, and it is natural that the same degree of ritual attention that
surrounded it in life should do so also in death (27.71-114).
33. The Buddha's remains enshrined in a stupa. The Buddha's remains are
collected in one urn, then divided into eight portions, and stupas are built over
these as well as over the original urn and the ashes of the cremation site. Later,
King Asoka opens the stupas and divides the remains among 84,000 stupas all
over India. In Asvaghosa's rendering, these remains of the Buddha, thus en-
shrined in stupas, carry his very enlightened essence, and worship of them is
considered just as valuable as the worship of the Buddha in life (27.78-79).
34. The association of the Buddha with one or more sacred places. These are
connected with events of his life and become focal points of cultic activity. The
Buddha is associated with various sacred places where he performed important
actions. Preeminent among these are the LumbinI grove where he was born (1.6-
11), the vajra seat under the bodhi tree at Bodh-Gaya where he attained enlight-
enment (12.119), the Deer Park in Banaras where he turned the wheel of dharma
for the first time (15.15), and the grove of the twin sola trees at Kusinagari where
he passed away (25.52-55). The cultic usage of sacred places such as these is
generally not discussed in the Buddhacarita; for this we may turn to the Mahd-
parinirvdna Sutra in its Pali version, which depicts the Buddha telling his follow-
ers that the faithful should visit with reverence these four sites (Mps-p 5.8). The
Buddhacarita, Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, and other accounts mention many addi-
tional sites associated with the Buddha's life. Asvaghosa, for example, mentions
the site on the Ganges where the Buddha is said to have miraculously traveled
from one side of the river to the other and which "is famous in the world as a
place of pilgrimage" (22. II). 39
35. The development of characteristic kinds of texts, in particular sacred bi-
ography and the sayings of the Buddha. What kinds of texts are depicted in the
Buddhacarita as characteristic of the community at the time of the Buddha's pass-
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint 59
ing? Asvaghosa's life shows the Buddha as presenting his teachings in an oral and
situationally directed manner, likely retaining a memory of what the first Buddhist
texts were like.40
These thirty-five themes may perhaps be summarized and drawn together in the
central problematic that runs through the Buddhacarita, seen in Asvaghosa's at-
tempt to articulate a balance between two dimensions—human and superhuman or
divine—of Buddha Sakyamuni's person. Thus Asvaghosa makes no mistake about
the full, emotional, intelligent humanity of Gautama, and this is affirmed through-
out the earlier portions of the text. The divinity of the Buddha is no less real and
actual, affirmed from the account of his miraculous birth onwards. Asvaghosa's
life asserts this point in particular both explicitly by comparing the Buddha favor-
ably with the gods and implicitly by attributing to him many of their characteris-
tics.41 For example, the Buddha literally looks the way gods look: he possesses
an unearthly beauty, his body is luminous with golden light, he is explicitly said
to have the form of the gods, and so on. At several points in the Buddhacarita,
he is explicitly compared to the deities in appearance and demeanor (for example,
1.63; 7.7), and this is not just a hagiographic convention but a way of thinking.42
The deities have control over natural phenomena and so, by virtue of his sancity,
does the Buddha, surrounded as he is by spontaneous miracles. The deities are
not bound by the constraints of a human body, and neither, through his various
miraculous powers, is the Buddha. Finally, the deities come to the Buddha to
worship him and to hear him, sure signs that the Buddha is not only equal but
superior to them.
Asvaghosa insists on the divinity of the Buddha in two other ways, through
using, first, particular terms and, second, certain images. For example, he indi-
cates the superhuman identity of the Buddha by the term siddha (perfected one).
This term appears in both orthodox and heterodox Indian tradition, where it refers
to a human being who has attained an apogee of spiritual realization and has, by
virtue of that, transcended the ordinary human condition.43 Using the term in the
same way, Asvaghosa makes clear the superhuman identity of the siddha and the
Buddha's participation in that identity.44 Asvaghosa also reveals the divinity of
the Buddha through his description of the appearance of the Buddha's eyes. In
India, the eyes of humans and the eyes of gods present different aspects. Gods
may be recognized by the fact that their eyes are steady and do not blink,45 while
those of humans are full of uncertainty and movement, and are always blinking
(for example, 22.39). In many places in the Buddhacarita, Asvaghosa depicts the
Buddha as one whose eyes are unmoving, like those of a divinity (for example,
14.94; 14.108; 15.3; 1.38; 10.13). In speaking of the humanity and the divinity
of the Buddha, it is crucial to note that these are not two natures. For Buddhism,
to be a human being is to have the potential of enlightenment and of a divine and
supradivine status. To be a Buddha is to be a human being perfected and to
manifest that transcendent potential in realized form. In other words, it is be-
cause—not in spite—of his humanity that Gautama can become the god above
gods, the Buddha.
It may be noted that the various themes of this paradigm are not, logically
60 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
speaking, random elements but rather fit together in a coherent pattern and tend
to imply one another. For example, personal crisis leads to longing for personal
transformation which implies a strong sense of spiritual vocation. These elements
in turn suggest the need for a separation (pravrajyd) from the conventional world
and for a journey beyond the boundaries of the known and familiar into the un-
known (the forest). This, in turn, leads to the need for a personal guide or teacher
who can point the way and for a method—here the practice of meditation—by
which this journey can be made. The initiatory separation required for this quest
naturally leads to a calling into question of previously held values, both individual
and societal. Thus Gautama is led to distance himself from prevailing conven-
tional social and religious institutions, values, and ideas. In spite of friends, com-
panions, and teachers, his quest is and must be essentially a solitary one.
The coherence of Gautama's life continues in the direct and personal realiza-
tion that he achieves, involving an initiatory death and rebirth. He abandons the
old self (dtman), characterized by egocentricity, and with new eyes sees human-
ity, all other sentient life, and the cosmos as a whole in a transformed way. The
Buddha's awakening confers on him matchless charisma, recognized by both his
renunciant disciples, who seek to emulate him, and the laity, who express their
devotion mainly through offerings, praises, and so on. The two categories of sup-
pliants, on the one hand, as well as the saint they supplicate, on the other, neces-
sitate one another. At least in the Buddhist case, one cannot have a saint without
those who recognize him and seek to participate, one way or another, in his
achievement. There are two avenues to such participation: emulation and adora-
tion, and in the Buddhacarita both renunciant disciples and lay disciples engage
in both activities, if not always in the same ways. Much the same forms of ado-
ration are used by renunciants and the laity, but emulation, although a central and
immediate aim for renunciants, remains a more removed goal for the layperson,
perhaps of a future time in this life or even in another lifetime.
The Buddha exhibits his spiritual power and charisma in his life and also in
his death. In life, the timeless condition of his realization has been present and
manifest in his physical body, and initimately connected with this condition are
his supernormal body and powers of longevity. After his passing, the same time-
less condition is reflected in the power and charisma present in that condensed
bodily form, his relics, which function as the heart of a new body of the Buddha,
the stupa. Thus the cult of the stupa and the kind of saint that the Buddha repre-
sents are not unrelated to one another or arbitrarily linked together. Rather, as we
shall see in more detail, they also imply one another and are elements of a coher-
ent and organically unified religious type.
A century ago, Senart pointed out that Buddha Sakyamuni embodies a type
that is understood as common to all buddhas, past and future (for example, 1882).
Senart's point may be developed: the type represented by Sakyamuni Buddha is
more specifically defined by these thirty-five thematic components and the para-
digm that they make up. This paradigm, it may further be suggested, defines not
only the essential identity of Buddha Sakyamuni, as seen in his earlier and later
hagiographies, but that of the Buddhist saints in general, including not only other
buddhas but also arhants, pratyekabuddhas, and bodhisattvas. In the following
Buddha Sdkyamuni as a Saint 61
chapters, I examine additional evidence pertinent to the Buddhist saints and at-
tempt to demonstrate the validity of this contention. This is not to insist, however,
that the various individual traditions of Buddhism rigidly conform to this or any
other model in exact detail, for such is not and could not be the case. Thus, not
every figure identified as a Buddhist saint exhibits every element of the paradigm,
and, in fact—apart from the Buddha—probably few if any saints show them all.
Along the same lines, although the paradigm as outlined does hold as a general
presumption about Buddhist saints, the individual thematic elements appear in
various guises and undergo different sorts of interpretations and reinterpretations.
But in spite of such differences, this paradigm constitutes a coherent ideal guiding
Indian Buddhist thinking about saints, and Indian Buddhist saints—mutatis mutan-
dis—tend to approximate it more or less closely.
The Buddhist saints are able, indeed are bound, to approximate the Buddha and
one another so closely and consistently because of the particular notion of human
individuality that they presuppose. This notion was pointed out in 1935 by Mus
in Borobudur, in which he comments that in India "the son does not receive the
property of the father, he assumes his person and it is this that subsidiarily confers
on him right to the property, without any real movement of this latter" (12) and
"in ancient India, one does not inherit from one's father, one inherits one's fa-
ther. One inherits his person" (emphasis added) (124). What applies between
father and son, holds equally for master and disciple. Mus continues, "To say
that the disciples of the Buddha are the inheritors of the dharma, and to attribute
to the Buddha a dharmakaya, a body of dharma, is one and the same affirmation.
This affirmation [derives from] . . . the desire to specify the relationship which
the disciples have with him. . . . This has to do with an identity of persons."
Mus then remarks on the functional character of this notion: "This is not an
ontology, it is a theory of transmission. . . . For to initiate a disciple is to engen-
der him, and to engender is to transmit one's person" (124). This conception,
then, provides the ultimate explanation for the convergence of type among the
Buddha and other saints: they share the same core of personality, in later tradition
explicitly identified as the dharmakaya. And in Indian Buddhist experience, when
the essence is the same, its appearance within history tends toward a common
pattern. As we shall see, at some times more than at others but always undeniably,
the Buddhist saints tend to approximate the type and life of their founder.
The preceding discussion raises an important question: what is the historical status
of the image of the Buddha revealed by the thematic analysis of Asvaghosa's text?
How closely does this "paradigmatic Buddha" correspond to the actual "Buddha
of history"? Already noted is the marked consistency of basic themes in the life
of the Buddha in its different renderings. The reader may further recall that the
Buddha revealed by Asvaghosa, as seen through the lens of thematic analysis, is
at once human and superhuman, imbued with cosmic and mythic dimensions.
62 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Thus the question becomes more specific: to what extent does the human/super-
human Buddha of hagiography correspond with the Buddha of history? It may be
suggested here—and this is a point that is gaining increasing acceptance in bud-
dhology today—that in approaching Buddha Sakyamuni, it is invalid and finally
impossible to separate, as some have tried to do, the man from the myth. Western
and modernist notions of a demythologized individuality standing apart from and
independent of symbol, cult, and legend have no relevance for the early Buddhist
case. Gautama, in his own time and in subsequent times, was able to be the
Buddha precisely because he was understood to embody, in an unprecedented
way, the cosmic and transcendent. Far from being incidental to who he was, myth
and cult defined his essential person, for his earliest followers as for later Bud-
dhists.
Thus we arrive at the seemingly ironic position of affirming that we likely
come closest to the historical Buddha precisely when we take the legendary and
cultic idiom of his hagiographical tradition most seriously. In this context, Snell-
grove remarks that "the whole process of deliberately abstracting everything of
an apparently unhistorical and mythical character, all too often leads away from
any semblance of historical truth. This is because the elements that are deliber-
ately abstracted, usually those relating to religious faith and the cult of the Buddha
as a higher being, may be older and thus nearer the origins of the religion, than
the supposed historical element" (1973, 399).46
The legitimacy of this view is suggested by the interesting fact that the basic
themes of the portrait of the Buddha found in the Buddhacarita are closely paral-
leled in the Pali Suttanipata, one of the earliest Buddhist texts (Lamotte 1958,
172-74; Gomez 1976, 139-40).47 In this early expression of Buddhism, the Bud-
dha is depicted as a forest renunciant who has attained enlightenment (Sn 21; 29);
his enlightenment is recognized by humans and gods (pr., 18 [Nr., 17-18]; 377ff.;
548ff.); he proclaims his own enlightenment (25; 558); he is compassionate to all
beings (155); he possesses miraculous powers (343ff.; 1018ff.); it is a great bless-
ing to receive darsan from him (31; 410-11; 559; 686ff.); a cult surrounds him
(467-78), engaged in by both gods (543) and human beings (236-38) and also
by animals (379); he teaches his dharma to both gods and humans (258ff.; 543);
he accepts both personal disciples and lay followers (91-115); the Buddha's dharma
is not one of texts and scholarship: he deplores "the chanting of texts" (81), and
he is one who has done away with theses and speculations (538) (although P.,
bahusutta; Skt., bahusruta [learned] appears as a lauditory epithet in the Suttani-
pata [for example, 316]; at the same time, we are also told that one obtains the
essence of learning [P., suta; Skt., sruta] through meditation [330]); he over-
comes evil beings (563); he is sharply critical of those who outwardly appear to
be renunciants (bhikkhm) but who inwardly are filled with evil and desire for
praise and gain (84-90; 274-83); according to the Buddha, saints possess numi-
nous power, and those who attack them will suffer dire consequences (pr., 123ff.
[Nr., 11 Iff.]); among the Buddha's disciples, there is one (Sariputra) who will
assume his position after he is gone and who will "turn the incomparable wheel
of dharma turned by [him]" (557); the Buddha's body is marvelous: it has a
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint 63
golden hue (548; 551), the Buddha is radiant (539), shining like the sun, and he
illumines the entire world with his spiritual charisma (378).48
One particular facet of this depiction of Sakyamuni Buddha deserves further
comment, namely, his forest character. It has been noted that one of the key
themes of Asvaghosa's text is the Buddha's status as a saint of the forest who,
even in his public career, continues to espouse the practices and values of forest
renunciation. This raises the question of whether this particular and detailed em-
phasis on the forest in both pre- and postrealization phases of the Buddha's life is
a traditional one or a later innovation, perhaps of Asvaghosa himself. This is a
crucial question, as Asvaghosa's portrait of the Buddha, with its emphasis on the
forest, reveals—as we shall see—considerable variance from the portrait of the
vinaya (and of the two-tiered model), wherein the Buddha is typically depicted as
an urban individual, whose forest episode in his preenlightenment career is rela-
tively brief and isolated and who, after enlightenment, is constantly surrounded
by large groups of disciples and devotees, interacting with the rich and powerful,
journeying from one great city to another, and teaching a Buddhism defined pri-
marily by communal lifestyles and values.
Although it is not possible in the present context fully to engage this complex
issue,49 it may be observed that the vinaya depiction is among the earliest that we
have, far earlier than that of Asvaghosa. This fact may seem to settle the question
of which type of depiction, forest or urban, is the earlier. However, such a judg-
ment does not necessarily follow from the evidence, as is shown by several vivid
and detailed portraits of Sakyamuni Buddha scattered throughout some of the ear-
lier texts of, for instance, the Pali canon. In this context, the Suttanipata provides
particularly interesting evidence.50 In this text, in contrast to the vinaya depic-
tions, Sakyamuni Buddha, both before and after attaining nirvana, is portrayed as
essentially a saint of the forest in whom the communal lifestyle and values of
settled monasticism play no significant role.51 Thus we read that Gautama initially
determined to become a wanderer, living in the open air (406), begging his food
(408), and practicing meditation (425). Meditating in the forest, he encountered
Mara (425ff.), defeated him (43Iff., 449), and attained enlightenment. A forest
lifestyle continues to define the Buddha after his enlightenment, the Suttanipata
says, as he wanders about (25), lives in the forest (165), and dwells alone (eka)
(166), teaching the virtues of seclusion (viveka) (822) and being questioned by
others on these virtues (915).52 In fulfillment of his forest character, he dwells
with no roof over his head (19) and lives sometimes in specific forest locales (pr.,
115 [Nr., 103]) or upon particular mountains (414). In one verse, he is compared
to a lion in a mountain cave (416). In his remote habitation, he does not abandon
meditation (157, 165), takes little food (165), and is restrained in speech (158-
59). Moreover, abiding in the forest, he is available to teach the dharma to others
(167). His suppliants, in order to see him and to engage in his cult, know that he
dwells in the forest and that they must go there to find him (165). On one occa-
sion, King Bimbisara must climb Mount Pandava to see the Buddha (414ff.). The
dharma that the Buddha preaches to his renunciant disciples is, not surprisingly,
one of forest renunciation, in which solitude and meditation are the essence and
64 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
are not to be abandoned (35-75; 207-21; 226; 257; 503; pr., 111-12 [Nr., 99];
and passim)53 and in which sleep is seen as an impediment (331-34).54 Charac-
teristically, in the Suttanipata, terms later particularly indicative of settled monas-
ticism, such as bhikkhu and pdtimokkha, reflect a forest way of life.55 Moreover,
the Buddha's principal successor is depicted as a paradigmatic forest saint, dwell-
ing in solitude, wandering from place to place, delighting in meditation, and
preaching a dharma of forest renunciation (557; 955-75).
The depiction of the Buddha in the Suttanipata thus closely parallels, indeed
exceeds, that of the Buddhacarita in its emphasis on the forest life and its val-
ues.56 This parallelism between the Suttanipata and the Buddhacarita is important
because it suggests that the understanding of the Buddha as an essentially forest
personage goes back to an early time in Buddhism and that the "urban Buddha"
is not necessarily the earliest one.57
The foregoing discussion leads inevitably to the question of the relation of the
specific paradigm disclosed by this analysis to the settled monastic ideal of the
monk, the historically dominant renunciant ideal in Indian Buddhism. The Pali
Mahdparinibbdna Sutta and Milindapanha, as suggested, advocate for the monks
a relationship to Buddha Sakyamuni—during his life or after his passing—not of
worship or veneration, but rather the taking of him as example. In fact, in the
classic monastic tradition, as reflected in these texts, taking the Buddha as ex-
ample is crucial. As Lamotte remarks, monastic tradition sees in this the charac-
teristic mark of its kind of Buddhism, strictly contrasting with that of the laity,
for whom the Buddha is not example but object of worship (1958, 63ff.).
However, one cannot help but notice the literal incongruity between the model
that the Buddha provides and the type of the monk as that has traditionally been
understood in Indian Buddhism. The Buddha entered a life of renunciation out of
intense crisis and a strong sense of personal vocation, whereas monks entered the
religious life out of the greatest variety of circumstances and motives. As Weber
pointed out long ago and as modern anthropologists have confirmed, as often as
not, economic, social, and political considerations played a role as important or
more important than strictly religious ones.58 The Buddha took up a life of wan-
dering, wearing a robe obtained by chance, begging his food from door to door,
and—apart from the rainy season of forced immobility—never staying long in any
one place. This lifestyle stands in marked contrast to the settled and relatively
secure and comfortable life of the monk in the monastery. The Buddha sought out
a personal teacher and was himself such a teacher to his disciples, whereas monks
typically had a variety of teachers, some of whom were assigned, as well as the
samgha itself, acting in various roles of authority in their training. The spiritual
quest of Buddha Sakyamuni was focused on the practice of asceticism and medi-
tation, whereas the monk typically anticipated a life defined chiefly by pure be-
havior and textual study, wherein the practice of meditation is not a natural prior-
ity.
As part of their quest, monks, like Gautama, took a series of vows. However,
Gautama's vows were oriented to the forest quest for enlightenment through the
practice of meditation, whereas the typical vows of the monk concerned the re-
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint 65
gularized entry into monastic life, the following of the specific srdmanera and
prdtimoksa codes, and submission to the rules and conventions of collective be-
havior outlined in the Skandhaka. Furthermore, the Buddha was understood to
have achieved nirvana, whereas for the monks of both Nikaya and Mahayana
Buddhism, full realization was usually not considered an immediately practicable
goal but was one that had significance for the far-removed future. These repudia-
tions of the possibility of a near enlightenment seem naturally to reflect the life of
settled monasticism in which preoccupations other than meditation stood to the
fore. In addition, the Buddha exemplified considerable unconventionality in rela-
tion to his environment, critiquing the established social and religious institutions
of his day. The ideal monk, by contrast, was mild and demure, upholding through
adherence to the prdtimoksa a lifestyle of studied predictability and conventional-
ity, designed to give the laity no cause for offense and to satisfy their desire for
worthy recipients of donations necessary to the maximum accumulation of merit.
The Buddha had great spiritual charisma owing to his realization, which he
boldly proclaimed, and his possession of miraculous powers, which he freely ex-
hibited. These, we are told, drew the reverence and awe of those who met him,
renunciants and laity alike. By contrast, monks, according to the prdtimoksa, are
strongly dissuaded from speaking of their attainments. A monk who speaks of
them, if they turn out to be untrue, is permanently expelled from the monastic
samgha.59 Even if they are true, a monk is forbidden to speak of them to the
laity.60 Further, monks are, in effect, forbidden to reveal or show magical powers
before the laity.61 Thus monks took the Buddha as an example to follow only in
the most general sense. When it came to the particularities of the motivation,
spiritual search, and attainments of the Blessed One, it was not the Indian Bud-
dhist monks who closely followed the Buddha's specific example.
What may be the reason for this incongruity? A plausible answer is found in
the fact that the Buddha and the Buddhist monk as classically conceived represent
two divergent, indeed quite different, religious trends, each having its roots in the
sixth century B.C.E. in northeastern India. Playing a key role in this time and place
was the figure of the heterodox renunciant, commonly known as sramana, one
who abandoned conventional society and its ways to follow a religious life.62 The
importance of the sramana for the inception of Indian Buddhism has been univer-
sally recognized: Gautama was himself a sramana and was known as the Maha-
sramana (the great sramana); his disciples were known as sramanas, and many of
the features of early Buddhism reflect elements held in common by the various
sramanas and sramana groups.
However, the sramanas represented more than one type, a fact that has not
been sufficiently acknowledged or integrated into views of early Buddhism. In the
texts of Nikaya Buddhism, for example, one finds two quite different depictions
of sramanas. On the one hand, there are the sramana groups, headed by one or
another teacher, who move about in large bodies, seem to live an essentially
communal existence, are defined by particular life rules, are found in or near
towns and villages, and spend much of their time discussing and debating doc-
trine. On the other hand, are more solitary sramanas, who live in seclusion, prac-
tice meditation, and strive for liberation. The Buddha and Mahavlra (founder of
66 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Jainism), prior to their realizations, are perhaps the best known of this latter type
of sramana, but other examples are found in the evidence reflecting this period.
Romila Thapar, in an important article (1978; see also 1975), contends that
these two different types of depiction in fact reflect two quite distinct and different
types of heterodox renunciants in sixth century B.C.E. India that she calls the
"ascetic" and the "renouncer."63 The ascetic, corresponding to the more solitary
renunciant, undertakes the more radical renunciation of the two, for he has "opted
out of society, renounced social mores and cast himself away." He "isolates
himself totally and is thus lost to his kin and his society and to other ascetic
colleagues" (1978, 64). Moreover, the goal of the ascetic is also the more radical,
for ascetics aim at nothing less than the liberating experience of, and union with,
ultimate reality. They also follow a distinctive method, namely, the practice of
meditation and austerity (tapas). Moreover, they live in isolation, in the forest,
obtaining food as they can. The ascetics were thus "figures of loneliness working
out their salvation each one for himself" (65). Of the two types of sramana, the
ascetic is the higher ideal, for he aspires after the unsurpassable goal (63-64).
The renouncer, the sramana who represents the more collective ideal, is like
the ascetic in opting out of conventional society but unlike the ascetic, joins a
group of renouncers and lives in an organized order (Thapar 1978, 64). This order
constitutes a society that is different from, but parallel to, conventional society
and is characterized by particular rules, some of which are typical of sramanas in
general, some of which are particular to specific groups. These bodies of re-
nouncers typically live in or near towns and villages, again in contrast to the
ascetic, who lives in more isolated places (69). Thapar stresses the renouncers'
close relationship with conventional society: "The . . . sects of renouncers lived
at the edges of towns, drew their recruits mainly from the towns, and were depen-
dent for alms on the householders. . . . It was the towns which provided the
renouncers with an audience and . . . with patronage" (70). The groups of re-
nouncers played an important role in the town and village life of ancient India,
such that the bigger towns built kutukalasdlds, halls for discussion, "literally places
for exciting curiosity or interest" (69). This, in fact, identifies a chief preoccu-
pation of the renouncer groups: in addition to seeking knowledge, they engaged
in discussion and debate (69). This also indicates the close proximity of the re-
nouncers to the laity and explains another important feature of their lives, namely,
their teaching of laypeople. The great majority of those quitting the world were
renouncers rather than ascetics, for the ascetic "has always been something of a
rarity, more frequently described in literature than encountered in reality" (64).M
The Buddhist evidence examined in succeeding chapters suggests that Tha-
par's typology needs fine tuning in several respects. For one thing, Thapar implies
that ascetics do not live in community at all, but this is overstating the matter,
for—at least in the Buddhist case—community usually does have a role to play in
their lives. In addition, she presents these two types as if they were clear and
unambiguous, but in fact one finds examples that seem to lie somewhere in be-
tween the pure ascetic and renouncer types. Further, Thapar's description implies
that these two types are separate from one another, whereas, in fact, there might
be movement of renunciants from one group to the other and back. Furthermore,
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint 67
realized ascetics might come out of their seclusion to teach renouncers and could
perhaps even act as heads of renouncer orders. Apart from these corrections, how-
ever, Thapar's typology is accurate and will prove useful in the present context.
The following discussion will refer to Thapar's two renunciant types under des-
ignations reflecting their preferred venues. Thapar's ascetic will be called forest
renunciant; her renouncer, town-and-village renunciant.
The two-tiered model, both in many Buddhist texts and in modern scholarship,
depicts the Buddha as establishing a community of renunciants based on the model
of town-and-village renunciation. In fact, the two-tiered model suggests that the
Buddha taught only a dharma of town-and-village renunciation and rejected forest
renunciation, except as an elective option for a few. However, given (1) the con-
text of the sixth century B.C.E. with its two renunciant options and the spiritual
priority of forest renunciation, (2) the explicit value placed on seclusion, medita-
tion, and realization within so much of the early Buddhist literature, and (3) most
especially—as we shall see—the clear evidence of important trends of forest re-
nunciation at early and later times within Indian Buddhist history, it would seem
difficult to have confidence in the formulation suggested by the two-tiered model.
An alternative view may be constructed, using Thapar's typology, in which
the images of the Buddha as a realized forest renunciant are seen as far more
important than has been previously recognized. In fact, the Buddha conforms to
the type of forest renunciation as defined by Thapar. This suggests the hypothe-
sis—to be explored in the pages that follow—that the Buddha was indeed a saint
of the forest whose earliest disciples were forest renunciants and who espoused a
dharma essentially of forest renunciation. This is not, of course, to rule out the
possibility that town-and-village renunciation figured in some way in the very
early tradition.
However, whether and how it may have done so remains unclear. For ex-
ample, did the Buddha, during his lifetime, present his dharma not only within a
forest context but also within a town-and-village context? Did he teach town-and-
village renunciation as a viable form of renunciant life? Did he have as disciples
not only forest renunciants but also town-and-village renunciants? Did he, then,
condone the formation of town-and-village samghas among his disciples, thus
giving his implicit if not explicit approval to the formation of a Buddhism of
town-and-village renunciation as a second renunciant wing alongside the wing of
forest renunciation?
The Nikaya evidence and particularly that of the Pali canon, with its tendency
to view town-and-village renunciation as normative, would certainly suggest affir-
mative answers to these questions. However, as we have seen, this evidence has
its own agenda to promote and cannot necessarily be taken at face value. The
question of whether town-and-village renunciation was a part of the original dharma
preached by the Buddha must remain open and unanswered, at least for the time
being.
Be this as it may, town-and-village renunciation soon came to play a central
and dominating role within Indian Buddhism. For it was clearly out of a Bud-
dhism of town-and-village renunciation that classical monasticism developed quickly,
within at most a few generations of the Buddha's death. Thus the particular con-
68 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
cerns for correct behavior, for communal organization, and for close and regular-
ized relations with the laity on the part of town-and-village renunciants found clear
expression in the vinaya, while the preoccupation of town-and-village renunciation
with doctrinal discussion and debate eventually took shape, it may be strongly
suspected, in the vocation of texts and scholarship. The foregoing, then, suggests
one possible reason for the literal incongruity between the religious type of the
Buddha and the type represented by the monk of classical monasticism. These two
are so different because they represent two quite distinct, if interconnected, ren-
unciant ideals, the one of the forest, the other of the town and village.65
Notes
1. Buddhaghosa, following received tradition, gives the classical definition: " 'For-
est', according to the vinaya method firstly, is described thus: 'Except the village and its
precincts, all is forest' " (Vsm 72 [N., 72]; cf. PTSD 76, s.v. aranna). Thus, as we shall
see, a forest-dwelling saint may live in a variety of places, including mountains, deserts,
caves, jungles, and even cremation grounds.
2. This symbolic meaning of the word has been present from an early time. The
Sanskrit term aranya derives from the Vedic word orana (remote) (PTSD 76, s.v. aranna).
PTSD comments further that "in the Rig V. aranya still means remoteness (opp. to ama,
'at home')." SED similarly says that in the Rig Veda, aranya means "a foreign or distant
land" (SED 86, s.v. aranya) and that vana (forest) can have a similar meaning (SED 917,
s.v. vana).
3. As we shall see, in the texts, the forest refers, on the one hand, literally to the
dwelling place and life of extreme renunciation of the typical renunciant in more or less
isolated retreat and, on the other, figuratively, to a mental place or attitude in which prevail
what one may call the values of the forest, such as inner renunciation, satisfaction with
little, and a meditative state of mind. In defining this element of the forest saint, the
following pages will specify two countertypes. The first is, not surprisingly, that of the
ordinary world and its folk, who are addicted to samsaric values. A second countertype is
that of settled monastery, adjuct to town or village, wherein dwell monks or nuns in relative
(compared to the forest renunciant) safety and security. As in the case of the forest, both
ordinary world and monastery, along with their ways of life, are also used in both literal
and figurative ways. Literally, of course, they refer to particular habitations with certain
definable characteristics. Figuratively, the ordinary world represents a mental realm or at-
titude of attachment, whereas the monastery represents a realm or attitude of renunciation,
but one that can be seen as partial and imperfect. In this construct, the forest represents the
domain of the saint, and the monastery represents a place of greater proximity to the world,
understood both literally and figuratively.
As we shall see, this dichotomy between forest and settled monastery can be a useful
construct. The identification of the Buddhist saint with a forest location and with forest
values works relatively well for much of the Indian Buddhist evidence, particularly that
representing formative phases of Buddhism itself and of the Mahayana. In this evidence, it
helps us to gain some fundamental insights concerning Buddhist saints, their place within
Indian Buddhism, and their own assessment of their particular way of being Buddhist. At
the same time, however, although this model is useful in clarifying certain patterns in
Buddha Sdkyamuni as a Saint 69
Buddhist history, given the complexity of Buddhist history, it must be applied with care in
any given situation (see the Conclusion of this book).
4. See e.g., Robinson and Johnson (1982), in which we are told that Sakyamuni
Buddha's claim to his realized status may be incredible to us moderns, but it "was scarcely
less preposterous to professional ascetics in the sixth century B.C.E." (25).
5. For useful summaries of the more important of these, see Lamotte 1958, 718-33,
Reynolds 1976, and Reynolds and Hallisey 1987.
6. Asvaghosa, Buddhacarita (Johnston 1936 and 1937). The Sanskrit original of the
Be is extant only for chapters 1-14 (there are also some Sanskrit fragments from central
Asia [Lamotte 1958, 726, n. 20]). The entire text survives in Tibetan and Chinese. Weller
(1928) has produced a Tibetan edition for chapters 1-17 and a German translation of the
same. Beal (1883) has translated the Chinese version into English in its entirety. Johnston's
English translation for chapters 1-14 relies on the Sanskrit, with some missing verses
supplied using Weller's edition of the Tibetan and his German translation. Johnston's trans-
lation of chapters 15-17 relies on Weller's edition of the Tibetan and his German transla-
tion, with reference to the Chinese. For the translation of chapters 18-28 Johnston relies
on at least two different Tibetan texts, identified as "the India Office copy" and a "roto-
graph of the red Peking edition." In the present chapter of this study, references to the
Buddhacarita are to the chapter and verse of Johnston's translation. For those wishing to
consult the Sanskrit and/or Tibetan, the following concordance of verses is provided.
1 1-7 1-7
8-89 8-89 8-89
2-7 Skt., Tib., and Eng. verses correspond
8 1-53 1-53 1-53
54 — 54
55-87 54-86 55-87
(Skt. 54 is missing in Tib. Verse 55 in Skt. corresponds to
54 in Tib. and so on. Eng. follows Skt.)
9 1-49 1-49 1-49
— 50 —
50-82 51-83 50-82
(Tib. 50 is missing in Skt. Skt. 50 corresponds to Tib. 51
and so on. Eng. follows Skt.)
10-11 Skt., Tib., and Eng. verses correspond
12 1-59 1-59 1-59
60 — 60
61-121 60-120 61-121
(Skt. 60 is missing in Tib. Skt. 61 corresponds to Tib. 60
and so on. Eng. follows Skt.)
13 1-72 1-72 1-72
— 73 —
(Tib. 73, not in Skt., is not translated by Johnston.)
14 1-30 1-30 1-30
— 31 —
31 32 31
70 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Given some uncertainty concerning the Tibetan texts used by Johnston and the way in
which he used them, I have not tried to correlate Johnston's English translation of chapters
18-28 with a specific edition of the Tibetan. These chapters may be found in the Derge
edition of bstan.'gyur, skyes.rab, vol. ge, chapter 18 beginning at 1029.4; chapter 19 at
1038.3; 20:1044.4; 21:1050.3; 22:1056.1; 23:1060.4; 24:1066.3; 25:1071.2; 26:1077.7;
27:1089.3; and 28:1098.5. The reader may find Johnston's English translation of chapters
1-14 in Johnston 1936 and that of chapters 15-28 in Johnston 1937. These are bound
together in Johnston 1984.
7. Each of these two main sections is again divided in half so that Be is composed of
four equal parts: (1) birth up to renunciation (chapters 1-7); (2) the spiritual journey to
enlightenment (8-14); (3) the teaching mission (15-21); and (4) the final journey and
parinirvana, followed by the division of relics and building of stupas (22-28). Warder
makes the interesting observation that this fourfold framework corresponds to the four main
places of pilgrimage: Kapilavastu, Bodh-Gaya, Banaras, and Kusinagari (Warder 1970,
340). Its structure parallels also, of course, that of the lunar month.
8. Of course, the fragmentary and other full-length biographies also discuss the Bud-
dha as a saint. However, among the Buddha's biographies, Asvaghosa's text exemplifies a
unique interest in this topic. Asvaghosa reveals himself to be accomplished in treating what
is perhaps (at least for us) the central issue in the Buddha's hagiography, namely, the
respective roles in his person of the human and the divine. Asvaghosa's fidelity to the
human dimension of Buddha Sakyamuni is, of course, in line with his general "theology."
As he himself remarks, "All bodhisattvas . . . first tasted the flavour of worldly pleasures
and then . . . left for the forest" (2.56). In his fidelity to the humanity of the Buddha,
Asvaghosa stands in contrast with some of the other well-known biographies of the Bud-
dha. The Lalitavistara, for example, quickly loses sight of the humanity of the Buddha in
its glorification of him. His life prior to his realization does not provide a real model for
human beings, because even here the Buddha is already fully enlightened and is just going
through the motions of an as yet unrealized human life.
The Mahavastu exhibits similar tendencies. In the Introduction to the Jdtaka (or Nida-
nakathd), a Sinhalese compilation, the humanity of the Buddha slips away in another di-
rection. Here the Buddha is depicted in more scaled-down terms in comparison with Lv,
but the presentation is wooden, and the Buddha, even in his prerealization days, is credited
with few genuine human problems or emotions. Asvaghosa's text is not, of course, the
only one to make much of the humanity of the Buddha. However, unlike Asvaghosa's
work, which emphasizes Gautama's spiritual quest, other works presenting the humanity
of the Buddha often take more interest in his social and political role. Thus the biographical
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint 71
sections of the vinaya, given in both the Theravadin and Mulasarvastivadin canons, for
example, tend to view the Buddha in terms of his religiopolitical role as founder of the
Buddhist church.
Three other factors make Asvaghosa's work particularly appropriate in the present con-
text. First, he is faithful to existing tradition and is an accurate summarizer of that tradition,
as understood at a relatively early time (Johnston 1984, xxxviii; xl). Second, he provides
a window into the Buddha's life, not just as it was expressed in a particular text or tradi-
tion, but as it was widely understood among Indian Buddhists of his time (xl). Third,
Asvaghosa communicates in a uniquely clear and penetrating way, no doubt owing largely
to his calling, training, and accomplishment as a poet, enabling him to speak in a way that
is intelligent and apt, that avoids cliches, and that embodies the high literary standards of
his culture.
9. One important exception is the Mahdpaddna Sutta (Dn 2:1-54 [T.R. and C.R.
1899-1921, 2:4-41]).
10. At the same time, it should be noted that the events of the Buddha's life preceding
the renunciation also play a paradigmatic role in Buddhist hagiography. However, this role
is of a different and more limited nature than the postrenunciation events. It is only the
most highly regarded Buddhist saints who are honored by having lives that approximate
that of the Buddha, even in the events prior to leaving home. See, e.g., Guenther 1963,
7-22.
In Asvaghosa's rendering, some of the more important of these prior events include:
Gautama's entry into the womb of Queen Maya, his mother-to-be, in the form of a white
elephant (1.4); his miraculous birth from her side (1.10); the various cosmic miracles that
attend his birth (1.16); the glory of the newborn infant's appearance (1.12-13); his taking
seven steps to each of the four quarters and declaring this his final birth (1.14-15); the
miraculous washing of the babe by the gods (1.16); the participation of various superhuman
beings in cultic acts of reverence (1.18-20); the prediction of his destiny as a world em-
peror (cakravartin) or enlightened buddha (1.31-38); the visit of the sage Asita (1.49-80);
the princely training of the young Gautama (2.24); his life in the court (2.20ff.); his mar-
riage to Yasodhara (2.26); and the birth of his son Rahula (2.46). For a discussion of the
Buddha's birth story, see Hara 1980.
It is worth noting that although these hagiographic features generally do not apply to
Buddhist saints other than world-redeeming buddhas, they typically are understood to apply
to other buddhas and so are not considered idiosyncratic to Sakyamuni Buddha alone.
According to Mpds (see Lamotte 1958, 721-22), all buddhas, in their final lives, experi-
ence the same events; thus the text tells of the former Buddha Vipasyin, whose life story
duplicates the principal themes of Sakyamuni's life, including the major events surrounding
his incarnation and birth. (On this issue, see Dayal 1931, 292-93.) These actions are
formalized in the standard set of twelve acts that are attributed to Sakyamuni and other
buddhas, an example of which is provided by Bu.ston (Obermiller 1931, 7ff.). The Stha-
virdvaddna similarly remarks that "by virtue of the nature of reality [dharmatd], buddha-
bhagavats, while they live and exist, must without fail accomplish ten actions" (Cms 3.1:
163 [Hofinger 1954, 176-77]). The ten actions mentioned in this text, however, differ from
the more well known list of twelve. This reveals one aspect of the pronounced tendency
toward assimilation to type among the Buddhist saints. Not only, as mentioned, do Bud-
dhist saints in general tend to approximate the general paradigm as outlined, but the mem-
bers of a given subtype of saints—here the world-redeeming buddhas—tend to be assimi-
lated to their even more specific subclass.
11. Thus, when Queen Maya, the Buddha's mother-to-be, is about to deliver her holy
child, she longs for the solitude of the forest (1.6). The sage Asita, the fully renounced
72 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
one, is also linked with the forest: he comes from the forest to the palace to see the new
babe and even amidst the sensual attractions of palace life remains unmoved, "deeming
himself to be, as it were, in a forest" (1.51).
12. See the treatment of theme 14, p. 52.
13. As we shall see in Chapter 9, it is precisely these three factors of simple dress,
sustenance by begging, and living "in the forest" that receive elaboration in the classical
Buddhist ascetic code (dhutaguna).
14. Terms used include pratijnd (e.g., 9.44, 11.50), vrata (e.g., 12.91), and niscaya
(e.g., 13.59).
15. Thus, at his birth, he vows that, for the good of all beings, this will be his last
existence (1.15), an intention that is repeated to his father, his groom, and others (5.28;
5.78; 7.48; and 9.78-79). On leaving Kapilavastu, he similarly declares that he will not
return until he has attained liberation (5.84; 6.14-22). When visited in the forest, he reaf-
firms his intention to fulfill his vow to attain realization (12.100-101). And seated beneath
the bodhi tree, he makes a vow to remain there until he has achieved enlightenment (12.119-
20).
16. Such ascetic vows are, of course, not restricted to Gautama and were understood
by Asvaghosa as a relatively common feature of the wandering life of forest yogins (see,
e.g., 9.44; 9.47; 12.91).
17. In other texts, the Buddha regularly travels to other realms not accessible to mor-
tals, such as Lake Anavatapta (Hofinger 1954, 7). By the time of Asafiga, the enumeration
of the contents of the abhijnd and particularly of the rddhi had come to be more inclusive
than the earlier versions. See the "powers" (prabhdva) chapter of the Bodhisattvabhumi
(40-54).
Other supernormal abilities attributed to the Buddha include his ability to walk and talk
at birth (1.14-15); to learn in a few days lessons that would normally take years (2.24); to
cross a river in an instant (22.8-9); to leave his footprints in stone (21.24); and to remain
unharmed in the midst of a fire (16.27-37).
18. Other saints also possess, by virtue of their enlightenment, powers like the Buddha.
Thus Kasyapa is called "master of magical powers" (16.66) and is depicted as, among
other things, flying like a bird in space; standing, sitting, lying down, and walking in the
sky; blazing like a fire; and shedding water like a cloud (16.64-68).
19. Thus it is said that he will become either a world emperor (cakravartin) or a bud-
dha (1.34), and, in his youth, he is credited with many masteries—physical, intellectual,
and social.
20. For the sake of convenience, I employ the Hindi rendering of the term, the form
with which readers are most likely to be familiar.
21. On the phenomenon of darsan in Indian religions, see Gonda 1969 and Eck 1981.
22. In Asvaghosa's biography, one may take darsan not only from the Buddha but from
any genuine saint. For example, it is when Gautama "sees" the wandering sramana that
he is inspired to renounce the world. Similarly, he later takes darsan from Arada (12.4).
Again, when the renunciant Asvajit enters Rajagrha on his alms rounds, he holds "the eyes
of a great crowd by his beauty, his tranquility and his demeanour" (17.3). One is also able
to take darsan from Kasyapa (16.69).
23. Quite interesting in this context is the portion of the text immediately preceding
this story, coming at the end of Canto 25, where the Buddha explicitly affirms that "sal-
vation does not come from the mere seeing of me" (25.77). The structure and content of
this section raise some interesting questions. It is clear that darsan is one of Asvaghosa's
favorite themes and that it receives positive treatment everywhere else in the text. Just
before this critique of darsan, the Mallas—aware that the Buddha is about to die—have
Buddha Sakyamuni as a Saint 73
just remarked on the salvific implications of seeing the Buddha: "Surely men become
objects of derision, like those who come away poor from a goldmine, if, having seen the
guru, the omniscient great seer, in person, they do not win to the higher path." The text
then praises the Mallas' words. Immediately following this, the Buddha comments, "So
indeed it is the case that salvation does not come from the mere sight of me." This and
the next three verses are, in effect, a homily that in its placement, its subject matter, and
particularly in its polemical tone appears out of place. This impression is softened by
considering the full context of the argument being made at this point in the text. "So indeed
is it the case that salvation does not come from the mere sight of me without the strenuous
practice in the methods of yoga; he who thoroughly considers this my law is released from
the net of suffering, even without the sight of me" (25.77). The practice of yoga (under-
stood here to refer to meditative techniques) is, of course, implied by the cult of saints—
as the method by which saints are produced, so to speak—and yoga is a key concern of
Asvaghosa. Considering these facts, this critique of the limitations of darsan alone is com-
patible with the affirmation of darsan occurring throughout the rest of the text. Everyone
should participate in darsan, the text seems to say, but those who would renounce the
world, emulate the Buddha, and gain release had better do more than that!
24. For an informative analysis of the rich and multifaceted place and function of the
"gods" in early Buddhism, see Wagle 1985.
25. As the Buddha says to some of his disciples, "you have passed beyond suffering.
. . . It is proper now to help others" (18.16).
26. Adapted from Tambiah 1984.
27. The gods also figure among those who are devoted to the Buddha and may attain
the goal (e.g., 18.16).
28. In the well-known "questions which tend not to edification," one is to renounce
knowledge that does not lead directly to the winning of salvation (Warren 1886, 117-28).
The passages cited by Warren are interesting because they give evidence of two different
viewpoints, one of which puts the practical concern for liberation above all others, the
second of which places more value on theoretical knowledge.
29. Indeed, in the Suttanipdta, the Buddha remarks, "What is obtained by chanting
hymns [or verses] is not to be eaten by me. This is, brahmin, not the practice of those who
see rightly. The Buddhas refuse what is obtained by chanting hymns [or verses]" (Sn 14
[Sadatissa 1985, 9]; see also Norman 1985, 13). Of course, in this passage, the Buddha
distinguishes himself from the brahmins who do make their living by textual recitation, but
the Buddha here implicitly advances the efficacy of the meditative life and criticizes certain
religious behavior, such as textual memorization and recitation, that does not lead directly
to the sought-after goal.
30. When Amrapall comes to the Buddha for the first time, he remarks, "This your
intention is virtuous and your mind is steadfast by purification" (22.41).
31. Foucher emphasizes this theme: " 'Never,' we are told, 'did it occur to him to
say, "This man is a noble; this man is a Brahman; this man is rich; this man is poor;
therefore I shall preach to this one in preference to the other." ' " Foucher continues, "As
the rain falls from the sky, his word fell on all—young and old, intelligent and obtuse,
virtuous and criminal, of humble and of noble parentage—without exception. Even caste,
that rigid mold which modern India has not been able to shed, did not exist for the Blessed
One" (1963, 193-94).
32. Notwithstanding the tendency of much nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century
scholarship to portray him as, in Schopen's words, "a sweetly reasonable Victorian Gentle-
man" (1990, 181).
33. It is said to shine with golden spendor (19.46).
74 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
34. The next morning, he emerges with the docile Naga curled up in his begging bowl.
35. On this see Ray 1990.
36. In various sources to be examined later, we are told that the dharma will again find
its fruition in a future age, when Maitreya will come and will receive the mantle of Buddha
Sakyamuni from Mahakasyapa to inaugurate a new and perfect world order in which the
dharma will flourish. For a summary of sources, see Lamotte 1958, 775-89. See also
Lancaster 1987.
37. The Buddha's message is addressed at once to the individual and to the collective.
On the one hand, his analysis ofduhkha points to both the individual's ignorance and thirst,
and also the interlocking web of the unenlightened cosmos as a whole, with all its beings
and its samsaric values and motivations. On the other hand, it sets out a path to liberation
that emphasizes the importance of both individual effort and also community. The samgha
is thus one of the three jewels, and community is essential, not only to the layperson and
the monk in the monastery, but also to the "solitary" meditator in the forest.
38. Johnston points out that in its final chapters (22-28), Be closely recapitulates Mps
(1937, 7). Thus, the final teachings of the Buddha presented in Be include not only the
injunction to forest renunciation cited here but also the advocacy of the values of the settled
monastery. For example, one is to replace the living saint with the pratimoksa—"When I
have gone to the Beyond, you should treat the pratimoksa as your spiritual director (dcdrya),
as your lamp, as your treasure" (26.26)—and one is also to judge all teachings put forward
in terms of whether they accord with the sutras and the vinaya (25.38-45), rejecting those
that do not. These and other themes characteristic of settled monasticism do not appear
elsewhere in the text. In their appearance here, they provide a contrast with the emphasis
on the sainthood of the Buddha and of his disciples that is the unifying theme of the rest
of Asvaghosa's work.
39. For a discussion of the eight great principal pilgrimage sites, see Foucher 1963,
201-42.
40. The "earliest Buddhist literature," as reconstructed by Frauwallner and others,
clearly presupposes both a significant hagiographical tradition and collections of the say-
ings of the master. Early texts such as the Dhammapada and the Suttanipdta (the former
with its short, epigrammatic sayings grouped in short sections, the latter with its brief
suttas) and archaeology (which reveals a strong hagiographical concern in stupa remains)
appear harmonious with the view that these two types of literature were primary at an early
time. These types of literature are also compatible with the early, meditatively preoccupied,
wandering community: usually in verse, these were clearly forms of literature that could be
held in memory with relative ease and could be transmitted among renunciants whose main
preoccupation was meditation. These kinds of texts contrast, of course, with the later,
longer, and more complex works and collections of works such as came to predominate in
classical Buddhism, texts whose memorization and understanding clearly required a great
deal of energy and attention.
41. We have already seen several ways in which the Buddha has been implicitly assim-
ilated to the gods, such as in the attribution to him of supernormal abilities and the asso-
ciation with his person of various spontaneous and miraculous occurrences, e.g., earth-
quakes and rain. As we have also seen, this kind of assimilation to the status of a deity is
not something unique to the Buddha, for the other Buddhist saints also have powers and
attract miracles. One particularly interesting example in the Buddhacarita of this sort of
assimilation occurs when the Buddha asks Kasyapa to display miraculous phenomena and
the saint responds by performing various feats, including blazing like a fire and emitting
water "like a cloud" (16.64-67). Then, we are told, "as he took great strides, blazing
Buddha Sdkyamuni as a Saint 75
and shedding water, he appeared like a cloud pouring forth rain and brilliant with flashes
of lightning" (16.68). As part of his expression of enlightened appearance, then, Kasyapa
appears in the form of a thunderstorm. Przyluski describes an analogous phenomenon (1926-
28, 239-58) in his examination of the saint Gavampati, who similarly appears in the form
of a thunderstorm; Przyluski concludes that this saint is essentially a god of the storm who
has come to be regarded as a saint. To Przyluski's remarks, it may be added that the
association of the Buddhist saints with rain and storm is not atypical, particularly through
their frequent connection with and power over the ndgas, who control rain and storm. One
is also reminded here of the power frequently ascribed to Buddhist saints of emitting fire
from the upper part of their bodies and water from their lower (formalized in Asanga's
well-known list of "powers" [Bbh 45]). For some other examples of Buddhist saints with
close connections to rain and storm, see I-liang 1945, 241ff.
42. The Pali texts, for example, regularly show the gods regarding the Buddha as an
equal or superior (Wagle 1985, 60).
43. In Jainism, siddhas are those liberated souls who dwell in an assembly in the
uppermost realm of the cosmos (Caillat 1987, 512). They are human beings who have
attained perfection and who have, by virtue of that, gained a superhuman status. The term
is also found in the Ramayana, where it similarly refers to a human being who has attained
perfection and thereby gained superhuman qualities (SED, 1215). The term appears with a
similar meaning in the Mahabhdrata (Narasimhan 1965, 230). The term is also well known
from a considerably later time as designating the enlightened ideal of Indian Tantric Bud-
dhism (Ray 1987).
44. The term siddha is used in several different contexts in the Be. The superhuman
identity of the siddha is made clear in the Be account of the Buddha's achievement of
enlightenment: the earth quaked and "the quarters shone bright with crowds of siddhas"
(14.87). In other passages, Gautama's own status as a siddha is affirmed. For example,
Asvaghosa tells us that when Gautama left his groom Chanda, he "proceeded to the her-
mitage, overpowering it with his beauty, as if he were a siddha" (7.1). Again, when he
tames the ndga and emerges unharmed from the inferno, he is himself simply called "sid-
dha" (16.27). Finally, one of the Buddha's names is Sarvarthasiddha (19.43).
45. Diana Eck remarks, "One of the ways in which the gods can be recognized when
they move among people on this earth is by their unblinking eyes. Their gaze and their
watchfulness [are] uninterrupted" (1981, 7).
46. On the earliness of the mythic and cultic dimensions of Sakyamuni, see also Snell-
grove 1969 and 1970, 75.
47. References to verses of Sn do not include separate references to the translation, as
the verses in the Pali text and the English translation of Norman are identically numbered.
References to the prose follow the format "pr." for prose, page number in the Pali text,
and page number of English translation.
48. Significantly, the Suttanipdta shows little interest in the magical powers of the
Buddha (or other saints) or in the miraculous response of the cosmos to them. This is, as
we shall see, typical of texts that, like the Suttanipdta, reflect the forest life, in contrast to
those that are primarily concerned with the cults of such saints.
49. In order to do so, one would need to survey images of the Buddha not only in the
various vinayas and related texts (as has Bareau [1963 and 1972]) but also in the full range
of Nikaya Buddhist texts extant in Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese. The results would then
need to be analyzed, in so far as possible, in terms of the different kinds of communities
that retained them.
50. The references to the Buddha are scattered throughout the Sn and are particularly
76 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
concentrated in the Hemavata Sutta (153-80), the Pabbajjd Sutta (405-24), the Padhana
Sutta (425-49), and the Ndlaka Sutta (679-723). Lamotte remarks that the latter three are
archaic in style but indicates his own suspicions that they represent a Pali adaptation of
fragments borrowed from Northern tradition (1958, 731). Whether this be the case or not,
the material they contain is thematically consistent with images of the Buddha occurring
elsewhere in the Sn.
51. Later sections of Sn contain what may be references to settled monasticism; see
e.g., the Ratana Sutta (222-38).
52. Or "detachment" (Norman's preference). Sn occasionally depicts the Buddha among
great crowds of bhikkhus (1250 in the Sela Sutta [pr., 102ff. (Nr., 94ff.)]), but this is the
exception.
53. The text occasionally has the Buddha living near a village; for example, we are
told that he can be found in villages, on the tops of mountains, or in the Jeta Grove in the
drama of Anathapindada (P., Anathapindika) (pr., 46 [Nr., 44]).
54. Foregoing sleep is, of course, an important practice of forest renunciation in Bud-
dhism and is associated with one of the twelve- (or thirteen-) member ascetic code of the
dhutagunas (see Chapter 9).
55. In Sn, the term bhikkhu generally indicates a renunciant of the forest, and in the
Tuvataka Sutta, where the ideal bhikkhu is discussed, he is described as a forest renunciant
(915-34). Similarly, the term pdtimokkha, which in the Pali canon usually implies settled
monasticism, appears in Sn in a forest context (340). For a discussion of this term see
Chapter 3, n. 20.
56. For the similar image of Mahavlra as a forest renunciant both before and after
realization, see Tatia 1980, 322-66.
57. The image of the Buddha as a saint dwelling in the forest, even after his enlight-
enment, also appears in more developed tradition. Lamotte, for example, calls our attention
to the legend according to which, while Buddha Sakyamuni was staying at KausambI, there
occurred a schism over a minor detail of discipline that he was not able to resolve. The
Buddha then "withdrew for some time into the Parileyyaka forest where he lived in the
company of wild animals" (1958, 22).
Most scholars, of course, have tended to take the depictions of the Buddha as an essen-
tially urban figure at face value and without question. Edward Conze, for example, remarks
that "most of the Buddha's public activity took place in cities and that helps to account for
the intellectual character of his teaching, the 'urbanity' of his utterances and the rational
quality of his ideas" (Conze 1980, 12). Conze is quite right to link the more rational and
intellectual dimensions of Buddhism with an urban environment, the environment of estab-
lished, settled monasticism, but it would seem an unjustifiable leap to conclude that this
also represents the original context of the Buddha and style of his Buddhism.
58. At any given point in Buddhist history, many of those living in monasteries entered
at ages sufficiently young that any personal sense of spiritual vocation must be highly
doubted. Parents and relatives have, in their turn, typically regarded the monastic vocation
as a status-producing one. When the monastic vocation has been entered upon in some
maturity of age, one may often have mixed motives as well. For the socially disadvantaged,
entry into the monastery might reflect hope of greater opportunities, economic and social
as well as religious. Prospective monks, whatever their previous situations, might have
the expection of improvement of their standing, relatively reliable sustenance, and a roof
over their heads. See Spiro 1982, 321-50, for a discussion of this issue in the Burmese
context.
To say this, of course, is not to deny the possibility of deeply personal commitment
Buddha Sdkyamuni as a Saint 77
but rather to point to the relative heterogeneity of motivations and factors behind a given
monastic renunciant's entry into the order. This is also not to deny that mixed motives
existed for forest renunciants as well. However, for these latter there is typically so much
less to be gained in the way of material security, comfort, or social confirmation that such
"worldly" motives are less likely to have been primary.
59. Prebish 1975b, 52-53. The parajika rule forbidding a monk to claim any attain-
ments under threat of permanent expulsion, unless he actually possesses them, would cer-
tainly discourage any such talk lest he be put to the test by hostile judges.
60. Prebish 1975b, 74-75.
61. See the discussion of Levi and Chavannes of this restriction in several different
vinayas (1916, 94-108).
62. Other terms are also used to designate these individuals, e.g., parivrajaka and
bhiksu. For discussions of the sramana as a religious figure in the sixth century B.C.E., cf.
S. Dutt 1962, 30-56 and 1984, 35ff.; and Jaini 1970. For a useful summary of some of
the most important ideas associated with the prominent sramana and Brahmanical schools
in the time of early Buddhism, see Collins 1982, 29-64.
63. Thapar's analysis also includes discussion of orthodox renunciants.
64. Both the existence of town-and-village Buddhist renunciants in the early days of
Buddhism and tensions that seem to have existed between them and forest renunciants are
reflected in certain criticisms of doctrinal and textual preoccupations made from the point
of view of the forest renunciant in the oldest section of Sn, likely predating settled monas-
ticism. Like other sections of Sn but more strongly, the Atthakavagga propounds a solitary,
meditative ideal of the forest, while critiquing an ideal that is more collective in orientation,
in which there is an emphasis on doctrinal study, advocacy of particular views, denigration
of other doctrines and views as inferior, and preoccupation with doctrinal debate. In this
kind of Buddhism, "desirous of debate, plunging into the assembly, they reciprocally re-
gard one another as fools . . . they cause a dispute, desirous of praise, saying [they are]
experts" (Sn 825; cf., e.g., 796-803 and 824-34). Sn counsels the good forest bhikkhu to
avoid this kind of renunciant life. One may presume that these repeated admonitions are
necessary both because such practices existed in the environment of Sn and also because
some Buddhist bhikkhu?, (perhaps many) had succumbed to them. See Luis Gomez's dis-
cussion of a number of these passages (1976). One typical passage from the Nandamdna-
vapucchd Sutta of the Atthakavagga defines the muni (the forest renunciant): " 'People
say, "There are sages (muni) in the world," ' said the Venerable Nanda. 'How do they
[say] this? Do they say that one possessed of knowledge is a sage, or truly one possessed
of a [particular] way of life? The experts do not say that one is a sage in this world because
of view [P., difthi; Skt., drsti], or learning [P., suti; Skt., sruti] or knowledge [P., ndna;
Skt.,jndna], Nanda. I call them sages who wander without association, without affliction,
without desire' " (1077-78).
65. It is not only the original historical status of town-and-village renunciation that
remains unclear but also its evolution within the Buddhist context. At this point in this
study, it is not possible nor is it necessary to address the issue of the precise timing or the
specific phases according to which settled monasticism took shape. It may simply be ac-
knowledged that several stages would undoubtedly need to be distinguished, after the still-
peripatetic life of town-and-village renunciation had been left behind, leading eventually to
the development of the classical system of settled monasticism as reflected in the final
forms of the various extant vmayas. At the same time, it would appear that these various
stages, whatever they may have been, do reflect a particular type of renunciant Buddhism.
Moreover, this type of renunciant Buddhism, at least in its ideal form, stands in consider-
78 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
able contrast to the type represented by that of forest renunciation. For this reason, in what
follows, except in instances when I am able to make more precise distinctions, I shall
consider the group of the various stages beginning with town-and-village renunciation and
leading eventually to the classical monastic system as belonging to a single type, that of
monasticism.
3
Saints of the Theragdtha and Thengatha
In the preceding chapter, it was proposed that certain fundamental themes, ar-
ranged according to a particular logic, make up the paradigm provided by Buddha
Sakyamuni. It was also suggested that this paradigm was in more general use as
a presupposition in Indian Buddhism, identifying not just the Buddha but also
others understood as Buddhist saints. As a first step in the testing of this hypoth-
esis, the present chapter contains an analysis of two works, the Pali Theragdtha
and Thengatha, which provide a relatively complete definition of the Buddhist
saint, this time as arhant. The Theragdtha and Thengatha, books 6 and 7 of the
Khuddakanikdya in the Suttapitaka of the Pali canon,1 contain the songs of some
240 men and women saints who lived during and after the time of the Buddha.2
Like other of the more ancient texts in the Khuddakanikdya—for example, the
Suttanipdta,3 Dhammapada,4 Uddna, and Itivuttaka—the Theragdtha and Therl-
gdthd show us saints who live primarily in the forest and practice forest renuncia-
tion.5 In contrast to these other texts, however, in the Theragdtha and Thengatha
these forest saints provide the primary focus of discussion.6
Winternitz examined these songs and noticed that their contents are at variance
with much of the rest of the Pali canon, particularly in their concern for myth-
ological themes and supernatural beings. Possibly with a version of the two-tiered
model of Buddhism in mind, he concluded that the songs reflect a degradation of
normative monasticism and must therefore be relatively late, dating at least after
the time of Asoka (1933, 110). Norman, however, points out that concerns for
mythology and supernatural beings existed in earliest Buddhist times (1969, xxvii).
He also tells us that in these songs there is mention of ordination at the age of
seven, something generally forbidden in the vinaya, suggesting that at least some
of the material in the texts dates from a time prior to the classical formation of
the vinaya rules. Norman's doctrinal, metrical, and linguistic analyses confirm this
judgment and lead him to conclude that the contents of both texts were composed
over an extended period, from the end of the sixth century B.C.E. to the middle
of the third century B.C.E. (1969, xxix, and 1971, xxxi). This dating, from the
lifetime of the Buddha to the reign of King Asoka, would place the Theragdtha
and Thengatha among the earliest Buddhist texts, with portions of them repre-
senting a particularly ancient stratum of Buddhist literature. As we shall see, Nor-
man's judgment, pushing the contents of at least some of the songs of the two
79
80 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
texts back to the early premonastic days of Buddhism, makes sense. We shall also
see that some of the songs clearly postdate the rise to dominance of settled mo-
nasticism and give evidence of a time when the forest traditions reflected in the
texts were struggling, without great success, to coexist with it.
The content of the individual songs in the two texts shows both a certain
standardized format and some variation of content.7 For example, there is a rela-
tively consistent hagiographical frame to the songs, typically including the name
of the saint to whom they are attributed and a declaration of the realization of the
saintly author. Beyond this, the content of the songs tends to be of two sorts:
either it is primarily hagiographical, telling a specific story of the liberation of a
particular saint, or it is mainly doctrinal, expounding some set of principles or
practices, with no clearly apparent connection with the life of the particular saint
to whom it is ascribed. Some songs are strictly doctrinal, others are hagiographi-
cal, but most contain elements of both.
When the hagiographical elements of the songs in the Theragdthd and Therl-
gathd are analyzed, one finds that certain features are standard. Assembled into a
whole, these features provide a relatively clear and consistent picture of the Bud-
dhist saint—cutting across gender lines—that is evidently presupposed by the tra-
ditions of which these texts are expressions. In the following pages, these typical
themes are identified and arranged according to the composite picture that they
form. These themes reflect a model similar to the paradigm discussed in the pre-
vious chapter.
Prerealization
1. Crisis in the prospective saint's life. The lives of the elders often begin
with a personal crisis. Most typically, this crisis precipitates the recognition of
suffering (dukkha)s as a fundamental fact of life, seen in the reality of disease,
old age, and death. This, of course, recalls Buddha Sakyamuni's similar recogni-
tion prior to his leaving home. The crisis leading to renunciation may be brought
on by a specific situation, such as the death of a loved one (Ta 213-23),9 which
leads to a realization of the inevitability of one's own old age and death (Ti 252-
70). As another example of such a crisis, the brahmin Angulimala, "well born on
both sides," turns to stealing from others and harming them, which precipitates
renunciation (Ta 866-91). Others leave the world because their ordinary lives
have become intolerable (Ta 620-21, 863). Sometimes there is reference to other
religious practices in which the renunciant was previously engaged, which proved
unsatisfactory: ritual bathing (Ta 345-49), the burning of sacrificial fires (Ta 341),
and the tending of fires in the wood (Ta 219). Uruvelakassapa, for example, was
an ascetic with matted hair (jatila) (Ta 377), and Jambuka performed extreme
austerities (Ta 283-84). Among the women, the precipitating crisis is often asso-
ciated with home and family. Thus, a number of bhikkhunis remark on the unsat-
isfactory nature of marriage (for example, Ta 23-24). For others, family life is
marred by the death of a child (Ti 51-53, 131, 133). Another is a widow, without
children or relatives (Ti 122ff.). Occasionally, women have not yet entered into
Saints of the Theragatha and Therigatha 81
family life and simply experience a strong desire to renounce the world (Ti 448-
522). Other women have completely bypassed marriage and family, such as a
successful prostitute who one day awakens to a sense of disgust for her physical
body (Ti 25-26). In the case of the women, particularly interesting is the theme
of insanity as precipitating a break with the conventional world. The woman ren-
unciant VasitthI tells us of insanity that began presumably with the death of a son:
"Afflicted by grief for my son, with mind deranged, out of my senses, naked,
and with dishevelled hair, I wandered here and there. I dwelt on rubbish heaps,
in a [cremation ground], and on highways; I wandered for three years, consigned
to hunger and thirst" (Ti 133-34).
3. The formal renouncing of the world. The actual renouncing of the world
represents a turning point in the life of each would-be saint. One woman remarks,
"Giving up my house, having gone forth [pabbajitvd], giving up son, cattle, and
what was dear, giving up desire and hatred, and having discarded ignorance, plucking
out craving [tanhd] root and all, I have become stilled, quenched [nibbuta]" (Ti
18). Often leaving the world is occasioned by meeting an enlightened teacher.
Mahapanthaka says that when he saw a realized teacher, he was inspired to aban-
don "children and wife and money and grain" and "went forth into the houseless
state" (Ta 510-12). Similarly, a number of thieves, through encountering the
enlightened one Adhimutta as their potential victim, leave the world and take up
the religious life (Ta 705-25). Isidasi, mistreated and finally cast out by her hus-
band, to whom she has been devoted, suffers deep sorrows until one day a woman
renunciant comes to her father's house (Ti 400-426). Having paid homage to this
then and given her food and drink, she declares, "Noble lady, I wish to go forth"
(Ti 427-29).
Sometimes, the inspiration for renunciation comes simply from hearing the
Buddhist teachings and seeing their validity. The smith's daughter Subha says
that one day she heard the dharma and gained insight into the four noble truths.
Turning from sense-pleasures and longing for renunciation, she abandons "the
group of relatives, the slaves, and servants, the rich fields and villages, and de-
lightful and pleasant possessions . . . no small wealth" and leaves the world
(Ti 338-39). Significantly, the songs make clear that the saints do not renounce
the world lightly or out of a desire to better their situations. Thus Talaputa, seem-
ing to fend off potential criticism, remarks, "I did not go forth because of bad
82 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
luck, nor from shamelessness, nor because of mere whim, nor because of ban-
ishment, nor because of my livelihood," but out of a desire for liberation (Ta
1124),
The leaving of the world is depicted as taking place at almost any age, even,
as mentioned, as young as 7, as in the cases of Sumana (Ta 429), Bhadda (Ta
479), and Sopaka (Ta 486), and as old as 120, as in the case of Dhammasava's
father (Ta 108). The renunciants usually take up the renunciant life under a master
who utters the ancient formula of ordination, as in Bhadda's case: "Then the
teacher . . . , rising up from his solitary meditation, said to me, 'Come, Bhadda
[ehi bhadda]'; that was my ordination [upasampada]" (Ta 478, 870). Similarly,
Sunita takes ordination (upasampada) with the words "come, bhikkhu [ehi bhik-
khu]" (Ta 624-25; see also Ti 108). As these passages suggest, the prospective
renunciants are generally ordained under a teacher, but this is not invariable. Some
stories depict cases of self-ordination, as in the story of the princess Sumedha,
who, having said to her father, " 'This very day, father, I shall renounce [the
world]' . . . having cut her black, thick, soft hair with a knife, having closed the
palace [door], entered on the first meditation" (77 478-80).
Particularly interesting is the consistent image of a simple one-step ordination
by which one becomes a bhikkhu, rather than the two-leveled ordination that pre-
vailed in the classical monastic system.10 It is also interesting that the term for
this ordination is upasampada, the same term that, in classical monasticism, is
used only for the second, full ordination, which one may take only after the nov-
itiate and by which one becomes obliged to follow the rules of the classical pati-
mokkha. That the Theragatha and Therigdtha use upasampada in such a different
way suggests that this is an older meaning of the term and perhaps also that such
a meaning existed in forest traditions that were contemporaneous with but quite
separate from those of settled monasticism. Also significant are the meanings of
the terms bhikkhu (and bhikkhuni) in the Theragatha and Therigdtha, where they
serve to designate forest renunciants who have passed through the one-step ordi-
nation and not, as in classical monasticism, those who have taken the full ordi-
nation (compare, for example, Ta 870) and thereby accepted the way of life im-
plied by the pdtimokkha.n
sala have been wandered over [by me]. For 55 years without debt I have enjoyed
the alms of the kingdoms" (Ti 110).
DWELLING IN THE FOREST. The wandering renunciant takes up residence in
the forest, that is, in remote and uninhabited regions, for "forests [aranna] are
delightful, where [ordinary] people find no delight. [Only] those rid of desire will
delight there" (Ta 992). The specific places where the forest renunciants dwell
include mountains (giri) (Ta 115), mountain peaks (nagamuddha) (Ta 544), mountain
crests (kuta) (Ta 1135), mountain clefts (nagavivara) (Ta 41), caves (lena)15 (Ta
309, 545, 1135), woods (vana) (Ta 545), hillsides (sanu) (Ta 23), the bases of
trees (rukkhamula; Skt., vrksamula) (Ta 217, 467, 998), and so on. Sometimes,
the renunciant takes up residence in the cremation grounds (Ta 6, 315, 393, 599,
854). Occasionally, he or she lives in a small hut (kutior kutikd), and the frequent
association of such huts with rain and storm suggests that it was during the rainy
season that these were typically used (for example, Ta 1, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56,
59, 60, 325-29, 487). An indication of the variety of places in which a renunciant
might live and meditate during his or her career is given in several of the songs,
such as Samkicca's, in which he remarks, "I have dwelt in woods, caves, and
grottoes, in solitary lodgings, in a place frequented by beasts of prey" (Ta 600-
601).
ROBE AND APPEARANCE. The garments of the renunciant are typically made
from rags, which have been collected "from rubbish heaps, cremation grounds,
and streets" (Ta 578) and stitched together (Ti 1, 16). Anuruddha, for example,
"sifted, took, washed, dyed, and wore the rags from a rubbish heap" (Ta 896).16
Generally, the renunciants of the Theragatha and Therigatha are tonsured, and
both laity and matted-hair ascetics are depicted as having head and beard shaved
(Ta 377, 512). The bhikkhums similarly have shaved heads as marks of their way
of renunciation (for example, Ti 32, 75).
SEEKING ALMS. When the renunciants seek alms, they come from their forest
haunts to where the laity live (Ta 1054), receiving "left-over scraps . . . as food"
(Ta 1057). Their food is "cooked a little here, a little there, in this family or
that" (Ta 248). The renunciant should wander from door to door, neither seeking
out the wealthy nor avoiding the poor (Ta 579) and should not seek to fill the
stomach: "While eating moist or dry food, he should not be satisfied. A bhikkhu
should wander with unfilled belly, eating in moderation, mindful" (Ta 982). This
austere begging practice is most conducive to meditation, for, we are told, "the
mind of one who is greedy for flavours does not delight in meditation [jhana]"
(Ta 579-80). The renunciant is also to accept food, as it comes, without judg-
ment. For example, Mahakassapa reports that he came down from his lodging and
entered the city to seek alms, coming before a leper who was eating. "He offered
a portion to me with his rotting hand; as he was throwing the piece (into my bowl)
his finger broke off there. But near the foot of a wall I ate that portion; no disgust
arose in me, either while it was being eaten or when it had been eaten" (Ta 1054-
56).
THE IMPORTANCE OF SOLITUDE. One of the most frequently repeated themes
in the Theragatha and Therigatha is that of the necessity, the virtue, and the joy
of a life lived away from others, in seclusion. One is to avoid all companions,
84 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
"not living . . . with householders nor houseless ones alike" (Ta 581; see also
54, 577-80, 896). Thus the saints live alone (ekdsana) (Ta 848), dwell secluded
(pavivitta) (Ta 859-60), find no satisfaction (asamsattha) in company (Ta 860),
and enjoy the "sweetness of solitude" (Ta 85). Dwelling "alone in the forest like
a tree rejected in a wood" (Ta 62), the renunciant is not to grieve, for "if no-one
else is found in front or behind, it is very pleasant for one dwelling alone in the
wood, . . . alone, companionless, in the pleasant great wood" (Ta 537, 541).
The solitary retreat of renunciants makes them inaccessible to others, the virtue of
which is often stressed (for example, Ta 109). It is not only that renunciants are
to live in retreat alone; in addition, they wander alone (Ta 1122).17 As in the cases
of the other elements of the forest renunciants' lives, their solitude exists in order
to facilitate meditation, for bhikkhus and bhikkhums withdraw into solitude for the
purpose of meditation and therefore "should resort to a lodging which is se-
cluded" (Ta 577). Significantly, like the other elements of the forest life, such
solitude supports meditation not only physically and socially but psychologically
and spiritually. The Theragathd and Therigdthd present the belief that, by retiring
to solitary retreat, the forest renunciant may purify defilements in a depth and
manner not possible "in company."
It should be observed that women ascetics face the particular threat of harrass-
ment and even attack by men, a theme highlighted in the Therigdthd. One woman
saint in her forest abode remarks on her fear of this danger but says that such fear
is a wile of Mara to which she will not succumb. For her, as for the other re-
nunciants both women and men, courage and tenacious resolve prevail: even if
100,000 rogues were to menace her, she will not move a hair's breadth (Ti 230-
31). Although complete solitude is the general rule, forest renunciants sometimes
live together with one or a few like-minded others (Ta 177-78), or in small com-
munities (Ta 148 and perhaps 266), or when a disciple lives with or near his or
her teacher (Ta 66). Such situations are exceptions,18 however, and in the two
texts the general rule applies that where people gather in numbers, be they laity
or renunciants, the virtue of the true renunciant life is compromised (Ta 245,
898).
"SPEAKING LITTLE." The renunciant is peaceful and taciturn, speaking lit-
tle. Sariputta (Skt., Sariputra), we are told twice, is "calm [upasanta], quiet
[uparata], speaking in moderation [mantabhdnin]" (Ta 1006, 1007). Gangatlriya
tells us, "In two rainy seasons I uttered only one word" (Ta 127). Elsewhere in
the texts reference is made to the noble (ariya) silence (tunhibhdva) of the ren-
unciants, indicating an implicit characteristic if not an explicit vow (Ta 650, 999).
The theme of silence is connected not only with the renunciants "on the path,"
so to speak, but also with enlightened saints. Thus we read in Revata's song,
"Having attained to non-reasoning [avitakka; Skt., avitarka],19 the disciple of the
fully enlightened one is straightway possessed of noble silence" (Ta 650).
THE ELEMENTS OF FOREST LIFE IN CONCERT. These elements of the life-
style of the forest renunciant are often described in concert, as in Upasena Van-
gantaputta's gdthd, in which he refers to a habitation that is secluded; a coarse
robe fashioned from cloth taken from a rubbish-heap, cremation ground, and streets;
wandering "for alms from family to family without exception; and not living in
Saints of the Theragatha and Therigatha 85
company with householders nor houseless ones alike" (Ta 577-81). Sometimes
the collection of conventions followed by the renunciant represents one of the
classical lists of ascetic requisites, such as the "four requisites" (Ta 1057) or
other lists of dhutaguna-type practices (Ta 842ff.). Another, less standardized
description is found in the song of Gangatlriya, who says, "My hut was made of
three palm leaves on the bank of the Ganges. My bowl was only a funeral pot,
my robe a rag from a dust-heap" (Ta 127; compare also Ta 842-65).
THE RIGORS OF THE FOREST LIFE. The life of forest renunciation is difficult
and demanding, something expressed in a verse repeated several times: "Tor-
mented by gnats and mosquitos in the forest, in the great wood, like an elephant
in the van of the battle, one should endure there mindful" (Ta 31, 684). Another
song mentions other hardships: "Brought low by colic, dwelling in the grove, in
the wood, where there is restricted food supply, where it is harsh" (Ta 350;
compare 435). The forest life is not only onerous, it can pose danger to life and
limb, and several songs make reference to the continual threat of wild beasts (for
example, Ta 524, 577, 1135). Other verses make reference to the difficulty of
finding sufficient food and to the loneliness of forest life, the inclement weather
one faces in the forest, the threat of attacks by others, and so on, as well as the
social disapprobation that seems to go along with and to parallel whatever praise
may come one's way (for example, Ta 1118). These difficulties are summarized
in the following frank appraisal: "Truly it is hard to go forth . . . sustenance of
life is difficult for us with whatever comes our way" (Ta 111). While presenting
a realistic picture of the rigors of forest life, the saints are able, at the same time,
to affirm its unique value in comparison to the alternatives. As Godatta observes
simply, "There is happiness arising from sensual pleasures and pain springing
from seclusion; [but] the pain springing from seclusion is better than happiness
arising from sensual pleasures" (Ta 669).
5. The seeking and finding of a teacher or guru. In the Theragatha and Theri-
gatha, the teacher (sattha) (for example, Ta 214, 912) plays a crucial role in the
prospective saint's journey. In many of the songs, it is assumed that a personal
teacher is necessary to the forest renunciant in the meditative quest. This is be-
cause the teacher has attained enlightenment (Ta 747ff.) and can therefore guide
the renunciant on the way to realization (Ta 66). One renunciant, for example,
has been meditating for a long time but has not found the way to release. An-
guished by his failure, he says that he seeks one "who will cause me to experi-
ence bond-releasing enlightenment in the world" (Ta 750), one who is "the doc-
tor who might remove that dart of mine" (Ta 756). Anupama has found such a
teacher and comments to himself on his good fortune: "You have found the teacher
who is hard to find" (Ta 214).
How is a genuine teacher to be recognized? Frequently, it is seeing the teacher
that is decisive, giving birth to faith and renunciation. Anuruddha recounts many
of his former lives and then remarks, "Then I saw the fully-enlightened one, the
teacher with no fear from any quarter" (Ta 912). This seeing gives birth to trust,
and Anuruddha goes forth into the houseless state (Ta 912). Others similarly rec-
ognize the authenticity of the teacher by seeing him or her (for example, Ti 22,
86 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
160, 154, 148). Authentic teachers may also be known by their trustworthiness
(Ti 43), the quality of their teaching, or their kindness (Ti 148). The woman
renunciant Canda emphasizes this latter element in her description of her teacher:
"In pity [she] sent me forth; then having exhorted me, she urged me towards the
highest goal. . . . The noble lady's exhortation was not in vain. . . . [I am]
without asavas" (Ti 124-26).
The disciple responds to the authentic teacher with devotion and veneration.
Senaka, speaking of his teacher in a typical way, comments on his joy when he
"saw the enlightened one teaching the supreme doctrine" and puts forth a praise
of the magnificence of the Buddha (Ta 287-90). Others similarly worship the
teacher (Ta 480), for "would anyone transgress who bowed down his head with
hands and feet, worshipping such a teacher when he came?" The devotion of the
disciple to the teacher is also expressed in service, and the disciple may stay with
the master for periods of time, waiting upon and serving him or her (Ta 604,
918). The disciple's devotion ultimately expresses itself in following the teacher's
instructions. Sumana has carried out his practice under the direct guidance of such
a teacher and has thereby attained realization (Ta 330).
It appears that the disciple's devotion to the teacher is not extraneous but is
rather inseparable from the meditative path he or she has chosen. This is suggested
by the putting of devotion and realization together in a two-part phrase that occurs
several times in these songs: "The teacher has been waited on [paricinna] by me,
the Buddha's teaching has been done" (for example, Ta 1050). In the songs of
the Theragdthd and Therlgdthd, certain of the theras and theris seem called upon
to epitomize one or another trait desirable in saints or prospective saints. The
quality of devotion to the teacher is such a trait and is nowhere more clearly
etched than in Ananda's song, in which he remarks that for twenty-five years he
served the blessed one with loving deeds, loving words, and loving thoughts,
"like a shadow not going away from him. . . . I paced up and down behind the
Buddha while he paced up and down" (Ta 1041-42).
asavas" (Ta 543), and another: "I shall not eat, I shall not drink, nor shall I go
forth from my cell. I shall not even lie down on my side, while the dart of craving
is not removed" (Ta 223; also 312-13). And Mudita similarly declares, "Let this
body be broken willingly; let the lumps of flesh be dissolved; let both my legs fall
down on the knee-joints. I shall not eat, I shall not drink, nor shall I go forth
from my cell. I shall not even lie down on my side, while the dart of craving is
not removed" (Ta 312-13).
Postrealization
terms, and they are commonly compared to the full moon: they are like the moon
released from a cloud (Ta 871) and freed from the grasp of Rahu (Ti 2) and are
said to be "filled with things sublime, as the moon on the 15th day [is full]" (Ti
3). Darsan is a decisive experience because having seen such a saint, "who would
not have faith?" (Ta 833). In addition, darsan is precious because "it is hard to
obtain the sight of the enlightened ones repeatedly" (Ta 829).
15. A cult with characteristic features that develops around the saint. The
saints, on account of their attainment, are highly to be revered by both humans
and gods (Ta 186, 690). Humans adore the saints with praises and with offerings;
they are privileged to make offerings because of the great merit gained by such
donations to an enlightened one (Ta 629; Ti 111). The devas are enamored of the
realized saints because, owing to their attainment, they are above the gods (Ta
489) and envied by them (Ta 206). Thus, the devas come respectfully before the
saints, singly, in twos, and in groups (Ti 365), singing their praises and declaring
their worthiness of offerings (Ta 629). In the case of Sariputta, ten thousand devas
in all "stand with cupped hands," attending upon him who meditates, although
they cannot fathom his wisdom (Ta 1082-84), and a similar image is given of
Mahamoggallana (Skt., Mahamaudgalyayana) (Ta 1178-80). It is, of course, their
realization—expressed in their wisdom, compassion, and power—that makes the
saints the objects of a cult. Indeed, it is realization that "increases fame and
reputation" (Ta 551) and renders one "worthy of gifts" (Ta 296). So the saints
offer themselves as objects of cultic activity for the good of beings and can de-
clare, "Do not hinder the many, belonging to various different countries, who
have come to see; let the hearers, the congregation, see me" (Ta 1037-38). Var-
ious forms of the traditional cult are mentioned in the texts, such as worshiping
the feet of the teacher (Ta 565), bowing down before and worshiping the saint
(Ta 510), making offerings of various kinds (Ta 565), and sitting down to one
side (Ta 565). Praise, supplication, and asking counsel are also important forms
of the cult of the saints (Ta 835-41). It is significant that in the two texts these
cultic forms are not engaged in just by the laity but by forest renunciants as well.
This veneration is, moreover, performed not only to accrue future merit (as in Ta
910-12) but as part of the immediate path to enlightenment itself (Ta 1264). It is
also significant that renunciants participate in this cult not just in the phase prior
to realization but also after they have attained enlightenment (Ti 117-21). In spite
of the cult that is proffered to them, renunciants are counseled to avoid recognition
and riches. "Knowing this fearful peril in honours, a bhikkhu should go forth
receiving little gain" (Ta 154). Furthermore, one should not seek reverence by
crowds, for this only distracts from practice (Ta 1051). In fact, the saint must
stand beyond praise and blame (Ta 159-60).
16. The teaching of others, including not only humans but supernatural beings
as well. The saints teach others, including both human beings and the gods. The
model of the ideal teacher is, of course, provided by the Buddha: he is "the
teacher of the world including the devas [satthd lokassa sadevakassa]" (Ta 870),
and his teaching pierces to the heart (Ta 26). The saints of the Theragatha and
Therigatha are similarly the teachers of others. First, of course, are the songs
92 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
themselves, examples of the teaching of the men and women of the two texts. In
addition, many of the songs mention the teaching that master gives to disciple, as
in the case of Uttama, who remarks, "I went up to a bhikkhunl who was fit-to-
be-trusted by me. She taught me that doctrine, the elements of existence, the
sense-bases, and the elements" (Ti 43; see also Ta 214, 330, 432-33 and Ti 69,
102, 170).
17. The acceptance of close personal disciples and lay followers. The saints
teach, instruct, and guide close personal disciples. Sumana was, in the previously
quoted example, "Anuruddha's novice . . . made a thoroughbred by a thorough-
bred, made good by one who is good, disciplined, and trained by Anuruddha
whose task is done" (Ta 433). In this, as in other examples we have seen, the
disciples frequently refer to their training under their teachers. It is significant that
while the saints, after realization, accept and teach their own disciples, their con-
nections to their teachers remain important (Ta 433, 557-66). The saints also
attract lay devotees and teach them. Isidinna refers to lay followers who know the
Buddhist teachings well (although their inner understanding is wanting) (Ta 187),
and in another gdthd we are told that the saint "preaches to householders that
which [he has] . . . collected over many years" (Ta 65).
18. The absence among the saints of scholarly considerations and particularly
of textual study. The study of texts plays no major role in the lives of the saints
of the two texts. This is true both of the period of their training, when their central
preoccupation is meditation, and also after realization, when they are not shown
as learned in textual matters or as recommending the study of texts to others.43
Nevertheless, they are not without texts, as the existence of the Theragdthd and
Therlgdthd themselves imply.
19. The communication of teachings in an oral form. Although concern for
the vocation of texts and scholarship is absent from the Theragdthd and Therlgd-
thd, teaching and learning are constantly going on in the oral interchanges be-
tween master and followers, both renunciant and lay. In the two texts, doctrine
appears less as an abstract and free-standing phenomenon with its own internal
logic and more as a clarification of immediate life situations and experience. For
example, doctrines appearing in these texts are stated simply and directly, are
often connected with the events of a listener's life, and not infrequently emerge
as the natural conclusion of a particular event. For example, as we have seen,
many saints come to understand the first noble truth through their personal and
direct experience of suffering.
20. The making of conversions. The saints are effective in converting others.
Others are drawn to them by seeing them, hearing their teachings, experiencing
their compassion, or witnessing some display of their power. Not infrequently,
conversions are accomplished as a kind of by-product of a person simply becom-
ing aware of who the saint is. Adhimutta, for example, is held captive by thieves
who prepare to kill him. When he shows no fear, his captors are deeply im-
pressed, take teachings from him, and renounce the world (Ta 705-25).
Saints of the Theragatha and Therigatha 93
21. The defeat of evil beings. The enlightened saint has gained dominion over
malevolent demons, chief among whom is, of course, Mara. Not only is enlight-
enment often described as a victory over Mara, but after realization the saints are
shown as vanquishing Mara on every front. Thus in the song of Mahamoggallana,
we see the bhikkhu censuring Mara in the Bhesakala grove, after which "the
yakkha, dejected, vanished on the spot" (Ta 1208). The saints are also able to
overcome other powerful beings. Sumana, for example, states that by his super-
natural powers he has overcome the king of the snakes, who himself had magical
powers (Ta 429).
22. Association with the lowborn and disadvantaged. As we shall see, some-
times Buddhist saints, out of compassion, explicitly seek out the most humble of
potential donors in order to grant them special blessing. Such is not the case in
the Theragatha and Therigatha, although in these texts the saints are advised
against the dangers of close association with the highborn. Thus Pindolabhara-
dvaja remarks that "respect and homage in high-born families is truly a 'bog.' A
fine dart, hard to extract, honour is hard for a worthless man to give up" (Ta
124). The reason given is that seeking alms from high-caste families is connected
with greed and desire for tasty food and can lead to impediments to spiritual
development. Mahakassapa similarly says, "A sage should not visit [highborn]
families; he becomes distracted, concentration is hard to obtain. He who is greedy
and desirous of flavours misses the goal which brings happiness" (Ta 1052; com-
pare 495).
23. The unconventionality of the saints and their critique of social and reli-
gious conventions. We have already seen that in certain respects the way of the
Buddhist saints in the Theragatha and Therigatha runs counter to convention.
Their social unconventionality is seen in their rejection of the conventional values
of the world, retreat to the forest, avoidance of highborn families, and view of
honor and veneration as potential obstacles to the path. The saints are also, to
some extent, religiously unconventional, for they are uninvolved with the values
and preoccupations of conventional monastic Buddhism even when, as we shall
presently see, these are prominent in their environment. It would appear that the
unconventionality of the forest renunciant is sometimes consciously exaggerated.
On the path, although a person is intelligent and competent, he or she is some-
times counseled to appear the opposite: Upasena Vangantaputta says that one should
make oneself appear as stupid (jala) or mute (muga).44 That forest saints stand
apart from worldly values is seen in the fact that although the saints may be
enlightened, the world considers them worthless (Ta 129-30). Ajina observes, for
example, that "even if one has the triple knowledge, has left death behind, and
is without asavas, ignorant fools [bdla] despise him as being unknown. But what-
ever individual obtains food and drink in this world, he is honoured by them even
if he is of evil nature" (Ta 129-30). The forest saints' critique of conventional
values becomes particularly sharp when, as we shall presently see, they point out
the self-serving and hypocritical behaviors of certain monastics.
94 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
24. Saints criticized and even persecuted for their sanctity, unconventionality,
or explicit critiques. In spite of their genuine and humble behavior, the saints
may suffer disrespect, criticism, insult, and even persecution, hints of which are
given in the texts. Godatta remarks that the saints are often ignored by others,
while unrealized ones gain honor and praise: "There is the fame of those of little
wisdom, and the lack of fame of the wise" (Ta 667). Ajina remarks that people
despise the realized one (Ta 129). Talaputa refers to others speaking to the saint
with abuse (Ta 1100). Those among whom the realized one wanders may revile
him or her (Ta 1118). Mahamoggallana's song refers to attacks on bhikkhus (Ta
1173). We also learn of non-Buddhists who, instead of offering veneration to
realized arhants, attack them (Ta 1173). Persecution of the saints may even come
from within the samgha (Ta 209, 920-80).
25. The danger of the numinous power of the saint. Nevertheless, one does
not harm saints with impunity. Nandiya says simply, "Attacking such a bhikkhu,
whose mind is like splendour. . . . [Y]ou will come to grief, Kanha" (Ta 25).
Mahamoggallana says to that brahmin who would attack bhikkhus, "Do not de-
stroy yourself. For, such a one may expect his head to split open" (Ta 1173).
Those who do injury to saints may face dire consequences in the future.45
26. The saint as principal reference point of the dharmafor his or her follow-
ers, functioning in place of the Buddha. In the Theragdtha, Mahakassapa is called
"heir of the Buddha" (Ta 1058), and in this, although he enjoys a special status,
he also exemplifies a general trend among the saints: the saints tend to become
the principal reference points of the dharma for their disciples and stand in place
of the Buddha, enacting his function; they may even be called "buddha." Other
saints may similarly be referred to as "heir of the best of the Buddhas" (Ta 1168,
1248). In the songs, enlightened disciples are thus assimilated to their own teach-
ers and to the great teachers of their lineages. Ramanlyaviharin says, "You should
consider me as one possessed of insight, a disciple of the fully-enlightened one,
the Buddha's own thoroughbred son" (Ta 45). Similarly, then Sundari remarks,
"I am your daughter, brahman, your true child, born from your mouth" (Ti 336).
And Bhadda Kapilanl declares her essential identity with Kassapa (Ti 63-66). As
the disciple is assimilated to the teacher, the teacher is assimilated to the Buddha
(for example, Ta 1232-33), and the Buddha is assimilated to the previous six
buddhas (Ta 490). The essential identity of these enlightened ones derives ulti-
mately from the fact that they inherit the very being of their teachers, defined by
the enlightenment they experience (Ta 490).
27. Possession of a body that is supermundane in some way. The body of the
saint is seen to be wonderful. Various examples of the marvelous appearance of
the saint's physical form have already been cited. In addition, as we have seen,
the saints' bodies may be credited with other extraordinary features, such as the
many miraculous abilities contained in the iddhis. Such abilities may refer to yogic
experience of the subtle body as may also Khitaka's remark, "Truly my body is
light, touched by much joy and happiness. My body floats as it were, like cotton
blown by the wind" (Ta 104).
Saints of the Theragatha and Therigatha 95
28. Possession of the power of longevity and the capacity to live even to the
end of the kalpa. This theme, though important in the hagiography of the Buddha,
makes no explicit appearance in the Theragatha or Therigatha. One of the ways
in which enlightenment is described is as the attainment of "agelessness" and of
"the undying." It is not possible to ascertain to what extent this usage in these
texts reflects the experience of realization and to what extent it may also have also
been understood as a literal and physical condition attained by the saint.46
29. Association of the saint with millennial expectations. In the two texts, we
find at most only possible allusions to this motif, for example, in the songs of
Parapariya (Ta 920-48) and Phussa (Ta 949-80), which are considered in the
conclusion to this chapter. The first song laments the present degeneration of the
dharma and expresses the belief that the final dark time (pacchimakdla; Skt.,
pascimakdla) of the dharma is already at hand (Ta 947). The second speaks of the
same degeneration that will occur in the future (andgatakdla), when the latter days
(kdlapacchima) of the dharma will have arrived (Ta 950, 977).47 Elsewhere, as
we shall see, these same themes may be linked with the coming of Maitreya, but
we find no such explicit linkage here.
30. Anticipation of death. In the songs, one finds no mention of the saints'
foreknowledge of their own deaths, but there is some discussion of the attitude
with which they confront the prospect of death, an attitude that is, in itself, ex-
traordinary. In their solitary haunts, the saints regard their own deaths with equa-
nimity: Adhimutta says, "I have no fear at death, just as I would have none at
the complete annihilation of disease" (Ta 709). Other saints similarly declare their
complete equanimity in the face of death (for example, Ta 20, 654-55, 606-7,
685-86, 1002-3).
31. Extraordinary death. There is no explicit representation of this theme in
the songs, presumably because these songs are generally sung to or by the saints
under whose names they appear, so that this phase of their lives could not be
included. The songs of living saints would not provide information about the next
two points either.
32. Ritual disposition of the body of the saint, usually by cremation. See theme
31.
33. The saint's remains enshrined, usually in a stupa. See theme 31.
34. The association of the saint with one or more sacred places. The saints
sometimes refer to holy places associated with other saints, or to places with
which they feel a special connection (Ta 287, 308). There is, however, no men-
tion of the sacred places of these saints, perhaps because such places tend to take
on special significance particularly after the saint's passing.
35. Development of characteristic kinds of texts, in particular, sacred biog-
raphy and "sayings" or "songs" of the saint. The texts of the Theragatha and
Therigatha are, of course, themselves songs containing hagiography and the say-
ings of the saints. They suggest the connection of the forest saints behind these
96 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
texts with traditions in which biography and the collection of sayings are impor-
tant textual idioms. The antiquity of these texts also suggests a point that was
discussed in Chapter 1 and that will be treated again, namely, that hagiography
and sayings of the teacher represent textual material that may be placed among
the earliest forms of Buddhist literature.
Conclusion
The Theragdthd and Therlgdthd present images of Buddhist saints of the forest
whose traditions existed over a period of some centuries beginning in the early
days of Indian Buddhism. Moreover, these saints tend to reflect a distinct and
consistent type, which conforms closely to the basic paradigm of the Buddhist
saint. As we have seen, the saints of the two texts do not reflect settled monastic
values and orientations and, in fact, stand in considerable contrast to the classical
type of the monk. Generally speaking, the world of the settled monastic and mon-
astery do not appear in the two texts, in which the primary actors in the Buddhist
world are the forest renunciants and their lay devotees.
However, in some important exceptions to this general trend, the existence of
nonforest-dwelling renunciants is mentioned. For example, Theragdthd 245 may
give evidence of town-and-village renunciant (or settled monastic) life, evaluated
here as lower than the solitary ideal: "One (bhikkhu) alone is like Brahma, two
(together) are like two devas; three together are like a village; more than this are
like a tumult." Theragdthd 153 implies the same: the life of poverty of forest
renunciation is superior because if one lives in a certain establishment ("with
shaven head, wearing his outer robe, obtaining food, drink, clothes and bed"),
"he gets many enemies."48 In Mahacunda's song, we find the remark that "one
should make use of solitary beds and seats," although "if one does not gain
contentment there, one should dwell in the Order [samgha]" (Ta 142). This ap-
pears to suggest, at least at the time of the songs in question, the existence of two
contemporaneous and parallel but more or less distinct traditions—that of the for-
est renunciant and that of the town-and-village renunciant (or settled monastic).49
Similarly, Phussa remarks on certain renunciants who, "finding their woodland
wilderness wearisome . . . will dwell in villages" (Ta 962). This passage points
to two possible options for the renunciant life: what is considered the superior but
more difficult solitary life of the forest; and the nonsolitary life of town and vil-
lage. These passages may additionally reflect a trend toward movement from the
rigorous renunciant ideal, seen here as more ancient and more authentic, to the
less demanding, more comfortable renunciation of town and village.50
The entire song of Parapariya (Ta 920-48) explicitly documents such a move-
ment, which the saint regards as bound up with a corruption of the Buddha's
authentic dharma. In this song, we find the ascetic engaged in solitary meditation
"in the great wood, when it was in flower." Parapariya reflects that "the behav-
iour of the bhikkhus now seems different from when the protector of the world,
the best of men, was alive" (Ta 921). He then draws a comparison between what
he understands as the original and authentic tradition of the Buddha and what he
Saints of the Theragatha and Therigatha 97
sees as the corruption that is overtaking it. In the Buddha's day, bhikkhus dressed
simply and modestly (Ta 922). They ate moderately and gladly accepted whatever
was received as alms (Ta 922, 923). Toward the bare necessities of life, they had
no greed (Ta 924). Their sole passion was for liberation, for "the annihilation of
the asavas" (Ta 924). To this end, they dwelt alone "in the forest, at the foot of
trees, in caves and grottoes" (Ta 925). In these solitary locations, they devoted
themselves to meditation as the vehicle of liberation (Ta 928). The moral qualities
of these renunciants reflected their simple and dedicated way of life. They were
"devoted to lowly things, of frugal ways, gentle, with unstubborn minds, uncon-
taminated, not garrulous, intent upon thinking about their goal" (Ta 926). Most
important, through their way of life, these renunciant meditators attained their
goal, they had "all asavas completely annihilated" (Ta 928). However, Parapa-
riya tells us, "Now those elders with all asavas completely annihilated, great
meditators, great benefactors, are quenched.51 Now there are few such men" (Ta
928). In fact, the manner of the behavior of certain bhikkhm is now such that the
true dharma of the Buddha "is destroyed" (Ta 929).
Parapariya then goes on to describe the current behavior of bhikkhus. Their
lifestyle is opposite to that of the forest tradition, for they live not in the forest
but rather in places where there are many people and things to keep them occu-
pied. There they fill their bellies with food and are lazy with napping: "Having
eaten their fill, they lie down, lying on their backs," after which they awaken (Ta
935). Moreover, they are concerned with their adornment (Ta 939). In short,
"they enjoy the things of the flesh" (Ta 940). In addition, these bhikkhus have
nothing of the moral probity and inner stillness of the forest renunciants: they are
"not . . . calm inside" (Ta 936). Instead, they are turbulent within, and their
states of mind are characterized by the defilements (Ta 931), greed (Ta 935),
anger (Ta 933), and ambition (Ta 944). Moreover, these bhikkhus possess nothing
of the silence and reticence of the forest renunciants. "Having abandoned the true
doctrine, they quarrel with one another; following after false views they think,
This is better.' " Moreover, when they are not sleeping, "they tell stories, which
were condemned by the teacher" (Ta 935).
Behaving in contrast to the forest renunciant sitting motionless in meditation
in solitary retreat, these bhikkhus cannot keep still but run everywhere, endlessly
busy with projects. They "run here and there in the divisions of defilement, as if
their own private battle (with Mara) has been proclaimed." They are constantly
"running after pretexts, arrangements, [and] strategems" (Ta 941). Their impure
minds, speech, and actions are reflected in everything they do. They are deceitful
in their interactions with others and seek to find ways to acquire wealth such that
"those who are outside the Order quarrel about the Order's gain" (Ta 943). Worst
of all, these bhikkhus betray the dharma and use it as a vehicle of their personal
ambition. "Having cast aside wealth and sons and wife they go forth: [then] they
cultivate practices which are not to be done" (Ta 934). "They preach the doctrine
to others for gain, and not for the goal" (Ta 942). In their renunciant life, they
seek principally personal prestige: "some with shaven heads and wearing the outer
robe desire only reverence, being bemused by gain and honour" (Ta 944). "They
cause the assembly to meet for business purposes, not because of the doctrine"
98 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
(Ta 942). These bhikkhus apply themselves to everything but meditation (Ta 944).
Avoiding meditation, filled with impurity, using the dharma to further their per-
sonal ambition, these bhikkhus attain no goal. They have succeeded in turning the
dharma into another samsaric project, devoid of genuine spirituality. Thus it is, at
least among them, that "the conqueror's teaching, endowed with all excellent
qualities, is destroyed" (Ta 929). Parapariya finds himself living in a dark age, a
"time of evil characteristics and defilements" (Ta 930).
However, says Parapariya, even in contemporary times the true dharma is not
entirely destroyed, for "those who are ready for seclusion possess the remainder
of the true doctrine [saddhamma; Skt., saddharma]" (Ta 930). In other words,
there are those who still follow the true dharma of the tradition of the Buddha,
namely, those who stand in the lineage of forest renunciation. By emulating this
renunciant life of those saints who have gone before, even in these troubled times,
one may attain realization: "Remembering the former sages, recollecting their
behaviour, even though it is the last hour [pacchimakdla], one may attain the
undying state [amatapada]" (Ta 947). Parapariya then concludes his song, "Thus
speaking in the sal wood, the ascetic with developed faculties, the brahmin, the
seer, was quenched, with renewed existence annihilated" (Ta 948).
Some of the themes of Parapariya's song are again taken up in the following
song of Phussa (Ta 949-80). Again we learn about the latter days of the dharma,
but for Phussa they are seen to lie in a future degenerate era. Phussa's gdthd
presents a prophecy concerning what things will be like in a more or less distant
time. In that time, we are told, certain renunciants, "desirous of gain, inactive,
devoid of energy . . . finding their woodland wilderness wearisome . . . will
dwell in villages" (Ta 962).
In the future many will be angry and full of hatred, hypocritical, obstinate,
treacherous, envious, and with different doctrines. / Thinking that they have
knowledge about the profound doctrine, while only remaining on the brink, fickle
and irreverent towards the doctrine, without respect for one another. / Many perils
will arise in the world in the future. The foolish will defile this well-taught doc-
trine. / Although devoid of virtuous qualities, running affairs in the Order the
incompetent, the garrulous, and those without learning will be strong. / Although
possessing virtuous qualities [guna], running affairs in the Order in the proper
manner, the modest and unconcerned will be weak. (Ta 952-56)
When these events occur, the latter days (kdlapacchima) of the dharma will have
arrived (Ta 977). Phussa thus observes trends similar to those documented by
Parapariya, but he prefers to emphasize their function in a future age,52 in bringing
destruction to the true dharma.53
Some important conclusions can be drawn from the songs of Parapariya and
Phussa. First, these songs suggest a time not only when the nonforest renunciant
life exists, but when it has in fact become dominant. Parapariya's gloom about
the true dharma having been destroyed suggests that his tradition is in the minority
and has been eclipsed by more dominant nonforest forms of the criticized bhik-
khus. Second, the authors of the songs clearly see the forest renunciant tradition
as retaining the true dharma of the Buddha and regard the kind of Buddhism
Saints of the Theragatha and Therigatha 99
followed by the bhikkhus that they criticize as inferior and even illegitimate. Fi-
nally, we see here little evidence of interactions or relationships between the forest
renunciants and the nonforest bhikkhus. The little interaction that is mentioned
notes either the settled monks' ignoring of the forest traditions or open hostility
against them.54 As Parapariya and Phussa see it, then, a dramatic change has
occurred within Buddhism: there seems to be an increasing tendency for Buddhist
renunciants to move from forest into village, abandoning the solitary vocation of
meditation in favor of the collective, monastic life defined primarily by other
preoccupations, including cultivating correct external behavior and engaging in
study and debate. We may refer to this type of movement from forest retreat to
village monastery as a process of monasticization. In the history of Indian Bud-
dhism, as we shall see, monasticization occurs in a number of different contexts.
In the present instance, the center of gravity of Buddhism seems to be shifting
from forest to a nonforest type of renunciation. It is not possible to determine
whether the monasticization described in these songs reflects only the growing
popularity of town-and-village renunciation within Buddhist circles or whether it
reflects a time when the development of what came to be classical monasticism
was in full spate. In other cases of monasticization the issue is more clear, for
they involve the movement of traditions, specific phenomena, and individuals—
originally associated with forest Buddhism—into the context of settled monastic
life. In the process of monasticization, these are absorbed and integrated into
monastic Buddhism in a way that inevitably involves some transformation of both
assimilated and assimilator. Understanding this process of monasticization is es-
sential to an accurate appreciation both of the forest renunciants themselves and
of their dynamic relationship with the more conventional forms of Buddhism.
Notes
1. Norman's translations of the Theragatha (1969) and Therigatha (1971) supersede
those of C. A. F. Rhys Davids (1909 and 1913). Rhys Davids's volumes remain useful,
however, because the author introduces each song with a translation of the initial, biograph-
ical part of Dhammapala's commentary on that song. On Ta and Ti, see Norman 1983,
72-77 and Horner 1930, 162-210.
2. These texts contain, respectively, 164 songs in 1,279 verses and 73 songs in 522
verses. These appear to have corresponding texts in Sanskrit in the Stharivagdthd and
Sthavirigdthd, which do not survive, but which are mentioned in the canonical literature
(Lamotte 1958, 177-78). (The Mulasarvastivadin vinaya, "Bhaisajyavastu" section, con-
tains a collection of songs called by N. Dutt "Sthaviragatha" [Cms 3:1.21] and Hofinger
"Sthaviravadana" [1954], surviving in an incomplete Sanskrit version [Cms 3:1.162ff.]
and in Tibetan and Chinese [see Hofinger 1954, 9-15 for a discussion of the various
editions]. The stories contained in this text are different from those contained in the Ta and
Ti, although there is a small amount of shared material due, Dutt believes, to borrowing
[Cms 3:1.20ff.]). The Ta and Ti contain from one to twenty-eight (Ti) or one to seventy
(Ta) verses arranged in each text in sections (nipdta) with other verses of the same length.
These sections are in turn ordered in each text according to length, beginning with those
containing the fewest number of verses up to those containing the most.
100 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
3. See references to the forest life throughout the Suttanipdta (e.g., 35-75, 165-66,
207-21, 257, 331-34, 338, 388, 405-24, 474, and passim).
4. In Dp, for example, see the text's discussion and commendation of the forest life
(99, 127, 205, 271, 305, 330; verses in the English translation by Radhakrishnan [1950]
correspond to those in the Pali text) and its view of meditation as the essence of the path
(24, 27, 33-43, 144, 157, 205, 209, 276, 282, 293, 301, 350, 386-87, and passim). See
also Dp's forest interpretations of certain key terms. Thus, in reference to the term pandita
(learned person), we read that one is not a pandita because he can speak much but rather
because he has attained peace (khema) (258). Again, one is not a dhammadhara (usually,
one who has committed the texts to memory; PTSD 338.2) because he speaks much but
rather because, though with little learning, he has personally experienced reality (dhamma)
(Dp 259). See also Dp's similar interpretations of thera (260-61), samana (264-65), bhik-
khu (266-67, 360-82, especially 362, 364, 365, 370, 371, 378), muni (268-69), and ariya
(Skt., arya) (270-71). In a similar vein is Dp's definition of the term brahmin: "Him I
call a brahmin who wears cast-off garments [pamsukula; Skt., pamsukula], lean, spread
over with veins, solitary, and who practices meditation in the forest" (395) and "keeps
away from both householders . . . and the houseless [mendicants], who does not frequent
houses, and has few wants" (404).
5. The Ta presentation of its women saints as forest renunciants is paralleled by other
texts in the Pali canon. The "Suttas of Sisters" section of the Samyuttanikaya, for ex-
ample, recounts the stories of ten women saints of the forest, dwelling in certain forests,
sitting under particular trees, and meditating (Syn l:128ff. [RW., l:160ff.]). The images
of women saints of the forest in the Pali canon stand in considerable contrast, then, with
the vinaya for women, which states rules making the forest life difficult or impossible for
nuns (for example, women are never to be alone, they are not to enter the forest, and so
on) (Horner 1930, 156ff. and 259).
6. Although the songs of Ta and Ti are each attributed to a specific saint, it cannot
necessarily be assumed that they were composed by or sung to the historical individuals
whose names are linked with them. Much more doubtful still is the historicity of the com-
mentaries (Paramatthadipanl) written on Ta and Ti in the fifth century C.E. by Dhamma-
pala, a contemporary of Buddhaghosa, which attach to the songs and their authors a variety
of legendary material. In discussing these commentaries, Lamotte expresses the view that
"their historical value is practically nil" (1958, 766).
7. Composition according to stereotypical plan is, of course, the rule in Buddhist
hagiography, on which see Hofinger 1954, 21. For some discussion of the content of these
texts see also Gokhale 1976.
8. In this chapter, Pali terminology will be used.
9. References are to the verses of the Pali edition of Ta and Ti. The reader is referred
to Norman's translation of Ta and Ti. As the verses in his translation are given with the
Pali verse numbering, no additional reference to the translation need be given.
10. Thus in Ta and Ti, the terms bhikkhu and bhikkhum generally indicate simply a
renunciant rather than one who, among renunciants, has taken a second, higher ordination.
Dp, for example, exhibits a similar usage, according to which bhikkhu, pabbajita, and
samana are used more or less interchangably (see, e.g., 72, 184, 243, 254-55, 264-67,
283, 302, 313, 361-82, 388). The Suttanipdta is similar (see, e.g., 915-34). The same
kind of meaning of the term bhikkhu or bhiksu is also found in later texts. In the Jdtaka-
mald, for example, a certain pratyekabuddha who comes alms-seeking among humans and
gladdens them with extravagant displays of his magical powers is referred to as a bhiksu
(Jm22[S., 30]).
11. The term pdtimokkha also occurs at least once in the texts, for a discussion of
Saints of the Theragatha and Therigatha 101
which see note 20. This is not to deny that later in Buddhist history there were forest
renunciants who followed the classical monastic pratimoksa, for we find them in modern
Theravada Buddhism (see, e.g., Tambiah 1984); rather, at this time and in these texts,
there is no evidence that such was the case.
12. See Chapter 9 for a discussion of these practices. PTSD does not register the term
dhutaguna (see PTSD 324, s.v. dhutanga), but, as seen here, dhutaguna occurs in the Pali
canon. The fact that dhutaguna occurs in Ta in preference to the much more common (in
Pali) dhutanga is additional evidence that Ta follows an older and somewhat different
tradition from the traditions behind other Pali discussions of these practices, as discussed
in Chapter 9.
13. Norman translates this phrase as "qualities of shaking off" (1969, 99).
14. See Norman's remark on the term as used in this verse (1971, 149, n. 401).
15. Later in Buddhist history lena comes, of course, to indicate a monastery (Dutt
1962, 92-97).
16. In at least one instance (Ta 111), a renunciant has been given a robe by a layper-
son. This is an example of the lack of uniformity in the life rule expressed in these songs.
In most cases where the acquiring of a robe is mentioned, the saints have made their own
robes from rags gathered at a dustheap, in conformity with the four nissayas and the dhu-
tagunas.
17. See also Ta 27, 76, 233, 266.
18. Another kind of exception is found in references in the two places in the songs to
large groups of saints surrounding the Buddha. See the mention of five hundred bhikkhus
(Ta 1234) and one thousand bhikkhus (Ta 1238). These, however, would appear to have
primarily a cultic meaning, for which, see Chapter 6.
19. Or "nonthought."
20. As mentioned, the term patimokkha occurs in these texts but refers to something
other than the classical practices as defined in settled monasticism. Thus, in Ta 583, the
term occurs in a song about solitary meditation in a secluded place, haunted by beasts of
prey, where the renunciant is "not living in company" (Ta 577ff.). Dhammapala's com-
mentary uses the term more frequently, however, apparently with the classical meaning in
mind, as when Sirimanda (Ta 447-52) is waiting for the recital of the patimokkha (Ta-c
2:188 [C.R. 1913, 224-25]), Sirimitta (Ta 502-6) is preparing to recite the patimokkha
(Ta-c 2:211 [C.R. 1913, 241]), and Upali (Ta 249-51) is depicted carrying out the recital
of the patimokkha (Ta-c 2:101 [C.R. 1913, 169]). Similar examples of the use of the term
patimokkha in the Pali canon in a context of forest renunciation may be found in other
texts of the Khuddakanikaya, e.g., Dhammapada 185 and 375 (Radhakrishnan 1950, 212
and 175) and Suttanipdta 340.
21. Sumangala urges himself, "Meditate Sumangala, meditate Sumangala, remain vig-
ilant Sumangala" (Ta 43). We also read, "In a thicket of trees [one] meditates, happy
indeed" (Ta 466). Though lightning flashes about the mountain, within, "the son of the
incomparable venerable one meditates" (Ta 41).
22. For example, Ta 30, 31, 39, 40, 42, 66, 351-54, 518, 794, 817. One is advised
to make one's mind well concentrated (Ta 50, 51, 56) and to guard the sense doors
(Ta 503). The applications of mindfulness (satipatthdna; Skt., smrtyupasthdna) are men-
tioned (Ta 352), as are practices classically considered under this rubric, such as mind-
fulness of the body (kdyagatdsati) (Ta 468; see also Ta 636) and of breathing (dndpdnasati)
(Ta 548).
23. This virtue is stressed over and over in the songs (e.g., Ta 842-65) and provides
the keynote of various injunctions that the renunciants give themselves, e.g., "I will fasten
you, mind, like an elephant at a small gate. . . . I shall . . . make you turn. . . . I shall
102 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
tame you. . . . I shall bind you with mindfulness" (Ta 355-59). The texts also refer to
the process of meditation in martial images: Katiyana enjoins himself to "meditate and
conquer" (Ta 415).
24. For example, Ta 856, 904, 1120. We are told, "Night with its garland of lunar
mansions is not just for sleeping; this night is for staying awake for one who knows" (Ta
193; see also 84, 200, 203, 627-31, Ti 172-73, 179-80). Thus, the meditator may practice
over a long period of time, day and night, without any break (Ti 44). This practice, of
course, recalls the Buddha's meditating through the night under the pipal tree.
25. Mahagavaccha tells us that he is "delighting in meditation" (jhanarata) (Ta 12).
26. Thus we read of the awakened one Mahagavaccha, who is praised as "concen-
trated" and "possessed of mindfulness" (Ta 12).
27. The equivalence of attainment is the explicit theme of the song of Bhadda Kapilam,
in which the woman saint's enlightenment not only is said to be the same as that of the
men but is equated with that of no less a figure than Kassapa (Ti 63-66).
28. "Thin, pale, and wan, I wandered for seven years: (being) very pained, I did not
find happiness day or night. Then taking a rope, I went inside a wood, (thinking) 'Hanging
here is better for me than that I should lead a low life again.' Having made a strong noose,
having tied it to the branch of a tree, I cast the noose around my neck. Then my mind was
completely released" (Ti 79-81; see also Ta 405-10). Galloway (1981 and 1985) identifies
this type of story with a tradition of "sudden enlightenment" in Indian Buddhism.
29. Nearly identical accounts are given in the songs of Uttara (Ti 178-79) and Vijaya
(Ti 172-73). Taken together, these accounts at least raise the possibility that they may give
expression to a kind of meditation practice regularly engaged in by some of the forest
renunciants of this tradition.
30. "I am a great meditator, skilled in the calming of the mind. I have obtained the
true goal; the Buddha's teaching has been done" (Ta 112).
31. Thus we read of enlightenment as seeing reality just as it is (Ta 87), the attainment
of "the three knowledges" (Ta 117), and knowing the "five elements of existence" (Ta
120).
32. Elsewhere we read, "Continually considering my pure mind which has been re-
leased from defilements and is undisturbed, I shall dwell without asavas" (Ta 438).
33. This theme in early Buddhist literature has been explored by Gokhale 1989, 1-10.
34. "What (harm) could the woman's state do to us, when the mind is well-concen-
trated, when knowledge exists for someone rightly having insight into the doctrine?" (Ti
61).
35. This spiritual identity is expressed in the woman renunciant Sundari's song: "You
are the Buddha, you are the teacher, I am your daughter Brahmin, your true child, born
from your mouth, my task done, without asavas" (Ti 337).
36. In the discussion of the Buddha's life, a third kind of recognition of the saint's
realization was mentioned, namely, the response of the natural world in miraculous phe-
nomena of various sorts. The absence of this element in the present instance is examined
in the discussion of theme 12.
37. For example, Ti 332. Upon realization, Bharata remarks to his friend Nandaka,
"Let us go into the presence of the preceptor [to] roar the lion's roar [sihandda] face to
face with the best of the Buddhas. We have now attained that goal for which, in compas-
sion, the sage made us go forth" (Ta 175-76). Rhys Davids and Stede call this "a song
of ecstasy, a shout of exaltation" (PTSD 714, s.v. sihandda).
38. We shall see a similar pattern when we examine some Mahayana sutras that, like
the songs of Ta and Ti, reflect the forest saints themselves (Chapter 9).
39. In addition to these five mundane powers, Uruvelakassapa has also attained a sixth,
Saints of the Theragatha and Therigatha 103
forest life is interesting. At the least, it suggests the possibility that at the time of this song,
within Buddhism the term samgha was used restrictively to designate a type of town-and-
village renunciant community.
50. This also appears to be reflected in a passage in the Milindapanha, in a gdthd that
S. Dutt believes to be relatively ancient (1984, 94): "Seek lodgings distant from the haunts
of men, / Live there in freedom from the bonds of sin; / But he who finds no peace in
solitude, / May with the Order [samgha] dwell, guarded in heart, / Mindful and self pos-
sessed" (Mp 402 [T.R. 1890-94, 2:343]). In relation to this passage, Dutt remarks, "The
shelter of the samgha, as is said here, is to be sought only by those who find no peace in
solitude, but the unsocial life [i.e., the life in the forest] is preferred to cenobitical society"
(1984, 94).
51. Nibbuta.
52. Why is this critique projected into the future? One possible reason is that Phussa
wishes to criticize the same trends as Parapariya but does not wish to do so directly. By
talking about the destruction of the dharma in a future age, however, he is perhaps able to
make the same points as Parapariya, but in a way less directly and explicitly offensive to
what is now, perhaps, the Buddhist establishment. Phussa's reference to the future also
enables him to make the important point that the final outcome of the current trends that
he criticizes will be disastrous. It is interesting that Parapariya, while talking about the
present, also uses the term for the latter days, pacchimakdla; this suggests that in the minds
of both him and Phussa, the defects linked with the rise of town-and-village renunciation—
perhaps already in its Buddhist form of settled monasticism—are bound up with pacchi-
makdla, Parapariya preferring to talk about current trends, Phussa preferring to talk about
their final result. For further discussion of the linkage of pacchimakdla with the rise of
settled monasticism, see Chapter 12.
53. Two suttas contained in the Atthakavagga section of the Suttanipdta, the Pasura
Sutta and Mdgandiya Sutta (Sn 824-47), voice critiques echoing many of the themes found
in the songs of Parapariya and Phussa. These two suttas wish mainly to point to the evils
implicit in disputation (vivdda): the renunciant attracted by "learning" (suta) (836) is
preoccupied by doctrine (824); in the midst of assemblies (825), he causes disputes (825),
seeking praise (825-26) and profit (828). Desirous of conquering others, he claims purity
for himself alone (824) and he belittles others (824-26), seeing them as fools (825). If
victorious, he becomes elated (828), proud, and conceited (830); if defeated he becomes
depressed and angry (826). His elation is, we are told, a cause for downfall (vighdta) (830).
Thus, one should entirely avoid this way of life (828, 833-34, 844), "leaving his home,
wandering homeless, not making acquaintances in a village" (844 [Nr., 141]). Interestingly
enough, however, neither of these two suttas mentions bhikkhus as the offending parties
but rather, more vaguely, samanas (824-34 and 835-47). See also the Kalahavivdda Sutta
(862-77), the Culaviyuha Sutta (878-94), the Mahdviyuha Sutta (895-914), and the Tu-
vataka Sutta (915-34), which contain similar themes.
54. Along these same lines, Ta 209 remarks that "one should not suspend others (from
the order), nor object (to them). One should not revile nor raise one's voice against one
who has gone to the far shore."
4
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism
105
106 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
there might be in the world" (3:67 [3:50]). After wandering for a year, Mahakas-
yapa encounters the Buddha. Merely seeing the Blessed One, Mahakasyapa knows
that he is in the presence of a fully enlightened saint.9 As he recounts this expe-
rience he remarks, "I approached the Exalted One, bowed my head at his feet
and stood to one side. And as I thus stood to one side, I said to the Exalted One,
'Lord, thou art my Master; I am thy disciple, O Sugata.' When I had thus spoken,
O venerable Ananda, the Exalted One said to me, 'Even so, O Kasyapa, I am
your Master; you are my disciple' " (3:68 [3:50]).10
The Buddha then declares his own enlightened identity to Mahakasyapa, com-
menting that he is perfectly enlightened (samyaksambuddha), all knowing (sar-
vajna), and all seeing (sarvadarsavin) and that he has absolute knowledge and
insight (aparisesajndnadarsana) (Mv 3:68.6-8 [Jns., 3:50]).n Following this, the
Buddha trains Kasyapa in correct behavior and meditation. Mahakasyapa's school-
ing in behavior, we learn elsewhere in the Mahdvastu, revolves chiefly around the
dhutagunas (3:68-71 [3:51-53]).12 The Buddha then gives his pupil an extensive
instruction in meditation, including the practice of mindfulness13 and awareness.14
"Thus, O Kasyapa," the Buddha exhorts him, for the sake of realization, "you
must train yourself." Kasyapa is then a probationer student for eight days and, on
the ninth, attains enlightenment becoming an arhant (3:71 [3:53]).
After this, the Buddha goes to a certain place to sit down, and Kasyapa spreads
his patched robe for him to sit on. When the Buddha expresses his appreciation
of the robe, Mahakasyapa presents it to him. In affirmation of his unique regard
for Mahakasyapa, the Buddha then gives to him his own hempen robe (sdndndm
pdmsukuldndm samghdtlm) (Mv 3:72.10 [Jns., 3:54]).15
As a realized one, Mahakasyapa declares his identity as one who has tran-
scended the ordinary human condition. "I am a genuine son of the Exalted One,
born of the dharma, created by the dharma, an heir as to the dharma, not an heir
as to the flesh" (Mv 3:72-73 [Jns., 3:55]). After he has attained realization, the
general character of Mahakasyapa as a forest renunciant—and his specific connec-
tion with the dhutagunas—stand forth prominently in his personality.16 As a re-
alized saint, Mahakasyapa is in possession of a variety of magical powers (rddhi)
including the power of flight (1:75.2 [1:54]) and also supernormal sight (div-
yanayana) by which he can see the tathdgata's passing away from afar (1:74.15
[1:53]). About the full measure of his powers, Mahakasyapa hints to Ananda:
that the Buddha prohibited more than three renunciants to eat together. "It seems
to me," he remarks to Ananda, "that you are like one destroying the harvest"
(3:63-64 [Ins., 3:47-48]). Mahakasyapa is also a danger to those who do not
properly acknowledge his sanctity. The nun Sthulananda, who has previously blamed
Mahakasyapa for his upbraiding of Ananda (3:65-66 [3:48]), refuses to be rec-
onciled to him and hardens her heart against him. Finally, she commits open insult
against him by uncovering herself in front of him; as a result, she immediately
dies and is reborn in one of the great hells (3:74 [3:56]).18
Even as an enlightened one, Mahakasyapa has great devotion to the Buddha,
and his relation to him is expressed in a variety of cultic behaviors. For example,
when the Buddha dies, Mahakasyapa, wishing to see his master once more, jour-
neys from afar on foot (out of devotion, for it is acknowledged that he could have
flown [Mv 1:75.2 (Ins., 1:54-55)]) and pays deep and tender homage to his teach-
er's remains. It is interesting that, prior to Mahakasyapa's coming, the Buddha's
funeral pyre could not be lit, because until "he who has preeminence comes along,"
the devas will not permit it (1:76.11-14 [1:54]).19 These events make evident
Mahakasyapa's devotion to the Buddha, his participation in the cult of the Bud-
dha, and various of his magical powers and the miracles that surround him.
These events also reaffirm another important aspect of Mahakasyapa's person,
namely, his preeminence. This is attested to in the Buddha's exchange of his robe
with him, an honor given to no other disciple. His preeminence is explicitly af-
firmed here in the passage just quoted ("one who has preeminence . . ."). It is
affirmed again when the pyre cannot be lit until he has arrived. And it is further
affirmed when, just after the Buddha's passing, he assumes spiritual leadership of
the samgha and proposes the first council. The funeral pyre has just ignited and
the body of the Blessed One is in flames. At this point, the five hundred great
arhants in attendance approach and chant a lament to the passing of the Buddha,
concluding with their own intentions to pass from the world.20 Mahakasyapa tells
them that they may not do so but must instead convene for the recitation of the
Buddha's teachings, a liturgical event that will provide for the continuation of the
Blessed One's dharma in the world (1:80-82 [1:56-57]).21
Connected with Mahakasyapa's preeminence is his assimilation to the Buddha
himself, wherein he is implicitly compared to the Buddha and virtually assumes
the role of the departed master. After the Buddha's passing, Mahakasyapa remarks
to Ananda,
"Whosoever of these five hundred monks harbours doubt or mistrust of me, let
him ask a question, and I, in answering the question, shall roar a veritable lion's
roar." Then those five hundred monks said to the venerable Maha-Kasyapa,
"Whosoever, O venerable Maha-Kasyapa, harbours doubt or mistrust, let him
ask a question. And we shall honour you, and henceforth our obedience will be
greater and better than before." The venerable Maha-Kasyapa then instructed,
roused, gladdened and thrilled the monks with a discourse on dharma. (Mv 3:73-
74 [Jns., 3:56])
Mulasarvastivadin vinaya, Mahakasyapa is the devoted pupil of his master and the
enlightened saint of forest renunciation and asceticism, able in miracles, revered
by both renunciants and laity.23 He is the leader of the samgha after the Buddha's
demise and is assimilated to the Buddha, acting in his stead.24 The Mulasarvasti-
vadin vinaya also tells many of the same stories about Mahakasyapa as does the
Mahdvastu.25 For all the similarities, however, in its treatment of Mahakasyapa,
the Mulasarvastivadin vinaya contrasts with the Mahdvastu in at least two impor-
tant respects. For one thing, it does not linger over Mahakasyapa's early life. This
may be because the main purpose of this section of the text is to depict the events
surrounding the death of the Buddha, his cremation, and the first council.26 Sec-
ond, the Mulasarvastivadin vinaya places even more emphasis than does the Ma-
hdvastu on Mahakasyapa's preeminence in the samgha and his leadership of it,
and the reason seems to be, again, the interest shown in the text in his political
role. Thus we are explicitly told that of the four greatest elders (sthaviras) in the
world, Mahakasyapa is the greatest owing to his wisdom and virtue (V-t, D.,
'dul.ba, vol. da, 296a-b [R., 144-45]).27 This, presumably, partially justifies or
at least reflects his leadership of the samgha. Perhaps more to the point, in the
Mulasarvastivadin vinaya, the Buddha explicitly confirms Mahakasyapa as his le-
gitimate successor.28 Similarly, when the convocation of the five hundred arhants
occurs, we are given a picture of Mahakasyapa presiding by acclamation.29 Ma-
hakasyapa's preeminent position is further defined in the Northwestern texts; he is
listed several times as the Buddha's successor, who in turn is to choose his own
successor and even the successor of his successor.30
A version of the story of King Asoka preserved in Chinese, the Asokardjdva-
ddna,31 describes the final nirvana of Mahakasyapa.32 After the close of the first
council, Mahakasyapa reflects that his work is now complete, that he is very old,
and that the time to enter final nirvana has arrived. He transmits his lineage to
Ananda, remarking that just as the Buddha transmitted the dharma to him, so now
he does so to Ananda: "Oh dyusmat Ananda! . . . I transmit the dharma to you.
Protect it well" (Ara 114b [Prz., 328]).33 He then predicts Sanakavasin as the
disciple of Ananda, giving details of his youth and how Ananda will know him.
Mahakasyapa then makes a final pilgrimage to those sites made sacred by the
Buddha's relics.34 Returning to Rajagrha, visiting Ajatasatru to say farewell but
finding this latter asleep, Mahakasyapa departs to Mount Kukkutapada, where he
will pass away. In the middle of three peaks, he sits down in meditation posture
on—like the Buddha when he achieved enlightenment—a seat of grass. He reflects
that his body is now clothed in the pdmsukula that the Buddha gave him and that
he will wear it until the coming of Maitreya. He further remarks, "If King Aja-
tasatru does not visit my body, boiling blood will gush from his mouth and he
will die" (Ara 114c [Prz., 332]). Then the saint passes into that state from which
there is no return,35 the mountain closes over his body,36 and a spirit laments,
"Today . . . without exception, men and gods lament and weep with grief" (Ara
114c-115a [Prz., 332]). Thus, like his life, Mahakasyapa's death is assimilated
to that of the Buddha.
King Ajatasatru, who has meanwhile learned of his master's passing, hastens
with Ananda to Mount Kukkutapada, desiring to make offerings to the saint. Upon
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 109
arrival, the mountain opens and, as the two pilgrims draw near Mahakasyapa's
body, celestial flowers, heavenly perfumes, and the best sandal wood miraculously
rain down upon it. After prostrating himself before the remains, the king expresses
the desire to perform a cremation, but he is dissuaded by Ananda, who tells him
that Mahakasyapa, plunged in meditation, must not be burned but must remain
intact so that he can fulfill his mission when Maitreya comes. When the future
Buddha arrives, Ananda continues, he will come with 9,600,000 disciples, whose
faith is wanting. Before these, Mahakasyapa will leap into space and manifest the
eighteen miraculous transformations, making his body immense in size. Maitreya
will then receive the Buddha's robe from the saint. At this, the disciples will be
ashamed, and, their pride broken, they will all become arhants. Ananda finishes
his account, he and the king leave the place, and the mountain closes again over
Mahakasyapa's body.37 As they leave, Ajatasatru cries to Ananda, "I did not have
the joy to witness the nirvana of the tathdgata. I also was not able to see the
entry of Mahakasyapa into nirvana. O Venerable one! When you enter into nir-
vana, let me be there to see it." Ananda gives his consent.38
The fact of Mahakasyapa's ongoing, tangible presence at Mount Kukkutapada
is emphasized in the Divydvaddna, where the saint Upagupta and King Asoka go
to Mount Kukkutapada to visit the stupa of Mahakasyapa. Asoka makes a great
offering of gold to Mahakasyapa, addressing him as one who is alive and present
even now: "I honor the elder Kasyapa / who dwells hidden inside the mountain;
/ serene, his face turned away from strife, devoted to tranquility, / he has fully
developed the virtue of contentedness" (Da 395 [St., 254]). The Sarvastivadin
texts affirm the importance and continuity of the lineage founded by Mahakasy-
apa, which he transmits to Ananda, who later transmits it to the promised Sana-
kavasin, who subsequently teaches Upagupta, the quintessential forest renunciant.
Adding one further motif to the portrait of Mahakasyapa, the Sanskrit
Mahdkarmavibhanga provides the information that Mahakasyapa carried out im-
portant missionary work: he converted the populations of the West, beginning
with Avanti (Lamotte 1958, 326).
The Northern tradition presents a variety of images of Mahakasyapa, and these
are not always consistent with one another. An example is provided by the vinaya
of the Mulasarvastivadins at the point where the text elaborates the saint's char-
acter as a forest renunciant (Gms 3.1, 81-84; see also Da 81ff.). The Buddha,
we are told, has arrived in Sravasti to see Anathapindika and is inside the wealthy
donor's compound enjoying a meal with his monks. Mahakasyapa arrives, having
come to join the Buddha at the feast, but the gatekeeper bars his way, thinking
that he is a non-Buddhist renunciant (tirthya). The reason for this error is that
Mahakasyapa is just coming from his dwelling place (sayandsana) in the forest
(dranya) and has the appearance of a forest renunciant: he has long hair (dirgha-
kesa) and a beard (smasru) and wears a coarse robe (luhaclvara). The gatekeeper
informs Mahakasyapa that the master of the household, Anathapindika, has com-
manded that no non-Buddhist renunciants be allowed to enter until such time as
the Buddha and his company of monks (buddhabhiksusamgha) have finished their
meal. The saint observes that he is being treated in this way because the gate-
keeper does not realize that he is a son of the Buddha (sdkyaputrlya).
110 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
to play a relatively smaller role. Among a few stories told of Mahakasyapa in the
Pali vinaya, the best-known is the account of the first council.42 Although the
general outlines of the story are the same as in the Mulasarvastivadin vinaya, the
tone is different. Most notably, in the Pali account, Mahakasyapa shows little of
his saintly personality. His adherence to the dhutagunas is not stressed.43 He is
depicted not as one who dwells in the forest, but rather as the conventional monk,
who is hardly more than a peer of the other disciples. He also does not reveal his
enlightened status in dramatic ways and, most notably, does not tend to show
magical powers. For example, in the Mulasarvastivadin vinaya, Mahakasyapa learns
of the Buddha's passing by seeing wondrous signs in nature and perceiving their
cause; in the Pali account, a wandering ascetic has to tell him that the Buddha has
died. In the Mahavastu, Mahakasyapa presides over the first council by virtue of
his personal charisma and there ordains events, whereas in the Pali account he
must ask permission of the assembled samgha each time he wants to propose
something. The few other stories told about Mahakasyapa in the Pali vinaya are
in the same vein, when compared with the stories told about him in the Mahavastu
and the Mulasarvastivadin vinaya. What is significant is not what the Pali texts
say, but what they do not say. In these stories, Mahakasyapa appears as a bland,
mostly urban disciple, who merely provides pretexts—hardly different from those
provided by the other disciples—for the Buddha to lay down rules.44 In the Pali
Suttapitaka, and particularly in the first four nikdyas, Mahakasyapa is similarly
made little of. As in the Pali vinaya, he is generally seen as one among many of
the Buddha's main disciples; although his forest character is mentioned a few
times,45 it is obviously not an object of particular concern.
However, some striking exceptions to this general trend appear in the Uddna
and Theragdthd of the Khuddakanikdya46 and chapter 16 of the Samyuttanikdya.
The song of Mahakasyapa in the Theragdthd, for example, paints a detailed pic-
ture of Mahakasyapa and his forest way of life (Ta 1051-90). Prominent in this
song are various affirmations of the normativity of forest renunciation: the four
nisrayas are praised, as are dwelling in seclusion and solitude, the practice of
meditation, contentment with little, the joys and beauty of life in the forest, avoid-
ance of the highborn, and so on. Mahakasyapa concludes by declaring his pre-
eminence as a practitioner of the dhutagunas.41 A similar depiction is given in the
Uddna, in a story that recalls the incident from the vinaya of the Mulasarvastiva-
dins just recounted. Mahakasyapa is staying in a certain cave and, during a seven-
day period remains in cross-legged posture, ardently meditating. When he finally
rises to seek alms, five hundred devas present themselves as potential donors, but
the saint rejects them and sets off to seek alms in Rajagrha. The god Sakra and
his consort, assuming the guise of weavers, provide donations to the saint. But
Mahakasyapa sees through the guise and upbraids the god, telling him not to
repeat this deceptive action. Then the saint, by his divine ear, hears the god de-
clare, "the monk who quests for alms . . . at peace and ever mindful, such the
devas envy" (Ud 29-30 [Wd., 34-36]). In this story Mahakasyapa is once again
a forest saint; he lives in a cave; he ardently practices meditation; he is a person
of great attainment; he is in possession of magical powers; he is revered by gods
and humans alike; veneration of him confers merit on donors; he prefers to shun
112 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the abundant offerings of the gods to make his begging rounds among the ordinary
folk of Rajagrha; and he is most likely to accept offerings from a humble weaver
and his wife, revealed in Sakra's choice of disguise.48 A close relation may be
noted between elements in the portrayal of Mahakasyapa in the Uddna and the
Theragdthd and those in the Mahdvastu and the vinaya of the MGlasarvastivadins.
It is significant that both the Uddna and the Theragdthd see Mahakasyapa as
strictly a forest saint and neither contains any reference to his settled monastic
character.
Particularly interesting in the present context is an extended portrait of Maha-
kasyapa in the Pali canon, this time in the "Kindred Sayings on Kassapa," chap-
ter 16 of the Samyuttanikdya (2:193-224 [RW., 2:131-52]). The chapter opens
with what will be its central theme, namely, the Buddha's praise of Mahakas-
yapa's forest way of life and saintly character. In a reference to Kasyapa's adher-
ence to the four nisrayas, the Buddha remarks that Kasyapa is contented with no
matter what robe, no matter what alms, no matter what dwelling place, and no
matter what medicine. Moreover, Kasyapa commends this way of life to others.
The Buddha concludes by exhorting his disciples to train in the manner of Kas-
yapa (2:193 [2:131]). As chapter 16 continues, we find Mahakasyapa depicted as
a prototypical forest renunciant: he lives aloof, dwells in solitude, wants little, is
content, practices meditation, and does not fraternize with the laity. In addition,
his renunciant way involves few words, and he criticizes those renunciants for
whom Buddhism is primarily a matter of words, arguing, and verbal competi-
tion.49 The Buddha praises the forest features of Kasyapa and affirms his approval
of them.
The Buddha's praise of Mahakasyapa's forest way of life occurs again in a
passage in which the Buddha asks why Kasyapa follows an ascetic way of life,
including the wearing of castoff, coarse rag-robes that are past wearing. Kasyapa
responds,
I, lord, for many a day have been forest dweller and have commended the forest
life; have been almsman and have commended alms-living; have been a rag-robe
wearer and have commended rag-robe wearing; have been a three-garment man
and have commended the triple-raiment; have wanted little and have commended
few wants; have been contented and have commended contentment; have dwelt
in seclusion and have commended seclusion; have held aloof from society and
have commended such aloofness; have lived in strenuous energy and have com-
mended strenuous energy. (2:202 [2:136-37])
The Buddha then asks what advantages Kasyapa finds in this way of life, and the
saint replies that there are two: his own happiness and his compassion for those
who will come after. ' 'For surely these may fall into error. But let them say: They
who were disciples of the Buddha and of the followers of the Buddha were for
many a day forest dwellers and commended forest life. . . . This for many a day
will be for their good and for their happiness" (2:202 [2:136-37]). As we shall
presently see, the error into which future generations may fall is the abandonment
of the life of forest renunciation, an error to be remedied only by a reaffirmation
of the priority of forest values and practices. The passage concludes with the
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 113
Buddha confirming that Kasyapa has indeed practiced "for the happiness of many
folk, out of compassion for the world, for the salvation, the good, the happiness
of devas and men." "Wherefore, Kassapa," the Buddha says, "wear thou thy
coarse rag-robes that are past wearing, go thy rounds for alms and dwell in the
forest" (202 [136-37]). From the viewpoint of this passage, then, normative Bud-
dhism is to be found in the life of forest renunciation.
The Buddha is shown praising not only Mahaka§yapa's forest way of life but
also his great attainment. Kasyapa, the Buddha says, is a realized saint and, more-
over, one who in his person virtually duplicates his own realization. The Buddha
proclaims his own proficiency and attainment in meditation, point by point and
step by step, and then affirms that Kasyapa has the very same proficiency and
attainment.50 The Buddha concludes, "Kassapa too, brethren, by the withering of
the intoxicants, has entered into and abides in that sane and immune emancipation
of will, emancipation of insight which he has come thoroughly to know and to
realize for himself even in this present life" (2:214 [2:145]).
Finally, as if to summarize its portrait of Mahakasyapa, chapter 16 contrasts
Kasyapa and his forest life with the way of settled monasticism and affirms the
temporal priority and the qualitative superiority of forest renunciation. At one
time, the Buddha says, the senior brethren were forest renunciants and commend-
ers of the forest life, contented with going for alms and advocating the same;
contented with wearing rag-robes and so on and advocating the same; of few
wants, contented, secluded, aloof from society, and strenuous in energy. More-
over,
the brother who lived this kind of life the senior brethren would invite to a seat,
saying:—"Come brother! Who may this brother be? Welcome indeed is this brother!
Anxious to learn truly is this brother! Come brother, take this seat." They prac-
tised that they might so attain; that made for many a day for their good, for their
happiness.
But now, the Buddha says, the senior brethren are not forest renunciants nor do
they commend the forest life; they do not go for alms, wear rag-robes, and so on;
nor are they of few wants, contented, secluded, aloof from society, or strenuous
in energy.
So it is that the brother who is known, is of repute, one who gets presents of
raiment, alms, lodging and medical requisites—him it is that the senior brethren
invite to a seat, saying:—"Come brother! Who may this brother be? Welcome
indeed is this brother! Anxious truly is this brother for companions in religion!
Come brother, take this seat." . . . They practise that they may so attain. That
makes for many a day for their hurt and for their sorrow. (2:108-10 [2:140-41])
Thus, the Buddha affirms, "they who lead the religious life are harassed by
its own dangers." Here the forest way of life embodied by Mahakasyapa is said
to be on the wane, and its prestige has declined to the point at which its exemplars
are no longer respected: instead, those who exemplify the ideals and ways of
settled monasticism are honored and rewarded. This change, in the view expressed
in this passage, is one to be mourned; whereas forest renunciants were "anxious
114 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
to learn truly," their settled monastic counterparts are only "anxious truly . . .
for companions in religion." Whereas the way of forest renunciation "made for
many a day for their good, for their happiness," the nonforest way "makes for
many a day for their hurt and for their sorrow." This passage thus reflects many
of the themes of the songs of Parapariya and Phussa, but here the virtues of the
forest life are exemplified in no less a figure than Mahakasyapa and the nonforest
alternative is criticized by no less a person than the Buddha.
Chapter 16 of the Samyuttanikdya is not a unified text but is a heterogeneous
collection of some thirteen different selections, some complete, others clearly in-
complete. These are held together by two themes: first, they all concern Mahakas-
yapa; second, they all present him as a forest saint and as the ideal embodiment
and proponent of forest Buddhism. Like the Udana and Theragdthd, the selections
from chapter 16 see Mahakasyapa strictly as a forest saint and contain no refer-
ence to his settled monastic character. It is interesting that a number of these
selections share ground with the Mahdvastu and vinaya of the Mulasarvastiva-
dins.51 The difference is that in the non-Pali sources, these stories occur as dra-
matically complete and compelling elements in key texts, whereas here they are
often fragmentary and appear randomly assembled. It is as if once the dominant
depiction of Mahakasyapa had begun to take shape in the Pali canonical texts—
emphasizing his role as a central figure in the history of settled monasticism and
giving scant attention to his more forest and charismatic attributes—some place
had to be found for these traditional aspects of his character. Within the first four
nikdyas, chapter 16 of the Samyuttanikdya would seem to fulfill such a role. The
close connection, in hagiographical themes and specific legends, of the affirma-
tions of Mahakasyapa's forest and saintly character in the Udana, Theragdthd,
and chapter 16 of the Samyuttanikdya with similar stories and themes in the Mu-
lasarvastivadin vinaya and the Mahdvastu is interesting and suggests again the
tremendous richness of the Pali canon as a historical document and resource for
viewing successive stages in the unfolding of Buddhism in the Theravada and,
more generally, in the larger Indian context.52
The great Kasyapa is at present within this mountain. (On a certain occasion) he
divided the mountain at its base, so as to open a passage (for himself). This
entrance is now closed up. At a considerable distance from this spot, there is a
deep chasm; it is in this (fastness as in a) receptacle that the entire body of
Kasyapa is now preserved. Outside this chasm is the place where Kasyapa, when
alive, washed his hands. The people of that region, who are afflicted with head-
aches, use the earth brought from the place for annofnting themselves with, and
this immediately cures them. In the midst of this mountain, as soon as the sun
begins to decline, all the Rahats [arhant] come and take their abode. Buddhist
pilgrims of that and other countries come year by year (to this mountain) to pay
religious worship to Kasyapa; if any should happen to be distressed with doubts,
directly the sun goes down, the Rahats arrive, and begin to discourse with (the
pilgrims) and explain their doubts and difficulties; and, having done so, forthwith
they disappear. The thickets about this hill are dense and tangled. There are,
moreover, many lions, tigers, and wolves prowling about, so that it is not pos-
sible to travel without great care. (B., 132-33)
disciples; and the laity who revere him (theme 17). To his principal disciple (An-
anda), he passes on the authority that he received from the Buddha, such that a
line of lineage holders is created.53 Mahakasyapa is also devoutly revered by lay-
people, best exemplified in the person of King Ajatasatru. All his devotees partic-
ipate in his cult, including both his own primary disciple (Ananda) and his prin-
cipal lay devotee (Ajatasatru)—and even the future Buddha Maitreya who will
make a pilgrimage to Mount Kukkutapada. He is particularly adored by the gods,
who, like Sakra, will go to any lengths to engage in his cult, coming to see him,
making offerings, and earning merit thereby. The gods' particular partiality to
Mahakasyapa is shown at the time of the cremation of the Buddha, when they do
not allow the pyre to be lit until the saint has arrived.
Mahakasyapa is a teacher, but (apart from his presidency of the first council,
which will be discussed) he is not associated with the study of texts (theme 18)
and is depicted as teaching his suppliants in an informal and oral form (theme
19). Mahakasyapa is known for his conversions (theme 20) in the northwest and
for his defeat of evil beings (theme 21), such as the evil nun who would undo
him. Mahakasyapa's compassion is directed especially to those in need. He does
not frequent those who are highborn, powerful, and wealthy. By choice and cir-
cumstance, he remains distant from the privileged, preferring to show his com-
passion to the poor and downtrodden (theme 22). Mahakasyapa can be an uncon-
ventional figure and also a critic of religious convention (theme 23), appearing
not a little strange, on the outskirts of established Buddhism, with long hair,
beard, and coarse hempen robe, mistaken for a non-Buddhist ascetic and debarred
from joining a gathering of Buddhist renunciants. He also stands in the posture of
critic of those even among his closest disciples who are in need of critique, up-
braiding Ananda, his own lineage holder, for his failure to retain the teachings of
the Buddha in their integrity, as measured by Mahakasyapa's forest criteria. Be-
cause of his unconventionality, Mahakasyapa may be criticized and even perse-
cuted, as in the case of the evil nun (theme 24). The danger implicit in the saint's
numinous power becomes evident in the dire consequences experienced by the
nun and also in Mahakasyapa's prediction of Ajatasatru's horrible end, should he
fail to venerate his master's body properly (theme 25).
After the Buddha's passing, Mahakasyapa becomes the principal reference point
of the dharma for his followers, renunciant as well as lay (theme 26). He is, in
effect, a substitute for the Buddha, being assimilated to him: he acts like him and
is treated like him by his followers, performing an authoritative function within
the early samgha. Of central importance in this respect is his status as lineage
holder of the Buddha, indicated by his possession of the Buddha's pdmsukula, his
role in the cremation, and his presidency of the first council. As a realized saint,
Mahakasyapa has a body that is in some respects supernormal (theme 27): his
form is particularly pleasing to see; he may travel long distances by flight; and,
according to some sources, his body, steeped in meditation in Mount Kukkuta-
pada, will remain intact more or less indefinitely. This also reflects Mahakas-
yapa's great powers of longevity (theme 28), as well as his connection with Mai-
treya (theme 29). Mahakasyapa anticipates his own passing (theme 30) and departs
from this world in an extraordinary way (theme 31). At death, he will not be
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 117
cremated54 (theme 32), but his body rests in its stupa-like enclosure on Mount
Kukkutapada (theme 33). This site thus becomes a holy place of pilgrimage for
devotees (theme 34), and his ongoing existence there is such that Asoka can ad-
dress him as living and present. A cult develops around Mahakasyapa's remains
at this place, and suppliants come there seeking his blessings and the fruits of his
compassion. Participants in this cult include both renunciants and the laity, and
Ananda journeys to Mount Kukkutapada just as Mahakasyapa had visited the places
enshrining the Buddha's relics. The development of his hagiography seems clearly
an element of his cult (theme 35).
Like the Buddha, then, and in conformity with the paradigm of Buddhist saint-
hood, Mahakasyapa is both a credible man in the description of his preenlighten-
ment phase—brief though it be—and a superhuman being, superior to humans and
gods, after realization. Mahakasyapa's life, type, and structure as a saint thus
correspond in a quite complete and detailed way with the paradigm of Buddhist
sainthood outlined above. This correspondence is not accidental but is rather due,
as mentioned, to the fact that the paradigm reflects certain basic Indian assump-
tions about Buddhist saints. The textual accounts of Mahakasyapa again reveal
that when Indian Buddhists want to talk about their saints, they tend to understand
them in ways that approximate the paradigmatic model.
As we have seen, a variety of voices is present in the texts, sometimes even
within the same text (for example, the Mulasarvastivadin vinayd). This suggests
that the saint Mahakasyapa transcends any particular Buddhist group or set of
interests. To some, Mahakasyapa embodies in his person a model that one should
personally emulate, by renouncing the world and following the path to realization.
To some, he is a saint who is above all to be venerated, one who lives on and
will dispense his blessings to those who supplicate him. To others, he is a kind
of lawgiver, the chosen successor of the Buddha; he acts in his stead, presiding
over the samgha after the Buddha's death, codifying his teachings, establishing
the early church, and, in general, setting the seal of legitimacy on mainstream
Buddhist tradition. To others again, Mahakasyapa presents an aspect that calls the
establishment into question, for he is the one who favors the wretched, who re-
jects the favor of the rich and powerful (as in the story of Indra and SacI), and
who is himself rejected by the established order. And finally, he is the guarantor
of future justice, the one who will confer the Buddha's robe on Maitreya, who in
a future age will make all things right. Particularly interesting among these differ-
ent facets of Mahakasyapa are two seemingly opposed images. On the one hand,
more than any other of Buddha's main disciples, Mahakasyapa is identified as a
forest renunciant who practices the dhutagunas, a solitary meditator, and an out-
sider. On the other hand, particularly in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra and the vi-
nayas, he is seen as the representative and upholder of the monastic establishment.
One may well wonder how two such seemingly opposed facets could have come
to coexist within his person.
An answer to this question is suggested by Przyluski, who in his Concile de
Rdjagrha (1926-28, 279-305) has examined the position of Mahakasyapa as chief
of the renunciant samgha and president of the first council. Przyluski observes
that in a number of early lists of the Buddha's chief disciples, Mahakasyapa is
118 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
not accorded such pride of place but that this honor is reserved instead for Ajfiata
Kaundinya. This is, Przyluski tells us, a logical enough choice, as Kaundinya was
the one first ordained by the Buddha in Banaras, after his enlightenment, thus
making him the senior among renunciant disciples. Thus we find, for example,
that in the vinaya of the Mahlsasaka, Kaundinya is the first among Buddha's
disciples, whereas Mahakasyapa is the sixth (300). In one passage in the vinaya
of the Sarvastivadins, we find Kaundinya again listed first, with Mahakasyapa
fourth (302). Through examining these and other texts, Przyluski concludes that
the tradition placing Ajfiata Kaundinya at the head of the samgha is the earlier
one, and the one placing Mahakasyapa at the head is later (302-3).55
Who then, was Mahakasyapa originally, and how did he come to gain preem-
inent honor in the time of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra and the vinayas! Przyluski
bids us recall Mahakasyapa's character as a great ascetic and practitioner of the
dhutagunas. This part of Mahakasyapa's character, he suggests, is the earlier one,
with the conventional monastic side of the saint developing later. So much may
be granted, but the question then arises of how Mahakasyapa came to stand in the
Nikaya Mahdparinirvdna Sutra and the vinayas as the prime consolidator of mo-
nastic orthodoxy.
According to Przyluski, it was precisely Mahakasyapa's reputation as a great
forest saint and practitioner of the dhutagunas that enabled him later to replace
Kaundinya as the senior disciple of the Buddha and to play the central roles at the
Buddha's cremation and the first council. In this replacement of Kaundinya by
Mahakasyapa, Przyluski remarks, "merit [i.e., sanctity] [Kasyapa] ends up taking
precedence over temporal seniority [Kaundinya]" (Przyluski 1926-28, 303). So
Mahakasyapa can, at a later date, come so decisively to the fore in the Mahdpa-
rinirvdna Sutra and the vinayas, precisely because he is the great forest saint,
whose realization is unquestioned and whose charisma unmatched.56
In the replacement of Kaundinya by Mahakasyapa we have an ironic process:
the forest saint, the solitary meditator, the one at home among wild animals and
demons but not among ordinary humans, the great outsider, comes to be not only
acknowledged but also appropriated by settled monaticism into its own traditions
and even celebrated as its chief. This, then, is another example of the process of
monasticization by which phenomena connected with the forest saints and their
traditions are appropriated by, and integrated into, the traditions of the established
Buddhism of the settled monastery.57 It is this process, perhaps among others,
that ends up lending to Mahakasyapa a personality with complex and sometimes
contradictory features.
said to have lived during the time of King Asoka and to have been a special object
of his devotions. In the Asoka cycle, Upagupta receives more attention than any
other saint (Przyluski 1923, 8). Although Upagupta is not mentioned in the Pali
canon, via the influence of Sanskrit Buddhism in Southeast Asia, he emerges in
about the twelfth century as a prominent saint in legend and cult in Theravadin
countries, particularly Burma, northern and northeastern Thailand, and Laos.58
Primary sources for Upagupta's hagiography are several texts, mostly of the
avaddna or legendary type, existing in the original Sanskrit as well as in Chinese
and Tibetan translation.59 Most important among these are the Divydvaddna (chap-
ters 21 and 27 contain the fullest extant version of Upagupta's life);60 the Avadd-
nasataka (260-63 [F., 430-35]) (containing the earliest known reference to Upa-
gupta); and three versions of the story of King Asoka preserved in Chinese, the
Asokardjdvaddna (A yti wang chuan) (T. 2042, 50:99a-131a [Prz., 225-427]),
Asokardja Sutra (A yu wang ching) (T. 2043, 50:131b-70a),61 and several chap-
ters from the Samyuktdgama Sutra (Tsa a han ching).62 Finally, the Mulasarvas-
tivadin vinaya, existing in Sanskrit as well as in Chinese and Tibetan, contains a
number of stories about Upagupta.63 Important for an understanding of Upagupta
in Southeast Asia is the Pali Lokapannatti (162-74 [Denis 1977, 2:144-52]),
which draws on the legend as it is found in earlier Sanskrit tradition but also
includes material not found there.
The Upagupta legend as set out in the Sanskrit sources contains two distinct
cycles of stories that have been more or less combined in the mature legend.64
First and foremost is a "Mathuran cycle," containing Upagupta's own hagiogra-
phy, made up of stories located in and around Mathura. This cycle tells Upagup-
ta's story from the time of the Buddha's prediction of him and his past life; through
his birth, youth, training under his guru, realization, and teaching career; to his
final days and death. The second is an "Asokan cycle," in which Upagupta fig-
ures as an important actor in King Asoka's own story, as Asoka's guru and object
of his devotion (Strong 1992, 10-11). The following summarizes the main themes
of the mature Upagupta legend as given in the Sanskrit sources.
In many of the texts, Upagupta's legend begins with a prediction made by the
Buddha while on a journey to Mathura with his attendant Ananda. Pointing to Mt.
Urumunda, a place famous for its meditating hermits, the Buddha remarks that a
hundred years after his own parinirvdna a certain Upagupta will be born who will
live on the mountain and make many converts. In the Divydvaddna version, the
Blessed One remarks that one hundred years after his parinirvdna, Upagupta will
be born as the son of a perfume merchant of Mathura. At that time, there will be
a certain renunciant named Sanakavasin who will build a hermitage on Mt. Uru-
munda. Upagupta will renounce the world under Sanakavasin, will attain realiza-
tion, and will become a "buddha without marks," carrying on the work of a
buddha and guiding many to arhantship.65 The Asokardjdvaddna adds that the
Buddha predicted that Upagupta would be the foremost of all those who teach
meditation, suggesting Upagupta's credentials as a forest saint (Ara 120b [Prz.,
363]).
The sources next recount the story of Upagupta's previous life. In the Mula-
sarvastivadin vinaya, where this story is told in its fullest form, the Buddha de-
120 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
scribes how Upagupta, in his previous life, lived on Mt. Urumunda as a monkey,
leader of a monkey troupe. In the Buddha's narration, the monkey, supplanted
and driven away by a young male, goes wandering and comes across a community
of five hundred pratyekabuddhas. The monkey offers them food and other things
and, when they sit down to meditate, imitates them. The pratyekabuddhas soon
decide that the time for their parinirvdna has come and, rising into the air, they
burst into flame and are consumed. The monkey, saddened by their disappearance,
goes wandering again, seeking human company. In time, he comes across five
hundred Brahmanical ascetics practicing various kinds of self-mortification. After
making offerings to them, he shows them the pratyekabuddhas' meditation pos-
ture. The ascetics, prompted by their own teacher, abandon the practices they
were engaged in and adopt the posture demonstrated by the monkey. In time, they
gain the thirty-seven wings of enlightenment and win pratyekabodhi, the enlight-
enment of a pratyekabuddha. The ascetics venerate the monkey with offerings
and, after he dies, cremate him with fragrant wood. The Buddha closes his ac-
count with the comment that as in that previous life Upagupta worked for the
benefit of many, so he is predicted as one who will show compassion for the
multitude (Cms 3, pt. 1:4-7 [Strong 1992, 44-45]). Strong remarks that one
function of accounts of previous lives of great saints is to establish the primary
context and characteristics of their present lives as saints (46). In the Buddha's
narration, we find the major phases of Upagupta's career: the period of his life as
a layperson, his renouncing of the world, living in the forest, veneration of forest
saints, study with the meditation masters, practice (more correctly, imitation) of
meditation, teaching of others, respect and homage paid by his own students, and
concluding with his death and cremation (52-53).
The Divyavaddna provides details concerning the beginning of Upagupta's
present life. According to the text, prior to his birth, the elder Sanakavasin is
aware of the Buddha's prediction and also of the important part that he himself
will play in preparing Upagupta for his destined role. Knowing that the Mathuran
perfume merchant Gupta is to be Upagupta's father, Sanakavasin pays a visit and
elicits Gupta's promise that when he has a son he will give him to the teacher as
an attendant. Gupta has first one son, then another, but in each case he demurs,
insisting that he needs each for his business. Sanakavasin knows by his supernat-
ural powers that neither son is Upagupta, so he waits. Eventually a third son is
born, and this son, who is Upagupta, the father definitively promises to Sanaka-
vasin—but only when "there will be neither profit nor loss."66
Sanakavasin is fourth in the line of Buddhist patriarchs, looking for someone
to whom he may transmit the dharma, who may act as his successor. The lineage
that Sanakavasin represents is, as Strong points out, one of forest renunciation
(1992, 71). The forest character of the first patriarch, Mahakasyapa, has been
noted, and Sanakavasin is no less as a forest renunciant. As we shall presently
see, like Mahakasyapa and other forest renunciants, Sanakavasin can appear dirty
and disheveled, with long hair and a beard. He also exhibits a devotion to medi-
tation in the forest. In the Asokardjdvaddna, for example, Sanakavasin is in med-
itation retreat and enters into dhydna, meditation. Joyful and at peace, he utters
this gdthd:
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 121
Clothed in robes of sana [hempen cloth], I have attained the five branches of
dhyana. Seated in dhyana among the mountain peaks and lonely valleys, I med-
itate. Who could not (thus) abide the wind and the cold? The arhant Sana[kavasin],
his surpassing mind having won liberation, has gained the supreme wisdom. (Ara
120b [Prz. 363-64])
arrives to see him (Ara 120c-121a [Prz., 366ff.]; cf. Lamotte 1958, 227ff.). Un-
beknownst to all but the far-seeing Upagupta, this monk has committed fornica-
tion and has murdered his mother. He has entered the monastic order because he
desired a certain woman's hand in marriage and was repulsed. Though of corrupt
character, this monk is an accomplished textual scholar: he has mastered the Tri-
pitaka and has gathered to himself a multitude of disciples. When he appears in
Upagupta's story, he has come as one proud of his own scholarly achievement,
perhaps wanting to debate, perhaps seeking the saint's confirmation of his status.
Upagupta, seeing clearly the monk's evil deeds and obscurations, refuses even to
see him. This behavior upsets Upagupta's disciples, for they believe an impro-
priety has been committed (Lamotte 1958, 227ff., 303). Upagupta settles their
doubts by summoning his own guru, Sanakavasin, while he absents himself. San-
akavasin suddenly arrives—with long hair and beard, a tattered robe, and a di-
sheveled appearance—and seats himself upon Upagupta's own seat.71 Upagupta's
disciples express disbelief that their master, while refusing to speak with a master
of the Tripitaka, would associate with this disreputable character! Sanakavasin,
however, reveals to the disciples that he is no ordinary being. The disciples want
to drive him away, but he remains as immovable as Mt. Mem. They try to abuse
him verbally, but their tongues will not move. When he exhibits other wonders,
the disciples gain faith in Sanakavasin, listen to his teaching, and attain arhant-
ship. Thus both Upagupta and his guru Sanakavasin show no hesitation in con-
travening conventional ideas of what is meritorious and in confounding the under-
standing of the unaware in order to generate insight.
Particularly important to Upagupta's stature is his renown as a teacher, illus-
trated in detail in a collection of some twenty-five stories in the Asokardjdvaddna
describing Upagupta's training of disciples (121b-126b [Prz., 370-98]). This group
of accounts, from which a few representative examples will be examined, is es-
pecially interesting because it provides an unusually close and detailed look at the
forest saint's guru in pre-Mahayana Buddhism. In his hagiography, Upagupta stands
as an exemplar of the values, perspectives, and methods of forest Buddhism. It is
not surprising, then, that when prospective disciples come to him, they are at-
tracted by his reputation as a great meditation master and seek above all instruc-
tion in meditation. A typical story is told of a certain monk who one day encoun-
ters a bhiksum of attainment. When she questions the fidelity of his adherence to
the dharma, he thinks that she means his tonsure, so he shaves his face and head
and washes himself. When she again questions him, he thinks she means his robe,
and so he fixes his robe. When she questions him a third time, he asks what
remains wrong. She remarks that correctness in the dharma refers not to proper
external trappings but rather to the attainment of the stages of holiness. She ad-
vises him to go to the forest of Natabhata to study meditation with Upagupta. He
does so, learns from the meditating monks there, and finally becomes an arhant
(121b-122b [371-74]). This example suggests the general character of Upagup-
ta's kind of Buddhism: monks who have previously identified with conventional
monastic concerns—in this case, external appearance—may find themselves at
Upagupta's door in search of something deeper and more productive of realiza-
tion.
124 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Sometimes Upagupta is shown training disciples who are already forest re-
nunciants but have encountered obstacles on their meditative paths. For example,
a certain renunciant has attained mastery of the fourth dhydna, is in possession of
the five mundane abhijna, and is particularly accomplished in being able to cause
rain in times of drought. All of this has given birth to overweening pride, and he
believes that he has become an arhant. Upagupta determines to bring him to lib-
eration and so, through his magical power, causes a twelve-year drought. When
the laity come to Upagupta requesting his intervention, he sends them instead to
the rainmaking renunciant. This renunciant causes a great rain, and his pride swells
to such an extent that he finally becomes aware of it himself, remarking "an
arhant is not proud of himself. I know therefore that I am not yet an arhant."
Humbled by this insight, he goes for training to Upagupta, who deals with him in
a blunt and uncompromising fashion, and the renunciant eventually becomes an
arhant (Ara 126a [Prz., 396-97]). This story is perhaps an account by meditators
and for meditators, calling attention to the danger of pride, especially among those
who have reached a high level of meditative accomplishment. It also illustrates
Upagupta's trust in his disciples' own intelligence and the subtlety with which he
encourages this intelligence. In this story, he does not directly criticize the disciple
but rather brings about a situation in which the disciple himself comes to see
clearly the flaws in his own state of mind. Particularly interesting here is the
portrayal of Upagupta's power vis-a-vis the phenomenal world: the drought that
sets off the entire train of instructive events is directly attributed to Upagupta's
action.
A similar story is told of an especially ascetic renunciant who "desires little
and is content," eats the simplest fare, and bathes in cold water. As a result, he
is emaciated and weak. Looking at this man and realizing that he would be able
to attain arhantship but for his feeble condition, Upagupta prescribes warm baths,
good food, and other similar "luxuries," and the disciple soon becomes an arhant
(Ara 123a-b [Prz., 380-81]). This story beautifully illustrates Upagupta's flexi-
bility and freedom from conventional ideas of asceticism in his work with his
disciples. In India and in forest Buddhism, desiring little and being content, eating
simple fare, and living an ascetic existence are, as we have seen, typically re-
garded as important indicators of a person's legitimacy as a forest renunciant.
Upagupta, undiverted by his disciple's adherence to the ideal norm, sees that
something softer and more generous will be of help, something that in the tradi-
tional context would have offended some and raised doubts about Upagupta's own
legitimacy as a meditation teacher.
Upagupta's skill as a meditation teacher is further revealed in a story about
another disciple obsessed with food and drink, to the point at which it obstructs
his spiritual progress. Upagupta invites him to a meal where he must sit before
his food until it is cold, then eat the food, and then vomit it up. Next he instructs
the disciple to eat his vomited food, and when the latter refuses, Upagupta points
out that this is in any case the condition of food in the stomach. The disciple is
then told to contemplate the body's impurities, and he forthwith becomes an ar-
hant (Ara 123a[Prz., 380]).
A particularly interesting account is given of a renunciant disciple who contin-
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 125
ually tends to fall asleep, especially when the dharma is being preached. Upagupta
directs him to go into the forest and sit down beneath a tree to meditate. The saint
then magically produces a crevasse a thousand feet deep around the spot where
the disciple is sitting. This instantly rouses the disciple, who, filled with terror,
calls to mind his teacher, Upagupta. Immediately, he discovers a small passage (a
bridge?) across the crevasse, again magically produced by Upagupta, and so passes
out of danger. The disciple comes before his master and is instructed to return
again to the tree under which he was meditating. Sitting beneath the tree, he
experiences great joy and says, "My master has saved me from the danger of this
deep crevasse." Upagupta then suddenly appears before him, saying that this cre-
vasse is not nearly as deep or dangerous as that of the three lower realms, of
birth, old age, sickness, and death. He further instructs the disciple to realize the
four noble truths of suffering, the cause of suffering, the end of suffering, and the
path. The disciple does so and, losing all desire to sleep, gains energy (virya) and
attentiveness (manaskdra) and becomes an arhant.72 This story reveals additional
aspects of Upagupta's person as a powerful saint. When the disciple experiences
a horrifying vision while meditating in the forest, this is attributed to Upagupta.
When the disciple calls his teacher to mind, a way out of the horror is provided,
and this too is attributed to Upagupta. We have seen that Upagupta is understood
to have power over natural phenomena. In this story, we see that he also has the
ability to create powerful visions for his disciples. This account also provides
insight into the fervent devotion felt by disciple toward teacher. In his extremity,
it is the teacher toward whom he turns. The teacher saves him, and this only
causes his joy and trust in the teacher to increase.
Upagupta is some generations removed from the first patriarch, Mahakasyapa,
and lives in a time when Buddhism is fully established. As a forest saint in this
time, Upagupta can also, as the occasion warrants, be a proponent of the values
and preoccupations of settled monasticism, but always from a forest point of view.
This is illustrated by several stories depicting prospective disciples who come to
the saint to learn meditation but find themselves directed by the teacher for one
reason or another, at the least for a time, into other avenues. An accomplished
scholar and teacher has grown weary of his usual activity, desiring instead to
meditate. He seeks out Upagupta, who, he has heard, is foremost among those
who teach meditation. Upagupta, however, looks into this man's character and
sees that realization will not best be achieved by meditation. The saint tells the
scholar that he will accept him as a disciple only on the condition that he precisely
follow the instructions that he, Upagupta, will provide. When consent is given,
the master tells his disciple not to desist in his scholarship and teaching, and this
advice directly followed leads to realization (Ara 121b [Prz., 370-71]). It is sig-
nificant that only when the scholar agrees to submit himself to Upagupta's instruc-
tions, whatever they may be, is he accepted as a disciple. It is also significant that
he accepts the conditions without comment or complaint and simply does as Upa-
gupta instructs, even though he is asked to do exactly the thing that he does not
want to do. This incident reveals the view that unconditional commitment is re-
quired of a prospective disciple desiring to be accepted by a forest meditation
master and illustrates the expectation, found rather widely in texts reflecting forest
126 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
successor—a certain Dhltika. He trains his heir culminating with Dhitika's ordain-
ation at the age of twenty. Then Dhltika successively attains the first, second, and
third stages of holiness and becomes an arhant (Ara 126a-b [Prz., 397]).
Following this event, Upagupta reflects to himself that he has now converted
beings, paid proper homage to the Buddha, nurtured his renunciant disciples, helped
his lay disciples to prosper, and, in this way, seen to the exact transmission of the
dharma and its survival without interruption. "Now," he says, "the time has
come to enter into nirvana." After confirming Dhltika in the transmission he has
received, he predicts that he will enter nirvana in seven days. Then 100,000 ar-
hants assemble along with innumerable laity. At the appointed time, Upagupta
rises into the air, exhibits the eighteen miraculous transformations—giving to the
assembled renunciants and laity great joy—and enters into nirvana. When Upa-
gupta's body is cremated, 10,000 arhants, seeing this nirvana, themselves enter
into extinction. The gods arrive, bringing offerings, and a stupa is raised over the
saint's remains (Ara 126b [Prz., 398]). Finally, hagiography develops around the
figure of Upagupta.75
These images and legends are connected with Upagupta in North Indian Bud-
dhism, where the master is most richly documented, but Upagupta is also an
important saint in the Southeast Asian tradition. Here Upagupta is known as one
of the great arhants of old, who is guardian of the dharma and patron saint of
those who follow the way of meditation. By virtue of his magical power (rddhi),
he is still alive, dwelling in a brazen palace hidden in the depths of the southern
ocean. Further, he will remain alive as long as the doctrine of the Buddha is
known upon earth (Maung Kin 1903). The story of Upagupta as told in the Pali
Lokapannatti draws on both the Mathuran and Asokan cycles but adds material
not present there,76 especially discussing Upagupta's longevity.
Upagupta thus represents an exemplar of our paradigm of Buddhist sainthood,
whose life reflects the themes seen in the lives of the Buddha, the saints of the
Theragathd and Therlgdthd, and Mahakasyapa in some ways, and in others offers
some interesting variations. Upagupta's life, as seen in our texts, does not clearly
reflect an initial personal crisis (theme 1) or strong early sense of personal voca-
tion (theme 2). Perhaps the stature of the patriarch, reflected in the Buddha's
prediction, does not provide room for this most human dimension of the Buddhist
saints. Upagupta remains for some time a layperson who nevertheless makes con-
siderable spiritual progress developing dharmic behavior—meeting and beginning
to study with his guru, training in meditation, beginning to teach and make con-
verts, and attaining some measure of realization. Upagupta's activity as a layper-
son is significant, for it brings Upagupta the realized saint closer to the laity and
demonstrates what can be accomplished by laypeople (Strong 1992, 75). Upa-
gupta eventually renounces the world (theme 3) and takes up a life of forest re-
nunciation on Mt. Urumunda (theme 4). The guru (theme 5) plays the same cen-
tral role in Upagupta's spiritual career as he does in that of Mahakasyapa, except
that Sanakavasin finds Upagupta rather than Upagupta seeking out his master.
This variation may reflect the strength of Upagupta's stature and fated destiny,
and it also makes dramatic sense: if the saint-to-be has no personal crisis and
explicit sense of vocation, then motivation for an ardent search for a guru, as
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 129
found among other Buddhist saints, would be less expected. The "path" dimen-
sion of Upagupta's life similarly tends to be played down, and we do not see him
making vows or forming aspirations to enlightenment (theme 6). For Upagupta,
meditation practice stands at the center of the dharma, and he meditates both as a
layman in the marketplace and as a forest renunciant in the mountain hermitage
of Urumunda (theme 7), but again little insight is provided into the details of his
own struggle. In summary, in the prerealization phase of his life, apart from his
dramatic encounter with Vasavadatta, Upagupta appears as a somewhat flat figure,
and most of the dramatic focus is upon those contending over him, both the father
who is reluctant to let him leave the world and the guru who would help him
fulfill his destiny.
Upagupta attains realization (theme 8) in stages: he purifies his mind through
separating black and white objects; he realizes the stage of nonreturning in the
cremation ground; and he becomes an arhant on Mt. Urumunda. After realization,
others recognize his attainment, and he is widely known as having crossed to the
other shore and as a "pure being who enjoys omniscience" (Da 385 [St., 239])
(theme 9). If Upagupta does not explicitly declare his own enlightenment in so
many words (theme 10), perhaps it ^s because he does not need to do so: the
Buddha has already prophesied his arhantship and Upagupta's charismatic actions
(his victory over Mara and so on) leave little doubt about his enlightened status.
Now compassion becomes Upagupta's primary motivation (theme 11). Particu-
larly in his encounter with Mara and in teaching his disciples, but at other times
as well, miracles surround his person (theme 12), and he possesses extraordinary
magical powers (theme 13), all in conformity with the type. Human and super-
natural beings of all sorts, including even Mara, pay homage to Upagupta, taking
darsan from him (theme 14). They also participate in his cult (theme 15) and
receive his teachings (theme 16). As depicted in the Sanskrit texts, the cult of
Buddhist saints—in contrast to what the two-tiered model would suggest—is clearly
not just for the unenlightened; Upagupta himself participates fervently in the cultic
adoration of the image of the Buddha manifested by Mara. If the cult is for re-
nunciants as well as laity, the goal of liberation is evidently not only for renun-
ciants but for laity as well. Upagupta attains a high stage of realization while still
a layperson. Moreover, through taking darsan from Upagupta, both renunciants
and laity may advance toward mundane and supermundane goals—including even
liberation—again contradicting the notion found in the two-tiered model that the
laity can hope only for a better rebirth.
Among humans, Upagupta accepts two kinds of followers (theme 17), close
personal disciples and lay followers, with Asoka at their head—all of whom par-
ticipate in his cult. The portrait of Upagupta as guru for his disciples as presented
in the Asokardjdvadana is particularly rich with its themes of the priority of inner
realization over external forms of the dharma, the requirement of unconditional
commitment of disciple to master, the master's flexibility and unconventionality
in training methods, his skill in guiding disciples advanced in meditation, his
power over the phenomenal world and the visions and meditation experiences of
the disciples, the intense devotion of disciple for master, and so on.
As a realized forest saint, Upagupta has little directly to do with textual schol-
130 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
1. The ascetic Sanjayin (P., Sanjaya) is in Rajagrha with 250 disciples, among
whom are Sariputra and Maudgalyayana.
2. Sariputra and Maudgalyayana make an oath that whichever among them
first finds the deathless will tell the other.
3. A certain disciple of the Buddha enters Rajagrha on his alms rounds and
is seen by Sariputra, who is deeply impressed by his charisma.
4. Sariputra asks the disciple about his master and teaching, and the disciple
pronounces the famous stanzas beginning, "ye dharmd," upon hearing these Sar-
iputra attains the dharma eye (dharma-ca£s«.s) and is converted.
5. Sariputra meets Maudgalyayana again and recounts his experience.
6. Maudgalyayana likewise attains the dharma eye and is converted.
7. Sariputra and Maudgalyayana decide to find the Buddha and become his
disciples.
8. They return to tell the other disciples of Sanjayin of their decision, and
these all elect to follow them.
9. Sanjayin tries unsuccessfully to dissuade them, and they all leave.
10. Sanjayin dies of hemorrhage.
11. The Buddha sees Sariputra and Maudgalyayana approaching and declares
that they will be his principal disciples.
12. Sariputra and Maudgalyayana receive ordination from the Buddha.
13. People complain against the Buddha, and he responds with teaching.
It should be noted that throughout this account, when Sariputra and Maudgalya-
yana are mentioned together, Sariputra is mentioned first, reflecting his preemi-
nence.
In the more elaborate, later accounts of this story in the various vinayas and
other texts, other elements are added. Most significant, the more developed ver-
sions already emphasize what eventually comes to be Sariputra's main character-
istic in his fully developed legend: in his background and personality, he is the
paradigmatic textual scholar and master of doctrine. In the Chinese version of the
Mulasarvastivadin vinaya, for example, it is said that Sariputra comes from a
lineage of learned brahmins, who exhibited great skill in doctrinal debate (Migot
1954, 430). In the Mahdvastu we are told that Sariputra was born a brahmin and
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 133
was preeminent in Vedic learning, along with his friend Maudgalyayana (3:57ff.
[Jns., 3:57ff.; Migot 1954, 429ff.]). After Sariputra has renounced the world, the
Mahdvastu account continues, his training under his first teacher consists in mem-
orizing texts. In this he demonstrates great ability, quickly memorizing "all the
parivrdjaka sdstras" and thereby accomplishing everything his master has to teach
(Migot 1954, 447). In the Mahdvastu, after meeting and receiving ordination from
the Buddha, Sariputra, in a manner reminiscent of Buddhist scholastic analysis,
questions the Buddha concerning the manifestation, endurance, decay, and recon-
stitution of phenomena, to which, in reply, the Buddha teaches about the four
great elements. Sariputra then asks about causality, and the Buddha replies with a
discourse on the origin, duration, breaking up, and reconstitution of phenomena
according to causes, including teaching on the dyatanas, nonself, and karma (3:65-
67 [Jns., 3:67-70]).
In the Mahdvagga account, Sariputra and Maudgalyayana are simply men-
tioned as the two main disciples of the Buddha. It is in the more developed ver-
sions of the legends that we find Sariputra and Maudgalyayana depicted according
to their special virtues. Thus Sariputra is declared to be foremost in wisdom (prajnd),
Maudgalyayana foremost in miraculous power (abhijnd) (for example, Mv 3:63
[Jns., 3:65]) and, in some sources, meditation (Migot 1954, 447, 503ff., 509).
This is consonant with the emphasis on Sariputra's scholastic character in the
more developed versions of the conversion story. In the developed legend, Sari-
putra is explicitly said to be preeminent over Maudgalyayana, and his preemi-
nence is typically characterized as scholarly in nature.83
Sariputra's legend is further developed in other Nikaya texts, canonical and
extracanonical, that supplement the core conversion story with other legends. What
is noteworthy about these additions is their emphasis on Sariputra as a saint who
embodies the scholarly ideals of settled monasticism. He is particularly associated
with scholastic matters: he is concerned with "correct doctrine," clarifies obscure
points, examines the doctrinal rectitude of the disciples, excels in preaching the
dharma, and refutes heresies. Perhaps most indicative, in the Nikaya traditions,
he is closely connected with the abhidharma, the epitome of pre-Mahayana scho-
lastic Buddhism (Migot 1954, 519), and is in fact the paradigmatic saint of the
abhidharma. In the Pali tradition, he is related with the origins of the abhidharma:
when the Buddha is preaching the abhidharma in heaven and leaves off, it is
Sariputra who picks up and continues the exposition, and he is also shown preach-
ing the abhidharma to Revata (407-8, 446-47). Sariputra's scholastic primacy is
clearly seen in a representative passage from the Dhammapada commentary in
which the Buddha tests the doctrinal expertise of his disciples. As the questions
become more and more difficult, one by one all are eliminated until finally only
Sariputra and Maudgalyayana are left; then Maudgalyayana goes down to defeat,
leaving Sariputra as foremost of all (504).
The tendency of Sariputra to embody the scholarly ideals of settled monasti-
cism reaches a culmination in the Pali canon, where the texts celebrating Saripu-
tra's scholastic preeminence "are innumerable" (Migot 1954, 463). Moreover,
"it is essentially his qualities as a dhammasendpati (chief of doctrine) that are
emphasized in the Pali canon" (466). Part of Sariputra's role as preeminent master
134 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
account, gaining momentum in the later, even more developed segments of his
legend and reaching a culmination in the Pali canon. This raises the interesting
possibility that Sariputra was originally not the champion of the values and preoc-
cupations of settled monasticism at all but was a saint along different lines—that
he was, in effect, originally a saint of the forest and was only later monasticized.
This view could explain at least some of the forest features active in Sariputra's
personality, especially those that seem to run directly counter to his monastic
character. Based on the evidence brought forward so far, however, such an expla-
nation, although possible, would seem to have little to recommend it.
Very interesting, then, are some Pali accounts of Sariputra that stand in sharp
contrast to the main trends of the rest of the Pali canon; Migot, whose study is
otherwise the model of thoroughness and care, has uncharacteristically chosen to
mention them hardly at all, perhaps because of their seemingly extraneous nature.
These accounts emerge in several early texts contained in the Khuddakanikaya,
including the Theragdthd, the Uddna, and the Atthakavagga of the Suttanipdta.
In the Uddna, for example, Sariputra is a paradigmatic saint of the forest. He is
presented as essentially a forest contemplative who is described in the traditional
manner: he needed little, was contented, was a recluse, shunned society, had
ardent energy, was given over to meditation (43 [Wd., 51]). Similarly in the
Uddna, Sariputra is shown on one occasion "seated . . . in cross-legged posture,
holding his body upright, keeping mindfulness before him" (27-28 [32-33]; see
also 43 [51]) and on another meditating on a moonlit night, having won access to
a certain stage of meditation (39 [47]). Moreover, Sariputra is a realized saint who
is praised by the Buddha for his accomplishment (3-4 [4-5] and 27-28 [32-33]).
Like other realized saints, he is possessed of numinous power such that, when a
yaksa (P., yakkhd) attempts to harm him, "instantly that yakkha, screaming 'I
burn! I burn!' fell into the great hell" (39-40 [47-48]).
The Theragdthd presents a similar image of Sariputra as paradigmatic forest
saint. In Sariputra's gdthd, we read, "Near the foot of a tree, with shaven head,
clad in an outer robe, the elder Upatissa [Sariputra], supreme in wisdom, truly
meditates. Having attained to non-reasoning [avitakka, absence of conceptual
thought], the disciple of the fully enlightened one is straightway possessed of
noble silence" (Ta 998-99). This gdthd extolls other virtues of forest renuncia-
tion, such as solitude (981), wandering "with an unfilled belly" (982), meditation
(981ff.), calm (1006, 1007), quiet (1006, 1007), and "peace of mind" (988). In
this song, we are further told that "forests are delightful" (992), but also that
"whether in the village or the forest, on low ground or high, wherever the arahats
live, that is delightful country" (991).
The Sdriputta Sutta, in the Atthakavagga of the Suttanipdta (Sn 955-75), like-
wise identifies Sariputra with forest Buddhism: he receives from the Buddha a
dharma of forest renunciation and preaches the same himself. Thus, Sariputra tells
us, a bhiksu is to resort to a lonely seat, such as a cave in the mountains, the foot
of a tree, or a cremation ground (958). Although in his silent and solitary retreat
there may be many things to fear, nevertheless there he may overcome the perils
of the world (959-60). For in his retreat, through practicing meditation (962), he
may go to the "place" beyond death (960). In responding to Sariputra's words,
136 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the Buddha in this sutta echoes the same themes: one should "wander homeless,"
not becoming preoccupied with questions of where he will sleep the night or what
food he will obtain (970-71); the renunciant should resort to a lonely seat (963);
there various sorts of obstacles will arise, such as insects, animals, heat and cold,
hunger, even attacks from humans (964-66); in spite of these, the renunciant
should not be deterred, but should persevere, making great effort (964-69); in his
retreat, the renunciant should avoid wrong behavior (967-69); there he should
meditate (962, 964); he should be mindful (973, 975); "intent on meditation, he
should be very wakeful . . . with self concentrated" (972); and when wandering
in a village, he should remain restrained, not uttering a harsh word even to those
who may offend him (971). In this way, he may achieve realization (975).
The consistency of the image of Sariputra as a forest saint in the Uddna,
Theragdthd, and Suttanipdta, and moreover the contrast of this image with that of
Sariputra as the scholarly ideal and champion of settled monastic tradition in the
majority of other texts in the Pali canon arrests our attention. At the least, it
indicates that the Pali texts reflect at least two distinct hagiographical traditions
connected with Sariputra, one dominant in the Pali canon—reflecting Sariputra as
paradigmatic monastic scholar—and a second, more recessive one—reflecting Sa-
riputra as a paradigmatic forest saint.
If, as seems not unreasonable, the Uddna, Theragdthd, and Atthakavagga ac-
counts of Sariputra reflect a stratum of Sariputra's personality predating his mo-
nastic, scholarly character, then the earliest evidence shows him as a forest saint.
As mentioned, Migot believes that the conversion story represents "the primordial
element in [Sariputra's] legend" (1954, 455). However, the preceding discussion,
seen in light of Chapters 1 to 3, suggests a somewhat different way of framing
the matter. Sariputra's forest traits in the conversion story—and even more strik-
ingly in the Uddna, Theragdthd, and Atthakavagga—suggest a background and
presupposition to the story, namely, Sariputra's personality as a forest saint. It is
not impossible that it was because of, and dependent upon, his forest personality
that the conversion story was able to develop in the first place. It is Sariputra's
forest personality, then, that likely provides the real "primordial element" of his
legend, although, as we have seen, this element becomes gradually obscured as it
is taken into the primitive form of the conversion story, as that story undergoes
development, and as Sariputra's legend as a whole becomes more and more fully
monasticized. However, Sariputra's more or less complete monasticization does
not represent the end of his journey. At a relatively advanced time in his history,
Sariputra appears at center stage in certain early Mahayana sutras in which his
early forest personality comes once again to the fore. For in the Astasdhasrikd-
prajndpdramitd Sutra we find Sariputra willing to open himself to the contempla-
tive values of the prajndpdramitd.86
Conclusion
As we have seen, there are some clear differences in the ways in which the San-
skrit and Pali traditions treat Mahakasyapa. Both traditions know of two facets of
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 137
admit the forest as a critical dimension of his personality. One may not be wrong
to read in these divergent portraits a more pervasive belief—at least in the mon-
astically oriented texts of the vinaya—that forest Buddhism does not have a central
role to play within normative Buddhism.
Such a belief is more explicit in certain negative attitudes toward meditation
and forest Buddhism evident in the Pali versions of the conversion story. A par-
ticularly revealing example is provided by the treatment of Sanjayin, the heretic
teacher to whom Sariputra and Maudgalyayana first go when they leave the world.
As Migot shows, this teacher is most likely a forest renunciant who teaches med-
itation or yoga (1954, 447). In the Pali sources, Sanjayin is presented in an ex-
tremely negative light. Sariputra and Maudgalyayana attain everything that San-
jayin has to teach and, having ascertained that he has nothing further to offer,
abandon him, seeking another, better teacher. In the Pali sources, Sanjayin, who
is presented as frankly hostile to the dharma of the Buddha, does everything in
his power to prevent Sariputra, Mahamaudgalyayana, and the rest of his five hundred
disciples from studying with the Buddha. When they finally go to the Buddha,
they repudiate Sanjayin and break with his tradition. After they leave, Sanjayin—
owing to his inveterately evil nature, which has now been revealed—dies vomiting
blood (447-48).
The Northwestern treatment of Sanjayin stands in sharp contrast to that of the
Pali.90 While Sariputra and Maudgalyayana are still his disciples, the teacher falls
ill. As they are caring for him, Sanjayin predicts the arrival of the Buddha and
affirms the Blessed One's sanctity, enjoining his two disciples to study with him.
When Sanjayin's dies, Sariputra and Maudgalyayana feel great appreciation for
their former teacher and realize that his dharma was truly marvelous. In the North-
western texts, then, Sanjayin is not, as in Pali tradition, a confirmed heretic hostile
to the Buddha but rather a precursor—in Migot's words, a kind of John the Bap-
tist—who paves the way for the one to follow, announcing his coming and bid-
ding his disciples to follow him. Migot is surely right that in the Pali and the
Northwestern treatments of Sanjayin, "one has certainly here a reflection of two
opposed tendencies," the one more scholarly, the other more meditative or yogic.
Migot continues,
For, we have seen that the doctrine of Sanjayin is probably that of yoga; are the
sects which are favorable to him not the same that are favorable to this tendency?
The first group, unfavorable to Sanjayin, contain above all Theravada texts, and
it is known that the monastic Buddhism of the Sthavira was not kindly disposed
toward magic and yoga. In contrast, the Chinese and above all Tibetan canon of
the Mulasarvastivada is much more strongly impregnated with yoga. . . .(1954,
448)
which we shall presently see other examples. By contrast, the negative attitude
toward Sanjayin within the Pali sources reflects a correspondingly negative eval-
uation of forest Buddhism, interpreted as separate from, and in some sense inim-
ical to, the normative Buddhism of settled monasticism.
The preceding summary makes possible some further insight into the two-
tiered model of Buddhism. As mentioned, the two-tiered model in contemporary
scholarship was developed primarily out of a study of Pali materials and, among
these, those that reflect settled monasticism. The two-tiered model is, in effect, a
reflection of the attitudes and beliefs of the monastic establishment in Pali Bud-
dhism. The fact that the forest saints are ignored in the two-tiered model and that
the forest dimensions of Mahakasyapa and Sariputra are ignored by Pali monastic
tradition are thus reflections of the same thing: Pali Buddhism's particular attitudes
toward forest Buddhism.91 This discussion also makes clear the limitations of the
two-tiered model: not only does it not necessarily apply to other Buddhist tradi-
tions, for example, that of the northwest—it has little applicability to the forest
dimensions of Pali Buddhism itself.
It is important to reformulate our understanding of early Buddhism and that of
the Nikaya schools to include in an integral way the forest traditions not only in
service of a more balanced and accurate view of the "pre-Mahayana" traditions
themselves, but also for the considerable impact that this recasting can have on
our conceptualization of the relation of earlier to later Buddhism in India. The
portrait of Upagupta as guru for his disciples as presented in the Asokarajdvadana
is a case in point. That depiction is, as noted, particularly rich in its themes of
the priority of inner realization over external forms of the dharma; the sometimes
implicit, sometimes explicit critique of the conventional values of settled monas-
ticism; the requirement of unconditional commitment of disciple to master; the
master's flexibility and unconventionally in training methods and skill in guiding
disciples advanced in meditation; the beliefs that the guru has power over the
phenomenal world and is ultimately behind the visions and meditation experiences
of the disciples; the intense devotion of disciple for master; and so on. All of
these illustrate common assumptions and expectations of what a teacher is in for-
est Buddhism and how such a person works.
Modern buddhology, of course, is not unfamiliar with such images of the
guru, but it generally has seen them as characteristic of Tantric Buddhism in India
and Tibet and not of the earlier, more "conservative" traditions.92 The particular
conformation of the Tantric guru is, in turn, often explained as the result of non-
Buddhist influences.93 It must come as a surprise, then, that here, in the heart of
the lineage of the patriarchs of Northwestern Buddhism is to be found an image
of the Buddhist teacher that in many of its essential characteristics mirrors that
found in the Vajrayana. This discrepancy is to be explained, of course, by the fact
that buddhology has derived its understanding of the teacher in earlier Buddhism
from monastic models, whereas the teacher in the Vajrayana is essentially a forest
figure. When forest images of the teacher in earlier Buddhism are compared with
the forest images in the Vajrayana, then, as we have seen, there is a much closer
correspondence.
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 141
Notes
1. For a detailed discussion of these, see Chapter 9. On Mahakasyapa, see Lamotte
1944-80, 87-103, 190-96, 287, 615, 654, 1046-47, 1399, 1761, and 2332-34; 1958,
19, 24, 71, 101, 137, 226-27, 191-92, and passim; and 1962, 149-50. For additional
references, see below in this chapter.
2. The Theravada commentary on the Anguttaranikaya, the Manorathapurani, follows
suit (Mrp 1:161). The passage in the Chinese Ekottardgama parallel to the Anguttara por-
trays Mahakasyapa as typically preeminent among those who follow the dhutagunas (La-
motte 1958, 765-66, citing the Ekottardgama.
3. In Mv, he is several other times explicitly connected with these practices (Mv 1:64.14
[Ins., 1:53]; Mv 1:66.16 [Jns., l:55J;Mv 1:71.12 [Jns., 1:57]).
4. Lamotte provides a useful summary of this material (1958, 191-92, 226-27).
5. No reference is made here to texts dealing with Mahakasyapa composed outside of
India. Of particular interest in this regard are the "Five Records of the Lamp," five texts
dating from the Sung dynasty (960-1279) in China that trace the lineage of transmission
from Sakyamuni. These texts, which contain biographic images of Mahakasyapa, have
been helpfully summarized by Dumoulin (1988, 7-10). The materials presented in these
texts appear sometimes to duplicate material found in the Indian texts summarized above
and sometimes to provide stories and images not found in those texts. See also McRae
1986, 79-82.
6. The Mahavastu provides an account of the saint, beginning with a former life, in
which his reputation as a meditating ascetic living in solitude in the Himalayas is already
reflected (Mv 2:160 [Jns., 2:110]).
7. We are told that he himself owned eighty cartloads of gold, five hundred bonds-
men, five hundred bondswomen, five hundred head of cattle, five hundred fields and vil-
lages, and so on (Mv 3:67 [Jns., 3:49]).
8. Mv 3:67.5 (Jns., 3:49); cf. BHSD 346, s.v. pilotika. See also Mv 3:53.14, 16
(Jns., 3:54). See also BHSD 354, s.v. pailottika, and 395, s.v. plotika.
9. He remarks, "And when I saw him, there came to me the unambiguous awareness
that I was looking on the perfect Buddha, on the Exalted One, who was all-knowing, all-
seeing, and possessed of absolute perfect knowledge" (Mv 3:67 [Jns., 3:50]).
10. See Hofinger 1954, 195. Hofinger remarks on the relative antiquity of these verses
(193, n. 3).
11. The Buddha says, "If a man should accept a disciple in complete possession of his
mind, and then, though he was not perfectly enlightened should claim to be so; though not
all-seeing, should claim to be so; though he was limited in knowledge and insight, should
claim to have absolute knowledge and insight, his head would split in seven. As for me,
O Kasyapa, I claim to be perfectly enlightened, because I am so; I claim to be all-knowing,
because I am so; I claim to be all-seeing because I am so; I claim to have absolute know-
ledge and insight, because I have them" (Mv 3:68 [Jns., 3:50]). This appeal to a magico-
religious phenomenon (the heads of those who lie about such matters split in seven) is
reminiscent of the story of the Buddha's enlightenment, where he appeals, not to human
authority, but to the earth divinity.
12. Elsewhere in Mv we are told that Kasyapa was purified through the dhutagunas
(dhutadharmavisuddha) (Mv 1:80.3 [Jns., 1:56]), and as his personality in the text is closely
bound up with them, one cannot think of his training under the Buddha apart from the
forest life in general and these practices in particular. As the organ of restraint the text
specifically mentions here the prdtimoksa. The prominence of forest renunciation in general
and in particular the dhutaguna in relation to Mahakasyapa's personality, as defined else-
142 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
where in the text (see references to the dhutaguna just below), raises the question of how
the term prdtimoksa is to be understood in this passage.
13. He is to practice mindfulness of the body and to guard the doors of his six senses.
When he sees an object with his eye, he is not to make it an object of thought and is to
avoid desire for it, thus practicing restraint of sight. He shall practice the same with sounds,
scents, tastes, sensations of touch, and objects of thought (Mv 3:69-70 [Jns., 3:51-52]).
14. Kasyapa is further to train in the awareness of the rise and fall, in turn, of each of
the five upaddnaskandhas (personality aggregates associated with grasping). He shall ob-
serve that such and such is material form (rupa), the uprising of material form, the cessa-
tion of material form, and observe the same for feeling (vedand), perception (samjnd), the
karmic formations (samskdra), and consciousness (vijndna).
15. Pali tradition similarly says that Mahakasyapa accepted from the Buddha hempen,
rag robes (sdndni pamsukuldni) (see H., 2:143, n. 3).
16. Thus Mv calls him dhutadhura, "foremost in the dhuta(gunas)" (or perhaps, "he
whose burden [= discipline] is the dhutagunas") (Mv 1:82.7 [Jns., 1:57]), dhutadharmasa-
mangl, "provided with the dhutadharmas (= dhutagunas)" (Mv 1:82.11 [Jns., 1:57]),
dhutaraja, "king of the dhuta (gunas)" (Mv 1:77.2 [Jns., 1:55] and 1:82.6 [Jns., 1:57]),
dhutadharmavisuddha, "purified through the dhutadharmas" (Mv 1:80.3 [Jns., 1:56]), and,
very frequently, dhutadharmadhara, "maintainer of the dhutadharmas" (Mv 1:99.8, 14;
100.1, 4, 7, 10, 13; 101.4, 8, 11, 14; 102.3, 6, 9, 12; 103.1; and 123.7 [Jns., 1:66-70
and 83] and passim). (Jones renders these terms very vaguely and thus the specific char-
acter of the dhutaguna?, is not evident in his translation. Thus dhuta in dhutadhura, dhu-
tadharmasamangi, and dhutadharmadhara is translated as "pious," in dhutadharmavisud-
dha as "piety," and in dhutara[d]ja as "saintly.")
17. These two declarations, of his transcendent identity and of his magical powers, call
to mind the similar "self-declarations" made by the Buddha mentioned in Chapter 2. What
is important here is that Mahakasyapa is referring to no human authority but is speaking
on his own authority, as a realized saint. Particularly interesting here is Mahakasyapa's
bold claim of stupendous powers that cannot possibly be concealed. Could this perhaps be
an oblique reference to the vinaya rules discouraging the claim of powers in general (cf.
Chapter 1)?
18. The image of Ananda articulated in these sections of Mv is quite interesting and
contains several traits: first, he wanders around with a large group of disciples, and Ma-
hakasyapa finds this blameworthy: the Buddha said that no more than three renunciants can
eat together. Second, his disciples are immature and unattained in meditation: they do not
guard the doors of their senses and are greedy. Third, Ananda has a special connection
with the vinaya, and particularly the nuns' vinaya: he received it. Moreover, Ananda has
defenders among the organized monastic samgha: his loyal follower is a nun, who attacks
Mahakasyapa in the most shameless and aggressive manner, precisely for his critique of
Ananda. The pattern has some coherence: the monk, who, associated with the vinaya and
the organized samgha, is connected with large groups of undisciplined monks and is indi-
rectly associated with vicious and unfair attacks on the forest renunciant, embodied in the
figure of Mahakasyapa. Does this story in the Mahdvastu reflect a certain tension between
the Buddhism of the settled monastery and the Buddhism of the forest renunciant? The
evidence of this account is too fragmentary to be sure, but such a possibility is suggested
by the frequency with which the same configuration of themes arises in other texts, such
as the songs of Parapariya and Phussa in the Theragdthd (discussed in Chapter 3), as well
as in other texts to be considered, in which, it is clear, just such a tension is in question.
19. When Mahakasyapa arrives, suddenly the encasements of the corpse break open at
the feet and Mahakasyapa pays his last obeisance, taking the Buddha's feet in his hands
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 143
and touching them to his head. "Kasyapa, his mind full of the greatest reverence for the
Master, fell on his face, and again and again caressed with his hands the Sage's feet which
were marked with perfect circles" (Mv 1:77.13-16 [Jns., 1:55-56]). At this, miraculously,
the pyre spontaneously bursts into flame.
20. This funeral lament is one example of a more general pattern of specific verses
chanted in the context of a cremation rite. For other examples of similar verses, see Chapter
11.
21. The liturgical nature and magical dimensions of the event cannot be doubted. The
chanting, which is to be done "without a break and in perfect unison," will unite the
Buddha's teaching, will allow it to have renown among gods and humans, and will allow
saints to appear in the future (Mv 1:80.15-18 [Jns., 1:56]). When the teaching is recited,
the devas assemble to hear the recital, the earth quakes, and celestial drums sound and
garlands of flowers rain down (1:81-82 [1:57]). Then the devas chant joyful verses.
22. The material cited here is to be found in the Ksudrakavastu (phran.tshegs.kyi.gshi)
section of the Tibetan vinaya ('dul.ba), in the Derge edition, cited here, volume da, 290a,
ff. In his Life of the Buddha (1884), Rockhill has presented some of this material, working
from the "East India Office copy of the Bkah.hgyur" (vi) (edition unspecified). In this
work, Rockhill sometimes translates word for word, sometimes summarizes several pages
of Tibetan in a few sentences, and often omits large sections altogether. Nevertheless, his
work is useful in indicating some of the major themes of this section of the Tibetan version.
23. For the account of Mahakasyapa's previous lives, cf. Cms 3:1, 172-74 (Hofinger
1954, 193-97).
24. Thus, for example, when Ajatasatru first sees Mahakasyapa, he is reminded of the
Buddha so strongly that he falls senseless to the ground (V-t, D., 'dul.ba, da, 305a [R.,
151]).
25. For example, as in Mv, when the Buddha dies, there is an earthquake and Maha-
kasyapa, using his magical powers, divines its cause (V-t, D., 'dul.ba, da, 290a [R., 141]).
Like Mv, V-t tells the story of the funeral pyre that will not light and repeats Aniruddha's
explanation that this was because Mahakasyapa had not yet arrived (da, 295b [R., 144]).
As in Mv, Mahakasyapa uncovers the body of the Buddha and worships it, after which the
flame spontaneously leaps up (da, 296b [R., 144-45]). As in the case of Mv, so here
Mahakasyapa is concerned that the Buddha's teachings will be lost and therefore convenes
a council to ensure their preservation. Again as in Mv, in Vms, throughout the description
of the events of the first council, Mahakasyapa is clearly presented as the leader of the
samgha. He gives directives to Ananda, Purna, and the other great arhants, and he decides
where and how this great event shall occur (da, 301b [R., 149-50]). See also Cms 3:1.172-
74 (parts missing) (Hofinger 1954, 193-97).
26. As we shall see, it falls to other texts of the Northwestern tradition to deal with
the other phases of Mahakasyapa's life.
27. See Rockhill's comment, p. 148.
28. Mahakasyapa has just rebuked Ananda for his many errors and omissions while he
was the Buddha's attendant. Then, "great was Ananda's grief, but he called to mind what
the Blessed One had said to him shortly before his death. 'Ananda,' he had said, 'sorrow
not, neither be distressed nor afflicted. Thou must turn to the bhiksu Mahakasyapa (as to
the head of the order). Be patient and do as he shall tell thee' " (V-t, D., 'dul.ba, da, 309a
[R., 155]).
29. The five hundred arhants request him to preside over the assembly, and he therefore
takes his seat on the lion throne.
30. Thus Ananda says that the Buddha transmitted the lineage to Mahakasyapa, who,
in turn, transmitted it to himself, Ananda (V-t, D., 'dul.ba, da, 321a [R., 166]). And the
144 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
one to whom Ananda transmitted the lineage, Sanakavasin, remarks to his chosen disciple,
Upagupta, on this same lineage: the Buddha—Mahakasyapa—Ananda—Sanakavasin (da,
323a-b [R., 170]).
31. In Chinese, the A ytt wang chuan (T. 2042) translated into Chinese by Fa-ch'in the
early third century C.E., translated by Przyluski (1923).
32. The following summarizes the "Avadana du Nirvana de Mahakasyapa," Ara 114a-
116b (Prz., 327-40). Lamotte provides a list of sources treating Mahakasyapa's final nir-
vana (1944-80, 191, n.l).
33. It is interesting that Ananda seems quite the devoted disciple of Mahakasyapa, just
as elsewhere in the tradition he is the devoted disciple of the Buddha. We see an image of
Ananda's devotion when, after receiving transmission from Mahakasyapa, "Ananda fol-
lowed [Mahakasyapa] constantly and did not leave him. He was afraid that [Mahakasyapa]
would enter nirvana, or else that he would not see him again, and that is why he followed
him" (Ara 114c [Prz., 330]).
34. Relics that, the texts says, are "authentic and marvellous, which are charged with
merits that are good, pure and innumerable" (Ara 114b [Prz., 329]). Mahakasyapa then
travels by magical flight to various places, including the four holy places and the eight
great stupas, prostrating himself and making offerings. He also flies to the palace of Sagara
in the ocean and venerates a tooth of the Buddha. Next he journeys to the heaven of the
thirty-three devas and worships another Buddha's tooth there, whereupon the multitude of
devas with their chief Sakra (Indra) prostrate before the saint and make offerings to him.
Realizing that Mahakasyapa is near the end of his days, they hang their heads with grief.
35. As the time for the final nirvana of Mahakasyapa draws near, the earth quakes in
six ways. The saint predicts that when Ananda and King Ajatasatru come to the mountain,
it will open to enable them to enter, and when they leave, it will close again. At this point,
Sakra and his innumerable deva followers arrive, showering offerings of celestial flowers
and perfumed powders on the body of Mahakasyapa. When they have prostrated and made
their offerings, the saint passes away.
36. Thereupon, Sakra cries, "The pain caused by the entrance of the Tathagata into
nirvana has just begun to subside. Today the venerable Kasyapa, in entering nirvana, has
redoubled our grief" (Ara 114c-115a [Prz., 332]). Upon the saint's passing, the spirit of
Pippala Cave declares, "Today this cave is deserted and bare. In the kingdom of Magadha,
all is empty and silent. In the streets of the villages, the unfortunate are weakened and
afflicted. He always took pity on the poor and helped them. Now, this multitude of destitute
have lost their protector. Henceforth, the wretched and the downtrodden are deprived of
the good dharma" (Ara 115a [Prz., 332]).
37. An interesting parallel to this event of the opening of the mountain and revelation
of the saint is provided by the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra. In the stupasamdarsana chapter
(Sps 149-65 [Kn., 227-54, trans, from Skt.; Hurwitz 1976, 183-94, trans, from Ch.]),
the central stupa of the text opens, revealing the ancient Buddha Prabhutaratna sitting in-
side. Like Mahakasyapa, this Buddha has in one way passed beyond but in another he is
alive and ever present.
38. Lamotte, drawing upon the Divydvaddna, vinaya of the Mulasarvastivadins, the
Ksudrakavastu, the Samyuktdgama and the Fen pieh Kung te lun (T. 1507), gives an ac-
count of Mahakasyapa's passing that repeats the essential elements of this account (1958,
226-27; 768). Lamotte adds the detail that Mahakasyapa, in his mountain, has entered into
nirvana or nirodhasamapatti, the attainment of cessation (768).
The close connection between Mahakasyapa and Maitreya receives elucidation in an-
other text from the Sanskrit tradition, the Maitreyavydkarana (Lamotte 1958, 777-78),
which, Lamotte tells us, is found in a number of versions showing little variation. In this
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 145
text, we are told that in the distant future, when human life has attained a span of eighty
thousand years, a son will be born to a certain man and woman of brahmin caste. Like his
father, this child will teach eighty thousand students. However, moved by the fragility of
life, he will retire into the forest and, radiating compassion, will attain enlightenment as
the samyaksambuddha Mai trey a. After converting many, accompanied by a crowd of fol-
lowers, he will ascend Mount Kukkutapada. The mountain will open, revealing the skeleton
of Mahakasyapa, who—in this variant of the story—appears quite dead. Maitreya will hold
this tiny skeleton in his hand, saying that it is of Mahakasyapa, disciple of Sakyamuni,
who lived in an epoch when people lived for no more than a hundred years. This Mahak-
asyapa, he will explain, was first among those following the dhutagunas and codified the
dharma after the passing of Sakyamuni. This revelation will provoke the amazement of
those present, and all will attain the state of an arhant.
39. Is this a sign of his honoring of her offering? Is this perhaps also an indication of
his observance of "one eating," a member of the dhutaguna list (see Chapter 9)?
40. This story is also recounted in Da 80-84. This facet of Mahakasyapa's personality
is mentioned in Buddhaghosa's Visuddhimagga (Vsm 403-4 [Nyanamoli 1976, 441]) quoted
below. Dp-c tells a similar story (1:423-30 [Bg., 2:86-89]).
41. When the Buddha is made aware of Mahakasyapa's rejection of the gods' offering,
so the author of this text informs us, he directs that his disciples must take the food that is
given them.
42. V-p 2:284ff. (H., 5:393ff.). Cf. Lamotte 1958, 136-38.
43. However, it is alluded to in a story concerning his rag robe, cited below.
44. One story has him finding the laity unfriendly to the samgha, which the Buddha
on investigation discovers has occurred because the bhiksus are behaving improperly. The
discovery leads to a rule (V-p 3:144-46 [H., 1:246-48]). In another story, a man comes
to Mahakasyapa for ordination, and when Ananda declares he cannot proclaim the person's
name because he is his teacher, the Buddha allows proclamation by clan name (V-p 1:92-
93 [H., 4:118-19]). In another story in the same location, two people want to be ordained
by Mahakasyapa and cannot agree on who should go first. The Buddha allows them to be
ordained together. In yet another story, Mahakasyapa gets his robe wet, and another rule
emerges from this event (V-p 1:109-10 [H., 4:142-45]). In another, Mahakasyapa's robe
becomes heavy, and various rules are laid down concerning robes (V-p 1:297 [H., 4:423]).
45. E.g., Mn 1:214 (Hn., 1:266); An 1:23 (WH., 1:16); and Syn 2:156 (RW., 2:109).
46. Materials on Mahakasyapa in the later books of the Khuddakanikaya are not con-
sidered here, as they fall outside the scope of the present discussion.
47. In more detail, the account in the Ta includes the following themes:
a. The highest life is one of forest renunciation, defined by the four nisrayas: "For whom left-
over scraps suffice as food, smelly urine as medicine, the root of a tree as lodging, a rag from a dust-
heap as robe, he truly is a man of the four quarters" (Ta 1057).
b. One goes clad in a robe from a dustheap (Ta 1080, 1081).
c. The saint resides in a mountain retreat, dangerous and difficult to reach (Ta 1058).
d. His is a life of perpetual wandering (Ta 1090).
e. The practice of meditation is the heart of the Buddha's teaching, and it is this upon which one
is engaged in retreat (Ta 1058, 1059-61, 1066, etc.).
f. Solitude is necessary for the successful practice of meditation by the forest retreatant (Ta 1069,
1072).
g. One should be wary of associating with a crowd, where one is distracted and concentration is
hard to attain (Ta 1051).
h. One should be on guard against being greedy for good food, as this undermines the spiritual
life (Ta 1052).
i. The saint follows the practice of complete nondiscrimination regarding food. Here the story is
146 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
told of the eating of a leper's finger, reminiscent of the story told of the leper washerwoman, although
the setting, the donor, and the actual story are different (Ta 1054-56). The same story is told in the
Milindapanha (395 [T.R. 1890-94, 2:330]).
j. One should avoid visiting homes of the highborn, as this interferes with concentration (Ta 1052).
k. One should avoid visiting the homes of the highborn, as this involves one with considerations
of honor, which are hard to give up (Ta 1053).
1. The saint extols the forest life, with its solitude and its beauty (Ta 1062ff.).
m. The goal of realization is won by the forest life (Ta 1077).
n. The saint declares his preeminence as a practitioner of the dhutagunas: "Except for the great
sage himself, I am outstanding in the qualities of [the dhutagunas]. There is none like me" (Ta 1087).
a single bowl became enough for all. And on the seventh day Kakavaliya became a rich
man" (Vsm 1:403-4 [N., 1:441]. See a similar story in Dp-c 1:423-30 [Bg., 2:86-89]).
53. It may be thought that to place Ananda in this role involves a contradiction, be-
cause Ananda is quite clearly the Buddha's disciple, not that of Mahakasyapa. It could be
argued that in question here is succession rather than discipleship: Ananda succeeds Ma-
hakasyapa in the hierarchy of masters, but this does not imply a relation of discipleship.
This point of view has merit, but the issue is debatable. These texts do not deal with
historical persons with consistent personalities or roles but with images of saints that may
conflict with or even contradict one another. It may make logical sense that Ananda is the
Buddha's, not Mahakasyapa's, principal disciple, but in the Asokardjdvaddna Ananda is
clearly placed in the role of the subordinate disciple, when he is criticized by Mahakasyapa,
when he exhibits devotion and deference to the master, and when he receives the transmis-
sion from him.
54. Although, as we have seen, upon Maitreya's coming he may leap into the air and
effect an autocremation.
55. This tendency is seen in the Sthirdvaddna, where the stories of the previous lives
of thirty-six great arhants are told. In this text, where the arhants are arranged in order of
importance, Mahakasyapa is listed first, whereas Kaundinya is found toward the end of the
series, as number thirty-three (Hofinger 1954, 9, 17-20).
56. In his discussion of the first council, Bareau seems to favor such an interpretation,
remarking that " [Mahakasyapa's] vast wisdom and his good qualities attract to him the
veneration and the offerings of all the faithful, monks and laity, and set him in fact, if not
by right, at the head of the community" (Bareau 1970-71, 2:232).
57. Migot believes that it is this monastic personality of Mahakasyapa that accounts for
his unrelenting critique of Ananda. Thus, Migot sees in these critiques the movement to
the fore of the established monastic church, with the concomitant displacement of another
kind of Buddhism, embodied in Ananda, characterized by devotion and a close personal
relationship with the guru (Migot 1954, 407).
58. The following discussion of Upagupta is indebted to the fine recent study of this
saint by John Strong 1992 (see my review [Ray 1993]). This section also draws on Waddell
1897; Maung Kin 1903; Lamotte 1944-80, 572-73 and 1958, 226-32 and passim; Witan-
achchi 1976; and Strong 1983 and 1985.
59. See Strong's summary of texts containing information on Upagupta (1992, 9-10).
See also Lamotte 1958, 232 and Maung Kin 1903, 219-42.
60. Da 348-418. These two chapters are also contained in the Asokdvaddna, ed. Su-
jitkumar Mukhopadhyaya, 1-28 and 75-93 (Strong 1983, 173-97, 238-56). Mukhopa-
dhyaya's edition contains four chapters from the Da, the two in question here along with
two others, collectively presenting the legend of King Asoka.
61. Partial trans., Ernst Waldschmidt in Liiders 1926, 77-83.
62. T. 99, 2:161b-70c (partial trans. Przyluski 1914, 518-22).
63. Cms 3, pt. 1:3-7; T. 1448, 24:41c-42b (partial trans., Przyluski 1914, 558-59;
abridged trans, of part of the Tibetan, Rockhill 1884, 164-70). For a listing of additional
texts containing information on the Indian legend and cult of Upagupta, see Strong 1992,
9-10.
64. Przyluski argues that these stories were all part of a common Mathuran tradition
(1923, 8). Strong sees these two cycles as quite possibly having originally existed sepa-
rately, with the mature Upagupta legend being the result of their combination at some point
(1992, 11).
65. Da 348-49 (Strong 1983, 174; translation quoted and commented on, Strong 1992,
24ff.).
148 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
66. Da 351-52 (Strong 1983, 176-78; translation quoted and commented on, Strong
1992, 58-60).
67. Da 356 (Strong 1983, 184-86); see also Ara 118c-119a (Prz., 353).
68. Da 356-64 (Strong 1983, 185-97). See also Ara 118c-120b (Prz., 353-62). For
a list of other soures treating this famous encounter, cf. Strong 1992, 315, n. 2.
69. Frauwallner (1956, 28ff.) believes that Upagupta's legend at this point shows an
obvious insertion.
70. Lamotte 1958, 230. Lamotte in the same place tells us that this legendary material
concerning the five masters of the dharma, from Mahakasyapa to Upagupta, has no coun-
terpart in the Sinhalese tradition. Lamotte concludes, "Of the silence of the Pali sources
one must conclude that the legend of the five masters forms no part of the primitive tradi-
tion, but has been elaborated subsequent to the evangelization of Ceylon." However, La-
motte says, it is nevertheless true that the legend "on the other hand is solidly implanted
on the Indian subcontinent in the testimony of both texts and of monuments." He mentions
Mt. Kukkutapada, the modern Kurkihar some twenty miles north of Bodh-Gaya, as well
as other physical remains (1958, 230). In contrast to the wide acceptance of these five
masters, those depicted as succeeding them differ in the sources. For example, in the
Mulasarvastivada tradition, Upagupta is succeeded by Dhitika, Krsna, and Sudarsana (La-
motte 1958, 770-71).
71. He is called by the derogatory name mahallaka, "an old person" (BHSD 421); cf.
Durt 1980 and Strong 1992, 68-70.
72. Ara 122b (Prz., 376-77). See Strong's slightly different rendition of this event
(1992, 122-23).
73. Cf. Strong 1992, 145ff.
74. These include Lumbimvana, where he was born; Kapilavastu, where he made the
"great departure" from home; Bodh-Gaya, where he attained enlightenment; Sarnath, where
he preached his first sermon; SravastI, where he carried out "the great miracle;" Samkasya,
where he descended from the sky in the company of the gods; and Kusinagari, where he
entered into final nirvana. Lumbim, Bodh-Gaya, Sarnath, and Kusinagari are the "four
great places of pilgrimage" marking the locations of the four major events of the Buddha's
life (birth, enlightenment, first sermon, passing away). Kapilavastu, SravastI, and Sam-
kasya represent three additional pilgrimage places of somewhat less renown. Mitra (1971,
8-9) mentions the four great places and then another set of four lesser pilgrimage places
associated with the life of the Buddha: two from the list given in Da, SravastI and Sam-
kasya, and two additional sites not mentioned there, Rajagrha, where he tamed the elephant
Nalagiri, and Vaisali, where he was offered a bowl of honey by a monkey.
75. On Upagupta's special ties with hagiography as a genre, see Strong 1985.
76. See Strong's discussion, 1992, 186-208. See also Maung Kin 1903, 232-41; Du-
roiselle 1904; and Denis 1977.
77. Cf., e.g., Strong 1992, references to Hsiian-tsang and 253ff.
78. Cf. Strong 1983, 86-87.
79. Cf. Strong's discussion, 1983, 86-89.
80. On Sariputra, also see Lamotte 1944-80, 87-103, 118-121, 190-96, 287, 621-
49, 701, 1630-32, 1760, and 2331-32; 1958, 19, 201, 372 and passim; and 1962, 141-
42; and Nyanaponika 1966. In the interests of stylistic consistency, the Sanskrit rendering,
Sariputra, is used in this discussion.
81. Migot points out that the Mahdvagga does not represent the "original text" of this
legend, but rather itself shows some development. Instead, the hypothesized original text
provides the common source for the earliest versions, including that of the Mahdvagga
(1954, 455).
Some Orthodox Saints in Buddhism 149
potential value of the Jain sources for shedding light on early Buddhist history and partic-
ularly the history of early forest Buddhism.
89. Sariputra is an important saint for Northwestern Buddhism, but he never came to
have the same paradigmatic role there as in the Pali tradition.
90. See Lamotte's discussion of these differences, 1958, 729-30.
91. This trend is all the more striking because, as is now strongly suspected, many of
the geographical regions where Theravada Buddhism has been prominent have contained
more or less continuous Buddhist traditions of forest renunciation that may well date back
to ancient times. Tambiah's Buddhist Saints of the Forest and the Cult of Amulets (1984)
is an interesting and suggestive study of forest Buddhism in modern Thailand and of its
relations with the more established Buddhism of the village/town/city monastery. Michael
Carrithers (1983) examines the same phenomenon in Sri Lanka. Juliane Schober has re-
cently completed a study that includes discussion of forest Buddhism in Burma (1989).
92. Cf.,e.g.,Conze 1951, 180.
93. Cf., e.g., Conze 1962b, 270.
5
Saints Criticized and Condemned
Pindolabharadvaja as a Saint
Throughout his hagiography, Pindolabharadvaja1 is depicted as a realized master,
conforming to the paradigm of the Buddhist saint. Pindola is not only a saint but
one of the great enlightened disciples of the Buddha, characterized in the Angut-
taranikdya list of disciples and their specialties as "foremost among the lion-
roarers" (An 1:23 [WH., 1:17]).2 His conversion story is recounted in the Da-
mamukaniddna Sutra (T., 202).3 At one time, when the Buddha was staying in
the park of Anathapindada at Sravasti, there was a brahmin named Pindoladvaja
who had an ugly and abusive wife who regularly reviled him. In addition, Pindola
was forced to support his seven daughters and their husbands. One day, he bor-
rowed an ox to work his rice field, but the ox became lost in the marshes. This
unfortunate event threw him into great anxiety, and in this state he wandered
about in a forest. There Pindola chanced upon the Buddha sitting under a tree and,
seeing him, was inspired to renounce the world and become his disciple. Here we
find reference to a number of features of the paradigm, including personal crisis
(theme 1), renunciation of the world (theme 3), the idea of the forest (theme 4),
the experience of darsan (theme 14), and the finding of a teacher (theme 5).
Like the Buddha, Mahakasyapa, and Upagupta, and other exemplars of the
paradigm, Pindola becomes a forest renunciant who follows the dhutagunas (theme
4) and practices meditation in solitude. The Uddna, for example, describes him
as "[sitting] in cross-legged posture, holding his body upright, being a forest-
dweller, an alms-quester, a rag-robe wearer, using three robes, needing little,
contented, a recluse shunning society, one of ardent energy, upholding the scru-
151
152 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
pulous life (dhutavdda), given to the higher thought (adhicitta)" (42 [Wd., 50-
51]). Pindolabharadvaja as an exemplary forest renunciant is mentioned in other
texts, such as the Theragdthd (123-24), the Theragdthd commentary (2:4-6 [C.R.
1913, 110-11]), and the Milindapanha. In this last text, the saint remarks on the
delights of solitary meditation:
Alone, with no one near, the man of insight,
Searching into and finding out the nature,
Of this body, can lay him down to rest,
On the sweet bed of contemplations deep.
(398 [T.R. 1890-94, 2:335])
Royal-residence [Rajagrha] seven times. The people of the region fled in all di-
rections crying out that the rock was going to fall. At this time, the master of the
house was on the roof of his dwelling. He saw from afar Pindola in the air;
forthwith he joined his hands, paid him homage and uttered these words: "Take
the bowl, Pindola." Thereupon, Pindola took the bowl. The master of the house
said to him: "Descend here, for a bit, Pindola." Pindola then came down for a
bit (near him). Then the master of the house took the bowl from his hands, filled
it with excellent food, and gave it to him. Having taken the bowl, Pindola again
ascended into the air by his supernatural powers, and departed. (LC., 97-98)
This story illustrates again the saint's great power and, in addition, his potentially
dangerous character (theme 25). The Sarvastivadin vinaya generally follows the
Pali and Dharmaguptaka accounts, but adds two interesting details. First, it tells
us that even before Pindola obtains the bowl by magical power, the master of the
house, Jyotiska, is deeply impressed by Pindola's appearance, which he finds to
be handsome and majestic, whether the saint is walking or motionless, seated or
standing (LC., 105), thus emphasizing the saint's charisma and the good fortune
of seeing him (theme 14). Second, it provides further insight into the cult sur-
rounding such a person as Pindola. The nobleman gets up from his seat, bares his
own right shoulder, joins his two hands together, turns in the direction of the
saint, and supplicates him thus: "Welcome! It has been a long time since you
came here." Then he invites him to take a seat and honors the saint's feet (LC.,
105). Following this, the saint gets the bowl, but this time by miraculously stretching
out his hand and elongating it to reach the bowl (LC., 244). In these various
versions Pindola, responding to Maudgalyayana's wish, reveals himself to the lay
devotee, enables the layperson to participate in his cult, attracts the faith of many,
exhibits the supremacy of the Buddha's teaching, and defeats the heretics.11
Pindolabharadvaja is particularly skillful in making conversions (theme 20). In
the Mahlsasaka vinaya, immediately following the account of the taking of the
begging bowl is found another story concerning the four great disciples (srd-
vaka)— Kasyapa, Aniruddha, Pindolabharadvaja, and Maudgalyayana (LC., 99ff.).
According to this story, the four great disciples remark that in Rajagrha there is a
nobleman and his elder sister who are unsympathetic to the Buddha and his teach-
ing. The first three disciples say that they will convert the nobleman, and Pindola
says he will convert the elder sister. When the first three fulfill their commitmentI2
and it is Pindola's turn, he puts on his robe and goes into the town to seek his
alms, coming in turn to the door of the nobleman. The rich man's elder sister
comes to the door but, seeing Pindola the Buddhist, declines to make an offering.
When Pindola uses his supernormal abilities to issue smoke from his body, she
remains unmoved. Then in succession, he emits flames from his body, levitates,
and turns upside down in the air, remaining there. After each exhibition, she
reaffirms her refusal to honor the master with alms. Pindola then takes a huge
boulder and, flying up into the sky with it, suspends it over her house. Finally the
housewife gives in, her heart made pliable by fear, if not by devotion, and she
makes a donation to the master. At this juncture, however, she attempts in various
ways to skimp on her offering, but Pindola's magic is again too much for her,
with small cakes becoming larger, and so on. Finally, she submits entirely and
Saints Criticized and Condemned 155
tells Pindola she will give him whatever he wants. To this, he replies, "I have no
need of cakes. . . . We four had together decided to save you and your younger
brother at the same time. The three have already converted your brother. I must
convert you and that is why I have acted in this way" (LC., 102-3). This story
illustrates a number of features of the paradigm, including, again, the saint's mag-
ical abilities (theme 13) and his dangerous aspect (theme 25). We also see the
saint's compassion: here as elsewhere, the enlightened master goes seeking alms
not out of his own desire for food but rather out of his concern to be of benefit to
others (theme 11). He wanders for alms in order to provide beings with opportu-
nities to make donations to him and thus to earn great merit (De Visser 1922-23,
4) 13 and, as in this case, to make conversions (theme 20). In the Theragdthd
(123-24), in a passage already quoted above, we are also told that in seeking
donors, Pindola prefers to avoid high-caste people (theme 22).14
Pindolabharadvaja is sometimes the object of persecution (theme 24). When
King Udayana hears that some of his harem are with the wandering saint, he
becomes enraged and determines to kill him by setting loose red ants to eat him.
However, when the king attempts to bring this about, he himself ends up being
attacked by the ants, with Pindola flying off. Finally, the king realizes the error
of his ways and pays reverence to the master (Strong 1979, 60, n. 44).
In the various accounts, Pindolabharadvaja, at the end of his story, is not
depicted as dying but rather as going to the mythical land of Aparagodanlya and
there greatly prolonging his life (theme 28). As recounted in the Sarvastivadin
vinaya, the saint makes this journey by sitting in meditation posture, entering into
meditation, and departing from Jambudvlpa. Once in Aparagodanlya, he continues
his works of compassion: he teaches and converts multitudes of laymen and lay-
women, trains a great many disciples, and builds dwellings for renunciants.
In particular, he trains disciples and teaches the full extent of the dharma (theme
16) (LC., 105-7).
A relatively late account, but one with many similar themes, is found in the
Nandimitrdvaddna (Chin., Ta a lo han nan t'i mi to lo so shuo fa chu chi, T.
2030; [LC., 6-24]), attributed to Nandimitra. According to this text, the Buddha,
shortly before entering parinirvdna, entrusts the good dharma to Pindolabhara-
dvaja and the fifteen other great arhants of whom Pindola is the leader, asking
them to remain in the world, living to a vast age (theme 28), maintaining the
dharma and protecting it from decay until such time as, in a future age, the dharma
will be extinguished forever, leading to the time when Maitreya shall appear (theme
29).
The cultic dimensions of Pindola's identity receive particularly strong deline-
ation in the Divydvaddna, Nandimitrdvaddna, and Chinese tradition. In the Divyd-
vaddna, for example, we learn that Pindola may miraculously appear, in response
to the invitations and needs of sentient beings.15 King Asoka is giving a great
Pancavarsika feast for the samgha, but although a great assembly of renunciants
has gathered, the place of honor remains vacant. The elder Yasas is asked the
reason for this and he replies, "This seat of honor belongs to Bharadvaja . . .
foremost of lion-roarers" (Da 399 [St., 260]). The subject of Pindolabharadvaja's
longevity comes up at once. Asoka says, "Is there a monk still alive who has
156 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
seen the Buddha?" Yasas replies in the affirmative, and Asoka expresses his over-
whelming desire to see the saint. Yasas confirms that Pindola will soon arrive.
What Asoka fervently desires is precisely to see the saint: "Great would be my
gain, and unprecedented my great bliss unsurpassed on earth, were I to see with
my own eyes that exalted being of the Bharadvaja clan" (Da 400 [St., 260]).
Asoka gazes into the heavens, and soon the saint Pindolabharadvaja miracu-
lously appears, in the midst of several thousand arhants, his body like that of a
pratyekabuddha (theme 27), his hair white and his eyebrows so long they hang
down over his eyes. Asoka, as he did upon meeting the saint Upagupta, prostrates
himself to Pindola and kisses his feet. Then the king kneels before the elder,
declaring his great joy and remarking, "by looking at you, I can, even today, see
the tathdgata. You show yourself out of compassion" (theme 11). Asoka then
asks Pindola a crucial question: has he, in fact, actually seen the Buddha with his
own eyes? Pindola replies that he has: "Indeed, I saw him many times—that great
incomparable Sage." Thus, through the medium of seeing, there is a link of un-
broken continuity of transmission between the Buddha himself and Asoka: Pindola
has seen the Buddha, Asoka has seen Pindola, and thus Asoka has seen the Bud-
dha (Da 401-2 [St., 261]),16 again affirming Pindola's assimilation to the Buddha
(theme 26).
According to the Nandimitrdvaddna, Pindola may appear at any time, in a
hidden and anonymous form. He may turn up, for example, as an ordinary re-
nunciant, and if a layperson makes offerings to such a one he may receive the
great merit deriving from offerings to the saint (De Visser 1922-23, 63). This
notion of the anonymous appearance that Pindola may take is amplified in the
Chinese sources. The story is told of a layperson who wishes to make donations
to Pindola and so extends an invitation to the renunciant, providing several feasts
to this end. Pindola appears not to arrive, but later the layperson learns that a
certain old monk, in a tattered robe, who had been beaten and turned away from
each feast by the layperson's own servant, was none other than the revered master
himself. The servant had thought that Pindola was "a good-for-nothing sramana
who had been expelled from the community" (De Visser 1922-23, 79). Thus, as
was true of Mahakasyapa, Pindola may look quite different from what is conven-
tionally expected for Buddhist renunciants (theme 23), and he may consequently
suffer abuse, even from upstanding Buddhists (theme 24). Pindola may also ap-
pear from his mythical residence, even though uninvited, in order to help medi-
tators. Paramartha tells us that while the Yogacarin master Asafiga was still a
Sarvastivadin monk, he came to despair over his meditation practice and his in-
ability to attain wisdom. When he was about to commit suicide, Pindola came to
him from Purvavideha and taught him.17
Chinese tradition, quite possibly reflecting Indian usage,18 knows a variety of
legends and cultic activities surrounding the figure of Pindolabharadvaja. In the
sutra on the Method of Inviting Pindola, for example, the main outlines of Pin-
dola's legend are given as the ideological basis for the cultic activities surrounding
him. If one intends to invite Pindola, one burns incense and makes prostrations in
a pure environment. Facing in the direction of a certain Indian mountain, one
invokes his name with all one's heart, saying, "Man of great virtue,
Saints Criticized and Condemned 157
Pindolabharadvaja, you have received from the Buddha the order to be a field
producing happiness for men in these final days of the dharma. We wish that you
will accept our invitation and that you will eat in this place." This and other texts
allude to various other cultic contexts in which Pindola's presence is to be in-
voked, including when building a new house, when inviting the samgha to bathe,
and when the samgha itself partakes of a meal (De Visser 1922-23, 77). Levi and
Chavannes cite another text in which it is remarked that cultic activity surrounding
Pindola includes the construction of his image and the carrying out of various
cultic activities of worship to it, in the belief that Pindola himself will become
present (LC., 75).
unique to this saint alone. The Lokapahnatti, another Pali text, recounts a legend
of Upagupta that repeats a number of themes of Pindola's story, including Upa-
gupta's character as a forest renunciant, his residence in an inaccessible location,
his meditative attainment, his magical powers, his surpassing charisma, and his
vow to postpone his nirvana indefinitely in order to help others (Maung Kin 1903,
219ff.). One story told in the text is of particular interest—namely, the account
of the festival planned by King Asoka for the dedication of the 84,000 stupas he
has had constructed. It is feared that Mara will try to disrupt the festivities, and
Upagupta's name is mentioned as one who could provide the requisite protection.
When Upagupta is thought of, "the monks [are] glad and joyous beyond all bounds
. . . exclaiming 'sddhu, sddhu.' " Two arhants then journey to Upagupta's far-
off hermitage to invite him to come to render the needed protection against Mara.
Upagupta agrees, promising to come to the monastery. He does so and, arriving
by magical means, is immediately rebuked by the monks for his nonmonastic
behavior and priorities: "Shin Upagupta, you have not attended the Assembly of
Bhikkhus for the purpose of performing the rites of Uposatha and Pavarana; you
do not take interest in the affairs of the Samgha; you care but for your own
happiness and are mindful only of your salvation" (Maung Kin 1903, 237). The
monks then announce their determination that Upagupta be punished for his
"forest"28 ways. His punishment is that he must protect against Mara's depreda-
tions during the forthcoming festival.
We see here some of the same dynamics as in Pindolabharadvaja's story. As
in Pindola's case, this story clearly presupposes the existence of the powerful,
realized, and respected forest saint. When, like Pindola, Upagupta exhibits his
magical powers to protect the dharma, he is criticized by the monastic samgha.
In both cases, it is offense against the vinaya that provides the logic of the cri-
tique. As Pindola is blamed and becomes the occasion for a vinaya rule against
this type of behavior, so Upagupta is blamed because he does not participate in
the prdtimoksa recitation of the uposatha, or the pavdrand. The fact that his sin
has been to act against the conventions of settled monasticism is further revealed
in the critique of his nonmonastic lifestyle and values: he does not engage in or
show interest in the affairs of the samgha. Like Pindola, Upagupta is punished by
having to vow to protect the dharma—in Upagupta's case by combating Mara.
Furthermore, as in Pindola's legends, this story finishes by exhibiting some dra-
matic inconsistencies. Upagupta is a great saint and people are attracted to him;
at the same time, he is criticized when he reveals his sainthood. In this story of
Upagupta, there is also the strange spectacle of Upagupta originally coming of his
own free will to combat Mara and ending up subjected to a punishment that con-
sists in nothing other than fulfilling his original intention! Why is there criticism
in this story and why is Upagupta's protection of the festival regarded as a pun-
ishment, as a sign of his blameworthiness, rather than more simply (and logically,
from a dramatic standpoint) as an expression of his power as a realized saint?
Here, as in the case of Pindola, we detect the imprint of the values of settled
monasticism. In fact, settled monasticism appears to be incorporating the charis-
matic forest saint into its own story but revealing considerable ambivalence in the
process. Forest saints may be assimilated, we seem to be told, provided that their
162 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Devadatta30 appears prominently in the Nikaya texts as the Buddha's cousin and
archrival, who consistently competes with the Blessed One and tries to overthrow
him. As depicted in his legends, Devadatta is, in fact, an inveterate evildoer who
is driven by ambitious and hateful intentions and performs a variety of pernicious
deeds. Thus he tries, at various times, to supplant the Buddha, to bring the samgha
to ruin, and even to kill the master through one or another diabolical scheme.
Referring to Devadatta, Rockhill rightly remarks that "his name became in later
times synonymous with everything that is bad, the object of the hatred of all
believers" (1884, 83).
But the portrait of Devadatta as an evildoer is, within the Indian Buddhist
corpus, not entirely consistent. In fact, there are indications, however slight, of
another, quite different Devadatta, an impeccable saint whose sanctity is acknowl-
edged by other Buddhist saints, including Sariputra and even the Buddha himself.
In the vinaya of the Sarvastivada, for example, we learn that for twelve years
following his admission into the order, Devadatta conducts himself with faultless
deeds and thoughts. He reads and recites the sutras, lives according to proper
discipline, and strives in his practice of dharma; in the Anguttaranikdya Devadatta
reveals himself as one who has the right view and can preach the correct doctrine
(Mukherjee 1966, 120; Bareau 1988-89, 541). Little wonder, then, that Sariputra
praises Devadatta for his saintliness: "Godhi's son is of great psychic power,
Godhi's son is of great majesty" (V-p 2:189 [H., 5:265]), a praise that the Buddha
affirms is spoken with truth.31
The theme of Devadatta's saintliness is affirmed in the Uddna, where it is the
Buddha who praises him. Devadatta is mentioned as a Buddhist saint among other
great Buddhist saints. In this account, eleven saints approach the Buddha, Deva-
datta and ten others—including the greatest disciples of the Buddha, listed, in the
Pali, as (1) Sariputta, (2) Mahamoggallana, (3) Mahakassapa, (4) Mahakacca-
yana, (5) Mahakotthita, (6) Mahakappina, (7) Mahacunda, (8) Anuruddha, (9)
Revata, and (11) Ananda; Devadatta is tenth in this list, between Revata and
Ananda.32 The Buddha refers to these eleven as brahmins, declaring, "Monks,
these are brahmins coming, these are brahmins coming." When asked to define
what he means by brahmin, he replies that they are awakened saints: "Barring
out evil things, who are ever mindful fare, Awakened, bond-free,—such in the
world are surely brahmins" (4-5 [Wd., 4-5]).
Saints Criticized and Condemned 163
Legends
According to Mukherjee, who provides a detailed analysis of the texts surrounding
Devadatta, the components of Devadatta's biography fall naturally into three parts:
the main traditions, the secondary traditions, and the individual reports (Mukher-
jee 1966, 6-7).
Main Traditions. These include fifteen episodes found in the Pali vinaya, in
the Vibhanga (Samghddisesa 10) and the Skandhaka (Cullavagga) and, in more
or less complete form, also in the Vibhanga and Samghabhedavastu of the vinayas
of the Dharmaguptaka, Mahlsasaka, Sarvastivada, and Mulasarvastivada. The content
of these main traditions, shortly to be summarized, includes the Devadatta legend
from the time of his admission into the order, through his efforts to split the
community and his attempts on the Buddha's life, until his death.
Secondary Traditions. These include four episodes found primarily in the Mu-
lasarvastivadin vinaya and the Mahavastu, which include a resume of Devadatta's
family tree, his attempt to kill an elephant, his participation in an archery com-
petition, and also his attempt to poison the Buddha and his fall into hell.
Individual Reports. These include an additional fifteen episodes each of which
is found only in one text: nine are found in the Mulasarvastivadin vinaya, and the
other six are scattered in the Anguttaranikdya, Dharmaguptaka vinaya, Mahlsa-
saka vinaya, Sarvastivadin vinaya, and Ekottardgama. These depict episodes from
various periods of Devadatta's life from his childhood onward.
According to Mukherjee, the fifteen episodes of the main traditions, contained
in the vinayas of the five schools, represent the oldest stratum and the essential
foundation of the Devadatta biography. Both the secondary traditions and the in-
dividual reports clearly represent later additions to this material, a judgment in
which Bareau (1988-89), who has examined the Devadatta legends in detail, con-
curs.33 The two contradictory facets of Devadatta's personality, saintly and dia-
bolical, are unmistakably articulated already in the main traditions. Thus the ques-
tion of the reasons for the contradictions in Devadatta's depiction may best be
164 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
addressed in terms of the early stratum of the legend, as found in the fifteen
episodes of the main traditions. The following summarizes the Pali account, with
differences from the other vinayas noted where appropriate.
In the Vibhanga, Samghadisesa 10, we read that one day in the Bamboo Grove
in Rajagrha, Devadatta, who is himself a renunciant in the Buddha's order, ap-
proaches four other of the Buddha's renunciants (in the Pali rendering), Kokalika,
Katamorakatissaka, the son of lady Khanda, and Samuddadatta. He proposes to
them the splitting of the order. When Kokalika asks how they might carry out this
intention, Devadatta suggests that he and his four compatriots approach the Bud-
dha and ask him to institute five dhuta34 practices that shall be mandatory on all
his renunciants, saying,
Lord, the lord in many ways speaks in praise of desiring little, of being con-
tented, of expunging (evil), of being punctilious, of what is gracious, of decrease
(of the obsctructions), of putting forth energy. Lord, these five items are condu-
cive in many ways to desiring little, to contentment. . . .
[1] It were good, lord, if the monks for as long as life lasted, should be forest
dwellers; whoever should betake himself to the neighborhood of a village, sin
[vajja] would besmirch him.
[2] For as long as life lasts let them be beggars for alms; whoever should
accept an invitation, sin would besmirch him.
[3] For as long as life lasts let them be wearers of robes taken from the dust-
heap; whoever should accept a robe given by a householder, sin would besmirch
him.
[4] For as long as life lasts let them live at the foot of a tree; whoever should
go under cover, sin would besmirch him.
[5] For as long as life lasts let them not eat fish and flesh; whoever should eat
fish and flesh, sin would besmirch him. (V-p 3:171 [H., 1:296-97])
Devadatta then explains the rationale of his proposal: "The recluse Gotama will
not allow these things. Then we will win over the people by means of these five
items. It is possible, your reverence, with these five items, to make a schism in
the Order of the recluse Gotama, a breaking of the concord. For, your reverence,
people esteem austerity" (V-p 3:171 [H., 1:297]).
Following this, Devadatta with his four coconspirators approach the Buddha,
and Devadatta puts forward his proposal. As anticipated, the Buddha is not recep-
tive:
The Buddha, in effect, will allow Devadatta's austerities as optional practices for
bhiksus but will not make them compulsory on all and certainly not "for as long
as life lasts."
Saints Criticized and Condemned 165
now old, suggests that he, Devadatta, assume leadership of the order. The Buddha
utterly rejects this request, remarking that "I, Devadatta, would not hand over the
Order of monks even to Sariputta and Moggallana. How then could I to you, a
wretched one to be vomited like spittle?" (V-p 2:188 [H., 5:264]).35 After Deva-
datta has departed, angry and displeased, the Buddha tells the bhiksus to carry out
a formal act of information against Devadatta in Rajagrha: "whereas Devadatta's
nature was formerly of one kind, now it is of another kind; and that whatever
Devadatta should do by gesture and by voice, in that neither the Awakened One
nor dhamma nor the Order should be seen, but in that only Devadatta should be
seen" (V-p 2:189 [H., 5:264-65]) (episode 7). The act being carried out, the
Buddha asks Sariputra to inform against Devadatta in Rajagrha. When Sariputra
expresses hesitation because he had formerly spoken in praise of Devadatta, the
Buddha allows that just as Sariputra's former praise had been true, now his con-
demnation will be equally true (V-p 2:189 [H., 5:265]). When Sariputra enters
Rajagrha and proclaims the act of information against Devadatta, Devadatta's lay
devotees express the view that "these recluses, sons of the Sakyans are jealous,
they are jealous of Devadatta's gains and honours," while others express willing-
ness to trust the Buddha's judgment (V-p 2:190 [H., 5:266]) (episode 8).
Following this, in the Cullavagga account, Devadatta attempts to instigate
Ajatasatru to kill his father Bimbisara in order to become king, while he, Deva-
datta, plots to kill the Buddha in order to usurp his position as leader of the
samgha (V-p 2:190 [H., 5:266]) (episode 9). Ajatasatru is discovered but, instead
of being punished, is given the kingship by his father. Devadatta then convinces
Ajatasatru to send assassins against the Buddha, but they are dissuaded from their
intended act by the Lord's charisma, insight, and kindness (V-p 2:191-93 [H.,
5:268-71]) (episode 10). Devadatta next attempts to roll a boulder from a moun-
tain height down on the Buddha. Although the boulder is miraculously destroyed,
fragments draw blood from the Buddha's foot, which prompts the Buddha to re-
mark, "You have produced great demerit, foolish man, in that you, with your
mind, malignant, your mind on murder, drew the Truth-finder's blood" (V-p 2:193
[H., 5:271]) (episode II). 36 Following this incident, the Buddha's bhiksus are
anxious lest Devadatta succeed in murdering their master. In order to prevent
against this, they pace up and down on every side of the Buddha's dwelling,
reciting their texts, "doing their studies together with a loud noise, with a great
noise for the protection, defence and warding of the Lord." The Buddha hears
this cacophony and asks Ananda what is going on. Upon being told, he replies
that the bhiksus are not to worry, as a Buddha cannot be killed before his time by
such a one as Devadatta (V-p 2:194 [H., 5:271-72]). Next, Devadatta arranges to
have a mad, man-killing elephant let loose against the Buddha, but this design
also fails, as the Buddha tames the elephant with his loving-kindness and the
elephant responds with acts of reverence (V-p 2:194-95 [H., 5:272-74]) (episode
12). The Cullavagga account next reports of Devadatta's "eating in groups." He
wanders among the households, making requests, and is criticized by the people
for eating with his friends and "having asked and asked among the households."
The bhiksus report this to the Buddha, who institutes a rule against the practice
(V-p 2:196 [H., 5:274-75]) (episode 6).
Saints Criticized and Condemned 167
Then follows the incident reported in the Vibhanga: Devadatta approaches his
four companions and proposes the splitting of the order through advancing the five
ascetic rules as obligatory (episode 13). The story is told in the same words except
that it concludes not with the samghdvasesa rule but rather with the Buddha sim-
ply enjoining Devadatta not to bring about a schism, warning, "whoever [does
so] ... is boiled in hell for an aeon" (V-p 2:196-98 [H., 5:275-79]). Deva-
datta, however, pays no heed and shortly thereafter announces to Ananda in Ra-
jagrha that he plans to split the order by carrying out the posadha ceremony,
"both in contradistinction to the Lord and in contradistinction to the Order of
monks and will (so) carry out the (formal) acts of the Order" (V-p 2:198 [H.,
5:278]). Devadatta next gives out the saldkd (P., saldka), voting sticks or tickets,
remarking in reference to the obligatory observance of the five rules, "The recluse
Gotama does not allow these, but we live undertaking these five items." He con-
tinues, "If these five items are pleasing to the venerable ones, let each one take a
voting ticket." Five hundred bhiksus, thinking, "this is the rule, this is the dis-
cipline, this is the Teacher's instruction," take the tickets. Thus is the order split
(V-p 2:199 [H., 5:279]) (episode 14). These bhiksus are not irreparably lost, how-
ever, for the Buddha, knowing what has transpired, sends Sariputra and Maud-
galyayana to Devadatta's camp. After arriving, these two seem to approve of
Devadatta's dharma. However, when the usurper goes to sleep, they convince the
five hundred bhiksus to return to the Buddha (V-p 2:199-200 [H., 5:279-81])
(episode 15). Kokalika then wakens Devadatta and tells him what has happened,
whereupon hot blood issues from Devadatta's mouth and he dies (V-p 2:200 [H.,
5:281]).37 The Buddha subsequently remarks that Devadatta "is doomed to the
Downfall, to Niraya hell, staying there for an aeon, incurable" (V-p 2:202 [H.,
5:283]) (episode 15).38
The four other vinaya accounts parallel the Pali version quite closely. Apart
from incidents that are idiosyncratic and can be left aside as likely later additions
and not part of the early tradition, these accounts differ mainly in the details of
the incidents and in their order. For example, whereas the four other accounts
agree that Devadatta promoted five ascetic practices (with the exception of the
Chinese version, which mentions four), there is disagreement on the precise mem-
bers of the list. Thus the Dharmaguptaka vinaya agrees with the Pali in mention-
ing begging food, wearing robes made of rags, and eating no fish or flesh but
does not mention living in the forest or under trees, including instead living in the
open and taking neither butter nor salt. The other traditions similarly show some
agreement and some disagreement with the Pali and Dharmaguptaka lists.39
Nevertheless, here, throughout the variations, the dramatic intent and meaning of
the story are the same: Devadatta uses the proposal of the ascetic practices to
bring about a split in the order.40
One also finds differences among the five vinaya traditions in the arrangement
of the incidents. Mukherjee points to two subgroupings within the five traditions:
on the one hand are the Theravada, Dharmaguptaka, and Mahlsasaka; on the other,
the Sarvastivada and Mulasarvastivada. It will be recalled that the Pali account in
the Cullavagga describes Devadatta's attempted murder of the Buddha and fol-
lows this with his efforts to cause a schism in the order by proposing compulsory
168 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
adherence to the five ascetic rules. This same sequence is followed by the Dhar-
maguptaka and Mahlsasaka. Mukherjee points out that this does not make sense,
because after Devadatta had attempted to kill the Buddha, he certainly would have
been expelled from the community, thus making it impossible for him to have
approached the Buddha as a bhiksu in good standing who could propose a matter
of discipline. The Sarvastivada and Mulasarvastivada accounts, on the other hand,
have these incidents reversed in the dramatically more logical order.
Interpretations
As mentioned, within the overall corpus of Devadatta legends, the fifteen episodes
just summarized in their Pali version, are, with some alterations, also found in the
Dharmaguptaka, Mahlsasaka, Sarvastivadin, and Mulasarvastivadin vinayas.41 This
raises the question of what the earliest form of the Devadatta legend may have
been. In addressing this question, Mukherjee examines the fifteen episodes as they
appear in the five vinayas. He notes that whereas in the Pali version, for example,
all fifteen episodes appear in the Cullavagga, only episodes 13 (the attempt to
have the ascetic practices made obligatory) and 14 (splitting of the order) appear
in the Vibhanga. Moreover, the configuration of the legend in the Cullavagga
suggests that episodes 13 and 14 were originally identified as a samghdvasesa
offense. From this Mukherjee concludes that these two episodes represent the
earliest core of the Devadatta legend.42 In addition, it may be observed that epi-
sodes 13 and 14 represent the necessary dramatic core—the basic theme of pro-
posed and effected schism—around which the other episodes could crystalize as a
further elaboration and explanation of the core.
The identification of episodes 13 and 14 as the earliest core of Devadatta's
legend raises the further question of the time period in which these episodes may
have originated. Mukherjee notes the important fact that the Mahasamghika vi-
naya contains mention of Devadatta but does so in a form entirely different from
the vinayas of the Theravada, Dharmaguptaka, Mahlsasaka, Sarvastivada, and
Mulasarvastivada (1966, 144). In fact, there is no overlap between the Maha-
samghika treatment and that of the five schools. It will be recalled that the so-
called first schism within Buddhism occurred between the Sthaviras—from which
the Theravada, Dharmaguptaka, Mahlsasaka, Sarvastivada, and Mulasarvastivada
all derive—and the Mahasamghika. The fact that the Devadatta legend, including
its core (episodes 13 and 14) and its elaboration (episodes 1 to 12 and 15), is
common to the vinayas of the five schools deriving from the Sthavira but is not
found in the Mahasamghika vinaya suggests that the legend arose among the
Sthaviras, after they split from the Mahasamghika in the fourth century B.c.E.43
Thus, the Devadatta legend is, in Mukherjee's view, in its earliest form a produc-
tion of the Sthaviras.
In what circumstances might this earliest core have arisen among the Sthavi-
ras? In a recent article, Bareau (1988-89) has examined the early part of the
Devadatta legend as found in the vinayas of the Theravada, Dharmaguptaka, Mahl-
sasaka, Sarvastivada, and Mahasamghika (he has left aside that of the Mulasar-
vastivada because it contains a considerable amount of later material). Bareau tells
Saints Criticized and Condemned 169
greed, pride, and ambition and of attempting various crimes, to set himself in the
Buddha's stead, to induce Ajatasatru to kill his father, to himself murder the
Buddha, and so on—all in spite of his (in some accounts) previously saintly char-
acter. Bareau remarks, "the desire to condemn Devadatta and to make him com-
pletely odious is too clear for one to have confidence in this new portrait, which
is nothing but pure calumny" (1988-89, 542).
Bareau next deals with the passages that discuss samghavasesa in the Vi-
bhanga. All the versions accord major responsibility for the division in the com-
munity to Devadatta but differ in their explanations. In the Mahasamghika ver-
sion, Devadatta tries to break the community by any and all means, wanting to
throw out all the rules of monastic discipline and the doctrinal teachings. Refusing
to listen to advice and warnings of the virtuous bhiksus and even of the Buddha,
he recruits a body of unvirtuous disciples. Here is a portrait of Devadatta as the
paradigmatic schismatic type, with no details given as to why he acted thus or
what methods he used (1988-89, 542). The Mahisasaka and Dharmaguptaka give
much the same extended account as presented in the Theravadin Skandhaka ver-
sion. The Theravadin version is much briefer, containing only Devadatta's pro-
posal to the Buddha, the bulk of the other episodes being found in the Pali Skan-
dhaka. The Sarvastivadin Vibhanga account is also short. In neither the Theravadin
nor the Sarvastivadin version do we find the least allusion to Devadatta's intrigues
with Ajatasatru or his attempts to kill the Buddha. Thus, the personality of De-
vadatta in the Vibhanga of these schools presents the same configuration as in the
Skandhaka of the Mahisasaka and Dharmaguptaka: he is simply a saint who wishes
that all bhiksus follow a rigorous lifestyle. Bareau completes his discussion of the
texts by observing that it is only upon this single depiction of Devadatta as a
virtuous, "rigorist" bhiksu that all the early vinaya texts agree (1988-89, S44).44
The original Devadatta, Bareau concludes, was simply a saint whom Buddhist
tradition, over the course of time, came more and more to hate.
This conclusion raises an important question: what is it about Devadatta that
sets his Buddhist attackers on such a literary rampage? It is significant that De-
vadatta, in the earliest stage of his legend, is a forest saint45 in the classical mold.
He has renounced the world under the Buddha. He has practiced a forest style of
Buddhism, including some form of the dhutagunas, retreat into solitude, and med-
itation, and he has reached some attainment. His attainment is given Buddhist
legitimacy in being recognized by no less than Sariputra (Pali) or Ananda (Sar-
vastivada),46 and even by the Buddha himself. In his biographies, his realization
is also indicated by his effortless and sometimes elaborate magical displays. In
addition, a cult surrounds his person such that he may count among his devoted
patrons even the crown prince and later king Ajatasatru. Devadatta's cultic popu-
larity is also clearly evidenced in the hostile witness of the Buddhist account,
which acknowledges at several points the faith and enthusiasm of his lay support-
ers.
Devadatta is not only a forest saint but one who strongly advocates forest
Buddhism as the only authentic type of Buddhist renunciation, seen in his propos-
ing the dhutaguna-type practices as obligatory for all renunciants. His unwavering
Saints Criticized and Condemned 171
advocacy of forest Buddhism is also seen in the issue of leadership. Unlike his
Buddhist critics, Devadatta—in his request to the Buddha to become leader after
the Buddha is gone—assumes that the transmission of authority in Buddhism must
pass from teacher to disciple; the more collective, textual, and institutional forms
that came to characterize settled monasticism are not part of his thinking. Deva-
datta's identification with forest Buddhism is seen finally in the fact that—as ex-
plicitly seen in his rules—he is deeply distressed to see some bhiksus taking up
residence in villages, living in dwellings, receiving robes as gifts from the laity,
accepting invitations from the laity to come to meals, and so on. As Bareau re-
marks, he is concerned that certain bhiksus are enjoying the donations of rich laity
too much and are becoming too attached to the things of this world, phenomena
he "considers as a form of laxity, a danger for the future of the community and
of Buddhism altogether" (1988-89, 546). In this, his reaction is not dissimilar to
the distress felt by Parapariya and Phussa in the Theragdtha over a similar move-
ment to the village in their day. Like these two, Devadatta feels that the true
dharma is to be found solely and strictly in the forest, and he appeals to the
Buddha to back him up. Devadatta, then, is a classic forest saint who, like the
other Buddhist renunciants we are examining in this book, identifies normative
Buddhism with forest Buddhism. This strict identification of Devadatta with for-
est Buddhism undoubtedly provides one important reason for his vilification by
later Buddhist authors. It is not just that he practices forest Buddhism, is a forest
saint, and advocates forest renunciation. Even more, and worse from the view-
point of his detractors, he completely repudiates the settled monastic form, saying
in effect that he does not judge it to be authentic at all. Moreover, his loyalty to
forest Buddhism cannot be shaken: even when he meets with intense resistance,
he will not be moved.
This explanation is confirmed when we notice that his attackers are, among
the Buddhists, precisely those most identified with settled monasticism. His most
enthusiastic vilifiers are, first of all, those monastic schools deriving from the
conservative, monastic Sthaviras. In addition, it is in precisely their vinayas—
those texts in which the form of settled monasticism is consolidated and articu-
lated—that this critique is carried out. In other words, Devadatta becomes signif-
icant as an enemy within the specifically monastic context and set of concerns.
Further, it is clear that settled monastic values drive the Devadatta story even in
its earliest form: the issue in question has to do with central authority and insti-
tutional unity, something that more or less presupposes just the kind of centripetal
force provided by settled monasticism. Finally, the predominant values evinced
by Devadatta's attackers are those of settled monasticism: although toleration of
forest life is given lip service, the preferred—indeed, assumed—renunciant form
is clearly the settled monastic one. It is no accident, then, that when the monks
are worried about the Buddha's safety, they wander back and forth in front of his
cave, reciting their sutras, studying. The Buddha may be alone in his cave (may
we guess that he is meditating?), but his disciples exist in a large group noisily
going over their homework. It is also typical that the dramatis personae of the
conflict square off as the solitary individual—Devadatta (his four friends and his
gain and loss of the five hundred only highlight his aloneness)—versus the crowd
172 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
of the Buddha's disciples. It seems clear that the core of the Devadatta legend,
and particularly the vitriolic nature of the condemnation of this saint, is best
understood as the expression of a controversy between a proponent (and his tra-
dition) of forest Buddhism and proponents of settled monasticism, a controversy
that in the sources is seen from the viewpoint of the monastic side.47
There can be no doubt that Devadatta's schism is not an event imagined by Bud-
dhist authors but is a historical fact, as shown by the evidence provided by the
two Chinese pilgrims, Fa-hsien and Hsiian-tsang.48 Fa-hsien, for example, reports
that near SravastI there was a community of disciples following Devadatta who
rendered homage to the three previous buddhas but not to Sakyamuni (B., 82).
As Bareau notes, this information gives indirect confirmation to the historicity of
the ancient controversy that resulted in the disciples of Devadatta separating them-
selves from the mainstream, monastic Buddhist tradition. Hsiian-tsang, some two
hundred years later, in the seventh century C.E., confirms the existence of disci-
ples of Devadatta living in three monasteries in Bengal "in which, in accordance
with the teaching of Devadatta, milk products were not taken as food" (Wts.,
191). This passage suggests adherence to a code more strict than those typical of
Buddhist monks (although in Hsiian-tsang's time Devadatta's disciples live in
monasteries!) and reveals a rule similar to one attributed to Devadatta in the Mahi-
sasaka and Mulasarvastivadin vinayas (Mukherjee 1966, 76-77). It also suggests
that the reason for Devadatta's schism was indeed his adherence to certain auster-
ities of the dhutaguna type, which the mainstream community from which he and
his group seceded were not willing to follow. These references also reveal the
great success of Devadatta and his tradition: it was still in existence long (at least
a millennium) after its separation from mainstream Buddhism (Bareau 1988-89,
544).49
The recognition of the historicity of Devadatta's schism leads naturally to the
question of its rough date. The Skandhakas of the various Sthavira-derived schools,
of course, depict this schism as having occurred during the lifetime of the Buddha.
They wish us to believe that the essential conflict occurred between Devadatta and
the Buddha himself. However, as mentioned, in the earliest core of the Skandhaka
discussion of samghabheda, as reflected in the Mahasamghika version, Devadatta
does not appear. This raises at least the possibility that Devadatta's schism arose
not only after the death of the Buddha but also after the split between Maha-
samghikas and Sthaviras.50 The fact that this story suggests the existence of settled
monasticism in a dominant form, which took some time to occur, also perhaps
points to a similar conclusion.51
As far as the Nikaya vinayas are concerned, Devadatta is more or less totally
condemned as "incurable" and relegated to outer darkness.52 It is interesting,
then, that Devadatta is not always condemned in Indian Buddhism. In the Sad-
dharmapundarika Sutra, for example, Devadatta is presented in a former life as a
forest renunciant who assisted Buddha Sakyamuni to buddhahood.53 In chapter 11
of the text the Buddha is preaching the Mahayana to an assembled gathering,
among whom is the bhiksu Devadatta, whom the Buddha now praises.54 In a
former life, the Buddha says, there was a forest renunciant, a rsi, whose spiritual
Saints Criticized and Condemned 173
life was oriented around the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra itself. At that time, this
rsi taught the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra to the bodhisattva in return for which
the bodhisattva acted as his devoted servant for a thousand years. This seer was
none other than Devadatta, whom the Buddha terms his kalydnamitra (Sps 158.25-
26 [Kn., 246]), or "spiritual friend"—in effect, his teacher. It was through train-
ing under Devadatta as his teacher, the Buddha tells us, that he was able to perfect
the qualities55 by which he eventually became a buddha (Sps 158.26ff. [Kn.,
246]). In future times, the Buddha continues, Devadatta will be greatly revered
and honored and shall become no less than the greatly revered tathdgata Devaraja,
who shall lead innumerable beings to enlightenment. After he has passed away,
the dharma of this Buddha shall remain for twenty intermediate kalpas. Moreover,
his relics will not be divided but will be kept together in a single, gigantic stupa,
worshiped by gods and humans. So holy will be this stupa that those who circum-
ambulate it may hope for realization as an arhant, a pratyekabuddha, or a buddha.
Finally, in the future, a great blessing shall come to those who hear about Deva-
datta: for those hearing this chapter of the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra and gaining
from it shall be liberated from rebirth in the three lower realms.56 For at least one
Buddhist tradition, then, Devadatta is clearly neither a v/mzya-breaker nor the
archenemy of the Buddha but is a simple bhiksu in good standing, present in an
assembly in which the Buddha is preaching the Mahayana of the Saddharmapun-
darlka Sutra. Moreover, he is identified as having been in a previous lifetime a
forest saint devoted to the principal Mahayana text of this tradition, one who made
possible the present Buddha and his central Mahayana teaching. Does this textual
image of Devadatta, though written down much later, retain a tradition relating to
this saint that antedates or is contemporaneous with his vilification in the various
vinayas! This question, particularly in light of the Mahayana associations of De-
vadatta in the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra, is intriguing.
Notes
1. For information on Pindolabharadvaja, see Waiters 1898; Kumagusu 1899; Kem
1901-3, 1:152; Levi and Chavannes 1916; De Visser 1922-23; Przyluski 1923, 75-88,
191-92, 208-11, 264-66, and passim; Shan Shih Buddhist Institute 1961; Strong 1979
and 1983, 83-87, 260-61, and passim; for bibliographical information on the sixteen and
eighteen arhants, see Strong 1979, 52, n. 6, and the notes to this chapter, below.
2. The Manorathapuram typifies him in this same way (Mrp 1:196). See also Da 399
(St., 260). Pindolabharadvaja's previous lives are discussed in Vms 3.1, 183-84 (Hofinger
1954, 212-15).
3. Translated into Chinese in 445 C.E. Following De Visser's summary (1923, 74).
4. Suttanipata commentary (Sn-c 2:570) and Jataka (J 4:263), summarized by Strong
1979, 60, n. 44.
5. In the Anguttaranikaya commentary (Strong 1979, 69). The motif of lion-roaring
has two different faces in the tradition. On the one hand, as here, it is uttered by the saint
who has broken through to realization. On the other, it is a mark of those who defeat
heretics (LC., 112).
6. Translated by Levi and Chavannes (1916, 94ff.).
174 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
became convinced that there were no more enlightened ones (arhants) in the world. Pin-
dola's demonstration puts this doubt to rest.
26. Strong 1979, 76. The logical inconsistencies between the positive image of Pindola
as a saint and his condemnation multiply. Pindola's "misdeed" and punishment as de-
scribed in the vinaya do not really make sense, as Pindola's story is itself the occasion for
the formulation of the vinaya rule in the first place; thus we are to believe that he is blamed
for an infraction against a rule that was not even in existence at the time of his act. Again,
Lamotte notes that the Pali vinaya has the Buddha denying the specific effect that magical
power in Buddhist tradition is often held to accomplish: the Buddha says, "This kind of
conduct has the result neither of leading unbelievers into the faith nor confirming the faith-
ful in their belief" (Lamotte 1958, 56).
27. In any case, it would appear that in the legends surrounding Pindola, we are deal-
ing with texts reflecting different viewpoints. The Northern sources tend to present Pindola
as a saint pure and simple, whereas the Southern want to reduce or dismiss his sainthood
in various ways. Again, it is the vinaya or more monastically oriented texts that tend to
take the more negative approach, whereas it is the more hagiographically oriented texts,
such as the Divydvadana, that promote the more positive images. Nevertheless, the matter
is complicated, because both Northern and Southern texts—including vinaya, avaddna, and
jdtaka texts—contain both positive and negative elements. This suggests (1) an original
hagiographical complex surrounding Pindola; (2) negative critiques of him that were more
or less known in different forms by most of the traditions; and (3) a bringing of positive
and negative elements into various configurations, some more positive, some more nega-
tive, by the texts as we have them.
28. This term is my interpolation and is not used in the text.
29. A further example is provided by the treatment of Maudgalyayana in the legends
surrounding Sariputra. It will be recalled that Maudgalyayana, exhibiting not scholarly but
rather forest values, is contrasted with and put in a secondary position to Sariputra. Partic-
ularly interesting in the present context, Maudgalyayana, like Pindola and Upagupta, is
implicitly criticized because of his saintly traits. Migot, for example, recounts a legend
according to which Maudgalyayana's connection with longevity is seen as blameworthy: he
is said to be inferior to Sariputra because "he desires to live until the end of the kalpa"
(Migot 1954, 509).
30. On Devadatta, see particularly Mukherjee's analysis of the corpus of legends sur-
rounding this saint (1966) and Bareau's discussion of the early material (1988-89). See
also Frauwallner 1956, 117-19, Lamotte 1958, 19-20, 69-70, 374, 572 and 728-29,
Bareau 1959, 357-58, Waldschmidt 1964, and Lamotte 1980, 868-78.
31. It is not always Sariputra who has this role. In a Sanskrit fragment of the vinaya
of the Sarvastivada found in Chinese Turkistan, it is Ananda who makes this praise (Wald-
schmidt 1964, 552ff.).
32. This list, containing the same saints given in the same order, appears in the Majjhi-
manikdya (3:78-79 [Horner 1954-59, 3:121])—except for the fact that Devadatta is absent
from his position as number ten. The two most reasonable explanations for this discrepancy
are (1) that the Mn list represents the original list and that Devadatta was later added to the
Ud list and (2) that the Ud list represents the earlier configuration, with Devadatta being
removed in the Mn version. This latter option seems more likely for three reasons: (1) the
antiquity of Ud in relation to the Mn (Lamotte 1958, 172); (2) given Devadatta's odious
character in developed Buddhism, he is much more likely to be removed from a list like
this than added to it; and (3) Devadatta does have a positive side, as we have seen, but as
time goes on, it is increasingly hidden under a covering of vitriolic condemnation.
33. See especially Bareau 1988-89, 540.
Saints Criticized and Condemned 111
34. In the Pali account, these five conventions are explicitly called dhuta (V-p 3:171
[H., 1:296-97]). In other accounts, they are similarly identified as dhuta or dhutanga
(Bareau 1988-89, 540).
35. V-p 2:188 (H., 5:264). For a discussion of this insult, see Lamotte 1970.
36. One of the most heinous deeds in Buddhism.
37. The Sarvastivadin tradition has Devadatta not dying, the significance of which will
become evident below (Bareau 1988-89, 541).
38. See Buddhaghosa's rendition of these events, Dp-c 133-50 (Bg., 1:230-42). Hsiian-
tsang visited a place to the east of Jetavana monastery where there was a deep pit through
which Devadatta was said to have dropped into hell (Waiters 1904-5, 1:390). See also V-t,
D., 'dul.ba, nga, 292a-93a (R., 106-9).
39. For discussion of the different lists, see Chapter 9, pp. 312-14.
40. A version of Devadatta's proposed ascetic practices occurs in the Mulasarvastivadin
vinaya preserved in Tibetan (Mukherjee's "Sanskrit tradition"):
1) The sramana Gautama makes use of curds and milk; henceforth we will not make use
of them, because by so doing one harms calves. 2) The sramana Gautama makes use of
meat; but we will not use it, because, if one does, living creatures are killed. 3) The
sramana Gautama makes use of salt; but we will not use it, because it is produced from a
mass of sweat. 4) The sramana Gautama wears gowns with cut fringes; but we will wear
gowns with long fringes, because by his practice the skilful work of the weavers is de-
stroyed. 5) The sramana Gautama lives in the wilds; but we will live in villages, because
by his practice men cannot perform works of charity. (V-t, D. 'dul.ba, nga, 289a-b [R.,
87-88])
This list has two items not found in the others (numbers 4 and 5). The fifth point in
particular is interesting, for it directly contradicts the rules to live in the forest (in the
"forest," "under trees," or "in the open"), at least one instance of which is found in
each of the other traditions. That this list is more than simply a spurious attribution to
Devadatta of a list of ascetic practices is suggested by Hsiian-tsang's report that there
existed in his own time a sect that traced itself back to Devadatta in which milk products
were not taken (Walters 1904-5, 2:191) (see later discussion in this chapter).
41. For a discussion of these vinayas and that of the Mahasamghika, see Lamotte 1958,
181-88.
42. To this he tentatively adds episode 6, Devadatta's practice of group begging and
eating, which is present in most of the other vinayas and is briefly mentioned in the Ma-
hasamghika (Mukherjee 1966, 146).
43. Many features of the Devadatta legend are found in the Ekottardgama. Frauwallner
believes that these features were originally contained in the Mahasamghika vinaya and later
separated from it. Mukherjee rejects this proposal, pointing out that the treatment of De-
vadatta in the Ekottardgama in fact differs markedly from that accorded him in the vinayas
of the five schools, making Frauwallner's hypothesis unlikely (1966, 144).
44. Bareau points out that neither the Mahasamghikas nor the Sarvastivada in either
their Skandhaka or Vibhanga versions, nor the Mahlsasaka nor Dharmaguptaka in their
short versions (Skandhaka), link Devadatta with the Sakya family, and his family linkage
with the Buddha is not mentioned in either Skandhaka or Vibhanga of any of the four
schools. Bareau therefore finds it doubtful that this renunciant was a Sakya or a relation of
the Buddha, as later held (1988-89, 544-45).
45. The same identification is also suggested by the existence near old Rajagrha of a
sacred place, a cave known as the Devadatta samddhi cave mentioned by both Hstian-tsang
(Walters 1904-5, 2:155) and Fa-hsien (Beal 1869, 118).
46. See note 31.
178 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
47. There should be no surprise that the later monastic authors who set down Devadat-
ta's legend in the form that we have it failed so thoroughly to understand this saint's person
and motives. In this regard, Bareau observes,
The authors of the texts of the Vinaya-pitaka lived a long time after the parinirvana, as
proved by the numerous differences which separate their accounts, in an epoch in which
the mode of monastic life had greatly changed. Like their confreres, or at least the majority
of these, they lived in monasteries where they enjoyed a material comfort far superior to
that which had been known by the first disciples of the Blessed One. They judged the
conditions of their existence as completely normal and in conformity with the rules set forth
by the Buddha, because the samgha had become little by little habituated to these over the
course of time. [The monastic authors] could not therefore comprehend the meaning of the
reform which Devadatta had wished to impose on all the monks one or two centuries earlier,
and this return to primitive austerity seemed to them insupportable. For them, the intentions
of this person could not therefore be anything but malevolent, dictated not by an excess of
virtue, but by envy, pride, and hatred of the Buddha. Incapable of giving up their lifestyle,
so much less demanding than that of the first disciples, they slanderously accused him who
had wished to impose such a renunciation on their precedessors of having acted from pure
malice. Later on, their own successors slanderously accused Devadatta of further crimes,
the most grave they could imagine, in order to further justify their resentment in relation to
him and their condemnation of his action. (1988-89, 546)
48. See Bareau's discussion of this evidence (1988-89, 544).
49. Other scholars tend to agree with this interpretation (cf., e.g., Lamotte 1958, 374
and 572; Warder 1970, 62; and Shastri 1965, 44-45).
50. The presence of Devadatta in the Mahasamghika discussion of samghdvasesa, then,
would be the result of a later borrowing. This is suggested by the complete difference in
the way in which the events surrounding this episode are portrayed in the Mahasamghika
version.
51. Consistent with his belief in the early and normative character of settled monasti-
cism, Bareau puts the Devadatta schism during the lifetime of the Buddha (1988-89, 544).
52. One exception, however, is provided by the Mulasarvastivada vinaya, which says
that one day Devadatta will be a pratyekabuddha.
53. The importance of the Sps mention of Devadatta to a full discussion of Devadatta's
identity has been noticed by Sugimoto 1982.
54. Sps 157.15-161.33 (Kern 1884, 243-48). In the Chinese version of Kumarajiva,
this section takes the form of its own chapter (cf. Hurwitz 1976, 195-201).
55. The six pdramitds, great compassion (mahdkarund), the thirty major and eighty
minor marks, the ten powers, the four confidences, the eighteen special dharmas, and so
on.
56. A text preserved in Mongolian attempts to reconcile the good and evil personalities
of Devadatta thus: "Stupid men believe wrongly and assert that Devadatta has been an
opponent or enemy of the Buddha. That the sublime bodhisattva Devadatta during five
hundred births, in which Buddha was going through the career of a bodhisattva, inflicted
on him all possible evil and suffering was simply in order to to establish the excellence and
high qualities of the bodhisattva" (Thomas 1949, 135, citing I. J. Schmidt, Geschichte der
Ost-Mongolen, Saint Petersburg, 1829, 311).
6
Cults of Arhants
179
180 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
dom, compassion, and power (9). The Buddha, we are told, asked these sixteen
enlightened beings to present themselves to the laity as worthy objects of dona-
tion, so that those who make offerings to them may gain great reward. In order
to fulfill the Buddha's injunction, the sixteen arhants, by means of magical power,
have extended their lives indefinitely, remaining in various places and responding
to the supplications of beings (8-10).6
The Nandimitrdvaddna tells us that the sixteen arhants now dwell in various
abodes, along with groups of arhant disciples. Thus Pindola lives with one thou-
sand enlightened disciples, the other fifteen with five hundred, six hundred, seven
hundred, eight hundred, nine hundred, one thousand, eleven hundred, nine hundred,
thirteen hundred, eleven hundred, twelve hundred, thirteen hundred, fourteen
hundred, sixteen hundred, and sixteen hundred disciples, respectively (LC., 10-
11). This presents considerable contrast, of course, with some of the traditions
examined in previous chapters, in which the saints dwell alone. This difference is
consistent with the fact that the sixteen arhants represent saints in their realized
phase. Whereas solitude is emphasized in the case of the saint-to-be, the fully
realized, enlightened saint is at least sometimes depicted as surrounded by many
disciples, who, in cultic contexts such as this, are stereotypically counted in the
many hundreds.7
The sixteen arhants are each said to live in a particular locale, which tends to
be nonordinary, either a sacred site or a remote or even mythical place.8 On the
continent of Jambudvlpa, they often live on holy mountains, including Gandha-
madana, the Himalayan refuge of pratyekabuddhas; Grdhrakuta in Magadha, the
Vulture Peak Mountain famed for its caves of meditating ascetics; Potalaka in the
south; or the mountains of Vipulaparsva, Vatsa, or Nemimdhara.9 On Jambu-
dvlpa, they also live in Kashmir in the north (LC., 10-11). They also inhabit the
mythical lands of Tamradvlpa, Samghata or Simhaladvlpa, Parana, and Priyarigu
(Shan Shih 1961, 10). The sixteen arhants are also explicitly said to inhabit each
of the four continents of the world, Purvavideha in the east, Aparagodanlya in the
west, Uttarakuru in the north, and Jambudvlpa in the south (this is perhaps men-
tioned for symmetry, for several arhants are said to live in specific places on
Jambudvlpa). One arhant lives in the realm of the gods, Trayastrimsa (LC., 10-
II). 10
These habitations of the sixteen arhants identify them as quintessential forest
saints—they are not of the known and civilized world but live in places that are
remote and even completely inaccessible to ordinary folk. All their abodes, whether
mountain top, island, far-off land, another continent, or the realm of the gods, are
other. If ordinary forest renunciants live in jungles, caves, or mountains that have
only a vague geographical relation to centers of "civilization," the sixteen ar-
hants, owing to their unsurpassed sanctity, tend to live in places that are even
further removed. The would-be devotee of the ordinary forest saints knows that
they are hard to search out in their domains, but the sixteen arhants cannot be
visited at all, at least not by ordinary people.11 The character of the sixteen arhants
as forest saints is also reflected in their association with dhutaguna-\ike practices
and with meditation.12 In another textual discussion of the arhants, in the Ekotta-
rdgama, we find Vakula (Nakula) sitting alone in his mountain retreat, patching
Cults ofArhants 181
an old garment. The same text tells us that ' 'he who tortures his body and sits in
the dew, and who does not flee wind and rain, is the bhiksu Vatsa" (De Visser
1922-23, 81, 89). Such retreat places and the meditation that one does there, in
Indian conception, provide access to other realms, and thus it is that we find the
sixteen arhants able to come and go between this world and others.
According to the Nandimitravaddna, the sixteen arhants may be remote and
nearly impossible to search out, but they are not entirely otiose, for when properly
invited they will of their own accord come to provide blessings, protection, and
help of all kinds, reflecting the compassion that is central to their personalities. In
fact, it is precisely out of their compassion for sentient beings that the arhants
have in the first place prolonged their lives.13 The same altruistic motivation also
explains their offering of themselves as worthy objects of donation and their pro-
tection of the dharma. The Nandimitravaddna says further that one invites the
presence of the arhants by offering great feasts, and the categories of people who
are to make such offerings is broad: "kings, ministers, elders and lay Buddhists,
whether male or female," who have a devout and pure mind (LC., 11). One is to
offer a great feast to renunciants of the four quarters. In addition, one may hold a
quinquennial assembly; arrange a meeting in celebration of a monastery, an image
of the Buddha, or a scriptural pennant; invite monks to one's house or go to a
monastery where, at the place of walking, one spreads beddings of the finest
quality and food and drink as offerings to the monks (11-12). One may also offer
"temples, images, and sutra flags . . . chairs and beds, clothes and medicine"
(11-12). When one does this, one may expect miraculous results. At such a time,
the sixteen great arhants along with their entourages will appear in different forms,
secretly receive offerings as ordinary renunciants, and thus allow whoever makes
donations to them to receive great merit (12; see also Shan Shih 1961, II). 14
The sixteen arhants are typically not shown with any particular connection to
the memorization and study of texts, nor to the activity that is typically connected
with this, the public expounding or preaching of the dharma.15 In fact, the arhants
are sometimes explicitly depicted as far removed from such preoccupations. An
example of this tendency is Vakula, depicted in the Ekottardgama as sitting alone
in the mountains, engaged in patching an old garment. Sakra, king of the gods,
comes to him and asks, "Why [did] Vakula, an arhant, who had dissolved all
bonds, whose length of life was immeasurable, who constantly suppressed his
thoughts himself, who was not attached to worldly matters, . . . not explain the
Law to others and preferred a solitary self-practice?" Vakula explains that this is
not his kind of dharma, and the preaching he can leave to Sariputra, Ananda, and
the other like-minded disciples. When, in another text, he is challenged as to why
he does not preach, he responds that it is not through lack of intelligence or
knowledge but because he prefers to progress directly to liberation (De Visser
1922-23, 81-82).16 This distance from the world of texts, learning, and exposi-
tion is also a feature in Cudapanthaka's story. He is challenged by a learned
brahmin to a debate, and although he is unable to answer the brahmin with words,
"decided to do so by deeds. By means of his divine power he flew up into the air
and there sat down cross-legged" (84-85).17 Cudapanthaka is described as some-
one who left the world at an old age and is very stupid. Although caused by the
182 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Buddha to be instructed by the five hundred arhants daily for three years, he has
been unable to learn even a single verse. Nevertheless, he attains arhantship. At
a nunnery where he goes to preach the dharma, the women renunciants all laugh,
but on hearing him preach, they are "very much rejoiced and edified" (86).18
The arhants are able to shower their suppliants with blessings owing to their
superhuman status. They are enlightened sages who, as we have seen, possess
great longevity. Of particular importance, they are understood to possess various
kinds of wisdom, compassion, and supernatural power, including the three knowl-
edges (vidyd), the six abhijnds, the eight meditative stages (vimoksa), and im-
measurable merits and virtues. The Ekottardgama says of the tenth and sixteenth
arhants in Nandimitra's list, "He who by means of his divine magic power can
hide himself is the bhiksu Panthaka, and he who can transform his body and
perform very many miracles (metamorphoses) is the bhiksu Cudapanthaka" (De
Visser 1922-23, 83). In another text we are told that Cudapanthaka can cause
five hundred apparitions of himself to appear, such that all of them seem to be
real (85). In another version of his story, though able to explain only one gatha,
Cudapanthaka's magical powers are revealed to be prodigious: "He divided his
body into innumerable bodies and then rejoined these into one shape. He jumped
over stone walls, walked upon water as if it were earth, entered the earth like
water, showed a half body or a golden body or caused smoke and fire and water
to come out of his body. He sat and lay down in the air and flew like a bird. With
his hands he reached to his seat and explained the gatha like before" (86).
The roles of the sixteen great arhants will change with the changing world
ages. Now, they dwell in remote regions, coming among people only on special
occasions. Later, when the life of human beings will have decreased to ten years
and war and strife prevail, the Buddha's dharma will temporarily disappear from
the world. Subsequently, the life of human beings will increase to one hundred
years, and humans, becoming tired of the chaos of their lives, will again begin to
practice virtue. Then, the sixteen great arhants will return among humankind,
again preach the unsurpassable dharma, cause people to leave their homes and
enter the renunciant life, and act for the benefit of all living beings. Their work
will continue until the length of human life is sixty thousand years and the dharma
will be widely propagated in this world without cessation. This will go on until
the span of human life has reached seventy thousand years, at which point the
dharma will be extinguished forever (LC., 12).
At this point in their legend, the sixteen great arhants are explicitly connected
with the coming of Maitreya and with millennial themes (LC., 13-14). At this
time, the arhants and their disciples will make a great stupa of the seven precious
substances and place within it all the relics of the tathagata. Having circumam-
bulated the stupa and made offerings and sung praises, they will ascend into the
air and declare, "Homage to the Bhagavat, Sakya, the Tathagata, the Arhat, the
Samyaksambuddha! We have been ordered by you to protect and maintain the
good law [dharma] and to accomplish all kinds of beneficial actions for gods and
humans. Now the baskets (pitaka) have come to an end; the cycle of causes [of
our presence] has come to its end; and we beg leave to enter nirvana" (13).
Having said this, the arhants will enter nirvana without remainder in the following
Cults of Arhants 183
fashion: based on a former vow, flames will spontaneously arise and cremate their
bodies, leaving no trace of their remains.19 Then the stupa will sink underground,
until it reaches the stratum of the Golden Wheel. The dharma of Buddha Sakya-
muni will then disappear forever from the three thousand great chilicosms (LC.,
13).20 At this point, seventy thousand kofis21 of pratyekabuddhas will emerge in
this buddha field. When human life has reached eighty thousand years, the pra-
tyekabuddhas will also enter nirvana. Then Maitreya, the future Buddha, will
come into this world. At his arrival, this world will be transformed, becoming
broad and pure, without thorns or thistles, without valleys or hills, covered with
golden sand, ponds of pure waters, verdant forests with grasses and beautiful
flowers, and heaps of jewels radiant with light. The people of this world will be
kind, ever performing the ten virtuous actions and, as a result, will enjoy happi-
ness, abundance, and long life. In this world, Maitreya will preach the dharma to
innumerable disciples (13-14).
The Nandimitrdvaddna closes with the dramatic parinirvdna predicted for the
sixteen arhants, prefigured now by Nandimitra. By the power of his abhijnd, Nan-
dimitra rises into the air and displays various miracles to the assembly. Then he
sits, legs crossed in meditation posture, and enters parinirvdna. By the power of
his vow, fixed beforehand, the flame of samddhi comes out from his body and he
is spontaneously cremated. A rain of relics falls upon the earth, and the crowd of
people assembled there erect a stupa for the relics and make offerings to them
(LC., 23-24).
What was the Buddhist context of the sixteen arhants, at least in so far as can be
determined from the Indian texts? As we have seen, the arhants themselves pos-
sess many of the typical features of the paradigm of the forest saint and are not
depicted as associated with Buddhist monasticism or its ideals. Thus, it seems that
they were understood as renunciants who, through their forest life of meditation,
have attained perfection and have become worthy of the cult that surrounds them.
This does not, however, answer the question of the context of the cult of these
arhants. Nandimitra's text is centrally concerned with the making of offerings to
the sixteen arhants, through making offerings to renunciants of the four quarters,
and with the benefits to be obtained thereby. In a discrete section of the Nandi-
mitrdvaddna, which follows a discussion of Maitreya's coming, three other kinds
of religious activities are mentioned from which great benefits are to be derived.
We are told that when Maitreya arrives, he will teach the dharma in three assem-
blies. Moreover, one will earn merit to be in the first, second, or third assembly
depending on the kind of cult in which one has previously participated.
In first place is the cult of the Buddha. In this type of activity connected with
the first of the three jewels (Buddha, dharma, samgha), one should perform or
cause others to perform the making of images of the Buddha and stupas, in var-
ious media, including the seven precious substances, or in other less valuable
substances, or by weaving or painting. Through this meritorious activity, sup-
pliants will be born as human beings in Maitreya's time and, attending the first
assembly offered by Maitreya, will renounce the world and realize nirvana. "This
is what is called, in the first place, the recompense of the reward obtained by
184 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
those who have planted an excellent root in practicing the cult of the Buddha"
(LC., 15-16).
In second place is the cult of the dharma, meaning in this case the study,
recitation, and veneration of texts. In this second type of activity, connected with
the second of the three jewels, one should oneself perform or cause others to
perform the study of the Mahayana sutras of the Mahayana Sutrapifaka that are
in harmony with emptiness. The Nandimitravaddna goes on to mention by name
some fifty Mahayana sutras, including the "Prajndpdramitd Sutra," the Avatam-
saka Sutra, the Saddharmapundanka Sutra, and the Suvarnaprabhdsa Sutra (Su-
varnaprabhdsottama Sutra). It also mentions the Mahayana Vinayapifaka and
Abhidharmapitaka contained in the Bodhisattvapitaka; the Sravakayana Tripifaka
including the Sutrapitaka containing the five dgamas;22 the Vinayapifaka with its
various subdivisions; the Abhidharmapifaka with the six sections and the Jndna-
prasthdna; the Jdtakamdld; the Pmtyekabuddhamdld; and other works. These texts
should not only be studied but recited, read, practiced, or explained. In addition,
one should respect and make offerings to preachers or pay homage and make
offerings to the scriptures—fragrant flowers, music, lamps, and so on. Those who
do so will be born as human beings in the time of Maitreya and, present in the
second assembly offered by Maitreya, will renounce the world and attain nirvana.
"This is what is called, in the second place, the recompense of the reward ob-
tained by those who have planted an excellent root in practicing the cult of the
dharma" (LC., 16-21).
In third place is the cult of the samgha. In this third type of religious activity
connected with the third of the three jewels, one is to perform, or cause others to
perform, the making of offerings to the bhik$m and bhiksums on the first, eighth,
or fifteenth day of the month. Food should be offered to them or should be taken
to the monastery to one or all the monks. One is also to act as attendant or make
offerings to those who practice meditation or who preach the dharma. One should
additionally support those who wish to study the dharma and make offerings to
monasteries. Those who do so will be reborn as human beings in the time of
Maitreya, will renounce the world, attend the third assembly of Maitreya, and will
attain nirvana. "This is what is called, in the third place, the recompense of the
reward obtained by those who have planted an excellent root in practicing the cult
of the samgha" (LC., 21-23).23
Among these three types of religious activities, the first, the cult of the Bud-
dha, stands in close relation to the cult of the arhants. As has been suggested, and
as shall be seen in more detail, the building and veneration of stupas and the
fashioning of images occupy a central place in the larger Buddhist cult of saints,
whether buddhas, arhants, or other types of saints. However, the second and third
types of activity enjoined by the Nandimitravaddna are less closely related to the
cult of arhants, for the dharma is explicitly associated with the study of texts, and
the term samgha clearly includes the world of settled monasticism. The mere fact
that the Nandimitravaddna can mention such a vast array of texts from various
traditions suggests the developed scholarly traditions of settled monasticism, as
does the fact that one may also gain merit by making offerings to monastics and
monasteries. These two taken together suggest that by the time of Nandimitra's
Cults of Arhants 185
text, at least in the recension in which we have it, the cult of arhants was under-
stood to be part of a greater whole within which the world of monastic Buddhism
was prominent.
In fact, structurally the Nandimitravaddna seems somewhat at odds with itself.
The earlier and major portion of the text presents the sixteen arhants, the context
of their worship, and the benefits to be derived therefrom. None of these benefits
mentions human birth in Maitreya's time. This is followed by the section on the
three types of gifts that describes these divergent activities and their goals. Oddly
enough, nowhere does it say in the text that worship of the sixteen arhants leads
to the goal of rebirth in Maitreya's time. One has the impression, in fact, of
dealing with two different texts that have been put together, one focusing on the
sixteen arhants and their cult, the other discussing various religious activities, each
with its reward. These facts suggest that the cult of the sixteen arhants, as ex-
pressed in the Nandimitravaddna, developed in stages. In its earlier phases, it
perhaps represented a cult of Buddhist saints not particularly aligned with monas-
ticism or institutionalized Buddhism. In its later, monasticized phases it is clearly
tied in with the values and orientations of settled monasticism.
Texts such as the Nandimitravaddna and Ekottardgama make it clear that the cult
of the sixteen arhants played a role in Indian Buddhism, but we have very little
direct evidence of that cult in India.24 By contrast, we have considerable infor-
mation on the practice of the cult in East Asian Buddhism, and there need be little
doubt, as Levi and Chavannes suggest (for example, 1916, 79), that many ele-
ments of this extra-Indian cult of the sixteen arhants reflect Indian practice. Fur-
ther study of the non-Indian evidence may well provide insights into the Indian
cult. A few brief examples will suggest the kind of insights this material can
provide. In China, for example, tradition reports that the Ch'an renunciant Kuan-
hsiu (832-912) was a devoted and leading practitioner of the cult of the sixteen
arhants. Among other things, he is said to have established a lohan (arhant) hall
and painted an early set of the sixteen arhants that became quite famous in sub-
sequent times. In order to paint the arhants, Kuan-hsiu would pray for a dream,
and when the desired dream occurred, he would see the arhants vividly. Elsewhere
we are told that he would enter samddhi and see the arhants, after which he could
paint them (De Visser 1922-23, 105-8). We are also told that there was a special
ritual connected with the leader of the sixteen arhants, Pindolabharadvaja, traced
by Levi and Chavannes to Indian origins (1916, 79), wherein an image was made
of Pindola and he was offered food. He might also be invited to partake in a bath
provided for the renunciant samgha (78-79). Pindola might accept these invita-
tions and come into the presence of his suppliants, conferring on them blessings.25
This and other similar evidence raises the question of whether the cult of the
sixteen arhants may not have had special connections with Ch'an tradition and its
meditators from an early time, which raises the interesting possibility that the cult
was similarly aligned with forest meditative traditions in India.
The motif of the longevity of the sixteen arhants is a particularly striking one and
invites reflection about its possible relation with another Buddhist tradition con-
186 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
not considered possessions of one or another type of holy person but were under-
stood as potential characteristics of the Buddhist saint as such.
During the fifth to the seventh centuries C.E., four Chinese pilgrims visited India
and left accounts of their experiences. Two of these in particular, Fa-hsien (fl.
399-418 C.E.; journey to India, 399-412) (Beal 1869) and Hsiian-tsang (596?-
664 C.E.; journey to India, 627-645) (Walters 1904-5) provide a considerable
amount of information on the Indian Buddhist cult of arhants at the times of their
visits in various places.29 The reports of these two are important because to a
large extent they are based on what they saw and heard, rather than on written
texts.30 As foreign travelers seeking the roots of Buddhism, they are mainly inter-
ested in the Buddha, and they report in detail on his sacred places and cult. They
take some (but less) notice of the former buddhas (B., 67, 72, 82-83, 84; cf. 88),
the pratyekabuddhas (47, 69-70, 97-99, 134-35), and the great arhant disciples
of the Buddha and even less notice of later well-known or more strictly local
arhants. As foreign travelers, Fa-hsien and Hsiian-tsang also tend to seek out es-
tablished and renowned centers of the saints' cults, visiting well-known monaster-
ies and stupas, and reporting on legends connected with them. Understandably,
they have little to say about contemporary living saints, who would have tended
to be less visible and available to them. In spite of such limitations, however,
these two pilgrims provide important glimpses of the cult of arhants as it existed
in India in the fifth and the seventh centuries C.E.
Fa-hsien
Fa-hsien31 explicitly discusses three types of Buddhist saint: buddhas, pratyeka-
buddhas, and arhants.32 Like the other two categories of saints, the arhants are,
in type, to be distinguished from settled monastics. The arhants tend to be forest
saints, who meditate in solitude, whereas the monks are associated with settled
monasteries. Fa-hsien appreciates these two in different ways. As we shall see, he
praises the arhants for their realization, compassion, and power. The monks, Ni-
kaya and Mahay ana alike, he particularly compliments for recitation of texts (see,
for example, B., 6, 56, 105)33 and purity of behavior (for example, 9, 105, 126).34
The arhants mentioned by Fa-hsien are understood as realized beings, different
in degree from the buddhas and pratyekabuddhas. As noted, Fa-hsien treats the
arhants as realized, superhuman beings and focuses on the postrealization phase
of their careers, taking little notice of their humanity or their prerealization lives.
The arhants have attained realization, and Fa-hsien usually discusses aspects of
their persons that presuppose that realization. However, in a few instances he
discusses the moment of realization itself and includes a glimpse of the transition
from human to superhuman status. For example, Fa-hsien tells the story of a
certain bhiksu who enters the gate of Asoka's hell, a prison of torture built by
188 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Asoka before his conversion, from which it is said no one ever comes out alive.
Once inside, this bhiksu is seized by the jailer and, while awaiting his own torture
and witnessing the torture of another poor soul, attains nirvana (B., 129). We
shall see another description of the moment of realization, in which a renunciant
attains nirvana through self-immolation.
In Fa-hsien's account, after realization the arhants are typically associated with
meditation and the Buddhism of the forest, living in remote and secluded places,
such as deep forests, caves, and mountains (B., 103, 114-15). Thus, on Vulture
Peak Mountain, where the Buddha meditated, there is a stone cave facing south
where Ananda practiced meditation (114).35 Moreover, "each of the arhants like-
wise has a cave (in this neighborhood) celebrated as the place where he practiced
meditation. . . . Altogether there are several hundred of these" (115). In another
place, the pilgrim finds "very many other stone cells used by all the Rahats [ar-
hants] for the purpose of meditation" (118). Similarly, King Asoka's brother,
who became an arhant, finds "his chief delight in silent meditation" (103). As at
the Vulture Peak Mountain, so at other hills and mountains, arhants live in caves
meditating (139-41).
By virtue of their attainment, the arhants come into the possession of miracu-
lous powers. In the story just cited, for example, the arhant in Asoka's prison is
put into a caldron of boiling water. He is full of joy and his countenance is
radiant. The fire is miraculously extinguished, the water becomes cold, and a lotus
springs up in the middle on top of which the arhant takes his seat (B., 129-30).
When Asoka comes to see this miracle, the arhant preaches the dharma to him,
and Asoka is converted and orders the place of torture destroyed (130).36 The
arhants also have the powers typically associated with enlightened saints in Bud-
dhism. For example, they can fly, and Fa-hsien reports of a certain hill where
many arhants dwell, where the local villagers often see persons flying in the area
(140). The arhants also have supernatural sight, as when the arhant Anuruddha
sees from far off the Buddha, who is just descending from the Tusita heaven
where he was preaching to his mother, and the arhant bids Mahamaudgalyayana
pay reverence to him (62-63).
By virtue of their rddhi, the arhants can fly and can visit the heavenly realms,
and they can also take other people there. A certain arhant is, by his magical
power, able to take a sculptor to the Tusita heaven to see the bodhisattva Maitreya
in person and to observe his size, color, and general appearance. The purpose of
this adventure is to enable the sculptor, upon his return, to carve an accurate
wooden image of the buddha-to-be (De Visser 1922-23, 103-4, 106, 108). The
sculptor requires three visits to complete the massive statue, but the result is mi-
raculous, for on festival days, it emits effulgent light and the princes of the coun-
tries all around vie with one another in making offerings to it (B., 19-20). The
arhants, by virtue of their enlightenment, are also charged with a special holy
power, which may manifest itself in a physical way. Fa-hsien reports that at the
time of the dedication of a certain vihdra, an arhant spilled some of the water
with which he was washing his hands. The place where the water fell was still
visible in Fa-hsien's time, and no amount of sweeping and cleansing could remove
it (68-69).
Cults of Arhants 189
As Fa-hsien sees it, one establishes one's connection with the arhants through
worship. All the faithful participate in the arhant's cult, including both laypeople
and renunciants—even renunciants after they have attained realization. Thus, Ma-
hamaudgalyayana prostrates himself in adoration of the footprints of the Buddha
(B., 63). Kings are frequently shown interacting with arhants by making offerings
(104). The arhants anticipate their deaths and die in extraordinary ways (101-2).
Repeating the well-known story, Fa-hsien reports that Ananda, for example, in
the process of crossing a river, entered into "the samddhi called the 'brilliancy of
flame,' " which consumed his body, and entered into nirvana "in the very midst
of the river" (101-2). Suicide figures in some legends of the passing of arhants,
as in the case of a forest renunciant who, near a certain mountain cave, spend
his time "walking forward and backward . . . meditating" on the suffering of
his life. He determines to commit suicide as a way to root out the three poisons,
and, setting about the work of cutting his own throat, he progressively attains the
stages of a once-returner, a nonreturner, and an arhant and enters nirvana (119).
When arhants die, they are typically cremated; Fa-hsien describes the cremation
of a particular arhant in Sri Lanka:
After his death, the King immediately examined the Sacred Books, with a view
to perform the funeral obsequies according to the rules for such as are Rahats
[arhants]. Accordingly, about 4 or 5 li to the east of the Vihara, they erected a
very great pyre of wood, about 34 feet square, and of the same height. Near the
top they placed tiers of sandal wood, aloe, and all kinds of scented wood. On the
four sides they constructed steps by which to ascend it. Then, taking some clean
and very white camlet cloth, they bound it around and above the pyre. Then they
constructed a funeral carriage, just like the hearses used in this country, except
that there are no dragon-ear handles to it. Then, at the time of the cremation, the
King, accompanied by every class of his people, assembled in great numbers,
came to the spot provided with flowers and incense for religious offerings. The
multitude followed the hearse till it arrived at the place of the funeral ceremony.
The King then in his own person offered religious worship with flowers and
incense. This being over, the hearse was placed on the pyre, and oil of cinnamon
poured over it in all directions. Then they set light to the whole. At the time of
kindling the fire, the whole assembly occupied their minds with solemn thoughts.
Then removing their upper garments, and taking their wing-like fans, which they
use as sun shades, and approaching as near as they can to the pyre, they fling
them into the midst of the fire, in order to assist the cremation. When all was
over, they diligently searched for the bones and collected them together, in order
to raise a tower [stupa] over them. (159-60)
From this passage, it appears that the cremation of arhants was to be carried out
according to certain specifications, that these might be found in written texts, that
the king had a special role, and that the assembled devotees participated in the
cremation mentally (their "solemn thoughts") and physically (by throwing certain
garments and possessions into the flames).
For Fa-hsien, stupas are primary manifestations of the dharma and are encoun-
tered everywhere. Although by far the great majority are stupas to Buddha Sak-
yamuni, other buddhas, and pratyekabuddhas, the pilgrim also tells us that he
190 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
visited a number of stupas built to arhants. Most of the time, these are constructed
to particular arhants, as in a certain locale where he found stupas built to Saripu-
tra, Maudgalyayana, and Ananda (B., 56-57). Stupas might also be constructed
to the arhants in the collective, like a stupa in Nagrak built to all the arhants and
pratyekabuddhas, of whom as many as a thousand were said to have dwelt at that
place (47). The more important of these stupas each has its own history and pe-
culiarities. At Vaisall, for example, are two stupas, one on each side of the river,
each containing one half of the body of Ananda; this double interment reflects the
story just recounted, of Ananda's autocremation in the middle of the river, leaving
half of his relics on one side and half on the other (96, 100-101). The stupas of
the arhants are worshiped in the same general fashion as those of the Buddha. For
example, after the chanting of texts, certain monks present religious offerings to
the stupa of Sariputra, offering "every kind of incense and flowers" and burning
lamps "throughout the whole night" (58). One worships the stupa of this or that
arhant depending upon one's interests and orientation. Bhiksunis worship the stupa
of Ananda, because it was through his good offices that women were allowed to
enter the order. Srdmaneras worship the stupa of Rahula (58-59).
For Fa-hsien, the arhants are not figures of merely past importance but are
understood to be present even now. In reference to Mount Kukkutapada, a place
of dense and tangled thickets and dangerous wild animals, Fa-hsien says that Ma-
hakasyapa "is at present within this mountain," in a chasm where his entire body
is preserved (B., 132). Suppliants journey from far countries to worship him there,
and they may also meet other arhants who dwell there. For example, Fa-hsien
tells us that "as soon as the sun begins to decline, all the Rahats come and take
their abode" (133). If pilgrims have doubts or difficulties, the arhants help them
and then disappear (133).
Fa-hsien's arhants thus closely approximate many features of the general par-
adigm of Buddhist sainthood outlined in Chapter 2. His discussion of buddhas and
pratyekabuddhas and their cults, as we shall see, also shows these saints conform-
ing to the general paradigm. Thus, the three categories of Buddhist saints dis-
cussed in detail by Fa-hsien—buddhas, pratyekabuddhas, and arhants—are all of
a piece, offering variations upon the theme of the Buddhist saint.
Fa-hsien generally sees arhants and orthodox monks as separate categories of
renunciants typically operating in separate contexts, with the arhants depicted as
typically living in remote and solitary settings. One interesting exception occurs
in his account of the cremation of the arhant in Sri Lanka. In the Mahavihara
(great monastery) reside some three thousand monks, among whom is an eminent
sramana so pure in his observation of the disciplinary rules that he is presumed
to be an arhant. At the time of this man's death, the king inquires of the monks
whether he was indeed an arhant and, having obtained a positive response, pre-
pares the cremation (Legge 1886, 107-8). This reveals that in Fa-hsien's time a
person could be considered an arhant who was a monk living in a monastery, who
followed the conventional monastic way of life, and whose sanctity was based on
the belief in the perfection with which he fulfilled the vinaya ideal.
Cults of Arhants 191
Hsiian-tsang
Hsiian-tsang,37 like Fa-hsien, also generally discusses the arhants only in the post-
realization phase of their careers. However, he tells a few stories that depict the
attainment of arhantship—for example, the realization of the mendicant in Aso-
ka's hell and the story of Asoka's brother Mahendra, who is locked up by Asoka,
attains arhantship, exhibits miraculous powers, and goes into solitary retreat in a
mountain gorge (Wts., 2:94). Having attained realization, the arhants, according
to Hsiian-tsang, continue to be forest renunciants, living "on the hills and in the
vales" (1:267), in caves, and in other remote places. It is significant that Asoka,
in the hope of luring his arhant brother back from his forest abode to the palace,
promises to build him "a cave dwelling there" (2:94).
The realization of the arhants is expressed in compassion (Wts., 1:222), and
it is out of compassion that, even after realization, they remain in the world and
continue to provide help to sentient beings. Attesting to the realization of the
arhants, various miraculous phenomena spontaneously surround their persons. For
example, the twelve hundred arhants who form the Buddha's retinue cast away
their tooth sticks in a certain place. These all take root and, by the time of Hsiian-
tsang's visit, have become a dense forest (1:129). Hsiian-tsang tells us that Sana-
kavasin, Ananda's successor, is born already wearing the hempen robe of a ren-
unciant, which grows with him as he matures. At his novice ordination, the robe
miraculously becomes the appropriate clerical robe, and when he receives full
ordination it becomes a nine-striped robe (samghdti). When he is about to pass
away, Sanakavasin leaves his robe, which will last as long as the dharma lasts in
this world and will be destroyed when the dharma disappears (1:120). As realized
ones, the arhants have various sorts of magical powers. Most typically, they can
fly (1:388), and they know the previous births of others (1:222). They may also
make their appearance to teach, and miraculously disappear when they have fin-
ished (1:222; 2:44). Further, arhants have the power to visit the heavenly realms
(1:239 and 323) and to take others there, as in the case of the arhant Madhyantika
who takes an artist to the Tusita heaven—apparently a popular motif in Indian
Buddhism—to see Maitreya so that he can better fashion his likeness (1:239). The
arhant Devasena similarly takes a famous scholar to visit Maitreya to resolve his
difficulties (1:323).38 Asoka wants the relics he has collected from the eight great
stupas to be deposited simultaneously in the eighty-four thousand stupas. The
relics are given to the gods, and Upagupta signals the right instant by putting his
hand over the sun, darkening the land (2:91). Although arhants possess and freely
use their miraculous powers, in one story told by Hsiian-tsang the limited value
of such abilities is stressed in relation to the attainment of ultimate wisdom (1:388).
Hsiian-tsang tells us that the arhants have both personal disciples, who wait
upon them and attend them (Wts., 1:127), and lay devotees. The arhants instruct
others and are active in making converts, as when a certain Kashmirian arhant
converts a disciple of Panini (1:222) and another converts a king of Jalandhara
who has patronized non-Buddhist systems (1:296). These conversions often occur
as the result of a display of magical power (1:222). We learn that in the future, it
is only when a group of obdurate unbelievers witnesses the levitation and sponta-
192 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
neous cremation of Mahakasyapa that they will be converted (2:144). The arhants
use their powers to convert evil beings and propagate the dharma, as in the case
of the arhant Madhyantika who, fifty years after the death of the Buddha, comes
and sits in a certain wood, by a large lake, alongside a great mountain. Here he
performs miraculous exhibitions and, when asked by the local ndga what he wants,
replies, "I want to have as much dry land in the lake as will enable me to sit
cross-legged." The creature agrees, but the saint's legs grow bigger and bigger,
until the creature is forced to turn the entire lake into solid earth (1:265). At this,
the creature is converted and begs the saint to remain there and accept his offer-
ings. This place will remain dry land, it is said, as long as the dharma exists on
earth, after which it will again become a lake.
Hsuan-tsang connects the vocation of books and learning with settled monas-
ticism (for example, Wts., 1:162, 2:109), and typical is his description of Na-
landa, quoted in Chapter 1, as a place of eminent scholars who spend their time
in textual pursuits and whose knowledge of the sacred scriptures is detailed and
vast, a place where those without textual learning are ridiculed and cast out (2:164-
65). Significantly, although Hsiian-tsang is himself an avid and accomplished tex-
tual scholar, in his report, textual learning sometimes appears with an ambiguous
character: it can be used for good or ill and is no guarantee of sanctity. These
points emerge clearly in the pilgrim's description of Mahadeva, an ordinary monk
living among ordinary bhiksus (thus not an arhant), "a man of great learning and
wisdom, a subtle investigator of name and reality" who composes treatises. This
man has in fact taught heresy, deceived his fellow monks, and led Asoka to at-
tempted murder of the samgha in which Mahadeva dwelt (1:267). In addition,
according to Hsuan-tsang's account, the vocation of texts and scholarship can also
present serious obstacles to the spiritual life, as in the story of one Gunaprabha, a
brilliant young bhiksu with great intellectual abilities and wide learning, who be-
comes a "sdstra-mastef and composes over one hundred treatises. On one oc-
casion, he wants to visit Maitreya in Tusita heaven to put some questions to him.
He approaches a certain arhant named Devasena, who is in the habit of traveling
to the Tusita heaven, and asks to be conducted into the presence of Maitreya. The
arhant obliges, but the scholar is so full of pride and arrogance that he will not
give the bodhisattva due reverence, and no teaching from Maitreya is forthcom-
ing. Repeated visits to Maitreya's residence produce similar results. When the
scholar refuses to heed the arhant's counsel, the arhant declines to conduct him to
Maitreya anymore. The scholar then, filled with disgust, retires to the forest to
dwell in solitude. However, he does not renounce his pride and arrogance and is
unable to attain arhantship (1:323).
The arhants may not be recognized or respected as such and may even suffer
criticism and persecution (Wts., 1:281). In Magadha, for example, in the story
about Mahadeva just cited, King Asoka has five hundred arhants and five hundred
ordinary monks in his capital but—unable to tell the difference between monks
and arhants—does not pay the arhants special honor. One day, deceived by Maha-
deva's heretical teachings, he decides to drown them all and so summons them to
the River Ganges. Seeing their lives in danger, the arhants leave Magadha and fly
to Kashmir where they remain, in spite of Asoka's later repentance (1:267).
Cults of Arhants 193
The arhants have the power of longevity. When, in Kashmir, the arhant Ma-
dhyantika is about to pass away, he is asked by a suppliant to remain but replies
he cannot do so as the time for his parinirvana has arrived. However, he promises
to leave his five hundred arhant disciples behind him in Kashmir, to remain there
as long as Buddhism continues to exist in that land (Wts., 1:265), motifs remind-
ing us of the sixteen arhants. In their prolonged existences, the arhants continue
to frequent various places. At a certain mountain in Kashmir, for example, there
are hoofprints left on the top of the mountain by the arhants and their disciples
when "out on parties of pleasure." Moreover, "such traces left by them as they
rode to and fro were too numerous to mention" (1:280).39 As another example,
the five hundred arhants live on Mount Buddhavana and "those who moved them
to an interview might see them going as sramanas into a village to beg food"
(2:146), again reminding us of the sixteen arhants.
This same theme of long-lived arhants appearing among humans occurs in
another story told by Hsiian-tsang. A certain wealthy brahmin has exhibited gen-
erosity to the Buddhist samghas in his region, but these have been destroyed by
the depredations of a hostile ruler. One day, sometime before Hsiian-tsang's visit,
a strange old Buddhist renunciant with bushy eyebrows and white hair appears at
the brahmin's door. Upon drinking the brahmin's offering of milk, he sighs and
remarks that the milk is "more insipid than the water in Rajagrha in which he,
when attending the Buddha, had cleansed his bowl and washed." The saint then
reveals himself to his host as Rahula, the son of the Buddha, "who for the main-
tenance of the true religion [has] abstained from passing into final extinction."
After making this statement, he suddenly disappears (Wts., 2:44).
The same theme of the longevity of the arhants appears with equal vividness
in Hsiian-tsang's telling of another legend connected with a stupa built on the
summit of a certain mountain.40 This legend is particularly interesting because of
its close resemblance to that of Mahakasyapa. Centuries ago, Hsiian-tsang was
told, the mountain suddenly opened, revealing an arhant with eyes closed, sitting
in meditation. "His body was of gigantic stature and his form was dried up; his
hair descended low on his shoulders and enshrouded his face" (Beal 1884, 2:305).
Upon being told of this marvel, the local king and townspeople come and venerate
the saint. In response to their queries, a certain bhiksu informs them that this
arhant is one of those who have entered "the samddhi which produces extinction
of mind." Such saints will awaken only at a certain signal, such as a bell ringing,
and until this occurs, "they rest unmoved and quiet, whilst the power of their
ecstasy keeps their bodies from destruction" (2:305). Upon hearing this, the king
causes a bell to be rung and the arhant returns to ordinary consciousness, asking,
"And now where dwells my master Kasyapa tathdgata?" Upon being informed
that this Buddha has long since passed into nirvana and that, moreover, even
Sakyamuni Buddha has come and gone, the saint rises into the air, exhibits var-
ious miraculous transformations, and is spontaneously consumed by fire. His rel-
ics then fall to the ground and are collected and enshrined in a stupa (2:305-6).
The arhants are well aware of the approach of the time of their own passing—
for example, Madhyantika knows that the time of his parinirvana has arrived
(Wts., 1:265). The arhants may pass away as did the Buddha, in samddhi, as in
194 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the case of Sanakavasin who, when about to die, goes "into the 'Border-limit
samddhi' " (1:120). Sometimes their deaths can be dramatic indeed, as in the
example of autocremation just cited. A similar example appears in a story told by
Hsuan-tsang of a certain arhant who, during his life, has manifested a huge ap-
petite, for which he has been ridiculed by the laity. When his time to die comes,
he gives an account of his life to the laity, including his last life as an elephant
who performed service to Buddhism—hence his present appetite—his spiritual
struggles, and his attainment of enlightenment. Then, in the presence of "the
scoffing and unbelieving spectators," he rises into the air, bursts into flame, and
goes to his final extinction (1:281). The declaration of his realization, report of
his memory of former births, levitation, and spontaneous cremation are apparently
enough for the skeptical laity, for after his passing they erect a stupa over his
remains (1:281).
The building of stupas to departed arhants is, of course, typical. It is interest-
ing that the Mahayanist Hsuan-tsang finds it important to report that outside Ma-
hayana monasteries there are stupas to great arhants (Wts., 1:280). The stupas of
the arhants are objects of cult; even monkeys and other animals come to venerate
them and make offerings (1:280). In addition, after their passing, the arhants are
associated with certain holy places, sometimes marked by stupas; Hsiian-tsang
mentions a number of these, such as the place where Ajnata Kaundinya and his
four companions sat down to meditate (2:50), a forest hermitage of Upagupta
containing a cave in which many renunciants are reported to have meditated and
attained realization (1:306), and a certain forest locale where Sariputra and the
others of the Buddha's twelve hundred fifty great disciples practiced meditation
(1:311; see also 1:373). The stupas to the arhants generally mark places associated
with one or another important moment in their lives (for example, Wts., 1:311,
2:50, 2:65, 2:80).
journeys to the Tusita heaven to consult with Maitreya. The celestial bodhisattva
provides the arhant with the answers to Deva's questions. Then he adds that this
Deva "for a succession of kalpas has practised religion, and in the middle of the
Bhadra-foz/pa ought to attain the condition of Buddha. . . . You should greatly
honour him and pay him reverence" (2:228). The arhant returns to his seat and
gives forth with a clear and precise reply to Deva. Deva, however, is unwilling
to accept the reply as proceeding from the arhant, remarking, "this is the expla-
nation of the holy wisdom of Maitreya Bodhisattva. It is not possible for you,
revered sir, to have discovered such profound answers." The arhant admits this
to his questioner and then, rising from his mat, he offers "him worship and pro-
found reverence and praise" (2:228). Deva's attitude could not be more clear: he
acknowledges the legitimacy of the arhant's response, yet he does not see this as
reflecting upon the arhant himself. In addition, Deva clearly holds other, noncon-
templative values as more important, foremost among them the ability to speak
from one's own knowledge and to vanquish others in debate. Of particular signif-
icance, it is the contemplative arhant who finally pays homage to the scholar,
Deva, not vice versa. As so often in Buddhist legends, this story appears to re-
capitulate, within the frame of a dramatic episode, broadscale historical develop-
ments: here is reflected, it seems likely, a twofold process within Buddhism. First,
the more purely contemplative ideal is no longer seen as being supreme and now
"defers" to the monastic ideal. Second, we undoubtedly also see here the domi-
nance of the bodhisattva, depicted as a monastic ideal, over the arhant, defined as
a forest ideal.43
arhants; from among those he chose the arhants who had attained to the "threefold
intelligence" and the "sixfold penetration"; and, from among those, he dismissed
"all of them who were not thoroughly versed in the Tripitaka and well learned in
the 'Five Sciences' " (1:270)—that is, in both the scriptural corpus of Buddhism
as well as "secular" studies.46 Here arhant is clearly being employed as a term
that, in at least some of its usages, designates scholastically trained renunciants,
monks whose breadth and depth of learning clearly imply a lifetime devoted to
the vocation of texts and scholarship. To be sure, we are told that there are other
fully attained arhants who do not have this scholarly knowledge, but they are not
wanted and are dismissed (1:270; see also 2:73-74). The king here seeks to es-
tablish normative Buddhism, and his method of establishing it—his council—draws
on those who excel in textual matters. We see the pattern again: the scholastically
trained renunciant has more or less replaced the forest renunciant as primary au-
thority and definer of normative Buddhism. These examples in Hsiian-tsang's work
represent the replacement of the contemplative ideal of the arhant by the ideal of
settled monasticism. In examples of this phenomenon cited earlier in this chapter,
the way of life of the monastic (albeit bodhisattva) scholar appears to be more
valued than that of the forest arhant. In the examples just referred to, arhant is
defined so that it may be applied to the monastic scholar who not only follows,
but excels, in the textual learning.
Some settled monastics who were called arhant must have been saints of the
highest attainment. Others apparently were not. Hsiian-tsang, for example, re-
marks that at a certain monastery, it became necessary to make a distinction be-
tween those arhants who were most holy and those who were less so. This dis-
tinction could be made, we are told, when the time came for arhants to die. If, at
that time, they made a public exhibition of miraculous powers, then they were
deemed most worthy among arhants, and a stupa would be built to them. How-
ever, if no such exhibition was made—as was true of some one thousand monks
to whom the term arhant had been applied—then no stupa would be built (Wts.,
1:109).47 This shows again that, in Hsiian-tsang's time, the term was applied not
only to forest saints but also to settled monastics, and not only to those who were
most highly attained but to those who were not.48 Whereas in Fa-hsien's account,
written in the early fifth century, the arhant ideal is relatively consistently defined,
in Hsiian-tsang's account, we find a more complex situation, wherein the term
arhant can mean either one of two distinct types and can refer to people at various
levels of attainment. Hsiian-tsang's report makes it clear that this diverse and
uneven application of the term caused some uncertainty and confusion among
would-be devotees of the arhants.
Not unrelated to this difference between the reports of Fa-hsien and Hsiian-
tsang is another. In Fa-hsien's account, there are only three kinds of Buddhist
saint: buddhas, pratyekabuddhas, and arhants—the first two being essentially an-
cient ideals and the third being an ideal with both past and contemporary appli-
cation. The Mahay ana is occurring in Fa-hsien's day, and he mentions the exis-
tence of Mahayana monasteries as well as the worship of bodhisattvas. However,
as far as human ideals are concerned in this account, Fa-hsien finds nothing want-
ing among these arhants and needs no further ideal.49 In Hsiian-tsang's text, how-
Cults ofArhants 197
Conclusion
The materials found in the Nandimitravaddna and reports of the Chinese pilgrims
are primarily cultic, with attitudes and actions of devotion and veneration occu-
pying center stage. Most striking is the particular emphasis placed by the cultic
evidence on the supernatural dimensions of the Buddhist saints. As we have seen,
these beings have power over the cosmos, time and space, and life and death.
They can travel anywhere at will, seem to live on and on, and so forth, giving
them a stature that equals and surpasses that of the gods. In contrast, the Thera-
gdthd and Therigdthd, for example, present a much more restrained view of the
saint—there one finds claims of enlightenment (theme 8) and supernatural powers
(theme 13) but not of dazzling miracles (theme 12) or longevity (theme 28). The
theras and therls are depicted as human beings, realized and possessing power,
but their ultimate achievement is the ability to see things as they are and to face
death with courage and equanimity. It would be a mistake to assume that such
differences necessarily represent conflicting conceptions about the Buddhist saints
or that they evidence a clean split between lay and renunciant Buddhists. We have
already seen that both laypeople and renunciants participate in the Buddhist cult
of saints, with renunciants not infrequently exhibiting the greater enthusiasm.
There is another, more sensible explanation for the differences between the
more strictly cultic materials and the more restrained evidence of the Buddhist
saints: this has to do with the function of different kinds of religious activity
within the cult of saints as a whole. For example, the adoration of the saints—as
articulated in the Nandimitravaddna, the reports of Fa-hsien and Hsiian-tsang, and
other evidence considered in previous chapters—involves various perspectives and
ritual actions that articulate the relationship of lay and renunciant devotees to the
realized saint. In this context, the saint is seen to be identified with and virtually
to embody ultimate reality. This is the reason for the emphasis on the superhuman
dimension of the saints' personalities. By contrast, the autobiographical songs of
the Theragdthd and Therigdthd are intended to express the saint's own journey
toward emulation of the saintly ideal and therefore tend to emphasize their human
side.
These are different, but not necessarily opposed, perspectives. Both laypersons
and renunciant disciples are deeply attracted to the saints and respond in a similar
198 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
way to them, desiring to see them and to participate in their cults. Through par-
ticipation, they hope to experience interchange with the saints and to imbibe
something of their enlightened charisma. For laypersons, this kind of interchange
must generally be enough, at least for the time being. For renunciants, the expe-
rience of the saint's charisma can lead to increased longing and aspiration, to
further renunciation, and to pursuing the path of meditation so that they may
themselves come into permanent possession of the charisma experienced momen-
tarily in the saint. There is, then, an unmistakable continuity between the evidence
considered in this chapter and that examined in previous chapters. It would appear
that whether we are dealing with the classical vinaya of monastic Buddhism or
the less monastically oriented jdtaka and avadana literature; whether we are con-
sidering monastic histories, hagiographies, or cultic evidence; whether we are ex-
amining buddhas or other saints, there is a sameness of religious understanding, a
consensus about who saints are, how they come to be saints, and what one should
do in their presence.
In the preceding, we saw that in the evidence provided by Hsuan-tsang, the term
arhant could be applied ambiguously to two quite different kinds of ideals—the
one of the forest, the other of settled monasticism. To what extent was this am-
biguous usage of the term simply current in Indian society of the seventh century
and to what extent was it a significant trend in earlier Indian Buddhism? More-
over, if an ambiguous usage can be found in the earlier tradition, to what cause
may it be traced?50
In the Pali Kitdgirisutta of the Majjhimanikdya the Buddha categorizes his
disciples into seven types (Mn 1:477 [Hn., 2:150-52]). At the top of this list and
given in order of precedence are two classes of arhants: those who attain nirvana
through practice of both the eight liberations (P., vimokkha; Skt., vimoksa)51 and
pannd (knowledge) and are thus "liberated in two ways" (P., ubhatobhdgavi-
mutta; Skt., ubhayatobhdgavimukta);52 and those who do not practice the libera-
tions and are freed by knowledge alone (P., panndvimutta; Skt., prajndvimukta),53
The eight vimokkhas are a set of meditative attainments, the highest of which is
nirodhasamdpatti—in Pali canonical tradition, the attainment of nirvana itself.54
According to the Kitdgirisutta, the ubhatobhdgavimutta is described as follows:
Some person is abiding, having apprehended with [his] person [kdyena, lit., by
means of his body] those peaceful Deliverances [vimokkha] which are incorporeal
having transcended material shapes; and having seen by means of wisdom his
cankers are utterly destroyed. (Mn 1:477 [Hn., 2:152-53])
Now when once a brother, Ananda, has mastered these eight stages of Deliver-
ance in order, and has also mastered them in reverse order, and again, in both
Cults ofArhants 199
It is just as if, friend, there were in the jungle-path a well, and neither rope nor
drawer of water. And a man should come by foredone with heat, far gone with
heat, weary, trembling, athirst. He should look down into the well. Verily in him
would be the knowledge:—Water!—yet would he not be in a position to touch
200 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
it. Even so, friend, I have well seen by right insight (panna) as it really is that
the ceasing of becoming is Nibbana, and yet I am not Arahant for whom the
intoxicants are perished. (Syn 2:116-17 [RW., 2:83])
Narada, in a humble and tactful but unmistakable way, here affirms that, as far as
he is concerned, the kind of knowledge that Musila has and for which he is praised
as an arhant is not sufficient for the attainment of liberation. To know is not the
same as to taste and experience for oneself, and this, Narada insists, is required
in order for one truly to be an arhant.
This story reveals among Buddhist renunciants two different understandings of
what makes an arhant. We also learn what these are. One trend, evident in Mu-
slla, holds that seeing and knowing (panna) of the Buddhist doctrines is sufficient
for arhantship. This trend is explicitly associated with the Buddhist doctrine of
pratityasamutpdda and the niddnas—this is what Musila sees and knows. Muslla,
then, is a representative of the viewpoint of the panndvimutta trend. The other
trend, embodied in Narada, holds that this kind of knowledge—which Narada is
depicted as also possessing—does not, in and of itself, make one an arhant be-
cuase it remains too abstract: one needs not just to see water (nibbdna) but to
touch and taste it for oneself. In the Pali canon, this kind of direct experience is
typically associated with Buddhist meditation; as La Vallee Poussin has noted,
Narada clearly embodies the viewpoint of the ubhatobhdgavimutta, for whom both
panna and meditative attainment are necessary for full realization (1936-37,
189ff.).
The dramatic positions of these two figures in the story are also significant.
The introduction makes it clear that the story is about Musila, with Savittha and
Ananda as supporting characters. Moreover, Musila as central character is respect-
fully asked various questions. Narada, by contrast, is a recessive figure—he is not
one of the dramatis personae mentioned in the introduction; he suddenly appears
unannounced midway through the story; and he has humbly to request Savittha to
pose the questions to him also. This raises the question of why Narada is intro-
duced into the story at all. The conclusion suggests an answer. Ananda asks Sa-
vittha, "Holding the view you do ... what say you to the venerable Narada?"
Several facts indicate that the interpretation of arhantship of the community behind
this story is the one expressed in the person of Musila: the story is about Musila,
and Narada is put in the position of the dissenter; in speaking to Savittha, Ananda
refers to "holding the view you do," and Savittha's reverence for Musila indi-
cates that his view is partial to Musila; and Ananda wants to know what Savittha
will say by way of response to Narada. Savittha's response to Ananda's question
is intriguing: "Holding the view I do, friend, Ananda, I say nothing that is not
lovely and good of the venerable Narada." We seem to be told, in effect, "Musila
is our kind of saint and represents our view, but we also want to acknowledge the
sanctity of the meditator, Narada."
La Vallee Poussin, in two important articles (1929 and 1936-37), has de-
scribed in more detail the two Buddhist trends embodied in Narada and Musila
and the two interpretations of the arhant they represent. In order to focus his
argument, in both articles Poussin draws our attention to Anguttaranikdya 3:355-
Cults ofArhants 201
56 (WH., 3:252-53), which makes a distinction between two quite different groups
of Buddhist renunciants. On the one hand are the practitioners of meditation, or
jhdyin;51 on the other, the practitioners of dhamma (dhammayoga bhikkhu), the
"dhamma zealots" in Woodward and Hare's translation. The meditators have,
through their practice, "touched the immortal (amata) with their bodies." The
practitioners of dhamma, by contrast, are not characterized as meditating but rather
as having penetrated and seen the truth. These two groups of renunciants are not
on good terms with one another, and the Anguttaranikaya passage acknowledges
animosity between them. The dhamma bhikkhus ridicule the meditators for their
meditation, claiming that it gets them nowhere. The meditators criticize the dhamma
bhikkhus for lacking the meditative virtues and way of life: they are not mindful,
their thoughts wander, they lack self-awareness and composure, they have no
control over their senses, they talk too much, they are excitable, and they are
puffed up and proud.
According to La Vallee Poussin, Narada is to be understood as exemplifying
the ideal of the jhdyins, whereas Muslla exemplifies the ideal of the dhamma
bhikkus. Moreover, these two groups embody two different and opposed tenden-
cies: they are two distinct types of renunciant, follow differing soteriological
methods, and conceive of enlightenment in two quite different ways (1929, 135-
36). The jhdyins are renunciants of the forest, follow a severe diet and ascetic
way of life, engage in meditation, and have attained the liberation of nirodha-
samdpatti, which ' 'puts them in contact with the transcendent reality of nirvana''
(1936-37, 191). The dhammayogins—the rationalists, intellectuals, or philoso-
phers (1936-37, 190)—are settled monastics living according to the collective,
communal rule (vinaya), engaging in textual study, reciting texts, and preaching
the dharma. These latter monks follow a method that is intellectual, engage in
discursive knowledge, develop a metaphysic, study the nature of things, and at-
tach themselves to the Buddhist truths of suffering and pratltyasamutpdda (1929,
135-36). They believe that desire is suppressed by studying the impermanent and
unsatisfactory nature of those things that provoke thirst (1929, 135). "They think
that it suffices to render nirvana present through the intelligence" (1936-37, 191-
92). These two, La Vallee Poussin proposes, correspond to the ubhatobhdgavi-
mutta and panndvimutta arhants (1929, 136).
N. Dutt, in discussing the ubhatobhdgavimutta and the panndvimutta arhants,
agrees with and summarizes the essentials of this argument:
It is telling that the criticisms made of these "dhamma zealots" by the medi-
tators in Anguttaranikdya 3:355-56 are virtually the same as those directed toward
town-and-village renunciants (or settled monastics) in the forest traditions of both
Nikaya Buddhism (for example, in the songs of Phussa and Parapariya in the
Theragdtha) and the Mahay ana (see Chapter 8): these dhamma zealots do not
meditate and, in fact, lack the inner moral and spiritual development to which
meditation leads. These various facts, taken together, indicate that the ubhato-
bhdgavimutta and panndvimutta represent the arhant ideals of the two contrasting
types of Buddhist renunciant—that of the jhdyin and that of the dhammayoga
bhikkhu. Further, in the context of the typology being developed in this study, the
jhdyin is the representative of forest Buddhism, whereas the dhamma bhikkhu is
the representative of settled monasticism. This distinction suggests answers to the
questions posed at the beginning of this section: the ambiguous use of the term
arhant by Hsiian-tsang reflects a phenomenon with a considerable antiquity within
Indian Buddhism. Moreover, the primary cause of the ambiguity in the earlier
sources reviewed in the present discussion is the same as that lying behind the
usage documented by Hsuan-tsang—namely, the application of the term to two
different ideals, the one of the forest, the other of settled monasticism.
The recognition that the ubhatobhdgavimutta trend and the panndvimutta trend
represent, at least in early Buddhism, ideals respectively of forest and town-and-
village renunciation helps explain their curious relationship in developed Bud-
dhism, noted by Griffiths (1981, 605). Although various commentators attempt to
fit the two into one consistent scheme, such efforts have not been successful, and
unresolved tensions and ambiguities remain. When viewed as elements of a clas-
sical system, this lack of resolution is puzzling. When seen in the light of Bud-
dhist history, however, these tensions and ambiguities make more sense.
In the sutta presentation of the two ideals in the story of Muslla and Narada,
we noted a conciliatory tone. This is also present in Anguttaranikdya 3:355-56.
After acknowledging the conflicts between thejhdyins and the dhamma bhikkhus,
the central figure, Maha Cunda, counsels his listeners that if they are dhamma
bhikkhus they should praise the meditators and if they are meditators they should
praise the dhamma bhikkhus, because "wondrous persons are hardly found in
the world—they who with insight penetrate and see the truth" (Anguttaranikdya
3:355-56 [WH., 3:252-53]).58 These texts, though reflecting a settled monastic
orientation, exhibit a concerted effort to retain the positive evaluations of the
ubhatobhdgavimuttas and to affirm the legitimacy of the meditative traditions that
they follow.
Commentarial texts in both the Theravada and Sarvastivada are, however, not
so generous and tend to reinterpret earlier tradition such that the ubhatobhdgavi-
muttas and the trends they represent are, at best, subordinated to the pahndvi-
mutta-type or dismissed as irrelevant or, at worst, condemned as illegitimate. La
Vallee Poussin tells us that, among the Sarvastivadins, two paths to nirvana are
acknowledged: that of prajhd (the dhamma bhikkhu-type, involving the review of
the four truths) and that of meditation. Now meditation is divided into "worldly
meditation," the practice of the four dhydnas and four formless attainments, and
"supermundane meditation" presented as meditation legitimized by the path of
Cults ofArhants 203
We saw some striking parallels between members of the sixteen arhant group and
the bodhisattva as a type. That observation may now be further generalized to
include the forest arhant type altogether. In a number of fundamental respects, the
forest arhant and the bodhisattva, particularly in his forest manifestation (to be
examined in Chapter 8), are congruent ideals: both are forest renunciants; follow
the dhutagunas; meditate in seclusion; are understood as realized; exhibit wisdom,
compassion, and power; and so on. This congruency raises the question of what
explanation may be given for the similarities between these two ideals. One pos-
sible hypothesis is that such similarities reflect a syncretism between Nikaya Bud-
dhism and the Mahayana.59 This explanation is unsatisfying, however, because it
does not take into account the antiquity of the specific arhant type reflected in the
evidence.
Another possible explanation begins with the observation that the Mahayana
possesses two minds on the matter of the arhants. On the one hand, it lauds them
in the cult, something reflected in the tradition of the sixteen arhants and in the
cult of arhants as presented with approbation by both Fa-hsien and Hsiian-tsang.60
At the same time, it can also be sharply critical of arhants, seeing them as inter-
ested only in their own salvation, uncompassionate toward others, overly con-
cerned with concepts, deficient in realization, and ready for extinction (that is, to
exit samsara for good).61 These two attitudes may perhaps be explained simply as
Mahayana responses to the two understandings of the arhant, forest and monastic,
active in its environment. As will be suggested in more detail in later chapters, it
may be strongly suspected that it is the ideal of the arhant as exemplifying the
values and orientations of settled monasticism that comes in for particularly sharp
204 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
attack by the early Mahayana.62 Toward the ideal of the arhant as the prototypical
forest saint, the Mahay ana—again as we shall see in more detail—seems to be
much more appreciative: the arhant may not only be an object of the Mahayana
cult, as seen in the present chapter, but may even be said to fulfill some of the
highest values of Mahayana Buddhism. This is suggested in a passage from the
Ratnagunasarncayagdthd, which mentions four kinds of persons who are not alarmed
by the teaching of siinyatd. One of these four types includes "arhants free from
defilements and taints, and rid of their doubts" (Rgs 2.6).63 The same is suggested
in the Lankdvatdra Sutra in which we read that the term arhant has traditionally
been applied to three different types of persons: (1) "one who makes straightway
for the path of cessation"; (2) "one who neglects all his accumulated stock of
merit [kusalamula] for the sake of his vow to enlighten others [bodhiprani-
dhdna]"; and (3) "one who is a form of the Transformation (Buddha) [nirmita-
nairmdnika]." The first of these is identified as a srdvaka and is not preferred;
the second two are seen as conforming to Mahayana ideals (Las 49.24-27 [Sz.,
104]).
The ambiguity in the usage of the term arhant clearly created some difficulties
for Mahayanists, which the Lankdvatdra Sutra seeks to resolve. In the text, when
Mahamati expresses some confusion over this ambiguity in the term, the Buddha
replies that, in fact, arhant should really be applied only to the first type, to those
srdvakas who strive directly for cessation. The two others are really bodhisattvas
(Las 49.26-27 [Sz., 104]). "Mahamati, as for the [two] others, they are those
who have finished practising the deeds of a Bodhisattva; they are forms of the
Transformation Buddha. With skilful means born of their fundamental and origi-
nal vows, they manifest themselves among the multitudes in order to adorn the
assemblages of the Buddhas" (49.27-29 [104]). The latter two types of arhant
have the correct view of the Mahayana (49.29-30 [104]).M The solution to the
ambiguity in the use of the term represents, in fact, what became the dominant
hermeneutical trend in the Mahayana, in which the arhant tended to be virtually
identified with a narrow, self-serving, often scholastic ideal of conservative mo-
nastic "HInayana."
The preceding discussion raises a final question: can one discern any sequence in
the development of the term arhant within Buddhism? The forest evidence sug-
gests the following possible major stages in the development of the ideal: (1) In
pre-Buddhist days, arhant was a general designation of those "worthy" or "de-
serving of merit," including both humans and gods (Swearer 1987, 403). (2) In
early Buddhism, the term was used in a more limited sense to indicate specifically
liberated saints, including the Buddha, pratyekabuddhas, and the disciples of the
Buddha.65 (3) With the passing of Buddha Sakyamuni and the pratyekabuddhas
not present by definition, arhant came to indicate those past and presently living,
fully realized ones following Buddha Sakyamuni's tradition. In this early Buddhist
phase, did the term indicate only forest saints, or could it have applied to town-
and-village Buddhist renunciants as well? In the absence of any definitive evi-
dence, the early Buddhist (and Jain) restriction of the term to enlightened saints
suggests that the arhant was, in Buddhism, probably initially a forest ideal. (4) At
Cults ofArhants 205
some point, possibly still quite early, the term arhant took on the twofold meaning
that is present in the Pali and Sarvastivadin sources and in Hsiian-tsang's report,
referring to two different types—those who have gained realization through the
meditative way and those who have followed a nonmeditative path. Arhant can
now refer not only to a forest meditator but also to a town-and-village renunciant
or settled monastic understood to have reached a certain level of attainment.
(5) The monasticization of the term may well have contributed to the diminishing
of the charisma of the arhant, at least in the eyes of some, beginning at an early
time.66 In any case, arhant came to have multiple meanings and different evalua-
tions by different traditions, and debates arose concerning the definition and status
of the arhant (Bareau 1957). As noted, it was not only the Nikaya schools that
became involved in struggling with the issue of the arhant but also the Mahayana
traditions. The case of the Lankavatdra Siitra is particularly revealing. As we have
seen and shall see in more detail, the text prefers to define the arhant as the
conservative, scholastic, monastic ideal of the srdvakas. At the same time, it
admits but disfavors the use of the term for more bodhisattva-like figures. In doing
so, it reveals the considerable continuity between the forest arhant and the bodhi-
sattva of the forest. This in turn suggests that the bodhisattva, at least as inter-
preted as a forest ideal, represents a less dramatic innovation than might otherwise
be thought. Rather, the forest bodhisattva may be seen as the Mahayanist way of
continuing to breathe life into the ancient ideal of the Buddhist saint of the forest,
the integrity and charisma of which were being diminished, so it is suggested
here, by the monasticization of the arhant.
Notes
1. On the arhant ideal, see Horner 1936; Ling 1972, 24-25; Nyanatiloka 1980, 20-
22; Katz 1980; and Bond 1984 and 1988; these provide useful summaries of the dominant
canonical definitions of the arhant in the Pali canon. Some intriguing studies draw attention
to other understandings of the arhant in Indian Buddhism: Levi and Chavannes 1916; De
Visser 1922-23; Strong 1979 and 1991; Keyes 1982; Carrithers 1983; and Tambiah 1984.
Malalasekera (1961- , 2:41-54) and Swearer (1987) have provided overviews of the ar-
hant that attempt to do justice to both dominant and recessive understandings.
2. In his introduction to the English translation of Na (Shan Shih 1961), Chao Pu-chu
mentions some of the Indian texts, translated into Chinese, that give evidence of the sixteen
arhants in the late fourth or early fifth centuries C.E. (Shan Shih 1961, 1). Lamotte (1958,
769-70) believes that idea of arhants who remain in the world as protectors of the dharma,
which is embodied in the sixteen arhants, developed in stages: first there were four arhants,
later increased to eight, then sixteen, and then eighteen.
a. A set of four arhants is found in the Ekottardgama (T. 125, K. 44, 789a), the Mi le hsia sheng
ching (T. 453, 422b) and the Sdriputrapariprccha (T. 1465, 902a): Mahakasyapa, Pindolabharadvaja,
Kundopadhanlya, and Rahula.
b. Two sets of eight arhants are given in the Manjusrimulakalpa (ed. T. Ganapati Sastri, 1:64 and
111). The first list contains Sariputra, Maudgalyayana, Mahakas"yapa, Subhuti, Rahula, Nanda, Bhad-
rika, and Kaphina. The second list contains Sariputra, Maudgalyayana, Gavampati, Pindolabharadvaja,
Pilindavatsa, Rahula, Mahakasyapa, and Ananda.
206 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
c. The set of sixteen arhants (the grouping examined here) found in texts such as the Mahaya-
ndvatdra (T. 1634, chap. 1, 39b) and the Nandimitrdvaddna, extant in both Chinese (T. 2030, 13a)
and Tibetan (Pk., mdo. 'grel ('dul.ba) [U] 300b): Pindolabharadvaja, Kanakavatsa, Kanakaparidhvaja,
Subinda, Nakula, Bhadra, Kalika, Vajraputra, Svapaka, Panthaka, Rahula, Nagasena, Ingada, Vana-
vasi, Ajita, and Cudapanthaka.
d. A set of eighteen arhants, in the Chinese sources studied by Levi and Chavannes (1916).
The Mahayana often replaces the sixteen arhants listed here with sixteen bodhisattvas of Indian
origin who were "promoted to the same function and designated by the name of Sodasasatpurusa, 'the
sixteen worthy persons' " (adapted from Lamotte 1988, 694).
3. Levi and Chavannes 1916, 27-28. Levi and Chavannes point out that it is difficult
to avoid uncertainty regarding the dates and identity of the author (1916, 24-27). Nandi-
mitra, "the great srdvaka," is also a key figure in the Ajitasenavydkarananirdesa Sutra
(Williams 1989, 26-28).
4. Hsiian-tsang's translation has been rendered into French by L6vi and Chavannes,
with extensive notes and commentary (1916), and has been summarized by De Visser
(1922-23). It has more recently been translated into English, without apparatus, by Shan
Shih (1961). On the sixteen arhants, see also Walters 1898; Dore 1914-38, 7:332-87;
Lamotte 1958, 768-70; Malalasekera 1961- , 2:48-51; and Tate 1989. De Visser (1922-
23) has shed light on the Indian side of the traditions of the sixteen arhants, drawing on
the Ekottardgama and other Indian texts surviving in Chinese. He has also studied the
literary, cultic, and artistic evidence of the traditions of these saints in China and Japan.
The Nandimitrdvaddna and the other closely related texts enable us to construct a credible
picture of the main features of the sixteen arhants.
5. The following spelling of the names of the sixteen arhants follows Levi and Chav-
annes (1916, 9). There is some variation in the way scholars have rendered the names in
Sanskrit (see, e.g., Shan Shih 1961, 9).
6. The Ekottardgama, providing information on the sixteen arhants, similarly refers
to the longevity of these saints (De Visser 1922-23, 81).
7. Asvaghosa, as we saw, occasionally depicts the Buddha in such a fashion; see
Chapter 2, p. 54.
8. The following names have been reconstructed from the Chinese text by Levi and
Chavannes, with some uncertainty as noted.
9. Also Nimimdhara, one of the eight great mountains surrounding Sumeru in the
center of the world (BHSD, 298). Listed as first of twenty famous mountains in Mvy (4140-
59).
10. Other Buddhist saints may also live there, e.g., Gavampati (Przyluski 1926-28,
242; Shorto 1970, 16).
11. This theme also appears, of course, in the hagiography of Buddha Sakyamuni,
found in both Pali and Sanskrit Buddhism. Thus the Buddha spends time at Lake Anava-
tapta (P., Anotatta, "without warmth"), in the extreme north, in the Himalayas, a place
frequented by gods and saints but where ordinary people cannot go (Hofinger 1954, 7).
The image of Buddha Sakyamuni as inaccessible to all but divine beings and saints ob-
viously presents some contrast with the image of his accessibility in much of Nikaya Bud-
dhist literature.
12. The forest character of the sixteen arhants is emphasized in the iconographic tra-
ditions surrounding these figures in China and Tibet. Tate, for example, remarks that in
Tibet the sixteen arhants
are generally shown seated at ease in a mountain landscape of crags and waterfalls, their
faces serene, or animated with ecstatic insight. Far from "civilization" and from monastic
Cults ofArhants 207
institutions, they live a wandering spiritual life like that of the early Buddhist monks,
accompanied by an enlightened attendant, and with wild beasts as their pets. (1989,
196)
13. In one text cited by De Visser, the Buddha refers to the connection between lon-
gevity and compassion when he tells Ananda that Vakula will have a longer then normal
life on account of his merciful heart in a former existence (1922-23, 81).
14. The theme of a saint miraculously appearing before a devotee in response to a
supplication is an ancient one in Indian Buddhism. In the Mahdvagga section of the Sut-
tanipdta, for example, we read, "those who are arahats, fully enlightened ones, reveal
themselves when their own praise is being spoken" (Sn pr., 108 [Nr., 97]).
15. In the ancient Buddhist context preaching is often particularly associated with texts
and textual expertise. As S. Dutt remarks, in the early period a Buddhist group would
"memorize and also specialize in its own section [of texts], not as mere reciters (bhana-
kas), but as professors, expositors, commentators,—in short as custodians of both the texts
and their true meaning" (1957, 92). Thus the kathika ("speaker" or "expounder" of the
dharma) is typically characterized as one who is learned in textual matters, bahusrutya
(e.g., Rps 28.7; see BHSD 166, s.v. kathika). In contrast to town-and-village renunciants,
forest renunciants are not typically depicted as specializing either in the memorization of
texts or in expounding texts to the laity. In the early tradition, the dharmakathika and those
specializing in specific types of texts (sutra, vinaya, mdtrkd) are characteristically con-
trasted with meditators (dhydyin), as distinct types (Lamotte 1958, 164). We will see some
examples of this in Chapters 7 and 8. For examples in modern times, see, e.g., Tambiah
1984, 16.
16. De Visser remarks that the other of the sixteen arhants show more active compas-
sion than does Vakula and that, in his lack of activity, Vakula is somewhat anomalous
(1922-23, 82).
17. Cudapanthaka's lack of adeptness with the textual tradition is reinforced by the
way in which the story continues. At this point, in De Visser's words, "Sariputra, who by
means of his celestial ear had heard the discussion, and who was afraid that the bhiksu
would give in and the Brahmin would not be converted, by means of his divine power
assumed Cudapanthaka's shape and caused the latter to disappear himself. Then he took up
the discussion with the Brahmin and convinced him" (1922-23, 87). It is no accident that
it is Sariputra who comes to Panthaka's rescue; as we have seen, he is so well known for
his expertise in doctrinal matters.
18. A kind of teaching suited to his capabilities? The same kind of scholastic ineptitude
and inability to learn texts is ascribed to Cudapanthaka in Vms 3:1, 206-7 (Hofinger 1954,
249-50) and Ta (557-66). If the Theragdthd and Therlgdthd are any reflection of the actual
situation, they would suggest that forest renunciants typically entered their way of life after
attaining majority, when they could have a genuine sense of spiritual vocation; they also
often came to such a way of life without any previous textual training. The late age at
which they entered the renunciant life and their ignorance of textual learning appear to take
shape in the derogatory term mahalla (or mahallaka) that, as mentioned, is sometimes
applied to these saints (see Durt 1980 and Strong 1992, 68-70).
19. The themes of autocremation and religious suicide in general are present elsewhere
in the Buddhism of India and beyond; see Gernet 1960, Filliozat 1963, and Lamotte 1965.
20. Trisdhasramahdsdhasralokadhatu (P., tisahassi mahdsahassl lokadhdtu). The clas-
sical definition of the scope of a buddha field (buddhaksetra, P., buddhakhetta), or the
vast collection of worlds under the aegis of a buddha, in this case Buddha Sakyamuni.
For a detailed definition and discussion of trisdhasra . . . see Kloetzli 1987, 115-
16.
208 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the king of the country revered and served as his teacher (Legge 1886, 78). This raises the
question of whether this person may not have been understood as a bodhisattva. At the
same time, however, Fa-hsien does refer to images of bodhisattvas as superhuman beings
(e.g., Legge 1886, 19, 27). He also makes several references to Mahay ana bhiksus and
monasteries (16, 21, 41, 79).
33. Of the monasteries in Madhyadesa, Fa-hsien notes three preoccupations, remarking
that "the regular business of the monks is to perform acts of meritorious virtue, and to
recite their Sutras and sit wrapt in meditation" (Legge 1886, 44).
34. It is interesting how far the monk Fa-hsien tends to identify his Buddhism with
correct performance of the precepts (see Deal 1884, 142-46).
35. In previous chapters, we have seen examples of Ananda's "settled monastic" per-
sonality; e.g., in the accounts of the first council, he is the textual specialist par excellence;
in the vinayas he is responsible for the origination of the order of nuns; in Vms he is the
leader of a crowd of undisciplined, unrealized bhiksus and is criticized by Mahakasyapa.
Here, however, Ananda clearly has a forest personality and stature. In this he is like many
other of the Buddha's disciples who possess both forest and monastic dimensions in their
hagiographies (e.g., Mahakasyapa, Upagupta, and Sariputra). See also B., 101-2, where
some of his saintly traits are emphasized.
36. See Hsuan-tsang's telling of this legend (Walters 1904-5, 2:88-90).
37. For a discussion of Hsuan-tsang with bibliographic references, see Sponberg 1987.
38. These accounts of visits to Maitreya's abode recall another visit—namely, that of
Asanga, who similarly ascends to see Maitreya, receiving (according to Tibetan tradition)
the "five dharmas of Maitreya," three of which provide important textual foundations for
the Yogacara (Chattopadhyaya 1970, 158-59).
39. Sung Ytin repeats a similar theme in one of his infrequent mentions of arhants,
remarking on a certain temple, where arhants and yaksas—equally supernatural in aspect—
"continually come to offer religious services, to water and sweep the temple, and to gather
wood for it" (B., 196).
40. This legend is not given by Walters (1904-5, 2:289-90).
41. This summary is based on Seal's version (Beal 1884, 2:227-28). Watlers's treal-
menl (Wts., 2:224-25) is abbreviated.
42. This theme of the forest saint who, when confronted by those who would discuss
and debate wilh him, resls in silence and does nol reply is, of course, found in Buddhist
texlual Iradilion as well. See, e.g., Ihe beginning of the Milindapanha, in which King
Milinda journeys to a hermilage and aggressively presses a forest renunciant named Ayu-
pala lo discuss and debate various topics wilh him. Ayupala, however, responds to the king
wilh complete and unmoving silence. Jusl as in the story lold by Hsiian-lsang, so in tiie
Mp accounl Ihis silence is Ihe undoing of Ihe foresl renuncianl, for Ihe king ridicules and
rejecls Ayupala and sels off lo find one who can debate and discuss. Such a one he finds
in Ihe highly accomplished lexlual scholar Nagasena (Mp 1-24 [T.R. 1890-94, 1:1-39]);
Mp is the account of their conversations.
43. This legend deals not with an isolated inslance bul wilh a general pattern of Ihoughl
wilhin Indian Buddhism. This is suggested in anolher slory, very similar lo this one in
dramatic slruclure and dynamics, lhal occurs in the Rathavinitasutta in Ihe Majjhimani-
kaya.
When Ihe Buddha is slaying near Rajagaha, he asks his bhiksus who, in iheir native
dislricl, is mosl esteemed for desiring little and for advocating to the bhiksus the desiring
of little; for being himself conlenl and for advocating being conlenl; for being himself aloof
and advocating the same; for being unsociable (asamsattha) and for advocating the same;
for being endowed with energy, moral habil, concentration, wisdom (pannd), freedom, and
210 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the knowledge and vision of freedom and for advocating the same. These virtues of pov-
erty, contentment, seclusion, meditation, and realization, of course, identify a saint and,
moreover, a forest saint. The assembled bhiksus name Punna, Mantam's son, as the one
most esteemed for these things. Sariputra, who in the Pali canon represents, as we have
seen, the ideal embodiment of the virtues of settled monasticism, is in the assembly and is
impressed that the bhiksus thus praise Punna and that the Lord approves of him. Sariputra
therefore decides that he would like to meet this Punna and speak with him. Subsequently,
he expresses his devotion to Punna, the saint, by continually extolling him.
One day, Sariputra hears that the saint, Punna, is nearby, having left the Jeta grove and
retired to Blind Men's Grove (the commentary remarks that "the Jeta grove was crowded
. . . and it was impossible to find solitude. But the Blind Men's Grove was secluded"
[Hn., 1:189, n. 1]). Sariputra "hurriedly tak[es] his piece of cloth to sit upon, follow[s]
close after the venerable Punna, Mantani's son, keeping him in sight" (Mn 1:147 [Hn.,
1:189]). In this forest locale, Punna sits down under a tree and enters into meditation for
the rest of the day; Sariputra does the same. Toward evening, Punna emerges from medi-
tation; Sariputra follows suit. Then Sariputra puts a series of questions to Punna about why
Punna has entered the religious life under the Buddha. As possible motives Sariputra sug-
gests religious life lived for the sake of the purity of moral behavior, purity of mind, purity
of view (ditthi), crossing over doubt, knowledge of what is the way and what is not the
way, and knowledge of the course (patipadd, "practice," "method"). Punna rejects all of
these and replies instead with the one thing that Sariputra has not thought of: it is for
"utter nibbdna without attachment" that the religious life under the Buddha is lived.
Up to this point in the story Punna represents the forest saint associated with seclusion
and meditation and devoted to the goal of liberation. Moreover, he is depicted as the
ultimate human ideal and religious authority. Sariputra, by contrast, represents other values
as possibly the appropriate reason for living the religious life, including purity of behavior,
correct view, and knowledge of various aspects of the path—all concerns that are consistent
with Sariputra's role elsewhere in the Pali canon as the ideal embodiment of the settled
monastic way. The implication of this story, so far, is clear: Sariputra is in the position of
the unenlightened disciple, who represents lesser values and whose understanding is defi-
cient, who is attracted by the charisma of the forest saint and who seeks his counsel.
At this point there is a sharp—indeed illogical—shift in the story. Punna asks Sariputra
who he is. When Sariputra tells him, Punna replies, "I have been counselling the worthy
disciple whom they liken to the Teacher without knowledge that it was the venerable Sari-
putta. If I had known it was the venerable Sariputta, I would not have spoken at such
length." Then Punna puts Sariputra in the position of a realized saint, using exactly the
same words of praise to characterize Sariputra that Sariputra has previously used to char-
acterize Punna, concluding, "It is profitable for us and it is well gotten for us that we have
a chance to see, that we have a chance to visit the venerable Sariputta" (Mn 1:145-51
[Hn., 1:187-94]).
Migot notices this dramatic inconsistency in the Rathavinitasutta and is puzzled about
why Sariputra, the "second Buddha" in Pali tradition, plays, for most of this story, the
role of the deferential, even obsequious, disciple ("C'est . . . une chose curieuse . . .
[qu'] il semble done bien etre presente comme inferieur a Punna, et recevant son enseigne-
ment . . . [il] est assez etrange" [1954, 468]). It should be clear, however, that within
the present context a fairly simple explanation for this suggests itself. In the first part of
the story, we find the prototypical forest saint and his kind of Buddhism being established
as the highest norm for renunciants. At the same time, Punna's devotion to "utter nibbdna
without attachment" is contrasted with other, less ultimate, less contemplative ends, namely,
those put forward by Sariputra. The conclusion of the story, in which Sariputra and Punna
Cults of Arhants 211
switch roles, appears to represent a revision of the original story, in which the forest saint
is placed in clear subordination to Sariputra. The replacement at the end of the story of
Punna, the typical forest saint, by Sariputra—in the Pali canon so predominently the pro-
totypical embodiment of the ideals of settled monasticism—appears to reflect a process, if
implicit, of the diminution of forest Buddhism at the expense of the values and orientations
of settled monasticism.
44. In contrast to Fa-hsien's monastic arhant, this story presents a large group of re-
nunciants in which arhants and nonarhants are mixed.
45. This may also include reference to the anonymity of arhants, similar to that in the
cult of the sixteen arhants.
46. On the five vidyas, see Dutt 1962, 323-24 and Sankalia 1934, 65ff. Holding a
council with the aim of establishing normative texts is obviously an activity characteristic
of those within the Buddhist world who represent textual concerns. In this context, we may
recall Frauwallner's belief that another council, the first one (in legend or in historical
occurrence), represented part of the attempt of settled monasticism to establish an aura of
legitimacy for its texts.
47. Of course this is one of the main distinguishing characteristics between those who
do meditate (they have supernatural powers) and those who do not (they do not have them).
Here, we seem to be told, those who have the supernatural powers are the real arhants,
whereas the others are not!
48. The periodic lack of clarity of the term arhant reported by Hsiian-tsang seems
connected with another kind of confusion in his account, namely, the blurring of the type
of the forest saint. In most of the literature examined in this study, Buddhist saints are
typically identified as forest saints, and the type of these is etched, as we have seen, in a
relatively clear and consistent—indeed, almost stereotyped—fashion. The foreigner Hstian-
tsang at least once presents a confused image of the saint. For example, he remarks on
certain Mahay anists in Udyana "who occupied themselves with silent meditation" and
were expert in magical powers. However, to this typical characterization of the forest re-
nunciant, he adds, "They were clever at reciting their books without penetrating their deep
meaning; they lived strictly according to their rules" (Wts., 1:226).
49. This, in spite of the fact of his Mahayana allegiance and his mentioning the wor-
ship of bodhisattvas.
50. A number of studies are pertinent to the following discussion, including La Vallee
Poussin 1929 and 1936-37; Dutt, 1960, 267-69; King 1980; Barnes 1981; Griffiths, 1981
and 1986; Katz 1982, 78-83; and Cousins 1984. The more recent of these studies have
generally not tried to separate viewpoints of canonical tradition from those of later com-
mentators, although as we shall see, such a separation sheds considerable light on this
issue.
51. See below, p. 393n. 86.
52. T.R. andC.R. 1899-1921, 2:70, n. 1.
53. Dutt 1971, 267-71. See also Katz 1982, 78ff.
54. See below, pp. 369-72.
55. Again, the ubhatobhagavimutta is listed ahead of the panndvimutta.
56. See, for example, Dlghanikaya 3:105 (T.R. and C.R. 1899-1921, 3:101), Majjhi-
manikdya 1:439 (Hn., 2:110) and 1:477 (Hn., 2:150-52). In Samyuttanikdya 1:190 (RW.,
1:190), the two classes of arhant are listed together, with the ubhatobhagavimutta again
being given precedence; also Anguttaranikdya 4:10 and 4:77 (WH., 4:7 and 4:44); see also
Dlghanikaya 2:70-71 (T.R. and C.R. 1899-1921, 2:68-70).
57. In this context, the lermjhdyin refers to meditation in general. It can also indicate
one who is practicing \hejhdnas (see PTSD 287, s.v. jhdyin).
212 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
58. Maha Cunda picks out what is common to both types, seeing the goal through
pannd, and does not deal with the distinctiveness of the jhdyin, suggesting the affiliation
of the text with a group representing the dhamma bhikkhus.
59. Suggested by Le"vi and Chavannes in their study of the sixteen arhants (1916, 50).
60. Presuming, as seems likely, that their basic attitudes toward arhants are congruent
with those of the Indian Mahayana.
61. As is well known, in dominant Mahayana usage, the term arhant serves to indicate
a follower of the "Hmayana," who has striven for and attained the individual liberation of
the lesser vehicle, a liberation that is vastly inferior to the great enlightenment to which the
bodhisattva aspires. An extreme form of this standard Mahayana usage is perhaps found in
the Bodhicarydvatdra, as interpreted by the Tibetan commentary of rTog med bzang po
(twelfth century C.E.), which remarks that arhants as such do not even attain a real libera-
tion but have won merely a false freedom and will in fact eventually be reborn in samsara
(Bca 9.49-50 [Batchelor 1979, 142]).
62. Werner (1983) argues along similar lines. The chief Mahayana complaint is, of
course, that these arhants are not realized. In this context, one is reminded of a much
earlier similar criticism of arhants, made by Mahadeva, who, we are told in reports of the
"second, second Buddhist council," put forward five points that maintain, among other
things, that arhants can be seduced and are subject to ignorance and doubt—in other words,
that their realization and sainthood are somehow deficient (Prebish and Nattier 1977, 250-
65). For a summary of controversies surrounding the arhant ideal, see Bareau 1957.
63. "Four kinds of persons are not alarmed by this teaching: / Sons of theyma skilled
in the truths; saints unable to turn back; / Arhants free from defilements and stains, and rid
of their doubts; / Those whom good teachers mature are reckoned the fourth kind" (Rgs
2.6).
64. Lama Taranatha (writing in 1500 C.E.) similarly remarks on more than one defini-
tion of the term arhant in tradition, saying that according to tradition, Nagarjuna said that
there were arhants who understood the doctrine of voidness (Kbdd 368).
65. See, for example, Conze 1959, 93 and 1962b, 166-67; PTSD, s.v. arhant; and
Swearer 1987.
66. This is suggested by Mahadeva's critique of the arhant ideal (Prebish and Nattier
1977; Williams 1989, 17-18).
7
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha
In the Mahay ana, although the pratyekabuddha retains precedence over the arhant,
he and the arhant tend to be put together as two self-centered ideals of the "HI-
nayana," strictly inferior to the Buddha and also to the bodhisattva, who is on the
way to buddhahood.12 Thus, the Mahay ana sometimes sees the pratyekabuddha
and sravaka as members of the same vehicle (La Vallee Poussin 1908-27c, 153).13
Both Nikaya and Mahayana definitions of the pratyekabuddha tend to be abstract,
213
214 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Images of Pratyekabuddhas
sattva may also be born in lower castes (Sn-c 51 [K., 18]). This view is con-
firmed, for example, in the Avadanasataka's portrayal of ten pratyekabuddhas
(two past and eight future) among whom the lower castes predominate: servant in
a household, vendor, merchant, gardener, ferryman. There appears to be one well-
to-do person among them, but no brahmins or kings are mentioned (As 119-67
[F., 93-111]; see Peer's analysis, 1891, 112). It is not only in his caste that the
pratyekabuddha is unassuming. He typically begins his spiritual career enmeshed
in samsara, afflicted with impure states of mind—such as ignorance, lust, and
anger—and performing evil actions—such as lying, stealing, and drinking alcohol
to inebriation (/ 4:113-19 [C., 4:71-75]).
The pratyekabuddha typically leaves the world through apravrajyd ceremony.
However, this is unlike the pravrajyd of Buddhist monasticism, for in the case of
the pratyekabodhisattva, his is a complete ordination, not merely a preliminary to
be followed later by another, further initiation. Sometimes the pravrajyd cere-
mony involves leaving the world for solitary wandering, whereas at other times it
constitutes entry into a community of pratyekabuddhas; in this case, the initiate
must be approved by them before gaining entry (K., 45). Having renounced the
world, the pratyekabodhisattva lives in the forest (J 3:156-57 [C., 3:156]; cf.
Ch., 3:17) and is consequently designated by terms such as sramana and rsi (seer)
(Fujita 1975, 100-101). He thus lives in secluded and out-of-the-way places such
as forests and mountains (Ch., 3:17, 51), following ascetic practices (Ch., 3.:51).
By virtue of his forest life, the pratyekabuddha is also a wanderer and is allowed
to go where he will: from the time of pravrajyd onward, "ascetics are indeed
allowed for the sake of effecting their own salvation to go to any place they wish
and desire."20
When the pratyekabuddha leaves the world, he assumes an appearance char-
acteristic of an ascetic. His hair and beard are typically shaved off (J 5:251 [C.,
5:130]). He may also appear with hair and beard of a characteristic length, usually
specified as two angulas. He wears the robes of an ascetic, either yellow or red,
perhaps made from discarded rags (/ 4:114 [C., 4:72]), and he also carries a
begging bowl (K., 24), sometimes of brown earthen color (J 4:114 [C., 4:72]).
"Their hair and beards are shaved, they are dressed in yellow robes, they are not
attached to family or tribe, they are like clouds torn by wind or the moon's orb
freed from Rahu" (J 3:377 [C., 3:229]). The pratyekabuddha is allowed the "eight
requisites": three robes (1 to 3), a begging bowl (4), razor (5), needle (6), girdle
(7), and water-strainer (8) (/ 3:377 [C., 3:229]; J 4:342 [C., 4:215]; [K., 26]).
As a forest renunciant, he may be exceedingly unappealing in appearance (Ch.,
3:20), but he is also sometimes depicted as very handsome (Ch., 3:220). As the
pratyekabuddha moves about, it is said that his demeanor is one of gentleness and
that he has an air of stillness about him (J 6:520 [C., 6:270]).
In leaving the world, the pratyekabuddha thus follows a code in essence like
that of other Buddhist saints: he lives in the forest, begs his food, and has the
appearance of a mendicant, with shaved head and simple robe. In addition, "si-
lence" is attributed to him: he is described as tusnikasobhana—one "having the
glory of a silent ascetic" (Mv 1:301.3 [Ins., 1:249-50])—with tmnlka indicating,
in Edgerton's rendering, "one engaging in a vow of silence" (BHSD 256, s.v.
216 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
tusnlkd). A vow of silence appears, moreover, to have been a particular and char-
acteristic feature of the pratyekabuddha's traditions, for it forms part of stock
descriptions of him.21 Pratyekabuddhas might observe silence not only while in
retreat but also when going among the laity for alms (Mv 1:301.14 [Jns., 1:250]).
In addition to such ascetic conventions, the pratyekabuddha is also depicted as
following specific codes of conduct (K., 42), which include conventions of how
to dress, obtain one's food, comport oneself in sitting, standing, walking, and
lying down, and so forth.22 The further place of the formal behavioral conventions
of the pratyekabuddha in relation to his entire spiritual path is suggested in out-
lines of the path to enlightenment associated with him. One such outline, a list of
"eight ways of behavior" given in the Suttanipata commentary, begins with rules
relating to external behavior (deportment) (1), then moves on to the guarding of
the sense doors (2), mindfulness (3), concentration (4), realization (wisdom) (5),
the four ways of the noble ones (drya) (6), supreme attainment (7), and compas-
sion for the world (8) (Sn-c 64-65 [K., 65]). Interestingly enough, this list artic-
ulates a triad of concerns that parallels the threefold Buddhist path (trisiksa) of
sila, samddhi, and prajna referred to in Chapter 1. However, whereas in the
trisiksa, sila constitutes a center of gravity, in the pratyekabuddha path more em-
phasis is placed on meditation and realization, with a relatively lesser place given
to concerns of slla.
In the hagiographical evidence, the pratyekabodhisattva is not a strictly soli-
tary figure: he often takes a pratyekabuddha as guru, under whom he leaves the
world, enters into solitary or community life, and is given the vows that he will
follow as a renunciant. His teacher also gives him various kinds of instructions,
presently to be examined. This guru instructs him in a generally informal and
personal way, suiting his teaching to the psychology and situation of the disciple
(Sn-c 105 [K., 105]). Although individuals are often depicted as attaining pra-
tyekabodhi without the help of a teacher or guru, sometimes such a one is instru-
mental in the pratyekabuddha's awakening. Pratyekabodhisattva?, may seek a teacher
but be unable to find one. In such cases, a pratyekabuddha will sometimes mirac-
ulously arrive from Gandhamadana to provide the needed instruction (Sn-c 105
[K., 105]).
The pratyekabuddhas live in remote and out-of-the-way places. Their principal
residence is in the north, in the Himalayas, on Mount Gandhamadana23 (J 3:470
[C., 3:280]). There they live in caves such as the Gold Cave, the Jewel Cave, the
Silver Cave, and the Nandamulaka Cave (J 4:114 [C., 4:71-72]), where they
engage in continual meditation (K., 61). They are also depicted in other activities,
such as attending to their caves by plastering the walls with clay (/ 5:440 [C.,
5:237]), or outside their caves, sitting, walking about, dyeing and mending their
robes, participating in ceremonies, and so on (Sn-c 105 [K., 105]). Mount Gan-
dhamadana is described as an ideal locale: it is crowned with a plateau covered
with medicinal plants, shines from afar, and is filled with the sweet odors of
perfume. At the opening of the Jewel Cave is a gigantic tree called Manjusaka,
which is one yojana high and one yojana wide. When a pratyekabuddha arrives
there, all the flowers of the area burst into bloom at once. The sand and mud in
that place consist of jewels. A sweeping wind keeps the area clean of debris; other
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 217
winds bring water from Lake Anotatta (Skt., Anavatapta), sweet perfumes from
fragrant trees in the mountains, and flower blossoms, which are strewn all around
(Sn-c 61-67 [K., 60-61]). The pratyekabuddha generally remains in his isolated
retreat—whether in ordinary forests, mountains, or caves, or on Mount Gandha-
madana—only appearing among people when he wanders in search of alms (Jm
19-22 [S., 26-30]).
In his mountain hermitage, the pratyekabuddha follows a reclusive meditative
way of life and is thus called muni (silent one) or pratyekamuni (solitary, silent
one) (Mn 3:68-69 [Hn., 3:110-11]; see K., 22 and W., 56-116). When one
chances upon a pratyekabuddha in the forest, it is typical to find him sitting mo-
tionless, deep in meditation (Ch., 2:127). Like other forest renunciants, he is often
found meditating at the foot of a tree (J 5:251 [C., 5:130]). The pratyekabuddha
takes joy in his practice and typically meditates for long periods of time; in one
story, he is depicted as rising from "a seven days' trance" (J 1:232 [C., 1:103]).
In fact, the pratyekabuddhas are known as ones who spend nearly all of their time
meditating. In this, they are depicted as following the standard practices outlined
in the classical Buddhist meditation manuals: the preparations for the kasina (P.)
meditations (Sn-c 71-72), the use of kasina devices (Sn-c 67), the practice of the
four foundations of mindfulness (K., 48), the four brahmavihdras (Sn-c 87), and
the development of the dhydnas (K., 38). One is enjoined to use whichever method
will prove most effective, given one's makeup and needs (K., 48).
The pratyekabodhisattva's contemplative practice is often based on an "object
of meditation," some key theme or subject upon which he may meditate, such as
some element of the world, the path, or the goal. Frequently, this object is some
ordinary situation or fact of life. Sometimes this meditation subject may be given
to the pratyekabodhisattva by his teacher; sometimes it arises spontaneously within
his field of experience, such as some fault of his, the difficulty of living in sam-
sara, some tragic occurrence, and so on. One may take this meditation subject
wherever one goes, contemplating it in seeking insight. For example, a certain
king observes a jungle fire relentlessly burning everything in its path. This im-
presses him deeply, and, taking this as his subject of meditation, he sees samsara
as an insatiable fire causing suffering for all beings and nirvana as the fire of
wisdom that burns all defilements. Again the king sees a fish caught in a fisher-
man's net bite through the net and escape. He takes this as a mental image and
sees that he may bite through the net of thirst and false views, thus escaping the
entrapment of samsara. Thereupon, he abandons his kingship, enters upon the
religious life, attains insight and realizes pratyekabodhi (Sn-c 114-15 [K., 113-
14]).
The ascetic and meditative way of life of the pratyekabodhisattva is character-
ized as very rigorous: "Hard is the entrance upon religious life, like walking up
and down upon the edge of a razor" (Sn-c 98). To follow the path, one must
endure cold, wind, vexatious insects, uncomfortable sleeping places, hunger, thirst,
and so on (Sn-c 97). The psychological challenges of the pratyekabodhisattva's
life are no less steep. For example, a certain prince and his attendant friend leave
the world together. The prince soon learns that in this renunciant life, his own
pride of caste and the deference formerly paid to him by his friend have no place.
218 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
This causes him no little regret and resentment, and these he must overcome
(Sn-c 92-94 [K., 97-98]). In short, the pratyekabodhisattva must free his mind
from dependence on external conditions and circumstances.
The hardships of the pratyekabodhisattva sometimes make it difficult to main-
tain the renunciant life. Thus the son of a wealthy merchant desires to enter the
religious life and will not be dissuaded by his parents. Having entered it, he finds
his shelter mean and his bed of straw uncomfortable. In the morning, he goes
seeking alms but finds that only the senior renunciants get the desirable seats and
the best food, while his are poor. After a few days, he cannot abide these suffer-
ings and abandons the religious life. However, after a short time he tries the
renunciant life once more but again cannot endure it. Finally, he enters upon the
renunciant life a third time and is able to remain upon the way (Sn-c 98-99 [K.,
101-2]).
In his renunciant life, the pratyekabodhisattva must avoid entangling attach-
ments to patrons, whether ordinary lay folk or royalty. Thus a certain son of the
king of Banaras enters the religious life and, at his parents' insistence, remains in
the royal park, receiving offerings from his parents. However, the security of the
regularized donorship creates problems for his spiritual practice, for he is never
alone, day or night, and cannot carry out a life of meditation. A pratyekabuddha
sees his predicament and comes to the royal park, revealing the limitations of the
prince's situation. After this saint departs, the young prince manages to escape,
going into the forest where he will be able to meditate properly (Sn-c 103-5 [K.,
104-6]).
Through his contemplative practice, the pratyekabuddha gains various levels
and types of attainment well known in the literature of Buddhist meditation. He
passes through the four classical stages of stream enterer, once returner, non-
returner, and, here, pratyekabuddha (Sn-c 64). He also gains meditative expertise
through practicing the thirty-seven wings of enlightenment (As 119-22 [F., 93-
95]; As 134 [F., 99-102]) and is experienced in the various levels of dhydna, the
four lower dhydnas corresponding to the four stages of the world of form and the
four higher dhydnas corresponding to the world of nonform. Thus he also expe-
riences the eight dhydnas and the nine samdpattis (attainments), including the final
goal of the attainment of cessation (nirodhasamdpatti) (Sn-c 128-29 [K., 123-
24]; see K., 47-53).
Some beings are antagonistic to the pratyekabodhisattva's way of life and
foremost among these is the demon Mara, who dogs his heels, in the same way
he dogs the heels of Sakyamuni, trying to cause him harm and to dissuade him
from his aim (K., 24). When the pratyekabodhisattva attains enlightenment, his
realization is often depicted as a victory over Mara (K., 58). Even after his en-
lightenment, Mara remains to be dealt with, for he attempts to deceive the unen-
lightened disciples of the pratyekabuddha; in one story, he tries to force a potential
donor to turn his back on the saint (Jm 19-22 [S., 25-30]).
trees uprooted, conditionings that will not again exist in the future, in this way
completely free from faults" (Sn-c 64 [K., 54]). The Isigili Sutta (Mn 3:68-71
[Hn., 3:110-13]), in what Wiltshire calls "one of the earliest doctrinal pro-
nouncements on the paccekabuddha," extols this realization: "These and other
paccekabuddhas are of great power; they have stopped the flow of phenomenal
existence. Praise all these immeasurable, great seers who are freed from all fet-
ters, completely cooled" (Mn 3:71 [W., 7]).25 In enlightenment the pratyekabud-
dha, according to the Jdtaka, is "free of all attachments, possessed of all virtues"
(J 6:45 [C., 6:29]), has escaped rebirth (J 5:248 [C., 5:128]), and is liberated in
heart, independent, and master of himself (Mv 1:467 [C., 1:303]), which brings
joy, happiness, and peace (Sn-c 69 and 74). The pratyekabuddha's nirvana, rep-
resenting wisdom gained by direct insight rather than textual learning, is thus "not
sown, not strewn, not explained, not taught, not made known, not established,
not unveiled, not explained in detail and not made manifest nor shown" (K., 55).
Although the pratyekabuddha's enlightenment is typically the fruit of merito-
rious actions and meditation in this or a previous life, it may be provoked by
some ordinary situation or incident (K., 42-44). Thus, Darimukha, while standing
in a garden, sees a withered leaf fall to the ground and comes to see the principles
of decay and death, grasps the three marks of things, and making the earth reecho
with joy, enters on pratyekabodhi (J 3:239 [C., 3:157]). Similarly, a king is
blessed with a son, whom he loves greatly. One day, when the king has gone to
his pleasure garden, the son takes ill and dies. When the king learns of his son's
death, he reflects on the nature of causality and attains enlightenment (Sn-c 85-
86 [K., 92]). Candana, seeing how the lotus flower is beautiful upon first opening
yet dies under the rays of the burning sun, reflects that so also is the fate of human
beings. Thus he achieves enlightenment (As 119-23 [F., 94]). Again, a man is
entranced by seeing the beautiful wife of another man. He reflects on his mental
entrapment and sees its inevitable karmic consequences if allowed to proceed; this
insight provokes pratyekabodhi (J 4:114 [C., 4:72]).26 These few examples are
typical and reflect the sources' abundance of stories of enlightenment in the midst
of ordinary life (Sn-c 84-85 [K., 91-92]).27
Sometimes a pratyekabodhisattva will meditate and attain realization unbe-
knownst to others. Thus, a certain king of Banaras, while sitting on his throne,
secretly follows the path of the pratyekabuddha (Sn-c 52-63 [K., 79-81]). He
experiences various difficulties, including the distractions of his family and affairs
of state, yet nevertheless he persists in his contemplative way, sometimes going
to the roof of his palace to meditate. Eventually, he attains realization and, when
pressed by his ministers, declares, "Look here, I am not a king, I am one who is
called a paccekabuddha." When they object that he does not look like a praty-
ekabuddha, he touches his head with his right hand and at once miraculously
assumes the appearance of a pratyekabuddha, his hair and beard two angulas long,
and possessing the eight requisites (robes, bowl, etc.). Then he rises in the air and
appears seated on a lotus flower.
The renunciant status is important to the pratyekabuddha, particularly after
enlightenment. When as a layman he attains realization, as in the previous ex-
ample, he is typically magically transformed into a fully equipped renunciant (J
4:114 [C., 4:71-72]). Thus when Darimukha achieves enlightenment, "the char-
220 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
acter[istics] of a householder vanished from him, a miraculous bowl and frock fell
from the sky and clave to his body, at once he had the eight requisites and the
perfect deportment of a centenarian monk" (J 3:239-40 [C., 3:157]).
The state of a realized pratyekabuddha is described in classical Buddhist terms.
Thus, it is said that the pratyekabuddha, through this or that teaching or circum-
stance, attains insight into one or another of the three marks (anitya, andtman,
duhkha) and into conditioned coproduction (pratltyasamutpada), a feature that be-
comes, as we saw, particularly important in the doctrinal definitions of the pra-
tyekabuddha. Again, the pratyekabuddha understands what is meant by samsara
and what is meant by nirvana (K., 49).
When the pratyekabuddha attains pratyekabodhi, his realized status does not
depend on the validation of others but is based instead on his own declaration that
he has in fact attained the status of a pratyekabuddha. In another story, the bride
of a certain king is traveling to meet him and dies along the way. The king's grief
leads him to reflect on the nature of existence, and this leads to enlightenment.
When his ministers try to console him, he replies, "I am not distressed. I am a
paccekabuddha, who is without distress" (Sn-c 67-72 [K., 82]). In another story
from the Suttanipdta commentary, a prince seeks a certain pratyekabuddha and,
not finding him in his hut, enters, sits down, and attains realization. When the
prince's attendants find him and remark that they can try to find the saint again
another day, the prince replies, "I do not worry, I became a person without worry
[acintaka, lit., 'without conceptual thought']" The attendants inquire, "What does
this mean, Lord?" His reply: "I became apaccekabudda" (Sn-c 80-82 [K., 89-
91]).
Upon the attainment of enlightenment, the pratyekabuddha may be miracu-
lously transported to Mount Gandhamadana (J 3:239-40 [C., 3:157]). In one
example of this, when the newly attained pratyekabuddha has arrived, other pra-
tyekabuddhas come and sit with him, and the elder of the group asks him: "How
is (this enlightenment of yours) attained?" He then responds by speaking his own
verse with explanation (Sn-c 66-67 [K., 60-61]). Upon achieving enlightenment,
the pratyekabuddhas also remark upon their identity. When asked who he is, he
may answer, "I am a pratyekabuddha," but he may also reply in other ways.
Thus two pratyekabuddhas say, "We are called 'Unattached' " (Sn-c 75 [K.,
86]). In another example, four pratyekabuddhas reply to a king's inquiry, "We
are, O great king, called 'those of the four regions.' " When the king asks what
they mean by this, they say, "Nowhere in the four regions is there any fear or
anxiety for us, O great king" (Sn-c 87 [K., 93]). The king is, of course, also one
"of the four directions" but from a different viewpoint: he has a kingdom to
protect and enemies to fear.
Like buddhas and arhants, the pratyekabuddha is typically credited with var-
ious supernormal powers, concomitants of his realization, and this feature is one
of the dominant themes in depictions in both earlier and later Buddhist literature
(W., xiv). Chief among these powers is that of flying, and it is by this rddhi tha
the pratyekabuddha travels through the sky, coming and going from his mountain
retreat on Mount Gandhamadana (J 3:472 [C., 3:281]). He may also, when teach-
ing, rise in the air, sit cross-legged, and deliver his discourses (J 3:304-5 [C.,
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 221
3:190]). Upon occasion, he may rise into the air and perform the "18 magical
transformations" (Ch., 3:51). The pratyekabuddha also possesses other abhijnds:
he can foresee events that are to take place (J 4:332 [C., 4:209]).
The pratyekabuddha uses his magical powers in a variety of situations and for
a variety of purposes. He may employ his powers as a convenience, as when he
travels by flying. After he has been given donations, he may respond by display-
ing his powers to gladden the laity (Jm 22 [S., 30]; / 1:233 [C., 1:105]). He may
also take the initiative, using his powers to demonstrate his attainment, either to
instruct his disciples or to engender faith in others (K., 52-53, 73).28 In relation
to this latter purpose, the Divydvaddna and Pratyekabuddhabhumi both comment
that "magic converts the ordinary person quickly" (see the references in W.,
304). In addition to the powers under his own control, the pratyekabuddha is also
surrounded by various kinds of spontaneous occurrences that attest to his sanctity,
as when he achieves enlightenment and his appearance is miraculously trans-
formed and bowl and robe fall from the sky; or when he arrives at Mount Gan-
dhamadana, and all the flowers spontaneously burst into bloom.
The pratyekabuddha's solitude is one of the central features of his personality,
both while he is a renunciant and after his enlightenment. Thus, he is typically
compared to the single horn of the rhinoceros, which has no companion, or to the
rhinoceros itself, which travels alone and avoids company. The pratyekabuddha is
also called solitary or alone (eka).29 A phrase found in the Divydvaddna, Avadd-
nasataka, and Pratyekabuddhabhumi has him "inhabiting remote places" (prdn-
tasayanabhakta) (see the references in W., 303). The pratyekabuddha also some-
times lives in community,30 and the Khaggavisdnasutta can praise the solitary
renunciant's good fortune in having worthy companions and can extol the virtues
of finding such to dwell with (Sn 8). Elsewhere, the pratyekabuddhas are men-
tioned as living and traveling about in large groups (7m 40 [S., 55]), as at Mount
Gandhamadana, where they dwell in caves in groups of up to five hundred (J
4:116 [C., 4:73ff.]). Pratyekabuddhas also wander about together in their alms-
seeking and may spend the rains retreat dwelling with their fellows (Ch., 3:135).
The pratyekabuddhas' community life is also seen in the posadha, which they
celebrate with their companions in their retreat settings (Sn-c 51-52). In fact, on
Mount Gandhamadana, seats are always prepared for the arrival of the pratyeka-
buddhas for the posadha ceremony on posadha day (Sn-c 67).31
Pratyekabuddhas also frequent other places. For example, sometimes they are
seen at Rsipatana, the Deer Park near Banaras, where they come together on
special days (Sn-c 80). Again, they are found at other holy mountains, such as
Mount Urumunda, where the saint Upagupta in a former life made offerings to
five hundred pratyekabuddhas (Da 349 [St., 175]). Pratyekabuddhas may also be
found in cremation grounds, and one story depicts a number of them officiating at
a cremation, chanting texts throughout the night (/ 5:54 [C., 5:30]).
The pratyekabuddhas, as buddhas, become the focus of an intense cult. It is
this cultic importance of the pratyekabuddhas that explains why they are also
found wandering abroad in the world, appearing among the laity. Thus, they go
on their alms rounds seeking offerings individually or traveling in groups, usually
of five hundred (Ch., 3:135). A pratyekabuddha may suddenly appear unan-
222 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
nounced at one's door, sometimes—like the sixteen arhants and Upagupta—in the
anonymous form of an ordinary sramana (Ch., 2:33). Pratyekabuddhas may also
be invited from their far-off retreat on Mount Gandhamadana, and invitations may
be made purely mentally or by casting flowers as offerings in the direction of the
Himalayas (J 3:470-71 [C., 3:280-81]). One can also attract pratyekabuddhas
by generosity, moral virtue, and truthfulness (/ 3:470-71 [C., 3:280]). When
pratyekabuddhas appear at one's door, it is appropriate to offer them water, food,
robes, and medicines (J 4:117 [C., 4:74]).
During the rainy season, the pratyekabuddhas will sometimes consent to settle
in one place, in a hut built for them by laypeople where they will stay receiving
offerings, meditating, and interacting with the lay donors (Mrp 1:338-39 [K.,
64]). In one account, a layman basket weaver and his son build a hut on their
property and invite pratyekabuddhas to stay in the hut during the rainy season,
feeding them and giving them three fresh robes at the end of that time (J 4:317-
18 [C., 4:200]). Sometimes, it appears, they may stay as a donor's guest for a
prolonged period, like the pratyekabuddha who resides in the pleasure ground of
a king, then living in his palace and receiving offerings for a long time (/ 3:439
[C., 3:263-64]). In another similar example, a village headman offers to provide
a certain pratyekabuddha with donations for the rest of the saint's life and instructs
his daughter to bring him food every day (Mv 1:387 [Ins., 1:251]). Sometimes
the pratyekabuddhas will perform specific liturgical services for the layperson, as
in the story in which several pratyekabuddhas conduct a cremation (J 5:54 [C.,
5:30]).
The pratyekabuddha is willing to submit himself to the cultic attentions of the
laity because of his compassion, a prominent and important characteristic of his
enlightened personality.32 Compassion is the main reason that the pratyekabuddha
comes out of his attainment of cessation on Mount Gandhamadana. He wishes to
afford others the opportunity of making offerings to him and participating in his
cult (Mrp 185 [K., 28]). "The wish to bring happiness . . . and the wish to
remove suffering" (Sn-c 73-74 [K., 76])—this intention frequently forms the cen-
tral theme in stories of the pratyekabuddha's activity (e.g., J 4:16 [C., 4:10]). In
the Mahdvastu, for example, we are told that the pratyekabuddha develops "equa-
nimity and pity, cultivating sympathy with others, with love in [his] heart [and is]
friendly and compassionate" (Mv 1:466-67 [Jns., 1:303]). So it is that, when the
pratyekabuddha arrives at one's door, he comes not out of a desire for donations
but because he wants to provide the donor with an opportunity to earn great merit
(Jm 19 [S., 26]). In making himself available to the laity through alms-seeking
and staying with them for the rains retreat, the pratyekabuddha aims not to please
himself but rather to show compassion to others (Jm 19 [S., 26]; J 4:16 [C.,
4:10]; K., 70). The laity, in fact, fervently desire that the pratyekabuddha accept
alms from them and are distressed lest he should pass on without receiving their
gifts (Jm 19-20 [S., 27]). When he takes their offerings, they feel gladness and
joy (Jm 21-22 [S., 30]). Like Mahakasyapa, he is indifferent to the food he
obtains, whether it is good or vile (Ch., 2:51).
Interesting also, as in the case of Mahakasyapa, the compassion of pratyeka-
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 223
buddhas is often shown especially to those who have entered a bad form of exis-
tence—the poor, low-caste, and distressed.33 In an epithet frequently found in the
Sanskrit sources, he is said to be "compassionate to the unfortunate"
(hlnadlndnukampaka) (see the references in W., 303). Similarly, the Pali sources
characterize him as "compassionate to the wretched" (duggatdnukampaka) (W.,
106). When a pratyekabuddha starts on his alms rounds, he considers who would
most benefit from the merit accrued by making offerings to him, and it is to such
persons that he goes for alms (Mrp 2:5 and Da 538), consistent with his favoring
of the lowborn and disadvantaged. Such considerations are congruent with the
previous low-caste status of many pratyekabuddhas (K., 28) and suggest the ques-
tion as to whether the pratyekabuddhas were not sometimes the special objects of
devotion of the low-caste.34
In showing his compassion by appearing among the laity, the pratyekabuddha
brings them many boons, including the chance to see him, to receive teachings
from him, to have their wishes granted, and to be protected from danger both in
the present and the future (J 4:116 [C., 4:73] and K., 40). The benefits of rever-
ing and making offerings to a pratyekabuddha are thus said to be great indeed,
both in the present life (Ch., 3:220-21) and in future births (Ch., 3:112). Thus
the pratyekabuddha is called "a field for merit" and "worthy of the best gifts"
(J 4:16 [C., 4:10]; J 3:470-71 [C., 3:280]). In a standard epithet in the Sanskrit
sources, he is known as one "whose worthiness of offerings is unique in the
world" (see references in W., 303).
Through the cultic setting, the pratyekabuddha first and foremost offers him-
self as an enlightened saint to be seen by the laity. The theme of the participatory
"seeing" of the pratyekabuddha is, in fact, central to the laity's relation to him.
Thus, his overall appearance is wonderful; in the phraseology of the Divyavaddna
and Avaddnasataka, he is "graceful in body, serene in mind, tranquil in move-
ment" (see references in W., 303). The pratyekabuddha's body is also described
in terms of light symbolism: he is radiant (sobhana), so powerfully that objects
that have been in contact with him themselves shine (W., 68). In addition, his
faculties are said to be very bright and his complexion immaculate (W., 68).35
The opportunity for darsan of the pratyekabuddha enables his suppliants to partic-
ipate in his enlightened charisma. In this context, as Wiltshire observes, "alms
giving is not simply a perfunctory deed of charity but a ritual act with a deep
religious significance" (W., 62). As in the case of other Buddhist saints, so for
the pratyekabuddha the offering becomes a vehicle of exchange:
There is a quid pro quo basis to it: the donor surrenders a physical object or
material possession and in return the paccekabuddha imparts an element of his
spirituality or interior transcendence, that is, he effects a change of consciousness
in the donor. Within the procedure of alms-giving, a form of "transmission"
may be said to take place between the donor and the recipient. (W., 62)
Thus, typically, when the pratyekabuddha appears at the door of a layperson, the
layperson, simply by seeing the saint and making offerings to him, experiences a
joyful and tranquil mind (J 3:471-72 [C., 3:281]).36 The salvific implications of
224 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the layperson's encounters with the pratyekabuddha should not be missed for "they
can significantly influence a person's spiritual destiny. They are situations with
'transforming' possibilities" (W., 82).
The display of magical powers is an important part of the pratyekabuddha's
compassionate revelation of himself to the fortunate. We read in the Divydvaddna
of the pratyekabuddha's showing of magical feats to his donor: "Out of compas-
sion for him, rising into the air like a regal swan with its wings outspread, he
commenced to perform magical feats, creating fire, heat, rain and lightening" (Da
583 [W., 304]). To the fortunate donor, the pratyekabuddha may even show the
"eighteen miraculous transformations" (Ch., 3:51).
In placing these magical displays within their cultic context, we notice a dif-
ference in the way that they are treated in the sources. "Whereas the Pali tradition
is only prepared to admit the value of [the use of magical powers] subsequent
upon the offering of the gift, the Avadana [that is, Sanskrit] tradition sometimes
ascribes a value to the use of magic prior to the act of giving" (W., 65). In the
Pali accounts, it is generally only after the layperson has responded positively
with faith and has made a donation that the pratyekabuddha deigns to reveal his
magical powers. Thus in Pali tradition, the display of powers is a kind of response
to, and vindication of, the layperson's devotion and generosity. The subsequent
effect of the display on the layperson is to increase or expand his or her devotion.
The Sanskrit sources contain stories of magical displays that exhibit the same
features as the Pali. In addition, they also contain stories in which the pratyeka-
buddhas intentionally use their magic powers—uninvited and without prior con-
ditions—to generate initial faith in the hearts of prospective donors. In some stories,
a person either fails to recognize the pratyekabuddha's realization or is ill-inten-
tioned toward him. In this case, the pratyekabuddha takes the initiative and uses
magical power to transform the person's attitude (W., 79-80).37 For example, we
read in the Mahdvastu that when a certain husband reprimands his wife for making
donations to a pratyekabuddha, the pratyekabuddha demonstrates his sanctity by
flying through the air, and the husband gains faith (Mv 3:35 [Ins., 3:25]). The
possible significance of this difference between Pali and Sanskrit understandings
of magical power will be considered shortly.
Through the activity of presenting himself for darsan by the laity, the
pratyekabuddha is in fact teaching the dharma. It is this kind of direct, visual
teaching, rather than verbal instruction, that primarily characterizes what the pra-
tyekabuddha has to transmit to the laity. We read in the Divydvaddna and the
Avaddnasataka that "these majestic ones teach dhamma [Skt., dharmadesand} by
means of the body not by means of words."38 Nevertheless, in the cultic setting,
words are sometimes exchanged between the pratyekabuddha and his suppliants.
For example, after receiving the donation proffered to him, the pratyekabuddha
will often invite the donor to make a wish, and—if the giving has been pure—it
will often be granted (K., 67). The wish may be for wealth, a better rebirth, or
even the attainment of the state of an arhant, a pratyekabuddha, or a buddha. In
the Dhammapada commentary, a pratyekabuddha responds thus to such a wish:
"May you attain quickly what has been wished and requested, may all intentions
be fulfilled like the moon (full) on the fifteenth day" (Dp-c 1:198; 3:92 [K.,
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 225
89]).39 In addition, the pratyekabuddha gives utterances that will protect suppliants
from harm or otherwise guard them against danger (J 4:15-22 [C., 4:9-13]; W.,
xxii).
The pratyekabuddha is sometimes also shown giving explicit verbal instruction
to those with whom he interacts, including his renunciant disciples or compatriots,
and also the laity, both those whom he wishes to inspire to renounce the world
and those to whom he more simply provides guidance. He may enjoin his lay
hearer to a life of virtue and lead him or her to insight (J 3:471-72 [C., 3:281]).
His most characteristic verbal teachings are, however, certain verses (gdthd) that
he utters, either in the presence of other pratyekabuddhas or to the laity, who may
be simple suppliants or prospective pratyekabuddhas.40 To other pratyekabuddhas,
as when he has just arrived at Mount Gandhamadana, he expresses the essence of
his enlightenment. To laypersons who are prospective pratyekabuddhas, he may
utter similar verses designed to provoke renunciation (W., xxii).
In teaching those close to him, his teaching is direct and personal. In one
story, a pratyekabuddha perceives an ascetic full of caste pride and helps him
overcome this pride and arrive at attainment (J 4:328 [C., 4:207]). The pratyeka-
buddha as spiritual teacher often works in ways that are not perceived by his
student. A certain prince comes looking for a pratyekabuddha to receive instruc-
tion; the saint arranges his footprints so that it appears that he has gone into his
hut, has not emerged, and is thus inside. The prince enters, finds the place empty,
sits down on the pratyekabuddha's meditation place, and attains enlightenment
(Sn-c 81-82 [K., 90]). Abstract definitions to the contrary notwithstanding, the
pratyekabuddha's teaching activities in fact occupy a prominent place in the ha-
giographies. In these, the pratyekabuddha knows nothing of memorized or written
texts, and his instruction is spontaneous and situational, suited to the time, place,
and needs of the listener.41
The pratyekabuddha's teaching may take the form of uttering the spontaneous
verses that express his realization. For example, as we saw, when the pratyeka-
buddhas attain realization, they go to Mount Gandhamadana and are expected to
express their realization to the company of elder pratyekabuddhas. When the time
comes for their final nirvana, they declare their realization in verse form. The
pratyekabuddha's teaching is also sometimes described as privileged, in that it is
only one who has passed through the pratyekabuddha pravrajyd who is authorized
to receive instruction.42
The pratyekabuddha teaches his suppliant, using the situation at hand to in-
struct in the path to enlightenment and the practice of meditation, or to provoke
realization. The style in which such teachings are given is often subtle and sugges-
tive. In relation to the character of the teaching given by the pratyekabuddhas,
Kloppenborg pertinently remarks that it involves "subtle influences, instigations,
pushes into the right direction, rather than thorough instruction" (K., 40). Doc-
trine, in and of itself, is not the major interest of the pratyekabuddha.43 In addi-
tion, the pratyekabuddha's instruction often relies on examples, and sometimes
these are not verbal. This is perhaps part of the implication of the statement that
he teaches by means of his body—kayika (see PTSD 209)—not by words (Da 133
[K., 41 and 78]). The pratyekabuddha, like the saint Upagupta, may give his
226 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
with fish scales and his hair is like a horsetail" (Ch., 3:21). As a realized saint,
he is not bound by the dictates of samsara, he respects neither caste nor wealth
(Ch., 3:51), and his actions often represent an affront to conventional values (K.,
69). Because of his unconventionally, the pratyekabuddha may be mistrusted (Ch.,
3:25), insulted (Ch., 3:20-21), refused offerings (Ch., 3:270-71 and 4:181), falsely
accused of crimes (Ch., 3:17), and otherwise injured (/ 2:194-95 [C., 2:137] and
W., 84).
By virtue of his power and sanctity, however, the pratyekabuddha is powerful
and dangerous, and one must act in a way appropriate to his person. Those who
are foolish enough to try to harm him by word or deed will suffer the conse-
quences, including even rebirth in hell for countless eons (Ch., 2:22 and 3:25; K.,
67-68). A woman who expresses anger at a pratyekabuddha becomes terribly ugly
as a result of her deed (J 5:440 [C., 5:237]). Another who falsely accuses a
pratyekabuddha of a crime falls into the three lower realms and suffers innumer-
able torments (Ch., 3:17). And a king who, jealous of a pratyekabuddha, calls
him a leper in rags and spits at him is reborn in hell.46
The pratyekabuddha is possessed of extraordinary spiritual charisma, indicated
by a number of similes applied to him. He is like a fire consuming grass and
wood that cannot be put out (Sn-c 114-15 [K., 35]). The pratyekabuddha is also
like an elephant, because he remains "in the forest," he walks alone, and he is
fully mature (K., 34-35). The pratyekabuddha is like a lion because he is not
afraid, he is powerful, he is master of all living beings in the realm of the humans
by means of his wisdom, and he has slain passion, aggression, and ignorance (K.,
34). The pratyekabuddha's very name elicits reactions of awe. He is compared to
the splendor of the sun (/ 6:41 [C., 6:27]). One is fortunate, for example, to be
able to kiss his feet (/ 4:327-28 [C., 4:207]). A man fortunate enough to have
met pratyekabuddhas says that "he remembered them always till his death" (J
3:408 [C., 3:246-47]). These examples indicate the pratyekabuddha's great stat-
ure as an enlightened one; he is thus sometimes called simply "buddha" (Ch.,
2:58). In one text he is called "a stainless buddha who was like a flowering royal
Sal tree" (K., 75) and in others, pratyekajina, sambuddha, and tathdgata (J
1:304 [C., 1:253]).47 His postrealization features taken together, the pratyekabud-
dha has far transcended the human condition. Like the Buddha, he is in his majes-
tic appearance, his sanctity, and his great power, closely assimilated to the devas.
However, unlike the devas, he has escaped from the web of samsara.48
Eventually, the time comes for the pratyekabuddha to enter final nirvana and
to relinquish his human form. One such attainment of parinirvana is described in
the texts: "Having played the game of the jhdnas for three night-watches, taking
hold of the plank of the meditation-support at the rise of dawn, based on this the
paccekabuddha Mahapaduma entered the sphere of the nibbdna without residue
of substratum. In this way all other (paccekabuddhas) also entered nibbdna" (Mrp
1:174 [K., 55]). Pratyekabuddhas may also choose their own time of death and
even be the agents of it. Mount Mahapapata in the Himalayas is known as a place
where pratyekabuddhas may enter final nirvana by throwing themselves down from
a precipice (Sn-c 128-29). When the pratyekabuddha has passed into final nir-
vana, his body is to be honored with flowers, perfumes, and so on. When a king
228 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
of Banaras is shown the body of a pratyekabuddha who has just entered parinir-
vdna, he performs pujd to it.49 Then the body of the pratyekabuddha is cremated
(J 3:434 [C., 3:260]; see W., 72). Sometimes the pratyekabuddha may be the
agent of his own cremation (Ch., 4:98-99). As an example of this, five hundred
pratyekabuddhas enter final nirvana at the time of the birth of the Buddha. These
beings declare their verse summations of their attainment of realization, as re-
counted in the Suttanipdta commentary, then fly up into the air and burst into
flame. After entering into final nirvana and spontaneous cremation, their relics fall
to the earth at Rsipatana (P., Isipatana), thus explaining the name of the place
(Mv 1:357 [K., 63-64]).
After the pratyekabuddha's passing and cremation, his relics are collected and
made the object of cultic veneration. Typically, the relics of the pratyekabuddha
are enshrined in a stupa, as when five hundred brothers who are pratyekabuddhas
pass away, and their mother erects five hundred stupas to them (Ch., 4:99). In the
story of Candana, the process of the building of a stupa is recounted: he "attained
Nirvana; his disciples made a Caitya in his name; and so one calls it the Caitya
of Candana" (see F., 95). The stupa of a pratyekabuddha is to be placed in a
prominent location, such as the place where four roads cross (J 3:434 [C., 3:260]).
Subsequently, the regular worship of his stupa should be performed (K., 23).
Great benefits are said to accrue to those who perform such worship. In the Ma-
hdvastu, when a pratyekabuddha has passed away, his devotees build a stupa for
him, make offerings, "and honor . . . the great seer with dance and music and
song" (Mv 1:391 [Ins., 1:254]).
There is also an interesting connection made in the Avaddnasataka between
the hagiography of the pratyekabuddhas and their stupas. In the case of the two
former pratyekabuddhas Candana and Dasasiras, the life of each is narrated by the
Buddha when his disciples come upon the pratyekabuddha's stupa and ask about
who is enshrined within. When the Buddha and his disciples are wandering about
the region of Magadha, not far from the Ganges River, they come upon an old
stupa in ruins. The disciples ask, "Blessed One, whose stupa is this?" The Bud-
dha replies, "There was a pratyekabuddha by the name of Candana, and it is
his." This leads to further questioning: "Concerning this pratyekabuddha Can-
dana, what was his origin, from where came his name, what did he do?" The
Buddha then tells the story of the pratyekabuddha Candana (As 93-95 [F., 95]).
Accounts of the lives of saints being told at their stupas are confirmed by the
Chinese pilgrims, who appear to have heard legends of various saints when they
visited their stupas. This intimate connection of hagiography and stupa no doubt
reflects the actual situation in which it was largely at, and by virtue of, stupas that
Buddhist hagiography developed and was preserved (see Chapter 10). In this con-
text, it should be mentioned that the pratyekabuddhas are sometimes understood
to be enclosed within a mountain. In the Majjhimanikdya, it is said that five
hundred pratyekabuddhas dwelt in a cave on the mountain called Isigili. Some-
times people would see them entering the cave after their round of seeking alms,
and such folk would remark, "The mountain swallows the seers." In the com-
mentary, we read further that when the seers returned from their round of alms-
begging the mountain would open like a huge pair of doors and allow them to
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 229
enter (Mn 3:68-69 [Hn., 3:110-11]). The images of the saint within the stupa-
like mountain and of the ediface opening and closing recall similar images in the
hagiography of Mahakasyapa and in the Saddharmapundarika Sutra.50
In the preceding analysis of texts concerned with the Buddhist saints, a con-
trast and sometimes a tension between the values and preoccupations of settled
monasticism and those of forest renunciants was occasionally noted. In the hagi-
ographies of the pratyekabuddhas, we find similar phenomena. As we have seen,
the pratyekabuddha is a forest renunciant; monks, monasteries, and their ways do
not play a role in his life. When he enters the religious life of the forest, he
typically does so directly from having been a layperson. However, this is not
always the case; he is also depicted as entering from a way of life approximating
that of town-and-village renunciation or settled monasticism. According to the
Suttanipdta commentary, a king enters the religious life accompanied by many
ministers and attendants, and donors present him with excellent offerings.
The king ordered the many excellent requisites to be distributed according to age.
Those who on that occasion obtained a beautiful thing, were satisfied; others
grumbled: "We, who do all the work, sweeping the cells, etc., obtain (only)
lumpy food and worn-out clothes." When he got to know this, he (thought):
"Well, although it has been presented according to age, they grumble. Oh! This
community is hard to help," and having taken bowl and robes and having entered
the forest alone, he, having attained insight, realized paccekabodhi. (Sn-c 89-90
[K., 94-95])
Nevertheless, such a humble appearance is not human in the ordinary sense, for
it masks the superhuman identity of the saint, as seen in another description of a
pratyekabuddha going for alms:
The paccekabuddha Tagarasikhin . . . spending (his) time on Mount Gandha-
madana in the happiness resulting from the attainment of the fruit, rose in the
morning and, having washed his mouth in lake Anotatta, having clothed himself
in Manosilatala, having put on his waistband, having taken bowl and upper robe
and having entered the fourth jhana, which forms the basis of supernatural
knowledge, flew through the air by means of higher power and came down at the
city-gate. Having covered (himself) with (his) robe, he gradually reached the
door of the house of a wealthy merchant with his bowl. (Sp 1:160 [K., 67])
This summary of some of the major themes that appear in the lives of the pra-
tyekabuddhas makes it clear that, as a number of scholars have observed, the
pratyekabuddha is an enigmatic figure within Buddhism.58 Who he is, what kind
of traditions he represents, where he may have originated and flourished, and what
his relation to Buddhism may have been are all difficult questions. However, the
preceding summary provides a starting point for the formation of some tentative
hypotheses concerning the pratyekabuddha's identity.
the forest, but—as we have seen—his specific type conforms closely to the types
of the Buddha and the forest arhant. The career of a pratyekabuddha often begins
with some personal crisis that leads to a desire to enter the religious life. He leaves
the world through a pravrajya ceremony and becomes a renunciant, living in places
conducive to meditation and wandering abroad. The specific path of the pratyeka-
buddha again reflects features of the saintly paradigm, including a sometimes im-
portant role played by the personal teacher, the following of behavioral conven-
tions, retreat into the forest, the practice of meditation, the motif of silence, an
absence of scholarly pursuits, and realization. A close conformity with the Buddha
and arhant types, and with the general paradigm, continues after realization. The
pratyekabuddha's attainment is recognized by others, he teaches would-be renun-
ciants (if usually in small numbers), he accepts the devotions of the laity, he is
understood as a buddha, he possesses magical powers, miracles surround his per-
son, he possesses a supernatural body, he converts others and conquers evil spir-
its, and so on. His hagiographies present a contrast and sometimes a tension with
a religious life defined largely by textual and doctrinal expertise. The pratyeka-
buddha is also powerful and dangerous to those who fail to respect his charisma.
He anticipates his own death and may die in an extraordinary way. His body is
ritually cremated, as in the case of Buddha and arhant, and his remains, enshrined
in stupas, become objects of cultic activity. Finally, a rich hagiography develops
around him during life and, if the example of the Avaddnasataka is characteristic,
around his stupa after his passing.
that although pratyekabuddhas are rare, they are not as rare as buddhas. Yet this
does not really explain the fact that there is no evidence to suggest that a person
believed to be a pratyekabuddha did in fact exist after the inception of Buddhism.
In order to explain this fact, we must consider the question of the "Buddhist"
sectarian affiliation of the pratyekabuddha.
early Buddhism has made an exception to this procedure, admitting a whole va-
riety of non-Buddhist saints and then covering its tracks so thoroughly? Third—
and this is a particularly telling fact—the pratyekabuddha is closely assimilated to
the Buddha. Both made a vow long ago to attain enlightenment, both are bodhi-
sattvas, each acts as disciple and teacher of the other, each must conquer Mara,
each attains bodhi (anuttarasamyaksambodhi or pratyekabodhi), each sits under a
tree to attain enlightenment, each is enlightened by himself, and so on (K., 24,
25, 39). If the pratyekabuddha were really essentially non-Buddhist, then how is
it that he approximates the Buddha so closely and why is he given nearly the
honors of the Buddha himself?
Although the pratyekabuddha may not be clearly non-Buddhist, the obverse—
namely, that he is strictly Buddhist—is not so easily decided. In this respect, it is
particularly interesting that the pratyekabuddha's tradition, as evidenced in the
texts of both Nikaya and Mahay ana Buddhism, has no direct linkage to any of the
historical Buddhist traditions, seeming instead to stand apart from them. This makes
him different from the other renunciants of the forest we have considered, all of
whom, in one way or another, trace themselves, without doubt or hesitation, back
to Sakyamuni Buddha and see themselves as fulfilling, in an authentic manner,
the ideals of his lineage.
If in fact the pratyekabuddha represented an early Buddhist tradition, begun
by the Buddha, one would expect different things from the evidence. For ex-
ample, his not appearing in the proximity of a buddha would not be such a central
feature of his definition. There should be some evidence, if not in the definitions,
at least in the hagiographies, connecting the pratyekabuddha with a lineage of the
Buddha. The evidence consistently indicates that the pratyekabuddha has no con-
nection with the Buddha in his final life. Thus the pratyekabuddha represents a
forest renunciant tradition, with at least a quasi-Buddhist identity, but one that in
its separation and independence from the Buddha and his lineages is unlike any
other tradition known in Buddhism. But this appears to leave us in a perplexing
position. How can the pratyekabuddha represent a tradition that is strictly neither
non-Buddhist nor Buddhist?
In order to address this issue, it is necessary to raise the larger question of the
precise processes by which the pratyekabuddha may have come to play the role
that he does in developed Buddhism. Let us begin by noting that the designations
of all three categories of early Buddhist saints—buddhas, pratyekabuddhas, and
arhants—appear to have been known outside of Buddhism in the religious envi-
ronment of the sramana movement. As we have already seen, the term arhant
was in general use among the sramana schools and was applied to realized people
in Jainism and Buddhism. The term buddha was similarly a class name used in
Jainism and Buddhism to refer to enlightened saints, foremost among whom were
the enlightened founders in contemporary and former times.66 Even in later Bud-
dhism, the term continued to be used in a less restrictive sense (see Reynolds and
Hallisey 1987, 319) to indicate various individual and sets of former buddhas who
preceded Sakyamuni as well as the future buddha, Maitreya. The pratyekabuddha
also appears to have been part of the heritage that Buddhism shared with other
sramana schools.67 Several researchers have pointed to the important fact that the
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 237
ingly sizable bands that began to congregate in and around towns and villages, a
transition occurred in the unitary notion of the buddha figure. Perhaps the buddha
figure with more solitary and reclusive connotations (the pratyekabuddha in con-
cept, if not in name), which was more appropriate for renunciant traditions that
were more strictly forest oriented, became, in this increasingly collectivized sra-
mana religious environment, insufficient at least for some. Perhaps with the rise
of sramana groups living in towns and villages the need arose for another, more
collectively oriented buddha ideal, one that corresponds to the Buddhist notion of
samyaksambuddha.
Reading backward from the Buddhist case, we may hypothesize that, unlike
the original, more purely forest buddha ideal, the more collective buddha ideal
would have included under its aegis town-and-village sramanas. The more collec-
tively oriented ideal would likely not have represented a strict alternative to the
original ideal but merely a development and expansion of it. Thus, the buddha as
a more collective ideal would have been understood as master of both town-and-
village groups of sramanas and forest renunciants. Status as leader of forest re-
nunciants would have remained a necessary element in the conception of the col-
lectively oriented buddha ideal because of the linkage of the forest with meditation
and realization. Any buddha figure would have had to retain his forest credentials
simply as part of his stature as a buddha. Thus, the forest credentials of Sakya-
muni Buddha, as he is portrayed in the Nikaya texts, remain intact and important,
however much he may come to be seen as an essentially urban religious figure:
first he is a forest renunciant, then he can become an urban master teaching a
form of religion stressing urban values (settled communities, socially laudible be-
havior, regularized relations with the laity, textual scholarship, close relationships
with individuals and institutions of wealth and power, and so on). According to
this line of thinking, then, the new, more collectively oriented buddha ideal rep-
resents the old forest ideal of leadership of forest renunciants to which has been
added leadership of town-and-village sramana groups and, through them, of large
numbers of laity, particularly those of influence. Seen in this way, the sam-
yaksambuddha is truly a teacher of the many (bahujana) and protector of the
world (lokandtha).
As the new social, political, economic, and religious developments of the sixth
century B.C.E. gained momentum, the more collectively oriented buddha ideal—
of which Sakyamuni is the paradigmatic example—would have gained popularity.
As part of the development and increasing popularity of the samyaksambuddha
ideal, the pratyekabuddha would have been given a sharper and more specific
definition. For the idea of the pratyekabuddha as a buddha who specifically does
not found a samgha or teach a world-redeeming dharma makes sense only in
relation to the other kind of buddha who does teach such a dharma and does found
a samgha. The particular emphasis on the pratyekabuddha's isolated and asocial
character must thus have developed only after the samyaksambuddha notion had
increasingly come to be understood as identified with urban, monastic values and,
in that increasingly urban guise, had begun to move to center stage in settled
monastic tradition. In addition, as a natural corollary to these developments, the
more forest-oriented buddha ideal would likely have suffered a decline, losing its
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 239
charismatic prestige and cultic popularity to the new kind of buddha, perhaps at
first in the town-and-village context, later more generally. Is this not what the
Buddhist evidence itself communicates to us regarding the cult of the pratyeka-
buddha, that he was in the Buddha's time already seen as a figure pertinent mainly
to a time since passed, a figure that had ceased to be relevant now that Sakyamuni
had made his appearance?
The possibility must additionally be admitted that Sakyamuni was historically
not the first to exemplify the samyaksambuddha type. The bifurcation of an orig-
inal buddha type into pratyekabuddha and samyaksambuddha may have occurred
prior to the arrival of Sakyamuni. Buddhist tradition itself holds that Buddha Sak-
yamuni was preceded not only by pratyekabuddhas, who depart from his type in
the ways mentioned, but also by former buddhas who are samyaksambuddha^ and
duplicate his type exactly.70 Buddhist texts depict the cults of both former buddhas
and pratyekabuddhas as ancient already in the time of Sakyamuni. In addition, the
existence of former saints of the universal saviour type is found in both Jainism
and Buddhism, allowing for its existence prior to both. The Mahaparinirvdna
Sutra, in the Pali (5.12) and two Chinese versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:2.50-53),
states that there are three types of holy persons to whom stupas should be built:
buddhas, pratyekabuddhas, and arhants. Buddha and pratyekabuddha are distin-
guished and each is considered as a type rather than an individual. Specific dis-
cussion of former buddhas also exists in relatively early examples of Buddhist
literature, for example, the introduction to the Suttavibhanga (V-p 3:7-9 [H.,
1:14-17]) and the Mahdpadana Sutta of the Dlghanikdya (2:1-54 [T.R. and C.R.
1899-1921, 2:1-41]). These various strands of evidence, then, raise the possibil-
ity that the bifurcation of an originally more reclusive buddha ideal and the de-
velopment of a more expansive ideal of the samyaksambuddha were elements in
the inheritance received by Buddha Sakaymuni and his followers.
Be this as it may, developed Buddhism held that the pre-Sakyamuni buddhas
are understood to fall into two groupings: the samyaksambuddha^ (including the
former buddhas understood as those who teach and found samghas) and the pra-
tyekabuddhas (understood as those who do not). Following this reasoning, it is
not quite correct to say, then, that the pratyekabuddha represents a Buddhist way
of including "non-Buddhist saints" within the Buddhist fold. Rather, the praty-
ekabuddha and former buddhas together represent the two categories of saint with
which Buddhism sees a direct and lineal connection. These two are both examples
of the particular type of saint, buddha, of which Sakyamuni—both as type and as
an individual—is the decisive example for this particular period of history. The
former buddhas and the pratyekabuddhas, then, are neither "Buddhist" nor "non-
Buddhist" saints but, rather, proto-Buddhist saints in the specific sense indicated
here.71
Thus it is that the legitimacy of these two types of buddhas within the devel-
oping Buddhist context was not questioned and that the texts accept, as legiti-
mately Buddhist, not only Buddha Sakyamuni and his cult but the sets of "former
buddhas" with their cults and the pratyekabuddhas with theirs. Much later, the
Chinese pilgrims reflect the same view and visit the sacred places, not only of
Buddha Sakyamuni and his enlightened disciples (the arhants), but also of the past
240 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
buddhas and pratyekabuddhas. For the texts, for the Chinese pilgrims, and—no
doubt—for the collection of Indian Buddhists themselves, the tradition of Buddha
Sakyamuni was to be legitimately defined not by Sakyamuni in isolation but by
this heritage of buddha saints, of which, to be sure, Sakyamuni—as a self-
enlightened and world-redeeming buddha in this world age—is foremost.
Authenticity here is clearly not defined by historical derivation, that is, by
those saints who can be shown to derive historically from the individual Buddha
Sakyamuni. When one takes the historical individual Sakyamuni as the reference
point, in the strict sense, for normative Buddhism, of course the pratyekabuddhas
(and the former buddhas) must be seen as non-Buddhist. But from the Buddhist
viewpoint in which the historical individual Sakyamuni is, from the beginning, an
example of a type, the former buddhas and pratyekabuddhas are as legitimately
Buddhist (or, more accurately, as dharmic) as Buddha Sakyamuni himself.72 In
other words, it is the collection of saints that make up authentic Buddhism, not
the individual Sakyamuni Buddha, and the pratyekabuddha figures high in the
hierarchy of these saints.73
lated the pratyekabuddha, retaining something of his charisma but reducing him
so that the figure he presents is harmonious rather than at odds with Buddhism as
then understood. As we have seen, the pratyekabuddha himself reflects an ideal
of forest renunciation that is perhaps close indeed to the ideals of the Buddha and
earliest Buddhism. In his assimilated state, however, the pratyekabuddha has been
quite thoroughly woven into the logic of established Buddhism.
Notes
1. Two full-length modern studies on the pratyekabuddha in Buddhism have appeared:
Kloppenborg 1974, which focuses almost exclusively on Pali texts, and Wiltshire 1990,
which, although emphasizing the Pali sources, includes discussion of Sanskrit texts. The
primary value of Kloppenborg's work in the present context consists in her attempt to
identify some of the principal themes associated with the pratyekabuddha in the Pali texts.
Wiltshire's study is particularly valuable both for pointing to principal hagiographic themes
and for attempting to discern particular patterns and structures in the pratyekabuddhas'
lives. For some other scholarly discussions of the pratyekabuddha, see Charpentier 1908;
La Vallee Poussin 1908-27c; Dutt 1930, 80ff.; Fujita 1975; de Jong 1976; Gombrich 1979;
and Norman 1983.
2. Tib., rang.sangs.rgyas (enlightened by oneself).
3. For a summary of these definitions, see La Vallee Poussin 1908-27c and Conze
1962, 167.
4. Pratyekabuddhas are always depicted as men.
5. For some textual references, see PTSD 385, s.v. paccekabuddha. See Wiltshire's
summary of these three points (W., xi-xii).
6. Vsm 376 (N., 412); La Vallee Poussin 1971, 1:2.
7. See also Vsm 116 (N., 120); Vsm 234 (N., 251-52); La Vallee Poussin 1971,
4:176, 267, 273; 5:8-9, 124.
8. torn 443 (N., 488).
9. La Vallee Poussin 1971, 2:193-96 and 5:73; La Vallee Poussin 1908-27c, 152-
54; Fujita 1975. Vasubandhu explicity identifies a second category of pratyekabuddhas
alongside that of solitary renunciant, namely, those who live together in a group (var-
gacdrin) (La Vallee Poussin 1908-27c, 153; and La Vallee Poussin 1971, 2:194 and 4:177).
10. See, e.g., Asp 3ff. (Cz., 84ff.) and Sps 30ff. (Kn., 30ff.). See also La Vallee
Poussin 1908-27c, 152-54 and Dutt 1930, 80-81.
11. La Vallee Poussin's translation and additions (1908-27c, 153).
12. Dutt 1930, 81; Asp 115-18 (Cz., 162-65); Candraklrti, cited by La Vallee Poussin
1908-27c, 153; Lamotte 1980, 2234-35.
13. La Vallee Poussin remarks that many additional "technical details" concerning the
pratyekabuddha are found in the works of both Nikaya and Mahayana Buddhism (1908-
27c, 153-54). There is some disagreement among Mahayana schools concerning the en-
lightenment of the pratyekabuddha. The Saddharmapundarlka Sutra, for example, holds
that ultimately there is not a separate vehicle for pratyekabuddhas and srdvakas, but that
both will eventually become bodhisattvas and enter the Mahayana, the only true vehicle.
The Prajndpdramitd, by contrast, maintains that pratyekabuddhas and srdvakas each have
their own vehicles through which they may attain nirvana.
14. Wiltshire is thus quite right, in his analysis of the pratyekabuddha, to classify the
Buddhist sources as falling into two quite distinct genre types: "narratives (stories and
242 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
legends) and expositions of doctrine" (W., xx), a distinction Kloppenborg fails to make.
At the same time, Wiltshire also correctly notes that "it is often the case that doctrinal
expositions are integrated into the narrative."
15. This text exists in nearly the same form in Sn (35-75) and the Paccekabuddhapa-
dana section of Ap (7-14) and in a somewhat different version in Mv 1:468-70 (Ins.,
1:303-4). In the Mv version, the verses are attributed to pratyekabuddhas, whereas in the
Pali version they are not, although they are so attributed in Sn-c. This raises the question
of whether in its older form the text may not have been explicitly connected with pratyeka-
buddhas. Fujita believes that the Pali Sn represents the more ancient version and that it was
only with the rise of the Buddhist schools that the verses of the text were identified as
having been spoken by pratyekabuddhas (1975, 101-3). Wiltshire takes a similar view
(W., xxii). Be this as it may, in both Mv and the Pali Sn-c, Ks is understood as providing
important definition to the figure of the pratyekabuddha. See Wiltshire's discussion of these
three versions (W., xxii-xxiv).
16. For a summary of this literature, particularly that preserved in Pali, see W., xx-
xxix. Wiltshire also includes a useful discussion of Jain literature on the pratyekabuddha
(W., xxix-xxxii). The fact that no Mahayana texts are mentioned in this listing reflects the
fact that the Mahayana generally takes little interest in the lives of the pratyekabuddhas and
treats them mainly in a doctrinal perspective (W., xxvi).
17. The texts reflect widely differing times, places, traditions, and contexts. This sug-
gests that it might be possible to separate out the various depictions of the pratyekabuddha
according to the different time periods and textual traditions. This is perhaps particularly
so because it has proved not only possible but also quite revealing in the cases of some of
the individual arhants discussed in previous chapters. However, this kind of tradition-
specific, historical analysis is rendered difficult in the case of the pratyekabuddha. For one
thing, historical distinctions in the texts that treat the pratyekabuddha are hard to make
because of the difficulties in dating the legendary material contained in them. It is often
the later tradition that contains the most legendary material on the pratyekabuddha, yet it
cannot be assumed that this legendary material itself derives from or reflects a later time.
In addition, tradition-specific analyses are difficult because there is a relatively high degree
of consistency in the major themes of the pratyekabuddhas' hagiographies from one tradi-
tion to another. The reason for this seems to be that the Buddhist authors are generally
interested in the pratyekabuddha as a type rather than as an individual. Thus, the marked
individualizing tendency that shows up in, for example, the treatment of particular arhants
within specific contexts is not commonly seen among the pratyekabuddhas. In addition, the
pratyekabuddhas are, by definition, figures of the ancient past and have no direct role in
the immediate history of Buddha Sakyamuni or of the samgha. This means that, in contrast
to the case of the arhants, there appears to have been relatively little temptation to work
the pratyekabuddhas into the history of any school or to make them reflect any sectarian
viewpoint (although some exceptions will be noted). Thus, one finds Buddhist authors,
editors, and scholastics taking relatively less interest in the pratyekabuddhas, and one sus-
pects that the legends were left more intact as received than was the case for the other
Buddhist saints.
These limitations of the evidence of the praytekabuddha can also be an asset. Migot
sheds some light on this issue when he remarks that in presentations of the Buddha, "each
time that a school assembled its canon, it was obliged to put the entire system in accord
with the new orthodoxy, attributing to the Buddha its own interpretations." (One need only
think of the very different images of the Buddha and his teachings in the Nikaya schools,
the Mahayana, and Vajrayana Buddhism.) Migot then observes that the legends of the great
disciples have been subjected much less to the kind of sectarian, revisionist tendencies that
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 243
one finds in the depictions of the Buddha: ' 'The difficulties that we have pointed to for the
Buddha do not exist for the saints; they were not judged sufficiently important to drastically
modify . . . and [from their hagiographies] we can often gain a fairly accurate picture of
the epoch in which they were in favor" (1954, 407). Migot's optimistic assessment regard-
ing the absence of major modifications in the legends of the great disciples is, as we have
seen in a number of instances, overdrawn. However, such an absence of revision would
seem to apply to the hagiographies of the pratyekabuddhas. Thus, in the legendary material,
we may gain an accurate glimpse of the kind of saints that these figures represented in a
fairly ancient time.
Factors such as these suggest that, given the present state of our knowledge as presented
in this study, we shall do best to examine the legendary tradition as an entity, taking some
note where possible of differences among traditions. At the same time, it is possible to
imagine a more precise method that may produce more specific results.
18. Kloppenborg has provided a useful summary of textual images of the pratyekabud-
dha (1974). However, as mentioned, she examines only Pali materials, although in an
appendix she includes a translation of Asanga's Pratyekabuddhabhumi. For reviews of
Kloppenborg's book, see Strong 1975, de Jong 1976, and Gombrich 1979.
19. SeeMv 1:385 (Ins., 1:249).
20. Sn-c 105 (K., 105); see also W., 19, 128, 159, 183, 227, and 237.
21. See, for example, Mv 1:385 (Jns., 1:249-50): pratyekabuddhas are "splendid in
their silence [tusnlka], of great power [mahanubhava]', live in loneliness like a rhinoceros"
and the nearly identical description at Mv 3:553 (Jns., 3:415). See also W., 277. Wiltshire
remarks that the pratyekabuddha's "silence" may be seen as due to (1) the difficulty of
communicating in words transcendental experience (also reflected in the Buddha's hesita-
tion about teaching and the characteristic silence of other forest saints); and (2) the restraint
of speech that "is regarded as a necessary condition of self-discipline and a natural corol-
lary of meditation" (W., 277). To these may be added a possible additional factor of the
commentarial tradition's assumption that all authentic doctrinal teaching resides with the
Buddha and his disciples and thus its reluctance to allow the capacity for this to pratyeka-
buddhas (W., 277).
22. Kloppenborg refers us to Sn 45, 46, and 72: "i.e., what is called the 'minor pre-
cepts,' as they are expounded in the Khandhaka section of the vinaya. Vsm 11 equates this
practice with the third, fourth, and fifth stages of the noble eightfold Way, right speech,
right behaviour, and right living" (K., 19). In Mrp, a certain initiate is instructed thus in
the abhisamdcdrika: " 'Thus you should dress, in this way you should cover yourself and
similar ways of conduct" (Mrp 2:192 [K., 76]). The Sn-c also associates the pratyekabud-
dha with the abhisamdcdrika (Sn-c 92-94 [K., 97] and Sn-c 126-27 [K., 121-22]).
23. The Sn-c places Mount Gandhamadana north of seven mountains: the Cullakala,
the Mahakala, the Nagapalivethana, the Candagabbha, the Suriyagabbha, the Suvanna-
passa, and the Himavanta (Sn-c 66-67 [K., 60-61]).
24. Wiltshire observes that in the earlier stratum of literature on the pratyekabuddha,
enlightenment is referred to not by pratyekabodhi but by other terms such as subodhi. It is
only in the later strata of literature that pratyekabodhi is used (W., 11).
25. Pali terms in Wiltshire's translation not included.
26. Gombrich (1983, 98-100) articulates the commonly held view that the pratyeka-
buddha's early identity may be connected with enlightenment through causes (pratyaya).
27. Chance occurrences thus play a typically important role in the path and realization
of the pratyekabuddha.
28. Wiltshire remarks on the use of powers as initiated by the pratyekabuddha or as
strictly responses to the laity's devotion: "The difference is important because in one case
244 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
it is the [pratyekajbuddha and in the other the devotee who instigates the 'religious' or
'revelatory' experience; a difference functionally corresponding to the distinction between
prevenient and cooperating grace in Christian theology" (W., xxvii).
29. Eka, however, has not only a literal but also a figurative meaning: "Eka means
alone in what is called the entrance upon a religious life (pabbajja), alone in having no
second (i.e., no companion), alone in the annihilation of thirst, alone in being completely
free of faults, alone in being fully enlightened to perfect paccekabodhi. Even if [apacceka-
buddha should] live amidst a thousand ascetics, he is alone. . . . He stands alone, he goes
alone, he sits down alone, he lies down alone, he walks alone" (Sn-c 64 [K., 32]). For a
discussion of the pratyekabuddha's solitary nature, see K., 58ff.
30. Something noticed by the Sautrantikas, who were led to make a distinction between
two types of pratyekabuddhas, those who live alone (khadgavisdnakalpa) and those who
live in groups (gana) (vargacdrin) (La Vallee Poussin 1971, 4:176, n. 3). No such explicit
distinction appears in the hagiographies, and pratyekabuddhas are depicted in both ways as
if these were simply two modes of the same way of life.
31. This posadha is, of course, different from that of the Buddhist monks who recite
the pratimoksa on posadha days. Kloppenborg remarks that "one should keep in mind that
the ceremony as described in the vinaya is of course not meant for paccekabuddhas" (K.,
20, n. 38).
32. For a list of references to the Sanskrit sources, see W., 303.
33. See Wiltshire's remarks on this topic (W., xxvii-xxviii).
34. Wiltshire believes that "the paccekabuddha was assigned a special function with
regard to votaries from the less privileged or lower social orders" (W., 103). The pratyeka-
buddha may also appear for alms at doors of the highborn, such as the palaces of kings (J
1:395 [C., 1:233]), and we are told that making offerings to him is one of the most impor-
tant things a king can do (J 6:44 [C., 6:28]).
35. Wiltshire explains, "The mind-states which are cultivated in meditation manifest
themselves in bodily dispositions and faculties: grace and gentleness of bodily movement,
and a calm and radiant countenance. When the paccekabuddha is mentioned in the context
of alms-giving invariably his imposing beauty is mentioned" (W., 66).
36. Wiltshire suggests the following as the mechanics of this transmission: "The source
of his spirituality, his pure mind (mano suddham), expresses itself in a physical dimension
as 'radiance' or an 'aura of light.' . . . When a prospective almsgiver or donor espies,
that is, experiences a paccekabuddha visually, the light or aura which the paccekabuddha
emits is transmitted to him . . . [this] spiritual energy . . . 'illuminates,' that is ...
makes serene the mind (citta) of the prospective donor" (W., 70).
37. In remarking that examples of this sort "are not found" in the Pali texts (W., 81),
Wiltshire overstates his case. To give one example, there is the story from Sn-c (52-63
[K., 79-81]) of the king who attains pratyekabodhi and who demonstrates his attainment
to those around him by magical means.
38. Wiltshire picks up this theme, remarking that the transmission from pratyekabud-
dha to layperson is generally nonverbal, as the paccekabuddha rarely attempts to teach or
instruct the donor (W., 303).
39. Mrp states that giving can result in arhantship, pratyekabodhi, or even the realm
of abuddha(1.56[K.,71]).
40. See Wiltshire's discussion of this element (W., xxi-xxiv).
41. The Khaggavisanasutta commentary relates the story of three pratyekabodhisat-
tvas, all kings, who are friends. In a subsequent life, two of them leave the world and
attain pratyekabodhi. One day, the two pratyekabuddhas decide to help their friend to
liberation and so station themselves at the gate of his pleasure garden by a bamboo grove.
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 245
When he comes along, they compare the king's mental defilements to the bamboo thicket,
hard to pull out and destroy. Upon hearing this, the king attains insight and becomes a
pratyekabuddha (Sn-c 74-76 [K., 86-87]).
42. The story is told of a brahmin youth who wanted to receive teaching from the
pratyekabuddhas and so went to Rsipatana to make his request. He asked the pratyekabud-
dhas whether they knew the beginning and origin of all things. They replied to him that
they did. He then asked them to teach that to him, whereupon they replied, "For this
purpose, Sir, you should enter upon religious life, (because) it is not possible for some one
who did not enter upon religious life to learn" (Mrp 2:192 [K., 76]). Kloppenborg remarks,
"Pabbajd, entrance upon religious life, is mentioned in many cases as a necessary condi-
tion for instruction, but in other places this is omitted" (K., 77-78).
43. In Kloppenborg's words, it is "very limited, and provides the person striving for
enlightenment only with vague indications regarding the stages he will have to pass and the
difficulties attached to these" (K., 42).
44. Kloppenborg (27, n. 78) citing Mmk 1:63. When a certain pratyekabuddha goes
flying off to Mount Gandhamadana, he departs "with a visible body," perhaps pointing to
the fact that he makes his journey in a miraculous physical body (Sn-c 105 [K., 105]).
45. Candana, as described in As, has a body that is handsome and colored like gold,
possessing the thirty-two marks of a great man, as well as the eighty distinctive signs. His
breath is that of the perfume of a lotus, and his body gives off the scent of sandalwood.
When he walks upon the ground, ravishingly beautiful lotuses spring up. He is called a
pure being (As 120 [F., 94]).
46. Sp 1:349 (K., 68). The karmic consequences of maligning a pratyekabuddha may
be more immediate. A certain king has a son of whom it is predicted that he will die of
lack of drinking water. The king consequently has lakes and tanks everywhere his son
might go. However, one day when the prince has grown up, he passes by a pratyekabuddha
and becomes jealous of the veneration shown to him. He takes the saint's begging bowl,
just filled with food for his daily meal, and smashes it on the ground, stamping on it and
taunting the pratyekabuddha. Immediately after, a burning fire arises in the prince's body,
and he dies, being reborn in hell (summary of story told by the Jdtaka "scholiast" provided
by C, 2:137, n. 1).
47. Rahula 1978, 78. In one story, a villager wants to make offerings to a pratyeka-
buddha, and, the text says, he "treated the Buddha with repeated acts of kindness [saying],
'I shall invite the tathdgata to live with me in ease and comfort' " (Mv 1:390 [Ins.,
1:253]).
48. This superhuman character is perhaps reflected in the Isigili Sutta, in which the
pratyekabuddha, as a rsi (P., isi), is contrasted with "human beings" (manussa). Wiltshire,
in what appears a reasonable supposition, remarks, "The alignment here of manussa and
isi possibly has the implication that the paccekabuddhas qua isi are a different (higher)
category of being" (W., 9).
49. In a possible reference to the rite of sarlrapujd, for a description of which see
Chapter 10.
50. One additional, less typical yet important hagiographic theme is related to the birth
of the pratyekabuddha and again connected with his bivalence as both human and divine,
namely, a miraculous birth. Sn-c relates the story of Mahapaduma, who in a previous life
had made offerings to a pratyekabuddha and, as a result, is born in heaven in a lotus flower
as the god Mahapaduma. Meanwhile, the virtuous queen of Banaras greatly desires a son
and fervently supplicates the god Sakra to that end. He goes to Mahapaduma and tells him
that although merit earned on earth results in rebirth in the land of the gods, it is only on
earth that the perfections can be brought to fruition and that therefore Mahapaduma must
246 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
return to the realm of humans. As Mahapaduma cannot endure the travails of the womb,
he is reborn in the heart of a lotus in the pond named Silapatta in the pleasure garden of
the king of Banaras. There he is found by the queen and raised as a prince, the son of
herself and the king (Sn-c 76-84 [K., 87-91]). A similar story is told in the Avaddnasataka
of the pratyekabuddha Candana (As 119-23 [F., 93-95]). A certain king of Banaras named
Brahmadatta has no son and, desiring one, makes supplications. Soon a lotus appears in
the pond of his pleasure garden and it daily grows larger and larger. One morning it opens,
and in the pericarp of the lotus is a young boy, sitting with his legs crossed in meditation
posture. He has a wonderful appearance, handsome and of the color of gold, with the
thirty-two marks of a mahdparusa. This child will one day be the pratyekabuddha Candana.
In another story in As that repeats many of the details of Candana's story, it is the pratyeka-
buddha Dasasiras who is the miraculous lotus-born child (As 134-38 [F., 99-102]). As
also tells the story of a small child who accompanies his mother to market. The Buddha
conies along the same way on his begging rounds. The small child sees the Blessed One
and makes expressions of joy. He reaches out his hands, takes a lotus blossom from the
stall of a lotus vendor, and tosses it upon the head of the Buddha. This lotus assumes the
size of a chariot wheel and floats in the air, following the Blessed One when he moves,
stopping when he stops. This small child, the Buddha predicts, will one day be the pra-
tyekabuddha named Padmuttara (As 134-38 [F., 96-97]).
51. The question of whether the contrast presented here may reflect an old tradition or
a later interpolation would depend upon an assessment of the historical status of the leg-
endary material contained in this part of Sn-c.
52. For example, Walters 1904-5, 2:51, 71, 198. The connection of the pratyekabud-
dha with the cult of the stupa appears throughout his hagiography. When he dies it is
appropriate to build a stupa over his remains. In addition, he is a wandering yogin, and he
evidently comes to stupas in the course of his peregrinations. Thus, he is found at holy
places, of which the centers are usually marked by stupas. In As, a renunciant under Kas-
yapa who later becomes a pratyekabuddha is shown performing devotions at a stupa (119-
23 [F., 93-95]).
53. Onparitta, see La Vallee Poussin 1908-27b.
54. At the same time, it is difficult to tell for certain the extent to which this phenom-
enon may be explained by a difference in textual genre and to what extent it reflects an
actual difference in the conception of the pratyekabuddha between Pali and Sanskrit Bud-
dhism.
55. As Wiltshire notes, Pali tradition does contain examples of this feature, but they
are found in Dp-c and the Nettipakarana, both late compositions (W., 89). See note 39.
56. Wiltshire remarks that "to recognize [as the Northern sources do] that the house-
holder could perform devotional acts which conduced in the long term toward transcenden-
tal consequences, was to admit that the lay-monachist distinction is not so absolutely cru-
cial. In other words, the laity is given access in the long term to what the bhikkhusamgha
has access to in the shorter term. In the growth and expansion of Buddhism there were
increasingly pressures to narrow the gap between lay and monachist salvific goals" (W.,
89).
57. Some good examples are pointed out by Wiltshire (W., 39-42).
58. Conze remarks that "the traditions about the Pratyekabuddha are not always very
clear" (1962b, 167), and King observes that "what this figure represents . . . is difficult
to determine" (1980, 30). Fujita remarks that "the pratyekabuddha can be characterized
only as a being concerning whose historical personality no direct conclusions may be drawn''
(1975, 88). Also see Eliot 1921, 1:344-45 and W., ix.
59. Both Kloppenborg (K., 5) and Wiltshire (W., ix, and passim) take this view.
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 247
60. Asp accepts the discrete nature of the three vehicles, while advising its adherents
to avoid the vehicles of the sravaka and pratyekabuddha and to follow that of the bodhis-
attva (1-3 [Cz., 84-85] and 115-16 [Cz., 163]). The Lotus Sutra, by contrast, holds that
the appearance of three separate vehicles is finally not real and that all people apparently
following the three vehicles are actually part of the one great vehicle, the Buddhayana,
leading to the one great enlightenment of anuttarasamyaksambodhi (see, e.g., Sps 21-43
[Kn., 30-59]).
61. The ideal of the pratyekabuddha has been a viable one in more modern times,
sometimes being followed by forest monks in contemporary Theravada Buddhism. Tambiah
cites the example of a certain Theravadin forest monk who took a vow to follow the
pratyekabuddha tradition and attain pratyekabodhi (1984, 86).
62. Thus he reports seeing near Samkasya the place where a pratyekabuddha used to
take his food. "The nirvana ground (where he was burned after death) is as large as a
carriage wheel; and while grass grows all around, on this spot there is none. The ground
also where he dried his clothes produces no grass, but the impression of them, where they
lay on it, continues to the present day" (B., 69). In another place, he saw two stupas of
two royal fathers who had become pratyekabuddhas and there heard a legend connecting
these two with a former life of Buddha Sakyamuni (B., 98-99).
63. See note 52.
64. Wiltshire cites the example of a rock inscription dating from the first century C.E.
in Sri Lanka that mentions the existence in the place of "the stupa of the tenth pacceka-
buddha" (W., 50).
65. "The adaptation of the concept of the paccekabuddha in Buddhism . . . presented
the opportunity to include pre-buddhist recluses and seers in Buddhism. . . . [It arose] to
give an answer to the question which arose regarding the validity of the achievement of the
ascetics and sages of pre-buddhist times" (K., 6). Wiltshire similarly contends that the
term is a designation for sramanas who lived before the time of the Buddha, which Bud-
dhism wanted to acknowledge within its system.
66. Reynolds and Hallisey 1987, 319. Gombrich points out that the notion of former
buddhas existed in early Jainism and early Buddhism (1980, 64). This suggests that the
notion of buddha represents part of the common heritage of Jainism and Buddhism.
67. First indicated by Charpentier (1908, 35ff.), who shows legends of pratyekabud-
dhas being held in common by Buddhist and Jain traditions (cf. Norman 1983, 93-94).
68. Jainism, according to Fujita, "preaches the pratyekabuddha in a form analagous to
his Buddhist form," and, Fujita adds, as it seems clear that neither borrowed the term from
the other, this points to a common heritage (1975, 102). See also Norman 1983, 93.
69. Wiltshire believes that the concept of the pratyekabuddha, but not the actual term,
existed in Jainism and Buddhism. He believes that the term did not exist because it is
found neither in Sn nor in other Pali texts deemed to derive from earliest times. This is not
a decisive argument, however. In this context, it may be pointed out that other reasons for
the absence of the term from such texts can be adduced (e.g., a lack of interest in the
issues implied by discussion of the pratyekabuddha, for a discussion of which see note 73).
By contrast, Fujita believes that "the word pratyekabuddha was already in general use by
the time Buddhism and Jainism made their appearance" (1975, 103), with which Norman
agrees (1983, 92).
70. For a discussion of the past buddhas, cf. Vogel 1954 and Gombrich 1980. In the
canonical literature of both Pali and Sanskrit tradition, for example, seven former buddhas
are mentioned: Vipasyin (P., Vipassin), Sikhin (P., Sikhi), Visvabhu (P., Vessabhu),
Krakucchanda (P., Kakusandha), Kanakamuni (P., Konagamana), and Kasyapa (P., Kas-
sapa), who is then followed by Sakyamuni. For references in the Sanskrit tradition, see
248 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
BHSD, s.v. the names; for references in Pali, see PTSD, idem. For an indication of the
importance of the cult of these saints in later times, see Hsuan-tsang's many references to
sites and stories connected with the past buddhas throughout the account of his journey,
for example, Walters 1904-5, 1:203, 214, 302, 311, 331, 332, 334, 351, 359, and 369;
2:5-6, 23, 51, 52, 60, 80, 105, 141, 154, 171, 190, 198, and 226. Jainism presents a
similar structure: Vardhamana Mahavlra is preceded by twenty-two saints of his type, the
tirthankaras, of which he is number twenty-three. See Tatia's comparison of early Jainism
and Buddhism (1980).
71. Wiltshire has put forward a different hypothesis concerning the origins of the pra-
tyekabuddha concept. It is unfortunately not possible in the present context to provide a
summary or discussion of Wiltshire's detailed argument. However, it will be worthwhile
to mention some of its salient points. Wiltshire proposes that the concept of the pratyeka-
buddha (though not necessarily the term) should be understood as a designation for all pre-
Buddhist sramanas (' 'paccekabuddhas . . . are to be identified with the ascetico-religious
tradition out of which Buddhism and Jainism both evolved. . . . [They] are synonymous
with the earliest sramanas, themselves the originators of the Sramanic Movement" [W.,
117-18]; they are "the ascetic forerunners of Buddhism" [132]). Through the concept of
the pratyekabuddha, Wiltshire contends, Buddhism was able to acknowledge the pre-Buddhist
sramana tradition out of which it arose, while at the same time putting distance between
itself and that preexisting tradition. One difficulty with the hypothesis as stated is that the
sramana tradition contained—so the various sources make clear—a great variety of differ-
ent sorts of figures, some solitary, some in groups, some realized, some beginners, some
meditators, some philosophers. By contrast, the pratyekabuddha concept is a strictly limited
one: it indicates a solitary, fully enlightened person. It is difficult to see how a concept so
limited in definition would have been used to designate such a multifaceted phenomenon.
Moreover, this hypothesis does not adequately explain the existence of the stupas of the
pratyekabuddhas. For Wiltshire's hypothesis to work, all these would have to have been
renamed, well after the term entered Buddhism. Indian religious life would seem far too
conservative for his hypothesis to be plausible; moreover, in India, religious life does not
usually follow the dictates of learned commentaries. The hypothesis of Wiltshire (and of
La Vallee Poussin, Kloppenborg, etc.), then, needs to be limited in order to be acceptable:
the pratyekabuddha represents the acknowledgment of one facet of the pre-Buddhist sra-
mana tradition; among renunciants, he is an enlightened one, a buddha; among buddhas,
he is that buddha who is solitary.
Another difficulty with Wiltshire's hypothesis is that it represents a logical conclusion
built on the questionable foundation of the two-tiered model of Buddhism. Wiltshire be-
lieves that early Buddhism is a tradition exhaustively defined by settled monasticism. In
his conception pre-Buddhism is, by contrast, a disorganized movement of individual sra-
manas, of which the pratyekabuddha is a representative (W., 131). Thus, forest traditions,
as such, by definition belong to pre-Buddhist times and represent non-Buddhist phenomena.
As we have seen, examples of forest phenomena cannot automatically be assumed to be
pre-Buddhist and non-Buddhist. Moreover, it cannot be assumed the sramana movement
was entirely nonsectarian in character. Wiltshire's model also prevents him from seeing the
actual significance of the pratyekabuddha within Buddhism—i.e., this figure represents a
trend within Buddhism with which settled monasticism is struggling.
72. Indian Buddhist origins, then, would appear to present quite a different configura-
tion from those of Christianity, at least as popularly understood. In the case of Christianity,
a founder arrives who, while fulfilling the past, also to a large extent presents a dramatic
and qualitative innovation over what came before. By contrast, in Indian Buddhism, we
would appear to have a preexisting tradition that is accepted as legitimate and is simply
The Solitary Saint, the Pratyekabuddha 249
given less or more distinctive shape by Sakyamuni Buddha in his time. It is incorrect to
say that Jesus Christ is a prophet like other prophets or a saviour like other saviours,
whereas it is quite appropriate to say that Buddha Sakyamuni is like, indeed is identical to,
other buddhas. Buddha Sakyamuni has an old message for a new age (as Eliade notes,
"The Buddha himself proclaimed that he had 'seen the ancient way and followed it' "
[1969, 162]), whereas Jesus Christ has a message that is radically new. See Gombrich's
remarks (1980, 62-63). One might suggest that this represents a diminishing of the figure
of Buddha Sakyamuni in terms of his uniqueness and individual creativity, a devaluation
of the historical Buddha, in favor of other enlightened ones. This is, of course, reminiscent
of the "devaluation" that is often said to have occurred in the historical Mahayana, and it
is surprising that it is found relatively early, if implicitly, in Buddhist history. However,
the use of the term devaluation in this context is not accurate, for it is possible to argue
that the conservative, monastic (particularly Pali) emphasis on the "historical Buddha"
represents one trend within early Buddhism but not necessarily early Buddhism as such. It
is possible, then, that those who set up the "historical Buddha" as the single, relatively
exclusive criterion of Buddhist authenticity do so, as already suggested, to some extent by
turning away from the dominant perspectives of earliest Buddhism and heading off into
new, institutionally driven directions.
73. The pratyekabuddha—as noted in the preceding analysis of his legends—gives birth
to other pratyekabuddhas who repeat his type. By contrast, a samyaksambuddha, at least
as seen in the Nikaya traditions, gives birth to sravakas, receivers of his teaching. These
do not duplicate his type (the Buddha's type and accomplishment are incomparable in this
historical period) and, unlike their teacher, represent a collective ideal. The nonconformity
of the srdvaka to the buddha type and the collectivity of the ideal perhaps provide further
indication of the important role of town-and-village renunciation in the formation of the
samyaksambuddha concept.
The important role of town-and-village renunciation in the birth of the samyaksambud-
dha type is also indicated by the fact that it is in the lineal descendant of town-and-village
renunciation—settled monasticism—that the greatest interest is taken in comparing the pra-
tyekabuddha and samyaksambuddha and in making distinctions between them. Wiltshire
has pointed out, for example, that different historical strata of the Pali sources treat the
pratyekabuddha in different ways. In the earliest documents, the Suttanipata and other texts
and sections of texts deemed to represent the same general historical vintage (as noted,
showing Buddhism as essentially a forest tradition), there is no explicit mention of the
pratyekabuddha at all (W., xi-xii). Later are texts from the "main nikdya period," includ-
ing the first four nikdyas, which speak of the pratyekabuddha but do not discuss the doc-
trinal definitions by which he is later chiefly known (his nonteaching, his noncoexistence
with a samyaksambuddha, and so on). Still later are the texts of the fifth nikdya together
with the posl-nikdya commentarial literature, in which the doctrinal definitions contrasting
buddha and pratyekabuddha, including systematic denigrations of the latter, are fully de-
veloped (W., xii, 48-49, 130). These include the affirmations that (1) both buddha and
pratyekabuddha are enlightened without a teacher; (2) unlike the samyaksambuddha, the
pratyekabuddha does not teach a dharma and does not found a samgha; and (3) the pra-
tyekabuddha cannot live at the same time as a samyaksambuddha and therefore belongs to
a bygone era (W., xi-xii). This suggests that Buddhist tradition takes an interest in the
pratyekabuddha, as a figure comparable but inferior to a buddha, in proportion to its own
degree of monasticization. The preceding discussion helps us to understand the anomaly
that, although the pratyekabuddha probably existed (again, in structure if not in name) in
pre-Buddhist times, he does not appear in the earliest Buddhist texts. For these earliest,
forest-oriented texts, the bifurcation of pratyekabuddha-founder (urban) buddha would have
250 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
not been interesting or important. However, with time, as Buddhism became more and
more fully monasticized and the Buddha became increasingly seen as the founder of a large
and expanding settled monastic tradition, with its emphasis on textual scholarship and reg-
ularized relations with society, the situation would have changed. Now the elevation of the
urban buddha and the diminution of the forest-oriented buddha would have become matters
of considerable doctrinal importance. Thinking on previous saints would have been one
arena where this was worked out: former samyaksambuddha^ thus came to be given highest
honors, whereas the solitary buddhas increasingly became the butts of criticism, a process
that is, according to Wiltshire, particularly evident in the later Pali commentarial tradition.
The absorption of the pratyekabuddha into Buddhist dogma and the increasingly sharp
contrast of him with the samyaksambuddha reflect, then, the same kinds of processes of
which we have seen several examples. In this, settled monasticism is asserting the norma-
tivity of its particular orientation, and part of this affirmation includes showing forest Bud-
dhism as an old, outmoded style of spirituality.
It is also pertinent to observe that the teaching structure associated in the Nikaya texts
with the samyaksambuddha—of buddha producing srdvaka—is not universal within devel-
oped Buddhism. There is another important tradition in which the teaching structure asso-
ciated with the pratyekabuddha—of buddha producing buddha—remains the norm, namely,
that of the Mahayana. It is significant that in several early Mahayana texts another feature
of the teaching structure of the pratyekabuddha is retained (which will be examined in the
next chapter): buddha produces buddha in a context of forest renunciation and solitary
meditation. In the next and final chapters of this study, we shall need to consider the
possible reasons for the curious proximity of the teaching structure of the Mahayana to that
of the pratyekabuddha.
74. This distinction in viewpoint and presentation between hagiography and learned
commentary has generally not been made in most discussions of the pratyekabuddha. See,
e.g., Kloppenborg, who remarks in the introduction to her work on the pratyekabuddha
that "the explanations of the commentary have simply been followed" (K., 12), an ap-
proach that de Jong is quite right to criticize (1976, 322). For other similar examples of an
overvaluation of commentarial tradition, see Eliot 1921, 1:344-45 and Conze 1962b, 167-
68.
75. Wiltshire argues along similar lines, although he arrives at different conclusions
(W., xvii).
8
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in
Mahayana Sutras
In the preceding chapters, the three major types of Buddhist saint prominent in
pre-Mahayana Indian Buddhism have been examined: the buddha, the pratyeka-
buddha, and the arhant. This chapter contains discussion of a fourth type of Bud-
dhist holy person, who comes into prominence only in the Mahayana sutras, the
bodhisattva.1 The bodhisattva is not unique to the Mahayana; in the Nikaya tra-
ditions, as we have seen, this type is understood as defining the ideal of a buddha
from the time of his vow to complete enlightenment until the moment when he
attains buddhahood. The Nikaya evidence, in fact, preserves an extensive tradition
of stories (jdtaka) told about Sakyamuni as a bodhisattva prior to his final life and
similarly attributes to all other world-redeeming buddhas previous existences as
bodhisattvas. In addition, as is well known, the Nikaya texts also contain descrip-
tions and discussions of the bodhisattva and his career.2 For the pre-Mahayana,
the bodhisattva is an important type of saint but is relatively rare, because the
arhant functions as the primary enlightened ideal of Nikaya Buddhism, whereas
buddhas were few and those who aspired to become buddhas were not commonly
known. The distinctive Mahayana doctrine of the bodhisattva represents, then, not
so much the invention of a new type of saint as the bringing into prominence and
fleshing out of a type that was already understood to exist, but that had been—at
least in the evidence—recessive.
Three types of bodhisattvas—those of forest, city, and monastery—are docu-
mented in the Mahayana. In earlier texts, the bodhisattva of the forest, to be
examined in this chapter, frequently has a unique normativity. It may at first
glance seem contradictory that the highest form of this compassionate, self-giving,
and other-oriented ideal should be a solitary figure, withdrawn from the world,
meditating in a remote forest hermitage. The Mahdprajndpdramitd Sdstra, how-
ever, shows how the contradiction is only apparent:
Question: For the Bodhisattva, the rule is to save all sentient beings. Why does
he seclude himself in the forests and fens, solitude and mountains, preoccupied
with only himself, thus abandoning beings?
Answer: Although the Bodhisattva is physically secluded from others, his mind
never abandons them. In his solitary retreat (sdntavihdra), he practices meditation
251
252 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
(samddhi) and gains true wisdom in order to save others. It is like when taking
medicine for the body, one temporarily interrupts his household duties. Then,
when one's health is restored, one again takes up one's duties as before. The
meditative retreat of the bodhisattva is like that. Through the power of his medi-
tative states (dhydna), he avails himself of wisdom; when he has obtained the
power of the superknowledges (abhijnd), he returns among beings and becomes,
among them, father, mother, husband or son, master, servant, school master,
god, man, or even animal; and he guides them by all manner of teachings and
salvific methods (updya). (Lamotte 1981, 984)3
with neither women nor men but is solitary, living like a rhinoceros (108.21-26
[190]). According to the Ratnardsi Sutra, he thinks, "I have come into the forest
alone, without a fellow. . . . I have no companion to do well or ill by me"
(111.19-21 [195]). In the forest, the bodhisattva practices meditation, purify-
ing his mind (Up) (108.29-30 [190]), eliminating his defilements (Rps) (108.21-
22 [190]), and developing tranquility (Cp) (108.12-13 [189]). Ardent medi-
tation, indeed, fulfills the true aim of the forest life (Up) (110.32-33 [194]). It
is through meditation that he will attain the Buddha's salvation (Rr) (111.11-12
[194-95]). The Ratnakuta Sutra also refers to the forest bodhisattva's recita-
tion of textual material "thrice in the night and thrice in the day" (109.7-9
[190]), implying a limited body of textual material that he repeats as part of his
practice.
Life in the forest is difficult and often dangerous. For example, noisesome
beasts may appear, but the bodhisattva should not fear, remembering that he has
already renounced his life (Rr) (Ss 111.Iff. [BR., 194]). The Candrapradlpa Su-
tra notes that the forest bodhisattva owns nothing and has no belongings (108.1-
2 [189]). Nevertheless, the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra adds, one takes no plea-
sure with what one gets, nor is one depressed with what one does not get. Of
modest desires, he is content with whatever comes his way (108.25-26 [190]).
The Ugrapariprcchd Sutra additionally remarks that although one has entered the
forest, this is no guarantee of virtue or realization. Many there are who live in the
forest who are "untamed, uncontrolled, not devoted, not diligent" (109.21-22
[191]). Therefore, one must be vigilant and examine oneself constantly (109.24-
26 [191]). Only when the self has been utterly abandoned will the goal of forest
renunciation be fulfilled (110.7-8 [192]).
But in spite of its rigors, the forest life clearly has great advantages, which
are spelled out in the Candrapradlpa Sutra. The bodhisattva has abandoned the
world and is no longer enmeshed in its defilements. Never quarreling or entering
into disputes, he is delighted with peace (55 107.17ff. [BR., 188-89]). He is
restrained in body, speech, and mind. And deliverance comes easily to him. The
Candrapradlpa Sutra adds that the forest life is conducive to freedom, and the
bodhisattva dwelling by himself and meditating goes "like the wind in the sky"
(107.28-29 [189]). For the renunciant who lives in the forest, there is great praise
(108.10-11 [189]). The realized bodhisattva is gentle (surata) (Rps-s) (108.22
[190]) and he shows his compassion to gods, humans, beasts, and demons. To
deities, he preaches the dharma, to help them understand it (Rr) (111.8-10 [194]).
To human beings, he shows a gracious and respectful face (Up) (110.20-22 [193]).
To beasts, he is willing to offer even his body as food (Rr) (111.1-7 [194]). He
refrains from both attacking and conciliating spirits (amanusya) who come into
his presence (Rr) (111.7-8 [194]).
According to the texts cited in Santideva's compendium, the life of the forest
bodhisattva is not without its counterpoint elsewhere in renunciant Buddhism. The
Ugrapariprcchd Sutra, for example, mentions Buddhist renunciants (bhiksus,
dcdryas, upddhydyas) who are found in groups in towns and villages and who
engage in textual recitation (svddhydya) and exposition (uddesa) (Ss 110.20-22
[BR., 193]). The Ratnakuta Sutra refers less explicitly to certain sramanas and
254 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
brahmins who are not forest renunciants but have learned and studied many scrip-
tures and yet remain filled with defilements (108-9.30-34 [190]). Like those who,
although carried along by a great flood, perish of thirst, so these, though carried
along "by the great flood of the dharma," are defeated by the klesas and will fall
into the lower realms (durgati). Less explicitly still, the Candrapradipa Sutra
refers to fools (bdla) who are filled with impurities and who become angry and
distrustful if admonished by others (107.17-26 [188-89]).
Interestingly, we learn that the bodhisattva of the forest has something to do
with the settled renunciants. The Ugrapariprcchd Sutra says that once he has
achieved some realization, the forest bodhisattva may descend "into the village
and town and market-town, kingdom and capital." But if the bodhisattva thus
goes "amongst the multitude," he is to be courteous to deary as and upddhydyas
and respectful to bhiksus6 (Ss 110.20-22 [BR., 193]). Purposes mentioned in-
clude listening to the preaching of the dharma by these town-and-village bhiksus
and attending the sick (110.29-31 [194]). During this time, however, "he must
keep a cave-and-forest mind, as when he dwells in his hermitage" (110.29-33
[194]). In any case, in the evening he is to return to his forest abode. Thus,
Santideva's extracts show a fairly strict division of labor between forest and vil-
lage renunciants: the village renunciants are textual specialists, who know the
texts and engage in preaching them, whereas the forest renunciants primarily med-
itate.
Although in Santideva's sutra extracts, it is generally not possible to ascertain
the extent to which the original texts behind the extracts reflect a homogeneous
view of their saintly subjects, some divergences at least are evident. For example,
the Ugrapariprcchd Sutra uses the term forest (dranyaka) bodhisattva and not
bhiksu to designate the forest renunciant (Ss 110.3-4, 18, 29 [BR., 193-94]). By
way of contrast, the saints discussed in both the Ratnakuta Sutra and the Ratna-
rdsi Sutra are termed forest bhiksu (Rk: dranyakasya bhiksu) (109.9-10 [191])
(Rr: dranyaka-bhiksu) (111.9, 11 [194-95]). Neither text, however, refers to this
forest bhiksu as a bodhisattva. The Candrapradipa Sutra, although espousing ide-
als associated with the Mahay ana (for example, aspiration to the enlightenment of
a buddha), refers to its own human ideal of forest renunciation by the term sra-
mana and uses neither forest bodhisattva nor forest bhiksu (107.29 [189]). How-
ever, the types of both the forest sramana of the Candrapradipa Sutra and forest
bhiksu of the Ratnakuta Sutra and Ratnardsi Sutra are clearly homologous in type
with the forest bodhisattva of the Ugrapariprcchd Sutra, which enables Santideva
to consider all three types equally to be representatives of the classical type of the
forest bodhisattva. At the same time, the forest bhiksu of the Ratnakuta Sutra and
Ratnardsi Sutra is sharply different in type from the monastic bhiksus described
in the Ugrapariprcchd Siitra that the bodhisattva meets in the villages among the
multitudes. This diversity of terminology raises the distinct possibility, to be dis-
cussed further, that we are here dealing with relatively independent traditions of
forest renunciation that, in later times, equally came to be understood as expres-
sions of the Mahay ana.
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahayana Sutras 255
bodiment of the prajndpdramitd that justifies the various cultic activities and the
incomparable benefits accruing therefrom. Thus the bodhisattva's relation to the
text is defined by his goal of identification with the enlightenment of the buddhas,
and the copying, understanding, and veneration of the text are primary agents,
along with meditation, that bring this about.
Because of his wisdom, compassion, and power, the bodhisattva "becomes
worthy of the offerings of the whole world" (Rgs 22.10) and is "dear to gods
and men" (23.4). Thus, he is praised by human beings and gods and by the
buddhas themselves (27.1). In spite of his sanctity and repute, some may hate the
bodhisattva and speak harshly and offensively to him, but he is to think nothing
of it (30.8). In addition, although a saint to humans, he remains unfathomable
and mysterious, beyond conventionality and the grasp of the conceptual mind:
"He becomes one who, like a cloud, stands in the sky without anywhere to stand
on, / As a sorcerer who, like a bird, rides on the wind which offers him no
support, / Or as one who, by the force of his spells, miraculously produces a tree
full-blown flowers out of season" (27.5).
What of the cult of the bodhisattva after his death? The text mentions the
worship of stupas (Rgs 3.2-4) and the cult of relics (4.1-2), but although it
remarks on the salvific validity of this cult, it avers—as just seen—that it is more
to the point and far more meritorious to attend to the prajndpdramitd and to copy
and revere the Ratnaguna (4.2). Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the legiti-
macy of the cult of relics is accepted (4.2), and it is those who participate in this
cult and do nothing else who are particularly criticized (3.3). However, it is stupas
of buddhas that seem to be indicated here, and there is no direct evidence in this
text that human bodhisattvas had stupas built to them.20 As in Santideva's sutra
extracts, the bodhisattva in the Ratnaguna repeats many aspects of the paradigm
of sainthood, with its themes of forest renunciation, practice of various nonmon-
astic codes, including the dhutagunas, absence of prototypical monastic preoccu-
pations, focus on meditation, realization, compassion, magical powers, and so on.
It is interesting that in the Ratnaguna, as in the Nikaya evidence and in San-
tideva's extracts, we find criticism of other Buddhist renunciants who follow a
different and inferior path. It will be recalled that the text mentions three en-
lightened ideals: arhant, pratyekabuddha, and buddha. Significantly, the Ratna-
guna is of two minds about the relationship of these ideals to one another. In
some places, it acknowledges all three as legitimate—that each implies liberation;
in others the text takes a more purely negative attitude toward the pratyekabuddha
and arhant. On the positive side, for example, we read of arhants "free from
defilements and stains, and rid of . . . doubts" who are not alarmed by the teach-
ing of sunyatd (Rgs 2.6; see also 5.4; 12.3). The text also mentions offspring of
the srdvakas (contrasted with those of the Buddha), who are asaiksa (beyond
learning) (6.4)—that is, realized ones ("adepts" in Conze's translation, 1962,
137). In a particularly interesting passage, we are confronted with the example of
a bhiksu who is clearly a realized saint: he can manifest the rddhis, standing in
the sky and performing miracles (prdtihdrya), going, coming, lying down, and
sitting, with no fatigue, and he is compared with the wise bodhisattva, clearly a
figure distinct from this bhiksu, who stands in emptiness (20.11).
However, this positive evaluation tends to be the exception, and the ideals of
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahaydna Sutras 259
both arhant and pratyekabuddha are much more frequently criticized in the Rat-
naguna as being different from and vastly inferior to the ideal of a buddha (Rgs
23.2), both in their goals (5.4; 14.1) and their paths (11.4-5), or vehicles (ydna).21
Whereas the "profound vehicle" (gambhlraydna) (18.2) of the Ratnaguna leads
to buddhahood, the path of the srdvakas that leads to arhantship (2.2-5 and 5.4)
is criticized as being inferior and is associated with betrayal of the true dharma
and a cultivation of the antidharma (adharma) (9.6). This negative evaluation is
developed in chapter 11, when Subhuti asks the Buddha whether there will be any
obstacles to the precious qualities (ratnaguna) being enumerated in the text (11.1).
The Buddha responds that there will indeed be many obstacles and proceeds to
mention some of them. In the future, the Buddha says, certain bodhisattvas will
have difficulty understanding the Ratnaguna and will conceive doubts about its
teaching. They will desire the enlightenment of the level (bhumi) of an arhant,
will abandon the prajndpdramitd in favor of the sutras (of the srdvakas) (11.4),
and will enter a wrong path, that of the srdvakas. Such a bodhisattva will be
deluded,22 preferring the branches of a tree when he has the root, an elephant's
foot when he has the elephant, and inferior food when he has the best fare (11.4-
5). Moreover, in entering the lower path, those deluded bodhisattvas will desire
honor (satkdra) and gain (Idbha) and will seek close relations with (high-caste)
families (11.5-6). In so doing, they will abandon the right path and follow a
wrong one (11.6). At this time, "many bhiksus will be troubled . . . and will
not bear in mind the prajndpdramitd" (11.8). Elsewhere, we read of those who,
deficient in wisdom and skill in means, fall down to the srdvaka level (16.5).23
As we have seen, the Ratnaguna propounds an ideal of forest renunciation and
does not itself reflect the values or preoccupations of settled monasticism. This
raises the important question of whether we find any references to settled monas-
tics in it. Although the text does not describe the srdvaka tradition explicitly in
terms of monks and settled monasticism, several factors suggest that the srdvakas
it criticizes are settled monastics. Thus, as just mentioned, unworthy bhiksus are
connected with the srdvakas. The desire for honor and gain, as well as familiarity
with high-caste families (appearing in the Nikaya texts, examined in Chapter 3 of
this book in connection with critiques of a nonforest renunciant life), are men-
tioned. The noncontemplative nature of the srdvaka ideal, again suggestive of
settled monasticism, is also implied in the chapter on meditation (Rgs 29), in
which we are told that it is owing to meditation that the bodhisattva will escape
the vehicles of the arhants and pratyekabuddhas. As long as the bodhisattva rests
in meditation, he gives rise to no interest in the vehicles of the arhants and pra-
tyekabuddhas; but if he becomes unconcentrated, then he becomes vulnerable (29.9).
Just as the text does not propound the values of settled monasticism and clearly
reflects another (predominantly forest and, to a lesser extent, lay) context, so in
the text the srdvakas are generally not credited with forest values or contexts. The
Ratnaguna thus repeats, in an abbreviated and largely implicit way, some of the
same kinds of criticisms, even using some of the same terminology, that we have
already seen. Admittedly, the Ratnaguna presents no more than bits and pieces of
evidence, but it provides enough to suggest that the srdvakas it criticizes are prob-
ably primarily settled monastics.24
If this is correct, the Ratnaguna in contrast to the Nikaya evidence, reflects
260 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
some major differences in the way this criticism is articulated. Most important,
the "wrong path" is now linked with the arhant ideal, with the srdvakas, with
corresponding sutras, and, finally, with a rejection of the teachings of the bodhi-
sattva ideal, the enlightenment of the Buddha, the prajndpdramitd, and so on. In
other words, the Mahayana of the Ratnaguna appears to be making the same kind
of critique of settled monasticism as a deviation from the true dharma that we
have seen in the Nikaya evidence, except that—at least in this text—the Mahay ana
appears to be equating settled monasticism with the srdvaka traditions and identi-
fying the arhant as the srdvaka ideal. The text can do this because it is itself non-
monastic, and the only monasticism that it makes allusion to is that connected
with the srdvakas. At the same time, the ambiguity in its presentation—for ex-
ample, mentioning arhants and bhiksus of a clearly saintly character—suggests
that it is aware of non-Mahayana traditions that cannot be reduced to the settled
monastic path of the srdvakas of which it is particularly critical.
who live in monasteries; the bodhisattva is to avoid these traits and practices at
all costs. These bhiksus, we are told, will in a future age bring the dharma to
ruin. The prophetic nature of this statement notwithstanding, as in the case of the
song of Phussa in the Theragdthd, it is clear that the text is criticizing certain
practices that are occurring in its own environment.
take pride in his accomplishments. He does not think, "I am well restrained in
my sila" (14.3-4 [15]). Living in the forest, the bodhisattva has completely re-
nounced the world, including everything that belonged to him (12.2 [13]). He has
given up his attachment to any relatives (16.3 [17]; see E., 17, n. 84), his village,
kingdom, land, sons, wife, even his life (12.14-15 and 13.8-11 [14]). He does
not care about his body or his life (13.1-2 [14]). He becomes joyful when he sees
a beggar come near (12.12-13 [14]). Even having given everything away, he does
not desire recompense (15.10-11 [16]).
Thus, the life of the bodhisattva in the forest is austere. He is satisfied with
whatever he finds (Rps 16.5 [E., 17]). He does not try to create stores for himself
(16.5 [17]). In his way of life, he bears hundreds of sufferings (16.16 [17]).
Living in the forest, the bodhisattva truly has no abode. He has no place of his
own in all the world; he has sacrificed all for the sake of enlightenment (16.6
[17]). Like a frightened deer, he finds no rest (16.8 [17]).
The bodhisattva is deeply devoted to the Buddha. There are four things that
cause joy to the bodhisattva while he is in samsara, and the first of these is to see
a buddha (buddhadarsana) (Rps 12.1 [E., 13]). The bodhisattva thus sees him
who is supreme among human beings, who is fully enlightened, who is radiant
with light and illumines the world (12.4-5 [13]), and he does pujd to him (12.4-
6 [13]). The bodhisattva does extensive pujd in the context of striving after the
wisdom of the victorious ones (12.4 [13]). When he hears of the qualities of the
Buddha (buddhaguna), he is happy (15.7 [16]). In addition, central to the bodhi-
sattva's path is the human representative of the Buddha, his own guru. The bo-
dhisattva obtains a spiritual friend (kalydnamitra) (11.4 [12-13]; 11.10 [13]), a
guru (14.14 [15]) who teaches him the most excellent path (11.10-11 [13]), the
very same path followed by the buddhas (11.11 [13]). He must be obedient to his
guru and serve him without concern for worldly things (14.14 [15]).34
The bodhisattva follows his path, witnessed by all the buddhas. By his actions,
he pleases countless multitudes of sugatas (Rps 15.4 [E., 16]). The first element
in the bodhisattva's path is his conduct. In this regard, we are told that he is
completely pure in his morality (11.4 [12-13]). He guards the stainless sila (14.3
[15]). His sila is uninterrupted (11.16 [13]). He is always free from sin (11.1-2
[12]). He does not break his sila (13.16-17 [14]). The central practice of the
bodhisattva's path is meditation. He takes delight in samatha (samada) (16.14
[17]). It is through meditation (dhydna) and the quality of exertion (virya) that he
achieves realization (13.11 [14]). The bodhisattva is well accomplished in medi-
tation. He is tranquil and tamed (11.2 [12]).35 His mind is mighty (16.14 [17]).
The path of the bodhisattva is also marked by the practice of the dhdranl (11.3-
4 [12-13]). He strives to attain the dhdranl (16.16 [17]), by which he is able
firmly to establish the excellent dharma taught by the Blessed One (11.6-7 [13]).
The bodhisattva's path is marked by a variety of practices that he is to carry
out. He is to apply himself to the six pdramitds, the qualities of the bodhisattva
stages (bhumiguna), the powers (bala), the faculties (indriya), and wisdom (jndna)
(Rps 21.7 [E., 21]). The bodhisattva's path is further characterized by doctrinal
instruction. The regular hearing of the dharma is a thing that causes the bodhi-
sattva joy (12.1 [13]). He possesses learning (sruti) (14.8 [15])36 and has learned
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahayana Sutras 263
enjoyment (19.10 [20]). They continually curry the favor of the high-caste (kula-
samstava) (19.10 [20]). Their minds are attached to familiarity with the high-caste
(20.14 [21]), and they are bound by ties of familiarity with high-caste families
(21.1 [21]).
These antitypes are proud (Rps 18.7 [E., 18]) and have no devotion (adhi-
mukti) to the Buddha (20.5 [20]). They are always disrespectful (agaurava; Tib.,
ma.gus.pa) to the holy gurus (dryaguru) (17.8 [18]). They do not revere the gurus
or other holy persons (dryajana) (20.4 [20]). They hate those marks of the real-
ized person, the good qualities (guna) (18.11 [19]). Moreover, they become upset
when they see others venerated, jealousy arising in them when they see worship
(pujd) being paid to another (18.9 [19]). In general, they are without faith (asrad-
dha) (18.1-2 [18]). The bhiksus also have no devotion to the dharma nor to the
community of lay and renunciant bodhisattvas (gana) (20.5 [20]).** They despise
the good bodhisattvas (20.2 [20]).45 In a similar fashion, the bhiksus have no
devotion to the morality followed by the bodhisattvas, to the general rules of
conduct (siksa),46 or to the ascetic code (dhuta) of renunciant bodhisattvas (20.6
[20]).47
Moreover, the bhiksus are always angry (Rps 18.7 [E., 19]). They are not
only hostile to bodhisattvas but are jealous and quarrel with one another (17.15ff.
[18]), always looking for faults (17.12 [18]), so that they may criticize a person
(18.10 [19]). Even abstention from livelihood is not sacrosanct, for these bhiksus
will become involved in plowing and trade (17.13 [18]). Because of their anti-
dharmic behavior, sramanas4* stay far away from them (17.13 [18]). These bhik-
sus have abandoned the teaching of the victorious ones (18.12 [19]) and are far
away from the doctrine of the Buddha (18.11 [19]). They condemn the good
dharma (saddharma) (19.1 [19]). They are far away from the path to enlighten-
ment (17.16 [18]) and from the wealth of the saints (dryadhana) (17.16 [18]).
They have given up the path to liberation (moksa) (17.17 [18]). As a result, in
the future, they will wander throughout the five samsaric destinies (pancagati)
(17.17 [18]), inhabit states of woe (apdya) (18.11 [19]), and suffer in the realms
of hell and among the hungry ghosts (preta) and animals (20.7-8 [20]).
The Rdstrapdla Sutra thus presents the ideal of the bodhisattva as saint in much
the same way as the Siksdsamuccaya and Ratnagunasamcayagdthd. On the one
hand, the bodhisattva generally conforms to the type of forest saint as described
in the Nikaya literature. On the other, in contrast to the saint of the Nikaya evi-
dence, the Mahay ana saint is given the name bodhisattva; he is explicitly associ-
ated with the ideal of the Buddha; compassion is more self-consciously and more
insistently attributed to him; and he is clearly depicted not only as a realized saint
of the classical type but also as one awaiting the full perfection of a future bud-
dhahood.
In the evidence of the forest saints we have examined, we have seen a repeated
critique of certain practices and values of settled monasticism. In the songs of
Phussa and Parapariya in the Theragdthd, we saw a full-blown critique of some
bhiksus living in settled monasteries who are constantly busy with various proj-
ects, preoccupied with scholarly learning and disputation, and concerned with wealth
266 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
and status. These bhiksus, moreover, shun solitude and meditation, are filled with
defilements, and have no genuine wisdom. In other Nikaya Buddhist evidence and
in the Siksasamuccaya and Ratnaguna we saw a similar critique voiced, if in a
more fragmentary way.
The Rastrapala Sutra picks up this critique and develops it in two ways: first,
by making it a central theme of its message; and, second, by presenting a partic-
ularly complete description of the antidharmic renunciant, sometimes explicitly
called bhiksu, sometimes referred to by other, less explicit designations, but in
any case unified in characterization and consistent in type with the bhiksu criti-
cized in the other evidence. The major themes have already been seen but are
presented in a more systematic form: preoccupation with scholarly learning, but
neglect of meditation; pretension to ethical purity, but inward moral corruption;
thirst for wealth and recognition along with a cultivation of high-caste families,
but absence of inspiration for realization; cultivation of, and pride in, "impure
knowledge," but absence of wisdom; and so on.
The Rastrapala Sutra also makes more of another characteristic of the settled
monastic bhiksu that we have seen, namely, his antipathy to forest saints and their
traditions. Thus, the bhiksu is presented as actively and aggressively opposed to
the bodhisattvas: he is disrespectful to the group (gana) of bodhisattva renunciants
and saints, he has no respect for their forest codes (dhuta), he does not revere the
gurus, and he is jealous of the veneration received by genuine saints. In the Ras-
trapala Sutra, the antidharmic bhiksu has hardened into a type, perhaps reflecting
not only the ascendency of settled monasticism but also its unwillingness to
countenance the bodhisattvas and their forest traditions.
Significantly, the Siksasamuccaya assumes a considerably more conciliatory
tone than the Rastrapala Sutra, in spite of the fact that Santideva quotes the latter
text. Although Santideva likely had before him in the Rasfrapdla Sutra material
severely critical of monastic life and its values and preoccupations, he chose
somewhat less potentially offensive passages to cite. Thus, the general tone of his
chapter comes rather close to that of the Ratnaguna. There should be nothing
surprising in this, when it is recalled that Santideva was a conventional monastic
of the Mahayana.
The Samdhinirmocana Sutra, according to Lamotte,49 came into being by the sec-
ond century C.E. as a collection of a number of short, originally independent
sutras.50 Among these, an earlier stratum, comprising chapters 1 to 4 can be
identified,51 and it is this that is taken for analysis here. This older section ad-
vances a meditative ideal, generally called drya52 (saint) (Sns 35.17-18 [L., 170]),
yogin53 (45.12 and 24 [177]), or, occasionally, bhiksu who meditates (or "prac-
tices yoga"; bhiksu yogdcdra);54 (51.9 [181]). In passages of chapters 1 to 4
actually describing the saint and his realization, the term bodhisattva55 is rarely
used, raising interesting questions about the origins of these sections of the text.56
Unlike the Ratnaguna, Rastrapala Sutra, or Siksasamuccaya, chapters 1 to 4 do
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahdydna Sutras 267
not mention the specific religious context and lifestyle of the saintly ideal, and
there is thus little explicit discussion of the forest, the retreatant way of life, or
forest disciplines such as the dhutagunas.57 These must rather be inferred from
the primarily contemplative values, interests, and preoccupations of the text, and
their contrast with those that more clearly reflect settled monasticism.
The yogin understands the Buddha to have taught a way to direct and concrete
realization of the ultimate, the way of meditation (Sns 39. Iff. [L., 172-73]). The
yogin's major preoccupation is thus the practice of meditation, notably samatha5*
and vipasyand59 (47.14-15 [178]). As a contemplative, he knows the interior joy
of solitude (praviveka)60 (41.2 [174]). As a solitary meditator, he knows the inner
joy of holy silence (dryatusmm)61 (41.6 [174]). He realizes the ultimate that can
only be known through individual, direct experience (pratyatmavedamya)62 (40.3-
4 [173]). He possesses the holy wisdom (dryajfidna)63 and holy seeing (dryadar-
sana)64 and is perfectly enlightened (abhisambuddha)65 (35.18-21 [169-70]). In
light of this, one may understand a central affirmation of the Samdhinirmocana
Sutra: the various doctrinal terms and categories taught by the Buddha are mis-
understood when taken in a purely intellectual and conceptual way. Rather, they
correspond to nothing in reality and have been used by the Blessed One only to
lead others toward awakening (34. Iff. [169-71]). In fact, the ultimate transcends
all speculation (sarvatarka)66 (39.24ff. [173-74]).
The yogin belongs to a minority who make meditation their chief preoccupa-
tion, and he is set in opposition to another kind of renunciant who, by contrast,
makes up the majority and engages in scholastic pursuits (Sns 47.18-53.3 [L.,
178-82]). However, the scholastic learning of the majority is unnecessary to the
yogin because he has realized the ultimate, the insubstantiality of the dharmas
(dharmanairdtmya)61 or suchness (tathatd)6* (51.10 [181]). Thus, he does not
need to acquaint himself separately with the ultimate, the insubstantiality of the
dharmas, the tathatd of all the skandhas, dyatanas, and so on (51.8-52.17 [181-
82]).
The ultimate is not multiplicitous [abhinna].69
Everywhere, it has one taste, so has the Buddha said.
Whoever conceives of it as multiplicitous is confused and afflicted with pride.
(52.26-53.2 [181-82])
Who are the scholastic renunciants who make up the majority? According to
the text, they are settled monastics, bhiksus, and they are characterized in an
exchange between the Buddha and Subhuti (Sns 47.19-53.3 [L., 178-82]). The
Buddha has asked Subhuti about the relative strength of numbers of those who
express their knowledge with pride (abhimdna)70 compared to those who express
their knowledge without pride. Subhuti says that those who express their knowl-
edge without pride are few, whereas those who express their knowledge with pride
are a vast and incalculable number (47.19-48.9 [178]). In order to clarify what
he means, Subhuti tells the following story. In a solitary forest retreat (aranya-
mahdvanaprastha)71 he once observed a great crowd of bhiksus who had gathered
to teach and discuss their knowledge. All of them were expounding their concepts
of things. Different bhiksus, were expounding various concepts of the skandhas72
268 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the skandhas' characteristics (nimitta),73 their origin (utpdda)74 their decay (vi-
ndsa)75 their cessation (nirodha),76 and realization of their cessation (nirodha-
sdksdtkdra).77 Bhiksus held forth on the concepts of the (twelve) bases of con-
sciousness (dyatana)7* and conditioned coproduction (pratltyasamutpdda).79 Other
bhiksus displayed their knowledge of the concepts of the (four) foods (dhdra).&0
Others expatiated on the concepts of the (four) noble truths (satya),*1 the (eigh-
teen) dhdtus*2 the (four) foundations of mindfulness (smrtyupasthdna)*3 the (four)
abandonments (or strenuous exertions [BHSD 389, 2]) (samyakprahdna),*4 the
(four) bases of miraculous power (rddhipdda),85 the (five) faculties (indriya),86
the (five) powers (bala)*7 the (seven) limbs of enlightenment (bodhyanga)*s and
the noble eightfold path (drydstdngamdrga)*9 (48.9-49.25 [178-80]).
At this sight, Subhuti reports, he thought to himself that the bhiksus were
expounding their knowledge of the different aspects of the Buddhist teaching while
remaining ignorant of the ultimate (paramdrtha),90 which has everywhere just one
taste (ekarasa).91 In so doing, Subhuti says, these monks were guilty of expound-
ing their knowledge with pride. The passage concludes with the remark that if
members of the Buddha's own religion, who are bhiksus, find it so difficult to
understand the ultimate that has everywhere just one taste, what can be said about
the heretics (tirthika)92 (Sns 50.1-15 [L., 180])? The contrast presented in this
story is one with which we are already familiar: on the one hand is the individual
forest renunciant, symbolized by Subhuti, alone in the forest, the silent observer,
whose understanding of the dharma is deep and confident; on the other are the
innumerable bhiksus, unaware even of the solitary renunciant's existence, preoc-
cupied with words and concepts, busily debating and arguing with one another,
engaged solely with the external dharma, and lacking inward realization of ulti-
mate reality.
Other characterizations are given of this kind of understanding of the dharma
that remains purely conceptual and therefore superficial. One of the most impor-
tant revolves around the term bdla,93 immature one, child, or fool,94 defined in
this way:
The profundity [gambhira]95 (of the ultimate) is not the domain [gocara]96 of
the immature. Although the Victorious one has taught the ineffability [anabhila-
pya]91 and nonduality [advaya]9* (of the ultimate), the immature [bdla] remain
ignorant [moha]99 and deluded [mudha]. Delighting in the complexities of dis-
course [vadaprapanca], I0° they establish themselves in duality. They are either
unrealized [asambodha]im or have a perverted realization [vipratipatti],102 and
are reborn among cows and sheep. Having abandoned the discourse of wisdom,
they will continue for a long time to transmigrate in samsara. (Sns 38.22-29 [L.,
172])103
Who are these bdla? Let us note that in chapters 1 to 4, the term bdla is not
explicitly used in conjunction with the term bhiksu. However, the similarity in the
characterizations of these two suggests a close relationship. Both are said to miss
the profound (gambhira)104 dharma; both are far from the ultimate teaching of the
Buddha; both are preoccupied with dharma as dualistic, external, conceptual
knowledge; both are caught up in verbal presentations; and both lack realization.
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahayana Sutras 269
From the passage just cited, it would appear that the bdla are Buddhists; otherwise
their contravening the real intention of the Buddha and the inauthenticity of their
realization would not be such central issues. More specifically, these bdla would
appear to be, or at least to include, the bhiksus that the text has elsewhere been
criticizing.
It is clear that bdla and bhiksu are not quite synonymous, for the primary
intention of the term bdla is to identify not a specific group, but rather a way of
understanding the dharma that the Samdhinirmocana Sutra sees as deficient. In
other words, it is not a specific renunciant ideal (bhiksu) that the Samdhinirmo-
cana Sutra is set against so much as a kind of superficial, overly conceptual and
external understanding, although this is admittedly particularly characteristic of a
certain renunciant lifestyle. If this be so, it would not be surprising to find the
term also used to refer to a group with a different designation. Such a group turns
up in chapter 3 (Sns 42. Iff. [L., 175ff.]), where the bodhisattva Suvisuddhamati
tells the Buddha that in a certain place he has seen bodhisattvas gathered in a
great crowd (like the bhiksus), engaged in hot debate (again like the bhiksus)
about whether the samskdras and the ultimate (paramdrtha) are the same. Some
maintain that they are the same, others that they are different. Others again are
confused and perplexed, asking, "Who is right? Who is wrong? Whose reasoning
is accurate? Whose reasoning is inaccurate?" At this sight, Suvisuddhamati thinks
to himself (as Subhuti did when he saw the bhiksus), "None of [these] sons of
good family understands the profound [gambhira] ultimate truth [paramdrtha],
the character of which transcends difference with the samskdras and also identity.
They are immature [bdla], confused, ignorant,105 and uninformed"106 (42.1-30
[175]). In other words, the scenario, the activities, and the criticism closely re-
semble those articulated in connection with the bhiksus.
This suggests that, in the time of chapters 1 to 4, there were bodhisattvas who
were understood to have departed from the normative path of the forest bodhi-
sattva (who relies on meditation and who understands the dharma of one taste).
Who are these bodhisattvas who are thus being criticized in virtually the same
terms as the bhiksusl Are they bodhisattvas who, though not called bhiksus, are
living some kind of town-and-village renunciation? Although in characterizing these
bodhisattvas in virtually the same terms as the bhiksus, the text certainly seems to
suggest this, it may be pointed out that so far there is no clear archaeological
evidence of the Mahayana as a discrete monastic entity until several centuries after
the date proposed for the Samdhinirmocana Sutra 1 to 4 (see Chapter 12).
Conclusion
The Mahayana sutras examined in this chapter all take as their central ideal the
bodhisattva who is a saint of the forest. In addition, the major features of this
bodhisattva—including his way of life, his preoccupations, and his realization—
are described in markedly similar terms from one text to another. At this point it
will be useful to draw some general comparisons between this Mahayanist forest
saint and those seen in the Nikaya evidence examined in previous chapters. In
270 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
many ways, the bodhisattvas of the forest are not so very different from their
Nikaya counterparts. All these saints are motivated by a strong sense of personal
vocation; all have renounced the world and, desiring tangible results, have retired
to the forest; all aspire after realization, all meditate, and all are understood as, in
one way or another, realized. As realized saints, all have compassion as a primary
motivation, have powers, make themselves available to their suppliants, and do
not prefer people of high caste. All are set apart from monastic life with its preoc-
cupations of pure behavior, as defined by the vinaya, and from textual learning.
In spite of such similarities, however, there are some important differences
between the bodhisattvas of the forest, as defined by these texts, and their Nikaya
counterparts. First, and most obviously, the forest saint is now called bodhisattva,
not arhant or pratyekabuddha, and we are told that his goal is nothing less than
the enlightenment of a world-redeeming buddha. Thus, although the forest ideals
of arhant and pratyekabuddha in many respects implicitly involve emulation of the
way of life and ideal of the Buddha, they are explicitly held to be different in
type. By contrast, the bodhisattva of the Mahayana is explicitly identified with the
type of the Buddha.107
Second, the Mahayana sutras more explicitly present the compassion of the
bodhisattva as integral to his type. In the Nikaya evidence, compassion tends to
be assumed, rather than explicitly emphasized, as a central part of the personality
of either arhant or pratyekabuddha. In the Ratnaguna and other sutras examined
in this chapter, however, compassion is more self-consciously brought to the fore
as defining the relationship between the saintly bodhisattva and others. This un-
doubtedly has to do with the emphasis, from early times, on compassion as a
central and defining feature of the ideal of buddhas.
Third, and related to these points, there is the ambiguity in the way the real-
ization of the bodhisattva is presented. On the one hand, in his wisdom, compas-
sion, and power, he is clearly depicted as a realized saint whose stature is in no
way less than the saints of the Nikaya traditions. On the other hand, his realization
is neither final nor complete, for he looks forward to the time when, like his ideal,
Sakyamuni Buddha, he will attain the realization of a world-redeeming buddha.
What is strange is that, at least as seen in the texts promoting this ideal, this
already-but-not-yet character of the bodhisattva's realization does not diminish his
charisma in relation to that of the arhants and pratyekabuddhas; it actually seems
to have the opposite effect. Although the bodhisattva's realization lies ahead, he
already takes on something of the unparalleled charisma of the Buddha himself,
and this—not separable, of course, from the decline of the charismatic prestige of
the non-Mahayana ideals—leads to his being understood as superior to arhants
and pratyekabuddhas.
There is a final interesting difference between the bodhisattva as a saint and
the non-Mahayana ideals. The bodhisattva of the forest is to some extent distinc-
tive because of certain attitudes toward language bound up with him, that become
central in the developed Mahayana. As we have seen, the forest traditions in
general seem to exhibit a characteristic attitude toward language. No doubt be-
cause of their emphasis on meditation, language, including the language of Bud-
dhist doctrine and dogma, is for them relative and must be viewed in the context
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahdydna Sutras 271
of the silence of realization. In the preceding discussion, we have seen this kind
of understanding of language in the Nikaya evidence in the silence of the realized
ones; in the vows of silence of the meditators; in the few words of the pratyeka-
buddhas; in the often epigrammatic songs of the saints of the Theragdthd and
Therlgatha; in the exclamations of the lion-roarers; in Sariputra's remark that he
needs only the essential meaning (artha) and not the letter (vyanjana) of the dharma;
and, perhaps most explicitly, in the critique, found throughout the texts reflective
of forest Buddhism, of those who take the dharma in a scholastic way, putting
concepts and categories before the dharma of realization and even identifying the
dharma with its verbal expression.
The Mahayana of the forest bodhisattva continues this understanding of lan-
guage, but it is more explicit, systematic, and unrelenting in its approach. As we
have seen, it now becomes the leading edge of Mahayana doctrine that language
is "empty" of substance, that it refers to no thing in ultimate reality, and that
genuine realization transcends all concepts and categories. We are also told that
those who understand the dharma primarily in terms of words and ideas have
missed the main point. As in the other differences from the Nikaya evidence, this
is not so much an innovation as an explication of what was already implicit in the
non-Mahay ana forest traditions. Although this attitude toward doctrine is clearly
implicit in the lives of the pre-Mahayana saints, it generally remains hidden in
hagiography and, for various reasons, does not emerge with clarity in developed
Nikaya dogmatics. In the Mahayana, by contrast, this attitude comes to center
stage and becomes a basis—if emptiness can be called a basis—of the entire dog-
matic tradition of the Mahayana from the Prajnaparamita onward.
However, the distinction drawn here between the Mahayana and pre-Maha-
yana forest traditions with regard to the relativity of language, although generally
true, must be qualified. In fact, as is well known, both the term sunyata and its
meaning, as found in the early Mahayana, are already present in some strands of
Nikaya Buddhism. This trend is mentioned in the Ratnaguna; the text attributes
to certain realized arhants a genuine understanding of emptiness, remarking that
they are not alarmed at the teaching of sunyata. There is no reason not to believe
that the Ratnaguna understands this as an acceptance of sunyata in its own sense,
not in some primitive, pre-Mahayana form. Particularly interesting in the present
context is some striking evidence suggesting that the Nikaya teaching of sunyata
is specifically linked with forest Buddhism. For example, Luis Gomez has argued
in detail and with cogency that a "proto-Madhyamika" exists in the Pali canon,
precisely in the Suttanipdta, as we have seen, an early text reflective of forest
renunciation (1976). In the Suttanipdta, particularly in its two oldest sections, the
Atthakavagga and the Pdrdyanavagga, there is clear expression of many themes
central to the later Mahayana and, more specifically, Madhyamika teaching of
emptiness. Equally interesting are two suttas in the Majjhimanikdya, the Culasun-
nata Sutta and the Mahdsunnata Sutta, describing enlightenment specifically as a
realization of emptiness, for both texts are clear representatives of forest Bud-
dhism and depict the realization of emptiness as an attainment won by forest
renunciants, living in solitude in the forest, adhering to behavioral patterns char-
acteristic of forest Buddhism, and following a path defined by intensive medita-
272 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
tion.108 These examples raise the possibility that the teaching of emptiness as
found in the early Mahayana sutras was hardly, if at all, an innovation, and that
it was already embodied in an articulate way in some forest texts of early Nikaya
Buddhism. This possibility has important implications for the question of the origins
of the Mahayana, discussed in Chapter 12.
The centrality of the teaching of sunyatd within the early forest Mahayana
enables a kind of sustained flexibility and absence of dogmatism that, even among
Buddhist forest traditions, is particularly striking. We see this quite clearly in the
Ratnaguna and the Ugrapariprcchd Sutra, which counsel against the danger of
absolutizing the forest lifestyle. The former text, in particular, tends to see the
forest life as embodying, most essentially, an attitude of renunciation and inde-
pendence that may be effectively transferred to nonforest (in its case, lay) life.
The Samdhinirmocana Sutra, in its critiques of other Buddhists, sets itself against
not so much a particular form of renunciation as a way of understanding that is
overly conceptual and externalized. Even the Rdstrapdla Sutra, which comes the
closest of the Mahayana texts examined here to identifying legitimate dharma
with the forest lifestyle and which sometimes exhibits a vitriolic condemnation of
bhiksus, is ultimately critical not of a particular external form but of a state of
mind.
In these cases, a realization that was originally gained in the forest is never-
theless not strictly identified with the external form of forest life.109 Nor, con-
versely, is delusion strictly identified with either lay life or settled monasticism.
This kind of nondogmatism and flexibility clearly opened up the possibility of
translating the essential realization of forest Buddhism, sunyatd, as termed in the
texts examined here, into any number of other environments and external forms.
This is articulated with particular clarity in the Ratnaguna's comment that even if
one lives in a village, one may do so with a fully "forest state of mind," whereas
living in the forest—with all that implies—is no guarantee of sanctity. This kind
of flexibility, evident in the forest Mahayana texts, may of course be seen as
characteristic of Mahayana Buddhism as a whole, nonforest manifestations in-
cluded.
The tendency toward doctrinal flexibility on the part of forest traditions clearly
opened the way, at least theoretically, for the translation of forest values into other
contexts as evident in the Ratnaguna. This could lead to a deemphasis, perhaps
even the disappearance in some traditions, of the forest ideal, at least as an exter-
nal form. But it is another question to what extent this kind of change involved a
betrayal of the essence of forest Buddhism. Since the forest traditions emphasize
as most essential the actual realization itself, not the attendant forms of forest
renunciation, however much these may be praised, the question of whether the
essential values of forest Buddhism have been effectively translated into one or
another alternative form becomes simply the question of whether realization is
still a living value in the translation. In any case, the ability to distinguish between
the forest life as an external form and the forest life as an inward state opens the
door to some fascinating transformations of forest Buddhism, many interesting
examples of which are seen in the later history of the Indian Mahayana and
Vajrayana.
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahay ana Sutras 273
In the preceding discussion, we have seen that the Mahay ana forest texts are
engaged in developing the classification of Buddhist human ideals along two dif-
ferent lines. On the one hand, the texts have made a more or less clear division
between forest renunciants and settled monastics.110 On the other hand, as Maha-
yana texts, they have also been at pains to distinguish between the bodhisattva
ideal, which they regard as superior, and the non-Mahayana ideals. The simulta-
neous presence of both methods of classification clearly poses special interpretive
problems, for we are confronted with the potential need to discriminate six rather
than three ideals—namely, arhant, pratyekabuddha, and bodhisattva of the forest
and those same ideals understood in a nonforest manner. At any given point in
the texts, one needs to know who among these six is being praised and who is
being criticized, and why.
This same pattern of classification into two renunciant lifestyles and three ide-
als, along with their attendant interpretive challenges, is found in later Mahay ana
texts of the forest. An example striking both for the energy devoted to carrying
out the two types of classification and also for the clarity of the result is provided
by the Lankdvatdra Sutra, a Mahay ana forest text particularly important for East
Asian Buddhism.111 It is worthwhile briefly to examine this text both because it
reveals a further stage in the way in which forest Mahayana texts handle the need
to carry out the twofold classification and because consideration of this pattern
sheds considerable light on some important dynamics in the Lankdvatdra Sutra,
linking it up with earlier trends.
Like the other Mahayana sutras we have considered, the central human ideal
of the Lankdvatdra Sutra is the bodhisattva, who aspires to full buddhahood, and
the sutra presents this ideal as superior to the non-Mahayana ideals of arhant and
pratyekabuddha (Las 20.23-21.3 [Sz., 41]; 23.9-17 [46]; 27.18-28.10 [56-57];
and passim). At the same time, the text sees Buddhist renunciants as falling into
two categories—forest and settled monastic. The bodhisattva, whom it typically
calls yogin, is a contemplative ideal of the forest. He is to retire from the world,
go into seclusion (rahogata), and dwell alone (ekdkin) in a remote and hidden
forest retreat (vanagahanaguhd), relying only on himself (20.29-32 [41]; 54.30-
31 [115]). He may dwell in an open place, on a heap of straw, under a tree, in a
cave, in a cemetery, or in an abandoned dwelling (129.17-18 [253]). As a forest
renunciant, he is to keep away from turmoil and social intercourse (22.25-28
[44]), to abandon the life of bhiksus (142.11 [265]), and to avoid monasteries
(129.27-28 [253]). In his retreat, he is to keep away from texts (23.5 [45]). He
is to maintain a life of poverty (129.3-4 [252]), not preoccupy himself with thoughts
of food and drink (131.1-2 [254]), and is "not to approach for food kings, princes,
ministers of state, or persons of rank" (129.25-26 [253]). In his retreat, his cen-
tral preoccupation is meditation, and he is to strive in his practice to develop a
"meditation [samddhi] body" (23.5 [45]). Further, like forest renunciants before
him, he is counseled to forego sleep (22.25-28 [44]).112 He is skilled in the
trances (dhydnas), meditative states (samddhis), and attainments (samdpattis)
(20.23ff. [41]). As a forest renunciant, his goal is direct, personal, nonconceptual
realization. He traverses the stages of spiritual development (bhiimis), progressing
on toward great enlightenment (for example, 20.23ff. [41]).
274 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Like the Ratnaguna, the Rdstrapdla Sutra, and the Samdhinirmocana Sutra,
the Lankdvatdra Sutra also criticizes those who follow a more scholastic kind of
Buddhism (for example, Las 19. Iff. [Sz., 36-37]).113 They are preoccupied with
study, logic, argumentation, and disputation. They habitually identify the genuine
dharma with mere words and concepts. They are far away from the practice of
meditation. In this, they miss the highest reality, which is "an exalted state of
bliss . . . to be attained by the inner realization of noble wisdom" (37.3-8 [77];
see also 10.23ff. [23ff.]). They are called fools or ignorant ones (bdla) (38.1-3
[79]) and termed logicians (tdrkika) (18.3 [33]).
Who are these scholastic Buddhists? Without actually calling them bhiksus,
the text makes it clear that they are settled monastic renunciants following textual
pursuits. We have seen that the scholastic Buddhist renunciants are explicitly called
bhiksu in the Rdstrapdla Sutra and the Samdhinirmocana Sutra, chapters 1 to 4.114
The Lankdvatdra Sutra, however, places the scholastic Buddhists within the con-
text of a slightly different kind of typology. Moreover, this typology is compli-
cated by the fact that the text integrates the twofold division of forest and settled
monastic with the threefold division of bodhisattva/buddha, pratyekabodhisattval
pratyekabuddha, and srdvaka/arhant. According to the Lankdvatdra Sutra, then,
there are two sorts of srdvakas—those who are meditators and achieve a form of
authentic realization and those who are scholars and are preoccupied merely with
texts, words, and concepts. The srdvaka meditators are clearly the saints of the
forest of non-Mahay ana traditions who follow the vocation of meditation, whereas
the scholastic srdvakas are settled monastics who do not meditate but occupy
themselves with textual study and scholarship.
These two types of srdvakas are described at various points in the text. One
such description credits the meditator srdvakas with the attainment of the holy,
personal, spiritual realization—pratydtmdryddhigama, a term frequently used in
the text to indicate the realization of the bodhisattvas. In addition, they are con-
trasted with the scholastic srdvakas, who are characterized by attachment to sub-
stantialistic conceptions (Las 25.30-26.12 [Sz., 52-53]). Along the same lines,
the text applies the prized term yogin not only to bodhisattvas but also to these
meditating srdvakas (and also to pratyekabuddhas) (40.28-41.1 [85]). As this
characterization suggests, the text looks favorably upon the realization of the med-
itator srdvakas who, along with the pratyekabuddhas, are lauded for having won
a genuine attainment. At the same time, the text is careful to point out that these
are non-Mahayanists (for example, 42.1 [87])115 whose realization is only partial,
and that although the bodhisattva will attain these srdvakas' level of realization in
the course of his development, he must transcend it as he progresses onward
toward full enlightenment (25.30ff. [52-53]). Thus, these srdvaka meditators are
rebuked in a more gentle way than their scholastic counterparts for their incom-
plete attainment. Such a strategy enables the Lankdvatdra Sutra to affirm the val-
ues of the forest life and meditation, while reminding us that these exist in a (in
its view) lesser form in the Sravakayana and Pratyekabuddhayana (55.8-12 [115];
see also 55.14 [116]).
The scholastic srdvakas come in for a more direct and acerbic critique. On the
one hand, in contrast to some of the texts we have examined, the Lankdvatdra
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahdydna Sutras 275
by telling us that the Buddha has made a distinction between two stations—that
of the bhiksu124 and that of the lax person125 (126.18-19 [133]). As the text
progresses, we learn that both of these parties are actually bhiksus. The first is the
good bhiksu who follows the Buddha's teachings, whereas the second is a coun-
terfeit bhiksu (Tib., dge.slong.ltar.bcos.pa),126 and it is he who corrupts the Bud-
dha's teachings and will eventually bring the dharma to ruin.
The good bhiksu is the person of good conduct who abides by the moral pre-
cepts (sila)121 (Rps-m 130.11 [E., 137]) and follows the pratimoksa (130.13, 20
[137]). He purifies his conduct of body, speech, and mind. He does not hanker
after good robes and bowls, nor does he long for delicious food (130.23-34 [137]).
He is temperate in taking the monk's robe, and he is not attached to savory food,
seeing food as an impure substance necessary to life but nothing more (127.6ff.
[134]). The good bhiksu is also a forest renunciant. He dwells in the forest and
takes joy in the forest (aranya)128 hermitages of the remote border regions (prdnta)129
(130.17 [137]). He praises dwelling at the foot of trees (130.29 [137]).13° He
dwells in a solitary (vivikta, mhogata)131 place (128.5 [135]), a locale that is
peaceful (130.12 [137]). "He must have pleasure in complete solitude and the
jungle; in a place where it is quiet to sit and lie, where there is little noise, where
there are few sounds" (127.28ff. [134]). In his forest retreat, the good bhiksu
must continually and without ceasing generate the thought of renunciation
(skyo.ba).132 To fulfill his needs, he begs simply, from house to house (131.1-4
[137]). The virtuous bhiksu does not look to the world for comfort (131.19 [137]).
In his solitary abode in the forest, the good bhiksu dwells alone (ekdkin).133 The
good bhiksu "must be lonely. He must have pleasure in solitude" (127.21 [134]).
He must remain ever alone, relying neither on his mother and father, much less
on other families, avoiding association with householders, with women, and with
other renunciants (128.2ff. [134-35]). In particular, the bhiksu is to avoid other
bhiksus who are not of good family (kula)134 (127.34-36 [134]). In his solitary
retreat, the good bhiksu observes silence and does not talk (128.6-7 [135]). He
does not take pleasure in useless talk, nor is he addicted to worldly talk (127.18ff.
[134]). He does not talk to others in a peaceful way, much less in an unpeaceful
way (128.6-7 [135]). This life in the forest is, we are told, the normative way of
life of the virtuous bhiksu. "Living alone in the forest; endowed with virtue,
striving with vigor; seeing no support in the world; this is the ultimate truth (dhar-
matd)135 of the bhiksu" (131.17-20 [137]).
The good bhiksu dwells in this solitary retreat for the purpose of meditation.
His forest abode is a place "abandoned by men, suitable for complete absorption"
(Rps-m 127.29-30 [E., 134]). There, for the purpose of attaining liberation from
all suffering, he practices meditation (131.23-24 [137]). What sort of meditation
does the good bhiksu follow? He examines the sense organs and sees that each of
them cannot be dualistically conceived. The eye is not thus conceived, nor is the
visible form nor the eye consciousness (128.14 [135]). Why? Because no dharmas
are dualistically conceived. Similarly, the bases of the ear, the nose, the tongue,
the body, and the mind are not to be dualistically thought of (128.15-17 [135]).
This meditation reveals that all existents (dharmas) are empty (sunya), and by it,
one should exert oneself to realize the emptiness of dharmas. The good bhiksu
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahdyana Sutras 277
ing of emptiness. They have little use for emptiness and, in contrast to the wise,
do not meditate (Rps-m 132.19-20 [E., 138]). In fact, "having conceptualized
that sphere of activity of the Buddha[s], the dwelling place of the Tathagata[s],
[which is] emptiness, they abandon it; it is to be expected that they will revile
it";151 thus, these persons reject the profound dharma, reviling it and criticizing
it (130.3-4 [136]). They turn their backs on the genuine dharma, and do not
praise the Mahayana (132.21-22 [138]). So it is that the unvirtuous bhiksu is a
counterfeit and a hypocrite. "Shaving their heads they are hypocritical, frauds;
donning the yellow robe they are hypocritical. For what reason must one know
that they are hypocritical? What is blamed by the Buddhas, the exalted ones, is
allowed by those fools" (129.23-26 [136]). Thus, the unvirtuous bhiksus are
morally corrupt. "Suffering heavily from the klefas152 his condition is such that
he is doing great or little sins" (128.33-129.1 [135]). They are filled with arro-
gance and delight in evil deeds (papa)153 (132.13-16 [138]).
What will be the fruit of this false bhiksu? He will bring suffering on himself
and will take rebirth in the lower realms. And, most grievous of all, he will
destroy the teaching of the tathdgata and bring it to ruin (Rps-m 126.12-13 [E.,
133]; 130.7-8 [136]). This, then, is the answer to the question posed at the be-
ginning of the minor Rdstrapdla Sutra: "Of what character are the beings that
bring the teaching of the Tathagata to ruin?"
The preceding discussion raises the important question of the relation of the
minor Rdstrapdla Sutra to the longer text. Several options immediately suggest
themselves: (1) that the two texts were originally parts of a single, unitary com-
position, the position preferred by Ensink (1952, xi); (2) that they were not parts
of one text but are closely related, with one being an abbreviation (if the longer
text is earlier) or expansion (if the shorter text is earlier) of the other; and (3) that
they were composed independently of one another. Owing to the marked differ-
ence in the understanding of the term bhiksu in the two texts (in the longer text,
all bhiksus are bad; in the shorter text, the distinction between good and bad
bhiksus is crucial), it seems unlikely, as in option 1, that the two were originally
part of one composition. The content, form, and concerns of the two texts are
sufficiently different also to suggest that neither is an adaptation of the other (op-
tion 2). The peculiar relationship of the content of the two texts makes it unlikely,
as in option 3, that the two texts are entirely independent of one another.
There is another possibility, namely, that development of the shorter text, as
we now have it, reflects a process more complex than that suggested by any of
the preceding options. Let us begin by noting the curious fact that the minor
Rdstrapdla Sutra, although in its present form a Mahayana text, is principally
concerned with discussing good bhiksus and bad, both of whom belong to the
Sravakayana. Moreover, although various Mahayana topics are mentioned, these
provide the frame for the rest of the text and, apart from the discussions of sun-
yatd, are not present except as window dressing. Let us note further that in its
concerns and argument, the text reveals some striking parallels to the songs of
Phussa and Parapariya in the Theragdthd, including the discrimination between
good and bad bhiksus, the attribution to bad bhiksus of the decline of the dharma,
and even many of the specific criticisms made of the bad bhiksus. Taken together,
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahayana Sutras 279
these facts suggest the possibility that the central portion or core of the text was
originally a composition of a Nikaya forest tradition, with a viewpoint similar to
that behind the songs of Phussa and Parapariya. If this is deemed plausible, then
at a later time this core could have been adapted as a Mahayana text, with a
reworking of the context and logic of the minor Rdstrapdla Sutra into its present
form.
Such an explanation raises an important question: what could have been the
motivation on the part of some Mahayanists to accept and rework the minor Rds-
trapdla Sutra into a Mahayana text? Let us assume, for the sake of argument and
as seems reasonable, that the Mahayana group behind such an adaptation would
have been a Mahayana forest community either identical to or similar to the orig-
inal forest community behind the Rdstrapdla Sutra. Perhaps, at a certain point,
the shorter text appeared within this group of forest Mahayanists. Admittedly, this
proto-minor Rdstrapdla Sutra was a text of the Sravakayana that lauds the good
bhiksu. At the same time, however, the text could recommend itself very well to
such a Mahayana community particularly for two reasons. First, it eloquently ar-
ticulates and praises the life of forest renunciation. Second, like certain forest
srdvakas evidenced in the Pali canon (Suttanlpdta, Culasunnata Sutta, and Ma-
hdsunnata Sutta) and certain other forest srdvakas mentioned in the Ratnaguna
and Lankdvatdra Sutra, it holds certain values that come to be seen as Mahayan-
ist, most particularly its identification of sunyatd as the central realization of the
forest renunciant. As to the immediate cause of adaptation, it may be noted that
the shorter text as we now have it appears to represent a softening of the longer
text's harshly negative attitude toward bhiksus. This raises the interesting possi-
bility that the shorter text was adapted by the community in question and put with
the longer text, partly to counteract the blanket condemnation of bhiksus found in
the longer text.
Be this as it may, the minor Rdstrapdla Sutra gives the appearance of being a
response—indeed, rebuttal—to the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra's view that the bhiksu
as such will bring the dharma to ruin. The shorter text thus retains the same
explanation for the destruction of the dharma as the longer—namely, the abandon-
ment of the normative way of forest renunciation. But by showing that some
sravaka bhiksus follow the normative path of forest renunciation and are therefore
good, the shorter text does not attribute the blame for the destruction of the dharma
to the sravaka bhiksus as such, but rather to the abandonment of what it considers
the normative Buddhist way of forest renunciation.
This approach enables the shorter text, as we now have it, to take a view of
its religious context that is, in comparison to many other Mahayana sutras, rela-
tively uncluttered by Mahayana polemics. For the shorter text the usual conceptual
barriers and dividing lines between the Mahayana and the Sravakayana do not
apply. As we have seen, the text criticizes certain bhiksus who do conform to the
Mahayanist stereotype of the sravaka bhiksu. But, as we have also seen, it de-
scribes other sravaka bhiksus who follow the same way of life as the bodhisattva
forest renunciant described in the longer text and other Mahayana forest texts.
Moreover, like this bodhisattva they are virtuous, possess a genuine understanding
of emptiness, are endowed with good qualities, are genuinely realized beings, and
280 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
are worthy of praise and veneration. Finally, like the forest bodhisattva, the forest
bhiksu is seen as upholding authentic renunciant Buddhism, which here, as in the
other texts we have examined, is identified with the way of forest renunciation.
The main differences between the srdvaka bhiksu of the forest of the shorter text
and the bodhisattva renunciant of the forest of the longer text are that the srdvaka
bhiksu follows the prdtimoksa and seeks an end to his own suffering rather than
aspiring to anuttarasamyaksambodhi.154
In its final Mahay ana configuration, then, the minor Rdstrapdla Sutra exhibits
the same kind of flexibility with regard to language as is seen in the forest texts
of the pre-Mahayana and the Mahayana that we have examined, in its reluctance
to give too much substance to the terms Srdvakaydna and Mahdydna as necessar-
ily opposed phenomena. The text thus stands forth as a sustained critique of the
view that all srdvaka bhiksus conform to the conceptual stereotype of the srdvaka
bhiksu as presented in Mahayana texts such as the Rdstrapdla Sutra. It wants to
say, in effect, that this talk of "vehicles" has its place, but it is a limited place
and must not blind one to similarities and alliances that, at first glance, do not
appear to conform to type.
In all of this, the shorter text, like the Ratnaguna and the Lahkdvatdra Sutra,
provides us with insight into the time and the situation in which what finally be-
came understood as the Mahayana was in the process of sorting out its own self-
identity in relation to existing traditions. In addition, the shorter text is also like
the other two texts, both of which clearly admit the existence of non-Mahayanist
renunciants of the forest who come close to the ideal of the forest-renunciant
bodhisattva. What makes the shorter text distinctive is the strength of its affirma-
tion of the authenticity and value of the forest bhiksu of the Sravakayana, while
still managing to affirm its own sense of the superiority of the bodhisattva path.
The minor Rastrapdla Sutra makes some other important contributions to the pres-
ent discussion, but these will best be reserved for Chapter 12.
Notes
1. On the bodhisattva ideal in Mahayana Buddhism see Suzuki 1930, 202-36; Dayal
1932; Rahula 1971; Snellgrove 1970; Basham 1981; Kajiyama 1982; and Lopez 1988.
These studies discuss the doctrinal definitions, classical practices, and stages of develop-
ment of the bodhisattva. They generally give little treatment to the image of the bodhisattva
as a saint, particularly in the sutra literature. The term bodhisattva, of course, is sometimes
used in a nonrestrictive sense in Buddhism. Thus, the term may, as noted, refer to the
person aspiring to become a pratyekabuddha, after his initial vow and prior to realization,
as in pratyekabodhisattva. This study, unless otherwise noted, follows conventional usage,
employing the term bodhisattva to refer to that person who aspires to and has taken the
vow to attain the complete and perfect enlightenment of a buddha.
2. See, e.g., Dutt 1930, 31, 34, 66-67, and passim; Dayal 1932, 30-49, 273-75;
Bareau 1955, 260, 296-305, and passim; Dutt 1970, 81-84, 110-13; Nakamura 1987b.
3. Some Sanskrit terms supplied by Lamotte have been deleted.
4. In the Bendall and Rouse translation, these texts are identified as follows: the Ug-
rapariprccha (cf. Schuster's discussion of the full text in Chinese translation; Schuster
1985); Candrapradlpa Sutra ( = Samddhirdja Sutra [Ss 199]); Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra;
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahay ana Sutras 281
It will be observed that this list in Asp differs somewhat from the classical Mahayana list
of the dasakusalakarma as found in both Dhs and Mvy. In particular, neither of these latter
include Asp item d, abstention from surdmaireyamadyapramddasthdna, a convention found,
of course, in the list of five precepts, as for example, in Pali tradition (P., surdmeraya-
majjapamddatthdnd) (PTSD 712, s.v. sila).
15. Although not enumerated in Rgs, Asp (21 [Cz., 231]) mentions various dhutagunas
taken by the forest-renunciant bodhisattvas; see the discussion in Chapter 9.
16. Quite interesting is the assumption in Rgs that the arhant and the pratyekabuddha,
like the bodhisattva, represent essentially meditational ideals. This would tend to support
the idea that originally, in at least one tradition, there were three distinct and valid ideals
accepted within (what became) the Mahayana, and further that each of these was under-
stood as a forest ideal.
17. Although, in Rgs as in other texts that emphasize the bodhisattva as an ascetic
ideal, such abilities are not stressed. For the role of these in relation to the bodhisattva
ideal, see Gomez 1977.
18. The Rgs's treatment of the magical powers of the saint is indicative. Like the
Theragdthd and Therlgdthd, Rgs describes the life of forest renunciation from the viewpoint
of the renunciants themselves. We know from other Buddhist texts, even those where
magical powers are given relatively positive evaluation (e.g., Csp 74-81 [Rb., 81-85]),
that for renunciants although the existence of magical powers is acknowledged, they are
regarded with ambivalence. At best, they are useful but secondary manifestations of wis-
dom and, at worst, side tracks from the primary task at hand, that of attaining realization.
For texts reflecting a more cultic viewpoint, of course, the magical powers of the realized
saint typically play a larger and more important role.
19. This reference to the existence of a written text shows writing penetrating forest
Buddhism, just as it did settled monasticism.
20. The Ugrapariprcchd Sutra is worth mentioning in this context. This text, dated to
the first century C.E. or earlier (Schuster 1985, 28-31), provides an image of the forest-
renunciant bodhisattva's path that is in many ways closely similar to the one given in Rgs.
Thus in Up, we are told that there are two legitimate bodhisattva ideals, that of the house-
holder and that of the forest renunciant (30ff. and 36ff.). In one sense, the latter is the
higher ideal, as all bodhisattvas must eventually become forest renunciants in order to attain
buddhahood. Nevertheless, just to live in the forest is not enough, for one's attitude must
be correct (37). In the forest, the renunciant bodhisattva practices an ascetic regimen, de-
fined principally by the "four practices of the noble ones" (dryavamsa) (see Chapter 9).
The forest-renunciant bodhisattva must practice meditation ardently, generate great com-
passion, practice the six pdramitds, penetrate emptiness, practice the three gates to deliv-
erance, etc. One important difference between Up and Rgs is the relative emphasis placed
upon the household life. In Up, the interlocutor is the householder Ugra, whom the Buddha
praises above forest renunciants because he is willing to stay in the world to assist beings
(37-39).
21. The "three vehicles" are mentioned at Rgs 15.5. For similar patterns in other early
Mahayana texts, see Harrison 1987, 83-84.
22. Rgs 31.5 tells us that one who longs for arhantship or pratyekabuddhahood will
have broken his morality (sila).
23. In this context, see Harrison 1987, 82.
24. Rgs 31.5; we learn that the bodhisattva will break his sila if he longs for arhantship
or pratyekabuddhahood and that this is more serious even than apdrdjika offense. We may
suspect that the pdrdjika referred to here is the prdtimoksa category, as functioning within
classical monasticism of the time. In reference to the typically monastic connotations of
284 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the term sravaka, La Vallee Poussin points to certain features of the sravaka implying
activities of scholarship and preaching of the settled monastic establishment: ' 'sravaka . . .
is commonly translated 'auditor,' 'disciple,' but it also means 'preacher' . . . [and] points
out one of [their] features . . . they are preachers. They are the fathers and doctors of the
Church" (1908-27c, 152),
25. Warder remarks that although there is no external evidence for its great antiquity,
this text, judging from its content, would appear to be among the earliest of extant Maha-
yana sutras (1970, 359).
26. Reprinted IIR 1957. In an appendix, the IIR reprint lists emendations to the San-
skrit text suggested by Finot, La Vallee Poussin, Ensink, Bailey, and de Jong (the appendix
is reproduced in de Jong 1979, 421-27). Further emendations are suggested by de Jong
1968, 4-7.
27. E.g., in the dkon.brtsegs section of the Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka
(shi), 192a-226b. Ensink's edition of the Tibetan translation was made on the basis of the
Derge, Narthang, Peking, and Lhasa editions of the Kanjur.
28. The text was translated into Chinese three times, by Dharmaraksa in 270 C.E.; by
Jnanagupta at the end of the sixth century (Taisho 310); and by Danapala in 994 (Taisho
321) (Ensink 1952, ix; de Jong 1968, 1). For a discussion of the texts of the Rps, see de
Jong 1953, 1957, and 1968.
29. References are to the Sanskrit edition of Finot. In his edition of the Tibetan, Ensink
provides cross reference to Finot's Sanskrit edition so that the references here may be used
readily to locate passages in either Sanskrit or Tibetan. This analysis generally follows the
Sanskrit version. In a few instances where the Sanskrit leaves room for differing interpre-
tations, the Tibetan is consulted. Except as noted, I quote Ensink's generally sound trans-
lation.
30. Not translated by Ensink.
31. The stereotypical notion that forest saints live in border regions is also found in
Nikaya Buddhism, e.g., in the vinaya of the Mulasarvastivadins, where no less a figure
than Gavampati is said to be "foremost among those who dwell in the border regions"
(Przyluski 1926-28, 243). On this saint and his cult, see Przyluski 1926-28, 239-47; Levy
1957, 82-90; and Shorto 1970.
32. The term dhuta is often used in Mahayana texts to refer to the dhutagunas (BHSD
286.1). In the four passages cited here, and throughout this text, Ensink translates this term
vaguely as "morality." This, however, misses the specific sense intended here, namely,
the set of ascetic practices that specifically define the life of the forest renunciant, specify-
ing the obtaining of food, clothing, and habitation.
33. This, by implication, where the text critiques those who are not devoted to the
dhutagunas.
34. The Sanskrit reads nirdmisasevanataya (Rps 73.19-20). See BHSD 299, s.v. nir-
dmisa.
35. Again, his mind is tranquil and tamed (Rps 11.16 [E., 13]).
36. Following the Tibetan, which takes the compound srutiguna as a dvandva (Rps
73.7) rather than Ensink who prefers a tatpurusa (E., 15).
37. Mentioned only once in the text and clearly not a central element in the bodhisattva
ideal being articulated here.
38. Dharmabhdnaka is used in both Nikaya Buddhism and the Mahayana to refer to
those who recite texts (BHSD 280). Although in Rps, the term appears to indicate people
different from the ideal promoted by the text, in other Mahayana texts that espouse a less
strictly forest ideal, the term dharmabhdnaka can be used to indicate something done by
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahdydna Sutras 285
the ideal bodhisattva, for which see Asp 55.14, 16 (Conze 1973b, 118); Sps 12.18 (Kn.,
20), 142ff. (213ff.), and 143.10 (214); and Dasabhumika Sutra 29.19 (Honda 1968, 180).
This suggests that although it may be suspected that in the context of Rps the dharmabhd-
nakas are monastics following Nikaya traditions, one cannot be certain, for the text may
rather intend to include more broadly Mahayana preachers as well. On the use of the term
in early Buddhism, see Lamotte 1958, 164.
39. Again, he will see that there is no self in either beings or dharmas (Rps 12.11 [E.,
13]).
40. In early Buddhism, this term indicates those who memorize, recite, and maintain
the continuity of the passing on of the sutras, in contrast, for example, to the vinayadhara,
who memorize, recite, and pass on the vinaya (cf. Lamotte 1958, 164). Ensink appears
correct in translating the term here as indicating the bodhisattva's custodianship of the
dharma in the sense of the general Mahayana teaching of the Buddha, rather than as refer-
ring to a specific text or corpus of texts.
41. This section of the text identifies this antibodhisattva type in several ways: at the
beginning of the section and following, he is explicitly called "bhiksu" (e.g., Rps 17.14
[E., 18]); sometimes he is called "ignorant" (alpabuddhi) (e.g., 17.2 [17]); sometimes he
is mentioned as "one whom the bodhisattva must avoid" (e.g., 18.17 [19]); sometimes we
simply find the text mentioning qualities that the bodhisattva must shun, qualities that
would lead to his downfall (e.g., 19.16 [20]). Several facts make it clear that these pas-
sages are referring to a renunciant of a non-forest-dwelling type: (1) the section opens
with an explicit critique of the bhiksus (17.3-15 [15-17]); (2) the bhiksus return as the
explicit object of critique elsewhere in this section; (3) the opening section makes it clear
that the "downfalls [prapata] of the bodhisattvas" are principally found in the way of life
of the bhiksus and their faults (17.3-15 [15-17]); (4) even where the explicit term bhiksu
is not used, the specific values, qualities, and preoccupations criticized are those that else-
where in Rps are attributed to settled monastic life; and (5) this section embodies a con-
sistent presentation of the antitype of the bodhisattva, and the type described throughout
emerges as a unified and coherent type of the settled monastic. In a review of Ensink's
translation, de Jong remarks in passing that "la prophetic de la future decadence de 1'eg-
lise" does not occur in the Chinese version of the text in its earlier translation (de Jong
1953, 546).
42. In this text, jndna generally refers to the wisdom of the buddhas and is typically
translated by the Tibetan as ye.shes. Here, however, jndna clearly means relative knowl-
edge, reflected in the Tibetan rendering of jndna simply as shes.pa.
43. Buddhaghosa similarly cites examples of bhikkhus trying to meditate in a settled
monastic context who become objects of others' jealousy and who are criticized and even
driven out (Vsm 119-20 [N., 23-24]). Here Rps clearly acknowledges the existence of
monks within settled monasteries who attempt to practice meditation, although unsuccess-
fully.
44. Ensink translates gana (group) as samgha, by which he appears to mean monastic
samgha. This usage must, however, be questioned. The term gana is frequently used in
Mahayana sutras to refer to the community of bodhisattvas and is often set in opposition
to the term samgha, meaning the order of bhiksus. The term gana, as used in these texts,
appears to refer to both lay and renunciant bodhisattvas. Thus in the Lankdvatdra Sutra, in
the opening sections of the text, we are told that the Buddha is surrounded by the samgha
of bhiksus and by the gana of bodhisattvas (bhiksusamghena . . . bodhisattvaganena) (Las
1.5 [Sz., 3]). The Sukhdvativyuha Sutra similarly refers to Amitabha surrounded by srd-
vakasamgha and bodhisattvagana (Hirakawa 1963, 70). In the same fashion, the Saddhar-
286 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
mapundarika Sutra speaks of the srdvakasamgha and the bodhisattvagana (Hirakawa 1963,
81). The term gana is also used in specific reference to the group of bodhisattvas in the
Dasabhumika Sutra (Hirakawa 1963, 80). In Rps, the use of the term samgha for the
monastic order of bhiksus or srdvakas is seen, for example, in the way in which in its
opening section Rps uses the term samgha to refer to the bhiksus but not to the bodhisattvas
(Rps 1.Iff [E., Iff.]). Similar are the Vimalaklrtinirdesa Sutra (Lamotte 1962, 97ff., 83)
and the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra (Asp 1.5 [Cz., 83]). Although, as Hirakawa
has pointed out, the Mahay ana texts show some variation in the way they present their
dramatis personae, it is significant that the two groups, the bhiksus (or srdvakas) and the
bodhisattvas, are often presented as distinct and separate bodies (Hirakawa 1963, 79ff.; see
also Nakamura 1987a and 1987b). This understanding of the frequently mutually exclusive
meanings of the terms samgha and gana provides the necessary tools for a proper under-
standing of this passage in Rps. What is being said here is, in effect, not that these bhiksus
disrespect community as such, much less the monastic samgha, but rather that they show
no devotion for the community of lay and renunciant bodhisattvas. At the same time, it
should be pointed out that there are exceptions to these trends, for the term gana is some-
times used to refer to gatherings of monks in the Mahayana (e.g., Ss 160.20 [BR., 193];
Rgs 6.1). Likewise, the term samgha may occasionally be used to refer both to the group
of srdvakas/bhiksus and to the group of bodhisattvas, such as in the Samdhinirmocana
Sutra (31.14 and 33.1 [L., 167-68]).
45. The epithet dharmadhara is used here making it clear that the bodhi-
sattva is intended.
46. = siksd. The behavioral meaning of this term seems clear (see, e.g., BHSD 527.1).
It is not clear whether or not a specific code is being referred to here, such as the dasaku-
saldni mentioned at 15.6.
47. Ensink again renders dhuta as "morality" and siksd as "teachings." Dhuta should,
as mentioned in note 32, be taken to refer to the dhutagunas, whereas in this context it
seems likely that siksd refers to the conduct of the bodhisattvas. By contrast, the term
prdtimoksa, which refers to the moral code of the bhiksus, is not used in Rps to refer to
the bodhisattvas. The specific terminology in Rps thus reflects a clear separation between
the tradition of the bodhisattvas and that of the srdvakas, but Ensink's translation at key
points renders this separation invisible. In this, Ensink's work reflects the two-tiered model
and stands as a good example of how this model can have a major impact on an otherwise
fine translation, such that the phenomenon of the saints is obscured.
48. The text reads sravana. Finot remarks that "d'apres les 2 versions chinoises, sra-
vand = sramand" (1901, 17, n. 2). The Tibetan reads dge.sbyong, confirming this reading
(E., 76.12). From context, it appears that this term is intended to refer to, or at least to
include, renunciant bodhisattvas. If so, this suggests that although the term bhiksu is not
applicable to the renunciant bodhisattva of this text, the term sramana is.
49. The Samdhinirmocana Sutra, including the introduction and ten chapters of the
text, represent according to Lamotte "a complete summary of the Buddhist Great Vehicle"
(1935, 24). The text has long been recognized as an important Mahayana sutra, because
of its antiquity and also because it is the principal sutra upon which the early Yogacarin
masters, including Asanga, Vasubandhu, and Sthiramati, base their thinking (L., 14-15).
Lamotte provides a useful summary of the central ideas of Asanga's thought and its ground-
ing in Sns (L., 16-17).
50. For remarks on Sns in the context of early Yogacara, see Weinstein 1958 and
Schmithausen 1987, 1-33.
51. Although acknowledging the difficulty of definitively dating the text and its various
components, Lamotte believes that the short sutras of which Sns is composed were in
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahayana Sutras 287
existence at least by the second century C.E. and were collected into a single text by the
end of the second century (L., 24-25). He sees the text itself as divided into three large
blocks, identifiable as units through both their form and their content. These blocks devel-
oped, Lamotte believes, in three successive stages: chapters 1 to 4, followed by chapters 5
to 8, and finally chapters 8 to 10 (L., 18).
52. Tib., 'phags.pa. Although Sns does not survive in Sanskrit, in notes to his Tibetan
edition of the text, Lamotte has provided a nearly exhaustive list of common Sanskrit
equivalents to Tibetan technical terms. The present analysis includes, where pertinent, ref-
erences to these hypothesized equivalents.
53. Tib., rnal. 'byor.pa.
54. Tib., dge. slong. rnal. 'byor. spyod.pa. Lamotte, "moines mystiques" (1935, 181).
These are clearly the Mahayanist ideal of the text, for they are defined as having realized
the tathatd and understood the selflessness of the dharmas (Sns 51.9ff. [L., 181]).
55. byang. chub. sems. dpa'.
56. Perhaps these sections reflect a forest origin, but one not originally understood as
connected with the ideal of the bodhisattva or as "Mahayanist." As in the case of Ss, the
Sns may have originated as a forest tradition similar to those reflected in the Nikaya evi-
dence, which only subsequently came to be included within, and to be understood as an
expression of, Mahayana Buddhism. For another possible example of the same phenome-
non, see the appendix at the end of this chapter.
57. Except in a story recounted by Subhuti, shortly to be summarized.
58. Tib., zhi.gnas.
59. Tib., lhag.mthong.
60. Tib., rab.tu.dben.pa.
61. Tib., mi.smra.ba.'phags.pa.
62. Tib., so.so.rang.gis.rig.pa.
63. Tib., 'phags.pa'i.shes..pa.
64. Tib., 'phags.pa'i.mthong.pa.
65. Tib., mngon.par.rdzogs.par.sangs.rgyas.pa.
66. Tib., rtog.ge.thams.cad.
67. Tib., chos.bdag.med.pa.
68. Tib., de.bzhin.nyid.
69. Tib., tha.dad.ma.yin.
70. Tib., mngon.pa'i.nga.rgyal.
71. Tib., dgon.pa.nags.khrod.chen.po.
72. Tib., phung.po.
73. Tib., mtshan.ma.
74. Tib., skye.ba.
75. Tib., 'jig.pa.
76. Tib., 'gog.pa.
77. Tib., 'gog.pa.mngon.du.bgyid.pa.
78. Tib., skye.mched.
79. Tib., rten.cing.'brel.par.'byung.ba.
80. Tib., zas.
81. Tib., bden.pa.
82. Tib., khams.
83. Tib., dran.pa.nye.bar.bzhag.pa.
84. Tib., yang.dag.par.spong.ba.
85. Tib., rdzu.'phrul.gyi.rkang.pa.
86. Tib., dbang.po.
288 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Buddhism as a teaching practiced by forest renunciants, within a forest context, using forest
analogies, and following a meditative path.
The MahdsuMata Sutta presents similar evidence, commenting that the bhiksu who
remains within and delights in the collectivity, the body of bhiksus, either his own or
another, does not excel. The one who excels is, rather, the one who acquires the happiness
of renunciation, of aloofness, of calm, of self-awakening, and the one who does so "dwells
alone, remote from a group" (Mn 3:110 [Hn., 3:153-54]), "in a forest, at the root of a
tree, on a mountain slope, in a wilderness, a hill-cave, a [cremation ground], a forest-
haunt, in the open air or on a heap of straw" (3:115-16 [3:160-61]). This forest renun-
ciant, moreover, practices meditation: "That bhikkhu . . . should steady, calm, make one-
pointed and concentrate his mind precisely on what is inward . . . , an inward emptiness.
. . . This abiding, Ananda, has been fully awakened to by the Tathagata, that is to say,
by not attending to any signs, the entering on and abiding in an inward emptiness." It is
to this realization of emptiness that the renunciant in the forest should aspire (3:109-18
[3:152-62]). The text also mentions certain restrictions of speech characteristic, as we have
seen, of other forest texts (3:113 [3:157]). Further, it warns that both forest teacher and
forest disciple face a particular danger—namely, that they will be besieged by the laity, by
townsfolk and country folk, and will become enamored of the attention, thus losing their
way. Finally, the Mahdsunnata Sutta specifically rejects textual pursuits as a focus of at-
tention for the forest renunciant: "Ananda, it is not fit that a disciple should follow after a
teacher if it is for the sake of an exposition of the Discourses that are in prose and in prose
and verse" (3:115 [3:159]). For a discussion of Nikaya Sanskrit texts treating sunyata, or
emptiness, see Lamotte 1973.
109. This trend is, of course, not entirely absent from Nikaya Buddhist texts extolling
the forest life. For an example, see Dhammapada 141-42.
110. In the preceding discussion, we have seen some variations in the way in which
the bodhisattva is defined as a forest saint, and in the way in which his way of life is
contrasted with that of the monastic bhiksu. In Rgs, the bodhisattva is primarily a forest
saint, and the contrast between him and the settled monastic, his way of life, and his
understanding are alluded to but not spelled out. In Sns, the forest identity of the bodhi-
sattva is not explicitly stated but is implied; moreover, although his way of life is not
explicitly extolled, his major preoccupation (meditation) and his understanding (nonconcep-
tual realization) are, and these are favorably compared with the scholastic preoccupations
and conceptual understanding of (monastic) bhiksus and (it was suggested) certain bodhi-
sattvas. In Rps, the bodhisattva is also a forest saint, and he is sharply and boldly contrasted
with the monastic bhiksu. In Up, Cp, Rps, Rk, and Rr selections of Santideva's Ss, the
central ideal is similarly a forest saint, but one finds here no blatant criticism or even strong
contrast with monastic life, consonant, as mentioned, with Santideva's monastic status.
111. According to Suzuki, the Lankavatara Siitra was compiled sometime before 433
C.E., when it was translated into Chinese. However, the complete text as we now have it
dates from a later time, and Suzuki mentions in this respect that translations done in 513
and 700-704 contain the dhdranl and sagathakam sections of the text not present in the
earlier translation (1932, xlii). On the development of Las, see Takasaki 1980 and 1982.
112. Reference to the type of practice reflected in the last member of the classical
dhutaguna lists. See Chapter 9.
113. This critique is, of course, part of the larger polemical intention of Las, for some
major themes of which see Kunst 1980.
114. It may be noted that in the introduction to Sns, which Lamotte judges to reflect a
later time than chapters 1 to 4, the term srdvaka is used to refer to the scholastic Buddhists
of settled Nikaya monasticism. As the text opens, the Buddha is preaching to a great
290 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
gathering of srdvakas and a great gathering of bodhisattvas. Four major themes dominate
the description of the srdvakas (Sns 32-33 [L., 168]): (1) sila, or exemplary behavior; (2)
textual learning; (3) teaching; and (4) prajnd. Thus we are told (1) that the sila of the
srdvakas is completely pure (suvisuddhasila; Tib., tshul.khrims.shin.tu.rnam.par.dag.pa);
(2) that they have studied much (bahusruta; Tib., mang.du.thos.pa), are specialists in that
which they have studied (srutadhara; Tib., thos.pa.'dzin.pd), and accumulate that which
they have studied (srutasamnicaya; Tib., thos.pa.bsags.pa); (3) that they conceive good
thoughts (sucintitacintin; Tib., legs.par.bsams.pa.sems.pa), speak in good speech (subhds-
itabhdsin; Tib., legs.par.smra.ba.brjod.pa.), and perform good deeds (sukrtakarmakdrin;
Tib., legs.par.bya.ba'i.las.byed.pa); and (4) that their prajnd is lively (dsuprajnd; Tib.,
shes.rab.myur.ba), swift (javanap.; Tib., shes.rab.mgyogs.pa), sharp (tlksnap.; Tib.,
shes.rab.rno.ba), prudent (nihsaranap.; Tib., nges.par.'byung.ba'i.shes.rab.can), pene-
trating (nairvedhikap.; Tib., nges.par.rtogs.pa'i.shes.rab.can), great (mahdp.; Tib.,
shes.rab.che.ba), extensive (prthup.; Tib., shes.rab.yangs.pa), etc. The emphasis here is
clearly on noncontemplative values. The nature of the srdvakas is thrown into particular
relief by the entirely different ways in which the bodhisattvas are characterized (Sns 34
[L., 168-69]):
They are marked with meditational accomplishment: they are free from all conceptualizing
[kalpa; Tib., rtog.pa], conceptual thought [vikalpa; Tib., rnam.par.rtog.pa], and defiling
thought [parikalpa; Tib., yongs.su.rtog.pa].
They are spiritually highly attained: they have transcended the five great fears [mahdbhaya;
Tib., 'jigs.pa.chen.po]; they tend toward those bhumis where one does not regress.
They are victorious over supernatural and other enemies: they have conquered Mara and all
adversaries.
They possess charisma, being firm in the joyful experience and great bliss of the dharma.
They exhibit compassion for sentient beings: they are even-minded [samacitta; Tib.,
sems.mnyam.pa] toward all sentient beings; they are directed toward those bhumis that
pacify the sufferings of all beings.
They dwell in other realms, the buddha fields: they come from the various buddha fields
where they dwell.
They belong to a separate tradition from that of the srdvakas: they are established in the
Mahay ana dharma; they remain far removed from the habitual attitudes [manasikdra; Tib.,
y'id.la.byed.pa] of the srdvakas and pratyekabuddhas.
115. The fact that srdvaka is not used to refer to these scholarly types is seen in the
way in which the text frequently contrasts the tarkikas and the srdvakas (e.g., Las 24.25-
26 [S., 49]).
116. The term bdla is applied to unworthy bhiksus also in the Dhammapada; for an
example see Dp 73-74.
117. So far has the original meaning of the pratyekabuddha as a silent forest hermit
been obscured.
118. To the obvious question as to which division is the more ancient, there is no clear
answer. The hierarchical arrangement at least of bodhisattva/buddha (in reference to Sak-
yamuni, if not to others) and srdvaka/arhant may well reflect the time period of the Buddha
himself. At the same time, as noted, it is unclear whether original Buddhism was purely a
tradition of forest renunciants with their lay devotees or whether the Buddha himself ac-
cepted town-and-village renunciants as legitimate members of his renunciant samgha. If
the latter is true, then the two different classification systems may in fact derive from the
same period.
In addition, can one be sure that, just as some advanced the srdvaka/arhant ideal, there
Bodhisattva Saints of the Forest in Mahayana Sutras 291
were not from earliest times also partisans of the bodhisattva ideal? We may recall that at
a later time, the Sarvastivada held that there were three legitimate ideals and paths to
realization, those of bodhisattva, pratyekabuddha, and arhant. We have also seen that the
early Mahayana, as reflected in Rgs, accepts this view. It is significant that even in Thera-
vada Buddhism, where the arhant ideal reigns supreme, there is similarly a recognition that
all three ideals are legitimate and that devotees may aspire to any of the three. In the
previous chapter we saw that the pratyekabuddha was an ideal for some in Thailand even
in modern times. Spiro similarly tells us that, in Burma, there was a tradition, restricted in
numbers but nevertheless long-standing, of those who aspired to full buddhahood, "who
refer to themselves as Embryo Buddhas (hpaya: laung:)," that is, bodhisattvas (1982, 61-
63). Harrison views the matter similarly (1987, 85).
119. Tib., theg.pa.chen.po. The text does not survive in Sanskrit. However, standard
Sanskrit equivalents are given here for terms appearing in their Sanskrit forms elsewhere
in this study.
120. Tib., stong.pa.nyid.
121. Tib., bla.na.med.pa.yang.dag.par.rdzogs.pa'i.byang.chub.
122. Tib., nyan.thos.kyi.theg.pa.
123. Tib., so.sor.thar.pa.
124. Tib., dge.slong.gi.gnas.
125. Tib., Ihod.pa'i.gnas.
126. Tib., dge.slong.ltar.bcos.pa; ltar.bcos.pa is the Tibetan rendering of the Sanskrit
prativarnika ("counterfeit, [false] imitation [of something, which usually precedes it in
comp]," BHSD 366). For variants and references, see BHSD, s.v. prativarnika.
127. Tib., tshul.khrims.
128. Tib., dgon.pa.
129. Tib., bas.mtha.
130. Shing.drung.rnams, or, perhaps, following Ensink, ascetics who dwell at the foot
of trees.
131. Tib., dben.pa.
132. Tib. Ensink translates "disturbance," the literal meaning of skyo.ba (Skt., udvega),
but this fails to catch the meaning of this term as commonly used in Buddhist texts to
indicate revulsion toward an object of grasping and consequent inward renunciation.
133. Tib., gcig.pu.
134. Tib., rigs.pa.
135. Tib., chos.nyid.
136. Once again, we find a Mahayana forest text crediting other forest practitioners
who follow non-Mahayana traditions (here Sravakayana) with an understanding of sunyata.
137. Tib., ting.nge.'dzin.
138. Tib., shes.rab.
139.
Chos.rnams.srog.med.gso.ba.med
gsob.dang.gsog.dang. snying.po. med
stong.pa.nyid. la.mos. byed.pa
de.ni.dge.slong.chos.nyid.do.
The Dhutagunas
So far this study has dealt primarily with two of the three dimensions of the
Buddhist saints, their hagiographic paradigms and their cults. This chapter raises
the issue of the third dimension, the specific ascetic traditions typically followed
by the saints themselves. The preceding chapters have already indicated what is
most important about these ascetic traditions: they are traditions of forest renun-
ciation. The Buddha himself emerges from a tradition of retirement to the forest
and homeless wandering. Mahakasyapa, at least in most sources, also follows a
wandering, ascetic way of life in the forest. The later patriarch Upagupta is a
forest saint who lives on Mount Urumunda—famed for meditation—far from Aso-
ka's capital. Pindolabharadvaja is a forest saint who wanders about, begging food
and meditating. Devadatta is a forest renunciant, who is criticized for wanting to
reconfirm the ancient forest way of life in its purity in the face of change. And
even Sariputra, prototypical embodiment of settled monastic values and orienta-
tion, has forest features in his history and personality.
We also saw that the saints of the Theragdthd and Therlgdthd live in the
forest, as do many of the arhants mentioned by the Chinese pilgrims. The pra-
tyekabuddha likewise follows a forest way of renunciation and so do the the bodhi-
sattvas examined in the previous chapter. The habitual association of saint with
forest is important; it is the forest, we seem to be told, that is the natural habitat
of the saint, the environment where saints are produced. The converse is also
suggested: living saints are not typically or naturally associated with the settled
monastery of town and village.1 In light of the preceding chapters, this should
come as no surprise. As we have seen, it is by meditation that, in Buddhism,
realization and realized people become possible, and those who would practice
meditation intensively must withdraw to the forest.2
An important aspect of the identity of Buddhist forest traditions are specific
codes of ascetic practice that relate to, among other things, a forest renunciant's
dress, sustenance, and habitation and sometimes speech, meditation, seclusion,
and basic attitudes of renunciation. As we shall see, these codes appear in a con-
siderable variety of forms and are found in a wide selection of texts of both
Nikaya and Mahayana Buddhism. This chapter sets out some of the more promi-
293
294 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
nent types of such codes and attempts to discern some historical relationships
among them.
Early Buddhism knows of a number of different sets of ascetic practices that
define a life of forest renunciation. In the Dighanikdya, for example, we are told
that a renunciant who is true to the "four noble families" (P., ariyavamsa; Skt.,
dryavamsa) (in the Pali terminology) (1) is content with any robe (civara); (2) is
content with any alms food (pindapdta); (3) is content with any place for sitting
and lying (sendsana); and (4) has pleasure and delight in abandoning and medi-
tation (pahdndrdmo pahdnarato bhdvandrdmo bhdvandrato) (Dn 3:224-25 [T.R.
and C.R. 1899-1921, 3:217]).3 Chapters 1 and 5 contained reference to several
variations of the set of five practices attributed to Devadatta that similarly give
specifications regarding food, apparel, and dwelling. Also mentioned in previous
chapters is the set of four nisrayas,4 or "requisites," followed by early forest
renunciants; these specify that renunciants are to (1) sleep only at the foot of trees
(vrksamula); (2) live only by begging food (pindapdta); (3) wear only clothes
made from cast-off rags (pdmsukula; P., pamsukuld); and (4) use as medicine
only cow's urine (putimuktabhaisajya; P., putimuttabhesajja).5
The four nisrayas, in particular, seem to have played a pivotal role at an early
time in Buddhist history. So much is suggested by their frequent mention in the
Buddhist texts and by their appearance at a crucial place in the ordination cere-
mony, as described in the Mahdvagga (see Chapter 1). The same is also sug-
gested, according to Frauwallner, by the way in which they appear in the vinayas.
Thus, in the Bhaisajyavastu of the vinaya of the Dharmaguptaka and of the Ma-
hisasaka, we are told that five monks6 ask the Buddha what should serve them as
food. The Buddha replies that they should eat only food that they have received
as alms in their begging bowls. Similarly, in the Bhaisajyavastu of the vinaya of
the Dharmaguptaka, five monks ask which medicine they should employ. The
Buddha tells them that they should use only cow's urine. Further, in the Clvara-
vastu of the vinaya of the Sarvastivadins and of the Dharmaguptakas, five monks
ask what garb they should use, to which the Buddha responds that they should
use only picked-up rags. Finally, in the Sayandsanavastu of the Sarvastivadins
and of the Dharmaguptakas, the five monks ask where it is appropriate for them
to live. The Buddha says that they should dwell in forests, caves, the foot of
trees, and so on (Frauwallner 1956, 133-34).
Who are these five monks and what is the historical importance of the prac-
tices thus enjoined upon them? Frauwallner believes that these five are none other
than the original five monks to whom the Buddha first preached the dharma in the
Deer Park in Banaras and that the practices are none other than the four nisrayas
enjoined upon the Buddha's original disciples. Frauwallner sees this interpretation
confirmed by the fact that Banaras is mentioned in these accounts, although it is
otherwise seldom mentioned in the Old Skandhaka (1956, 134-35). Whether or
not one accepts the full extent of Frauwallner's interpretation,7 one can agree with
him that the antiquity of these practices is suggested by the particular way in
which they are introduced in the Old Skandhaka. According to Frauwallner, these
questions and answers appear abruptly, with no real introduction and no inherent
connection with the flow of the rest of the text, and they disappear with equal
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 295
Another closely related but more detailed code became accepted—with minor var-
iations—as standard in Indian Buddhism. This is the code of the dhutagunas8
(ascetic practices; lit., "[good] qualities of shaking off [impurities]"), the twelve
(Sanskrit) or thirteen (Pali) behavioral conventions9 frequently attributed to the
Buddhist renunciants of the forest.10 These renunciants, then, are typically styled
in Sanskrit as dhutadhara (holders of the dhutagunas) or dhutagunin (those who
practice the dhutagunas) and in Pali as dhutavdda (adhering to the dhutagunas) or
dhutadhara (holders of the dhutagunas). The dhutagunas are referred to, although
not always under this designation, in the early and later Nikaya and Mahay ana
literature, in both sutras and commentaries.11 In these texts, the dhutagunas are
frequently mentioned by name without an enumeration of the individual practices.
We have already seen frequent reference to the dhutagunas as the primary defining
code of the saints of the forest. Thus, Buddha Sakyamuni himself is held to have
taught the dhutagunas to his disciples. Mahakasyapa is foremost among the dhu-
tagunins, Pindolabharadvaja and Upagupta are said to follow the dhutagunas, the
saints of the Theragatha and Therigathd are associated with the dhutagunas, and
some of the sixteen arhants are shown following practices that imply the dhuta-
gunas. We further saw that the bodhisattvas of the forest also follow the dhuta-
gunas: the Ratnagunasamcayagdtha mentions the dhutagunas in connection with
the renunciant bodhisattva and the Rdstrapdla Sutra says that the bodhisattva fol-
lows the vehicle of the dhutagunas (dhutaydna) taught by the Buddha.
The dhutagunas are also mentioned prominently in other Mahay ana texts. In
the Pancavimsatisdhasrikdprajndpdramitd, for example, the dhutagunas define the
forest life and are inseparably connected with meditation and realization (Conze
1975, 120).12 In the commentary on this text, the Mahdprajndpdramitd Sdstra,
we find the dhutagunas defining the pure sila of the forest renunciant, providing
the basis of meditation that, in turn, leads to wisdom. Thus, the text can say that
realization "is the reward of the [dhutagunas], and the two are related like cause
and effect" (Conze 1975, 170, n. 28). The Mahdprajndpdramitd Sdstra also ex-
plicitly connects the dhutagunas with the standardized epithets of the forest re-
nunciant (aranyavdsin)—few desires and contentment with little (Lamotte 1980,
195). The Samddhirdja Sutra similarly connects the dhutagunas with "pure sila"
and says that the renunciant is always to practice them because they provide the
basis for meditation (19.23-26). In the Saddharmapundanka Sutra, we are told
that the dhutagunas provide the path to realization (wisdom, prajnd) and to the
acquisition of good qualities (guna). In this text, a man asks certain sages (rsi)
296 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
how he may acquire these attributes, and they reply, "If you desire that, go and
live in the forest [aranya] or dwell in mountain caves [parvataguhd] and meditate
on the dharma, and you will destroy the klesas. There, relying on the dhutagunas,
acquire the supernatural powers [abhijnd]" (92.12-15).13 The Dasabhumika Su-
tra (66.31-67.1; 98.2) mentions the dhutagunas as practices possessed by the
perfected bodhisattva. The Pancavimsatisdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra says that
one should not abandon the dhutagunas (Conze 1975, 170) and that irreversible
bodhisattvas should take upon themselves the twelve dhutagunas (Conze 1975,
391). The dhutagunas are similarly referred to as normative in a variety of other
texts, both Nikaya and Mahay ana, such as the Mahdvastu (see Chapter 4); the
Divydvaddna (Lamotte 1980, 195, n. 1); the Kdsyapaparivarta (36, 91, 126, 139,
and 153); the Siksdsamuccaya (106.16 [BR., 186] and 174.25 [BR., 292]); and
the Pratyutpannabuddhasammukhdvasthitasamddhi Sutra (Harrison 1987, 76). The
frequent mention of the dhutagunas in the canonical and extracanonical Buddhist
literature suggests the central role that these practices and the forest life they
define must have played in the formative periods of Indian Buddhism. Their par-
ticular prominence in such a broad selection of Mahayana literature does nothing
but confirm the impression gained in Chapter 8 of the importance of the forest life
in the early days of the great vehicle.
In contrast to this frequent mention of the dhutagunas in both Mahayana sutra
and commentarial literature, except for their appearance in texts specifically deal-
ing with forest renunciation, in the classical set of practices or under the term
dhu(u)tanga these practices are hardly mentioned in the Pali canon (PTSD 342).
The list appears and is termed dhutanga in a rare instance in the relatively late
Parivdra, shortly to be examined, and in a context that reveals a decidedly am-
bivalent attitude toward these practices (V-p 5:193 [H., 6:310-11]). The Pali com-
mentarial literature, however, provides a contrast with the canon. Sometime in the
early centuries of our era, the dhutagunas became a popular subject of discussion
in texts such as the Vimuttimagga, the Visuddhimagga, and the Milindapanha.
Presently, we shall consider some possible reasons for these differences of em-
phasis in the Pali canon and commentarial tradition.
The individual ascetic practices conventionally designated by the term dhuta-
guna are frequently mentioned, often without the word dhutaguna, dhutanga, or
a variant being applied to them, in both the Mahayana and Nikaya literature.
Sometimes, these practices are referred to individually in the texts. We read in
the vinaya concerning the rule of three robes (V-p 1:295-96 [H., 4:423]); in the
Milindapanha about ekdsana (one-eating) (20 [T.R. 1890-94, 1:32] and 216 [2:9]);14
in the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra of the dranyadhuta (the dhutaguna of dwelling
in the forest) (185.24-27 [Kn., 293]);15 and in the Siksdsamuccaya of dwelling in
cremation grounds (75:12 [BR., 132]). The Siksdsamuccaya in fact mentions sev-
eral individual dhutagunas (N. Dutt 1930, 319). At other times, the dhutagunas
are listed in groups of one, two, or a few other regulations, as in the Rdstrapdla-
pariprcchd Sutra (57.10 [E., 55]), where we are told that three robes, begging
food, and not lying down are practices for the worthy renunciant to develop.16
The Milindapanha gives a list of five practices connected with living in the forest,
including dwelling at the foot of trees, living in the open air, living near cremation
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 297
grounds, not lying down, and sleeping on heaps of straw (which is not an item in
either Pali or Mahayana lists) (342 [T.R. 1890-94, 2:231]).17 Similarly, the
Majjhimanikdya mentions a set of nine practices (3:40-42 [Hn., 3:91-92]). The
Anguttaranikdya enumerates a list of several dozen ascetic conventions, including
some later considered legitimately Buddhist and also many others in addition (1:294-
96 [WH., 1:272-74]). The many and varied ways in which the members of the
dhutagunas and similar practices are mentioned in the texts suggest that originally
the practices composed a fund of ascetic conventions and that, in time, they came
to be formed into various groupings with, at last, the classical groupings coming
to be regarded as the normative ones.18
Two formulations came, as mentioned, to be standard, a twelve-member group
in the Mahayana and a thirteen-member list in Theravada tradition. The Mahayana
list19 is as follows:
1. Pdms(s)ukulika, one who wears the pdmsukula, or rags taken from a refuse
heap (for textual references, see BHSD 338)
2. Traiclvarika, one who wears the three (monastic) robes (BHSD 259)
3. Nama(n)tika, one who wears garments of felt (or wool) (BHSD 293)
4. Paindapdtika (pindapdtika), one who lives on alms food (BHSD 345)
5. Aikdsanika (ekdsanika), one who follows one-eating (eats in one place)
(BHSD 154)
6. Khalupascddbhaktika, one who does not eat after (the time when one should
cease) (BHSD 204)
7. Aranyaka (aranyaka), one who dwells in the forest (BHSD 102)
8. Vrksamulika, one who lives at the foot of a tree (BHSD 506)
9. A(a)bhyavakdsika, one who lives in the open air (BHSD 99)
10. Smd(a)sdnika, one who lives in cremation grounds (BHSD 534-35)
11. Naisadika (naisadyika), one who remains in a sitting posture, not lying
down (BHSD 313)
12. Ydthdsamstarika (yathd . . .), one who accepts any seat that may be of-
fered (BHSD 443)
1. Pamsukulika, one who wears pamsukula, or rags taken from a refuse heap
(for textual references, see PTSD 378-79)
2. Teclvarika, one who wears the three (monastic) robes (PTSD 306)
3. Pindapdtika, one who lives on alms food (PTSD 458)
4. Sapaddnacdrika, one who carries out uninterrupted alms-seeking (PTSD
679)
5. Ekdsanika, one who follows one-eating (eats in one place) (PTSD 159)21
6. Pattapindika, one who eats only measured food (eating from one bowl
only) (PTSD 406)
7. Khalupacchabhatika, one who does not eat after (the time when one should
cease) (PTSD 235)
8. Arannaka (arannaka), one who dwells in the forest (PTSD 107)
9. Rukkhamulika, one who lives at the foot of a tree (PTSD 571-72)
10. Abbhokdsika, one who lives in the open air (PTSD 61)
11. Sosdnika, one who lives in cremation grounds (PTSD 726)
298 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
12. Yathasanthatika, one who accepts any seat that may be offered (PTSD
550)
13. Nesajjika, one who remains in a sitting posture, not lying down (PTSD
378)
The Pali list and the Mahay ana list differ in only very minor respects. The
Pali list omits Mahayana item 3—wearing garments of felt or wool—while includ-
ing two rules not in the Mahayana list concerning the taking of food, one requiring
"regular alms round" (item 4), the other insisting on "measured food" (item 6).
The other items are the same, including even the order in which they are listed,
except that the last two are reversed in the two groupings.
for meditation. He further emphasizes the solitary, free, and meditative life made
possible by the dhutagunas. The dhutagunas lead specifically to a life of freedom
from dependence on others, one that is conducive to meditation and promotes
inner development. Upatissa continues that the dhutagunas may be divided into
four groups: the first two connected with robes; the next five with alms; the next
five with dwelling place; and the last one with energy (Eh., 27).
Two practices connected with robes
1. DIRT RAGS (pamsukulika). "How does one undertake to observe (the aus-
terity of) 'dirt-rags'? One sees the fault of asking householders for robes and the
merit of 'dirt-rags' (and undertakes thus): 'I refuse the offerings of householders
and observe (the austerity of) "dirt-rags." ' " Thus, the renunciant may wear
rags that are either made out of cast-off (ownerless) scraps of cloth found in a
cremation ground, dirt heap, or street, or material that has been thrown away by
others. The benefits of this practice are that "one does not depend on others" and
thus engages in a happy and independent life (Eh., 28-29). The Tibetan version,
the Dhutagunanirdesa, noting that this practice is identified with the first of the
four traditional nisrayas, comments that "dirt rags" is consonant with the best
nisraya. Also, when one practices it, one will elicit faith from others (Bp., 11).
2. THE THREE ROBES (tecivarika). "How does one undertake to observe (the
austerity of) 'three robes'? One immediately gives up extra robes. Knowing the
fault of keeping (extra robes) and seeing the benefits of the observance of 'three
robes,' (one undertakes thus): 'I refuse extra robes from today and observe (the
austerity of) "three robes." ' " Thus one is to have only three robes—the shoul-
der cloak, the upper garment, and the waist cloth—and refuses a fourth robe. The
benefits of this practice are that one is free of the hoarding of what is unnecessary
and thus free to wander at will, "as a bird on the wing that does not yearn for
what it leaves behind." Through this practice, one will also get a following of
worthy lay devotees (Eh., 29).
Five practices connected with alms
3. BEGGED FOOD (pindapdtika). "How does one undertake to observe (the
austerity of) 'begged food'? If a bhikkhu accepts an invitation, he28 interrupts his
activities and is not at ease. One sees these drawbacks and the merits of the
observance of 'begged food' (and undertakes thus): 'I refuse invitations from to-
day and observe (the austerity of) "begged food." ' " Thus, one does not accept
invitations for meals from the laity but gains alms only by begging. The benefits
of this practice are that one does not have one's own meditation interrupted by
having to fulfill obligations to the laity, nor does one have to be any particular
place at any time and "is free to go or stay according to one's wishes." More-
over, one can benefit others impartially, without attachment to any quarter. Through
this, one will get a following of good lay donors (Eh., 30). The Tibetan version
again notes that this practice is identified with the second of the traditional set of
four nisrayas. It is further remarked that this practice enables one to avoid being
dependent on others (Bp., 21).
4. REGULAR ALMS ROUND (sapaddnacdrika). "How does one undertake to
observe (the austerity of) 'regular alms-round'? When a bhikkhu is able to obtain
300 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
tasty food from any house by making a 'regular alms-round,' he does not go again
(in that direction). If he goes again, it is an ordinary alms round [as in 3]. If there
is a doubtful place he avoids it. One sees these faults (of going again, etc.) and
the benefits of the observance of 'regular alms-round' (and undertakes thus): 'I
abandon the irregular alms-round from today and observe (the austerity of) "reg-
ular alms-round." ' " Thus, the renunciant begs alms going from house to house,
not going particularly to one house and not skipping other houses. He simply takes
the houses in order as they come, not preferring one over the other: "When a
renunciant enters a village for alms, he begs in regular order from the last house
backwards. How does one fail? Skipped begging." The benefits of this practice
are that one thinks of all beings equally, does not call on householders and does
not look for invitations from householders, and destroys the fault of hankering.
One is also able to benefit all beings equally, and one gains a following of good
lay donors (Eh., 30). The Tibetan version mentions that one who has abandoned
clinging to any family avoids the dangers that derive from visits to a family and
enjoys freedom from attachment to people. Through this, one has "compassion in
one's heart" for beings (Bp., 25).
5. ONE-EATING (ekdsanika). "How does one undertake to observe (the aus-
terity of) 'one-eating'? Eating in two places, eating frequently, taking food fre-
quently, washing the bowl frequently—the opposite of these is 'one eating.' . . .
One sees the faults (of eating in two places, etc.) and the merits of the observance
of 'one-eating' (and undertakes thus): 'I abandon eating at two places from today
and observe (the austerity of) "one eating." ' " After the renunciant washes his
bowl or intends that his meal is finished, he cannot eat again. The benefits of this
practice are that it undermines greed, and one lives free and happy regarding one's
livelihood (Eh., 31). The Tibetan version comments that one-eating has the ad-
vantage of minimal interference with one's own activities (rang.gi.las) (Bp., 29).
6. MEASURED FOOD (pattopindika). "How does one undertake to observe
(the austerity of) 'measured food'? If a bhikkhu drinks and eats too much, he
increases sleepiness, always hankers for much food, and sets no limit to his ap-
petite. One sees these faults and the merits of the observance of 'measured food'
(and undertakes thus): 'From today, I will take food without greed, and observe
(the austerity of) "measured food." ' " Thus, one takes a measured amount of
food in light of the amount that appropriately fulfills one's needs. One does not
exceed this limit. The benefits of this practice are that "one does not eat for the
belly's sake" and thus avoids fatigue, disease, and rigidity (Eh., 31).
7. NO FOOD AFTER TIME (khalupacchdbhatika). "How does one undertake
to observe (the austerity of) 'no food after time'? One abandons expectation and
avoids extra food. One knows these faults (expectation, etc.) and sees the benefits
of the observance of 'no food after time' (and undertakes thus): 'I abandon extra
food from today and observe (the austerity of) "no food after time." ' " Thus,
the renunciant eats only once and does not have another meal. The benefits of this
practice are that "one abandons greed, and experiences the joy of self-restraint.
One protects the body, and avoids taking food in advance, does not hanker, does
not ask others for things, does not follow his inclinations" (Eh., 32). The Tibetan
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 301
version comments that through this practice, one can be easily supported and there
is "no dependence on others" (Bp., 39).
sees the faults of these and the merits of 'dwelling in cremation grounds' (and
undertakes thus): 'I avoid other places from today and observe (the austerity of)
"dwelling in cremation grounds." ' " Thus, the renunciant dwells in cremation
grounds, without hut or bed, with his back to the wind, without sleeping. He is
not to eat the flesh of animals or of fish or certain other foods. If where he is
meditating there is too much weeping and wailing and smoke and fire, it is rec-
ommended that he move to a quieter place. The benefits of this practice are that
"one understands the feeling of the time of death. One perceives that all is im-
pure. One acquires the homage of non-humans. One does not cause heedlessness
to arise, overcomes passion, and is much detached. One does not fear what com-
mon folk dread. One contemplates on the emptiness of the body and is able to
reject the thought of permanence" (Eh., 34). The Tibetan version emphasizes that
this practice wins the respect of gods and humans alike. The advantages of this
practice include "being highly revered by men" and "being highly revered by
supernatural beings" (Bp., 55).31
12. ANY CHANCED-UPON PLACE (yathdsanthatika). "How does one ob-
serve (the austerity of) 'any chanced-upon place'? One does not like the place
which men want greedily. One is not troubled when others wish him to leave any
place. One sees these faults (greed for place, etc.) and the merits of the obser-
vance of 'any chanced-upon place' (and undertakes thus): 'I abandon the greed
for residence and observe (the austerity of) "any chanced-upon place." ' " Thus,
the renunciant renounces the longing that depends on dwelling. The benefits of
this practice are that one is satisfied with any place, can leave comforts behind,
and "dwells with a heart of compassion" (Eh., 35).
The commentarial section of the text follows, with the list of exceptions. This
concludes with various additional remarks, including mention of time specifica-
tions for the observance of dwelling under a tree, in the open, and in the crema-
tion grounds: "How many seasons are there for the observance of austerities?
Eight months are the period for [these] three austerities. . . . The Buddha has
permitted dwelling in roofed places in the rainy season" (Eh., 38; cf. Bp., 81).
The dhutagunas, as presented in the main section of the dhuta chapter of
Upatissa's text, represent an essentially meditative and ascetic ideal of forest re-
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 303
nunciation. The very raison d'etre of the various dhutagunas is clearly to make
the reclusive, solitary, meditative life possible. Renunciants wear certain garments
to minimize their possessions and to eliminate, as much as possible, their contact
with and dependence upon the laity.33 They follow certain patterns of begging
food so as to undercut their own psychological dependence on the laity, to elimi-
nate special relationships with particular laity, and to keep obligations to them and
thus interruptions to meditation practice to a minimum. Renunciants live in certain
places that are isolated and quiet, where they may practice meditation in an un-
distracted way.34 Apart from the specific lifestyle enjoined by the text, one finds
other themes connected with the Buddhist saints, with which we have become
familiar in previous chapters. Thus, these practices are said to help one to develop
impartiality toward all and, through this, to enable compassion to arise for beings.
In addition, these practices will lead others to take faith in one, such that one will
be venerated by gods and humans, and will gain a following of virtuous persons.
The text then similarly lists these five reasons in relation to the other members
of the dhutaguna grouping; there are "five alms-food-eaters, five refuse-rag-wear-
ers, five tree-root-dwellers, five charnel-ground-dwellers, five open-air-dwellers,
five three-robe-wearers, five house-to-house-seekers," and so on (V-p 5:131 [H.,
6:210-II]).36 In this passage, on the one hand, the Parivdra acknowledges the
304 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
high stature of the dhutagunas and those who practice them and that one may be
a dhutagunin out of worthy motives. On the other, it wants to affirm that one may
be following the dhutagunas for invalid reasons, because one is stupid or con-
fused, overcome by evil desire, or insane. It is interesting that the deplorable
reasons are listed first, suggesting that they were uppermost in the mind of the
author, who seems more than ready to attribute one or another of these motives
to some forest renunciants and to condemn them.37
This discussion of the dhutagunas in the Parivdra is immediately followed by
a second one, which restricts those who may be considered legitimate forest re-
nunciants. "A man who is possessed of five qualities should not live indepen-
dently: if he does not know the Observance, if he does not know the (formal) acts
for Observance, if he does not know the Patimokkha, if he does not know the
recital of the Patimokkha, if it is less than five years (since his ordination). A
monk who is possessed of five qualities may live independently: if he knows the
Observance . . . if it is five years or more than five years (since his ordination)"
(V-p 5:131 [H., 6:210-11]). In other words, the only legitimate forest renunciant
is one who is a fully ordained monk of at least five years' standing and who is
thoroughly knowledgeable and accomplished in monastic discipline. In these two
passages, then, the Parivdra demeans and diminishes the life of forest renuncia-
tion by calling into question the motives of those who would pursue it and by
denying the legitimacy of any following it who are not fully ordained monastics
in good standing.
The Milindapanha devotes chapter 9 to a discussion of the dhutagunas (348-
62 [T.R. 1890-94, 2:244-74]). This Pali text exhibits a similar ambivalence to
forest renunciation and the dhutagunas. We are told that the dhutagunas are dif-
ficult but uniquely worthy practices. All the buddhas have longed for them and
held them dear (351 [2:251]). Through their practice, one fully renounces the
world and is joyful in solitude, one is tamed and purified, one transcends all fear,
one attains realization, one generates compassion for others, one gains the magical
powers, and one is honored by gods and humans alike (351-52 [2:251-54] and
358-59 [2:264-65]). So crucial are the dhutagunas that "there is no perception
of the truth for those not purified by the practice of the vows [dhutaguna]" (353
[2:255]), and "there is no realization of arhatship . . . in one single life, without
a previous keeping of the vows" (353 [2:254]). At the same time, however, the
Milindapanha imposes an important restriction on the practice of the dhutagunas
similar to that imposed by the Parivdra: they may be practiced only by one who
is qualified—that is, only one "whose conduct is consistent with membership in
the order . . . who has entered the order from belief (in the doctrine)" (358-59
[2:264-65]). Others, "whose conduct is inconsistent (with membership in the
order), unworthy of it, inappropriate to it—whosoever being such shall take upon
himself the [dhutaguna], he shall incur a twofold punishment" (357 [2:263]). On
the one hand, "in this world, he shall receive disgrace, and scorn, and blame,
and ridicule, and suspension, and excommunication, and expulsion, and he shall
be outcast, rejected, dismissed." On the other hand, "in his next life, he shall
suffer torment in the great Avici [hell]" (357-58 [2:261-64]), a remark followed
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 305
by a list of tortures that the errant forest renunciant will undergo in his future
hellish rebirth.38
Like the Parivdra, then, the Milindapanha says that only monastics, and among
these only those deemed worthy, are permitted to practice the dhutagunas without
incurring negative consequences. For the Milindapanha, only a select few have
the right to practice them, and the text explicitly mentions only virtuous members
of the monastic order as qualified. It seems, moreover, that they may retire to the
forest only when their obligations to the monastic order are fully in order (that is,
they remain in good standing). In addition, membership in good standing in the
order is the only criterion mentioned for adjudging one's worthiness. It may be
noted how easily this restriction can provide a basis for the repudiation of Bud-
dhist renunciants following the dhutagunas who may not be prdtimoksa-follow'mg
bhiksus at all or who are otherwise deemed unfit according to canons of settled
monasticism. Here, the process of monasticization is thorough: not only are the
ascetic practices integrated into the normative form of settled monasticism, but
their legitimate existence in a nonmonastic form is not even admitted.
This process of the monasticization of the dhutagunas reaches a climax in
Buddhaghosa's dhutaguna chapter of the Visuddhimagga. At first glance, the
treatments of the dhutagunas in the Visuddhimagga and the Vimuttimagga are very
similar.39 Not only are the same thirteen dhutagunas mentioned in the same order
by each author, but the descriptions given of each, the benefits to be obtained,
and the exceptions are sometimes nearly the same. Nevertheless, there are some
important differences between the presentations in the two texts. Most important,
as we have seen, the body of the treatment of the thirteen dhutagunas in the
Vimuttimagga reflects a context of forest renunciation: the various exceptions,
which set the dhutagunas within a monastic context, appear added as an after-
thought, as a kind of appendix to the main presentation of the dhutagunas.
In contrast, in treating these same practices in the Visuddhimagga, Buddha-
ghosa is clearly the proficient monastic scholar writing for scholastically trained
monks who live in settled monasteries. In his treatment, the exceptions are worked
into the very core of his presentation, and it is clear that every section of his
discussion takes entirely for granted from the beginning the monastic context of
the dhutagunas. For Buddhaghosa, the dhutagunas, if put into practice at all, are
clearly exceptions to the monastic norm and are to be carried out in the context
of monastic life in temporary and usually only partial separation from its normal
routines. The image of the monastery appears throughout Buddhaghosa's treat-
ment, and it is always in relation to the monastery and to the exigencies of mo-
nastic life that the various dhutagunas are explained. The settled monastic ambi-
ance of Buddhaghosa may be brought into focus by considering the ways in which
he defines the practices, the exceptions he allows, and his practice of presenting
each dhutaguna in three grades of rigor—strict, medium, and mild. Buddhagho-
sa's initial definition of each dhutaguna and its strict grade usually most closely
approximate the treatment in Upatissa's main section, and his exceptions and his
medium and mild grades represent a substantial softening and monasticizing of
the ideal. Buddhaghosa's division into three grades is particularly interesting be-
306 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
cause of the dual function it performs. On the one hand, the medium and mild
grades give monastics great latitude, allowing them to be considered as followers
of the dhutagunas, all the while remaining close to the concerns and ways of
settled monastic life and in minimal separation from the monastery. On the other
hand, by retaining the category of the strict grade within the definition, even if
this grade were rarely followed, some of the charisma attaching to the dhutagunas
as practiced by true forest renunciants could be retained. Let us consider as ex-
amples three dhutagunas, one from each of Upatissa's main categories of robes,
food, and dwelling.
In the first dhutaguna (Vsm 62-64 [N., 63-65]), that of wearing only cast-off
rags, the strict grade is very similar to Upatissa's rendition of the rule. However,
in the medium grade, one may take a robe left by the laity for an unspecified
monk; in the mild grade, one may accept a robe from another monk who has had
the robe left at his feet by a layperson. Buddhaghosa mentions many of the same
benefits as Upatissa ("he is independent of others," and so on), but in this context
there are so many loopholes that allow one to continue to receive donations from
laypeople that it is clear that in its modified forms the rigor of the rule has been
canceled out. With such economic dependence, how much real independence of
others could the renunciants really have enjoyed? Similarly, in the alms-food eat-
er's practice, Buddhaghosa allows this general exception: "If instead of saying
'take a meal given to the Order' [which is forbidden under this rule], (meals) are
given saying, 'The Order is taking alms in our house; you may take alms too,' it
is allowable to consent. Tickets from the Order that are not for actual food, and
also a meal cooked in a monastery, are allowable as well" (66-67 [66-67]). After
this, the three grades are once again given. Under the strict practice, one may
take alms brought to the refectory in the monastery and given there. Under the
medium, one may sit and wait for food to be brought to him there. Under the
mild, one "consents to alms [being brought] on the next day and on the day
after." In other words, one can remain at the monastery and even receive alms
brought day after day and still fulfill this dhutaguna. As in the cases of the other
dhutagunas, so here Buddhaghosa recites the "benefits" of the practice: "His
existence is independent of others," but again in this context this benefit is hard
to take seriously (66-67 [66-67]).40
In the third example, Buddhaghosa says that the tree dweller must avoid cer-
tain types of trees, including those in the middle of a monastery! However, "he
can choose a tree standing on the outskirts of a monastery" (Vsm 74 [N., 74]).
This practice also has three grades. According to the strict one, a monk is not
allowed to have others tidy up the area around the tree that he has chosen. In the
medium, he can ask those who come along to fix up his abode. "The mild one
can take up residence there after summoning monastery attendants and novices
and getting them to clear it up, level it, strew sand and make a fence round with
a gate fixed in it" (74 [74]).
As one might expect, the essentially monastic setting of these three dhuta-
gunas is repeated in the other practices. In the house-to-house seeker's practice,
mere are also three grades. In the strict grade, the monk does not take food brought
to the refectory. In the medium one, he may take food brought to the monastery,
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 307
but he may not wait for it there. In the mild one, he may wait at the monastery
for the arrival of food (Vsm 68-69 [N., 68-69]). In the forest dweller's practice,
in the strict grade, even if one has been to the monastery, by the next sun up he
must be back in the forest. In the medium grade, he may spend the rainy season
in the village. In the mild one, he may live in the village in the winter months
too (73 [73]).
It is not only Buddhaghosa's explicit formulations of the dhutagunas that ex-
hibit a clear monastic setting but also his style and idiom of presention and ex-
position. Ehara, Soma Thera, and Kheminda Thera, in the introduction to their
translation of the Vimuttimagga, pertinently observe that the Visuddhimagga "is
more comprehensive than the Vimuttimagga and in every sense more scholarly,
with a wealth of material drawn from every imaginable source" (Eh., xliv). A
comparison of the dhutaguna chapters of the two texts certainly confirms this
judgment. Buddhaghosa clearly comes at the topic of the dhutagunas as, above
all, a monastic scholar. He is interested in definitions, distinctions, and conceptual
clarifications. In his formulation of the first dhutaguna, for example, Buddhaghosa
gives a description similar to—although much longer than—Upatissa's, of where
one may legitimately obtain a robe. Then Buddhaghosa takes the key words in
this description and subjects each of them to definition, in the style of scholarly
commentary on a sutra. This section, which consists of nineteen definitions, is
followed by a section of exceptions and then a discussion of the three grades (Vsm
62-63 [N., 63-64]). The vocabulary of Buddhaghosa's chapter is also laced with
and presupposes a knowledge of scholastic abhidharma terminology. For ex-
ample, Buddhaghosa, quoting tradition, remarks that "he who does the undertak-
ing is a person. That whereby he does the undertaking is states of consciousness
and conscious-concomitants. The volition of the act of undertaking is the ascetic
practice. What it rejects is the instance. All have the function of eliminating cu-
pidity, and they manifest themselves with the production of non-cupidity. For
their proximate cause they have the noble states consisting of fewness of wishes,
and so on" (61 [62]). Thus, Buddhaghosa presents a version of the dhutagunas
that, although agreeing in many particulars with that given in the main body of
Upatissa's text, clearly represents a different sort of tradition in many ways. Whereas
the main discussion in the Vimuttimagga appears as an expression of a wandering
and solitary meditative way of life, Buddhaghosa's version is an expression of the
life and concerns of the settled monastery.
Upatissa and Buddhaghosa agree on the number, order, and content of the thir-
teenfold list of dhutagunas. However, as we have seen, the Mahayana knows a
twelvefold list that differs in some respects from the Theravadin list, omitting the
practices of moving in succession for food and of measured food and including a
practice of wearing woolen or felt cloth. The latter practice is probably connected
with the climate of the regions to which certain renunciants following the dhuta-
gunas went. Bapat remarks, "The monks living in the cold regions of the Hima-
308 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
layas, Tibet and China, probably thought it necessary to permit the use of a woolen
cloth on account of extreme cold in those regions" (Bp., xxi-xxii; see also Conze
1959, 307). Other texts present other lists of dhutagunas. The Sanskrit Dharma-
samgraha, for example, contains the same twelve members as the Mahdvyutpatti,
enumerated earlier in this chapter,41 but presents these in an entirely different
order (Dhs 13).42 The Pancavimsatisdhasrikdprajndpdramitd gives a twelvefold
list that is the same as the standard Theravadin list except for its omission of
measured food (Conze 1975, 338). As mentioned, the Pali canon gives a ninefold
list of dhutagunas, including Vimuttimagga items 1, 3, and 7 to 13 (Mn 3:40-42
[Hn., 3:91-92]). Bapat mentions yet another twelvefold list found in the Chinese
version of the Dvddasadhuta Sutra (T. 783), which follows the Theravadin ver-
sion but omits "any chanced-upon place" (Bp., xxii). In addition to fairly minor
variations in the dhutagunas such as these, other lists show greater variation, and
it is to two of these that we now turn.
Introduction
1. "Now fortunate, persevering, delighting in whatever scraps come into his
alms-bowl, Bhaddiya, son of Godha, meditates without grasping." (verse 843,
item 1 in list)
Food
2. "Living on alms-food [pindapdtin], persevering, delighting in whatever
scraps come into his alms-bowl, Bhaddiya, son of Godha, meditates without
grasping." (845, 3)
3. "Going on a begging round of every house without exception [sapadana-
cdrin], persevering. . . . " (847, 5)
4. "Eating one bowlful only [pattapindin], persevering. . . . " (849, 7)
5. "Never eating after time [khalupacchabhattin], persevering. . . ." (850,
8)
Apparel
6. "Wearing rags [pamsukulm]', persevering. . . . " (844, 2)
7. "Wearing the triple robe [teclvarin], persevering. . . . " (846, 4)
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 309
Dwelling
8. "Living in the forest [drannika], persevering. . . ." (851, 9)
9. "Living at the foot of a tree [rukkhamulika], persevering. . (852,
10)
10. "Living in the open air [abbhokdsin], persevering. ." (853, 11)
11. "Living in a [cremation ground] [sosdnika], persevering. . . . " (854, 12)
12. "Accepting whatever seat is offered [yathdsanthatika], persevering. . . ."
(855, 13)
Solitude
13. "Sitting alone [ekdsanin], persevering. . . . " (848, 6)43
14. "Secluded [pavivitta], persevering. . . . " (859, 17)
15. "Not living in company [asamsattha], persevering. . . . " (960, 18)
Meditation
16. "Remaining in a sitting position [nesajjika], persevering. . . ."(856,14)
17. "Putting forth energy [draddhaviriya], persevering. . . . " (861, 19)
Attitude
18. "Desiring little [appiccha], persevering. . . . " (857, 15)
19. "Satisfied [santuttha], persevering. . . ." (858, 16)
In verses 862 to 865, the song concludes with a brief biographical statement.44
As we see by the rules themselves and by the song's conclusion, the context of
this group is clearly the life of forest renunciation. Consonant with this setting, in
each verse, the particular item is specifically related to the basic goal of the forest
life—meditation—which it serves to support. A comparison of the specific rules
with those of Upatissa is instructive:
Theragdthd Upatissa
1 _
(introduction)
2 3
3 4
4 6
5 7
6 1
7 2
8 8
9 9
10 10
11 11
12 12
13 5
(but
different
interpretation
14
310 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Theragdthd Upatissa
15 —
16 13
17 —
18 —
19 —
1. Upatissa's rules are all concrete modes of behavior, whereas the Thera-
gdthd group represents a mixture of concrete practices and attitudes to be main-
tained.
2. All Upatissa's rules are represented in the Theragdthd group, except that
in the Theragdthd, ekdsanin seems to refer to solitary dwelling, whereas in Upa-
tissa's list ekdsanika is taken to mean "one eating."45 This and point 1 suggest
that, in relation to the Theragdthd group, Upatissa's list represents a reduction and
a concretizing.
3. Not including the introduction, the Theragdthd list contains five items not
mentioned in the conventional list of the dhutagunas and one interpreted differ-
ently. Three of these six differences have to do with solitude (13, 14, 15), two
have to do with an attitude of acceptance of poverty (18, 19), and one has to do
with exertion (17), probably in relation to meditation.46 This further suggests that
Upatissa's list is a reduction and concretizing in relation to the Theragdthd list.
4. The Theragdthd passage clearly represents a listing of traditional ascetic
practices. This is revealed by the stereotypical nature of the list: each member is
followed by the same stock refrain, "persevering, delighting in whatever scraps.
. . ."In addition, each of these practices is given with what appears to be a
standard technical term. This is suggested by the fact that the terms all appear
frequently in designating forest renunciants and also by the fact that a number of
them, including the more attitudinal items on the list, are used even though they
do not fit the meter and throw off the pddas.41
5. The Theragdthd group appears not to betray the standardizing influence that
we sense behind the classical set of dhutagunas for three reasons: first, its com-
ponents are given in no particular order; second, there is an intermixing of con-
crete behavioral conventions with more attitudinal ones; and third, there appear to
be duplications ("sitting alone," "solitude," and so on).
ing summary presents them by category, indicating their original position in the
list by number:49
Food
1. Begging food (pindapdtika) (2)
2. Never eating any food after times (khalupascadbhaktika) (4)
3. Eating one's meal in one sitting (ekasanika) (5)50
Apparel
4. Wearing clothes made of rags taken from a dust heap (pamsukulika) (3)
5. Possessing no more than three robes (traicivarika) (7)
6. Wearing a garment made of felt or wool (namantika [BHSD 293]) (12)
Dwelling
1. Dwelling in the forest (dranyaka) (1)
8. Sleeping at night wherever one may happen to be (ydthdsamstarika) (6)
9. Living in and frequenting cemeteries (smasdnika) (8)
10. Dwelling at the foot of a tree (vrksamulika) (9)
11. Living in an open, unsheltered place (abhyavakdsika) (11)
Solitude
12. Dwelling alone (pravivikta) (15)51
Meditation
13. Even in one's sleep, remaining in a sitting posture (naisadyika) (10)
Speech
14. Being of soft or gentle speech (mrdubhdsin) (17)
Attitude
15. Having few wishes (alpeccha; P., appiccha) (13)
16. Easily contented (samtusta; P., santuttha) (14)
17. Frugal (apagatapddamraksana) (16)52
As in the case of the Theragathd list, the context of this passage is clearly
forest renunciation: the purpose of these practices is to facilitate a life of medita-
tion. A comparison of this list with that of Upatissa and that of the Theragathd
yields some further insights.
8 12 12
9 11 11
10 9 9
11 10 10
12 14 —
13 16 13
14 — —
15 18 —
16 19 —
17 — —
— 4 6
— 15 —
— 17 —
Dwelling
1. One should dwell in the forest, not in villages (Pali).
2. One should dwell under trees, not under roofs (Pali).
3. One should dwell out in the open (Dharmaguptaka, Sarvastivada, Mahi-
sasaka).58
Food
4. One should beg one's food (Pali, Dharmaguptaka, Sarvastivada, Mahisa-
saka),59 not accept invitations (Pali only).
5. One should accept neither flesh nor fish (Pali, Dharmaguptaka, Mahlsa-
saka, Sarvastivada).
6. One should eat no salt (Mahisasaka).
7. One should take neither sweet nor sour milk (Mahisasaka).
8. One should eat neither butter nor salt (Dharmaguptaka).
9. One should eat only once a day (Sarvastivada).
Clothing
10. One should wear only rag robes and accept no clothes from householders
(Pali, Dharmaguptaka, Sarvastivada).60
314 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
These practices, we are told in the Pali version, are conducive to desiring little
(appiccha), to contentment (santuttha), to expunging evil (sallekha), to being
punctilious (dhuta), and to putting forth energy (viriydrambha): (V-p 3:171-72
[H., 1:296-97]). These qualities are, of course, the same as ones found connected
with the dhutaguna lists we have already examined.
Devadatta's list suggests some additional perspectives on the dhutagunas. Six
practices (1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 10) duplicate members of the common core of the dhuta-
gunas. On the other hand, Devadatta's group mentions four practices regarding
food that are not found in the common group: the prohibitions against the eating
of (1) flesh and fish,61 (2) salt, (3) butter, and (4) sweet and sour milk. As noted,
some of these practices turn up in later history. The prohibition against eating
milk products was found among monasteries that followed Devadatta in Hsiian-
tsang's time. Of particular note, the injunction against eating meat turns up in the
Mahay ana. Whereas the practices attributed to Devadatta obviously shared com-
mon ground with the other lists discussed, they also show significant differences.
Without further research, it is not possible to say much about the precise historical
process that Devadatta's departure may have involved, but the Mahay ana connec-
tion, taken in conjunction with the positive image of Devadatta in the Saddhar-
mapundarlka Sutra, is intriguing.
In addition, an examination of the dhuta practices of Devadatta again confirms
his reputation as a rigorist. For example, in the Pali rendering, the Buddhist re-
nunciant is to live in the forest and, in addition, to avoid villages. Moreover,
Devadatta wishes these rules to be binding on all Buddhist renunciants "for as
long as life shall last." That four of his restrictions regarding eating are not found
in any of the Buddhist dhutaguna lists suggests again, from a different angle, that
Devadatta was a rigorist, even compared with other Buddhist forest renunciants.
Conclusion
(Bapat 1937b, 23 and 1964, 37). When reduced to a threefold form, the dhuta-
gunas include forest dwelling, wearing of rags, and begging for food. This three-
fold form is interesting because it amounts, in effect, to three of the four ancient
nisrayas. Moreover, each of these three dhutagunas are, as we have seen, explic-
itly identified by Upatissa with the corresponding member of the nisrayas, which
are several times explicitly praised in Upatissa's text (Bp., 11, 21, 47). The facts
that three of the nisrayas appear in the dhutaguna list, that Upatissa explicitly
identifies these three dhutagunas with three of the four nisrayas, and that the
dhutagunas may be reduced to that threefold list are significant. They suggest that
the nisrayas represent an early stage in the line of development of the Buddhist
ascetic ideal that culminates in the dhutagunas.62 That three practices attributed to
Devadatta are the same as the nisrayas suggests that these practices are likely the
common ancestors both of the Buddhist lists of dhutagunas we discussed and also
of Devadatta's conventions.
We may also see some later patterns of development. The agreement of Upa-
tissa and Buddhaghosa may be due to the latter's reliance on the former or on a
similar tradition. The dhutaguna list given in the Mahdvyutpatti is also closely
similar in several ways to the Upatissa-Buddhaghosa lists: like their lists, the Ma-
hdvyutpatti list is systematized according to category (all food items are together,
and so on), is listed in the same order, contains almost the same number of items
(twelve and thirteen), and contains the same items but for two that Upatissa has
that the Mahdvyutpatti lacks and one the Mahdvyutpatti has that Upatissa lacks.
These facts suggest a close filiation between the Mahdvyutpatti list and the lists
of Upatissa and Buddhaghosa.
The enumerations of the Theragdthd and the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Su-
tra both stand at some remove from these standardized lists. It is interesting that
the Theragdthd group and the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd list—on the surface
deriving from "HInayana" and "Mahayana"—are in fact much more similar to
one another than the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd list is to the Mahayana list of
the Mahdvyutpatti or the Theragdthd list is to those of Upatissa and Buddhaghosa.
On the other hand, the lists of the Mahdvyutpatti and of Upatissa and Buddha-
ghosa—though again ostensibly deriving from "HInayana" and "Mahayana"—
are much more similar to one another than either the Mahdvyutpatti list is to the
Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd list or the Theragdthd group is to the enumerations
of Upatissa and Buddhaghosa. How may one account for these curious facts? It is
significant that the Theragdthd and the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra both
contain material that is considered to be among the oldest textual expressions of
Nikaya Buddhism and the Mahayana, respectively. The lack of rationalized orga-
nization and the terminological variations suggest that these may, in fact, repre-
sent older versions of the dhutagunas. At the same time, the fact that these two
lists share the same general categories and many of the same components suggests
that they both participate in a common context, the context of forest Buddhism.
The following may be advanced as a possible way to organize the evidence in
a developmental sequence:
begging of food, apparel, and habitation will provide the underlying structure of
the later dhutaguna lists. These nisrayas precede the division into what later come
to be understood as Nikaya and Mahay ana Buddhism. In any case, the nisrayas
are not universally definitive of forest Buddhism; as we have seen, other simple
lists of forest practices within Buddhism are also known.
2. Devadatta's "schism" occurs, with its rigorist interpretation of the dhuta-
gunas, stricter than that evidenced by any other known tradition of forest Bud-
dhism.
3. At perhaps roughly the same time, the more conventional codes of forest
Buddhism are in development, with each of the nisraya categories being expressed
in larger but still loose groupings, containing perhaps some of, perhaps all the
rules that the different traditions share, perhaps along with some others. This
development occurs as common ground of forest traditions later understood as
Nikaya and Mahayanist and precedes the split that this terminology reflects.
4. This leads to some early, unsystematized versions of what later become the
classical dhutagunas, such as those of the Theragdthd and the Astasdhasrikd-
prajndpdramitd Sutra, without evident connection to the life of the settled mon-
astery.63
5. Upatissa's basic text, exclusive of the exceptions given at its end, also
generally reflects a nonmonastic context. At the same time, in relation to the
larger and looser lists of the Theragdthd and Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra,
Upatissa's list represents, as noted, a reduction and concretizing of the list.
6. The set of dhutagunas is monasticized, a process reflected in Upatissa's
text in its final form and in the Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghosa. This development
need not have occurred after those enumerated above but could have occurred at
a very early time, with town-and-village renunciants or perhaps even settled mo-
nasticism proper having had a version of dhutaguna-type practices, seen as tem-
porary (and relatively permissive) modifications of this kind of renunciation.
7. Later Mahayana lists of the dhutagunas (Mahdvyutpatti and Dharmasam-
graha) appear to reflect a similar process of the monasticization of the dhuta-
gunas.
This ordering of the facts is, obviously, no more than hypothetical: other inter-
pretations could no doubt be drawn from the same material and further research
will likely suggest other perspectives. But the preceding reveals at least some of
the kinds of issues that a study of the dhutagunas can raise. By way of example,
the kinds of patterns that the dhutagunas suggest make it clear, once again, that
the attempt to clarify the phenomena of early and later Indian Buddhism by terms
such as "Hmayana" and "Mahayana" is of limited value. Far from always shed-
ding light on the formation of Indian Buddhism, such polemically driven termi-
nology may sometimes actually have the opposite effect, by concealing what is a
much more interesting and revealing dichotomy—namely, that between the Bud-
dhism of the forest and the Buddhism of the monastery.
The dhutagunas, as an explicit class of practices, are rarely mentioned in the Pali
canon. At the same time, they are a subject of considerable interest to monastic
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 317
commentators in the early centuries of the common era and after. This has led
numerous researchers to judge the dhutagunas to be a relatively tardy Buddhist
phenomenon. Thus T. W. Rhys Davids remarks that the "doctrine of the thirteen
dhutangas is at variance with primitive Buddhism" (1890-94, 2:268, n. 1), and
Przyluski tells us that "the Buddha appears to have had a completely different
ideal from those of the ascetics, strict observers of the dhutagunas, preoccupied
above all with solitary meditation" (1926-28, 292). Dayal similarly believes that
the dhutagunas represent the late intrusion of non-Buddhist ideas into the heart of
Buddhism (1932, 137-38). Others have more recently voiced similar opinions (for
example, Carrithers 1983, 62-63). However, such interpretations are based upon
the assumption that settled monasticism, as defined by the final form of the vi-
naya, constitutes normative Buddhism from the earliest times, rather than on an
examination of the dhutagunas themselves and the texts in which they appear.
In addition, this kind of view fails to answer some important questions. For
example, as the texts themselves tell us so clearly that the four nisrayas, the
dhutagunas, and allied practices defined the lifestyle of at least some early Bud-
dhist renunciants, one wonders what justification there is for seeing the dhuta-
gunas as strictly later. Furthermore, as we have seen, the dhutagunas in all but
their latest and most monasticized formulations virtually imply the meditative life
in the forest. Are we really to suppose that the Buddha, who had attained realiza-
tion by following a way of life centered on meditation and dhutaguna-like prac-
tices (he lived in the forest, and so on), taught something else to his earliest
disciples? And, finally, if the dhutagunas were really a peripheral and essentially
non-Buddhist concern, why are they mentioned in the literature of all periods of
Indian Buddhist history, and why are so many Buddhist saints, even down to the
present day (for example, Carrithers 1983, 75-76; Tambiah 1984, 175-76), closely
associated with them? Surely a much more logical explanation of the presence of
the dhutaguna-oriented traditions within Indian Buddhism is that they formed a
central focus of Buddhism in its earliest days and were pushed to the side (at least
in the evidence) only later, by the development and rise to dominance of settled
monasticism.64
This view permits a simpler and more logical explanation for the relative ab-
sence of the dhutagunas in the Pali canon. The monastically oriented compilers
of the Pali canon, as we have it, simply did not consider the dhutagunas suffi-
ciently important to their kind of Buddhism to merit serious discussion. Neverthe-
less, the many examples of the individual items of the dhutaguna list in the Pali
canon show that such practices provided an important part of the background of
this collection, a background that those immediately responsible for the compiling
of texts of the canon could not entirely dismiss. By contrast, for those more forest-
oriented renunciants reflected in the Theragdthd and the earlier Mahayana sutras,
practices like those found in the dhutagunas clearly played a much more essential
role.
It is curious, then, that Theravadin tradition begins to take considerable notice
of the dhutagunas as such at the same time that the Mahayana is beginning to
appear in India. It may well be that the Theravadin commentators begin to ac-
knowledge the dhutagunas in a major way as a response to the growing popularity
318 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
of the Mahayana and its forest saints. In the writing of the Milindapanha, the
Vimuttimagga (in its final form), and the Visuddhimagga, we may be observing
settled monasticism in the process of appropriating something of the charisma
of the saints and their forest way of life, while subjecting them to the process
of monasticization—and here Buddhaghosa is the past master—to make them
more harmonious with the particular institutional exigencies of its kind of Bud-
dhism.
Notes
1. Here, as elsewhere with regard to the Buddhist saints, this is a tendency toward
type but not an invariable rule, for there are exceptions. For some examples, see the Con-
clusion. Although the texts cited in this chapter typically refer to the renunciant as a male,
as we have seen, female forest renunciants are also known.
2. The close connection between the forest life and the Buddhist saints was noticed
long ago by La Vallee Poussin (1929).
3. For other references in the Pali texts, see PTSD 78, s.v. ariyavamsa. The four
dryavamsas are mentioned in the Sanskrit Nikaya sources. In the Abhidharmakosa, for
example, we find the list clvara, pindapdta, sayandsana, and prahdnabhdvandrdmatd, which
La Vallee Poussin equates with nirodhamdrgaramata (1923-31, 6:146). The dryavamsas
are mentioned in the Mahayana sutras such as Rps (13.17-18 and 14.7) and Kp (6.17,
123.3, and 126.7). They are also mentioned in the Ugrapariprcchd translated by Schuster
as "1) being content with one robe, 2) being content with one meal a day, 3) being content
with one couch, and 4) being content with one medicine for illness"; see Schuster's dis-
cussion of this list (1985, 36-37). On the dryavamsas, see also Ruegg 1969, 457ff. and
BHSD 105, s.v. aryavamsa.
4. For a list of references to the four in the Pali and Sanskrit literature, see PTSD
374, s.v. nissaya and BHSD 306-7, s.v. nisraya.
5. Listed in their Sanskrit form in Mvy 8670-73. In Ta, song of Mahakasyapa, we
read a typical expression of the ideal: "For whom left-over scraps suffice as food, smelly
urine as medicine, the foot of a tree as lodging, a rag from a dust heap as robe, he is truly
a man of the four quarters" (1057).
6. I follow Frauwallner's usage here; the renunciants referred to are, of course, not
settled monastics.
7. See, e.g., Prebish 1973, 676-77.
8. PTSD lists the following as meanings of the term dhuta (and dhuta): "1. shaken,
moved . . . 2. lit., 'shaken off,' but always expl. in the commentaries as 'one who shakes
off either evil dispositions (kilese), or obstacles to spiritual progress (vdra, nivarana)"
(342, s.v. dhuta). The term has similar meanings in Sanskrit, listed by Edgerton as "pu-
rified, got rid of (evil . . .)" (BHSD 285, s.v. dhuta).
9. The code itself is designated in Sanskrit and Pali by a number of closely related
terms and variations of them. For a discussion of the major Sanskrit designations, see
BHSD 285, col. 2, s.v. dhuta; dhutaguna (dhutaguna); dhutagunin; dhutadhara; and dhu-
tadharma; and 286, col. 1, s.v. dhutaguna. For Pali terms, see PTSD 342, s.v. dhutanga;
this entry includes discussions of dhutadhara, dhutavata, and dhutavdda. Edgerton com-
ments that PTSD contains some important gaps in its summary, for a few of which see the
BHSD 285, col. 2 listings mentioned here.
10. For some discussions of the dhutagunas, see Kern 1886, 75-76 and 1901-3, 2:16-
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 319
18; Bapat 1937a and 1937b; Khantipalo 1965; Lamotte 1980, 195, n. 1; Tambiah 1984,
28-37; and references below.
11. See later in this chapter for some of the more important of these references.
12. In this chapter, Conze's Large Sutra on Perfect Wisdom is, following Conze, re-
ferred to as the Pancavimsatisdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra. In fact, as Schopen has pointed
out, Conze's work also includes the addition of material from other Prajndpdramitd texts
(Schopen 1977).
13. Kern 1884, 132 offers a somewhat different translation.
14. See also Mp 20 (T.R. 1890-94, 1:32-33).
15. Kern translates this not very specifically as "hermit life."
16. PTSD 342 provides references for the Pali sources where examples of one or an-
other of them are given.
17. In Chapter 8, we saw mention of such practices in Rgs, Rps, Rps-m, Sns, and Las.
18. This is also suggested by the fact that the dhutagunas, as a set and under this or
an analagous term, are not mentioned in early forest texts such as Sn, Dp, Iv, and Ud.
19. Mentioned in Mvy 7011, with the full list of twelve members given in Mvy 1127-
39. Listed in BHSD 286, col. 1, s.v. dhuta-guna.
20. This standard Pali list is found in both canonical and extracanonical texts, the
Parivdra (V-p 5:131, 193 [H., 6:209-11, 310-12]) being an example of the former, and
the Milindapanha (6.20 [T.R. 1890-94, 267-68]), Vmm, and Vsm (see below) examples
of the latter.
21. The PTSD translates this more literally as "one who keeps to himself" (PTSD
159). Thus, the same term might be understood in different ways. In the present case, one
must wonder whether the original meaning of ekdsanika might not have had to do with
dwelling in solitude rather than with eating all one's food at one sitting. For a discussion
of this term, see note 43.
22. In the interests of sylistic consistency, in discussing the Pali materials, I use the
term dhutaguna. The preferred term in Pali for these practices is, of course, dhutanga.
Although not listed in PTSD, the term dhutaguna does appear in the Pali texts both early
(Ta 1087) and late (Dp-c 4:30.13). In quotations in this section from Ehara, Soma, and
Kheminda 1961, I have replaced their translations of some of the dhutaguna practices with
renderings that reflect current usage: drannaka is translated as "dwelling in the forest"
(rather than "in a peaceful place"); abbhokdsika as "dwelling in the open air" (rather than
"in a dewy place"); and sosdnika as "dwelling in cremation grounds" (rather than "among
the graves").
23. The Vimuttimagga was connected with the Abhayagiri School in Sri Lanka, which
was composed largely of monks who had migrated from India and of those who did not
agree with the viewpoints of the Mahavihara samgha. Although a large and well-organized
monastic tradition, the Abhayagiri sect appears to have had special linkages with the forest
renunciant ideal (cf. Tambiah 1984, 73).
24. T. 1648. Translated into English by Ehara, Soma Thera, and Kheminda Thera 1961.
25. Edited and translated into English by Bapat (1964). For a summary of the publi-
cation history of this text, see Bechert 1989a, 11-14.
26. The fact that the exception presupposes: the rule (1), the contradiction between rule
and exceptions (2), and the placement of the contradictions in a commentarial section at
the end (3)—all suggest that the main section of this chapter reflects a forest tradition,
whereas the exceptions reflect a time when this chapter, perhaps in the context of the entire
Vmm, was used by monastic tradition.
27. Gunawardana in fact mentions the view that Vmm as we have it is the monastic
(Abhayagiri) recension of an earlier work (1979, 23). Such an interpretation seems plausi-
320 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
ble, at least in terms of the basic structure and content of the dhuta chapter. For a discus-
sion of Vmm and its texts, see Gunawardana 1979, 22-23.
28. Although the texts discussed here typically use the masculine gender, and although
the vinaya specifically forbids bhiksums from following the life of forest renunciation,
women adhering to dhutaguna-like practices have been known in Indian Buddhism from
the time of the Thengdthd down through the Vajrayana period (eighth to twelfth centuries
C.E.).
29. Sgra.chung.bas.rnal. 'byor.dang.mthun.pa.nyid.dang.
30. As mentioned, this is also considered a forest practice.
31. In this rule, we find an interesting discrepancy between the Pali and Tibetan ver-
sions of this text. In the Pali version, in this section, we find the only reference to a
monastery in this main section of the text. Thus, the text says that in the morning the
renunciant returns to the samghdrdma, avoiding other places, suggesting that one dwelt in
the cremation grounds at night and returned to the monastery in the morning (when did one
sleep?). In the Tibetan version, however, a different picture is presented. The text specifi-
cally says that one should not stay in a hut or house of any kind and that living in the
cremation ground involves giving up residence in any other place. Conversely, one breaks
the rule if one takes up one's abode in any other place. The Tibetan text appears to say
that one stays permanently in the cremation ground (Dgn 57).
32. As we see here, Upatissa explicitly connects this practice with yoga, or meditation,
as does Buddhaghosa in Vsm, where he remarks about one who engages in this practice
that "his state is suitable for devotion to any meditation subject" (Vsm 19 [N., 79]). In
later tradition, in Tibet, for example, this practice was similarly understood to exist for the
purpose of facilitating meditation. These examples indicate the status of naisadika as a
meditative discipline.
33. The need for the forest renunciant to reduce contact with the laity to a minimum
in order to fulfill the meditative vocation is well known in Indian Buddhism. As mentioned
in Chapter 1, for example, Buddhaghosa, in his enumeration of the potential faults of the
settled monastery as a place for meditation, puts his finger on the key obstacle presented
by the meditator's accessibility to the laity. In particularly well known monasteries, "there
are always people coming who want to pay homage to [the meditator] supposing that he is
an arhant, which inconveniences him" (Vsm 120 [N., 124]).
34. The one interesting exception to this pattern of living places is the cremation ground.
This place is valued, perhaps, because it represents a kind of place beyond the pale of the
social world and hence isolated from it from the viewpoint of conventional mores and
psychology.
35. See Olivelle's useful discussion of this topic (1974, 54-64).
36. See also V-p 5:193 (H., 6:310-12).
37. Rhys Davids and Stede have noticed that this passage in the Parivdra deprecates
the dhutagunas (PTSD 342, s.v. dhuta). Rhys Davids elsewhere remarks on the relative
unimportance of the dhutagunas in the monastic way of life: "As a matter of fact the
members of the Buddhist Order have not observed them in any completeness. . . . [The]
majority of these have undertaken only the second of the thirteen—wearing of three robes;
and the others have only been occasionally practised and then usually only one or more at
a time, by isolated members" (1890-94, 2:268, n. 1). They were no more than "supple-
mentary or extra vows, conducive, but subsidiary to the ethical self-culture of the Arhant"
(ibid.). Elsewhere, he remarks that there is "no evidence that they [the dhutagunas] were
ever widely adopted" (PTSD 342).
38. Interesting in this context is the open attack on dhutaguna practices by King Mi-
linda, at the beginning of the text. Milinda has approached the forest renunciant Ayupala
Ascetic Traditions of Buddhist Saints 321
and derides his forest way of life along with its code of dhutagunas: "It must be in con-
sequence of sins committed in some former birth, that the Buddhist Samanas renounce the
world, and even subject themselves to the restraints of one or other of the thirteen aids to
purity [dhutanga]. . . . They who live in the open air were, forsooth, in some former
birth, dacoits who plundered whole villages. It is in consequence of the karma of having
destroyed other people's homes, that they now live without a home, and are not allowed
the use of huts. It is no virtue on their part, no meritorious abstinence, no righteousness of
life. And those who never lie down, they, forsooth, in some former birth, were highway-
men who seized travellers, and bound them, and left them sitting there. It is in consequence
of the karma of that habit that they have become nesajjika in this life (men who always
sit) and get no beds to lie on. It is no virtue on their part, no meritorious abstinence, no
righteousness of life" (Mp 20 [T.R. 1890-94, 1:32-33]). Ayupala, thus attacked, makes
no reply to the king but sits in silence. The king is unimpressed and after heaping more
abuse upon him, heads off to find one who is learned and can debate and discuss with him.
He finds this person in Nagasena, the textually accomplished monk, who is depicted not
only as being vastly learned but also as being "in abundant receipt of all the requisites of
a member of the Order—robes and bowl and lodging" (22 [1:35]), i.e., one whose way of
life and values are quite different from those that provoked Milinda's abuse of Ayupala.
The fact that the attack on the dhutagunas goes unanswered in this story, and that Milinda
so relentlessly belittles and scorns Ayupala and his way of life, is no doubt another example
of the ambivalence of Mp (and of Pali tradition altogether) toward the dhutagunas and
forest Buddhism. The specific content of the attack also raises another question: does this
represent what was actually thought by at least some in India at that time, including not
only non-Buddhists but also—perhaps mainly—Buddhists, and particularly those aligned
with settled monasticism? If the monasteries tended to see a disproportionate number of
high-caste members, was the converse true—as tended to be the case in Tantric Bud-
dhism—that those following a forest way of life were disproportionately lower-caste? In
such a case, monastic Buddhism could have been easily led to explain what it saw as the
inferiority of forest Buddhism by reference to previous negative karma.
39. For a comparison of these two texts, see Bapat 1937b.
40. Buddhaghosa does, in effect, acknowledge this when he comments of the medium
and mild grades of this dhutaguna that "both these last miss the joy of an independent
life" (WW2.28 [N., 67]).
41. Thus the information provided in Bapat, that Dhs omits the practice of accepting
whatever place is found and includes the practice of wearing woolen robes, resulting in a
thirteenfold list, is incorrect (1964, xxi).
42. The Mvy list is presented in this order: 4, 2, 6, 11, 12, 8, 5, 9, 7, 10, 1, 3.
43. Following Norman's translation. The term ekasanika (PTSD 159) is, of course, the
same term that in the Mahayana and Pali sets of twelve and thirteen dhutagunas is under-
stood to refer to eating one's food at one sitting. PTSD 159 tells us that ekdsana also
occurs with this meaning. Norman believes that, in this context, ekdsanin indicates solitary
dwelling. Such is, in fact, a more literal translation, and PTSD 159 gives for ekasanika
"one who keeps to himself" and for ekdsana, "sitting or living alone." It is this meaning
of solitude that is most commonly found in Pali texts, both suttas and commentaries (PTSD
159). In support of this translation of the term in the context of Ta, Norman points out that
the term ekdsana occurs at Ta 239, and that the commentary says that it refers to one who
is without companions and who devotes himself to solitude (see Norman's discussion of
.the term [1969, 245, n. 848, and 170, n. 239]). This meaning of ekdsanin in Ta, which
appears to be early relative to the classical lists, raises the interesting possibility that the
practice referred to by this term originally was solitary dwelling but that at a certain time,
322 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
In the examination of the Buddha and other Buddhist saints in preceding chapters,
attention has been focused upon the living saints, as defined by their hagiogra-
phies, ascetic traditions, and cults. However, for most Indian Buddhists, the saints
while alive probably provided a less frequent reference point for religious devotion
than when they had passed away and were venerated in their stupas. This is be-
cause while they were alive, the saints may often have been relatively inaccessi-
ble: they spent much of their time in seclusion in remote places. Moreover, they
typically had no fixed abode but wandered from place to place without definite
itinerary, and their wandering could carry them to far-flung places. Thus the sup-
pliant's longing to see and venerate the living saints must, by its very nature, have
remained to some extent unfulfilled. But when the saints had passed beyond and
their relics were enshrined in stupas, they finally became available to all and could
become the objects of an ongoing cult. It is perhaps for this reason that within a
few centuries of the Buddha's passing stupas were to be found throughout the
Indian subcontinent, becoming for Buddhism "the religious edifice par excel-
lence" (Foucher 1905-22, 1:59) and even "the chief emblem of the Buddhist
faith" (Mitra 1971, 21).
In considering the place of the stupa within the Indian Buddhist cult of saints,
an immediate problem arises. So far in this book, the Buddha and the other Bud-
dhist saints have been treated as belonging to an overarching category, that of the
"Buddhist saint." What has been said about the general structure, hagiography,
ascetic traditions, and cult of the Buddha has been found to apply, mutatis mutan-
dis, to the other types of Buddhist saint. The stupa, however, seems at first glance
to provide an exception to this general pattern: the great preponderance of avail-
able evidence concerns stupas of the Buddha. Is it not correct, then, to see the
stupa as primarily a reflection of the cult of Buddha Sakyamuni rather than as a
typical feature of the cult of the Buddhist saints as such?
A wide range of evidence, some of which will be cited below, suggests that
stupas are as characteristic of the other Indian Buddhist saints as they are of the
Buddha. Indeed, in the earlier chapters of this book, frequent reference has been
made to the stupas not only of the Buddha but also of other buddhas as well as of
the pratyekabuddhas and arhants. Bareau comments that in our earliest datable
evidence of the stupa cult, deriving from the middle of the third century B.C.E.
324
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 325
(the inscription of Nigall Sagar), mention is made of the cults of the stupas of the
former buddhas Konakamuni and Kasyapa, as well as of Sakyamuni (1975, 187-
88). De Visser remarks that the Chinese pilgrims' accounts indicate that, in me-
dieval India, stupas of the Buddha were outnumbered by stupas of other saints
(1923, 80), and a reading of the pilgrims' accounts gives ample evidence of stupas
to pratyekabuddhas and great arhants. In addition, it was apparently not only widely
renowned saints who had stupas built to them, but saints of more restricted fame
as well (Lamotte 1958, 333-34). Schopen has recently drawn our attention to a
considerable array of inscriptional evidence of stupas to local saints, deriving from
a variety of archaeological sites (1991c, 306), indicating that stupas to local saints
were numerous and perhaps often considered more important in Buddhist cultic
life than stupas to the great pan-Buddhist saints of textual tradition (301, 308).l
Schopen has also suggested that the stupas of the Buddha and the more famous
saints and the stupas of local saints are specific examples of the same general
religious phenomenon. The same beliefs, attitudes, architectural structure, sym-
bolism, and ritual acts found associated with stupas of the Buddha appear also to
be characteristic of the cults of the stupas of local saints, and this "makes it ...
very difficult to argue that [stupas to local saints and stupas to the Buddha] were
thought to be, in any essential way, different" (1991c, 300). Schopen believes
that the evidence lends weight to the hypothesis that "the relic cult and stupa of
the historical Buddha only represents a special and particularly well known in-
stance" of a general set of beliefs and practices surrounding saints within Indian
Buddhism (302). If this has not been fully appreciated before, Schopen argues, it
is not because the evidence is wanting, but rather because archaeologists and other
scholars have almost exclusively concerned themselves with evidence of stupas to
Buddha Sakyamuni (306-8). The present discussion, reflecting available evi-
dence, will focus upon what is known about the stupas of the Buddha. However,
periodic reference to the stupas of former buddhas, pratyekabuddhas, the famous
arhant-disciples of the Buddha, other pan-Indian saints, and local saints will sug-
gest that the stupa—in its basic structure, symbolism, and associated ritual acts—
is a consistent and central feature of the Indian Buddhist cult of saints as such.
The term stupa designates a mound-shaped structure typically containing the ashes
or other remains or representations of a saint. Although known primarily as a
Buddhist monument, the stupa and its cult may be traced to a variety of pre-
Buddhist influences, among them the pre-Buddhist Indian practice of erecting mounds
over bodily relics,2 the cult surrounding the death and cremation of the cakravar-
tin ( P . , cakkavattiri) (universal ruler),3 and various elements in the worship of
deities in India (Bareau 1975, 173).4 In classical times, the stupa provided a sym
bolic and ritual focus of the Buddhist cult of saints.5 The particular importance of
the stupa in the cult of saints derives from the fact that, once ritually empowered,6
in an important sense the stupa was the saint, although now the body was com-
posed of mortar and stones, rather than flesh and blood.7 In reference to the Bud
326 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
dha's stupas, Benisti remarks that tradition "directly identifies the stupa with the
body of the Master" (1960, 51). In reference to the saints in general, Mus ex-
plains, "The sepulchre becomes a substitute for the ephemeral body of the dead
person where his mystic being continues to exist . . . we have therefore to do
with a built body which represents the being of the dead person in such a way as
his body did during his lifetime" (cited by Ebert 1980, 219).
This identification of stupa and body of the saint is reflected in various strands
of evidence. The Buddha himself was evidently conceived as a stupa, a point
clearly made in Hsiian-tsang's account of the beginnings of the stupa tradition.
On a certain occasion, the Buddha was worshiped by two merchants and gave
them some of his hair and nail parings. When they asked how to worship these,
the Buddha, "making a square pile of his sanghati, or lower robe, laid it on the
ground, and did the same with his uttarasanga or outer robe and his Samkachchi-
kam [samkaksikd; P., samkacchikd]', the robe which goes under the arm pits, in
succession. On top of these he placed his bowl inverted, and then set up his
mendicant's staff, thus making a tope [stupa]" (Walters 1904-5, 1:112). The
identity of the stupa with the physical body of the Buddha is also seen in the
iconographic tradition, in which the stupa is seen as the idealized structure of the
Buddha's body. Typically, the ground where the stupa is built is understood as
Vajrasana, the seat of enlightenment. The base of the stupa is seen as the Bud-
dha's legs and feet, the dome as his torso, the central axis as his spinal column,
the harmika as his head. Thus, "the identification of the stupa and the Buddha
Body is conveyed in iconography. In Buddhist art the stupa and the Buddha image
are interchangeable" (Snodgrass 1985, 361-63).
Just as the human body of the saints incarnates their enlightened essence while
they live, so the stupa incarnates that essence after they have passed beyond.
Harvey observes that the stupa functions as "a symbol . . . of the enlightened
state of a Buddha" (1984, 67), and Pant remarks that "the stupa . . . symbolized
[the tathdgata's] presence" (1973, 472). Hirakawa tells us that "the Buddha's
eternal presence is contained in the stupa, and although enshrining relics, the
worshipper sees it as the eternal Buddha" (1963, 88). Harvey comments on the
logic of this identification of stupa with the very essence of the Buddha. When
the Buddha passed away at Kusinagari, his body was ritually cremated, and the
purifying fire of cremation consumed that support of the enlightened wisdom of
the Blessed One. Yet not all physical traces vanished, for his bones remained as
a kind of distilled essence of his physical person (Harvey 1984, 69). Thus it was
that, as Schopen remarks, "the relic in early Buddhist India was thought of as an
actual living presence."8 Like the previously existing mortal body of the Buddha,
its remains were thought to be imbued with his enlightenment, compassion, and
power (Harvey 1984, 69).9 The Buddha's ashes, embodying his spiritual charisma
and housed in the stupa, were thus understood as the "life" (jivita) of the stupa,
its quickening agent. The ashes animate the stupa such that it becomes homolo-
gous to the body assumed by the master while he was yet alive (Benisti 1960,
51). The same pattern of belief is also found associated with stupas of local saints.
Schopen remarks that "the relationship between the local dead and the structures
that housed their remains was expressed exactly as was the relationship between
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 327
the 'dead' Buddha and his stupa," i.e., that it was the saints themselves rather
than their remains that were thought to be housed in the stupa (1991c, 316). In
this connection, Schopen discusses a characteristic inscriptional phrasing that makes
it clear that stupas were not thought to contain the relics of the Buddha so much
as to house the Buddha himself. "He—not his remains—was, apparently, thought
to reside inside" (289). Exactly the same phrasing is used in inscriptions giving
evidence of local saints indicating that they, too, in some living form, were thought
to reside inside the stupas (289-91, 300-301).
The stupa, as the Buddha or other saint, not only embodies the timeless and
immovable wisdom but also the various other, more active aspects of the en-
lightened personality. Like the living saint, the stupa can be seen "as radiating a
kind of beneficial power" and as a source of blessings. Thus the Buddhavamsa
remarks, "The ancients say that the dispersal of the relics of Gotama, the great
seer, was out of compassion for living beings" (Harvey 1984, 69). Schopen tells
us that "the physical relics of Sakyamuni were endowed with more than just 'life'
or 'breath.' They were 'informed,' 'parfumee,' 'saturated,' 'pervaded,' 'imbued'
with just those characteristics which defined the living Buddha." A Kharosthi
inscription from the first century C.E. thus speaks of the relics as "infused with
morality, infused with concentration, infused with wisdom. . . . That is, the rel-
ics themselves were thought to retain—to be infused with, impregnated with—the
qualities that animated and defined the living Buddha" (Schopen 1987a, 205). An
inscription of Senavarma, dating to the early first century C.E., says in part, "I
establish these relics which are infused with morality, infused with concentration,
wisdom, emancipation and knowledge and vision." Schopen remarks, "The list
of faculties and qualities given here looks very much as though it may have been
intended for, or is perhaps a haplography of, what the Pali tradition calls the five
sampadas or 'attainments' and, of course, normally only a living person can be
'infused' with such 'attainments' " (1987a, 204-5).
The active compassion of the stupa is also seen in the magical powers at-
tributed to it. Thus, the stupa is understood as having a central role in affording
protection to kings and their subjects (Fussman 1986, 48). The relics of the stupa,
in fact, seem to have many of the same powers as living saints. Harvey cites the
example of King Duttahagamani, who is shown in the Mahdvamsa enshrining
some relics of Gautama in the great stupa at Anuradhapura, upon which the relics
rise into the air in their casket and emerge to form the shape of the Buddha (1984,
69). The relics, in other words, pass through solid objects (the walls of the stupa),
fly through the air, and assume a certain shape, all reminiscent of the rddhis.10
During their lives, the glory of the saints is restricted by their frail human
frames. After their passing, however, in the stupa the saints may reveal their full
splendor, in bodies of vast, multidimensional, and magnificent proportions. A
fully developed example of this tendency in the postmortem body of the saint is
seen in the discussions of the stupa in the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra.11 Chapter
11 (Sps 149-61 [Kn., 227-54]), in particular, describes the central stupa of the
text, which is five hundred yojanas high, two hundred and fifty yojanas wide, and
which appears miraculously out of the earth and comes to rest in midair. This
stupa is made out of the seven precious substances, has five thousand banisters,
328 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
truth and reality of the universe as a totality (Conze 1962b, 168-72; Lamotte
1958, 689).
[2:331]). The gains won through stupa worship are not only physical but moral
and psychological. Thus, one becomes "mindful, thoughtful, virtuous and as-
sured" (2:489-90 [2:329]). One also becomes "most charitable, brave, freely
generous, and not miserly" (2:490 [2:330]), as well as free from misery and
oppression (2:495 [2:333]). Through the worship of stupas, one also wins the
respect and honor of beings, both human and superhuman (2:490 [2:330] and
2:496 [2:333]). In summary, it is said in the text that in relation to the benefits to
be gained, "one cannot complete the tale, even in hundreds of kotis of kalpas, of
those who have reverentially saluted a stupa" (2:492 [2:331]).
The ultimate goal of the stupa cult as described in the Avalokita Sutra is no
less than the attainment of enlightenment (Mv 2:489 [Ins., 2:329]). The section of
the text concerned with the stupa cult begins with the remark that one should
venerate a stupa, "having turned his thoughts to enlightenment for the sake of all
living things" (2:489 [2:329]). In other words, the stupa is to be worshiped in the
context of the aspiration to enlightenment. Thus, one "shall beget the resolution
to become a Buddha in the world" (2:507 [2:339]). Again, it is appropriate to
give rise to "a wish for enlightenment into the highest truth" while making an
offering of sandalwood powder (2:532 [2:352]). The references to the enlighten-
ment of those who worship stupas continue. For one who removes withered flow-
ers from a buddha's stupa, "the noble supreme enlightenment is not far off"
(2:532 [2:352]). And, "having enjoyed well-being for thousands of kotis of kal-
pas, for hundreds of nayutas of kalpas, full of wisdom he awakens to supreme
enlightenment" (2:496 [2:333]). "And when he has for a very long time pursued
the good in his various lives, he becomes a peerless Buddha in the world" (2:505
[2:338]). "He shall go to the bodhi throne at the tree which is the lord of all that
grows, and there, without a peer, he shall awaken to the excellent supreme en-
lightenment" (2:512 [2:341]). "He becomes a Buddha" (2:531 [2:351]). Having
attained enlightenment, one becomes invulnerable to injury. "Neither poison nor
weapon assails him, nor fire or the blazing brand" (2:531 [2:351]). "He attains
the incomparable enlightenment. Having established in the perfect griefless way
thousands of nayutas of kotis of beings and set rolling in all the world the match-
less wheel, he afterwards passes away, his passions quelled and his lusts de-
stroyed" (2:507 [2:339]).
Through this worship, in the context of which one progresses toward enlight-
enment, one comes to possess the virtues of the path to nirvana such as strength
and energy (Mv 2:492 [Ins., 2:331]), patience (ksdnti) (2:597 [2:334]), mindful-
ness (2:495 [2:332-33]), understanding of the dharma (2:490 [2:330]), and all
good qualities (guna) (2:497 [2:334]). Moreover, the worshiper of stupas attains
wisdom, for "he has perceived the unsubstantiality [nairdtmya] and emptiness
[sunyatd] of them" (2:490 [2:330]). And through one's worship, one wins that
sign of attainment, magical power (2:494 [2:332]), remembering former lives, and
so forth (2:494 [2:332]). Thus, one becomes worthy of offerings (2:497 [2:334]).
Whoever treats him unkindly or unfairly shall suffer dire consequences (2:499
[2:335]). Thus "he becomes honoured of men as he most nobly fares along in the
way of the Conqueror" (2:507 [2:339]).
That stupa worship was understood to lead toward the goal of enlightenment
is seen in other evidence. For example, the existence of "supreme wisdom" (an-
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 331
uttarajndna) as a goal of the stupa cult has been noted by Schopen through his
analysis of lithic inscriptions at the site of Indian stupas (1985, 38). Allusions to
the stupa cult as a vehicle to the goal of enlightenment are also found in vinaya
texts examined by Bareau. A Mulasarvastivdin account, for example, gives the
vow that one is to make while standing before the stupa: "By virtue of the roots
of goodness (kusalamula) existing in the ultimate (anuttara) field of merit (pun-
yaksetra) of these offerings, may I from birth to birth arrive at the end of exis-
tences, at that which is marked by the absence of the growing old of the body." 15
In addition, in the view of the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra, as Hirakawa points
out, "worshiping and making offerings at stupas were practices that led to Bud-
dhahood" (1987, 95). In Santideva's reporting, the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra
tells us that those who in the past engaged and in the present engage in such
activities either have become or will become "partakers of enlightenment" and
"Buddhas in the world." "All these have attained the highest enlightenment" (Ss
54:24ff. [BR., 94-95]). According to the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra, through
such acts, the two traditional benefits are achieved. On the one hand, one accrues
illimitable merit, thus furthering one's progression to the final goal. On the other
hand, participation in the cult leads to the wisdom of liberation. Those who con
structed, adorned, and worshiped stupas "have all of them reached enlightenment;
they have become compassionate and, by rousing many bodhisattvas, have save
kotis of creatures" (Sps 34.19ff. [Kn., 50-51]).16
For those who hope to reach this supreme goal, the text suggests as a model
for all to emulate one of the Buddha's closest disciples, Mahamaudgalyayana. In
a prediction made in the text by Buddha Sakyamuni concerning him, the main
activity of Mahamaudgalyayana on his journey to enlightenment seems to be the
worship of buddhas during life and after death in their stupas, through which he
attains enlightenment.
I announce to you, monks, I make known, that the senior Maha-Maudgalyayana
here present, my disciple, shall propitiate twenty-eight thousand Buddhas and pay
those Lords homage of various kinds; he shall show them respect, &c., and after
their expiration build Stupas consisting of seven precious substances, to wit, gold,
silver, lapis lazuli, crystal, red pearl, emerald, and, seventhly, coral; (Stupas) a
thousand yojanas in height and five hundred yojanas in circumference, which
Stupas he shall worship in different ways, with flowers, incense, perfumed wreaths,
ointments, powder, robes, umbrellas, banners, flags, and triumphal streamers.
Afterwards he shall again pay a similar worship to twenty hundred thousand kotis
of Buddhas; he shall show respect, &c. (Sps 102.1-16 [Kn., 149-50])
ried out within the precincts of a stupa. One must not wash one's face or hands,
nor one's begging bowl, in the ponds of the stupa grounds. These prohibitions are
summarized by, in Bareau's words, "the obligation to not employ possessions of
the stupa for profane and personal ends." One should also protect the sacrality of
the stupa from a variety of defilements, including contact with the human body,
with animals, and with corpses. The prohibition against contact with the human
body explains the interdiction against washing oneself in the stupa ponds. For the
same reasons, one must not spit or yawn within the precincts of the stupa, and
even the breath is considered impure. In addition, the structure of the stupa itself
is subject to a variety of prohibitions. One may not climb upon it, even for the
purpose of making offerings (Bareau 1962, 253-54). All these prohibitions mark
the stupa off as a sacred space, an incarnation of the very body of the Buddha,
within which one must behave in a particular and ritualized way.
Item 12 is the proper posture to be maintained when one sits in front of a revered
person ready to receive instruction.23 This list, of course, constitutes a systematic
exposition of the same elements seen piecemeal in previous chapters, as defining
the relationship of saints and their suppliants.
It should not be surprising that the same ritual patterns evident in the cult of
the living saints also articulate the relation of suppliant to saint in the cult of the
stupas. Thus, for example, one must circumambulate the stupa (see Nakamura
1951, 345).24 In the circumambulation (pradaksina), one walks around the stupa
in a clockwise direction, keeping one's right side toward the stupa. According to
the Chinese pilgrim I-ching, "that one should not walk round the holy stupa with
sandals on was taught expressly from the beginning" (Takakusu 1896, 22). Evi-
dently, one might also make circumambulations holding a lamp (Benisti 1960,
55). In East Asian tradition, one would circumambulate chanting or singing and
scattering flowers; this perhaps reflects earlier, Indian practice. One may walk
around one, three, or seven times, or many more times. Hsiian-tsang remarks that
"circumambulating is done and the number of circlings is usually once or twice,
but when one has special requests to make, the number increases according to its
importance" (Nakamura 1951, 348).25 The great merit of circumambulation is
expressed in the Mahdvamsa: "Having turned one's thoughts toward supreme
wisdom, for the welfare of all living beings, he who accomplishes the pradaksina
around a stupa of the protector of the world becomes skillful, endowed with ben-
efits, wise, possessor of the sacred texts and, in the course of his various births,
practices the path to supreme wisdom. He receives the praise of gods, of yaksas
and of rdksasas; he is honored thus in various lives when he accomplishes the
pradaksina. around a stupa" (Benisti 1960, 55).
Other elements of stupa worship have been brought to light by Bareau, and
these, though sometimes more complex, similarly parallel the veneration carried
out to the living saint. According to the Mahasamghikas, for example, it is appro-
priate to offer flowers, perfumes, music, clothes, drink, and food to the images.
Other traditions specify the same and additional offerings: bathing water, flowers,
incense, lamps, perfume (unguents, perfumed oil, the scent of flowers), food, and
musical instruments. The lamps may be widely placed in the stupa, and the Sar-
vastivadins, in fact, speak of the stupa as a "place of lamps." Parasols may also
be given in offering, these to be real ones and thus distinguished from the more
durable figurations of parasols forming a permanent part of the structure of the
stupa at its zenith; banners are also to be offered (Bareau 1962, 244-45). What
becomes of the food offered to the stupa?26 The Dharmaguptakas comment that
the food and the drink offered at the stupa must be consumed by the monks
(bhiksu), by the novices (srdmanera), by the faithful laypeople, or by those who
planned and constructed the stupa.27 Other offerings are sometimes specified in
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 335
the texts. These include precious stones, generally in the form of necklaces, and
bells made of gold or jewels. Also mentioned are elevated platforms that may
serve as tables for offerings and as vehicles for transport. These vehicles, or carts,
are also mentioned as part of the possessions of the stupa, and this perhaps indi-
cates that the procession of relics was a regular part of the activities surrounding
the stupa (245-47).
The Avalokita Sutra, as contained in the Mahavastu, presents a picture of
the stupa liturgy in substantial agreement with the picture presented by Bareau. In
that text, liturgical acts include circumambulation, offering, the playing of music,
the removal of dead flowers, and the cleaning of the stupa. The offerings them-
selves include flowers and garlands of flowers, incense, perfume, lights, silk, a
flag (to be put on the stupa), a sunshade, a necklace of gems, and "network
coverings" (Mv 2:489 [Ins., 2:329ff.]). One should honor the Buddha in his stupa.
One should "reverentially salute a stupa" (2:592 [2:331]). One should adore the
stupa (2:491 [2:330]). One should render worship to a tathdgata (2:494 [2:332]).
One should "put adornments on the conqueror's cetiya" (2:519 [2:345]). One
should make a garland of flowers and place it as an offering on the stupa (2:493
[2:331]) and offer garlands of flowers (2:492-93 [2:331]). One should place "a
festoon of fine silk" as offering on the stupa (2:494 [2:332]). One should offer
"a festoon of fine silk and flowers" (2:495 [2:333]). One should make "a booth
of festoons over the relics [dhdtu]" (2:496 [2:333]). One should "put a flag on
cetiyas of the Exalted One" (2:507 [2:339]) and give "a flag to the choicest of
beings" (2:510 [2:341]). One should hold one light over the stupa of the Buddha
(2:514 [2:343]). Upon seeing the Buddha, one should honor him "with sunshades,
flags and banners, incense and garlands" (2:508 [2:340]). One should play "on
an instrument of music" at the Buddha's cetiyas (2:518 [2:345]). One should
cleanse the stupas of the tathdgatas and wash away the dust (2:519 [2:345]). One
should anoint the stupa with perfumes (2:524 [2:348]). One should place a neck-
lace of gems on the cetiya of the conqueror (2:525 [2:348]). One should bring
"network coverings to the cetiyas of the light of the world who is a great field of
merit" (2:528 [2:350]). The text also makes it evident that one makes these offer-
ings with particular intentions and vows: in worshiping a stupa, the suppliant
"shall beget the resolution to become a Buddha in the world" (2:507 [2:339]).
And through his worship, the suppliant is "turning his thoughts to enlightenment"
(2:493 [2:331]).28 Finally, one is enjoined to act as guardian of the teaching of
the Buddha. One is to protect the "sons of the Buddha" (2:501 [2:336]), to "sup-
port the true dharma" and "guard the teaching of the Master" (2:502 [2:336-
37]), and so on.29
Certain words are to be uttered in the making of offerings. According to the
Mahasamghikas, one states that one has made one's offerings "so that there will
be abundance in this world and so that all beings, during the long night [of sam-
sara], may obtain peace and happiness." Also as mentioned, the Mulasarvastiva-
dins present this aspiration as appropriate during the act of offering: "By virtue
of the roots of goodness existing in the ultimate field of merit of these offerings,
may I from birth to birth arrive at the end of existences, at that which is marked
by the absence of the growing old of the body." In making offerings, one is also
336 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
to offer praises. The Mulasarvastivadins direct one to advance toward the stupa
and extend offerings, all the while offering praises in abundance. In one version,
the suppliant praises the "auspicious mind" (kusalacitta) with which one does
homage and makes offerings to the stupa. This auspicious mind is said to be
superior to a gift of a hundred thousand pieces of gold or a hundred thousand
cartloads of gold. Prostrations are also part of the liturgy of offerings. The Mula-
sarvastivadins say that one should, in making offerings, prostrate oneself to the
object of one's respect, touching knees, elbows, and forehead to the ground (Bar-
eau 1962, 249-51).
It is worth remarking that—although apart from Schopen's study of stupas of
local saints (1991c) there has been no concerted study of this topic—it so far
appears that the same general ritual acts carried out in relation to the stupas of the
Buddha were also associated with the stupas of local saints. For example, Schopen
has suggested that the same ritual donations pertinent to the stupas of the Buddha
were also characteristic of stupas to local saints. Thus the stupa of a local saint
"is presented with 'gifts' exactly like the stupas of the Buddha himself were"
(1991c, 299). Moreover, the same gifts are given (299). In examining stupa no.
2 at Sanci built over the remains of a local saint, Schopen remarks that coping
stones, cross-bars, rail-pillars, and pavement slabs, and so on were donated to this
stupa "just as they were to the stupa of the Buddha at the site" (299). Moreover,
"in neither form nor content do the inscriptions associated with Stupa no. 2 differ
from those associated with Stupa no. 1 [to the Buddha]. The two sets are virtually
indistinguishable" (299).
Bareau remarks upon the general reticence of the texts that he examined vis-
a-vis the spiritual value and inner attitude of offerings (1962, 52). In fact, only
the Mahasamghika and the Mulasarvastivada make allusion to these dimensions
of the act of offering. The other early traditions, Bareau says, pass over the inner,
mental aspect of the act of offerings in silence. Bareau further expresses surprise
that the texts, so detailed regarding the comportment of monastics and laypeople
in relation to the stupa, should have so little to say in the matter of the internal
attitude or disposition of the one who makes the offerings. Bareau then addresses
the issue of what conclusions may be drawn from this fact. "Must one conclude
that the act of offering is in itself sufficient and has no need to be accompanied
by pious thoughts? Such would be quite out of keeping with the very spirit of
Indian Buddhism which, almost always in the course of its long history and a
fortiori to this remote period, remained an interior religion" (249). According to
Bareau, interiority remained characteristic of Buddhism throughout its various pe-
riods and manifestations. It is thus not to be expected, Bareau concludes, that the
worship of the stupa would be an exception to this fundamental character of the
tradition.
In light of this, Bareau suggests another hypothesis.
May one then not perhaps conclude, to the contrary, that these vows were so well
established in usage, were so completely the norm, that the authors of our texts
felt themselves able to pass over [their mention]? This would seem quite in con-
trast with their generally detailed approach, but it is true that the Vinayapitaka,
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 337
Bareau next raises the question concerning another aspect of the "mental attitude"
that accompanies offerings made at the stupa. What acts of recitation or medita-
tion may suppliants have carried out as they stood within the stupa precincts be-
fore a revered image and made offerings? Of this, Bareau says, the texts he con-
sulted say nothing. Again, this silence does not tell us anything about what may
or may not have occurred in that context. However, by way of indicating what
may well have occurred in those situations, Bareau cites contemporary practice.
"Today, in Ceylon where the antiquity of Buddhism is preserved, the cult ren-
dered to the stiipas by laypeople as by monks is normally accompanied by medi-
tation and above all by recitation, whether purely mental or in an audible voice,
of certain stanzas (gdthd)" (249). Such, Bareau thinks, may well have been the
case in the ancient stupa liturgies and accords well with the various expressions
of aspirations made in the context of stupa worship we have seen in the works
cited.
shown building a stupa is of course significant, suggesting that the behavior is not
only permissible but perhaps normative for renunciants. Beyond this, one of the
main points of this story is that the Buddha insists on the importance of the stupa
to his renunciant disciples, telling them of the inestimable merit of constructing a
stupa and of paying homage and making offerings to it (258). Moreover, when
they specifically request authorization to assist in the building of the stupa, he
grants them authorization (257ff.). This important story has been noticed by Hira-
kawa, who offers the obvious conclusion: the fact that this story is found in the
vinayas of the monastic traditions suggests that the monastic samgha "must have
participated in the worship of stupas" (1963, 104).30
Schopen has produced other evidence that points in the same direction (1985
and 1991c). In inscriptions from the railings of Bharhut and Sand, dating from
120 to 80 B.C.E., "a considerable portion of the donors" were Buddhist renun-
ciants, as much as 40 percent in the case of Bharhut. In the KharosthI inscriptions
edited by Konow, over 40 percent of the donors were renunciants. In donative
inscriptions from later periods, the percentage of renunciant donors is even higher.
In inscriptions that Schopen judges to be Mahayanist, over 70 percent of the do-
nors are renunciants. From this evidence, Schopen concludes, "None of this ac-
cords very well—if at all—with received views on the matter, with the views that
maintain that . . . [the] cult was essentially and overwhelmingly a lay concern in
the Indian Buddhist context" (1985, 23-26).
Schopen has also shown that stupa worship was not only a central concern of
Buddhist renunciants from an early time but that stupas were built at and within
monastic compounds on a regular basis. Moreover, such stupas were not neces-
sarily built by laypeople nor were they even always available for lay worship.
Schopen notes cases in which no donative inscriptions exist, implying that the
monastery itself may have paid for the construction. And he also points out that
some stupas, particularly those of local saints, were situated in such a way as to
suggest a "privatization" of the cult, according to which only the monks of the
monastery would have had ready access to the stupa (1991c, 311-16).
This much may be accepted, but there remains the curious anomaly apparently
presented by the Pali evidence that monastics within Pali tradition, in contrast to
those in other Nikaya schools, were not permitted to and did not actively partici-
pate in the stupa cult. Evidence typically cited in support of this view is, as we
have seen, twofold. First, the Pali Mahaparinibbdna Sutta seems to disallow the
worship of the stupa by monastics. Second, in apparent confirmation of a prohi-
bition by the Mahaparinibbdna Sutta, the extant Pali vinaya is missing references,
found in the other vinayas, to behavior at stupas appropriate to monastics. In two
recent articles, Schopen has brought forward good reasons for believing that stupa
worship by monastics was in fact present and accepted in early Pali tradition just
as it was in the other Nikaya schools. In the first article (1991b), Schopen con-
tends that the so-called prohibition in the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra (Pali and other
versions) forbidding participation in stupa worship by monastics in general repre-
sents a misreading of the passage in question. In fact, this passage does not con-
cern the worship of stupas at all and is not addressed to all monastics. In defense
of his thesis, Schopen argues that the key technical term in this passage—sarlra-
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 339
pujd—does not refer to the worship of the Buddha's relics but rather to the cultic
treatment of the Buddha's body after his death, beginning with the wrapping of
the body and continuing up to the cremation.31 The injunction in this passage thus
concerns a ritual activity quite different from the cult of relics in stupa worship.
Schopen further believes that the injunction against sarlrapujd is addressed not to
monastics in general but specifically to Ananda, who, as an as-yet-to-be-
realized bhiksu, does not have the senior status required of one who performs
sarlrapujd. In the Sanskrit version, for example, Mahakasyapa does have this
status and is shown performing sarlrapujd. For both these reasons, then, it is
incorrect to take this passage in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra as forbidding all mo-
nastics to engage in the worship of stupas (Schopen 1991b, 193-95).
In the second article (1989), Schopen puts forward evidence suggesting that
the absence of references to stupa worship in the Pali vinaya may be a later de-
velopment.32 In fact, a reading of canonical and extracanonical tradition, viewed
in light of the history of the Pali canon and of the evidence of archaeology, im-
plies that the Pali vinaya originally contained such rules. Therefore, "the fact that
they are no longer found in the Vinaya known to us could, apparently, only be
explained by assuming that either they had inadvertently dropped out of the manu-
scripts or, perhaps, were intentionally written out" (93). Yet the rules regarding
stupas do not occur in a single block but rather are scattered throughout the Ksu-
drakavastus of the various vinayas and are found even in other sections of the
vinayas as well (95). Assuming the same type of pattern for the Pali vinaya,
It would be easy enough to see how some of these scattered rules would have
been lost through accidents of transmission, but that all such rules would have
been lost in this way seems very unlikely. . . . In light of this the total absence
of rules regarding stupas in the Pali Vinaya would seem to make sense only if
they had been systematically removed. But acknowledging the possibility—if not
the likelihood—of such a systematic removal having actually occurred is one
thing; knowing why it might have occurred is something else again. (95)33
Schopen's two articles, then, suggest not only that monastics in early Pali tradition
were not disallowed from worshiping at stupas but that they did in fact participate
in the stupa cult. Thus, as far as stupa worship by monastics is concerned, the
Pali evidence appears to present a general picture not substantially different from
that of the other Nikaya traditions.
One of the difficulties in interpreting evidence of renunciant support for and
worship at stupas, is that it is not always clear what kind of renunciants are meant.
Bareau's references, coming as they do from the various classical vinayas, appear
specifically to indicate settled monastics who lived in monasteries and followed
the prdtimoksa, but this is not always clear in the case of the inscriptions cited by
Schopen. Thus, for example, some incriptions read sramana, and it is unclear
whether monastic or forest renunciants are meant. Furthermore, although many
inscriptions read bhiksu, this term need not invariably indicate a monastic in the
classical sense. Although in Schopen's evidence sometimes these bhiksus are clearly
settled monastics, this cannot be assumed in the case of every such inscription.
This raises the issue of the participation of nonmonastic renunciants in the cult of
340 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the stupa. Given that stupa worship was important for settled monastics following
the vinaya, is there any evidence that it also played a central role in the religious
lives of forest renunciants?
The Avalokita Sutra, in fact, suggests a sometimes close relation between stupa
worship and forest renunciation. This may be seen in one narratively unified sec-
tion that presents a coherent portrait of the forest renunciant who makes offerings
at stupas (Mv 2:516.2-517.4 [Ins., 2:344]). One who worships at stupas has re-
tired to the forest (pavana), is pure in discipline (visuddhaslla), maintains celibacy
(brahmacarya), never flags in the practice of the stages of meditation (dhyana),
is abundant in (the practice of) these, takes no delight whatever in sensual enjoy-
ment (kdmabhoga), and has attained the highest excellence (suvisesaprdpta).
Moreover, the one who worships at stupas possesses the supernatural powers (ab-
hijnd) and does not relinquish the bodhicitta; he abides in loving-kindness (mai-
trd — maitri), his mind is uplifted (hrstacitta), and his spiritual enjoyment (bhoga)
does not decrease. In addition, he possesses a wondrous body, worthy of being
seen. Finally, he is venerated by the gods. Closely similar verses in the Avalokana
Sutra, preserved in the Siksasamuccaya, add that the one who worships stupas
"dwells in the air of the forest, devotes himself to meditation and attains excel-
lence." He is steadfast, devoted to the practice of the meditation stages (dhyana),
is noble-minded (adinacitta), and does not abandon wisdom (jndna) (Ss 159.9-
28 [BR., 273]). From the viewpoint of these verses in the Avalokita Sutra and the
corresponding verses in the Avalokana Sutra, the paradigmatic forest renunciant
indeed participates in the cult of stupas.
Hirakawa has presented an argument that specifically links forest saints of the
early or proto-Mahayana with stupas and their cult. In an essay translated from
the Japanese and published in English in 1963, Hirakawa proposes a theory—
novel at the time—of the origins of the Mahayana.34 Hirakawa draws our attention
to the figure of the "renunciant bodhisattva," the bodhisattva who is not a lay-
person, but who has renounced the world. Particularly important in the present
context, this renunciant bodhisattva is also not a monastic, has not taken the mo-
nastic pravrajyd or full ordination (upasampadd), and does not follow the monas-
tic prdtimoksa. Having no evident connection to the monastery, this bodhisattva
lives elsewhere and engages in activities that are very different from those of the
monastic. In certain early Mahayana texts, Hirakawa tells us, a contrast is contin-
ually drawn between the srdvakasamgha (the monastic order) and the bodhisat-
tvagana (group or community) of bodhisattvas (1963, 70).35 It is the bodhisat-
tvagana to which the Mahayana sutras are addressed, and this Mahayana community
is made up of the sons of good family (kulaputra) and the daughters of good
family (kuladuhitr), understood as bodhisattvas.
This conception of community stands in marked contrast to the structure of
community implied by the term samgha that is presented in the pre-Mahayana
monastic schools. There, the Buddhist community is fourfold and is made up of
monks (bhiksu) and nuns (bhiksum) (the monastic samgha), on the one hand, and
laymen (updsaka) and laywomen (updsikd), on the other. Moreover, although both
the Mahayana community and the Nikaya community contain both laypeople and
renunciants, the relation between the two groups is conceived quite differently in
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 341
Sakyamuni had experienced. Since Sakyamuni had been called a bodhisattva be-
fore he had realized enlightenment, they too called themselves bodhisattva?,. (94)
Hirakawa's work, then, parallels some of the major themes of this study. These
include the paradigm of the Buddhist saint as a renunciant who emulates the Bud-
dha; the following of a way of life defined by forest asceticism and meditation in
seclusion; and the importance of the cult of the stupa. It may also be added that,
on logical grounds alone, the intimate connection between some forest renunciants
and the institution of the stupa should not be surprising. The forest renunciant
follows a path in emulation of the Buddhist saints, as defined above, and they
epitomize his (or her) kind of Buddhism. The forest renunciant follows the ex-
ample of the Buddha, belongs to a particular lineage of forest renunciants, and
meditates under the guidance of a personal teacher. As the Buddhist saints are the
focus of his Buddhism while they live, so are they also after death, for his need
of them does not end with their passing. Thus the stupa is crucial to his enterprise,
for there he may continue to find them, experience their compassion, and be guided
by them. Moreover, as Hirakawa has suggested, the stupa provides at least one
possible answer to a crucial question: what provided the institutional focus for the
individual Buddhist saints of the forest? Although, as we shall see, Hirakawa's
account of the origins of Mahayana does not provide a complete explanation of
this phenomenon, and although his insights need in some cases to be supple-
mented, his work on the stupa sheds important light on the Buddhist saints.
344 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
The stupa is an important symbol in early and later Indian Buddhism because of
its ability to render the Buddha and other departed saints spiritually present. The
previous discussion would not be complete without mention of some other Bud-
dhist symbols in and through which the saint is similarly rendered actual. Four
examples of such other symbols deserve mention in this context: the sacred text,
the image, the Pure Land in Mahayana Buddhism, and the mandala in the Vajra-
yana.
In the early Mahayana, the sacred text may become the symbolic vehicle through
which the Buddha becomes present. The following brief depiction of what Scho-
pen calls the cult of the book is given in the Vajracchedikdprajndpdramita Su-
tra:,.39
Moreover, O Subhuti, that spot of earth where one has taken from this discourse
on dharma but one stanza of four lines, taught it or illumined it, that spot of earth
would be like a shrine [caityabhuto] for the whole world with its gods, men and
Asuras. What then should we say of those who will bear in mind this discourse
on dharma in its entirety, who will recite, study, and illuminate it in full detail
for others? Most wonderfully blest, Subhuti, they will be. And on that spot of
earth, Subhuti, either the Teacher dwells, or a sage [guru] representing him. (Vcp
79.10-15 [Conze 1958a, 50])
Schopen argues that caitya, in this context, does not mean "stupa" but has the
more general meaning "shrine" and that bhuto does not mean "becomes like"
but simply "becomes," thus correcting Conze's translation to read "that spot of
earth becomes a caitya (shrine)" (1975, 149-52). This passage thus means to
say that "the presence (in some form) of a dharmaparydya [dharma teaching] (in
this case the Prajndpdramita) in a particular place has the effect of sacralizing
that place in a way which is different from, if not opposed to, the sacralization ef-
fected by the presence of a stupa" (152). A second, briefer passage in the
Vajracchedikdprajndpdramita Sutra adds the additional detail that "that spot of
earth will be worthy of being saluted respectfully, worthy of being honoured by
circumambulation" (Vcp 82.20-22 [Conze 1958a, 56]). In spite of the brevity of
the two passages, certain parallelisms to the stupa and its cult are clear:40 like the
stupa, the text sacralizes the place on which it is worshiped; the liturgical forms
mentioned here are similar to those of the stupa cult; and the ritual function is the
same for both, namely, to render the Buddha spiritually present.
It is significant that the presence of the Buddha seems particularly linked with
the act of reciting the Vajracchedikdprajndpdramitd Sutra, because it, unlike other
Prajndpdramita^ such as the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra, reflects oral tra-
dition (Schopen 1975, 155-56). In the Vajracchedikdprajndpdramitd Sutra, it is
through the oral recitation of the text that the presence of the tathdgata is effected
in the person of the reciter and the sacralization occurs. In contrast to this, in the
Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra, sacralization of the place is effected simply
through the presence of the dharmaparydya as the written text (155), and the
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 345
Vaj [Vcp] 12 says that on that spot which is caityabhuta and on which a gathd
of four lines from this dharmaparydya is taught, etc., on that spot either the
Teacher dwells or a wise guru (vijnaguru) representing him. SP [Sps] 344, says
that where a holy sage (tddrso viduh) teaches a gathd of four lines from this
sutra, and where because of this a stupa is to be made, he, the sage, is there
"possessed" by the Buddha and there the Buddha himself is. Again, KP [Kp]
160 expresses a similar notion: Just as (tadyathdpi ndma) one reveres the Tatha-
gata, so too one is to revere him who takes up, etc., this dharmaparydya on that
spot which is caityabhuta. . . . In all of these there is an equation of the presence
of the dharmaparydya with the presence of the Buddha. . . . [A]ll three passages
assert the presence, in some sense, of the Buddha on the spot where the dhar-
maparydya is or is recited, etc. (174-75)
Suppose that there are two persons. One of the two, a son or daughter of good
family, has written down this perfection of wisdom, made a copy of it; he would
then put it up, and would honour, revere, worship, and adore it with heavenly
flowers, incense, perfumes, wreaths, unguents, aromatic powders, strips of cloth,
parasols, banners, bells, flags, with rows of lamps all round, and with manifold
kinds of worship. The other would deposit in stupas the relics of the tathagata
who has gone to parinirvdna; he would take hold of them and preserve them; he
would honour, worship and adore them with heavenly flowers, incense, etc. as
before. (Schopen 1975, 154)
It is striking here that the liturgical acts performed in the cult of the book are
depicted as exactly the same as those in the cult of the stupa. However, there is
an important difference between the two: the merit accrued by the one venerating
the sacred text surpasses that accrued by the one venerating the stupa. This is
because, as mentioned, the Buddha attained to all-knowledge through training
346 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
directly in the prajndpdramita, while his human body, worshiped in the stupa,
played the lesser role of physically supporting the prajndpdramita (154).
These kinds of comparisons between the cult of the book and the relic/stupa
cult exist not only in the longer recensions of the Prajndpdramita. "We find
outside this particular body of texts a number of independent texts which also
contain arguments against the relic/stupa cult in more or less close conjunction
with a proselytism connected with the cult of the book" (Schopen 1975, 157).
Schopen believes that these comparisons show the cult of the book in the process
of attempting to compete, as a minority movement, with the historically prior and
dominant cult of the stupa of early Buddhism (168): "The compilers of the AsP
[Asp], etc., were attempting to introduce a radical innovation in the face of an
established cult form of central importance" (169). Nevertheless, the close conti-
nuities in symbolism of the place, liturgical forms, and ritual function reveal that,
to some extent, the cult of the book is seen as replacing and taking over the role
previously played by the stupa.
The other symbols that similarly make the spiritual presence of the Buddha
possible may be dealt with more briefly. References to the visualized image of the
Buddha as facilitating his presence are found in both early and later tradition.
Williams cites an intriguing passage in the Suttanipdta in which an old man,
although unable physically to go to the Buddha, is nevertheless able to experience
his very presence and to engage in his cult through visualizing him (1989, 217).
Buddhaghosa similarly remarks that through the meditative visualization of the
Buddha the meditator "comes to feel as if he were living in the Master's presence.
And his body . . . becomes worthy of veneration as a shrine" (Williams 1989,
218). At some point, perhaps as early as the Suttanipdta passage, perhaps much
later, physical images of the Buddha came to be fashioned and liturgies were
performed in that context, thus becoming vehicles of the Buddha's presence. Paul
Mus, as already quoted, has commented upon the essential symbolic identity of
the Buddha's physical body, the stupa, and the image of the Buddha.42 This equa-
tion made it possible for the cult of the image to develop largely in the context of
and with the same liturgical forms as stupa worship and then largely to replace it.
As in the cult of the book, the cult of the image exhibits close symbolic and cultic
parallelism. The ritual function of making real the presence of the Buddha through
the ritual use of the image is, of course, found in both Mahayana and even more
strongly in Tantric Buddhism (Falk 1987). It is interesting that even in Theravada
Buddhism, which exhibits particular reservations about the worship of the image,
the Buddha image may, by liturgical means, become filled with "life and mirac-
ulous powers" (Tambiah 1984, 230). Whether or not the image developed directly
as a historical transformation of the stupa, it can be understood to have taken
over, to a large extent, the stupa's role.
The classical notion of the Pure Land in Buddhism represents a place where a
buddha is not only present but reigns supreme. Hirakawa believes that at least one
Pure Land text found its origin in the stupa cult, affirming that "there is no doubt
that the sukhdvati in the smaller Sukhdvatlvyuha Sutra is modelled after the stupa
of the Buddha" (1963, 93). Hirakawa proceeds through a detailed comparison of
the "land of bliss" in the smaller Sukhdvatlvyuha Sutra with the symbolism of
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 347
the stupa, concluding that "the sukhdvatl is the idealized image of a huge Buddha
stupa" (92). Hirakawa notes that "the smaller Sukhdvatlvyuha Sutra does not
mention the worship of stupas.'' However, by consulting older translations of the
same text into Chinese, he shows that originally in the smaller Sukhdvatlvyuha
Sutra there were references to stupas. This leads him to conclude that the more
recent translation lacks references because "the center of worship is Amitayus
who must have replaced the stupa as the object of devotion" (93). Thus, at least
in this one case, the stupa appears to have become transformed into the Pure
Land, and when this transformation became complete, the original associations
with the stupa were forgotten.
A final example of a symbol in which the Buddha becomes spiritually present
is the mandala in Vajrayana Buddhism. The mandala is an image—painted, con-
structed in sand, or otherwise figured—that plays a central symbolic and liturgical
role in the Vajrayana. The symbolism of the mandala is, of course, closely similar
to that of the stupa. Most important, like the stupa, the mandala is a constructed
"body of the Buddha": in the mandala are present, at specified places, the com-
ponents of buddhahood—the five wisdoms (jndna), the five purified skandhas, the
elements of skillful means, and so on. Moreover, mandala and stupa share the
same architectural configuration, being shaped according to a plan of center and
four cardinal directions, containing locations for images of the buddhas, having
gates at the four cardinal directions, and so on. Because mandala and stupa are
idealized bodies of the Buddha, they are also symbolic representations of the ideal
cosmos and of the body of the enlightened saint. In addition, similar ritual patterns
apply in liturgies associated with the mandala as apply in liturgies connected with
the stupa: to the mandala one typically offers scented water, flowers, incense,
light, perfume, food, music, and so on. Finally, in the Vajrayana stupas are them-
selves identified as mandalas, as in the case of Borobudur, and mandalas are
identified as stupas, as in the classical Anuttarayoga Tantra liturgies.
As we have seen, several facts suggest a close relationship between stupa and
these other Buddhist symbols: (1) parallel, sometimes closely related, symbolism
of sacred place; (2) closely similar liturgical forms used in each; (3) the same
ritual function of making the Buddha present; and sometimes, (4) explicit com-
parisons. In spite of these similarities, given the present state of our knowledge,
it is not possible to ascertain definitively the precise historical relationships be-
tween the cults of the book, the image, the Pure Land, and the mandala on the
one hand and the stupa on the other. Did one or more of these four symbols
develop as specific historical transformations of the stupa? Or did they originate
independently as different forms that originally had or came to have a similar
symbolic structure, associated liturgical acts, and ritual functions? For example, it
is possible to conceive of the cult of the book as an offshoot of the stupa cult. It
is equally possible to conceive, as Schopen does, that the cult of the book devel-
oped in some independence from the cult of the stupa, appropriating from it or
from other sources many symbolic and cultic forms and competing with it. The
cult of the image seems to have a close historical relation with that of the stupa.
The Pure Land tradition, at least in the smaller Sukhdvatlvyuha Sutra, seems likely
to have emerged, as Hirakawa argues, as the idealization of the Buddhist stupa.
348 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
And the Vajrayana mandala and its associated liturgies may well represent a yogic
internalization and adaptation of the stupa and its cult.
Conclusion
The living saint and stupa are thus two dimensions of the phenomenon of enlight-
enment, present and embodied: the saint represents its living, human expression,
whereas the stupa represents its expression in mortar and stone after the saint has
passed beyond. The essential symbolic and cultic identity of living saint and stupa
is suggested in the Avalokita Sutra, where we are told that "it is all the same if
one shall worship the tathagata when he is still living and shall revere him, es-
teem him and honour him with flowers, perfumes, garlands, sunshades, flags,
banners, music, incense, ointments, food, drink, carriages and clothes, or if he
shall honour him when he has utterly passed away" (Mv 2:489 [Ins., 2:329]). As
the Avalokita Sutra says, the difference is chiefly one of sequence, for it is pre-
cisely when the saint has attained parinirvdna that worship of the stupa becomes
appropriate: "And when the Lights of the world have passed to nirvana, [the
suppliant] adores the Buddha's stupas again and again whenever he sees them"
(2:501 [2:336]). Living saint and stupa are thus two instances of the same reality,
performing different but complementary functions within the larger whole of the
Buddhist cult of saints.
The symbolic identity and ritual complementarity of living saint and stupa may
be seen by comparing the paradigm of the Buddhist saints with the stupa symbol-
ism and cult. In effect, the stupa replicates and in some ways extends the major
features of that part of the paradigm that deals with the saints in their enlightened
mode—after realization. The stupa, like the living saints after realization, reveals
enlightenment in the concrete. Like the saints, it possesses great charisma. Like
the living saints, the stupa incarnates an intention to help others and manifests
compassionate activity. Like them, it possesses supernatural powers. In these abil-
ities to manifest enlightenment and its activity, the stupa may even be said to have
a kind of communicative function. The stupa can also have its "disciples," in the
sense that it continues the presence of and permits an ongoing relationship with
the Buddha or other revered teacher. Like the saints, the stupa is an object of
veneration for both laity and renunciants, who worship with circumambulation,
prostrations, offerings, praises, and so on. Like the saints, the stupa has a kind of
supernatural body and, in effect, extends the ability of the saints to remain present
among humans.
Living saint and stupa are each worshiped in different ways by different kinds
of suppliants. The laity approach saint and stupa as holy objects, the worship of
which will elicit blessings of all sorts, including those of a material, psychologi-
cal, and spiritual nature. This is not to deny, of course, that laypeople see in them
their ultimate goal, nor that they may themselves at any time become renunciants.
The perspective of renunciants is somewhat different from that of ordinary laypeo-
ple. For renunciants, the living saint—perhaps their own teacher—and the stupa
represent that condition of liberation that is the object of personal aspiration in
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 349
Granted that early Buddhists—including the laity, settled monastics, and forest
renunciants—all participated in stupa worship, let us return again to the question
of the contexts in which this cult may have developed. On the one hand, the
evidence brought forward by Bareau and, more recently and more fully, by Scho-
pen leaves no doubt that stupas and their cults were central features of Buddhist
settled monastic life in India from the earliest time for which we have datable
archaeological remains. On the other hand, as we have seen, Hirakawa argues for
the existence of stupas and stupa cults that were not aligned with Buddhist mo-
nasticism but operated primarily in connection with groups of laity and nonmo-
nastic renunciants. The main value of Hirakawa's hypothesis is not that it provides
definitive proof for stupas in India that were not monastically connected, but rather
that it raises a possibility that needs to be seriously entertained.
Hirakawa's argument is circumstantial, based on the assemblage of various
bits and pieces of evidence that, at least for Hirakawa, point in a particular direc-
tion. Let us set the main trends of Hirakawa's evidence within the context of the
present discussion. As we have seen, the earliest renunciant Buddhism—whether
that of forest or that of town and village—was characterized by homeless wander-
ing and settling down for, at most, the rains retreat. For at least some, the early
traditions of forest renunciation were not definitively abandoned for settled mo-
nasticism but continued to provide the norm of Buddhist renunciant life after clas-
sical monasticism developed and came to the fore. We have seen many examples
of tension and even opposition, in both Nikaya and Mahay ana evidence, between
those who followed the life of forest renunciation and those who were settled
monastics. We have also seen—not only in Hirakawa's evidence and argument
but in other texts as well—a linkage between forest renunciation and stupa wor-
ship. Also pertinent is the possibility of the origins of certain non-
Nikaya traditions in, or in close proximity to, the cult of the stupa—specifically,
the cult of the book, Pure Land, image, and mandala. Given all of this, along
with Hirakawa's evidence and argument, it seems too far-fetched to assume that
the only stupas existing in India in either the pre- or post-Asokan eras were under
the supervision of settled monasticism. Perhaps this may generally be said of the
large, well-endowed stupas, but to make such a statement about all stupas would
push the argument too far.
350 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
century—at exactly the time that we start to get clear epigraphical references to
the Buddha as an actual resident of Indian monasteries." In this new develop-
ment, a cell within the monastic complex, usually the one in the most honored
position, is reserved for the Buddha and in fact contains a Buddha image, at this
period a functional equivalent of the stupa (201). From this time onward, this
"shrine-cum-v//iara" becomes standard. It is, of course, impossible to say with
any certainty what this movement means. But one possible explanation is that it
reveals, at least in these times and places, advanced stages in a process of the
monasticization of the stupa. The earliest rock-cut monasteries may testify to a
time when the stupa was considered to be a religiously distinct and separate phe-
nomenon that with time came to be seen as an integral part of the very structure
of the monastery itself. The monastic rules, pointed to by Hirakawa, Bareau, and
Schopen, in which the property of the stupa or the Buddha is held to be juristically
separate and distinct from that of the monastic samgha, would then be understood
as remnants of just such an original separation between stupa and monastery.
samgha, based on the vinaya.41 One dimension of the antistupa trend involves a
denial that the elite have any need of stupas, that stupas perform any necessary
function for the intelligent. Thus, an official of the Samgha University in Rangoon
commented, "A pagoda ostensibly houses something of the real Buddha. But an
image is just symbolic of the Buddha's presence. Intellectual people don't need
an image to concentrate their thoughts on. Common people do" (290). Similarly,
the modern antistupa trend also denies the authenticity of stupa worship outright.
When asked if there were not two ways within Buddhism—prayer and devotion
(connected with the stupa), and the more elite way of the monastic—one of Sad-
ler's monastic informants remarked, " 'In Buddhism there is only one way. Prayer
is not important. Only morals and meditation.' . . . Q: 'Do you have some Bud-
dhists in Burma who know only prayer?' A: 'Yes! The general public' " (283).48
What can be the meaning of this antistupa trend within Theravadin monasti-
cism, which appears to be reflected in the Milindapanha, in the apparently system-
atic removal of references to rules for the stupa from the extant Pali vinaya and
in the contemporary evidence discussed by Sadler? Such a trend begins to make
sense when we recall that the stupa is an important part of the Buddhist cult of
saints and that, as we have seen in several examples in previous chapters, Pali
tradition shows similar negative attitudes to the Buddhist saints of the forest and
their cults. This raises the interesting possibility that the Theravadin reservations
about the charisma of the stupa and the charisma of the forest saints may proceed
from the same source and be part of the same phenomenon within Theravadin
monasticism. This possibility will be considered in the next chapter.49
Notes
1. Who are these local saints thus enshrined in stupas? The evidence suggests that
stupas were built to both male and female saints (Schopen 199Ic, 281), though the mention
of local female saints seems comparatively rare. A forest lifestyle is sometimes specifically
indicated, as when they are termed aranaka (forest renunciant) or qualified by another of
the dhutagunas: pendavatika or pedapdtika (pindapatika) (292; 309). These are also people
of attainment, indicated by their being called "one possessed of the three knowledges"
(tevija) (296), "one possessed of the six superknowledges" (abhijnd) (310), nonreturner
(andgdmin) (296), and arhant (293). They are also called by other terms of respect such as
elder (thera), reverend (bhayata) (293), and reverend (bhadata) (296), some of which may
have implied spiritual attainment. One saint is called a vindyaka, perhaps indicating partic-
ular attainment in behavioral purity or mastery of vinaya texts (308).
2. Mitra 1971, 21. Also see Barua 1926, 21; Pant 1973, 471-78; and Fussman 1986,
44.
3. Discussed in Bareau 1975.
4. For a discussion of some of the major theories see Benisti 1960, 42-47.
5. For some general treatments of the symbolism and cult of the stupa, see Combaz
1932-33; Mus 1935, l:76ff.; Benisti 1960; Irwin 1977; and Dallapiccola 1980.
6. On this, see N. Falk 1977.
7. It has often been pointed out that in early Buddhism there are no images of the
Buddha and that, in this sense, early Buddhism is aniconic. Mus, in speaking of the early
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 353
period, has corrected this view: "There are no sculpted figurations of the Buddha, but there
is the stiipa, his mystical body" (Benisti 1960, 53, n. 4). In other words, although there
are no early pictorial representations of the Buddha, there is from the earliest times the
stupa itself, understood as a monumental image of the body of the Buddha.
8. Schopen 1987a, 203. In support of this contention, Schopen cites inscriptions writ-
ten on the outside and inner face of a broken relic lid from Shinkot, according to which
the relic is said to be "endowed with life" (pranasameta). Schopen draws our attention
not only to the concept of the relic's life but to the fact that this conception "is the earliest
actually attestable conception [of the relic] that we have" (204). The equivalence of Bud-
dha and stupa is given further definition in some texts cited by Mus, including a Javanese
text that states that the body of the Buddha, viewed from the outside, is a stupa, and the
Lalitavistara, which remarks that the Buddha is called the caitya of the world. According
to Benisti, "Numerous are the plastic representations that attest to this identification of
stiipa and Buddha" (1960, 51). In particular, she refers to a relief from the great stupa at
AmaravatI that represents an uninterrupted series of stupas and seated buddhas as illustra-
tion of Mus's phrase "The stiipa is the Buddha, the Buddha is the stiipa" (51).
9. Harvey remarks, "The relics . . . are thought to contain something of the spiritual
force and purity of the person they once formed part of. As they were part of the body of
a person whose mind was freed of spiritual faults and possessed of a great energy-for-good,
it is believed that they were somehow affected by this" (1984, 69).
10. This reminds us, of course, of the passage cited by Harvey from the Vibhanga
Atthakathd that remarks that at the end of the five-thousand-year period of the dharma, all
the relics in Sri Lanka will come together, in Harvey's words, "travel through the air to
the foot of the bodhi tree in India, emit rays of light, and then disappear in a flash of light.
This is referred to as the parinibbdna of the dhdtus" (1984, 69).
11. Sps gives vivid evidence of the cult of the stupa and affords a view of that cult as
it existed in India around the beginning of the common era. Hirakawa comments that Sps
is "a work based on the institution of the stiipa" (1963, 85). Although in later times Sps
stands quite independent of the stupa, the contents of the text itself suggest that in its
original conception, the text was bound up with the stupa cult. A number of passages in
the text indicate that originally it was only in the sacred precincts of the stupa that the text
was to be recited; see Sps 149-50 (Kn., 227-29), where we are told that the stupa and the
text appear together, although, as we shall see, the stupa in question is not necessarily one
of mortar and stone.
12. For example, the Avalokana Sutra, a text on the cult of the stupa quoted in the
Siksdsamuccaya (Ss 156ff. [BR., 270ff.]), and the Avalokita Sutra given in the Mahdvastu.
See note 13.
13. There are in fact two sutras in the Mahdvastu entitled Avalokita Sutra, Mv 2:357-
401 (Jns., 2:242-74) and 2:401-536 (Ins., 274-354). In his translation of Mv, Jones
refers to these as the "First Avalokita Sutra" and the "Second Avalokita Sutra." It is the
second of these that provides particular insights into the cult of the stupa. The reader should
note that, in what follows, when I refer to the Avalokita Sutra, I mean the second of these
two Avalokita Sutras. Jones (1949-56, 2:242, n. 3) mentions two other versions of this
text, the one quoted in the Siksdsamuccaya and another preserved in Tibetan (reference not
given, but perhaps he is thinking of the Arydvalokanandmamahdydna Sutra; Tib.,
'phags.pa.spyan.ras.gzigs.shes.bya.ba.theg.pa.chen.po'i.mdo, D., 195).
14. The section of Als cited here points to the rewards gained by the worship of stupas.
Most frequently, the text speaks of this veneration employing the term stupa (translated by
Jones as "tope"). The text also designates stupas by the term cetiya (translated by Jones
as "shrine" or "monument"), and the two terms are used interchangeably (cf., e.g., Mv
354 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
2:492.2-12 [Jns., 2:331]). Other terms similarly understood in this section of the text as
referring to stupas are dhatu (relics) (e.g., Mv 2:496 [Jns., 2:333]) and sometimes buddha
(Mv 2:494-95 [Jns., 2:332]). In quoting Jones's translation, I render "tope" as "stupa."
15. Bareau 1962, 249. This theme of longevity or immortality is important and will be
considered further in Chapter 11.
16. As Hirakawa points out, in the chapter on skillful means, a variety of practices
leading to buddhahood are discussed, including both the building of stupas and acts of
worship and offering made to stupas (1963, 95).
17. In this article (Bareau 1962), the author reads various early vinayas for information
on stupas. Although Bareau found no information regarding the cult and construction of
stupas in the Pali vinaya, he uncovered a wealth of information in other extant vinayas,
including those of the Mahasamghika, Mulasarvastivada, Mahlsasaka, Dharmaguptaka, and
Sarvastivada, suggesting, of course, that the religious life that surrounds the stupa was of
far greater interest to the redactors of these than to those of the Pali vinaya, as we now
have it.
18. See also Schopen's article "The Buddha as an Owner of Property and Permanent
Resident in Medieval Indian Monasteries" (1990).
19. Bareau 1962, 257. On this, see also Hirakawa 1987, 93-94.
20. Variant title for Dasabhumikasutrasdstra (Lancaster 1979, 181, entry K., 550).
21. Summarized by Nakamura 1951, 347-48.
22. Tao-hsiian, identified by Nakamura as founder of the Vinaya sect in China (1951,
347).
23. See also Hsiian-tsang's summary of appropriate acts of salutation and reverence
(Watters 1904-5, 1:173).
24. On pradaksind, also see I-ching's discussion (Takakusu 1896, 140-46).
25. Benisti points out that circumambulation of the stupa had a close connection with
the hagiographical depictions at the stupa of the Buddha's final and previous lives. She
remarks, for example, that the rite of pradaksind has ordered, in some sense, the edifying
depictions that one finds on the stupa (1960, 55):
The balustrade, the base and the dome were ornamented (at Amaravati, for example) with
bas-reliefs representing scenes drawn from the legend of the Buddha. These episodes un-
rolled chronologically before the eyes of the worshiper accomplishing the rite of leaving
the stupa to his right. The stupa is thus for the devotee a kind of bible: in recounting to
him the marvellous history of prince Siddhartha who, having renounced the things of this
world, became Buddha, it incites him to follow the path which leads to the cessation of
suffering and to the liberation of all existences. The pathway around the stupa becomes a
veritable communion between the edifice and the worshiper: on the one hand, he accom-
plishes an act of veneration and of respect toward the monument which embodies for him
the Buddha and his teaching, and by this act he puts himself on the path first followed by
the Buddha; on the other hand, the monument by its symbolic efficacy guides him on that
path. Thus it is that the pilgrim, in following with his eyes the grand series of episodes,
while he circumambulates the stupa, "on the path of those who have entered into the way
. . . finds himself having taken this same route leading to Nirvana." (55-56, quoting
Zimmer)
26. For a discussion of the issue of food offerings, see Bareau 1975, 178ff.
27. Another interesting point concerns the offerings of music, which are specifically
mentioned in all Bareau's sources. An unidentified Chinese vinaya text specifies the use of
drum and conch. The Mahasamghika and Mahlsasaka sources speak of offerings of music
as including song and dance. According to the Mahlsasaka and Dharmaguptaka, monastics
may not themselves play the music, nor may they themselves sing or dance; however,
monastics may have the laypeople do so.
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 355
28. This citation from the Mahdvastu reads thus: "He who, directing his mind to en-
lightenment [bodhi], adores a monument of the Master" (Mv 2:492 [Jns., 2:331]).
29. The Pradaksina Sutra, translated by Bailey (1974), presents a similar picture of
the dimensions of stupa worship.
30. See Schopen's discussion of this material (1985, 7).
31. Or perhaps including the cremation and possibly also the construction of the stupa
(Schopen 1991b, 191-92; 195). Through citation from a number of different texts, Schopen
shows that the specific cultic practice of sarirapujd to the bodies of deceased saints was
widespread in early Buddhism.
32. See Schopen's full argument, 1989, 83ff.
33. For some critical responses to Schopen's argument, see Gombrich 1991, Hallisey
1991, and Hiniiber 1991. Although not necessarily disputing Schopen's contention—as
expressed in this and many other of his articles (see Bibliography)—of tensions between
monastic practice as reflected in the Pali vinaya and the actual practice of monastics as
evident from other sources (e.g., epigraphy), these responses all express doubts on the
specific point that rules regarding stupas were consciously and systematically removed from
the extant version of the vinaya.
34. In this article, Hirakawa has attempted to clarify some of the ideas, texts, and
institutions of early Mahayana Buddhism that shed light on its origins. Hirakawa looks at
a wide variety of early Mahayana texts and, as part of his methodology, compares early
translations of texts into Chinese with ones that have been translated, often in a different
way, at a later time (a method now used to advantage by many buddhologists; e.g., see
Lancaster 1975 and Harrison 1987). This article has had considerable influence, particularly
on Japanese Buddhist scholarship. See, for example, Nakamura's description of Mahayana
origins (1987a, 457, and 1987b, 151), where the author accepts the main lines of Hiraka-
wa's argument. Certain aspects of Hirakawa's theory have recently been called into ques-
tion by Schopen (e.g., 1975) and Williams (1989, 20-22); for a discussion, see Chapter
12.
35. See footnote on gana in Chapter 8, n. 44.
36. Taught, Hirakawa tells us, in the dgamas (1963, 75).
37. For list, see 282n.l4. For a discussion of the karmapatha, see BHSD 170-71, s.v.
karmapatha, and Lamotte 1958, 45-46. It is well known that the specific path of the
bodhisattva at all periods was defined by the six pdramitds. The second of these pdramitds,
sila pdramitd, is the one specifically concerned with discipline or life rule. In the early
Prajndpdramitd as translated into Chinese, sila pdramitd is interpreted always as the "the
ten virtuous actions" (Hirakawa 1963, 75). Thus, the discipline enjoined upon both lay
and renunciant bodhisattvas is this set of ten kusalakarmas. These are not to be confused
with another set of dasasiksdpadas, which are the ten rules followed specifically by novice
monastics, more generally in the prdtimoksa also by fully ordained monastics. The prdti-
moksa is, in Lamotte's view, the complex elaboration of this set (1958, 59). The karma-
patha?, are not restricted to the Mahayana but appear as a set in Pali, Sarvastivadin, and
Mahasamghika (with some variation) traditions, for examples of which see BHSD 170-71,
s.v. karmapatha, and PTSD 194, s.v. kammapathd.
38. One may wonder why these patterns of community and institutional life were not
previously recognized by scholars. Hirakawa writes of an early time in Mahayana history,
when the above distinctions were still in force. Somewhat later, of course, the Mahayana
took on an increasingly monastic form, such that any early nonmonastic origins would have
been obscured. But even after the monasticization of the Mahayana (see Chapter 12), when
Mahayana bhiksus along with Nikaya bhiksus are known, the bodhisattva bhiksu is enjoined
with—in addition to the prdtimoksa—a sila specific to him; this is none other than the
dasakusaladharma, which, Hirakawa tells us, needs to be properly understood as a survival
356 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
from the earlier period, before the bodhisattva renunciant had anything to do with monastic
tradition or its forms (1963, 77-79).
39. This topic has been briefly alluded to in Chapter 8. In a ground-breaking article,
Schopen describes the cult of the book as an important cult type in early Mahayana (1975).
Schopen finds clear evidence of the cult of the book in a very wide range of different kinds
of early Mahayana texts.
40. See Schopen's comments on this parallelism (1975, 170).
41. This recalls the spiritual presence of the Buddha in the person of the saint, men-
tioned several times in previous chapters. Schopen makes reference to a number of other
passages in nonhagiographic Mahayana evidence where this presence is also affirmed (1975,
174-75).
42. There is now some reason to suspect that the image of the Buddha, as a visualized
representation and as a physical artifact, may go back to an earlier time than has been
supposed. In addition to Williams's mention of a reference in the Suttanipata to the visu-
alization of the Buddha image (1989, 217-18), Huntington points to archaeological finds
that suggest a greater than previously believed antiquity of the physical representation (1985,
627).
43. Although these usages reflect the choices of the Chinese translators—Dharmaraksa
for the earlier, Kumarajiva for the later translation—one may suspect that their choices are
informed by Indian understandings of their times.
44. For example, earlier and later translations from Sanskrit into Chinese of the Ugra-
dattapariprccha Siitra (Hirakawa 1963, 94-98) and of the Buddhavatamsaka Gocarapari-
suddhaparivarta (94-98). This phenomenon of an important change in Buddhist religious
life being evidenced in textual material reflecting different periods is also directly reflected
in evidence of Indian Buddhism. In this context, Nakamura mentions that the change from
a forest to a communal monastic way of life among the early community is reflected in the
discrepancy between terminology of certain earlier gdtha portions of early texts and the
accompanying, later prose sections: "Ascetics are mentioned as hermits (rsis [P., wis])
. . . in Gathas of earlier texts of early Buddhism . . . whereas in prose sections explaining
Gathas, the word isis disappears and the world bhikkhu is used in its place" (1987c, 58).
45. In order to know precisely how to interpret this evidence, however, we need to
know whether all these stupas were originally parts of monastic complexes or whether in a
significant number of cases either monasteries were built in places where stupas already
existed or stupas were built in places where monasteries already existed.
46. The passage says further, "And if, O king, he had not said so, then would the
bhikkhus have taken his bowl and his robe, and occupied themselves with paying reverence
to the Buddha through them" (Mp 177-79 [T.R. 1890-94, 1:246-48]).
47. Sadler further notes the territorial separation of stupa and monastery, even when
they are located within the same religious complex. He thus describes as typical the Kyaik
Ka Loke pagoda and monastery where the pagoda complex is separate and built on high
ground, whereas the monastic complex is built on low ground. "The separation of pagoda
grounds from the monastic grounds is very striking here. The pagoda, the source of datha-
na (the grace-giving encounter with the holy) and the object of lay (devotional) religion, is
placed outside the monastic compound" (1970, 284). Then Sadler continues, "This terri-
torial separation of building complexes is of course not unique to Burmese Buddhism, but
points to something fundamental within canonical Theravada Buddhism and primitive Bud-
dhism, and indeed within modern Buddhism in all its forms, all round the globe" (285).
48. For additional examples of the same kind of antistupa trend among the monastic
elite in other Theravadin countries, cf. Spiro 1982, 204-6.
49. If Hirakawa is right that the stupa provided an institutional focus of the earliest
The Buddhist Saints and the Stupa 357
Mahay ana (or at least some aspects of what later comes to be understood as Mahay ana),
then one sees in the history of the stupa a curious coincidence. In the three or so centuries
following Asoka, the stupa is undergoing more and more complete monasticization by the
Nikaya Buddhist schools. At this same time, in the earliest Mahay ana texts we find the
tradition moving away from close association with the stupa as a physical monument and
toward other symbolic forms. These include the cultivation of prajndpdramitd, image wor-
ship, the cult of the book, and the Pure Land traditions. Although these are rightly seen
as, to some extent, repudiations of the stupa, it is also true that texts reflecting these
religious preoccupations (e.g., Rgs, Asp, Sps, Svs [Hirakawa 1963, 9Iff.]) often explicitly
mention the stupa and admit its authenticity, all the while indicating that they themselves
are moving on. In addition, as mentioned, these various religious foci often betray much
of the same structure, symbolism, and liturgy as those of the stupa. This suggests that the
prajndpdramitd, image worship, the cult of the book, and the Pure Land traditions can be
seen as further developments of the cult of the stupa and its kind of religiosity. If this be
deemed reasonable, then one may ask, did the thorough monasticization of the stupa and
the Mahayana movement of many early Mahayana texts away from the stupa occur during
roughly the same time by chance? Or did the nonmonastic Mahayana first begin to move
away from the physical stupa, thus leaving a void of which the monasticization of the stupa
is the result? Or, finally, did the monasticization of the stupa begin first, encouraging the
Mahayana to develop other interpretations of the stupa cult? These questions will be taken
up in subsequent chapters.
11
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist
Doctrines of Absence and Presence
This section presents an analysis of the Mahaparinirvana Sutra for the light it
may shed on early monastic attitudes to questions of the absence and presence of
saints. The text will be considered here in its various versions, with primary ref-
erence to the Pali.1 The Mahaparinirvana Sutra tends toward what may be termed
a doctrine of absence in relation to the question of the Buddha's status subsequent
to his parinirvana.2 This doctrine of absence begins to become clear in the curious
position that the text takes with regard to monastic participation in the cult of the
Buddha. The Mahaparinirvana Sutra has, in fact, a great deal to say about the
cult of the Buddha, both as a living saint and after he has passed away. In addi-
tion, the text suggests the role monastics should play in the various dimensions of
the Buddha's cult—this is generally a restricted one. In relation to the deceased
Buddha, the Mahaparinirvana Siitra mentions two different types of ritual activ-
ity, the cultic treatment of the body of the Buddha after his passing and the cult
of the stupa, built over his postcremation remains.
358
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 359
In relation to the cultic treatment of the postmortem body of the Buddha, the
previous chapter included a summary of the reasons, brought forward by Schopen,
for believing that the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra passage addressed to Ananda con-
cerning the honoring of the remains of the tathagata3 has been incorrectly taken
to indicate a disallowing of stupa worship by monastics in general. We saw that
sarirapujd does not refer to the worship of the Buddha's relics in the stupa, and
also that the passage seems addressed, not to all monks, but rather specifically to
Ananda. If Ananda is not to participate in this rite, however, the text mentions
others who are, notably ksatriyas, brahmins, and the heads of households (Scho-
pen 199Ib, 190-91). This passage, then, suggests a limitation in monastic partic-
ipation in sarirapujd. Although the laypeople are to participate in sarirapujd, the
situation for monastics is more mixed: although some may participate in this rite,
others (those who are not realized?) may not.4 This passage thus suggests that
whereas sarirapujd is recommended without reservation as part of the laity's re-
ligious life, the same cannot be said in relation to the religious life of the monastic
as such.5
The second type of cultic behavior toward the deceased Buddha concerns ven-
eration of the stupa, built over his postcremation remains. As noted in Chapter 1,
the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra explicitly acknowledges the legitimacy of stupa wor-
ship, saying that it is appropriate to build stupas to tathdgatas and also to two
other classes of saints, the pratyekabuddhas and arhants.6 At the same time, al-
though the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra does not prohibit the worship of stupas by
monastics, it is nevertheless true that the text does not portray stupa worship as
standing at the center of their religious life. As we shall presently see, the text
advances other activities as particularly characteristic of and incumbent upon monks,
activities based on following the vinaya and engaging in textual pursuits. In fact,
among the many passages in which the specific duties and obligations of monks
are outlined, stupa worship is not mentioned at all, apart from one likely later
insertion in some versions of the text (Mps-p 5.8).7 This stands in contrast to the
text's advocacy of stupa worship for the laity, both by implication in the discus-
sion of the building of stupas and also in the depiction of stupa worship, which,
the text tells us, is to be engaged in by the bahujana (the multitudes of people)
(5.12).
The Mahdparinirvdna Sutra also refers to the cult of the living Buddha. Here, as
in relation to the deceased Buddha, the text treats cultic matters with reservation,
at least insofar as monastics are concerned. Particularly interesting in this respect
are several passages that criticize those who would deeply revere the living Bud-
dha and would engage in his veneration. One such passage occurs in chapter 5 of
the Pali version: the Buddha, having become ill, has entered Kusinagarl and come
to the Sala Grove of the Mallas; at the place where he is to pass away, he lies
down. The text then presents an account of a cosmic veneration of the tathagata:8
Now at that time the twin Sala trees were all one mass of bloom with flowers out
of season; and all over the body of the Tathagata these dropped and sprinkled and
scattered themselves, out of reverence for the successor of the Buddhas of old.
360 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
And heavenly Mandarava flowers, too, and heavenly sandal-wood powder came
falling from the sky, and all over the body of the Tathagata they descended and
sprinkled and scattered themselves, out of reverence for the successor of the Bud-
dhas of old. And heavenly music was sounded in the sky, out of reverence for
the successor of the Buddhas of old! (5.2)
Then the Blessed One addresses Ananda and tells him of this cosmic veneration,
repeating this paragraph word for word (5.3). These two paragraphs thus contain,
twice repeated, an account of certain events,9 in a cosmic frame of reference, of
the veneration the tathdgata: the miracle of a tree blooming out of season, and
the offering of flowers, sandalwood powder, and music and song. The text of this
description is evocative and celebratory. This passage reveals two important things:
(1) the veneration of the Buddha takes place in this particular way; and (2) an
explicit link is made with preexisting tradition, with "the Buddhas of old." So
far, we seem to be told that this is how the Buddha is to be venerated.
Then follows another passage that is jarring by contrast, wherein the Blessed
One proceeds to denigrate the deep and universal veneration that has just occurred:
Now it is not thus, Ananda, that the Tathagata is rightly honoured, reverenced,
venerated, held sacred or revered. But the brother [bhikkhu] or the sister [bhik-
khunt], the devout man [updsaka] or the devout woman [updsikd], who contin-
ually fulfils all the greater and the lesser duties [dhammdnudhamma patipanna],10
who is correct in life [samicipatipanna], walking according to the precepts [anu-
dhammacdrt]—it is he who rightly honours, reverences, venerates, holds sacred,
and reveres the Tathagata with the worthiest homage. Therefore, O Ananda, be
ye constant in the fulfilment of the greater and of the lesser duties, and be ye
correct in life, walking according to the precepts; and thus, Ananda, should it be
taught. (Mps-p 5.3)
When compared with the passages that precede it, this passage effects a dra-
matic change of direction. The first two paragraphs present the positive images of
cultic veneration of the tathdgata, that in and of themselves suggest normative
behavior. The third paragraph, however, tells us that the first two paragraphs
actually represent what one should not do, and that the person who "rightly hon-
ours, reverences, venerates, holds sacred, and reveres the Tathagata with the wor-
thiest homage" is not the one who participates in the cult of the Buddha but is
rather the one who follows the dhamma in its full extent. As two kinds of behavior
are clearly contrasted here, and as bhiksus and bhiksunis are explicitly men-
tioned,11 Rhys Davids is probably right in translating such terms as dhammdnu-
dhamma in ways that suggest that vinaya, moral precepts, and correct behavior in
general are meant.12
In seeking to explain this sudden shift of direction, let us recall Frauwallner's
suggestion that the hypothesized Old Skandhaka, of which the earliest core of the
Mahdparinirvdna Sutra is understood to have originally been a part, was con-
structed out of preexisting oral material.13 Frauwallner's remarks are probably
valid, mutatis mutandis, not only for the original core of the Mahdparinirvdna
Sutra, whatever that may actually have been, but also for many of the subsequent
additions to the text. In this section of chapter 5 of this text it seems not unlikely
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 361
that we are dealing with what were originally two distinct and even opposing
viewpoints: 5.2 of the Pali text, repeated in 5.3, represents a preexistent liturgical
description presented in positive form; the following material in 5.3 represents the
critique of this form by the author/editor of this passage. Just as in relation to the
cult of the Buddha after his passing, so here in relation to the cult of the Buddha
while yet alive, the cult of the saint occupies a relatively lower position in the
hierarchy of spiritual activities of the monastic. The text asserts instead that the
highest Buddhism is based on authentic dhamma, defined elsewhere in the text as
the standard preoccupations of settled monasticism, pure behavior according to
the vinaya and the preservation and study of texts.14
The legitimacy of this interpretation is suggested by the interesting fact that
whereas the three versions of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra in which this passage
occurs present the same negative evaluation of the veneration of the Buddha, the
corresponding section in the Ekottardgama, containing the same description of
cultic veneration, reflects, as Bareau has noted, an opposite view (1970-71, 2:14).
Thus, Chinese A and D, like the Pali, each possesses the same structure of cultic
forms that are described and then said to be superseded. Bareau believes that these
three accounts represent a reaction against the cult (2:17). The Ekottardgama ver-
sion, however, reflects a very different set of values. Here, the Buddha is in the
process of dividing up his three robes. When Ananda asks him why he is doing
this, he replies, "It is for the sake of the patrons (ddnapati) of the future that I
divide up my three robes. I desire to act such that these folk will receive merit"
(2:18). Bareau sees this passage in the Ekottardgama as affirming the legitimacy
of the cult and promoting its values. In this, he comments, "The spirit of this
account is thus directly opposed to that which inspires the three [Mahdparinirvdna
Sutra] texts" (2:18).
That in this passage we are not dealing with a unique phenomenon is sug-
gested by a second, quite similar example of a passage that occurs, with some
variation, eight times in the Pali text and, in varying forms, in the other five
versions.15 This frequent repetition suggests that this passage also reflects material
in use at the time of the composition of the sections of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra
in which it is found.16 Let us begin by quoting the Pali version, 5.21, where
Ananda has arrived among the Mallas and has just told them that the Buddha will
pass away in the coming night, in the last watch. "And when they had heard this
saying of the Venerable Ananda, the Mallas, with their young men and their
maidens and their wives, were grieved, and sad, and afflicted at heart." Then
follows the passage in question:
And some of them wept, dishevelling their hair, and stretched forth their arms
and wept, and fell prostrate on the ground, and rolled to and fro in anquish at the
thought: "Too soon will the Exalted One die! Too soon will the Happy One pass
away! Full soon will the Light of the world vanish away!"
The passage occurs again in the Pali text at 6.12; the Buddha has just died, and
Ananda has again arrived among the Mallas, this time to inform them of this fact,
announcing, "The Blessed One, O Vasetthas, is dead; do, then, whatever seemeth
to you fit!" What seems fit, no doubt because it was a traditional practice upon
362 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Three things characterize these two occurrences of the passage: (1) they rep-
resent the simplest form of its various occurrences in the Pali version; (2) the
material in these passages is found in all the other occurrences; and (3) unlike the
other occurrences, these passages contain no doctrinal commentary or evaluation
of the acts that they describe. All of this suggests that these two instances likely
represent the earlier form of the passage.
By contrast, the other six occurrences all contain this passage but add a doc-
trinal commentary to the bare description. For example, the four occurrences in
the Pali recension at 5.6 (two instances) and at 6.11 (two instances) contain a
description of various groups of deities who stretch forth their arms and weep,
and so on. However, we find added to the passage the phrase pathavisanniniya
("of worldly mind"), qualifying the subject—the deities—indicating that their
minds are not liberated.17 At 5.6 of the Pali, these deities are contrasted with
other deities who do not engage in the cultic veneration because they are "free
from passion [vitardga]" and are "calm and self-possessed." The same contrast
is repeated at 6.11. The passage is repeated again, in yet another context, at 6.10
and 6.19, this time describing the actions of certain bhikkhus. Here, there is sim-
ilarly added a negative criticism of those bhikkhus who enact the ritual mourning.
Thus, we are told that those who engage in these actions are "brethren [bhikkhus]
who were not yet free from the passions [avitardga]." At 6.10 of the Pali, these
bhikkhus, as in the passage concerning the deities, are contrasted with their bet-
ters, with those who are free from passion (vitardga) and thus do not engage in
the ritual mourning. These unenlightened bhikkhus Ananda must upbraid for un-
seemly conduct: "Enough my brethren! Weep not, neither lament!" (6.II). 18 The
same contrast between the unenlightened and the enlightened bhikkhus is pre-
sented at 6.19.19 The same phenomenon we have already seen may be hypothe-
sized: a preexisting tradition, represented by the passage in its simplest form,
which is taken up in the text and subjected to a particular doctrinal interpreta-
tion.20 This phenomenon, considered here in its Pali manifestation but appearing
variously in the other versions of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, reveals the exis-
tence of cultic veneration of the Buddha as a saint but clearly interprets it as a
lower form that the elite among the bhikkhus do not engage in.21
These two examples of ambivalence in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra—of prac-
tices that are accepted on the one hand and rejected on the other—are themselves
not isolated examples but, in fact, reflect a basic tension that runs throughout the
text in its various recensions. This tension is between, first, a clear recognition of
the Buddhist cult of saints as a fact of religious life and, second, an equally clear
movement away from that cult toward the specific values of settled monasticism.
The Mahdparinirvdna Sutra provides ample testimony of the cult of saints as
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 363
a presupposition of its own composition. Thus, in the six versions of the text, we
find a great number of references to the Buddha and other saints that, taken to-
gether, duplicate many of the elements of the paradigm of Buddhist sainthood
outlined in earlier chapters.22 These elements, in the Pali version, include23 the
life of forest renunciation and meditation of the Buddha (Mps-p 1.6),24 his accom-
plishments as a meditator (5.26-36),25 and his full awakening (4.37).26 The ref-
erences are often quite specific, as when the Buddha, like the other saints, enters
into meditation, he is understood to have attained cessation (nirodha), in which
he appears as if dead but in fact is not (6.8). Themes of postrealization include
the Buddha's great charisma: so bright is the golden hue of his complexion, that
a golden robe he wears appears dim by contrast (4.35-37).27 Compassion is a
central trait of his enlightened personality. He has lay devotees as well as close
disciples, including men and women and the deities. These latter, in fact, make
up half of the eight classes of his listeners: he instructs four classes of humans
(ksatriyas, brahmins, worthy householders, and sramanas)2* and four classes of
deities (the four divine kings, the gods of the thirty-three, the Mara kings, and the
Brahma Kings) (3.21-23).29
Miracles surround the Buddha's person (Mps-p 3.17)30 and he is accomplished
in magical power.31 In instructing the eightfold assembly, the Buddha manifests
various shapes and forms (3.21-23).32 The Buddha's attainment brings with it
various other magical powers, outlined by the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra, such as
the rddhi (3.3).33 There are also stories of miraculous events, such as the miracle
of the clear water (4.21-25)34 and the story of the cosmic veneration (5.2-3).35
The text, as noted, also credits the Buddha with the power of longevity, to live to
the end of the kalpa: "the tathdgata . . . could, therefore, should he desire it,
live on yet for a kalpa, or for that portion of the kalpa which has yet to run"
(3.3).36 The Buddha predicts his own death (3.9, 3.37, 3.51)37 and dies (6.9).38
His manner of dying is unusual, if not for later saints at least for ordinary humans,
for he does so while engaged in meditation. The events of his death are also
marked by miracles: an earthquake (predicted at 3.19 and occurring at 6.10) and
thunder (6.10).39 The text's depiction of the events following the Buddha's death,
which has been studied in detail by Bareau (1975), gives evidence of the cultic
forms connected with the passing of saints (6.15,40 6.17-18,41 6.22ff.,42 6.23ff.,43
6.2S,44 and 6.2745). The Buddha is associated with many sacred places (lists of
which are given at 3.42 and 3.46),46 with four deserving special reverence (loca-
tions of his birth, enlightenment, turning of the wheel of dharma, and passing
away) (5.8),47 which the Buddha recommends that his followers visit, in order to
"see" (dassaniya) and venerate them. Finally, his relics are of great interest and
become the basis of a cult (6.23).
But if the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra clearly acknowledges in impressive detail
the cult of saints in Buddhism, it does not do so wholeheartedly. In fact, it appears
that in the text the cult of saints has been to some extent rendered superfluous, in
two respects. First, the Buddha seems to function implicitly as the saint who
renders any other saints unnecessary: since he has come, there is now no further
need for other saints. Second, owing to the monastic legacy that the Buddha has
left behind, even he himself is no longer necessary, and his death can be viewed
364 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
with equanimity. These points become clear in the famous exchange between the
Buddha and Ananda, when the latter is lamenting the approaching demise of the
Blessed One and wondering about the future of the community without its leader.
As articulated in the Pali version, Ananda seems to put the Buddha in mind of the
possibility of appointing a human successor, perhaps one in whom his charisma
may live on and continue to be accessible to the community (2.24-25).48 The
Buddha admits that another might come forward to lead the order but repudiates
this possibility. He then delivers the famous statement that makes the same point:
"Therefore, O Ananda, be ye lamps unto yourselves. Be ye a refuge to your-
selves. Betake yourselves to no external refuge. Hold fast to the Truth [dhamma]
as a lamp. Hold fast as a refuge to the Truth. Look not for refuge to any one
besides yourselves" (2.26).49
But if the tathdgata is really gone, then what should serve as the basis of the
religious life? Here the Mahdparinirvana Sutra is ready with an answer, given on
both implicit and explicit levels. Implicit in the text is the presentation of settled
monasticism based on the vinaya and the authentic dharma as the central reference
point for the religious life. The same point is made explicitly in the Pali recension
of the text in terms that are substantially repeated in the other versions:
The Blessed One addressed the venerable Ananda, and said, "It may be, Ananda,
that in some of you the thought may arise, 'The word of the Master is ended, we
have no teacher [satthd] more!' But it is not thus, Ananda, that you should regard
it. The truths [dhamma] and the rules of the order [vinaya] which I have set forth
and laid down for you all, let them, after I am gone, be the Teacher [sattha] to
you." (6.1)50
Although the precise contents of this dharma and vinaya are debatable, the
basic intention of the Mahdparinirvana Sutra seems clear enough: the point is
made that the living saints (satthd) and their functions have, to a large extent,
been taken over by the authoritative texts, including doctrinal contents (dharma)
and the monastic rule (vinaya). In addition, more is implied, for, as we shall
presently see, this dharma and vinaya must be understood within the context of
the community of monks that stands behind the text. In effect, the Mahdparinir-
vana Sutra has removed the living saint as a primary reference point for its reli-
gious life and in his place installed settled monasticism.51 This is, of course, a
theme that we have already seen in the Old Skandhaka, discussed in Chapter 1.
In this passage in the text, the Buddha has, in effect, been transformed into the
values, preoccupations, and institutions of settled monasticism as seen in and as
defined by its dharma and vinaya. This substitution is reflected in the curious
redefinition the Mahdparinirvana Sutra gives to the term satthd: formerly it had
applied to the Buddha; now it is to be applied to the dharma and vinaya, which
henceforth will be the only teacher the samgha will have or need. This is a radical
enough transformation, but in some ways it retains the old structure. The Mahd-
parinirvana Sutra may not look with particular favor upon the monastic who wor-
ships—in the sense of doing pujd to—the Buddha either as a living saint or after
he has passed away. However, the monastic performs another kind of worship to
the Buddha's remains, this time through living according to the vinaya and study-
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 365
ing the teachings as contained in sacred scripture. These remains are clearly quite
different from those typically venerated in the cult of saints, but remains they
nevertheless are.
The nature of these remains is defined in some detail in the Mahdparinirvdna
Sutra. We find the vinaya having attained a relatively developed form. For ex-
ample, in the Pali version, the vinaya has already achieved a definitive shape: the
text refers to a group of regulations that may not be changed (6.3).52 In addition,
the vinaya has achieved a considerable degree of complexity entailing, for ex-
ample, the need to distinguish between major precepts and minor precepts (6.3).
The text also refers to regulations according to which mendicants may enter the
order (5.28-29),53 reflecting a central concern for vinaya and a monastic samgha
with relatively complex organization.54
The basic meaning of the other part of the Buddha's remains, the dharma, is
made clear in the many references in the Mahaparinirvana Siitra to the preoccu-
pation with authoritative texts. For example, all six versions of the text present,
as the criteria for discriminating authentic scripture (the word of the Buddha) from
that which is inauthentic, the famous "four reliances" or "four references."55 As
articulated in the Pali version, the criteria of authenticity are divided into two
groups: the first concerns the human source of the proposed text and the second
its content (4.7-11).
The first criterion lists, in a clearly hierarchical order, the four sources from
which a text proffered as authentic may be legitimately alleged to have originated.
The proposed text may be claimed, first, to have come from the Buddha himself;
second, from a monastic group, in the Pali from a "company of brethren [bhik-
khus] with their elders and leaders"; third, from a monastic group "with many
elders of the order" who are learned (bahussuta), who have received the correct
transmission of the tradition (dgatdgama),56 and who are textual specialists in the
dharma (dhammadhara), of the vinaya (vinayadhara), or of the summaries (P.,
mdtikd[Skt., mdtrkdjdhara)";51 fourth, from a solitary bhikkhu living alone, but
who still has received the correct transmission of the tradition, is very learned,
and is a textual specialist in the dharma, vinaya, or the summaries. Not considered
at all and excluded from this list are, of course, any who are not monks in good
standing, presumably as defined by the vinaya, and who are not textual specialists
in the particular texts considered normative by the authors of this section of the
Mahaparinirvana Sutra.
The second major criterion of authenticity is the content of the proposed text,
and it is according to this criterion that final judgement is to be rendered. Thus,
the proposed text, regardless of the venerability of the human source to which it
is attributed, should be compared with the authentic discourses (sutra) and with
the rules of the order (vinaya).58 If the proposed scripture accords with the sutra
and vinaya already in existence (and considered normative), then it may be ac-
cepted as authentic. However, if it does not so accord, then it is to be rejected as
inauthentic (Mps-p 4.8-11). In other words, even if a proposed text is held to
have come from the Buddha or from one of the three other reliances, it is still not
to be accepted as authentic unless its content can be shown to accord with already
existing canonical tradition.59
366 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
The Buddha then says, "That the Tathagata for the sake of living should repent
him again [of having relinquished his lifespan]—this can no wise be." This pas-
sage occurs again, when the Buddha has just criticized those deities who lament
his passing (5.6),69 and again when Ananda is rebuked by the Buddha for lament-
ing his immanent passing (5.14).70 It occurs once more when Anuruddha exhorts
the unenlightened bhikkhus not to weep (6. II). 71 And it occurs still again when
Mahakasyapa similarly calls down the unenlightened bhikkhus (6.20).72 In all these
appearances, this passage occurs in contexts where the saint's powers and cult are
the main subject of discussion. Moreover, this passage would deliver a coup de
grace to adherents of the cult in articulating the basic reason why the cult is
inferior: the tathdgata is gone and thus cannot, as a saint, continue to be a refer-
ence point for the religious life.73 The disappearance of the Buddha is also af-
firmed in other passages. Even the Buddha, he himself says, is subject to imper-
manence. "Verily, the word has gone forth from the Tathagata saying, The final
extinction of the Tathagata shall take place before long . . . the Tathagata will
die' " (3.48). Similarly, we are told that at the place where the Buddha died, one
should say, "Here the Tathagata passed finally away in that utter passing away
which leaves nothing whatever to remain behind [anupddisesa]" (5.8).74
The evidence of the Buddhist saints and their cults suggests, however, that the
doctrine of absence or nonimmanence of the Mahdparinirvana Sutra does not
represent the only Indian Buddhist position with regard to the saints. There is
another, equally logical and consistent position, particularly bound up with the
Buddhist cult of saints, which may be termed a doctrine of presence or imma-
368 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
nence. This distinctive position may be identified by reviewing some of the basic
doctrinal themes connected with the Buddhist saints. As we have seen, the Bud-
dha, as preeminent Buddhist saint, although passed away, has not, in some read-
ings, entirely disappeared from this world. There are several ways in which he
can be found as immanent in the world. First, he appears in his stupa, vivified by
remains of some kind or other.75 The existence of the saints in their stupas appears
linked to some important doctrines. Hirakawa believes that one of these doctrines,
to be explored in more detail, depicts the Buddha himself, after his parinirvdna,
as abiding in the nirvdnadhdtu, or realm of nirvana: "Even after the Buddha died
he was not viewed as having completely ceased to exist; rather, he was thought
to exist in the realm of nirvana," from whence he could be supplicated (Hirakawa
1987, 93). We saw that the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra credits the Buddha with hav-
ing passed into the realm of nirvana (nibbdnadhdtu); the text is particularly inter-
ested in this fact, not because this makes him in any way available, but because
it renders him entirely unavailable, because his passing is without remainder.
However, it is precisely the immanence of Sakyamuni in his stupa that enables
Asoka to address him as if he were living there still. What is true of Buddha
Sakyamuni is true of the other saints. Mahakasyapa abides within Mount Kukku-
tapada in the attainment of cessation, passed beyond, yet in some mysterious way
still abiding, and he, according to at least some traditions, will one day rise at the
coming of Maitreya. In a closely similar image, in the Saddharmapundarika Su-
tra, when the seven-jeweled stupa opens, the buddha Prabhutaratna is seen seated
in meditation posture on a lion throne, his body shriveled (samghatitakdya) and
dried up (parisuskagdtra),16 as one abiding in meditation (samddhisamdpanna)
(Sps 153.5-6 [Kn., 236]).
The Buddha may also become actual, as we have seen, in other symbols such
as the book, the Pure Land, the image, and the mandala. Like the stupa, each of
these provides a symbolic vehicle that, liturgically empowered, enables the Bud-
dha to be spiritually alive and present. In addition, as we have seen, the Buddha
is also present in his enlightened followers. These saints, on account of their
realization, are assimilated to the Buddha, reflected in the title—buddha—that
may be given to them. The pratyekabuddha is understood as an awakened one,
sometimes being called a buddha, sometimes a tathdgata. Even more explicit is
the identification of the saints with Buddha Sakyamuni in the texts of the Sarvas-
tivada. Asoka affirms that in seeing Pindola, he sees the Buddha: "By looking at
you, I can, even today, see the Tathagata," and he makes a similar remark re-
garding Upagupta. The bodhisattva, as he travels his path, ever more closely ap-
proximates the Buddha in the fullest sense.
It is crucial to realize that, from a certain point of view, the various forms of
the Buddha and the different symbols by which he becomes present are finally not
separate realities but share an essential and selfsame identity. Sakyamuni attained
enlightenment and is therefore Buddha. After his passing, his enlightenment, his
very being, appears in his various forms and symbols. The human saints are also
no less symbols in this same sense: in them the Buddha becomes spiritually pre-
sent, and they are thereby consubstantial with him. For this reason, they also
participate in the other symbols of the Buddha's presence and exist in their own
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 369
symbols (relics, stupas, images, mandalas, and later human saints). Thus, it is
that the Buddha and his realization do not disappear but become perpetually pre-
sent in the world.
Several important themes are connected with the ongoing presence of the Bud-
dha in the world and with the immanence of enlightenment. For one thing, the
immanence of the Buddha, in his stupas and other symbols and in his saints, is
typically linked with the theme of compassion. The various symbols exist in order
to permit the ongoing presence of the Buddha and most particularly his compas-
sionate activity among human beings. Hirakawa remarks that if nirvana-without-
remainder had always been considered a completely quiescent state, then compas-
sionate responses by the Buddha to his suppliants would have been impossible:
"Thus the people who worshipped at Buddhist stupas seem to have believed that
the Buddha continued to be active" (Hirakawa 1987, 93).77 In a similar way, the
saints exist, present themselves as recipients of donations, and prolong their lives
out of their compassion for suffering beings. Pindola, the others of the sixteen
arhants, and the saint Upagupta have agreed to prolong their lives precisely to aid
and assist sentient beings. The saints' immanence obviously provides the precon-
dition for a consistent and essential aspect of the cult of saints—namely, that of
the "seeing" of the realized ones: one can only see that which is before one to
be seen. It is because they are actually present in human form, in stupas and in
other symbols, that one can see the saints and participate in their enlightened
charisma.78
and nirodhasamapatti (as the ninth stage).84 Second, nirodha is found as the last
and highest of the eight vimoksas (P., vimokkha), which include three preliminary
stages,85 the four dyatanas, and nirodha as the final stage of liberation.86 In both
lists—the nine attainments and the eight liberations—as these are found in both
Sanskrit and Pali traditions, nirodhasamapatti is defined in the same terms:
samjndvedayitanirodha (P., sanndvedayitanirodha), the cessation of perceptions
and feelings, that is, of the samskdras (P., sankhdrd) that compose conditioned
existence.87 The fact that nirodhasamapatti appears as the unsurpassed member in
both of these lists and is defined in the same way suggests its secure place as the
way in which the culmination of the path of meditation was understood widely in
Indian Buddhism.
But nirodhasamapatti is seen as more than the culmination of the meditative
path. As La Vallee Poussin notes, as the last and highest spiritual stage, it also
represents the attainment of complete realization in this life, explicitly equated
with nirvana (see PTSD 371).88 King remarks that nirodhasamapatti is described
in canonical works as the "fullest and most extended realization ofNibbdna pos-
sible to human beings in this life" (1980, 12; emphasis in original). Nirodha-
samapatti is not only identified with the attainment of nirvana, it is also sometimes
regarded as necessary to that attainment. La Vallee Poussin remarks that "several
documents say more or less clearly that nirodhasamapatti is ... necessary to the
acquisition of complete sainthood. The series of the 'nine successive attainments'
[nirodhasamapatti is the ninth] . . . was perhaps in certain ascetic milieux, an
essential discipline" (1936-37, 217). Although the four dhydnas or the eightfold
set of the four dhydnas and the four formless attainments are acknowledged as
pre-Buddhist practices, nirodhasamapatti is understood by its advocates as specif-
ically Buddhist. In the words of La Vallee Poussin,
The Buddhists recognize an ... attainment beyond the fourth immaterial attain-
ment which is thus "the ninth of nine successive attainments" (preceded by the
four dhydnas, the four "immaterials"): but they restrict it to themselves [as Bud-
dhists]. They believe that this ninth was discovered by the Buddha . . . they
give [to nirodhasamapatti] a clearly Buddhist character in defining it as actual
contact with nirvana. (1936-37, 212)
What is necessary for there to be nirvana in this life? The ascetic enters into the
first dhydna [and so on up to] ... the fourth immaterial attainment: this is what
the Blessed One called, by analogy, nirvana-in-this-life. The ascetic enters into
the attainment of nirodha, and his vices have been destroyed by the view of
prajnd: here is what the Blessed One called, without analogy, nirvana-in-this-
life. (An 4:454 [La Vallee Poussin 1936-37, 216])
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 371
Though it transcends experience in the ordinary sense (samjnd and vedand have
ceased), nirodhasamdpatti is clearly not to be understood as an unconscious state.
As given in the Anguttaranikdya,
And presently, Ananda, passing wholly beyond the sphere of neither perception
nor non-perception, I entered and abode in the ending of perception and feeling
and I saw by wisdom that the cankers were completely destroyed. And so long,
Ananda, as I attained not to, emerged not from these nine attainments of gradual
abidings, both forwards and backwards, I realized not completely, as one wholly
awakened, the full perfect awakening, unsurpassed in the worlds with its gods,
Maras, Brahmas, on earth with its recluses, godly men, devas and men; but when
I attained to and emerged from these abidings such wise, then, wholly awakened,
I realized completely the full perfect awakening unsurpassed. (An 4:438-48 [WH.,
4:294-95])
wood around him. However, because of his abiding in nirodhasamapatti, the fire
does not touch him, even after seven days, and he arises from his meditation and
goes on his way. Buddhaghosa tells a similar story of an elder meditating in the
forest, immersed in nirodhasamapatti, who is found by some cowherds and be-
lieved to be dead. They build a big fire around him to cremate him, but the
elder—owing to his nirodhasamapatti—does not burn and, like the pratyekabud-
dha in the previous example, proves his invulnerability to fire (Vsm 12.32 [N.,
16-17]).92 These examples suggest another element of nirodhasamapatti as im-
manence: through it, saints may become impervious to death. In other words,
because they are not alive in the ordinary sense, they cannot die as ordinary
people do. The Asokardjdvaddna illustrates this in a story about the persecutor
of the dharma, Pusyamitra. This evil king wishes to kill a certain arhant but is
unable to do so, because the arhant has entered nirodhasamapatti.,93 Buddhaghosa
recounts the legend of a saint who goes into a meditation hall and enters into
nirodhasamapatti. The hall catches fire, and the elder is engulfed by the inferno.
"People brought water and put it out. They removed the ashes, did repairs, scat-
tered flowers, and then stood respectfully waiting. The Elder emerged at the time
he had determined. Seeing them, he said 'I am discovered,' and he rose up into
the air and went to Piyangu Island" (Vsm 23.36 [N., 829-30]). In a related theme,
nirodhasamapatti may also enable saints to extend their lives indefinitely, as evi-
denced by the example of Mahakasyapa. Nirodhasamapatti thus represents a state
between ordinary life, on the one hand, and parinirvdna, utter disappearance of
the saints, on the other. In this state, the saints abide in complete enlightenment,
in this world.94
For traditions connected with the Buddhist saints, nirodhasamapatti represents
the full and untrammeled attainment of nirvana in this life and is a central theme
in the saints' lives and actions. It is interesting, then, that in the developed Nikaya
schools nirodhasamapatti has little of this great prestige. In fact, as La Vallee
Poussin notes, in the schools as reflected in the various commentarial traditions,
nirodhasamapatti is of little interest and is seen as, at most, a by-product and
adornment of realization for a few (1936—37, 212-17).95 As settled monasticism
came to dominate the Indian Buddhist landscape, so its characteristic way of un-
derstanding enlightenment along the lines of the dhamma bhikkhus, as prajndvi-
mukta alone, also came to prevail (see Chapter 6). In this milieu, nirodhasama-
patti was considered unnecessary and even irrelevant to the attainment of nirvana;
in La Vallee Poussin's words, it had "no place at all in the economy of salvation"
(1936-37, 213).
A revealing view of these themes of the presence and immanence of the Buddha
and his saints is provided by the introduction to the Nandimitrdvaddna. This text
contains a passage closely parallel to one in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra in which
the Buddha announces his passing, the hearers respond with expressions of grief,
and the Buddha teaches them about impermanence. Most interesting is that, al-
though the components and dramatic structure of the Nandimitrdvaddna passage
closely resemble that of the similar passage in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, the
interpretive framework is quite different. In the Nandimitrdvaddna, it is not the
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 373
Buddha who is about to pass away, but rather the saint Nandimitra. Like the
Buddha in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, in the Nandimitrdvadana Nandimitra an-
nounces his imminent passing: "From this time forward, I shall not do anything.
You will therefore have no support whatever in which to take refuge. You good
people should know that, if you have any doubts, you must put them to me"
(LC., 7). As in the Mahdparinirvana Sutra, the hearers react with a show of great
grief: "When the great assembly heard these words, they raised their voices in
lamentation; unable to restrain themselves, they rolled upon the ground." Like
the Buddha in the Mahdparinirvana Sutra, Nandimitra is addressed as the sole
teacher, the only reference point of enlightenment, the one reliance of sentient
beings, whose passing is to be mourned as a cataclysmic event. Using terms of
address reminiscent of those used of the Buddha, wherein Nandimitra is assimi-
lated to the Buddha, one among the assembly stands up and says,
The Buddha Bhagavat entered nirvana a long time ago; after him, the five disci-
ples also passed away; the world has been empty for a long time, and there is no
authentic leader. Now, there is no one but you, the venerable one, who is the
eye of gods and men. How is it that you, in your turn, wish to abandon us? We
beg that you will bring down your pity on us and that you will make your life
last a while longer. (LC., 7)
Following this, the saint teaches his hearers about impermanence in words that
closely resemble those spoken by Sakyamuni in the Mahdparinirvana Sutra:
Do not weep; good people, know that in this world it is the rule that everything
that is born must die. Even the Buddha Tathagatas, although conquerers of the
four Maras and masters of the lengths of their lives, still because they conform
to the world, have manifested nirvana. How could it possibly be appropriate,
then, that I remain permanently? (LC., 8)
Then, like the Buddha in the Mahdparinirvana Sutra, Nandimitra asks his disci-
ples whether they have any questions that they would like to put to him. After
further expressing grief at the imminent passing of their teacher, the disciples ask
how long the dharma will exist in the world, and Nandimitra replies with the
substance of the Nandimitrdvadana, concerning the ongoing existence of the six-
teen arhants. When the assembled people hear about these saints, their grief is
somewhat assuaged and they find some relief (LC., 8-9).
In spite of the similarity of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra and the Nandimitrd-
vadana regarding dramatic elements and structure, the doctrinal frames are thus
clearly quite different. In the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, the Buddha replies to the
consternation of his disciples by referring them to the dharma and vinaya, indi-
cating received tradition and not the contemporary, abiding saint. Nandimitra's
consolation to his own disciples is, by contrast, that although he himself will pass
beyond, the disciples may turn their attention to enlightened saints who will not
pass beyond, but who will remain in samsara, available and ready to help sentient
beings. Unlike the answer provided by the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, the Nandimi-
trdvadana presents no fundamental discontinuity in type of religious life, but a
374 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
sara. In this model, then, the three bodies referred to may be understood as con-
centric realities: the outer, gross rupakdya is stripped away; then the inner, more
subtle ndmakdya is abandoned; leaving finally only the nirodhakaya of the liber-
ated saint (133-34).103
This inmost nirvanic element is gained through a progressive upward ascent—
from the rupadhdtu, through the arupadhdtu, to nirvana—through the agency of
the smrtyupasthanas (P., satipatfhdnas, "foundations of mindfulness") and the
three trainings (sila, samadhi, prajnd). In a threefold scheme anterior to the clas-
sical system of four smrtyupasthanas, in the first, mindfulness of body (rupa),
one abandons identification with the rupadhdtu (Falk 1943, 119-24). In the sec-
ond, mindfulness of mind, one abandons identification with the arupadhdtu. In
the third, mindfulness of dharmas, one gains liberation: "these dhammd were
originally only the pure or andsravadharmas constituting prajnd, the 'essence' of
arhatship, and also the Buddha-body" (120). Similarly, the journey to liberation
is defined by the practice of sila in the rupadhdtu, then samadhi at the level of
arupadhdtu, and prajnd to gain the nirvdnadhdtu (115ff.).
The saint, then, is the one who has followed this path to its conclusion and
has attained liberation, gaining the nirodhakaya and its prajhdcaksus. In relation
to the attained saint, Falk remarks that "[his] body . . . must have been . . .
consubstantial with the Buddha's amrtakdya" (1943, 111). It is this consubstan-
tiation with the Buddha that enables the saint to be given the title of buddha and
even samyaksambuddha. The titles of the saint in turn reflect the fact that the saint
has followed the literal paradigm of the Buddha himself, pursuing his path and
gaining the eternal abode of nirvana: ' 'The primitive career of the disciple was a
career of imitation: a yogic, dhyanic career like that of Gotama" (111). Falk
remarks, "As the Hmayanic development of Buddhism went the 'negativistic'
way, reducing the ideal of perfection to a goal of mere elimination of contingency,
it is obvious why no direct mention of the saint's amrtakdya is left in the Canon
and why in the exegetic scriptures the kdyasdksin is artificially distinguished from
the arhat" (111). In these precanonical conceptions, the Buddha is understood to
have attained a body with two dimensions: an amrtakdya and a dharmakdya. The
amrtakdya is utterly transcendent, whereas the dharmakdya represents the Bud-
dha's presence within samsara and his ongoing salvific activity of compassion
(154). Falk remarks, "This dharmakdya of the buddhas as leaders, as active within
contingency, is by no means the transcendent static dharmakdya of the later Tri-
kaya doctrine" (139).
In Falk's view, the notion of the presence of the dharmakdya within contin-
gency and the doctrine of the immanence of the nirvanic element within the sam-
saric consciousness imply one another. As the one dropped out of the early clas-
sical canonical doctrine, so did the other. In fact, "only the programmatic
reinstauration of a continuity between samsara and nirvana in the Vijnanavada
creed could again postulate the character of a 'body' for transcendent reality, as
the supreme archetype of the immanent and active Doctrine-body [dharmakdya]"
(Falk 1943, 155). In the orthodox schools behind the "Hlnayana" canons, then,
the immanentalist doctrine is jettisoned, the amrtakdya is rejected, and the dhar-
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 377
The preceding discussion makes it obvious that the tendency to stress the absence
of the Buddha and other saints is most characteristic of the settled monastic evi-
dence (and particularly the conservative settled monastic evidence), whereas the
emphasis on the presence of the Buddha and other saints is most typically found
among those trends that most strongly reflect the Indian Buddhist cult of saints.
At the same time, it has been made clear in the preceding chapters of this study
that it is not possible to identify the proponents of these two views simply as
"monastic" versus "nonmonastic." To be sure, in the foregoing chapters it is
within the conservatism of Pali monasticism that we have found the greatest hes-
itation in the face of the charisma of the forest saint. But, as we have seen, within
Northern monastic texts the forest saints are much more freely celebrated and
identified as progenitors of existing tradition and models who elicit devotion and
emulation.105 This latter example also shows that the two views of the saint are
not always opposed to one another, for in the case of the Sarvastivada the cha-
risma of the forest saint and the values of settled monasticism are seen as com-
ponents that are distinctive but that coexist within a harmonious whole. In the
378 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
At this point, let us return to the question of the doctrine of the Mahaparinirvdna
Sutra, the Old Skandhaka, the larger vinaya, and the early monastic traditions that
they reflect, and attempt to summarize the various ways in which their doctrine of
absence contrasts with the doctrine of presence associated with the Buddhist cult
of saints. It should be kept in mind that although this contrast is presented in
terms of a series of oppositions, the distinctions are relative: each orientation has
elements of the other, and generally we are dealing with emphases rather than
absolute differences. For example, proponents of each orientation can speak on
the one hand of a human Buddha who dies or appears to die and, on the other, of
a dharma that is undying. The difference between the two orientations conies,
then, in the preeminent importance assigned to one or the other side of this polar-
ity and the way in which key terms are defined.
First, for the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra, the Old Skandhaka, and the vinaya, the
Buddha, as saint, is departed and gone; their doctrinal viewpoint is inseparable
from the notion of his absence. By contrast, for other strains of Buddhist tradition,
the Buddha is present, incarnated in various symbols, including the living saints.
Second, for the early monastic traditions of the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra, because
the Buddha is departed and no longer present, among the three jewels (buddha,
dharma, samgha), the samgha (the monastic community) and the dharma (author-
itative textual tradition) provide the natural centers of gravity for tradition. By
contrast, for the strands of tradition more oriented to the cult of the saints, reli-
gious life would seem to be centered around the jewel of the Buddha, whether in
his form as former buddha, as Sakyamuni, as celestial buddha, or as some other
saint or symbolic equivalent (stupa, and so on). Third, these two different doc-
trinal perspectives give rise to two different attitudes toward the cult of the saints,
attitudes that are exemplified in the two ways in which the stupa is seen. S. Dutt
remarks that for the traditions reflected in the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra, "the stupa
is regarded as only a memorial . . . —a memorial of the noblest kind" (1962,
184). Hirakawa elaborates on this point:
If one does not believe in the existence of the Buddha, since his human form
disappeared at the age of 80, the worship of the stupa is meaningless. . . . Those
who believe that the Buddha entered anupadhisesa-nirvana at the moment of
parinirvana do not worship the stupa. Even if such a worship were performed, it
would be merely in memory of the Buddha now gone. (1963, 88)
This trend reaches its classical formulation in the Theravada, where, in Strong's
words, "the Buddha is dead and gone: his power has become a thing of the past;
he has done all that he needed to do. He is thus incapable of being prayed to, of
receiving offerings, or of responding to his devotees" (1987, 99). N. Falk elabo-
rates on the implications of the Theravadin understanding for the interpretation of
ritual:
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 379
Conservative Buddhist schools denied such presence, maintaining that the Buddha
had totally exited from the world at the time of his final nirvana. Performing
pujds was of value only as an elementary aspect of self-discipline: venerating the
Buddha helped one call to mind the Master's virtues and example, while pujd
offerings were a form of ddna, the generous giving that shows one's non-attach-
ment to possessions. The Theravada tradition has been least comfortable with its
pujds, officially maintaining that only laity should engage in such actions. (1987,
86)
In contrast, for those who follow a doctrine of presence, for example, "the
Buddha's eternal presence is contained in the stupa, and although enshrining rel-
ics, the worshipper sees it as the eternal Buddha. . . . [The] faithful who believe
that the Buddha is eternal and exists in the ever-present now worship the stupas
as a means of worshipping the Buddha" (Hirakawa 1963, 88). As with the stupa,
so with the other symbols: in the conservative monastic interpretation, the Buddha
is not really present; in those traditions more closely aligned with the cult of
saints, he does become spiritually alive and present.
These differences are probably not unconnected with the interesting fact that,
in Indian Buddhist history, it is precisely the more conservative monastic tradi-
tions that tend to view nirvana in terms of absence, taking a more apophatic
approach, whereas the nonmonastic traditions tend toward a more kataphatic (i.e.,
positive) approach. Thus the monastic traditions, and particularly those behind
Abhidharma scholasticism and the Madhyamaka, prefer to talk about realization
in terms of what it is not. For the Abhidharma schools, it is defined in essentially
negative terms. In the Madhyamaka, it is brought to light through an apophatic
method wherein the inadequacy of every predicate is realized. By contrast, those
traditions that are less strictly monastic and are nonscholastic in origin—such as
the early Prajnaparamita, the early Yogacara, the Tathagatagarbha, and the
Vajrayana—all tend to talk about enlightenment in much more kataphatic ways,
in terms of a sacred presence. Thus, the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd, for all of
its well-acknowledged apophasis, mentions the "purity" (visuddhi) of form and
the other skandhas and refers to prajndpdramitd as the "source of illumination"
(avabhdsakarin) and "light" (dloka) (Asp 91 [Cz., 142]); the early Yogacara talks
positively about the content of enlightenment, paratantra (Nagao 1978 and 1983);
the Tathagatagarbha tradition speaks of the primordially pure buddha nature within
each sentient being (Takasaki 1966, 26-31); and the Vajrayana refers to enlight-
enment as attaining to immaculate wisdom (Snellgrove 1987, 2:280).
Probably also connected with the differences enumerated here is another, namely,
that the monastic orientation tends to represent the conservative voice within
Indian Buddhism, whereas trends more clearly reflective of the Buddhist saints
tend to be more progressive. As we have seen, Buddhist monasticism tends to
see as fundamental to its task the conservation of the dharma (the words of the
Buddha, the Tripitakd) and the vinaya (the rules of the monastic institutions and
lifestyles), which it understands to have been specifically entrusted to it by the
Blessed One as his essential legacy. By contrast, the orientation more reflective
of the Buddhist saints would seem to work against conservatistic trends, because
380 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
The foregoing suggests a historical observation. In Chapter 10, we saw that the
idea that originally stupa worship was not—either in theory or in practice—engaged
in by monks represents an erroneous reading of the evidence. However, as we
also saw, it is true that in later Pali tradition there is indeed an antistupa strain,
found in development in the Milindapanha and fully evident somewhat later. Ac-
cording to this more modern Theravadin position, stupa worship is indeed for the
laity and not something in which the ideal Theravadin monk should engage. But
all of this leaves us with a puzzling question: if the idea that monks should not
worship stupas is not to be found in early Buddhism, then where does it come
from?
The present chapter suggests a possible answer. If the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra
does not prohibit the cult of the stupa to monks, and if Schopen's contention is
accepted that a recension of the Pali vinaya prior to the one that we now have
takes such worship for granted, this still does not necessarily mean that early
Buddhist settled monasticism—Pali or otherwise—was without its own ambiva-
lence with regard to the cult of saints. As we have seen previously, as Weber
suspected, and as the hypothesized Old Skandhaka suggests, there occurred in
some phases of early Buddhism a shift away from a focus on the charismatic saint
as primary reference point for the tradition toward the rise of the settled monastery
with its monastic samgha as definitive of normative Buddhism. In this chapter,
we have seen the way in which the older parts of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra
reflect this process: on the one hand, they acknowledge the existence and venera-
bility of the cult of saints in its various aspects while, on the other, they are
clearly in the process of establishing other foundations for their Buddhism. Earlier
scholarly interpreters may have been wrong to see an explicit and widespread
repudiation of stupa worship at such an early time. However, at the same time,
they have perhaps not entirely missed the truth, having been led on, not only by
the more modern Theravadin position, but also—perhaps partly unconsciously—
by the kinds of reservations about the Buddhist cult of saints evident in the vinaya
and the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, in all their extant versions, examples of which
have been noted in Chapter 1 and in this chapter.
This suggests that the later negative evaluation within Theravadin tradition of
monastic participation in the stupa cults does not come out of nowhere. Rather, it
represents one particular outcome of tendencies that are already evident in the
presectarian Mahdparinirvdna Sutra. Thus, the Theravada takes further, rational-
izes, and makes consistent the essentially conservative monastic tendency of the
Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, including its ambivalence toward the cult of the Buddha
and the veneration of other Buddhist saints. The other Nikaya traditions, as men-
tioned, clearly handled the inherent conservatism of the primitive Mahdparinir-
vdna Sutra and its ambivalences in other ways.
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 381
Conclusion
This chapter has raised the possibility that the Buddhist cult of saints is as old as
Buddhism itself and that it precedes and provides the precondition for the kind of
Buddhism expressed in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra and other monastically ori-
ented texts. In reflecting on this same issue of historical anteriority, Bareau argues
for different conclusions. In his analysis of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra (1979), he
generally holds that the earlier the stratum of the text, the less extensive the ref-
erences to the cult of Buddhist saints. Conversely, an abundance of references to
myth, legend, and cult reflects, in his view, "a relatively late period, wherein the
Blessed One was already considered a superhuman being, equal or superior to the
most prestigious and most powerful of men, and worthy thereby of a quasi-divine
cult" (63). Thus Bareau holds that, in the very earliest core of the Mahdparinir-
vdna Sutra, "the Blessed One appears . . . as a man, a master venerated by his
disciples, and not at all as a superman or a god, if one removes the legendary
elements and episodes that were added later to this part" (emphasis added) (49).
This finding leads Bareau to the conclusion that the Buddhist cult of saints is not
an essential part of earliest Buddhism but rather something grafted onto the tradi-
tion at a later time.106 As this conclusion is at odds with the clear implications of
much of the material examined in the foregoing, it will be worthwhile to review
Bareau's argument in some detail.
Bareau does not find the earliest core of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra intact but
rather identifies it through comparing the six versions (and parallel texts) accord-
ing to a three-stage process: first, he finds those sections of the text that are ear-
liest; second, within those earliest sections, he finds those episodes that are earli-
est; third, within those earliest episodes, he identifies those elements that are earliest,
eliminating "the legendary elements and episodes that were added later to this
[earliest] part" (1979, 49). The results of this analysis show, Bareau tells us, that
the legend, myth, and cult bound up with the Buddhist saints is downplayed in
the earliest core of the text; this means, he believes, that the cult of saints was
not original to Buddhism.
Bareau discriminates earlier and later episodes in the following way. When an
episode is confirmed in all six versions of the text and in parallel canonical pas-
sages, this means that it is relatively early, dating from a time before the division
of Buddhism into different schools. Episodes that occur less frequently, say in
three or four texts, reveal a later time after the first divisions but prior to the
division of the schools sharing the episode. Finally, episodes that occur in only
one text reveal a relatively late time, when the tradition behind the text had al-
ready become separate. By employing such a methodology, Bareau has been able
to identify section 8 (recounting the final hours of the Buddha's life at Kusinagarl;
see note 2, this chapter) as the earliest part of the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra. Within
this section, he locates four episodes as its earliest core: (1) the arrival of the
Buddha in Kusinagarl, where he will pass away; (2) the visit there of Subhadra;
(3) the ordination of Subhadra, the last person to be ordained by the Buddha
382 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
before his death; and (4) the reactions of the faithful immediately after the pan-
nirvana.
How does Bareau move further, to eliminate the supposed later elements of
these four episodes and to arrive at a definitive "core of the core" that represents
the original kernel of the text, virtually devoid, as he claims, of the legendary?
He follows the same method as that outlined: he compares the different accounts
of the four episodes, retains those details that are shared among the six versions,
and rejects those that are not. Those parts of an episode that most or all of the
texts share may be considered relatively early, whereas those parts that are found
in a few or only one version may be deemed later. It is by this method that Bareau
wants to show that the cult of saints is downplayed in the earliest Mahdparinir-
vdna Sutra, that there the Buddha is seen as just a man—a finding, of course, that
is a reflection of and supports the two-tiered model of Buddhism.107
However, some questions must be raised concerning the adequacy of Bareau's
approach. All of these have to do, it may be noted, with the particular nature and
dynamics of Indian Buddhist hagiography. To begin with, we may observe that
the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra in its various versions is a hagiography and exhibits
its hagiographical nature in both its formal elements and its specific contents.
Bareau himself notes frequently in his analysis of the text that it reflects a variety
of characteristic formal elements, including typical themes, idioms, and stereo-
types, and that these are structured according to the particular conventions, prin-
ciples, and logic of Buddhist hagiography (1975, 46, 59, 60, 103). For Bareau,
when an episode particularly reflects such formal elements, this suggests that it is
imaginary, presumably because it lacks the spontaneity of real life (1975, 59-60).
However, it must be questioned whether formality of hagiographic presentation
guarantees disjunction from actual events. In this regard, it may be suggested that
religious events and experiences do not infrequently unfold—and are not infre-
quently understood—according to the formal structures expressed in tradition. Such
formal elements reflect presuppositions and expectations, and these, in turn, may
be—at least in matters religious—intimately connected with the way in which
reality is experienced in the first place. Pointing to formal elements in hagiography
does not necessarily guarantee that text composition has moved from actuality into
fantasy.
As one example, we may cite Bareau's treatment of the Buddha's passing,
wherein the Blessed One ascends through the stages of meditation to nirodhasam-
dpatti, descends to the first stage, ascends to the fourth, and expires. Bareau
argues that it would have been impossible for the Buddha's followers to have
observed these mental phenomena, and the Buddha certainly never reported them,
so that these must have been added later, when the Buddha was made into a
superhuman, indeed, divine being (1975, 56). Bareau's argument makes sense,
provided that the manner of the Buddha's death was not part of an accepted tra-
dition, was not an expectation of himself and his followers, and did not reflect
practices of saintly dying current in India in the sixth century B.C.E. However, if
the idea and practice of a saint's dying in this prescribed manner was an estab-
lished one, then it cannot be assumed that his death could not have been experi-
enced and understood by those attending his death in just the way reported in the
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 383
leaving the impression that the cult of saints is less present in the earliest strata of
a legend than was historically the case.
A final question concerns Bareau's use of the evidence that he has found through
his methods. Bareau tells us that even in the earliest episodes of the Mahaparinir-
vdna Sutra, we do not see Buddhism as such and as it was "in the beginning"
but in a later and more restricted form. In his discussion of the four earliest
episodes of the text, Bareau suggests that none reflects actual historical events
but is the result of later interpolations. This earliest section of the text, Bareau
believes, took shape by the end of the fifth century B.C.E. or by the eighth decade
after the passing of the Buddha. Thus, Bareau says, this earliest stratum of the
text reflects the intentions of the monastic community nearly a century after the
Buddha's passing,110 roughly the date when, according to scholarly consensus,
Buddhist monasticism was taking its classical shape.111 This means that it is not
permissible, strictly speaking, to equate the viewpoint of the earliest Mahapari-
nirvdna Sutra with that of earliest Buddhism.112 As we have seen, the text does
exemplify ambivalence in the face of the saints' charisma, particularly in the way
it handles preexisting material on the saints. This fact seems implicitly to support
Bareau in his view that the cult of saints must be a later addition. However, again,
the particular history and dynamics of the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra, as demon-
strated by Bareau himself, would seem clearly not to allow us to attribute its own
ambivalence and hesitation regarding the Buddhist saints to early Buddhism as
such.
In fact, one may—as we have seen—use the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra fruitfully
to work backward, to arrive at something prior, by seeing what it is that the text
presupposes and argues against. Thus, if the cult of saints appears downplayed in
the earliest core, one reason for this—in addition to those already mentioned—
may be precisely that it did stand at the heart of earliest Buddhism (rather than
that it did not), and the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra—as Weber anticipated and Frau-
wallner has suggested—reflects a movement to shift Buddhism to a different and
seemingly more secure foundation. Certainly the rich evidence of the Buddhist
saints of the forest and their cults in the Theragdthd, Therlgdthd, Suttanipdta,
Uddna, and Itivuttaka, as well as of Mahayana conceptions of its own origins and
earliest days (see Chapter 12), is consistent with such a conclusion.
Presumably Bareau does not believe that the Buddhist cult of saints, which he
agrees is clearly evidenced in the Mahaparinirvdna Sutra (not to speak of other
early Buddhist literature), is something invented out of whole cloth by the Bud-
dhists. Presumably, he will grant that, at the least, it was an important and tradi-
tional part of the religious context out of which the Buddha and his early disciples
emerged. If this much be granted, then, one would think, all the rest must follow.
If saints were, in the Buddha's time, typically seen in terms of mythological and
legendary categories and if one's relation to them was defined through cultic be-
havior, then it would seem highly unlikely, perhaps even unimaginable, that the
Buddha—who was for close disciples and laity alike the most sacred of saintly
beings—would not be understood in such a way. How can it be supposed that
such a person could be conceived in a manner harmonious with modern ways of
thinking, as a man divested of the timeless and divine?
386 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
In the end, by claiming that the Buddhist cult of saints is not original to the
Buddha's message and to Buddhism but that it began to creep into and contami-
nate Buddhism from the earliest times, Bareau and other proponents of the two-
tiered model put themselves in an awkward position. This is the position of seeing
the entire history of Buddhism, beginning literally within a few years of the Bud-
dha's death and among his most devoted disciples, as an increasing betrayal of
the original tradition. Phenomena of betrayal are, of course, part and parcel of the
history of religions but, for the reasons suggested in this and previous chapters of
this study, it is difficult to believe that a betrayal of this magnitude occurred
among the earliest Buddhists.
Notes
1. In the following discussion, Mps will be referred to by the Sanskrit title, with
indication being given, in the text or notes, as to which version is meant. When supplying
terms for quotations in English from the Pali text, Pali terminology will be given. Apart
from this exception, the general practice will continue to be followed of using the Sanskrit
forms of terms. I thank Frank Reynolds for conversations that led me to the theme of this
chapter.
2. This discussion draws particularly upon the work of Bareau, who has analyzed the
text in several studies, including 1962, 1963, 1970-71, 1974, 1975, and, specifically on
Mps, 1979. In 1979, Bareau examines the six principal versions of Mps (one version each
in Pali [P.] and Sanskrit [Skt.], four in Chinese [Chin. A-D]) and concludes that this text
formed gradually over several centuries. The number and order of the episodes vary from
one version to the next, and less than half are found in all six versions. Nevertheless, an
analysis of the six versions reveals (1) that there is a common plan among them; (2) that
the texts share certain principal episodes; and (3) that the principal episodes almost always
appear in the same order (1979, 46). The Mps in its various versions contains more than
eighty episodes, analysis of which allows the construction of a relative chronology that
indicates a temporal order in which the episodes were added to the text. (This, of course,
does not tell us the order in which these individual units originally came into existence, a
point presently of importance.) Bareau also hypothesizes an absolute chronology, in which
he locates the addition of texts to Mps over some four centuries from the death of the
Buddha (ca. 480 B.C.E.) to the beginning of the common era. However, he tells us, we
should realize that this is "a fragile enough hypothesis" (47). As Bareau sees it, Mps may
be divided into nine major sections, according to locale of the incidents, and these may be
divided into two major groupings, as follows (48):
I. Mps-p l-Mps-p 2.20
1. In the environs of Rajagrha
2. From Rajagrha to Pataligrama
3. At Pataligrama
4. From Pataligrama to Vaisall
5. At Vaisall
II. Mps-p 2.2l-Mps-p 6.26
6. In the environs of Vaisall
7. From Vaisall to Kusinagari
8. At Kusinagari: the final hours of the life of the Buddha
9. At Kusinagari: the last rites of the Buddha
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 387
Bareau believes sections 1 to 5 to be the later and sections 6 to 9 to be the earlier parts.
"It is precisely these four last sections that contain only episodes intrinsically linked to the
context of the Mpns [Mps], that is to say, the final months of the life of the Blessed One,
his death, and his funeral, while all the stories constituting the first five parts clearly have
been artificially attached to this context" (1979, 48). Thus, sections 6 to 9 constitute a
kind of proto-Mahdparinirvdna Sutra to which parts 1 to 5 were eventually added.
The number of episodes contained by the earlier and later sections varies consider-
ably. The older sections (sees. 6-9) contain between fifteen and nineteen episodes each,
whereas the newer sections (sees. 1-5) contain only three to six episodes each. Bareau
also points out that, for the earlier parts of Mps (sees. 6-9), it appears that some addi-
tions continued to be made even after each of the nine parts of the text was added. Thus,
each of these nine parts did not originally contain all the episodes present in them today
(1979, 49). Within the older part (sees. 6-9), one may make further chronological
distinctions. Bareau says that section 8—which recounts the last hours of the Buddha, his
final advice to the samgha, and his passing—represents "the kernel of the work" (1979,
49) and thus the earliest part of the oldest four sections. Following this, section 9 was
added, then section 6, then section 7, then the newer sections (1979, 50-51). Having
outlined this relative chronology, Bareau then attempts to posit a rough absolute chronology
for the different parts of the work. The oldest part of the text, section 8 minus some
episodes that Bareau believes were added later, is dated to the second half of the fifth
century B.C.E. (1979, 51). The next sections were added from this time onward, with
the latest sections (sees. 1-5) being added in the last two centuries before the common
era.
The following draws almost entirely upon sections 6 to 9, or those sections of Mps
judged earliest by Bareau. These sections, Bareau believes, were all composed or at least
added to Mps within about two centuries following the Buddha's death. Focusing on these
sections of Mps provides a glimpse of the text in its earlier period. An analysis of those
sections deemed later would, in any case, reveal themes closely similar to those discussed
here and would not alter this analysis in any major way.
3. Mps-p 5.10-11; all six versions: Bareau 1970-71, 2:35-50.
4. The fact that the imperfectly realized monk, Ananda, is not to engage in sarlra-
pujd, while Mahakasyapa is—as are the ksatriyas, brahmins, and the heads of house-
holds—is curious. Does this mean that Mps understands sarirapujd as a rite appropriate
only for realized monks and the laity? Or does it understand that the senior monk is to
preside over this rite, which is attended by the laity but not the other monks? When Ma-
hakasyapa worships the body of the Buddha just before the cremation, other bhiksus are in
attendance.
5. This conclusion is supported by the treatment of this episode in the other five
versions of Mps (Bareau 1970-71, 2:35-50).
6. P., Chin. A and D (Bareau 1970-71, 2:50-53). This and following references
identify the versions where the material in question occurs (P., Skt., Chin. A-D), as well
as the part, volume number, and page numbers where Bareau's treatment of this material
is found. Note that this and the following references to Bareau 1970-71 identify the section
of the study in which Bareau discusses the part of Mps in which the cited material is found.
In these sections of Bareau 1970-71, Bareau typically makes reference to the cited material
but does not always discuss it in detail. Most of Bareau's analysis in this work is, in fact,
not particularly interpretive of the material in the various texts. In this study, he is rather
primarily concerned to compare the contents of the different texts, showing what they share
and where they differ.
7. In this section, monks, nuns, laymen, and lay women are enjoined to visit the four
388 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
pilgrimage sites marking the birth, enlightenment, turning the wheel of dharma, and pari-
nirvdna of the tathdgata.
8. This section occurs in four versions: P., Chin. A, Chin. D, and one parallel sutra
(the Ekottardgama) (Bareau 1970-71, 2:14-21).
9. In the Pali version, these are spontaneous occurrences; in other versions of Mps,
they are the results of the deities' actions.
10. That is, fulfills the dhamma in all its aspects (PTSD 37, s.v. anudhammd). On this
term, see also PTSD 337, s.v. dhammdnudhamma.
11. But interestingly so are the laity.
12. The three vinaya versions (P., Chin. A, and Chin. D) are closely similar, whereas
the Ekottardgama version presents a sharp contrast to these (Bareau 1970-71, 2:14). Chinese
A presents the simplest account—among the various miracles given in the Pali, mentioning
only the trees flowering out of season—suggesting to Bareau that it is the earliest of the
three versions. Chinese D adds some material and the Pali adds even more, suggesting that
these represent respectively more developed, later versions of the story. Bareau remarks
that the miraculous events summarized in this story undoubtedly reflect cultic acts per-
formed when the texts were composed (1970-71, 2:16).
13. In reference to Mps itself, Bareau similarly believes that its compilers drew mate-
rials from already existing textual tradition, while imprinting them with their particular
viewpoints (1979, 46). He remarks further, "One must also underline the important, even
decisive role which the Buddhist community at Vaisall played in the formation of our
sutra" (1979, 52).
14. Bareau sees such a pattern in this last quoted passage, remarking that "it is nec-
essary to see there a reaction against the excesses of the material forms of the cult" (1970-
71, 2:17). The reason for this reaction is, of course, another matter; see discussion at the
end of this section. This kind of historical "layering" evident in Buddhist texts is, of
course, the rule. One may suspect such layering when, in a particular section of a text,
divergent, incongruent, or opposed values appear side by side attributed to the same person.
Among many possible examples is the opening section of the Milindapanha, already dis-
cussed earlier in another context, in which Nagasena is represented as one who lives in the
forest, meditates, and has achieved enlightenment; at the same time, he is fully trained not
only in the entirety of Buddhist textual tradition but in the Vedas as well and with infinite
ease and accomplishment can debate and discuss, and refute opponents. In this first section,
in fact, Nagasena's textual expertise represents the main theme, whereas his forest creden-
tials are given only nodding acknowledgment (further, elsewhere in this section, forest
values and renunciants are criticized) (Mp 24 [T.R. 1890-94, 1:39]). If, in fact, such
layering is at work here, the interesting question is raised of whether Nagasena was origi-
nally a forest saint who came to be associated with textual Buddhism or whether he was
originally a renowned textual specialist, who by virtue of his repute in the course of time
attracted forest values to his person. Of course, one would not want to rule out at least the
theoretical possibility of occasional exceptions to the mutual exclusivity of preeminence in
textual matters, on the one hand, and meditational matters, on the other. However, such
exceptions, if they occurred, must have been rare and can certainly not be assumed to be
the reason for the frequent depictions of such dual achievement in the texts.
15. The passages are: (1) and (2) Mps-p 5.6 (two instances); (3) 5.21; (4) 6.9; (5) and
(6) 6.11 (two instances); (7) 6.12; and (8) 6.19.
16. These passages are treated in the following sections of Bareau 1970-71: (1) all six
versions (2:21-29); (2) all six versions (2:21-29); (3) all six versions (2:76-92); (4) all six
versions (2:171-74); (5) and (6) all six versions (2:171-74); (7) all six versions (2:175-
78); and (8) all six versions (2:215-22).
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 389
17. Rhys Davids admits some uncertainty regarding this phrase (see his justification,
1881, 119, n. 2). Of particular importance, these deities are contrasted at Mps-p 6.11
with deities "who are free from passion" and do not engage in this kind of behavior.
One of these occurrences contains the same kind of dramatic shift of direction noted in
the previously cited example. In the episode of their coming to see the Buddha for the
last time and of their lamenting his passing, we are told that the heavenly and earthly
spirits, having come from afar, fervently desire to see the tathdgata one last time before
he passes away (Mps-p 5.4ff.) (all six versions, Bareau 1970-71, 2:21-29; among these,
P., Skt., Chin. A, and Chin. D show particularly close filiation). Yet the disciple Upavana,
to whom these deities are invisible, is standing in front of the tathdgata fanning him and
blocking their vision. And how does the tathdgata respond to the desire of the deities
to see him? He responds with tenderness and compassion, with no hint of criticism. He
speaks sharply to Upavana, bidding him move so that the spirits can fulfill their hearts'
desire and see him once more before he dies. Thus, the Buddha condones their seeing
of him, and it is here that they engage in their lamentations. Dramatically speaking, the
account of the (ritualized?) mourning of the tathdgata is so far gripping and convincing.
Somewhat jarring, then, is the critical doctrinal commentary, already referred to, inter-
spersed with this account and found at its end. The spirits who thus mourn are, we are
told, "of worldly mind." At the end of this account of mourning (Mps-p 5.6), we are told
that such mourning is inappropriate for those who have real understanding. "The spirits
who are free from passion bear it, calm and self-possessed, mindful of the saying which
begins, 'Impermanent indeed are all component things. How then is it possible?' " (Mps-
p 5.6). These enlightened spirits do not engage in the cult of the saints. As noted, Bareau
sees in this type of shift of direction a commentary made to establish a particular doctrinal
point.
18. In these instances, the negative interpretation in the Pali given those who engage
in lamentation is not invariantly found in the other vinayas, nor, when it does occur, is it
necessarily expressed in the same terms. For example, the contrast between deities "of
worldly mind" and those "free from passion" in instance 1 are found only in the Pali and
Chinese D. In instances 5 and 6, precisely the same contrast is found only in the Pali,
Sanskrit, and Chinese C. Other of the negative evaluations found in the Pali, however, are
substantially repeated in all six vinayas, e.g., instance 4. Thus, this negative evaluation
does appear in all six vinayas, although in different configurations.
19. In variance from the previously cited passage, it is now not Ananda who upbraids
the unenlightened bhikkhus but Subhadda, and he does so not because he represents nor-
mative tradition but because he does not respect the Buddha! Thus he remarks, "Enough,
brethren! Weep not, neither lament! We are well rid of the great Samana. We used to be
annoyed by being told, 'This beseems you, this beseems you not.' But now we shall be
able to do whatever we like" (Mps-p 6.20). This passage, then, suggests different reasons
for nonparticipation in the lamentation from those evident in the passages just discussed.
There, the enlightenment of the bhikkhus led them to refrain from the actions of lamenta-
tion. Here, however, nonparticipation is ascribed to a disrespect of the Buddha. This pas-
sage, then, appears to articulate precisely the same doctrinal point against which Mps ar-
gues—namely, that participation in the actions of lamentation represents a higher respect
of the Buddha.
20. Bareau appears to agree with this interpretation when he remarks that the criticism
of the monks represents "probably just an invention based on doctrinal themes" (1979,
63) and "doctrinal considerations" (65).
21. It is interesting that we find the passage in its simplest form in the cases of the
laity. Perhaps there is no mention of laity who are free from passion and nonparticipants
390 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
in the lamentation because laity were believed at this time and by this group to be unable
to attain enlightenment. It should be noted that Mps sometimes explicitly advocates the
validity of the cult for monks (see Mps-p 5.8), found in four versions of Mps (P., Skt.,
Chin. A, Chin. D) (Bareau 1970-71, 2:29-32).
22. See Bareau's discussion of the superhuman personality of the Buddha as depicted
in the Dharmaguptaka version of Mps (Bareau 1969).
23. In the Pali version, but equally abundant in the other five vinayas.
24. In five versions of Mps (Bareau 1970-71, 1:26-39). In the different versions of
Mps, different forest habitations are mentioned, including forest hermitages, wooded pla-
teaus, mountains, mountain caves, mountain peaks, the foot of trees, the edges of lakes,
and so on (1970-71, 1:30). These are mentioned alongside other items that reflect the
settled monastic way of life.
25. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:282-95). The meditative ideal is affirmed at
Bareau 1970-71, 2:12-15.
26. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:296-99).
27. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:296-99).
28. Interestingly enough, this set of the four classes of humans contrasts with the clas-
sical list of monks, nuns, laymen, and lay women.
29. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:177-81). See also Mps-p 4.42 (all six ver-
sions [Bareau 1970-71, 1:301-10]); Mps-p 5.5-6 (all six versions [1970-71, 2:21-29]);
Mps-p 5.23-30 (all six versions [1970-71, 2:92-131]).
30. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:172-74).
31. Such miracles and magical powers are, in the vinaya, abundantly associated with
the Buddha; for an example see Kloppenborg 1973, 50-68.
32. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:177-81).
33. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:147-56). Another of the classical set ofabhijnds
is described at Mps-p 2.6-7, where the Buddha demonstrates his ability to know the former
births of various people; five versions (1970-71, 1:85-89).
34. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:276-81).
35. In three versions (P., Chin. A, Chin. D) and one parallel sutra (contained in the
Ekottardgamd) (Bareau 1970-71, 2:14-21). Mps-p 1.33-34 contains the well-known mir-
acle of the Buddha's crossing of the Ganges, which, we are told, is marked as a sacred
place. In five versions (1970-71, 1:72-77).
36. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:147-56). Repeated at Mps-p 3.40; all six
versions (1970-71, 1:172-81). Repeated several times at Mps-p 5.41-47; in Mps-p only
and occurring, according to Bareau, as a kind of appendix to Mps-p 3.40 (1970-71, 1:194-
96). It is quite interesting that in the Milindapanha (140-41 [T.R. 1890-94, 1:198-201]),
the king expresses some confusion over the issue of the Buddha's length of life, as dis-
cussed in Mps. Milinda remarks, on the one hand, that it is said that the Buddha can live
to the end of a kalpa but, on the other, that he will expire in three months' time. The king
desires that Nagasena resolve this apparent contradiction. Nagasena responds by redefining
the word kalpa, an ingenious if not entirely convincing maneuver: kalpa should be under-
stood to mean, he says, not the cosmic period but the usual length of an ordinary person's
life. Thus, he seems to say, the Buddha here claims nothing other than the power to live a
normal life. Nagasena's response is not convincing because (1) the Buddha has already
lived a normal life; (2) Nagasena must invoke a definition of the term kalpa that is unusual
(Nyanatiloka 1980, 90, s.v. kappa); (3) the longevity of the Buddhist saints is, as has been
mentioned and as I have shown elsewhere, an important theme during all periods; and (4)
in the remainder of Nagasena's reply to Milinda's query, the monk seems to accept the
power of buddhas to live for periods far longer than normal (Ray 1990). In spite of the
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 391
forced nature of Nagasena's explanation, it is interesting that this logic has been cited in
attempts to prove the non-Buddhist nature of the cult of saints; see, e.g., Maung Kin 1903,
227-28.
37. Mps-p 3.9, all six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:156-71); Mps-p 3.37, all six ver-
sions (1970-71, 1:182-94); Mps-p 3.51, all six versions (1970-71, 1:196-207).
38. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:150-56).
39. Mps-p 3.19, all six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:172-74); Mps-p 6.10, all six
versions (1970-71, 2:157-71).
40. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:193-209).
41. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:209-14).
42. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:240-65).
43. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:265-88).
44. Partially found in all six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:288-308).
45. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:308-23).
46. Only in P. (Bareau 1970-71, 1:194-96).
47. Four versions, P., Skt., Chin. A, Chin. D (Bareau 1970-71, 2:29-32).
48. Five versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:137-47).
49. Five versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:137-47).
50. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:131-44).
51. Mus has noticed this pattern (1935, 56ff.).
52. Four versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:137-38). Lesser and minor precepts (khudda-
nukhuddakdni sikkhdpaddni) that may be abolished imply, of course, precepts that are not
lesser and minor and that may not be abolished.
53. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:114-31).
54. The sections of Mps identified by Bareau as later also strongly reflect, as might be
expected, the values and preoccupations of settled monasticism. Thus we hear of the ser-
vice hall of bhikkhus living in a particular neighborhood to which the Buddha goes (Mps-p
1.6; all six versions [Bareau 1970-1971, 1:26-39]). Here the Buddha outlines seven con-
ditions for the welfare of a community, including "full and frequent assemblies," meeting
together in concord, actions according to the duties of the order, adherence to a tradition
understood as fixed (they should establish nothing that has not already been prescribed and
abrogate nothing that has already been established), and respect for the elders of the order
(ibid.).
55. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:222-39).
56. Bareau 1970-71, 1:227.
57. Bareau (1970-71, 1:227) comments that this threefold set (dharma, vinaya, md-
trkd), which is found in the Pali and Sanskrit versions of Mps and also in the vinayas,
"clearly reflects, in the Pali, the Sanskrit and the Vinaya, awareness of a certain phase in
the constitution of the Buddhist canon, one in which it was divided into three recensions
forming the triple basket (Tripitaka)."
58. SeeT.R. 1881, 67, n. 1.
59. "This necessarily presupposes the existence of a canon in the time period when
this primitive version was composed, a canon made up of a certain number of sermons and
of disciplinary rules of which the authenticity was recognized, of which the text was deter-
mined at least in its essential parts, but of which the order and the classification were
probably not fixed" (Bareau 1970-71, 1:229-30).
60. At Mps-p 2.25, the Buddha says, "I have preached the truth without making a
distinction between exoteric and esoteric doctrine." Applying the principle that what a text
such as Mps argues against may well reflect existing Buddhist practice that it opposes, one
arrives at the interesting possibility that Mps is here pointing to the existence of other
392 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Buddhists who hold the contrary position; that in addition to more exoteric doctrine, there
also existed esoteric doctrine of the few (of forest traditions?).
61. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:156-71).
62. Bareau 1970-71, 1:156-71, esp. 162-63.
63. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:156-71).
64. Bareau 1970-71, 1:156-71, esp. 162-63.
65. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 1:156-71).
66. Bareau 1970-71, 1:156-71, esp. 162-63.
67. Mps-p 3.48, Pali version only (Bareau 1970-71, 1:194-96); Mps-p 5.6, all six
versions (1970-71, 2:21-29); Mps-p 5.14, all six versions (1970-71, 2:54-65); Mps-p
6.11, all six versions (1970-71, 2:171-74); Mps-p 6.20, all six versions (1970-71, 2:223-
30, esp. 227-28).
68. Pali version only (Bareau 1970-71, 1:194-96).
69. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:21-29).
70. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:54-65).
71. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:171-74).
72. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:223-30, esp. 227-28).
73. Bareau suggests the likelihood of this interpretation when, in commenting on the
occurrence at Mps-p 3.48, he points to a contradiction between this passage and the theme
of the potential longevity of the Buddha (1970-71, 1:195-96). If the imminent disappear-
ance of the Buddha is really inevitable, as we seem to be told here, then why did the
Buddha just blame Ananda for his failure to request that the Buddha continue to live, even
for a kalpa? One obvious explanation is that this contradiction reflects two different doc-
trinal viewpoints that uneasily coexist within this story.
74. All six versions (Bareau 1970-71, 2:29-32).
75. It is interesting that the ongoing presence of the Buddha at his sacred places, among
which the stupas are preeminent, is clearly affirmed in Mps. Schopen, after citing the
Sanskrit version of Mps, where explicit reference is made to the ongoing presence of the
Buddha at his pilgrimage sites, similarly remarks that "the redactor of the Sanskrit version
seems clearly to have thought that the Buddha, though dead, was somehow actually present
at the places where he was formerly known to have been" (1987a, 203).
76. Edgerton remarks on the connection of this term with meditation (BHSD 549, s.v.
parisuskagatra).
77. We have seen some examples of such "activity" in Chapter 10.
78. Mps, which clearly has other aims besides advocating the cult of the saints, cannot
refrain from acknowledging the possibility and virtue of seeing the saints. In the Pali ver-
sion we read that one—whether monastic or layperson—should come to the four chief
places sanctified by the Buddha's life (where he was bom, attained enlightenment, etc.),
and one should see these places. In Schopen's translation, "Ananda, there are these four
places that a devout son of good family must do darsan of, and powerfully experience"
(1987a, 195). Schopen remarks, "The final sections of the Pali version of the Mahdpari-
nibbdna Sutta are clearly marked with the notion and importance of darsan, and darsan is
about direct, intimate contact with a living presence" (1987a, 195).
79. The first four are called dhydna; the second four are merely listed by name.
80. It is not insignificant that it is precisely the unattained disciple, Ananda, who fails
to comprehend the true nature of the cessation in which the Buddha abides.
81. Referred to by Mp (176 [T.R. 1890-94, 245]). This is, of course, the classical
definition of nirodhasamdpatti. See the similar passage, Mn 1:245 (Hn., 1:299).
82. PTSD defines these as follows:
1) The mystic, with his mind free from sensuous and worldly ideas, concentrates his throughts
on some special subject (for instance, the impermanence of all things). This he thinks out
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 393
by attention to the facts, and by reasoning. 2) Then uplifted above attention and reasoning,
he experiences joy and ease both of body and mind. 3) Then the bliss passes away, and he
becomes suffused with a sense of ease, and 4) he becomes aware of pure lucidity of mind
and equanimity of heart. (286, s.v. jhdnd)
PTSD makes the important point that "the whole really forms one series of mental
states, and the stages might have been fixed at other points in the series" (ibid.). For other
formulations of thcjhdnas, cf. PTSD (ibid.).
83. The four are (1) infinity of space (dkdsdnantydyatana; P., dkdsdnancdyatana), (2)
infinity of consciousness (vijndndnantydyatana; P., vinndndnancdy-), (3) nothing at all (dk-
imcanydyatana; P., dkincanndy-), and (4) neither consciousness nor unconsciousness (nai-
vasamjndndsamjndyatana; P., nevasanndndsanhdy-). These are arupya (P., druppa),
"formless," in contrast to the four dhydnas, which become known as the "rupadhydnas"
(P., rupajjhdnas) (PTSD, 286).
84. For discussion of terms and textual references in Sanskrit and Pali, see BHSD 30,
s.v. anupurvavihdra, and PTSD 39, s.v. anupubbavihdra. The first eight of these are, of
course, the practices that, prior to his enlightenment, Gautama is held to have studied under
his two sramana gurus, practices with which he was not satisfied (King 1980, 10-13).
85. PTSD defines these three as "rupi, arupasanm, recognition of subha" (632); i.e.,
as "having form," "perceiving the formless," and recognition of the "resplendent." Cor-
responding Sanskrit definitions are given in Mvy 1511-13.
86. For the eight vimoksas in Sanskrit tradition, see Mvy 1510-18. For textual refer-
ences, see BHSD 497, s.v. vimoksa. For a discussion of this group in Pali tradition and for
textual references, see PTSD 632, s.v. vimokkha.
87. See references to anupurvavihdra, anupubbavihdra, vimoksa, and vimokkha above.
88. PTSD remarks further that in relation to nibbdna and parinibbdna, nirodha "may
be said to be even a stronger expression as far as the active destruction of the causes of
life is concerned" (PTSD 371, s.v. nirodha). See also King 1980, 104.
89. Buddhaghosa expresses the classical view when he equates nirodhasamdpatti with
enlightenment attained in this life (Vsm 322 [N., 402]).
90. Kloppenborg remarks,
The nirodhasamdpatti, in which nibbdna is experienced in this body, is the yogin's way of
meditation. It is of minor importance in the Theravada tradition of meditation of the four
noble truths which leads to insight. This connection with ancient ascetic practices could be
the reason that the nirodhasamdpatti is mentioned often as the paccekabuddha's favourite
state of meditation. (1974, 51).
91. In this regard, King remarks that in nirodhasamdpatti all bodily functions cease,
including breathing, and mental and verbal functions are inoperative as well.
92. Sung Yun tells us that in a certain temple "there formerly dwelt a Shami [srdma-
nera] . . . who, being constantly occupied in sifting ashes (belonging to the convent), fell
into a state of fixed composure [samddhi]. . . . The Karmadana of the convent had his
funeral obsequies performed, thinking he was dead, and not observing that his skin contin-
ued unchanged" (Beal 1869, 196-97). This person was subsequently recognized as a saint,
and "the king of the country founded a chapel to the Rishi, and placed in it a figure of
him as he appeared, and ornamented with much gold leaf" (ibid.).
93. Przyluski 1923, 301-3. Cf. also Lamotte 1958, 426.
94. Interesting in light of the foregoing themes are certain doctrines attributed to some
of the northern Mahasamghikas, in which the Buddha is explicitly identified with a person-
hood that is not subject to birth and death, that is lokottara (transcendent of conditioning).
As the Buddha never really entered the world, so he never really left it, thus providing the
doctrinal ground for the appearance of the Buddha at any time. We are told that buddhas
394 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
are supermundane (lokottara) (Bareau 1955, 57); their bodies are entirely free from impur-
ity and conditionality (laukikadharma) and are perfect, unlimited, and of the nature of the
dharmadhatu. The material body (rupakaya) of the tathagata is unlimited (Bareau 1955,
58); Paramartha mentions three aspects: it is unlimited in measure, meaning that it can
appear great or small, as circumstances require; it is unlimited in number such that the
Buddha can manifest as many bodies as are necessary to teaching beings; and it is unlimited
in the good causes that have given birth to it (59). The buddhas always abide in meditation
(samddhi) (76); they neither sleep nor dream; their lifespan is unlimited, goes on without
end, and is not subject to destruction (59). The Buddha's life is unlimited so that he can
help the innumerable kinds of beings, and his wisdom is such that he comprehends all
things in a single instant (59-60). The Buddha's compassion is unlimited. The Buddha's
powers are unlimited and are such that he can manifest them in all directions and in all
universes, without conscious intention (59). And so the list continues. Taken together,
these doctrines imply that the Buddha, though transcendent of samsaric conditioning is,
nevertheless, immanent within the world. He exists always and everywhere, he is undying,
he is immersed in meditation but acting compassionately at all times, and so on. For the
Mahasamghikas behind these doctrines, what seems to ordinary beings to be the death of
the Buddha is, from a level of deeper understanding, just an artifice created in order to
teach beings. For the Mahasamghikas, the doctrine of nonimmanence represents an incipi-
ent level of understanding, whereas the doctrine of the perpetual presence of the Buddha
represents the deeper truth. The similarity of these themes with those of the transcendent
presence of the saint, beyond apparent death, raises the interesting question of what kind
of historical connection may exist between these themes and those examined in this chapter.
95. For a summary of commentarial interpretations of nirodhasamapatti, including those
of the Theravada, Vaibhasika, and Yogacara, see Griffiths 1986.
96. It may be noted that in Na, Nandimitra clearly performs the same function for his
own era and samgha that the Buddha performed for his, seen here in the fact that the
parallel passages of Mps and Na put the Buddha and Nandimitra in equivalent dramatic
positions.
97. The similarity of dramatic components and structure between Mps and Na, yet the
difference in interpretation, reinforce the impression that this announcement of impending
death, expressions of grief, imploring to remain, and teaching of impermanence that we
have in Mps are less expressions of a single historical instance and more expressions of a
traditional form, which may have been quite widespread in early Buddhism.
98. For a statement of Schayer's position, see Schayer 1935, 121-32. A useful sum-
mary of Schayer's work is provided by Constantin Regamy 1957, 37-58.
99. These are, of course, the same points made by Max Weber in his own reconstruc-
tion of "original Buddhism," summarized in Chapter 1.
100. In retrospect, perhaps unfortunately, Schayer chose to use the word "theism" in
reference to precanonical Buddhism. This, along with his specific reconstruction of preca-
nonical Buddhism, led critics to charge Schayer with propounding a "Buddhist theism"
similar to Hindu theism (Regamy 1957, 57). Regamy responds to this by remarking that
"Schayer . . . never wanted to affirm that the Buddha was considered in the pre-canonical
period as a personal deity, a creator and judge of the world, nor even as a Hindu isvara
and, in speaking of theism in pre-canonical Buddhism, he wanted to insist above all on the
religious character of Buddhism, possessing its myth, its cult and based on faith in the
supernatural authority of the founder" (57).
101. The following is a brief resume of Falk's long, detailed, and complex analysis.
102. This scheme contrasts, of course, with the later classical enumeration of sarnsara
as composed of three realms, in order of descent, the arupadhdtu, the rupadhatu, and, at
The Cult of Saints and Buddhist Doctrines of Absence and Presence 395
the lowest end, the kdmadhdtu. Falk, following Przyluski, judges the kamadhdtu to be a
later addition to the original twofold division of samsara (Falk 1943, 98, 116).
103. Falk finds traces of this precanonical "immanentalist" position in the Pudgala-
vadin theory of the pudgala and the Sautrantika notion of ekarasaskandha. This position
becomes prominent again in the theories of Yogacara and Tathagatagarbha (Falk 1943,
133-34).
104. See Harvey's suggestive article (1983).
105. A tendency that continues in various schools of extra-Indian Buddhism, e.g., in
Tibet.
106. See his discussion of the exchange between Ananda and the Buddha concerning
the treatment of the tathdgata's body after death (Mps-p 5.10-11 [discussed by Bareau
1970-71, 2:35-50]).
107. Bareau concludes his article by remarking that "the analysis of this text . . .
allows us to understand quite well how and why the simple method of salvation, as a kind
of lived philosophy, which Buddhism was in 'essence,' quickly became and remained a
religion in the full sense of the term" (1979, 103).
108. This is explicitly admitted, e.g., Bareau 1970-71, 1:179.
109. E.g., Bareau 1970-71, 2:171.
110. Bareau himself tells us that the material of Mps reflects the specific concerns and
doctrinal viewpoints of a particular group of monks in the period following the Buddha's
death (e.g., 1979, 52 and 61). He also tells us that these monks took preexisting material,
drew on it selectively in order to compile Mps and added their own particular interpretations
(ibid). This insight surely shows that an examination of the entry of materials into Mps
reveals something about the authors of Mps but not necessarily about Indian Buddhism as
such and as a whole.
111. Thus, Bareau seems to have discovered some historical movement within the mo-
nastic community behind Mps. In the beginning, the initial inspiration of Mps lay in estab-
lishing the normativity of settled monasticism. This initial inspiration is reflected in the
earliest core and later. At a later stage, the text actively and explicitly engages the Buddhist
cult of saints, allowing it some status but subordinating it to the values of settled monasti-
cism.
112. Presumably, we are then to believe that within this very early period represented
by section 8 of Mps, two different kinds of episodes were invented: historically first were
those that presented the Buddha as a man; historically second were those that see him as
more than a man, as a superhuman or divine being. This means that the difference between
the less legendary and more legendary material does not necessarily reflect a difference
between the Buddha as he actually was and the Buddha as he was later conceived. Rather,
it more likely reflects the Buddha as he was seen by the earlier compilers of Mps (for
Bareau, pre-Mauryan times [1979, 63-64]) and the Buddha as he was seen by later com-
pilers (post-Mauryan). At this point, then, again, one is talking about tendencies in the
ways the Buddha was conceived by the communities behind Mps.
12
The Buddhist Saints and the Process
of Monasticization
The preceding chapters have several times referred to the ' 'process of monastici-
zation," whereby phenomena that were originally connected with the Bud-
dhist saints of the forest were translocated and transplanted into a settled monas-
tic context. In some cases, this process involved the appropriation of one or
another individual element of the forest saints' traditions by settled monasti-
cism. For example, the forest saint Mahakasyapa was adopted by settled mo-
nasticism to serve its need for a charismatic leader. Upagupta, Pindolabharadvaja,
Devadatta, and perhaps also Sariputra, originally essentially forest saints, simi-
larly came to have—through different means and in varying degrees—relations
with settled monasticism. The initially nonmonastic ideals of Buddha (and bod-
hisattva), arhant, and pratyekabuddha came, again in various ways, to be un-
derstood in relationship to settled monasticism. And ideals and practices such
as the magical powers, the dhutagunas, and the stupa also came to be increas-
ingly integrated into the monastic context. In addition to describing indivi-
dual forest elements undergoing the process of monasticization, the foregoing
has made reference to this process on a grand scale, by which traditions that
were entirely or primarily ones of forest renunciation became converted into
those of settled monasticism. Such has been discussed in relation to the orig-
inal form of Buddhism itself and mentioned briefly in connection with the Maha-
yana.
The present chapter contains three sections: first, an exploration of the original
monasticization, whereby settled monasticism first developed out of the earliest
Buddhist community of peripatetic renunciants; second, an examination of the
transition of the early or proto-Mahayana from an entirely or largely forest tradi-
tion, such as that reflected in the texts examined in Chapter 8, into what became
the conventional, monastic Mahay ana; and third, a review of some reactions of
forest traditions, both non-Mahayanist and proto-Mahayanist, to the process of
monasticization, as these traditions see it occurring in their day.
396
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 397
followers after his passing, was twofold: they were to maintain the integrity of the
path to liberation preached by the master, and they were to carry his message of
liberation to the world. The development of the classical Buddhist monastic sys-
tem was originally, it may be argued, a response to the second part of this chal-
lenge.
In order to understand this point, let us consider Buddhism strictly in terms of
its earliest and ultimate ideal, seen in the Buddha himself, that of forest renuncia-
tion. The forest renunciants performed a function within Indian society that was
strictly circumscribed. If we may believe the evidence of the early and later forest
texts that we have examined, the tradition maintained by these renunciants was an
austere and demanding one, attractive only to the few. In addition, these renun-
ciants' relations with the various laypeople they met were not conducive to regu-
larization. In particular, their availability to the laity was necessarily restricted.
As mendicants with no home base, they could be given donations when they
appeared at one's door, but only so much as they could carry could be given. As
individuals, they had little organized institutional power vis-a-vis the social, polit-
ical, and religious institutions of Brahmanical orthodoxy of their day. Their way
of forest renunciation, in and of itself, was limited in its ability to respond to the
Buddha's universalistic imperative.
The situation would have been different for Buddhist renunciants of town and
village, who are depicted as wandering about in groups, as settling down in groups
during the rainy season, and as accepting in groups the generosity of the laity of
food, robes, and lodging.2 And the situation would have been more different still
for their monastic successors. For one thing, monasticism provided a relatively
broad gate for those desiring to renounce the world. The way of the forest ren-
unciant has always been regarded in Buddhism as extremely arduous, and with
good reason. Only a relatively few are able to make its commitments and sacri-
fices, to accept its material privation, and to endure its insecure, uncomfortable,
and demanding way of life. The classical Buddhist monastic system in effect pro-
vided a far less forbidding, much more accessible mode of Buddhist renunciant
life, one that encouraged a great many more people to renounce the world than
would have been possible under the more arduous and restrictive ideal. Moreover,
even for those desirous of the meditative life of the retreatant, monastic life could
and often did represent an important stage of training, one that could in due course
be left behind for the more "direct path."
In addition, the monastery provided a uniquely effective vehicle for bringing
the Buddhist dharma to society at large. The early forest renunciants are depicted
as living and wandering alone or in tiny groups. The development of the monastic
system provided a very different way of communicating with the larger society.
In particular, the monastery acted as a kind of institutionalized middle ground and
meeting point between the ultimate Buddhist norm of forest renunciation and the
laity. This role of the monastery in Buddhism is pointed out by Dutt, who con-
trasts Buddhist monasticism with its Christian counterpart:
Isolation from society was never the cue of Buddhist monachism. . . . [The]
Buddhist samgha set out on its historic career from a completely divergent start-
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 399
ing point [from Christian monasticism]. It was toward the Bahujana [the multi-
tudes] that its eyes were turned. By their very raison d'etre, the monasteries had
to function differently, and isolation from society was no object of monastic life.
(1962, 25-26)
The precise role of the monastery as a middle ground between the ideal of
forest renunciation and the larger social, political, and religious world of greater
India is made clear when we consider the two central preoccupations of Buddhist
monastic tradition: the concern for behavioral purity and the preservation and study
of texts. One may well ask how—as neither of these concerns appears to have
been nearly as important to earliest Buddhism as they later became—these came
to be so central within later tradition. To be sure, the more communal sramana
form, in which regularized relations with society were more important and discus-
sion and debate were prominent, provided the seeds from which these two central
monastic preoccupations could spring. But, again, a considerable distance sepa-
rates these seeds from the fully matured monastic manifestations. How and why
did these evolve in the way and to the extent that they did?
Part of the answer may be found by considering an intriguing series of con-
gruities, already alluded to, between the major concerns, emphases, and interpre-
tations of Buddhist monasticism and those of orthodox Brahmanical culture within
which Buddhism was trying to make its way. In orthodox tradition, as defined
and exemplified by the priestly Brahmanical elite, one finds two central preoccu-
pations—the same two preoccupations, significantly enough, that characterize mo-
nastic Buddhism: a concern for behavioral purity and a preoccupation with the
mastery of authoritative religious texts.
First, for orthodox Brahmanical tradition, behavioral and ritual purity is a cen-
tral concern, such that spiritual well-being and status are defined largely in terms
of this purity.3 As is well known, the position of the priestly Brahmanical elite in
relation to Indian society as a whole has traditionally been regulated through ob-
servance of behavioral purity, and the maintenance of such purity has been a
primary concern of social life in India.4 In the monastic tradition, one finds Bud-
dhism taking account of the presupposition in Indian, and particularly Brahmani-
cal, society that links behavioral purity with spiritual authenticity, reliability, and
power. In fulfilling the many rules of the pratimoksa, the Buddhist monastics are,
in effect, guaranteeing their own spiritual status in the eyes of those for whom
purity is central—not only those outside but those within the samgha as well.
Second, for orthodox Brahmanism, the sacred text, specifically the revealed
(sruti) Vedas—but also commentarial literature—provide a central reference point
for religious authority and for the religious life. The religious power of the brah-
min priest is inseparably bound up with his possession and mastery of the texts.
By "knowing" the revealed texts through memorizing them, the priest is able to
control their spiritual power and channel it to others. Through mastering the con-
tent of the commentarial literature, he can make available their life-giving nor-
mative paradigms. Buddhist monastic tradition, to a large extent, took on the
scholastic values of its orthodox context. As observed in Chapter 1, in monastic
life, great importance is attached to the preservation and mastery of the sacred
400 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
At this period of its development, the Buddhist community was exactly fashioned
on the model of Brahmanical society. The post-vedic sutras reveal, in effect, that
there are four orders: those of householder, student, bhiksu or sannydsin, and
forest hermit (dranyaka). These four orders correspond to the four categories of
the faithful in ancient Buddhism: householder, disciple [novice], master [fully
ordained monastic], and dranyaka [forest renunciant]. It would be impossible to
exaggerate the importance of this modeling of the Buddhist community on Brah-
manical society. (1926-28, 293).
In addition, just as those who are not (male) brahmins have a decidedly lower
status on the social scale, so those who are not (male) monastics—namely, lay-
people and women—similarly are accorded, as we have seen, a dramatically lower
status within classical monasticism.7 It appears, in fact, that laypeople and women
are for Buddhist monasticism what the lower castes are for Indian culture in gen-
eral: they are there to serve the higher castes but are inherently debarred from the
full privileges of those above them in the hierarchy; their primary hope is, through
devoted service to those above them, to attain in some future birth an elevated
status. As we have seen, it would appear that such values are not found, at least
certainly not to this degree, in the nonmonastic renunciant traditions of earliest
Buddhism. In this respect, Przyluski, among others, points to this "profound in-
equality between the religious and the laity" in classical monasticism and remarks
further that "the sharp opposition between clerics and laity, between monastics
and those of the world, is foreign to primitive Buddhism" (1926-28, 293).8
Acknowledging this emulation of rival Brahmanical tradition helps us perhaps
to come to a deeper understanding of the particular monastic emphasis on doc-
trines of absence and nonimmanence, explored in the previous chapter. We have
seen the identity crisis faced by the newly emerging monastic tradition. On the
one hand, it wanted to secure itself as not only a legitimate but also an authorita-
tive—perhaps even definitive—form of Buddhism, as over and against the origi-
nally more prestigious tradition of forest renunciation. On the other hand, Bud-
dhist monasticism needed to establish itself as an effective rival to Brahmanical
tradition. The fact that the monastic tradition, in its essential form, so closely
emulated many of the attitudes, values, and structures of its surrounding Brah-
manical context can only have deepened the anxiety of the identity crisis that it
faced. How could a tradition that so deeply modeled itself on its non-Buddhist
environment establish itself as normatively Buddhist?
The answer was perhaps to compensate for its Brahmanization by attempting
to doubly reaffirm its identity in the doctrinal sphere. This may be one reason
why, in the scholastic literature of Buddhist monasticism, there is a shift in the
definition of Buddhist identity away from behavior and realization (from a forest
lifestyle, meditation, and the attainment of enlightenment) toward "correct doc-
trine." In this shift, Buddhist monasticism chose the distinctively Buddhist teach-
ing of andtman and developed it in a systematically apophatic way, asserting this
teaching through the methodology of the vocation of texts and scholarship. The
irony, of course, is that the very method and arena chosen to establish authentic
Buddhist identity shows so much more affinity with Brahmanism than it does with
the earliest normative Buddhism of the forest.
In contrast to these developments within Buddhist monasticism, the saints of
the forest retained the ancient normative Buddhist forms and continued to affirm
their Buddhist identity through the traditional criteria of lifestyle, meditation, and
realization. They seem to have felt no particular need to depart from the earlier
rich and varied usage of language, evident in forest texts such as the Theragdthd
and Therlgdthd, which describes enlightenment with a wide range of terms and
images, both apophatic and kataphatic. They certainly felt, as we have seen, no
need to rigorously weed out essentialist, immanentalist language. Nor did they
402 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
avoid, as we have also seen, apophatic language. For them, evidently, the doc-
trinal sphere was definitive not in and of itself but rather in its subserviance to
meditation and realization.9
In the beginning, the divergence from earliest peripatetic Buddhism into what
we now call classical monasticism must have been gradual and must have initially
involved no more than a small body of renunciants. Frauwallner makes an intrigu-
ing argument for a single geographical center from which this unique Buddhist
innovation spread out in waves of missionary activity to far-flung places (1956,
12, 18-19). It was largely these early missionary schools, Frauwallner argues,
that eventually became what we now understand to be the major early sects of
Buddhism and that have become identified, in conventional wisdom, with early
Buddhism itself. The remarkable identities of the early vinayas strongly suggest
the pattern of a single early source and subsequent diffusion proposed by Frau-
wallner.
The rise of classical Buddhist monasticism appears to have resulted from a com-
plex situation in which both creative and degenerative factors were operative. The
universalism of the Buddha's teaching led to an interest within the early samgha
in spreading his message far and wide. This, in turn, necessitated developing
forms through which this aim might be realized. Within the context of a Brah-
manical society, it is not surprising that such forms, coalescing in the institution
of the Buddhist monastery, would be compatible with Brahmanical socioreligious
structures and values and, indeed, as we have seen, in large measure reflective of
them.
The inspiration to actualize the universalism and compassion of the Buddhist
message must have led gifted individuals initially to develop what became classi-
cal Buddhist monastic life.10 This may surely be interpreted, at least partially, as
an act of generosity on the part of some early Buddhist renunciants toward their
society, such that they were willing to depart in such a major and sustained way
from the free and wandering patterns that characterized earliest Buddhism.n These
renunciants accommodated the values and presuppositions of their social context
to a remarkable degree and redirected Buddhism into new and unprecedented di-
rections. According to Buddhism, both Nikaya and Mahayana, communication of
realized ones to humanity at large is made possible by the extent to which they
are willing provisionally to accept the personal and cultural vocabulary of the
other.12 Although perhaps not explicitly or even consciously, early settled monas-
ticism seems at least to some extent to have been engaged in such a process.
However, what was in part a creative inspiration also opened the way to cer-
tain abuses and degenerations. The wider the Buddha's message was spread, the
more people of different sorts and backgrounds would have sought to become
renunciants. The success Buddhism enjoyed among the laity, the development of
the institution of the monastery, and the increase in donations and endowments
disseminated even more widely the attraction of renouncing the world. In greater
numbers, there were among renunciants people who were not interested in a med-
itative life in seclusion at all, or even in the more modified wandering of the town-
and-village renunciants, but who wanted to live the settled, relatively economi-
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 403
cally secure and socially prestigious life of the monastic in the monastery. Indeed,
those primarily with certain quasi-worldly or worldly ambitions, including a career
of scholarship or bureaucracy, with fruitions of renown, power, and some material
well-being, might find in the monastery an ideal setting for realizing their aims.
The Milindapanha mentions a variety of questionable motives among some who
entered monastic life, including greed, being a slave to one's stomach, seeking
material gain, and desiring worldly fame and glory (6.16 [T.R. 1890-94, 2:261]).
The Milindapanha in the same place also mentions the evil cravings in the hearts
of some monks, as well as their hypocrisy. Ironically, the willingness of the tra-
dition to make room (some, but not too much!) for such "human" traits helped
make Buddhism the successful tradition that it became. But it is equally true that
from the viewpoint of the meditative way—which Buddhism in theory has more
or less consistently acknowledged as the highest pursuit of the renunciant life—
such accommodations were not without danger. And when, as sometimes hap-
pened, institutional Buddhism (always less or more obliged to social, political,
and economic concerns) set itself up—as it sometimes did—as the norm by which
all forms of Buddhism were to be judged, we may rightly speak, to use Jensen's
useful concept, of a degenerative "phase of application"13 of Buddhism. Here
the Weberian analysis has its place.
There is another important factor in the early development of settled monasti-
cism that, in addition to factors already mentioned, helps explain the very rapid
success of the settled monastic form of Buddhism. As suggested in its earliest
vinaya, monastic Buddhism developed an institutional cohesion, direction, and
strength unprecedented in earliest Buddhism or, as far as is known, any other
early sramana school. This institution, like other institutions, could not avoid a
tendency to self-perpetuation and self-aggrandizement. It had the religious prestige
that attached to renunciant traditions, but unlike other renunciant traditions, its
form enabled it to accommodate much larger numbers of renunciants and make
contact with relatively much larger numbers of laity—and it could effectively or-
ganize all this potential power. In settled monasticism, the notion of donations
and merit-making connected with renunciant traditions had an unprecedented fo-
cus, one that was ever available and could accommodate virtually any amount of
wealth and any degree of desire on the part of the laity, not only to make merit,
but to have a visible and ongoing demonstration to their neighbors of their munif-
icence. Historians have linked the early success of Buddhist monasticism with the
new and growing availability of a wealth that could be transferred to the monas-
tery (Thapar 1966, 67-69; 1975; 1978, 70-78). This "new money" is obviously
crucial to the equation, but what has perhaps not been seen is the role played by
the development of the very idea of the monastic institution in the first place.
Wealth means little unless there are things to spend it on: what matters is what
things exist and are valued in a cultural environment upon which wealth may be
spent. In effect, Buddhism created a commodity that seems not to have existed
before: the monastic institution, as such, formed a ready, attractive, and all-
accommodating recipient of wealth. As far as we know, no other renunciant tra-
dition matched in this respect the early brilliance and opportunism of Buddhism.14
It was, then, a complex of mixed motives that enabled Buddhism to grow as
404 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
rapidly and surely as it did: to develop a broad appeal to Indian society, to become
the recipient of increasingly expanding donations, to begin to attract more and
more applicants, to acquire increasingly substantial properties, to become a pow-
erful and respected institution within Indian society, and eventually to create pre-
mier centers of learning and culture within India. And it is precisely these accom-
plishments that allowed Buddhist monastic tradition to play a major role in the
spread of Buddhism to new areas and particularly to new cultures, magnetizing
political power and wealth and attracting the elites of the cultures to which it was
attempting to travel.
In this study (in Chapter 2 and at the beginning of the present section), the
question has been raised of the form(s) of the earliest Buddhist community. It will
be recalled that two alternatives have been proposed, the available evidence being
insufficient to enable a clear choice between them. On the one hand, it may be
that town-and-village renunciation was itself admitted by the Buddha as a legiti-
mate renunciant option for his disciples. On the other, it may be that town-and-
village renunciation was not so admitted. But if this latter is the case, as has been
argued in this chapter, this renunciant style and its classical monastic descendent
may be understood as developing at least partially as a response to the imperative
of compassion within the early Buddhist teachings. On the question of the shape
of the earliest Buddhist community, most scholars have tended to take one or the
other of two contrasting views. Predominant in modern interpretation is, as we
have seen, the position of those holding some version of the two-tiered model:
that the Buddha himself established settled monasticism or at least that the re-
nunciant ideal he favored was one concordant in values and preoccupations with
town-and-village renunciation, as defined in this study, and that this developed
quickly and without incident into settled monasticism. A few scholars, of whom
Weber is a good example, favor the opposite position, that the Buddha taught a
renunciant ideal concordant with forest renunciation and that settled monasticism
represented a radical departure from and betrayal of earlier Buddhism. The two
alternatives proposed in this study depart from both of these received interpreta-
tions. In response to the first interpretation, I would propose that forest Buddhism
provided the highest ideal of earliest Buddhism, with town-and-village renuncia-
tion—even if admitted by the Buddha—in a subordinate position. In response to
the second interpretation, I would propose that the development of town-and-
village renunciation and its descendent, settled monasticism, are not adequately
understood if they are seen as repudiations and betrayals of the Buddha's teach-
ings. Even if they did not exist as accepted Buddhist alternatives in the days of
the Buddha, they are best understood—at least, in part—as responses to seeds
already at the heart of the early Buddhist teachings.
At the forefront of the many puzzles presented by the Indian Mahayana is that of
the time and place of its origins. Some evidence suggests a southeastern origin in
about the first century B.C.E., whereas other evidence implies a somewhat later
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 405
northwestern origin. The following represent some of the evidence that scholars
typically bring forward in support of southeastern origins. (1) A passage in the
various Prajnaparamita^ says that the Mahayana teaching will originate in the
south, will proceed to the east, and will finally travel to the north.15 (2) Tibetan
tradition holds that there existed a Prajnaparamita in the Prakrit dialect belonging
to the Saila sect whose center was in the south. (3) The Manjusrimulakalpa iden-
tifies Nagarjunikonda, Amaravati, and other southeastern sites as important cen-
ters of the Mahayana; and the Gandavyuha points to the south as a place of special
Mahayana creativity (Dutt 1930, 40-43). (4) The birthplace of the "founder of
the Mahayana," Nagarjuna, is depicted as in the south, and the saint is particu-
larly connected with Sriparvata in southeastern India, as are Aryadeva and other
members of his school (Conze 1959, 124). (5) A Sri Lankan tradition ascribes the
Ratnakuta, an important collection containing early Mahayana sutras, to the An-
dhras (Warder 1970, 354, n. 1). (6) A number of important Mahayana doctrines
show close similarities with doctrines of the Mahasamghikas, who had centers in
the southeast. Evidence such as this leads some scholars to conclude that the
Mahayana arose in the southeast, among the Mahasamghika schools in that area.
Conze, a representative example of those advocating a southeastern origin, locates
the origins of the Prajnaparamita in south India between the Godavari River and
the Krsna River, near Amaravati and Nagarjunikonda (1951, 124) at about 100
B.C.E. (1973b, x).16
Lamotte and others have pointed to various difficulties with the evidence usu-
ally cited in defense of a southeastern origin for the Mahayana (1954, 386-87).
For one thing, of the above six points, all but number 6 represent Buddhist leg-
ends of one sort or another that cannot necessarily be taken at face value. Lamotte
has specifically questioned the reliability of the traditions reporting the origination
of the Prajnaparamita in the south (1980, 25, n. 1). In addition, the close linkage
of Mahasamghika and Mahayana doctrines does not necessarily lead to the con-
clusion of a southeastern origin, for two reasons. First, the Lokottaravada, with
doctrines closest to the Mahayana, is known to have flourished in the northwest,
whereas the Andhaka schools, which were prominent in the southeast, are doctrin-
ally much more removed. Second, although the Northwestern schools were in
existence during a relatively early period, the Southeastern schools are not docu-
mented in inscriptional evidence until the middle of the third century C.E. The
Manjusrimulakalpa's identification of Nagarjunikonda, Amaravati, and other
southeastern sites as important centers of the Mahayana is also problematic in
view of the evidence: in spite of the existence of many inscriptions in these places
dating from the third century, none mentions the Mahayana; and, in fact, the first
solid evidence for Mahayana centers in these areas does not occur until the sev-
enth century, in Chinese pilgrim reports. The association of Nagarjuna with Na-
garjunikonda is also of uncertain value, because no inscriptions containing Nagar-
juna's name have turned up at this location (although one does survive from
Amaravati), because there are legends that also link him with the northwest, and
because the most important works attributed to him betray a northwestern origin.
These points do not necessarily disprove a southeastern origin for the Mahayana,
but they make such an origin uncertain at best.
406 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Lamotte, along with some other scholars,17 favors a later, northwestern locale
as most likely for the origins of the Mahayana. Hirakawa summarizes some of
the evidence typically cited by scholars favoring this alternative. For example,
Nagarjuna utilized a number of Sarvastivadin doctrines. In particular, the notion
of the Tripitaka that he uses is Sarvastivadin (Hirakawa 1963, 59). The vinaya
system included in the Mahdprajndpdramitd Sdstra coincides with the Sarvasti-
vadin vinaya (59). The text also cites Sarvastivadin abhidharma works and, al-
though Nagarjuna was familiar with a variety of abhidharmas, the doctrines uti-
lized by the Mahdprajndpdramitd Sdstra are drawn primarily from the Sarvastivada
(60). Finally, the text also contains a number of specifically Sarvastivadin doc-
trines (60). Lamotte, in his "Sur la formation du Mahayana" (1954), puts forward
additional evidence in favor of northwestern origins.18 The Manjusrimulakalpa,
for example, tells us that it was under Kaniska that the Prajnaparamita became
established in the northwest. We also read that under the son of Kaniska, both
laypeople and renunciants taught the Mahayana in the northwest. However the
historicity of these legends may be evaluated, they show the Mahayana's own
view of the importance of the northwest in its own development. Also at this time,
various texts appeared in the northwest, including the Ratnakuta, the Avatamsaka,
the Lankdvatdra, and the Dharmasamglti. A text translated into Chinese in the
sixth century mentions eleven centers of the Mahayana, and, Lamotte says, it is
remarkable that seven are situated in the northwest, in Kusana territory (1954,
390).
In addition, Lamotte points out that although certain legends connect Nagar-
juna with the southeast, the texts actually attributed to him ' 'betray on every page
their northern origin." According to Demieville, for example, the Upadesa (Ma-
hdprajndpdramitd Sdstra) was certainly redacted in the northwest and most likely
by authors nourished by Sarvastivadin or Mulasarvastivadin tradition. This work
is well acquainted with the great Kusana empire and gives geographical and eth-
nologic information that links it with the northwest. It refers to scriptures exclu-
sively of the Sarvastivada-Vaibhasika of the northwest: the Sanskrit version of the
dgamas, the vinayas of the Sarvastivadins and Mulasarvastivadins, the Jnd-
naprasthdna of Katyayana, and the Vibhdsd of the Kashmiri arhants. The Jdtaka
and Avaddna to which it makes reference similarly show a northwestern venue.
"Finally and above all, all the doctrinal analyses of the Upadesa unfold within
the framework of Sarvastivadin categories and terms, and it is always in direct
opposition to the system of Katyayana that it wants to insist on the superiority of
its own position." Lamotte also cites the assessments of Buddhist monasteries in
the northwest made by Fa-hsien in the fifth century and Hsiian-tsang in the seventh
century, which show the Mahayana monasteries to be flourishing there as nowhere
else in India. This can leave little doubt, Lamotte tells us, about the important
role played by the Kusana states in the formation of the Mahayana (1954, 390-
92). Let us consider the seemingly conflicting evidence just reviewed in light of
the perspectives being developed in this study and particularly in terms of the
Mahayana siitras we have examined.
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 407
stupas implicated one way or another in all early evidence of the Mahayana, but
such, as Schopen points out, is not the case.21 In Hirakawa's evidence, the forest-
renunciant bodhisattva is connected with the stupa, but in the Ratnagunasamca-
yagdthd, the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra, and the Samdhinirmocana Sutra, this
figure is shown living a religious life in which stupas play little or no role. In
addition, in those traditions discussed in Chapter 10 oriented to the cult of the
book, the stupa is likewise not prominent.
The idea that what eventually came to be understood as the Mahayana origi-
nated as a tradition of forest saints and their devotees helps lead us to a fresh
appreciation of some of the evidence of the early Mahayana. For example, Har-
rison notes the fact that early Mahayana sutras do not show a strong sense of self-
conscious identity as over and against the "HInayana" (1987, 73). Such a lack of
self-conscious identity is what one would expect from groups of forest renunciants
who have no strong institutional focus, are spread out in remote areas, and spend
their time in meditation. It may well not have been until the Mahayana became
significantly monasticized and thereby developed cohesion and centripetalism, that
its identity as a particular vehicle took definitive shape. Harrison also mentions
that the Mahayana remained a minority movement in India for a long time, as
seen in the reports of the Chinese pilgrims, and "in its infancy was probably even
more insignificant numerically" (80). This is, again, what one would expect of a
tradition of forest saints and their devotees that became monasticized only rela-
tively late in its developmental history. It is likely that the Mahayana began to
become numerically significant only when the process of monasticization had gained
some momentum.
The hypothesis of a forest origin of the Mahayana also makes sense in terms
of the locale frequently mentioned for the preaching of Mahayana sutras—
Grdhrakutaparvata, "Vulture Peak Mountain," near Rajagrha. Conze wryly notes
that among the various theories of the place of origin of the Mahayana, no one
has looked to Vulture Peak Mountain.22 It may be that this frequent reference
locates the origins of the Mahayana not geographically (although this can perhaps
not be automatically ruled out) but rather in terms of religious context, in this case
that of the forest Buddhism associated with this locale. For Vulture Peak Moun-
tain is, Conze tells us, "a particularly desolate district, all stones and empty air"
(1973b, xiv). Walters remarks similarly that the image of Vulture Peak Mountain
in the literature is one of "natural caves, large and small" and that from the
earliest days of Buddhism it was particularly known as a retreat for meditat-
ing renunciants (1904-5, 2:151-52). We are told in the Mahdprajndpd-
ramitd Sdstra that it is particularly on Vulture Peak Mountain that the realized
saints (drya) and the meditators (dhydyin) dwell. In Hsuan-tsang's time, the place
still retained this character and continued to be known for the various great saints
who meditated there, including the Buddha and his major disciples. Also on the
mountain is the cave identified by Hsiian-tsang as the place where the Buddha
preached the Saddharmapundarika Sutra and by Fa-hsien as the site where the
Surangamasamddhi Sutra was delivered (Lamotte 1980, 190ff.). In light of the
previous discussion, it may be suggested that the statements that certain important
Mahayana sutras were preached by the Buddha on Vulture Peak Mountain are a
410 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
padhyaya 1970, 92-93]). Although the literal accuracy of these legends may be
doubted, they reflect the Mahay ana belief—perhaps memory—that the institution-
alization of the Mahay ana took place first in the northwest. The specific mention
of significant royal patronage may also represent memories of actual events. It
stands to reason that kings most typically become patrons of Buddhist schools
when those schools already possess institutional form and strength. It seems likely
that the stories about Kaniska really tell us not about the absolute origins of the
Mahay ana as such but about the successes of the Mahay ana as an institutionalized,
monastic tradition.27
Similarly, the fact that important Mahayana sutras come to light in the north-
west is not necessarily evidence of their original composition, but may rather
reflect their propagation and popularization. The widespread writing down and
translation of texts in the northwest after Kaniska suggests that at that time there
was a strong Mahayana monastic tradition in that region able to support such
activity.28 Along the same lines, the scholastic works of the Madhyamaka cited
by Lamotte and others as betraying a northwestern locale presuppose settled mo-
nastic life, with its availability of written texts, ability to train monastic scholars,
context of textual study and debate, and general priority of textual scholarship.
The formulation of the Mahayana canon in Northwestern categories points in the
same direction, as the collection and codification of texts implies the influence of
settled monasticism. Finally, the Chinese pilgrims' affirmations that the greatest
strength of Mahayana monasticism was in the northwest similarly seem to confirm
the hypothesis that this region provided the early hub of Mahayana monasticism,
as does Lamotte's citation of the statement that seven of the eleven main centers
of the Mahayana were in the northwest.
When might this northwestern monasticization of the Mahayana have taken
place? As we have seen, legend connects this process with the rule of King Ka-
niska, in the late first or early second century C.E. However, although we may
perhaps trust the bare report of significant northwestern royal patronage as a key
factor in the development of Mahayana monasticism, the traditional association of
the flourishing of the Mahayana with Kaniska is questionable. To begin with, this
notion must be evaluated in light of the fact that Buddhist legendary tradition
tends to assimilate historical figures to certain paradigmatic types and personali-
ties, whether saintly, scholarly, or royal. The association of the consolidation and
popularization of the Mahayana with Kaniska may reflect such an assimilation
rather than literal historical fact. A first-century date for Mahayana monasticiza-
tion is doubtful on several specific grounds. First, as noted, the third-century Vi-
bhdsd makes no reference to the Mahayana, and this at least suggests that at that
time the Mahayana was not seen by at least one important Nikaya school as a
significant monastic rival.29 In addition, archaeological remains tend to go along
with institutional Buddhism,30 and apart from one image of Amitabha, the signif-
icance of which is unclear,31 there are no archaeological finds in the northwest
that even suggest the existence of an institutionalized Mahayana during the Ku-
sana period (778-320 C.E.). Summarizing the testimony of the epigraphical evi-
dence, Schopen remarks that the Mahayana "attracted absolutely no documented
public or popular support [prior to the fourth century]. . . . It is again a demon-
412 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
strable fact that anything even approaching popular support for the Mahayana
cannot be documented until the 4th/5th century AD"32 (1987c, 124-25) (emphasis
in original).
However, in and after the fourth century, we see a dramatic shift in the evi-
dence. (1) As noted, in Lamotte's report, a sixth-century Chinese text specifies a
number of Mahayanist centers, suggesting that by this time Mahayana monasti-
cism was a fact of Indian Buddhist life. (2) Hirakawa mentions a reference in the
Yogacdrabhumisdstra, dating from the fourth century, specifically identifying the
bodhisattva as a monastic: "The bodhisattva is to be ordained by the rules of the
vinaya, receiving upasampadd and observing prdtimoksa (250 siksdpada) together
with the srdvakaydna bhiksu" (1963, 73). (3) Schopen draws our attention to
inscriptional evidence confirming the fourth century as a time when there are mon-
asteries known as Mahayanist. Thus, in the fourth century and after, we find the
terms sdkyabhiksu and sdkyabhiksuni in wide use specifically referring to Maha-
yanist monastics. In addition, a set of Mahayanist inscriptions dating from this
same period mentions vihdrasvdmin and vihdrasvdminl, reflecting monasteries as-
sociated with the Mahayana movement.33 (4) With the Gupta period (320-500
C.E.), archaeological evidence of the Mahayana begins to appear (Nakamura 1987c,
146). (5) Fa-hsien's fifth-century report makes several references to Mahayana
Buddhism as a monastic movement in the northwest,34 and Hsuan-tsang's35 and
I-ching's seventh-century reports reveal more substantial evidence of Mahayana
monasticism (Dutt 1962, 175),36 although even at this time, Nikaya monasteries
outnumbered those of the Mahayana (169). These scattered pieces of evidence
converge and indicate that, by the fourth century, the Mahayana was developing
or had developed a significant monastic side.37
We have previously seen that the forest Mahayana sometimes defines its own
"way" in contrast to that of the srdvakas by emphasizing differences in lifestyle
and preoccupation. The thoroughness of the monasticization eventually undergone
by the Mahayana is perhaps reflected in the seventh century by I-ching, who,
wishing to contrast the "HInayana" and Mahayana, does not mention lifestyle or
preoccupations as important features: "Those who worship the bodhisattva and
read the Mahayana sutras are called Mahay anists, while those who do not perform
these are called HInayanists. There are two kinds of the so-called Mahayana: first,
the Madhyamika; second, the Yoga" (Takakusu 1896, 15). In this observation,
"HInayanists" and Mahayanists are to be distinguished not by lifestyle, but only
by preferred texts and objects of worship. This seems to reflect a time when the
Mahayana has become monasticized and is identified, at least in the mind of the
Chinese pilgrim, as an essentially settled monastic tradition.
The preceding evidence suggests a two-stage development in the evolution of
Indian Mahayana Buddhism. In the first stage, the Mahayana arose as a forest
movement. This early Mahayana cannot be dated with any precision, although
Conze's date of the second or first century B.C.E. seems not unreasonable. In the
second stage, which occurred some centuries later, perhaps in the late third and
fourth centuries, we find the Mahayana developing a monastic side, which is re-
flected in the evidence from the northwest.38 By the seventh century, Mahayana
monasticism is well established, particularly in the northwest.39
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 413
ing to find the Buddhist monastery and its monks willing and able to appropriate
and assimilate forms of Buddhist religious life that originally have reflected a
different environment. In this instance, Nikaya monasticism showed an ability to
incorporate and assimilate the traditions of the originally nonmonastic Mahayana,
including the forest Mahayana. The efficacy of this strategy is shown in the great
success that Mahayana monasticism eventually came to have in India and beyond.
Most interesting in such cases of monastic assimilation is the mutual transforma-
tion that occurs in both assimilator and that which is assimilated. It may be argued
that the identity of the monastic traditions into which the Mahayana entered was
markedly changed by the process. It may equally be argued that the Mahayana
was also dramatically transformed by being converted from a forest tradition to
one predominantly of settled monasticism.
This discussion has so far treated the early, premonastic phase of the Maha-
yana as if it were coterminous with the forest Mahayana. However, it may be
recalled that the lay devotee is necessarily implied by the type of the forest ren-
unciant (Chapter 2); and, in fact, we have noticed lay Mahayanists standing in the
background of the Mahayana forest texts examined above (Chapter 8). Several of
the Mahayana texts explicitly admit the existence of two legitimate bodhisattva
ideals, that of the forest renunciant and that of the layperson. It will also be
recalled that, among the forest Mahayana texts, there is considerable diversity in
both perspective and terminology. There is a variety of additional evidence sug-
gesting that the situation of the premonastic Mahayana may have been even more
complex. In some Mahayana literature reflecting a nonmonastic and perhaps pre-
monastic context, we find the lay bodhisattva ideal presented not in close depen-
dence on the forest renunciant but as a more freestanding ideal. This does not
necessarily mean that individuals following such traditions did not have forest
gurus, but it does show that the lay ideal was sometimes understood as being a
relatively independent and in some cases even unsurpassed option for the bodhi-
sattva. For example, it is mentioned in the prose Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd
Sutra (as we saw in Chapter 8) that birth in Madhyadesa, in large towns where
civilized values predominate, is appropriate for the high-level bodhisattva; this
seems to suggest that some trends of the early Mahayana occurred in urban set-
tings. Perhaps not unrelated, another type of nonmonastic but also nonforest con-
text is implied by a text such as the Vimalaklrtinirdesa Sutra, in which a lay
bodhisattva ideal is advanced as preferable. Another important dimension of the
early Mahayana, the cult of the book, similarly appears in at least some manifes-
tations to exist independent of classical monasticism but not necessarily to imply
a forest context.42 Yet another setting already mentioned is that of the stupa. In
spite of the forest connections that can be found in some evidence of the stupa, it
is reasonable to assume that, as many have argued, there were stupa traditions
managed primarily by and for laypersons.43 Such, perhaps, lies behind texts like
the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra and, if Hirakawa is right, the smaller Sukhdvati
Sutra and possibly also, following Wayman, the Srlmdlddevisimhanada Sutra.44
This kind of evidence suggests that in addition to the two main kinds of origins
of the Mahayana (nonmonastic and monastic), the early nonmonastic Mahayana
must itself be understood as exhibiting some diversity of type.
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 415
Such diversity would have been encouraged by the very structure of the early
tradition, as reflected in the Mahay ana sutras.45 Schopen, in his study of the cult
of the book in the Mahayana, suggests a plausible picture of the early Mahayana,
remarking that,
since each text placed itself at the center of its own cult, early Mahayana (from
a sociological point of view), rather than being an identifiable single group, was
in the beginning a loose federation of a number of distinct though related cults,
all of the same pattern, but each associated with its specific text. (1975, 181)
More recently, Nakamura has suggested a similar scenario: that individual Ma-
hayana traditions often possessed a central text, seen as a complete and self-sufficient
expression of the dharma:
Unlike the various recensions of the Hmayana canon, which were virtually closed
by the early centuries of the common era and which shared, at least ideally, a
common structure . . . , the Mahayana scriptures were composed in a variety of
disparate social and religious environments over the course of several centuries,
diverge widely from each other in content and outlook, and were in many cases
meant to stand as individual works representing (it has been conjectured) rivals
to the entire Hmayana corpus. (1987b, 461)
These texts, when taken together, would give evidence of what Harrison terms
the "astonishingly prolific literary creativity" of the early Mahayana (1987, 80),
in spite of the fact that it was a minority movement and, as we have seen, archae-
ologically undocumented until a relatively advanced stage in its Indian history.
This leads to the question of how the various forest-renunciant and other trends
may have come to understand themselves as belonging to the orientation later
designated as Mahayana. It is significant that these trends all represent manifes-
tations of a widespread resurgence of the cult (including both emulation and ado-
ration)46 of the Buddha. Let us recall that the ideal of the bodhisattva—always
understood, of course, as leading to and thus inseparable from that of the bud-
dha—figured importantly in all trends later identified as Mahayanist. This leads to
the hypothesis that the cult of the bodhisattva-buddha provided the common refer-
ence point in terms of which the various trends now identified as Mahayanist were
able eventually to fashion a coherent sense of Mahayana self-identity.47 As we
have seen, the bodhisattva notion appears with two rather distinct meanings among
those traditions later identified as Mahayanist. On the one hand, in texts such as
the Ratnagunasamcayagdthd, the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra, the Sam-
dhinirmocana Sutra, and the Lankdvatdra Sutra, the bodhisattva is presented as
an ideal to be emulated: salvation is obtained by becoming a bodhisattva and
following the bodhisattva path to full buddhahood. On the other hand, in the
Saddharmapundarika Sutra and Pure Land texts, the bodhisattva-buddha is an
object of devotion: one advances toward salvation primarily by recollecting and
adoring the great celestial bodhisattvas and buddhas. The development of a self-
conscious Mahayana identity built around the bodhisattva-buddha ideal, then, per-
haps included two (at least conceptually) identifiable phases, one in which a sense
of close kinship developed among the members of each of these two great families
416 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
and one in which these two great families recognized in one another a common
orientation, although in each the bodhisattva ideal performed somewhat different
functions. In sum, then, the Mahayana can be seen as the recoalescence under a
single rubric (Mahayana) of trends, each of which had its origins in the cult of
the buddha.
The fact that a self-conscious Mahayana identity arose relatively late in the
history of the traditions that the term eventually came to designate raises the ques-
tions of why this identity did not appear earlier and why it developed when it did.
As is well known, many Mahayana sutras—and not just those reflecting a forest
Mahayana—exhibit a defensiveness toward the Sravakayana (sometimes also the
Pratyekabuddhayana) or the "Hmayana"; in the texts the Mahayana is evidently
being criticized by these non-Mahayanists. Moreover, as we have seen, those
making these critiques are frequently depicted as settled monastics. This raises the
interesting possibility that such attacks against the trends later identified as Ma-
hay anist became common and, in fact, helped to galvanize those trends into a
sense of collective identity. This development would have been facilitated by two
facts: these proto-Mahayana trends already shared common ground as develop-
ments of the cult of the bodhisattva-buddha; and Buddhist monasticism possessed
a distinct and unique institutional form, something that the proto-Mahayana trends
were all alike in not possessing. There is also something ironic in the formulation
of a coherent Mahayana identity, for, as suggested above, it seems to have come
about at roughly the time that the Mahayana itself became monasticized. But this
is not entirely surprising, as self-conscious religious identity, particularly of a
doctrinal nature, is facilitated by institutionalization and scholasticism—character-
istics of Buddhist monasticism.
In support of the hypothesis that the trends now identified as Mahayanist owe
their origins to the cult of the bodhisattva-buddha, it may be observed that the
various trends, diverse as they may now appear, can be seen to represent one or
another development of this cultic type. Thus, the early traditions of forest ren-
unciation are retained in the Mahayana in the person and cult of the bodhisattva
of the forest. The trends manifest in traditions that evince a particular connection
with the stupa cult—such as the Saddharmapundanka Sutra, the smaller Sukhd-
vatlvyuha Sutra, and perhaps also the Srimdlddevlsimhandda Sutra—and that
derive from the worship of the Buddha's body, and thus his essence, in its passed-
beyond condition thus represent different transformations of the cult of the bodhi-
sattva-buddha. Other trends, such as the cult of the image, can equally be seen as
developments of the stupa cult. If the cult of the book is not a transformation of
the stupa cult, it functions like a stupa in making the saint present. Still other
trends, as evidenced in the Astasdhasrikdprajndpdramitd Sutra, represent a focus
on the pure wisdom of the saints. This way of looking at the evidence suggests
that of the various forms of the early Mahayana, the forest saint in classical con-
figuration is structurally the simplest and probably historically the oldest. At the
same time, it may be noted that this priority is only a historical one, for each of
the other forms represents an integral symbolic and cultic transformation by which
it is able to retain and transmit the full charisma of the original form.
Some scholars would like to see the Mahayana as, in Migot's words, "a her-
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 417
As we have seen in the preceding pages, the Buddhist monastery, once estab-
lished, tended to move more and more to center stage, appropriating elements of
forest Buddhism and even sometimes supplanting forest Buddhism itself. This
process of monasticization did not, of course, go unnoticed by the forest renun-
ciant traditions, and in some of the texts we have observed an apprehension at
what the forest traditions regard as certain ominous effects of the decline of the
forest life in favor of the settled, communal renunciant life of Buddhist monasti-
cism. Devadatta's schism, of course, provides an early expression of this senti-
ment, which reaches such an extreme that—if the sources are accurate—it led at
least one renunciant tradition to separate from developing Buddhism altogether.
For those forest traditions that remained within the Buddhist fold, however, this
apprehension took the shape of a particular interpretation of history found in both
Nikaya and Mahayanist evidence in references to the pascimakdla (P., pacchi-
makdld) (the final or latter times), in which the dharma of the Buddha will be
eroded and even disappear from the earth. Texts such as the Theragdthd, the
Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra, and the minor Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra refer to
these evil days; the mention in the Ratnagunasamcayagdthd is more indirect.49 In
general, these texts provide a coherent and consistent explanation that attributes
the demise of the dharma to the disappearance of the way of life of the forest
renunciant and the rise to dominance of the values and preoccupations associated
with settled monasticism.
418 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
As we have seen, in the song of Phussa, the saint describes the decay of the
dharma in the future, in the latter times (pacchimakala) (Ta 977). In the future,
there will be bhiksus who, finding life in the forest too difficult, will take up their
residence in villages. They will be lazy, self-indulgent, and garrulous. They will
be conceited and arrogant. They will have no respect for their teachers. They will
argue with one another. These will not deserve the yellow robe of the Buddhist
renunciant. This will be a very fearful time. Such will be the latter days of the
dharma. It seems clear, as noted, that this description of the latter days is a pro-
jection into the future of a process that was well under way at the time of the
composition of this song. This interpretation is corroborated, as noted, by the song
of Parapariya, which is found next to that of Phussa and echoes the very same
themes, also explicitly mentioning pacchimakala (Ta 947), with the important
difference that Parapariya is not describing future events but ones occurring in his
own day. In this song, Parapariya laments the change that is occurring among
Buddhist renunciants as the forest-renunciant life is being overshadowed and grad-
ually eclipsed by settled monasticism. For Parapariya, "this is the time of evil
characteristics and defilements." He says, moreover, "because of the complete
annihilation of good characteristics and wisdom, the conqueror's teaching, en-
dowed with all excellent qualities, is destroyed" (Ta 929). For Parapariya, the
latter days have clearly already arrived. Nevertheless, even in these final times,
the authentic dharma (saddharma) may be practiced by the remnant, for "those
who are ready for seclusion possess the remainder of the true doctrine" (Ta 930).
We noted the same themes of the decay and destruction of the genuine dharma
in the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra. There, bhiksus are described who live in groups
and whose practices and values are undermining the genuine dharma. These bhi-
ksus preoccupy themselves with the appearance of behavioral purity, but they are
inwardly filled with greed, aggression, and confusion. These bhiksus moreover
strive after knowledge, but the knowledge they seek is impure and they are with-
out wisdom. Not only is the dharma practiced by the bhiksus a mere imitation of
the real thing, but the bhiksus show no respect for the real dharma. They neither
meditate nor possess the traits of one who is accomplished in meditation. They
have no respect for the gurus or other holy persons, they despise the gana of
bodhisattvas, and they have no use for the bodhisattva's codes of morality and
lifestyle, including the dhutagunas. Far from making progress toward liberation,
these bhiksus will be reborn in the lower realms, among animals, as hungry ghosts,
and in the hells. It is these bhiksus and their defiled behavior that will in a future
time lead to the destruction of the dharma and its disappearance from the earth.
The Theragdthd and the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra, as we saw, do not agree
about exactly who will bring about the downfall of the dharma. As might be
expected from Nikaya texts, the songs of the Theragdthd implicitly recognize two
sorts of bhiksus: one upholds the genuine dharma by living in the forest, the other
departs from this way and will eventually bring about the ruin of the dharma. For
the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra, the forest ideal of the text is called a bodhisattva,
and the text presents what seems to be a blanket condemnation of bhiksus, imply-
ing that the bhiksus as such will lead to the destruction of the dharma. As the
Mahayana as reflected in the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra is a nonmonastic tradi-
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 419
tion, in identifying bhiksus as responsible for the ruin of the dharma, the text
comes very close to condemning the Nikaya traditions as such.
The minor Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra, in its final form, as we saw in the
Appendix to Chapter 8, also talks about the latter times and the destruction of the
dharma—in fact, this issue is given as the pretext for the Buddha's preaching
the sutra in the first place. The interlocutor asks the Buddha, "Exalted One, of
what character are the beings that bring the teaching of the tathdgata to ruin?"
As we saw, the minor Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra replies in a way quite differen
from the kind of blanket condemnation found in the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra.
Making explicit what is implicit in the longer text, it defines bhiksus as those
renunciants who belong to the Sravakayana and who follow the prdtimoksa. The
shorter text continues that it is not the Sravakayana as such that will lead to the
ruin of the dharma, but those bhiksus of the Sravakayana who have abandoned
the way of forest renunciation and its pursuit of solitary meditation. Those bhiksus
who follow the normative way of forest renunciation are very close to the bodhi-
sattva of the forest, differing only in discipline (the bhiksus follow the prdti-
moksa), aspiration (they seek their own liberation), and attainment (they attain to
one of the four classes of holy persons).50 On the other hand, those who will
destroy the dharma are bhiksus who have abandoned the life of forest renunciation
and follow a way concordant with settled monasticism. Although the shorter Rds-
trapdla Sutra disagrees with the longer on the precise historical identity of the
person who will bring about the destruction of the dharma, it entirely agrees as to
the type: it is the renunciant who has rejected the normative life of forest renun-
ciation, given up the meditative life, and is following other pursuits.51 In sum,
the texts cited here, deriving from different traditions but all reflecting an ideal of
forest renunciation, provide a simple, coherent, and consistent explanation of the
reasons for the destruction of the dharma. This tragic event will occur as a result
of the abandonment of the forest life on the part of Buddhist renunciants, a pro-
cess that is already under way.
These texts share a common understanding of Buddhist history, which they
see as following a particular temporal progression: first, the dharma is practiced
in a pure form by forest renunciants, following the model of the Buddha and
taught by him, including life in the forest, the practice of meditation, and the
attainment of realization. Second, the dharma enters into decline, during which
the forest life and meditation are replaced by other lifestyles and preoccupations,
including an emphasis on pure behavior, the scholarly study of texts, and worldly
involvements. Finally, as a result of this decline, the authentic dharma will even-
tually suffer destruction.
The theme of the decline of the dharma is, of course, an important one in
Indian Buddhism from, according to Conze, 200 B.C.E. onward (1951, 114).52
Indeed, the passages on this theme in the Theragdthd suggest that this concern
may be older. In any case, the texts cited represent only a small portion of the
corpus of texts dealing with pascimakdla, most of which postdate these texts.
However, it is interesting that in many of these other texts, there are substantial
thematic continuities with the discussion in the forest-oriented texts just exam-
ined.53 For example, the Milindapanha (130-34 [T.R. 1890-94, 1:186-90]) tells
420 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
us that as the dharma declines, the first to disappear will be the degrees of holiness
(adhigama, attainment), followed by practice (patipatti),54 and finally by even the
external signs of Buddhism (linga). The Manorathapura.nl (Mrp 1.87 [Lamotte
1958, 216]) describes the dharma's decline in a slightly more elaborate but similar
scheme: first holiness will disappear (adhigama), followed progressively by the
disappearance of practice (patipatti), study (pariyatti), the external signs (nimitta)
of the religious, and finally the relics (dhdtu). The Mdtrkd of the Haimavata holds
that the dharma will disappear after five hundred years according to yet another,
but similar set of stages. It attributes to each of the five centuries of the dharma's
life a predominant concern, in order: (1) liberation (vimoksa); (2) meditation (sa-
mddhi); (3) behavioral purity (slladhara); (4) textual learning (bahusruta); and (5)
material offerings (ddna) (Lamotte 1958, 212). In a similar vein, the Mahdsam-
nipdta Sutra, which predicts the end of the dharma after twenty-five hundred years,
divides the decline of the dharma into five five-hundred-year periods, during which
the faithful are strong in (1) direct realization of the truth (satydbhisamaya); (2)
meditation (samddhi, dhydna); (3) textual learning (sruta); (4) building monaster-
ies; and (5) quarrels and blame, at which time the pure dharma becomes invisible
(Lamotte 1958, 214-15).55 Finally, a short Mahdparinirvdna Sutra in Chinese
holds that the dharma will disappear in one thousand years, with each century in
the decline being characterized by a particular feature: (1) the holy dharma (drya-
dharma); (2) the practice of meditation (samatha); (3) correct behavior (samyak-
carita); (4) renunciation (vairdgya); (5) interpretation of the dharma (dharmdr-
tha);56 (6) teaching of the dharma (dharmadesand); (7) honor and gain
(Idbhasatkdra); (8) disputation (vivdda); (9) agitation (auddhatya);51 and (10) wrong
conceptualization (prapanca).
These different traditions agree on some basic points: the dharma was initially
presented in its integrity and, soon after, began to undergo a progressive degen-
eration. In its integrity, the dharma was marked by realization and practice of
meditation, but as it gradually declined, other progressively grosser motivations
began to take over. Thus, the initial period of realization is followed by one of
meditation, and this is followed either by a decline into behavioral purity thence
to scholarship or directly into scholarship. Following this, the dharma declines
into its complete submergence in mundane motivations and degraded behavior.
These later, not specifically forest-oriented texts, then, generally agree with
the patterns seen in the forest-oriented texts. The dharma is in decline and will
disappear, owing to the movement among renunciants away from concern for the
original tradition of meditation and realization. Renunciants will turn toward other,
less holy preoccupations, among which concern for behavioral purity, scholarship,
teaching, and the building of monasteries are mentioned. These certainly are con-
sistent with a movement away from the life of forest renunciation to that of settled
monasticism. This movement, in turn, provides the ground for more worldly man-
ifestations of defilement, greed for material gain, the seeking of honor, and delight
in disputation and blame—a pattern and themes found less systematically in the
songs of Phussa and Parapariya in the Theragdthd and in the Rdstrapdlapari-
prcchd Sutra and the minor Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra.
The later texts appear not explicitly to equate the decline and destruction of
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 421
the dharma with the abandonment of the forest life and the rise to dominance of
settled monasticism. However, they detail the very same themes described in the
sutras in which such an interpretation is explicitly given. This raises the fascinat-
ing question of the relation of the unsystematized discussions of the disappearance
of the dharma in the forest-oriented texts with the later, more systematic accounts.
Did the Buddhist idea of the disappearance of the dharma originally develop among
traditions of forest renunciation as their response to the rise to dominance of set-
tled monasticism? Texts such as the Theragdthd, the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra,
and the minor Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra certainly suggest such a possibility.
likewise the fixing of the teaching, occurred only after the death of the founder
and against his own intentions" (223). But, one must ask, to what extent is such
a conclusion justified by the evidence of Buddhism itself?
For Weber, charisma is an antiorganizational, antieconomic, and, finally, aso-
cial force. In reference to this latter, Weber tells us that in Buddhism "salvation
is an absolutely personal performance of the self-reliant individual. No one, and
particularly no social community can help him. The specific asocial character of
all genuine mysticism is here carried to its maximum" (1958, 213). For Weber,
given this understanding of charisma in Buddhism, when social, institutional, eco-
nomic, and political considerations obtrude, such charisma is routinized, that is,
changed into something else. Here Weber makes a number of judgments that are
unproved assumptions. He assumes, for example, that the charismatic Buddha and
his earliest disciples were unconcerned with social approbation, economic sur-
vival, communal organization and hierarchy, political relations, and so on. Is this
assumption justifiable?
We are told by unanimous tradition that the Buddha taught precisely so that
his teachings might reach "the many." We may judge the absolutism of the two-
tiered model of Buddhism to be unacceptable; but it would seem to be an unwar-
ranted further assumption that the Buddha totally rejected any notion of commu-
nity, hierarchy of disciples, or stabilized relations to society and state as having a
legitimate role in the spread of his teachings. Although in later Buddhist history,
charismatic Buddhist saints characteristically showed less or at least a different
kind of concern for such matters from that shown by monastic personnel, it cannot
be said that they were universally indifferent to issues of this kind. To take We-
ber's position is to assume that the Buddha and those among his disciples who
carried on his type were necessarily indifferent to the survival of Buddhism, and
nothing in Buddhist tradition warrants such an assumption.
Further, Weber assumes that the charismatic nature of early Buddhism—in-
deed, of "all genuine mysticisms"—is necessarily inimical to communal forms.
He further assumes that communal structures can have nothing but a negative
relation to charismatic saints. Nowhere does he allow for the possibility of a pos-
itive relationship between monastic life and the development of the saint or char-
ismatic leader. Weber is surely right that the kinds of structures that occur in
Buddhist monastic tradition can militate against charisma, but is it correct to say
that they do so necessarily in every case?
Third, in a similar way, Weber takes for granted the incompatibility of spiri-
tual motivations and social, political, and economic motivations among the disci-
ples of the Buddha, and he assumes that a concern among the disciples for the
continuation and stability of the tradition must have been anticharismatic. Again,
one must ask, must genuinely spiritual and other motivations be deemed necessar-
ily incompatible? In the end, in rejecting the substantialism of the two-tiered model
of Buddhism, Weber has reintroduced a substantialism that is its mirror opposite.
Weber assumes that the monastery, under any and all conditions, runs counter to
the charismatic teaching of the Buddha and that the kinds of concerns that char-
acterize monastic Buddhism are inherently contradictory to spiritual charisma in
all applications. In effect, Weber attempts to set up one particular form—here, his
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 423
Notes
1. Those few scholars who have seen forest renunciation as a significant factor in
earliest Buddhism have tended to prefer the first alternative, that town-and-village renun-
ciation formed no part of the original teaching of the Buddha. See, e.g., Nakamura 1987c,
58-59.
2. The Nikaya Buddhist texts that depict the Buddha preaching to large crowds, hav-
ing the ears of regional potentates, and accepting donations for large monasteries appear to
reflect the situation of Indian Buddhism at some historical remove from the time of the
Buddha. In any case, as mentioned in Chapter 2, it cannot simply be assumed that these
images reflect the time period of the Buddha, or even the generations immediately follow-
ing his death.
3. Well established in the time of the Buddha (Thapar 1975, 123).
4. These two concerns were, of course, deeply rooted in orthodox tradition since the
Vedic period. The sacrificial ritual depended for its efficacy upon both the knowledge and
424 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
the purity of the officiating priests. On the one hand, the priest was expected to have a
thorough and accurate knowledge of the texts wherein were detailed the facets of the prep-
aration and celebration of the sacrifice; on the other, he had to maintain himself in a
condition of ritual purity. The patron, on whose behalf the sacrifice was performed, was
dependent, of course, on the brahmin priest's efficacious performance of the sacrifice, not
only to attain the desired ends for which the rite was being performed, but also to avoid
disastrous consequences to himself should mistakes be made. Thus, for the lay patron, full
confidence in the learning and purity of the priest was crucial to the priest's prestige.
5. In two recent articles, Gombrich has agreed with the general drift of Frauwallner's
reasoning: "It would never have occurred to the Buddhists that such a feat of preservation
[of texts] was even possible had they not had before them the example of the brahmins"
(1990b, 23); and, "The Buddhists had to emulate the brahmins by preserving a large body
of texts" (1990a, 6).
6. Przyluski comes to different conclusions, for which see 1923, 292-93.
7. Although in theory the Mahay ana admits the spiritual capacities of women, Ma-
hayana monasticism would seem to reproduce many of the attitudes and beliefs in relation
to women found in non-Mahayana monastic tradition. Such is clearly exemplified in San-
tideva's Bodhicarydvatdra, especially chapter 8 (Bca 136-66 [Matics 1970, 194-210;
Batchelor 1979, 99-130]), and in the fact that the great Mahayanist scholastic authors are
all men. This, of course, contrasts with the sometimes positive role of women in Mahayana
sutras (Williams 1989, 21) and, more dramatically, with the appearance of women as
enlightened saints in Tantric Buddhism (Ray 1980).
8. It was not only at the beginning of Buddhist history that Buddhist monasticism
emulated patterns and methods of its non-Buddhist environment. For this same phenome-
non in the development of Madhyamaka, see Robinson 1967, 50.
9. It is, of course, a great irony of Buddhist history that the scholastic traditions of
the Abhidharma and Madhyamaka, for all the pains they took to develop Buddhist nonsub-
stantialism in the doctrinal sphere, found themselves criticized by the more contemplative
traditions for being substantialistic. Thus the Abhidharma is criticized by the Prajndpa-
ramitd Sutra for its substantialism (Conze 1954a). And the Madhyamaka emphasis on sun-
yatd is criticized for its substantialism (making sunyata into a "thing" or reference point),
sometimes explicitly, sometimes implicitly, by the Samdhinirmocana Siitra, by the classical
Yogacara, and by the Vajrayana allied with the gzhan.stong ("emptiness of other") tradi-
tion in Tibet (Ray 1988).
10. The fact that the development of the town-and-village monastery was at least par-
tially a result of altruistic motives is suggested by the set of five rules that are attributed to
Devadatta in the Mulasarvastivadin vinaya. These rules, it will be recalled, have to do with
acting in a compassionate manner to sentient beings, both humans and animals. The first
four rules involve: (1) the avoidance of taking milk and curds because to do so would harm
calves; (2) the avoidance of eating meat because to do so would implicate one in the injury
of sentient beings; (3) the avoidance of salt because it is produced by sweat; and (4) the
avoidance of wearing a certain kind of robe so as not to disrupt the weavers' trade. The
fifth rule is very interesting in the present context: "The sramana Gautama lives in the
wilds; but we will live in villages because by his practice men cannot perform works of
charity" (V-t, D., 'dul.ba, nga, 289a-b [R., 87-88]). In other words, this rule explicitly
gives as the motivation for living not in the forest but in villages the benefiting of the laity.
11. This "free and wandering" characterization would have applied to both forest re-
nunciation and town-and-village renunciation.
12. In the Mahdparinibbdna Sutta, for example, the Buddha is quoted as saying, "When
I used to enter into an assembly of many hundred nobles, before I had seated myself there
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 425
or talked to them or started a conversation with them, I used to become in colour like unto
their colour, and in voice like unto their voice" (Mps-p 3.21-23). In the Bodhisattvabhumi
of Asanga we read that the bodhisattva, when he enters into an assembly, assumes the
character of those in the assembly, adopting their physical appearance, speaking in their
manner, and taking up the subjects that they deem important (Bbh 12-13). The phrasing
in the two texts is very similar.
13. Jensen 1963, 4, 6, 43, and passim. Jensen pertinently comments, "Every human
usage arose at some moment of history . . . at the time of its origination it was an 'expres-
sion' of a very specific attitude toward the environment. . . . Like all other cultural phe-
nomena, customs relentlessly move from the 'expressive' stage into that of 'application.'
It is therefore necessary to examine any cultural configuration to see the extent to which it
has maintained contact with its original and proper meaning. According to an inescapable
law, anything that culture has created must grow more distant from the content of the
creative idea; finally, it will be only a pale reflection of its original 'expression' and may
even be transformed into its exact mirror image" (193-94).
14. See the remarks of Gombrich on this point (1990a, 6). Tatia informs us that during
the early period of Jain history renunciants were strictly prohibited from living in permanent
residences. Subsequently, these were built for Jain renunciants by their laity, under the
influence, Tatia believes, of Buddhist monasticism (1980, 327).
15. N. Dutt cites Asp. The passage in question reads, "Moreover, these sutras asso-
ciated with the six perfections will, after the passing away of the tathdgata, appear in the
South. From the South they will spread to the East, and from there to the North" (Asp
112.1-3 [Cz., 159]).
16. The evidence for a southeastern origin is given more fully and systematically by
Conze (1960, 9-11). In most discussions of Mahayana origins, Conze acknowledges the
debate between those preferring a southeastern and those favoring a northwestern locale
(for example, 1959, 297; 1960, 12; 1973b, xiv-xv; and 1980, 44). However, although
acknowledging both sides of the debate, Conze himself clearly prefers the southeast as the
place where the Mahayana first arose (see, for example, 1960, 9-12).
17. E.g., Basham 1981, 27-38; conclusions, 37-38.
18. Prior to taking this position, Lamotte favored a southern origin for the Mahayana.
In 1944-76, he remarks, "On a de bonnes raisons pour croire que les Mahayana sutra en
general, et les Prajna en particulier, proviennent du Sud (pays d'Andhra)" (25, n. 1). The
passage in question is found in vol. 1 (1944). The article under discussion was published
in 1954.
19. As Nakamura has suggested, a lack of archaeological evidence would be expected
from a tradition that was noninstitutional in character (1987c, 146).
20. It is a well-known fact that the earlier Northwestern schools (Lokottaravadin, Go-
kulika, Ekavyavaharika, Bahusrutiya, Prajnaptivadin) held doctrines most closely associ-
ated with the Mahayana, whereas the later Southeastern schools (Buddhaghosa's "An-
dhakas" [Caitika, Andhaka, Purvasaila . . .]) claimed derivation from the Sthavira and
were doctrinally much more dissimilar to the Mahayana. However, the Bahusrutiya had an
important center in southeast India and, in Bareau's view, acted as a connecting link joining
northwest and southeast. Bareau believes that although the Northwestern schools show the
closest doctrinal affinities to the Mahayana, their influence could have been felt in the
southeast. In addition, as Williams observes, "some form of supramundane teaching ap-
pears to have been common to all Mahasamghika schools, since it is found strongly stated
in the Purvasaila Lokanuvartana Sutra as well" (1989, 18).
In defense of his hypothesis, Bareau offers a strong critique of the theory of north-
western origins. It is true, Bareau says, that there is some significant evidence apparently
426 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
suggesting a northwestern origin. For example, one may point to the existence of Chin-
ese translations dating from the second century by Parthian, Sogdien, and Khotanese
monks. This tells us of the existence of a Buddhist community at this time outside of
India, in the northwest and north, but such is hardly proof of northwestern origins for the
Mahayana. This area existed on the trade route that would in any case be followed by
missionary monks going north from anywhere in India. Mahayanist missionaries from
the Deccan could easily have passed through northwest India, unnoticed by the Sarvasti-
vada. Again, Bareau says, it has often been argued that although the Sarvastivada does
not show significant affinities in the matter of buddhology with the Mahayana, still
there are important ontological continuities: the Sautrantika, it is typically argued, had a
notion of the emptiness of dharmas that became fundamental for the Mahayana. This
commonly held opinion Bareau strenuously rejects: "I declare that for my part I have never
encountered . . . any thesis like this attributed to the Sautrantika. I have the impression
that this idea is born from an incorrect interpretation and faulty generalization of a group
of theses propounded by the Sautrantika and the Darstantika." Bareau also points to an-
other misconception often brought forward to bolster up this position, namely, that the
Sautrantika and the Prajnaptivadin are to be identified as a single school. Then, he asks,
can one find Mahayana ontology prefigured in any of the Hlnayana schools? His answer
is that one can among the sects of the Mahasamghika group, and he offers an array of
evidence in support of this contention. Finally, Bareau makes brief allusion to, but does
not really discuss, perhaps the strongest evidence for northwestern origins, particularly
stressed by Lamotte—namely, the whole range of affinities between certain Madhyamaka
texts attributed to Nagarjuna and Sarvastivadin texts, textual categories, and doctrines.
Bareau concludes, then, that it appears that the Mahayana originated in the region north
of the Deccan, in Konkana, Orissa, and Mahakosala, among the subsects of the Maha-
samghika, and perhaps particularly among the Prajnaptivada and Bahusrutlya, who seem to
have formed a link between the older northern Mahasamghika and the later southeastern
Mahasamghika. Bareau also mentions that, according to Hsuan-tsang and I-ching, by the
seventh century the southern Mahasamghikas had disappeared, seeming to have been re-
placed by the Mahayana. Bareau feels that what must have occurred is that the Mahayana
grew out of the Mahasamghika sects, and then the Mahasamghika sects gradually them-
selves became Mahayanist. Thus, by the seventh century, the region proposed for Maha-
yana origins had ceased to be a stronghold for the Mahasamghika and became instead an
important Indian center of the Mahayana. To identify this as the area of Mahayana origins
is not, of course, to deny the importance of other centers at various stages in the evolu-
tion of the Mahayana. But these other centers, such as Magadha, the northwest, and the
area south of the Deccan, were strictly later and secondary (Bareau 1955, 301-5). Conze
would agree with Bareau's rebuttal of northwestern origins. He takes note of the argu-
ment for northwestern origins put forward by Lamotte and then remarks, "I believe that
[Lamotte] has shown no more than that the Prajnaparamita had a great success in the
North-West at the Kusana period, and that, to use his own words (p. 392), that region
may well be the 'fortress and hearth,' though not necessarily the cradle of the Mahaya-
nistic movement. The Manjusrlmulakalpa (L. Ill v. 574) says that under Kaniska the
Prajnaparamita was 'established' . . . in the North-West, but not that it originated there"
(1960, 12).
21. Schopen 1975, 179-81. See also Kajiyama 1985.
22. Conze 1973b, xiv. See, however, Lamotte (1981, 25, n. 1), who takes the geo-
graphical specification of this statement quite seriously. See also Lamotte 1944-80, 190-
97.
23. Lamotte finds the traditional accounts "fables without value" (1954, 382). For
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 427
him, the real meaning behind the legend of the secrecy of the original Mahay ana and its
public dissemination centuries later is simply that these teachings did not exist in the early
period and arose only later (381). Lamotte believes the traditional accounts were invented
by Mahayanists in an attempt to lend credibility to their tradition (381).
24. Tib., gsang.sngags.
25. It is significant that Buddhist historians sometimes explicitly connect Mahayana
ideas, prior to the tradition's actual propagation, with forest renunciation. Paramartha, for
example, tells us that Mahay ana-type ideas entered the Mahasamghika through a certain
forest saint. This individual lived during the time of the Buddha and, after becoming an
arhant, always followed him everywhere, even into the heavens, to hear the dharma. Prior
to the parinirvana of the Buddha, this arhant retired into the Himalayas to meditate, and
he remained there, seated in meditation, for two hundred years. At the end of this time, he
emerged from his solitary retreat to find that the Mahasamghika tradition preserved only
the superficial sense of the Tripitaka. He then preached the profound meaning of the Tri-
pitaka, which Paramartha identifies as the essential meaning of the Mahayana (Demieville
1932, 47). This preaching led to the formation of the Bahusrutlya subsect of the Maha-
samghika (47-49; cf. also Bareau 1955, 81). The notion that a Nikaya forest saint under-
stood the meaning of the Mahayana is of course reflective of a theme developed in Chapter
8.
26. Gombrich remarks that forms of Buddhism standing apart from those of Nikaya
Buddhism "may have arisen earlier, but we shall never know, for they were doomed to be
ephemeral because they did not have the institutional wherewithall, as did monastic Bud-
dhism, to maintain a continuous textual tradition" (1990b, 30). Nevertheless, there is some
evidence, within the monastically preserved canons, that texts could be transmitted and
preserved outside of the monastic context. Norman, for example, draws our attention to a
reference in the vinaya (V-p 1:140-41 [H., 3:188]) to the preservation of a text by a
layperson (although concern is expressed that the text will be lost) (Norman 1989, 30).
Forest Buddhism, as seen in texts such as Sn, Ta, and Ti, obviously provides another
context in which texts could be preserved. In relation to the composition and preservation
of Mahayana texts outside of monastic contexts, Gombrich is surely right that any such
composition and preservation could not have occurred after the fashion of the monastery,
with its focused and extensive resources for maintaining textual tradition. On the other
hand, it seems quite plausible that certain Mahayana sutras emerged as more or less self-
sufficient expositions of the dharma. In relation to texts giving evidence of forest renuncia-
tion, some might have been connected with stupa worship, and here stupas could have
provided an institutional apparatus to maintain textual continuity. At the same time, small
communities or even lineages of individuals without any particular institutional focus could
also have developed certain texts and passed them on from generation to generation. The
example of the Indian Vajrayana is instructive here, for many of the tremendous number
of Indian Tantric Buddhist texts surviving in the Tibetan and Chinese canons reflect just
such a process. See Schopen's discussion of the cult of the book in the Mahayana (1975),
much of which is congruent with the perspectives being developed here.
27. In Tcj, Taranatha, whom Lamotte cites, typically makes a distinction between the
absolute origins of a tradition and the establishment of a tradition as a socially accepted
and supported entity. Taranatha's account in his chos.'byung indicates the latter process,
not the former (e.g., Tcj 136aff. [Chattopadhyaya 1970, 343ff.]).
28. The fact of early Mahayana translations into Chinese does not reflect the same
thing. See Bareau's comment that Mahayana missionaries from the southeast could have
participated in making these translations. Along the same lines, Schopen remarks that "al-
though there was—as we know from Chinese translations—a large and early Mahayana
428 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
literature, there was no early organized, independent, publicly supported movement that it
could have belonged to" (1987b, 124-25).
29. Interestingly enough, Taranatha tells us that this was the case. During the time of
Kaniska, the srdvaka traditions were entirely dominant. However, beginning at this time,
"some of the Mahayana scriptures reached the human world. A few monks who attained
the anutpattikadharma-ksanti stage [acceptance of dharmas that fail to be produced] preached
these a little. However, since this did not become very extensive, the srdvaka-s did not
contest it" (Tcj 32a [Chattopadhyaya 1970, 95]).
30. Nakamura comments, "The number of hitherto discovered inscriptions may be an
index of the influence and prestige of the Buddhist orders in the society of that time"
(1987c, 146).
31. In 1987b, Schopen draws our attention to the first epigraphic evidence of the
Mahayana, an inscription on a Kusana image of Amitabha dating from the early second
century C.E. (99).
32. Schopen 1987b, 124-25. Schopen remarks that "at Mathura at least the movement
we now call 'the Mahayana' had not yet achieved complete independence even as late as
the second quarter of the 5th century A.D." (1987b, 123).
33. Schopen has provided a useful summary of these remains, particularly in 1979, 1-
19 and 1987b, 99-134. In 1987b, he makes reference to the second-century Amitabha
image. In 1979, he analyzes two sets of inscriptions giving evidence of the Mahayana. The
first is a set of about eighty inscriptions dating from the fourth century and after, not
mentioning Mahayana by name but nevertheless, Schopen's analysis shows, giving evi-
dence of the existence of the Mahayana. The second set contains a group of fourteen
inscriptions dating from the sixth to the twelfth century that mention the Mahayana by
name. Many of the fourth-century and later inscriptions use terminology that reflects the
Mahayana as a monastic movement, and one finds references both to Mahayana bhiksus
(sdkyabhiksu and sdkyabhiksuni, which Schopen shows refer specifically to Mahayanists)
and to updsakas and updsikds. One also finds some reference to monasteries (in the terms
vihdrasvdmin and vihdrasvdminl). This suggests that, at least by the fourth century C.E.,
the Mahayana had begun to become a monastic movement. An interesting peculiarity of
the archaeological evidence is that it tends to stand in some tension with the literary re-
mains. The literary remains suggest, as noted, that Mahayana monasticism originally de-
veloped in the northwest among the Sarvastivadins, leading Lamotte to his hypothesis of
northwestern origins. The epigraphical remains that give evidence of the monastic Maha-
yana derive from a wide-ranging territory, from Ajanta in the southwest to Bihar and Ben-
gal in the northeast. In surveying the evidence, Schopen remarks that "it is a little surpris-
ing to note that almost the only places in which our formula and its associated titles do not
occur in inscriptions is in the south of India, Nagarjunikonda, etc. and in the North-West,
the two areas most often connected with the origin and development of Mahayana" (1979b,
15). In light of the argument being presented here, the absence of archaeological evidence
at least from the southeast is what one might expect.
34. Beal 1869, 8-9, 10, 13, 51, etc. See also Hazra 1983, 2-5.
35. See Lamotte's summary of information provided by Hsiian-tsang (1958, 597-600).
36. Schopen remarks that a statistical analysis of epigraphical data shows that "the
Mahayana was a monk dominated movement" (1985, 26). Two comments need to be made
concerning the evidence put forward by Schopen. First, his evidence indicates that in so
far as it is revealed by the epigraphical data, the Mahayana is a movement dominated by
bhiksus. Because archaeological remains tend to reflect institutionalization, this is not sur-
prising. Second—and this is a more difficult problem—it must be recognized that, as we
have amply seen in this study, when we find the term bhiksu, without additional qualifica-
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 429
tion, we cannot be certain what kind of renunciant is meant, whether of settled monastery
or of the forest. Moreover, bhiksus of the forest are mentioned in the texts, not only early
but later in Indian Buddhism in both Mahayana (e.g., the minor Rastrapalapariprccha
Sutra, cf. Chapter 8, Appendix) and Vajrayana (Caturasitisiddhapravrtti 172-82 [Rb.,
174-79]). This raises interesting questions concerning the interpretation of Schopen's data.
At the same time, it is also clear that in Schopen's inscriptions, in a considerable number
of cases, "these individuals were not just ordinary [bhiksus], but doctrinal specialists . . .
and the acknowledged transmitters of Buddhist teaching" (1985, 26), suggesting that they
were in fact monks in the conventional sense.
37. Interesting in this context is the second-century or third-century date usually given
for the Buddhist master Nagarjuna (Walleser 1922; Robinson 1967, 25; Yiin-hua 1970,
148), revealed in his hagiography as a great saint and in his compositions (e.g., the Mu-
lamadhyamakakarika) as the paradigmatic Mahayana monastic scholar. The date usually
given for Nagarjuna must be measured against the fact that institutional Mahayana is not
visible for at least a century after the time usually given for him. The second- or third-
century date is not inconsistent with one dimension of Nagarjuna's personality, i.e., as the
great forest saint who is a Mahayanist innovator and propagator, as revealed in the earliest
biography of this figure by Kumarajiva, dating to the early fifth century, and in subsequent
"lives" (Ray 1990 contains an enumeration of hagiographical evidence bearing on Nagar-
juna). In Kumarajlva's work, we are told that in Nagarjuna's time, the Mahayana lacked a
tradition of scholarly reasoning and exposition, i.e., that it was not yet monasticized. On
the other hand, the scholastic texts attributed to Nagarjuna, e.g., the Mulamadhyamakakd-
rikd and similar works (cf. the list of twelve additional texts proposed as authentic by
Lindtner 1982, 11), reveal a tradition of Mahayana textual learning and scholastic com-
mentary and a Madhyamaka tradition that has reached a mature and confident level of self-
definition. This, of course, suggests a background of substantial settled monastic develop-
ment. This discrepancy raises the question of whether the saintly Mahayana innovator, who
is identified as a forest saint living prior to the time of Mahayana monasticism, can on
formal grounds alone be thought to have been the author of the texts most often attributed
to him. And this question raises the issue of the complex development of Buddhist hagiog-
raphy and hagiographic figures, frequently alluded to in this study, and of what must have
been the even more complex relationship between any given figure, at one or another stage
of the development of his hagiography and cult, and the works that eventually come to be
attributed to him.
38. Schopen remarks that "between the end of the Kusan Period and the middle of the
Gupta Period, the people involved in the Mathuran Buddhist community and the patterns
of patronage changed—as they did in almost all Buddhist communities in India—in some
profound ways. The changes at Mathura were manifested—as they were elsewhere—by the
appearance of Avalokitesvara as a cult figure, by a decided drop in the number of lay
donors—particularly women—and a corresponding rise in monk donors" (1987b, 120).
39. These two phases are reflected, for example, in two of the most important types of
Mahayana literature, namely, the Prajnaparamita and the Madhyamaka works attributed to
Nagarjuna. It is common knowledge that there is a close filiation between these two kinds
of texts (Robinson 1967, 61). Robinson, however, has shown the marked differences in
style, format, and content between the earlier Prajnaparamita (e.g., Asp) and Nagarjuna's
most important work, the Mulamadhyamakakdrikd. Such differences are not at all surpris-
ing once one recognizes that these two bodies of literature are indicative of very different
times, places, and, most important, religious contexts (1967, 61-65)—Asp reflecting a
primarily nonmonastic context, the Madhyamaka works a monastic one.
40. Schopen 1979, 1 and 1987b, 99. Schopen, after remarking that at Mathura the
430 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
Mahayana had not achieved complete independence as late as the second quarter of the
fifth century C.E., continues,
That a new "movement" should look like this in the beginning is not very surprising. What
is a little more surprising is the fact that—epigraphically—the "beginning" of the Maha-
yana in India is not documentable until the 2nd century AD, and that even as "late" as that
it was still an extremely limited minority movement that left almost no mark on Buddhist
epigraphy or art. . . . What is even more surprising still is the additional fact that even
after its initial appearance in the public domain in the 2nd century it appears to have re-
mained an extremely limited minority movement—if it remained at all—that attracted ab-
solutely no documented public or popular support for at least two more centuries. It is again
a demonstrable fact that anything even approaching popular support for the Mahayana can-
not be documented until the 4th/5th century AD, and even then the support is overwhelm-
ingly by monastic, not lay donors. In fact, prior to our inscription from Govindnagar there
was simply no epigraphic evidence for the "early" Mahayana at all. This, in the end, is
the real significance of the Govindnagar inscription when seen in its proper context: it
establishes the presence of the very beginnings of "the Mahayana" as a public movement
in the 2nd century AD and indicates, by its total isolation and lack of influence, the tenuous,
hesitant, and faltering character of those "beginnings." . . . [This] suggests that, although
there was—as we know from Chinese translations—a large and early Mahayana literature,
there was no early organized, independent, publically supported movement that it could
have belonged to. (1987b, 124-25)
Schopen's comments, as he notes, apply to the Mahayana as a exoteric, public, and
popular movement.
41. Cf. Csp 8-17 (Rb., 27-32).
42. These various trends are not, of course, necessarily mutually exclusive.
43. Cf., e.g., Hirakawa 1963 and Wayman 1978, Iff.
44. Wayman and Wayman believe that the tathdgatagarbha theory and stupa worship
may be the theoretical and practical dimensions, respectively, of the same religious orien-
tation. In this regard, the Way mans have formulated the interesting hypothesis that the
Snmdlddevisimhandda Sutra, with its emphasis on tathdgatagarbha, was first composed
by a group engaging in the cult of the stupa out of the felt need to provide theological
justifications for what they were doing (1974, 8; see also Wayman 1978, 42). The Way-
mans further argue that, although the text itself may be quite late relative to the Nikaya
texts, the Buddhism practiced by the group behind the Snmdlddevisimhandda Sutra may
have been much earlier (1974, 8). The Waymans do not connect the need for such theo-
logical justifications with criticisms made by Nikaya sects, but the sharp polemics of the
Sds make this more than a little likely. The Waymans' logic, that certain Mahayana texts
appear much later than the origins of the Buddhism they reflect, may very well apply,
mutatis mutandis, to the appearance of other seminal Mahayana sutras.
45. See the suggestive remarks of Schuster 1985, 50-52.
46. The reader is reminded that here, as elsewhere in this study, the term cult refers
not to the purely popular phenomenon of worship of an external object of devotion but
rather to that grouping of religious beliefs and activities that includes both emulation and
adoration, both yogic assimilation to the person of the saint and worship of him or her as
external to oneself, as two generally inseparable components of a larger religious complex.
47. As Mus saw half a century ago in his Borobudur (l:252ff.). See also Williams
1989, 25.
48. This latter quotation represents Migot's preferred position. Migot awkwardly and
unconvincingly attempts to locate this "original Buddhism" within the monastic sects:
"Within each sect, certain of the faithful retained the ancient spirit of Buddhism" (1983,
229). Other scholars similarly believe that the original ideas of the Mahayana reach back
The Buddhist Saints and the Process of Monasticization 431
to earliest Buddhism. Conze, for example, mentions the occurrence of the term sunyatd in
the scriptures of the Sthaviras and then remarks, "There was, in fact, in these circles some
resistance to just those utterances of the Tathagata which were . . . 'connected with the
Void' and it is not impossible that the Mahayana in this respect preserved the original
teaching more faithfully than the Sthaviras" (1962b, 59). Rahula similarly expresses the
view that the Mahayana developed out of ideas that are already in evidence in the Pali
canon (1962, 40). Neither scholar, however, suggests the precise mechanism by which such
ideas could have been preserved and transmitted.
49. This summary epitomizes what the forest-oriented texts discussed in this study have
to say on this subject. For a survey of other texts also addressing this issue, see Lamotte
1958, 211-22.
50. The fact that certain bhiksus who belong to the Sravakayana approximate the ideal
of the forest renunciant and yet follow the pratimoksa is quite interesting. It will be recalled
that the pratimoksa—in its content, its ritual usage, and its context of the vinaya—is linked
with the development of the settled monastery. Yet these individuals are sometimes shown
in the texts considered above (the minor Rdstrapdla Siitra is an example) without any
evident monastic ties. The fact that such forest renunciants follow this code suggests the
possibility that they, or at least the forest traditions they follow, were at some point under
the aegis of settled monasticism. This further implies the possibility of a process the reverse
of monasticization by which monastics move from a monastic way of life to that of the
forest, yet retain certain features of their previous monastic identities.
51. Rgs, it will be recalled, also talks about a future time when the dharma will be
under attack and will suffer diminution. Its explanations for the reason for this decline are
less explicit than those given in Ta, Rps, and Rps-m, but Rgs nevertheless echoes many
themes present in those texts. Thus, we learn in chapter 11 of a future time when, as a
result of Mara's evil activities, the genuine dharma will decline. The prajndpdramitd is the
ultimate dharma of the buddhas and, in this latter time, will be under attack from Mara. In
that time renunciants will desire honor (satkdra) and gain (Idbha) and will be dependent
(sdpeksa) upon close ties with high-caste families (kulasamstavd) (11.6). They will reject
the genuine dharma and will act in an antidharmic (adharma) way (11.6). At this time of
many obstacles, many bhiksus will be confused and will not preserve (na dhdrayanti) the
prajndpdramitd (11.8). In this time, people will reject the genuine dharma and will settle
for an inferior version. Like one who turns away from the root of a tree, preferring the
branches, like one who has the entire elephant but prefers the foot, they will reject the true
dharma of the prajndpdramitd and will turn to the sutras (of the disciples) (11.4). Thus,
bodhisattvas will seek for the enlightenment of arhants, just as one who has got the best
food would seek for inferior food (11.5). Inspiration will arise but will then disappear
without benefiting the world (11.2). Doubts as to one's own spiritual lineage will arise and
cause beings to turn away from the teachings (11.3). People will at first produce faith in
the excellent dharma and wish to hear it, but when preaching is not forthcoming, they will
go away devoid of joy and very sad (11.7). However, this will not necessarily be a time
of complete despair, for although Mara will cause obstacles, the buddhas of the ten direc-
tions will be there to help (11.10).
52. Lamotte 1958, 210-22; Conze 1951, 114-16; Chappell 1980; Nattier 1988.
53. See, e.g., Vcp 76-77 (Conze 1958a, 30-31); Asp 57 (Conze 1973b, 121-22). Also
see Nattier's useful resume of references in the Saddharmapundarika Sutra (1988, 340-
47).
54. In these schemes, patipatti means "practice," seeming to include both the practice
of meditation and that of behavioral purity. The following quotation from the Andgata-
vamsa, e.g., shows what is understood to fall within patipatti: "Being unable to practise
432 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
jhdna, insight, the Ways and the fruits, they will guard no more the four entire purities of
moral habit" (Conze 1954b, 47). As seen in this quotation, and in the schemes where
meditation and behavioral purity are separate items, meditation has priority.
55. In the original French edition, Lamotte does not give the Sanskrit for these final
two categories.
56. Perhaps here one of the pratisamvid (BHSD 370).
57. Lamotte, in the French original, fails to provide the Sanskrit of this member of the
list but gives only "1'agitation" (1958, 213). In the English translation, however, the term
is given (Lamotte 1988, 195).
Conclusion: Toward a Threefold
Model of Buddhism
This study has involved the identification and interpretation of various strands of
evidence bearing upon the Buddhist saints. It has been noted that, when taken
individually and considered from the viewpoints of texts and canons espousing
different ideals, these strands may seem neither particularly coherent nor signifi-
cant. However, when set alongside one another and considered within their own
frames of reference, they exhibit a striking coherence and begin to tell an engross-
ing story, one with implications for the understanding of Indian Buddhist history
at every level. It is hoped that the foregoing has, at the least, pointed to the
importance of the Buddhist saints as specific objects of research. The saints rep-
resent a still largely unexplored field of evidence; this study will have been worth-
while if, in both what it has been able to accomplish and what it has not, it
stimulates others to carry out further research into this area. As the process of
bringing forward and interpreting the evidence of the Buddhist saints goes on, one
may anticipate that it will increasingly challenge, energize, and revitalize our un-
derstanding of Indian Buddhism.
One particularly important area of needed research that I would like to single
out concerns the question of the continuity of forest Buddhism from early to mod-
ern times. The evidence cited in this study reveals the existence of forest Bud-
dhism in the formative history of both Nikaya and Mahay ana traditions. It is also
clear that forest Buddhism has existed and played a significant role in Buddhism
in subsequent history right down to the present day, in both the Theravada and
Mahay ana. This certainly raises the likelihood of a continuity of this genre of
Buddhism from the early to the recent period, but of such an intervening history
we know practically nothing. The filling in of this vast, trackless expanse of In-
dian and extra-Indian Buddhist history is surely one of the primary desiderata of
contemporary and future Buddhist scholarship.
The preceding has made it clear that the two-tiered model is not adequate as
an objective, scholarly model of Indian Buddhism as a whole. Strictly speaking,
its validity does not extend beyond its ability to reflect certain dominant monastic
ways of conceiving Buddhism within the Theravada, both in some key classical
texts and in the subsequent history of the Theravadin school, particularly after the
433
434 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
victory of the Dhammakathika party in the first century B.C.E. At the same time,
however, as we have also seen, tendencies toward the two-tiered model are al-
ready evident in the presectarian Mahdparinirvdna Sutra and turn up in other
Nikaya and Mahay ana evidence. Another important future project for buddho-
logical research will be to determine the precise extent to which the two-tiered
model is a particular model of the Theravada and the extent to which it is cha-
racteristic of Buddhist monasticism as such.
The particular inadequacy of the two-tiered model may be brought into focus
by noting the interesting fact that, in ignoring the strains of Buddhism that crys-
tallize around the forest renunciant, this hermeneutic asks monastic Buddhism to
take on a variety of functions that it can perform only with difficulty. The monas-
tic type of Buddhism is asked to be custodian of the elite practices of meditation
and to bear responsibility for the actualization of the highest ideal of enlighten-
ment, as well as to be the repository of Buddhist textual tradition and scholarship,
the seat of morally pure (construed in terms of conventionally acceptable) behav-
ior, and the chief renunciant actor in the worlds of economic, social, and political
power, all at the same time. These meditative, active, individual, and institutional
functions are essential elements of Indian Buddhism. However, in asking Buddhist
monasticism to perform them all, the two-tiered model does not succeed in glori-
fying the Buddhist monastery and its inhabitants, but rather suggests the sheer
implausibility of the ideal. This makes clear the need for another kind of model
to describe the prime actors within Indian Buddhism and more accurately reflect
the evidence as we have it.
This study has given priority to evidence of the Buddhist saints of the forest,
which has led to an impression of Indian Buddhism that is shaped by the Buddhist
saints and their understanding of the Buddha's dharma. Although the amplification
of the forest voice has been the primary goal of this study, obviously the forest
perspective, like that of the settled monastic, is only part of the picture that is
Indian Buddhism. An accurate and satisfying understanding of Indian Buddhism
must, in fact, be based not on any one voice or norm but rather on a balanced
appreciation of the various centers of meaning within the tradition.
Such a model must differ from the two-tiered model by giving proper due to
each of the three types of Buddhists discussed in this study: forest renunciant,
settled monastic renunciant, and layperson. In addition, this model needs to differ
from the two-tiered model in relying less on the conservative monastic evidence;
instead, it must seek a description of these three types in a broad selection of texts
and other evidence, including not only that which reflects a monastic viewpoint
but also that which reflects yogic and lay contexts. Further, such a model must be
less absolutistic and more descriptive. It should attempt not so much to evaluate
as to describe the nature and functions of these three types of Buddhists and the
Buddhism they practice, asking what may have been the particular role of each
type within the overall structural and historical economy of the tradition as a
Conclusion: Toward a Threefold Model of Buddhism 435
namely, to follow the Buddhist path to its final conclusion. This function, though
far more limited in scope than the functions of the monastic, is ultimately what
maintains the integrity of Buddhism as a tradition.2 Without people who are
understood to strive directly for and actually attain the goal of enlightenment, the
entire Buddhist enterprise must become suspect. The monastic also relies on the
forest renunciant in a way that is more individual and personal. As we have seen,
monastics may look to the forest renunciants as teachers because monastics, al-
though with access to textual learning, may feel the need to develop meditational
understanding. Some monastics will desire to attain full realization and take the
further step of leaving the monastery and entering the forest way of life under a
competent master.
The laity are in constant interaction with both monastic and forest renunciant,
and their interactions are different in each case. The laity make donations to the
town-and-village monastic and stand to receive much in return, not only in terms
of generosity demonstrated, honor won, and merit earned, but also in the way of
counsel, guidance, and instruction for living. The donations are sometimes to
individual monastics but are also often to monastics as a group or to the monastic
institution. Individual monastics may have specific patrons; monastics may have
certain laypeople to whom they consistently go for donations or who may regu-
larly bring food to the monastery or provide other assistance; and the monastery
also has its wealthy donors, who may be counted on for donations against the
upkeep and improvement of the monastery and in support of large festivals and
celebrations. In all these interactions, as Weber and others have pointed out, re-
gularization is the key. The laity know who the monastics are, where they live,
and how they will behave, and the monastics are valued and relatively predictable
components of the rationalized social and political framework within which the
laity live and operate. In the monastics, the laity experience charisma, but in a
more or less predictable and measured fashion.
The relation between the laity and the forest renunciants is in some ways quite
different. The laity make donations to the forest renunciants also, but usually on
the whole, these are more minimal. The giving of food, robes, or money on a
grand scale is not typical. Besides material donations, the laity provide veneration
in high degree. King Asoka's example in the Divyavaddna is instructive. Asoka
reveres the monastic Yasas, to be sure, but he sees him also as a trusted friend
and reliable ally. Of a different order is Asoka's veneration of Pindolabharadvaja
and Upagupta, whom the great king regards as virtual buddhas in the flesh.
What do the laity receive in return for their veneration of and donations to the
saints? Of course, they receive merit; considering that in Buddhism exactly how
much merit is gained by a donation depends at least partially on the sanctity of
the recipient, in giving to the forest renunciants, the laity may hope to gain con-
siderable merit indeed. As the hagiographic images we examined make clear, they
also receive teachings and, for those desirous and deemed worthy, meditation
instructions. Not fully separable from these benefits, the laity gain something else:
in the forest saint, they may hope to meet an enlightened one face to face and to
participate in the intensity of his or her enlightened charisma. As noted, gains
won may include a glimpse of liberation or even, for the fortunate, some stage of
Conclusion: Toward a Threefold Model of Buddhism 437
liberation itself, as was true for early disciples who met the Buddha and heard but
a few words from his mouth. No less is in question for Bimbisara upon seeing the
Buddha or for Asoka in reference to Pindola. The laity's access to the unbounded
charisma of the saints is symbolized by the importance of blessings given by them
and by the veneration of objects (stupa, text, image, relics) that embody their
charisma.
There are some things that the laity may not expect from the forest renun-
ciants, and for this they are prepared by a fundamental assumption within Indian
society—namely, that the greatest of saints are not bound by the wishes, conven-
tions, or rules of the world. Because the renunciants wander about and reside in
out-of-the-way places—from the laity's viewpoint—they are often remote and not
easy to find. But in a sense, this retreatant mode only guarantees their authenticity
and power and, hence, their value. Similarly, the laity may not expect from such
people easy and regularized interactions. As we have seen, their relationship to
convention, either social or religious, is uncertain, and they are quite ready to
offer critiques of the foibles of both institutionalized religion and society. Such
teachers are often depicted as powerful and unpredictable, and therefore as dan-
gerous. However, these very characteristics testify that the forest saints embody
the independence and numinous power of ultimate reality itself, and this in turn
further enhances their charisma. It is ironic that the very features in which forest
renunciants differ most markedly from settled monastics, and which make the laity
wary, are those that attract laypeople and doubtless monastics as well.
We have already seen how monastics and laypeople are involved in a complex
web of interdependence: monastics rely on laypeople and forest renunciants, while
laypeople similarly rely on monastics and forest renunciants. Although in the
Vimuttimagga the independence and "freedom from ties" of the forest renunciant
is a central theme, it is no less true that, in their own way, forest renunciants rely
in some crucial ways upon laypeople and monastics. Forest renunciants typically
depend upon the laity for material sustenance. They may beg food from door to
door, neither avoiding some families nor cultivating others, with the aim that
independence from any given family be retained. Nevertheless, the forest renun-
ciants remain in a kind of general debt to the laity as such, a debt that is defined
from one side by the laity's suffering, generosity, and spiritual need and, from
the other, by the buddhas and other saints, whose examples and explicit teachings
make mandatory the service of others, however that may be conceived. What is
important is that the situation of the laity's donation, a source of the forest re-
nunciants' indebtedness, also provides the occasion for their discharging of it through
the transmission of their charisma to the laity and through teaching and counseling
them at the time of receiving alms.
The forest renunciants are also dependent upon the monastics in some inter-
esting ways. For example, in the "forest" chapter of the Siksdsamuccaya, it is
remarked that the bodhisattva of the forest may come to the town or village in
order to listen to the recitation of texts and their exposition. This implies that
forest-renunciant traditions could view the textual preoccupations of town-and-
village monastics not only as legitimately Buddhist from the monastic viewpoint,
but also as contributing in a positive way to their own spiritual path.
438 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
The forest renunciant is dependent upon the monastic in another way. The
early Buddhist texts make clear that, from the beginning of Buddhism, the laity
have desired and have even demanded a certain regularity in their relations with
renunciant Buddhism. It is primarily the monastic community that has responded
to this demand for regularization. Without this particular kind of regularization,
instead of spreading far and wide for the good of the many, Buddhism might have
suffered an early demise from the Indian scene, like most of the other sramana
sects of the sixth century B.C.E. Buddhism could not then have gained success in
greater Asia. Be this as it may, because monastic Buddhism broadly responds to
this need for regularization, the forest renunciants are free to follow their own
paths of relative solitude and independence.
It is worth underlining the point that the model of Buddhism described here is
better termed a threefold rather than a three-tiered model, because the first term
has fewer hierarchical connotations. It is true that, from one point of view, the
forest renunciants do indeed stand at the top of a hierarchy of three types, both in
their approximation of the original normative Buddhist ideal, exemplified in the
Buddha himself, and subsequently in the degree of their fidelity to the ultimate
value of enlightenment. However, an appreciation of this ascendency must be
balanced by a recognition that in individual cases either a monastic or a lay life-
style may be more conducive to enlightenment. Upagupta's training of his own
disciples gives ample expression to this view. Other lines of interpretation we
have not explored, particularly those preserved in East Asian Pure Land Buddhism
and the Vajrayana, sometimes find in lay life unequaled possibilities for enlight-
enment. In addition, even an affirmation of the generally superior spiritual efficacy
of the forest life is quite different from saying that individuals who pursue the
way of forest renunciation are necessarily more realized than those following the
monastic or lay forms of Buddhism. As has been suggested, forest saints may
"return to the world" in various ways. Conversely, although the type of the forest
renunciant may generally occupy the ascendant position, individuals who attempt
to adhere to that type may not. Not only may saints be found in monasteries and
lay life, but—obviously—rogues may be found in the forest. A three-tiered model,
with forest renunciants at the top, might suggest that individuals attain value based
on their place within the scheme rather than that the scheme attains its value based
on what individuals reflecting one or another place in the scheme actually accom-
plish. It is realized people who are of supreme value rather than the particular
lifestyles by which they become realized or in which, once realized, they are
found. Any model of Buddhist types must remain to some extent relative and
open, for no one can ever know how much, from a spiritual viewpoint, any indi-
vidual can or will attain in one situation as opposed to another.
Thus, within the overall economy of Buddhism, each of the three types of Bud-
dhist actors performs characteristic functions for the tradition as a whole. For
example, in the institution of the monastery, with its loyal laity, Buddhism fulfills
Conclusion: Toward a Threefold Model of Buddhism 439
its needs for conservative trends. The monastery, because of its particular variety
of Buddhism and its characteristic preoccupations, tends to retain those forms that
have been received and tends to be slow to change. Similarly, owing to its prox-
imity to and dependence on the social, economic, and political establishments in
its culture, the monastery—although assuredly providing an alternative and a chal-
lenge—has often also tended to accept and reinforce the status quo of its context.
By contrast, forest renunciants, with their faithful laity, owing to their rela-
tively lesser institutionalization and their meditative focus, can better tolerate and
even encourage innovation and nonconformity. When new developments occur
within Buddhism, they often come from the solitary and remote locales of forest
renunciants. This certainly seems to have been the case with many of the grand
developments within Indian Buddhism (the rise of Buddhism itself, the early
Mahayana, the Vajrayana). Forest renunciants live on the periphery of the Bud-
dhist establishment, but it is precisely this position that enables them to see the
shortcomings of the establishment, to mount critiques, to have the spiritual au-
thority to make those critiques stick, and to give birth to new developments. In
economic, social, and political matters, the forest renunciant often tends—and in
earlier times, as we noted, and more recently, as Tambiah points out—to look
with a sympathetic eye on the neglected, the poor, and the downtrodden and to
become a rallying point for their aspirations (Tambiah 1984, 72-77, 293-320).
Identification of the type of the forest saint also provides a reference point for
viewing some large patterns of Indian Buddhist history. Conze, in a modern ren-
dering of the "decline of the dharma" theory (1980, 11-16), suggests that Indian
Buddhist history—not only in Buddhist theory but in historiographic fact—seems
to unfold according to a pattern of five-hundred-year cycles. According to Conze,
each cycle, starting with the birth of Indian Buddhism itself, begins with genuine
spirituality and ends in institutionalization, intellectualization, and rigidification, a
decline that calls for a new beginning. In the present context, it may be suggested
that the cycles identified by Conze most often attest to a movement initially from
the forest into the world and then subsequently back again into the forest. The
Buddha himself was a forest meditator who strove for realization. Once he at-
tained realization, so we are told, he wavered between withdrawing permanently
into the forest and returning to the world to teach others. Moved by compassion,
he chose the latter course and so set the standard for the tradition. Similarly,
earliest Buddhism was, at its core, a tradition of forest renunciation. Yet, drawing
on the inspiration provided by the Buddha's example, it could increasingly de-
velop a town-and-village wing, which eventually became classical monasticism.
Thus, in Buddhism, the realization of the forest saints expresses itself in com-
passionate action, and this expression leads to renewed contact and interaction
between the saint and the world. Worldly people recognize the saint's wisdom,
compassion, and power and would benefit from them. And the saint is moved by
compassion to benefit others with what he or she has found. From the worldly
viewpoint, the results of this energetic movement back in the direction of the
world are seen as positive and beneficial, including as it does the creation of
institutions to contain and mediate the Buddha's charisma; the presence of monas-
tics, who provide accessible and reliable if tempered embodiments of the Bud-
440 BUDDHIST SAINTS IN INDIA
positive images of forest Buddhism and its saints found in the Suttanipdta, The-
ragdthd, and other forest texts of the Khuddakanikaya, images that seem to be
carried forward into the forest Buddhism of the modern Theravada. The particular
character of the Pali monastic evidence is thrown into bold relief when considered
in relation to that of another tradition deriving from the Sthavira branch—namely,
the Sarvastivada, which shows, in relation to many of the examples just cited, a
more positive if still sometimes ambivalent evaluation of forest Buddhism and its
saints.
As noted, the Pali evidence, taken as a whole, reveals a state of considerable
polarization and even alienation in the relations of forest Buddhism and settled
monasticism. This is seen from the monastic side in the examples just cited. It is
also clear in the Pali forest evidence. The same kind of polarization is found in
the Rdstrapdla Sutras. The Lankdvatdra Sutra takes a less extreme view, admit-
ting that although scholastic Buddhism is a markedly lower path than that of med-
itation, it was still taught by the Buddha, thereby lending it a certain legitimacy.
The Northern traditions surrounding Mahakasyapa and Upagupta present an even
more conciliatory view of the attitudes of settled monasticism toward the forest
and its saints. It will be recalled that, for the Sarvastivada, the Buddha's lineage
holder and founder of the church is the forest saint par excellence, Mahakasyapa,
whereas the later forest saint Upagupta is presented as having cooperative and
amicable relations with settled monasteries and with monastics. These examples
reveal some of the limitations of the threefold model but, at the same time, reveal
its utility: it is the model itself that has enabled us to see more clearly and with
more subtlety dynamics such as these that are operative in the various traditions.
Further study of the evidence of Indian Buddhism would, in addition, reveal
that there are frequent exceptions to the types as defined above. In illustration, it
may be mentioned that in Buddhist history one finds forest-renunciant traditions
that share many features of the monastery, as a type defined here, as well as
settled monastic traditions that contain features more typical of forest renuncia-
tion. One also finds individuals within the different types of institutions who de-
part from their type: forest renunciants who spend time in monasteries, monastics
who are unconventional, forest renunciants or laypeople who are learned, laypeo-
ple or monastics who meditate, and so on. And finally, of course, room must
always be made for the exceptional individual in each context: in addition to forest
renunciants who are enlightened, realized saints may also be found in the monas-
tery or among the laity.3 Such exceptions reveal the care that needs to be exercised
in the definition and understanding of the Buddhist saints. At the same time, these
exceptions also show the way in which the threefold model of Buddhism can
throw into relief nonconforming patterns and sensitize us to their dynamics.
It is also worth noting that even the basic types of yogin, monastic, and lay-
person do not remain entirely stable. In general, the later the time period, the
more complexity involved in the Buddhist situation and the more subtlety required
in its interpretation. In particular, the fact that all three kinds of Buddhism have
interacted in some way with one another throughout most of Indian Buddhist his-
tory has meant that each has influenced and changed the others. What is Buddhist
Conclusion: Toward a Threefold Model of Buddhism 445
among them relatively less emphasis on scholarship. The ascetic codes have spe-
cial prominence here, and the Kagyu saints are often known for their fulfillment
of dhutaguna-like vows (Trungpa 1977, 59-68).
Other factors of forest Buddhism remain extremely important among the
Kagyu, including the personal guru and the guru-disciple relationship, oral and
secret teachings, and so on. Finally, in Tibet, among the Nyingmapa, or old school,
one finds traditions of married monastics—in other words, monastics who may be
attached to a monastery yet follow the lifestyle of the layperson, live outside the
monastery, are married, and support themselves by their own labor. It must be
added that within each tradition, dominant trends are balanced by countertrends.
The Gelugpas have their charismatic forest saints, the Kagyupas their great schol-
ars; and in the different traditions one may adopt a settled monastic or a forest
lifestyle at different phases of one's career.
In both later Indian Buddhism and the Buddhism of Tibet, the layperson as a
type also shows considerable variation. Thus, texts such as the Vimalaklrtinirdesa
Sutra and traditions such as Pure Land and the Indian Vajrayana provide examples
of the laity as a kind of elite. In the latter case, one finds a hybrid type, the
householder-yog/n, who is a layperson but is privy to and practices the elite teach-
ings of the Vajrayana, sometimes in retreat but also sometimes within a specific
lay context. Within Tibetan Buddhism, Marpa, "the translator," is one of the
better-known examples of this phenomenon (Nalanda and Trungpa 1982). All of
this suggests how complex the Buddhist picture becomes historically, but again a
threefold model of Buddhism, such as the one proposed here, allows us to appre-
ciate that complexity, even long after traditions representing the pure type have
become rare.
These various forms are possible because, although it is the forest that typi-
cally produces saints, it cannot contain them. The bankruptcy of ordinary life in
the world and in the monastery may lead certain individuals to the drastic step of
withdrawing into the forest. But the dynamic of realization, with its imperative of
compassion, compels an opposite movement in which the realized renunciant leaves
the forest and returns to the arena of conventional life and activity. In Buddhism,
saints can be found anywhere, and, ideally, their own freedom enables them to
transform the institutions and situations with which they come into contact.
The threefold model of Buddhism suggested here, with its strengths and limi-
tations as an explanatory device, represents a distinct improvement over the two-
tiered model in helping us to understand not only forest renunciation and forest
saints in India but Indian Buddhism itself. The advance marked by the threefold
model may be thrown into relief by noting a striking irony in the interpretation of
Indian Buddhism. Let us recall that according to the two-tiered model, authentic
Buddhism is defined by the conservative monastic norm, with its emphasis on
pure behavior, its preoccupation with textual learning, its preference for apophatic
doctrine, its tendency to formal and explicit separation from its non-Buddhist en-
vironment, and so on. But in this study, it has been suggested that although Bud-
dhism superficially seems to make the most radical departure from its non-
Buddhist context in its monastic form, when seen at a deeper level, monasticiza-
tion reflects just as much or more so a Brahmanization of earliest Buddhism. At
Conclusion: Toward a Threefold Model of Buddhism 447
the same time, according to the two-tiered model, the Buddhist saints embody a
deviation from the authenticity of the monastic norm, a falling back to the type of
the non-Buddhist renunciant. The argument as typically made runs that the forest
renunciants have little or nothing to do with the monastery, are not most typically
concerned with purity of behavior or with textual learning, do not tend toward the
most extreme separation from their non-Buddhist environment, and are comfort-
able with kataphatic modes of expression, the adoration of the laity, cultic activi-
ties, and so on—that is, with "Hindu" forms. Yet in this study, it has been
argued that this interpretation is overly superficial and that we must pay more
attention to the deep structures and intentions of the Buddhist forest saints them-
selves, as reflected in the texts. In fact, as we have seen, the very evidence that
is adduced as incriminating by the proponents of the two-tiered model of Bud-
dhism may, when seen from a different angle, equally—perhaps even more force-
fully and convincingly—make a case for just the opposite conclusion: that the
forest saints embody the highest ideals of Indian Buddhism and represent a unique
kind of Buddhist creativity, without an appreciation of which the origin and much
of the dynamics of Buddhism in India cannot be adequately understood.
Notes
1. The works of contemporary anthropologists cited in this study, including Tambiah,
Bunnag, Carrithers, Schober, and others, have all provided food for thought. Particularly
helpful has been Tambiah, who, in his study of Buddhist forest saints in Thailand (1984),
has already suggested, if not fully explicated, the kind of model proposed here. Thus in a
section entitled "Paradigms," Tambiah presents two "schematic maps," identifying the
major sources of institutionalized power, authority, and action within the Thai Buddhist
context (1984, 72-77). In the first map, Tambiah describes a structure of triadic relations
including political ruler, village/town-dwelling monastic samgha, and forest-dwelling monks
(sects/fraternities). In the second, he describes a structure of pentadic relations including
central political authority, town-and-village monk communities, forest-monk communities,
and town-and-village laity. The present threefold model differs from Tambiah's in three
respects: (1) its emphasis is on groups as embodiments of ideal types and on their interac-
tions; (2) it identifies the primary types as forest renunciant, monastic, and layperson (with
royalty as a subcategory of the laity); and (3) in Tambiah's model, the forest monk is an
ordained monastic living in some communal setting, whereas for the threefold model the
forest renunciant is not necessarily an ordained monastic and does not necessarily live in a
community.
2. Maquet makes this point in relation to contemporary forest Buddhism in Sri Lanka
(1980, 146).
3. See Keyes 1982 for an example.
4. Nalanda and Trungpa 1982.
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466 BIBLIOGRAPHY
469
470 Index
Aniruddha, 154, 174n.l2. See also disadvantaged, 93, 110, 116, 130,
Anuruddha 155, 223
Anonymity of saints, 156, 211n.45, 219, autocremation of, 147n.54, 182-83,
222 189, 191, 193, 194
Anotatta (P.), Lake. See Anavatapta, body of, supermundane, 94, 110, 114,
Lake 127
Anupadhisesa (nirvana), 378 compassion of, 90, 110, 112-13, 120,
Anuruddha (P.), 162. See also Aniruddha 129, 144n.38, 154, 155, 156,
Anutpattikadharmaksanti (acceptance of 160, 180, 181, 182, 186, 187,
unproduced dharmas), 428n.29 191,203, 207n. 16
Anuttarayoga Tantra, 347 conversions by, 92, 121-22, 128, 134,
Apaddna, 214 154, 155, 192
Apagatapddamraksana (frugal), 311 cremation of, 128, 189, 190-91
Aparagodanlya, 152, 155, 159, 160, criticism of, 94, 110, 157-62
180 cults of, 46, 91, 114-15, 119, 122,
Appiccha (P.). See Alpeccha 126-27, 128, 129, 153, 154, 155,
Apramdna (unlimiteds), 87 156-57, 179-205
Arada Kalama, 49, 72n.22 darsan received from, 72n.22, 90-91,
Araddhaviriya (P.) (putting forth energy), 127, 154, 156, 209n.43
309. See also Viriydrambha death of last, 38n.23
Arahant (P.). See Arhants deaths of, 128, 193-94
Aranna (P.). See Aranya as described by the Chinese pilgrims,
Arannaka (P.). See Aranyaka 187-97
Aranya (forest), vii, 39n.42, 45, 48, development of ideal of, 204-5
68nn. 1,2,3, 122 disciples of, 92, 116, 129, 180, 191
Aranyaka (one who dwells in the forest), dwelling places of, 82-84, 109, 110,
297, 301, 303, 307, 309, 311, 111, 135, 151, 152, 180, 188,
313, 314, 315, 352n.l 208n.27
Aranydyatana (forest retreat), 342 enlightenment of, 88-89, 106, 113,
Archaeological remains. See Buddhism: 121, 134, 135, 151, 152, 187,
evidence of, types of: 188
archaeology; and Mahayana self-declaration of, 89-90, 106,
Buddhism: origins of: 142n.l7, 152-53
archaeological evidence and evil beings, defeat of, 93, 116, 121-
Arhants, 5, 6, lln.7, 38n.23, 42n.55, 22, 130, 153
60, 106, 109, 114, 115, 123, 128, in Fa-hsien's account, 187-90
173, 179-205, 205n.l, 209n.39, as forest saints, 83, 105, 106, 108,
236, 333, 442. See also 109-10, 111-14, 118, 120, 121,
Devadatta; (Maha)kasyapa; 122, 123, 124-26, 134, 135-36,
Pindolabharadvaja; Sariputra; 137-38, 141nn.2,12, 142n.l6,
Sixteen arhants, the; Upagupta 151, 152, 153, 158, 180-81, 187,
anonymity of, 156 188, 191, 206n.l2, 293, 295
anticipation of death by, 95, 189, 193- compared with bodhisattva, 203-4
94 groups of, 107, 108, 128, 143n.29,
aspirations and vows of, 86 173n.l, 205n.2. See also Sixteen
assimilation to the Buddha, 94, 107, arhants, the
108, 113, 117, 119, 121, 127, guru, seeking and finding of, 85, 105,
130, 131, 134, 138, 153, 156, 134, 151
209n.43, 368 in Hsiian-tsang's account, 191-97
association with lowborn and incarnation in human beings, 208n.25
Index 471
lay devotees of, 191 types of. See also Arhants: as forest
levels of, 196 saints
as local saints, 187, 352n.l excelling in textual learning, 195-
longevity of, 95, 109, 114, 128, 155- 96, 198-203, 204
56, 161-62, 180, 182, 190, 193, forest meditators, 198-203, 204
368, 369, 372 in the Lankavatara Sutra, 204, 273-
Mahay ana critique of, 212nn.62,66 75
Mahayana interpretation of, 203-4 multiplicity of meanings of,
meditation of, 87, 106, 121, 122, discussed, 195-97
135-36, 142nn.l3,14, 146n.50, pure in behavior, 190, 195, 352n.l
151-52, 155, 182, 188, 193, 194, in the Ratnagunasamcayagdthd, 204,
372 212n.63
miraculous presence of departed, 109, subtypes, 10n.3
128, 156, 190 two types of, 198-203
numinous power of, danger of, unconventionality of, 109-10, 122-23,
94, 107, 121-22, 135, 154, 156
155 various meanings of term, 195-97,
persecution of, 155, 156 198-203, 204, 205
renouncing of the world, 81-82, 105, Arhantship, 18, 19, 33
115, 121, 128, 134, 151 Arhat. See Arhants
sacred places associated with, 95, 193, Ariya (P.), 100n.4. See also Arya
194 Ariyavamsa (P.). See Aryavamsa
silence of, 84, 146 Arupadhdtu (formless realm), 375, 376,
solitude of, 83, 152 394n.l02
stupas of, 109, 128, 189-90, 193, Aruppajhdnas (P.). See drupya dhydnas
194, 352n.l Arupya dhydnas, 203
cultic practices at, 190, 194 Arya (saint), 266, 409
subtypes of, 10nn.3,4 (Arya) Deva, 194-95, 405
suicide of, 189 Aryan paths, four (or stages of holiness),
supernatural powers of, 72n.l8, 121, 128,218. See also
74n.41,90, 103n.41, 106, 107, Anagamin; Arhants; Sakrdagdmin;
109, 111, 121-22, 124-25, 128, S(s)rotdpanna
134, 140, 143n.25, 144n.33, 153, Aryavamsa ("noble family," list of
154, 155, 158, 188, 191 ascetic practices), 283n.20, 294
to conduct others to the heavens, Asamsattha (P.) (not living in company),
188, 191 84, 309
darkening the sun, 191 Asanga, 72n.l7, 74n.41, 175n.l7,
of divine sight, 188 209n.38
of flight, 188 Asava (P.). See Asrava
knowing the previous births of Asavakkhayannana (P.). See
others, 191 Asravaksayajndna
of miraculous appearance and Ascetic codes in Buddhism, lln.7
disappearance, 191 Ascetic codes in early Buddhism, 293-
as teachers, 91-92, 107, 108, 115, 95. See also Aryavamsa;
121, 122, 123-27, 129, 133-34, Dhutagunas', Nisrayas
140, 152, 438 Ascetic-hermit. See Forest renunciants/
term, 195-97, 198-205, 211n.46, saints
212nn.61,64 Asita, 71nn. 10,11, 149n.88
textual study, absence of, 92, 112, Asoka, King, 79, 109, 119, 126-27,
181-82 187-88, 191, 192, 368, 436, 437
472 Index
Buddha, the, 5, 9, lln.7, 44, 45, 46-68, devotion to, 12n.9, 23, 52-53, 121-
79, 131, 157, 207nn. 13,20, 22, 252-53, 262
208n.28, 251, 333, 337, 366, and dhutaguna-like practices, 57-58,
368, 373, 378 72n.l3
abhijnd of, 51 and the dhutagunas, 295, 317
alms sought by, 63 disciple, principal
assimilated to a stupa, 326 Ajnata Kaundinya, 118, 194
association with lowborn and Mahakasyapa, 107, 108
disadvantaged, 55 Sariputra, 64, 131, 132, 133
biographies of. See Buddha, the: disciples of, 23, 53, 54, 62, 117, 363
hagiography of characteristics of, 23-24
birth of, 51, 58, 71n.lO first five, 50, 52, 53, 55, 56, 294-
as bodhisattva, 51, 173, 343 95
body, supermundane, of, 56-57, 62 recruitment of, 23
charisma of, 363 relation to their master, 23-24
as a charismatic figure, 23-25 supernatural, 363
compassion of, 23, 51-57, 62, 363 divinity of. See Buddha, the:
conversions made by, 54, 62 superhuman character of
cosmic response to, 51 dwelling places of, 63, 75n.53,
cremation of postmortem body of, 58, 206n.ll, 390n.24
107, 108, 118 as embodiment of ultimate reality,
criticized and persecuted, 56 12n.9
critique of settled monasticism by, emulation of
113-14 as a forest renunciant ideal, 251
cult of, 12n.9, 51, 52-53, 58, 62, as a monastic ideal, 20
107, 183-84, 258, 263-64, 415- enlightenment of, 50, 51, 58, 62, 63,
16 363
living saint, as, 52-53; behaviors in, cosmic response to, 50
52-53 recognition of by dieties, 50, 62
in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, 358- recognition of by humans, 50, 62
67 self-declaration of, 50-51, 62, 65,
participated in by: animals, 52-53, 141n.ll, 142n.l7
62; devas, 52-53, 62; laity, 52- events prior to birth, 7In. 10
53, 62; renunciant disciples, 52- eyes of, 59
53, 62; royalty, 53; royalty, flying of, power of, 51
behaviors in, 53 food by, taking little, 63
danger of numinous power of, 56, 62 and the forest
darsan received from, 52, 57, 62, in the Buddhacarita, 57-58
72n.23, 363, 389n.l7, 392n.78, in the Suttanipdta, 63-64
437 forest credentials of, 238
as initiating a lineage of forest renunciation, advocacy of, 57-
transmission, 156, 174n.l6 58, 112-13
death (parinirvdna) of, 51, 52, 58, as a forest saint, 49, 62-64, 67,
72n.23, 105, 108, 179, 382 76n.57, 293, 364, 390n.24
anticipation of, 57 freedom of, 55
as deceased saint, 52-53, 58 Gautama (prerealization designation),
extraordinary nature of, 58, 363 48-50
defeat of evil beings by, 55, 62, 63 crisis in life of, 48
devotees of, 23 and the forest, 48, 49
476 Index
Caitika. See Mahasamghika: Southeastern first, 32, 108, 111, 116, 118, 143n.21,
(Andhaka) schools 147n.56, 209n.35, 211n.46
Cakravartin, 72n.l9 of Kaniska, 195-96
Candraklrti, 213 Couture, Andre, lln.7
Candrapradlpa Sutra, 252-54 Cow's urine, using only, as medicine.
Canon, Buddhist, 33, 35 See Putimuktabhaisajya
Chinese, 427n.26 Cremation ground, 87, 121, 221,
Pali (Theravadin), 79, 114, 131, 133 320n.34
Tibetan, 427n.26 Cremation ground contemplations, 152
Carrithers, Michael, 150n.91, 447n.l Crisis in saint's life (theme 1), 48, 80-
Caste 81, 115, 128, 151, 215
and Buddhist monasticism, 33, 37n.l3, Criticism and persecution of the saints
43n.59, 320n.38, 401 (theme 24), 56, 94, 109-10, 116,
and forest renunciants, 214-15, 223, 130, 155, 156, 227, 258
320n.38 Cudapanthaka, 89, 103n.41, 179, 181-
Caturasitisiddhapravrtti, 428n.36 82, 205n.2, 207nn.l7,18,
Cemetery. See Cremation ground 288n.l08
Cemetery contemplations. See Cremation Culasunnatasutta, 271-72, 279,
ground contemplations 288n.l08
Ceylon. See Sri Lanka Culaviyuha Sutta, 104n.53
Ch'an Buddhism, 185 Cullavagga, 163, 165-66, 167, 168, 169
Chinese, 314 Cult of the book, 344-46, 356n.39,
Chinese pilgrims, 208n.29, 325, 405, 357n.49, 368
409, 411. See also Fa-hsien; Cult of the buddha image, 346
Hsiian-tsang; I-ching; Sung Yiin Cult of saints (theme 15), 7, 12n.9, 52,
Chinese translations, 425n.20, 429n.40 91, 115, 129, 153
Circumambulation. See Stupa(s): cultic of the Buddha, 12n.9, 51, 52-53, 58,
behavior in relation to 62, 107, 183-84, 258, 263-64,
Clvaravastu, 294 415-16
Communitas, 40n.43 of the dharma, 184
Community, Buddhist, 15-22 of the other Buddhist saints, 21-22,
Compassion (theme 11), 23, 51-57, 62, 45,46,91, 114-15, 119, 122,
90, 110, 112-13, 115, 120, 129, 126-27, 128, 129, 153, 154, 155,
144n.38, 154, 155, 156, 160, 156-57, 179-205, 214, 221-23,
180, 181, 182, 186, 187, 191, 224-25, 228, 229-30, 258, 263-
203, 207n.l6, 222, 251, 253, 64, 383-84, 443
256, 258, 261, 263, 265, 270, question of time of origination in
363, 369, 439, 445, 446 Buddhism, 381-86
Concile de Rajagrha (Przyluski), 117- as performed by laypeople, 52, 53,
18 189
Conditioned coproduction as performed by renunciant disciples,
(pratltyasamutpada), 220 52, 53, 189
Contexts of religious life, 7 as performed by royalty, 53, 188, 189
Conversions, making of (theme 20), 54, of the samgha, 184
62,92, 116, 121-22, 128, 130, stiipas. See Stupas: cultic behavior in
134, 154, 155, 192, 221 relation to
Conze, Edward, 18, 38n.23, 39n.36, as a term, 45, 430n.46
76n.57, 405, 409, 425n.l6, varieties of, 53
430n.48, 439 Cyutopapdda (dying and rebirth),
Council, Buddhist, 211n.46 103n.40
Index 479
Damamukaniddna Sutra, 151 Devadatta, lln.7, 46, 55, 56, 396, 417,
Darsan (theme 14), 52, 57, 62, 442, 443
72nn.20,21,22,23, 85,90-91, Buddha, the
115, 127, 129, 151, 154, 156, attempts to assassinate, 166
209n.43, 223-24, 363, 369, criticisms of, 165
389n.l7, 392n.78, 437 as an enemy of, 162-63
Darstantika, 425n.20 buddha Devaraja, destined to be, 173
Dasabhumika Sutra, 186, 296 cult of, 163, 165, 170, 208n.24
Dasabhumivydkhydna, 333-34 death of, 167, 177n.37
Dasakusalakarmapatha (ten virtuous dhutaguna practices attributed to, 312-
actions), 256, 261, 282n.l4, 341, 14, 316, 424n.lO
355nn.37,38 dhutagunas, as proponent of, 163,
Dasasiksdpadas, 355n.37 164, 170, 172, 177n.34
Dassana (P.). See Darsan disciples, acceptance of, 163
Dasuttara Suttanta, 134 as enlightened, 162, 163
Dayal, Har, 317 forest Buddhism, as an ardent advocate
Death of saints of, 170-71
anticipation of (theme 30), 57, 95, as a forest renunciant and saint, 162,
116, 130, 189, 193-94, 227 163, 164, 170, 171, 172, 173
extraordinary (theme 31), 58, 95, 116, hell, in, 167, 177n.38
130, 227, 363 lay followers of, 163, 165
meditation and, 58 legends of
ritual lamentations at, 58 breakdown (Mukherjee): individual
Deccan, 425n.20 reports, 163; main, 163-68;
Decline/destruction of the dharma, 275- secondary, 163
80, 417-21. See also pasdmakdla core and process of formation of:
in the Mahdparinirvdna Sutra (short), according to Bareau, 168-71;
420 according to Mukherjee, 163-68
in the Mahdsamnipdta, 420 meditation of, 163
in the Manor-athapuram, 420 monastic vilification of, 168-73,
in the Mdtrkd of the Haimavata, 420 178n.47
in the Milindapanha, 419-20 explanation of, 170-71, 178n.47
in the minor Rdstrapdlapariprcchd and the paradigm of the Buddhist saint,
Sutra, 275-280, 417, 419, 163, 170, 171
428n.36 as a rigorist, 164, 170-71, 314
in the Rdstrapdlapariprcchd Sutra, sacred places associated with, 177n.45
264, 417, 418-19 in the Saddharmapundarlka Sutra,
in the Ratnagunasamcayagdthd, 417, 172-73
431n.51 as a saint, 162
in the Theragdthd, 95, 96-99, 417, samddhi cave of, 177n.45
418 schism (samghabheda), as a fomenter
Decline of Buddhism, theory of the, 439 of, 164-67, 169-70
Deer Park (at Banaras), 58 solitude of, 163
de Jong, J. W., 13n.l3, 250n.74 supernatural powers of, 162, 163, 165
Deva. See (Arya) Deva as teacher, 163
Deva (deity, god), 50, 52, 53, 59, textual sources of legend of, 163
72nn.23,24,27, 74n.41, 75n.42, traditions of, mentioned by Fa-hsien
89, 91, 107, 110, 111-12, and Hsuan-Tsang, 172-73
144nn.33,35, 227, 253, 257, in the vinaya,
389n.l7 in non-Pali tradition, 167-68
480 Index
Madhyamaka, 275, 379, 411, 424nn.8,9, and the dhutagunas, 105, 106, 111,
425n.20, 429n.39, 445 141nn.2,12, 142n.l6, 295
Madhyamakakarika, 429nn.37,39 diverse images of, 117
Madhyamika, 412 in the Divydvadana, 109
Madhyantika, 118, 192, 193 dwelling places of, 109, 110, 111
Magadha, 425n.20 enlightenment, 106, 113
Mdgandiya Sutta, 104n.53 first council, role in, 107
Mahabharata, 75n.43 development of, 117-18
Mahacunda, 162 flight, power of magical, 106, 107,
Mahadeva, 192, 212nn.62,66 144n.33
Mahakaccayana (P.), 162 forest and monastic dimensions
Mahakappina (P.), 162 compared, 136-37
Mahakarmavibhanga, 109 forest and settled monasticism,
(Maha)kassapa (P.), 162. See also dichotomy between reflected in
Mahakasyapa the legend of, 158-59
(Maha)kasyapa, 46, 52, 54, 74n.36, 82, as forest renunciant and saint, 105,
83, 93, 94, 105-18, 120, 128, 106, 108, 109-10, 111-14, 118,
130, 131, 136-37, 138, 154, 120, 293
158-59, 175n.l9, 193, 205n.2, hagiography of, 105-18, 141n.4
208n.24, 209n.35, 222-23, 231, as head of the first council, 107, 111
333, 367, 387n.4, 442, 443, as human being and superhuman, 117
444 as lineage holder, 143n.30
and Ananda, as opposed types, 106-7, longevity of, within Mt. Kukkutapada,
142n.l8, 158 109, 114, 190, 368, 372
antiestablishment character of, 110 low-caste, preference for, 110
in the Asokarajavadana, 108-9 in the Mahavastu, 105-7, 137,
assimilation to the Buddha, 107, 108, 146n.50
113, 117 and Maitreya, 114-15
association with the lowborn and meditation, 106, 142nn.l3,14, 146n.50
disadvantaged, 110, 223 meeting the Buddha, 106
autocremation of, 147n.54, 191-92 miraculous presence of, 109
birth, 105 missionary activity of, 109
body of, supermundane, 110, 114 monasticization, process of, 117-18,
charisma of, 110 159, 396
compassion of, 110, 112-13 and Mt. Kukkutapada, 108, 109, 115,
conventional monk, as a, 111 116, 117
cremation of, question of, 109 in Northern Buddhism, 105-9, 137,
critic of lax behavior, 106-7 146n.50
critique of scholarly pursuits by, 112 in the Pali canon, 111-114
critique of settled monasticism in story summarized, 137
of, 113-14 in the Pali suttapitaka, 111-14
cult of, 114-15 in the Pali vinaya, 110-11
by the gods, 144nn.33,35 paradigm of the Buddhist saint,
cult of the Buddha, participation in, exemplar of, summarized, 115-17
107 participation in cult of the Buddha,
danger of numinous power of, 107 107, 339
darsan received from, 72n.22 political role of, 108
death (parinirvdna), 108-9, preeminence of, 107, 108,
144n.35,36,37 143nn.25,28
devotion to the Buddha, 107, 108 previous lives, 143n.23
Index 487
renouncing of the world, 105 368, 369, 371, 378, 380, 381-86,
reticence of, 146 435
robe (pdmsukula, luhacivara) of, 106, ambivalence to Buddhist saints, 358-
107, 108, 109, 113, 114, 116, 367, 385
142n.l5, 145nn.43,44 compared with Nandimitrdvaddna,
in the Samyuttanikdya, 111, 112-14, 372-74
146nn.49,50,51 composition of, 40n.44
in Sanskrit tradition, 136-37 cult of saints in, 362-64
search for a guru, 105 reservations concerning, 360-67
self-declaration of enlightenment, 106, cult of the Buddha in, 358-67
142n.l7 editors/compilers of, 388n.l3,
spiritual identity with the Buddha, 107, 389n.20, 395nn.llO,lll,112
113, 117 legendary elements in, 381, 382, 383,
stupa of, 109 384
successor of (Ananda), 108 monastic context of, 360-67, 39In.54
as successor of the Buddha, 108 monastic values of, 360-67
supernatural powers of, 72n.l8, nirodha in, 369
74n.41, 103n.41, 106, 109, 111, Pali version. See Mahdparinibbdna
143n.25 Sutta
as a teacher, 107, 108, 115 and the paradigm of the Buddhist saint,
in the Theragdthd, 111-12, 145n.47 362-63
training of, by the Buddha, 106, relation to earliest Buddhism, 385
141n.l2 and textual tradition, 364-66,
in the Uddna, 111-12 391nn.57,59
unconventionality of, 109-10 two-tiered model of Buddhism in, 434
in the vinaya of the Mulasarvastivada, versions of, 358, 386n.2, 358-67,
107-8, 109-10, 146n.50 386-92
Mahakosala, 408, 425n.20 Mahdprajndpdramitd Sdstra, 251-52,
Mahakotthita (P.), 162 295, 406, 409
Mahallaka, 148n.71, 207n.l8 Mahdprajndpdramitd Siitra, 341
(Maha)maudgalyayana, 55, 91, 93, 94, Mahapratibhana (the bodhisattva), 329
131, 132, 133, 134, 139, Mahasamghika, 105, 335, 336, 393n.94,
149nn.83,85, 154, 166, 167, 405, 408, 427n.25
205n.2, 331. See also Sariputra: and Mahayana origins. See Mahayana
and Mahamaudgalyayana Buddhism: origins of:
as foremost in meditation, 133 southeastern
as foremost in miraculous power, 133 Northwestern schools
stupa of, 190 Bahusrutlya, 408, 425n.20, 427n.25
(Maha)moggallana (P.), 162. See also Ekavyavaharika, 425n.20
(Maha)maudgalyayana Gokulika, 425n.20
Mahdniddna Sutta, 198-99 Lokottaravada, 405, 425n.20
Mahdpaddna Sutta, 71nn.9,10, 239 Prajnaptivada, 425n.20
Mahdparinibbdna Sutta (P.), 19-20, 57, Southeastern (Andhaka) schools, 405
58, 64, 338, 358-67, 387n.7, Andhaka, 425n.20
388n.9, 389nn.l8,19, 390n.23, Caitika, 425n.20
391nn.57,60, 392nn.73,78, Purvasaila, 425n.20
424n.l2 split with the Sthaviras, 172
Mahdparinirvdna Sutra, 17, 19, 20, 26, Mahdsamnipdta Siitra, 420
29, 30, 38n.28, 57, 64, 74n.38, Mahdsunnatasutta, 271-72, 279,
118, 159, 186, 338, 351, 358-67, 288n.l08
488 Index
cult of, 214, 221-26, 228-30, 231- nirodhasamapatti and, 218, 222, 226,
32,443 369
benefits of, 223, 224-25, 228, 230 numinous power of, danger of, 227
darsan of, receiving of, 223-24 oral teaching of, 225
death of, 226-27 in Pali texts, 213, 224, 230
anticipation of, 227 and the paradigm of the Buddhist saint,
extraordinary, 227 summarized, 323-33
invulnerability to, 226, 372 persecution of, 227
development of the notion of, 236-40 possessions of, 215
devotion of the laity to, 224 postrealization phase, 218-30
doctrinal definitions of, 213-14, 216, pravrajyd of, 215
219, 240-41 prerealization phase, 214-18, 230
dress of, 216 prior lives, 214
dwelling places of, 152, 180, 216-17, relation to buddha and arhant, 213
221, 222 relics of, 228
early life, 214-15 renouncing of the world by, 215
enlightenment of, 214, 217, 218-19, renunciant status of, 219
220, 226 rigor of way of life of, 217-18
as beyond textual learning, 219 sacred places associated with, 234
characterization of, 220 in Sanskrit tradition, 224, 230
demonstration of, 221 self-declaration of enlightenment of,
incidents provoking, 219 220
enlightenment verses of, 220 silence of, 213, 215-16, 243n.21
forest lifestyle, 215-16 ascetic practice of, 277
as a forest renunciant/saint, 215, 216, solitude of, 213, 215, 217, 220, 221,
217, 218, 220, 221, 229, 232-40 222, 225, 229
on Gandhamadana, 180, 216-17 spiritual charisma of, 227
gathas of, 220, 225 srdvakas, compared to, 213
guru, seeking and finding of, 216 stupas of, 189, 190, 228
historicity of, 233-35 cult at, 228
humanity and divinity of, 230 and hagiography of, 228
idea of compared with subtypes, 10n.3
samyaksambuddha type, 237-40 supernatural powers of, lOOn.10, 219,
inaccessible dwelling place of, 152 220-21, 224,443
hardships of path to, 217-18 abhijnds, 221
laity, and the, 216, 217, 218 eighteen magical transformations,
learned tradition, in, 213-14 221
liturgical life of, 216 miraculous flight, 220
low beginnings of, 215 Pali interpretation of, 224
lowborn and disadvantaged, association rddhi, Sanskrit sources'
with, 222-23 interpretation of, 224
in the Mahavastu, 224 as teacher, 218, 220-21, 224, 225-26
in the Mahay ana, 213 terms applied to
and Mara, 218 muni, 217
mediation of, 217, 218, 219 rsi, 215
miraculous phenomena surrounding, sramana, 215
221 texts concemings, 214, 242n.l7,
monasticization of, 240-41, 249n.73, 249n.73
396 textual preoccupations of, absence of,
in Nikdya traditions, 213 219, 225-26
496 Index
guru of. See Sariputra: and the Buddha Sariputta (P.). See Sariputra
in Jain tradition, 149n.88 Sanrapujd (veneration of the postmortem
legend body of the saint), 245n.49, 338-
developed versions, 132-34 39, 351, 355n.31, 359, 387n.4
formation of, 134-35 Sarnath, 148n.74
original kernal of, according to Sarvajna (sarvajnatd) (all-knowledge),
Migot, 132 106,261, 345
and Mahamaudgalyayana, 131, 132, Sarvarthasiddha, 75n.44
133, 134, 149nn.83,85, 331 Sarvastivada, 18, 38n.23, 175n.l7, 202-
in the Mahdvagga, 132, 133 3, 294, 313, 314, 332, 377, 378,
in the Mahdvastu, 132-33 406, 425n.20
meditation of, 135-36 Sati (P.). See Smrti
memorization of texts, expertise in the, Satipaf(hdnas (P.). See Smrtyupasthdnas
133 Satipafthdna Sutta, 37n.l7
monasticization, process of, 135-36, Satkdra (honor), 93, 94, 145n.47, 165,
159, 396 174n.l4, 259, 264, 333,419,
ordination of, 133 420, 431n.51
in the Pali canon, 131-36 Satthd (sathar) (teacher) (P.), 85, 364-65
in the Pali vinaya. See also Sariputra: Satydbhisamaya (direct realization of the
in the Mahdvagga truth), 420
as paradigmatic textual scholar and Sautrantika, 395n.l03, 425n.20
master of doctrine, 132-34, Sayandsanavastu, 294
149nn.83,84 Schayer, Stanislaw, 12n.9, 374-77,
and the paradigm of the Buddhist saint, 394nn.98,100
134 Schism. See also Samghabheda
personal spiritual longing, 134 Sthavira-Mahasamghika, 4In.45
as preeminent saint in the Pali canon, Schober, Juliane, 150n.91, 447n.l
131 Scholarship and meditation, split
renouncing of the world, 134 between, 149n.83
sacred places associated with, 194 Schopen, Gregory, 13n.l3, 36n.l,
and Sanjayin, 132, 139-40 38n.28, 325, 326-27, 336, 338-
in the Sariputta Sutta, 135-36 40, 350-51, 353n.8,
search for a guru, 134 355nn.31,33, 359, 409, 412, 415,
as second buddha, 131, 138 427n.28,428nn.31,32,33,36
settled monasticism, as advocate of Seat, one who takes any offered. See
values of, 133-35 Ya(d)thdsamstarika
silence of, 135 Seclusion. See Pravivikta
stupas of, 190 Sela Sutta, 75n.52
supernatural powers of, 134 Senart, Emile, 60
in the Suttanipdta. See Sariputra: in the Senavarma, 327
Sariputta Sutta Settled monasticism. See Monastic
in the Theragdthd, 135, 136 Buddhism
Theravada Buddhism, as exemplar of, Shinkot, 353n.8
138-39 Siddha, 4-5, 50, 59, 75nn.43,44, 443,
in the Uddna, 135, 136 445
in the vinaya of the Mulasarvastivada, subtypes, 10n.3
132 Sihandda (P.). See Simhandda
in the vinaya of the Theravada. See Siksdsamuccaya, 252-54, 296,
Sariputra: in the Mahdvagga 437
Sdriputrapariprcchd, 205n.2 Avalokana Sutra in, 340, 353n.l2
500 Index
compared with threefold model, 433- in Sanskrit texts, 122, 126-27, 129
47, 438, 446-47 in Theravadin countries, 119, 128
ideological character of, 23-31 cult of the Buddha participated in by,
limitations of, 434 127, 128, 129
as a model for explaining Buddhist danger of numinous power of, 121-
history, 21-22 22
in recent scholarship, 20-36, 39n.32 darsan of, 127
summarized, 21 death (parinirvdna), 128
and Western interpretations of religion, disciples of, 122
38n.29 devotion of, 125
training of, 123-25
Ubhatobhdgavimutta (P.). See in the Divydvaddna, 119, 120, 121,
Ubhayatobhagavimukta 122, 127
Ubhayatobhdgavimukta ([arhants] early life, 121
liberated in two ways), 198-203, enlightenment
211nn.55,56, 371 as andgdmin (nonreturner), 121
Udana, 79, 114, 135, 137, 157, 159, as arhant, 121
385 as exemplar of forest Buddhism, 123,
Udraka Ramaputra, 49 124-26
Ugrapariprcchd Sutra, 252-54, 272, as foremost among meditation teachers,
281n.lO, 282n.l2, 283n.20, 122
356n.44, 407 forest Buddhism and settled
UjjayinI, 149n.87 monasticism, dichotomy between,
Unconventionality of the saints (theme reflected in the legend of, 159
23), 55, 93, 116, 130, 156 as forest renunciant and saint, 121,
Upadesa. See Mahdprajndpdramitd 122, 123, 293
Sdstra guru of. See Upagupta: and
Upagupta, lln.7, 46, 105, 109, 118-31, Sanakavasin
137, 157, 159, 162, 175n.l9, summarized, 137-38
209n.35, 225, 333, 442, 443, 444 as a guru. See Upagupta: as a teacher
as an arhant, 121 hagiography of, 137-38
and Asoka, King, 119, 126-27, 436 Asokan cycle, 119, 128
in the Asokardjdvaddna, 119, 121, Mathuran cycle, 119, 128
122, 123-25, 127, 129,. 131 in the Sanskrit sources, 119, 120-28
assimilation to the Buddha, 121, 127, in Theravada tradition, 128
130, 368 lay devotees of, 126-27
birth, 120 as a layperson, 121
body, supermundane, 127 in the Lokapahnatti, 128, 161-62
the Buddha, compared with self longevity of, 128, 161-62, 369
declaration of, 142n.l7 and Mahakasyapa, 130
as a "buddha without marks" and Mara, 121-22
(alaksana(ka)buddha), 119, 127, meditation of, 121, 122
130 in the Mulasarvastivadin vinaya, 119
compassion of, 120, 129 in Northern Buddhism, 118-31, 137-
conversions, making of, 121-22, 128 38
cremation of, 128 Northern Buddhism, as an exemplar
criticism of, 161-62 of, 137-38
compared with that of paradigm of the Buddhism saint,
Pindolabharad vaj a, 161 -62 exemplar of, summarized, 128-30
cult of patron saint of meditators, 128
506 Index
158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, of the Theravada. See Vinaya (the
164, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, texts): Pali
171, 172, 173, 174nn.lO,13, Vinayadhara, 285n.40
175nn.22,23, 176nn.26,27,31, Vinayapitaka, 43n.63, 169, 178n.47,
177nn.34,40,41,42,43,44, 184, 336, 342
178nn.47,52, 184, 190, 198, 201, Vipasyand (insight), 267
207n.l5, 208n.29, 209n.35, 231, Vipasyin, 7In. 10
243n.42, 244n.31, 270, 284n.31, Vipulaparsva, Mt., 180
285n.40, 294, 296, 298, 303, Viriydrambha (P.) (putting forth energy),
313-14, 317, 322n.56, 323n.62, 314
331, 332, 336, 338-39, 340, 342, Visuddhimagga, 18, 36n.8, 37nn. 18,20,
349, 351-52, 352n.l, 145n.40, 296, 303-7, 312, 313,
354nn. 17,22,27, 355n.33, 359, 435
360, 361, 364, 365, 373, 378, Vivdda (disputation), 104n.53, 420
379, 380, 388n.l2, 389n.l8, Viveka (selection, detachment), 75n.52
390n.31, 391n.57, 397,402, Vocation of texts and scholarship, 16,
403, 406, 412, 413, 424n.lO, 31-36, 36n.6, 37n.l2, 192. See
427n.26, 431n.50, 435, 443, also Textual study
445 criticized, 96-99, 202, 253-54, 264-
authors of the, 43n.63 66
of the Dharmaguptaka, 132, 153, 163, as distinct from the way of forest
167, 168, 169, 170, 174n.lO, renunciation, 31-36, 54, 65-67,
175n.22, 177nn.41,44, 294, 313, 96-99, 131, 136-40, 187, 198-
354nn.l7,27 202, 253, 264-66
of the Mahasamghika, 169, 170, ideological features of, 35
177nn.41,42,43,44, 178n.50, Vows, 49, 72nn. 14,15,16. See also
354nn. 17,27 Aspirations and vows
of the Mahlsasaka, 118, 123, 132, Vrata, 72n.l4
154, 163, 167, 168, 169, 170, Vrksamulika (one who dwells at the foot
172, 174n.l3, 175n.23, of a tree), 294, 296, 297, 301,
177nn.41,44, 294, 313, 302, 303, 306, 309, 311, 313,
354nn. 17,27 314
of the Mulasarvastivada, 99n.2, 105, Vulture Peak mountain. See Grdhrakuta
107-8, 109-10, 111, 114, 119,
132, 143n.22, 144n.38, 146n.51,
163, 167, 168, 169, 172, Wach, Joachim, 10n.4
177nn.40,41,44, 178n.52, Wandering, forest renunciant lifestyle
209n.35, 313, 322n.56, 349, (theme 4), 24-25, 49, 63, 82-85,
354n.l7, 406, 424n.lO 105, 109, 112-13, 115, 128, 135,
Pali, 29, 100n.5, 105, 110-11, 132, 151-52, 164, 170-72, 180-81,
137, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160, 215-17, 252-53, 255, 261-62,
163, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 293-318. See also Dhutagunas;
176n.26, 177nn,34,41,44, 303, Forest Buddhism; Solitude
313-14, 338-39, 351-52, Wandering as an ascetic ideal. See also
354n.l7, 389n.l8, 391n.57, Dhutagunas
443 in early Buddhism, 25, 26-28
for women, 100n.5 discussed in the Milindapanha, 29-30
of the Sarvastivada, 118, 154, 155, Walters, Thomas, 409
163, 167, 168, 169, 170, Wayman, Alex, 175n.l7
175n.22, 176n.31, 177nn.41,44, Way man, Alex and Hideko, 414, 416,
294, 313, 354n.l7, 406 430n.44
H Index